The 'Lucydarye': a late Middle English Translation of the French 'Second Lucidaire' (Textes Vernaculaires Du Moyen Age) (Middle French Edition) 9782503540825, 2503540821

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THE LATE MIDDLE ENGLISH LUCYDARYE

Volume 12

TEXTES VERNACULAIRES DU MOYEN AGE Collection dirigée par Stephen Morrison À une époque où les médiévistes, toutes disciplines confondues, se tournent de plus en plus vers les sources en langues vernaculaires, Brepols publie une nouvelle série TEXTES VERNACULAIRES DU MOYEN AGE, destinée à répondre aux besoins des chercheurs, confirmés ou débutants dans ce domaine. Le principal but (mais non le seul) de sa création est la publication de textes qui, jusqu’ici, n’ont jamais bénéficié d’un traitement éditorial et qui, par conséquent demeurent inconnus ou mal connus de la communauté scientifique. Parmi les premiers volumes figurent des vies des saints en ancien et moyen-français ainsi que des textes scientifiques en français et en anglais. D’autres volumes sont en préparation active. At a time when medievalists of all disciplines are increasingly recognising the importance of source material written in the major European vernaculars, Brepols publishes a new series TEXTES VERNACULAIRES DU MOYEN AGE, designed to meet the needs of a wide range of researchers working in this field. Central to its conception, though not exclusively so, is the place given to the publication of texts which have never hitherto benefited from editorial activity, and which remain unknown or imperfectly known to the academic community. The inaugural volumes include lives of saints in old and middle French, as well as scientific treatises in both French and English. Further volumes are in active preparation. Collection dirigée par / General editor: Stephen Morrison (Centre d’Etudes Supérieures de Civilisation Médiévale, Université de Poitiers)

Comité scientifique / Advisory Board Alexandra Barratt (Université de Waikato, Nouvelle Zélande), Daron Burrows (Université de Manchester, Royaume-Uni), Vittoria Corazza (Université de Turin, Italie), Irma Taavitsainen (Université de Helsinki, Finlande), Alessandro Vitale-Brovarone (Université de Turin, Italie), Annette Volfing (Université d’Oxford)

The Late Middle English Lucydarye

Edited by Stephen Morrison

F

© 2013, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISBN 978-2-503-54082-5 D/2010/0095/133 Printed on acid-free paper

PREFACE I am grateful to the British Library, London, and to the Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington DC, for permission to print the text of the Lucydarye from the only two surviving copies of the text preserved in their collections. Both Sandra Powlette of the British Library and William Davis of the Folger Shakespeare Library have been particularly helpful and courteous. I am further indebted to the former institution for permission to reproduce the woodcut of the mayster and discyple which appears on the front cover of this edition. For permission to reproduce the text of the Second Lucidaire, I must thank the Dr Ludwig Reichert Verlag in Wiesbaden, and the text’s editor, Prof. Dr Doris Ruhe, who kindly responded to my questions and clarified points on which I was doubtful. My French colleagues, Edina Bozoky (Poitiers), Ariane Lainé (Orléans), and Cécile Voyer (Bordeaux) have all made valuable suggestions on points of detail, as has Xavier de Coster (Louvain, Belgium), on the representation of the Tower of Babel, and I am grateful to them all. I must also record my sizeable debt to Alexandra Barratt of the University of Waikato (New Zealand) for making extensive comments on a primitive version of all parts of this edition; without them, it would be the poorer. For help with the watermarks in the British Library print, I convey my grateful thanks to Susan Powell of the University of Salford and Christian Algar of the Rare Books and Music Reference Team at the British Library, both of whom gave generously of their time and expertise. Of Georgianna Ziegler, of the Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington DC, who was kind enough to photograph what little in the way of watermarks could be observed, the same must also be said. On the technical side, Eric Planchon and Sébastien Duguy of the Maison des Sciences de l’Homme et de la Société at the University of Poitiers dealt expertly with the necessary task of scanning the text of the Second Lucidaire; they were ably assisted by Emmanuelle Roux and Elena Sasu, both of the University of Poitiers. Finally, for the purchase of digital images of the Lucydarye, on which the early work of transcription was based, I gladly acknowledge the generosity of the Centre d’Études Supérieures de Civilisation Médiévale, Poitiers, and of the CNRS, Paris. S. M. Poitiers Centre d’Études Supérieures de Civilisation Médiévale April 2013

TABLE OF CONTENTS ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES ............................................................IX INTRODUCTION ..........................................................................................................XI 1. The nature of the edition ..........................................................................................XI 2. The two prints of the Lucydarye and their relationship ....................................XI 3. The Elucidarium ...........................................................................................XVI 4. English translations of the Elucidarium...................................................XVIII 5. The Second Lucidaire ..................................................................................... XX 6. The relationship of the ME Lucydarye to the Second Lucidaire .................XXI 7. The content of the Lucydarye and the question of its popularity ............ XXXI 8. Andrew Chertsey as a translator .................................................................XXXVI 9. Editorial conventions ...............................................................................................XL THE TEXTS OF THE LUCYDARYE AND THE SECOND LUCIDAIRE 2 EXPLANATORY NOTES ............................................................................................ 83 ALPHABETICAL SUBJECT LIST OF QUESTIONS ..................................... 117 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................... 119 GLOSSARY ....................................................................................................................... 131 LIST OF PROPER NAMES ......................................................................................... 141

ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES1 ATILF

Analyse et Traitement Informatique de la Langue Française (Dictionnaire du Moyen Français, 1330-1500) at http://atilf.fr/dmf.htm BnF Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Paris) Br The British Library print of A lytell Treatyse called the Lucydarye CCCM Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Medievalis (Turnholt, 1966-) CCSL Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina (Turnholt, 1953-) CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum (Vienna and Leipzig, 1866-1913) EETS Early English Text Society (Oxford), OS (1864-), ES (1867-1935) ESTS Electronic Short Title Catalogue fl. floruit (flourished) Fo The Folger Shakespeare Library print of A lytell Treatyse intytuled or named the Lucydarye Fr French Lefèvre L’Elucidarium et les Lucidaires LgA Iacopo da Varazze, Legenda Aurea ME Middle English MED Middle English Dictionary MET Middle English Texts (Heidelberg, 1975-) MF Middle French Morrison, Sermon Cycle A Late Fifteenth-Century Dominical Sermon Cycle ns new series OE Old English OED Oxford English Dictionary PG Patrologia Graeca (Paris, 1857-66) PL Patrologia Latina (Paris, 1844-64) Ruhe, GW Gelehrtes Wissen, ‘Aberglaube’ und pastorale Praxis im französischen Spätmittelalter SC Sources chrétiennes (Paris, 1942-)

1 The reader is referred to the Bibliography for full references. Books of the Bible are abbreviated in accordance with R. M. Ritter, New Hart’s Rules: The Handbook of Style for Writers and Editors (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp. 140-42.

X

ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES

SL STC

Vulg.

Second Lucidaire (the text preserved in the print I, see below) A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland & Ireland and of English Books Printed Abroad 14751640 Biblia sacra iuxta Vulgatam Clementinam

MANUSCRIPTS2 A Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds fr. 2458 (XIV s.) B Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds fr. 25548 (XV s.) C Salins, Bibliothèque Municipale 12 (XV s.) De ‘s-Gravenhage, Koninklijke Bibliotheek B. R. 133 A 2 (XV s.) E London, British Library, Add. 32623 (XV s.) F Vatican, Biblioteca Vaticana, Reg. 1514 (XV s.) G Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds fr. 19867 (XIV s.)3 H Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds fr. 1468 (XV s.) PRINTS of the Lucidaire or Lucidaire francoys D Guillaume Leroy, Lyon, before 1480, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Rés. H 155 I Jean de la Fontaine, Lyon, c. 1500, Williamstown, Mass., Williams College, Chapin Library, Inc. H-293 K Champion des dames, Lyon, c. 1488-92, Toulouse, Bibliothèque Municipale, Inc. Lyon 155. L Martin Morin, Rouen, before 1500, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Rés. D 80418 M Jean Le Coq, Troyes, after 1506, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Rés. 80200 N A la maison de feu Barnabé Chaussard, Lyon, 27 March 1540, Lyon, Bibliothèque Municipale, Rés. 493621 O Claude Nourry, Lyon, before 1516, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Rés. D 10673 P Claude Nourry, Lyon, 27 October 1506, Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, 4° BL 5276 Q Claude Chastellard, Lyon, 1620, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Rés. D 37807 R Jean Huguetan, Lyon 1623, La Rochelle, Bibliothèque Municipale, 10.707

2 3

Full bibliographical references to both manuscripts and prints are given in Ruhe, GW, pp. 134-39. This is a fragment, consisting of only one leaf.

INTRODUCTION

1. The nature of the edition The Lucydarye is a late Middle English translation of a fourteenth-century French prose text known as the Second Lucidaire (hereafter SL). SL is a free adaptation of the original Latin text, the Elucidarium, though not directly based on it. This latter, a wide-ranging compilation of popular religious instruction, is traditionally thought to be the work of a certain Honorius of Autun (Augustodunensis), but this ascription has long been held in doubt, and recent research has suggested that Honorius may be a certain He[i]nricus of Regensburg.1 The ME translation is thought to be the work of Andrew Chertsey, on whom see below, pp. xxxvi-xl. The original text, together with all of the translations and adaptations, including SL and the Lucydarye, is set in the form of a dialogue between a master and his pupil. The latter’s questions are answered by the master without, however, initiating anything resembling a debate. The ME text is extant in two early prints; no manuscript copy is known to have survived. This edition presents the text of the British Library print (hereafter Br), corrected when necessary and where possible from the earlier print now in the Folger Shakespeare Library in Washington DC (hereafter Fo). The French text, from which the ME Lucydarye directly derives, is printed alongside the English for ease of comparison. This has been judged to be necessary because there are times when the English translation is only fully understandable after consultation of the French source. 2. The two prints of the Lucydarye and their relationship The ME Lucydarye is extant today in two separate editions, both probably printed by Wynkyn de Worde within the space of about twenty years.2 Only one copy of each is known.

1 On the question of the identity of this elusive figure see Valerie I. J. Flint, Honorius Augustodunensis of Regensburg, Authors of the Middle Ages, vol. II, 5-6, ed. by Patrick J. Geary (Aldershot: Variorum, 1995), pp. 95-128. Throughout this edition he shall be referred to as ‘Ps.-Honorius’. The standard edition of the Latin text is that of Yves Lefèvre (1954) who coined the title SL on the basis of the attribution of the name Secundus Lucidarius found in one manuscript copy of the text, that in BnF MS fonds fr. 1468, f. 78v. Even at this early date, considerable scepticism was expressed about authorship; see Lefèvre, pp. 214-22. 2 The identification was, apparently, first made by Friedrich Schmitt; see Die Mittelenglische Version des “Elucidariums” des Honorius Augustodunensis, ed. by Friedrich Schmitt (Burghausen: W. Trinkl, 1909), pp. iv-v, who knew only of the British Library copy. Both editions appear to have been treated as one by H. S. Bennett, English Books and Readers, 1475 to 1557, 2nd ed (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), p. 253.

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The later of the two, and the base text for this edition, is a quarto volume, bearing de Worde’s device on the final folio (E8b). Now in the British Library, it is tentatively dated to ‘1523 ?’.3 Collation: A – D6 , E8 .4 The folios are correctly ordered and the text is complete. There are thirty-two lines to the page. Twelve woodcuts of four different designs have been used. The first (f. A2a) depicts the master and pupil facing each other, the former somewhat assertive, the latter diffident.5 Above each figure is printed the mayster and the discyple. Type two inverts the positions of þe discyple and þe mayster, thus identified. Type three, used only twice, presents the figures side by side, identified in the same way. In this case, the bearded mayster is evidently much older than the youthful dyscyple. The last type, of which there is but one example, also has the pupil at his master’s side; there is no verbal identification. Information on the watermarks in Br is neither precise nor plentiful. Of those few which can be seen, that on f. E4a is the clearest, showing the top of two fleur-de-lis with an object, possibly a crown, above. It would appear to resemble the watermark printed by Heawood as figure 92 of his 1930 study. 6 Elsewhere, the watermark of f. D2a may feature a flower. The earlier print, now in the Folger Shakespeare Library in Washington DC, is also a quarto volume, incomplete through loss of leaves.7 The collation, as read from the Folger Library card, is as follows: ‘aA2 6 (lacking aA33-4), bB – cC6 , cD6 , eE 8 (lacking eE2-3 and eE6-8). 8 aA35 is misbound with verso up.’ There are thirty-two lines to the page. As with Br, four different woodcuts are used which, allowing for lost and misbound leaves in Fo, can be seen to have been positioned in almost exactly the same places as in Br. They are not identical, although types two and three in both prints resemble each other closely. Again, as with Fo, the designs present master and pupil in each other’s company, with or without verbal identification. Only one woodcut, the first, showing a scribe at work, is not reproduced in Br.9 The relationship between the prints In view of the closely similar positions of the woodcuts in Fo and Br, and bearing in mind that both volumes print a thirty-two line folio and display identical quire 3

It is not at all obvious why this date has been advanced. STC 13686. The woodcut is reproduced on the front cover of this edition. 6 Edward Heawood, ‘Sources of Early English Paper-Supply, II: the Sixteenth Century’, The Library, series 4, vol. 4 (1930), p. 439. The standard collection in Briquet, Les filigranes, is unhelpful since there are over one hundred variations on this design. I am very grateful to Susan Powell (Salford University) for this information. 7 STC 13685.5. The electronic English Short Title Catalogue states that it was printed by De Worde in 1507, while the Folger Library proposes a more cautious ‘ca. 1505’. Schmitt, Die Mittelenglische Version, p. iv, ventures ‘1508 ?’. The electronic version of the ESTC is available at http://estc.bl.uk/F/?func=file&file_ name=login-bl-estc. It was last consulted on 8 June 2012. 8 The result is the loss of lines 55-173, 1070-1153, and 1237-1340 respectively. 9 As for the watermarks, no clear identification has been possible, despite the best efforts of the Folger Library staff. This is in part to be explained by the fact that all the pages of Fo were mounted into paper frames at some indeterminable time after printing. 4 5

INTRODUCTION

XIII

make-up, it seems reasonable to conclude that Br was directly set up from a copy of Fo. Considerations of a textual nature reinforce this assumption. Br preserves errors, both of omission and of misunderstanding, present in Fo which were not corrected in the preparation of the later edition, and which would appear to originate with the translator and not with the work of two independent compositors. Error through homoeoteleuton is apparent in the following extracts. SL 305-06:10 Maistre, pour quoy est batesme en eau ? Mon enfant, car l’eau est contraire au feu, et le peché est en feu, par quoy… which appears in the Lucydarye as Mayster, wherfore is baptym in water ? My chylde, for that water is contrary vnto fyre, wherfore…(324-25), pointing to loss of text through error on feu. SL 337-39 Et pour ce que le cours de nature se renouvelle a minuit, le jour naturel commence a minuit, et ainsi la nuit sert aux deux jours, et ainsi sont trois jours en prenant une partie du jour pour tout le jour entier which appears in both prints as And for as moche as the course of nature is renewed at mydnyght, and the day (…) in takynge one partye of the day for all the day entyer (357-59) where confusion over jour results in substantial loss, producing an incoherent sentence. SL 507-09 Et combien que Dieu veuille de simple voulenté que tout homme soit sauvé, toutesfois si ne veult il pas que l’omme soit sauvé et ait ung si grant don comme est le royaume de paradis sans merite which is translated as And how be it that God wyll of symple wyll þat all men be saued (…) and hath one so grete a gyfte as the realme of paradys without ony meryte (540-41). Finally, one may cite the following aberration: SL 747-49 (on the subject of witches’ visions) Et leurs visions sont pareilles a celles d’un homme qui est yvre au quel il semble que la maison tourne et doit cheoir sur luy et que la terre tourne soubz ses piez, par quoy il se laisse cheoir, et toutesfoys la maison ne la terre ne se bougent 10

References to SL and the Lucydarye are to line numbers. The text of the former reproduces almost exactly that of Ruhe, GW, although the line numbers in this edition do not correspond to those given here. A small number of very minor changes in punctuation have also been introduced.

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which is rendered incorrectly owing to confusion arising over the first use of the verb tourne, thus: And theyr vysyons ben semblables vnto theym of a man the whiche is dronke, vnto whom it semeth that the house turneth vnder his fete, by þe whiche he falleth, and all the house ne the erthe remeueth not (805-07). Unthinking acceptance on the part of the translator of a faulty text would seem to lie behind the following sequence, present in Fo and uncritically but accurately reproduced in Br: SL 219-20 le benoist Filz de Dieu en propre personne volut reparer la faulte et peché de l’omme which appears as the blessyd Sone of God in propre persone wolde repayre the helthe and synne of man (234-35) This sequence makes no sense but is easily explained by the likelihood of Chertsey having worked from a French print in which the compositor had made two errors. In his effort to set the word faute, he inadvertently took an for an , then inverted a to produce an , thus forming the word santé, to which ME helthe clearly corresponds. Both of these types of error are frequently encountered in early printed books, and should occasion no surprise.11 A similar circumstance would also go a long way to explaining the following nonsensical sequences, common to both Fo and Br: SL 812: Et au regard de ces mortz et de ces esperit et nuittins giving And in regarde of these wordys and of these spyrytes and elues (872) This may have resulted from an unthinking translator faced with the form motz (or something similar), itself resulting from the absence of one letter in the correct sequence, mortz.12 Then again there is SL 562-65, where a parallel is established between a recalcitrant penitent and a reluctant debt payer, thus: ceulx qui attendent a soy repentir jusques a la mort sont tricheres a Nostre Seigneur, come le tricheur et mavais payeur qui promet a payer a certain terme, mais ilz voudrait que le terme ne vint jamais et a ceste cause il fait mille tricheries a son creancier affin qu’ il ne le paye pas si tost ou jamais where both English prints speak of a

11 This argument implies that the form of the word which Chertsey read was faute and not faulte. The Dictionnaire du Moyen Français (ATILF) indicates that both spellings were current. No such form appears in the critical apparatus presented in Ruhe, GW. 12 Again, no known print collated in Ruhe, GW displays this supposed error.

INTRODUCTION

XV

M. trecheryes vnto his creature to thende that he ne paye hym so sone or neuer (601-02). This error may plausibly be attributed to a distracted translator (creancier is obviously the more difficult reading), although the similarity of the two terms may equally point to a compositor’s slip.13 Finally, I cite a number of cases of what appear to be lapses in concentration on Chertsey’s part, producing aberrant readings present in both prints. SL 187-88: car il savoit bien qu’ il seroient encores pluseurs personnes qui seroient de plus grant merite which is translated as for they knewe well þat there shall be yet many persones of more gretter meryte (201-02)14 SL 518 ceulx qui sont predestinés a estre damnés ne peuvent estre sauvés the translation of which lacks the necessary negative particle: those þe whiche shold be dampned may they be saued (551)15 SL 588-89 Mais s’ il meurt subitement en peché mortel, la mort subite luy nuyst giving rise to And yf he dye sodeynlye in mortall synne the sodeyn deth hym putteth… (628) Here, a prepositional or adverbial element after the verb would appear to be wanting. SL 603-04: avoir vraye affection de vraye amour en Nostre Seigneur en le servant et honnorant de tout ton cueur translated as to haue a true affeccyon of true loue in our Lorde in seruynge hym and honourynge with all his herte (644-45) where the hym of in seruynge hym may have interfered with Chertsey’s attempt to translate ton cueur.

13 Creancer (the head-word form in OED) is by no means common in English. MED (s. v. creauncer) cites five instances, while OED supplies only two further occurrences before the word’s demise in the early eighteenth century. Créancier is very common in present-day French. 14 It is, of course, possible that Chertsey correctly interpreted a French version which read ilz. None of the prints examined by Doris Ruhe (Ruhe, GW, p. 469) preserves this reading. See further, Explantory Notes, l. 327, below. 15 It is, admittedly, true that this mistake could just as easily have come about through a compositor’s slip.

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SL 636-37 Paradis terrestre est en terre vers Orient, et paradis espirituel est veoir Dieu et l’aimer parfaitement which, in translation, witnesses to some difficulty in the interpretation of the infinitive verb veoir (to see): Paradyse terrestre is in the erth towarde the Oryent, and paradys spyrytuall is ayenst God and to loue hym perfytely (684-85).16 SL 746 (on the supposedly magical movements of witches): car a la verité, elles ne se bougent de leur lieu n’en plus que fait une pierre which has produced For in trouthe, elles they remeue not from theyr place noo more than doth a stone (804-05) where Chertsey appears to have interpreted the French plural pronoun elles as a form of the ME adverb of the same spelling, before translating the pronoun correctly. 3. The Elucidarium Like many popular works of an encyclopaedic nature, the Elucidarium (and the vernacular versions which, directly or indirectly, depend on it), takes the form of ‘an expository or didactic dialogue in which one participant asks for, and the other supplies, information…one is cast as pupil, one as teacher; the pupil accepts the teacher’s answer without argument and proceeds to the next question.’17 The work was written ‘in, or shortly before, the year 1100, and in England.’18 It is associated with the figure of Anselm of Canterbury whom Ps.-Honorius (or He[i] nricus) may have known: the work is heavily dependent on the former’s writings, in particular the Cur Deus Homo and the Monologion.19 There is some evidence to suggest that Ps.-Honorius was at first a canon of Lotharingian sympathies (that is, recep16

Fo reads anenst. Cf the original Elucidarium: ipsa divinitas qualis est ab eis facie ad faciem contuetur (ed. Lefèvre, p. 443). It is unclear whether the misinterpretation is the translator’s (apparently unaffected by the awkward syntax), or whether a compositor has produced a form resembling French vers (towards). The critical apparatus in Ruhe, GW reveals no such form. ME anenst(e frequently translates Latin apud. See the later version of the Wycliffite Bible, The Holy Bible…made from the Latin Vulgate by John Wycliffe and his Followers, ed. J. Forshall and F. Madden, 4 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1850; repr. New York: AMS Press, 1982), at Gen. 12: 15, Wisd. 2: 1, Luke 1: 30, John 5: 45, Rom. 2: 11, Gal. 1: 18, etc. 17 See Sidrak and Bokkus, ed. by Tom L. Burton, 2 vols, EETS 311, 312 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), i, p. xxvii. The description is of the text Dr Burton edited, but it applies equally to the Elucidarium, on which the compiler of Sidrak drew extensively (see pp. xxxix-xli of Dr Burton’s edition). He also provides (pp. xxvi-xxviii) a useful list of dialogues resembling the Elucidarium. Both texts enjoyed considerable popularity throughout the Middle Ages. On the popularity of the Lucydarye see below pp. xxxiii-xxxvi. 18 Valerie I. J. Flint, ‘The “Elucidarius” of Honorius Augustodunensis and Reform in Late Eleventh-Century England, Revue Bénédictine, 85 (1975), 178-98 (p. 179). See also the same writer’s ‘The Chronology of the Works of Honorius Augustodunensis,’ Revue Bénédictine, 82 (1972), 215-42 (pp. 219-20). 19 Flint, ‘The “Elucidarius” of Honorius Augustodunensis,’ pp. 180-81. The Elucidarium also owes much to the Glossa Ordinaria, the standard medieval commentary on the Bible, as Flint indicates, pp. 190-98 of this article. The text is available also in PL 172: 1109-76D.

INTRODUCTION

XVII

tive to the idea of ecclesiastical reform) who later turned monk in the West Country, possibly Worcester.20 The popularity of the original Latin work is readily seen, both in the number of surviving manuscript copies, and in the geographical range of its vernacular translations and adaptations.21 Flint notes that there are no fewer than forty-one twelfth-century manuscripts extant, while Lefèvre, in preparing his edition, consulted sixty manuscripts without having to search libraries outside of France.22 Other compositions ascribed to Ps.-Honorius also enjoyed wide popularity. Of the Gemma animae (PL 172: 541-738), Flint lists fifty-one extant manuscripts, of which twelve are preserved in English libraries.23 More emphatically, the Imago mundi is known today from 112 manuscripts, of which twenty-five are located in English libraries.24 The popularity of some other compositions of his appears to have been confined largely to continental Europe.25 Ps.-Honorius described his Elucidarium as a summa totius theologiae,26 the earliest manuscripts of which preserve a three-book structure, thus: 1. De divinis rebus; 2. De rebus ecclesiasticis; 3. De future vita. Lefèvre, in his edition, summarizes the content of the work as follows. 27 Book one deals with the following concepts: God, the creation, angels and demons, the creation of man, the innocence of Adam and Eve in paradise; the fall of man; the conditions for the redemption of man; the birth and life of Christ; the Passion and redemption; Christ in majesty; the mystical body and the eucharist; wicked priests. Book two: evil; providence and predestination; the creation of souls and their corruption; baptism; marriage and its impediments; the ranks of men in the world; remission for sin, acts of devotion; relations between God and man; guardian angels and the role of demons; extreme unction, death and burial. Book three: the lot of the saved after death, paradise and purgatory; the lot of the damned, hell; the condition of souls before the day of Judgement; Antichrist; the resurrection; the Last Judgement; eternal bliss. Flint notes that there were three early

20 See Valerie I. J. Flint, ‘The Career of Honorius Augustodunensis : Some Fresh Evidence, Revue Bénédictine, 82 (1972), 63-86 (pp. 75-80, 84-5). On the background to this expression of monastic reform see John Nightingale, Monasteries and Patrons in the Gorze Reform: Lotharingia, c. 850-1000 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2001). 21 For a full, if provisional, list of manuscripts see D. Gottschall, Das “Elucidarium” des Honorius Augustodunensis (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1992), pp. 297-306. Friedrich Schmitt, in his edition of Die mittelenglische Version des Elucidariums des Honorius Augustodunensis, pp. iii-iv, notes the following translations : Old French, Provençal, Italian, Icelandic, Swedish, Welsh, Dutch, Low German, and High German. For the Welsh version see The ‘Elucidarium’ and other Tracts in Welsh from Llyvyr agkyr Llandewivrevi, A. D. 1346, ed. by J. Morris Jones and John Rhys (Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1894). 22 Flint, ‘The “Elucidarius” of Honorius Augustodunensis,’ p. 179; Lefèvre, pp. 19-46. 23 Flint, Honorius Augustodunensis of Regensburg, pp. 70-71. 24 Flint, Honorius Augustodunensis of Regensburg, pp. 71-73 lists the manuscripts. Valerie Flint’s edition of this text is available in Archives d’Histoire Doctrinale et Littéraire du Moyen Âge, 49 (1982), 7-153. 25 This is the case of the Expositio in Cantica Canticorum (PL 172 : 347-496) and the Speculum Ecclesiae (PL 172 : 813-1104). See Flint, Honorius Augustodunensis of Regensburg, pp. 73-73 and 79-81, respectively. 26 In his De Luminaribus, PL 172 : 197. 27 Lefèvre, pp. 104-90.

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recensions of the work, while Lefèvre points to its textual instability from an early date and discusses the evidence for extensive contamination.28 4. English translations of the Elucidarium Three independent English translations of the Latin text are known. The first, in Old English, consists of two fragments preserved in London, British Library, MS Cotton Vespasian D. XIV, ff. 159r – 163v, and 163v – 165r;29 the second, in Middle English, showing a considerable re-working of the Latin text, is known from two fifteenth-century manuscripts: Cambridge, St John’s College, 193 (olim G 25), and Cambridge, University Library, Ii. 6. 26.30 This version, though not relevant to the present edition, is interesting in that it shows signs of Lollard interpolation, with new questions and answers having been inserted.31 The third translation, also a fragment, is preserved in National Library of Wales, MS Peniarth 12, and is even further removed from the Latin text as is evident from the translator’s very substantial selection and re-arrangement of his source.32 That the text edited by Schmitt has in no way contributed to the text of the Lucydarye may be established through the following comparisons. In the first, the ME text accurately reproduces a part of the question and most of the answer found in the Elucidarium, while the Lucydarye modifies the content of both, especially that of the answer: þe disciple seiþ. It is seide þat no man woot what God is. þe maistir answeriþ. As moche as falliþ man to wite, God is a goostly substaunce of so moche fairenes & swetnes þat aungels þat ben briȝter seuene sithes þan þe sunne never ben wery ne fulfilled of her desijre stidefastly in hym to biholde.33

28

Flint, ‘The Chronology of the Works,’ p. 220 ; Lefèvre, pp. 61-101. The instability lies not in the content, rather in the linguistic form it takes. 29 Respectively, book 2, ch. 1-6, and book 1, ch. 23-25. 30 For the OE text see Early English Homilies from the Twelfth Century MS. Vespasian D. xiv ed. by Rubie D.-N. Warner, EETS 152 (London: Trübner, 1917), pp. 140-45; for the ME text see Die mittelenglische Version des Elucidariums des Honorius Augustodunensis, ed. by Friedrich Schmitt. Flint, ‘The “Elucidarius” of Honorius Augustodunensis,’ p.179, thinks that the OE fragments may possibly be dated to c. 1125. In addition, a Winchester dialogue, Lucidus and Julius, has turned selected portions of the Latin text into verse. See, in the first instance, W. A. Davenport, ‘Patterns in Middle English Dialogues’ in Medieval English Studies Presented to George Kane, ed. by Edward Donald Kennedy, Ronald Waldron and Joseph S. Wittig (Woodbridge: D. S. Brewer, 1988), pp. 127-45, especially p. 138, and the literature there cited. 31 The phenomenon has been studied by Martha Kleinhans, ‘Zwischen Orthodoxie und Häresie  : Die englischsprachige Rezeption des Elucidarium’, in Elucidarium und Lucidaires : zur Rezeption des Werks von Honorius Augustodunensis in der Romania und in England, ed. by Ernstpeter Ruhe (Wiesbaden : Dr Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1993) pp. 291-324. 32 See C. W. Marx, ‘An Abbreviated Middle English Prose translation of the “Elucidarius”’, Leeds Studies in English, ns 31 (2000), 1-53 for text and analysis. 33 Mittelenglische Version, ed. by Schmitt, pp. 1-2. Cf. Lefèvre, p. 361.

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The corresponding exchange in the Lucydarye reads as follows: 1 D: Master, tel me what thynge is God.34 1 M: My chylde, he is a thyng spyrytuall in þe whiche is all dygnyte and all perfeccyon, the whiche is knowynge all thynges, allmyghtye and euermore durynge without ende and without begynnynge of another. And also he ne may be mesured ne comprehendid of man inough for to se hym, ne his beautes ne may be noumbred, nor his dygne puyssaunce ne maye be taken of any maner entendement, so moche is he puyssaunt and grete. And also he is full of all bounte, mercye and grace.’ (Lucydarye, ll. 16-22). Even in cases where both of the English texts satisfactorily reproduce the content of the Latin, it is again immediately clear that the Lucydarye owes nothing to the earlier ME text: þe disciple axiþ: Witen feendes alle þynges? þe maistir answereþ: Bi þat weye þat þei ben of aungels kynde, þer is moche science in hem; not for þan alle þinges witen þei not. & in as moche as her kynde is more sotil þan þe kynde of men, þei ben more sotil to do euery craft þan any man. þinges þat ben to come þei witen not but bi weye þat þei gaderen witt of þinges þat be doon bifore & in as moche as God suffreþ hem. Forsoþe, þouȝtes & wille of men woot no man but God & hem þat he wole schewe it to.35 The corresponding exchange in the Lucydarye is: 20 D: Mayster, knoweth the deuylles all thynges? 20 M: My chylde, of as moche as theyr nature is more spyrytuall than the nature of man, of as moche ben they the more subtyles and more sages, and knowen all thynges paste and present. But of thynges to come they know nothynge without it be by some coniectures as in defaulte of the moone, and of suche semblables. But of thoughtes of the man they know nothynge, but God all-onely. (Lucydarye, ll. 81-86). The last point applies equally to the Peniarth 12 text where, corresponding to the Lucydarye’s wherfore made God the man of so vyle mater? (132), one has Why did God make man of so vnclene a mater? (Marx, l. 23). Again, the answer to question 33, though similar in content, is linguistically distinct in both versions. Of the earthly paradise it is said that it is a place delectable in the Oryont…wherin ben trees of dyuerse vertues (Lucydarye, ll. 165-66), and Paradise is a place moste merieste in the est, in the

34

The question numbers, followed by D (Discipulus) and M (Magister), are editorial (Ruhe, GW, passim) and have been adopted in this edition. 35 Mittelenglische Version, ed. by Schmitt, pp. 9-10.

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whiche place ther growen dyuerse trees of kynde which bere frutis of grete vertu ayenst dyuerse sikenesses (Marx, l1. 19-21). 5. The Second Lucidaire The SL is a prose adaptation of the Ps.-Honorius Elucidarium which derives not from the Latin original but from an earlier adaptation in French, close to the text preserved in MS Lille 130 (190), in which whole sections of the Latin text have been suppressed.36 The Lille text served as the basis for all subsequent versions in both manuscript and print, and it is on these latter only that the Lucydarye depends. While SL is occasionally close to the Latin original, it offers a considerably shortened text in some places, while incorporating fresh material in others.37 The threebook arrangement in the Elucidarium has been abandoned, the number of questions reduced from 431 to 210, while whole series of questions in the latter have been compressed into one or two in SL.38 In terms of content, the most significant difference between the two texts is SL’s emphasis on pastoral care, clearly seen in its insistence on sacramental confession (SL qq. 123-24, 177-79), in its explanations concerning the ritual of the mass (SL qq. 93-99), and in its concern with superstition (SL qq. 162-63). The final section of the text illustrates well this preoccupation with the pastoral, dwelling as it does on explanations of the Creed, the sacraments, the seven deadly sins, the Decalogue, and the twelve articles of the faith. For these reasons, it is thought that the SL was conceived of as a source of basic religious instruction which could have served the clergy in their work of dealing with delicate theological questions on the one hand, and in explaining other, more ‘naïve’ questions to an essentially unlettered public.39

36

Ruhe, GW, pp. 25-6, 36-40; and see further Doris Ruhe, ‘Savoir des doctes et pratique pastorale à la fin du Moyen Âge. Le cas du «Second Lucidaire»’, Cristianesimo nella storia 11 (1990), 29-60, (p. 35). For example, questions 14-37 of the Elucidarium on angelology are absent from the Lille manuscript (Ruhe, ‘Savoir des doctes’, p. 36). This section is entirely dependent on the published work of Doris Ruhe. 37 For a table of correspondences see Ruhe, GW, pp. 28-30. The result of these various changes is that SL differs quite considerably at times in its thrust and emphasis from the Elucidarium. For some interesting observations on the ‘sociology’ of this latter see Aron Gurevich, Medieval Popular Culture: Problems of Belief and Perception, Cambridge Studies in Oral and Literate Culture 14 (Cambridge: Maison des Sciences de l’Homme and Cambridge University Press, 1988), ch. 5. The reader who prefers the French translation of this study (originally written in Russian) will have to consult Aron Gourevitch, La culture populaire au moyen âge: simplices et docti (Paris: Aubier, 1996). 38 For example, Elucidarium III, questions 76-102 figure as question 191 in SL. In the wider perspective of the textual traditions seen in both manuscripts and printed editions, Doris Ruhe says of them that ‘jede von ihnen einen mehr oder weniger abgewandelten Text präsentiert,’ (Ruhe, GW, p. 84). Compared to the manuscript versions printed by Ruhe, the prints lack the following questions and answers: 10, 13, 16, 38, 63-65, 67, 68, 71-73, 78-79, 85-86, 91, 96-97, 105-06, 109-10, 112, 125, 128, 131, 133, 137-39, 141-42, 147-50, 152, 155, 159, 164, 173, 175, 192-201, 210. The question only is lacking in the following cases: 31, 57, 80, 99, 104, 108, 114, 117, 118, 122, 130, 158, 160, 161, 163, 176, 184, and 189. In only one case (3) is the answer wanting. 39 See Doris Ruhe, ‘Savoir des doctes’, 58-59.

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Although SL is an anonymous composition, Doris Ruhe argues that the author was a Dominican friar, pointing out that there were strong links between the latter and the work of Thomas Aquinas, whose influence can be seen clearly in SL. 40 He is thought to have worked in the first decades of the fourteenth century, to judge from the probable use made of the Formula confessionum of Jean Rigaud (1309-11) and the papal bull Inter cunctas (1304).41 6. The relationship of the ME Lucydarye to the Second Lucidaire In her edition of the Second Lucidaire, Doris Ruhe presented a parallel text of three manuscript versions and one from an early print. The reasons for her choices should be given, if only briefly. The text of MS A is printed because it represents the oldest and fullest manuscript version of the SL, ultimately dependent on the text known as the Translation 1, as seen in the Lille manuscript, mentioned above. 42 Thereafter, the texts of MSS B and H, together with the print I are given. The reasons for these last three choices are as follows. The manuscripts B, C, De, E, F, H (together with the fragment G and the prints D and I) form two groups textually: BCH, with BC showing close similarity, on the one hand, and DeEFG and the two prints, on the other. B and H were selected in order to complete the evidence of the manuscript tradition. The Lyon print, I, (Jean de la Fontaine) was chosen as the ‘Leitdruck’43 because its readings agree more with the manuscripts than with the other prints which, though forming sub-groups, constitute a block (KLMNOPQR). Although reference is occasionally made to the manuscript texts in the Explanatory Notes below, they have very little bearing on the text of the Lucydarye and will not be examined here. 44 The relationship of the SL prints will now be analysed in the light of their relative proximity to the Lucydarye. Doris Ruhe’s discussion (Ruhe, GW, pp. 131-33) of the relationships between printed editions, and her thorough collation of KLMNOPQR against I (Ruhe, GW, pp. 469-93), shows that I, K and L form a close group, displaying significant verbal differences from M, N, O, P, Q, and R. Within this group, I and K show closer affinity to each other than do either to L, indicating that these three versions do not derive from the same archetype. The remaining prints form another group, the MNOPQR 40 Ruhe, GW, pp. 23-24, following Lefèvre, p. 302. Elsewhere, Ruhe notes (Ruhe, ‘Savoir des doctes’, 49-50) that in advocating confession to a priest other than one’s parish priest, the SL is well disposed towards the mendicant orders, who were licensed to hear confessions. In her study, Doris Ruhe shows that the sources the compiler of SL drew upon were learned, Latin sources rather than more popular, vernacular ones. She stresses its orthodox nature and its potential utility in the fight against heresy. 41 Ruhe, GW, pp. 24-25. 42 See Lucidaire de grant sapientie: Untersuchung und Edition der altfranzösischen Übersetzung 1 des “Elucidarium” von Honorius Augustodunensis, ed. by Monika Türk, (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 2000). 43 Ruhe, GW, p. 132. 44 Although the evidence for influence is slight, it is potentially interesting in the way it may be said to throw light on the complex textual tradition of the SL and, as a consequence, on the identity of the source from which Chertsey worked. Details are provided in the Explanatory Notes.

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group, which itself subdivides into two smaller groupings: MNOP, and the seventeenth-century editions of Q and R. The identification of the MNOP group is made possible by the observation that all four lack the same questions which are, however, present in the other versions. Numerous verbal differences common to these four prints confirm the finding. Within the MNOP group, O and P are closely associated, displaying significant substantive variation unrecorded elsewhere. Finally, Q and R are also closely associated with each other, both through common conjunctive error and through modernized linguistic forms one would expect to find in such late (seventeenth-century) productions. On the basis of these observations, it is possible to broach the question of the probable source of the ME Lucydarye. The relative complexity of the French textual tradition, as witnessed in the nine printed versions studied by Doris Ruhe, rules out a clear, straightforward identification, although there is sufficient evidence to suggest that a version close to that in K (but not K itself) very probably lies behind Andrew Chertsey’s translation.45 That the Lucydarye is not derived from I is easily demonstrable. In SL 10, I reads sustance espirituelle, as do the manuscripts A, B, C, De, E, F, G and H (together with the print D), while the Lucydarye, in common with all the eight remaining prints, has thyng spyrytuall (17: chose KLMNOPQR).46 In SL 31, I reads c’est pour ce qu’ il descend, while the Lucydarye has procedeth and dyscendeth (39), in agreement with the reading in KLMNOPQ: procede et descend. The Lucydarye and the KLMNOPQR group consistently display the same omissions of text present in I. Thus, in SL 120, I refers to man occupying the Devil’s place in paradise: estre en son lieu en paradis, while the Lucydarye, like the group of remaining prints, simply reads to be in paradyse (134). 47 Again, in SL 130-31, the maistre addresses his pupil thus: Et saches, mon enfant, qu’ il n’est aucune beste, while the English text, following that of the KLMNOPQR group, omits the reference to mon enfant: And knowe that there is not any beest (144-45). More emphatically, the following passages may be compared: Et s’ ilz te font aucun tort ou villennie, tu leur dois tost pardonner et en louer Dieu et prier pour eulx a l’exemple de Jhesu Crist (SL 441-43) And yf they doo the ony wronge, thou sholdest pardon them and praye for theym vnto the example of Ihesu Cryst (467-69) 45 In view of the fact that a K-type text served as the basis for all subsequent French versions, there is, perhaps, nothing surprising in this. It is, however, in need of demonstration. See, further, Doris Ruhe, ‘Vom Handbuch für Priester zum Hausbuch für jedermann : Die Drucke des französischen Lucidaire und ihre Geschichte’, Germanisch-romanische Monatsschrift, 39 (1989), 269-82. 46 Numbers in brackets refer the reader to the Middle English text. Correspondences with the text of I are facilitated by reference to SL, followed by line numbers. 47 In the quotations, portions of text which are presented for the purposes of comparison are printed in roman type.

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where two omissions (ou villennie and et en louer Dieu) are shared by KLMNOPQR and the English text. Any attempt to narrow the focus in the identification of a likely French source is hampered by evidence which lacks consistency but which, when viewed relatively, suggests that the group MNOPQR can be eliminated from the enquiry. The following absences of and changes to the text point in that direction: (SL 39-40)48 Et pour ce dit ung qu’ il est en tous temps et en toutes choses And therefore a man sayth that he is all tyme and all thynges (47-48) …en tous temps et en tous lieux et en toutes choses (MNOPQR)49 where the significant addition in this group of six prints is absent from IKL and the Lucydarye. SL 104-06 la quelle chose signifie que nous devons estre enracinés contremont au ciel en l’amour de Dieu nostre Createur The whiche thynge sygnyfyeth that we sholde be enroted vpwarde into heuen in þe loue of God our creature (118-19) la quelle chose signifie que nous devons tous estre enracinés contremont au ciel en l’amour de Dieu nostre createur et redempteur Iesu Crist (MNOPQR) SL 117 il les fit tant seulement de son commandement he them made all-onely at his worde and commaundement (131)50 il les fit tant seulement de son entendement (MNOPQR) SL 146-47 en demandant piteusement se tres digne misericorde in demaundynge pyteously his ryght dygne mercy (161) en demandant piteusement se tres digne grace et misericorde (MNOPQR) SL 376 les ame des bieneurez the soules of the blessyd (398) les enfans des bieneurez (MNOPQR) 48

Manuscripts A and B preserve the same reading. In this and the following examples, what distinguishes the text of the MNOPQR group from the Lucydarye is printed in roman. 50 The addition of worde and in the English text may point to the influence of yet another French version, but it could equally be explained as Chertsey’s own contribution. For further evidence of his fondness for doublets see, below, p. xxxix. 49

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SL 635 Paradis celeste est par dessus tous les cieulx Paradyse celestyal is aboue all the heuens (682) Paradis celeste est par dessus les cieulx (MNOPQR)51 There is some evidence to contradict the thrust of the above examples, but it is neither plentiful nor entirely convincing. Consider the following: SL 110-11 (on the creation of Eve) et s’elle eust esté faite de la plus basse, l’omme l’eust trop mesprisee And yf she had ben made of the moost lowest partye of the man, the man sholde haue to moche dyspraysed her (123-25) et s’elle eust esté faite de la plus basse partie, l’omme l’eust trop mesprisee (QR) Although the word partye is paralleled only in the MNOPQR group, its presence in the Lucydarye may simply be coincidental, since the translator may have thought it desirable to repeat the earlier use of the word in the interests of balance. It is also noticeable that the adverb qualifying mesprisee, trop, is absent from M, N, O and P, a sub-group within the larger group, to which attention shall be drawn below. The only really substantial pieces of evidence which would argue for the influence of some or all of the prints in the MNOPQR group come in questions 94 and 162, the latter being entirely absent from the French manuscript tradition and from the Elucidarium itself. SL 413-14 Et est bien en sa puissance de convertir le pain et le vin en son propre corps et sang puis que de non rien il a fait tout le monde And it is in his power that to do, as of nothynge he hath made all the worlde (438) Et est bien en sa puissance puis que de non rien il a fait le monde (MNOP) In this case, it seems inherently unlikely that the French and English redactors would have independently chosen to omit the sequence de convertir le pain et le vin en son

51 Viewed in isolation, this example is, admittedly, not particularly persuasive, but it confirms what the other evidence consistently and convincingly argues.

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propre corps et sang, and that some influence from a textual tradition reflected in MNOP may have made itself felt in the composition of the ME text.52 SL 778-79) Et si ne doit on point craindre telles gens, car le diable n’a aucune puissance sur l’omme And also a man sholde not beleue suche people, for þe deuyl hath not ony puyssaunce vpon the man (838-39) Et si ne doit on point croire telles gens, car le diable n’a aucune puissance sur l’omme (MNOPQR) Here, on grounds of sense, the obviously corrupt form is croire, preserved only in MNOPQR, and yet it is that form which the translator evidently found in his exemplar. The best evidence against the influence of the MNOPQR group is that it is not homogenous. As Doris Ruhe notes,53 within this group, MNOP form a tight subgroup, while OP distinguish themselves from the other two, and, elsewhere, QR display distinctive textual affinities. In isolating these three groupings, it is not hard to see where each of them fails to supply text which would account for the content of the Lucydarye. The value of isolated omissions in the comparison of French versions of the text may not be considered as convincing evidence, but when they are confined to the above groups, their significance should be acknowledged. Consider the following: SL 236-37 fut chose convenable que le Filz tant seulement attraist a soy l’omme pour l’attraire a son Pere lassus en paradis it was a thynge conuenable þat the Sone all-onely drewe vnto hym the man for to drawe hym vnto his Fader aboue in paradyse (253-54) …pour l’attraire a son Pere en paradis (MNOP) SL 377-78 et aussi grant multitude d’anges de paradis qui l’acompaignarent en chantant melodieusement and also grete multytude of aungelles of heuen þe which hym accompanyed in syngynge melodyously (399-400) Et aussi grant multitude d’anges l’accompaignarent… (MNOP) SL 665-66 (on the fourth level of Hell) Et au quart estage, qui est le plus bas abisme, sont les dyables et les ames des miserables damnés 52 The absence of the sequence in question may possibly have been provoked by homoeoteleuton on –sance / sang. The texts of manuscripts A, B and H throw no light on the question. 53 Ruhe, GW, p. 133.

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And in þe iiij stage, þe which is the moost lowe in depnes, ben þe deuylles and the soules of the poore and myserable dampned (714-15) Et au quart estage, qui est le plus bas abisme, sont les ames des miserables damnés (MNOP).54 If one isolates OP in similar fashion, one obtains similar results. These latter agree significantly with the Lucydarye, as the other prints do not, on a small number of occasions. Thus, the Lucydarye states that it was Ioseph of Barmathye þat had buryed Christ (388); the form found in OP is de Barimathie, while L (darimathie) and all other prints (d’Abarimathie) are more distant. Again, the absence of son in the phrase que tu voudras sans son congé (SL 976), confined to the pair OP, parallels as thou wylt without lycence (1052-53).55 Evidence that a text of the OP type does not lie behind the Lucydarye is both abundant and significant, as the following extracts show. SL 656-57 (on the position of hell) Enfer corporel est au milieu de la terre, comme le grain d’une pomme Hell corporall is in þe myddle of þe erthe, as þe carnell of an apple is in the myddle of þe apple (704-05) Enfer corporel est au milieu de la terre, comme le grain d’une pomme est parfaitement au mylieu de la pomme (OP)56 SL 675-76 (on the torments of hell) de feu ardant et tres puant, de crapaulx et serpens, dragons et de toutes ordes et cruelles bestes as of fyre stynkynge and ryght brennynge, of todes, serpentes, dragons and of al foule and cruell bestes (726-28) where, alone among the prints, OP omit dragons. SL 698 (on the bliss of the saved) ilz louent Dieu incessament they thanke God without ceasyng (752) ilz louent le createur incessament (OP)

54

N occasionally distinguishes itself from the other three. For example, the form of Babel (SL 868) given in N, and in N alone, is abel, precisely the form found in the Lucydarye (929). Evidence for the distinctiveness of M within this sub-group may also be gathered. 55 This omission is shared, however, by QR. 56 The sequence au mylieu de la pomme is present also in KLMNQR, which lack, however, the addition in OP.

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Further, at SL 773, the maistre makes reference to la science du dyable, a sequence found in all other prints save OP which read science et deception du dyable. The corresponding phrase in the Lucydarye is þe scyence of þe deuyll (831). Isolating O from OP only serves to underline the instability of the text within this small sub-group. At SL 769-70, on the subject of witches, one reads: mon enfant, tu ne dois jamais adjouster foy a leurs sorceries et divinemens my chylde, thou shold put no fayth vnto theyr sorceries and deuynementes (828) mon enfant, tu ne dois jamais adjouster foy a leurs sorceries et divinemens (KLMNPQR) where the reference to divination is lacking in O. Similarly, in SL 895, the maistre speaks of Christ’s arrest thus: il fut pris des Juifz et mené es grans prestres de la loy which is the source of he was taken of the false Iewes and ledde vnto the grete prestes of the lawe (96162). Alone among the French versions, O omits the reference to des Juifz. Finally, in giving advice on how to confess oneself, the maistre instructs his pupil thus: SL 934-35 Et en toy confessant tu dois tenir ordre de confession en disant par ordre tes pechés And in confessynge the, thou sholdest holde the ordre of confessyon in tellynge by ordre thy synnes (1004-05) Et en toy confessant tu dois tenir ordre de confession de tes pechés (O). Before considering the claims of the prints K and L, it is as well to subject the subgroup QR to the same scrutiny as has been carried out on the others.57 As has already been pointed out, conjunctive error in QR places their text at a distance from KL, and thus from the Lucydarye.58 Take the following instances: SL 69-70 Et aussi fit Dieu les dyables et enfer pour excequter et pugnir les miserables pecheurs And also God maketh the deuylles and hell for to execute and to punysshe the cursed and myserable synners (78-79) In place of excequter, QR read excuser, creating a meaning wholly at variance with the thrust of the passage, since it contradicts itself.

57

To exclude QR from study merely on the grounds that they are late copies would be both uncritical and illogical. 58 See Ruhe, GW, p. 133. I borrow for illustration here a number of her examples.

