Rome 1450: Capgrave's Jubilee Guide: The Solace of Pilgrimes (Textes Vernaculaires Du Moyen Age) (Textes Vernaculaires Du Moyen Age, 28) (English and Middle English Edition) 9782503594675, 2503594670
The scene is Rome in the fifteenth century, Golden Rome, a magnet drawing pilgrims by its architectural attractions and
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English Pages 442 [540]
PREFACE
ABBREVIATIONS
INTRODUCTION
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
EDITORIAL PROCEDURE
JOHN CAPGRAVE osaTHE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES
[ÞE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES]
THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMS
Whech wer first foundatouris of Rome. Capitulum I.
Chapter 1 Who were the original founders of Rome.
Of þe ʒatis wallis and towris. Capitulum II.
Chapter 2 The Gates, Walls and Towers of Rome
Off dyuerse briggis in Rome. Capitulum III.
Chapter 3 The various Bridges in Rome
Of þe dyuers hillis in Rome. Capitulum IIII.
Chapter 4 The various Hills in Rome
Of þe multitude of paleysis in Rome. Capitulum V.
Chapter 5 The multitude of Palaces in Rome
Of þe multitude of arches in Rome rered for diuers victories. Capitulum VI.
Chapter 6 The multitude of Arches raised in Rome to mark various Victories
Who many cymyteries be in Rome. Capitulum VII.
Chapter 7 The Cymyteries or Catacombs in Rome
Chapter 8 Holy places and their pre-Christian names
Chapter 9 The Angulla Sancti Petri ‘St Peter’s Obelisk’
Of dyuers templis of fals goddis turnyd to seruyse of seyntis. Capitulum X.
Chapter 10 Pagan temples turned to Christian use
Of þe Capitol, principal place of þe cité. Capitulum XI.
Chapter 11 The Capitol
Of þe too hors of marbill and to naked men called þe Caballis. Capitulum XII.
Chapter 12 The statue of the Dioscuri
Of þe hors of bras and þe rider þat stant at Laterane. [Capitulum] XIII.
Chapter 13 The statue of Marcus Aurelius at the Lateran
Of þat place whech þei clepe þe Collisé. Capitulum XIIII.
Chapter 14 The Coliseum
Of þat place whech þei clepid Pantheon. Capitulum XV.
Chapter 15 The Pantheon
Of þat fair place cleped Ara Celi. Capitulum XVI.
Chapter 16 Ara Celi
Of þat place þat stant fast be þat ʒate called Flaminea. Capitulum XVII.
Chapter 17 The Mausoleum of Augustus
Of þe place cleped Septisolium. Capitulum XVIII.
Chapter 18 The Septizodium
Of þat place whech is clepid Archus Prici Tarquini. Capitulum XIX.
Chapter 19 The Circus of Tarquinius Priscus
Of þe place bifor Seint Petir kirk cleped Cantarus. [Capitulum] XX
Chapter 20 The Cantharus in the atrium in front of old San Pietro
Off þe sepulturis of Romulus and Remus. Capitulum XXI.
Chapter 21 The ‘pyramid’ or tomb of Romulus
Chapter 22 The paleys ‘temple’ of Trajan
Of þe conk in whech Constantin was baptized. [Capitulum] XXIII.
Chapter 23 The conch-shaped font where Constantine was allegedly baptized
Of þat place cleped Omnis Terra. Capitulum XXIIII.
Chapter 24 The place called Omnis Terra (= Monte Testaccio)
Of þe gouernouris in Rome fro Romulus onto Tarquinius. Capitulum XXV.
Chapter 25 The rulers of Rome from the time of Romulus to the last king Tarquinius
The whole of ch XXVI is missing.
Chapter 26 The rulers of Rome from Tarquinius to the first emperor [text missing]
Ch XXVII begins imperfect.]
Chapter 27 The emperors of Rome from Julius Caesar to Frederick II (d1250)[begins imperfect]
Part II
Prologus.
Prologue.
Off Seynt Petir cherch. Capitulum I.
Chapter 1 San Pietro
O[f] Seynt Paules cherch. Capitulum II.
Chapter 2 San Paolo fuori le Mura
Chapter 3 San Sebastiano
Of þe cherch Lateranensis. Capitulum IIII.
Chapter 4 San Giovanni in Laterano
Of þat cherch cleped Seint Cruce. Capitulum V.
Chapter 5 Santa Croce in Gerusalemme
Of þe cherch of Seynt Laurens. [Capitulum] VI.
Chapter 6 San Lorenzo fuori le Mura
Of þe cherch cleped Sancta Maria Maior. Capitulum VII.
Chapter 7 Santa Maria Maggiore
Of þe | stacion at Seynt Sabine. Capitulum VIII.
Chapter 8 The station at Santa Sabina
Of þe stacion at þe cherch of Seint George. Capitulum IX.
Chapter 9 The station at San Giorgio in Velabro
Of þe stacioun at þe cherch of Jon and Paule. Capitulum X.
Chapter 10 The station at Santi Giovanni e Paolo
Of þe stacion at Seynt Triphonis. Capitulum XI.
Chapter 11 The station at San Trifone
Of þe stacioun of Seint Jon Lateranensis. Capitulum XII.
Chapter 12 The station at San Giovanni in Laterano
Of þe stacyoun of Seynt Petir ad Vincula. Capitulum XIII.
Chapter 13 The station at San Pietro in Vincoli
Of þe stacioun at Seynt Anastase. Capitulum XIIII.
Chapter 14 The Station at Santa Anastasia
Of þe stacion at Sancta Maria Major. Capitulum XV.
Chapter 15 The station at Santa Maria Maggiore
Of þe stacion at Seint Laurens Panisperne. Capitulum XVI.
Chapter 16 The station at San Lorenzo in Panisperna
Of þe stacion at þe twelue Aposteles. Capitulum XVII.
Chapter 17 The station at Santi Apostoli
Of þe stacion at Seynt Petir cherch. Capitulum XVIII.
Chapter 18 The station at San Pietro
Of þe stacion at Sancta Maria in Dominica. Capitulum XIX.
Chapter 19 The station at Santa Maria in Domnica
Of þe stacion at Seynt Clement cherch. Capitulum XX.
Chapter 20 The station at San Clemente
Off þe stacion at Seynt Balbine. Capitulum XXI.
Chapter 21 The station at Santa Balbina
Of þe stacion at Seint Cecile. Capitulum XXII.
Chapter 22 The station at Santa Cecilia in Trastévere
Of þe stacion at Sancta Maria etcetera. Capitulum XXIII.
Chapter 23 The station at Santa Maria in Trastévere
Of þe stacion at Seynt Vitale. Capitulum XXIIII.
Chapter 24 The Station at San Vitale
Off þe stacioun at Marcelline and Petir. Capitulum XXV.
Chapter 25 The station at Santi Marcellino e Pietro
Off þe stacion at Seynt Laurens. Capitulum XXVI.
Chapter 26 The station at San Lorenzo fuori le Mura
Off þe stacion at Seint Mark. Capitulum XXVII.
Chapter 27 The station at San Marco
Of þe stacion at a cherch cleped Seint Potenciane. Capitulum XXVIII.
Chapter 28 The station at Santa Pudenziana
Of þe stacion at a cherch of Seint Sixt. Capitulum XXIX.
Chapter 29 The station at San Sisto Vecchio
Of þe stacion at Cosmas and Damianus. Capitulum XXX.
Chapter 30 The station at Santi Cosma e Damiano
Of þe stacion at Seint Laurens in Lucina. Capitulum XXXI.
Chapter 31 The station at San Lorenzo in Lucina
Of þe stacion at Seynt Susanne. Capitulum XXXII.
Chapter 32 The station at Santa Susanna
Of þe stacion at Jerusalem in Seint Cruces. Capitulum XXXIII.
Chapter 33 The station at Santa Croce in Gerusalemme
Of þe stacion at1 | a cherch cleped Quatuor Coronatorum. Capitulum XXXIIII.
Chapter 34 The station at Santi Quattro Coronati
Off þe stacion at Seynt Laurens in Damasco. [Capitulum] XXXV.
Chapter 35 The station at San Lorenzo in Damaso
Off þe stacion at Seint Paules. Capitulum XXXVI.
Chapter 36 The station at San Paolo fuori le Mura
Off þe stacion at Seint Martyn in Montibus. Capitulum XXXVII.
Chapter 37 The station at San Martino ai Monti and the station at San Silvestro in Capite
Of þe stacion at Seint Eusebie. Capitulum XXXVIII.
Chapter 38 The station at Sant’Eusebio
Off þe stacion at a cherch clepid Nicholaus in Carcere. [Capitulum] XXXIX.
Chapter 39 The station at San Nicola in Carcere
Off þe stacion at Seint Petir. Capitulum XL.
Chapter 40 The station at San Pietro
Off þe stacion of Seint Grisogonus. Capitulum XLI.
Chapter 41 The station at San Crisogono
Off þe stacion at Seint Ciriac. Capitulum XLII.
Chapter 42 The station at San Ciriaco in Thermis
Of þe stacion at Seynt Marcell. Capitulum XLIII.
Chapter 43 The station at San Marcello al Corso
Off þe stacion at Seint Appollinare. [Capitulum] XLIIII.
Chapter 44 The station at Sant’Apollinare
Off þe stacion at Seint Steuene in Celio Monte. Capitulum XLV.
Chapter 45 The station at San Stefano Rotunda
Off þe stacion at Seint Jon Portlatin. Capitulum XLVI.
Chapter 46 The station at San Giovanni alla Porta Latina
Off þe stacion at Lateranensis. Capitulum XLVII.
Chapter 47 The station at San Giovanni in Laterano
Off þe stacion at Seint Praxede. Capitulum XLVIII.
Chapter 48 The station at Santa Prassede and the station at Santi Nereo e Achilleo
Of þe stacion at Seint Prisce. Capitulum XLIX.
Chapter 49 The station at Santa Prisca
Off þe stacion at Seint Maria Major. Capitulum L.
Chapter 50 The station at Santa Maria Maggiore
Of þe stacion at Seint Jon Lateranensis. [Capitulum] LI.
Chapter 51 The station at San Giovanni in Laterano
Off þe stacion at Seynt Cruce. Capitulum LII.
Chapter 52 The station at Santa Croce in Gerusalemme
Of þe stacion at Seint Jon Laterane. Capitulum LIII.
Chapter 53 The station at San Giovanni in Laterano
Off þe stacion on Pase Day. Capitulum LIIII.
Chapter 54 The station at Santa Maria Maggiore
Part III
Prologus.
Prologue
Off Sancta Maria Rotunda. Capitulum I.
Chapter 1 Santa Maria Rotunda (= Pantheon)
Off Ara Celi cherch of Our Lady. Capitulum II.
Chapter 2 Santa Maria in Aracoeli (ends incomplete)
Chapter 3 Lacking
Chapter 4 (begins imperfect) Santa Maria sopra Minerva
Of þe cherch cleped Marie Anunciat. Capitulum V.
Chapter 5 Santa Maria Annunziata
Of þe cherch clepid Marie Transpodium. [Capitulum] VI.
Chapter 6 Santa Maria in Transpontina
Of þe cherch cleped Sancta Maria de Palma. Capitulum VII.
Chapter 7 Santa Maria in Palmis
Of þe cherch clepid Sancta Maria de Populo. Capitulum VIII.
Chapter 8 Santa Maria del Popolo
Of þe place cleped Sancta Maria de Penis Inferni. Capitulum IX.
Chapter 9 Santa Maria Antiqua
Of þe cherch cleped Sancta Maria iuxta Scolam Grecorum. Capitulum X.
Chapter 10 Santa Maria in Cosmedin
Of Sancta Maria Imperatrix de Imperiali. Capitulum XI.
Chapter 11 Santa Maria Imperatrice
Of þe cherch cleped Sancta Maria de Consolacione. Capitulum XII.
Chapter 12 Santa Maria della Consolazione
Of þat cherch clepid Sancta Maria in Porticu. Capitulum XIII.
Chapter 13 Santa Maria in Portico (ends incomplete)
COMMENTARY
APPENDIX
A. Alphabetical List of Churches each with its own chapter(s)
B. Churches Mentioned in the Course of the Discussion
INDEX OF NAMES AND PLACES
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Rome 1450 Capgrave’s Jubilee Guide
TEXTES VERNACULAIRES DU MOYEN AGE Volume 28 Founded in 2004, Textes Vernaculaires du Moyen Âge is an editorial enterprise designed to meet the needs of scholars and students alike. Its main focus is on texts which have hitherto failed to benefit from adequate editorial treatment and which, as a consequence, remain unknown or imperfectly known to the academic community. All aspects of medieval vernacular literary activity form part of its brief : literary texts, historical writings, including chronicles, devotional treatises, sermons, scientific treatises, and the like. The series also welcomes editions of better-known texts accompanied by modern translations, designed to meet the needs of scholars and students who may be unfamiliar with the language of the original texts. Each edition comprises a description of the source text or texts, manuscript or early printed book, accompanied by explanatory notes and a comprehensive glossary. All submissions are subject to blind or double blind peer review. The series concentrates on propositions in both medieval English and French. Potential editors are strongly advised to contact the general editor in the first instance before making a submission: [email protected]. Collection dirigée par / General editor Stephen Morrison (Centre d’Études Supérieures de Civilisation Médiévale, Université de Poitiers) Comité scientifique / Advisory Board Alexandra Barratt (Université de Waikato, Nouvelle Zélande), Daron Burrows (Université d’Oxford, Royaume-Uni), Vittoria Corazza (Université de Turin, Italie), Irma Taavitsainen (Université de Helsinki, Finlande), Alessandro Vitale-Brovarone (Université de Turin, Italie), Annette Volfing (Université d’Oxford)
Rome 1450 Capgrave’s Jubilee Guide The Solace of Pilgrimes Peter J. Lucas
F
© 2021, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher.
D/2021/0095/195 ISBN 978-2-503-59467-5 e-ISBN 978-2-503-59468-2 DOI 10.1484/M.TVMA-EB.5.125080 ISSN 1782-6233 e-ISSN 2566-0225 Printed in the EU on acid-free paper.
To Angela for whom my pylgrimage was specialy sped
CONTENTS
PrefaceXXI AbbreviationsXXV IntroductionXXIX Select BibliographyLXXV Editorial ProcedureXCIV The Solace of Pilgrimes by John Capgrave osa1 PART I
Ancient Rome Introduction and list of chapters in Part I8 ch 1 Whech wer þe first foundatoris of Rome10 The original Founders of Rome11 ch 2 Of þe dyuerse ʒatis wallis and towris of Rome18 The Gates, Walls and Towers of Rome19 ch 3 Of þe dyuerse bryggis of Rome26 The Bridges of Rome27 ch 4 Of þe dyuerse hillis of Rome30 The Hills of Rome31 ch 5 Of þe multitude of paleys in Rome36 The ‘Palaces’ in Rome37 ch 6 Of þe multitude of arches in Rome rered for dyuers uictories40 The Triumphal Arches in Rome 41 ch 7 Who many cymyteries be in Rome44 The Cymyteries ‘Catacombs’ in Rome45 ch 8 Who many oþir holy places and of her names befor it was Cristen46 Holy Places and their pre-Christian Names 47 ch 9 Of þat place in special þat is called Angulla Sancti Petri48 The Angulla Sancti Petri ‘St Peter’s Obelisk’49
VIII
Contents
ch 10 ch 11 ch 12
Of dyuers templis of fals goddis now turnyd to seruyse of seyntis52 Pagan Temples turned to Christian Use53 Of þe Capitole, principall place of þe cité54 The Capitol55 Of þe too hors of marbil and too nakid men whech þei clepe þe Caballis60 The Statue of the Dioscuri61 ch 13 Of þe hors of brasse and þe ryder þat stant at Laterane64 The Statue of Marcus Aurelius at the Lateran65 ch 14 Of þat place whech þei clepe þe Collisé68 The Coliseum69 ch 15 Of þat place eke whech þei clepe Pantheon74 The Pantheon75 ch 16 Of þe fayr place clepit Ara Celi78 Ara Celi79 ch 17 Of þe tour þat stant fast be þe ʒate whech is clepid Porta Flaminea84 The Mausoleum of Augustus85 ch 18 Of þat werk whech þei clepe Septisolium88 The Septizodium89 ch 19 Of þe arche clepid Prici Tarquini90 The Circus of Tarquinius Priscus91 ch 20 Of þe place before Seynt Petres kyrk whech þei calle Cantarus92 The Cantharus in the Atrium in front of old San Pietro93 ch 21 Of þe sepulcris of Remus and Romulus94 The ‘Pyramid’ or Tomb of Romulus95 ch 22 Of þe paleys longyng to Trajane and Adriane96 The Paleys ‘Temple’ of Trajan97 ch 23 Of þe conke in whech Constantine was baptized100 The Conch-shaped Font where Constantine was allegedly baptized101 ch 24 Of þat place cleped Omnis Terra102 The Place called Omnis Terra (= Monte Testaccio)103 ch 25 Of þe gouernouris in Rome fro þe tyme of Romulus onto þe last kyng Tarquinius104 The Rulers of Rome from the time of Romulus to the last king Tarquinius105 ch 26 Of þe gouernoures in Rome fro þat same kyng onto þat emperouris begunne104 The Rulers of Rome from Tarquinius to the first Emperor105 ch 27 Of all þe emperouris from Julius Cesar on to Frederik106 The Emperors of Rome from Julius Caesar to Frederick II (d 1250)107
Contents
IX
PART II
The seven principal churches and the stations for Lent Prologus124 ch 1 Off þe cherch clepid Seynt Peteres126 San Pietro127 ch 2 Off þe cherch cleped Seynt Paules134 San Paolo fuori le Mura135 ch 3 Off þe cherch of Seynt Sebastian136 San Sebastiano 137 ch 4 Off þe cherch cleped Lateranensis142 San Giovanni in Laterano 143 ch 5 Off þe cherch of Seynt Cruce150 Santa Croce in Gerusalemme 151 ch 6 Off þe cherch of Seynt Laurens154 San Lorenzo fuori le Mura 155 ch 7 Off þe cherch cleped Maria Maior162 Santa Maria Maggiore 163 ch 8 Off þe stacion at Seynt Sabine166 The Station at Santa Sabina (Ash Wednesday)167 ch 9 Off þe stacion at Seynt George172 The Station at San Giorgio in Velabro (Thursday after Ash Wednesday)173 ch 10 Off þe stacion at Jon and Paule176 The Station at Santi Giovanni e Paolo (Friday after Ash Wednesday)177 ch 11 Off þe stacion at Seynt Triphonis180 The Station at San Trifone (Saturday after Ash Wednesday)181 ch 12 Off þe stacion at Seynt Jon Lateranensis184 The Station at San Giovanni in Laterano (First Sunday of Lent)185 ch 13 Off þe stacion at Seint Petir ad Vincula188 The Station at San Pietro in Vincoli (Monday in first week of Lent)189 ch 14 Off þe stacion at Seint Anastase192 The Station at Santa Anastasia (Tuesday in first week of Lent)193 ch 15 Off þe stacion at Seynt Mari Maior196 The Station at Santa Maria Maggiore (Wednesday in first week of Lent)197
X
Contents
ch 16 Off þe stacion at Seynt Laurens Panispern198 The Station at San Lorenzo in Panisperna (Thursday in first week of Lent)199 ch 17 Off þe stacion at Þe Twelue Aposteles200 The Station at Santi Apostoli (Friday in first week of Lent)201 ch 18 Off þe stacion at Seynt Petir cherch204 The Station at San Pietro (Saturday in first week of Lent)205 ch 19 Off þe stacion at Sancta Maria in Dompnica206 The Station at Santa Maria in Domnica (Second Sunday of Lent)207 ch 20 Off þe stacion at Seynt Clementis208 The Station at San Clemente (Monday in second week of Lent)209 ch 21 Off þe stacion at Seint Balbyne212 The Station at Santa Balbina (Tuesday in second week of Lent)213 ch 22 Off þe stacion at Seint Cecilé216 The Station at Santa Cecilia in Trastévere (Wednesday in second week of Lent)217 ch 23 Off þe stacion at Sancta Maria Transtiberim220 The Station at Santa Maria in Trastévere (Thursday in second week of Lent)221 ch 24 Off þe stacion at Seint Vitalé222 The Station at San Vitale (Friday in second week of Lent)223 ch 25 Off þe stacion at Seint Marcellin and Petir226 The Station at Santi Marcellino e Pietro (Saturday in second week of Lent)227 ch 26 Off þe stacion at Seynt Laurens228 The Station at San Lorenzo fuori le Mura (Third Sunday of Lent)229 ch 27 Off þe stacion at Seynt Mark232 The Station at San Marco (Monday in third week of Lent)233 ch 28 Off þe stacion at Seynt Potenciane234 The Station at Santa Pudenziana (Tuesday in third week of Lent)235 ch 29 Off þe stacion at Seynt Sixte238 The Station at San Sisto Vecchio (Wednesday in third week of Lent)239
Contents
XI
ch 30 Off þe stacion at Seintis Cosmas and Damianus244 The Station at Santi Cosma e Damiano (Thursday in third week of Lent)245 ch 31 Off þe stacion at Seint Laurens in Lucina248 The Station at San Lorenzo in Lucina (Friday in third week of Lent)249 ch 32 Off þe stacion at Seynt Susanne250 The Station at Santa Susanna (Saturday in third week of Lent)251 ch 33 Off þe stacion in Jerusalem at Seint Cruce252 The Station at Santa Croce in Gerusalemme (Fourth Sunday in Lent)253 ch 34 Off þe stacion at a cherch clepid Quatuor Coronatorum256 The Station at Santi Quattro Coronati (Monday in fourth week of Lent)257 ch 35 Off þe stacion of Seynt Laurens in Damasco260 The Station at San Lorenzo in Damaso (Tuesday in fourth week of Lent)261 ch 36 Off þe stacion at Seynt Paules262 The Station at San Paolo fuori le Mura (Wednesday in fourth week of Lent)263 ch 37 Off þe stacion at Seint Martyn in Montibus264 The Station at San Martino ai Monti (Thursday in fourth week of Lent)265 and the Station at San Silvestro in Capite (Thursday in fourth week of Lent)265 ch 38 Off þe stacion at Seynt Eusebie268 The Station at Sant’Eusebio (Friday in fourth week of Lent)269 ch 39 Off þe stacion at Seynt Nicholas in Carcere272 The Station at San Nicola in Carcere (Saturday in fourth week of Lent)273 ch 40 Off þe stacion at Seynt Petres274 The Station at San Pietro (Passion Sunday)275 ch 41 Off þe stacion at Seynt Grisogonus276 The Station at San Crisogono (Monday in Passion Week)277 ch 42 Off þe stacion at Seint Ciriac278 The Station at San Ciriaco in Thermis (Tuesday in Passion Week)279
XII
Contents
ch 43 Off þe stacion at Seint Marcelle282 The Station at San Marcello al Corso (Wednesday in Passion Week)283 ch 44 Off þe stacion at Seynt Appollinare286 The Station at Sant’Apollinare (Thursday in Passion Week)287 ch 45 Off þe stacion at Seynt Steuene in Monte Celio290 The Station at San Stefano Rotunda (Friday in Passion Week)291 ch 46 Off þe stacion at Seynt Jon Portlatyn292 The Station at San Giovanni alla Porta Latina (Saturday before Palm Sunday)293 ch 47 Off þe stacion at Lateranensis296 The Station at San Giovanni in Laterano (Palm Sunday)297 ch 48 Off þe stacion at Seynt Praxede298 The Station at Santa Prassede (Monday in Holy Week)299 and the Station at Santi Nereo e Achilleo (Monday in Holy Week)299 ch 49 Off þe stacion at Seint Prisce300 The Station at Santa Prisca (Tuesday in Holy Week)301 ch 50 Off þe stacion at Seyn Mari Maior302 The Station at Santa Maria Maggiore (Wednesday in Holy Week)303 ch 51 Off þe stacion at Lateranensis304 The Station at San Giovanni in Laterano (Maundy Thursday)305 ch 52 Off þe stacion at Seynt Cruce308 The Station at Santa Croce in Gerusalemme (Good Friday)309 ch 53 Off þe stacion at Lateranensis312 The Station at San Giovanni in Laterano (Holy Saturday)313 ch 54 Off þe stacion on Pase Day314 The Station at Santa Maria Maggiore (Easter Day)315 PART III
Other churches of note, especially those dedicated to our Lady Prologus320 ch 1 Off Sancta Maria Rotunda322 Santa Maria Rotunda (= Pantheon)323
Contents
ch 2 ch 3 ch 4 ch 5 ch 6 ch 7 ch 8 ch 9 ch 10 ch 11 ch 12 ch 13
XIII
Off Ara Celi cherch of Our Lady326 Santa Maria in Aracoeli (ends incomplete)327 Lacking329 [Of þe cherch of Our Ladi þat was Minerues Temple] (begins imperfect) 330 Santa Maria sopra Minerva331 Of þe cherch cleped Marie Anunciat332 Santa Maria Annunziata 333 Of þe cherch clepid Marie Transpodium334 Santa Maria in Transpontina 335 Of þe cherch cleped Sancta Maria de Palma336 Santa Maria in Palmis337 Of þe cherch clepid Sancta Maria de Populo340 Santa Maria del Populo341 Of þe place cleped Sancta Maria de Penis Inferni344 Santa Maria Antiqua 345 Of þe cherch cleped Sancta Maria iuxta Scolam Grecorum346 Santa Maria in Cosmedin 347 Of Sancta Maria Imperatrix de Imperiali348 Santa Maria Imperatrice 349 Of þe cherch cleped Sancta Maria de Consolacione350 Santa Maria della Consolazione 351 Of þat cherch clepid Sancta Maria in Porticu352 Santa Maria in Portico (ends incomplete)353
Further chapters lacking353 Commentary355 Appendix411 A. Alphabetical List of Churches each with its own chapter(s)411 B. Churches Mentioned in the Course of the Discussion413 Index of Names and Places415
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Fig. 1 Rome 1300: Plan of the City as reconstructed by Alfred von Reumont (1871). PDXX Fig. 2 Rome 1447: Conceptual water-coloured drawing illustrating Fazio degli Uberti’s poem Dittamondo (s. xiv): the city is shown to the narrator by his guide Solinus during the pope’s absence in Avignon (Paris, BN, Cod ital 81, fol. 18r, by permission). As was conventional the north is shown at the bottom (Ponte Salario, Ponte Milvio) with the Castel Sant’Angelo slightly above to the right and the Vatican to the right of that. The churches of San Sebastiano and San Paolo fuori le Mura (to the south) are shown at the top outside the city walls.XXVIII I. Prologue A pilgrim on his way to Rome, detail from woodcut for the title-page of G. de Loarte, Trattato delle Sante Peregrinationi (Rome, G. degli Angeli, 1575). PD: Image available at:3 https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=Mg9Cytmk2ukC&pg=P A70&lpg=PA70&dq=Trattato+delle+sante+peregrinationi&s ource=bl&ots=KGjtPMdsWb&sig=ACf U3U1sMTpgCkcZGY FBtboXfG51rdHQNg&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwis8tbQjr 3pAhVKRBUIHYEYD0gQ6AEwAXoECAcQAQ#v=onepage &q=Trattato%20delle%20sante%20peregrinationi&f=false I.1 Foundation of Rome: Romulus and Remus suckling the Wolf while Rea Silvia prays, print from Mirabilia Romae Urbis (Rome, Eucharius Silber, 1498), fol. 1r, reproduced from CUL Inc.7.B.2.27[3656], by permission11 I.2 Gates: Porta Aurelia, detail from the printed street-map drawn by Giovanni Maggi 1625 (ed. Borsi 1990), fol. 4619 I.3 Bridges: Pons Theodosius in a view from the Aventine, drawing by a pupil of Domenico Ghirlandaios c. 1490 in Madrid, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de El Escorial, Codex Escurialensis 28.II.12, fol. 56v. By permission. (Egger 1905–1906: I.139–41)27 I.5 Temples: Mausoleum of Hadrian (Castel Sant’Angelo). Photo Gary Lee Todd PhD. PD37 I.6 Arches: Arch of Constantine 315 ad. Photo Carlo Raso. PD41 I.8 Temple of Concord. Photo Calvert Richard Jones. PD47 I.9 Obelisk at San Pietro, old position, drawn by Marten van Heemskerck 1532–1536, in Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett 79 D 2,
XVI
List of Illustrations
fol. 7r; cf. fig. II.1b. © Kupferstichkabinett der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin - Fotograf: Jörg P. Anders. By permission. http://www. smb-digital.de/eMuseumPlus?service=ExternalInterface&modul e=collection&objectId=782815&viewType=detailView49 I.12 Dioscuri and horses, Quirinale, Rome. Photo Carlo Raso. PD61 I.13 Marcus Aurelius, Roman emperor, bronze statue (176 bc). Photo Mary Harrsch. PD65 I.14 Coliseum, drawing by a pupil of Domenico Ghirlandaios c. 1490 in Madrid, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de El Escorial, Codex Escurialensis 28.II.12, fol. 24v, showing the structure as described by Capgrave, with pilgrims’ tents in the foreground. By permission69 I.15 Pantheon, drawing by Marten van Heemskerck 1532–1536 in Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett 79 D 2, fol. 10r. © Kupferstichkabinett der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin - Fotograf: Jörg P. Anders. By permission. http://www.smb-digital.de/eMuseumPlus?service= ExternalInterface&module=collection&objectId=782813&view Type=detailView75 I.18 Septizodium, engraving of one section by Ambrogio Brambilla (fl. 1577–1599). PD89 I.21 Meta Romuli, detail from print of a woodcut in Hartmann Schedel, Liber Chronicarum (Nuremberg, 1493) [ISTC is00307000], fol. I. viii (CUL Inc.0.A.7.2[888] hand-coloured, by permission)95 I.24 La Festa di Testaccio in a print of 1534. Photocredit Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. PD103 II.1a Sketch of Leonine City 1450/1474 (facing W to the right) from a plan of Rome by Alessandro Strozzi in Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, cod Redi 77, fols viiv–viiir, su concessione del MiBACT. (The words ‘cyrcus neronis’ and others in the same hand are later additions.) For an edited version of this map see Schüller-Piroli 1950: 738.127 II.1b Old San Pietro, drawn model reconstruction by Susanne SchüllerPiroli (1950) showing the façade with the atrium behind (containing the Cantharus) and on the left the mausoleums of St Petronella and St Andrew with the obelisk in its old position in front of them. Cf fig. I.9127 II.1c Old San Pietro, Showing the Veronica to the Faithful, print from Mirabilia Urbis Romae c. 1475, reproduced from Ehwald 1903: fol. 1v. (CUL 872.d.10, by permission)129 II.2 San Paolo fuori le Mura, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 73v)135
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II.3
II.4
II.5 II.6 II.7 II.8a II.8b II.9 II.10 II.11 II.13 II.14 II.17 II.19 II.20 II.21 II.22 II.23 II.24 II.25
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San Sebastiano, drawing from Speculum Romanae Magnificentiae 1575 by Antonio Lafreri (BL, Maps *23807.(1.)). © British Library Board, by permission. Whole image available on-line at: https:// www.bl.uk/collection-items/le-sette-chiese-di-roma137 San Giovanni in Laterani with statue of Marcus Aurelius in former position, drawn by Marten van Heemskerck 1532–1536 in Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett 79 D 2, fol. 71v. © Kupferstichkabinett der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin - Fotograf: Jörg P. Anders. By permission. http://www.smb-digital.de/eMuseumPlus?service=Exte rnalInterface&module=collection&objectId=798793&viewType =detailView143 Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 65v)151 San Lorenzo fuori le Mura, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 49r)155 Santa Maria Maggiore, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 18r)163 Sketch showing the Disposition of the Stational Churches in Rome numbered in order of Lenten visitation (Author)167 Santa Sabina, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 1r)167 San Giorgio in Velabro, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 3v)173 Santi Giovanni e Paolo, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 6r)177 San Trifone, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 9r)181 San Pietro in Vincula, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 14v)189 Santa Anastasia, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 16v)193 Santi Apostoli, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 23r)201 Santa Maria in Domnica, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 29v)207 San Clemente, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi. fol. 36r)209 Santa Balbina, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 39r)213 Santa Cecilia in Trastévere, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 40r)217 Santa Maria in Trastévere, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 43r)221 San Vitale, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 46r)223 Santi Marcellino e Pietro, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 47v)227
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II.27 San Marco, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 52v)233 II.28 Santa Pudenziana, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 54r)235 II.29 San Sisto Vecchio, printed woodcut of façade of atrium 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 55v)239 II.30 Santi Cosma e Damiano, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 57r)245 II.31 San Lorenzo in Lucina, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 58v)249 II.32 Santa Susanna, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 59v)251 II.34 Santi Quattro Coronati, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 71r)257 II.35 San Lorenzo in Damaso, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 72v)261 II.37 San Martino ai Monti, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 77v)265 II.38 San Eusebio, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 82r)269 II.39 San Nicola in Carcere, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 83r)273 II.41 San Crisogono. printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 85v)277 II.42 San Ciriaco in Thermis, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 87v)279 II.43 San Marcello in Corso, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 88v)283 II.44 Sant’Apollinare, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 90r)287 II.45 San Stefano Rotondo, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 93v)291 II.46 San Giovanni alla Porta Latina, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 96r)293 II.48 Santa Prassede, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 98v)301 II.49 Santa Prisca, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 100r)301 III.1 Santa Maria Rotunda, printed woodcut of façade 1588 (Fra Santi, fol. 106v)323 III.2 Santa Maria in Araceli, west entrance, drawing by Anonymous Faraczy (Hendrijk Gijsmans) c. 1578, detail, photocredit © Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, by permission.327 III.7 Domine Quo Vadis? Drawing by Giacomo Grimaldi (1560–1623) of a painting in the portico of Old San Pietro, BAV Barberini lat 2733, fol. 136r, by permision.337
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III.10 Santa Maria in Cosmedin, drawing of west front by Anonymous Fabriczy (Hendrijk Gijsmans) c. 1572, photocredit © Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, by permission.347 Images from Fra Santi are found in: https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=AYvl4gSb1_cC&printsec=frontcover&s ource=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false The copy used is in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Roma: https:// books.google.it/books?vid=IBNR:CR000087225&redir_esc=y&pli=1 The library has kindly granted permission to reproduce vignette images here. Every effort has been made to give credit for each image where it is due. In the event that such credit is deemed deficient the author undertakes to ask the publisher to put the matter right in any subsequent edition of the work.