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SL 561 (on the subject of contrition) Maistre, que vault contricion au point de la mort? Mayster, what auayleth contrycion at the poynt of deth? (597) Maistre, que vault correction au point de la mort? (QR) and, emphatically, SL 767-68 tirer le vin d’un tonneau sans qu’au tonneau en ait moins une seule goute drawe þe wyne of a tonne without þat there be lesse of one droppe (825-26) tirer le vin d’un tonneau sans diminuer le vin dudit tonneau (QR). What the foregoing evidence would strongly suggest is that the Lucydarye is based on a text of the type exemplified by K and L. On occasions, both are in closer agreement with the ME text than any of the other prints. Thus: SL 227-28 Par quoy fut necessaire que le benoist Filz de Dieu fut trammis ca bas pour racheter nature humaine (IQR) Wherfore it was of necessyte that the Sonne of God were sente downe here alowe for to redeme nature humayne (243-44) Corresponding to necessaire in I, Q and R, one has necessite in MNOP, but de necessite in KL, a reading which matches the ME translation exactly. Again, at the end of an explanation of why men must continuously eat in order to work, one reads: Et par ainsi, mon enfant, nul vit sans peiner et travailler, mais a chascun beaucop d’affaires a son endroit (SL 890-91) corresponding to ME And so, my chylde, none ne may lyue without payne and trauayle, but euery man hath moche to do in his ryght (954-55) Here, in the place of I’s verbal form peiner, all other prints read peine, while for travailler, only K, L, Q, and R have the corresponding nominal form traueyle, both of which are found in the ME translation. Finally, at SL 924, where the maistre gives advice on how to examine one’s conscience, reference is made to the sacraments, thus: sextement des sept sacramens de l’Eglise, while the Lucydarye reads Syxtely, of þe vij sacramentes of the Holy Chyrche (993). Of the French versions, only K, L, N, Q and R supply the adjective saint, which was evidently in Chertsey’s exemplar. Since, on other criteria, N, Q and R have already been rejected as sources for the English text, the only remaining possibility is that either K or L served as that source.

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There is very abundant evidence indeed to show the superiority of K (or of a text very close to that of K) over L on the question of source.59 Some of the examples to be given here may at first sight appear trivial or insubstantial; and, admittedly, in some cases, the charge may fairly be levelled. However, cumulatively, they all point in the same direction, arguing for a degree of consistency that has not so far been encountered in this enquiry. The text of K is given first, followed by the corresponding extract from the Lucydarye, itself followed by the distinctive reading in L. Unless otherwise stated, that reading is peculiar to L. SL 93: ilz les fit du lymon de la terre; he made them of the slyme of the erthe (104); ilz est fit du lymon de la terre SL 94-95: le chair respond a la terre, le sang a l’eau, le souffle a l’air; the flesshe answereth vnto erthe, the blode vnto the water, the wynde the ayre (106-07); le chair respond a la terre, le sang a l’eau, lhumidite a l’air SL 104-05: la quelle chose signifie que nous devons estre enracinés; The whiche thynge sygnyfyeth that we sholde be enroted (118-19); la quelle chose nous devons estre enracinés (where L is faulty through omission) SL 120-21: en paradis dont il est cheu par son orgueil; in paradyse from whens he is fallen by his pryde (135); en paradis donc il est cheu par son orgueil60 SL 206-07 en le peché de gueule; in the synne of the mouthe (221); en le peché de gloutonnie (a reading shared with M) SL 326: Maistre, pour quoy mourut Jhesu Crist a l’arbre de la croix?; Maister, wherfore dyed Ihesu Cryste on the tree of the crosse? (346); lacking in L. SL 606: Labores manuum tuarum quia manducabis, et cetera; Labores manuum tuarum quia manducabis, et cetera (647); Labores manuum tuarum quia manducabis beatus, et cetera61 To conclude the review of this print, I draw attention to a number of compositor’s errors peculiar to L which confirm what the rest of the evidence has proven beyond doubt:

59

For a brief notice on K see C. Péligny, Catalogues régionaux des incunables des bibliothèques publiques de France, vol. 3, § 439 (p. 123). 60 Evidently an error of some frequency in L, perhaps provoked through persistent confusion over the letter forms c and t. The overall impression given by L is that it is a rather careless print. 61 L’s addition accurately reflects the text of the Psalm (127: 2).

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SL 764-65: passer ung grant corps humain par une trop petite fente; make passe a ryght grete bodye humayne by a lytell clyfte (822-23); passer ung grant corps humain par une trop petite sente SL 771-72: aucunes fois leur revele aucunes choses a venir; somtymes sheweth some thynges for to come (829-30); aucunes fois leur revele aucunes choses adenir SL 783-84: Et se muoyent les dittes fees en pluseurs formes; And the sayd feyryes chaunged theym into many fourmes (842-43); Et nommoient lesdictes faitz en pluseurs formes. The final comparison, that of the Lucydarye with K, shows that the text of the latter, as it stands in the print now conserved in the Bibliothèque Municipale in Toulouse, cannot have been exactly the version from which Chertsey clearly worked. The evidence for this is not voluminous, but it is significant, suggesting that the French textual tradition is (or was) even more complicated than Doris Ruhe’s exhaustive critical apparatus already indicates. 62 Revealing are the omissions in K in the account of the Magi’s offering of gifts to the infant Jesus, SL 260-62: Et le roy qui portoit l’or s’appelloit Balthesar, et Gaspar portoit la mirre, et Melchion portoit l’encens And the kynge the whiche bare the golde was called Balthasar; and Iasper bare the myrre; and Melchyor bare the ensence (280-82) Le roy qui portoit l’or s’appelloit Balthesar, et Gaspar la mirre, et Melchion l’encens (K, also NOP). 63 Second, in the account of Christ’s multiple appearances to various people after his resurrection, the Lucydarye is manifestly closer to I than it is to any of the other prints, K included: SL 370-73 aprés a deux pellerins qui alloyent au chastel de Hemaulx; aprés a ses disciples et amys s’apparut les portes closes; aprés a saint Thomas quant il mist la main au couté de Nostre Seigneur Jhesu Crist et aprés a ses disciples en la mer de Thiberion

62

In what follows, I make no claim to exhaustiveness; the examples have been chosen because of their pertinence. The point is strengthened by the noticeable differences in the orthographic forms of two of the names: Iasper and Melychor. Manuscripts A and B preserve the form Jaspar. 63

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after to the two pylgrymes þe whiche went to the castell of Maulx. After, he appered vnto his dyscyples the gates shytte; after vnto saynt Thomas whan he put his hande in the syde of oure Lorde Ihesu Cryste; after vnto his dyscyples in the see of Tyberyon (392-95) In all prints save I, each of the four occurrences of aprés is rendered by puis. To these instances, other, less striking but nonetheless noticeable divergences between K and the Lucydarye may be mentioned. At SL 411, reference is made to the precieulx corps et sang de Jhesu Crist, rendered in the ME text by precyous body and blode of Ihesu Cryste (436). The corresponding phrase in all other French prints reads simply: precieulx corps et sang de Jhesu. The same omission, again in all prints save I, occurs in SL 429-30: Maistre, combien demeure le corps de Jhesu Crist dans le corps de celluy qui l’a receu? The Lucydarye provides a faithful translation: Mayster, howe longe abydeth the body of Ihesu Cryste in the wombe of hym the whiche hym receyueth? (455-56), while K and the remaining prints refer only to Jhesu, omitting Crist. Again, all prints save K provide a closer source to the Lucydarye’s Mayster, whan many prestes syngeth masse (460) in their formulation: Maistre, quant pluseurs prestres chantent messe (SL 434); K, on the other hand, preserves a plural form, messes. Further, in SL 458, we are told that the good, through renunciation of the world, puissent avoir la gloire de paradis which is closer to they may haue the glorye of paradyse (486) than is the formulation found in K (and O): auront la gloire de paradis. Finally, the form of the name of ‘Lazarus’ in SL 818 points away from K (and from I) towards the other prints. The forms are these: I, ladre; K, lazer; LMNOPQR, Lazare. Like these latter, the Lucydarye reads Laȝare (878). On the basis of this evidence, then, it seems reasonable to suppose that a French version of the Second Lucidaire, close in most if not all respects to the text preserved in K, is representative of the version from which Chertsey worked. 7. The content of the Lucydarye and the question of its popularity As the following analysis of questions makes clear, the Lucydarye is a catechetical handbook with a marked emphasis on pastoral instruction. Unlike the SL, which is thought to have been ‘created…for priests on the lower ranks of ecclesiastical hierarchy in order to provide them with a basic knowledge in religious matters’, 64 the Lucydarye may have appealed as much to a devout lay reading public. Although much of the material is traditional and commonplace, the reader is occasionally confronted with rather unorthodox teaching, like the assertion that purgatory is a part of hell (SL 626, 662), or that the damned may ease the severity of 64

Ruhe, ‘Savoir des doctes’, p. 60 (from the English summary).

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infernal punishment (SL 523), or that St John the evangelist was assumed into heaven (SL 1018). 65 Other assertions, though not necessarily unorthodox, strike the reader as curious. On one occasion (SL 268), it is claimed that the three most necessary sacraments are Baptism, Confirmation, and Confession, while in the minds of most churchgoers, orthodox or reformist, the place of Confirmation was more likely to have been occupied by the Eucharist. 66 Again, part of the answer to q. 66, on unacceptable marriage practices, might seem somewhat evasive to modern sensibility. Surprising, too, is the very abrupt change of subject announced in q. 172, on man’s daily dietary requirements: nothing preceding it has alerted the reader to such a radical shift. Pastoral considerations apart, the compiler of the SL was, as has been remarked, 67 keenly interested in superstition and the necessity to suppress it. These concerns occupy a prominent place in qq. 162 and 163, neither of which is present in the Elucidarium. They are to be seen, also, in the treatment of natural phenomena (qq. 20407) where moonlight, rainbows, and adverse weather conditions are all accounted for in terms of scientific fact. 68 The subjects addressed in the 143 questions which make up the Lucydarye are, in order of presentation, thus:69 Questions 1-3, 5-9: on the nature of God70 Questions 11-12, 14-15, 17-19, 22, 50-51, 202-03: on angelology Questions 20-21: on demonology Questions 24-29, 32, 34, 39-43, 45-46: on the creation of Man Questions 30-31, 111: on the creation and suffering of the animals Questions 33, 44, 84, 136: on paradise Questions 35-37, 47-49: on the Fall of Man Questions 53-57, 69: on the Incarnation and life of Christ Question 58: on the gifts of the Magi 65 St Augustine, tractatus 124 of his commentary on John’s epistle, argues vigorously against the Assumption of St John (PL 35: 1969-76). Later, Dante, Paradiso, canto 25, felt moved to scotch the idea. Dorothy L. Sayers and Barbara Reynolds, in their notes to their translation of the Paradiso, speculate (p. 281) that ‘The fresco by Giotto in the Church of Santa Croce in Florence of the Assumption of St John may have been commissioned in direct refutal of Dante’s recounting of “this truth unto the world”’. The views on purgatorial and infernal punishment are discussed and illustrated in the Explanatory Notes in the appropriate places. 66 See the studies by Sarah Beckwith, Christ’s Body: Identity, Culture and Society in Late Medieval Writings (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), and Miri Rubin, Corpus Christi: the Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Pres, 1991). 67 Ruhe, GW, especially ch. IV. The prominence of the idea is, of course, announced in the title of her edition. 68 Ruhe, ‘Savoir des doctes’, pp. 44-45, points to the influence of Aristotle in the treatment of this subject. In addition, there is a good deal of highly relevant material on these topics analysed by Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century England, especially cc. 2 and 19 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1980; first edition, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971). 69 An alphabetical list of these subjects is provided on p. 117-18, below. 70 The breaks in the sequence of numbers are to be explained by the fact that different questions and answers are occasionally conflated, and because the French print, the source of the Lucydarye does not always include a question present in the manuscript tradition, on which it depends. Question 111 appears twice because two issues are there addressed.

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Questions 59, 168: on forgiveness of sin Questions 60-62, 70-70a, 126, 169, 211: on baptism Questions 66, 211: on marriage Questions 74-75, 111: on the redemption of Man Questions 76-77: on the Crucifixion and Burial of Christ Question 81: on the Harrowing of Hell Question 82: on the Resurrection Question 87: on Christ’s appearances after the Resurrection Questions 88-89, 92: on the Ascension Questions 93-95, 98, 100-100a: on the consecration of the host, and communion Question 101-02, 104a, 107: on evil in the world Questions 113, 115-16: on predestination and free will Questions 119-20: on ignorance of God Question 121: on the soul Questions 123-24, 177-79: on confession and contrition Question 127: on the uncertain hour of death Question 129: on the merits of a churchyard burial Question 132, 208a: on the means to salvation Question 134: on mortal sin Questions 135, 140, 144, 151, 156: on purgatory Questions 143, 146: on hell Questions 153-54, 157, 170: on the saved Questions 162-63: on witches, fairies, sorcery and idol worshippers Questions 166-67: on dreams Question 172: on hunger Question 174: on the liturgy and the mass Questions 180-81 on Antichrist Questions 182-83, 185-88: on the Day of Judgement Question 190: on the damned Questions 204-07: on the physical world Question 208: on the fifteen signs before Judgement Question 211: on the sacraments Question 212: on the Articles of Faith Question 209: on the Decalogue What is immediately striking about this list is the very considerable overlap there is in the choice of subjects made by the authors of other encyclopaedic compilations of popular religious instruction, notably the Pricke of Conscience, 71 the Doctrinal of 71

The evidence of manuscript survival to the present day argues that this text enjoyed immense popularity (not unlike the Elucidarium itself). See Robert E. Lewis and Angus McIntosh, A Descriptive Guide to the Manuscripts of the ‘Prick of Conscience’, Medium Ævum Monographs, ns 12 (Oxford : Society for the Study

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Sapience,72 and, unsurprisingly, Sidrak and Bokkus.73 Caxton published an English version of the Doctrinal in May, 1489.74 Although the treatments of specific subjects common to both SL and the Doctrinal may differ, the list of those subjects is impressively long: the twelve articles of the faith; sorcerers and demons; the Passion of Christ; the seven works of mercy; the Decalogue; the soul; sin; the sacraments, with extended treatments of confession and the eucharist; purgatory; hell and the plight of the damned; why God did not make man as a creature free from sin; doomsday; the joys of heaven.75 There is also a substantial overlap with the Mirrour of the World, of which Caxton printed two editions; it was later reprinted ‘with some alterations and additions’ by Lawrence Andrewe in 1527.76 Of Sidrak and Bokkus, it has been remarked that ‘[i]ts astonishing contemporary popularity is shown by the number and distribution of surviving manuscripts (several dozen in French; seven in English, excluding fragments; others in Italian, Danish and Dutch…and the subtitle found in many of the French versions, ‘La fontaine de toutes sciences’, bears witness to its alleged authority’.77 In addition, there were at least four printed versions of the text in circulation in the first half of the sixteenth century.78 Caxton opened his Prologue to the Doctrinal with the following words: This that is writen in this lytyl boke ought the prestres to lerne and teche to theyr parysshens. And also it is necessary for symple prestes that vnderstonde not the scriptures. And it is made for symple peple and put in to Englissh.79

of Medieval Language and Literature, 1982). The many references to this work in the Explanatory Notes draw attention to material in common with SL. 72 The Doctrinal of Sapience, ed. by Joseph Gallagher, MET 26 (Heidelberg : Carl Winter Verlag, 1993). This text is closely related to the Somme le Roi tradition, of which no fewer than nine independent Middle English translations exist. See The Book of Vices and Virtues, ed. by W. Nelson Francis, EETS 217 (London : Oxford University Press, 1942). For recent work on these unjustly neglected texts see Two Middle English Translations of Friar Laurent’s “Somme Le Roi”: a Critical Edition, ed. by Emmanuelle Roux, Textes Vernaculaires du Moyen Âge 8 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2010). 73 Subjects common to both Sidrak and the Lucydarye include those on : Adam, angels, Antichrist, devils, dreams, eclipses, enchantments, God, heaven(s), hell, moon, paradise, purgatory, the physical elements (rain, sea, wind), and the soul. See the list in Burton’s EETS edition, pp. 923-41. Dr Burton gives evidence for its appeal on pp. xxxi-xxxvi of the edition, drawing attention to the evidence supplied by V. J. Scattergood, ‘Two Medieval Books Lists’, The Library, 23 (1968), 236-9. 74 STC 21431. 75 Other material shared by these two texts is found in the treatment of the seven deadly sins and their remedies, a theme of central importance to the Doctrinal. 76 Caxton’s Mirrour of the World, ed. by Oliver H. Prior, EETS ES 110 (London: Kegan Paul and Milford, 1913), p. vi. Topics in common with the Lucydarye include: the creation of the world; why Man was made in the image of God; why Man was not created as a creature incapable of committing sin; hell; clouds and meteorological conditions; the light of the moon; and eclipses. 77 Sidrak and Bokkus, ed. by Burton, p. xxi. 78 STC 3188 (c. 1550) ; STC 3187 (? c. 1530), in verse ; STC 3186 (? c. 1530) ; and, under the title The Boke of Demaundes, STC 3188a (c. 1550). 79 The Doctrinal of Sapience, ed. by Gallagher, p. 47.

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Although Caxton evidently anticipated the book’s wide appeal, only one edition was ever published. 80 The fact that his successor, de Worde, decided to issue the Lucydarye on two occasions can only reinforce the conviction that the perceived popularity of the work constituted, in his eyes, a commercially viable project. Furthermore, such material was dear to the hearts and minds of preachers, orthodox or otherwise, who were very active and productive throughout the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. 81 Access to the topics discussed by preachers is now possible thanks to the indispensable A Repertoire of Middle English Prose Sermons, 82 and comparison with the Lucydarye is instructive. Angels and angelology occupy eleven questions in the Lucydarye (cf. Repertoire, p. 2868); baptism is the focal point of eight questions (Repertoire, p. 2869); the teaching surrounding the Eucharist, a controversial issue in late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century England, is examined in seven questions (Repertoire, p. 2871); the Last Judgement (Lucydarye, qq. 182-83, 185-88) was, of course, a hugely popular preaching theme (Repertoire, pp. 2874-75). Among the sermon collections popular in the early sixteenth century was John Mirk’s Festial, printed many times. 83 Attention to what other works were coming off the printing presses similarly highlights the representative nature of the content of the Lucydarye for the reading public of that time. 84 Among other Caxton editions whose contents bear partial or substantial similarity to the Lucydarye, the following may be mentioned: the Arte and Crafte to Knowe Well to Dye (1490, STC 789); a Book of Divers Ghostly Matters (1491, STC 3305); another Ars Moriendi (1491, STC 786); the Mirrour of the Worlde (1481, STC 24762); and the Legenda Aurea, in English (1483, STC 24874). An examination of Wynkyn de Worde’s commercial output is similarly revealing. 85 Together with two editions of the Lucydarye, he printed The Byrthe and Lyfe of Antechryst, 1520?, STC 670 (Lucydarye, qq. 180-81); a number of artes moriendi, (1497, STC 787), (1506, STC 788), (1505, STC 792), (1506, STC 793); three editions of Edmund of Abingdon’s Myrrour of the Chyrche, (1521, 1527, 1529?, STC 965-67); Book of a Ghoostly Fader, (1528, STC 3288); three editions of The Dyenge Creature, 80

All of Caxton’s publications are conveniently listed in Norman F. Blake, Caxton and his World (London : André Deutsch, 1969), pp. 224-39. 81 The Explanatory Notes provide numerous parallels with representative ME sermons. The standard authorities on vernacular preaching for the period are Helen L. Spencer, English Preaching in the Late Middle Ages (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993) and J. W. Blench, Preaching in England in the Late Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries. A Study of English Sermons 1450 – c. 1600 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1964). 82 Ed. by Veronica O’Mara and Suzanne Paul, Sermo 1, 4 vols (Brepols : Turnhout, 2007). The volumes are paginated consecutively. 83 Before 1500, twice by Caxton, 1483 (STC 17957) and 1491 (STC 17959) ; once by Rood and Hunte, 1486 (STC 17958). For the detail see Three Sermons for ‘Nova Festa’, Together with the ‘Hamus Caritatis’, ed. by Susan Powell, MET 37 (Heidelberg : Carl Winter Verlag, 2007), x-xvii. It was subsequently printed on numerous occasions by de Worde, Pynson, and others. 84 See the discussion by Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars : Traditional Religion in England c.1400c.1580 (New Haven and London : Yale University Press, 1992), esp. ch. 2 and 6. 85 A list of de Worde’s printed books is conveniently laid out in H. S. Bennett, English Books and Readers, 1475 to 1557, 2nd ed (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1969), pp. 239-76.

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(1507, 1514, 1531-4, STC 6034, 6035, 6035.1); the Doctrynalle of dethe in two editions, (1498, 1532, STC 6931, 6932); the Ordynarye of Cristen Men in two editions, (1502, 1506, STC 5198, 519986; How the plowman lerned his ‘Pater Noster’, 1510, STC 20034;87 and The Gospelles of Dystaves (STC 12091). 88 It is noticeable, too, that a large number of questions address issues which were the subject of debate at the turn of the century, issues associated with the movement of reform, in general, and with Lollardy, in particular. Thus, the very considerable space allotted to the traditional teaching of the sacraments – baptism, confession, the Eucharist, marriage – may seem especially significant at a time when such teaching was under attack, a situation which preoccupied some orthodox circles considerably. 89 Similarly, discussions of predestination and the exercise of free will take on a particular importance in the light of the vitality of Protestant ideas circulating at the time. The Lucydarye, then, appears to meet both general and specific needs in the area of basic religious education, and may be considered as a text wholly suited to its time. 8. Andrew Chertsey as a translator Information on Chertsey as a translator ( fl. 1502-27), is scant, being confined to a verse preface, written by Robert Copland, to Chertsey’s last-known translation, The Passyon of Our Lord (1521).90 The other translations, in chronological order, are: The Ordynarye of Crystyantye or of Crysten Men (1502), The Crafte to Lyve Well and to Dye Well (1505), and The Floure of the Commaundements of God (1510).91 The English translation is at times over-literal, producing unidiomatic syntactic patterns and noun-adjective grammatical agreements which are decidedly uncharacteristic of English in general, though observable in other Middle English translations 86

A translation perhaps undertaken by Andrew Chertsey. See the following section. This is meant to be a representative sample, not an exhaustive list. 88 This is a translation of the French Evangiles des Quenouilles, frequently attributed to Fouquart de Cambray, Antoine Duval and Jean d’Arras. It is made up of over 250 tales, addressing matters of superstition and folklore. A modern English version of the text is available in The Distaff Gospels: a First Modern English Edition of “Les Evangiles des Quenouilles”, ed. by Madeleine Jeay and Kathleen Garay (Peterborough, Ont.: Broadview Press, 2006). 89 It is clear from a reading of one long, rigorously orthodox sermon cycle that the two issues which most alarmed the sermon compilers were the refutation of the doctrine of the Real Presence and the opposition to sacramental confession. See Stephen Morrison, ‘Lollardy in the Fifteenth Century : the Evidence from Some Orthodox Texts,’ Cahiers Elisabéthains, 52 (1997), 1-24. 90 STC (2nd ed.), 14558, of which the verso of the title page reads: ‘Translated out of frenche into englysshe by Andrewe Chertesey.’ The information in this paragraph is derived from Julia Boffey, ‘Chertsey, Andrew’ in H. C. G. Matthew and Brian Harrison, Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), vol. 11, p. 315. On Copland see the article by Mary Erler in the Dictionary of National Biography, vol. 13, pp. 334-36, and F. C. Francis, Robert Copland, Sixteenth Century Printer and Translator (Glasgow: Jackson, Son and Company, 1961). 91 STC 5198 and 5199, 792, and 23876, respectively. None of these texts appears to have been edited. Of the two editions of the Ordynarye, ESTC states that it is ‘possibly’ by Chertsey, but no reason for the doubt surrounding the ascription is given. See further, Norman F. Blake, ‘Wynkyn de Worde: the Later Years’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 47 (1972), 128-38. 87

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of French works. Consider, in the first instance, the following examples of typically French word order patterns. The simplest of these is the maintenance of adjectives in post-nominal positions, instances of which abound: noblesse spyrytuall (3), thyng spyrytuall (17), nature dyuyne (26), essence dyuyne (27), entendement humayne (29), and so on. It is noticeable that Chertsey retains the habit at moments where there is no French equivalent, noblesse spyrytuall (14), and where the French text offers him the usual syntactic arrangement in English: despite having humaine creature at SL 321, Chertsey reverses the words to produce creature humayne (341). Other, more elaborate instances of this tendency may be illustrated by the following: than myght they make thynges contrary conuenable þe one to þe other (25-26)92 , answering to adoncq pourroient il faire choses contraires l’un a l’autre (SL 18) he them made fayre (53) for il les fit beaux (SL 45)93 seynge the grete graces that God vnto vs hath done (152), for veu les grans graces que Dieu nous a faittes (SL 138-39) in puttynge thre tymes of water vpon þe heed (334-35) for en mettant troys fois de l’eau sur la teste (SL 314) þe deuyll hymselfe þe whiche hym sheweth vnto them in body fantastycall (81314), for le diable mesmes qui ainsi se monstre a elles en ung corps fantastique (SL 75556) Mayster, haue we euery of vs his good aungell the which kepith vs ? (1193) for Maistre, avons-nous chascun de nous ung bon ange qui nous garde ? (SL 1102) Slavish adherence to the French text has also led Chertsey to maintain grammatical concord between nouns and adjectives, when the latter are in post-nominal positions, producing unidiomatic sequences such as: synnes venyalles (626) for pechés veniaulx (SL 587); holy fathers auncyentes (707) for saintz peres anciens (SL 659); they were not men nor women naturalles (841), for ce n’estoient pas hommes ne femmes naturelz (SL 92

Cf. l. 1162: the one of þe other. Caxton, who is considered by most commentators to be a literal translator, generally avoids this position of the object in a clause. The following examples are taken from the Doctrinal of Sapience: il…luy demanda: he demanded of him; le dyable luy dit: the deuyl sayd to hym; et luy dit: & said to him. See The Doctrinal of Sapience, ed. by Gallagher, p. 39, ll. 23-25, 26, 29-30. See also Norman F. Blake, Caxton and his World (London: André Deutsch, 1965), ch. 7.

93

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781-82), fyue wyttes naturalles (986) for cincq sens naturelz (SL 917). The same is true in cases where noun and adjective are separated by a verb, with the adjective standing as a complement: the women ben moost varyables (792) for les femmes sont plus variables (SL 734); theyr vysyons ben semblables (805) for leurs visions sont pareilles (SL 747). Other examples are not hard to find.94 Over-literal treatment of the French occasionally results in word forms carrying meanings which are not otherwise recorded in MED and OED. Thus, Chertsey proposes an anglicised form of the verb destiner (SL 66),95 ‘to fix the fate of someone’ in desteny (75), seemingly unaware that his source has preserved a corrupt reading: destinter, ‘to separate, distinguish’ is the reading in I and is obviously the one the context requires.96 Later, Chertsey treats mesprisé (SL 110) ‘to despise, be scornful of ’ over-literally in offering the translation mystaken (123). Again, neither MED nor OED record any instance of this common verb conveying the meaning required here.97 Despite these blemishes, Chertsey is an accurate translator, one capable of understanding the French text comfortably. Only rarely, it seems, do his powers of comprehension desert him.98 Among such instances, the following stands out: at SL 1034-37 occurs this passage on the fate of the damned after resurrection: Et des qu’ ilz seront resuscitez, jamais ne mourront, ains vivront les bons en gloire eternellement et les mauvaiz vivront tous jours en mourant au feu d’enfer ont ilz bruleront sans povoir estre consumés aucunement, ains seront en celle peine et doleur eternellement which Chertsey renders thus: And frome the tyme that they shall be areysed, they shall neuer deye, but shall lyue: the good in glorye eternall, the yll euermore in dyenge in the fyre of hell where they 94 Fernand Mossé, Manuel de l’anglais du moyen-âge, § 74, qualifies the phenomenon as ‘exceptionnel’. An English translation of this work is that of James A. Walker, A Handbook of Middle English (Baltimore: the Johns Hopkins Press, 1952). MED furnishes a good number of similar constructions: zennes uenials in the Ayenbite of Inwit, ed. by Richard Morris, p. 178/17; coles disconfortables (Latin desolatoriis) in The Earliest Complete English Prose Psalter, ed. by Karl Bülbring, p. 119/4; appositees habitables or trespassables in Mandeville’s Travels, ed. P. Hamelius, p. 121/19, etc. Charles Barber, Early Modern English (London: André Deutsch, 1976), has no discussion of this practice; it is, however, noted briefly by Olga Fischer in her contribution to The Cambridge History of the English Language, vol. II, 1066-1476, ed. by Norman F. Blake (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 214. See also Tauno Mustanoja, A Middle English Syntax, Part 1: Parts of Speech, Mémoires de la Société Néophilologique de Helsinki, XXIII (Helsinki: Société Néophilologique, 1960), p. 277. 95 This is the reading in KLMOPQR. 96 See the on-line Dictionnaire du Moyen Français, 1330-1500 (ATILF), Université de Nancy, at: http:// atilf.atilf.fr/gsouvay/scripts/dmf X.exe?INIT_SESSION;ISIS=isis_dmf2.txt;OUVRIR_MENU=1, s. v. destinter. 97 Cf. l. 216 (mystoke for mespriserent). 98 There are a number of minor slips caused, perhaps, as much by carelessness as by linguistic incompetence. See ll. 172-73, 252, 610, 657, and 720.

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shall brenne withoute power to consume ony thynge, but shall be in that doloure and in þat payne eternally (1120-23). Evidently, the point of the passage is that the souls of the damned will suffer eternally because the fire of hell will be unable to consume them, not that those souls will be unable to consume anything, as Chertsey’s text has it.99 Throughout the text, Chertsey embellishes his original, presumably for the sake of clarity. This is seen in the two-fold mention of the cursyd ryche man Dyues, (375-76, 753-54), whose name appears in no French version. Such may be the motivation for the following additions, absent from the French, although it is difficult to detect any hint of ambiguity in what has faithfully been translated:100 crucyfyed and put vnto the dethe (469); to be saued in the glorye eternall (553); he was taken of the false Iewes (961), and thou ne sholde departe thy confessyon in tellynge the one halfe vnto one confessoure and the other halfe vnto another confessoure (1009-10). Chertsey, like virtually all translators of the period, also displays a fondness for doublets, especially in places where the SL contents itself with a single term, and these may have equally served the cause of clarity in his mind.101 They are: puyssaunt and grete (22); worde and commaundement (131); antes or pysmares (142-43); lyberall arbytre and fre wyll (308, 528);102 ordures and fylthes (327);103 grete and abundaunt loue (340); bought and redemed (467); guerdoned and rewarded (504);104 deuylles enraged and wode (728); all the ioyes and gladnesses (1179-80); the syxte (order of angels) is of þe lordeshyps and seygnourys (1188-89). Although Chertsey remains a shadowy figure, his work can usefully be compared to other translators of the period of whom substantially more is known. For example, much has been written about William Caxton whose ‘literal’ translations have been characterized as ‘typical’ of the end of the fifteenth century.105 Chertsey’s extreme 99 The possibility that Chertsey was working from a version of SL in which the word estre was lacking cannot be ruled out. For another trivial slip see the remarks on elles above, p. xvi. See also the note to l. 111, below. 100 The additions are printed in roman. 101 It is noticeable that these, like the ones quoted here, are frequently composed of one native and one borrowed element, although in all cases save one (enraged), the non-native terms had become so firmly established in the language that they are unlikely to have appeared to Chertsey as anything other then native. Guerdoned, for example, is first recorded towards the end of the fourteenth century (MED, OED), and the very many examples recorded by MED throughout the fifteenth suggest that the term had been fully absorbed into English by the early years of the sixteenth. The practice is widespread in Caxton’s writings, especially in his Prologues and Epilogues. See the discussion by Blake, Caxton and his World, pp. 141 ff. 102 Explanation seems justified here since OED quotes only one instance of the phrase lyberal arbytre, dated to 1490 (Caxton), while MED has no exact parallel. Chaucer’s formulation of fre arbitrie or fre wil in his Boece, book 5, prose 6, l. 209, is very rare. See The Riverside Chaucer, ed. by Larry D. Benson and others, 3rd edition (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1987), p. 468. 103 The very large number of occurrences of ordure in MED indicate that this French word had been fully assimilated into English by the time Chertsey came to translate this text. 104 Again, MED shows guerdonen (verb) and guerdoun (noun) to have been in regular use in English for well over a century before Chertsey’s appropriation here. 105 See Norman F. Blake, Caxton and his World, p. 150 ; The Doctrinal of Sapience, ed. by Gallagher pp. 34-45, and the literature there cited.

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literalness, what Workman terms ‘stencil translation’,106 should perhaps be seen as nothing other than an exaggerated extension of a habitual practice, although it is hard to believe that he remained unconscious of the highly unidiomatic nature of much of the English he produced in this translation. In the light of this observation, a study of other examples of his work would undoubtedly prove to be instructive. 9. Editorial conventions The text is that of Br, corrected, where possible, from Fo. Like medieval scribes, the compositor of Br preserved the errors of his predecessor, while adding a number of his own. The text has been emended, be it on the authority of Fo or not, when it fails to make sense. Departures from the French source which do not result in a loss of sense have normally been allowed to stand. Emendations which involve the suppression of letters are recorded in the variants at the foot of the page, but bear no visual mark in the text. The distinction between and has been preserved; has been written and , where appropriate. Capitalization, punctuation and word division conform to modern practice. The punctuation of Br has, on occasions, been corrected when, in comparison with SL, it can be seen to deviate from the latter. Paraphs precede each question posed by the discyple, except in cases where a woodcut impinges on the required space. The regularity of this arrangement obviates the need for their inclusion here. Abbreviated words and letters are given in italics. In order to extend this procedure to Latin quotations – usually italicized – these latter have been presented within inverted commas. Emendations are contained within square brackets. Angle brackets surround damaged or unclear letters whose identity can, however, be determined or deduced with some confidence. Lacunae in the text are signalled by three full stops inside parentheses. There has been no attempt at orthographic normalization. A single slash – / – indicates a change of line; two slashes – // – indicate a change of folio. This information is supplied in cases where error would otherwise be difficult to account for. om. indicates an omission. The presentation of the texts, by question number and by the identification of the discipulus (D) and the magister (M), is editorial, being the arrangement adopted by Doris Ruhe, GW. It has been followed here. Five questions which are absent from MS A, but which figure in some or all the remaining witnesses, manuscript or print, are distinguished by the addition of a final –a (70a, 100a, 104a, 123a, and 208a).

106

Samuel K. Workman, Fifteenth-Century Translation as an Influence on English Prose Princeton Studies in English 18, (Princeton : Princeton University Press, 1940), p. 8

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Prolog Quant a parler de noblesse espirituelle, c’est la plus grant noblesse qui soit et que homme puisse avoir, c’est d’avoir tous jours son cor et son affection a son createur et d’acquerir congnoissance de luy et de ses ordonnances, comme pour quoy fit il les anges, l’omme et la femme, mariage, paradis et enfer et ont ilz sont et pour 5 quoy il voulut naistre de la Vierge Marie et que signifient ses faitz et ses euvres et aussi de l’Antecrist et des trespassez et comment on se doit confesser et a qui. Or enquerons doncques de ces choses comme fait le disciple qui demande a son maistre, et le maistre respond a ses demandes comme s’ensuit:

1 D Maistre, quelle chose est Dieu?

10 1 M Mon enfant, c’est une sustance espirituelle en qui est toute dignité et toute

perfection, qui est tout sachant, tout puissant et tous jours durant, sans fin et sans commencement d’autre, et si ne peut estre mesuré et compris d’omme. Et si est bel plus que nulle creature, ne nul ne peut estre saoulé de le veoir, ne sa beauté ne pourroit estre estimee ne sa digne puissance ne peut estre comprise d’aucun entendement tant 15 est grande, et si est plein de toute bonté, pitié et misericorde. 2 D Maistre, peut il estre qu’un seul Dieu? 2 M Mon enfant, nenny; car s’il estoit pluseurs Dieux, chascun seroit tout puissant, et adoncq pourroient il faire choses con-/a.ij.v/traires l’un a l’autre, qui est contre nature divine, si qu’il ne peut estre q’une sustance et une essence divine qui est 20 principale cause efficiente de toutes choses et le souverain bien au quel tout cueur desire parvenir, le quel entendement humain ne peut comprendre ne ymaginer. 3 D Maistre, pour quoy est Dieu appellé pere? 4 M Mon enfant, car l’engendrement appartient princepalement au pere plus que a la

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/A1a/ Here begynneth a lytell treatyse called the Lucydarye [woodcut of þe discyple and þe mayster] /A1b/ As for to speke of noblesse spyrytuall, it is the moost grete noblesse that is and that man may haue. That is, to haue euermore his herte and his affeccyon vnto 5 his creature, to seke knowlege of hym and of his ordenaunces as: wherfore he made the aungelles, þe man, the woman, maryage, paradyse, hell, and where they ben; and wherfore he wolde be borne of the vyrgyn Mary; and the whiche sygnyfyeth his dedes and his werkes. And also of the Antecryst and of the deed bodyes; and how a man sholde confesse hym and to whome. Now enquyre we than of [t]h[e] 10 s[e]1 thynges as the dyscyple2 dothe, the whiche demaundeth of his mayster, and the mayster answerynge vnto his demaundes as it foloweth. /A2a/ Here foloweth a lytel treatyse intytuled or named þe Lucydary, good and profytable for euery well-dysposed persone the whiche hath wyll and affeccyon to knowe of noblesse spyrytuall. 15 [woodcut of the mayster and the discyple] 1 D Master, tel me what thynge is God. 1 M My chylde, he is a thyng spyrytuall in þe whiche is all dygnyte and all perfeccyon, the whiche is knowynge all thynges, allmyghtye and euermore durynge without ende and without begynnynge of another. And also he ne may be mesured ne 20 comprehendid of man inough for to se hym, ne his beautes ne may be noumbred, nor his dygne puyssaunce n[e]3 maye be taken of any maner entendement, so moche is he puyssaunt and grete. And also he is full of all bounte, mercye and grace. 2 D Mayster, may he be moo4 but one onely God? 2 M My chylde, nay. For yf there were many goddes, euery of them sholde be all 25 puyssaunt. And than myght they make thynges contrary conuenable þe one to þe other, the whiche is ayenst nature dyuyne, so þat he ne may be but one substaun[c]e5 and one essence dyuyne, the whiche is pryncypall cause effy- /A2b/ cyent of all thynges. And he is þe soueraygne g[o]od6 vnto the whiche euery herte desyreth to come, the which entendement humayne ne maye comprehende ne imagen. 30 3 D Mayster, wherfore is God called “Father?”

4 M My chylde, for the engendrement apperteyneth pryncypally vnto the father more than 1 2 3 4 5 6

these] his Br, Fo dyscyple] Fo, dyscyples Br ne] Fo, nor Br moo] no moo Br, om. Fo substaunce] Fo, substauntyue Br good] Fo, god Br

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mere, par quoy l’on doit attribuer a Dieu la plus principale partie. 25 5 D Maistre, pour quoy n’appellons nous la seconde persone de la Trinité aussi bien

fille comme filz? 5 M Mon enfant, pour ce que le filz est de plus vigoureuse nature que le fille, et car il print nature humaine en forme d’omme et non pas de femme. 6 D Maistre, pour quoy n’est appellé le Saint Esperit filz du Pere et du Filz, et que le 30 Filz fut appellé mere?

6 M Mon enfant, c’est pour ce qu’il descend aussi principalement de l’un comme de l’autre.

7 D Maistre, ou estoit Dieu avant qu’il fist le monde? 7 M Mon enfant, il n’estoit en nul lieu corporel, car nulle chose estoit fors luy seulement, 35 mais il estoit en soy mesmes: Pere et Filz et Saint Esperit en une mesme essence. 8 D Maistre, ou est il maintenant? 8 M Mon enfant, Dieu ne occupe point de lieu, mais sa puissance infinie est par tout, car il gouverne les choses qui sont en Orient et celles qui sont en Occident et generalement tout le monde. Et pour ce dit ung qu’il est en tous temps et en toutes 40 choses. /a.iij.r/ 9 D Maistre, scet Dieu toutes choses? 9 M Mon enfant, ouy; car ainsi comme il est tout puissant, aussi est il tout sachant et tout voyant. 11 D Maistre, en quelle maniere fit Dieu les anges?

45 11 M Mon enfant, il les fit beaux et reluisans et sans corps et pleins de merveilleuses

bontez et sages pour estre ses especiaulx ministres. 12 D Maistre, comment pecharent les anges que Dieu avoit faitz a sa semblance? 12 M Mon enfant, ilz ne rendirent pas graces a Dieu de la grant grace et souveraine beauté qu’il leur avoit donnee, mais s’enorgueillirent en mescongnossans leur 50 Createur. 14 D Maistre, comment leur en avint il? 14 M Mon enfant, les plus grant maistres d’eux cheurent en enfer et les autres entour nous et les autres en l’air. 15 D Maistre, pour quoy ne descendirent ilz tous ensemble en enfer?

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vnto the mother. Wherefore man sholde graunte vnto God the moost pryncypall partye. 5 D Mayster, wherfore call we not the seconde parsone of the Trynyte as well doughter as sone? 35 5 M My chylde, for as moche as the sone is of more stronge nature, for he toke nature humayne in the fourme of man and not of woman. 6 D Mayster, wherfore is not the Holye Goost called of the sone and the sone were called “mother?” 6 M My chylde, it is for that that he procedeth and dyscendeth also pryncypally of 40 the one as of the other. 7 D Mayster, where was God before that he made the worlde? 7 M My chylde, he was not in noo place corporell, for nothynge was but he all-onely, but he was in hymselfe, Father and Sone and Holy Goost in one selfe essence. 8 D Mayster, where is he now?

45 8 M My chylde, God occupyeth no place, but his puyssaunce infynyte is ouer all, for

he gouerneth þe thynges the whiche ben in the Oryent and those þe whiche ben in the Occydent, and generallye all the worlde. And therefore a man sayth that he is all tyme and all thynges. 9 D Mayster, knoweth God all thynges?

50 9 M My chylde, ye. For in lyke wyse as he is all puyssaunt, also he is all knowynge and

all seynge. 11 D Mayster, in what maner made God the aungelles? 11 M My chylde, he hem made fayre and shynynge, and without body and full of meruayelous bounte and saiges, for to be his specyall mynystres. 55 12 D Mayster, how synned the aun- /A3a/ gels that God had made to his semblaunce?

12 M My chylde, they yelded not graces vnto God of the grete grace and souerayne beaute that he had gyuen them, but enpryded them in mysknowynge of theyr creature.

14 D Master, what came of them? 60 14 M My chylde, the moost greate maysters of them fell into hell and þe other about vs, and the other in the ayre. 15 D Mayster, wherfore dyscended they not all togethers into hell?

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55 15 M Mon enfant, pour ce que les ungz pecharent plus griefvement que les autres;

et aussi il en demoura cy entour nous et en l’air pour esprouver les saintes personnes. 17 D Maistre, pour quoy ne les racheta Jhesu Crist comme les hommes? 17 M Mon enfant, pour ce que les anges sont de plus forte matiere et sans corps, et pecharent de leur propre malice et volenté sans aucune temptacion d’autre. Et 60 aussi car la nature angelique se convertit une fois tant seulement a bien ou a mal, si que quant s’est convertie en l’un ne se peut convertir en /a.iij.v/ l’autre, par quoy ilz n’eussent jamais fait bien; et pour ce furent ilz point rachetez. 18 D Maistre, pour quoy ne les fit il qu’ilz ne peussent pecher? 18 M Mon enfant, affin que par leur merite ilz eussent grace et gloire en paradis. 65 19 D Maistre, quant Dieu savoit bien qu’ilz pecheroyent, pour quoy les fit ilz?

19 M Mon enfant, pour destinter les bons des mauvais, et affin que les bons soyent plus confermés en bonté. Comme le paintre qui seme le noir et d’autres mauvaises coleurs entre les belles pour les faire monstrer plus belles, et en ceste maniere seuffre Dieu les mauvais entre les bons. Et aussi fit Dieu les dyables et enfer pour excequter et 70 pugnir les miserables pecheurs de ce monde; et fit paradis et les anges pour glorifier les bons. 20 D Maistre, savent les dyables toutes choses? 20 M Mon enfant, de tant que leur nature est plus espirituelle que nature d’omme, de tant sont ilz plus subtilz et plus sages, et savent toutes choses passees et presentes. 75 Mais des choses a venir, ilz n’en savent riens se ce n’est par aucunes conjectures, comme du deffault de la lune et de telz semblables. Et aussi des pensees de l’omme ne savent il riens fors Dieu seulement. 21 D Maistre, pevent ilz faire ce qu’ilz veulent? 21 M Mon enfant, ilz ne veulent faire nul bien, mais ilz pevent faire beaucop de mal, 80 non pas tant qu’ilz voudroient, mais ce que Dieu leur seuffre et permet. /a.iv.r/ 22 D Maistre, les bons anges peuvent ilz pecher? 22 M Mon enfant, quant les mauvaiz anges cheurent de paradis par leur peché, les bons furent tellement confermés en bien que depuis n’eurent voulenté de faire mal.

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15 M My chylde, for that that the one[s]7 synned more greuously than the other, so abyde they all aboute vs, and in the ayre for to proue the holy persones. 65 17 D Mayster, wherfore ne redemed them Ihesu Cryste as these men?

17 M My chylde, for that that aungelles ben of more stronge mater and without body, and synned of theyr owne malyce and wyll without ony temptacyon of other. And also for þe nature angelyke sholde conuerte theym one tyme al-onely vnto good or vnto euyll, so that whan it is conuerted into the one, it may [not]8 be conuertyd 70 into the other, by the which they neuer had done well. 18 D Mayster, wherfore ne made he them that they myght not synne? 18 M My chylde, to þe ende that by their meryte they sholde haue grace and glory in paradyse. 19 D Mayster, whan God wyste that they sholde synne, wherfore made he them?

75 19 M My chyld, for to desteny the good frome the euyll, and to thende that the good

be the moore confermed in bounte, as the paynter þe whiche soweth the blacke and of other euyll coloures amonge them that be fayre for to make them shewe the more fayre; and in this suffreth God the euyll amonge the good. And also God maketh the deuylles and hell for to execute and to punysshe the cursed and myserable synners of 80 this worlde; and he made paradyse and the aungelles for to gloryfye the good. /A3b/ 20 D Mayster, knoweth the deuylles all thynges? 20 M My chylde, of as moche as theyr nature is more spyrytuall than the nature of man, of as moche ben they the more subtyles and more sages, and knowen all thynges paste and present. But of thynges to come they know nothynge without it be by some 85 coniectures as in defaulte of the moone, and of suche semblables. But of thoughtes of the man they know nothynge, but God all-onely. 21 D Mayster, may they do what they wyll? 21 M My chylde, they wyll not do no good, but they maye do moche yll, and not so moche as they wolde but that that God theym suffreth [and]9 lycenceth to do. 90 22 D Mayster, the good aungelles, may they synne?

22 M My chylde, whan the yll aungelles fell from paradyse by theyr synne, the good were in suche wyse confermed in good that sethen they haue wylled to doo none euyll.

7 8 9

ones] one Br not] om. Br and] om. Br

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23 D Maistre, savent ilz toutes choses et pevent ilz tout?

85 23 M Mon enfant, ilz savent toutes choses, comme je t’ay tantost dit des mauvais

anges, et font ce qu’ilz veulent au vouloir et commandement de Dieu, car contre le vouloir de Dieu ilz ne pevent riens. 24 D Maistre, pour quoy fit Dieu homme et femme? 24 M Mon enfant, pour le congnoistre et aimer et pour en remplir paradis et pour 90 les mettre es lieux des mauvaiz anges en paradis, le quel ilz ont perdu par leur orgueil et mescongnosance. 25 D Maistre, de quoy fit Dieu l’omme et la femme? 25 M Mon enfant, ilz les fit du lymon de la terre. Et saches que le corps humain est de quatre elemens qui sont la terre, l’eau, l’air et le feu, si que le chair respond a la terre, 95 le sang a l’eau, le souffle a l’air et la chaleur naturelle au feu. Et saches aussi, mon enfant, que l’omme est fait a la semblance du monde, car comme le ciel a deux grans luminaires qui sont le soleil et la lune, aussi l’omme a deux luminaires en la teste qui sont ses deux yeulx. Et comme au ciel a sept planetes, aussi a l’omme sept pertuiz en la teste. Et come la mer reçoit en soy toutes choses, aussi le 100 ventre reçoit en soy toutes choses necessaires a la vie de l’omme. /a.iv.v/ Et a la durté des pierres respondent les os et les ungles, et aux arbres respondent les membres du corps, et aux herbes les cheveulx. Saches aussi, mon enfant, que le corps de l’omme n’est autre chose q’un arbre renversé ayant les racines contremont, si que les cheveulx sont les racines et le corps est le tronc et les bras et les jambes sont les branches, la 105 quelle chose signifie que nous devons estre enracinés contremont au ciel en l’amour de Dieu nostre Createur.

26 D Maistre, pour quoy fut faite la femme de la coste d’Adam plutost que d’autre partie? 26 M Mon enfant, se la femme fut faite de la plus haulte partie de l’omme, elle en 110 eust esté trop orguilleuse et en eust mesprisé l’omme, et s’elle eust esté faite de la plus basse, l’omme l’eust trop mesprisee, par quoy elle fut formee du mylieu, affin que l’omme la tint pour sa compaigne.

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23 D Mayster, knowe they all thynges and mayen they all?

95 23 M My chylde, they knowe as I tolde the ryght nowe of the cursyd aungelles, and

do that that they wyll at the wyll and commaundement of God, for ayenst þe wyll of God they may do nothynge. [woodcut of þe discyple and þe mayster] 24 D Mayster, wherfore dydde God make men and women?

100 24 M My chylde, for to knowe hym and to loue hym and for to fulfyll paradys, and

for to put theym in the places of10 the cursed aungelles in paradyse, the whiche they haue lost /A4a/ by theyr pryde and mysknowlege. 25 D Mayster, wherof made God the man and the woman? 25 M My chylde, he made them of the slyme of the erthe. And knowe thou that the 105 body humayne is of the foure elementes, þe which ben the erthe, the water, the ayre, and the fyre, so þat the flesshe answereth vnto erthe, the blode vnto the water, the wynde the ayre, and þe heete naturall vnto the fyre. And knowe thou also, my chylde, that the man is made vnto the semblaunce of the worlde. For as the skye hath two grete lyghtes, the whiche ben þe sonne and the 110 moone, also the man hath two lyghtis in his heed, the whiche ben the two eyen. And as the skaye hath vij planettes, in lyke wyse hath þe man vij partycyons in his heed. And as the see receyueth in it all thynges, in lyke wyse the wombe of þe man receyueth in hit all thynges necessary vnto the lyfe of man. And the hardenesse of the stones answereth vnto the bones and vnto the nayles. And vnto the trees answereth 115 the membres of his bodye; and vnto the grasse the heres. Knowe thou, my chylde, that the bodye of the man is none other thynge but a tree ouerthrowen, hauynge þe rotes vpwarde so that þe heeres ben the rotes and the body is the stocke, and the armes and the legges ben the braunches. The whiche thynge sygnyfyeth that we sholde be enroted vpwarde into heuen in þe loue of [God]11 our creature. 120 26 D Mayster, wherfore was the woman made of the syde of Adam more soner than

of ony other partye? 26 M My chylde, yf the woman had be made of the hyghest party of the man, she had ben to proude and sholde haue mystaken the man. And yf she had ben made of the moost lowest partye of the man, the man sholde haue to moche dyspray- /A4b/ sed 125 her. Wherfore she was fourmed of the myddle to thende that þe man her helde for his company.

10 11

of ] of theym in the places of Br God] om. Br

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27 D Maistre, de quoy fit Dieu l’ame de l’omme et de la femme? 27 M Mon enfant, il la crea a sa semblance, car l’ame si est une sustance spirituelle 115 ayant entendement, voulenté et remembrance. 28 D Maistre, fit Dieu l’omme et la femme de ses propres mains? 28M Mon enfant, il les fit tant seulement de son commandement. 29 D Maistre, pour quoy fit Dieu l’omme de si vile matiere? 29 M Mon enfant, affin qu’il en soit plus humble, et affin que le dyable soit plus 120 confus voyant l’omme, qui est fait de si vile matiere, estre en son lieu en paradis dont il est cheu par son orgueil. 30 D Maistre, pour quoy fit Dieu les bestes? /a.v.r/ 30 M Mon enfant, Dieu a fait les bonnes bestes, affin que l’omme s’en aidast a son besoing. 125 (31 M) Et a fait les mauvaises et meschantes bestes pour abbatre l’orgueil de l’omme,

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car quant elles nuissent a l’omme, il peut bien penser que c’est peu de chose que de luy quant il ne leur peut resister. Aussi sont faites pluseurs bestes pour nous donner bon exemple de vivre, comme sont les formis et yraignies qui continuellement travaillent en leurs operacions, a l’exemple des quelles nous devons tous jours travailler. Et saches, mon enfant, qu’il n’est aucune beste qui n’aist en soy aucune merveilleuse nature, dont nous en devons louer le maistre de nature. Et si devons prendre exemple a leurs bonnes condicions, comme dit la Sainte Escripture qui dit ainsi: Respicite volatilia celi, et cetera, c’est a dire: Regardes les oyseaulx du ciel qui sont pourveuz de la pourveance de Dieu et n’ont pas paour que Dieu leur faille, mais vivent tous jours en bonne esperance en louant Dieu et en demandant la misericorde, a quoy nous devons prendre exemple; et par raison nous le devons plutost faire que les bestes qui n’ont sens ne entendement, veu les grans graces que Dieu nous a faittes, qui sommes faitz a sa semblance et rachetés de son precieux sang, qu’il nous donne tant de biens en ce monde, tellement que toutes les bestes, plantes, arbres, herbes, terre et mer, planetes et estoiles et toutes autres choses sont fai-/a.v.v/tes pour servir a l’omme et a son prouffit et utilité; et encor nous a il apresté le royaume de paradis, si voulons, du quel la moindre joye surmonte toutes les joyes de cestuy monde. Par quoy, mon enfant, l’omme est bien a blasmer qui mescongnoit son Createur qui tant de graces luy a faites, veu que les bestes qui n’ont sens ne entendement, le louent et mercient en demandant piteusement se tres digne misericorde. 32 D Maistre, ou fut Adam creé?

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27 D Mayster, wherof made God the soule of the man and of þe woman? 27 M My chylde, he it create vnto his semblaunce, for the soule is also a substaunce spyrytuall, hauynge entendement, wyll and remembraunce. 130 28 D Mayster, made God the man and the woman with his owne handes?

28 M My chylde, he them made all-onely at his worde and commaundement.

29 D Mayster, wherfore made God the man of so vyle mater? 29 M My chylde, to the ende þat he were the more humble and to thende that the deuyll be the more confusyd, seynge the man made of so vyle mater to be in paradyse 135 from whens he is fallen by his pryde. 30 D Mayster, wherfore made God the bestes? 30 M My chylde, God hathe made the good beestes to thende that man be helped at his nede. (31 M) and hathe made the cursed and myscheuous for to abate the pryde of the 140 man, for whan they noyen hym, he maye well thynke that he is a lytell thynge as of

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hymselfe whan he may not resyst them. Also, there be made many bestes for to gyue vs exaumple to lyue, as these antes or pysmares and spyders, the whiche contynuallye trauayleth in theyr operacyons, vnto the exaumple of whom we sholde euermore trauayle. And knowe that there is not any beest but that hath in him some marueylous nature whereof we sholde prayse God. And also we sholde take exaumple vnto theyr good condycyons, as sayth þe holy scrypture that sayth thus: “Respice volatilia celi,” et cetera. That is to saye, “Beholde the byrdes of the skye,” the whiche ben purueyed of the purueyaunce of God, and haue no drede that God them shall euer fayle, but lyue euermore in good hope in / A5a/ synge God and in demaundynge of his mercye, whome we sholde take exaumple. And by reason, we sholde do hyt more soner than the beestes that ne haue witte ne vnderstandynge, seynge the grete graces that God vnto vs hath done, the whiche ben made vnto his semblaunce and redemed with his precyous blode; and the whiche gyueth vnto vs soo moche of good in this worlde, in suche wyse þat all the beestes, plantes, trees, herbes, lande and see, planettes and starres, and all other thynges ben made for to serue vnto the man vnto his prouffyte and vtylyte. And yet he hathe lente vs the realme of paradyse yf we wyll, of the whiche þe leest glorye surmounteth all the ioyes of this worlde. By the whiche, my chylde, the man is wele to blame the whyche mysknoweth his creature, þe whiche so moche of grace to hym hath done, seynge that the beestes, the whiche ne haue wytte ne vnderstandynge, hym loue and thanke in demaundynge pyteously his ryght dygne mercy. 32 D Mayster, where was Adam create?

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32 M Mon enfant, il fut creé en Ebron et puis fut pousé en paradis terrestre. 150 33 D Maistre, quelle chose est paradis terrestre et ou est il?

33 M Mon enfant, c’est ung lieu delectable en Orient, oultre les montaignes d’Egypte, au quel sont les arbres de diverses vertus; et de telz en y a que qui en mangeroit, jamais fain n’auroit, et d’autres que jamais las ne seroit, et d’autres que jamais par nature ne mourroit. 34 D Maistre, ou fut la femme creé?

155 34 M Mon enfant, elle fut creé dans paradis terrestre. Mais l’omme fut creé dehors

pour le mettre dedans en possession de paradis terrestre. 35 D Maistre, pour quoy pecharent l’omme et la femme? 35 M Mon enfant, par la decepcion du dyable, et par leur oultrecuidance passarent le commandement de Dieu. 160 36 D Maistre, pour quoy les deceut le dyable?

36 M Mon enfant, par envie; car il estoit doulant de ce qu’ilz devoyent obtenir son lieu en paradis le quel il avoit perdu par son orgueil. /a.vj.r/

37 D Maistre, en quelle forme les tempta l’ennemy? 37 M Mon enfant, le dyable s’apparut a eulx en forme de serpent leur disant que s’ilz 165 mangeoyent de ce fruit, qu’ilz sauroyent autant comme Dieu. 39 D Maistre, pour quoy ne crea Dieu des hommes confermez en grace comme des anges? 39 M Mon enfant, Dieu vouloit que l’omme fust semblable a luy, et comme toutes choses dependent de luy, ainsi voloit il que tous nasquissent d’Adam. 40 D Maistre, que ne les fit il qu’ilz ne peussent pecher? 170 40 M Mon enfant, affin qu’ilz eussent plus de merite. 41 D Maistre, comment eussent ilz engendré en paradis terrestre? 41 M Mon enfant, comme se tu mettoies l’une de tes mains dans l’autre, sans aucune delectacion. 42 D Maistre, comment eussent enfanté les femmes?

175 42 M Mon enfant, sans doleur et sans ordure.

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32 M My chylde, he was create in Ebron, and after was put into paradyse terrester. 33 D Mayster, what thynge is12 paradyse terrester, and where is it?

165 33 M My chylde, it is a place delectable in the Oryont, ouer þe mountaynes of Egypt,

wherin ben trees of dyuerse vertues, and of suche there are that whoso eteth of them, he shall neuer haue hunger, and of other by nature shall neuer dye. 34 D Mayster, where was the woman created? 34 M My chylde, she was created in paradyse terrestre, but the man was create 170 without for [to]13 be put within in possessyon. 35 D Mayster, wherfore synned the man and the woman? 35 M My chylde, by the decepcyon of the deuyl and by theyr folysshe thynkynge trespassed /A5b/ the commaundement of God. 36 D Mayster, wher deceyued the deuyll them?

175 36 M My chylde, by enuy, for was full of sorowe of that that they sholde obtayne

his place in paradyse, þe whiche he had lost by his pryde. 37 D Mayster, in what fourme tempted the ennemy theym? 37 M My chylde, the deuyll appered vnto them in the fourme of serpent, tellynge them that yf they ete of that fruyte they sholde knowe as moche as God. 180 39 D Mayster, wherfore ne created God the men confermed in grace as the aungelles?

39 M My chylde, God wolde that the men were semblable vnto hym, as all thynges to take of hym; God wolde that all were borne of Adam. 40 D Mayster, why had he not made them that they myght not haue synned? 40 M My chylde, to the ende that they had the more of meryte.

185 41 D Mayster, howe had they engendred in paradyse terrestre?

41 M My chyld, as thou sholdest put thyne one hande within thyn other without any delectacyon. 42 D Mayster, how had these women chylded? 42 M My chylde, without any doloure and without ordure.

12 13

is] is in Br, Fo to] om. Br, Fo

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43 D Maistre, combien eussent il esté en paradis terrestre? 43 M Mon enfant, comme une generacion trespasse aprés l’autre. 44 D Maistre, ou est le paradis celeste? 44 M Mon enfant, il est au dixiesme ciel qui est pardessus tous les autres cieulx. Et 180 est appellé le ciel imperial pour ce qu’il est plus cler et plus suttil en sustance et plus bel que tous les autres, au quel sont les saintz et saintez, anges et archanges de paradis embrasez de l’amour de Nostre Seigneur. 45 D Maistre, pour quoy fit Dieu homme et femme quant il savoit bien qu’ilz trespasseroyent son commandement? /a.vj.v/ 185 45 M Mon enfant, ce fut son bon plaisir de ce faire pour monstrer son infinie puissance, et affin qu’il en fust loué, servi et honnouré, car toutes choses louent Dieu en leur estre, et aussi car il savoit bien qu’il seroient encores pluseurs personnes qui seroient de plus grant merite et sainteté que s’ilz n’eussent peu pecher, comme est Jhesu Crist et sa glorieuse Mere et saint Jehan Baptiste et pluseurs autres. Car comme 190 tesmoigne l’Escripture, bieneureux est celluy qui peut mal faire et ne fait pas puis qu’il peut. 46 D Maistre, combien demourarent Adam et Eve en paradis terrestre? 46 M Mon enfant, depuis le matin jusques a heure de nonne, car a tierce, Adam mist le nom es choses, et entour mydi, ilz pecharent, et a nonne, ilz furent banniz, et a telle 195 heure mourut Jhesu Crist. 47 D Maistre, en quel lieu alla Adam quant il fut mis hors de paradis terrestre? 47 M Mon enfant, il s’en alla en Ebron, ont il fut creé. Et la engendra filz et filles dont nous sommes tous venus, ou il ploura long temps son filz Abel que Caym tua par envie. 200 48 D Maistre, puis que le diable tempta Adam et Eve, pour quoy en furent ilz si

griefvement pugniz? 48 M Mon enfant, pour ce qu’ilz mespriserent le commandement de Dieu, pour obtemperer aux persuasions de l’ennemy, et qu’ilz ne se tenoyent pas contens de Dieu qui tant de graces leur avoit faites; par quoy ilz pecharent en trois manieres, c’est 205 assavoir en orgueil quant ilz /a.vij.r/ mesprisarent le commandement de Dieu, et en avarice quant ilz n’estoyent pas contens de ce que Dieu leur avoit donné, et en le peché de gueule en mangeant le fruit le quel Dieu leur avoit defendu.

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190 43 D Mayster, how [long]14 had they be in paradyse terrestre?

43 M My chylde, as a generacyon gone one after the other.

44 D Mayster, where is paradyse celestyall? 44 M My chylde, it is in the tenth heuen the whiche is aboue all the other heuens. And is clepyd the heun imperyall for as moche as it is more clere and more subtyll 195 in substaunce and more fayre than all þe other, in the whiche ben the holy men and women of paradys enbraced with the loue of our Lorde. 45 D Mayster, wherfore made God man and woman whan he knewe well that they sholde trespace his commaundement? 45 M My chyld, it was for his pleasure so to do, for to shewe his infynyte myght, and 200 vnto the ende þat he were praysed, ser-15 /A6a/ [ued] and honoured, for all thynges loue God in theyr benge, and also for [he]16 knewe well þat there shall be yet many persones of more gretter meryte and holynes, as if they had not lytell synned, as saynt Iohan Baptyst and þe apostles and dyscyples of our Lorde and many other; for, as wytnessyth þe scripture: “Ryght happy is he that may do yll and dothe it not 205 whan he maye.” 46 D Mayster, how longe abode Adam and Eue in paradys terrestre? 46 M My chylde, frome the mornynge tyll vnto þe houre of noone, for at the iij houre Adam put the names in þe thynges, and about mydday they synned; and at none they were anysshed. And at suche houre dyed Ihesu Cryste. 210 47 D Maister, into what place yede Adam whan he was put out of paradys terrestre?

47 M My chylde, he yode into Ebr where he was create; and there engendred he sones and doughters wherof we ben all comen, where he wept longe tyme his sone Abell that Cayn kylled by enuye. 48 D Mayster, syth þat the deuyl tempted Adam and Eue, why were they so greuosly

215 punisshed?

48 M My chylde, for that þat they mystoke þe commaundement of God for to obey to the persuacyons of þe deuyll, and that they ne helde theym contente with God that so moche of grace vnto them had gyuen. By the whiche they synned in iij maners, that is to vnderstande: in pryde, whan they mystoke þe commaundement of God; 220 and in couetyse, whan they were not contente of þat that God vnto them had gyuen; and in the synne of the mouthe, in etynge the fruyte that God them had defended.

14 15 16

long] om. Br, Fo serued] Fo, ser//pray Br he] they Fo, Br

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49 D Maistre, quant il s’en repentit et en fit grant penitence, pour quoy ne fut il restably aprés sa mort en son premier estat? 210 49 M Mon enfant, pour ce que la penitence n’estoit pas suffisante a la reparacion de tout ceulx qu’il avoit privez de paradis par son peché, par quoy fut necessaire que la seconde persone de la Trinité, qui est le benoist Filz de Dieu, fist la reparacion pour luy. Et combien que Dieu soit misericors, toutesfoys est il droiturier et raisonnable. 215 50 D Maistre, pour quoy n’envoya Dieu ung ange pour racheter l’umain lignage?

50 M Mon enfant, pour ce que, se l’ange eust racheté l’omme, il eust esté sugget a l’ange, et Dieu avoit fait l’omme pour estre en l’estat des anges. Et aussi estoit chose convenable, puis que l’omme avoit fait le peché, que l’omme le reparast. Et aussi, mon enfant, tu dois savoir et entendre que le benoist Filz de Dieu en propre 220 personne volut reparer la faulte et peché de l’omme et en porter la penitence et souffrir mort et Passion tres douleureusement pour luy et soy humilier de prendre nostre fragilité et nature au ventre virginal pour demonstrer la grant affection et ardant amour qu’il a envers nous qui sommes faitz a sa samblance.

51 D Maistre, pour quoy ne fit Dieu q’ung ange prist nature humaine?

225 51 M Mon enfant, pour les causes que /a.vij.v/ je t’ay maintenant dittes et aussi car

nul ange ne autre creature n’avoyent puissance d’ouvrir paradis, qui estoit cloux a l’omme par son delit, fors Dieu tant seulement. Par quoy fut necessaire que le benoist Filz de Dieu fut trammis ca bas pour racheter nature humaine et pour luy ouvrir paradis. Et saches qu’il eut en soy deux natures, c’est assavoir nature divine, car il fut 230 et est vray Dieu, et nature humaine, car il fut et est vray homme. Et pour ce vainquit il le dyable qui avoit vaincu l’omme, et ouvrit paradis, et fut de la lignee d’Adam et fit pour luy penitence. 52 D Maistre, pour quoy ne print le Pere et le Saint Esperit nature humaine aussi bien que le Filz? 235 52 M Mon enfant, pour ce que le Filz est la samblance du Pere et attraist a luy toutes choses, par quoy fut chose convenable que le Filz tant seulement attraist a soy l’omme pour l’attraire a son Pere lassus en paradis.

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49 D Mayster, whan þat he repented hym and also dyd grete penaunce, wherfore was he not restablysshed after his dethe in his fyrst estate? 49 M My chylde, for as moche as þe penaunce was not suffycyent to the reparacyon 225 of all those þat /A6b/ he had put from paradyse by his synne, [wherefore]17 was necessarye that the seconde persone in Trynyte, whiche is the blessyd Sone of God, made the reparacyon for hym. And how be it that the blessyd God is euer more mercyfull, he is ryghtwyse and reasonable. 50 D Mayster, wherfore sente not God an aungell for to bye humayne lynage?

230 50 M My chylde, for as moche that yf the aungell had redemyd the man, he had ben

subiecte vnto the aungell, and God hath made the man to be in the state of aungells. And also it was conuenable sythe the man hadde done the synne that the man hym repayred. And also, my chylde, thou sholdest knowe and vnderstande that the blessyd Sone of 235 God in propre persone wolde repayre the [faute]18 and synne of man, and to bere the penaunce and to suffre dethe and passyon ryght dolorous for hym, and to humble hym to take our fragylyte and nature in the wombe vyrgynall for to shewe the grete affeccyon and the greate loue þat he hath towarde vs, the whiche he made vnto his semblaunce. 240 51 D Mayster, wherfore ne made God that an aungell toke nature humayne?

51 M My chylde, for theyse causes that I haue now telled the, and also for none aungell ne other creature ne had puyssaunce to open paradyse but God all-onely; and it was close vnto þe man by his trespace. Wherfore it was of necessyte that the Sonne of God were sente downe here alowe for to redeme nature humayne and for 245 to open hym paradyse. And knowe thou that he hadde in hym two natures, that is to vnderstande: nature dyuyne, for he was and is very God; and nature humayne, for he was and is very man. And for as moche vaynquysshed he the deuyll, the whiche had vaynquysshed the man and ope- /B1a/ ned paradys, and was of the lygne of Adam and dyd for hym penaunce. 250 52 D Mayster, wherfore ne toke the Fader and the Holy Goost nature humayne as

well as þe Sone? 52 M My chylde, for that þat the Sone is the semblaunce of the Fader and graunteth vnto hym all thynges, by the whiche it was a thynge conuenable þat the Sone allonely drewe vnto hym the man for to drawe hym vnto his Fader aboue in paradyse. 255 [Woodcut of þe discyple and þe mayster]

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wherefore] Fo, wherefoore Br faute] helthe Br, Fo

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53 D Maistre, pour quoy volut Dieu naistre de la Virge Marie? 53 M Mon enfant, Dieu fit l’omme en quatre manieres: la premiere fut sans homme 240 et sans femme comme Adam, la seconde fut d’omme sans femme comme Eve, la tierce fut d’omme et de femme, comme nous sommes. Or restoit a faire la quarte maniere qui est de femme sans homme, comme est Jesu Crist. Et l’autre raison si est, car ainsi que la mort vint en terre par la femme qui fut Eve, aussi la vie vint en terre par la femme, c’est la glorieuse Vier-/a.viij.r/ge Marie, la quelle nous apporta le fruit 245 de vie eternelle. 54 D Maistre, comment l’enfanta elle? 54 M Mon enfant, elle l’enfanta sans peine et sans doleur, et demoura entiere et vierge, pure et nette de toute macule, devant l’enfantement, a l’enfantement et aprés l’enfantement, comme le verre par le quel le soleil passe sans y faire aucune ouverture. 250 (55 M) Mais pour ce que Dieu volut tenir l’ordre de nature, il demoura neuf moys au

ventre virginal et ne chemina pas incontinent qu’il fut né. 56 D Maistre, a quelle heure nasquit il? 56 M Mon enfant, il nasquit a mynuit. (57 M) Et a celle heure s’apparut une estoile moult clere et belle a merveilles; et 255 le soleil fut bel comme l’or; et paix et union estoit par tout le monde si que tout le

monde obeissoit a ung seul prince qui estoit nommé Cesar; et a celle heure les bestes mues parlarent et les ydoles des Sarrasins et payans trebucherent en terre. 58 D Maistre, pour quoy print il les dons des trois roys? 58 M Mon enfant, car en prenant l’or, il monstra qu’il estoit roy tout puissant, et 260 par l’encens qu’il estoit vray Dieu, et par la mirre qu’il estoit vray homme. Et le roy qui portoit l’or s’appelloit Balthesar, et Gaspar portoit la mirre, et Melchion portoit l’encens. 59 D Maistre, en quantes manieres nous sont nous pechés pardonnés? 59 M Mon enfant, ilz nous sont pardonnés en cinq manieres: /a.viij.v/ premierement 265 par les sacremens de sainte Eglise qui sont sept, c’est assavoir: baptesme, confirmacion, confession, l’ordre de prestrise, le sacrement de l’autel, le sacrament de mariage et l’enhuylement; mais baptesme est le premier et celluy qui plus nestement efface

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53 D Mayster, wherefore wolde God be borne of þe vyrgyn Mary? 53 M My chylde, God made the man in foure maners. The fyrste was without man and without woman, as Adam; the ij was of a man without woman, as Eue; the iij was of the man and of þe woman, as we ben. Now was to make the iiij maner the which is 260 of the woman [without]19 man, as is Ihesu Cryst. And the other reason is suche, for lyke wyse as the dethe come in erthe by þe woman, the whiche was Eue, also þe lyfe came into the erthe by the woman, that is to knowe, the blessyd vyrgyn Mary, the whiche vs hath borne the frute of lyfe eternall. 54 D Mayster, how chylded she?

265 54 M My chylde, she chylded without payne and without dolour and abode entyer

vyrgyn, and pure and clene from all spotte before the chyldynge, at the chyldynge, and a[f ]ter20 the chyldyn- /B1b/ ge, as the glasse thorowe the whiche þe sonne passeth without makynge therin any openynge. (55 M): But for as moche as God wolde holde the ordre of nature, he abode nyne 270 monethes in the wombe vyrgynal, and he walked not incontynent that he was borne.

56 D Mayster, at what houre was he borne? 56 M My chylde, he was borne at mydnyghte. (57 M) And at that houre appered in the skye a starre moche fayre and clere that it was marueylous to beholde. The sonne was fayre as þe golde, and peace and vnyte was 275 thoroweoute the worlde, and obeyed vnto one onely prynce the which was named Cesar. And at that houre the dombe beestes spake, and idolles of the Saraȝyns and paynyms fell to the erthe. 58 D Mayster, wherefore toke he the gyftes of the thre kynges? 58 M My chylde, for in takynge the golde he shewed þat he was kynge almyghty;21 280 and by the ensence þat he was wery God; and by the myrre, very man. And the kynge the whiche bare the golde was called Balthasar; and Iasper bare the myrre; and Melchyor bare þe ensence. 59 D Mayster, in howe many maners ben our synnes pardoned? 59 M My chylde, they ben pardoned vs in v maners. First, by the sacramen[t]es22 of 285 Holy Chyrch, þe whiche ben vij, that is to knowe: baptym, confyrmacyon, confessyon, the order of preesthode, the sacrament of the auter, the sacrament of mariage, and the 19 20 21 22

without] Fo, which is Br after] Fo, alter Br almyghty] Fo, almyghtly Br sacramentes] Fo, sacramences Br

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les pechés, et après baptesme, confirmacion et confession sont les plus necessaires. Secondement nous pechés nous sont pardonnés par aumosnes, tiercement par 270 oroisons et par jeunes, quartement par pardonner a nous ennemis et quintement par charité. 60 D Maistre, sont tous pechés pardonnés par baptesme? 60 M Mon enfant, ouy; car par baptesme nous sommes hommes a Jesu Crist en luy faisant cest omage et sommes delivrés de la servitude de peché. 275 61 D Maistre, pour quoy sont baptisés ceulx qui naissent de ceulx qui sont baptisez,

et mesmement les enfans qui n’ont riens offendu? 61 M Mon enfant, se aucune paste estoit corrumpue de venin, tout le pain qui en seroit fait, serait venineux et corrumpu. Et pour ce que nous premiers parens furent corrumpus par peché, eulx et toute leur lignee furent bannis de paradis terrestre, et 280 leur fut close la porte du paradis celeste, la quelle ne peut estre ouverte a l’omme s’il n’est premierement baptisé, comme tesmoigne le Saint Evangile. Et combien que le pere et la mere soyent baptisés, ce ne suffist pas a l’enfant pour estre baptisé. Car quant ung homme se baptise, nature commune ne se /b.i.r/ baptise pas, mais seulement la personne particuliere, par quoy est de necessité que nous soyons 285 tous baptisés en particulier. 62 D Maistre, pour quoy ne Dieu fit que tous fussent baptisés pour estre sauvés? 62 M Mon enfant, il ne tient pas a Dieu que tous ne soyent baptisés, car il a donné a chascun liberal arbitre de ce faire; et aussi baptesme se doit faire de franche volenté 290 et sans contrainte, par quoy se Dieu contraignoit l’omme a estre baptisé, l’omme n’auroit pas son liberal arbitre, et ainsi le baptesme n’auroit point de merite. 66 D Maistre, pour quoy n’espouse l’on maintenant ses cousines comme l’on faisoit en l’ancienne loy? 66 M Mon enfant, c’est pour accroistre amour et charité entre les estrangiers, car 295 ceulx qui sont d’un sang et d’une lignee naturellement s’entraiment assés plus que les autres, par quoy fault metre amour et charité ou elle n’est pas. Et l’autre raison si est, car les enfans auroyent deux proximitez ensemble, comme d’estre filz et nepveu, par quoy pour honnesteté a esté ordonné de faire mariage entre les estranges. Mais a l’ancien temps, on espousoit les femmes du lignage pour multiplier et acroistre le 300 monde.

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vnccyon. But baptym is the fyrst, and that the whiche moost clenly putteth oute the synnes. And after baptym, confyrmacyon and confessyon ben the moost necessaryes. Secondly, our synnes vnto vs ben pardoned by almesdede; thyrdely, by orysonȝ and 290 by fastynges; fourthlye, by pardonynge vnto oure enmyes, and fyfthely by charyte. 60 D Mayster, ben all our syn- /B2a/ nes pardoned by baptym? 60 M My chylde, ye. For by baptym we ben as men vnto Iesu Cryste in doynge hym this homa[g]e,23 and we ben delyuered from þe seruytude of synne. 61 D Mayster, wherfore ben they baptysed the whiche ben borne of them þat ben 295 baptysed, and also þe chyldren the whiche haue nothynge offendyd?

61 M My chylde, if any paast were corrupte with venym, all the breed þe whiche of it sholde be made shold be venymous and corrupte. And for as moche as our forefathers were corrupte by synne, they and all theyr lygnee were banysshed out of paradys terrestre, and vnto theym [was]24 shytte the gate of paradyse celestyall, the 300 whiche ne may be opened vnto the man yf he be not first baptysed, as wytnessyth the holy scrypture. And how be it þat the father and the mother ben baptysed, þat suffyseth not vnto the chylde for to be baptysed. For whan a man him baptyseth nature comune ne baptyse[th]25 hym but all-onely the persone pertyculer. Wherfore it is of necessyte 305 that we ben all baptysed in pertyculer. 62 D Master, wherefore ne named God that all were baptysed to be saued? 62 M My chylde, hit is not the de[f ]aute26 of God that all ne byn baptysed, for he hath gyuen vnto euery man and woman lyberall arbytre and fre wyll þat to do. Also baptyme sholde be made of free wyll and without constraynt, for yf God constrayned 310 the man to be baptysed, he had not his lyberall arbytre, and so all his baptyme had no meryte. 66 D Mayster, wherefore espouseth not man now his cosynes as in the auncyent lawe? 66 M My chylde, hit is for to encreace amyte and loue betwene straungers, for those the whiche ben of blode loueth eche other inoughe more than these other. Wherfore, 315 it behoueth for to put loue and charyte /B2b/ where it is not. And the other reason is suche: for the chyldren had two proximitis togyders, as to be sone and neuew, wherfore for honeste it was ordeyned to make maryage betwene estraungers. But in the Olde Lawe men espoused the women of lygnage, and it was for to multyplye and to encrease þe worlde.

23 24 25 26

homage] Fo, homade Br was] were Br, Fo baptyseth] Fo, baptysed Br defaute] Fo, deuaute Br

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LE LUCIDAIRE

69 D Maistre, pour quoy fut Jhesu Crist baptisé? 69 M Mon enfant, il fut circoncis et baptisé pour ce qu’il acomplist l’ancienne loy et commencast la nouvelle, et pour monstrer sa grant humilité en nous donnant exemple que nous devons tous estre regenerez par baptesme. 305 70 D Maistre, pour quoy est batesme en eau?

70 M Mon enfant, car l’eau est contraire au /b.i.v/ feu, et le peché est en feu, par quoy, pour estaindre le dit feu de peché, nous sommes baptisés en eau. Et ainsi comme l’eau lave toutes ordures, aussi le baptesme lave tous pechez. Et l’establit Dieu en eau pour ce qu’elle est commune par tout le monde, affin qu’on trouvast plus facilement 310 la matiere du dit sacrement, et affin que nul ne s’en peust excuser disant qu’il ne trouvast pas de quoy il se fist baptiser ou qu’il n’en povoit pas avoir. 70a D Maistre, quelles parolles doit on dire au baptesme? 70a M Mon enfant, on doit dire ainsi: ‘Je te baptise au nom du Pere et du Filz et du Saint Esperit. Amen’, en mettant troys fois de l’eau sur la teste de celluy que l’on 315 baptise. Et se pevent dire en tous languages, mais que ce soit en bonne creance et en bonne entencion. Et autres parolles ne sont de la necessité du dit sacrement de baptesme. 74 D Maistre, fut ce chose raisonnable que Dieu le Pere donnast si noble chose comme est son Filz pour racheter si chetive chose comme l’omme? 320 74 M Mon enfant, en ce nous monstre Dieu le Pere la grant amour qu’il a envers son humaine creature. 75 D Maistre, puis que Dieu avoit trammis ca bas son Filz par si grant charité et pour racheter les humains, pour quoy luy firent les humains tant de peine? 75 M Mon enfant, Judas le trahit par avarice, et Pylate le condemna pour peur de 325 perdre son office, et les Juifz le mirent a mort par envie. 76 D Maistre, pour quoy mourut Jhesu Crist a l’arbre de la croix? 76 M Mon enfant, car come Adam pecha par l’arbre de /b.ij.r/ vie, aussi Dieu le voulut racheter par l’arbre de la croix. Et dois savoir, mon enfant, que par les quatre parties de la croix qui monstrent tout le monde nous est remonstré que la mort de 330 Jhesu Crist estoit suffisante pour racheter non pas tant seulement nature humaine, mais aussi tout le universel monde s’il eust esté perdu.

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320 69 D Mayster, wherfore was Ihesu Cryste baptysed?

69 M My chylde, he was circumsyȝed for to accomplysshe the Olde Lawe, and baptyȝed for to begyn the New Lawe, and for to shewe his grete humylyte in gyuynge vs example that we all sholde be regenerate by baptym. 70 D Mayster, wherfore is baptym in water?

325 70 M My chylde, for that water is contrary vnto fyre; wherfore for to quenche the

sayd fyre of synne we ben baptysed in water. And in lyke wyse as the water wassheth all ordures and fylthes, also the baptym wassheth all synnes. And God theym establysshed in water for as moche as the water is comune ouer all the worlde, to the ende þat a man fynde the soner [m]ater27 of þe sayd sacrament, to þe ende þat none 330 ne may excuse hym that he ne coude fynde wherof that he myght make hym to be baptysed or that he [ne]28 myght haue. 70a D Mayster, what worde ought a man to speke in baptym? 70a M My chylde, a man oughte to saye thus: “I baptyse the in the name of the Father and of the Sone and of the Holy Goost, Amen,” in puttynge thre tymes of water vpon 335 þe heed of hym that a man baptyseth. And so may they say in all languages so that it be in good beleue and in good intencyon. And other wordes29 ne ben of the necessyte of the sayd sacrament of baptym. 74 D Mayster, was it a thynge resonable that God the Fader gaue so noble thynge as is the Sone for to by agayne so caytyf a thynge as is the /B3a/ man? 340 74 M My chylde, in that vs sheweth God the Father þe grete and abundaunt loue that he hath vnto creature humayne. 75 D Mayster, syth þat God hath sent downe here alowe his Sonne by so grete charyte, and for to redeme þe humaynes, wherfore dyd men to hym so moche of payne? 75 M My chylde, Iudas hym betrayed by couetyse; Pylate him condempnyd for drede 345 to lese his offyce; and the Iewes him put to deth by enuy. 76 D Maister, wherfore dyed Ihesu Cryste on the tree of the crosse? 76 M My chylde, for as Adam synned by the tree of lyfe, also God hym wolde bye agayne by the tree of the crosse. And thou sholdest knowe that by the foure partyes of þe crosse the which sheweth all the worlde, it is agayne shewed vnto vs that the 350 dethe of Iesu Cryst was suffycyent for to bye not onely nature humayne, but also all the vnyuersall worlde yf it had be loste.

27 28 29

mater] Fo, water Br ne] om. Br, Fo wordes] wordes the whiche Br, Fo

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LE LUCIDAIRE

77 D Maistre, combien de temps demoura Jhesu Crist mort en terre? 77 M Mon enfant, il y demoura quarante heures. (80 M) Et quant nous disons qu’il resuscita le tiers jour et qu’en .xl. heures n’a pas 335 troys jours, tu dois savoir qu’il morut le vendredi a heure de nonne, et tout le sabmedi il fut mort au Saint Sepulcre, qui est le segond jour, et le dimenche aprés, qui est le tiers jour, il resuscita bien matin. Et pour ce que le cours de nature se renouvelle a minuit, le jour naturel commence a minuit, et ainsi la nuit sert aux deux jours, et ainsi sont trois jours en prenant une partie du jour pour tout le jour entier. 340 81D Maistre, ou s’en alla l’ame de Jhesu Crist quant il fut mort?

81 M Mon enfant, elle s’en alla en gloire vers Dieu le Pere en luy rendant graces et louengez, en luy demandant les saintes ames, le quelles par long temps avoient esté en captivité au limbe et le quelles il avoit rachetez par le merite de sa sainte Passion, la quelle chose Dieu le Pere luy ottroia. Lors ouvrit l’ame de Jhesu Crist, qui estoit 345 conjointe avec la deité, les portes de paradis qui par long temps avoient esté clouses a tout l’umain lignage. Et le sammedi entour l’eure de minuit, elle descendit en enfer et rompit les portes d’enfer et alla visiter ses bonnes ami-/b.ij.v/es, c’est assavoir les ames des saintz peres anciens qui grandement le desiroyent et les delivra de la prison du limbe avecq 350 toutes les saintes ames qui avoient merité paradis par leurs saintes euvres. Et a tout ceste belle compaignie s’en monta au ciel et les presenta a Dieu le Pere qui les receut benignement et les colloqua au royaume de paradis, aux lieux et sieges que les mauvais anges perdirent par leur orgueil. Et ne delivra pas les ames des damnés comme de Judas et du mauvais riche et de 355 pluseurs autres, mais les laissa en enfer en peine et torment avec tous les dyables sans leur donner aucun confort, ou elles sont encores et seront a jamais. Et le dimenche devant soleil levant retourna au corps de Jhesus qui gisoit au Saint Sepulcre, qui resuscita de mort a vie. 82 D Maistre, pour quoy ne resuscita il tantost qu’il fut mort?

360 82 M Mon enfant, car on eust peu presumer qu’il n’estoit pas mort,

(83 M) et voulut commencer de renoveller le monde au dimenche par sa resurrection, car a tel jour tout le monde commença d’estre. 84 D Maistre, ou fut il aprés sa resurrection .xl. jours avant son ascension? 84 M Mon enfant, il estoit en paradis terrestre avec Helias et Enoch les instruisant de 365 ce qui estoit fait, fors quant il s’apparut.

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77 D Mayster, how longe abode Ihesu Cryste in the erthe deed? 77 M My chylde, he there abode xl houres. (80 M) And whan we say that he arose the thyrde day, and that in thre dayes is not 355 xl houres, thou sholdest vnderstande that he dyed the Fryday at the houre of noone, and all the Saterdaye he was deed in the holy sepulcre, þe whiche is the seconde day. And the Sonday after, he arose ryght erly. And for as moche as the course of nature is renewed at mydnyght, and the day (…) in takynge one partye of the day for all the day entyer. 360 81 D Mayster, whyther yede the soule of Ihesu Cryst whan he was deed?

81 M My chylde, he yede into glory towarde God the Fader, in yeldynge vnto hym thankes and praysynges, in demaundynge hym the holy soules the whiche he had redemed by the meryte of his holy passyon, the whiche thynge God hym graunted. Than opened the sou- /B3b/ le of Ihesu Cryst, the whiche was coniuncte with the 365 deite, the gates of paradys the whiche had ben shyt by longe tyme vnto all humayne lygnage. And þe Saterday about the houre of mydnyght, he descended into hell and brake the gates and yede to vysyte his good frendes, that is to vnderstande, the soules of the holy auncyent fathers the whiche greatly hym desyred, and theym delyuered frome 370 the pryson of the Lymbe with all the holy soules the which haue meryted paradys by their holy werkes. And this fayre company mounted into heuen and theym presentyd vnto God the Father, the whiche them receyued benygnely and them putteth into the realme of paradise in þe places and syeges that the cursed aungelles loste by theyr pryde. 375 And he delyuered not the soules of the damned as Iudas and of the cursyd ryche man Dyues, and of many other, but theym he lefte in hell, in payne and in turment with all the deuylles, without gyuynge them ony comforte, where they ben yet and shal be foreuer. And on þe Sonday, before the sonne rysynge, returnyd the soule vnto the body of Ihesus that lay in the sepulcre, and rose from dethe vnto lyfe. 380 82 D Mayster, wherfore arose not he as soone as he was deed?

82 M My chylde, for a man had lytell presumed that he had ben deed. (83 M) And he wolde begyn for to renewe the worlde on the Sonday by his resurreccyon, for at suche an houre all the worlde began to be. 84 D Mayster, where was he after his resurreccyon forty dayes before his ascencyon?

385 84 M My chylde, he was in paradys terrester with Helyas and Enoch in enstructynge

theym, þe which was done as whan he appered.

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87 D Maistre, quantes fois s’apparut il? 87 M Mon enfant, il s’apparut premièrement a Joseph d’Abarimathie qui l’avoit enseveli, qui pour ce estoit en prison; puis a sa mere; puis a la Magdaleine; puis a deux pellerins vennans du Saint Sepulcre; puis a saint Jaques qui ne voloit man-/b.iij.r/ger 370 qu’il ne l’eust veu; puis a saint Pierre; aprés a deux pellerins qui alloyent au chastel de Hemaulx; aprés a ses disciples et amys s’apparut les portes closes; aprés a saint Thomas quant il mist la main au couté de Nostre Seigneur Jhesu Crist et aprés a ses disciples en la mer de Thiberion; et ainsi, mon enfant, tu doys savoir qu’il s’apparut douze foyz avant qu’il s’en montast au ciel. 375 88 D Maistre, qui monta au ciel avecques luy?

88 M Mon enfant, les ame des bieneurez qui lors par leurs merites furent sauvés, et aussi grant multitude d’anges de paradis qui l’acompaignarent en chantant melodieusement et en rendant graces a Dieu. 89 D Maistre, pour quoy attendit il .xl. jours a monter au ciel après qu’il fut resuscité?

380 89 M Mon enfant, pour ce qu’il donna grant peine .xl. heures qu’il demoura mort en

terre a ses amys et disciples, par quoy il les volut consoler .xl. jours, c’est ung jour pour chascune heure, en signifiant que pour peu de peine il donne grant joye. Et aussi le fit il pour les confermer en sa sainte foy, comme saint Thomas et pluseurs autres es quelz il s’apparut visiblement. 385 90 D Maistre, qu’est ce a dire que le Filz est assis a la destre de son Pere?

90 M Mon enfant, c’est a dire que la humanité est en gloire avecques la divinité.

92 D Maistre, en quelle forme et maniere monta Jhesu Crist au ciel? 92 M Mon enfant, il s’en monta au ciel en telle forme et maniere comme quant il se transfigu-/b.iij.v/ra devant aucuns de ses disciples en la montaigne de Tabor, c’est 390 assavoir qu’il avoit les bras estendus et eslevés en hault, et sa face reluisoit comme le soleil, et les vestemens estoyent blancz comme nege; et une belle et clere nue descendit du ciel et se mist toute entour luy et le monta au ciel tellement qu’ilz le perdirent de veue corporelle. 93 D Maistre, pour quoy est fait le sacrement de l’autel de pain et de vin?

395 93 M Mon enfant, car comme le grain du blé a esté batu et flagellé et a le couté fendu,

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87 D Mayster, how many tymes apered he? 87 M My chylde, he appered /B4a/ fyrst vnto Ioseph of Barmathye þat had buryed hym, þe whiche for so doynge was put in pryson. After vnto his mother; after to 390 the blessyd Mawdeleyne; after vnto þe ij pylgrymes comynge from the holy sepulcre; after to saynt Iames the whiche wolde not ete tyll that he had seen hym; after vnto saynt Peter; after to the two pylgrymes þe whiche went to the castell of Ma[ul]x.30 After, he appered vnto his dyscyples þe gates shytte, after vnto saynt Thomas whan he put his hande in the syde of our Lorde Ihesu Cryste; after vnto his dyscyples in 395 the see of Tyberyon. And so my chylde, thou shold vnderstande þat our Lorde Ihesu Cryst appered xij tymes before that he ascendid into heuen. 88 D Mayster, who ascendyd into heuen with hym? 88 M My chylde, the soules of the blessyd the whiche than by theyr merytes were saued; and also grete multytude of aungelles of heuen þe which hym accompanyed in 400 syngynge melodyously and yeldynge thankes vnto God. 89 D Mayster, wherefore abode he xl dayes to mounte into heuen after that he was rysen? 89 M My chylde, for þat that he gaue grete payne xl houres whan he abode [deed]31 in the erth vnto his frendes and dyscyples, wherfore he wolde conforte them xl dayes, 405 that is, one day for euery houre, in tokenynge þat for payne he gyueth greate ioye. And also he dyd it for to conferme them in the holy faythe, as saynt Thomas and other, vnto whom he apperyd vysybly. 90 D Mayster, what is that to say þat the Sone is sette on the right hande of his Father? 410 90 M My chylde, it is to saye that þe humanyte is in glory with the dyuynyte. 92 D Mayster, in what maner and forme ascendyd Ihesu Cryste into heuen? 92 M My chylde, he styed into heuen in suche fourme and maner as whan /B4b/ he hym transfygured before some of his dyscyples in the Mountayne of Tabor. That is to vnderstande that he had the armes stretched and lyfte vp in heyght, and his 415 face shynynge as the sonne; and his vestementes were whyte as snowe. And a fayre and clere clowde descend[ed]32 from heuen and it closed rounde about hym; and so mountyd into heuen in suche wyse þat they lost the syght corporall of hym. 93 D Mayster, wherfore is þe sacrament of the awter made of breed and of wyne? 93 M My chylde, for as the grayne of the corne hath ben beten and flayled and had 30 31 32

Maulx] Fo, malux Br deed] om. Br, Fo descended] Fo, descendynge Br

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LE LUCIDAIRE

aussi le precieux corps de Jhesu Crist fut batu et flagellé et eut le couté fendu, du quel saillit sang et eau, par quoy l’on met de l’eau au dit sacrement. Et comme le vin sault de la grappe par force de sarrer au pressoir, aussi le precieux sang de Jhesu Crist saillit de son precieux corps au pressoir de la croix. 400 Et ne fut pas estably le dit sacrament de chair et de sang, car on pourroit avoir horreur a boire sang et manger chair, mais fut estably de pain et de vin, car c’est la plus commune refection qui soit. Et comme le pain et le vin soyent la plus commune et plus proufitable refection pour nourrir le corps, aussi le sacrement de l’autel est la plus commune et la plus profitable 405 refection pour nourrir l’ame. 94 D Maistre, comment devons nous entendre que c’est le corps de Jhesu Crist et son precieux sang soubz espece de pain et de vin? 94 M Mon enfant, comme le pain et le vin que tu manges et boys se convertissent en ton propre corps et en ton propre sang, aussi /b.iv.r/ au sacrament de l’autel, le pain 410 et le vin moyennant les saintes parolles par la voulenté de Dieu se convertissent en le precieulx corps et sang de Jhesu Crist. Et ainsi l’a il voulu faire pour la tres grant amour qu’il a en nous, car il veult tous jours estre avecques nous. Et est bien en sa puissance de convertir le pain et le vin en son propre corps et sang puis que de non rien il a fait tout le monde qui est plus grant chose. 415 Doncques, mon enfant, tu le doys croire fermement et sans doubte, car son bon plaisir fut de l’instituer ainsi. Et combien que tu ne le voyes en semblance, car ung corps glorifié est invisible, tu en as plus de merite, car foy n’est autre chose que croire ce qu’on ne voit. 95 D Maistre, que dittes vous de ceulx qui recevent le dit sacrement en peché 420 mortel?

95 M Mon enfant, ilz crucifient derechief Jhesu Crist et le recevent a leur damnement.

98 D Maistre, le prestre qui est en peché mortel, peut il sacrer et amministrer le corps et sang de Jhesu Crist? 98 M Mon enfant, ouy, car le sacrement n’empire ne n’amende par la condicion du 425 prestre, come le soleil qui, quant il luist sur choses ordes et puantes, il n’amaindrist pas sa clarté. (99 M) Mais le dit prestre le fait a son damnement, et s’il est sans peché, c’est a son sauvement.

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420 the sede clouen, in lyke wyse the precyous body of Ihesus was beten and scourged,

and had the syde opened, out of þe whiche issued blode and water. Wherfore men put water vnto the sayd sacrament. And as the wyne lepeth from þe grape by force of the wryngynge in the pressour, in lyke wyse the precyous blode of Iesus lepte from his precyous body on the pressour of þe crosse. 425 And it was not establysshed of the flesshe nor of the bloode, for a man may [haue]33 horrour to drynke blode and to ete flesshe; but it was establysshed of breed and wyne, that is the moost comune refeccyon that is. And also the breed and the wyne ben the moost comune and the moost profytable for to nourysshe the body; in lyke wyse the sacramente of the awter is the mooste commune and the moost profytable refeccyon 430 for to nourysshe the soule. 94 D Mayster, howe shall we vnderstande that hit is the holy bodye of Ihesu Cryste and his precyouse bloode vnder the kynde of breed and of wyne? 94 M My chylde, as the breed and the wyne that thou eatys[t]34 and drynkest conuerte theym into thyne owne bodye and into thyn owne bloode, in lyke wyse the sacrament / 435 B5a/ of the awter, the breed and the wyne, sayenge the holy wordes, by the wyll of God also chaungeth them vnto the precyous body and blode of Ihesu Cryste. And also he wolde do it for the grete loue that he hathe in vs: he wolde euermore be with vs. And it is in his power that to do, as of nothynge he hath made all the worlde, þe whiche is a more grete thynge. Than, my chylde, thou sholdest beleue stedfastly and 440 withoute doubte for his pleasure was hit to instytute in suche wyse. And how be it that thou seest it not corporally, for a body gloryfyed is inuysyble, thou hast the more of meryte, for fayth is none other thynge but to beleue that thynge that he seeth not. [Woodcut of the mayster and the discyple] 95 D Maister, what say ye of them the which receyueth the sayd sacrament in mortall 445 synne?

95 M My chyld, they crucyfye of newe oure Lorde Ihesu Cryste and him receyueth vnto their dampnacyon.

98 D Mayster, þe preest that is in mortall synne, maye he sacre and admynyster the holye bodye and blode of Ihesu Cryste? 450 98 M My chylde, ye. For the sacrament ne empayreth ne amendeth by the condycyon of the /B5b/ preest, as the sonne, whan that it shyneth vpon foule thynges and stynkynge, lesyth not his clerete. (99 M) But þe preest it doth vnto his dampnacyon; and yf he be without synne, it is vnto his saluacyon. 33 34

haue] Fo, om. Br eatyst] Fo, eatys Br

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100 D Maistre, combien demeure le corps de Jhesu Crist dans le corps de celluy qui 430 l’a receu?

100 M Mon enfant, il y demeure autant comme la sustance du pain y pourroit demeurer sans estre digeree et non plus. Mais tu dois entendre que Dieu est et si demeure tous jours avecques ceulx qui sont en estat de /b.iv.v/grace.

100a D Maistre, quant pluseurs prestres chantent messe, le corps de Dieu est il tout 435 par tout?

100a M Mon enfant, ouy, car Dieu est et peut estre tout par tout, come ton ame qui est toute en chascune partie de ton corps.

101 D Maistre, doit on hair les mauvais? 101 M Mon enfant, on doit hair leurs mavaistiés et follies et non pas faire mal come 440 eulx, mais nous devons aimer nostre nature, car nous sommes tous filz d’un pere et d’une mere et rachetez ensemble d’un mesmes sang. Et s’ilz te font aucun tort ou villennie, tu leur dois tost pardonner et en louer Dieu et prier pour eulx a l’exemple de Jhesu Crist qui prioit pour ceulx qui le crucefioient, car c’est l’evre plus meritoire que nous puissons faire. 445 102 D Maistre, pour quoy ont les mavais tant de bien et de prosperités en ce monde?

102 M Mon enfant, il n’est si mavaiz au monde qui aucunes fois ne face quelque bien, et pour ce qu’on ne fit jamais bien qu’on n’en soit recompensé ne ne fit mal qu’on n’en soit pugni, a ceste cause Dieu leur envoye de grans biens et prosperités en retribution de leur bien fait. Et si leur donne puissance et autorité sur les bons affin 450 que les bons soient par eulx esprouvés.

(103 M) Et aucunes foiz Dieu envoye des tribulacions es mavaiz affin qu’ilz s’amendent, et s’ilz ne le font, au moins ce leur sera en diminucion des peines qu’ilz deussent avoir et souffrir en enfer, ou ilz en auront acroissement d’autres grans biens temporelz. 455 Mais Dieu donne des tribulacions et adversités aux bons pour les esprover, cone a Job et a Thobie, et affin qu’ilz meprisent les vanités de ce monde et qu’ilz n’oblient pas leur /b.v.r/ Createur et que par leurs merites, en prenant tout en pacience, ilz puissent avoir la gloire de paradis. Et aucune foys Dieu leur donne des biens affin qu’ilz en soyent charitables et qu’il en augmentent leur gloire en paradis.