Fig. 1: Rome 1300: Plan of the City as reconstructed by Alfred von Reumont (1871).
PREFACE
The scene is Rome in the fifteenth century, Golden Rome, ‘an idea at the heart of western culture’ as it has been called, a magnet drawing pilgrims by its architectural attractions and the magnitude of its religious importance as the mother of faith. Through the practice of indulgences pilgrims could obtain multiple years of pardon from sins that had been confessed and absolved, a practice so widely advertised that Jubilee years were introduced in 1300 by Pope Boniface VIII. Huge crowds attended, especially for the Lenten stations that Boniface inaugurated, when the pope went to a different church to say mass on each day of Lent. The Austin friar John Capgrave attended Rome for the Jubilee in 1450, including the Lenten stations, and his Solace of Pilgrimes, intended as a guide for subsequent pilgrims, was written up following the author’s own pilgrimage. In three parts it covers the ancient monuments (Part I), the seven principal churches and the Lenten stations (Part II), and other churches of note, especially those dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary (Part III). The work has been described as the most ambitious description of Rome in Middle English. Only one edition has appeared previously, that by C. A. Mills published in 1911, which has a valuable Introductory Note by H. M. Bannister, and a commentary on the text that is still useful on particular points. But the text itself falls short of what we now expect of an edition of a mid-fifteenth-century English work. The present edition offers a new Text based on a transcription of the author’s holograph manuscript, a fair copy, designated H. The Text is accompanied by Textual Notes that record any alterations made by the original scribe (the author) and any editorial adjustments. A partial copy, made in the author’s scriptorium but rejected by him, survives as endleaves in two manuscripts of other works by Capgrage (A and B), and substantive (not orthographic) variants from this copy are also recorded in the Textual Notes. Great care has been taken in the expansion of contractions and abbreviations, drawing on a complete Index Verborum made with the aid of a computer. Parallel with the Text there is a Translation, which aims to supplement (but not supplant) the Text by conveying Capgrave’s meaning in a readable modern English version. In some of his other works, as his (Latin) Commentary on Genesis, Capgrave supplied illustrative diagrams, for example of Noah’s Ark, so I have followed the author’s lead in supplying various illustrations to accompany the text of the Solace, mainly to give some visual clue to what Capgrave was looking at. These illustrations are incorporated in the Translation so as not to interfere directly with the author’s Text. Where they are available most chapters in the Translation have one illustration to set them
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off from each other; for the station churches I have made extensive use of the woodcuts of church façades in the printed account of the Lenten stations by another, slightly later, Austin friar, Fra Santi Santorini (1588), and these appear as vignettes at the beginning of relevant chapters. Occasionally important churches or topics receive more than one illustration. Some illustrations are more or less contemporary with Capgrave, but most of them are from a period slightly later than the 1450 Jubilee, usually the sixteenth century, in which case care has been taken to represent what was there when Capgrave visited; for example, Fra Santi’s woodcut image of San Lorenzo in Panisperna (II.16) could not be used because it shows a façade that was revamped after 1450 and before 1588. Following the Text and Translation there is a Commentary that aims to provide some background information about the buildings and monuments that Capgrave focuses on, and to explain and illuminate any difficulties or points of interest in the Text as well as to note anything of importance, such as words unrecorded by MED or used for the first time in English in a particular sense. The Introduction begins by setting the scene in Rome as a centre of pilgrimage with its attractions ramped up for Jubilee year. There follows some account of Capgrave’s life, noting what it meant to be an Austin friar and how he was educated, and summarizing his career with a full account of what is known about his trip to Rome. After a brief section describing the manuscripts containing Capgrave’s Solace there is a full account of the multiple sources that he used, most of which is the product of new research. Although in this work Capgrave wears his learning lightly he was indeed a very learned man who must have had access to a considerable library, and he almost certainly must have made notes on some works in Rome as the likelihood of them being available in England is remote. Most of Capgrave’s sources were in Latin, but he also made use of the Middle English Wars of Alexander. Amongst cities that received encomia Rome was unusual in that it had a classical past, splendid but faded, and a new spiritual richness as the head of the Church. If the past classical splendours were overindulged or overegged the city’s importance as a spring of spiritual purity would be diminished. If the past classical splendours were played down or even ignored then Rome as an ancient capital of empire and centre of civilization, leading to its role as head of the Church, is diminished; Rome was, as Propertius had expressed it (Elegies, III.xi.57), Septem urbs alta iugis, toto quae praesidet orbi ‘The city set high on seven hills which presides over the whole world’.
Capgrave is an omni-present guide leading us towards what he considered an appropriate interpretation of the classical past as a foundation for the Christian
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present, which built on it and surpassed it. The work includes a Bibliography and closes with an Index of names and places. It is a pleasure to thank the various friends and colleagues who have advised or assisted me while my work was in progress. The late Professor Malcolm Parkes (Oxford) and the late Dr Ian Doyle (Durham) advised me about the group of Capgrave manuscripts that make up the evidence for his scriptorium where he, the author, was the principal scribe. The late Father Albéric de Meijer OSA (Utrecht) encouraged me by sending bibliographical information about Capgrave over many years. The late Father Cyril Smetana OSA (Toronto) shared my interest in Capgrave from the beginning. The late Professor the Reverend F. X. Martin OSA (Dublin) took great interest in my work as it progressed. Professor Anne Hudson (Oxford) and the late Dr Pamela Gradon (Oxford) offered much encouragement and stimulation, as did Professor John Scattergood (Dublin). Dr Raymond Astbury (Dublin) advised me on Latin matters. In recent times Professor Karen Winstead (Columbus OH) has shared her enthusiasm for Capgrave with me, and the infectious enthusiasm of Dr Daniela Giosué (Viterbo) in particular has driven me forward and brought to my attention the importance of providing a Modern English translation in parallel to Capgrave’s original text. Dr Patrick Zutshi (Cambridge) has advised me on matters papal. For advice on particular points I am grateful also to Gareth Burgess (King’s College Library, Cambridge), Jonathan Franklin (National Gallery, London), Dr Scot McKendrick (British Library), and Dunja Sharif and Sarah Wheale (Bodleian Library, Oxford). For assistance and courtesy in dealing with images and permission to reproduce them as illustrations in this book I am grateful to the staff of the institutions holding copyright. It is a pleasure to thank Judith Squire de Sanz for her assistance in dealing with the authorities in El Escorial, which happens to be run by Austin friars. My former colleagues in the computer laboratory in University College Dublin were unfailingly courteous and helpful while indices verborum of the Solace and other Capgrave texts were produced. I should particularly like to thank the staff of the Bodleian Library Oxford for facilitating access to the holograph manuscript of the Solace and the librarians at All Souls College and Balliol College for providing facilities to study the manuscripts containing the rejected copy of part of the text. For information about the city of Rome I have consulted the Blue Guide by Stuart Rossiter, Rome and Environs (London, 1971 edn); in some instances, wherever possible, I verified Capgrave’s own observations myself on the spot. I am much indebted to Professor Andrew Wallace-Hadrill (then Director), Dr Sue Russell (then Assistant Director), Valerie Scott (then Librarian) and the staff and residents of the British School at Rome for their support and kindness during my stay there in October 2003. I had hoped to spend further time there but that proved impossible and was finally ruled out by the Covid-19 pandemic.
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Most of the research has been done in Cambridge, where I have benefitted from the resources and unfailing courtesy of the staff in Cambridge University Library (where the staff of the Rare Books Room were marvellously supportive during lockdown), The Architecture and History of Art Faculty Library, The Classical Faculty Library, The Divinity Faculty Library, The English Faculty Library, The Seeley (History Faculty) Library, and Wolfson College Library. Wolfson College has been our academic home for many years now and has provided a social and intellectual base of immense value. And much stimulus has been gained from the English Faculty at Cambridge University where I have had the honour of being an Honorary Research Associate in the Department of Anglo-Saxon, Norse and Celtic. As General Editor of the series Textes Vernaculaires du Moyen Âge Stephen Morrison (Poitiers) has been a tower of strength and support, for which I am most grateful. And it is a pleasure to thank Loes Diercken, Publishing Manager at Brepols, who has been a model of courtesy, efficiency, and careful attention to detail. This book is dedicated to Angela, who, as both my wife and a fellow scholar of medieval English, has shared the Capgrave journey with me for over fifty years. Thanks to her advice and support the book is, I trust, all the more worthy of its subject. Any remaining faults are my own responsibility. Peter J. Lucas Feast of St Gilbert of Sempringham 2021
ABBREVIATIONS
abp. archbishop ActaSS Joannes Bollandus, Acta Sanctorum, 68 vols (Antwerp, 1643–1940) AHMÆ Analecta Hymnica Medii Ævi, ed. Dreves et al. 1886–1978 aka alternatively known as art. article AS Anglo-Saxon BHL Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina (by the Bollandists) bp. bishop bro. brother BRUO A. B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, 3 vols (Oxford, 1957) c. circa ‘about’ CCSL Corpus Christianorum Series Latina cf. confer ‘compare (like with like)’ ch. chapter cp. compare (with other) CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum d. died da. daughter Dan Daniel E East ed. editor, edited by EETS os Early English Text Society, original series EHR English Historical Review emp. emperor erron. erroneous esp. especially et al. et aliis ‘and others’ F French fa. father fd feast-day ff. forward fl. floruit ‘flourished’ fol./fols folio(s) Gal St Paul’s Letter to the Galatians Gk Greek
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Intro./intro. Introduction, introduced by Is Isaiah ISTC Incunabula Short Title Catalogue Ital. Italian Jn Gospel of St John k. king Kg Book of Kings L Latin Lk Gospel of St Luke m. married MED Middle English Dictionary MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica mo. mother Mt Gospel of St Matthew MWME A Manual of the Writings in Middle English n. note ODNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography OED Oxford English Dictionary OESA Ordo Eremitarum Sancti Augustini (Order of the Hermits of St Augustine) OHS Oxford Historical Society OSA Order of St Augustine OSB Order of St Benedict PD Public Domain PL Patrologia Latina, cursus competus, ed. J-P. Migne, 220 vols (Paris, 1844–1855) PMLA Publications of the Modern Language Association of America pr. printed (by) prec. the person preceding prob. probably Ps Psalm Ps– Pseudo–, as in Pseudo–Clement quot. quotation R River repr. reprinted rev. revised (by) Rev Revelations Revd Reverend Rom St Paul’s Letter to the Romans RS Rolls Series
Abbreviations
s. saecula (century), as s. iii = 3rd century Sam Samuel SC Summary Catalogue (Bodleian Library) SJ Society of Jesus s.n. sub nomine ‘under the name/headword’ SofS Song of Songs SP Studies in Philology SS Saints St Saint tr. translator, translated by W West
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Fig. 2: Rome 1447: Conceptual water-coloured drawing illustrating Fazio degli Uberti’s poem Dittamondo (s. xiv): the city is shown to the narrator by his guide Solinus during the pope’s absence in Avignon (Paris, BN, Cod ital 81, fol. 18r, by permission). As was conventional the north is shown at the bottom (Ponte Salario, Ponte Milvio) with the Castel Sant’Angelo slightly above to the right and the Vatican to the right of that. The churches of San Sebastiano and San Paolo fuori le Mura (to the south) are shown at the top outside the city walls.
INTRODUCTION
A man should undertake this voyage [of pilgrimage] solely with the intention of visiting, contemplating and adoring the most Holy Mysteries … and not with the intention of seeing the world, or from ambition, or to be able to say ‘I have been there’ or ‘I have seen that’ in order to be exalted by his fellow men. Santo Brasca from Italy on pilgrimage to the Holy Land in 1471.1 The impulse to pilgrimage was still strong in fifteenth-century England and the more devout pilgrims with deeper pockets sought to pursue this goal overseas. As the headquarters of the Church, the principal moder and norcher of oure feith, where more saint-martires spilt her blood in confirmacioun of our feith than anywhere else,2 Rome had great pulling power: it was not only caput urbium ‘chief of cities’, but also caput orbis splendor, spes, aurea Roma ‘the head, light, hope of the world, golden Rome’. Se barberi, venendo da tal plaga … veggendo Roma e l’ardüa sua opra stupefacensi … di che stupor dovea esser compiuto! (Dante, Paradiso XXXI.31–40) ‘If the barbarians, from that distant region, … were stupefied by the magnificence of Rome and all her splendid architecture, into what stupor must I then fall!’
This view that architecture stimulated faith, that what the pilgrim saw in physical form shaped his way of perceiving it, was openly confirmed by Nicholas V, pope at the time of Capgrave’s visit in 1450. He it was who had a medal struck adorned with caption Roma Felix ‘Happy Rome’, with overtones of ‘blessed’ and ‘fortunate’. On his deathbed he explained the causes by which we were led to our campaign of building and architecture: … there were two principal reasons … For only those who have grasped the origin and development of the Roman Church through the mastery of texts can fully understand the 1 Quoted by Zacher 1976: 42. 2 Quotations from Capgrave’s Solace below, Book II, Prologue, p. 124. The view that Rome was full of martyred saints goes back to Prudentius (c. 400), Peristephanon, II.542–43: vix fama nota est, abditis/ quam plena sanctis Roma sit ‘it is hardly known how full of entombed saints Rome is’.
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extent and character of its authority. As for the multitudes who are ignorant of letters … when beliefs … founded on the teachings of learned men are constantly … confirmed and corroborated by the spectacle of great buildings … then they are permanently impressed upon those … who see such buildings. In this way belief is preserved and increased, … then people experience a special kind of devotion that establishes and consolidates their belief.3
So we have what Peter Brown called ‘sermons in stone’.4 Who better than Capgrave, a learned man if ever there was one, to mediate his experience of this architecture, pagan as well as Christian, to an audience he evidently felt to be in need of spiritual guidance? A visit to the eternal city had the potential to purify the soul and achieve a state of spiritual wholeness by expunging the taint of past sins. From about 1300 onwards Rome became the premier objective for pilgrims looking for an achievable holy destination and seeking to fulfill their cammino verso il Cielo ‘way to Heaven’. In the later Middle Ages pilgrimage to Rome was widely advertised through the libri indulgentiarum, of which the Middle English verse Stacyons of Rome is a vernacular example.5 These advertisements were designed to increase the numbers coming on pilgrimage to Rome,6 thereby enhancing the city’s status as an international centre of Christian devotion and influence. Another purpose of these advertisements was to augment the acquisition of funds by the Church, though evidence as to how much might have been incoming is elusive.7 Indulgences involved the remission of the temporal penalty for forgiven sin.8 In these texts the indulgences to be gained by attending masses in Roman churches were spelt out, with special days indicated when extra indulgences were 3 Cited by Charles Burroughs, From Signs to Design: Environmental Process and Reform in early Renaissance Rome (Cambridge MA, MIT Press, 1990), 9–10. 4 Peter Brown, Authority and the Sacred: Aspects of the Christianisation of the Roman World (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1997), 38. 5 Hulbert 1923. The Stacyons of Rome ed. Frederick J. Furnivall in Political, Religious, and Love Poems, EETS os 15 (London, Trübner, 1866), 143–73, and in The Stacions of Rome, EETS os 25 (London, Trübner, 1866), 1–24. See Julia Boffey & Anthony S. G. Edwards, A New Index of Middle English Verse (London, British Library, 2005), no. 1172. For some account of the scope of the indulgences promoted in the Stacions see Benson 2019: 18–20, 27–29. 6 This use of advertisement to draw larger numbers to the Jubilees was greatly increased in later years: see Fagiolo & Madonna 1984: 230–40. 7 On the acquisition of funds by the Church from indulgences and oblations at Jubilees see William E. Lunt, Financial Relations of the Papacy with England, II, 1327–1534 (Cambridge MA, Mediaeval Academy of America, 1962), 459–66, esp. 462–63. For some account of reports about the Church making money from pilgrims see Birch 1998: 201. For the general situation of trades-people profitting from the influx of visitors see Brezzi 1975: 681. 8 On indulgences see Lépicier 1928; on their introduction for pilgrimages see pp. 300–01. On their increasing value after 1200 see Birch 1998: 194–96. For a thorough history of indulgences up to the midfourteenth century see Paulus 1922–1923. On the medieval theology of indulgences cf. Shaffern 2006.
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available. These indulgences were set out in the Indulgentiae ecclesiarum urbis Romae, edited from six manuscripts (ss. xiv–xv) by Christian Hülsen in 1927.9 A pilgrim who attended San Pietro when the Veronica was shown, for example, could metaphorically hit the jackpot and gain a plenary indulgence, with remissio omnium peccatorum ‘total remission of sins’. Et viene a Roma, sequendo ’l desio, per mirare la sembianza di colui ch’ancor lassù nel ciel vedere spera. Petrarch, Canzoniere, XVI, 9–11 ‘And he comes to Rome, following his desire, to marvel at the likeness of Him whom he still hopes to see up above.’
Despite the practice of selling indulgences,10 as by Chaucer’s Pardoner, an abuse finally prohibited in 1567, and criticism from proto-protestant circles,11 the lure of spiritual benefit continued to entice pilgrims to Rome: Pardon ys þe sowle bote, At grete Rome þer ys the rote, Pardon, yn Frensh a worde hit ys, Forʒeuenesse of synnes y-wys.12
Although related to Penance, which was a sacrament, pardons were not sacraments in themselves, hence their distribution by non-priests, but they drew on the inexhaustable spiritual wealth of the Church provided by Christ and the saints, and were available for pilgrims under the overall supervision of the pope and his bishops under certain prescribed conditions.13 The concept of the grand Jubilee was introduced in 1300 by Pope Boniface VIII. Based on the Jewish idea of the sabbath, one day’s rest in seven (following God’s example in Gen 2.2), this regular pause for contemplation was expanded to years, and because an event such as a Jubilee involved vast organization and movement of people, seven was multiplied by seven, with an additional year of rest added, so that a Jubilee could happen every fifty years (as advocated in Lev 25.8–10). In fact Boniface thought that once every hundred years would be sufficient, at the 9 Hülsen 1927: 137–56. See further Schimmelpfennig 1988–1990: 649–58, and Miedema 2001: 44–49. 10 From relatively early times false indulgence documents appeared and continued to appear: Lépicier 1928: 278–81. 11 Especially by the Lollards: see Swanson 2007: 278–348. For a survey of antagonism to indulgences from Wyclif to Luther see Paulus 1922–1923: III.516–33. 12 Stacyons of Rome, ed. Furnivall, 3–6. ‘The remedy for the soul is pardon, the root of which is at magnificent Rome; pardon, a word of French origin, meaning forgiveness of sins’. 13 For a modern definition see Catechism of the Catholic Church (London, Geoffrey Chapman, 1994), 331.