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455 100 D Mayster, howe longe abydeth the body of Ihesu Cryste in the wombe of hym

the whiche hym receyueth? 100 M My chylde, he there abydeth as longe as the substaunce of the breed there may a[b]yde35 vndegested, and no more. But thou shalt vnderstande that God there is and also abydeth euermore with theym the whiche ben in the state of grace. 460 100a D Mayster, whan many prestes syngeth masse, the bodye of Cryste is it ouer

all? 100a M My chylde, ye. For God is and maye be ouer all, as thy soule the whiche is hoole in euerye partye of th[y]36 bodye. 101 D Mayster, shold a man hate the yll? 465 101 M My chylde, a man sholde hate theyr cursydnes and folyes and not to do euyll as they done. But we sholde loue our nature, for we ben all þe sones of one father and of one mother, and bought and redemed with one selfe blode. And yf they doo the ony wronge, thou sholdest pardon them and praye for theym vnto the example of Ihesu Cryst, the whiche prayed for them that him crucyfyed and put vnto the dethe, 470 for it is the werke mooste merytoryous that we maye do. 102 D Mayster, wherfore haue the euyll so many of goodes and of prosperytees in this worlde? 102 M My chylde, there is not so yll in this worlde but that somtyme dothe some good dede. And for as moche as man dyde neuer any good dede but that it were 475 recompensed, nor neuer dyd euyll but that hit be punysshed,37 for this cause God them sendeth of grete goodes and prosperytees in retrybucyon of theyr good dede, and so vnto them gyueth puyssaunce and auctoryte vpon þe /B6a/ good to the ende þat the good ben proued by them. (103 M) And sometyme God sendeth trybulacyon vnto the yll to thende that they 480 amende them. And yf they do it not, neuerthelesse that shall be in dymynuycon

of theyr [pa]ynes38 that they shold [haue and suffer]39 in hell; or they shal haue encreasynge of other grete goodes temporals. But God gyueth of trybulacyons and aduersytees vnto the good for to proue them, as vnto Iob and vnto Thobye, to the ende þat they dyspraysed the vanytes of this 485 worlde, and that they sholde not forgete theyr creature, and that by theyr merytes in takynge all in pacyence they may haue the glorye of paradyse. And somtyme God theym gyueth of goodes to thende þat they be the more charytable, and that they augment in glorye in paradys. 35 36 37 38 39

abyde] Fo, amyde Br thy] Fo, the Br punysshed] punysshed and Br, Fo paynes] synnes Br, Fo haue and suffer] Fo, suffer and haue Br

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460 (104 M) Les bons aucunes foys meurent tost affin qu’ilz n’empirent, et pour eviter

les perilz et temptacion qui sont au monde. Et aussi les bons vivent aucunes foys longuement pour les croistre en bonté et affin que par leurs bons exemples et doctrines les mauvais s’amandent. Et aussi les mauvaiz meurent tost aucunes fois pour espoventer les autres mauvaiz affin qu’ilz s’amandent. Et aucunes foiz les mauvais 465 vivent longuement pour esprouver les bons et aussi car Dieu attent qu’ilz s’amendent. Et si dois savoir, mon enfant, que l’oppinion d’aucuns docteurs est que la misericorde de Dieu est si grande qu’il fait tous jours mourir l’omme au meilleur estat et propos qu’il le peut trouver, car Dieu ne veult pas la mort et damnation de l’omme, mais veult qu’il se convertisse et vive eternellement en paradis. Et combien que pluseurs 470 meurent subitement et sans avoir l’espace de se confesser et de faire penitence et satisfaction, toutesfois a tel propos peuvent ilz mourir et en si grant contrition de cueur que Dieu les prent a mercy.

104a D Maistre, seront riches et pouvres esgalement guerdonnez? 104a M Mon enfant, de tant qu’ilz seront plus sages et plus dignes, de tant seront ilz 475 mieulx guerdonnés quant ilz feront bien, et quant ilz feront mal, de tant seront ilz griefvement /b.v.v/ pugnis. 107 D Maistre, peut Dieu faire mal? 107 M Mon enfant, nenny, car combien qu’il soit tout puissant, (108 M) toutesfoiz il ne s’entend pas qu’il puisse faire choses contraires a raison et 480 qui soyent impossibles d’estre.

111 D Maistre pour quoy souffre Dieu que les bestes ayent tant de peine, et si ne l’ont pas desservie? 111 M Mon enfant, c’est aucunes foiz que par le peché de l’omme la vengeance de Dieu tombe sur ses bestes et sur ses autres biens affin qu’il s’amende ou pour 485 l’esprouver comme Job. Et aussi car les bestes sont faites pour l’omme servir, sustenter et nourrir, par quoy elles sont en sa suggission, et aussi car toutes choses doivent servir de ce a quoy elles sont ordonnees, comme le pont qui est fait pour passer dessus. Aussi, mon enfant, Dieu le permet affin que nous y prenons exemple, car puis que les bestes seuffrent tant de peine pour leur pouvre vie corporelle, nous nous devons 490 bien plus travailler et peiner d’acquerir la vie eternelle de paradis en la quelle on vivra éternellement.

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(104 M) The good dyeth somtyme anone to the ende that they empeyre not, for 490 to auoyde the perylles and temptacyons the which ben in this worlde. And also þe

good lyueth somtyme longely for to encreace theym in bounte, and to thende that by theyr good example and doctryne the ylle may amende them. And also the ylle dyeth anone sometyme for to make these other ylle aferde to þe ende that they amende them. And somtyme the ylle lyueth longely for to proue the good, and also for God 495 taryeth that they sholde amende them. And so thou sholde vnderstande, my chylde, þat the opynyon of some doctours is þat þe mercy of God is so grete þat he suffreth euermore þe man to dye in þe best estate and purpose that he may fynde hym, for God wyll not ne also suffreth not the dethe and dampnacion of a man, but wylleth that [he]40 conuerte hym and lyue eternally 500 in paradys. And how be it that many dyeth sodeynly and without hauyng space to confesse them and to do penaunce and satysfaccyon, /B6b/ how be it vnto suche purpose may they dye and in so grete contrycyon of herte that God them taketh vnto mercy. 104a D Ma[ist]er,41 shall the ryche and the poore be egallye guerdoned and rewarded? 505 104a M My chylde, of as moche as they be the more sage and þe more dygne, of as moche shall they be the better rewarded whan they shall be good. And whan they shall mo[r]e42 be euyll, of [a]s43 moche shall they be the more greuouslye punysshed. 107 D Mayster, maye God do euyll? 107 M My chylde, nay. For how be it that he be all puyssaunt, 510 (108 M) neuerthelesse it is not entendyd that he may do thynges contrarye vnto

reason, and that they ben impossyble for to be. 111 D Mayster, wherfore suffreth God þat the beestes haue so moche of payne, and also they haue not deserued it? 111 M My chylde, it is somtyme that by þe synne of the man the vengeaunce of God 515 falleth vpon the beestes and vpon theyse other goodes to the ende that he amende hym, or for to proue hym, as Iob. And also, than beestes ben made to susteyne and to nourisshe the man by þe whiche they ben vnder his subieccyon. And also for all thynges sholde serue v[n]to44 that wherunto they ben ordeyned, as the brydge the whiche is made to passe or to go ouer. In lyke wyse, my chylde, God it suffreth to 520 thende that therby we take example, for syth that þe beestes suffreth so moche of payne for theyr poore lyfe corporall, we shold well more trauayle and take payne to gete the lyfe eternall of paradys in the whiche a man shall lyue eternallye. 40 41 42 43 44

he] Fo, om. Br Maister] Fo, mastier Br more] mowe Br, Fo as] Fo, vs Br vnto] Fo, vsto Br

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113 D Maistre, scet Dieu se ung homme sera sauvé ou damné avant qu’il soit né? 113 M Mon enfant, ouy, (114 M) non pas que Dieu le face en entencion de le damner, car Dieu ne le damne 495 pas, mais l’omme se damne de luy mesmes sans aucunes contraintes, mais de sa propre

voulenté la quelle est en son liberal arbitre. Comme nous voyons le papilon qui de soy mesmes et de se propre voulenté se brule a la chandelle, et combien que le dit papillon soit aucunes fois eschaudé du feu de la chandelle tellement que souvant il /b.vj.r/ en tombe a terre, si se relevera au mieulx qu’il pourra et de tout son povoir se va mettre 500 dans le feu de la chandelle tellement qu’il y demeure, nonobstant qu’il voye bien le dangier. Ainsi font ceulx qui se damnent, car combien qu’ilz voyent et congnoissent le dangier qui y est et aussi que souvant ilz ayent esté eschaudez par tribulacions ou adversités affin qu’ilz se convertissent et que par inspiracion divine ilz ayent aucun remors, toutesfois ja pour cela ne cessent jusques a ce que de leur propre voulenté et 505 sans aucune contrainte ilz se mettent si parfond au feu d’enfer qu’il y demeurent et jamais n’en saillent. Et combien que Dieu veuille de simple voulenté que tout homme soit sauvé, toutesfois si ne veult il pas que l’omme soit sauvé et ait ung si grant don comme est le royaume de paradis sans merite. Et par ainsi, mon enfant, Dieu a fait l’omme 510 non pas affin qu’il soit damné, mais affin que par ses saintes operacions, en souffrant paciement toutes tribulacions et aversitez et en resistant et bataillant vaillamment contre le diable, le monde et la chair, il puisse meriter d’estre sauvé. 115 D Maistre, ceulx que Dieu a predestinez a estre sauvez, le peuvent ilz estre sans le meriter et travailler? 515 115 M Mon enfant, nenny, car Dieu scet bien que par leurs meritez et travaulx ilz seront sauvez, et paraillement peut on dire des damnés. 116 D Maistre, puis que ceulx qui sont predestinez a estre sauvez ne pevent estre damnés, et ceulx qui sont predestinés a estre damnés ne peuvent estre sauvés, que vault il tant travailler pour avoir paradis ou enfer? /b.vj.v/ 520 116 M Mon enfant, se tu es predestiné a estre sauvé, tu ne doys pas acroistre tes peines en purgatoire et amaindrir ta gloire en paradis par faulte de faire bien. Et se tu es predestiné a estre damné, tu ne dois pas pour ce vivre tous jours en peché, mais te

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113 D Mayster, knoweth God whether that a man shall be saued or dampned before that he be borne? 525 113 M My chylde, yes.

530

535

540

545

(114 M) Not that God it dothe in entencyon for to dampne hym, for God ne dampnyth hym, but þe man dampnith hymselfe with- /C1a/ out ony constraynt, but of his owne wyll, the whiche is at his owne lyberall arbytre or fre wyll. As we se the boterflye, þe whiche of hymselfe and of his propre wyll hym brenneth in the candell. And how be it that the sayde boterflye is sometyme scalded with the fyre of the candell in suche wyse that often he falleth vnto þe erthe, also he ryseth agayn the best wyse he can, and with all his power he putteth hymselfe agayne in þe fyre of the candell all holly that he there abydeth, not withstandynge that he seeth well the daungere. Also done those the whiche dampneth themselfe, for how be it that they se and knowe the daunger that therin is, and also that they ben often scalded by trybulacyo[n]s45 and aduersytees to thende that they conuert them and that by inspyracyon dyuyne they haue some remors, how be it for that they cease not tyll vnto that that of theyr owne wyll and without ony constraynt they put them so depe in þe fyre that they there abyde and shall neuer go forthe. And how be it that God46 wyll of symple wyll þat all men be saued (…) and hath one so grete a gyfte as the realme of paradys without ony meryte. And by suche wyse, my chylde, knowe thou þat God hath made þe man not to thende that he be dampned, but to thende that by his holy operacyons in suffryng pacyentlye trybulacyons and aduersytees, and in resystynge and fyghtynge valyauntlye ayenst the deuyll, the worlde and the flesshe, he may meryte to be saued. 115 D Mayster, those þe whiche ben predestynate to be saued, may they be saued without deseruynge it, and to trauayle therefore? 115 M My chylde, nay. For God knowith well that by theyr merytes and trauayles they shall be saued. And in lyke wyse may a man say of the /C1b/ dampnyd.

550 116 D Mayster, syth that those the whiche ben predestynate to be saued may they

not be dampned, and those þe whiche shold be dampned may they [not]47 be saued, what auayleth it elles so moche to trauayle for to ha[u]e48 paradys or hell? 116 M My chylde, if thou be predestynate to be saued in the glorye eternall, thou sholdest not encrease thy paynes in purgatory and to le[s]se49 thy glory in paradys 555 by faute to do well. And yf thou be predestynate to be dampned thou sholdest not therfore euermore lyue in synne, but thou sholdest euermore enforce þe to do well 45 46 47 48 49

trybulacyons] Fo, trybulacyous Br God] Fo, good Br not] om. Br, Fo haue] Fo, ha/ne Br lesse] Fo, lefse Br

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dois tous jours efforcer de bien faire et de faire penitence pour amaindrir tes peines en enfer. Et pour ce que tu ne sces a quoy tu es prédestiné, tu dois tous jours penser 525 a la meilleur partie, c’est assavoir que Dieu t’a fait a sa semblance et racheté de son precieux sang pour toy sauver et non pas pour toy damner, (117 M) par quoy, mon enfant, tu doys tous jours faire bonnes euvres et fuir les mauvaises. Et saches, mon enfant, que Dieu t’a donné sens, entendement, raison, franche volenté et liberal arbitre d’ellire le bien ou le mal affin que tu n’ayges cause 530 d’ignorance ou d’impuissance. 119 D Maistre, que dittes vous de ceulx qui jamais n’ouyrent les commandemens de Dieu ne nul n’en font? 119 M Mon enfant, les hommes sont faitz a l’ymage et semblance de Dieu affin qu’ilz l’aiment, ser vent et doubtent, et pour ce, s’ilz ne cognoissent leur Createur 535 en ce siecle, il ne les congnoistra pas en l’autre, ne ja par leur ignorance n’en seront excusés, mais plus tost accusés, car ignorance ne excuse point le peché. 120 D Maistre, se ung enfant estoit nourry en ung boys et il n’avoit jamais ouy parler de la foy de Jhesu Crist, seroit il damné s’il mouroit ainsi? 120 M Mon enfant, il est chose creable que Dieu fait revelacion a toute personne de 540 la foy de Jhesu Crist par enseignement d’omme /c.i.r/ ou par revelacion divine ou autrement. Et s’il va contre la dite revelacion, saches qu’il sera damné. 121 D Maistre, sont les ames faites des le commencement du monde? 121 M Mon enfant, non, mais les cree Dieu tous les jours et les met au corps des enfans dans les ventres de leurs meres, 545 (122 M) c’est assavoir aux hommes a .xl. jours aprés leur concepcion et aux femmes a

.lxx. jours aprés leur concepcion. 123 D Maistre, que nous vault confession? 123 M Mon enfant, c’est le segond baptesme; car ainsi comme par baptesme, tous pechez nous sont pardonnés, pareillement par la vertu du sacrement de confession, 550 tous pechez nous sont pardonnés, pour ce qu’on recongnoit sa defaulte devant Dieu ou devant son lieutenant, car Dieu aime plus obedience que sacrifice, car obedience est mere de toutes vertus.

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and to do penaunce for to lesse thy paynes in hell. And for as moche as thou knowest not whereunto thou art destynate, thou sholde alwayes thynke on þe better party, þat is to vnderstande þat God the hath made vnto his semblaunce and hath bought þe 560 with his precyous blode for to saue þe and not to dampne the. (117 M) Wherfore, my chylde, thou shold euermore do good dedes and to fle the yll. And knowe thou, my chylde, þat God þe hath gyuen wytte and vnderstandynge, reason and fre wyll and lyberall arbytre to chose the good or þe yll to thende that th[o]u50 haue not ony cause of ignoraunce or of impuyssaunce. 565 119 D Master, what say ye of them þe which neuer hereth þe commaundementes of

God ne none they done? 119 M My chylde, the men ben made vnto the image and vnto þe semblaunce of God to thende þat they hym loue, serue and drede. And therfore if they knowe not theyr creature in this worlde, [h]e51 shall not knowe them in þe other; ne yet by 570 theyr ignoraunce they shall not be excused but more soner accusyd, for þe ignoraunce excusyth not þe synne. 120 D Mayster, yf a chylde were nourysshed in a wood and he had neuer harde speke of the fayth of Iesu Cryste, shal he be dampned yf þat he dye in such wyse? 120 M My chyl- /C2a/ de, it is a thynge to beleue þat God maketh reuelacyon vnto 575 euery persone of þe fayth of Iesu Cryst by techynge of man or by reuelacyon dyuyne or other wyse. And if he go ayenst the sayd reuelacyon, knowe thou þat he shall be dampned. 121 D Mayster, ben the soules made from þe begynnynge of the worlde? 121 M My chylde, nay. But God them createth all the dayes and them putteth in þe 580 bodyes of þe chyldren within the wombe of theyr moder. (122 M) that is to vnderstande, vnto men at xl dayes after theyr concepcyon. 123 D Mayster, what auayleth vs confessyon? 123 M My chylde, it is the seconde baptym. For in lyke wyse as by baptym all synnes be pardoned, in lyke wyse by þe vertu of the sacrament of confessyon all our synnes 585 be pardoned, for as moche as a man knowlegeth his defaute before God or before his lyeutenaunt, for God loueth more obedyence than sacryfyce, for obedyence is mother of all vertues. 50 51

thou] Fo, thau Br he] Fo, we Br

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123a D Maistre, vault plus penitence faite par injunction de confesseur que penitence faite par voulenté? 555 123a M Mon enfant, se ton confesseur t’avoit enjoint en penitence de dire ung paternoster tant seulement et tu le laissoies pour dire ung psaultier, tu pecheroies et ne t’acquiteroyes point de ta penitence; mais se tu disoyes le paternoster qui seroit enjoint et en lassoyes a dire le psaultier ou autres oroisons que tu diroyes par simple voulenté, tu ne pecheroyes point, mais t’acquiteroyes de ta penitence, car comme je 560 t’ay maintenant dit, mieulx vault obeissance faite a Nostre Seigneur que sacrifice. 124 D Maistre, que vault contricion au point de la mort? 124 M Mon en-/c.i.v/fant, ceulx qui attendent a soy repentir jusques a la mort sont tricheres a Nostre Seigneur, come le tricheur et mavais payeur qui promet a payer a certain terme, mais ilz voudrait que le terme ne vint jamais et a ceste cause il fait mille 565 tricheries a son creancier affin qu’il ne le paye pas si tost ou jamais. Et d’autre part saint Luc dit que Dieu n’est pas bien payé de celluy qui le paie de ce qu’il ne peut plus tenir. Toutesfoiz, il est escript que a quelque heure que le pecheur declarera son peché en grant repentence et contricion qu’il luy sera pardonné. 570 Mais, mon enfant, c’est ung très grant peril d’attendre de soy repentir jusques a l’angoisse de la mort, car a l’eure on est si troublé qu’on ne congnoit ne soy ne autry, et come dit le psalmiste: Non est in morte qui memor sit tui, in inferno autem quis confitebitur tibi, c’est a dire qu’en la mort on n’a point de sovennance de Nostre Seigneur et qu’il n’est pas temps de soy repentir et de confesser son peché quant on 575 est en enfer et que la sentence de Dieu est donnee. Doncques, mon enfant, tu te dois repentir et confesser quant tu as le temps et l’espace et ne dois pas attendre a demain, car tu ne sces se tu mourras demain ou plutost.

126 D Maistre, puis que le peché originel est pardonné par baptesme, pour quoy meurent ceulx qui sont baptisés? 580 126 M Mon enfant, les bons meurent affin qu’ilz soyent ostez des tribulacions de ce monde et qu’ilz soient couronnez en la gloire eternelle de paradis. Et les mavaiz meurent par leurs pechés et affin qu’ilz soyent privés des joyes et delices de ce monde et soyent en grant douleur /c.ij.r/ pugniz eternellement en enfer.

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123a D Mayster, auayleth more penaunce don by enioynynge of the confessoure than penaunce don by wyll? 590 123a M My chylde, if thy confessoure þe hath enioyned in penaunce one Pater Noster all-onely, and thou leue it to say an hole sauter, [thou]52 synnest, and thou shalt not acquyte þe of thy penaunce. But yf thou saydest the Pater Noster þe which to the was enioynyd, and þou leuest to say the sauter or other many fayre orysons þat þou sayst by symple wyll, þou shalt not synne, but þou shalt acquyte þe of thy penaunce; 595 for as I haue [t]olde53 the, more better is obedyence done to our Lorde than doth þe sacryfyce.

600

605

610

615

124 D Mayster, what auayleth contrycion at the poynt of deth? 124 M My chylde, those the which abydeth them to repent tyll vnto þe houre of deth ben trechoures vnto our Lord, as the trechoure and yll payer þat promyseth for to paye at a certayne terme but he wolde that the terme sholde neuer come; and /C2b/ for this mater and cause he maketh a M. trecheryes vnto his crea[nc]ure54 to thende that he ne paye hym so sone or neuer. And of þe other parte saynt Luke sayth that God is not well payed of hym the which hym payeth of that thynge þat he ne may no lenger holde. Howe be it, it is wryten that at what houre þat the synner shall declare his synne in grete repentaunce and contrycyon, that it vnto hym shall be pardoned. But, my childe, it is a ryght grete parell to abyde hym to repent, for than a man is so troubled that a man knoweth not hymselfe nor none other, for as sayth the psalmys[t]:55 “Quoniam non est in morte qui memor sit tui. In inferno autem quis confitebitur tibi?” That is to say, þat as the deed, man hath no remembraunce of God, and that is no tyme hym to repent and to confesse his synne whan that a man is in hell, for the sentence of God is gyuen. Than, my chylde, thou shold repent and confesse þe whan thou hast tyme and space, and thou sholdest not tarye tyll tomorowe, for þou knowest not whether thou shalte deye tomorowe or sooner. [Woodcut of þe discyple and þe mayster]

126 D Mayster, sythen that the synne of pryde is pardoned by baptyme, wherfore dyeth those the which ben baptysed? 126 M My chylde, the good deyeth to the ende that they ben taken from the 620 trybulacy-/C3a/on of this worlde, and they be crowned in the realme of paradys. And the euyll deyeth by theyr synnes to the ende that they be put from the ioyes and delytes of this worlde, and ben in greate doloure punysshed eternally in hell. 52 53 54 55

thou] Fo, om. Br tolde] Fo, colde Br creancure] creature Br, Fo psalmyst] Fo, psalmys Br

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127 D Maistre, que nuyst la mort subite a l’omme?

585 127 M Mon enfant, l’omme qui meurt subitement, mais qu’il soit en estat de grace, il

s’en va en paradis ou en purgatoire accomplir les penitences qu’il n’a pas acomplies; et luy est meritoire l’aspre mort contre les pechés veniaulx et a la diminucion des peinez de purgatoire et a l’augmentacion de la gloire de paradis. Mais s’il meurt subitement en peché mortel, la mort subite luy nuyst en tant qu’il est prins despourveu sans estre 590 confes ne repentant et sans penitence faire, dont il en est damné eternellement. Et par ceste cause, mon enfant, tu dois estre tous jours tout prest a mourir en toy gardant de peché, car tu ne sces quant ne de quelle mort tu dois mourir. 129 D Maistre, que vault a l’omme d’estre ensevely au cemitiere? 129 M Mon enfant, s’il est en purgatoire il en est plus tost delivré, tant par les prieres 595 de l’eglise comme de ses parens et amys qui souvant visitent sa sepulture en priant pour luy. Et souvant avient que les cemitieres sont sanctifiés par les corps d’aucuns saintz qui y gisent qui prient pour eulx. Dont se les enseveliz illecq sont sauvez, ilz sont bien joieux quant leurs corps gisent avecques les corps des autres saintz, (130 M) mais s’ilz sont damnés, il ne leur prouffite riens, car les biens qu’on y fait 600 pour eulx ne leur peuvent aider. 132 D Maistre, la quelle maniere de vivre est la plus excellente et meilleur pour faire son sauvement? 132 M Mon enfant, avoir vraye affection de vraye amour en Nostre /c.ij.v/Seigneur en le servant et honnorant de tout ton cueur et en mangeant le pain que tu auras 605 justement acquis par le travail de ton corps, come le tesmoigne le psalmiste qui dit: Labores manuum tuarum quia manducabis, et cetera, c’est a dire que tu seras bieneureulx se tu manges le labeur de tes propres mains, a quoy c’est remonstré que tu ne dois pas user des biens qui par toy ou par les tiens sont acquis faulcement, mais les dois rendre se tu sces a qui et user de ceulx qui sont justement et loyalement acquis.

610 134 D Maistre, celluy qui est en peché mortel, peut il longuement estre sans

commettre peché? 134 M Mon enfant, nenny, car comme ung bien attrait l’autre, aussi ung mal attrait l’autre, et car le diable fait de l’omme qui est en peché mortel come l’omme fait de sa beste qu’il amaine par le chevestre ont bon luy semble.

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127 D Mayster, what noyeth þe sod[ey]n56 dethe vnto the man? 127 M My chylde, þe man the whiche dyeth sodaynly, so that he be in the state of 625 grace, he gothe into paradys or into purgatory to accomplysshe his penaunces; and vnto hym the sharpe deth is merytoryous agaynst his synnes venyalles, and vnto þe dymynucyon of the paynes of purgatory, and vnto the augmentacyon of the glory of paradyse. And yf he dye sodeynlye in mortall synne the sodeyn deth hym putteth (…), in as moche as he is vnpourueyed and without confessyon ne repentaunce takynge; 630 than he is dampned eternally. And by this and for this cause, my chylde, thou sholde be euermore redy for to deye in kepynge þe from synne for thou knowest not whan ne of what dethe thou shalte dye. 129 D Mayster, what auayleth it a man to be buryed in the chyrche-yarde? 129 M My chylde, if he be in purgatorye he is the soner delyuered, as well by the 635 prayers of the chyrche as of his kynnesmen and frendys þe whiche vysyteth his sepulture in prayenge God for hym. And often it happeth that the chyrche-yardes ben sanctyfyed by the bodyes of some sayntes that there be, and prayeth for them. Wherof if those that there ben buried ben saued, they be right ioyfull whan theyr bodyes ben with the bodyes of other sayntes. 640 (130 M) But yf they ben dampned, it profyteth them nothynge, for the good dedes

þat men there done for them ne may helpe them. 132 D Mayster, what maner of lyfe is the moost excellent and best for to make his saluacyon? 132 M My chylde, to ha-/C3b/ue a true affeccyon of true loue in our Lorde in 645 seruynge hym and honourynge with all [thyn]57 herte and in eatynge þe breed þat thou hast iustly and laufully gotten by the trauayle of thy body, as wytnessyth þe psalmyst þe which sayth: “Labores manuum tuarum quia manducabis, et cetera.” That is to say that thou shalt be right happy if thou eate the labour with thyn owne handes. Wherunto it is shewed the þat thou ne sholdest vse of the goodes the which 650 by þe or by thyne be gotten falsely, but þou sholde yelde theym yf thou knowest vnto whome, and to vse of them the whiche ben iustly and l[a]ufully58 gotten. [Woodcut of the mayster and the discyple] 134 D Mayster, he þe which is in mortall synne, may he be longe without commyttynge synne? 655 134 M My chylde, naye. For as one good dede drawes another, in lyke wyse one yll draweth another. For so þe deuyll maketh of the man the which is in mortall synne as a man dothe of a beest þat he ledyth by þe toppe, where him semeth best. 56 57 58

sodeyn] Fo, sodyen Br thyn] his Fo, Br laufully] Fo, loufully Br

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615 135 D Maistre, ou vont les ames des trespassés?

135 M Mon enfant, les ames des innocens qui meurent sans baptesme s’en vont au limbe, qui est une chambre d’enfer ont ilz n’ont ne joye ne tristesse, car ilz n’ont riens merité, mais pour ce qu’ilz ne sont purgés du peché originel par baptesme, ilz sont privés de paradis et de la vision de Dieu. Et les ame de ceulx qui sont baptisés 620 qui meurent en l’estat d’innocence s’en vont en paradis tout droit. Et les ames de ceulx qui meurent en estat de grace et sans peché, et s’ilz ont peché, ilz en ont fait penitence suffisante en cestuy monde, s’en vont aussi tout droit en paradis et sont en gloire se-/c.iij.r/lon qu’ilz l’ont merité par leurs saintes euvres. Et les ames de ceulx qui ont eu contricion et desplaisance de leurs pechez et se sont 625 retournés a Dieu en luy criant mercy qui n’ont pas acomply leurs penitences en ce monde, s’en vont en une partie d’enfer appellee purgatoire et illecques acomplissent leur penitence et sont purgees de leurs pechés, et ce fait, s’en vont en la gloire de paradis. Et les ames de ceulx qui meurent en ung seul peché mortel ou en pluseurs pechez s’en vont en abisme en enfer ou il sont pugnis selon leurs dessertes. Et les ames 630 des Juifz et mescreans qui meurent en l’estat d’innocence s’en vont en une partie d’enfer avec les autres enfans qui meurent sans batesme. Mais les ames des autres Juifz et mescreans qui ont sens et entendement s’en vont en enfer avecques les damnés.

136 D Maistre, en quel lieu est paradis? 136 M Mon enfant, il y a troys manieres de paradis, c’est assavoir paradis celeste, 635 paradis terrestre et paradis espirituel. Paradis celeste est par dessus tous les cieulx au quel est Dieu et tous les saintz et saintes, comme je t’ay dit devant. Paradis terrestre est en terre vers Orient, et paradis espirituel est veoir Dieu et l’aimer parfaitement, et cestuy est par tout, et en cestuy paradis sont nos bons anges qui voyent et aiment Dieu. 640 140 D Maistre, en combien de temps sont delivrees, les ames de purgatoire?

140 M Mon enfant, les unes y demeurent plus longuement que les autres selon qu’elles l’ont desservi; car les ungz sont delivrez au bout de sept jours, et pour ce fait on le semel, autrement appellé le retour, en faisant prieres et aumosnes pour leur delivrance, car grandement leur pevent profiter les prieres et aumosnes qu’on 645 fait pour eulx. Les autres sont delivrés au bout de trente jours, et pour ce fait on le trentennier. Les autres sont delivrés au bout de l’an, et pour ce fait on l’annel. Et les

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135 D Master, whyder go þe soules of them þat be deed? 135 M My chylde, þe soules of þe innocen[t]es59 þat deyeth without baptym gooth vnto þe Lymbe, þe /C4a/ which is a chambre of hell where they haue no ioye nor heuynes, for they haue nothynge meryted. But for as moche as they be not purged frome orygynall synne by baptym, they be put from paradys and from þe vysyon of God. And the soules of them the whiche ben baptysed, the which dyeth in the state of innocencye, gooth into paradys all-ryght. And the soules of them the whiche dyeth in the state of grace and without synne, where if they haue synned and if they haue done penaunce suffycyent in this worlde, gooth all-ryghte into paradyse and ben in glory after that that they haue meryted by theyr holy werkes. And þe soules of them þe which haue had contrycyon and dyspleasaunce of theyr synnes and ben returned vnto God in cryenge hym mercy that they haue not accomplysshed theyr penaunces in this worlde gothe into another parte of hell named purgatory; and there they accomplysshe theyr penaunces and ben purged of theyr synnes. And that done, they go into the glory of paradys. And the soules of them the whiche dyeth in one [onely]60 mortall synne or many goth into the depenes of hell where they ben punysshed after theyr deseruynge. And the soules of the Iewes and of the myscreauntes þe whiche dyeth in the estate of innocencye gone into a parte of hell with all the other chyldren þe whiche dyeth without baptym; but the soules of þe other Iewes and myscreauntys þat haue wytte and vnderstandynge goth into hell with the dampned.

680 136 D Mayster, in what place is paradys?

136 M My chylde, there ar iij maner of paradys, that is to wyte, paradys celestyall, paradyse terrestre, and paradys spirituall. Paradyse celestyal is aboue all the heuens in the whiche is God and all þe sayntes, holy men and women, as I haue sayd before. Paradyse terrestre is in the erth towarde the Oryent, and paradys spyrytuall is [to 685 see]61 God and to loue hym perfytely, and þat is ouer all. In that paradys ben our good aungelles þe whiche seeth and loueth God. 140 D Mayster, in how lytell tyme ben the soules delyuered from purgatory? 140 M My chylde, some there abydeth more longely than other, after as they haue deserued; for some ben delyuered at þe ende of vii dayes. And therfore maketh a 690 man the semell, otherwyse called the returne, in makynge prayers and almesdedes for their de- /C4b/ lyueraunce, for greatlye vnto them may profyte the prayers and almesdedes that is done for them. These other ben delyuered at the ende of xxx dayes, and therfore is made the trentall. These other ben delyuered at the ende of one 59 60 61

innocentes] Fo, innocences Br onely] Fo, om. Br to see] ayenst Br, anenst Fo

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autrez y demeurent par pluseurs ans et par long temps selon qu’ilz l’ont desservi, et pour ce fait on chascun an remembrance d’eulx. /c.iij.v/ Et quant ilz sont du tout purgez et qu’ilz sont delivrés tant par leurs penitences acomplies que par noz prieres 650 et oroisons, ilz s’en vont tout droit en la gloire eternelle de paradis. 143 D Maistre, ou est enfer? 143 M Mon enfant, il y a deux manieres d’enfer, c’est assavoir enfer espirituel et enfer corporel. Enfer espirituel est par tout ou les ames et les mauvaiz anges sont en peine et torment, soit en terre, soit en mer, et cestuy peut estre en pluseurs lieux, comme nous 655 lisons d’une ame qui estoit tormentee d’un glasson, la quelle ung evesque delivra par trente messes, qui estoit obligee a y estre par long temps. Enfer corporel est au milieu de la terre, comme le grain d’une pomme. Et est une grant cave noire et obscure en la quelle y a quatre estages l’un dessus l’autre : Au premier estage est le lieu au quel estoient les saintes ames des saintz peres anciens et de ceulx qui par leur sainte vie 660 et conversation avoyent merité le royaume de paradis, les quelles Nostre Seigneur Jhesu Crist delivra quant il mourut en la croix; et maintenant n’y a nul, car alors furent /c.iv.r/ tous delivrés. Au segond estage est purgatoire au quel les ames qui doivent estre sauvees vont acomplir leur penitence la quelle ilz n’ont pas acomplie en ce monde en leur vivant. Au tiers estage sont les ames des innocens qui meurent sans 665 batesme. Et au quart estage, qui est le plus bas abisme, sont les dyables et les ames des miserables damnés.

144 D Maistre, quelle peine ont ceulx qui sont en purgatoire? 144 M Mon enfant, ilz sont tormentés du feu infernal qui est plus chault que n’est pas le feu materiel de ce monde a l’encontre d’un feu painct en une paroy. Et sont 670 illecques liés de chaines de feu toutes ardantes si destraignans qu’on ne sauroit dire au quel lieu les unz sont plus pugnis que les autres et y demeurent plus longuement selon qu’ilz l’ont desservi. 146 D Maistre, quel peine y a en enfer? 146 M Mon enfant, il y a tant de diverses peines et tormens qu’il n’est entendement 675 humain qui les sceust comprendre ne ymaginer, comme de feu ardant et tres puant, de crapaulx et serpens, dragons et de toutes ordes et cruelles bestes et de diables enragés qui jamais ne sont las de batre et tormenter les povres damnés, mais tous

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yere, and therfore is made the yeres mynde. And these other abydeth there by many 695 ye[r]es62 and by longe tyme, after þat they haue deseruyd. And therfore make men

remembraunce euery yere of them. And whan they ben all purged, and that they ben delyueryd as by theyr penaunces accomplysshed, as by our prayers and oraysons, they go all-ryght vnto the glory of paradys. 143 D Mayster, where is hell?

700 143 M My chylde, there are ij maner of helles, þat is to wyte, hel spirituall and hell

corporall. Hell spyrytuall is ouer all where the soules and þe cursed aungels ben in payne and tourment, be it in erth or in þe see. And this may be in many places, as we rede of a soule that was turmented with a flage of yse þat a bysshop delyuered by xxx masses, who was bounde to be there longe tyme. Hell corporall is in þe myddle of þe 705 erthe, as þe carnell of an apple is in the myddle of þe apple. And is a grete caue blacke and darke in which ben iiij stages þe one aboue þe other. At þe fyrst stage is the place wherin were the holy soules of þe holy fathers auncyentes and of them þat by theyr holy lyfe and conuersacion /C5a/ haue mery[t]ed63 the realme of paradys, the whiche our Lorde Ihesu Cryst delyuered whan he dyed on 710 the tre of the crosse; and now there is none, for at that tyme were all delyuered. At the seconde stage is purgatory wherin þe soules the whiche sholde be saued goth to accomplysshe theyr penaunce the which they haue not accomplysshed in this worlde in theyr lyfe. In þe iij stage ben the soules of the innocentes the whiche dyeth without batpym. And in þe iiij stage, þe which is the moost lowe in depnes, ben þe deuylles 715 and the soules of the poore and myserable dampned. [Woodcut of the mayster and the discyple] 144 D Maister, what paynes haue they þe which ben in purgatorye? 144 M My chylde, they ben turmented with the fyre of hell moche more hotter than þe fyre materyall of this present worlde in comparyson ayenst a fyre paynted vpon a 720 wall. And they ben there bounde with chaynes of fyre all brennyng, so sperkelynge that a man ne can speke it. In the whiche place some [b]en64 there more punysshed than /C5b/ these other, and there abyde more longely than the other after as they haue deserued. 146 D Mayster, what payne is there in Hell?

725 146 M My chylde, there are soo many dyuers paynes and tourmentes þat there is

none entendement humayne þe which can comprehende ne imagen: as of fyre stynkynge and ryght brennynge, of todes, serpentes, dragons, and of al foule and cruell bestes, and of deuylles enraged and wode, the whiche neuer ben wery for to 62 63 64

yeres] Fo, yeees Br meryted] meryced Br, Fo ben] Fo, den Br

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jours sont a recommencer tellement que la maindre peine d’enfer surmonte toutes les peines de ce monde. Mais les ungz sont plus griefvement pugniz que les autres selon 680 ce qu’ilz l’ont desservi. Et au jour du Jugement leur peine doublera, car alors leurs cors resusciteront et seront damnés en corps et en ame. 151 D Maistre, quelle peine ont les ames des innocens qui meurent sans batesme? /c.iv.v/ 151 M Mon enfant, ilz n’ont ne peine ne douleur ne joye aussi ne liesse, car ilz ne 685 firent jamais bien ne mal, par quoy ilz n’ont merité d’avoir aucun mal. Et combien que le lieu ont ilz sont soit oscur et tenebreux, toutesfois il n’y a chose qui les griefve. Et quant viendra au jour du Jugement qu’ilz resusciteront et seront comme de l’aage qu’estoit Nostre Seigneur Jhesu Crist quant il mourut en la croix, et tous les autres aussi. Les ditz non baptisés, seront contens de l’ordonnance de Dieu et s’en re690 tourneront en leur dit lieu sans avoir jamais ne joye ne tristesse, nem plus que tu as de ce que tu n’as point d’elles, car ce appartient aux oyseaulx et non pas aux hommes, ou comme tu as quant ung roy ou quelque grant prince meurt et tu ne succedes point a son royaume et seignourie, car tu sces bien que tu n’es pas celluy qui doit heriter; aussi ne doivent ilz pas heriter au royaume de paradis, car ilz en sont exciliez par le peché 695 d’Adam et Eve, du quel peché ilz n’ont pas esté purgez par baptesme.

153 D Maistre, ceulx de paradis voient ilz ceulx d’enfer? 153 M Mon enfant, ouy, et ce leur est ung grant accroissement de gloire quant ilz voient les peines qu’ilz ont evitees, dont ilz louent Dieu incessament. Et aussi les damnés voient les sauvés en gloire, comme nous avons en l’Evangile du mauvais riche 700 qui veoit l’ame du pouvre ladre au sain d’Abraham en paradis, la quelle chose leur est ung grant accroissement de douleur et d’angoisse quant ilz voient les grans biens et delices espirituelz qu’ilz ont perdu par leurs pechez /c.v.r/ et par nonchaillance. Et aprés le jour du Jugement que les corps des sauvés seront glorifiés, ilz verront les damnés corporellement, mais les damnés ne les pourront veoir corporellement. 705 154 D Maistre, les sauvés sont ilz point courroucez de la peine des damnez?

154 M Mon enfant, ceulx qui sont en paradis voudroyent bien que ceulx qui sont en enfer eussent si bien vesquu quant ilz estoyent en ce monde que par leurs saintes euvres ilz fussent sauvez, car incessamment ilz prient pour les humains vivans en ce monde. Mais puis que par leur mauvaise vie et par leurs pechez justement ilz sont

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bete and tourment the poore and myserable dampned, but euermore ben for to 730 begynne in suche wyse that the leest payne of hell surmounteth all the paynes of this

world; but the one is more punysshed than the other after their desert. And at the Day of Iugement theyr payne shall doub[l]e,65 for than they shall aryse and shall be dampned in body and in soule. 151 D Mayster, what payne haue the soules of the innocentes þe which dyeth without 735 baptym?

151 M My chylde, they ne haue payne ne doloure, ne ioye, ne gladnes, for they neuer dyd good nor euyll, by þe which they haue not meryted to haue ony good ne to haue ony euyll. And howe be it þat the place wherin they ben be dym and derke, all be it there is nothynge the which them greueth. And whan the Day of Iugement shall 740 come that they shal ryse, they shall be of the aege that oure Lorde Ihesu Cryste was whan he dyed on the tre, and all the other also. The sayd chyldren not baptysed shall be contente with the ordenaunce of God, and than shall returne agayn into theyr sayd place without euer to haue ioy ne heuynes no more than thou hast of that þat thou hast no wynges, for þat apertayneth vnto þe byrdes and not vnto men; or as 745 thou hast whan a kynge or ony grete prynce dyeth and thou shalte not succede his realme and syng- /C6a/ nourye, for thou knowest well thou arte not he the which sholde enheryte. Also they sholde not enheryte the gloryous realme of paradyse, for they ben exyled by þe synne of Adam and of Eue, of the whiche synne they haue not ben purged by baptyme. 750 153 D Mayster, those of paradys, se they those of hell?

153 M My chylde, ye. And þat vnto them is a grete encreasynge of glory whan they se the paynes þat they haue escaped, wherof they thanke God without ceasyng. And also the dampned seeth the saued in paradys, as we haue in the gospell of þe cursed ryche man Dyues, the whiche sawe the soule of the poore Laȝare in the bosome of 755 Abraham in paradys. The whiche thynge is to them a grete encreasynge of theyr doloure and anguysshe whan they se the grete goodes spyrytuall that they haue lost by theyr synnes and by theyr neclygence. And after the Day of Iugemente, as the bodyes of the saued shall be gloryfyed, they shall se the dampned corporally, but the dampnyd may not se them corporally. 760 154 D Maister, ben the saued wroth of the payne of the dampned?

154 M My chylde, they that ben in paradys wolde well that those the which ben in hell hadde soo well lyued whan they were in this worlde that by theyr holy werkes they had ben saued with them, for without ceasynge they praye for the humaynes lyuynge66 within this present world. But sythen that they by their cursyd lyfe and 65 66

double] Fo, doubte Br lyuynge] Fo, lyuynges Br

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710 damnez, ceulx de paradis n’en sont ne tristes ne courroucez, car en paradis n’a point

de tristesse ne deplaisance d’aucune chose fors toute joye et liesse sans fin. 156 D Maistre, les anciens peres souffroyent ilz aucunes peines au limbe d’enfer? 156 M Mon enfant, non, fors seulement qu’ilz estoyent detenuz en tenebres en captivité et estoient privés de la vision de Dieu et attendoient tous jours leur 715 delivrance. 157 D Maistre, quelle congnoissance ont les justes qui sont en paradis? 157 M Mon enfant, ilz congnoissent les bons et leurs merites, et des mauvais aussi. (158 M) Et les mavais savent pour quoy ilz sont damnés et savent comme nous ce qu’ilz voientet sentent. 720 (160 M) Et ceulx de purgatoire ne savent riens de ce siecle se ce n’est par revelacion

des anges qui les consolent ou des saintz et saintes de paradis. (161 M) Ceulx de paradis se monstrent quant ilz veulent et a qui ilz veulent par la permission divine et sont la ont ilz /c. v. v/ veulent. Mais les damnés ne saudront jamais d’enfer jusques au jour du Jugement qu’il vendront reprendre leur corps et 725 ouyr le sentence du souverain Juge, et puiz s’en retourneront en enfer dont jamais plus ne saudront. Et s’il avient que aucunes fois il nous semble qu’ilz se monstrent, ce n’est que le diable qui se monstre a leur semblance, se ce n’est par permission de Dieu qu’il se monstrent aucunes fois a quelque sainte persone; car Dieu le veult pour miracle, comme l’on dit de pluseurs, mais ce n’est pas a leur voulenté, ne ja n’en sont 730 alegez de leurs peines; car ilz portent tous jours leur enfer avecques eulx et ainsi sont tous jours en enfer. 162 D Maistre, que dittes vous de ces femmes que dient qu’elles voyent en l’air, de ces fees et de ses gebelins que l’on appelle mutins et pluseurs autres choses? 162 M Mon enfant, les femmes sont plus variables et de plus legiere creance que les 735 hommes, et pour ce fut Eve temptee premiere que Adam, car l’ennemy se pensoit bien que, quant il l’auroit gaignee, qu’elle luy aideroit a gaigner Adam. Et pour ce, le dyable monstre plus tost ces visions aux femmes qu’aux hommes, combien

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765 by theyr synnes they ben dampned foreuer, theyse of paradyse neyther ben heuy

nor dysplesaunt, for in paradyse there is not of heuynes nor of dyspleasaunce of ony mane[r]67 thynge, but all ioye, myrthe and gladnesse without ende. 156 D Mayster, the auncient fathers, suffred they ony maner of payne in the Lymbe of hell? /C6b/ 770 156 M My chylde, nay; but all-onely that they were holden in derkenes and in captyuyte, and were put from the vysyon of God and abo[d]e68 euermore theyr delyueraunce. 157 D Mayster, what knowlege haue the iuste the whiche ben in paradys? 157 M My chylde, they knowe the good and theyr merytes, and of the cursyd also. 775 (158 M) And the cur[sed]69 knoweth wherfore they ben dampned, and knoweth as

we that thynge that they se and feele. (160 M) And those of purgatory ne knoweth nothynge of this worlde, yf it be not by reuelacyon of aungels þe whiche them conforteth, or of þe sayntes of paradys. (161 M) These of paradys sheweth theym whan they wyll and vnto whome they wyll, 780 but the dampned shall neuer come forthe of hell tyll vnto the Daye of Iugement, that they shal come to take agayne theyr bodyes and to here the sentence of the soueraygne iuge. And after they shall returne into hell from whens they shall neuermore returne. And if that it happen somtyme that it semeth vnto vs þat they shewe them, it is but þe deuyll þe whiche sheweth h[y]m70 vnto theyr semblaunce; yf it be not by the 785 suffraunce of God that they shewe them somtyme vnto some holy persone71 as God it wyll by his myracle, as men sayth o[f ]72 many. But it is not at ther wyll, ne they be not eased of theyr paynes, for they bere euermore theyr hell with them, and so they ben euermore in hell. 162 D Mayster, how say ye of these women the which sayth that they them se in the 790 ayre of these feyryes and of these gobelyns the whiche them calleth elues and many

other thynges? 162 M My chylde, the women ben moost varyables and more lyght of beleue than men, and therfore was Eue tempted before Adam, for þe ennemy thought well þat whan he had /D1a/ wonne her that she shold helpe hym to wynne Adam. And therfore the 67 68 69 70 71 72

maner] manes Br, om. Fo abode] Fo, aboue Br cursed] Fo, cur / Br hym] Fo, them Br persone] Fo, persones Br of ] Fo, on Br

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qu’aucuns hommes de petite foy y soyent souvant deceuz. Et de tant qu’aucunes femmes sont de plus legiere creance, de tant plus leur monstre le dyable de visions en leur entendement pour les soustraire de la foy de Jhesu Crist. Et dois savoir, mon enfant, que ces vielles sorcieres qui disent qu’elles vont au sabbat aucune /c.vj.r/ foys bien loing de leur maison, au quel elles font et voyent de choses merveilleuses, qu’elles n’en font riens, mais par la grant faulte de foy qu’elles ont et par leur folle creance et pour ce qu’elles sont en peché, car elles sont ydolatres et sans foy, le dyable leur monstre celles folles visions en leur entendement pour les mieulx mettre en son lien; car a la verité, elles ne se bougent de leur lieu n’en plus que fait une pierre. Et leurs visions sont pareilles a celles d’un homme qui est yvre au quel il semble que la maison tourne et doit cheoir sur luy et que la terre tourne soubz ses piez, par quoy il se laisse cheoir, et toutesfoys la maison ne la terre ne se bougent; pareillement le diable leur monstre ces visions en leur entendement. Et se monstre le diable en la forme et semblance de quelque personage, le quel elles congnoissent qui sera mort passé vingt ou trente ans, ou en la forme et semblance d’aucune leurs voysines, et parlera a elles familierement, comme ce c’estoyt elle mesmes, affin qu’elles le croyent mieulx et qu’il les deceve plus facilement. Mais il n’en est riens, ains est le diable mesmes qui ainsi se monstre a elles en ung corps fantastique pour les decevoir. Et aussi fait il qu’il leur semble qu’elles vont par ung pré vert tout plein de belles fleurs, au quel elles font grant chere. Mais il n’en est rien, car ce ne sont que illusions faites par l’ennemy de nature qu’il met en leur entendement. Et leur semble aucunes foyz qu’elles entrent en une maison les portes closes et qu’elles pre-/c.vj.v/nent les corees d’un enfant et les mangent et vont au celier et boivent d’autant du meilleur et que, ce fait, elles s’en vont sans ce que l’enfant ait aucun mal et que le vin soit amaindri au tonneau, qui est chose impossible; car tous les sorciers du monde ne tous les dyables ne sauroient fere passer ung grant corps humain par une trop petite fente ne entrer dans une maison qu’il n’y ait passage ouvert pour y entrer, ne tirer les entrailles du corps d’un enfant sans le tuer ou blesser et, quant il seroit mort, ne le sauroient resusciter ne sauroient tirer le vin d’un tonneau sans qu’au tonneau en ait moins une seule goute; car ce sont euvres qui seulement sont en la puissance du souverain Createur. Et pour ce, mon enfant, tu ne dois jamais adjouster foy a leurs sorceries et divinemens, car ce ne sont que faulces illusions et abusions faites par l’ennemy de nature qui aucunes fois leur revele aucunes choses a venir, les quelles il scet par aucunes conjectures, come je t’ay dit devant en parlant

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795 deuyll shewe[th]73 more soner his vysyons vnto women than he [doth]74 vnto men, how