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beginning of each century, but this was subsequently modified to fifty years by Clement VI in 1350, to thirty-three years by Urban VI in 1388, and to twenty-five years by Paul II in 1470 (the next Jubilee being in 1475), so that each person might have an opportunity to attend a Jubilee during their lifespan. Considerable preparations were made to accommodate large numbers. One of the longest streets in Rome at the time, leading from the area that housed the national hostels towards the Ponte Sant’Angelo, was built specially for the purpose, the Via del Pellegrino ‘Pilgrim Street’, still in existence today.14 There was great congestion of pedestrian traffic, such that there had to be a (remarkably modern) two-way system of circulation on the Ponte Sant’Angelo, as indicated by Dante in the Inferno: Come i Roman per l’esercito molto L’anno del Giubileo, su per lo ponte Hanno a passar la gente modo colto; Che, dall’un lato, tutti hanno la fronte Verso ’l Castello e vanno a Santo Pietro, Dall’altra sponda vanno verso ’l Monte. (Dante, Inferno XVIII.28–33) ‘Just as the Romans because of the great crowds in Jubilee year had an intelligent procedure for people passing on the bridge, so that on one side all have their focus on the Castle and go towards San Pietro, while on the other side they go towards the (Capitoline) Hill.’
One witness estimated the crowds in 1300 to be 200,000 on any single day;15 only a small proportion of these would have been English.16 Boniface introduced the practice of the pope himself saying Mass at a different church on each day of Lent; these were the liturgical Lenten stations of Rome.17 So the crowds moved around to a set pattern that always focussed pilgrims together although at a different church each day. In 1450, the sixth Jubilee, when Rome was relatively calm after political and social upheavals in the preceding years, extra provision was made in advance for the Jubilee,18 so the crowds were even greater, as recorded by
14 English Hospice in Rome, intro. Tickle 1962: 19. 15 Rapp 1973: 127 and references. Cf. also Brentano 1974: 54, 85 and 88 for the importance of money to the Church in medieval Rome. 16 In 1500 there were 750 English pilgrims in Rome: George Hay in English Hospice, intro. Tickle 1962: 100. 17 For a succinct account of the stations see Henri Leclercq, ‘Stations Liturgiques’, in Dictionnaire d’Archéologie Chrétienne et de Liturgie, ed. Fernand Cabrol, 15 vols (Paris, Letouzey et Ané, 1907–1953), XV.1653–57. 18 These plans and provisions are set out in summary in Rinaldi 1667: entry for 1449, no. 15, and entry for 1450, nos 1–20. Widespread publicity for the Jubilee is noted by Paulus 1922–1923: III.187–90.
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the Roman chronicler Paolo di Benedetto di Cola dello Masto in his Cronache Romane.19 The great concourse of pilgrims continued from Christmas through the whole month of January, and then … in the middle of Lent, such a great multitude of pilgrims again appeared … In Holy Week the throngs coming from St. Peter’s, or going there, were so enormous that they were crossing the bridge over the Tiber until the second or third hour of the night… And this went on till the Feast of the Ascension …
The problems encountered on the approach to the bridge near the Castel Sant’Angelo became so great that there was a crush on 19 December 1450 resulting in some people being pushed into the Tiber; 136 bodies were recovered and taken to nearby San Celso in Banchi.20 Pilgrimage was not necessarily fun and John Capgrave was a serious pilgrim. Not for him the acquistion of pilgrim medals21 or even ampulla filled with holy water or oil, not to mention a certificate of participation on vellum. His souvenir was his own memory of what he did and saw, as set down for others hopefully to find solace in. An Austin friar who had an immensely distinguished career as a scholar and author, his output of literary works was outstanding. He wrote commentaries (in Latin) on most of the books of the Old Testament (Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, 1 and 2 Samuel, 1 and 2 Kings, Psalms, Ecclesiastes, Isaiah, Daniel, the Twelve Prophets) and the whole of the New Testament (Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, the Acts of the Apostles, the Letters of Paul, the other Letters, Revelations), also some other theological works, a chronicle, two works de viris illustribus ‘on illustrious men’ (Henricis and Augustinianis [= Concordia]), saints’ lives, and the work presently under consideration, a guide to the antiquities and churches of Rome. According to his own testimony he was a man sumwhat endewid in lettirure, ‘a man somewhat endowed with learning’;22 playing on his name he refers to himself as Johannes de Monumento Pileato ‘John of the Grave with the Scholar’s Cap’.23 He was the most learned member of an order that was itself an important source of learning in England at the time, and has been considered, indeed, ‘the greatest
19 As cited by Thurston 1900: 67–68. 20 See Bzowski 1618–1633: XVII.46–47, where, as well as provision for granting indulgences, arrangements for safeguarding visitors on the move are made, despite which there is still a catastrophe, on which see Colonna 1924, summarized by Brezzi 1975: 679–80. 21 For the medal struck for the 1450 Jubilee see Fagiolo & Madonna 1984: 197, 204, no. IV.5.2. On pilgrim medals from Rome found in archaeological excavations in London see Spencer 1998: 248–54. 22 Capgrave, Life of St Augustine, ed. Munro 1910: 1/9; Smetana 2001: 15/9. 23 Capgrave, De illustribus Henricis, ed. Hingeston 1858: 213.
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of all English Austin Friars’.24 But his importance was social and administrative too. He had professional connections with royalty, nobility, and senior members of the Church. He was Prior of his house at Lynn (now King’s Lynn) apparently for more than twenty years. As Prior Provincial of his order he was the most important Austin friar in the land for the four years of his incumbency (1453–1457). Capgrave lived towards the end of an era. From its heyday in the fifteenth century, when the Austin house at Lynn supplied the national Prior Provincial for one third of the century, the friary declined rapidly in the sixteenth century, having only a prior and four inmates at the Dissolution of the Monasteries in 1539, when much of the physical evidence of the tradition Capgrave represented was destroyed. Consequently, the evidence relating to Capgrave is patchy. Thanks to a considerable legacy in terms of manuscripts from his scriptorium, including some written or revised in his own hand, he is the classic case of autograph in Middle English, providing more evidence than anyone else of an author at work on English (and Latin) works in the Middle Ages,25 from which we can learn a good deal about authorship, publication and patronage.26 His English writings are also of great linguistic importance, representing the language of a specific man writing at a specific time at a specific place;27 such evidence is rare. On the other hand, the evidence for his life and career is relatively scant, and comes almost entirely from three sources. (1) The earliest testimony is occasional remarks about himself in the surviving manuscripts of his works. (2) Some stages in his career as a friar are recorded in the General Archives OESA at Santa Monica, Rome, but these records are incomplete, and there are no official Augustinian records relating to Capgrave’s Provincialate. (3) From the sixteenth century there are the bio-bibliographical accounts by John Leland (c. 1502–1552) and John Bale (1495–1563), both of whom were concerned to preserve and record for posterity what was liable to be lost at the Dissolution of the Monasteries. The Austin Friars After the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215, in the interests of ecclesiastical efficiency, the Church sought to bring together disparate religious communities and to require them to adopt either the ordo canonicus, living according to the Rule of 24 de Meijer 1955: 440. 25 The scribe of an autograph is the author of the text it contains. For some consideration of medieval autograph manuscripts see Nataša Golob (ed), Medieval Autograph Manuscripts, Bibliologia 36 (Turnhout, Brepols, 2013). For a list of autographs see Paul Lehmann, ‘Autographe und Originale namhafter lateinischer Schriftsteller’, in Erforschung des Mittelalters. Ausgewählte Abhandlungen und Aufsätze, 1 (Leipzig, 1941, repr. Stuttgart, Hiersemann, 1959), 359–81. 26 Lucas, From Author to Audience (1997), passim. 27 Lucas, From Author to Audience (1997), esp. chs 8–9.
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St Augustine of Hippo (354–430), or the ordo monasticus, living according to the Rule of St Benedict of Nursia (c. 480–c. 550), subject to obtaining papal approval. The Ordo fratrum eremitarum sancti Augustini, the Order of St Augustine, to which Capgrave belonged, was founded by decree of Pope Alexander IV in 1256 as an amalgamation of appropriate separated communities already following the rule of St Augustine.28 They were known as Hermits to distinguish them from the Augustinian Canons.29 Unlike monks, who followed the Rule of St Benedict, friars mingled with society and tended to concentrate their work in towns. The organization of the Augustinians was similar to that of the Dominicans and was formalized in 1290 at the General Chapter of Ratisbon [= Regensburg]; the Additiones Thomae de Argentina (Thomas of Strasbourg, Prior General OSA 1345–1357), were appended in 1345.30 For administrative convenience the Order was divided into Provinces, but overall decisions were taken at the General Chapters held every three years up to 1377 but afterwards less frequently; each Province sent its Prior Provincial and two senior Masters to a General Chapter, where the Prior General was elected. Much emphasis was placed on education, especially for members of the Order. There was a structured teaching system allowing for progression from the studium grammaticale ‘Grammar School’ to the studium particulare ‘School of Philosophy’ to the studium generale ‘School of Theology’, of which there were two varieties, the studium generale provincie, and the studium generale ordinis, the latter being of higher standing, usually located in a university city. As a result the Augustinians, along with their fellow mendicant friars, were able to make a considerable contribution to learning. The Rule of St Augustine is the oldest conventual rule with western origins. The basic Ordo Monasterii ‘Regulations for a Religious House’ laid down the principles and practices to be followed by each frater ‘member of the fraternity’ in eleven brief sections, beginning Ante omnia, fratres carissimi, diligatur deus, deinde et proximus, quia ista sunt praecepta principaliter nobis data.31 ‘Love God above all else, dearest brothers, then your neighbour also, because these are the precepts given us as primary principles.’ Before the formal ratification of the Order their predecessors had already come to England where Henry III gave
28 On the early history of the Order and the question of communal poverty see F. A. Mathes OSA, ‘The Poverty Movement and the Augustinian Hermits’, Analecta Augustiniana 31 (1968), 5–154. 29 On whom see John C. Dickinson, The Origins of the Austin Canons and their Introduction into England (London, SPCK, 1950). 30 See I. A. Cendoya, Las primitivas Constituciones de los Agustinos (Ratisbonenses del ano 1290) Introd. y texto (Valladolid, 1966). 31 Lawless, Rule, 1987. For the text(s) of the Rule see also the fundamental studies by Verheijen 1967 and 1980. For another translation and commentary see von Bavel 1984, also Zumkeller, 1986, ch. 9. For a brief survey of Augustinian spirituality see Michael Downey, The New Dictionary of Catholic Spirituality (Collegeville MN, 1993), 66–73 (art. by M. Clark).
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them leue for to edifie couentis in … Clare and Wodous ‘permission to build friaries in Clare and Woodhouse’,32 that in Clare (Suffolk) being established under the patronage of Richard de Clare (1222–1262), duke of Gloucester, in 1248,33 and that at Woodhouse (Salop) in 1250. Each Province was presided over by a Prior Provincial who was elected every two years at the Provincial Chapter, to which each house sent its prior and another friar as voting members; all Masters of Theology also had a vote. Within the English Province there were four limits ‘districts’, Cambridge, Lincoln, Oxford and York,34 each presided over by a Vicar Provincial, though few records of this position or function survive after the fourteenth century. By the end of the thirteenth century there were twenty-two houses.35 In 1387 there were thirty-four houses, as follows:36 (1) Cambridge limit: Cambridge, Clare, Gorleston, Huntingdon, Lynn, Norwich, Orford, Thetford. (2) Lincoln limit: Atherstone, Boston, Droitwich, Leicester, Lincoln, Ludlow, Shrewsbury, Stafford, Stamford, Warrington, Woodhouse. (3) Oxford limit: Bristol, Canterbury, London, Newport, Northampton, Oxford, Rye, Winchester. (4) York limit: Berwick, Grimsby, Hull, Newcastle, Penrith, Tickhill, York. By the end of the fifteenth century the Order had thirty-nine houses.37 Each house was presided over by a prior, who was elected by the fraternity, and who had to resign before each Provincial Chapter, when he could be re-elected. The prior was responsible for the spiritual and material welfare of the friary. The number of English Austin friars in the period after the1349 plague has been estimated at 576, slightly more than the Carmelites (550), but less than the Dominicans (964) and only half as many as the Franciscans (1152).38 Capgrave spent most of his life in the Austin friary at Lynn, Norfolk. The name derives from the Celtic word for ‘pool’ (i.e. the estuary of the River Ouse 32 Capgrave, Abbreuiacion of Cronicles, ed. Lucas 1983: 119, lines 27–30. 33 See Edmund Colledge OSA, Clare Priory (London, c. 1979), Katherine W.Barnadiston, Clare Priory: Seven Centuries of a Suffolk House (Cambridge, Heffer, 1962), and David Hatton, Clare Priory, Suffolk: the story of the Augustinian Friars’ first establishment in Britain and its history of 750 years ([Clare], David Hatton, c. 1996). 34 By law Ireland constituted a fifth limit, but it was more or less self-governing in fact. For a map of the limits see Roth 1961–1966: I.6. 35 A Table drawn from various sources was compiled by Roth 1961–1966: I.32. 36 Details in Gwynn 1940: 76–77. 37 Roth 1961–1966: I.45, 366. 38 Josiah C. Russell, ‘The Clerical Population of Medieval England’, Traditio 2 (1944), 177–212, esp. 206–11. Russell made his calculations by taking known figures for particular houses and multiplying them up proportionately.
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leading into The Wash), the same as the second element in ‘Dublin’. From 1201 Lynn came under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Norwich, after which it became known as Bishop’s Lynn. Later, in the sixteenth century, when, as part of Henry VIII’s policy of appropriating Church property, it was alienated to the crown, Lynn became known as King’s Lynn. The Augustinian house was at the northern end of the town, on the corner of Hopmansway (now Austin Street) and Listergate (now Chapel Street) opposite St Nicholas’s church, and near Tuesday Market. Only a brick gateway survives. Information on the medieval convent is scant, but it was apparently a large house, ‘superior to most, and probably to all others in this town’,39 and presumably for this reason chosen to house Henry VII and his retinue on their visit to Lynn in 1498.40 In 1413 the friary had housed the duke and duchess of Clarence (who came with a large retinue, including 300 horse), so, even though not all would have stayed under one roof, the house was presumably already large.41 Capgrave wrote an account of its foundation and development for Henry VI.42 At the beginning of the fourteenth century the friary numbered twenty members in 1300, forty in 1325, and thirty in 1328.43 In 1386 an agreement between the town and the friary for the supply of water lists the names of thirty-nine friars, of whom seventeen were probably priests and twenty-two acolytes.44 The next record of numbers is dated 1446, when Henry VI stayed at the Lynn friary. The then prior was John Capgrave himself, who reports that there were thirty priests (presumably professed friars) and sixteen deacons, subdeacons, and acolytes,45 a number that exceeded that of other English Austin houses at the time.46 Capgrave’s learning and width of reference, especially when all his works are considered together, implies the existence of a considerable collection of books at the Austin friary in Lynn. Such a collection was usually built up as a result of gifts to the Order, by purchase, from books used by deceased friars remaining with the Order, and by retention of books written by the friars themselves. The organization of books in a conventual library varied from chaining books to prevent their removal 39 Blomefield and Parkin, Norfolk, 1805–1810, VIII.482. 40 William Richards, The History of Lynn, 2 vols (Lynn, pr. W. G. Whittingham, sold by R. Baldwin, Paternoster Row, London, 1812), I.514; see also Roth 1961–1966: II.384, item 975. 41 Roth 1961–1966: I.300, II.281–82, item 694. 42 Capgrave, De illustribus Henricis, ed. Hingeston 1858: 138–39, tr. Hingeston 1858: 158–59. 43 PRO E101/357/21–3 28 Edw. I (1299/1300), cited by Roth 1961–1966: II.77, no. 135; PRO E101/387/9 19 Edw. II (1325/26), cited by Roth, I.469; PRO E101/383/14 2 Edw. III (1328/29), cited by Roth, II.262, no. 653. These numbers are calculated on the basis that the royal pittance per friar per day was 4d (Roth, II.100, n. 84). The number of friars is then found by dividing 4d into the total pittance for the house. 44 Muniments of the Borough of King’s Lynn Bc.5, printed by Owen 1984, no. 90. 45 Capgrave, De illustribus Henricis, ed. Hingeston 1858: 137–39, and tr. Hingeston 1858: 158–61; Roth 1961–1966: II.328, item 807. 46 Roth 1961–1966: I.111.
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to keeping them ‘in uno bagge’.47 Unfortunately, no trace of the Augustinian collection at Lynn survives, and indeed very few books from any Austin house survive. There is, however, a list of 646 books (containing over 2,100 separate works) from the Austin friary at York, which, although possibly exceptional in its richness,48 can be used as a guide to what may have been available elsewhere, particularly at Lynn.49 The main contents of the collection were commentaries on the Bible, works by the Fathers of the Church, works on scholastic theology and canon law, ecclesiastical history, works on philosophy and of course on grammar and rhetoric, the staple diet of medieval education; also miscellaneous volumes on medicine, music, mathematics and astronomy. Some such collection is also reflected by the books from the Cambridge friary, over thirty of which still survive at Rome, including three containing works by Augustine, one Isidore, eight Aquinas, and four Giles of Rome (Prior General OSA 1292–1295).50 Some of the books at Cambridge, notably some by Giles of Rome, are not represented in the York list,51 so there is good reason to suppose that other Austin friaries besides York had rich collections. Capgrave’s Life and Career52 Early Years In his Abbreuiacion of Cronicles Capgrave records that he was born 21 April 1393.53 Nothing is known of Capgrave’s family. The surname is not otherwise recorded in Norfolk or Suffolk in the fourteenth, fifteenth or early sixteenth centuries.54 According to his own statement it would appear that if Capgrave was not born in Lynn he was almost certainly reared there: My cuntre is Northfolke, of the town of Lynne.55 47 Humphreys 1990, xv–xx. 48 York benefitted from a gift of 250 volumes from John Erghome (d. c. 1386), on whom see Emden, BRUO, I.644, and Roth 1961–1966: I.408–13. Humphreys 1990 notes that the Austin friary at Paris in 1290 had 46 volumes, Regensburg in 1347 had 57 volumes, plus some others, and Siena in 1360 had 220 volumes (xxvii–xxviii). 49 See Humphreys, Book Provisions, 1964, and Friar’s Libraries, 1990. 50 See Ker, ‘Cervini’s MSS’, 1978, esp. 66–69, and the lists in his Medieval Libraries (London, Royal Historical Society, 1964), 24, and Supplement, ed. Andrew G. Watson (London, Royal Historical Society, 1987), 8–9. 51 Crook, ‘Manuscripts from Cambridge’, 1983, esp. 88–89. 52 For a full account of Capgrave’s life and works see Lucas 1997: 7–18. 53 Capgrave, Abbreuiacion of Cronicles, ed. Lucas 1983: 203/12–13. 54 See Richard A. McKinley, Norfolk and Suffolk Surnames in the Middle Ages (London and Chichester, Phillimore, 1975), for which the author culled various printed and unprinted sources, which unfortunately he does not list. The sources for McKinley’s Norfolk Surnames in the Sixteenth Century (Leicester, Leicester University Press, 1969) include a lay subsidy roll (for 1524) for two wards only of King’s Lynn. 55 Capgrave, Life of St Katharine, Prologue line 240, ed. Horstmann, 16, ed. Winstead, 22.
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In 1406 he witnessed the departure from Lynn of King Henry IV’s daughter, Princess Philippa (1394–1430), quam ego oculis conspexi ‘whom I saw with my own eyes’ on her voyage to marry Eric IX, king of Denmark (1412–1439).56 Later, he elaborated on the spectacle: The kyng broute hir to Lenne, for to take schip þere, and in þat town he lay nyne daies-- þe kyng, too qwenes, thre sones of þe kyng, Herri, Thomas, and Vmfrey, and many oþir lordis and ladies.57
The detail about the entourage of the king staying in Lynn for nine days is apparently added by Capgrave to his source, a version of the St Albans Chronicles by Thomas Walsingham.58 Lynn was an Anglo-Norman ‘new town’, i.e. a rapid expansion of an existing settlement, underpinned by trading in salt, which was extracted from the lynn ‘pool’ in the estuary of the River Ouse. Situated ‘at the door of this river, as it were the turnkey of it’,59 Lynn was well connected with inland waterways, the Ouse itself, the Nene and the Welland: ‘it was the gateway to a fifth of England’.60 It had contacts with northern Europe, particularly, through the Hanseatic League, which retained one of four English factories there, with the Baltic.61 Trade prospered, especially in raw wool, cloth, grain and wine.62 By the fifteenth century it was one of the richest ports in England and a thriving market town. Major building projects under way in the first half of the fifteenth century included Hampton Court (c. 1400), St George’s Guildhall (1407), Trinity Guildhall (1423) now the Town Hall, the South Gate (1437), the south chapel and north-west tower of St Margaret’s church (1433, 1453), as well as parts of St Nicholas’s church.63 Although estimates vary slightly, on the basis of the 1377 Lay Poll Tax returns Lynn was the seventh, eighth or ninth most populous town in England in Capgrave’s time, having a population of up to 5,500.64 According to 56 Capgrave, De illustribus Henricis, ed. Hingeston 1858: 109. 57 Capgrave, Abbreuiacion of Cronicles, ed. Lucas 1983: 230. 58 Capgrave, Abbreuiacion of Cronicles, ed. Lucas 1983: 308, notes to 230/1 and 230/1–4, and, for a discussion of the version, pp. lxxvii–lxxxvii, esp.. lxxxiv–lxxxvi. 59 History of the Ancient and Present Navigation of the Port of King’s Lynn, and of Cambridge (1725), Preface, cited by Neville J. Williams, The Maritime Trade of the East Anglian Ports 1550–1590 (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1988), 54. The Latin quotation on which it is based, ejus in ostio instar calvis Lenna sedit, may be from the lost ‘Lennae Rediviva’ written in the reign of Edward IV. 60 Williams, Maritime Trade, 1988, 55. The three great rivers gave access to eight or more counties. 61 Eleanora M. Carus-Wilson, tr. K. Bund, ‘Die Hanse und England’, in Hanse in Europa (Cologne, Kunsthalle Köln, 1973), 85–106. 62 Eleanora Carus-Wilson, ‘The Medieval Trade of the Ports of the Wash’, Medieval Archaeology 6–7 (1962–1963), 182–201. 63 King’s Lynn: Report and Survey of the Buildings of Architectural and Historic Interest prepared for The Corporation of King’s Lynn by The Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings (London, 1948). 64 William G. Hoskins, Local History in England (London, Longmans, 1959), 176; Russell, British Medieval Population (1948), 142; also Clarke and Carter, Excavations, 1977, 2 and 424–32; Fredeman
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the Lay Subsidy of 1523–1527 Lynn was the eighth most heavily assessed provincial town in England.65 All four of the mendicant orders, the Franciscans (c. 1230), the Dominicans (1256), the Carmelites (1261), and the Augustinians (1295), established houses there.66 Looking back from the reign of Edward VI (1547–1553) an anonymous writer remembered Lynn as ‘the properest Towne in this Lande; stronglye walled, fayer byldynges, full of peopell’.67 Evidence placing Capgrave in Lynn comes from the following years: 1406: witnessed, aged 13, the departure of Princess Philippa; 1439/40: named as a beneficiary in the will of John Spycer of Lynn; 1446: host to Henry VI on his visit to Lynn friary; 1449/50: departed for Rome, presumably from Lynn; 1455: re-elected Prior Provincial OSA England at Chapter in Lynn; c. 1462/3: completed Abbreuiacioun of Cronicles at Lynn; 1464: died at Lynn.68 Previous writers on Capgrave have pointed to two additional incidents concerning Lynn (in 1400 and 1417) in the Abbreuiacioun of Cronicles as indications that he was there in his youth to record them, but these claims are invalidated by the fact that the notices were taken over from Walsingham’s Chronicles.69 Although there is no direct evidence of Capgrave’s whereabouts from 1427 to 1439 it seems most probable that he was at Lynn friary, where he was presumably engaged in literary activity as well as teaching and preaching. At least some of the many undated works attributed to him were presumably written during this period. By 1439 Capgrave’s scholarly reputation was sufficient for him to be considered second in importance in the Austin house at Lynn only to the Prior Provincial, William Wellys Jr OSA: in his will of that year, proved 1440, John Spycer, possibly an ex-mayor of Lynn, who spent his last days in the Austin friary, left itemised bequests to them both, 3s. 4d. (i.e. a quarter of a mark) to Wellys and 1s. 8d. (one eighth of a mark) to Capgrave, as well as nominal bequests to the other priests, deacons and novices, no other ecclesiastical beneficiaries being named.70 1979: 200. 65 Hoskins, Local History, 177. 66 David Knowles and R. Neville Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses: England and Wales (London, Longman, 1971 edn). 67 Cited by Neville, Maritime Trade (1988), 132, from State Papers, Domestic Series Edw. VI, Addenda, 4/57. 68 See below. 69 Fredeman, ‘Life’, 1979, 199, adduces the capture of Scottish fishing boats by men of Lynn in 1400. De Meijer, ‘Capgrave’, 1955, 408, adduces the theft of three children by beggars in Lynn in 1417. For the identification of the source passages from Walsingham see Abbreuiacion of Cronicles, ed. Lucas 1983: 217/15–17, 249/12–19 and notes. 70 See further Lucas, ‘Bequest’, 1993.