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be hit that some men of lytell feyth there ben often deceyued. And [of ]75 as moche that some women ben of more lyghte beleue, of as moche the more the deuyll sheweth of vysyons vnto them in theyr mynde for to drawe theym from the fayth of Ihesu Cryste. And thou sholdest vnderstande that these olde wytches, the whiche sayth that they go on the Satyrday farre from theyr houses, or that they do or se thynges maruaylous, that they ne do nothynge but by the grete faute of fayth that they haue, and by theyr folysshe beleue. And for as moch as they ben in synne – for they be idolatres and without fayth – the deuyl vnto them sheweth those folysshe vysyons in theyr entendement for the better to brynge them vnto his lyne. For in trouthe, they76 remeue not from theyr place noo more than doth a stone. And theyr vysyons ben semblables vnto theym of a man the whiche is dronke, vnto whom it semeth that the house turneth vnder his fete, by þe whiche he falleth, and all the house ne the erthe remeueth not. In lyke wyse the deuyl them sheweth these vysyons in theyr entendement. And also the deuyll hym sheweth in the fourme and semblaunce of some personage the whiche they knowe that sholde be deed xx or xxx yeres past, or in fourme and semblaunce of some of theyr neyghboures, and shall speke to them famylyerly as it were themselfe to thende that they beleue hym the better, and that he deceyue them the more lyghtly. But it is nothynge ellys but þe deuyll hymselfe þe whiche hym sheweth vnto them in body fantastycall as for to de- /D1b/ ceyue them. And also maketh he þat it vnto theym semeth þat they goo into a medowe grene full of fayre floures, vnto whom they make grete chere. But it is nothynge, for they ne be [b]ut77 illusyons made by the enemy of [n]ature78 that he putteth in theyr entendement. And it semeth them somtymes þat they entre into an house the gates shytte, and that they take the gaders of a chylde and eteth them, and goth into the celler and drynketh as moche of the best; and of that dede they go awaye without that þe79 chylde hath ony ylle, and that þe wyne is nothynge þe lesse in the tonne, the whiche is a thynge impossyble. For all þe sorcyers of the worlde ne all the deuylles ne can make passe a ryght grete bodye humayne by a lytell clyfte, ne entre within a house, but þat he haue open passage for to entre, ne to drawe the entrayles fro þe body of a chylde without kyllynge or hurtynge it. And whan it shall be deed, they can not areyse it ne they can not drawe þe wyne of a tonne without þat there be lesse of one droppe, for they ben werkes80 þat all-onely ben vnto the puyssaunce of þe souerayne creature. Wherfore, my chylde, thou shold put no fayth vnto theyr sorceries and deuynementes, for they ne ben but false illusyons made by the enemy of nature þat he somtymes 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80

sheweth] shewed Br, Fo doth] dyd Br, Fo of ] Fo, for Br they] elles they Br, Fo but] Fo, put Br nature] Fo, mature Br þe] þe the Br werkes] Fo, werkers Br

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de la science du dyable. Et aucunes fois le dyable leur revelera ung larrecin en disant verité affin qu’ilz croyent mieulx en luy et que le malfacteur soit plus diffamé. Et si dira souvant verité affin qu’il soit plus tost creu quant par sa faulce revelacion il accusera quelque saint et dévot personnage du quel il ne se peut autrement venger; et par ceste cause ne le doit on pas croire, car ce ne sont que illusions et faulces visions de l’ennemy qui ne fait que mentir pour decevoir l’omme. Et si ne /d.i.r/ doit on point craindre telles gens, car le diable n’a aucune puissance sur l’omme se ce n’est que Nostre Seigneur le permette. Et au regard des fees qu’on dit qui soloient estre aux temps passé, ce n’estoient pas hommes ne femmes naturelz, mais estoient diables qui se monstroyent aux gens de celluy temps, car ilz estoient payens ydolatres et sans foy. Et se muoyent les dittes fees en pluseurs formes, come en cheval ou en chien ou autrement qui est impossible a nature. Mais le diable se peut bien monstrer en pluseurs manieres et changer le corps au quel il s’est mis et en prendre ung autre d’autre forme, come tu peux muer ton abit en prenant l’abit d’un religieux ou d’une femme. Mais a la verité, tous les sorciers du monde ne tous les diables d’enfer ne sauroyent muer une espece en autre, come d’un homme en chien, ou d’un chien en ung asne, car il est impossible de ce faire; par quoy, mon enfant, tu peux ymaginer que ces fees qui ainsi se monstroient et muoyent en pluseurs formes et especes n’estoient pas hommes ne femmes ne autre chose naturelle, mais estoient diables qui ainsi se monstroient et qui se mettoient en leurs ydoles et parloyent et disoient aucunes choses a venir par aucunes circumstances, come par les influences des corps celestes ou autrement, car autrement le diable ne scet des choses a venir. Et par ce moyen, les dittes fees disoient que les gens estoyent destinés les ungz a bien, les autres a mal selon le cours du ciel et de nature, come se ung enfant nassoit en telle heure et en tel cours /d.i.v/ il luy estoit destiné qu’il seroit pendu ou neyé ou qu’il seroit riche ou povre ou qu’il espouseroit une telle femme, les quelles choses sont faulces, car l’omme a en soy liberal arbitre et volenté franche de faire bien ou mal tellement que s’il veult, il ne fera pas chose pour quoy il soit pendu ne ne se mettra pas au dangier d’estre neyé, n’espousera ja femme s’il ne le veult faire; et ainsi ses destinacions seront faulces. Et par ces raisons on n’y doit point adjouster de foy, car come dit le psalmiste: Vir sapiens dominabitur astris, c’est a dire que l’omme sage dominera par dessus les estoilles et planetes, car il ne se gouvernera pas selon sa sensualité et inclinacion naturelle, mais se gouvernera sagement par raison en ensuivant le bien et en eschevant le mal; car la voulenté de l’omme est si franche que riens ne la peut desfranchir. Et se l’omme faisoit bien ou mal par force ou contre sa voulenté, il n’auroit pas liberal arbitre, et ainsi sa vie n’auroit point de merite, la quelle chose est faulce et contre la foy; par quoy mon enfant tu ne les doys pas croire,

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830 sheweth some thynges for to come þe which he knoweth by some coniectures, as I

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haue tolde þe before in spekynge of þe scyence of þe deuyll. And somtyme the deuyll vnto them shall shewe a thefte in sayenge the trouthe to thende þat they beleue the better in hym, and þat the malfactoure be þe more defamed, and also shall saye often trouthe to thende þat he be þe soner beleued whan by his false reuelacyon he shall accuse some holy and deuout personage of whome he ne may be otherwy- /D2a/ se auenged. And for this cause a man sholde not beleue them, for they ne be but ill[u]syons81 and false vysyons of the ennemy the which ne doth but lye for to deceyue the man. And also a man sholde not beleue suche people, for þe deuyl hath not ony puyssaunce vpon the man without so be þat God hym suffre. And vnto the regarde of þe feyryes the which man sayth were wonte to be in tymes past, they were not men nor women naturalles but were deuylles þe which shewed themselfe vnto þe people of þat tyme, for they were paynyms, idolatres and without fayth. And the sayd feyryes chaunged theym into many fourmes, as of an hors or of a dogge or otherwyse, the which is impossyble vnto nature. But þe deuyll may well shewe hym in many maners and chaunge þe body wherin he shall be put, and in takynge agayn another of another fourme as þou mayst chaunge thyne habyte in takynge the habyte of a relygyous man or of a woman. But vnto the trouthe, all the wytches of the worlde ne all þe deuyls of hell can not chaunge one kynde into another, as a man into a dogge or a dog into an asse, for it is impossyble vnto theym þat to do. Wherfore thou mayst well thynke þat theyse feyryes þat in suche wyse shewid them in dyuers fourmes and kdes ne were men ne women ne other thynge naturall, but were deuylles þat in suche wyse shewed them and þe whiche put them in theyr idolles and spake and sayd some thynges for to come by some coniectures as by the influences of the bodyes celestyalles; for otherwyse þe deuyll hathe no knowlege of thynges for to come. And by this meane þe sayd feyryes sayd þat þe people were destenyed þe one vnto good, þe other to yll, after þe course of heuen and of nature, as a chylde borne in suche /D2b/ an houre and at suche a course he was destenyed to be hanged or drowned, or þat he sholde be ryche or poore, or þat he sholde wedde suche a woman, þe whiche thynges ben false. For the man hath in hymselfe lyberal arbytre and fre wyll to do good or ylle in suche wyse that if he wyll, he shall do nothynge wherfore he sholde be hanged, nor yet put hym in the daunger to be drownyd; nor also he shall not marye a woman but yf he wyll, and so hi[s]82 destynacyons shall be [false].83 By theyse reasons a man sholde put to no faythe, for as sayth þe psalmyste: “Vir sapiens dominabitur astris.” That is to say that “The wyse man sholde haue lordeshyp aboue the sterres” and planettes, for he shall not gouerne hym after his sensualyte and inclynacyon naturall, but he sholde gouerne hym wysely by reson, folowynge the good and eschuynge the ylle; for the wyll of man is so free þat nothynge may not make hit vnfree. And yf þe man sholde do good 81 82 83

illusyons] Fo, illysyons Br his] hir Br, her Fo false] Fo, selfe Br

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car il t’est defendu sur peine de peché mortel et de damnacion eternelle.

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(163 M) Et au regard de ces mortz et de ces esperit et nuittins et de pluseurs autres visions qu’on dit qu’on voit de nuyt, ce sont souvant dyables qui se mettent en forme d’aucun trespassé en faignant sa voix pour tempter la persone d’aucun peché, car come dit le psalmiste : Spiritus vadens et non rediens, c’est a dire que des que l’ame est partie du corps qu’elle s’en va au lieu qu’elle a desservi sans jamais retourner jusques /d.ij.r/ au jour du Jugement se ce n’est par grant necessité et par grant miracle, come nous lisons du ladre et de pluseurs autres. Mais nuytins, gibelins et helquins qu’on voit de nuyt comme gen d’armes trottans a cheval a grans assemblees, ce sont diables qui sont entre nous qui se monstrent en telle forme et en pluseurs autres formes, comme d’un cheval, d’un chien, d’un arbre, d’une pierre et en pluseurs autres manieres pour tempter l’omme d’aucun vice et pour le faire errer en la foy. Et aucunes foys ces diables viennent aux estables et treuvent les chevaulx et tournent tout dessus dessoubz par derrision de l’omme et pour le tempter. Et aucunes foys ilz deslient les petiz enfans et les gettent du bres pour faire courroucer le pere et la mere. Et souvant tuent les enfans, quant Dieu le permet, par le peché du pere ou de la mere ou pour les esprouver, comme il fit a Job quant il permist que le dyable luy fit tant de maulx pour l’esprouver en sa grant pacience. Car sans la permission de Dieu ilz n’ont nulle puissance, mais sont comme les bourreaulx qui sans le commandement du juge ne peuvent pendre ne foyter aucun malfacteur; par quoy, mon enfant, tu te dois retourner a Dieu et a ses saintz et vivre saintement, et come dit le psalmiste: Non timebis a timore nocturno, c’est a dire que tu n’auras point de paour de ces folles visions nocturnes, car ce ne sont qu’illusions faites par l’ennemy, comme dit est.

165 D Maistre, peut l’ennemy estre contraint a venir par parolles ou par signes? /d.ij.v/ 165 M Mon enfant, non, s’il ne le veult, mais ce sont les convenances qu’il a avec ceulx qui sont de sa secte, qu’en disant aucunes parolles ou en faisant aucuns signes 840 ou caractes, il vient et fait ce qu’ilz demandent affin qu’il les tiegne mieulx en son lien.

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or euyll by force ageynst his wyll, he sholde not haue ly[b]erall84 arbytre; and so his lyfe shold haue no meryte, the which thynge is false and agaynst the faythe. Wherfore, my 870 chylde, thou sholdyst not beleue hit. It is also defendyd vpon the payne of dethe and of dampnacyon eternall.

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(163 M) And in regarde of these [deed]85 and of these spyrytes and elues, and also of many other vysyons that men say þat they se by nyght, they ben often deuylles that put theym in fourme of some deed body in faynyng his voyce to tempte þe persone of some thynge, for as sayth þe psalmyst: “Spiritus vadens et non rediens;” þat is to say þat after that the soule is departed from the body, she goth vnto þe place where she hath deserued without euer to returne tyll vnto þe Day of Iugement, yf hit be not by grete ne- /D3a/ cessyte and by grete myracle, as we rede of Laȝare and of many other. But elues, gobelyns and helquins þe which men se by nyght, as men of armes trottynge on horsbacke with grete assembles, they ben all deuylles þe whiche ben amonge vs, the whiche sheweth them in suche a fourme and in many other fourmes, as of a dogge, of an horse, of a tree or of a stone, and in many other fourmes for to tempte the man of some vyce and for to make hym erre in the faythe. And somtymes these deuylles cometh vnto the stables and fyndeth þe horse and tourneth all that the whiche was aboue vnderneth by derysyon of the man, and for to tempte hym. And sometyme they vnbynde the lytell chyldren and them casteth from the cradell for to make the father and the mother wroth. And often kyll þe chyldren, whan God it suffreth, for the synne of þe fader or of the moder, or for to proue them, as he dyd Iob whan he suffred that the deuyll hym dyd so many of ylles and of tourmentes for to preue hym in his grete pacyence. For without the permyssyon of God they haue noo puyssaunce, but ben as the hange-man þe which without the byddynge of þe iuge may not hange nor bete ony euyll-doer. Wherfore, my chylde, thou sholdest retourne the vnto God and vnto the sayntes, and to lyue holyly, as sayth the psalmyst: “Non timebis a [ti]more nocturno.”86 That is to say: “Thou shalt not drede of those folysshe vysyons by nyght,” for they be not but illusyons made by the ennemye, as it is sayde.

165 D Mayster, may the ennemy be constrayned to come by wordes or by sygnes? 165 M My chylde, nay, yf he ne wyll; but they ben the c[onu]enaunces87 þat he hath with those that ben of his secte, þe which in sayenge some wordes, or in makynge 900 /D3b/ some tokens or cara[c]teres88 thyder cometh and maketh that that he demaundeth to thende þat he them holde the better in his lyne. [Woodcut of the mayster and the discyple] 84 85 86 87 88

lyberall] Fo, lyperall Br deed] wordys Br, Fo timore] amore Br, Fo conuenaunces] countenaunces Br, Fo caracteres] caraters Br, Fo

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166 D Maistre, que dittes vous de ces songes? 166 M Mon enfant, tu n’en dois faire compte, car ce ne sont que visions d’aucunes choses en les quelles on a pensé ou veues par avant en veillant. Et songe l’on souvant 845 en ce qui est semblable a sa complexion. 167 D Maistre, comment savoient jadis les prophetes ce qu’ilz veoient par songes? 167 M Mon enfant, ce n’estoient mye songes seulement, ains estoient revelacion de Dieu, car aveques l’avision ilz avoient une ymaginacion et creance speciale en la bonté de Nostre Seigneur que ce qu’ilz avoyent veu en dormant aviendroit. 850 168 D Maistre, puis que Dieu descendit en terre pour sauver les pecheurs, pour quoy

sont il damnés? 168 M Mon enfant, il n’est si grant pecheur au monde, s’il recongnoit son peché et en crie mercy a Dieu de bon cueur, qu’il ne luy soit pardonné par le merite de la sainte Passion de Jhesu Crist. Mais ceulx qui ne veulent recongnoistre leur peché, 855 ains vivent tous jours en y perseverant jusques a la mort, saches qu’ilz sont damnés eternellement, car Dieu ne sauve pas le pecheur qui ne se veult sauver. Et aussi paradis n’est pas merité par peché, ains en est perdu. 169 D Maistre, puis que Dieu mourut par peché, pour quoy sommes nous baptisez? 169 M Mon enfant, car le baptesme est l’omage que nous devons a Jhesu Crist par le 860 quel tous pechez nous sont pardonnés, et ainsi /d.iij.r/ l’ordonna il, comme conste par l’Evangile qui dit ainsi: Quicumque baptizatus fuerit, et cetera, c’est a dire que qui sera baptisé, sera sauvé et qui non, sera condemné. 170 D Maistre, quantes persones seront sauvees? 170 M Mon enfant, il sera autant de sauvés qu’il cheurent de mauvaiz anges de 865 paradis par leur orgueil; car les hommes et femmes sont faitz pour estre en leur lieu. Et a ceste cause est l’ennemy tant envieux contre l’omme. 171 D Maistre, dont vindrent premierement les ydolatres? 171 M Mon enfant, ilz furent trouvés en Babel qui est maintenant appellee Babiloine la grant, et la naistra l’Antecrist. Et fut la la tour aux geans qui avoit quarante estages. 870 La regna le premier roy de ce siecle qui avoit nom Neron qui fit faire ung ymage d’Appolin et manda a tous ceulx de son royaume qu’il la sacrassent et adorassent. Et ainsi firent ceulx qui furent aprés luy tellement que, quant aucuns grans princes estoyent mortz, leurs successeurs faissoyent faire des ymages riches a merveilles au nom de leurs predecesseurs, et les fasoyent adorer et sacrifier a leurs suggetz. Et

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166 D Master, what say ye of these dremes? 166 M My chylde, þou sholde take none hede vnto them for they ne be but vysyons 905 of some thynges on þe whiche a man hath thought or sene before wakynge; and a man dremeth often of that þe which is semblable vnto his complexion. 167 D Master, how knowe þe prophetes tho dayes that þat they sawe by dreme? 167 M My chylde, that was not by dremes all-onely, but it was by the reuelacyon of God, for with the vysyon they had an imagynacyon and beleue especyall in the 910 bounte of our Lorde that that same thynge that they hadde seen in slepynge came. 168 D Mayster, syth that God dyscendyd in erthe for to saue the synners, wherfore ben they dampned? 168 M My chylde, there is not so grete a synner in this worlde that and if he reknowlege his synne and crye God mercy with good herte but þat he be pardoned 915 by þe meryte of the deth and passyon of Ihesu Cryste. But those þat wyll not /D4a/ knowlege th[e]yr89 synne, but ben obstynate tyll vnto the deth, know thou that they ben damned eternally, for God saueth not the synner the whiche wyll not saue hymselfe. And also paradyse is not deseruyd by synne, but it is lost. 169 D Mayster, syth þat God dyed for our synnes, wherfore be we baptysed? 920 169 M My chylde, for þe baptym is the homage þat we owe vnto oure Lorde Ihesu Cryst by the whiche all our synnes ben pardoned; and in suche wyse ordeyned he it, as telleth þe gospell that sayth thus: “Quicumque baptisatus fuerit.” That is to say: “Whoso shall be baptysed shall be saued, and he that is not shall be dampned.” 170 D Mayster, how many persones shall be saued?

925 170 M My chylde, there shall be as many saued as there fell of the cursyd aungelles

of paradys by theyr pryde, for the men and the women ben made for to be in theyr place; and for that cause is þe ennemy so enuyous ayenst man. 171 D Mayster, from whens came the fyrst idolatres? 171 M My chylde, they were fyrst founde in [B]abell90 the whiche is now callyd 930 Babylon þe Grete, and there shall the Antecryst be borne. And there was the toure with the gyauntes, the which is of xl stages. There regned the fyrst kynge of this worlde, the whiche men called Neron, þe whiche caused to be made an image of Appolyn, and commaundyd all those of his realme that they sholde do hym sacryfyce and worshyppe91 hym. And in lyke wyse dyd they the whiche came after hym, in 935 suche wyse that whan some grete princes were deed, theyr successoures caused to 89 90 91

theyr] Fo, thyr Br Babell] abell Br, Fo worshyppe] Fo, worshypped Br

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875 estoyent appellés ces ymages ydoles es quelles les dyables entroyent et parloyent et

leur disoient beaucop d’abusions. Et ainsi firent ceulx de Grece a leur roy, et ceulx de Romme a Romulus, et pluseurs autres comme l’on le treuve par escript es croniques anciennes.

172 D Maistre, pour quoy ne fit Dieu que l’omme ne mangeast qu’une foys la 880 sepmaine?

172 M Mon enfant, la fain est une des passions que nous souffrons par le peché d’Adam, et si avons tous les jours fain et soif, froit et /d.iij.v/ chault et pluseurs autres passions affin que nous travaillons tous les jours pour suvenir a nous necessités et de nous prochains, affin que par nostre travail et labeur continuel nous ayons plus de 885 merite; car se l’omme n’avoit point de necessité, il n’auroit cure de travailler, mais seroit tous jours en parasse et ne sauroit que bien vault, et ainsi il mescongnoistroit son Creatur. Et combien que les grans seigneurs et autres riches ne se travaillent pas corporellement, toutesfois ilz se travaillent tous jours espirituellement, c’est assavoir en leur entendement et voulenté, en ayent tous jours desir d’acquérir, car qui plus 890 a, et plus veult avoir, et plus a de pensement. Et par ainsi, mon enfant, nul vit sans peiner et travailler, mais a chascun beaucop d’affaires a son endroit.

174 D Maistre que signifient les mysteres et cerimonies qu’on fait a l’eglise? 174 M Mon enfant, elles nous monstrent bon exemple et nous figurent le Viel Testament et le Nouvel. Et est loué Nostre Seigneur Jhesu Crist a l’eglise a heure de 895 matines, car a telle heure il fut pris des Juifz et mené es grans prestres de la loy, comme il est escript es heures de la croix; a prime, car a telle heure il fut mené a Pilate ont il fut faulcement accusé et villainement flagellé; a tierce, car a telle heure il fut couronné d’espines et vestu de pourpre par derrision et aussi fut vestu d’une robe de blanc en la maison de Herode par grant mocquerie; a sexte, car a telle heure il fut pendu et cloué 900 en la croix; a nonne, car a telle heure il mourut en la croix; a vespres, car a telle heure /d.iv.r/ son precieux corps fut descendu de la croix et oingt de precieux oignemens, et a complie, car a telle heure il fut ensevely. Et dois savoir aussi qu’en la messe nous est figuree la mort et Passion de Nostre Seigneur Jhesu Crist, come par l’aube la robe blanche dont il fut vestu, et par la 905 chasuble la robe de pourpre. Et dit on l’Espitre a destre pour ce qu’elle enseigne la bonne vie qui meine a la destre de paradis. Et dit ung l’Evangile a la senestre pour ce que par la senestre nous est signifié peché, et car l’Evangile est la plus forte et de plus

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make of images maruaylously ryche in the name of theyr predysessoures, and made theyr subgettes to adoure them and to do sacryfice; and were callyd idolles, into whom þe deuyll entred and spake and tolde them many /D4b/ of abusyons. And so dyde they of Grece vnto theyr kynge, and they of Rome vnto Romulus, as men fynde 940 by þe wrytynges and auncyent cronycles. [Woodcut featuring the disciple and the master] 172 D Mayster, wherfore ne made God that man ne sholde ete but one tyme in a weke? 172 M My sone, þe honger is one of þe passyons þat we suffre by the synne of Adam. 945 And so we haue euery day honger and thyrste, colde and heet, and many other passyons to thende that we trauayle alway for to thynke on oure nedes and of oure neyghboures to the ende that by oure trauayle and laboure contynuall we haue the more meryte. For yf the man hadde not of necessyte, he sholde haue no care to trauayle, but he sholde be euermore in slouthe and sholde not knowe what good 950 were worthe. And also he sholde mysknowe his creatoure. And howe be hyt that the grete lordes and gentylmen and other that be ryche trauayleth not corporallye, all be it that they trauayle92 spyrytuallye euermore, that is to vnderstande, in theyr vnderstandynge and wyll in hauynge euermore desyre to gete, for he that moost hathe and more wolde haue /D5a/ moost hath in thynkynge. And so, my chylde, none ne 955 may lyue without payne and trauayle, but euery man hath moche to do in his ryght. [Woodcut of the mayster and the discyple] 174 D Master, what bytokenyth the mysteryes and cermonyes that men make vnto the chyrche? 174 M My childe, they shewe vs good exaumple and [vs] fygure93 the Olde Testament 960 and the Newe. And our Lorde Iesu Cryste is louyd in þe chyrche at the houres of matens, for at such an houre he was taken of the false Iewes and ledde vnto the grete prestes of the lawe, as it is wryten in the houres of the crosse; at pryme, for at suche houre he was ledde and brought before Pylate where he was falsely accused and vylaynously scourged; at the thyrde, for at suche houre he was crowned with thorne 965 and clothed with purple by derysyon, and was cladde with a whyte robe in þe house of Herode by grete mockerye; at the syxte, for at suche houre he was hanged and nayled on the crosse; at noone, for at suche houre he dyed on the tree of the crosse; at euensonge tyme, for at suche houre his pre- /D5b/ cyous body was taken downe frome the crosse and anoynted with precyous oyntementes; and at complyne, for at 970 suche houre he was buryed. And thou shalte vnderstande that in the masse vnto vs is fygured þe dethe and passyon of Ihesu Cryst by þe aulbe, þe white robe wherwith he was cladde, and by the 92 93

trauayle] Fo, trauayled Br vs fygure] we fygure Br, Fo

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grant vertu, elle est mise a la senestre pour nous defendre contre peché; car on doit tous jours mettre le plus fort devers la partie dont viennent les coupz.

910 (176 M) Et sont bouscez les ymages a l’eglise en demonstrant que Dieu et les saintz

ont abhominacion de noz pechez. Et a brief parler il n’y a cerimonie qui ne nous demonstre aucun grant mystere.

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177 D Maistre, comment se doit on confesser? 177 M Mon enfant, tu dois premierement examiner ta conscience en recordant les lieux et places ont tu as esté et comment tu y as vesquu, car il n’est chose qui mieux face souvenir des pechés que recorder les lieux ou l’on a esté. Et en ce faisant, dois examiner ta conscience: premierement de tes cincq sens naturelz, c’est assavoir des yeulx, des aureilles, des mains, des piez, des atouchemens, de la boche, du nes et du cueur; secondement, des sept pechez mortelz et de leurs branches qui sont sept, c’est assavoir: orgueil, avarice, envie, ire, gloutonnie, luxure et paresse; tiercement des douze articles de la foy qui /d.iv.v/ sont contenus au Credo; quartement des dix commandemens de la loy, les quelz Nostre Seigneur bailla a Moyse; quintement des sept euvres de misericorde, se tu les as acomplies quant tu le povoyes bien faire; sextement des sept sacremens de l’Eglise, se tu y as eu parfaite creance et se tu les as honnourrez et gardés come ung bon crestien doit faire; et septiesmement des sept vertus cardinales, se tu les as eues en toy et gardees, comme tu es tenu de le faire. Et ce fait, tu te dois aller confesser en grant humilité, contrition et desplaisance de tes pechés, ayant ferme propos de non plus les commettre, car autrement tu ne t’en repenteroies pas parfaitement, et ainsi ta confession seroit nulle. Et quant tu seras devant ton confesseur en grant humilité, luy confesseras tes pechez entierement et clerement qu’il t’entende en luy disant tout la forme et maniere, comment et pour quoy tu les as commiz, et si dois dire le temps et le lieu s’il t’en souvient, car se tu pechez aux festes, tu pechez plus qu’aux jours ouvriers et se tu pechez en lieu sainct, tu pechez plus qu’en ung autre lieu. Et en toy confessant tu dois tenir ordre de confession en disant par ordre tes pechés comme tu les auras recordez devant affin que n’en oblies point. Et dois tout dire a ton confesseur, car se tu en laissoies un a ton essient par honte ou autrement, ta confession est nulle, car elle n’est pas entiere, ne aussi tu ne dois

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chasuble, the robe of purple. And men say the pystle on the ryght hande, for it is the token of the good lyfe, the whiche ledeth vnto þe ryght hande of paradys. And men 975 rede the gospell on the lefte hande, for by the lefte hande vnto vs is sygnyfyed synne, for the gospell is the moost stronge and of moost grete vertue. And therefore it is put on the lyfte hande for to defende vs ayens synne, for a man sholde euermore put the moost strongest ayenst þe partye from whens cometh þe strokes. (176 M) And the images well hydden in shewynge þat God and the sayntes of 980 paradys haue abhomynacyon of our synnes. And to speke well there ne is cermonye

but that it shewe vnto vs some grete mystery.

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177 D Mayster, how shold a man confesse hym? 177 M My chylde, thou shold fyrst examyn94 thy conscyence in recordynge þe places where thou hast ben and how thou there hast lyued. For there ne is thynge þat better doth to thynke of synnes as to recorde the places where a man hath be; and in so doynge, þou sholde examyn thy conscyence. Fyrst, of thy fyue wyttes naturalles, that is to knowe, of thyne eyen, of eeres, of handes, of touchynges, of the mouthe, of the nose, and of all thyne herte. Secondely, also of the vij mortall synnes and of theyr braunches, the whiche ben vij, that is to vnderstande: pryde, coue[t]yse,95 enuye, ire, glotony, lechery and slouthe. Thyrdely, of þe xij artycles of þe fayth þat ben conteyned in the Crede. Fourthly, of the x /D6a/ commaundementes of the lawe the whiche oure Lorde gaue vnto Moyses. Fyfthly, of þe vij werkes of mercy, if thou accomplysshe them whan thou mayst well do it. Syxtely, of þe vij sacramentes of the Holy Chyrche, if thou ne hast had in them perfyte beleue. And seuenthly, of the vij cardynall vertues, yf þou haue had them in the and kepte as thou arte bounde to do. And that don, thou sholde go to confesse the with grete humylyte and contrycyon and dyspleasaun[ce]96 of thy synne, in hauynge ferme purpose to commytte them noo more, for otherwyse thou repentest the not. And whan thou shalt be before thy confessoure in grete humylyte, confesse vnto hym all thy synnes entyerly and clerely that he vnderstande it, in tellynge hym all the fourme and maner how and wherfore thou hast commytted them. And also thou sholde tell the tyme and the place, if thou remembre it. For if thou synne the holy dayes thou synnest more greuously than on the werkynge dayes. And if thou synne in place halowed, thou synnest more than in another place. And in confessy[n]ge97 the, thou sholdest holde the ordre of confessyon in te[ll]ynge98 by ordre thy synnes as thou haste theym recorded before to the ende that thou forgete not. And so thou sholde tell all vnto thy confessoure, for yf thou leue one vnto thy 94 95 96 97 98

examyn] Fo, examyn by Br couetyse] Fo, couesyse Br dyspleasaunce] dyspleasaunt Br, Fo confessynge] Fo, confessyoge Br tellynge] Fo, techynge Br

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partir ta confession en disant la moytié a ung et l’autre moytié a ung autre, car aussi 940 elle n’est pas entiere et ne vault riens. Mais te dois confesser entie-/d.v.r/rement a

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ung de tout ce qu’il te peut souvenir. Toutesfois se aprés ta confession il te souvient d’aucune chose, tu t’en peux bien confesser a ung autre, mais encores tu feras mieulx de retourner au premier se tu peux. Aussi, mon enfant, tu dois confesser les circonstances de tes pechés en disant ce qui t’a esmeu a pecher, et la forme et maniere que tu as tenue en commettant ton peché, et le mal qui en est venu a autruy et toy mesmes. Te dois aussi confesser du mauvais exemple que tu as donné a autruy par ton peché. Et nonobstant que tu n’ayes point le peché, toutesfois tu te dois confesser de la volenté et consentement que tu y as eu, de la peine que tu en as prise a le commettre, car qui consent seulement a peché, s’il est mortel, il peche mortellement, comme tesmoigne le saint Evangile. Aussi, mon enfant, tu dois dire la dignité et proximité de la persone en la quelle tu as commis ton peché, come s’elle estoit vierge ou mariee ou religieuse ou ta parente ou femme publique sans la nommer autrement, car en ta confession tu ne te dois pas confesser des pechez d’autruy ne le diffamer, maiz dois seulement dire son estat pour declarer la grandeur de ton peché, car tant plus digne est le personage en qui est commis le peché, tant plus grant il est. Et quant tu auras bien confessé tous tes pechez des quelz te souviendra, tu en dois crier mercy a Dieu de bon cueur et en grant contricion et deplaisance et en demander a ton confesseur, qui est lieutenant de Dieu, absolution et penitence, la quelle tu dois acomplir entierement a ton povoir en grant reveren-/d.v.v/ce, et te dois garder de peché tant que tu pourras et especialement durant le temps de ta penitence.

178 D Maistre, a qui se doit on confesser? 178 M Mon enfant, a ung prestre discret et sage qui sache qui est peché et qui ne l’est pas et qui sache discerner entre peché mortel et veniel. Car qui se confesse a ung 965 prestre qui est non sachant et ignorant, il met son ame en grant aventure, car bien souvant la confession ne vault riens.

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wyttynge, for shame or otherwyse, thy confessyon is none, for it is not entyere. Ne also thou ne sholde departe thy confessyon in tellynge the one halfe vnto one 1010 confessoure and the other halfe vnto another confessoure, for also hit is not entyer and hole, and hit is nothynge worthe. But thou sholdest confesse and shryue the entyerlye vnto one confessoure of all that that thou mayst remembre. How be it yf, after thy confessyon, /D6b/ thou remembrest some thynge, thou mayst well confesse the vnto another, but yet thou shalt doo better to returne vnto the fyrst if thou mayst. 1015 Also my chylde, thou sholde confesse the cyrcumstaunces of thy synnes in tellynge that the which hath moued the vnto synne, the fo[u]rme99 and the maner that thou haste holden in commyttynge thy synne, and the ylle the whiche cometh vnto another and vnto thyselfe. Also thou sholdest confesse the of yll examples that thou haste gyuen vnto another by thy synne. 1020 And also thou shalt confesse the of wyll and consentynge that thou hast had, and of the payne that thou hast taken for to commytte it, for who so consentyth to synne all-onely, if it be mortall he synneth mortally, as witnes[s]yth100 the holy gospel. [Woodcut of þe mayster and the dyscyp[l]e]101 Also my chylde, thou sholdest tell the dygnyte and proximite of þe persone with 1025 whome thou hast commytted the synne, as if she were a virgyn or a relygyous

woman, or maryed, [or]102 thy kynneswoman, or a comyn woman without namynge hir otherwyse. For in thy confessyon thou shuldest not confesse the of the synne of another nor dyffame hir, but thou sholdest all-onely tell hir estate for to declare the gretnes of thy synne, for of as moche as þe persone is dygne in whome the synne is 1030 commytted, of as moche is it the more grete. And whan thou hast /E1a/ well confessyd all thy sy[n]nes103 whereof thou remembred the, thou sholde crye God mercy with good herte in grete contrycyon and dyspleasaunce, and in demaundynge of thy confessour, the whiche is þe lyeutenaunt of God, absolucyon and penaunce the whiche thou shold accomplysshe 1035 entyerly vnto thy power in grete reuerence. And thou sholdest kepe the from synne as moche as thou mayste, and specyally durynge the tyme of thy penaunce. 178 D Mayster, vnto whome sholde a man confesse him? 178 M My chylde, vnto a preest dyscrete and wyse, the whiche knoweth what it is of synne, and who hath it not, and who that can dyscerne bytwene the synne mortall 1040 and venyall. For whoso confessyth hym vnto [a]104 preest not knowynge and ignoraunt puttyth his soule in grete aduenture, for ryght often the confessyon is nothynge worth. 99 100 101 102 103 104

fourme] Fo, fonrme Br witnessyth] Fo, witneslyth Br dyscyple] -l- inverted or] Fo, om. Br synnes] syunes Br a] om. Br

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179 D Maistre, se peut on confesser a autre qu’a son curé? 179 M Mon enfant, se tu es en pays estrange, tu te peux confesser a celluy que tu voudras. Et se tu es en ta parroisse et tu ne te veulx confesser a ton curé, car il est 970 ignorant ou que ton peché touche sa persone ou qu’il revele la confession ou qu’il en pourroit avenir aucun esclandre ou par pluseurs autres raisons, tu luy dois demander licence; et s’il ne la te veult donner, tu en peux prendre ung autre de ton autorité. Mais se tu te veulx confesser a ceux qui ont le povoir de l’evesque ou du pape, come sont pluseurs grans clercz et freres Prescheurs, tu le peux faire sans le congé de ton 975 curé. Et confessé que tu soyes a ton curé une foys l’an, tu te peux confesser ailleurs tant souvant que tu voudras sans son congé.

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180 D Maistre, comment et dont viendra l’Antecrist? 180 M Mon enfant, il naistra en Babilonne d’un mauvais homme et d’une mavaise femme qui seront de la lignee Dan, et des le ventre de sa mere il sera plein de mavais esperit, et sera nourry et confermé en enchantemens, et sera empereur de tout le siecle, et mettra le peuple soubz soy par quatre manieres, c’est assavoir: les princes et au-/d.vj.r/tres riches et avaricieux par dons, car il aura par ses enchantemens tout le tresor qui est muscé soubz terre, les povres par grant paour et rigeur de justice, car il les fera griefvement martyrer, le clergé par science dont il sera plein, car il saura les sept ars et toutes autres escriptures, et les devotes persones par signes et miracles qui seront merveilleux, car il fera descendre du ciel le feu qui brulera ses ennemys devant luy, et si fera les mortz resusciter, non pas vrayement mais le diable entrera es corps d’aucuns damnés que les dyables luy apporteront, et tantost les fera parler par son enchantement et aller et venir come s’il fussent vifz. Et reedifera Hierusalem et illecque se fera adorer come Dieu, et y sera receu a grant honneur. Et viendra l’on a luy de toutes pars. Et fera sembler au peuple par ses enchantemens qu’il mourra et qu’il resuscitera, et se fera lever en hault par les diables disant qu’il s’en monte en gloire en paradis. Et lors Dieu, voiant son grant orgueil, y envolera de ses anges de paradis pour le confondre tellement que les diables qui le leveront s’enfuiront et le laisseront cheoir en terre si qu’il baillera si grant coup a terre qu’il esclattera tellement que les trippes luy saudront hors du ventre. Et ainsi mourra meschamment et les diables l’emporteront visiblement en enfer. Lors ceulx qui par luy auront esté deceuz retourneront a Dieu et aux saintes predicacions de Helias et Enoch qu’ilz auront par avant ouyes en la foy de Jhesu Crist et auront .xl. jours d’espace pour faire penitence, et tantost aprés souffriront molt aspre mort. /d.vj.v/

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179 D Mayster, may a man confesse hym vnto ony other but vnto his curate? 179 M My chylde, yf thou be in a straunge countrey, thou mayste confesse the vnto hym that thou wylte. And if thou be in thy parysshe, and thou wylt not confesse the 1045 vnto thy curate the whiche is ignoraunt or that thy synne touche his persone, or that he shewe thy confessyon wherby there myght come ony sclaunder, or by many other reasons, thou sholdest demaunde lycence. And if he wyll not gyue it the, thou mayste take another of thyne owne auctoryte. But and if thou confesse the vnto them the whiche haue the power and the puyssaunce 1050 of the bysshop or of the pope, as there be many grete clarkes and grete prechoures, thou mayst do it without lycence of thy curate. So that thou be confessyd vnto thy curate one tyme in the yere, thou mayste confesse the elleswhere as often as /E1b/ thou wylt without lycence. [Woodcut of þe discyple and þe mayster] 1055 180 D Mayster, howe and fro whens shall the Antecryst come?

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180 M My chylde, he shall be borne in Babylon of a cursyd man and of a cursyd woman, the which shall be of the lygnage of Da[n].105 And of þe wombe of his mother he shall be full of þe cursed spyryte and shal be nourysshed and confermed in enchauntementes, and shall be emperour of all the worlde, and shall put þe people vnder him in foure maners. That is to vnderstande: the prynces and other ryche and couetous by gyftes, for he shall haue by his enchauntementes all the tresoures hydde in þe erthe; the poore, by grete drede and rygoure of iustyce, for he shall make them greuously to be martred; the clergy, by connynge whereof he shall be full, for he shall conne þe vij artes and all þe other scryptures; and the deuoute persones, by tokens and by myracles þat shall be marueylous, for he shall make the fyre to dyscende þat shall brenne his ennemyes before hym. And also he shall make the deed men to aryse, not truely, but þe deuyll shall entre into þe bodyes of some dampned, and the deuylles shall bere them and anone make them to speke by his enchauntement and to walke as if they were on lyue, and shall reedyfye Iherusalem. And there he shall make /E2a/ hym to be honoured as God; and there shall be receyued in grete honoure. And men shall come to hym frome all partes. And he shall make semblaunce to þe people by his enchauntementes þat he shall dye and that he shall aryse and shall make hym to be lyft vp in heyght by the deuyls, sayenge þat he wyll [m]ounte106 into þe glorye of paradys. And than God, seynge his grete pryde, thyder shall sende his aungels of paradys for to confounde hym in suche wyse þat þe deuyls þat shall lyfte hym shall fle and shall lette hym fall to the erthe in suche wyse þat he shall gyue so grete a stroke vpon þe erthe þat he shall scatter so þat þe trypes shall lepe out of his bely, and so shall he dey myscheuously, and the deuylles shall bere hym vysybly into hell. Than those þat by 105 106

Dan] dam Br mounte] wounte Br

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181D Maistre, en quel aage viendront Enoch et Helye? 181M Mon enfant, ilz viendront en tel aage come ilz estoyent quant ilz furent raviz en paradis terrestre, au quel ilz sont encores et seront jusques a la venue de l’Antecrist qui les occira et regnera par troys ans et demy. Et mettra son siege au mont d’Olivet 1005 pour vaincre et suppediter les justes hommes, et mourra illecques de mort subite par le vouloir et commandement de Nostre Seigneur, comme dit est. 182 D Maistre, qu’est ce que resurrection? 182 M Mon enfant, c’est quant on revient de mort a vie, et en y a deux, c’est assavvoir: la resurrection de l’ame quant elle est morte par peché et est retournee en vie par 1010 confession et penitence; et l’autre resurrection est du corps comme quant le corps qui est mort retourne en vie quant l’ame se remet au corps, come nous lisons du ladre et de pluseurs autres et come nous serons tous au jour du Jugement.

183 D Maistre, a quelle heure et en quel temps resusciteront tous les humains? 183 M Mon enfant, nous resusciterons tous a tel jour et a telle heure que Nostre 1015 Seigneur Jhesu Crist resuscita come a Pasques. (184 M) Et seront les bons raviz en l’air avecques les autres bons qui seront resuscitez; et en celluy ravissement ilz mourront et tantost resusciteront. Et ainsi croyons nous qu’il fut fait de Nostre Dame et de saint Jehan evangeliste. Mais les mauvaiz mourront en terre en grant angoisse de la grant paour qu’ilz auront. Et seront tous comme 1020 de l’aage que Nostre Seigneur estoit quant il mourut en la croix, c’est assavoir de trentetroys ans. 185 D Maistre, resusciteront ilz en celle mesmes /e.i.r/ chair qu’ilz auront vesquu en ce monde? 185 M Mon enfant, ouy, car se ung homme estoit mangé d’un loup et celluy loup 1025 d’un autre et l’autre loup d’un lion, si resuscitera il en son propre corps entierement sans qu’il y faille riens a la perfection de nature, car comme dit la sainte Escripture: Capillus de capite vestro non peribit, c’est a dire qu’il ne s’en perdra pas ung seul

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1080 hym hath ben deceyued shal returne them vnto God and to þe holy predycacyons of

Helye and of Enoch þat they haue before herde, and shall be confermyd in the holy fayth of Iesu Criste. And they shall haue xl dayes of space for to do penaunce; and anone after, they shall suffre sharpe deth. 181 D Mayster, in what age shall Helye and Enoch come?

1085 181 M My chylde, they shall come in suche aege as they were whan they were

rauysshyd into paradys terrestre, wherin they be yet and shal be tyll vnto the comynge of Antecryste, the whiche shall kyll them; and shal reygne by thre yeres and an halfe, and shall holde his syege in the Mounte of Olyuete for to vaynquysshe and to trede vnderfote the iuste men; and there shall deye of a sodeyn dethe by the wyll and 1090 commaundement of our Lorde, as it is sayde. 182 D Mayster, what thynge is þat, þe resurreccyon? 182 M My chyld, it is whan þat a man cometh agayne from deth to lyfe, and there ben two, that is to vnderstande, the resurreccyon of the soule whan that it is deed by mortall synne, and is /E2b/ returned vnto lyfe by confessyon and penaunce; and 1095 the other resurreccyon is of the body, as whan the bo[d]y,107 the whiche is deed, retourneth vnto lyfe whan the soule is put agayne in þe body, as we rede of Laȝare and of many other, and as we shall be all at the Daye of Iugement. [Woodcut of the mayster and the discyple] 183 D Master, at what houre and in what tyme shall all mankynde arryse?

1100 183 M My chylde, we shal aryse at such a day and at such an houre as Ihesu Cryste

arose at Ester.108 (184 M) And the good shall be rauysshed into þe ayer with the other good the which shall be areysed. And in that rauisshement they shal deye and anone after they shall ryse. And in lyke wyse, beleue we that it was done of our Ladye and of saynt Iohan the 1105 euangelyste. But the euyll shall dye vpon the erthe in grete anguysshe and doloure of the grete drede that they shall haue. And we all shall be of þe aege as oure Lorde was whan he deyed on the tree of the crosse, that is to vnderstande, of xxxiij yeres. /E3a/ 185 D Mayster, shall they aryse in the same flesshe in the which they haue lyued in this worlde? 1110 185 M My chylde, ye. For yf a man were eten with a wolfe, and that wolfe of another, and the other of a lyon, yet sholde he ryse in his owne body entyerly without that that there shall fayle ony thynge vnto the perfeccyon of nature. For as the holy scrypture sayth: “Capill[u]s109 de capite vestro non peribit.” That is to saye, that 107 108 109

body] bo / by Br Ester] eester Br capillus] capillis Br

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cheveul de teste que tout n’y soit entierement; car celluy qui a tout fait de non rien saura et scet bien separer une matière d’avecq l’autre et retourner en son entier et 1030 mieulx qu’elle n’estoit devant. Et par ainsi, ceulx qui auront esté bossuz ou boiteux et mal formez et qu’il auront eu faulte d’aucuns membres seront droitz et parfaitz entierement. Mais les damnés ne seront fors itelz qu’ilz furent ou eussent esté en l’aage de .xxxiii. ans. Et des qu’ilz seront resuscitez, jamais ne mourront, ains vivront les bons en gloire 1035 eternellement et les mauvaiz vivront tous jours en mourant au feu d’enfer ont ilz bruleront sans povoir estre consumés aucunement, ains seront en celle peine et doleur eternellement. 186 D Maistre, a quelle heure se fera le Jugement? 186 M Mon enfant, a minuyt, a telle heure que Dieu descendit en enfer. 1040 187 D Maistre, comment viendra Dieu au Jugement?

187 M Mon enfant, comme il estoit quant il s’en monta au ciel.

188 D Maistre, ont se fera le grant Jugement? 188 M Mon enfant, il se fera en la val de Jozaphat qui vault tant a dire comme val de Jugement, la quelle est pres de Jherusalem, pour confondre les mauvaiz quant ilz 1045 ver-/e.i.v/ront le lieu au quel Nostre Signeur mourut pour les pecheurs. En celluy lieu seront tous bons et mauvais, et les bons auront leurs bons anges avecques eulx et les mauvais auront leurs mauvais anges, et seront tous de l’aage que estoit Nostre Seigneur quant il morut en la croix, c’est de .xxxii. ou de .xxxiii.ans. Et seront les bons eslevez en l’air avecques Dieu et ses saintz, mais les mauvais 1050 seront en terre avecques les dyables par la gravité de leur pechés. Et se monstrera Nostre Seigneur en deux manieres, c’est assavoir aux bons comme il estoit quant il se transfigura en la montaigne de Tabor, mais es mauvais il se monstrera ainsi qu’il estoit quant il pendoit en la croix. (189 M) Et ne y sera pas le boys de la croix, mais y sera une tres belle et tres clere nuee 1055 en la forme et semblance de la croix. Et seront avecques Nostre Seigneur la Vierge

Marie d’un couté et saint Jehan Baptiste de l’autre et les douze apostres qui jugeront avecques Dieu, come tesmoigne l’Evangile qui dit ainsi: Sedebitis et vos judicantes duodecim tribus Israel. Et dira Nostre Seigneur Jhesu Crist aux bons : ‘Venez a moy, vous qui estes les bieneurez filz de mon Pere; et je vous donneray le royaume de paradis 1060 le quel vous est apresté des le commencement du monde; car quant j’ay eu fain, vous m’avés repeu en nourrissant les pouvres qui sont mes membres, quant j’ay eu soif, vous m’avez donné a boire; quant j’ay eu froit, vous m’avez chauffé; quant j’estoye

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“he shall not loe one onely heere of his heed,” but that there shall be all entyerly. 1115 For he that made all of nought can wele seuer one mater from another and it returne

in his entyer, and better than it was before. And in such wyse those the whiche haue ben croked or lame and yll-formed, or whoso hath had ony faute in ony membre shall be ryght and perfyte entyerly. But the dampned shal not be but as they were or had be in the aege of xxxi[i]j110 yeres. 1120 And frome the tyme that they shall be areysed, they shall neuer deye, but shall lyue: the good in glorye eternall, the yll euermore in dyenge in the fyre of hell where they shall brenne withoute power to consume ony thynge, but shall be in that doloure and in þat payne eternally. 186 D Mayster, at what houre shall þe Iugement be made? 1125 186 M My chylde, at mydnyght, at the houre that he dyscendyd into hell. 187 D Mayster, howe shall God come in Iugement? 187 M My chylde, as he was whan he mounted into heuen. 188 D Mayster, where shal the grete Iugement be made? 188 M My chylde, hit shall be made in the Vale of Iosophat the which is as moche to 1130 saye as the vale of Iugement, the whiche is nere to Iherusalem for to confounde the ylle whan they shall se the place where our Lorde dyed for the synners. In that place shall be all good and ylle; the good shall /E3b/ haue theyr good aungels with them, and the yll shall haue theyr yll aungels. And all shall be of the aege þat our Lorde was whan he dyed on the tree of the crosse, that is at xxxij or xxxiij yeres. 1135 And the good shall be lyfte vp into the ayre wi[t]h111 God and his sayntes, but the yll shall be in erthe with the deuylles for the grauyte of theyr synnes. And oure Lorde shall shewe hym in two maners, that is to vnderstande, vnto the good as he was whan he transfyguryd hym in the Mountayne of Thabor; but vnto the euyll he shall shewe hym as he was whan he honge on the crosse. 1140 (189 M) And there shall not be the wood of the crosse, but a ryght fayre and clere

clowde in the fourme and semblaunce of þe crosse. And there shall be with oure Lorde the vyrgyn Marye on the one syde, and saynt Iohan Baptyst on the other syde, and the xij appostles the which shall iuge with God, lyke as wytnessyth the gospell the which sayth thus: “Sedebitis et nos iudicantes tribus Israell.” And our Lorde Ihesu 1145 Cryst shall say vnto the good “Come you vnto me the whiche ben the blessyd sones of my Father, and I shall now gyue you the realme of heuen, the whiche vnto you is made redy from the begynnynge of the worlde. For whan I haue had hunger ye haue fedde me, in nourysshynge the poore, the whiche ben my membres; and whan þat I 110 111

xxxiij] xxxii / Br with] wich Br

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nud, vous m’avez revestu et avés fait pluseurs euvres charitables des ques-/e.ij.r/les je vous veulx maintenant recompenser.’ Et aux mavais, en gettant sa sentence, dira ainsi: 1065 ‘Allés, mauditz, au feu eternel d’enfer qui vous est appareillé des le commencement du monde avec tous les dyables.’ Et ce fait, Nostre Seigneur Jhesu Crist et tous les saintz et saintes et anges et arcanges s’en monteront avecques les bons en la gloire eternelle de paradis, et les mauvaiz descendront en enfer avecques tous les dyables, dont jamais plus ne saudront, mais seront en peine, douleur et tristesse au feu d’enfer 1070 eternellement.