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Education Very little information is available on Capgrave’s early education, but it would have followed the pattern laid down for Austin friars. Since ‘candidates to the Order … could join only the monastery [i.e. friary] in whose district their parental home was located’,71 it is reasonable to assume that Capgrave entered the Augustinian order to begin training in their house at Lynn: Owt of the world to my profyte I cam, On-to the brotherhode qwech I am inne.72
He presumably entered the Order by about 1410 (i.e. at the age of 17 rather than the more usual 14), as six or seven years’ training were required before ordination to the priesthood and Capgrave was made priest, ad sacerdotium promotus sum ‘I was elevated to the priesthood’, in 1416/17.73 This training would have been in the studium grammaticale in the Austin friary at Lynn, probably under the overall direction of William Wellys Sr, Prior Provincial of the Augustinian Order in England 1402–1417, 1419–1422.74 Already the Austin friars had built up a considerable reputation for education, and Lynn was itself, thanks to William Wellys Sr and Jr, beginning to become an important provincial centre of theological learning.75 After becoming a priest a member of the Order usually went to a studium particulare, of which there was one in each limit, that in the limit of Cambridge being at Norwich; possibly Capgrave went there.76 Certainly, before going on to university, he studied theology at the studium generale provinciae in London until 1421/2 (though later there was such a studium at Lynn). His presence in London in 1421 is confirmed by his notice of the jubilation of the crowd at the birth of Henry VI on 6 December.77 The Austin friary in London was situated to the north of Throgmorton Street and the church was known as ‘Austin Friars’ until bombed in 1940.78 The path to becoming a fully qualified Master of Theology, which Capgrave followed, 71 Roth 1961–1966: I.47. 72 Capgrave, Life of St Katharine, Prologue lines 241–42, ed. Horstmann, 16, ed. Winstead 22. 73 Capgrave, De illustribus Henricis, ed. Hingeston 1858: 127. Capgrave says that he became priest four or five years before the birth of Henry VI in 1421. 74 William Wellys Sr, OSA, B.Th.(Oxon.) 1387, D.Th.(Cantab.) 1393, lived at the Austin house at Lynn. The theological works attributed to him were very likely by William Wellys Jr, OSA (priest 1410, D.Th. (Oxon.), Master 1426), who was also Prior Provincial (1434–1442) and lived at the Austin house at Lynn: see further Lucas, ‘Will of John Spycer’, 1993[b]. 75 See further Lucas, ‘Will of John Spycer’, 1993[b]. 76 So Fredeman, ‘Life’, 1979, 209, but there is no proof that Capgrave went to Norwich. Cp Capgrave, Abbreuiacion of Cronicles, ed. Lucas 1983: note to 238/25–6. 77 Capgrave, De illustribus Henricis, ed. Hingeston 1858: 127. 78 Roth 1961–1966: I.286–96. See now Holder 2017.
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involved a number of steps, from Student to Cursor to Lector to Bachelor to Inceptor to Master.79 To become a Lector a member of the Order had to spend at least three years at a Studium Particulare, and to become a Master he had to spend at least another three years at a Studium Generale Ordinis attached to one of the universities, in Capgrave’s case Cambridge. As a newly ordained priest a member of the Order became a Student. Students had to attend three lectures a day, one on Scripture by the resident Master, one on the Sentences of Peter Lombard,80 and one on the literal exposition of the Bible, following which there was the daily disputation, in which the Student had to argue against or respond to a proposition put to him. After successfully completing these studies in three (or possibly four or five) years the Student became a Cursor. Cursors had to continue their studies while also lecturing on the Bible and on the Sentences. Again at the end of three years a Cursor who had shown proven ability to lecture and had passed his examinations rose to become a Lector, thus enabling him to teach in any school of the Order except a studium generale ordinis. A Lector had to be approved by at least four Masters and proposed to the Provincial chapter, which had to give its consent, as did the Prior General. In Capgrave’s case this consent by the Prior General (dated 8 April 1421) was given in anticipation of the completion of the course at London, on petition from the Prior Provincial, William Wellys Sr.81 Cambridge Since Capgrave’s house of Lynn was in the Augustinian limit of Cambridge, where the Order’s house, situated in what is now Bene’t Street and Wheeler Street, between Free School Lane and Corn Exchange Street, with its gateway facing Peas Hill,82 was closely linked to the university, it was normal procedure for him to continue his education there. Only a year later (13 April 1422) the Prior General assigned him a place to further his studies in Cambridge.83 From the point of view of religious orthodoxy it was a safe place, little touched by
79 On this progression see the account in Roth 1961–1966: I.156–77, where ample citation of documentary evidence is given. 80 The standard textbook of Theology in the Middle Ages, comprising four books on (1) the Trinity, (2) the Creation and Sin, (3) the Incarnation, the Redemption and the Virtues, and (4) the Sacraments and the ‘Four Last Things’, death, judgment, heaven and hell. 81 Rome, S. Monica, General Archives OESA, Register Dd 4, fol. 55, pr. de Meijer 1955: 408. 82 See D. H. S. Cranage & H. P. Stokes, ‘The Augustinian Friary in Cambridge and the History of its Site’, Cambridge Antiquarian Society Proceedings, 22 (1917–1920), 53–75. 83 Rome, S. Monica, General Archives OESA, Register Dd 4, fol. 75v, pr. de Meijer 1955, 409. On university studies in theology at Cambridge see Leader, History of the University of Cambridge, I, 1988, ch. 7.
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Wycliffite controversies: as Capgrave’s contemporary, the poet John Lydgate OSB (c. 1385–1450) put it, For which by recorde, all clarks seyne þe same, Of heresie Cambridge bare never blame.84
Normally a Bachelor-to-be spent his first year at university studying for his opponency (annus oppositionis) and had to take part in no less than sixteen disputations. From this requirement Capgrave was absolved. The second and third years were usually spent studying the Sentences (as a Baccalarius Sententiarius) and the Bible (as a Baccalarius Biblicus). Again Capgrave seems to have been exempted from the first by the Prior General in his statement of 8 April 1421.85 Both of these dispensations probably arose because Capgrave spent five years at London (1416/17–1421/22) instead of the minimum three,86 and had presumably covered the work already. In order to become a Baccalarius Formatus a candidate had to deliver an examinatory sermon, and Capgrave duly gave one in Latin concerning the twelve orders that followed the Augustinian Rule. We know that it was given in 1422 because later he wrote a Tretis in English on the same subject drawe oute of a sermon seyd be Frer Jon Capgraue at Cambrige, þe ʒere of our Lord a M cccc xxij.87 On 20 March 1423 Capgrave graduated B.Th. on the authority of the Prior General: Fecimus fratrem Iohannem Capgrave lectorem provincie Anglie Bacchalarium auctoritate nostra, assignantes ei promotum Bacchalarii promoti locum alienigenis debitum in nostro conventu et universitate Cantabrigensi de gratia speciali.88
This procedure, involving the intervention of the Prior General, Augustini Favaroni of Rome (1419–1431), seems to have been an unusual one, though it also applied to Osbern Bokenham OSA (1393–c.1464) of Clare, and arose from a personal visitation by Favaroni to England, probably to establish harmony after the divided election for Prior Provincial in 1419.89 A Bachelor was entitled 84 On Lydgate see Emden, BRUO, II.1185–86. The quotation is from his Verses on Cambridge, ed. Henry N. MacCracken, no. 34 in The Minor Poems of John Lydgate II, EETS os 192 (London, Oxford University Press, 1934), 652–55, quot. on p. 655, lines 97–98, the conclusion of the poem. 85 Rome, S. Monica, General Archives OESA, Register Dd 4, fol. 55, pr. de Meijer 1955: 408. 86 Addition to ch. 36 of the Ratisbon Constitutions decreed at the OESA General Chapter of Siena in 1338: Analecta Augustiniana 4 (1911–1912), 178. 87 Capgrave, Tretis, ed. Munro 1910: 145. On the Tretis see further below. 88 ‘By our authority we have made Brother John Capgrave, Lector in the province of England, Bachelor [i.e. of Theology], assigning to him the due place given for a newly promoted Bachelor in our convent and the university of Cambridge by special dispensation.’ Rome, S. Monica, General Archives OESA, Register Dd 4, fol. 106, pr. de Meijer, ‘Capgrave’, 1955, 410. 89 In the General Archives OESA, Dd 4, fol. 107, the statement noting Bokenham’s parallel promotion says in presentia nostra, from which the Prior General’s presence in England is inferred: Roth 1961–1966:
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to a room, a servant, and some remuneration. His chief responsibility was to oppose and respond in public disputations. During the next two years Capgrave probably wrote his four lost commentaries in Latin on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, since study of this work was an integral part of his course.90 He was now ready to proceed Inceptor, that is to initiate the procedure for obtaining the Magisterium, the highest academic qualification, granted to only two English Austin friars in every four years. The candidate had to have the consent of all the Masters present at a Provincial Chapter, and the Masters of Theology in the university had to be satisfied that he was of good repute, and that all prescribed studies had been completed. On acceptance the Inceptor was called Doctor (i.e. ‘teacher’), in Capgrave’s case probably in 1425, though there is no surviving documentary evidence to confirm this supposition. The Inception proper was a ceremony including a banquet for all Masters of Theology in the university. Only then was the candidate Master of Theology. That Capgrave was Master is confirmed by the will of John Spycer (1439) who left a bequest to Magistro Capgraue,91 and by the charter of John Stockton (1456), Prior OSA of Oxford, which refers to magister Johannes Capgrave.92 According to Roth his progress from becoming a priest to attaining the magisterium was ‘the fastest promotion on record’ amongst English Austin friars.93 The relative speed of his academic progress gives credence to Leland’s report that Capgrave libris … ac concha suis scopulis adhaesit ‘stuck to his books like a limpet to its rock’.94 It was usual for a new Master to remain in the university for a further two years as a MasterRegent, teaching in the school of his Order and assisting with various academic functions in the university, before returning to a house of his choice in his limit (not one with a studium generale),95 to teach and to preach. On the assumption that Capgrave followed this path he remained in Cambridge until 1427, when he probably returned to Lynn.
I.172, n. 350. 90 With study of the Sentences as a statutory requirement in university theology faculties practically every D.Th. wrote his own commentary: see Friedrich Stegmüller, Repertorium Commentariorum in Sententias P. Lombardi, 2 vols (Würzburg, Schöning, 1947). 91 Norwich, Norfolk Record Office, Norwich Consistory Court Register Doke, fol. 121r, pr. Lucas 1993. 92 From the Charter of John Stockton, Prior OSA of Oxford, as recorded in the Boarstall Cartulary (Cartulary of Edmund Rede) fols 136–37, pr. Anthony Wood, Survey of the Antiquities of the City of Oxford, ed. Andrew Clark, 3 vols (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1889–1899), II.455, and in Capgrave’s socalled Chronicle of England (RS 1) ed. Hingeston 1858: 329–34; also pr. in part by Herbert E. Salter, The Boarstall Cartulary, OHS 88 (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1930), 223–24, and by de Meijer 1955: 428–29. 93 Roth 1961–1966: I.174. 94 Leland, Commentarius, 1709, II.453. 95 This statement is a deduction from the practice in Paris whence new Masters returned to their Province and could elect a house of their choice providing it did not have a studium generale: Roth 1961– 1966: I.174, n. 355.
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Henry VI’s Visit to Lynn In 1446, five years after he was present at the laying of the foundation stone of King’s College, Cambridge, by Henry VI, king of England (1422–1461), on Passion Sunday, 2 April, 1441,96 Capgrave met the king again when he acted as host to Henry VI on his visit to the Austin house at Lynn on 1 August. Hic rex devotissimus in XXIIII. anno regni sui, in illa solemni peregrinatione qua Sanctorum memorias visitavit, locum fratrum Heremitarum Sancti Augustini in villa de Lenne in suum accepit favorem, promittens sacerdotibus suis ibidem manentibus, vivo vocis oraculo, quod amodo locus ille sibi et successoribus suis de corpore suo legitime procreandis immediate pertineret. Ipse quoque et successores sui, ut praemittitur, fundator sive fundatores non solumnomine essent, sed rei veritate. Acta sunt autem haec in Ad Vincula Sancti Petri, sub anno Domini M.CCCCXLVI.; regni vero incliti domini nostri, ut praemissum est, anno XXIIII.97
Capgrave was evidently prior of the friary at the time, and remained so, being recorded in office in 1456. Since it describes the king’s visit, Capgrave’s De illustribus Henricis, an account of famous men by the name of Henry (Emperors, Kings of England, and others), and (since it was dedicated to him) presumably written with culling favour from Henry VI in mind, must have been completed after that visit, and the author’s exemplar copy (CCCC MS 408) shows that an extra quire containing the matter relating to the king and his visit was inserted before the manuscript was prepared for another scribe to copy.98 However, since the work mentions Humfrey duke of Gloucester as being still alive,99 it was probably finished before his death in February 1447.
96 Capgrave, De illustribus Henricis, ed. Hingeston 1858: 133. The college was then known as St Nicholas’s because Henry VI’s birthday (6 Dec) was St Nicholas’s Day. Capgrave says that he knew the first rector, William Myllyngton (d. 1466), subsequently (1443) the first provost of King’s, on whom see Emden, BRUC, s.n. 97 ‘In the twenty-fourth year of his reign this most devout king, in the course of the solemn pilgrimage during which he visited the shrines of saints, received into his favour the place of the fathers of the Hermits of Saint Augustine in the town of Lynn, promissing to his priests who dwelt there from his own mouth that from then on that place should be closely associated with himself and his successors lawfully begotten of his body: that he himself and also his successors, as said before, were to be founder or founders not only in name but also in fact and truth. These events occurred on the feast of St Peter in Chains (1 Aug), in the year of our Lord 1446, that is in the twenty-fourth year of the reign of our illustrious master, as was said above.’ Capgrave, De illustribus Henricis, ed. Hingeston 1858: 137. 98 Lucas 1997: 38–43. 99 Capgrave, De illustribus Henricis, ed. Hingeston 1858: 109.
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Visit to Rome and the Solace of Pilgrimes In 1450 Capgrave was in Rome on a visit funded by Sir ThomasTuddenham (1399– 1461), lord of the manor of Oxburgh, a powerful figure in Norfolk who used his position in such a way as to acquire a considerable reputation as an extortionist; from 1446 to 1450 he was Keeper of the Great Wardrobe in the royal household. No doubt he was well able to pay for Capgrave’s visit. That he did so probably reflects a concern for the salvation of his soul in the next life and care about the burial of his body at the end of this life: Tuddenham was buried at the Austin friary in London.100 Although the author’s ostensible motivation in writing his Solace of Pilgrimes, a guide to Rome, was gratitude for Tuddenham’s support, Capgrave seems to have had a wider audience than just the ‘patron’ in mind, as the work is addressed Onto all men of my nacioun þat schal rede þis present book … [as well as] onto my special maystir Sir Thomas Tudenham undyr whos proteccioun my pylgrimage was specialy sped.101 By comparison with Capgrave’s other dedications the absence of flattery and servility to Tuddenham is notable.102 While Tuddenham was acknowledged as the benefactor who funded Capgrave’s pilgrimage, the author hoped to reach a larger audience: all men of my nacioun. This reflects the general situation for medieval authors seeking publication, which was a difficult one. In the absence of a coterie audience such as Chaucer had at court, the best chance of success was to adopt a sponsor and hope that the work would achieve wider circulation through the sponsor or by virtue of the sponsor’s name.103 Internal references indicate that the work must have been completed between 1447 and 1452. The death of Cardinal Henry Beaufort, bishop of Winchester, ‘þat deyid now late’ (11 April 1447) is recorded on fol. 401r (p. 278 below), yet on fol. 392r (p. 222 below) Cardinal John Kempe, who was translated to the see of Canterbury on 21 July 1452, is referred to as still ‘arschbiscop of Ʒork’. Confirmation of these dates is provided by the reference to the translation of the body of St Susanna from San Pietro to the church of Santa Susanna, which took place during the reign of Pope Nicholas V (1447–1454), as an Englisch 100 Roth 1961–1966: I.291. Margery, Lady Tuddenham (d. 1412) was buried at the Austin friary at Thetford (Roth, I, 346), perhaps evidence of earlier patronage of the Austin friars by the Tuddenham family. It was general policy amongst the friars to encourage the well-off to be buried in their grounds in return for a contribution: see Bruzellius 2014: 150–60. There is also the possibility that some indulgences acquired by Capgrave were transferable not only to other Austin friars but to his sponsor, Sir Thomas Tuddenham: cf. Swanson 2007: 80. 101 See below, p. 1. 102 As noted by Henry 2013: 755. 103 For a rare example of an author, a continental one, who was successful in achieving not only readership in a close circle but also wider distribution of his works see Daniel Hobbins, Authorship and Publicity before Print: Jean Gerson and the Transformation of Late Medieval Learning (Philadelphia PA, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), esp. 185–93.
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frere told me whech was on of hem þat bare hir (Part II, ch. 32, below p. 250). The most probable date for Capgrave’s visit is 1450, a celebrated Holy Year of Jubilee attended by record numbers of pilgrims, at which all visitors to the four Roman basilicas of St Peter, St Paul, St John Lateran and St Mary Major were granted a special indulgence and great remission from sins.104 Fredeman’s suggestion, that Capgrave went in 1449 for the General Chapter of the Augustinian Order held there, while possible, indeed probable, lacks supporting evidence. In order to be in Rome for the beginning of the 1450 celebrations, Capgrave would in any case have needed to arrive by Christmas 1449. From Part II of the Solace it is evident that Capgrave was in Rome for Lent, which began the following 18 February, and he refers more than once to the presence of large crowds, remarking in his account of San Lorenzo in Panisperna that many oþir relikes ar schewid in þis cherch, of whech I haue now no fresch rememberauns for I wrote hem nowt for þe pres þat was þere (Part II, ch. 16, below p. 198). Travel from England to Rome at this time was mainly by two routes, one via France, the other via Germany.105 It would have taken Capgrave some six or seven weeks to get there. The German route involved travelling along the Rhine from Cologne to Basle and then over the St Gothard pass to Milan. The French route had several variants, but most commonly involved travelling through Paris to Lyon and over the Mount Cenis pass to Turin; sometimes, however, travellers went from Calais to Reims, omitting Paris. Although it is probable that Capgrave travelled through Paris there is no proof that he did, and the suggestion that Capgrave worked with the autograph manuscript of Jordan’s Vitas fratrum in Paris is speculation.106 Within Italy the usual route would have been via Milan to Bologna, then Florence and Siena and on through Viterbo to Rome.107 Where Capgrave stayed while in Rome is not clear. There were three Augustinian houses there, attached to the churches of Santa Maria del Popolo, Santa Susanna, and San Trifone.108 The first is situated by the Porta Flaminea, the northern gate 104 Herbert Thurston, The Holy Year of Jubilee (London, Sands, 1900), 65–72. See also Jonathan Sumption, Pilgrimage. An Image of Medieval Religion (London, Faber & Faber, 1975), 253–56, and Parkes 1954: 353–76. Jubilees were held in 1300, 1350, 1390 and 1423. For an evocation of Rome as it would have impacted on a Jubilee-Year pilgrim cf. Kessler and J. Zacharias 2000. 105 On travel to Rome see Parkes 1954: esp. chs V and XI. See also Thomas Szabò, ‘Le vie per Roma’, in Fossi (1999), 56–75, with a map indicating travel routes s. xii–xv on pp. 67–68. Capgrave himself probably saw a ribbon-format map by Matthew Paris, showing a list of places linked in a line, in the earlier part of the St Albans Chronicles (one of the chief sources of Capgrave’s Abbreuiacion of Cronicles); for Paris’s map showing the route to the Holy Land via Italy see Fossi 1999: 62–63, figs 7–9, Tom Harper, Atlas: A World of Maps from the British Library (London, British Library, 2018), 188–89, and for the portion showing Rome Maddalo 1990: fig. 42 on p. 97. 106 See Lucas 2005: 217. 107 Brezzi 1975: 675. 108 Noted in Part III, ch. 8 (p. 340 below), Part II, ch. 32 (p. 250 below), and ch. 11 (p. 180 below) respectively. San Trifone was on the present site of Sant’Agostino (off the Via della Scrofa), which was erected 1479–1483.
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of Rome leading to the Ponte Milvio and the route to Peruse ‘Perugia’,109 through which Capgrave, travelling from the north, would probably have entered. It seems likely that he would have stayed there, at least initially. With regard to Santa Susanna he reports that þe place is not grete,110 with only four friars living there. The position of San Trifone, in the area of Rome known as the ‘abitato’, þe best of Rome wher most puple dwellith,111 would have been more convenient than Santa Maria del Popolo for the majority of churches that Capgrave evidently visited. While in Rome Capgrave was visited during an illness by William Gray, then King’s Proctor in Rome and later to be bishop of Ely.112 In the Dedicatory Preface to his Commentary In Actus Apostolorum (after 1457), written for Bishop Gray as he had then become, Capgrave recalls this visit: Reminiscor, sancte antistes, quanta pia visitatione vestra in me miserum peregrinum atque Romae infirmum dilectionis exenia tribuistis; et nunc, a sollicitudine officii mei penitus absolutus, licet tarde veniens, munus possibilitatis meae vobis decrevi mittendum.113
The gift was the author’s Latin Commentary on the Acts, and the official responsibility was Capgrave’s period as Prior Provincial (1453–1457). In his Solace Capgrave does not refer to this incident, presumably at the English hospice of the Holy Trinity and St Thomas the Martyr,114 but he does mention Seint Thomas Hospital, where there was building work going on and I sei a uout [in a celer] mad … euene of þis same maner as the Pantheon.115 We may note that while Capgrave shows his gratitude to Gray for visiting him and has diplomatically adopted him as dedicatee, he may also have been diplomatic in omitting to say anything about 109 Solace, Part I, ch. 3; see below, p. 26. 110 Solace, Part II, ch. 32, as below, p. 250. 111 Solace, Part III, ch. 1, as below, p. 322, with reference to Santa Maria Rotunda (the Pantheon). For a diagrammatic map of the abitato, the area east of the Tiber across from San Pietro, and a list of its early churches see Krautheimer, Rome (1980), 246–47. For early plans of Rome see Arnato P. Frutaz, Le Piante di Roma, 3 vols (Rome, 1962), nos lxxv (Plate 147), lxxix (Plate 151), lxxxix (Plate 159). The first of these maps is a reconstruction of fourteenth-century Rome by Christian Hülsen, Le Chiese di Roma nel Medio Evo: Cataloghi ed Appunti (Florence, Olschki, 1927), Map II after p. 640. 112 On Gray see Emden, BRUO, II. 809–14, where his books left to Balliol College Oxford are listed. Gray studied in Cologne and various Italian universities (he was a graduate of Florence and Padua: Parkes 1954: 631, 633) and was interested in humanist as well as traditional learning. For his role as King’s Proctor in Rome see Harvey 1993: 14–15. 113 Printed in Capgrave, De illustribus Henricis, ed. Hingeston 1858: 221. ‘I remember, holy bishop, how you showed the gift of affection in your so very devout visit to me [when I was] a sick pilgrim in Rome; and now, completely absolved from my official responsibility, I have resolved on my opportunity of sending you a gift, although [it is] coming late.’ 114 For some account of the English hospice in Rome from its inception in 1362 up to 1420 see Harvey 1999: 55–76 (ch. 3). See also The English Hospice in Rome, intro. Tickle (1962). 115 Solace, Part III, ch. 1, as below, p. 322. The building was new: Harvey 1993: 57, and Allen in English Hospice 1962: 53.
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the care he received at the hospice, as there were several complaints about the quality of hospitality received there at that time; Indulgences were available for the confraternity of the hospice, but apparently not for visitors.116 Probably Capgrave left Rome in 1450 well before the catastrophe on Ponte Sant’Angelo on 19 December,117 which he does not mention, and it would have been sensible to travel before the north European winter set in. On his return (c. 1451), probably using passages drafted while in Rome, he wrote up his work as The Solace of Pilgrimes. It is divided into three parts. Part I schal declare the disposicioun of Rome fro his first makyng,118 being a description of classical Rome, its hills, gates, bridges, palaces, arches, monuments etc. in twenty six chapters, ending with a summary of the governors from the beginning until the Empire, and of the emperors from Julius Caesar up to Frederick II. Part II tretith of þe cherchis in Rome, first the seven principal churches of Rome (chs 1–7), then one ‘station’ church for each day from Ash Wednesday to Easter Day inclusive (chs 8–54).119 The framework of this part follows the chronology of liturgical events in Lent rather than any practical itinerary. Part III covers all þe cherchis of oure Lady … and … oþir cherches whech stand in fame.120 Altogether there are chapters dealing with fifty different churches (some of the stations were at the Seven Churches), and another thirty-two churches are mentioned in passing (see Appendix 1); further churches would have been dealt with in the missing parts. Prior Provincial On 22 July 1453, at the age of 60, came the administrative high-point of Capgrave’s career. At the chapter in Winchester he was elected Prior Provincial of the Augustinian Order in England, as recorded in the General Archives OESA: Rome. 8 Maii 1454. Confirmavimus in priorem provincialem fratrem Iohannem Capgrave provincie Anglie electum unanimiter et concorditer in capitulo provinciali Veyntonie celebrato 1453 in festo Marie Magdalene approbando electionem ac confirmationem eius per vicarium nostrum de eo factam, dando sibi auctoritatem in temporalibus et spiritualibus ut aliis provincialibus dare consuevimus, precipiendo singulis fratribus dicte provincie, ut sibi sicut legitimo pastori obediant.121
116 Allen in English Hospice 1962: 59–60. 117 See above, n. 20. 118 Solace, Author’s Preface, as below, p. 4. 119 Solace, Intro. to Part II, as below, p. 124. 120 Solace, Prologus to Part III, as below, p. 320. 121 Rome, S. Monica, General Archives OESA, Register Dd 6, fol. 16, pr. de Meijer 1955: 401. ‘Rome, 8 May 1454. We have confirmed Brother John Capgrave as the Prior Provincial in the province of England unanimously and harmoniously elected at the Provincial Chapter in Winchester held in 1453 on the feast-day of Mary Magdalene (22 July), approving the election of him and confirmation made about him
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He held this position for two years and was then re-elected for a further two-year term at the next chapter, held in Lynn itself on 6 August 1455: Neapoli. 4 Februarii 1456. Confirmavimus in priorem provincialem huius provincie [i.e. Anglie] magistrum Iohannem Capgrave electum unanimiter et concorditer in capitulo Lynie celebrato 6a die mensis Augusti 1455, approbando electionem et confirmationem eius per vicarium nostrum de eo factam dando sibi omnem auctoritatem et potestatem sicut alias habuit in huiusmodi officio provincialatus et confirmavimus omnia acta et diffinitiones in dicto capitulo, precipiendo ut observaret et observari faceret similiter diffinitiones capitulorum generalium.122
The onorousness of Capgrave’s responsibilities as Prior Provincial can easily be gauged from this extract from the Praeceptum or ‘Rule’ of St Augustine,123 which deals with superiors: 7.2 The superior has the principal task of seeing to it that all these precepts are observed. He should further provide that infractions are not carelessly overlooked but punished and corrected. He must refer matters which exceed his competence and power to the priest who has greater authority over you. 7.3 Your superior should regard himself to be fortunate as one who serves you in love, not as one who exercises authority over you. Accord him the first place of honour among you, but in fear before God he shall lie prostrate beneath your feet. Let him be a model of good deeds for everyone: he shall restrain the restless, cheer the fainthearted, support the weak, with patience towards all. He shall willingly embrace discipline and instil fear. While both are necessary, he shall strive, nevertheless, to be loved by you rather than feared, mindful always that he will be accountable to God for you.
Entrusted with the government of the province the Prior Provincial’s duties included the canonical visitation of all houses (over thirty in England at this time), where he would have had to hear any complaints and try to settle any disputes. He had to give his consent for the admission of novices, to approve ordinands for the priesthood, and to recommend students to each stage of their education and through our deputy, giving to him the authority in temporal and spiritual matters as we have been accustomed to give to other provincials, instructing the individual brethren of the said province to obey him as their legitimate pastor.’ 122 Rome, S. Monica, General Archives OESA, Register Dd 6, fol. 16, pr. de Meijer 1955: 400. ‘Naples, 4 February 1456. We have confirmed Master John Capgrave as the Prior Provincial of this province (England) unanimously and harmoniously elected at the Chapter held in Lynn on 6 August 1455, approving the election of him and confirmation made about him through our deputy, giving to him all the authority and power such as the office of Provincial has elsewhere in an office of this kind, and we have confirmed all the acts and decisions in the said Chapter, instructing that he is to observe and cause to be observed likewise the decisions of the General Chapters.’ 123 Lawless 1987: 101.
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training. Many of his duties were probably functionary, as when he was present at the Austin house in Oxford (on the site now occupied by Wadham College) on 21 April 1456 for the reception of Edmund Rede of Boarstall, and the recognition of his rights as a descendant of the house’s putative founder.124 Otherwise records of Capgrave’s provincialate have not survived. Some problems with which he may have been involved are noted by Roth.125 Death In the Dedicatory Preface to his work on the creeds De Fidei Symbolis (c. 1462), quoting Job 17.1, Capgrave speaks of approaching death, Spiritus meus attenuatur dies breuiantur et solum mihi superest sepulcrum ‘My spirit is broken, the days grow short and the grave alone remains for me.’126 In the Dedicatory Preface to the Abbreuiacion of Cronicles (c.1462) he described himself as a pore frere of þe Heremites of Seynt Austyn in þe conuent of Lenne.127 There, on 12 August 1464, he died.128 The Manuscripts Capgrave’s Solace of Pilgrimes is preserved in one manuscript, in Capgrave’s own hand and therefore holograph (H), and two fragments (A) and (B) written by a copyist. Some parts of H are no longer extant in the manuscript, presumed lost. H: Oxford Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 423, fols 355–414 (SC2322 E).129 Date and History: On the assumption that Capgrave wrote up his notes on returning home from his visit to Rome in 1450 the work can be dated to c. 1451. Evidently the manuscript is a copy, a reasonably fair copy, of an earlier draft, and is very possibly the presentation copy made for Sir Thomas Tuddenham (1399– 1461), lord of the manor of Oxburgh, who sponsored Capgrave’s pilgrimage. What happened to it, other than that some leaves were lost, between Capgrave 124 White Kennet, Parochial Antiquities, ed. Bulkeley Bandinel, 2 vols (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1818), II.401. Recorded in a charter of John Stockton OSA, prior of the Austin friary in Oxford, for which see above n. 92. 125 Roth 1961–1966: I.114. 126 Printed in Capgrave’s De illustribus Henricis, ed. Hingeston 1858: 213. 127 Capgrave, Abbreuiacion of Cronicles, ed. Lucas 1983: 7. 128 A fact for which Leland, Commentarius, 1709, II.454, is the only authority. 129 There is a brief description by Bannister in Mills 1911: xi. See also Watson 1984: no. 87, and DenholmYoung 1954: pl. 22, for a reproduction of part of fol. 376.
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and Tuddenham’s time and its appearance in the collection of Sir Thomas Bodley (1545–1613) is moot. At the bottom of fol. 355, unaware of the author’s name, Bodley wrote ‘Stations of Rome’. Binding and Material Context: The manuscript of the Solace was bound s. xvi by Bodley together with four other items: A a collection of Latin sermons s. xii; B a series of works in English (s. xv) on the love of God, on the contemplative and active life drawn from the Revelation of St Bride, three moral discourses, on the way of life for a reclusive nun, a poem on learning to weep, and a book of tribulation; C the book of the craft of dying (s. xv), and D the Prick of Conscience (s. xv). Material: The manuscript is membrane throughout. The size of the leaves is 271 x 195 mm, written area 225 x 160 mm. The leaves have been trimmed by a binder. Foliation: fols 60, but originally more. The folios are numbered in ink at the top right-hand corner of recto leaves starting at 355 after the previous four works to which the Solace was added by Bodley. Pricking and Ruling: No indications of the pricking have survived the binder’s guillotine. The pages were prepared with a single frame ruling in crayon, now very feint, with forty-three lines ruled between the vertical frame lines but extending somewhat over them at the inside edges. Collation: Quire I8 (fols 355–62), II8 (fols 363–70), III8 (fols 371–74, lacks 3, 4, 5, 6 after fol. 372), IV8 (fols 375–82), V8 (fols 383–90), VI8 (fols 391–98), VII8 (fols 399–406), VIII8+1 (fols 407–14, fols 410 and 414 singletons, lacks 5 after fol. 410 but no text lost). At least one further quire lacking; possibly fol. 414 was the first leaf of an otherwise lost Quire IX. Catchwords and Signatures: No signatures have survived the binder’s guillotine, but a few catchwords or apparent catchwords are shown, as at the end of Quire I below the bottom line on fol. 362v ‘descryue’. On fol. 372v, in the middle of Quire III before a lacuna the word vacat ‘it is missing’ has been written by another hand in a position slightly above where a reader might expect to see a catchword. On fol. 406v what purports to be a catchword ‘addicion’ has been written by another hand, perhaps as an aid to someone who was reassembling the manuscript before or for Sir Thomas Bodley. Handwriting: The manuscript is written by Capgrave himself using a Secretary script. The hand and script match that of several other manuscripts written by
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Capgrave as author: Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 408 containing Capgrave’s ‘De illustribus Henricis’, London, British Library Additional MS 36704 containing Capgrave’s ‘Life of St Augustine’ and ‘Life of St Gilbert’, and San Marino CA, Huntington Library MS HM 55 containing Capgrave’s ‘Life of St Norbert’.130 Many textual corrections have been entered by the author, but there is no signature (the end is missing) and there are no instances of his distinctive triquetra mark to highlight important passages.131 Colour and Decoration: Red ink in Capgrave’s hand occurs in chapter headings, and in headings at the top of recto leaves, as on fol. 413r the bottom sectors of the part number ‘iij’ and the chapter number ‘ix’ are clearly visible, though many have been cut off by the binder. Red ink is used for some corrections also in Capgrave’s hand, as on fols 387v–9r (‘feet’, ‘sey’, ‘him’, ‘place’, ‘hir’, ‘sche’). Red ink is also used for deletion, as on fol. 380v, and for punctuation as well as for shading of initial letters to mark sense-unit divisions and proper names, as on fol. 357r ‘Romulus’ and ‘Remus’. Red strokes are used to mark the place in the line where marginal or supralinear corrections belong, as fols 372r, line 8, and 369r, line 16. Sometimes words of importance are underlined, often but not always in red. Paraphs and demi-paraphs occur in red before words denoting something of importance, as with palaces on fol. 361r. Occasionally a blue paraph is used to mark a chapter title that is written out in red. Capitals are in blue with red floriation, exactly as in Oxford, All Souls College MS 17, containing Capgrave’s ‘De Fidei Symbolis’, the first two being 7 and 8 lines deep respectively and those heading chapter 2 onwards are 5 lines deep. Contents: Capgrave’s ‘Solace of Pilgrimes’, divided into three parts. Part I schal declare the disposicioun of Rome fro his first makyng,132 being a description of classical Rome, its hills, gates, bridges, palaces, arches, monuments etc. in twentyseven chapters, ending with a summary of the governors from the beginning until the Empire, and of the emperors from Julius Caesar up to Frederick II. Part II tretith of þe cherchis in Rome, first the Seven Churches of Rome (chs 1–7), then one ‘station’ church for each day from Ash Wednesday to Easter Day inclusive (chs 8–54).133 The framework of this part follows the chronology of liturgical events in Lent rather than any practical itinerary. Part III covers all þe cherchis of oure Lady … and … oþir cherches whech stand in fame.134 Most of 130 For full discussion of Capgrave’s autograph and holograph manuscripts see Lucas 1997: 19–36. 131 On which see Lucas 1997: 48–53, 59–68. 132 See below, p. 4. 133 See below, p. 124. 134 See below, p. 320.
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the work is present, but unfortunately (a) four leaves are missing after fol. 372 at the centre of the third quire, (b) one leaf is missing after fol. 410 at the centre of the eighth quire, and (c) a quire of eight leaves (or more than one quire) is missing at the end. (a) The material missing after fol. 372 is the continuation of the summary of the governors of Rome (which breaks off at Tullus Hostilius, the third king) and the first part of the account of the emperors (which begins incomplete at Lucius Verus, emperor from 161 AD).135 (b) The material lost after fol. 410 is in Part III and comprises the end of ch. 2 on Santa Maria in Aracoeli, ch. 3 on another church dedicated to Our Lady (perhaps Santa Maria Nova?), and the beginning of ch. 4 on Santa Maria sopra Minerva.136 (c) The material lost at the end comprises the end of Part III, ch. 13 on Santa Maria in Porticu (also called Santa Galla), and all the remaining chapters, of which the number is unknown. A Oxford, All Souls College MS 17,137 fols i–ii, pp. 221–24.138 B Oxford, Balliol College MS 190,139 fols 116–19. The main part of both these manuscripts contains Capgrave’s ‘De Fidei Symbolis’ (c. 1462) written by different scribes but with textual revisions and annotations in the hand of the author. They must therefore come from his scriptiorium at Lynn. The endleaves at both the front and back of A, together with those at the back of B, form a consecutive portion of a copy in a fairly good current hand (S), not the author’s, of Capgrave’s ‘Solace of Pilgrimes’. This copy was made directly from H. On dialectal grounds the scribe S probably came from the northern part of Cambridgeshire (Isle of Ely) north-west and north of Wisbech, an area about fifteen miles from Lynn.140 The contents of these endleaves correspond to the text in H as follows: A pp. 223–24 A fol. i B fols 118r–19v
= H fol. 364r, line 27 to fol. 364v, line 33 = H fol. 364v, line 33 to fol. 365r, line 35 = H fol. 365r, line 35 to fol. 366v, line 2
135 See below, pp. 104–06. 136 See below, pp. 328–30. 137 See Andrew G. Watson, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Medieval Manuscripts of All Souls College, Oxford (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1997), 37–9, and his Cat. Dated MSS Oxford (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1984), no. 712. 138 The manuscript is paginated, starting at the beginning of the text, Capgrave’s De Fidei Symbolis. I refer to the front endleaves as folios by roman numeral. 139 See Roger A. B. Mynors, Catalogue of the Manuscripts of Balliol College, Oxford (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1963), 190–92, and Watson, Cat. Dated MSS Oxford (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1984), no. 742. 140 Lucas 1997: 109–10.
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These leaves in AB probably constituted the third quire of a copy by S of the Solace containing Part I, part of ch. xi (on the Campidoglio, lacking the beginning), ch. xii, and part of ch. xiii (lacking the end).141 Presumably when Capgrave started to check through this copy he decided on the basis of the first two quires (which have not survived) that the copy by S was too inexact to allow to go any further, so he rejected it, and the third quire was conveniently available to be used as protective endleaves in A and B. All this would have happened under Capgrave’s supervision in the scriptorium of the Austin friary at Lynn. The Sources used for the Solace Before he went to Rome Capgrave probably gathered together such information as he could from written sources. In his Speculum Ecclesiae Giraldus Cambrensis (Gerald of Wales, 1146–1226) recounted that there were sixty-four churches in Rome and others outside the walls.142 This number increased. In 1320 there were four hundred and fourteen.143 One of Capgrave’s sources, the Mirabilia Urbis Romae (see below), existed in multiple manuscripts, in many of which it was combined with accounts of the indulgences available to pilgrims; for example, BL Cotton MS Titus A.xix, fols 11–15, Harley 562, fols 1–19, Harley 2321, fols 101–10, 115–18, and Oxford, Bodleian MS Digby 196, fols 6–10.144 So the number of pilgrims to Rome had already created a need for ‘guide-books’, some, by medieval standards, mass-produced. By use of these Capgrave probably had some notion in advance of the scope and nature of what he would experience on a visit to Rome, and what reference works he would need when he came to write up his observations afterwards. Capgrave’s Solace has been described as the most ambitious description of Rome in Middle English.145 From the outset Capgrave adopts the pose of the bluff reporter, authoritative and trustworthy, claiming to use no crafty langage, and he makes clear his three criteria for the inclusion of subject-matter. Here he is following the lead given in one of his sources, the Mirabilia Urbis Romae, where the author claims to have described the various Roman wonders sicut in priscis annalibus legimus et oculis notris vidimus et ab antiquis audivimus ‘as we have 141 For the evidence supporting these conclusions see Lucas 1997: 45–46 and 90–126. For the text see below, pp. 54–66. The fragments in AB were printed, very inaccurately, by Hingeston, Chronicle of England (1858), 355–66. 142 Giraldus Cambrensis, Speculum Ecclesiae IV.viii, ed. Brewer 1873: IV.281. 143 Hülsen 1927: 26–43, who also cites numbers of ecclesiastical personnel, including 785 priests. A catalogue by Nicola Signorilli, Secretary to the Roman Senate during the reign of Pope Martin V (1417–1431) records 359 churches in 1425; Hülsen 1927: 43–49. 144 These manuscripts are chosen for their English provenance. 145 By Benson 2009: 152. He also describes the work as ‘vast’ on p. 148.
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read in old chronicles, have seen with our own eyes, and have heard the ancient men tell of ’.146 Capgrave’s first priority is to draw on written sources: I schal not write but þat I fynde in auctores— as is … writyn in autentik bokes. If necessary he distills his material: Of þis place [S Pietro in Vincoli] fynd I mech writing and long, whech I schal abreggin here. Secondly he makes use of what he saw: þat I sey with eye. Such observation could also include writing, as Rome had more inscriptions than any other city,147 some of which Capgrave transcribes for us, and he will write about the churches in Part III as fer forth as our rememberaunce may atteyne. And thirdly, he follows the presumed truth on the best authority: þat I suppose is soth— lete þat be of best auctorité.148 From time to time he scrupulously clarifies his authority according to these terms, as in Part I, ch. 14, when he says Al þis haue I red, þat whech folowith in þis mater haue I herd.149 If his memory fails him he says so and leaves the matter out, as when in Part II, ch. 9, at San Giorgio in Velabro, he describes the relic St George’s skull, which could be kissed, and then adds, like an overburdened tourist suffering from a surfeit of relics, Oþir hedis be schewid þere, whech be now oute of rememberauns.150 In Part I, ch. 19, Capgrave describes the Archus Prici Tarquinii (Circus Maximus) but notes that he did not see it— I wot not where it standith— and attributes his description to his source.151 The Solace is a learned work showing considerable breadth of scholarship, giving the impression of the author working in a well-stocked library, where he knew the contents well, and from which he could extrapolate information as required. No doubt the library at the Austin friary in Lynn was strong, perhaps even stronger than that at York mentioned above. For example, Capgrave used Adam Usk’s Chronicle as his source for Book I, chapter 23 on the carnival games at Monte Testaccio, but now only one manuscript of this work survives: London, BL Add 10104 (the last quire separately at Belvoir Castle).152 This manuscript was evidently a supplement to a manuscript of Higden’s Polychronicon, so it is reasonable to presume that Capgrave had access to a manuscript of Higden with Usk’s Chronicle appended. If this manuscript was at the Austin Friary in Lynn it suggests an ample and rich library that contained works now rare. Some books, however, Capgrave may well have studied while he was in Rome, as the probability of his 146 Valentini & Zucchetti 1940–1953: III.65, tr. Francis M. Nichols, The Marvels of Rome: Mirabilia Urbis Romae (London, 1889), 2nd edn, with a gazeteer, but excluding much useful supplementary material that is present in the first edition, by Eileen Gardner (New York, Italica Press, 1986), 46. 147 Armando Petrucci, Public Lettering: Script, Power, and Culture, tr. Linda Lappin (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1993), 1–15. 148 Solace, Author’s preface (p. 2 below); Part II, ch. 6 (p. 42 below); Part II, ch. 13 (p. 64 below); Part III, Prologus (p. 320 below). 149 Solace, p. 70 below. 150 Solace, Part II, ch. 9 (p. 172 below). 151 Solace, Part I, ch. 19 (p. 90 below). The source is Martinus Polonus, as indicated in the next paragraph. 152 Given-Wilson, Chronicle of Adam Usk (1997): xxxviii–xlv.
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having seen them in England is remote. He certainly saw the illuminated Bible at San Paolo fuori le Mura (Part II, ch. 2), and he mentions in Part I, ch. 18, that he was shown a book by an English monk at the Benedictine monastery of St Andrew attached to San Gregorio Magno. On the other hand, despite his evident learning, he sometimes incorporates a reference to an earlier authority from a later source, as when he takes over two references to Augustine (II.6, II.52) and a reference to the Historia Antiochena (II.9) from the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine, or when he takes over a reference to Varro (I.1) from the Graphia, or a reference to Virgil’s Aeneid (I.1) from Servius’s commentary. Folowyng euyr þe steppis of our elde [writeris] and cronicles Capgrave cites several of them, including classical authors such as Livy, Lucan, Ovid, Suetonius, Varro, and Virgil, and later Latin authors such as Solinus,153 all of these in Part I. Post-classical writers such as Domenico di Bandini of Arezzo, Godfrey of Viterbo and Trogus Pompeius are also referred to in Part I only, but Gervase of Tilbury is cited in both Part I and Part II,154 Gregory of Tours in Part II, and Fulgentius Mythographus in Part III.155 Early Christian writers such as Ambrose, Augustine, Gregory, Isidore of Seville, and Jerome are referred to throughout the work.156 There are several references to the Glossa Ordinaria, the standard medieval biblical commentary, as well as to the Bible itself, but only in Parts II and III,157 to which references to saints’ lives are also restricted.158 This distribution of references partly reflects the subject matter (secular in Part I, religious in Parts II and III), but it also reflects Capgrave’s major sources. Capgrave cites Virgil four times. Three of these references are to Aeneid VIII, in I.1 and I.4. It seems likely that Capgrave knew Servius’s commentary, which circulated in many manuscripts, but for the last of these citations, Aeneid VIII.358, there is no commentary offered by Servius. The other citation, as he notes, refers to a work by the fourth-century poetess Faltonia Betitia Proba, Cento Virgilianus de laudibus Christi, a compilation of Virgilian verses made to fit a Christian theme. Only one manuscript of this work apparently survives in England (Cambridge, Trinity College O.7.7 ( James 1335), item 3), so it is possible that Capgrave saw the work in England, or he may have seen it in Rome. Likewise there are four references to Varro. The first, in I.1, is taken over from the Graphia (on which see below). The other three all occur in I.4 in relation to the 153 Solace, Part I, chs 1–11, pp. 10–12, 30–32, 50, 84 below. 154 Solace, Part I, chs 4, 11, 17, 18, 23, pp. 30, 56, 84, 88, 100 below; Solace, Part I, ch. 2, p. 24 below, Part II, ch. 1, p. 128 below. 155 Solace, Part II, ch. 50, p. 302, and Part III, ch. 4, p. 330. 156 Solace, Part I, Prologue (p. 2), ch. 11 (p. 56), ch. 16 (p. 80), ch. 27 (p. 110), Part II, ch. 6 (p. 154), ch. 15 (p. 196), ch. 19 (p. 206), ch. 45 (p. 290), ch. 47 (p. 296), ch. 52 (p. 310), Part III, Prologue (p. 320), ch. 10 (p. 346). 157 Solace, Part II, ch. 35 (p. 260), Part III, ch. 2 (p. 326); Part II, ch. 52 (p. 310), Part III, ch. 6 (p. 334). 158 Solace, Part II, ch. 51 (p. 304), ch. 52 (p. 308), ch. 54 (p. 314), Part III, ch. 9 (p. 344).
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hills of Rome. This chapter is probably an expanded version of that found in the Mirabilia. In it there are also references to Livy, Ovid, Fasti and Metamorphoses, to Virgil, Aeneid VIII (as noted above), to Solinus, and to Domenico di Bandini of Arezzo. This profusion of learned reference to works not all readily available in multiple manuscripts in England prompts the thought that Capgrave may have himself been responsible for the expansion of the Mirabilia text on this topic, and, if so, that he therefore started work on the Solace when he was in Rome with access to specialised materials. Some of the references to ‘authorities’ in Part I in particular may well be taken over from a major source. For example, the reference to the mysterious Estodius (whos book is not now redyly founde but he is rehersid in þe newer bookis) is taken over from the ‘newer’ Chronicon Pontificum et Imperatorum or ‘Chronicle of Popes and Emperors’ by the Dominican, Martinus Polonus (= Martin of Troppau),159 an extremely popular and widely used text in the later Middle Ages,160 written at the behest of Pope Clement IV (1265–1268). Martinus in turn took the reference from the Graphia Aureae Urbis,161 a redaction of the Mirabilia Urbis Romae (for which see below). Capgrave made considerable use of Martinus in the Solace, notably for most of Part I, ch. 1 on the founders of Rome,162 ch. 25 on the governors of Rome,163 ch. 27 on the emperors,164 and Part II, ch. 43 on the titular cardinals.165 He refers to Martynes cronicle on a number of occasions.166 Another major influence on Part I (but not Parts II and III) was a later recension of (or text based on) the Mirabilia Urbis Romae ‘The Marvels of the City of Rome’,167 a selective account of the city focussing on buildings that were redolent of power, one that can be described as ‘faction’, mixing fictional statements with 159 For the text see Ludwig Weiland, Martini Oppaviensis Chronicon Pontificum et Imperatorum, MGH, Scriptores xxii (Hannover, Hahn, 1872), 377–475, continuations 476–482 and Scriptores xxiv, 251–65; for the reference to Escodius see Weiland 1872: 392. For more recent work on Martinus see Anna-Dorothee von den Brincken, ‘Studien zur Überlieferung der Chronik des Martin von Troppau’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 41 (1985), 460–531, 45 (1989), 551–91 and 50 (1994), 611–14. 160 For Capgrave’s use of Martinus in his Abbreuiacion of Cronicles see the edition by Lucas 1983: lxxii– lxxvii. For Martinus as an influence on medieval English chroniclers see Wolfgang-Valentin Ikas, ‘Martinus Polonus’ Chronicle of the Popes and Emperors: a Medieval Best-seller and its Neglected Influence on Medieval English Chroniclers’, English Historical Review 1161 (2001), 327–41. The Middle English Chronicle of Popes and Emperors is based on Martinus’s Chronicon but starts at the birth of Christ, lacking the Introduction (Weiland 1872: 397–407): Dan Embree, The Chronicles of Rome (Woodbridge, Boydell, 1999). 161 Valentini & Zucchetti 1940–1953: III.77 and n. 2. 162 Weiland 1872: 399, 402. 163 Weiland 1872: 402. 164 Weiland 1872: 447–71. 165 Weiland 1872: 407. 166 Solace, Part I, ch. 19 (p. 90), ch. 27 (p. 310); Part II, ch. 3 (p. 150), ch. 26 (p. 228), ch. 43 (p. 282). 167 Nichols 1889/1986. For the Latin text of the oldest version of the Mirabilia (s. xii) see Valentini & Zucchetti 1940–1953: III.3–65. For a good summary account of the Mirabilia see Ross 1938: 312–16, also Fagiolo & Madonna 1984: 212–19.
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fact in a way that both embellishes the facts and undermines their credibility.168 The work, originally compiled c. 1140, possibly by one Benedict, a canon of San Pietro,169 and here called the Ur-Mirabilia, went through several recensions, so many that it has been dubbed a ‘multi-text’,170 and was still popular in the age of print.171 According to Urlichs and Jordan (both 1871) there were six or seven recensions, of which the Graphia Aureae Urbis is the second or third, probably a late work by Peter the Deacon (1107–1159) at Montecassino.172 The Graphia, offering a heightened sense of past Roman greatness independent of papal domination,173 is the text used by Martinus. The mid fourteenth-century recension by Nicolás Rosell, Cardinal of Aragon, was also very popular.174 Close analysis of the relevant portions of Capgrave’s text against the Mirabilia indicates that, while he took what is found in the Graphia from Martinus, he probably used a version of the Rosell recension, perhaps one with some additional text from earlier versions; Benson refers to what he calls a hybrid version,175 but in reality there were probably several. In Part I one detail in particular may be tell-tale. In ch. 7 what occurs as cimiterium Gordiani in the Ur-Mirabilia (Valentini & Zucchetti III.27) is omitted in the Graphia and comes out as cimiterium Concordianum in Rossell (Valentini & Zucchetti III.188/2), mimicked by Capgrave’s Cimiterium Concordianum. Other evidence from chs 3–9, 11–17, 20–22, generally corroborates this finding. Miedema, however, thought that Capgrave used a version of the Graphia; she also claims that chs 2 (gates), 18 (Septizodium) and 19 (Circus of Tarquinius Priscus) are based on the Mirabilia,176 but this claim underestimates Capgrave’s reliance 168 Kinney 2007: 238 and 252, citing Miedema 1996: 450. 169 So Louis Duchesne, ‘L’auteur des Mirabilia’, Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire 24 (1904), 479–89. Duchesne’s attribution has been questioned: see the review by Kinney 2007: 236–38 and 250. 170 By Benson 2009: 149, who borrowed the term from Ian M. Higgins, Writing East: The Travels of Sir John Mandeville (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997), viii. 171 As shown, for example, by the German block-book of c. 1475 repr. as Mirabilia urbis Romae; Indulgentiae ecclesiarum urbis Romae, ed. Rudolf Ehwald (Berlin, Reichsdruckerei, 1903); on this blockbook see Arthur M. Hind, An Introduction to a History of Woodcut with a detailed survey of work done in the fifteenth century (London, Constable, 1935), I.258–61. For a list of early printed Mirabilia see Oskar Pollak, Le Guide di Roma, ed. Ludwig Schudt (Vienna, Benno Filser, 1930), 185–96, 361. For an edition of the Graphia printed in 1480 see Ludwig Schudt ‘Zwei wenig bekannte Römische Stadtführer’, Kunstwissenschaftlices Jahrbuch der Görresgesellschaft, 1 (1928), 95–101, at 95–97. 172 C. Ludwig Urlichs, Codex Urbis Romae Topographicus (Würzburg, Stahel, 1871), 91–169; Heinrich Jordan, Topographie der Stadt Rom im Alterthum, vols I (in 3 parts) and II (Berlin, Weidmann, 1871– 1907), II.357–400, esp. 358–60 (on the Graphia). For the text of the Graphia see Valentini & Zucchetti 1940–1953: III.67–110. Herbert Bloch, ‘Der Autor der Graphia aureae urbis Romae’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 40 (1984), 55–175, argues that the compiler was Peter the Deacon (1107–1159), librarian at Montecassino. 173 For this view see Benson 1985: 351–55. 174 Valentini & Zucchetti 1940–1953: III.175–96. Cf. also Gustav Parthey, Mirabilia Romae. E Codicibus Vaticanis Emendata (Berlin, Friderici Nicolai, 1869). 175 Benson 2019: 41–42. 176 Miedema 1996: 362, n. 14, and 475.