190 D Maistre, qui sont ceulx qui seront damnés? 190 M Mon enfant, ce seront les Juifz et mescrans et les mauvaiz crestiens qui seront mortz en peché mortel sans s’en confesser ne repentir. Et verra l’on clerement au jour du Jugement la conscience l’un de l’autre, par la quelle ung chascun se jugera de luy 1075 mesmes, et en ceste maniere seront sceuz tous biens et maulx, car oncques nul ne fit ne fera aucun mal ne peché, tant secret soit il, qui ne soit alors veu clerement et manifesté publiquement devant Dieu et devant tout le monde. 191 D Maistre, quelles sont les joyes de paradis? 191 M Mon enfant, elles sont si tres grandes qu’on le ne sauroit dire, car les sauvés 1080 verront Dieu face a face et sauront toutes choses comme les anges. Les corps des sauvés seront clers et reluisans comme le soleil. Ilz seront incontinent ont ilz voudront, comme la pensee qui est incontinent transportee ont elle veult. Ilz ne auront point de honte d’estre tous nudz l’un devant l’autre, car ilz seront purifiez de peché et seront telle-/e.ij.v/ment confermés en grace et en l’amour de Nostre Seigneur que 1085 jamais plus ne pourront pecher ne avoir aucun mauvais pensement. Ilz n’auront ne fain ne soif, car ilz ne seront plus suggetz aux influences des planettes moyennant les quelles se fait la digestion au corps humain, mais seront pardessus incorruptibles et perpetuelez et repeuz de la grace de Dieu. Ilz ne sauront cesser de rendre graces a Dieu de la grant grace qu’il leur aura faite. Et a brief parler, les joyes de paradis sont 1090 si grandes qu’il n’est entendement qui les sceust comprendre, car se tous les biens et liesses qui sont, furent et seront au monde estoient ensemble, si ne seroit ce riens a la comparaison de la moindre gloire de paradis, car toutes les joyes de ce monde sont transitoires et s’en passent comme fumee, mes les joyes de paradis sont perpetuelles et sans fin.

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haue had thyrste ye haue gyuen me to drynke; and whan I haue hadde colde ye haue 1150 warmed me; whan I haue ben naked ye haue clothed me and haue done many werkes

charytables. Wherof I wyll now recompence you.” And vnto the cursed, in castynge his sentence, [he]112 shall saye thus: “Goo, ye acursed, vnto the fyre of hell eternally, þe whiche is made redy vnto you frome /E4a/ the begynnynge of the worlde with all the deuyls.” 1155 And this done, our Lorde Ihesu Cryste and all his holy aungels and archaungels shall mounte with the good into the glorye eternall of paradys. And the cursed so shall descende into hell with all the deuylles from whens they shall neuer come nor departe, but shall be euermore in payne, doloure and heuynes in þe fyre of hell perdurably. 190 D Mayster, which ben those þat shall be damned? 1160 190 M My chylde, þat shall be the Iewes and mysbeleuers and the cursed crystyens that shall deye in mortall synne withoute repentaunce. And men shall se clerely at the Day of Iugement þe conscyence the one of þe other, wherby euery man shall gyue iugement of hymself, and in this maner shal be knowen all the good dedes and the yll. For a man dyd neuer ony yll ne synne, be hit neuer so secrete, but that than it shall be 1165 clerely seen and shewed openly before God and before all the worlde. 191 D Mayster, what ben þe ioyes of paradys? 191 M My chylde, they ben so ryght grete that a man ne can tel them, for the saued shall se God face to face and shall knowe al thynges as the aungelles. The bodyes of the saued shall be clere and shynynge as the sonne; they shal be incontynent where 1170 they wyl be, as þe thought þe which incontynent is borne thyder where hit lyketh. They shall haue no shame to be all naked the one afore the other, for they shall be all clensyd from synne and shal be so confermed in the grace and in þe loue of our Lorde [þat]113 they may neuer synne more ne haue ony yll thought. They ne shall haue hunger ne thyrst, for they ne shall be more subiectes to þe influences of þe planettes 1175 meanly þat also maketh þe degestyon vnto the body humayn, but shall be there aboue, incorruptyble and perpetualles /E4b/ and fedde of the grace of God. They can not cease to yelde graces and praysynges vnto God of the grete mercy that he vnto them hath done. And to speke shortely, the ioyes of paradys ben so grete that there ne is entendement the which them can comprehende. For yf all the goodes and all the 1180 ioyes and gladnesses the whiche ben, was and shall be in the worlde were all togyders, all that shold be nothynge vnto the comparyson of the leest glory of paradys, for all the ioyes of this worlde ben transytoryes and also passeth as [smoke].114 But the ioye[s]115 of paradys ben perpetuall[e]s116 and without ende. [Woodcut featuring the disciple and the master] 112 113 114 115 116

he] om. Br þat] Fo, and Br smoke] moche Br, Fo ioyes] Fo, ioye Br perpetualles] perpetuallys Br, perpetuelles Fo

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1095 202 D Maistre, quantes ordres d’anges sont en paradis?

202 M Mon enfant, il en y a neuf: le premier est appellé l’ordre des seraphins qui est le plus hault, le segond des cherubins, le tiers des trones, le .iiii. des puissances, le quint des principez, le sexte des seigneuries, le septiesme des vertus, le huitiesme des archanges et le neufieme des anges qui est le plus bas. Et tous les saintz et 1100 saintes de paradis sont pardessus ces neuf ordres comme seigneurs pardessus leurs serviteurs. 203 D Maistre, avons-nous chascun de nous ung bon ange qui nous garde? 203 M Mon enfant, chascun a son bon ange qui le defent du mauvais et l’incite a bien faire. Et aussi eut Je-/e.iij.r/su Crist des bons anges pour luy ministrer. Et l’Antecrist 1105 en aura ung qui le gardera de faire tant de mal qu’il pourroit bien. Et sont ces anges du dernier et plus bas ordre qui est proprement appellé l’ordre des anges, comme je t’ay maintenant dit. 204 D Maistre, pour quoy pert la lune aucunes foiz sa clarté? 204 M Mon enfant, la lune n’a autre clarté que celle que le soleil luy donne. Et avint 1110 souvant que la terre se treuve entre le soleil et la lune tellement que le soleil ne luy peut donner clarté, et lors est elle toute obscure, car la terre luy fait umbre. Mais quant la terre n’est pas droitement entredeux, mais aucune partie seulement est entredeux, lors est elle clere de tant que le soleil la peut veoir. Et quant la terre n’est nullement entredeux, lors est elle toute clere, car il n’y a riens entredeux. Et par ceste cause a la 1115 lune tous jours le dos devers le soleil. 205 D Maistre, quelle chose est l’arc que nous voyons en l’air? 205 M Mon enfant, ce sont les raiz du soleil qui se fourrent en la matiere de la lune qui est espesse, et empraignent quatre couleurs par la matiere de la lune qui est disposee a telles couleurs recevoir, come pluseurs fleurs qui sont disposees a recevoir pluseurs et 1120 diverses couleurs selon la nature des herbes et du lieu ont elles croissent. 206 D Maistre, dont viennent ces ventz, tonnerres, gellees, neges, plues, rosees et telles semblables choses? 206 M Mon enfant, toutes ces choses viennent d’aucunes vappeurs qui s’enlievent de la terre en hault par la vertu du soleil, des quelles les unes sont /e.iij.v/ seches et les 1125 autres humides.

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1185 202 D Mayster, howe many orders of aungelles ben in paradys?

202 M My sone, there be nyne. The fyrste order is callyd the ordre of seraphyns, the whiche is the moost hyghest; the seconde, of the cherubyns; the thyrde is of the thrones; the fourthe, of the puyssaunces; the fyfte is of the prynces; the syxte is of þe lordeshyps and seygnourys; the seuenth is of þe vertues /E5a/; the eyght of þe ix 1190 ordres as lordes and sygnours aboue theyr seruauntes archaungels. And the nynth of the aungelles the whiche is moost lowe, and all the sayntes, holy men and women of paradys ben aboue them. 203 D Mayster, haue we euery of vs his good aungell the which kepith vs? 203 M My chyld, euery one haue his good aungell, the which hym defendeth from 1195 the ylle and styreth hym to do well. And so hadde our Lorde Ihesu Cryste of good aungelles for to mynyster vnto hym. And the Antecryst shall haue one to kepe hym frome doynge of so moche ylle as he may well. And the aungelles ben of þe laste and moost lowe ordre that is called properly the ordre of aungelles, [as]117 I haue nowe tolde the. 1200 204 D Mayster, wherfore loseth the moone sometyme hi[r]118 clerenesse?

204 M My chylde, the mone hath none other lyght but þat the sonne vnto hir gyueth, so it happeneth often that the erthe is founde betwene the sonne and the mone in suche wyse that þe sonne ne maye gyue her clerenes, and than she is all blacke, for the erthe shadoweth her. But whan the erthe is not dyrectely betwene 1205 them, but some parte all-onely, than is she clere in as moche as the sonne may se her. And whan the erthe is nothynge betwene them, than is she clere for there is nothynge betwene theym. And for that cause hath the mone [euer]119 the backe towarde the sonne. 205 D Mayster, what thynge is the bowe of heuen, the whiche we se in the ayer? 1210 205 M My chylde, they ben the beames of the sonne the whiche meddle theym in the mater of the mone þe whiche is thycke, the whiche taketh foure coloures þe whiche ben dysposed to receyue many and dyuers coloures after þe nature of herbes and of þe place where they growe. 206 D Mayster, fro whens /E5b/ cometh the wyndes, thondres, frostes, snowes, 1215 raynes, dewes and suche semblable thynge?

206 M My chyld, all these thynges cometh of some vapoures þe whiche aryseth from the erthe in heyghte by the vertue of the sonne, of þe whiche some ben drye and þe other moyste. And whan suche þe whiche ben lyft vp tyll vnto þe meane regyon of þe 117 118 119

as] Fo, om. Br hir] his Br, Fo euer] Fo, om. Br

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Et quant celles qui sont humides sont eslevees jusques a la moyenne région de l’air qui est tres froide, elles se font espesses et commencent a degoutter, et de la vient la pluye. Et quant le froit est fort et destraignant lasus, si s’assemblent et se congelent, et de la vient la gresle. Et quant ces gouttes tombent ca bas et treuvent ceste basse region de l’air froide come en yver, elles se congelent moyennant le vent qui est froit, et de la viennent les neges. Et est faite en esté la rosee de celle mesmes vappeurs, les quelles, quant elles descendent sur terre et la treuvent froide, se convertissent en rosee. Mais quant ces vapeurs sont seches et legieres, elles se lievent plus hault a la tierce region de l’air qui est chaude, car elle touche la region du feu, et ainsi, quant ces vapeurs seches, que les clercz appellent exalacions, passent en l’air et se rencontrent les unes contre les autres, les plus fortes reculent les plus debiles par la vertu du soleil et de la lune, et de la viennent les ventz. Et quant ces exalacions s’en passent en montant par la moyenne region de l’air qui est tres froide, elles se meslent avecques la nue, et se clouent dedens la nue, et la chaleur du soleil frappe ardement entre ces nues tellement que ces exalacions chaudes qui sont incluses dans ces nuees veulent saillir, mais elle ne peuvent, car la nue est froide et espesse qui tient ces exalacions incluses, se ce n’est par grant force et violence. Et quant elle romp, elle fait ung grant bruit en l’air et c’est le tonnerre, et en rompant, ces exa-/e.iv.r/lacions saillent de la nuee qui sont enflambees et c’est l’esparnissement. Lors, celle exalacion enflambee se mesle et brule avecques la nue, et quant la matiere est presque degastee, si tombe ca bas toute enflambee, et c’est le fudre qui est plus chault q’un fer ardant, car le feu d’amont est beaucop plus chault que celluy de ca bas. Mais quant ces exalacions ne treuvent point de nuee en montant, elles s’en montent en la tierce region de l’air qui est chaude, car elle touche la region du feu. Et quant ces exalacions sont pres du feu, elles s’emflambent et brulent et semblent estre estoilles. Et quant la matiere est presque brulee, elles tombent, et c’est ce qu’il nous semble que les estoilles cheent ca bas.

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ayre, þe whiche is ryght colde, they ben made thycke and begyn to droppe, and from 1220 thens cometh the rayne.

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And whan the colde is greatly destraynynge aboue, so they assemble and congeleth, and frome thens cometh the hayle. And whan these droppes falleth here alowe and fyndeth this bace regyon of þe ayre colde, as in wynter, they also congele meanly þe wynde the whiche is colde, and from thens cometh þe snowes. And this dewe is made of þe selfe vapoures þe whiche whan they dyscende vpon the erthe and there fyndeth colde, they conuerte them into water. But whan that these vapoures ben drye and lyght, they aryse vp more hye vnto the thyrde regyon of the ayre the whiche is hote, for it toucheth the regyon of the fyre in suche wyse whan the vapoures drye, that these clerkes calleth [exalacyons]120, passeth in the ayre and meteth the one with the other, the moost strongest gadereth þe most weykest by the vertue of the sonne and of the moone, and from thens cometh þe wyndes. And whan these [exalacyons]121 passeth in mountynge by the meane regyon of the ayre, the whiche is ryght colde, they meddle them with the cloude and closeth them within þe colde. And the heet of þe sonne stryketh brennyngely betwene these cloudes in suche wyse þat these exalacyons hote that ben enclosed within þe clowdes wyll go forth, but they may not for the cloude is colde and thycke þe whiche holdeth the- /E6a/ se exalacyons enclosyd, yf it be not by grete force and vyolence. And whan it breketh it maketh a grete bruyte in the ayre, þat is the thunder, [and]122 in brekynge, [these]123 exalacions lepeth out fro þe cloude the whiche ben enflamed, and it is the departynge. Than þe ex[a]lacyon124 enflamed medleth hym and brenneth with the [cloude],125 and whan þe mater is well nere wasted,126 so it falleth here beneth al enflamed, and that is the lyghtnynge the whiche is more hote than a brennynge fyre, for that fyre aboue is also more hote than this here alowe. But whan these exalacyons ne fy[n]deth127 no cloude in mountynge, they mounte into the thyrde region of the ayre, the whiche is hote, for it toucheth the regyon of the fyre. Than they enflame them and brenneth, semynge to be sterres. And whan the [mater]128 is almost brent, it falleth and it is that that semeth vs þat the starres falleth here alowe. [woodcut of þe discyple and þe mayster]

120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128

exalacyons] Fo, exaltacyons Br exalacyons] Fo, exaltacyons Br and] om. Br these] his Br exalacion] exelacyon Br cloude] colde Br wasted] wasted and Br fyndeth] fydeth Br mater] mayster Br

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207 D Maistre, pour quoy est la mer salee?

1155 207 M Mon enfant, c’est par la nature de la matiere sur quoy elle est assise et de la nue

qui la font salee. Et la lune la fait courre et recourre, car comme le aymant attrait a soy le fer, aussi la lune attrait a soy la mer.

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208 D Maistre, quelz signes fera Dieu devant le Jugement? 208 M Mon enfant, il en fera quinze qui seront grandement merveilleux et espoventables. Le premier sera que la mer s’en montera en l’air par dessus toutes les montaignes de quinze coudees. Le segond que la mer descendra en abisme si bas qu’on la perdra de veue. Le tiers que la mer retournera en son premier estat. Le quart que les poissons de la mer s’assembleront a grans assemblées et crieront et plaindront moult piteusement. Le cinquiesme que les oyseaulx s’assembleront a grans assemblées en faisant piteux plaintz et en chantant /e.iv.v/ moult piteusement sans boire et sans manger. Le sixiesme que les foudres viendront d’Occident vers Orient et brûleront tout ce qu’il rencontreront. Le septiesme que les estoylles auront leurs raiz longz comme cheveulx pendans. Le huitiesme que toute terre tremblera tellement par tout qu’il ne sera beste au monde qui puisse demourer sur ses piez sans cheoir. Le neufiesme que les pierres et grosses roches se fendront et hurteront l’une contre l’autre tant qu’elles reviendront en pouldre. Le dixiesme que les arbres et erbes sueront une rosee rouge comme sang. Le unziesme que les montaignes se hurteront l’une contre l’autre de si grant force qu’elles retourneront en pouldre. Et en cestuy jour tous les bastimens du monde tomberont et n’y demeurera pierre sur pierre. Le douziesme que les bestes sauvages saudront des bois et iront sur la terre en faisant criz horribles et en plaignant très piteusement. Le treziesme que les hommes et femmes iront par terre comme sans sens et sans boire ne manger et sans povoir parler l’un a l’autre par la grant destresse qu’ilz auront au cueur. Le quattorziesme que toutes les sepultures et tombeaulx des trespassés se ouvriront affin que les mortz s’en saillent quant ilz seront resuscitez. Le quinziesme que tous ceulx qui lors vivront sur terre mourront, et puis, ilz resusciteront ensemble tous ceulx qui auront esté mortz des le commencement du monde jusques a la fin qui sera alors et resusciteront tous a la voix d’aucuns /e.v.r/ anges qui crieront en disant: ‘Mortz, levés sus, venés au Jugement !’, a la quelle voix ilz resusciteront tous et en ung moment seront transportés en la val de Jozaphat ont se fera incontinent le Jugement.

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207 D Mayster, wherfore is the see salte? 207 M My childe, it is by the nature of þe mater vpon þe which it is set, and of the [cloud]e129 þe whiche maketh it [salte]130. And the mone hit maketh to renne and to come backe: as the adamande draweth vnto him þe iron, so þe mone vnto hit draweth 1255 þe see.

1260

1265

1270

1275

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208 D Mayster, what tokens and sygnes shall our Lorde make before that he shal begynne his Iugement? 208 M My chye, he shall make xv, the whiche shal be gretelye maruaylous and ferefull /E6b/. The first shall be that the see shall mounte into þe ayre aboue all the mountaynes xv cubytes. The ij shall be that the see shall dyscende in depnesse so lowe that men shall lose the syghte. The iij, that the see shall returne into his fyrst estate. The iiij, that the fysshes in the see shall assemble theym in grete hepes and shall crye and wayle them moche pyteously. The v, þat the byrdes shall assemble them in grete hepes, makynge pyteous playntes and syngynge moche pyteouslye without drynke and withoute meet. The vi, that þe lyghtenynges shall come out from the Oryent towarde the Occydent and shall brenne all that that it shall mete. The vij, that the starres shall haue theyr beames longe lyke here hangynge. The viij, that all þe erthe shall tremble in suche wyse by ouer all that there ne shall be beest in the worlde that may abyde vpon his fete without fallynge. The ix, that the stones and grete roches shall cl[e]ue131 all in powder. The x, that þe trees and the grasse shall sweet a dewe as redde as bloode. The xi, that the mountaynes shall knocke the one ayenst þe other with so grete force that they shall returne into pouder. And at that daye, all buyldynges and batylmentes shall fall, and there shall not abyde one stone vpon another. The xij, þat the wylde bestes shall renne out of þe wode and shall go vpon the erth, makynge horryble cryes in waylyng ryght [p]iteously.132 The xiij, þat þe men and the women shall go on þe erthe as without wyt and without meet and without power to speke the one vnto the other for the grete distresse þat they haue in theyr hertes. The xiiij, þat all the sepultures and tombes of þe deed bodyes shall open to thende that all they that be deed goo out whan they shall aryse. The xv token /E7a/ shall be that all those the whiche than shall lyue vpon the erthe shall deye and after aryse with all them the whiche haue ben deed frome the begynnynge of the worlde tyll vnto thende, the whiche shall be than; and shall aryse all at the voyce of the aungels, the whiche shall crye in sayenge: “Ye deed bodyes, aryse and come vnto your Iugement.” At the whiche voyce they shall aryse all, and in a moment they shall be borne into þe Vale of Iosophat where incontynent the Iugement shall be made.

129 130 131 132

cloude] mone Br salte] om. Br cleue] cloue Br piteously] hiteously Br

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208a D Maistre, comment se peut on bien sauver? 208a M Mon enfant, en aimant Dieu plus que toy mesmes et ton prochain comment toy mesmes. 1190 209 D Maistre, quelz sont les dix commandemens de la loy?

209 M Mon enfant, il en y a dix. Le premier est que tu dois adorer, servir et honnourer ung seul Dieu tout puissant. Le segond est que tu ne dois jurer le nom de Dieu en vain et sans cause legitime ou necessité, comme en jugement ou en autre cas semblable. Le tiers est que tu dois sanctifier les festes en servant Nostre Seigneur sans faire aucune 1195 operation temporelle et en toy gardant de peché tant que pourras, car les festes sont desdiees pour Dieu servir et pour faire le salut de l’ame. Le quatrie-/e.vj.r/me que tu dois porter honneur et reverence et toute obeissance a tes parens espirituelz et temporelz, comme sont tes pere et mere et les pasteurs de sainte Eglise. Le cinquiesme que tu ne dois tuer, batre ne frapper persone, ne luy faire aucun oultrage de fait, de 1200 dit ne de pensee. Le .vi. que tu ne seras point larron en prenant l’autruy comme par rapine, par usure, par barat, par tromperie ou autrement par faulceté. Le .vii. que tu n’accompliras point le peché de fornicacion. Le .viii. que ne porteras point faulx tesmoignage comme en toy jurant en jugement ou en disant aucunes faulces parolles detractives et diffamatoires d’aucune personne. Le .ix. que tu ne convoiteras point la 1205 femme d’un autre par concupiscence charnelle. Le .x. que tu ne seras envieux du bien d’autruy en desirant avoir le sien par faulceté et en procurant son dommage. 211 D Maistre, quelz sont les sacremens de sainte Eglise? 211 M Mon enfant, il y en a sept, c’est assavoir: baptesme, confirmacion, confession, l’ordre de prestrise, le sacrement de l’autel, l’enhuilement et le sacrament de mariage. 1210 212 D Maistre, quelz sont les douze articles de la foy?

212 M Mon enfant, il y en a douze: le premier si est que tu dois croire en ung seul Dieu tout puissant qui a fait le ciel et la terre; le segond que tu dois croire en Nostre Seigneur Jesu Crist, Filz de Dieu eternel; le tiers qu’il fut conceu du benoist Saint Esperit au precieux ventre de la Vierge Marie sans semence d’omme, la quelle 1215 l’enfanta sans peine et sans douleur et sans aucune corruption ne macule de peché, mais demoura vierge entierement a l’enfantement, devant et après; le quart qu’il print mort et Passion soubz la main de Pilate et qu’il fut crucifié et mourut en la croix pour nous et fut ensevely au Saint Sepulcre; le cinquiesme qu’il descendit en enfer et delivra les saintes ames qui estoyent au limbe, et resuscita le tiers jour de 1220 mort a vie; le sixiesme qu’il s’en monta au ciel et s’assiet en la destre Dieu le Pere

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208a D Mayster, how may a man well saue hymselfe? 208a M My chylde, in louynge God his maker more than he doth hymselfe, and his neyghboure as hymselfe. 209 D /E7b/ Mayster, what ben þe commaundementes of þe lawe?

1290 209 M My chyld, there are x. The first is þat thou shold worshyppe, serue and honour

one onely God almyghty. The ij is that thou sholde not swere by þe name of God in vayne, without cause lefull and necessyte, as in iugement or in other cause semblable. The iij, that thou sholde halowe the feestes in seruynge our Lorde without doynge ony operacyon corporall; and also in kepynge þe from synne as moche as thou mayst, for 1295 the festes be made holy for to serue God and for to make the helthe of the soule. The iiij is þat thou bere honour and reueren-/E8a/ce and all obeysaunce vnto thy frendes spyrytualles and temporalles, as ben thy fader and thy moder and the pastures of Holye Chyrche. The v commaundement is that thou ne shalte bete ne stryke no man nor do hym ony outrage of dede ne of thoughte. The vi is that thou sholde be no thefe 1300 in takynge from another, as by extorcyon, vsury, by stryfe, by dysceyte or otherwyse by falsenesse. The vij is that thou shalt not accomplysshe the synne of fornycacyon. The viij, that thou shalt not bere false wytnesse, as in forswerynge the in iugement or in spekynge some false wordes of detraccyon and defemacyon of ony persone. The ix is that thou shalt not coueyte another mannes wy[f ]e133 by concupiscence carnall. 1305 The x, that thou shalt not be enuyous of another mannes welth, in desyrynge to haue his by falsenes, or procurynge his domage. 211 D /E7a/ Mayster, what ben the sacramentys of Holy Chyrche? 211 M My chylde, there ben vij; that is to vnderstande, baptyme, confyrmacyon, confessyon, the ordre of preesthode, the sacrament of [the]134 awter, the enelynge, 1310 and the sacrament of maryage. 212 D Mayster, what ben the artycles of the faythe? 212 M My chylde, there ben xij. The fyrste artycle is that thou sholdest beleue in one God onely, allmyghty creatoure of heuen and of erthe. The seconde, that thou sholdest beleue in oure Lorde Ihesu Cryst, the onely Sonne of God eternall. The 1315 thyrde, that he was conceyued of the Holy Goost in the precyous wombe of the vyrgyn Marye without the sede of man. The whiche chylded without payne and without doloure and without corrupcion ne spotte of synne, and so abode vyrgyn entyerlye in the chyldynge and after the chyldynge. The iiij artycle, that he suffred deth and passyon vnder the hande of Ponce Pylate and was crucyfyed and deyed on 1320 the crosse for vs, and was buryed in the holy sepulture. The v, that he dyscendyd into hell and delyuered the holy soules þe whiche we- /E7b/ re in þe Lymbe; and that he 133 134

wyfe] wyse Br the] om. Br

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tout puissant; le septiesme qu’il viendra au jour du Jugement juger lez /e.v.v/ mortz et les vifz; le huitiesme que tu dois croire en le benoist Saint Esperit; le neufiesme que tu dois croire en sainte mere Eglise, en croyant en ce qu’elle croit et en faisant ses commandemens, en la quelle chascun peut faire son sauvement et avoir remission de 1225 ses pechez et que le bien fait d’une persone peut aider a l’autre; le dixiesme que tu doys croire la remission des pechez, c’est a dire que, quant tu t’es deuement confessé de tous tes pechez et as acomply ta penitence selon l’ordonnance de ton confesseur et fait satisfacion suffisante, qu’ilz te sont tous pardonnez et remiz; le unziesme que nous resusciterons tous de mort a vie au jour du Jugement en nostre mesmes chair 1230 et corps entierement; le douziesme que des que nous serons resuscitez, nous vivrons eternellement sans jamais plus mourir, et seront les bons en la gloire eternelle de paradis et les mauvais en enfer en pleurs et gemissemens eternellement.

213 D Maistre, combien a de chemin d’icy en paradis et d’icy en enfer? 213 M Mon enfant, c’est assés questionné jusques une autre foys. Mais Dieu nous 1235 doint la grace de forvoyer le chemin d’enfer et de si bien ensuivre le chemin de paradis que nous y puissons parvenir. Amen.

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arose the thyrde day frome deth to lyfe. The vi, that he styed into heuen and set hym on þe ryght hande of the Father almyghty. The vij, þat he shall come at the Daye of Iugement to iuge the quycke and þe deed. The viij, that thou sholde beleue in the 1325 blessyd Holy Goost. The ix, that thou shold beleue in þe Holy Chyrche, in beleuynge that that she beleueth and in doynge hir commaundementes in þe which eueryone may make his saluacyon, and to haue remyssyon of his synnes, and that þe good done of one persone may helpe another. The x, that thou shold beleue þe remyssyon of synnes, þat is to say, that whan thou hast duely confessyd þe of all thy synnes and 1330 hast accomplysshyd thy penaunce after þe ordenaunce of thy confessoure, and haste made satysfaccyon suffycyent, þat they ben pardoned þe and forgyuen. The xi, that we shall aryse all from deth vnto lyfe at the Day of Iugement in our owne flesshe and body entyerly. The xij, þat fro that tyme þat we ben arysen, þat we shall lyue eternally without euermore to deye. And the good shall be in the glory eternall of paradys, and 1335 the ylle in hell, in wepynges and waylynges eternally. 213 D /E8a/ Mayster, howe farre is it to walke frome hens vnto paradys and from hens into hell? 213 M My chylde, this questyon is inough tyll another tyme. But God gyue vs grace to go out of the [w]ay135 of hell, and so well to folowe the waye of paradys that we 1340 maye all thyder come. AMEN

135

way] may Br

EXPLANATORY NOTES1

3-14 The prologue is common to all the manuscripts versions save two, and to all the prints. It has nothing in common with the Latin prologus of the Elucidarium, Lefèvre, p. 359. 6 þe man, the woman: over-literal translations producing unidiomatic uses of the definite article in English. It is an ever-present feature of Chertsey’s treatment of the French text. See, further, l. 112, 136, 139-40, etc., and the remarks above, pp. xxxvii. 8 deed bodyes: answers to Fr. trespassez, ‘those who have passed’, a euphemism for ‘those who have died.’ 20 inough…hym: based on saoulé de le veoir (SL 13), omitting Et si…ester (SL 12-13), possibly through homoeoteleuton. Fo has the same lacuna. 27 cause effycyent: the causa efficiens, an Aristotelian concept considerably developed by Thomas Aquinas in his proof for the existence of God. See, for example, In I Sententiarum, distinctione 42, articulus 1; In II Sententiarum, distinctione 1, articulus 4; Contra errores Graecorum, pars 2, capitulum 4, numerus 108; In Aristotelis libros Metaphysicorum, liber 1, lectio 4, numerus, etc. The SL compiler’s indebtedness to Aquinas is discussed by Doris Ruhe, ‘Savoir des doctes’, pp. 41-44, 46-47, 50-51, 53. 31-32 My chylde...partye: this answer comes in response to another question, absent from all prints, expressed in MS A as: Mestre, pour quoy ne l’apelon mere comme pere? (Ruhe, GW, p. 150). 31 engendrement: not recorded in MED. OED has only one occurrence of engenderment, dated to 1835-6. However, most of the following related terms are well attested in late Middle English: engendre, noun (an offspring); engendren, verb; engendring, verbal noun; engendrour, agent noun; engendrure, noun; and engendure, noun (procreation), making the ante-dating of engendrement less surprising than at first sight might appear.

1 Lefèvre, in his edition, pp. 103-90, identified many of the sources on which Ps.-Honorius may have drawn, directly or otherwise. These have been reproduced here for the benefit of the reader who may encounter difficulty in locating this edition. It has to be said, however, that in many cases the correspondences are very general, indicating merely that a given idea was current, rather than pointing to a specific source. It seems clear that Lefèvre was fully aware of this.

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EXPLANATORY NOTES

37 sone: omission in ME of du Pere et du Filz (SL 29), probably through homoeoteleuton. 47-48 he…thynges: cf. Anselm, Monologion, 20-24 (PL 158: 169-78), Lefèvre, p. 107. 54 saiges: answers to Fr. sages (SL 46), ‘wisdom’. OED records only three occurrences, two from the late fifteenth century and one from the late seventeenth. The orthography is otherwise unrecorded in English; the ATILF electronic resource yields three occurrences (out of nine) of this spelling. 57 enpryded: according to MED and OED, s. v. empride(n, this verb was current in the language only from c. 1430 to c. 1500. 60-64 fell…persones: Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos, Ps. 148, 9, (PL 37: 1943); Peter Lombard, Sententiarum Libri Quatuor, II, distinctione 6, (PL 192: 663), Lefèvre, p. 112. 64 and…ayre: cf. Eph. 2: 2. 65 these: the generic use of the adjective; see MED s. v. this, 3. Cf. ll. 142, 188, 789. 70 The absence of a translation of the end of the French reply, et pour ce furent ilz point rachetez (SL 62), is explained by the omission of this phrase in the KLMNOPQR group. See the discussion above, pp. 00. 75 desteny: evidently comes in response to destiner (in error for destinter (SL 66)), present in KLMOPQR. It is difficult to see what Chertsey had in mind here, since his chosen form corresponds in no way to attested forms of the verb ‘distinguish’, to which destinter (but not destiner) clearly corresponds. 76-78 paynter…fayre: cf. Augustine, De civitate Dei, 11, 23 (PL 41: 336), and Gregory, Moralia in Job, 33, 14 (PL 76: 691B), Lefèvre, p. 113. 77 of other euyll: an over-literal translation of d’autres mauvaises (SL 67), a phrase which is confined to I, K, and L among the prints. See the discussion on pp. xxxvii, above. 82-86 theyr nature…all-onely: cf Augustine, De civitate Dei, book 9, 22 (PL 41: 274); Tertullian, Adversus Marcionem, V, 15 (PL 2: 510); id. Apologeticus adversos gentes pro Christianis, 20 (PL 1: 391; Hilary of Poitiers, Tractatus super Psalmos, Ps. 139 (PL 9: 817); Cassian, Collationum, 7, 13 (PL 49: 683), Lefèvre, p. 113.

EXPLANATORY NOTES

85

85 But: answers to Mais in the KLMNOPQR group. 91-93 whan…euyll: cf. Augustine, De civitate Dei, 11, 13 and 22, 1 (PL 41 328-29, 752); id. Enchiridion, 29 (PL 40: 246); Gregory, Moralia in Job, 5, 38 (PL 75: 718), Lefèvre, p. 113. 101 put…aungelles: Hilary of Poitiers, In evangelium Matthaei commentarius, 18, 6 (PL 9: 1020); Augustine, De civitate Dei, book 22, 1 (PL 41: 752), Lefèvre, p. 114. 105-07 elementes…ayre: cf. Jerome, Liber contra Ioannem, 25 (PL 23: 376B), Lefèvre, p. 115. See also Raimund Lull, Liber de homine (op. 94), pars 2, distinctio 1 (p. 212). 111 skaye: an unusual spelling, unrecorded in MED and OED. Both dictionaries do, however, attest to the existence of the form skei, suggesting that the present form may not result from a compositor’s error. 111 partycyons: answers to Fr. pertuiz (SL 99), ‘openings’ (cf. modern Fr. apertures), evidently misunderstood by Chertsey. 116-19 bodye…creature: see Isaac of Stella (Isaac de l’Etoile), Sermo 34, part 5 (SC 207, pp. 234, 236), whose editor traces the idea back to Plato, Timæus, 90, a, b. The same point is elaborately made by the author of the Pricke of Conscience, ll. 662-87, who attributes it to the grete clerk Innocent (l. 665). 119 God: all French prints have Dieu at this point, suggesting absence through omission in the translation. 123 mystaken: a literal translation of Fr mesprisé (SL 110), ‘despised’. No such meaning of ME or Mod. E. ‘mistake’ is recorded in MED or OED. See, further, ll. 216, 219. 129 entendement…remembraunce: this description of the three-fold composition of the soul is a commonplace. See, for example, Augustine, De Trinitate, 10, 12 (PL 42: 984), as noted by Lefèvre, p. 105; id., Epistola 169, part 2, 6 (PL 33: 744); id. Contra sermonum Arianorum, book 1, ch. 16 (PL 42: 695); id. De Genesi ad litteram, book 7, part 8 (PL 34: 360); Bonaventura, Itinerarium mentis in Deum, ch. 3, part 5; Bernard, Sententiae, series 3, sent. 53, Opera, vol. 6, 2, p. 94; William of Ockham, Scriptum in librum primum Sententiae, distinctione 3. 10, p. 562; Raimund Lull (who seems to have been particularly fond of the formulation), Liber de intellectu, distinctione 2, l. 627. Among vernacular texts, Ælfric’s homily, Natiuitas Domini Nostri Iesu Christi, Lives of Saints i, 16/112-14, and the Ormulum, ll. 17571-82, reproduce this formulation.

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EXPLANATORY NOTES

131 he…commaundement: cf. Augustine, De civitate Dei, book 12, 23 (PL 41: 373), Lefèvre, p. 116. 137-38 beestes…nede: Gervase of Tilbury, Otia Imperialia, p. 54, makes a similar point: iumenta in iuuamen. 139 myscheuous: the text has not been emended at this point since bestes, the term one might suppose to have been omitted after myscheuous, (I reads bestes, SL 125)) is absent from the probable source text. See above, pp. xxi-xxxi. 142-44 bestes…trauayle: cf. Gervase of Tilbury, Otia Imperialia, pp. 54, 56. 145 God: this is not an interpretation of I’s le maistre de nature (SL 132), rather a straightforward translation of Dieu, present in all other prints in place of I’s phrase. 147 Respice volatilia celi: Matt. 6: 26. Vulg.: Respicite. The substitution of Respice for the Vulgate’s Respicite in this verse is observable also in a late fifteenth-century sermon for the fifteenth Sunday after Trinity; see Morrison, Sermon Cycle, p. 329. 153 made…semblaunce: Gen. 1: 26. 163 create in Ebron: as in þe Lyff of Adam and Eue, Sammlung Altenglischer Legenden, ed. by Carl Horstmann (Heilbronn: Henninger, 1878), p. 221/8; Sidrak and Bokkus, p. 130/1179; Cursor Mundi, l. 406; The Castle of Love, l. 126; Mandeville’s Travels, (ed. Hamelius), ch. 9. 164 terrester: OED, s. v. terrestre, records only two occurrences of this adjective later than the fifteenth century, examples from which are themselves sparse. 165 it…Oryont: cf. Gen. 2: 8. The Elucidarium reads Locus amoenissimus in Oriente (Lefèvre, p. 373). Lefèvre refers the reader to Ambrose, De paradiso, I (PL 14: 275); Jerome, Liber Hebraicarum quaestionum in Genesim (PL 23: 940); and Bede, Hexaemeron, I (PL 91: 43D). Ps.-Honorius includes the detail in his Imago Mundi, book 1, ch. 8, p. 52 of Flint”s edition. 167 hunger: at this point, I and all prints save M read et d’autres que jamais las ne seroit (SL 153). Since the text of M is not the text from which Chertsey worked (see above, pp. xxi-xxxi), one must assume the existence of other prints lacking this same phrase. The omission may reasonably be explained by homoeoteleuton on –oit. 170 possessyon: the phrase in I which follows, de paradis terrestre (SL 156), is lacking in the KLMNOPQR group.

EXPLANATORY NOTES

87

172-73 folysshe thynkynge trespassed: the phrase folysshe thynkynge answers to oultrecuidance (SL 158), ‘arrogance’, on which all prints concur. The translation may therefore be a piece of guesswork. It is also noticeable that two manuscripts, De and H, preserve a reading which is, if anything, closer to the Lucydarye than any other French source: fol(l)e surcuidance (‘foolish arrogance’), Ruhe, GW, pp. 171, 405. The degree of textual uncertainty surrounding this portion of text is underlined by the presence in two prints, LM, of the form trespasserent (while I reads passarent, SL 158), which may be considered closer to the ME translation than other readings. 175-76 enuy…pryde: cf. Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos, 139, 8 (PL 37: 1807), Lefèvre, p. 119. 178-79 deuyll…God: cf. Gen. 3: 1-5. 178 in…serpent: an unidiomatic phrase, but one which answers fully to en forme de serpent (SL 164). 182 God…Adam: cf. Augustine, De civitate Dei, book 12, 21 and 27 (PL 41: 372, 376; Ambrose, De paradiso, 10 (PL 14: 298A), Lefèvre, p. 117. 184 to…meryte: cf. the Elucidarium: Propter majus meritum (Lefèvre, p. 374). 189 without…ordure: cf. Augustine, De Genesim ad litteram, 9, 3, 6 (PL 34: 395); id. De civitate Dei, book 14, 24 and 26 (PL 41: 432, 434), Lefèvre, p. 118. 194 imperyall: to be understood as meaning ‘emperyal’ rather than ‘imperial.’ A, B, and H all refer to the ciel de feu (Ruhe, GW, pp. 174-75). Gervase of Tilbury, Otia Imperialia, p. 94, also associates the empyreal with the celestial. MED records only one occurrence of this term, tentatively dated to c. 1425; OED adds only one further occurrence before the end of the sixteenth century. 203 saynt…other: this sequence corresponds to saint Iehan Baptiste et les apostres et disciples de Nostre Seigneur, the reading in the KLMNOPQR group (Ruhe, GW, p. 469). 204-05 Ryght...maye: Ecclus. 31: 10, Qui potuit transgredi et non est transgressus; facere mala et non fecit. The French manuscript tradition preserves this Latin verse together with a translation. 206-09 Mayster…Cryste: question 46 appears to be a simple repetition of question 43, though the answers are different. Comparison with the Elucidarium suggests

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that some confusion may have occurred at some point in the transmission of the text. Cf. Lefèvre, p. 375: Quomodo posset paradisus omnes capere?, and the preceding question (i. 77), Quamdiu debuerunt esse in paradiso?, the answer to which is absent from SL. The figure put forward in the Elucidarium, Lefèvre, p. 377, is of seven hours, given also by Peter Comestor, Historia scholastica, Genesis c. 24 Additio 1 (PL 198: 1075D), and by Gervase of Tilbury, Otia Imperialia, p. 87. 208 mydday: as LgA, p. 344/136. 216, 219 mystoke: see the comment on l. 123, above. 219-21 pryde…defended: see Anonymi in Matthaeum, ch. 4, versus 11. 230-33 aungell…repayred: Gregory, Moralia in Job, 18, 44-45 (PL 76: 80-81); Anselm, Cur Deus homo, book 1, ch. 5 (PL 158: 365), Lefèvre, p. 123. 235 faute: Fo And Br both read helthe at this point. As mentioned above, p. xiv, the presence of this term, meaningless in context, can best be explained by a French compositor confusing with , then inverting to produce , the result of which is the word santé, correctly but unthinkingly translated. Blake, Caxton and his World, p. 134, assembles evidence to show that Caxton also translates ‘without worrying about the sense’. 238 the greate loue: answers to la grant amour of KLMOPQR. 241-49 none…penaunce: Anselm, Cur Deus homo, book 1, ch. 23; book 2, ch. 6 (PL 158: 395 and 403-04), Lefèvre, p. 123. 252-54 Sone…paradyse: cf. Anselm, De fide trinitatis, 5 (PL 158: 276); id. Cur Deus homo, book 2, ch. 9 (PL 158: 407), Lefèvre, p. 124. Cf. John 5: 19. 252 graunteth: an obvious mistranslation of attraist, present also in Fo. There has possibly been confusion with a form of the verb octroyer (also written ott- in Middle French). No such form appears in the apparatus assembled by Doris Ruhe, Ruhe, GW. Cf. SL 344, ottroia, rendered by graunted (363). 257-60 God…Cryst: Anselm, Cur Deus homo, 2, 8 (PL 158: 406), Lefèvre, p. 124. Anselm is quoted in LgA, I, p. 67/67. The same point is made by Bonaventura, Breuiloquium, part 4, ch. 3. 261-62 lyke wyse...Mary: Augustine, Tractatus in epistolam Ioannis ad Parthos, tractatus 1 (PL 35: 1979), Jerome, Epistola 22, part 21 (p. 173); Petrus Chrysologus (Peter

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of Ravenna), Sermo 99, (PL 52: 479); the Anonymi in Matthaeum, ch. 2 vers. 11, p. 12/75-8; Quodvultdeus, Liber promissionum et praedictorum Dei, part 3, ch. 4 (Opera, p. 159) makes essentially the same point, though the wording is different. Compare this remark from a late fifteenth-century sermon for Palm Sunday: Who is thi moder? þu haste two moders: that one is dampnacion, þat is Eve, and anoþer is saluacion, that is Mary, þe moder of Ihesu, in Morrison, Sermon Cycle, p. 152. 265 she…dolour: cf. the Elucidarium: Sine sorde et sine dolore (Lefèvre, p. 384). 265-66 entyer vyrgyn: answers to entiere vierge, the reading in LMNOPQR, though not in K. See the discussion above, p. xxi-xxxi. 269-70 But…borne: in the manuscript tradition, answers similar to this one come in response to this question, quoted from MS A: Mestre, pour quoi fu il ix moys en ventre de la benoite Vierge Marie? (Ruhe, GW, p. 186). No such question appears in the prints. 272 he…mydnyghte: this is the traditional hour of Christ’s birth, commonly found in medieval texts. See, for example, LgA, p. 65/27; Ludolphus of Saxony, Vita Jesu Christi, ch . 9, in media nocte diei dominicae (p. 39) which would appear to draw on the LgA, translated as at mydnight the day of the holy Sondey in BL MS Add. 16609, f. 60r (I am indebted to Dr Evelien Hauwaerts, formerly of the University of Poitiers, for supplying me with this reference). Also, Thomas à Kempis, Canticum 34, l. 25. Other vernacular texts include Mirk, Festial (i, p. 23), The South English Nativity of Mary and Christ (l. 366), whose editor notes the detail in LgA, and Nicholas Love’s Mirror of the Blessed Life of Jesus Christ (p. 38/26). See the detailed discussion by Lefèvre, p. 126. 276-77 dombe…erthe: F. C. Tubach, Index Exemplorum: a Handbook of Medieval Religious Tales (§ 993), lists an exemplum in which a talking lamb at Babylon prophesies the birth of Christ. See also Stith Thompson, Motif-Index of Folk- Literature, 6 vols (Copenhagen: Rosenkilde and Bagger, 1955-58), B. 152, and Eusebius, Chronicon, ii (PG 19: 519), as noted by Lefèvre, p. 127. On the fall of idols see LgA, pp. 67/49, 68/78; Lydgate’s Troy Book, ll. 5487 et seq., as noticed by Bordman, Motif-Index, p. 96; and Tubach, Index Exemplorum: a Handbook of Medieval Religious Tales, § 4729. The South English Nativity of Mary and Christ, ll. 415-20, speaks of the fall of the temple dedicated to false godes. 279-82 golde…ensence: the significance of the Magi’s gifts is a staple of medieval exegesis. See, for example, Isidore of Seville, Allegoriae quaedam sanctae scripturae, par. 142 (PL 83: 117); Gregory, Homilia 10 in evangelia, (PL 76: 1112D); Eusebius

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‘Gallicanus’, Collectio Homiliarum, hom. 4, 28; Rupert of Deutz, De sancta Trinitate et operibus eius, book 33 (p. 1787); Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermo in Epiphania Domini, Opera, vol. 6, pp. 21-7; Glossa Ordinaria, vol. 4, f. 9r; John Gower, Miroir de l’Omme, ll. 28165 ff; Mirk, Festial, p. 48. Another late medieval preacher expressed it thus: These thre kyngis, they offyrde that day to owre soueren sauiowre Criste Ihesu golde, and myrre, and encence. First they offyrde gold, for lyke as golde is moste precius of all metalls, so is Criste Ihesu moste worthieste and grettest soueren of all kyngis and lordis. Encence is a swete smellyng thyng þe whiche is vsid in holy chyrche to the worschipe of God, and it is acceptabyll and owȝte to be done withe deuocion and prayer in the presens of almyȝti God and of all his aungells. Therfore they offerde encence in tokenyng and schewyng þat he was and is very God. Myr is a precius oynement that conservithe and kepythe a ded body frome corrupcion. In tokenyng whereof, þei offeryd myrre that Criste scholde suffyr peynefull dethe for mans redempcion. (Morrison, Sermon Cycle, pp. 40-41). The names of the magi are supplied by Jacobus de Voragine, LgA, p. 132, and are included in prayers in the Corpus orationum, oratio 2133b (vol. B), 5425 (vol. G), and 5709 (vol. H). 287 vnccyon: corresponds to onction, the reading in KLNOPR. 288 baptym…necessaryes: for Rupert of Deutz, De sancta Trinitate et operibus eius, book 14, In Leuiticum (CCCM 22, p. 834), the eucharist is the most important sacrament. Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae, III, quaestio 73, articulus 3, makes the eucharist and baptism supreme among the sacraments. Aquinas’s works are listed under Electronic Sources in the Bibliography. 289-90 synnes…charyte: cf. Caesarius of Arles, Sermones Caesarii uel ex aliis fontibus hausti, sermons 60, ch. 4; 134, ch. 7; and 150, ch. 5. 291 our synnes: corresponds to nos pechés, the reading in KMNOPQR and in MS H. 296 paast: cf. 1 Cor. 5: 7: Expurgate vetus fermentum, the epistolary reading for Easter Sunday. 299-301 the whiche…scrypture: Mark 16: 16, Qui crediderit, et baptizatus fuerit, salvus erit: qui vero non crediderit, condemnabitur. 302-05 father…pertyculer: cf. Augustine, De peccatorum meritis, II, 9, 25 et seq. (PL 44: 158, 175) et seq., Lefèvre, p. 150. 306 named: an unusual departure from the French texts, none of which provides a parallel for this. Chertsey may have misread fit for *dit, or may have read the latter

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term correctly from a now lost source. Similar textual situations in Caxton’s output are discussed by Blake, Caxton and his World, pp. 132-33. 313-19 encreace…worlde: cf. Augustine, De civitate Dei, book 15, 16 (PL 41: 457-60), and Anselm, De nuptiis consanguineorum ch. 4 (PL 158: 558), Lefèvre, p. 151. 314 blode: the French phrase which follows, et d’une lignee naturellement (SL 295), is absent from the KLMNOPQR group. 321-22 he…Lawe: the rearrangement of the argument in the Lucydarye here, which can hardly be said to be a characteristic feature of Chertsey’s translation technique, may indicate the existence of another, hitherto unidentified, French version. 324-31 baptym…haue: cf. Gaudentius Brixiensis, Tractatus XXI, tr. 13, part 20. Gaudentius of Brescia was bishop of that town until c. 410; Guillelmus Duranti senior, Rationale divinorum officiorum, book 6, ch. 81, l. 275 et seq., has a similar remark. 325 fyre/en feu (SL 306): see the remarks above, p. xiii. 327 theym: translates, apparently erroneously, the singular noun of the French: l’establit (SL 308), common to all prints. Chertsey may, however, have been thinking in terms of ‘acts of baptism,’ in which case emendation would be inappropriate, and theym, present in both Br and Fo, has therefore been allowed to stand. On the other hand, confusion over pronominal forms is a feature of Caxton’s translation performances, which may find an echo here. See Blake, Caxton and his World, p. 139. 344-45 Iudas…enuy: Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos 65 (PL 36: 793) as noted by Lefèvre, p. 129. Also, Peter Lombard, Collectanea in omnes D. Pauli Apostoli Epistolas, Rom. 8, 30 (PL 191: 1453); Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae, part 3, quaestio 47, articulus 3, argumentum 3. 347-48 Adam…crosse: see, for example, Tertullian, Adversus Judaeos, 13 (PL 2: 636), as noted by Lefèvre, p. 129. Also, Chromatius Aquileiensis, Sermo 19, l. 155. The theme of the lignum vitae is evoked repeatedly by Bonaventura; see his Sermones de diuersis: reportationes, sermo 34 (de s. Andrea apostolo), passim. 348-49 foure…worlde: see, for example, Ps.-Jerome, Commentarius in evangelium secundum Marcum (PL 30: 638), quoted in the Glossa Ordinaria, Mark 15: 20 (volume 4, f. 132), Lefèvre, p. 129. Other authorities include Ps.-Hilarius Arelatensis (Hilary of Arles), Tractatus in septem Epistolas catholicas, In ep. Petri 1, ll. 345-46; Aelred of Rievaulx, Sermo 36, part 4, pp. 294-95; Thomas Aquinas, Catena Aurea in Matthaeum, ch. 27, lectio 7, naming the Glossa Ordinaria as source.