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on Martinus Polonus, who himself drew on the Graphia. Her claim that Capgrave ‘tried to use the text [of the Mirabilia] as a guide-book’ and that he ‘must have had to walk through the entire city for each chapter of the text’ fails to appreciate the extent to which Capgrave wrote up his account from written sources,177 among which the Mirabilia was important. Another work not to be confused with the Mirabilia is the Narracio de Mirabilibus Urbis Romae by Master Gregory, an Englishman who was probably chancellor to the papal legate Otto of Tonengo visiting Rome in 1238, when he wrote an account of the city noting the principal monuments.178 It was used by Higden (d. 1364) for his Polychronicon; probably Higden had a copy (at Chester?) now lost, as only one manuscript presently survives, dating from the end of the thirteenth century: Cambridge, St Catherine’s College 3 (L v 87), fols 190–203.179 For his treatment of the nurturing of Romulus and Remus (Bk. I, ch. 1, pp. 23–25 below) Capgrave apparently drew on Master Gregory’s account of the courtesan Lupa ‘she-wolf ’ in ch. 32, using this name as an alternative for Acca Laurentia, wife of Faustulus, the shepherd who is said to have found Romulus and Remus and taken them in.180 His use of the unusual name Collatina for one of the gates of Rome also suggests knowledge of Gregory’s work.181 Godfrey of Viterbo was a chaplain and notary attached to the court of the Holy Roman Emperors Frederick I Barbarossa (1155–1190) and Henry VI the Cruel (1190–1197). Godfrey continually revised his works, and they survive in several recensions. After his death his autograph working copy, containing many inconsistencies, was used as an exemplar for copies that did not reflect Godfrey’s final intentions. Given these complications in the manuscript tradition it is perhaps unsurprising that his work, including the Pantheon, a universal history, has not been well edited.182 Recension C in 20 parts was published at Basle in 1559 with a dedicatory letter by Johannes Herold. Georg Waitz’s edition of Recension E in 33 parts for the Monumenta Germaniae Historica (1872) fails to take account 177 Miedema 1993: 206. 178 Richard Sharpe, A Handlist of the Latin Writers of Great Britain and Ireland before 1540 (Turnhout, Brepols, 1997), 154, no. 396, citing Josiah C. Russell, Dictionary of Writers of Thirteenth Century England (London, Longmans, Green, 1936), 40–41. See also Krautheimer 1980: 189–90. 179 For a description of the manuscript see Montague R. James, Catalogue of the Manuscripts in St Catharine’s College Cambridge (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1925), 10–12. Gregory’s work comprises a separate booklet consisting of Quires 17 and 18 (truncated); there are no marginal annotations, so no evidence of the manuscript having been used. For scribal errors in transcription see Osborne 1987: 2–3: an example is ‘Doloseum’ for recte ‘Coloseum’ on fol. 202v/1. The manuscript’s provenance is unknown until it came to St Catharine’s early in the eighteenth century. In his edition of Gregory’s work James notes the passages borrowed by Higden (1917: 532–36); they do not include ch. 32. 180 See Commentary, note to 12/29–14/4. 181 See Commentary, note to 24/9. 182 See Loren J. Weber, ‘The Historical Importance of Godfrey of Viterbo’, Viator 25 (1994), 153–95, at 179–91, and Maria E. Dorninger, Gottfried von Viterbo (Stuttgart, H-D. Heinz, 1997), chs 4.6, 4.7 and 4.9.
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or give indication of Godfrey’s revisions, and omits material that the editor did not consider sufficiently founded in fact. It is therefore difficult to know what Capgrave saw from which he drew information; cf. Commentary, note to I.11. Manuscripts of Recension C still surviving in England include OBL Laud misc. 721 (SC 1296), fols 1–336 (s. xv) and BL Royal MS 14 C.xi (s. xiv), which was at the Augustinian priory at Markby (Lincs). So it is possible that Capgrave read Godfrey in England. The only source reflecting a humanistic approach, desirous of preserving and renewing the classical past, was Domenico di Bandini of Arezzo’s Fons Memorabilium Universi, a monumental work, written s. xiiiex–s. xivin, comprising thirty-four books arranged in five parts; the books were issued separately so Capgrave may not have had access to all of it. Capgrave cites Domenico’s ‘De Montibus’ (Part IV, book 6) and the better known ‘De Viris Claris’ (Part V, book 1) amongst others. Despite the pioneering researches of Teresa Hankey (1957–1960) and the more recent efforts of Elda Merenda (2015) and Markus Schürer (2017), Domenico’s work has so far been only partially edited. Fuller access to it might well reveal further indebtedness on Capgrave’s part. Manuscripts of this work are exceedingly rare in England (CCC 78 has the ‘De Viris’ A–L) so it is possible that Capgrave made notes from Domenico’s opus while he was in Rome.183 Part II evidently drew inspiration and probably some content from the Indulgentiae, a list of churches with their relics and the indulgences available to those in attendance;184 as noted above this material was often joined on to copies of the Mirabilia. But Capgrave is less interested in indulgences per se than some other writers. The Stacyons of Rome, for example, focusses on the number and size of indulgences available, and such books were dubbed by Eamon Duffy ‘essentially trainspotter’s guides to the best and most powerful relics and indulgences’.185 For example, at San Giovanni in Laterano, Who-so comeþ to þe chapell of Ion baptyst That dere ys to Ihesu Cryste … Pope Boneface maketh hem clene Of all synnis þat þey in bene.
(358–65)
183 At Rome the Hospital of Holy Trinity and St Thomas, where Capgrave was visited while ill by William Gray, later to be bishop of Ely (see above, n. 113), had a copy of Domenico’s Laurea in arte dictaminis, albeit possibly acquired later than Capgrave’s convalescence, but its presence is suggestive (Ramsay & Willoughby 2009: SH64.141 on p. 279). 184 For the version pr. Valentini & Zucchetti under the title Memoriale de Mirabilibus et Indulgentiis quae in Urbe Romana existunt, see 1940–1953: IV.75–88. On the libri indulgentiae see Sumption 1975: 242–48, and Birch 1998: 179–80. 185 In Morris & Roberts 2002: 175.
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The Stacyons of Rome also focusses on the array of relics to be seen, Manye ys þe holy bone That unþur þe hyʒ awter ys done.
(163–64)
So little else seems to be of importance. In its account of San Pietro (25–101) indulgences are mentioned nine times. At Domine Quo Vadis? Capgrave mentions the stone cast of Christ’s foot then taken to San Sebastiano (III.7) commenting that Christ’s foot was rith large. But the Stacyons of Rome has to point out that Eche a day, a þowsand ʒer Of pardon þou may haue þer.
(264–65)
For every day’s visit one thousand years of remission from absolved sin is granted; in a variant version it is forty thousand years. Evidently whatever Capgrave may have taken from libri indulgentiae he did not want to convey their spirit of wishful hopefulness. On the contrary, as he states is his account of SS Giovanni e Paolo (II.10): In þis cherch is ful grete indulgens þat day, but we þink best at þis tyme to telle sumwhat of þe lyf of þese seyntes and whi þei were dede, as we cast us forto do of alle othir.
For his accounts of the station churches Capgrave’s preferred method was to say something about the saint of the dedication or another that was considered to be relevant. Even though there were only thirteen years of persecution of Christians during three centuries of Roman empire, an emphasis on martyrs was characteristically used by Christian writers to bolster and augment faith.186 Most of these passiones existed in multiple manuscripts (often 200+ now survive) but sometimes, where manuscripts of works he apparently drew on were scarce in England (as far as we know), he may have read up on a subject in Rome. In II.16 Capgrave mentions a Passionarium or Martyrology Collection that was not to hand, but its absence on that occasion may imply that in most cases it was available. For modern printed editions of these saints’ lives we have still to use the Acta Sanctorum or Mombritius, which, useful as they are, do not provide modern scholarly editions. Michael Lapidge has noted that ‘of all the passiones translated in [his Roman Martyrs (2018)] the Passio S. Anastasiae is the only one which can be read in a reliable critical edition’ (Moretti 2006). While sources for Capgrave’s accounts can be posited, if modern critical editions were available it might be possible in the future (if, for example, an idiosyncratic feature of Capgrave’s text
186 Cf Nixey 2017: 58.
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matched something very similar in a source variant)187 to sometimes identify an actual manuscript of the source that he used. He might even have annotated such a manuscript, and since his handwriting is known such an annotation could be identified as his. But this is hardly feasible at present. Another important source for saints’ lives is Jacobus de Voragine’s Legenda Aurea (c. 1265), a compilation of up to 182 chapters dealing with saints’ lives and important liturgical feast-days in the order of the Church calendar. This work was enormously popular and there were many manuscripts in circulation. The texts varied somewhat because Voragine made adjustments during his working life, so the manuscripts include many variations. At the end of his brief account of St Nicholas (II.39) Capgrave says Many oþir þingis ded he whech are customable in þis lond to be rehersid both in Latyn and in Englisch.
Whether this means that he also knew an English version, the Gilte Legende, is moot, but his spelling of proper names suggests that his primary source was the Latin text. Capgrave used the Legenda Aurea for a number of saints’ lives, as St George (II.9), St Plautilla (II.36), St Nicholas (II.39), St John the Evangelist (II.46), St Gregory (II.54), as well for the stories of the removal of the body of St Stephen from Jerusalem to Rome (II.6), the make-up of the Cross in four sections (II.52), the finding of the true Cross (II.33), and the creation of the hymn Gloria, laus et honor ‘Glory, laud and honour’ (II.47). All these sources used by Capgrave were written in Latin. Yet we know that elsewhere Capgrave drew on vernacular works. Karen Winstead has shown that in his Life of St Katharine he was influenced by Chaucerian strategies and writing practices.188 Although there are apparently no indications of Chaucerian influence in the Solace of Pilgrimes Capgrave does cite one vernacular source: Þe Geestis of Grete Alisaundre in Book I, chapter 12. Now known as the Wars of Alexander,189 this poem is the longest of the alliterative versions of the Middle English Alexander Romances. Originating in the north-west Midlands probably towards the middle of the period 1350–1450 it survives now in only two manuscripts, both showing an overlay of linguistic features characteristic of Northumberland. It has been described as ‘a spirited translation of the I3a Historia de Preliis’,190 which
187 An example of such an idiosyncratic feature might be the bizarre statement at the end of II.27 where the Latin source says that martyrs’ bodies were translated to the cemetery of Pontianus, but Capgrave’s text says that the martyrs appeared to Ponciane. 188 Karen A Winstead, ‘John Capgrave and the Chaucer Tradition’, Chaucer Review 30 (1996), 389–400. 189 Ed Duggan & Turville-Petre 1989. 190 Cary, Medieval Alexander, ed. Ross 1967: 242. Cf. Turville-Petre 1977: 94–104.
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follows its source with considerable faithfulness. Capgrave may also have known the prose Life of Alexander found in the Thornton manuscript. Christianity and the Pagan Past Most cities could be described with paeans of praise in an encomium urbis. Rome did not really fit into this mould because there was both an old Rome, whose splendour was manifest but faded, and the new Rome, which was the hub of the Church.191 Capgrave’s attitude to classical Rome is much as might be expected from his sources. The Mirabilia has been described as ‘a sort of palimpsest with one civilization written over the other’,192 and Capgrave both adopts and adapts this approach. Unlike Margery Kempe, who excluded from her narrative what was available for her to see and record, concentrating on her spiritual enlightenment, Capgrave is, as Sarah Salih has noted,193 ‘a constant, if understated, presence, a visible guide’. For example in his treatment of the story of Romulus and Remus, the founders of Rome, Capgrave gives no credence to the myth of their divine origin (from the god Mars) but rather indicates that they were born illegitimately to the vestal virgin Rhea, who should have known and behaved better, so their background is certainly not admirable. In the ensuing account of their growing up in the house of the shepherd Faustulus, again the situation is muddied by confusing Faustulus’s wife Acca Laurentia with the courtesan Lupa ‘She-Wolf ’, so that Romulus and Remus are not the product of an ideal family upbringing.194 In this way the founders of ancient Rome are slightly tainted. Classical Rome is not just faded, but tarnished from its very beginnings. By contrast Jesus Christ really was the son of God and was given a good family upbringing by Mary and Joseph. This theme continues throughout the work. While the Mirabilia tries to record Rome’s former glory: Quantae etiam essent pulchritudinis auri et argenti, aeris et eboris pretiosorumque lapidum, scriptis ad posterum memoriam, quanto melius potuimus, reducere curavimus. ‘In writing we have tried as well as we could to bring back to the human memory [of those who come afterwards] how great was their beauty in gold, silver, brass, ivory and precious stones’,195
191 Cf. Krautheimer 1980: 199–202. 192 Brentano 1990: 79–80. 193 Salih 2005: 325, 328. 194 For this analysis cf. Grossi 2004: 64–68. 195 Latin text from Valentini & Zucchetti 1940–1953:, III.65. English translation from Nichols 1986: 46.
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Capgrave tends to say of ancient monuments: But þis werk … and many moo is distroyed … be chaunge onto bettir use.196 So a whole chapter in Book I (ch. 10) is devoted to dyuers templis of fals goddis turnyd to seruyse of seyntis, as, for example, Minerues Temple, whech is clepid goddesse of wisdom, is now turned into a cherch of Our Ladi. Again (ch. 8) þe temple of þe fals feyned god of batayle [Mars] is turned onto a memorial of trewe fiteres for Our Lord Jhesu, whech wold rather deye þan forsake his feith. The landmarks of imperial Rome were transformed, even redeemed, through the coming of Christianity;197 this was official policy.198 Christian Rome is better than pagan Rome. Indeed, as noted by Joseph Grossi, the very structure of Capgrave’s work, one part pagan and two parts Christian, ‘implies Christianity’s easy victory over paganism’ (2004: 64). According to Capgrave Rome’s inhabitants needed to be reminded of the spiritual progress they should have made. And for þe Romanes sey þat þei ferd neuir weel ne neuyr stood in prosperité sith Cristendam cam, þerfor wil I schewe hem þat oþir naciones conquered hem longe before Crist was incarnate.199
Capgrave uses logic to refute the Roman view that he claims to have found prevalent. Classical Rome was defeated before Christianity arrived, so the Romans should recognize that Christ did not bring defeat (that had already happened), rather Christ brought redemption. Referring to the story of how the Capitol was saved from being overrun by Celtic invaders by a honking gander waking up the guards, he cites the Church Father Ambrose as saying onto Rome þat þei were more bounde to do worchep onto her gees þann to her goddis for þe gandyr was wakyng and warned hem whann her goddis slept (I.11, pp. 56–58). By implication the Roman gods were so useless that the Romans worshipped a goose instead. To complete the argument Capgrave finds the statue of the goose with its head broken off. On other occasions Capgrave finds the Romans uncooperative in imparting information: þe dwelleres are wroth anon if men ask ony questiones (III.6). When they do he argues with their opinion. At the Septizodium (I.18) Capgrave learns that The Romanes sey þat þei dwelt þer, þe seuene wise men whech þei clepe þe seuene sages. We rede þat þere were seuene wise men in Grece whos names be redy in
196 Solace I.11, p. 54 below. Similarly at I.21 (p. 94 below) regarding the Meta Romuli. 197 Cf. Summit 2000: 223–28. 198 As recorded by Krautheimer 1980: 36–37: ‘In 408 a decree provided that all temples were to be put to new, presumably secular, use. At the same time, these very decrees and others, ever repeated, enjoined the authorities to protect the temples as public monuments [so that, even while] paganism had been eliminated [they] remained as witnesses of a great past [indicating] the might of the city and the empire she once ruled.’ 199 Solace I.11, p. 56 below.
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cronicles … But þese men leued not all at ones at o tyme … To þis sey þe Romanes þat þis place was mad for oþir seuene, but þei haue not her names rydyly. Wherfor I ʒeue no grete credens to þis tale, for þis cause, namely for all þe grete clerkis of Rome for þe most party had places of her owne.
If there was unwritten guidance that when in doubt a visitor should ask a local, Capgrave refutes it utterly. Romans are unreliable. This view partially echoes that of Master Gregory from the beginning of the thirteenth century. Whereas Master Gregory derided the views of both Romans and foreign pilgrims,200 Capgrave’s disdain is reserved for the Romans only. In 1996 Cristina Nardella compared Capgrave’s descriptions of the classical buildings of Rome with those by Master Gregory, finding Gregory’s approach protohumanistic and Capgrave’s medieval.201 Such a conclusion is predicated on Gregory’s focus on the classical as opposed to the ecclesiastical buildings, which occupied by far the larger part of Capgrave’s work (even more so when the extent of the part lost at the end is realized). Although Capgrave dedicated works to the famous bibliophile, Humfrey, duke of Gloucester, whose taste was apparently for new humanist texts,202 there is little in Capgrave’s extensive oeuvres to suggest a humanistic approach, such as that exhibited by Flavio Biondi of Forli’s De Roma instaurata (1444–1448).203 When the humanist Poggio Bracciolini surveyed the Capitol in 1431 he noted that what was caput quondam Romani imperii atque orbis terrarum arcem, quem omnes reges et principes tremebant […] ac uniuerso orbi spectandum, adeo desolatum atque euersum et a priori illo aureo immutatum204 ‘once the head of the Roman empire and triumphal citadel of the earth, at which every king and chieftain trembled, […] this spectacle of the world has become desolate and ruined and above all changed from its golden era’.
200 Master Gregory, tr. Osborne, chs 4 and 27 on pp. 20 and 33. 201 Nardella (1996: 49–64) cites Capgrave’s work in Italian translation. For Master Gregory’s work see James 1917, Rushworth 1919, Valentini & Zucchetti 1940–1953: III.137–67, Huygens 1970, and Osborne 1987. 202 David Rundle has argued that ‘the claims for the duke’s appreciation of humanist writings are fragile’, that Humfrey ‘served the purpose of a hat-stand on which [the humanists] could hang their preoccupations and aspirations’, in his ‘On the Difference between Virtue and Weiss: Humanist Texts in England during the Fifteenth Century’, in Courts, Counties and the Capital in the Later Middle Ages, ed. Diana E. S. Dunn (Stroud, Sutton, 1996), 181–203, at 191, 197, and see p. 194. See also G. L. Harriss in ODNB, s.n. Humphrey, duke of Gloucester. 203 Henry (2013: 736–44) drew attention to the humanistic tenor of Capgrave’s dedicatory preface of his commentary In Exodum to Duke Humfrey, in contrast to his dedicatory preface to his commentary In Genesim, a work presented to Duke Humfrey on an earlier occasion. For slightly later works of a humanistic approach see Murray 1972. 204 Poggio Bracciolini, De varietate Fortunae, ed. Outi Merisalo (Helsinki, Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, 1993), I.254 ff.
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His reaction was to make an inventory of what remained to be seen so as to recreate in his imagination the bridges, arches, temples, baths, theatres, columns, walls and gates of ancient Rome, and Biondi described them even more systematically.205 Capgrave’s response was different. In the Solace his disapproval of the heathen antecedents to Christianity is as clear as his total devotion to the faith.206 The ancient Romans took euyrmore heed at temperall joyes þan goostly.207 Capgrave disapproved of Nero’s alledged practice of killing a pregnant woman and disembowelling her to make the devil appear: Blessed be Jhesu þat hath turned Cristen mennys hertis þat not only þei be aferd forto doo swech dedis but eke it is horrible onto hem forto here þerof.208
As for the bridge called Neroniane I hope it be falle down for we may ʒet se þe steppes of him and many moo þat stood sumtyme and now are falle.209 So low was Capgrave’s opinion of Nero that he presumed (or wished?) that the bridge that bore his name would have fallen down by the time of writing. His viewpoint is unashamedly partisan. He is utterly convinced that he is right. He reports that the Romans said that Octavian (later Augustus) made all peoples subject to Rome, but Capgrave says Christ did so.210 Impressed by the Sybil Tiburtina’s prophecy of Christ as Saviour of mankind Capgrave offers the following pronouncement: Here may men se þat befor Cristis birth were ful goode and holy creatures, nowt only in þe Jewis lawe, whech was ʒoue be Moyses, but eke amongis þe hethen men, as Romanes wer, dwelt sum folk whech be uery inspiracioun of God had þis undirstandyng, þat þei knew weel þere was no god but on, maker of heuene and erde, þei knewe eke þat þoo mawmentis sperd in templis had no part of deité as þe puple supposed, but al was errour and mysbeleue.211
The Pantheon before it became a Christian church was þe grete temple of fals goddis.212 His faith is such that he is credulous of supposed miracles. When there were problems in raising the pillars at Santa Maria Maggiore the foreman had a dream that he would be able to raise them with the help of three children, and so it transpired: 205 For the humanist attitude and response to seeing ancient Rome in ruins see Angelo Mazzocco, ‘Petrarca, Poggio, and Biondo: Humanism’s Foremost Interpreters of Roman Ruins’, in Francis Petrarch. Six Centures Later: A Symposium, ed. Aldo D. Scaglione (Chapel Hill, 1975), 353–63. 206 For some qualification of this view see Salih 2019: 130–31. 207 Solace, Part I, ch. 6 (p. 40 below). 208 Solace, Part I, ch. 10 (p. 50 below). 209 Solace, Part I, ch. 3 (p. 26 below). 210 Solace, Part I, ch. 16 (p. 78 below). 211 Solace, Part I, ch. 16 (p. 78 below). 212 Solace, Part II, ch. 43 (p. 282 below).
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Here may men se þat edifacacion of swech houses in erde plesith þe seyntis in heuene, and þat may we know be þis tokne whan þei hemselue wil send help þertoo.213
The focus on Christian Rome and its churches is primary. Very little of contemporary city life, commercial or otherwise, emerges from Capgrave’s account.214 In his account of Mount Testaccio he notes a spring carnival where Romans are redy with speris forto gore pigs as they are released down the hill, and summe men hurt, and summe dede. Such street life met with Capgrave’s disapproval: a ful onlikly game me þoutʒ it was.215 Elsewhere he notes what may have been a Passion Play held on Good Friday at Santa Croce in Gerusalemme: Before þe ʒate of Seynt Cruces stand þre crosses on whech þe passioun of Our Lord is ensaumpled on Good Fryday with mech oþir circumstauns.216
But this detail of an event in the city is more about Christian life than Roman life. In the same church there is a restriction on the entry of women into the chapel of St Helena (called ‘Jerusalem’): they can enter only on 20 March, the vigil of St Benedict, the day the chapel was consecrated. Capgrave dismisses many lewed causes for this custom and posits his own. Any pilgrim to Rome knows that women love to go on pilgrimages (we think of Chaucer’s Wife of Bath) and touch and kisse euery holy relik. Places like the chapel of St Helena being very cramped for space, they are likely to be dangerous for a sick or pregnant woman, so for that reason, Capgrave supposes, they are banned. Again this is Church custom rather than Roman practice per se. Such moments are so few that David Benson complains that ‘the contemporary city […] resembles an abandoned film set whose actors and technicians have long since departed, leaving only the residue of their stale drama’,217 and Jennifer Summit complains that the Solace, like the Mirabilia, produces ‘a kind of history without people’.218 This is to criticise Capgrave for failing to provide what he did not set out to provide. Much as Benson, and indeed others, might prefer it if Capgrave had included the razzamatazz of street life, he rather set out to provide a sober commentary on the ancient monuments, major churches and the Lenten stations. In calling his work a solace Capgrave indicates what the reader is to expect. In so far as the author wrote the work for his own benefit it is coumfort onto our deuocion þat whan we rede of hem [holy places] we
213 Solace, Part II, ch. 50 (p. 302 below). 214 Cf. Benson 2009: 153. 215 Solace, Part I, ch. 14 (p. 102 below). 216 Solace, Part II, ch. 5 (p. 152 below) 217 Benson 2009: 153. On p. 161 Benson notes that the Stacyons of Rome makes the city appear even ‘more deserted and inanimate’ than Capgrave. 218 Summit 2000: 239.
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may remembre þat we sey hem.219 But the Middle English word solace means more than ‘comfort’ and includes the sense ‘entertainment’, as indicated in the work itself in Part I, ch. 5, where pleyis or wrestilingis in a Roman theatre are described as exercises of myth or of solace.220 Nevertheless, while the work is decidedly more serious than amusing, it is also informative and in its own way pleasing and, for those with an amenable disposition, enjoyable. Despite the bookishness of its conception, Capgrave’s Solace derives much charm and immediacy from its testimony of what the author saw with his own eyes. He refers to the colossus of Nero as god of the Sun and ʒet stant it þere.221 Amongst the many bread-ovens at San Lorenzo in Panisperna Capgrave picks out the one in which St Lawrence was roasted, whech ouene lesteth þere at þis tyme.222 At Santa Maria in Aracoeli on the site of the Roman citadel he notes down a vers whech I red þere.223 In Santa Cecilia in Trastévere he finds the sarcophagi of the saint, her husband, her brother, and Pope Urban I, as manifest writyng is þere in tablettis.224 At San Paolo fuori le Mura he saw the San Paolo Bible, a fayr Carolingian manuscript which he considered ful wel arayed.225 On the way to San Lorenzo fuori le Mura he records walking betwix heggis and uynes.226 Santa Anastasia he finds a fayr cherch fast be Seynt Georges, but it is but seldom used as I suppose:227 it was restored some twenty-five years later, in 1475. Of San Vitale he says, A ful desolate place it is and al in ruine, as þere be many moo.228 At San Giovanni in Laterano he records þe uery story of þese toknes as I lerned þere.229 In the same church he counted the number of steps on the Scala Santa (28), an exercise he also carried out at Santa Maria in Aracoeli.230 He often noted the position of some important feature in relation to his movement in or out of the relevant church. The tomb of the martyred pope St Stephen I in San Sebastiano lay be þat dore þat goth to Rome.231 As he entered San Giovanni in Laterano, a ful solempne place as Capgrave found it, whan we come fro Sebastianes [church, the subject of
219 Solace, Part I, ch. 8 (p. 46 below). 220 Solace, Part I, ch. 5 (p. 38 below). 221 Solace, Part I, ch. 14 (p. 72 below). 222 Solace, Part II, ch. 16 (p. 198 below). 223 Solace, Part I, ch. 16 (p. 80 below). 224 Solace, Part II, ch. 22 (p. 216 below). 225 Solace, Part II, ch. 2 (p. 134 below). 226 Solace, Part II, ch. 6 (p. 154 below). 227 Solace, Part II, ch. 14 (p. 192 below). 228 Solace, Part II, ch. 24 (p. 222 below). 229 i.e., the true explanation of the presence of this image: Solace, Part II, ch. 4 (p. 146 below). 230 Solace, Part II, ch. 4 (p. 148 below), and Part I, ch. 16 (p. 82 below). In the latter instance there are now 124 rather than the 128 steps counted by Capgrave, but the difference may be the result of some reconstruction of the lower level when building the Victor Emmanuel monument. 231 Solace, Part II, ch. 3 (p. 136 below).