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353 xl houres: see, for example, Raban Maur, Commentaria in libros Machabaeorum I (PL 109: 1152), Lefèvre, p. 130. Also, Guillelmus Duranti Senior, Rationale diuinorum officiorum, book 6, ch. 72, 78; book 7, ch. 35; Peter Damian, Epistula 56 (vol. 2, p. 155). 358-59 and the day…entyer: see the remarks above, p. xiii. 362 whiche he: at this point, the following sequence in the French has been passed over: quelles par long temps avoient esté en captivité au limbe et le (SL 342-43). The omission can be easily explained by homoeoteleuton (on quelles), either on the part of the translator or of the compositor. It seems reasonable to assume, as does Blake, Caxton and his World, p. 133, that this type of error is more likely to have been committed by a translator than a compositor. 367-79 he descended…vnto lyfe: the Descensus ad inferos, or Harrowing of Hell, deriving ultimately from the apocryphal Evangelium Nicodemi. It was an immensely popular story in the Middle Ages, and was drawn on by numerous orthodox writers. For full ME versions see The Middle English Harrowing of Hell and Gospel of Nicodemus, ed. by W. H. Hulme, EETS ES 1907 (London: Oxford University Press, 1907) and The Middle English Prose Complaint of Our Lady and Gospel of Nicodemus, ed. by C. W. Marx and J. F. Drennan, MET 19 (Heidelberg: Carl Winter Verlag, 1987). A recent study is that of Karl Tamburr, The Harrowing of Hell in Medieval England (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2007). 379 sepulcre: while I reads Saint Sepulcre (SL 357-58), the KLMNOPQR group lacks the adjective. 380-81 wherfore...deed: LgA, p. 356/19. The same point is made by the author of the Pore Caitif: He nolde rise bifore þe þridde dai to schewe þe truþe þat he was verri deed in bodi. For if he had rise anoon, it had not be bileeued þat he was verrili deed (Pore Caitiff, pp. 238-9, ed. Guibert). The text is that of BnF, MS fonds angl. 41, f. 13v. One late fifteenth-century preacher makes the same point in a sermon for Easter Day: Firste poynt I sey is why he rose not anon but abode to þe þerde day: for the two nyȝtis and þe hole day þat he ley in his grave scholde bere witnes þat he was verely ded; and for to schewe his myȝte, that all þe worlde myȝte knowe þat he myȝte put his sowle frome hym and take his sowle to hym aȝene when he wolde. The whiche poynt men scholde not haue levyd if he had resyn aȝene anon when he dyed (Morrison, Sermon Cycle, p. 180). 388-96 he appered…heuen: on Christ’s appearances after his resurrection see Bede, Homiliae, book 2, homily 3 (PL 94: 147D – 148C). Other authorities include Augustine, De consensu evangelistarum, book 3, ch. 25 (PL 34: 1203-4), cited by Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae, pars 3, quaestio 55, articulus 3, 3, and Peter Comestor,

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Historia scholastica, ch. 169 (PL 198: 1615-16). Cf. Memoriale Credencium, f. 99v/15 – f. 100v/4, where the account of Christ’s appearances is the same. All the printed versions of the SL are defective in that they list only ten appearances, while the traditional number, announced in all manuscripts and prints, is twelve. This tradition is accurately reflected in the manuscript versions, which agree in all respects save one: the order of appearances in MSS A and B places Joseph of Arimathea in first position, followed by the mother of Christ, an arrangement which is reversed in MS H and the prints. The two appearances lacking in the printed versions are the eleventh and twelfth, given as follows in MS A: aprés ou mont de Galilee s’apparut il a eulx; aprés quant il trouva touz ses apostres ensamble, si que douze fois il s’apparut (Ruhe, GW, p. 212). For other possible sources see the discussion by Lefèvre, p. 132-33. For a more elaborate account, displaying differences in both the order and the circumstances of the appearances, see Morrison, Sermon Cycle, pp. 181-82. On the other hand, Gower, Miroir de l’Omme, ll. 28813, reflects a different tradition. 390 blessyd: this epithet, applied to Mary Magdalene, is nowhere recorded in the SL manuscripts and prints. In medieval tradition, in which there are frequent references to her saintliness, Mary is said to have exercised a certain influence over Jesus, an apocryphal detail which may be related to the idea that Jesus loved her best of all women. See, for example, the Gospel of Mary of Magdala (or Magdalene), ch. 5. 5, 9. 9, read in translation at: http://www.gnosis.org/library/marygosp.htm. This site was last accessed on 18 June 2012. See the doctoral dissertation by Antti Marjanen, ‘The Woman Jesus Loved: Mary Magdalene in the Nag Hammadi Library and Related Documents’ (Unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Helsinki, 1995), p. 81 (where, however, chapter references differ from those of the electronic version). See, further, W. Schneemelcher, New Testamant Apocrypha, i: Gospels and Related Writings, rev. ed., trans. R. McL. Wilson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) pp. 391-5. Cf also Middle English Sermons, edited from British Museum MS Royal 18.B.xxiii, ed. by W. O. Ross, EETS 207 (London: Oxford University Press, 1940), p. 69/23-6. It has been remarked by Katherine Jansen, The Making of the Magdalen: Preaching and Popular Devotion in the later Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), p. 286, that ‘[p]reachers often envisioned the Virgin Mary and Mary Magdalen as two complementary paths to salvation.’ 399 aungelles of heuen: the reading in KLQR, anges du ciel, is, apparently, closer to the Lucydarye than the version in I, which reads paradis, a term which Chertsey translates by paradyse with great regularity. On Caxton’s treatment of paradis (SL 377) and ciel (SL 375) see Blake, Caxton and his World, pp. 142-43. 401-07 wherefore…vysybly: see Guillelmus Duranti senior, Rationale diuinorum officiorum, book 6, ch. 72, part 1.

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405 for payne: this makes poor sense, but must be allowed to stand since the words peu de (establishing the necessary contrast in the argument) present in I, have been omitted in the KLMNOPQR group. 410 it is…dyuynyte: cf. the Elucidarium: Humanitatem in gloria divinitatis requiescere, Lefèvre, p. 392. 412-13 he...Tabor: there are three gospel accounts of the Transfiguration, Matt. 17: 1-13; Mark 7: 1-13; and Luke 9: 28-36. An allusion to it is made in 2 Pet. 1: 16-18. There is no mention of Mount Tabor in the gospel accounts, but its association with the in montem (Matt. 17: 1) was traditional. See, for example, Raimundus Lullus, Liber de Homine, pars 3, distinctione 2, p. 279; Mandeville’s Travels (ed. Hamelius), p. 76/21; The Egerton Version of Mandeville’s Travels (ed. Seymour, p. 61/30); Sermon for the Transfiguration of our Lord, ed. by S. Powell, Three Sermons for “Nova Festa, together with the “Hamus Caritatis”, MET 37 (Heidelberg: Carl Winter Verlag, 2007), p. 6/6. In a late Middle English sermon for Easter Day, Christ is said to have appeared to his disciples on þe Mownt of Tabar after his resurrection; see Morrison, Sermon Cycle, p. 181. 417 mountyd: while I specifically states that the cloud mounted Christ into heaven (le monta, SL 392), the KLMNOPQR group merely attributes the movement to the cloud: sen monta. 419-24 grayne...crosse: a striking combination of the images of the mystical mill and the wine-press. The biblical authority for the latter rests on Num. 13: 24, Ps. 83: 1 and, especially, Isa. 63: 3. For patristic interpretation see Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos, 55, 4; 83, 1 (PL 36: 649, PL 37: 1056). Ps.-Quodvultdeus, Sermo de Cantico Isaiae, pars 1, l. 79; Jerome, Commentariorum in Zachariam, prologue (PL 25: 1417); id. Epistola 36, 5 (PL 22: 455). Among later commentators one may cite Ambrosius Autpertus, Expositio in Apocalypsin, book 5, prologue, pp. 369-70; and Gilbertus de Hoilandia Tractatus XXI, tractatus 6, paragraph 6 (PL 184: 275). For a survey of its importance in Christian art see G. Schiller, Iconography of Christian Art, 2 vols (London: Lund Humphries, 1971-72), ii, pp. 128-29, 228-29. The Hortus Deliciarum, a manuscript which drew on Honorius’s work, contains an illustration of it on f. 241r. On this see Gérard Cames, Allégories et symboles dans “ l’Hortus Deliciarum” (Leiden: Brill, 1971), pp. 105-10. Lydgate uses it evocatively in A Seyng of the Nightingale, ed. by MacCracken, p. 232, l. 304. See, further, the Stanzaic Life of Christ, ll. 9046-47. 425 establysshed: the subsequent French phrase, le dit sacrament (SL 400), has been omitted in the KLMNOPQR group. 427 also: alone among the prints, N reads aussi at this point.

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427-30 breed...soule: compare this similar remark taken from a late fifteenth-century Easter Day sermon - And whi þat Cristis body is more resevyd in þe likenes of brede þen eny oþer þing, I schall tell ȝow. For ryȝt as brede is foode þat sustenythe and qwekenythe þe body, ryȝt so is Cristis body a foode þat moste norysschethe and quekenythe þe sowle. And as brede holdythe a mans hert in state, ryȝte so þe blissed body of our Lorde holdythe þe soule in state of all goodnesse, (Morrison, Sermon Cycle, p. 184). 436-37 he wolde…with vs: cf. Matt. 28: 20. 438 power: on the absence in the Lucydarye of a substantial passage in I at this point, see above, p. xxiv-xxv. 442 fayth…not: Est autem fides credere quod nondum vides, Augustine, Sermo 43, ch. 1 (PL 38: 254); id. In evangelium Ioannis Tractatus, tractatus 40. 9 (PL 35: 1690). 446 crucyfye of newe: in the Elucidarium, this charge is levelled at unworthy priests, Lefèvre, p. 396. 448-51 preest…preest: a point on which Anselm insisted, and with which the author of the Pricke of Conscience concurred (ll. 3688-99). See further, Lefèvre, p. 137, fn. 4. The sacraments, according to Thomas Aquinas, worked ex opere operato, a formula repeated many times in his writings. 451-52 sonne…clerete: cf. Augustine, In evangelium Ioannis Tractatus, tractatus 5, 15 (PL 35: 1422), Lefèvre, p. 138. The phrase foule…stynkynge is an adjective + noun + adjective construction fairly commonly encountered in late ME prose. See F. Mossé, Manuel de l’anglais du Moyen Âge, paragraph 166 (c), p. 123 of James Walker’s English translation, A Handbook of Middle English. 468 wronge: for Fr. tort. What follows in I, ou villennie (SL 441-42), is omitted in KLMNOPQR. The phrase et en louer Dieu (SL 442) is omitted in KLMNOPQR. 469 prayed…dethe: cf. Luke 23: 34. 473-82 there is…temporals: cf. Gregory, Moralia in Job, 5, 1 (PL 75: 679), Lefèvre, p. 144. 481 paynes: emended in accordance with SL 452, peines, since the Lucydarye here makes no sense. The error may have been provoked by the presence of a form of the word pechés in a version of SL, though it is difficult to see how this may have arisen. No French print collated in Ruhe, GW, deviates from this reading in I.

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487 more charytable: plus charitable is recorded only in P, evidently not the source from which Chertsey worked. See above, pp. xxvi-xxvii. 489-95 The good…them: cf Gregory, Moralia in Job, book 5, 18, and 16, 10 (PL 75: 698, 1127), Lefèvre, p. 144. 492 example and doctryne: the singular forms, as here, are present in the KLMNOPQR group, not in I. 499-500 but…paradys: this reproduces the sense of Ezek. 33: 11. Cf. For he [God] wyll not the dampnacion of a synner, but he wolde rather that he scholde amende hym, taken from an Ash Wednesday sermon in a late fifteenth-century sermon cycle (Morrison, Sermon Cycle, p. 109). 507 more greuouslye: answers to plus griefvement in KLNOPQR, absent from I. This would suggest that the earlier mention of more (be euyll), in the same line, is a justifiable emendation of mowe in Fo and Br, judged to be in error here. 516 than: if this form is not an error, it must be interpreted as a definite article used for generic reference. See MED, s. v. than, definite article and adjective 1, 3. The word answers to car in SL 485, hardly a satisfactory translation. 523-64 God…impuyssaunce: this discussion on predestination is absent from the Elucidarium. Impuyssaunce is not recorded in MED; its first attestation in OED is, however, in 1483, when it was used by Caxton in The Golden Legend. 540 saued (…) and: at this point, the omission in the Lucydarye of an equivalent to toutesfois si ne veult il pas que l’omme soit sauvé (SL 508), through homoeoteleuton on sauvé, may be attributed either to the translator or the compositor. 557 lesse…hell: a unorthodox belief, one would readily assume, though Augustine speaks on at least one occasion of the remission of infernal pain. See the Enchiridion de fide, spe et caritate, ch. 112, (PL 40: 285): Sed poenas damnatorum certis temporum intervallis existiment, si hoc eis placet, aliquatenus mitigari. The passage is repeated by Peter Lombard, Sententiarum Libri Quatuor IV, distinctione 46, capitulum 1, pars 4 (PL 192: 951). It is discussed by Marie-Anne Polo de Beaulieu, Education, prédication et cultures au Moyen Âge: essais sur Jean Gobi le jeune (Lyon: Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1999), pp. 202-12. Furthermore, in the Navigatio sancti Brendani abbatis, ch. 25, it is said that the figure of Judas was released every Sunday from his infernal torments. The presence of the detail in John Mirk’s Festial, pp. 75-76, and in the Mirrour of the World (p. 166), suggests that the idea had some currency at the time of de Worde’s first edition of the Lucydarye. Another well-known case is that of Trajan,

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the Roman emperor, whose soul is released from hell through the intercession of St Gregory, moved by the emperor’s virtuous life. See LgA, pp. 296-98. Langland evokes the legend in Piers Plowman, B. XI. 141 ff, and C. XII. 76 ff. In ME sermon literature, it is alluded to, apparently only once, in a sermon on baptism in Oxford, University College, MS 28, ff. 63v – 65v. This manuscript is unedited. See O’Mara and Paul, A Repertorium of Middle English Prose Sermons, p. 2234. There is an important study by J. S. Wittig, ‘Piers Plowman B. XI – XII: Elements in the Design of the Inward Journey’, Traditio 28 (1972), 211-80, especially 249-63. Similar views are frequently encountered in folklore, thus: that souls in hell are not punished on Sundays (Stith Thompson, Motif-Index of Folk-Literature, (Q560.2.1)); that souls leave hell on Sundays (Q560.2, E755.2.0.1); that Christ releases souls from hell (E754.1.6); that release from hell is seen as a reward (Q174); that souls are granted a three-hour respite in hell (Q560.2.1.1); that a certain number of souls are released from hell on a Saturday through the virtue of a saint (Q560.2.2); that sinners endure hell torments for one year only (Q560.3); that relieving souls in hell is forbidden (C741). The detail preserved in the Brendan Navigatio also has its echo in folklore (Q560.2.3). The largely orthodox Pricke of Conscience reports that Lazarus was allowed to spend four days in hell (ll. 6507-12); similarly, the sons of Simeon in the same text witnessed the torments of hell before rising from death at the moment of the Crucifixion (ll. 6529-40). For the notion that saying mass can release souls from hell see The Gests of King Alexander of Macedon, Alexander A, ll. 205 et seq. In the exempla listed by Tubach, Index, one (§ 2510) affirms that redemption from hell is impossible, while another (§ 2512) recounts how a man returned from hell. Yet a third (§ 2507) tells of a damned monk who is saved by the prayers of St. Peter. See also Bordman, Motif-Index, V42. An unedited ME sermon in BL MS Harley 1740, ff. 24r-29v, attributes to St Jerome the belief (f. 28r) that souls in purgatory are spared torments for the duration of the celebration of the mass; see O’Mara and Paul, A Repertoire of Middle English Prose Sermons, p. 1091. Finally, the author of the Pricke of Conscience asserts, curiously, that the fewer the souls there are in hell, the less severe is the pain there felt (ll. 3730-37). 570-71 ignoraunce…synne: Canon Law states that ignorance is no excuse: Decretum Gratiani (Concordia discordantium canonorum) pars 2, causa 1, quaestio 4, canon 11. Peter Lombard concurs: Sententiarum Libri Quatuor, II, distinctione 22, part 10 (PL 192: 699-700). 572-77 chylde…dampned: this situation is discussed in a similar way by Thomas Aquinas, Quaestiones disputatae de veritate, 14, articulus 11, 1. This question, common to the manuscript and print traditions in French, is absent from the Elucidarium. 578-81 soules…concepcyon: according to a tradition going back to Aristotle, male foetuses received the soul forty days after conception, while for female foetuses the inter-

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val between conception and reception was doubled. This belief remained part of Catholic doctrine until 1588 when, in his bull Effraenatum, Pope Sixtus V rescinded it. See Aristotle, History of the Animals, book 7, ch. 3. Prominent patristic and medieval commentators who shared this view include Augustine, Sermo 205 (PL 38: 1039); Cassiodorus, De anima, ch. 9 (PL 70: 1297); Aquinas, In III Sententiarum, distinctione 3, quaestio 5a. 2 responsio; Guillelmus Duranti Senior, Rationale diuinorum officiorum, book 7, ch. 7, parts 7, 8. Gervase of Tilbury, Otia Imperialia, p. 58, makes the same point, following Peter Comestor, Historia scholastica, Genesis, ch. 12 (PL 198: 1066), as noted by Banks and Binns, though neither of the latter mentions a period of time. A number of questions in Sidrak and Bokkus similarly focus on this aspect of the soul; see Sidrak and Bokkus, ed. by Burton, pp. 937-38. The phrase all the dayes (l. 579) answers to tous les jours, ‘every day.’ 581 concepcyon: what follows in SL 545-46, et aux femmes a lxx jours aprés leur concepcion, for which there is no English equivalent, is missing in L, though L is unlikely to have provided Chertsey with his source text. See above, p. xxix-xxxi. The omission is easily explainable through homoeoteleuton. 582-83 confessyon…baptym: cf. Aelred of Rievaulx, Sermo 56, p. 95. 586-87 for obedyence…vertues: Thomas Aquinas, In II Sententiarum, distinctione 44, quaestio 2, articulus 1, argumentum 6 (quoting Gregory the Great). The same point is made in the Elucidarium, but the wording is very different, Lefèvre, p. 432. 595-96 better…sacryfyce: melior est obedientia quam victime, 1 Kgs 15: 22. See also Baldwin of Forde (Archbishop of Canterbury, 1185-90), Sermo 7, l. 269; Thomas Aquinas, De perfectione spiritualis uitae, ch. 11, no. 67; id., Summa theologiae, III, quaestio 47, articulus 2. 598 abydeth: the perils of postponing confession are the focal point of a number of exempla; see Tubach, Index, §§ 1183, 1184, and 1501 (c), which appears to have been popular. One late fifteenth-century preacher treated it elaborately, thus: Beda, in Gestis capitulo xiijo, tellythe a story of a certen knyȝt that dwellyd withe the kyng of Fraunce, the whiche the kyng loved well becawse he was a well travelyd man and had done many victorius dedys. So it befell that this knyȝt ley sore seke in poynt of dethe. And when þe kyng herd of this, he cam to this knyȝt to se how he farde, and the kyng ȝafe hym wordis of comforthe. And among al oþer thyngis he desyred hym þat he scholde be schreven or that his sowle scholde part frome the body, and þat he scholde make hym clene to Godwarde. But in certen, this man seyde verely he wold not so dispose hym, for he seyde he had ben often tymes seke before and rekeuered it ryȝte well aȝene. And so þis maner opynyon he helde myȝtily þat he wolde not be schreven, ne com to God be contriscion for his synnes. And when the kyng saw it wolde none

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other wise ben, then he went his wey fro þe knyȝt. And withein two dayes after, the kyng cam to hym aȝene and asked hym how he farde. And he answerde to þe kyng and seyde: ‘A, lorde, a lityll before þat ȝe cam in, þer were two aungels here and þei browȝt a litil boke withe them. And in þat litill boke they schewyd me all the good dedys that ever I dyd; and that was but a few. And anon as they had schewyd me þis boke, they went there wey. And anon after there com a grete company of fendys and they browȝte withe hem a grete boke. And in that boke they schewyd me all the synnes and all the wickednes þat ever I dyd.’ And anon as he had told his tale to the kyng, he fell in disperacion and seyde sekerly he myȝt not be saued. Then cam a devyll and bett his body withe burnyng brondys of the fyre of hell. And so wrechidly he dyed, and his sowle went to endlesse dampnacion for evermore. (Morrison, Sermon Cycle, pp. 382-83). For further references see p. 597 of this edition. 598 houre of deth: absent from the prints, but present in the text of MS A – l’eure de la mort, Ruhe, GW, p. 250. 601 creancure: what is required here is an equivalent to creancier (SL 565). Both Fo and Br read creature (‘creator’), which makes no sense. If the error was that of the compositor, confusion over letter shapes and is readily understandable, though the supposed intrusion of an is more difficult to account for. On the other hand, the error may have been made at the moment of translation, possibly through misunderstanding, or through a faulty French text, of which there is no trace in the critical apparatus in Ruhe, GW. MED records the forms creansure and creansour from the Wycliffite Bible at 4 Kgs 4: 1 and Prov. 29: 13, respectively. OED, s. v. creancer, provides only three further instances of the word’s use. Créancier, on the other hand, has been of very frequent occurrence in French since the fourteenth century. See ATILF s. v. creancier. 609-10 Quoniam…tibi: Ps. 6: 6. There is no trace in the French texts of the opening word of this biblical verse. 610 the deed: evidently a misunderstanding on the part of the translator, where mort has been taken to refer to a dead man, rather than to the state of death. The resulting punctuation in the edited ME text is somewhat awkward, but has been adopted in an attempt to disturb Chertsey’s text as little as possible. 610 God: answers to Dieu of the KLMNOPQR group. 612 for: answers to car in KLNOPQR. 614-15 for…sooner: late antique and medieval writers were fond of asserting that though death is certain, the hour of death is unknown. See, for example, Augustine,

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Enarrationes in Psalmos, 38, 19 (PL 36: 428); Bernard of Clairvaux, Epistola 105, Opera, vol. 7, p. 264; id. Epistola 412, Opera, vol. 8, p. 394; id. Sententiae, sententia 107, Opera, vol. 6, p. 172; John of Salisbury, Policraticus, book 2, ch. 27. Whiting and Whiting, Proverbs, D96, have a long list of various formulations of the idea in English texts from the Old English period to the fifteenth century. 617 of pryde: for Fr. original (SL 578). There is no trace of such a reading in the SL tradition. It is just conceivable that at some point in the transmission of the text, confusion arose which resulted in the inclusion of the word orgueil/orgoil, to which pryde obviously corresponds. Alternatively, the word may simply have been misread. 620 in the realme: a departure from the text of SL. The formulation courronez en la gloire (SL 581) is biblical; cf. corona gloriae in Ecclus. 47: 7; Isa. 28: 5, 62: 3; Jer. 13: 18 and 1 Thess. 2: 19. 625 his penaunces: answers to ses penitences of the KLMNOPQR group. 628 putteth: the reading in both Fo and Br. Perhaps an adverbial or prepositional second element has been lost in the course of transmission; both (a)doun and under fit the context, rendering SL’s nuyst (589) adequately. 629 confessyon ne repentaunce: answers to confession ne repentence of the KLMNOPQR group. 633-36 auayleth…hym: cf. Augustine, De cura pro mortuis gerenda (PL 40: 594-96), Lefèvre, p. 164. See further the evidence assembled by Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, pp. 35-36. 635-36 vysyteth…hym: corresponds to the sequence in the KLMNOPQR group where souvant (SL 595) is omitted and where the phrase priant Dieu is included. 647 Labores…manducabis: Ps. 127: 2. 657 toppe: ‘hair’, answering to chevestre, the meaning of which is ‘a halter’. MED records no such meaning for top(pe, raising the possibility that the French word has been interpreted as a form of cheveulx. 659-63 soules…God: cf. Thomas Aquinas, In IV Sententiarum, distinctione 45, quaestio 2, articulus 2, quaestiuncula 3. 671-72 another…purgatory: an unorthodox idea, expressed again in ll. 710-11. Most commentators speak of hell and purgatory as separate places. This comment by

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Thomas Aquinas, Quaestiones disputatae de malo, quaestio 7, articulus 10, argumentum 8, is representative: peccatum veniale originali coniunctum non punitur aeternaliter; non enim punitur in Limbo puerorum, quia ibi non est poena sensu; nec in inferno damnatorum, quia ibi punitur solum peccatum mortale: in purgatorio autem non punitur aliquis aeternaliter. In vision literature, hell and purgatory are sometimes said to be adjacent, and the idea may have developed from this; see, for example, Bede, Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum, book 5, ch. 12 (on Dryhthelm); the German vision of Wettin, summarized by Howard Patch, The Other World, pp. 104-05; The Vision of Tundale, ed. by Rodney Mearns, ll. 1527-76. In the account of the vision of Turchill, told by Roger of Wendover (in 1206), the fires of purgatory and hell appear to be adjacent. See The Flowers of History by Roger de Wendover, ii, pp. 16-21. Among modern commentators, Georges Minois affirms that ‘le purgatoire est une succursale de l’enfer’ (Histoire des enfers, p. 190). 680-98 Mayster…paradys: in both Br and Fo, the positions of these two questions have been inverted. This arrangement has been corrected so as to bring the text into conformity with SL. 681 iij… paradys: cf. Speculum uirginum, ch. 1, l. 975 (p. 39) et seq. for a broadly similar three-fold definition. The Speculum uirginum is of twelfth-century date. Cf. Gervase of Tilbury, Otia Imperialia, p. 94, where the spiritual and the celestial paradises are conflated. 684-85 to see: on the rejection of ayenst (Br) and anenst (Fo) see the discussion above, p. 00. See further Lefèvre, p. 443, the answer to q. 2. 688-93 some…trentall: cf. Ambrose, De obitu Theodosii oratio, (PL 16: 1386); Augustine, Quaestionum in Heptateuchum, I, 172 (PL 34: 596); Gregory, Dialogii, book 4, 55 (PL 77: 421), Lefèvre, p.166. 690 semell…returne: as explained by Doris Ruhe, Ruhe, GW, p. 502, semell is a form of the MF word setme (related to Fr. septième), referring to a mass said for the dead one week after death (or within that week). The form semell is unrecorded in the dictionaries and would appear to have been coined through analogy with trentel and anuel. It is recorded in all the manuscripts examined by Doris Ruhe. There is no trace of the word in either MED or OED. The precise meaning of returne, answering to retour, is obscure, there being no information in the ATILF resources to throw light on the question. 700-01 there are…corporall: see Augustine, Ennarationes in Psalmos, Ps. 85, part 17 (PL 37: 1093-94), Lefèvre, p. 169; see also Gervase of Tilbury, Otia Imperialia, pp. 94, 96.

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702-04 as we rede…tyme: cf. Tubach, Index Exemplorum, § 2717. The exemplum was evidently popular. 705 apple…apple: answers to pomme est au mylieu de la pomme in the KLMNOPQR group. Exactly the same analogy is made by the author of the Pricke of Conscience, ll. 6441-45. 706 iiij stages: among the pictorial representations of a four-tiered hell figure the following: the Hortus Deliciarum, c. 1170, which draws on the Elucidarium; Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, MS lat. 835, f. 30v, of English origin; and an early fourteenth-century wall-painting from the Composanto at Pisa. For the first and last of these see Hortus Deliciarum, ed. by Rosalie Green, ii, pl. 146; i. figure 89, respectively. For the Munich manuscript see Gérard Le Don, ‘Structures et significations de l’imagerie médiévale de l’enfer,’ figure 3. For the wall-painting see Jérôme Baschet, Les justices de l’Au-Delà : les représentations d’enfer en France et en Italie (XII – XIV siècle). The Orcherd of Syon speaks of foure pryncipal turmentis of hem þat ben dampned (pp. 88/16 – 89/29). Similarly, one reads in an early sixteenth-century treatise on [T]he byrthe and lyfe of the moost false and deceytfull Antechryst, on the subject of the latter’s birth : And than shall be borne the chylde the whiche þe Iewes haue spoken of so longe and taryed after hym, in lyke wyse as the holy prophetes and patryarkes syttynge in the fourth parte of hell, f. Aiiib. This work, (STC 670) was printed by Wynkyn de Worde, c. 1525. It is unedited. Another de Worde print, The Arte or Crafte to Lyue Well (1505), said to have been translated by Andrew Chertsey, has this description of hell, clearly divided into four parts (one of which is said to be purgatory): Al mankynde that descended of Adam and Eue, our fyrste parens, syns theyr preuaricacyon and trespass eieccion from paradise terrestre, fell and descended into helle. The good wente into the Lymbo superiore, called the limbe of the faders, and the other into purgatorye. And the soules of the children vnborne of theym the whiche hadde not ony faith of þe medyatour and rdemptour, Ihesu Cryst, descended into the lymbe of the sayd children not cyrcumsyȝed. And the parfyte cursed descended into the helle of the deuylles without hope of redempcyon. (STC, 2nd ed., 792). This passage was read from the copy in Cambridge University Library. It is also unedited. Further, in an extended vision of hell recounted in Roger of Wendover’s Flowers of History (vol. 2, p. 30), the inferni inferiori is said to consist of four courts (plateas), while earlier, Bede, in his Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, book 3, ch. 19, describes how Fursey, in his vision, witnessed four infernal fires which eventually merged with each other to become one immense flame. Cf. also the Pricke of Conscience, l. 2816. 718 fyre of hell: answering to feu infernal (SL 668), which should occasion no surprise. It is noticeable, however, that all manuscript versions read feu d’enfer at this point (Ruhe, GW, pp. 270-71). The use of ME infernal is recorded from the late fourteenth century.

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720 chaynes of fyre: see Thomas of Chobham, Summa de arte praedicandi, ch. 2, l. 746. 720-21 sperkelynge…place: two problems are evident here. First, sperkelynge is an incorrect translation of destraignans, ‘astringent’. It would appear that some degree of contamination has occurred at an indeterminable point in the transmission of the text in which the manuscript tradition has impinged on that of the prints. The opening of the reply to question 144 in the manuscripts, represented here by MS B, is as follows: le feu d’enfer y est qui est si ardant que se toute la mer y descendoit, elle n’en estaindroit pas une estincelle (Ruhe, GW, p. 270); ‘the fire of hell there burns so intently that if it were engulfed by the sea not one spark would be extinguished’. As for the second problem, the punctuation in both Fo and Br places a full stop after it (721) and begins a new sentence with In the whiche place, with In capitalized. The text of SL, on the other hand, says that the fire is so astringent that no one would be capable of saying in which place some souls were more severely punished than others, a remark that would seem to reflect some aspect of the unorthodox belief expressed in l. 557. The fact that KMNOP read le sauroit for sauroit (SL 670) may, in part, explain this slight confusion since the phrase supplies the intrusive impersonal pronoun. 726-28 fyre…wode: something of a stock description of infernal torment, as a Boolean search of the Brepols Library of Latin Texts, using ‘hell’, ‘fire’, and ‘worm’ generously indicates. Toads appear in evocations of purgatory in Stephanus de Borbone, Tractatus de diuersis materiis praedicabilibus, pars 1, titulus 5, ch. 4, 8. Instances in English material are very plentiful; see MED, s. v. tode (b). For a biblical authority see Ecclus. 10: 13. 737-38 ony good…euyll: answers to bien ne aucun mal of the KLMNOPQR group. 739 there…greueth: thus, inter alios, Bonaventura, Sermones dominicales, sermo 3, part 13; Thomas Aquinas, In IV Sententiarum, distinctione 45, quaestio 1, articulus 2, quaestiuncula 2; id. Quaestiones disputatae de malo, quaestio 7, articulus 10, argumentum 8; id. Summa theologiae, I. II. quaestio 89, articulus 6. 741 the other also: answers to les autres aussi (SL 688-89), although the punctuation in Br and Fo places the last word at the head of the following sentence. 751-52 And…escaped: cf. Jerome, Commentariorum in Isaiam Prophetam, 18, 66 (PL 24: 677); Gregory, Moralia in Job, 33, 14; (PL 76: 691); id. Homiliae in evangelia, book 2, 40 (PL 76: 1309), Lefèvre, p. 170. 754-55 Dyues…paradys: Luke 16: 19-31.

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758-59 but…corporally: cf. Julian of Toledo, Prognosticon futuri saeculi, 2, 32 (PL 96: 493), referring to Augustine, De civitate Dei, 20, 22 (PL 41: 694), and to Gregory, Homiliae in evangelia book 2, 40 (PL 76: 1308-09), Lefèvre, p. 170. 762-63 by…saued: the remark may be seen as particularly arresting in the light of near contemporary incipient Protestant thought, especially that associated with Martin Luther. 770 derkenes: cf. Gregory, Moralia in Job, 13, 44 (PL 75: 1038), Lefèvre, p. 171. 771 were…God: see Thomas Aquinas, In III Sententiarum, distinctione 15, quaestio 2, articulus 3, quaestiuncula 3, argumentum 3, speaking of children: unde pueri qui sunt in Limbo, non affliguntur de carentia visionis divinae, quia eis redditur non pro culpa quam ipsi commiserunt. 779 they wyll: the following sequence in SL, par la permission divine et sont la ont ilz veulent (722-23), has been lost in translation through homoeoteleuton on veulent in both Fo and Br. 785 as: answers to comme in the KLMNOPQR group; similarly, by (l. 786) answers to par in that group. 789-896 Mayster…sayde: questions 162 and 163 are additions to the Latin Elucidarium. The former is given much more elaborate treatment in the prints than in the manuscripts. SL 162 begins quite conventionally with a standard denunciation of the spiritual weakness of women, but quickly moves into the area of folklore with discussions of fairies, witches, and (in SL 163) demonic spirits, goblins, and elves. The combination of these two sources of knowledge produces a text which Doris Ruhe characterizes as ‘étrange’ and ‘hybride.’ See Ruhe, ‘Savoir des doctes’, p. 54. One of the major sources the compiler of SL drew upon here, if only partially, is the so-called Canon episcopi, a tenth-century penitential preserved in the writings of Regino of Prüm. The text eventually found its way into Gratian’s Decretals, becoming a part of Canon Law. See, Decretum Gratiani, part 2, causa 26, quaestio 5, canon 12: Sortilegam et magicam artem episcopi modis omnibus eliminare studeant. For a full discussion of this long section see also Ruhe, GW, pp. 49-50 and ch. IV of that work. On the question of the efficacy of sorcery, Sidrak and Bokkus, question 225, is curiously ambiguous. 805-07 theyr vysyons…not: see the discussion, above p. 00. 813-14 But…them: it is clear from the study by G. R. Owst, ‘Sortilegium in English Homiletic Literature of the Fourteenth Century’, in Studies Presented to Sir Hilary

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Jenkinson, ed. by J. Conway Davies (London: Oxford University Press, 1957), pp. 272-303, that this idea was already current in late Antiquity. In the course of his discussion, Owst refers the reader to an important passage in the fourteenth-century preacher’s manual, the Fasciculus Morum, dealing at length with such matters. At the time of writing, this text was unedited, but can now be read in Fasciculus Morum: a Fourteenth-Century Preacher’s Handbook, ed. and trans. by S. Wenzel (University Park and London: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1989), pp. 578, 580. Owst also (pp. 301-02) directs the reader to a passage in a late Middle English sermon preserved in London, British Library, MS Add. 41321, again unedited in 1957. It can now be read in Lollard Sermons, ed. by Gloria Cigman, EETS 294 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 112. 820 dede: answers to fait which Chertsey has interpreted as a noun. The French word must, however, be the past participle of the verb ‘to do.’ Cf. Lucydarye, l. 1155 (SL 1066) where the same construction is correctly interpreted. 828 deuynementes: OED gives only one occurrence of this word, in North’s Plutarch, dated 1578-80; it is not recorded in MED. The word illusyons (829) answers to illusions et abusions (SL 770-71) in the prints, the last two words of which have escaped the translator’s or compositor’s attention, possibly through homoeoteleuton on –ions. 839 God: answers to Dieu of the KLMNOPQR group. 843 an hors: Roger of Wendover tells the story of a devil who transformed the body of a man who died unconfessed into a horse. See his Flowers of History, vol. 2, pp. 23-24. 849 Wherfore: the phrase in I which follows, mon enfant (SL 790), is absent from the KLMNOPQR group. 850 well thynke: corresponds to bien penser of the KLMNOPQR group; shewid: the short phrase et muoyent which follows in I has been omitted in KLNOPQR. 853 coniectures: corresponds to the same term in the KLMNOPQR group. 854 celestyalles: what follows in French, ou autrement (SL 795), has been lost, probably through homoeoteleuton on -ment. 863 Vir…astris: attributed to Ptolomy, Centilogium, by John of Pecham (d. 1292) in his Quaestiones de stellis, p. 219. This constitutes one small section of his Quaestiones disputatae. Also, Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae, pars 1, quaestio 115a, 4 ad 3.

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According to Theodore O. Wedel, The Medieval Attitude towards Astrology: Particularly in England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1920), pp. 135-37, the phrase is not to be found in any of Ptolomy’s writings. As Wedel notes, a variant form of the line is used by Gower, Confessio Amantis, 2, 239. 870 It is: answers to il t’est in all prints save LMNOP, where the pronoun is omitted. However, none of these prints can have been the source used by Chertsey. 872 deed: see the comment above, p. 00. On the subject in general, and on the multitude of superstitions surrounding it, there is a wealth of relevant material in Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, ch. 19. 875 Spiritus…rediens: Ps. 77: 39. 876 she: historically, the word ‘soul’ in English is, like its Latin counterpart, feminine (OE sawol, Latin anima), and it is not uncommon in ME to see the persistent use of this grammatical association long after the loss of grammatical gender in the language. See, for example, Aelred of Rievaulx, De Institutione Inclusarum, p. 5/166; the Assumption of our Lady, p. 126/453; Gesta Romanorum, p. 22; Nicholas Love, The Myrrour of the Blessid Lyf of Jesu Crist, ch. 26. 878 Laȝare: see the comment above, p. xxxi. 879 helquins: the ancestor of English ‘harlequin,’ a “character in Italian comedy” (OED), first recorded in 1590; it derives from OF hellequin, hennequin, defined by the ATILF electronic resource as a ‘cortège de fantômes ou de démons malfaisants (cortège of ghosts or evil demons) (s. v. herlequin). Alain Rey (Dictionnaire historique de la langue française, p. 202) links the Anglo-Norman hellequin with the ‘Herle King,’ said to be one of the epithets by which the Scandinavian god Woden was known. On the occurrence of the term helquin in earlier French literature see Ruhe, ‘Savoir des doctes’, p. 54 and the literature there cited, and Ruhe, GW, pp. 64-65. Chertsey would appear to have appropriated the French term, perhaps in an attempt to integrate it in the language. To judge from the very different meaning borne by the word ‘harlequin’ from the end of the late sixteenth century onwards, he was not successful. 884-87 somtymes…chyldren: similar material is found in Gervase of Tilbury, Otia Imperialia, pp. 722, 724. 889-90 Iob…pacyence: Job 1: 12 et seq. 894 Non…nocturno: Ps. 90: 5.

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900 caracteres: agrees more closely with the reading in QR: caracteres, than with caractes, witnessed in all other prints. 901 lyne: understood here as a ‘cord or string’; OED, s. v. ‘line, sb. 2. 1, quotes from Cursor Mundi: Cursing es the fendes lyne / þat harles a man to hell pine (l. 29532). 914 reknowlege: MED records only one occurrence of this rare verb before 1500. OED indicates that it ceased to be employed with the meaning ‘acknowledge’ in the early seventeenth century. OED, s. v. reknowledge, suggests a derivation either from Latin recognoscere or French reconnaître (MF recongnoistre, reconnaistre). 919 for our synnes: answers to pour nostre peché in the KLMNOPQR group. 920-21 baptym…pardoned: so central is this belief in Christian thought that it is unnecessary to search for a specific source or sources. 922 Quicumque baptisatus fuerit: cf. Mark 16: 16. See also Piers Plowman C, passus 12/59, 13/87. 925-26 there…pryde: Gregory, Homiliae in evangelia, 34 (PL 76: 1252), Lefèvre, p. 168. 929-38 Babell…abusyons: the association of Babel with idolatry is also made by Gervase of Tilbury, Otia Imperialia, p. 116. As for the stages, the Elucidarium (Lefèvre, p. 433), gives the number of sixty-four, and speaks of an ‘image’ which is to be adored. The reference to Neron appears to have arisen through confusion with Nimrod, mentioned by Flavius Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, book 1, ch. 4: 1-3. In the early ME Genesis and Exodus, l. 678, it is Nimrod’s son, Belus, who is said to have set up an image. No source for the number of stages has been located. According to Xavier de Coster (Louvain), to whom I am indebted for many pertinent observations on the subject, such information is rarely forthcoming. The French print M alone preserves an approximation to the image’s name: Nembrot, a form found also in Augustine, De civitate Dei, book 16, ch. 4, and in Gower, Confessio Amantis, Prologue, l. 1018; book 5, l. 1547; and book 7, l. 1452. Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae, book 7, ch. 6 (PL 82: 276), defined Nembrod as tyrannus. 929 Babell: both Fo and Br read abell, paralleled only in N among the prints. For references to further possible sources of this appropriately confusing account see Lefèvre, pp.156-57. 931 gyauntes: this detail is preserved also in The Seven Psalms, pp. 82-83, translated from the French.

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932 called: corresponds better to the text in the KLMNOPQR group: sappelloit. 933 do hym sacryfyce: corresponds to luy sacrifiassent of the KLMNOPQR group. 950 also: alone among the prints, L reads aussi at this point. 961-70 houres…buryed: a reference to the Horae de Cruce, the Hours of the Cross, consisting of the words of the hymn Patris sapientia veritas divina, which formed an integral part of the devotions in books of hours in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The text, taken from the Analecta hymnica medii aevi, vol. 30, pp. 32-33, is as follows: Ad Matutinum I. Patris sapientia, veritas divina, Deus homo captus est hora matutina, A notis, discipulis cito derelictus Iudaeis est venditus, traditus, afflictus. Ad Primam 2. Hora prima ductus est Iesus ad Pilatum, Falsis testimoniis multum accusatum. In collo percutiunt, manibus ligatum, Vultum Dei conspuunt, lumen caeli gratum.

Ad Tertiam 3. Crucifige clamitant hora tertiarum, Illusus induitur veste purpurarum, Caput eius pungitur corona spinarum, Crucem portat umeris ad locum poenarum. Ad Sextam 4. Hora sexta Iesus est cruci conclavatus, Et est cum latronibus pendens deputatus, Prae tormentis sitiens felle saturatus, Agnus crimen diluit sic ludificatus. Ad Nonam 5. Hora nona Dominus Iesus exspiravit, Heli clamans animam patri commendavit, Latus eius lancea miles perforavit, Terra tunc contremuit, et sol obscuravit.

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109

Ad Vesperas 6. De cruce deponitur hora vespertina, Fortitudo latuit in mente divina, Talem mortem subiit vitae medicina, Heu, corona gloriae, iacuit spina. Ad Completorium 7. Hora completorii datur sepulturae. Corpus Christi nobile, spes vitae futurae, Conditur aromate complentur scripturae, Iugis sit memoriae mors haec mihi curae. 963 ledde…Pylate: Matt. 27: 2, Mark 15: 1, Luke 22: 66, John 18: 28. 964 crowned with thorne: Matt. 27: 29, Mark 15: 17, John 19: 2. Other ME texts displaying the singular form of the noun to denote this instrument of torture include Sir Eglamour, l. 292, Cursor Mundi, l. 16437, and the York Play, Christ before Pilate 2: the Judgement (ed. Beadle), p. 318/398; The Charter of the Abbey of the Holy Ghost, Yorkshire Writers, i. p. 359. See further MED, s. v. thorne 3 (a). 965 purple: Mark 15: 20, John 19: 2-5. 965-66 cladde…mockerye: Luke 23: 11 (veste alba), an addition to the text of the hymn. 966-67 hanged…crosse: Matt. 27: 35, Mark 15: 24, Luke 23: 33, John 19: 18. 967 dyed…crosse: Matt. 27: 50, Mark 15: 37, Luke 23: 46, John 19: 30. 968-70 body…buryed: Matt. 27: 59-60, Mark 15: 46, Luke 23: 53-56, John 19: 38-42. 971-73 in the masse…purple: Guillelmus Duranti senior, Rationale divinorum officiorum, book 3, ch. 7, part 5; book 4, ch. 4, part 1. 972 Ihesu: the absence of an equivalent to I’s Nostre Seigneur in the Lucydarye is paralleled in the KLMNOPQR group. 973-74 pystle…paradys: Guillelmus Duranti senior, Rationale divinorum officiorum, book 4, ch. 16, part 2. 975-76 gospell…vertue: Augustine, De diversis quaestionibus octoginta tribus, quaestio 57/122 (PL 40: 42); Paulinus of Nola, Epistola 12, part 4 (pp. 76-77); Guillelmus Duranti senior, Rationale divinorum officiorum, book 4, ch. 23, part 1.

110

EXPLANATORY NOTES

979 images: the absence of an equivalent to I’s a l’eglise in the Lucydarye is paralleled in the KLMNOPQR group. 987 handes: the absence of an equivalent to I’s des piez, SL 918 (following handes) is common to Fo and Br. 988 thyne herte : the phrase answers to ton cueur of the KLMNOPQR group. 991 commaundementes: Exod. 20; 34: 28. 993 Holy: answers to sainte, present in KLNQR. 999-1011 humylyte…worthe: as one late ME confessional manual puts it: viij thyngis in specialle er necessari vnto trew confessioun. Ane is þat þe penitent be mek and com lawlie vnto hys confessioun, without any pride or laghyng or scorne, as scriptour says: ‘Humiliamini sub potenti manu Dei.’ Be mek when ȝe come vndernethe þe myghty hand of God, þat is to say vndernethe þe prest hand in your confessioun, for þe prest sittis þer in Godis sted. Anoder is it suld be generalle, for a man suld schryff hym of all hys synis and leff none behynd, as scryptur says: ‘Effunde sicut aquam cor tuum in conspectu Dei.’ (London, BL, MS Cotton Vespasian A xxv, f. 47v, ed. Touchard). The second obligation is expressed equally firmly by an anonymous late fifteenth-century preacher, thus: Firste I sey þat confescion muste be hole witheowte departyng. That is to sey, when þu schalt cum to þi gostly fadur to be schrevyn of thi synnes, then þu muste tell him all þi myslyvyng and all þi synnes as þu haste done hem in dede; and not oo parte till oo preste and anoþer parte to anoþer preste, ne kepe no synne in the, but put it clene owte. (Morrison, Sermon cycle, p. 103). See also Ancrene Wisse, p. 119/211. The Ps.-Augustine Liber de vera et falsa poenitentia 9. 23 (PL 40: 1121, 1125–6), teaches that withholding sins in confession nullifies absolution. ME texts, printed and unprinted, dealing principally with this sacrament are listed in Jolliffe, A Checklist, pp. 67-74, 76-79. 1019 synne: an English equivalent to the passage in SL 948, Et nonobstant que tu n’ayes point le peché, has been lost through homoeoteleuton on peché. 1021-22 for who…gospel: cf. Matt. 5: 28. 1027-28 synne of another: one late fifteenth-century preacher similarly instructs: The firste poynte [pertaining to confession] is that a man schall confesse hym of his owne synne and not of another mans, as Adam dyd, as scripture seythe, Genesis iij° (Morrison, Sermon Cycle, p. 118). 1037-41 vnto whome…worth: cf. the twenty-first constitutio of the fourth Lateran Council, Omnis utriusque sexus fidelis, Constitutiones Concilii quarti Lateranensis una cum Commentariis glossatorum, pp. 67-68.

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111

1055-90 Antecryst…sayde: the ultimate source of many of the details in this account of the Antichrist is the De ortu et tempore Antichristi, written by Adso, monk of Montier-en-Der, in the second half of the tenth century, and addressed to Queen Gerberga, wife of Louis d’Outremer. Among the common points one may note the following: that Antichrist was a man from the tribe of Dan, that he was born of a woman in the city of Babylon, that he held sway over various sections of the earth’s population by dispensing gifts, performing miracles and by perpetrating acts of violence. He is further said to have caused fire to descend from the sky and, so as to pass himself off as Christ, to have raised men from the dead. His reign is said to have lasted three-and-a-half years, at the end of which Enoch and Elijah, his adversaries, are killed. Both texts associate him with the Mount of Olivet. Other authorities are listed by Lefèvre, p. 174-77. The standard modern study is that of Richard K. Emmerson, Antichrist in the Middle Ages: a Study of Medieval Apocalypticism, Art, and Literature (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1981). Dorothy Bethurum, ed., The Homilies of Wulfstan, pp. 281 ff, assembles the evidence to show that Adso’s text was very well known in England from an early date. 1057 of Dan: this would seem to correspond to de Dan, recorded in NQR only. The wording in I is common to all other prints and to all manuscripts save one. 1064 vij artes: the seven liberal arts, forming the trivium and quadrivium of the university syllabus. There is, of course, no mention of this in Adso. 1068 walke: answers to cheminer in the KLMNOPQR group. 1075-79 seynge…hell: there is nothing in Adso’s De ortu which parallels this account of Antichrist’s demise; it remains untraced. The Hortus Deliciarum, f. 242v, shows Antichrist falling to earth. 1081-82 shall…fayth: corresponds to seront confermez en la sainte foy of the KLMNOPQR group. 1088-89: trede…men: cf. Ps. 90: 13. 1093-95 two…of the body: Ambrose, Expositio super septem visionis libri Apocalypsis (PL 17: 930-31), and Augustine, De civitate Dei, book 20, ch. 6 (PL 41: 665-66), Lefèvre, p. 177; cf. also Liber Quare, quaestio 98, l. 3, p. 19, ll. 3-4. 1096 Laȝare: see the remark above, p. xxxi. 1100-01 we…Ester: see Abelard, Sic et non, 85 (PL 178: 1472), Lefèvre, p. 126.