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the previous chapter] we entre a hous cleped Seynt Gregoryes librarie.232 Inside the church the font in which the Emperor Constantine was supposedly baptized was situated in a litil chapell on þe rith hand as we come in, gratid all with tymbir.233 The tomb of the patrician founder of Santa Maria Maggiore is fast be þe dore þat goth to Seynt Antonye [Sant’Antonio Abate].234 Santi Quattro Coronati stands on a hill on þe rith hand as we goo to Seyn Jon Lateranensis from Santa Croce in Gerusalemme (the subject of the preceding chapter), a statement that is is topographically accurate as well as providing good continuity from one chapter to the next.235 Leaving Santi Giovanni e Paolo, on þe oþir side as we go forth to þe Collisé was the Temple of Claudius.236 Modern commentators have remarked on the great accuracy of Capgrave’s observations;237 he was ‘an astute observer’.238 Despite three minor topographical errors noted by Mills, such as leading the Via Ardeatina from the Porta Maggiore (recte the Porta San Paolo),239 Capgrave evidently took considerable pains to be accurate. At the beginning of Part III, ch. 9, on Santa Maria Liberatrice (on the site of Santa Maria Antiqua) he wrote There is a place fast be Seynt Georges entitiled eke onto our Lady, but the words fast be Seynt Georges entitiled eke have been expuncted, and (with the exception of entitiled eke) rightly so, as the church is not adjacent to San Giorgio in Velabro.240 On two occasions his curiosity was frustrated. He records his dismay at the Catacombs that þe moost part of þese be now desolat and onknowen nowt only to pilgrymes but eke onto hem þat haue be þere all her lyue.241 At Santa Maria in Traspontina his efforts to get an explanation for the name ‘Transpodium’ came to nothing because þe dwelleres ar wroth anon if men ask ony questiones, thereby ensuring that their churlish unhelpfulness is recorded for all posterity.242 His scrupulousness for the accuracy of information is shown in the chapter on San Giovanni in Laterano, where he notes the two pillars flanking the altar displaying the skulls of Saints Peter and Paul: Summe men sey þat þoo wer þe pileres þat Hiram mad to Salamon, as þe þirde book of Kyngis make[th] mynde [1 Kgs 7.15–22], but þis beleue I nowt, for þat descripcioun whech is mad in þe book of Regum accordith rith nowt with þe schap of þese pileres.243 232 Solace, Part II, ch. 4 (p. 142). 233 Solace, Part I, ch. 23 (p. 100 below). 234 Solace, Part II, ch. 7 (p. 164 below). 235 Solace, Part II, ch. 34 (p. 256 below). 236 Solace, Part II, ch. 10 (p. 176 below). 237 Mills, Solace, p. viii; Parkes 1954: 596–99. Cp. also Harvey 1993: 62–65. 238 Gaston 1983: 148. 239 Mills, Solace, p. 9, n. 3, p. 10, n. 2, and p. 12, n. 1. 240 Solace, Part III, ch. 9 (p. 344 below). 241 Solace, Part I, ch. 7 (p. 44 below). 242 Solace, Part III, ch. 6 (p. 334 below). 243 Solace, Part II, ch. 4 (p. 146 below).
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Detailed visual descriptions anticipating the Baedeker mode are rare,244 but two passages are notable in this respect. Capgrave’s accounts of the Baths of Diocletian records that þis Diocleciane mad þer a ful solempne paleys: þe wallis and archis and many uoutis stand at þis day. Ther were housis undir þe ground rennyng with kunditis of cold watir wher lordis refreschid hem in somyr for þe sunne is passing hote þere. Ther wer houses eke aboue þe ground in whech runne hot cunditis and þere abiden þe lordis in cold wedir. This paleys was gret and occupied mech lond.245
The second passage of detailed description is of the thirteenth-century picture of the Madonna on the high altar of Santa Maria del Popolo: The fayrest jewel þer is a ymage of our Lady depeynted of Seynt Luk: it is but half a ymage fro þe naule upward in a blew mantell ribaned with white and gold enterfered, þe uisage of it large and brood, and þe mantell þrow ouyr hir hed, in hir left hand hir child clad in red.246
It is probably no coincidence that both of these passages describe features that were in or very near churches run by the Austin friars (the Baths of Diocletian are adjacent to Santa Susanna), where Capgrave would have had more time and opportunity to study and make notes about them away from the crowds. In some churches and monuments, where modifications since Capgrave’s day have been minimal, it is still possible to test the accuracy of his observations at first hand. To give just three examples. In Santa Maria Maggiore he remarks appropriately that the decoration is costful, … specialy in the pauyment, which is Cosmatesque of c. 1150.247 Near San Marcello he saw the Column of Marcus Aurelius, and þis piler, whech is a gret hy þing, and round, mad of dyuers stones, was grauyn— and ʒit it apperith mech þer— of all þe stories of þe batail of Troye.248 In Santa Prassede he saw a pes of þat piler to whech Crist was scorgid. It is a metʒerd of length þe fairest blew marbill þat ony man may se;249 it is still there. In Anglo-Saxon times an Englishman in Rome would have been awe-struck by the size and number of stone buildings, and he would have considered them as 244 For some account of the growth and development of guide-books in the early modern period see E. S. de Beer, ‘The Development of the Guide-Book until the Early Nineteenth Century’, Journal of the British Archaeological Association III.15 (1952), 35–46. 245 Solace, Part II, ch. 32 (p. 250 below). 246 Solace, Part III, ch. 8 (pp. 340–42 below). 247 Solace, Part II, ch. 7 (p. 162 below). 248 Solace, Part II, ch. 43 (p. 282 below). The Column is 145 feet high overall, and is carved with scenes showing Marcus Aurelius’s victories over the Germani (lower parts of the relief ) and the Sarmatiani, not the Trojan wars, as Capgrave thought. 249 Solace, Part II, ch. 48 (p. 298 below).
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giganta geweorc ‘the work of giants’. By the fifteenth century much had changed in England and Capgrave would have been familiar with large Gothic cathedrals in London, where he lived between 1417 and 1422, and elsewhere. Nevertheless he was impressed, and it shows. He noted that the Obelisk of the Vatican was made all of o ston, and was a grete merueyle for to behold.250 He saw walls covered with mosaics of ful meruelous werk, … as men may ʒet se in dyuers cherches in Rome,251 some of which do not now survive.252 The portico of the Pantheon is made with pileres of marbil so hye and so grete þat it is merueil forto se and forto þink who þei myth be caried or lift up.253 Similarly, with regard to the Septizodium it is merueil who þo heuy pileres of marbil myth be caried up so hy.254 Still at the Pantheon, it is a round hous withoute piler and þat of so grete widnesse and so grete heith þat it is wondir who þei myth rere it.255 As noted already the steps up to Santa Maria in Aracoeli are þe fayrest greces of white marbil þat be in þe world.256 Again, as noted already, at Santa Prassede the section of the column to which Christ was tied for scourging was þe fairest blew marbill þat ony man may se.257 Santa Maria Maggiore Capgrave considered a fayr house, large and plesaunt to þe sith.258 The chapel known as Domine Quo Vadis? (attached to Santa Maria in Palmis) is a praty litil cherch, and Santa Maria del Popolo is a fayr litil place. What impressed Capgrave most were evidently the kinds of things he had not seen before, such as a domed building (the Pantheon) without any central support, columns made of a single piece of stone of great height and thickness, and intricate mosaic decorative work. He was sufficiently aware of these differences between the Roman experience and the more limited experience of a reader back home in England to try to explain things in terms that would be more immediately accessible to his audience. When Remus was slain with a gardener’s two-pronged fork Capgrave explains that the Romans used such implements (rather than the spades used in England) to turne her lond.259 The walls in Rome stand strong and hy for þe most part as touris be in Inglond.260 As he explains, Rome has amphitheatres (in the round) swech as we haue her in þis lond (Capgrave was perhaps thinking 250 Solace, Part I, ch. 9 (p. 48 below). 251 Solace, Part I, ch. 11 (p. 54 below). 252 For example, the façade of Santa Prassede was covered with mosaics in Capgrave’s time: Kessler and Zacharias 2000: 108. 253 Solace, Part I, ch. 15 (p. 76 below). The columns are in fact of red or grey granite, 41 feet high and 14.75 feet in circumference. 254 Solace, Part I, ch. 18 (p. 88 below). 255 Solace, Part III, ch. 1 (p. 322 below). 256 Solace, Part I, ch. 16 (p. 82 below). 257 Solace, Part II, ch. 48 (p. 298 below). 258 Solace, Part II, ch. 7 (p. 162 below). 259 Solace, Part I, ch. 1 (p. 14 below). 260 Solace, Part I, ch. 2 (p. 18 below).
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LXXIII
of St Albans), but also seven semi-circular theatres.261 Roman bridges are not that spectacular: þei be not ful longe as othir citees haue, for þei passe not four or fif arches; þe watir is dep but not rith brood.262 His experience of London and the Ouse estuary is no doubt relevant here and that of the port of Lynn emerges in his description of one of the nails used to fix Christ to the Cross as a grete boistous þing of too handful long with a gret heed lich a schip nayl.263 In his account of the station for Easter Day (II.54) he notes a difference in the liturgical practice of the mass between Roman and English usage: þe qwer saide all þre Agnus Dei with Miserere nobis and not with Dona nobis pacem [on the third occasion] as we do.264 To criticise Capgrave, even implicitly, for failing to have a concern for classical heritage is to miss the mark. His profound commitment to his faith is probably the most prevalent aspect of the author’s attitude to what he saw. He religiously records the presence of saints’, such as their heads or arms, as in San Giovanni in Laterano, San Paolo fuori le Mura, and San Nicola in Carcere.265 Here he is reflecting the spirit of his time: the relics were in a sense alive, resurrected like Christ they were there to be seen and were able to bestow blessings and provide a source of hope for the pious. But in Santa Maria in Trastévere he becomes inspired by the theme of the oil of mercy, and gives us what amounts to a sermon on the subject: This is our byleue he preaches.266 Indeed his general approach is to telle sumwhat of þe lyf of þese seyntes and whi þei were dede rather than dwell on the efficacy of their relics.267 On non-doctrinal matters he could be open-minded, or opt for the safety of non-commitment. Whether the Emperor Macrinus was called Martinus or not and whether he died in England or Rome: all þis leue I to discusse amonges þe rederis of þis book.268 As to when the bodies of Saints Peter and Paul were translated to San Sebastiano, because it touchith not þe articles of oure feith þerfor may men chese what party þei wil.269 On the subject of St George, patron saint of England, Amongis studious men is meuyd þis doute: whi þat þe region of Ynglond hath þis seynt in so special reuerens þat þei make him a principal capteyn in her batayles and trost upon him moost aftir God. Many þingis haue I herd in þis mater but of non auctorité and þerfor wil I leue it rith as I fynde.270
261 Solace, Part I, ch. 5 (p. 38 below). 262 Solace, Part I, ch. 3 (p. 28 below). 263 Solace, Part II, ch. 5 (p. 150 below). 264 Solace, Part II, ch. 54 (p. 314 below). 265 Solace, Part II, ch. 4 (pp. 144–46), ch. 36 (p. 262 below), ch. 39 (p. 272 below). 266 Solace, Part II, ch. 23 (p. 220 below). Similarly Benson (2009: 167–68) notes that Capgrave is more interested in the lives of the saints than their relics. 267 Solace, Part II, ch. 10 (p. 176 below). 268 Solace, Part I, ch. 27 (p. 106 below). 269 Solace, Part II, ch. 3 (p. 140 below). 270 Solace, Part II, ch. 9 (p. 172 below).
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He asks the question, but offers no answer. But when the matter relates to a subject that, while not an article of faith, touches on the manner of devotion to that faith, he bows to authority or ancient wisdom. On St George, again, he evidently noticed the paucity of evidence about him, But for þat þei at þat tyme [Council of Nicaea, 325] whech wer faderes of þe Cherch anoumbered him amongis þe holy martires þerfor may we suppose ueryly þat mech whech we rede þat he ded or suffered was soth.
At Santa Croce in Gerusalemme he notes þat a grete partye of þe crosse is schewid, and because þat in many cuntrés of þe world ar schewid peses of þe holy crosse, and men haue merueyle who swech a tre schuld extend himselue into so many partes, eke as grete merueyle haue þei þat þo peses be not lich, for summe haue o colour and summe haue anoþir, þese doutis of þese men causen me to declare here þis matere. As for þe first I rede in þe Lif of Seint Heleyne þat, whan sche had founde þe crosse, sche mad certeyn peses to be cut of, and þoo brout sche to Rome to hir son with many oþir relikes, so þat it semeth þe tre was grete and myth be dyuyded into many partes. I rede alsoo in elde bokes þat whan a pese was cut fro þis tree þe tre grewe agayn onto þe same quantité it was before. God our Lord hath multiplied so many dyuers þingis in þis world and it is lesse merueile þouʒ he werk þe same maner in þat tre whech was intrument of our sauacioun. As touching þe oþir mater of dyuers colouris of þis tre ʒe schal undirstand þat þe crosse was mad of foure sundry trees, þat is to sey palme, cedre, cipresse and olyue. … Her haue we expressid þe parties of þe crosse as we myth. If ony man haue sey ferþer in þis mater we grucch not þow our sentens be leid beside and bettir be receiued.271
Similarly, when Capgrave ventures an opinion on whether, when Christ appeared to Peter on his way from Rome (as a result of which Peter returned to Rome to be crucified), Christ was present in body, he says he thinks he was, but if þis posicion be onyþing ageyn þe feith or ageyn scriptur I wil gladly reuoke it.272 Learned theologian and biblical scholar that he was, and Capgrave wrote theological commentaries on practically every book in the Bible, such that he can be called a latter-day Church Father,273 he still reserved his position in case someone in authority disputed it.
271 Solace, Part II, ch. 52 (p. 310 below). 272 Solace, Part III, ch. 7 (p. 338 below). 273 See Lucas 1997: 13, 310–14.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Primary Sources Manuscripts of The Solace of Pilgrimes Oxford Bodleian Library: MS Bodley 423E (SC 2322E), fols 355–414, Capgrave’s holograph, missing some leaves. All Souls College: MS 17, fols i–ii, pp. 221–24, fragment written by a copyist and rejected by the author. Balliol College: MS 190, fols 116–19, fragment written by the same copyist as All Souls 17 and rejected by the author.
For the relationship between the holograph and the rejected copy see Lucas, Peter J., ‘A Fifteenth-Century Copyist at Work under Authorial Scrutiny: An Incident from Capgrave’s Scriptorium’, ch. 5 in Lucas, From Author to Audience.
Secondary Sources Rome and Travel to Rome Bale, Anthony, & Sebastian Sobecki, Medieval English Travel: A Critical Anthology (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2019). No extract from Capgrave. Barker, Ethel R., Rome of the Pilgrims and Martyrs (London, Methuen, 1913). Benson, C. David, ‘The Dead and the Living: Some Medieval Descriptions of the Ruins and Relics of Rome known to the English’, in Urban Space in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Age, ed. A. Classen (Berlin, De Gruyter, 2009), 147–82. Benson, C. David, Imagined Romes: The Ancient City and its Stories in Middle English Poetry (University Park, PA, Pennsylvania State University Press, 2019), esp. Pt. I. Benson, Robert L., ‘Political Renovatio: Two Models from Roman Antiquity’, in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, ed. Robert L. Benson & Giles Constable (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1985), 339–86. Bertelli, Carlo, ‘Appunti sugli Affreschi nella Cappella Carafa alla Minerva’, Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 35 (1965), 115–30. Includes details of fresco by Lippi showing old position of statue of Marcus Aurelius.
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Brentano, Robert, Rome before Avignon (London, Longman, 1974). Brezzi, Paolo, ‘Holy Years in the Economic Life of the City of Rome’, Journal of European Economic History 3 (1975), 673–90. Caldwell, Dorigen & Lesley Caldwell, Rome: Continuing Encounters between Past and Present (Farnham, Ashgate, 2011). Christie, Neil, From Constantine to Charlemagne: An Archaeology of Italy, ad 300–800 (Aldershot, Ashgate, 2006), esp. pp. 156–64 on Relics and Pilgrims. Colonna di Stigliano, Fabio, ‘Il Giubileo di Nicolò V e la Catastrofe di Ponte S. Angelo’, Roma: Rivista di Studi e di Vita Romana 2 (1924), 36–46. von Döllinger, John J. I., Fables respecting the Popes of the Middle Ages, tr. Alfred Plummer (London, Rivingtons, 1871). D’Onofrio, Cesare, Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento: La Città degli Umanisti (Rome, Romano società editrice, 1989). Egger, Hermann, Codex Escurialensis: Ein Skizzenbuch aus der Werkstatt Domenico Ghirlandaios, 2 vols (Vienna, Hölder, 1905–1906). Sketches by pupils of Domenico Ghirlandaios (1448–1494). Egger, Hermann, Römische Veduten: Handzeichnungen aus dem XV. bis XVIII. Jahrhundert zur Topographie der Stadt Rom, 2 vols (Vienna, Schroll, 1931–1932). Drawings of views of Rome. Ehrle, Franz & Hermann Egger (ed.), illus. Amato Pietro Frutaz, Piante e Vedute di Roma e del Vaticano dal 1300 al 1676 (Città del Vaticana, Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, 1956). Fagiolo, Marcello & Maria Luisa Madonna, Roma 1300–1875: L’Arte degli Anni Santi (Milan, Arnoldo Mondadori, 1984). Jubilee art richly illustrated, much of it later than s. xv. Fehl, Philipp, ‘The Placement of the Equestrian Statue of Marcus Aurelius in the Middle Ages’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 37 (1974), 362–67 & pl. 80–82. Frutaz, Arnato Pietro, Le Piante di Roma, 3 vols (Rome, Instituto di studi Romani, 1962). Gaston, Robert W., ‘British Travellers and Scholars in the Roman Catacombs 1450– 1900’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 46 (1983), 144–65. Geiger, Gail L., Filippino Lippi’s Carafa Chapel: Renaissance Art in Rome (Kirksville MO, Truman State University Press, 1986). Goodson, Caroline J., The Rome of Pope Paschal I: Papal Power, Urban Renovation, Church Rebuilding and Relic Translation, 817–824 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2010). Gregorovius, Ferdinand, History of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages, tr. Annie Hamilton, 8 vols (London, Bell, 1902–11). Grimaldi, Giacomo (1560–1623), Descrizione della Basilica Antica de S. Pietro in Vaticano: Codice Berberini latino 2733, ed. Reto Niggl (Vatican, Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, 1972).
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Harvey, Margaret [M.], England, Rome and the Papacy 1417–1464: The Study of a Relationship (Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1993). Harvey, Margaret M., The English in Rome, 1362–1420: Portrait of an Expatriate Community (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999). Homo, Léon, Rome Mediévale, 476–1420: Histoire, Civilisation, Vestiges (Paris, Payot, 1956). Hülsen, Christian [Carl Friedrich], Le Chiese di Roma nel Medio Evo: Cataloghi ed Appunti (Florence, Olschki, 1927). Cites the indulgences granted s. xiv and s. xv for the various churches in Rome on pp. 137–56. Hülsen, Christian & Hermann Egger, Die Römischen Skizzenbücher von Marten van Heemskerck in Königlichen Kupferstich [Berlin], 2 vols (Berlin, Bard, 1913–1916, repr Soest-Holland, 1975). Sketches of Roman scenes and remains made in 1572. Hulbert, James R., ‘Some Medieval Advertisements of Rome’, Modern Philology 20 (1922–1923), 403–24. Itinerarium Einsidlense, in Itineraria et Alia Geographica, ed. Paul Geyer et al, CCSL 175–76 (Turnhout, Brepols, 1965), 329–43. Kessler, Herbert L., Old St. Peter’s and Church Decoration in Medieval Italy (Spoleto, Centro italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo, 2002). Kessler, Herbert L. & Johanna Zacharias, Rome 1300: On the Path of the Pilgrim (New Haven, Yale University Press, 2000). Krautheimer, Richard et al, Corpus Basilicarum Christianarum Romae, 5 vols (Città del Vaticano, Pontificio istituto di archeologia cristiana, and New York, Institute of Fine Arts, 1937–1977). Vol. I S Adriano to S Gregorio Magno; II S Lorenzo fuori le mura to S Maria Domnica; III S Maria Maggiore to S Pudenziana; IV SS Quattro Coronati to S Vitale; V S Giovanni in Laterano, S Paolo fuori le mura & San Pietro. Krautheimer, Richard, Rome: Profile of a City 312–1308 (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1980). Lafréry, Antoine (1512–1577), Specvlvm Romanae magnificentiae: omnia fere qvaecvnq- in vrbe monvmenta extant partim ivxta antiqvam partim ivxta hodiernam formam accuratiss. delineata repraesentans: accesserunt non paucae tum antiquarum tum modernarum rerum urbis figurae nusquam antehac aeditae (Rome, Antonius Lafreri, 1575). Prints of Roman architecture etc. Lanciani, Rodolfo, Forma urbis Romae, 8 pts (Milan, Hoepli, 1893–1901). Very large format maps. McKitterick, Rosamond, John Osborne, Carol M. Richardson and Joanna Story (ed.), Old Saint Peter’s, Rome (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2013). Maddalo, Silvia, In Figura Romae: Immagini di Roma nel Libro Medioevale (Rome, Viella, 1990). Maggi, Giovanni (1566–1618), Roma di Urbano VIII: La Pianta di Giovanni Maggi, 1625, ed. Stefano Borsi, Fonti e Immagini/Architettura e Città 2 (Rome, Officina, 1990).
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Mâle, Émile, The Early Churches of Rome, tr. David Buxton (London, Benn, 1960). Originally published as Rome et ses vieilles Églises (1943). Manselli, R., ‘De la Rome impériale à la Rome papale: l’évolution et la transformation du Champ de Mars’, in Le Palais Farnèse, foreword by A. Chastel & G. Vallet, (Rome, École française de Rome, 1980–1981), I.i.37–61. Good survey of historical evolution from classical to Christian Rome. Marcotti, Giuseppe, ‘Il Giubileo dell’anno 1450 secondo una relazione di Giovanni Rucellai’, Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria, 4 (1881), 563–80. Also in Roberto Valentini & Giuseppe Zucchetti, Codice Topografico della Città di Roma, 4 vols, Fonti per la storia d’Italia 81, 88, 90–91 (Rome, Tipografia del Senato, 1940–1953), IV.399–419. An account by Giovanni di Paolo Rucellai (1403–1481), a wealthy Florentine wool merchant who had a fine Palazzo, for whom see Perosa et al. 1960–1981. Rucellai. [Not to be confused with an eponymous descendant who published a book about bee-keeping: Giovanni Rucellai, Le api di m. Giovanni Rucellai gentil’huomo fiorentino (Florence, 1539)] Miedema, Nine Robijntje, Die römischen Kirchen im Spätmittelalter nach den ‘Indulgentiae ecclesiarum urbis Romae’ (Tübingen, Niemeyer, 2001). Miller, William, Mediæval Rome: From Hildebrand to Clement VIII. 1073–1600 (London, Unwin, 1901). Morello, Giovanni (ed.), Pilgrims to Peter’s Tomb (Milan, Electa, 1999). Muffel, see Vogt Murray, Peter (intro), Five Early Guides to Rome and Florence (Farnborough, Gregg, 1972). Dating from 1480 to 1554, all these guides are later than Capgrave. Nash, Ernest, Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome, 2 vols (London, Thames & Hudson, 1968). Arranged alphabetically. Nixey, Catherine, The Darkening Age: The Christian Destruction of the Classical World (London, Macmillan, 2017). Oakeshott, Walter, The Mosaics of Rome from the Third to the Fourteenth Centuries (London, Thames & Hudson, 1967). Parkes, George B., The English Traveler to Italy, I, The Middle Ages to 1525 (Rome, Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1954). Perosa, Alessandro et al, Giovanni Rucellai ed il suo Zibaldone, 2 vols (London, Warburg Institute, 1960–1981). Prints text as in Marcotti in I.67–78. For Rucellai’s life and career see F. W. Kent in II.9–95. Ramsay, Nigel & James M. W. Willoughby, Hospitals, Towns, and the Professions, Corpus of British Medieval Library Catalogues 14 (London, British Library, 2009), 235–367 for the English Hospital at Rome. von Reumont, Alfred, Geschichte der Stadt Rom, 3 vols (Berlin, Königlichen Geheimen Ober-Hofbuchdruckerei, 1867–1870). Richardson, Lawrence, A New Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992).