112

EXPLANATORY NOTES

1104-05 And…euangelyste: the assumption of John the evangelist lies outside of orthodox Christian teaching. Augustine argued forcefully against it in his In euangelium Ioannis tractatus, tractatus 124 (PL 35: 1970). 1107 xxxiij yeres: the age given in the Pricke of Conscience is of thirty-two years and three months (ll. 4987-88). 1111 other: the equivalent in I, l’autre loup, is reduced to l’autre in the KLMNOPQR group, as in the Lucydarye. The same idea is expressed in more elaborate fashion in the Pricke of Conscience, ll. 4995-5020. 1113 Capillus…peribit: Luke 21: 18. 1122 withoute…thynge: see the comment above, p. xxviii-xxxix. 1125 mydnyght: Augustine, Liber de diversis quaestionibus, 59 (PL 40: 45), and Cassiodorus, In Psalterium Expositio, Ps. 118, 62 (PL 70: 856C), Lefèvre, p. 180; see also his discussion, p. 126. 1129 Iosophat: an onomastic association. See, for example, Jerome, Liber de nominibus Hebraicis (PL 23: 817-18); id., Epistula 18A, Ad Damasum (p. 77) Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae, book 7, ch. 6 (PL 82: 280); Julian of Toledo, Prognosticon futuri saeculi libri tres, book 3, ch. 2 (PL 96: 497. The detail is preserved also in the Pricke of Conscience, ll. 5149-50, in the Doctrinal of Sapience, p. 218, and in Piers Plowman, B XVIII, 369 (C XX, 411). For biblical authority see Joel 3: 12. 1138 transfyguryd…Thabor: see note to ll. 412-13, above. 1140-41 there…crosse: Julian of Toledo, Prognosticon futuri saeculi libri tres, 3, 5 (PL 96: 500) speaks, not of a cloud, but of an intense light, Lefèvre, p. 181. The same point is made by the author of the Pricke of Conscience, ll. 5283-90. 1144 Sedebitis…Israell: Luke 22: 30. 1145-50 Come…clothed me: Matt. 25: 34-36. 1152-54 Goo…deuyls: Matt. 25: 41. 1155 all: the Lucydarye lacks an equivalent to SL’s tous les saintz et saintes (1066-67). 1166-68 what ben…to face: cf. Matt. 18: 10, Rev. 22: 4. Patristic authorities include Ambrose, De bono mortis, ch. 11, par. 49 (PL 14: 562), and Gregory, Moralia in Job, book 24, ch. 11 (PL 76: 306).

EXPLANATORY NOTES

113

1167 ne can tel: a sermon commonplace based ultimately on Isa. 64: 4, quoted in 1 Cor. 2: 9. See, for example, þe kyngdome of heven, [where] ther is all maner of welthe and ioye, ever lyȝte and never nyȝte, more gretter murþe and ioye then hert can þinke or mowþe can speke (Morrison, Sermon Cycle, p. 5). In the same edition see pp. 83, 127, 354, 374. See further the A Repertorium of Middle English Prose Sermons, p. 2785. 1182 ioyes…smoke: cf Hermannus de Runa, Sermones festiuales, sermo 84, l. 60. These sermons are of twelfth-century date. Also Gualterus de Sancto Victore, Sermo 13, l. 81; Thomas à Kempis, Uallis Liliorum, ch. 27, p. 113. 1186-92 nyne…them: the numbering and the naming of the orders of angels are of very frequent occurrence throughout the period. See, for example, Gregory, Homelia in evangelia 34, part 7 (PL 76: 1249-50); Isidore of Seville, Sententiae, book 1, ch. 10, sententia 15 (PL 83: 556); Guillelmus Duranti senior, Rationale diuinorum officiorum, book 4, ch. 33, part 15. 1189-92 the eyght…them: an unusual degree of confusion has produced an incoherent translation here. 1193 good aungell: see Jerome, Commentariorum in Matheum, Libri IV, book 3, l. 570 et seq., borrowed by Thomas Aquinas, Catena Aurea in Matthaeum, ch. 18. lectio 3. The biblical authority is Ps. 90: 11, 12, verses used again by Matthew in his gospel (4: 6). On all aspects of angelology see David Keck, Angels and Angelology in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998). 1196-97 Antecryst…well: see Thomas Aquinas, In II Sententiarum, distinctione 11, articulus 1. Cf. the Pricke of Conscience, ll. 4195-96: His gude angelle sal fra hym wende / And leve hym in þe kepyng of þe fende. 1200 hir: there are no fewer than seven references to a female moon in the answer to this question, suggesting that both prints are in error here. Other ME texts concur, even at a time when grammatical gender had virtually disappeared from the language. See, for example, Sidrak and Bokkus, questions 144 and 237, Mandeville’s Travels (ed. Hamelius), p. 202/16-17, The Court of Sapience, l. 2120. In Old English, however, the noun was masculine. 1205 all-onely: I’s reading at this point, est entredeux, is absent from the KLMNOPQR group. 1214 thondres: on contemporary belief in the diabolic origins of thunder and the measures taken to counter it see Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, pp. 32-34, 45.

114

EXPLANATORY NOTES

1216-24 vapoures…snowes: cf. Gervase of Tilbury, Otia Imperialia, pp. 76, 78, whose editors cite the following authorities: Augustine, De Genesi ad litteram, Liber imperfectus, xiv (PL 34: 239); Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae, book 13, 10. 2 (PL 82: 477); Bede, De natura rerum, ch. 32 (PL 90: 252-53); and Rupert of Deutz, De Trinitate et operibus eius, In Deut. ii. ch. 7. Pliny the elder’s Natural History was influential throughout the Middle Ages; for the topics discussed here see book 2, ch. 42, 60. 1218 ben: the omission after ben, (sont humides sont eslevees, SL 1126), is probably due to homoeoteleuton on sont. 1227-49 But…alowe: see, generally, Pliny Natural History, book 2, ch. 42, 44, 51. 1230 gadereth: an improbable translation of reculent. It is possible that a textual corruption, involving a form of the verb recueillir (to gather), has crept into one of the printed versions. MS De preserves the forms recueillement and recueille for reculement and recule respectively (Ruhe, GW, p. 459). The only noticeable variant in the prints is QR’s repoussent, which hardly alters the sense of the original, however. 1247 fyre: the equivalent phrase in SL, Et quant ces exalacions sont pres du feu (115051), following on from this point in the text, has been lost in translation through homoeoteleuton on feu. 1253 cloude, salte: emendations have been made on the authority of SL. The error of mone (for cloude) may be explained by a compositor anticipating the later occurrence of mone in the same line. 1259-85 first…made: the main medieval traditions informing this popular theme are those represented by the Ps.-Bede Excerptiones patrum (PL 94: 555) and Peter Comestor’s Historia scholastica (PL 198: 1611). Cf. Mirk, Festial, p. 5; Morrison, Sermon Cycle, pp. 13-14; Fasciculus Morum, pp. 246, 248. The theme is surveyed by William W. Heist, The Fifteen Signs Before Doomsday (East Lansing: Michigan State College Press, 1952). 1266 Oryent…Occydent: answers to dorient vers occident in KLMNOP. 1270 cleue: the following sequence in SL 1171 (et hurteront l’une contre l’autre tant qu’elles reviendront) has been lost in translation through homoeoteleuton on –ront. 1287-88 louynge…hymselfe: Matt. 22: 36-39, Mark 12: 30-31. 1289 commaundementes: the specific number, dix, is absent from SL in KLQR.

EXPLANATORY NOTES

115

1294 corporall: renders temporelle, which is difficult to account for. Exactly the same confusion is observable in a late fifteenth-century sermon for the second Sunday in Advent, in a quotation from St. Bernard: et est in sermone De Aduentu Iudicis, vbi sic: Semper, inquid, diem illum extremum considerans, toto tempore contremesco, et cetera; ‘All wey when I thynke vpon the last day, for drede my body quakethe.’ The non-base manuscripts supply the correct form, corpore. (Morrison, Sermon Cycle, p. 12). 1296 frendes: the meaning of this term extends to ‘family,’ ‘kin’ in Middle English. See MED, s. v. frend, n., 4. 1298 bete: preceded in SL 1199 by tuer, absent from KLQR. The later mention in SL of de dit (1199-1200) is absent from L and the Lucydarye. 1311 artycles: cf. Ross, Middle English Sermons, pp. 14-15. The specific number, douze (SL 1210), has been omitted in KLQR. 1314 onely Sonne: translates seul Filz, found in KLQR. 1315 Holy: the epithet benoist, which precedes the mention of the Saint Esperit in SL 1214, is absent from the Lucydarye; it is present in all prints save Q and R. 1319 Ponce: recorded only in LQR. 1324 quycke and þe deed: among the prints, only QR present this order. 1325 þe Holy Chyrche: KLQR provide a parallel to the Lucydarye in omitting I’s mere (mother), but K and L also omit the definite article, present in the ME text. 1336-37 howe farre…hell: one partial answer to this question is provided by the Cursor Mundi: Bot bede sais fra erd to heuen / Is vij thousand ȝere and hundredis vij / Bi iornayis qua þat gang it may / Fourti mile euerilk a day, ll. 507/10, quoted from the Göttingen manuscript. In similar vein, information on the distance from the earth to the moon is supplied in the Pricke of Conscience, ll. 7651-59.

ALPHABETICAL LIST OF QUESTIONS Angels: 11-12, 14-15, 17-19, 22, 50-51, 202-03 Animals, creation and suffering: 30-31, 111 Antichrist: 180-81 Ascension: 88-89, 92 Baptism: 60-62, 70-70a, 126, 169, 211 Burial, churchyard, its merits: 129: Christ, Incarnation and life: 53-57, 69 Communion and consecration of the host: 93-95, 98, 100-100a: Confession and contrition: 123-24, 177-79 Crucifixion and burial: 76-77: Damned, the: 190 Death, uncertain hour: 127 Decalogue: 209 Demons and demonology: 20-21, 162-63 Dreams: 166-67: on dreams Evil in the world: 101-02, 104a, 107 Fairies: 162-63 Faith, articles of: 212 Free will: 113, 115-16 God, ignorance of: 119-20 God, nature of: 1-3, 5-9 Hell, harrowing: 81 Hell: 143, 146 Hunger: 172 Idol worshippers: 162-63 Judgement, day of: 182-83, 185-88 Judgement, signs before: 208 Magi, gifts of: 58 Man, creation: 24-29, 32, 34, 39-43, 45-46 Man, fall of: 35-37, 47-49 Man, redemption 74-75; 111 Marriage: 66, 211 Mass and the liturgy: 174 Paradise: 33, 44, 84, 136 Predestination: 113, 115-16 Purgatory: 135, 140, 144, 151, 156 Resurrection, Christ’s 82

118

ALPHABETICAL LIST OF QUESTIONS

Resurrection, Christ’s appearances after: 87 Sacraments: 211 Salvation, means to: 132, 208a Salvation: 153-54, 157, 170 Sin, forgiveness: 59, 168 Sin, mortal: 134 Sorcery: 162-63 Soul: 121 Witches: 162-63 World, the physical: 204-07

BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Printed primary sources Abelard, Peter, Sic et non, PL 178 : 1329-610. Adso, De ortu et tempore Antichristi, ed. by D. Verhelst, CCCM 45 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1976). Ælfric, Lives of Saints, 4 vols ed. by W. W. Skeat, EETS OS 76, 82, 94 and 114 (repr. as 2 vols, London: Oxford University Press, 1966). Aelred of Rievaulx, Aelredi Rievallensis, Sermones I-XLVI. Collectio Claraevallensis prima et secunda, ed. by G. Raciti, CCCM 2A (Turnhout: Brepols, 1989). Aelred of Rievaulx, Aelredi Rievallensis, Sermones XLVII-LXXXIV. Collectio Dunelmensis, Sermo a Matthaeo Rievallensi servatus, Sermones Lincolniensis, ed. by G. Raciti, CCCM 2B (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001). Aelred of Rievaulx’s De Institutione Inclusarum, ed. by John Ayto and Alexandra Barratt, EETS 287 (London : Oxford University Press, 1987). Sammlung Altenglischer legenden, ed. by Carl Horstmann (Heilbronn : Henninger, 1878). Ambrose, (Ambrosius Mediolanensis) De bono mortis, PL 14 : 539-68. Ambrose, De obitu Theodosii oratio, PL 16 : 1385-1406. Ambrose, De paradiso, PL 14 : 275-314 Ambrose, Expositio super septem visionis libri Apocalypsis, PL 17 : 765-970. Ambrose Autpert (Ambrosius Autpertus), Expositio in Apocalypsin, PL 35: 2147-52 (printed among the works of St Augustine). Analecta hymnica medii aevi, ed. by G. M. Dreves,, C. Blume, and H. M. Bannister, 55 vols (Leipzig: R. Reisland, 1886-1922). Ancrene Wisse: A Corrected Edition of the Texts in CCCC MS 402, with Variants from other Manuscripts, ed. by Bella Millett (and Richard Dance for volume 2), 2 vols., EETS 325, 326 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005-06). Anonymi in Matthaeum, ed. by B. Lofstedt, CCCM 159 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003). Anselm, Cur Deus Homo, PL 158-360-432. Anselm, Monologion, PL 158: 141-224. Anselm, De nuptiis consanguineorum, PL 158 : 557-60. Anselm, De fide Trinitatis, PL 158: 259-84. Aquinas, Thomas, Opera omnia. See Electronic Sources The byrthe and lyf of the moost false and deceytfull Antechryst, STC 670 (London: de Worde, c. 1525). Aristotle, History of the Animals, ed. by A. L. Peck and D. M. Balme, 3 vols., (Cambridge, Mass., Loeb Classical Library, 1965-91.

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Assumption of our Lady : in King Horn, Floriz and Blaunchfleur, The Assumption of our Lady, ed. by J. R. Lumby, EETS OS 14 (London: Trübner, 1866). Augustine, Contra sermonum Arianorum, PL 42 : 683-708. Augustine, De agone christiano, PL 40: 289-310. Augustine, De baptismo, PL 43: 107-244. Augustine, De civitate Dei, PL 41: 13-804. Augustine, De consensu evangelistarum, PL 34: 1041-1230. Augustine, De cura pro mortuis gerenda, PL 40 591-610. Augustine, De diversis quaestionibus, PL 40 : 11-100. Augustine, De Genesi ad litteram, PL 34 : 245-486. Augustine, De Genesi ad litteram, liber imperfectus, PL 34 : 219-46. Augustine, De peccatorum meritis, PL 44 : 109-200. Augustine, De trinitate libri xv, PL 42: 819-1098. Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos, PL 36, 37. Augustine, Enchiridion, PL 40 : 231-90. Augustine, In epistolam Ioannis ad Parthos tractatus, PL 35: 1977-2062. Augustine, Epistulae, PL 33: 61-1162. Augustine, In evangelium Ioannis tractatus, PL 35: 1379-1976. Augustine, Quaestionum in Heptateuchum, PL 34: 547-824. Augustine, Sermones, PL 38: 9-1483; 39: 1484-638. Ps.-Augustine, Liber de vera et falsa poenitentia, PL 40: 1113-30. Ayenbite of Inwyt (Dan Michel’s), ed. by R. Morris, vol. 1 Text, EETS OS 23 (London: Trübner, 1866), and Pamela Gradon, vol. 2 Introduction, Notes and Glossary, EETS 278 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979). Balduinus de Forda (Baldwin of Ford), Sermones, CCCM 99, ed. by D. N. Bell (Turnhout:Brepols, 1991). Bede, Hexaemeron, PL 91 : 9-190. Bede, Historia eccelsiastica gentis Anglorum, ed. by B. Colgrave and R. B. Mynors, Oxford Medieval Texts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969). Bede, Homiliae, PL 94: 9-516. Bede, De natura rerum, PL 90 : 187-278. Ps.-Bede, Excerptiones patrum, PL 94 : 539-60. Bernard of Clairvaux, Opera, ed. by J. Leclercq, C. H. Talbot and H. Rochais, 8 vols (Rome: Editiones Cistercienses, 1957-77). Biblia Latina cum Glossa Ordinaria. Facsimile reprint of the Editio Princeps of Adolph Rusch (Strassburg, 1480-1), ed. by Karlfried Froehlich and Margaret T. Gibson, 4 vols (Turnhout: Brepols, 1992). Biblia Sacra iuxta Vulgatam Clementinam, ed. by A. Colunga and L. Turrado, 4th ed (Madrid: Bibliotecas de Autores Cristianos,1965). Novum testamentum latine: textum vaticanum, ed. by Eberhard Nestle, 11th ed (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1971).

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The Holy Bible…made from the Latin Vulgate by John Wycliffe and his Followers, ed. by Josiah Forshall and Falconer Madden (4 vols., Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1850; repr. New York: AMS Press, 1982). Bonaventura, Breuiloquium, see Electronic Sources Bonaventura, Itinerarium mentis in Deum, see Electronic Sources Bonaventura, Sermones dominicales, see Electronic Sources Navigatio sancti Brendani abbatis, ed. by Carl Selmer (Notre Dame: University of Indiana Press, 1959). Caesarius of Arles, Sermones, ed. by G. Morin, 2 vols., CCSL 103, 104 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1953). Cassian, John, Collationum, PL 49 : 477-1328. Cassiodorus, In Psalterium expositio, PL 70 : 25-1056. Cassiodorus, De anima, PL 70: 1279-1308. Caxton’s Mirrour of the World, ed. by O. H. Prior, EETS ES 110 (London: Kegan Paul, Trench and Trübner, 1913). The Riverside Chaucer, ed. by Larry D. Benson and others, 3rd ed (Boston : Houghton and Mifflin, 1987). Chromatius Aquileiensis, Chromatii Aquileiensis Opera, ed. by R. Étaix and J. Lemarié, CCSL 9A (Turnhout: Brepols, 1974). Comestor, Peter, Historia scholastica, PL 198: 1049-1722. Constitutiones Concilii quarti Lateranensis una cum commentariis glossatorum, ed by A. Garcia y Garcia. Monumenta iuris canonici, series A, corpus glossatorum vol. 2 (Vatican: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1981). Corpus iuris canonici, 2 vols., ed. by Æmilius Friedberg (Leipzig: Tauchnitz, 1879). Corpus orationum, ed. by E. Moeller, J-M. Clément and B. Coppieters ‘t Wallant, CCSL 160B, 160G, 160H (Turnhout: Brepols, 1993-96). The Court of Sapience, ed. by Ruth Harvey, Toronto Medieval Texts and Translations (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984). Cursor Mundi, ed. by Richard Morris, 7 vols, EETS OS 57, 59, 62, 66, 68, 99, 101 (London: Trübner, 1874-93). Damian, Peter, Epistulae, Die Briefe des Petrus Damiani, ed. by Kurt Reindel, 4 vols. Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Die Briefe der deutschen Kaiserzeit (München: MGH, 1983-93). Decretum Gratiani, see Corpus iuris canonici. The Distaff Gospels: A First Modern English Edition of “Les Evangiles des Quenouilles”, ed. by Madeleine Jeay and Kathleen Garay (Peterboroughn Ont.: Broadview Press, 2006). The Doctrinal of Sapience, ed. by Joseph Gallagher, MET 26 (Heidelberg: Carl Winter Verlag, 1993). Duranti, Guillelmus, Rationale divinorum officiorum, ed. by Anselme Davril, Timothy Thibodeau and Bertrand Georges Guyot, 3 vols., CCCM 140, 140A, 140B,

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GLOSSARY The Glossary comprises words and phrases the meanings of which may not be immediately apparent to the reader, either owing to a shift in meaning since the composition of the text, or owing to the presence of orthographic forms no longer current in certain parts of speech. Words whose orthography differs from current usage, but whose meanings will be readily apparent, have not normally been included. Such cases are, however, less numerous than might reasonably be expected in a late Middle English text since such words often possess more than one shade of meaning not necessarily reflected in modern usage. At the risk of a certain redundancy, then, the Glossary aims for completeness. Bracketed and half-bracketed letters are those which may or may not be present in any given orthographic realisation of the word in question. Words beginning with $ are placed after those beginning with t; those beginning with £ follow g. Initial and medial vocalic y are listed under i. Words with initial and medial vocalic v are grouped together and placed before those displaying consonantal v. The references are to page and line numbers. ABBREVIATIONS adj. adjective adv. adverb conj. conjunction imp. imperative impers. impersonal inf. infinitive n. noun p. p. past participle pa. past pl. plural ppl. adj. participial adjective pr. present tense pr. p. present participle prep. preposition pron. pronoun refl. reflexive sg. singular subj. subjunctive subst. substantive v. verb vbl. n. verbal noun

GLOSSARY

abate, v. inf. strike down 139 abhomynacyon, n. loathing, abhorrence 980 abyde, v. inf. delay, 607; remain, 1269, 1273; abydeth, abyde 3 sg. & pl. pr. dwell 64, 455, 457 etc. ; abode 3 sg. pa. 206, 265, 269 etc.; waited 771 abusyons, n. pl. erroneous statements 938 accomplysshe, v. inf. & 3 pl. pr. perform, complete 321, 625, 712 etc.; accomplysshed p. p. 671, 697, 712 etc. acquyte, v. inf. make good, requite 592, 594 adamande, n. lodestone 1254 admynyster, v. inf. minister, give 448 adoure, v. inf. adore 937 aduenture, n. jeopardy, danger 1041 a(e)ge, n. age 740, 1084, 1085 etc. affeccyon, n. desire, inclination 4, 13, 238 etc. after, conj. in accordance with 667, 675, 688 etc. agayne, adv. back 781, 1092, 1096 ayre, ayer, n. air 61, 64, 105 etc. all, adj. ~ be it nevertheless 738, 952 al(l-onely, adv. solely 42, 68, 86 etc. all-ryght(e, adv. straightaway 664, 667, 698 etc. almesdede, n. alms-giving 289; pl. 690, 692 alowe, adv. below 244, 342, 1222 etc. also, adv. thus, so 19, 22, 146 etc. amende, v. inf. & 3 sg. subj. correct 480, 492, 493 etc.; amendeth 3 sg. pr. improves 450 amyte, n. friendship 313 anone, adv. soon 489, 493; immediately 1068, 1083, 1103 answereth, v. 3 sg. pr. corresponds 106, 114 apertayneth, v. 3 sg. pr. belongs to, is natural to 744 arbytre, n. lyberall ~ free will 308, 310, 528 etc. ar(e)yse, v. inf. rise, resurrect 732, 825, 1066 etc.; areysed p. p. 1120 assemble, v. inf. gather, come together 1262, 1263; 3 pl. pr. 1221 assembles, n. pl. crowds 880 auayleth, v. 3 sg. pr. is of use 588; what ~ what is the use of 552, 582, 597 etc. auctoryte, n. of owne ~ independently 1048 aulbe, n. alb 972 auter, awter, n. altar 286, 418, 429 etc. ayenst, prep. & conj. against, contrary to 26, 96, 544; to 719; with regard to, towards 927

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bace, adj. low, bottom 1223 baptym, n. baptism 285, 287, 288 etc. beaute, n. goodness 20, 57 before, adv. in the presence of 963 behoueth, v. impers. it ~ it is necessary 315 beynge, vbl. n. essential nature 201 beleue, n. beliefs, convictions 336, 802, 909 etc.; lyght of ~ credulous 792, 797 beleue, v. inf., 1 & 3 pl. pr. believe 439, 442, 574 etc.; beleueth, 3 sg. pr. 1326; beleued, p. p. 834; beleuynge, vbl. n. 1325 bere, v. inf. & 3 pl.pr, bear, 787, 1302; accept 235; carry 1068, 1079; bare 3 sg. pa. carried, bore 281, 282 etc.; borne p. p. 1170, 1285 bete, v. inf. beat 729, 1298; punish 892; p. p. beten 419, 420 bytokenyth, v. 3 pl. pr. signify, mean 957 by(e, v. inf. redeem 229, 339, 347 etc. boterflye, n. butterfly 529, 530 bounte, n. munificence 22, 54, 76 etc. bowe, n. rainbow 1209 braunches, n. pl. divisions, branches 118, 989 breed, n. bread 296, 418, 426 etc. brenne, v. inf. burn 1066, 1122, 1266; brenneth 3 sg. & pl. pr. 529, 1241, 1247 etc.; brennyng(e pr. pa. & ppl. adj. 720, 727, 1243; brent p. p. 1248 brennyngely, adv. fiercely 1234 bruyte, n. noise 1238 but, adv. & conj. other than, except 23, 26, 42 etc.; ~ yf unless 861 caytyf, adj. wicked, base 339 caracteres, n. pl. symbols 900 care, n. worry, concern 948 carnall, adj. fleshly 1304 carnell, n. core 705 castell, n. village 392 castynge, v. pr. p. uttering 1151 caue, n. pit, cavern 706 cause, n. reason 27, 241, 475 etc. chambre, n. room, quarter 660 chere, n. maken ~ welcome 816 chylded, v. 3 sg. pa. & p. p. gave, given birth 188, 264, 265 etc.; chyldynge vbl. n. 266, 1318 cladde, v. p. p. clothed 965, 972 clarkes, clerkes, n. pl. ecclesiastics 1050; scholars 1229 clenly, adv. entirely 287

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GLOSSARY

clepyd, v. p. p. called 194 clerkes see clarkes clyfte, n. crack, fissure 823 cleue, v. inf. crumble 1270; clouen p. p. split 420 company, n. companion, fellow 126 complexion, n. constitution, nature 906 complyne, n. compline, night prayer 969 com(m)une, comyn, adj. universal 303; common, widespread 328, 427, 428 etc.; of low rank 1026 conferme, v. inf. strengthen 406; confermed, v. p. p. & ppl. adj. 76, 92, 180 etc.; firmly established 1058 conforte, v. inf. reassure, strengthen 404; conforteth 3 sg. pr. 778 confounde, v. inf. defeat 1076; confound 1130 confusyd, v. p. p. humiliated 134 congele(th, v. 3 pl. pr. freeze 1221, 1223 coniectures, n. pl. inferences 85, 830, 853 etc. coniuncte, ppl. adj. joined together 364 conne, v. inf. have knowledge of, know 1064; connynge vbl. n. 1063 conscyence, n. conscience 983, 986; awareness of right or wrong 1162 conuenable, adj. appropriate, seemly 25, 232, 253 conuenaunces, n. pl. agreements 898 conuersacion, n. conduct, manner of living 708 conuerte, v. inf. & 3 sg. & pl. pr. change 68, 433, 1226; convert 499; conuerted p. p. 69 corne, n. cereal crop 419 corporall, corporell, adj. bodily 42, 417, 521 etc. corporally(e, adv. bodily 441, 758, 759 etc. corrupcion, n. immoral conduct 1317 corrupte, ppl. adj. contaminated, impure 296, 297, 298 cosynes, n. pl. kin 312 couetyse, n. covetousness 220, 344, 989 couetous, subst. the covetous 1061 course, n. natural process 357, 856, 857 creancure, n. creditor 601 create, v. 3 sg. pa. & p. p. created 128, 162, 163 etc. creat(o)ure, n. creator 5, 58, 119 etc. crede, n. Apostles’ Creed 991 crye, v. inf. implore 1032; lament 1263; shout

1283; 3 sg. pr. subj. 914; cryenge pr. p. imploring 670 cryes, n. pl. lamentations 1275 croked, ppl. adj. misshapen 1117 cubytes, n. pl. units of measure (usually eighteen inches) 1260 cursed, cursyd, adj. wicked, damned 79, 95, 101 etc. cursydnes, n. wickedness, depravity 465 deed, subst. the state of death 610; adj. dead 8, 352, 356 etc. defamed, v. p. p. disgraced, dishonoured 833 defau(l)te, n. defect, fault 85, 307; offence, sin 585 defende, v. inf. protect 977, defendeth 3 sg. pr. 1194; defended p. p. prohibited 221, 870 degestyon, n. digestion 1175 dey(e, v. inf. die 615, 631, 1078 etc.; 3 sg. pr. subj. 628; deyeth 3 sg. pr. 619, 621, 624 etc.; deyed 3 sg. pa. 1107, 1319 delectable, adj. delightful 165 delectacyon, n. sensual pleasure 187 delyueraunce, n. release 691, 772 delyuered, v. 3 sg. pa. & p. p. released 293, 369, 375 etc. demaunde, v. inf. ask 1047; demaundeth 3 sg. pr. 10, 901; demaundynge pr. p. 150, 161, 362 etc. demaundes, n. pl. requests, questions 11 departe, v. inf. divide 1009 depe, adv. deeply 538 dep(e)nes(se, n. depths, depth 675, 714, 1260 derysyon, n. scorn, contempt 885, 965 desert, n. merit 731 deseruynge, v. pr. p. deserving 547; vbl. n. deserts 675 desteny, 1 v. inf. separate 75 (see note) destenyed, 2 v. p. p. destined 855, 857 destynacyons, n. pl. destiny 862 destynate, adj. destined 558 destraynynge, v. pr. p. pressing, squeezing 1221 detraccyon, n. slander 1303 deuynementes, n. pl. predictions 828 dyffame, v. inf. slander 1028 dygne, adj. noble, worshipful 21, 161, 505 etc. dygnyte, n. excellence 17; rank, 1024 dyscerne, v. inf. distinguish 1039 dyscrete, adj. morally discerning 1038

GLOSSARY

dysplesaunce n. displeasure; discontent 669, 766, 996, etc. dysplesaunt, adj. discontented 766 dyspraysed, v. 3 pl. pa. despised 124, 484 dyuers(e, adj. various 166, 725, 850 etc. do, v. inf. act, perform 87, 88 (twice) etc.; doth, done 3 sg. pr. 453, 466, 534 etc.; dyd(e 3 sg. pa. 222, 249, 343 etc.; done p. p. 70, 152, 160 etc.; given 152, 160; committed 232; offered 692 doctryne, n. teaching 492 dolour(e, n. physical pain 189, 265, 622 etc. dolorous, adj. painful 236 domage, n. damages paid 1306 dombe, adj. dumb, mute 276 drawe, v. inf. bring 254; take, remove 824, 825; entice 798; drawes, draweth 3 sg. pr. attracts 655, 656, 1254 etc.; drewe 3 sg. pa. brought 254 drede, n. fear 149, 344, 1062 etc. drede, v. inf. & 3 pl. pr. subj. fear 568, 895 dronke, adj. drunk, inebriated 806 effycient, adj. cause ~ that by which something is produced 27 eyen, n. pl. eyes 110, 987 elues, n. pl. elves 790, 872, 879 empayreth, v. 3 sg. pr. worsens 450; empeyre 3 pl. pr. 489 enbraced, ppl. adj. enclosed, surrounded 196 enchauntement, n. magic powers 1059, 1061, 1068 etc. ende, n. intention 72, 75, 125 etc. enelynge, vbl. n. extreme unction 1309 engendred, v. 3 sg. pa. & p. p. begat, had offspring 185, 211 engendrement, n. procreation 31 (see note) enioyned, v. p. p. prescribed 590, 593; enioynynge vbl. n. 588 enpryded, v. 3 pl. pa. grew proud 57 enroted, v. p. p. fixed by the root 119 ensence, n. frankincense 280, 282 entendement, n. faculty of understanding 21, 29, 129 etc.; mind 803, 808, 817 etc. entyer, n. entirety 1116 entyer, adj. whole, complete 1008, 1010 entyer(e, entyerly(e adv. entirely, wholly 265, 359, 1000 etc. erre, v. inf. stray, deviate from religious truth 883

135

eschuynge, v. pr. p. avoiding 866 espouseth, v. 3 sg. pr. marries 312 (e)state, n. position, station 223, 231, 497 etc. (e)straungers, n. pl. those belonging to different families 313, 317 euensonge, n. vespers, evening prayer 968 euyll, n., subst. & adj. evil 69, 75, 78 etc.; ugly 77 exalacyons, n. pl. vapours 1229, 1235, 1237 etc. fayle, v. inf. let down 149; lack 1112 faynyng, v. pr. p. disguising 874 false, adj. wicked, base 829, 832, 837 etc. falsely, adv. dishonestly 650, 963 falsenes(se, n. wicked, sinful means 1301, 1306 fantastycall, adj. illusionary 814 fathers, n. pl. patriarchs 369, 707, 768 faute, n. transgression 235; lack, deficiency 555, 801; blemish 1117 fe(e)stes, n. pl. holy days 1293, 1295 feyryes, n. pl. fairies 790, 840, 843 etc. ferefull, adj. inspiring fear 1259 ferme, adj. resolute 997 fygure, v. 3 pl. pr. exemplify, express a figurative sense 959; fygured p. p. 971 fyrst, adj. original 223, 1261 flage, n. splinter 703 flayled, v. p. p. threshed 419 forswerynge, v. pr. p. lying under oath 1302 fourme, n. shape, outward appearance 36, 177, 178 etc.; maner, way 1001 fragylyte, n. frailty 237 fulfyll, v. inf. fill 100 gaders, n. pl. pluck (heart, liver and lungs) 819 generacyon, n. ancestral line 191 gentylmen, n. pl. nobles 951 go, v. inf. (in its various physical and metaphorical meanings), 519, 539, 576 etc.; ~ (vp) on move 1274, 1276; yede, yode, v. 3 sg. pa. went 210, 211, 360 etc. gobelyns, n. pl. evil spirits 790, 879 goodes, n. pl. possessions 471, 476, 482 etc. gotten, v. p.p. obtained 646, 650, 651 grauyte, n. seriousness 1136 (not MED) gretnes, n. enormity 1029 greueth, v. 3 sg. pr. causes grief 739 guerdoned, v. p. p. rewarded 504

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GLOSSARY

habyte, n. clothing, dress 846 (twice) had, v. 3 sg. & pl. pa. would have 70, 1222, 184 etc. halowe, v. inf. honour 1293; halowed ppl. adj. blessed, sanctified 1004 he(e)re, n. hair 115, 117, 1114 etc. heed, n. head 110, 112, 335 etc. heete, n. heat 107 heyght(e, n. in ~ on high 414, 1073, 1217 helquins, n. pl. troops of devils 879 (see note) hens, adv. here, hence 1336, 1337 hepes, n. pl. groups 1262, 1264 herbes, n. pl. plants, grass 155, 1212 here, v. inf. hear, learn 781; harde, herde p. p. 572, 1081 heuy, adj. sorrowful 765 heuynes, n. sorrow 661, 743, 766 etc. hir, pron. fem. sg. her 1027, 1028 (twice) etc. holde, v. inf. maintain, respect 269, 1005; possess 604; occupy 1088; helde v. 3 pl. pa. kept 125; regarded, considered 217; holden p. p. confined 770; adopted 1017 h(o)ole, adj. whole, entire 463, 591, 1011 holyly, adv. devoutly, piously 894 holly, adv. wholly, entirely 533 homage, n. act of allegiance 920 hors, n. horse 843 how(e, adv. ~ be it even though 227, 302, 440 etc.

kynde, n. substance 432; species 848 knowe, v. inf. understand 262, 285, 535 etc.; imp. 104, 108, 115 etc. knowlege, v. inf. acknowledge 916; knowlegeth 3 sg. pr. 585

idolatres, n. pl. worshippers of idols 802, 842, 928 yf, conj. ~ it be not unless 777, 784, 1237 yll(e, subst. & adj. evil, evil person 88, 91, 204 etc. yll-formed, adj. deformed 1117 image, n. likeness 567, 932; pl. 936, 979 imagynacyon, n. image 909 imperyall, adj. empyreal 194 (see note) impuyssaunce, n. helplessness 564 (see note) incontynent, adv. at once 270, 1169, 1170 etc. innocencye, n. innocence 664, 677 ire, n. wrath, anger 989 yse, n. ice 703

may(e(n, v. 3 sg. & pl. pr. is/are able 23, 26, 29 etc. make, v. inf. bring about, cause, ensure 25, 77, 330 etc.; institute 317; show 1071, 1256, 1258; make(th 3 sg. & pl. pr. treats 656; causes, brings about 78, 815, 900 etc.; enacts, performs 601, 689, 695; shows 816; makynge pr. p. saying 690; made p. p. enacted 693, 694 malfactoure, n. criminal 833 maner, n. kind, sort 21, 642, 681 etc.; way 52, 259, 411 etc.; maners pl. ways, means 218, 257, 283 etc. martred, v. p. p. tormented, afflicted 1063 maruaylous, marueylous, adj. wondrous 145, 274, 800 etc. maruaylously, adv. wondrously 936 matens, n. matins (canonical hour) 961 meane, n. means 855

kepe, v. inf. guard, protect 1035, prevent 1196; kepith 3 sg. pr. guards, protects 1193; kepte 2 sg. pa. observed 995; kepynge vbl. n. guarding 631, 1294

laufully, adv. lawfully 646, 651 leest, adj. sup. slightest, smallest 157, 730, 1181 lefull, adj. lawful 1292 lepe, v. inf. burst 1078; lepeth 3 sg. pr. spurts 422, 1239; lepte 3 sg. pa. spurted 423 lesse, v. inf. diminish, reduce 554, 557 leue(st, v. 2 sg. pr. willingly ignore, set aside 591, 593, 1007 lycence, n. permission 1047, 1051, 1053 lycenceth, v. 3 sg. pr. permits 89 lyeutenaunt, n. deputy, one who acts for another 586, 1034 lyft(e, v. p. p. lifted 414, 1073, 1135 etc. lyfte, adj. left 977 lyght, adj. ~ of beleue credulous 792, 797 lyghtly, adv. easily 813 ly(g)nage, n. family 318; lineage, ancestry 1057; humayne ~ mankind 229, 366 lygne(e, n. lineage, family stock 248, 298 lyne, n. dependence, servitude 804, 901 lyue, n., on ~ alive 1069 longe(ly, adv. for a long time 491, 494, 688 etc. louyd, v. p. p. praised 960

GLOSSARY

meane, adj. intermediary 1218, 1232 meanly, adv. by means of 1175, 1223 meddle, medleth, v. 3 pl. pr. mix 1210, 1233, 1241 meet, n. food 1265, 1276 membre, n. limb 1117; pl. 115; members of the body of Christ 1148 meryte, n. worthiness 72, 184, 202 etc.; virtue 311, 363, 915 etc.; good deeds 398, 485, 548 etc.; deserving 541 meryte, v. inf. deserve, be worthy of 545; meryted p. p. 370, 661, 667 etc. merytoryous, adj. deserving of grace 470, 626 mete, v. inf, meet, encounter 1266; meteth 3 sg. pr. 1230 mynde, n. yeres ~ commemorative service for the soul of a deceased person one year after death 694 myrre, n. myrrh 280, 281 myscheuous, adj. miserable, wretched 139 myscheuously, adv. miserably, wretchedly 1079 myscreauntes, n. pl. infidels, pagans 676, 678 mysknowe, v. inf. refuse to acknowledge 950; mysknoweth 3 sg. pr. 159; mysknowynge vbl. n. 57 mysknowlege, n. refusal to acknowledge 102 mystaken, v. p. p. held in contempt 123; mystoke v. 3 pl. pa. transgressed 216, 219 (see notes) moche, adv. very 273, 1263 moued, v. p. p. incited 1016 mouthe, n. synne of the ~ gluttony 221 named, v. 3 sg. pa. designated 306 necessyte, n. of ~ necessitous 304, 948 neclygence, n. negligence, omission of duty 757 nere, adv. near 1130; almost, nearly 1242 neuew, n. nephew 316 newe, n. of ~ again 446 noyen, v. 3 pl. pr. harm, trouble 140; noyeth 3 sg. pr. 623 no(o)ne, n. noon, midday 207, 208, 355 etc.; none, the ninth canonical hour 967 none, pron. no one 608, 954 none, adj. null 1008 none, adv. no 92, 116, 241 etc. nothynge, adv. in no way 295, 640, 821

137

offyce, n. position of authority 345 ony, adj. any 67, 121, 377 etc. operacyon, n. work 1294; operacyons pl. 143; actions 543 ordeyned, v. 3 sg. pa. & p. p. instituted 317, 921; allotted 518 ordenaunce, n. decree 5, 742; directives 1330 ordure, n. moral filth 189; pl. filth 327 oryont, oryent n. the east 46, 165, 684 etc. or(a)ysons, orysonȝ, n. pl. prayers 289, 593, 697 ouerthrowen, v. p. p. cast down, overturned 116 outrage, n. harm, injury 1299 paast, n. bread dough 296 payne, n. pain 265, 343, 376 etc.; effort 1021 paynyms, n. pl. pagans 277, 842 parell, n. peril 607 parysshe, n. parish 1044 partycyons, n. pl. divisions, sections 111 (see note) party(e, n. part 32, 121, 122 etc.; place 978 passyon, n. torments of Christ 236, 363, 915 etc.; passyons pl. painful conditions 944, 946 pastures, n. pl. pastors 1297 perdurably, adv. permanently 1158 personage, n. person 809, 835 persuacyons, n. pl. seductive arguments 217 pertyculer, adj. individual 304; in ~ individually 305 pysmares, n. pl. ants 143 pystle, n. epistle 973 playntes, n. pl. mournful outcries 1264 poore, subst. & adj. wretched 521, 715, 729 etc. predestynate, ppl. adj. foreordained, predestined 546, 550, 553 etc. predycacyons, n. pl. exhortations 1080 pressour, n. wine-press 423, 424 prestes, n. pl. priests 460; high priests 962 preue see proue pryme, n. prime (first canonical hour) 962 propre, adj. own, intrinsic 235, 529 proue, v. inf. test 64, 483, 494 etc.; proued p. p. 478 proximite, proximitis, n. close kinship 316, 1024 purged, v. p. p. purified 661, 672, 696 etc.

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GLOSSARY

purueyaunce, n. provisioning 148 purueyed, v. p. p. provided for 148 put, v. inf., 3 pl. pa & p. p. place 101, 163, 170 etc.; putteth 3 sg. pr. 372, 532, 579 etc.; ~ oute removes 287; puttynge pr. p. placing 334; 3 sg. pa. gave 208; ~ out ejected 210; ~ from deprived of 225, 621, 662 etc.; ~ vnder oppress 1059-60 puyssaunce, n. power 21, 45, 242 etc.; authority 1049 puyssaunt, adj. powerful 22, 25, 50 etc. quycke, subst. the living 1324 rauisshement, n. carrying, transportation 1103 rauysshyd, v. p. p. carried up 1086, 1102 recorde, v. inf. remember, recall 985; recordynge pr. p. 983; recorded p. p. 1006 reedyfye, v. inf. reconstruct, rebuild 1069 refeccyon, n. food and drink 427, 429 regarde, n. vnto the ~, in ~ of with respect to 840, 872 regenerate, ppl. adj. reborn 323 reknowlege, v. 3 sg. pr. subj. acknowledges 914 relygyous, adj. ~ man clergyman, man of the Church 847; ~ woman a woman of the Church 1025 remeue(th, v. 3 pl. pr. move 804, 807 remors, n. remorse, regret 537 renne, v. inf. flow 1253; run 1274 reparacyon, n. spiritual restoration 224, 227 repayre, v. inf. restore to spiritual health 235; repayred 3 sg. pa. 233 restablysshed, v. p. p. restored 223 retrybucyon, n. requital 476 returne, v. inf. emerge 7822; revert 742, 782, 877 etc.; returned p. p. 670 reygne, v. inf. reign 1087 ryche, subst. the rich, wealthy 1060 ryght, n. proper person 955 ryght(e, adj. & adv. just 95; whole 1118; very 161, 204, 236 etc.; intensely 727 ryghtwyse, adj. just, good 228 rygoure, n. severity 1062 roches, n. pl. rocks 1270 sacre, v. inf. consecrate 448 sage(s, adj. learned, wise 83; prudent 505 saiges, n. knowledge, wisdom 54

salte, adj. salty 1251, 1253 sauter, n. psalter, the book of Psalms 591, 593 scalded, v. p. p. scorched 530, 535 scatter, v. inf. break apart, scatter 1078 scyence, n. cleverness 831 scryptures, n. pl. writings, written documents 1064 se, v. inf., 1 & 3 pl. pr. see 20, 529, 535 etc.; seeth 3 sg. & pl. pr. 442, 533, 686 etc.; sawe 3 sg. & pl. pa. 754, 907; seynge, pr. p. & ppl. adj. seeing 51, 134, 152 etc.; seen p. p. 391, 910, 1165 secte, n. followers, retinue 899 sede, n. grain 420; semen 1316 selfe, adj. same 43, 467, 1225 semblable, adj. alike 181, 805, 906; similar 1292 semblables, subs. pl. similar matters 85 semblaunce, n. likeness 55, 108, 128 etc.; make ~ indicate visually 1071 semell, n. mass for the soul of a deceased person 690 (see note) semeth, v. impers. him ~ it seems to him 657 sensualyte, n. physical desire 865 sentence, n. judgement 612, 781, 1152 sepulture, n. grave, tomb 636, 1278, 1320 seruytude, n. subjugation 293 set, v. 3 sg. pa. & p. p. placed 1252, 1322 sethen see syth seuer, v. inf. separate 1115 sharpe, adj. painful 626, 1083 shewe(th, v. inf. & 3 sg. & pl. pr. refl. appear 77, 779, 785 etc. shytte, v. p. p. shut 299, 393, 818 shryue, v. inf. confess 1011 shynynge, adj. radiant 53, 415, 1169 syege, n. seat, throne 373, 1088 syngnourye, n. lordship 746 syth(e(n, sethen, adv. prep. & conj. since, because 92, 214, 232 etc. syxte, n. sext (sixth canonical hour) 966 slouthe, n. sloth, indolence 949, 990 so, det., pron. such 132, 134, 338 etc. so, conj. provided 624, 1051 sorceries, n. pl. enchantments, magic 828 sorcyers, n. pl. sorcerers, magicians 822 soweth, v. 3 sg. pr. spreads 76 space, n. time, 500; opportunity 613; respite 1082

GLOSSARY

speke, v. inf. recount, describe 721, 1178 sperkelynge, v. pr. p. gleaming, glittering 720 stage, n. level 706, 707, 711 etc. state see (e)state styed, v. 3 sg. pa. ascended 412, 1322 styreth, v. 3 sg. pr. incites 1195 stocke, n. tree trunk 117 straunge, adj. foreign 1043 straungers see estraungers stryfe, n. contention 1300 subgettes, n. pl. subjects 937 subieccyon, n. rule 517 subtyll, subtyles, adj. sagacious 83; finelywrought 194 suche, adv. thus 260, 316 suffraunce, n. permission 785 suffre(th, v. 3 sg. pr. allows 78, 89, 497 etc.; suffred 3 sg. pa. 889 surmounteth, v. 3 sg. pr. exceeds 158, 730 sweet, v. inf. exude 1271 take, v. inf. receive 182; assume 237, 781; accept 521; choose 1048; take, taketh 3 sg. & pl. pr. accepts 502; remove 818; is made up of 1211; takynge, pr. p. receiving 279; interpreting 358; accepting 486; doing, enacting 629; assuming 845; stealing 1300; taken, p. p. understood 21; ~ from spared 619; captured, apprehended 961 tarye, v. inf. delay 614; taryeth 3 sg. pr. waits 495 tel, v. inf. describe 1167 terme, n. appointed time 600 (twice) terrester, terrestre, adj. earthly 163, 164, 169 etc. than, adv. then 9, 25, 364 etc. that, conj. after 270 the(y)se, pron. (used generically), the 65, 142, 188 etc. thende see ende thyrde, n. terce (third canonical hour) 964 tho, pron. dem. those 907 to, adv. too 123, 124 todes, n. pl. toads 727 token, n. symbol, sign 900, 974, 1064 etc. tokenynge, vbl. n. in~ as a sign 405 toppe, n. head 657 touche, v. 3 sg. pr. subj. affect 1045 toure, n. tower 930

139

trauayle, v. inf. toil, labour 144, 521, 547 etc.; trauayleth 3 pl. pr. 143, 951 tre, n. wood 710; cross 741 trecheryes, n. pl. acts of duplicity 601 trechoure, n. deceiver 599 (twice) trentall, n. set of thirty masses for the dead 693 trespace, n. transgression 243 trespace, v. inf. transgress 198; trespassed 3 pl. pa. 173 trypes, n. pl. entrails, viscera 1078 vnccyon, n. extreme unction 287 vndegested, ppl. adj. undigested 458 vnderneth, adv. in the space below 885 vnpourueyed, ppl. adj. unprepared 629 vse, v. inf. possess, enjoy 649, 651 vtylyte, n. advantage, benefit 156 varyables, adj. inconstant, unstable 792 venyall, adj. venial 626, 1040 venym, n. poison 296 venymous, adj. poisonous 297 vertu, n. vital force, power, virtue 166, 584, 587 etc. vestementes, n. pl. clothes 415 vyce, n. sin 883 vylaynously, adv. cruelly, basely 964 vyle, adj. disgusting, filthy 132, 134 vyrgynal, adj. pure, unsullied 237 vysyon, n. supernatural manifestation 662, 771, 795 etc. wasted, v. p. p. burnt up 1242 wept, v. 3 sg. pa. mourned, grieved 212 werke, n. action, deed 8, 371, 470 etc. whens, adv. whence 135, 782, 928 etc. wherfore, adv. & conj. for what reason 5, 7, 30 etc. whyder, adv. to what place, where 658 without, conj. unless 84, 839; adv. beyond, at the exterior of 170 wyll, v. 3 sg. & pl. pr. wish, intend 87, 88, 96 etc.; wolde 3 sg. & pl. pa.; 7, 89, 181 etc.; wylled p. p. 92 wynne, v. inf. overcome 794; wonne p. p. 794 wyse, n. way, means 50, 92, 111 etc. wyt(te, n. reason 152, 160, 562 etc.; without ~ wildly, madly 1276; wyttes pl. bodily senses 986

140

GLOSSARY

wyte, v. inf. know 681, 700; wyste 3 sg. pa. knew 74; wyttynge vbl. n. vnto thy ~ in full knowledge of 1008 wode, n. wood, thicket 1274 wode, adj. mad 728 wombe, n. stomach 112, 455; womb 237, 270, 580 etc. wonte, adj. accustomed, habituated to be 840 wrytynges, n. pl. written narratives 940 wroth, adj. displeased, vexed 760; angry 887 yelde, v. inf. give up 650; give, offer 1177; yelded v. 3 pl. pa. gave 56 yede see go yet, adv. still 157, 201, 377 etc. yode see go

PROPER NAMES

Abell, son of Adam and Eve 213 Abraham, the patriarch 755 Adam, the first man 120, 162, 182 etc. Antecryst, Antichrist 8, 930, 1055 etc. Appolyn, Apollo 933 Babell, the tower of Babel (Gen. ch. 11) 929 Babylon the Grete, the city 930, 1056 Balthasar, one of the Magi 281 Cayn, son of Adam and Eve 213 Cesar, Augustus Caesar 276 Dan, the tribe of Dan 1057 Dyues, the rich man Dives (Luc. ch. 16) 376, 754 Ebron, Hebron 163, 211 Egypt, Egypt 165 Enoch, (Gen. ch. 5) the adversary of Antichrist 385, 1081, 1084 Eue, the first woman 206, 214, 258 etc. Grece, Greece 939 Helye, Helyas Elijah (2 Reg.) the adversary of Antichrist 385, 1081, 1084 Herode, Herod Antipas, ruler of Galilee 966 Iherusalem, Jerusalem 1069, 1130 Iames, St James the Elder, apostle 391 Iasper, one of the Magi 281

Iewes, the Jews 345, 676, 678 etc. Iob, Job 484, 516, 889 Iohan Baptyst, John the Baptist 203, 1142 Iohan, apostle and evangelist 1104 Ioseph of Barmathye, Joseph of Arimathea 388 Iosophat, valley of Josaphat 1129, 1285 Iudas, Judas Iscariot 344, 375 Laȝare, Lazarus 754, 878, 1096 Lymbe, Limbo 370, 660, 768 etc. Mary(e, the mother of Christ 7, 256, 262 etc. Maulx, the village of Emmaus (Luc. ch. 24) 392 Mawdeleyne, Mary Magdalen 390 Melychor, one of the Magi 282 Neron, Nero, ‘first king of this world’ 932 Olyuete, the Mount of Olives 1088 Peter, the apostle 392 Ponce Pylate, Pontius Pilate 344, 963, 1319 Rome, the city 939 Romulus, eponymous founder of Rome 939 Saraȝyns, Saracens 276 T(h)abor, Mount Tabor 413, 1138 Thobye, Tobias 484 Thomas, the apostle 393, 406 Tyberyon, sea of Tiberius 395