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LXXIX
Ross, J. B., ‘A Study of Twelfth-Century Interest in the Antiquities of Rome’, in Medieval and Historiographical Essays in Honor of James Westfall Thompson, ed. James L. Cate & Eugene N. Anderson (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1938), 302–21. de Rossi, Giovanni B., Musaici cristiani e saggi de pavimenti delle chiese di Roma anteriori al secolo XV (Rome, Libreria Spithöver di Guglielmo Haass, 1873–1899). Below each page of Italian text there is a French version. Foliated by section. de Rossi, Giovanni B., Piante icnografiche e prospettiche di Roma anteriori al secolo XVI, 2 vols (Rome, Salviucci, 1879). Rossiter, Stuart, Rome and Environs, Blue Guides (London, Benn, 1971 edn). Scaglia, Gustina, ‘The Origin of an Archaeological Plan of Rome by Alessandro Strozzi’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 27 (1964), 137–63. Schüller-Piroli, Susanne, 2000 Jahre Sankt Peter: Die Weltkirche von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (Olten, Switzerland, Summa-Verlag, 1950). Sharp, Mary, A Traveller’s Guide to the Churches of Rome (London, Hugh Evelyn, 1967). Solinor, Santi osa, Stationi delle chiese di Roma, per tutta la Quaresima, con una breve narratione della fondatione, & consecratione di dette chiese; et delle reliquie che in quelle sono, con la vita di tutti Santi, & Sante. Raccolte dal reverendo padre fra Santi, dell’ordine di santo Agostino (Venice, Girolamo Francini, 1588). The Lenten stations set out with woodcuts illustrating each church. [Fra Santi] https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=AYvl4gSb1_cC&printsec=frontcover&s ource=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false The copy used is in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Roma. Thacker, Alan, ‘Rome of the Martyrs: Saints, Cults and Relics, Fourth to Seventh Centuries’, in Roma Felix: Formation and Reflections of Medieval Rome, ed. Éamonn Ó Carragáin & Carol L. Neuman de Vegvar (Aldershot, Ashgate, 2007), 13–49. Tickle, G. W. (intro), The English Hospice in Rome, in The Venerabile 21 (Exeter, Catholic Record Press, 1962). Vogt, Wilhelm, Nikolaus Muffels Beschreibung der Stadt Rom, Bibliothek des litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart 128 (Tübingen, H. Laupp, 1876). Italian tr. by Gerhard Wiedmann, Descrizione della città di Roma nel 1452: Delle indulgenze e dei luoghi sacri di Roma (Der ablass und die heiligen stet zu Rom) (Bologna, Pàtron, 1999): not seen. An account of Rome in 1452 by a nobleman from Nuremberg. Muffel Woodruff, C. Eveleigh, A XVth Century Guide-Book to the Principal Churches of Rome Compiled c. 1470 by William Brewyn (London, Marshall Press, 1933).
Pilgrimage and Church Practice Andrieu, Michel, Le Pontifical Romain au Moyen-Âge, 4 vols, Studi e Testi 86–88, 99 (Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, 1938–1941). Andrieu, Michel, Les Ordines Romani du Haut Moyen Age, 5 vols, Spicilegium sacrum Lovanienses 11, 23–24, 28–29 (Leuven, 1961–1985).
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Baldovin, John F. sj, The Urban Character of Christian Worship: The Origins, Development and Meaning of Stational Liturgy, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 228 (Rome, Pont. Institutum Studiorum Orientalium, 1987). Birch, Debra J., Pilgrimage to Rome in the Middle Ages: Continuity and Change (Woodbridge, Boydell Press, 1998). Blume, Clemens & Guido M. Dreves, Analecta Hymnica Medii Ævi, 55 vols (Leipzig, Fues, 1886–1922). AHMÆ Bzowski, Abraham, Annales Ecclesiasticorum post illustris. et reverend. Dom. D. Caesarem Baronium, 22 vols (Cologne, A. Boetzeri, 1618–1633). Volume numbers continue from the initial Annales Ecclesiastici in 12 vols by Baronio (Rome, 1588–1607). Account of year 1450 in vol. XVII (1625). Caraffa, Fillipo (ed.), Bibliotheca Sanctorum, 13 vols (Rome, Istituto Giovanni XXIII della Pontificia Università Lateranense, 1961–1970). Catachism of the Catholic Church (London, Geoffrey Chapman, 1994). Chevalier, Ulysse, Repertorium Hymnologicum, 6 vols, Subsidia Hagiographica 4 (Louvain, 1 Lefever + 2–3 Polleunis & Ceuterick + 4–5 Ceuterick, & 6 Brussels, Société des Bollandistes, 1892–1920). Connelly, Joseph, Hymns of the Roman Liturgy (London, Longmans, 1957). Cronistoria dell’anno santo MCMXXV Appunti Storici - Dati Statistici - Atti Ufficiali con appendice storico-bibliograpfica (Rome, 1928). Appendix Saggio di Bibliograficia dell’Anno Santo 1925 by A. Mercati, pp. 987–1190. Note esp. Saggio de Bibliografia degli anni santi dal 1300 al 1900 at pp. 1065ff for information about Jubilees. Fossi, Gloria (ed.), I Giubilei Roma, il Sogno dei Pellegrini ([Florence], Giunti, 1999). Grisar, Hartmann, Das Missale im Lichte Römischer Stadtgeschichte (Freiburg-imBreisgau, Herder, 1925). Hesbert, René-Jean (ed.), Corpus Antiphonalium Officii, 6 vols (Rome, Herder, 1963–1979). Howard, Donald R., Writers and Pilgrims: Medieval Pilgrimage Narratives and their Posterity (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1980). Klauser, Theodor, A Short History of the Western Liturgy, tr. John Halliburton (London, Oxford University Press, 1969). Lépicier, Alexis H. M., Indulgences, their Origin, Nature & Development (London, Burns Oates & Washbourne, 1928). Mitchell, Rosamund J., John Free: From Bristol to Rome in the Fifteenth Century (London, Longmans, Green, 1955). Morris, Colin & Peter Roberts (ed.), Pilgrimage: The English Experience from Becket to Bunyan (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2002). Paulus, Nikolaus, Geschichte des Ablasses im Mittelalter vom Ursprunge bis zur Mitte des 14.Jahrhunderts, 3 vols (Paderborn, Schöningh, 1922–1923). Rapp, F., ‘Les Pélerinages dans la Vie Religieuse de l’Occident Médiéval aux XIVe et XVe siècles’, in Les Pélerinages de l’Antiquité Biblique et Classique à l’Occident Médiéval, ed. Freddy Raphaël et al. (Paris, P. Geuthner, 1973), 119–60.
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LXXXI
Richard, Jean, Les Récits de Voyages et de Pèlerinages, Typologie des sources du Moyen Âge occidental 38 (Turnhout, Brepols, 1981). Rinaldi, Odorico, Annales Ecclesiastici: ex tomis octo ad unum pluribus auctum redacti (Rome, Ex typographia Varesij, 1667). Schimmelpfennig, Bernhard, ‘Römische Ablaßfälschungen aus der Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts’, in Fälschungen im Mittelalter: Internationaler Kongress der Monumenta Germania Historica, München, 16.–19. September 1986, ed. Jasper Detlev, 6 vols (Hannover, Hahn, 1988–1990), V.637–58. Shaffern, Robert W., ‘The Medieval Theology of Indulgences’, in Promissory Notes on the Treasury of Merits: Indulgences in Late Medieval Europe, ed. Robert N. Swanson (Leiden, Brill, 2006), 11–36. Spencer, Brian, Pilgrim Souvenirs and Secular Badges (London, Stationary Office, 1998). Sumption, Jonathan, Pilgrimage. An Image of Medieval Religion (London, Faber, 1975). Swanson, Robert N., Indulgences in Late Medieval England: Passports to Paradise? (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007). Thurston, Herbert T., The Holy Year of Jubilee: An Account of the History and Ceremonial of the Roman Jubilee (London, Sands & Co, 1900). Webb, Diana, ‘Pardons and Pilgrims’, in Promissory Notes on the Treasury of Merits: Indulgences in Late Medieval Europe, ed. Robert N. Swanson (Leiden, Brill, 2006), 241–75. Webb, Diana, Medieval European Pilgrimage, c.700–c.1500 (Basingstoke, Palgrave, 2002). Willis, Geoffrey G., Further Essays in Early Roman Liturgy, Alcuin Club Collections 30 (London, SPCK, 1968). Zacher, Christian K., Curiosity and Pilgrimage: The Literature of Discovery in Fourteenth-Century England (Baltimore, John Hopkins University Press, 1976).
John Capgrave OSA Bibliography Bautz, F. W., Biographisch-bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon 27 (2007), 235–39. Stegmüller, Friedrich, Repertorium Biblicum Medii Aevi, 11 vols (Madrid, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1950–1980), III, 264–65, and IX, 172–74. Winstead, Karen A., John Capgrave. Oxford Bibliographies Online. http://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195396584/obo9780195396584-0155.xml# For a bibliography of Solace see MWME VII (1986), xix, 2244–45, 2458–59, no. 12 (by Christian K. Zacher).
LXXXII
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Life and Career Critten, Rory G., ‘The King’s Historiographer: John Capgrave, Austin Identity, and the Pursuit of Royal Patronage’, Viator 46 (2015), 277–300. Argues that Capgrave sought patronage for the Austin Friars. Emden, Alfred B., A Biographical Register of the University of Cambridge (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1963), s.n. Capgrave, John. Fredeman, Jane C., ‘The Life of John Capgrave, O.E.S.A. (1393–1464)’, Augustiniana 29 (1979), 197–237. Henry, Joni, ‘Capgrave’s Dedications: Reassessing an English Flunkey’, SP 110 (2013), 731–61. Lucas, Peter J., From Author to Audience: John Capgrave and Medieval Publication (Dublin, UCD Press, 1997). Matthew, Henry C. G. and Brian Harrison (ed.), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 60 vols (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2004), s.n. Capgrave, John (1393–1464) at IX, 991–93, art by Peter J. Lucas. de Meijer, Albéric oesa, ‘John Capgrave, O.E.S.A.’, Augustiniana 5 (1955), 400–40 (biography), and 7 (1937), 118–48, 531–75 (bibliography). Toner, P. N. oesa, ‘Augustinian Spiritual Writers of the English Province in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries’, in Sanctus Augustinus vitae spiritualis magister, Settimana internazionale di spiritualità agostiniana, 2 vols (Rome, 1958), II, 493–523.
Austin Friars and Lynn von Bavel, Tarsicius J. osa, The Rule of Saint Augustine: Masculine and Feminine Versions, tr. Raymond Canning osa (London, 1984). Bruzelius, Caroline A., Preaching, Building and Burying: Friars and the Medieval City (New Haven, Yale University Press, 2014). Crook, E. J., ‘Manuscripts surviving from the Austin Friars at Cambridge’, Manuscripta 27 (1983), 82–90. Gwynn, Aubrey sj, The English Austin Friars in the Time of Wyclif (London, Oxford University Press, 1940). Holder, Nick, The Friaries of Medieval London: From Foundation to Dissolution (Woodbridge, Boydell Press, 2017). Ch. 6 deals with the Austin Friary at London, where Capgrave was a ‘cursor’. Humphreys, Kenneth W., The Book Provisions of the Medieval Friars 1215–1400 (Amsterdam, Erasmus Booksellers, 1964). Humphreys, Kenneth W., The Friars’ Libraries, Corpus of British Medieval Library Catalogues 1 (London, British Library, 1990), pp. 1–154. Ker, Neil R., ‘Cardinal Cervini’s Manuscripts from the Cambridge Friars’, in Xenia Medii Aevi Historiam Illustrantia oblata Thomae Kaeppeli O.P., ed. Raymundus
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LXXXIII
Creytens & Pius Künzle (Rome, Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1978), 51–71, repr in Ker’s Books, Collectors and Libraries: Studies in the Medieval Heritage, ed. Andrew G. Watson (London, Hambledon, 1985). Lawless, George osa, Augustine of Hippo and his Monastic Rule (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1987). Lucas, Peter J., ‘A Bequest to the Austin Friars in the Will of John Spycer 1439– 1440: John Capgrave osa (1393–1464), William Wellys osa (fl.1434–1440), and Augustinian Learning at Lynn in the Fifteenth Century’, Norfolk Archaeology 43 (1993), 482–89. Owen, Dorothy M., The Making of King’s Lynn: A Documentary Survey (London, Oxford University Press, 1984). Richards, William, The History of Lynn, 2 vols (Lynn, pr. W. G. Whittingham, and sold by R. Baldwin, Paternoster Row, London, 1812). Rogers, Nicholas (ed.), The Friars in Medieval Britain (Donington, Shaun Tyas, 2010). Roth, Francis, The English Austin Friars, 1249–1538, 2 vols (New York, Augustinian Historical Institute, 1961–1966). Verheijen, Luc osa, La Règle de Saint Augustin, I, Tradition Manuscrite, II, Recherches Historiques (Paris, Études augustiniennes, 1967). Verheijen, Luc osa, Nouvelle Approche de la Règle de Saint Augustin, Coll. vie monastique 8 (Bégrolles-en-Mauges, Abbaye de Bellefontaine, 1980). Zumkeller, Adelar osa, Augustine’s Ideal of the Religious Life, tr. Edmund Colledge osa (New York, Fordham University Press, 1986).
The Solace of Pilgrimes: Editions and Translations Mills, Charles A., Ye Solace of Pilgrimes: A Description of Rome, circa A.D. 1450, by John Capgrave, An Austin Friar of King’s Lynn, with an introductory note by Revd Henry M. Bannister, British and American Archaeological Society of Rome (London, Oxford University Press, 1911). The text of the two manuscript fragments was printed by Francis C. Hingeston in his edition of Capgrave’s De illustribus Henricis, RS 7 (London, Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, and Roberts, 1858), pp. 357–66. Reviews of Mills: G. McN. Rushforth in EHR 27 (1912), 777–79; Christian Hülsen in Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift 34 (1914), 526–28; Translations into Italian: Extracts (with notes) in Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice Topografico della Città di Roma, 1953: IV, 330–49. Delli, S., Roma nel Quattrocento di John Capgrave (Rome, 1982). Partial translation noted by some Italian scholars but not available through Copac and not seen. Giosuè, Daniela, John Capgrave Ye Solace of Pilgrimes: Una guida di Roma per i pellegrini del Quattrocento (Rome, Roma nel Rinascimento, 1995).
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Editions of other English Texts by Capgrave Lucas, Peter J., John Capgrave’s Abbreuiacion of Cronicles, EETS os 285 (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1983). Munro, John J., John Capgrave’s Lives of St Augustine and St Gilbert of Sempringham, And a Sermon, EETS os 140 (London, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner, 1910). Smetana, Cyril L. osa, Life of Saint Augustine by John Capgrave (Toronto, Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2001). Smetana, Cyril L. osa, The Life of St. Norbert by John Capgrave O.E.S.A. (1393–1464) (Toronto, Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1977). Winstead, Karen A., John Capgrave The Life of Saint Katherine (Kalamazoo MI, Medieval Institute Publications, Western Michigan University, 1999). Winstead, Karen A. (tr.), The Life of Saint Katherine of Alexandria: John Capgrave (Notre Dame IN, University of Notre Dame Press, 2011).
Sources of the Solace and Works Cited therein Adam (of ) Usk, The Chronicle of Adam Usk 1377–1421, ed./tr. Chris Given-Wilson (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1997). Life of Alexander, prose life in the Thornton manuscript (Lincoln Cathedral 91, c 1440) The Prose Life of Alexander from the Thornton MS, ed. John S. Westlake, EETS os 143 (London, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co and Oxford University Press, 1913). The Prose Alexander of Robert Thornton, ed. Julie Chappell (New York, Peter Lang, 1992). Wars of Alexander, Middle English alliterative poem (c 1400) The Wars of Alexander, ed. Hoyt Duggan & Thorlac Turville-Petre, EETS ss 10 (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1989). George Cary, The Medieval Alexander, ed. David J. A. Ross (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1967). Thorlac Turville-Petre, The Alliterative Revival (Cambridge, Brewer, 1977), esp. 94–104. Ambrose (340–97), Hexameron, ed. K. Schenkl in CSEL 32.i (1897), 3–261. Augustine of Hippo (354–430) De civitate Dei, ed. Bernhard Dombart & Alfons Kalb, 2 vols, CCSL 47–48 (Turnhout, Brepols, 1955). Cooper, Rodney H. & Leo C. Ferrari, Concordantia in XXII libros De Civitate Dei S. Aurelii Augustini (Hildesheim, Olms-Weidmann, 1999). Confessions, ed. James J. O’Donnell, 3 vols (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1992), also CCSL 27 (Turnhout, Brepols, 1981).
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LXXXV
Possidius, Vita Augustini, ed. Michele Pellegrino (Alba, Edizioni Paoline, 1955), rev John E. Rotelle (Villanova PA, Augustinian Press, 1988). Augustinus Hibernicus, De Mirabilibus Sacrae Scripturae (655), in PL 35, 2149–2200. Lapidge/Sharpe, Bibl Celtic-Latin Lit (Dublin, Royal Irish Academy, 1985), no. 291. Pseudo-Bonaventure Iohannis de Caulibus Meditaciones Vite Christi, olim S. Bonaventuro attributae (c 1350), ed. Mary Stallings-Taney, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis 153 (Turnhout, Brepols, 1997). St Bonaventure (attrib), The Life of Christ, tr. William H. Hutchings (London, Rivingtons, 1881). Based on the 1668 edition of Bonaventura’s works, vol. IV. C. Fischer ofm, ‘Die Meditationes Vitae Christi, ihre handschriftliche Überlieferung und die Verfasserfrage’, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 25 (1932), 3–35, 175– 209, 305–48, 449–83. Lists 113 manuscripts of the Latin text, of which 44 are in English libraries. St Bridget, The Revelations of St Birgitta of Sweden, tr. Denis Searby, annot Bridget Morris, 4 vols (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2006–2015), following the arrangement in the editio princeps (Lübeck, Bartholomaus Ghotan, 1492). St Clement I, pope (90–99) Die Pseudoklementinen: II. Rekognitionen in Rufins Übersetzung, ed. Bernhard Rehm, rev Georg Strecker (Berlin, De Gruyter, 1994). Ps–Clement, The Clementine Homilies, tr. James Donaldson, Thomas Smith & Peter Peterson (Edinburgh, T. & T. Clark, 1870). Dante Alighieri (1265–1321), Commedia, 3 vols, ed. Giorgio Inglese (Rome, Carocci editore, 2nd edn 2016). Domenico di Bandini of Arezzo (c 1335–1418), Fons Memorabilium Universi, edited only in part (see Merenda and Schürer). Comprises 5 parts, each subdivided into books: I. Theology in 4 books; II. the Universe and Astrology in 5 books; III. Fire, Air and Water in 8 books; IV. the Earth and its Contents in 12 books; V. Men and Women in 5 books. The books and parts were issued separately. Twice Capgrave cites ‘De Montibus’, which is Part IV, book 6. He also cites ‘De viris claris’, which is Part V, book 1. Fons Memorabilium Universi libri XII–XIII, ed. Elda Merenda, Studie e Testi 490 (Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, 2015). Edits Part III, books 3–4. Bandini, Angelo M., Bibliotheca Leopoldina Laurentiana seu Catalogus Manuscriptorum qui iussu Petri Leopoldi ... in Laurentianam translati sunt, 3 vols (Florence, Typis Caesaris, 1791–1793). Includes list of contents of Domenico’s Fons Memorabilium Universi at I.480–84.
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Hankey, A. Teresa, ‘Domenico di Bandino of Arezzo (?1335–1418)’, Italian Studies 12 (1957), 110–28. Hankey, A. Teresa, ‘The Library of Domenico di Bandino’, Rinascimento, 8 (1957), 177–207. Based on ‘De Viris Claris’ (Fons Part V, book 1) Hankey, A. Teresa, ‘The Successive Revisions and Surviving Codices of the Fons Memorabilium Universi of Domenico di Bandino’. Rinascimento 11 (1960), 3–49. Schürer, Markus, Die Enzyklopädie der berühmtem Manner und Frauen: Domenico Bandini, sein Fons Memorabilium Universi und die Kompilatorische Biographik der Renaissance (Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, 2017). Includes a list of headings for ‘De Viris Claris’ at II.6, pp. 350–413; excerpts from ‘De Viris Claris’ II.5, pp. 282–339. Lists Italian manuscripts II.3 (pp. 240–78), and others II.4 (pp. 279–81); these others include CCC 78 for the ‘De Viris Claris’ A–L. Eusebius of Caesarea (263–339), tr. into Latin by Jerome (347–420) Die Chronik des Hieronymus, ed. Rudolf Helm (Berlin, Akademie-Verlag, 1956). See also Rufinus Fabius Planciades Fulgentius (c 600), whose Mithologiarum libri III contains fifty chapters each explaining a classical myth using allegory. Fabii Planciadis Fulgentii V.C. Opera, ed. Rudolf Helm (1898), with addendum by Jean Préaux (Stuttgart, B.G. Teubner, 1970); tr. Leslie G. Whitbread, Fulgentius the Mythographer ([Columbus], Ohio State University Press, 1971). ‘Florus’, Lucius Annaeus (s. ii), De Gestis Romanorum. Epitome of Livy in florid style. Storia di Roma: La Prima e la Seconda Età – Anneo Floro: Introduzione, Testo et Commento, ed. Claudia F. Tosi (Bologna, Pàtron, 1998). Gelasius of Caesarea (d. 395), Ecclesiastical History: The Extant Fragments, ed. Martin Wallraff, Jonathan Stutz & Nicholas Marinedes (Berlin, De Gruyter, 2018). Gerald of Wales (1146–1226), Speculum Ecclesiae, ed. John S. Brewer, RS 21/4 (London, Longman, 1873). Gervase of Tilbury (c 1140–1220), Otia Imperialia: Recreation for an Emperor, ed. S. E. Banks & J. W. Binns (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 2002). Glossa Ordinaria (s. xii1), the standard medieval biblical commentary, formerly attributed to Walafrid Strabo (c 808–49), abbot of Reichenau, but recte the product of the school of Anselm of Laon (s. xii1). When Anselm died in 1117 the work was continued by his brother Ralph (d. c 1133) and his pupil Gilbert of Auxerre ‘the Universal’ (d. 1134). It was widely promoted through the Paris schools (s. xii2). Biblia Latina cum Glossa Ordinaria, ed. Karlfried Froehlich & Margaret T. Gibson, 4 vols (Turnhout, Brepols, 1992), facsimile of 1480–1481 edn. PL 114, 9–752, prints a partial edn. Smith, Lesley, The Glossa Ordinaria: The Making of a Medieval Bible Commentary (Leiden, Brill, 2009).
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LXXXVII
Godfrey of Viterbo (1120–1196), Pantheon: sive Universitatis libri, qui chronici appellantur XX (Basle, 1559). Recension C divided into 20 particulae. Godfrey of Viterbo, Pantheon ed. Georg Waitz, MGH Scriptores xxii (Hannover, Hahn, 1872), 107–307. Recension E divided into 33 particulae (listed 107–31). Waitz’s edition leaves out sections that he thought factually uninteresting. Campopiano, Michele, ‘Cosmology, Theology of History and Ideology in Godfrey of Viterbo’s Pantheon’, in Universal Chronicles in the High Middle Ages, ed. Michele Campopiano & Henry Bainton (Woodbridge, York Medieval Press, 2017), 121–40. Dorninger, Maria E., Gottfried von Viterbo: ein Autor in der Umgebung der frühen Staufer (Stuttgart, H-D. Heinz, 1997). Weber, Loren J., ‘The Historical Importance of Godfrey of Viterbo’, Viator 25 (1994), 153–95. Gregory the Great (pope 590–604) Homiliae in Evangelia, ed. Raymond Étaix, CCSL 141 (Turnhout, Brepols, 1999). Moralia in Job, ed. Marcus Adriaen, 3 vols, CCSL 143 (Turnhout, Brepols, 1979–1985). Gregory of Tours (538–94), Libri Miraculorum, ed. Bruno Krusch, in MGH, Scriptores Rerum Merovingiarum 1.2 (Hannover, Hahn, 1885), 484–820, also in PL 71, 705–828. Indulgentiae ecclesiarum urbis Romae, ed. Hülsen 1927: 137–56. For a supplementary text from an original in rotular form see Schimmelpfennig 1988–1990: 649–58; for other manuscripts in rotular form see Miedema 1992: 317, n. 9. See further Miedema 2001: 44–49. For a guide to the manuscript sigla see Miedema, Rompilgerführer in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit (Tübingen, Niemeyer, 2003), 494–99. For much supplementary information see Miedema 2001: 127–805. Miedema, Nine Robijntje, ‘Medieval Images of the Eternal City: Rome seen through the Mirabilia Romae’, in The Power of Imagery: Essays on Rome, Italy, and Imagination, ed. Peter van Kessel (Rome, Apeiron, 1993), 203–21 and 316–21, at 209–11. On p. 204 Miedema states that about 155 manuscripts of this work survive (ss xii–xvii). Jerome, De viris illustribus De viris inlustribus liber, ed. Wilhelm Herding (Leipzig, Teubner, 1879). Rouse, Richard H. & Mary A., ‘Bibliography before Print: The Medieval De Viris Illustribus’, in The Role of the Book in Medieval Culture, ed. Peter Ganz (Turnhout, Brepols, 1986), 133–53, esp. 134–36 on the transmission of the text in the Middle Ages. Vita Sancti Pauli (BHL 6596), in PL 23, 17–28, tr. Carolinne White, in Early Christian Lives (London, Penguin, 1998), 73–84.
LXXXVIII
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Juvenal, Satires Juvenal and Persius, ed. George G. Ramsay (Cambridge MA, Harvard University Press, 1940) Liber Pontificalis (Lives of the Popes) Liber Pontificalis (pars prior), ed. Theodor Mommsen, MGH Gesta Pontificum Romanorum (Berlin, 1898). Le Liber Pontificalis: Texte, Introduction et Commentaire, ed. Louis Duchesne, 3 vols (Paris, Thorin, 1886–1957). The Book of Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis). The Ancient Biographies of the First Ninety Roman Bishops to AD 715 (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2000 edn). Master Gregory (Magister Gregorius; s. xiii1, prob chancellor to the papal legate Otto in 1238) De Mirabilibus Urbis Romae, ed. Montague R. James, EHR 32 (1917), 531–54, ed. G. McN. Rushforth, Journal of Roman Studies 9 (1919), 14–58, repr in Roberto Valentini & Giuseppe Zucchetti, Codice Topografico della Città di Roma, 4 vols, Fonti per la storia d’Italia 81, 88, 90–91 (Rome, Tipografia des Senato, 1940– 1953), III, 137–67, ed. Robert B. C. Huygens, Magister Gregorius Narracio de Mirabilibus Urbis Romae (Leiden, Brill, 1970), with a useful list of monuments described by Gregory at pp. 9–10; tr. Parkes, English Traveller (1954), 254–68, tr. John Osborne, Master Gregorius: The Marvels of Rome (Toronto, Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1987), with useful commentary. Campanelli, Maurizio, ‘Monuments and Histories: Ideas and Images of Antiquity in some descriptions of Rome’, in Rome Across Time and Space: Cultural Transmission and the Exchange of Ideas c. 500–1400, ed. Claudia Bolgia, Rosamond McKitterick, and John Osborne (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2011), 35–51, at 40–44. Nardella, Cristina, Il Fascino di Roma nel Medioevo: Le Meraviglie di Roma di maestro Gregorio (Rome, Viella, 1998). Includes Latin text with Italian translation pp. 144–73. Wolf, Étienne, ‘Un Voyageur à Rome au xiie–xiiie siècle: Magister Gregorius’, Bulletin de l’Association Guillaume Budé (2005), 162–71. Ranulph Higden (1280–1364), Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden monachi Cestrensis, ed. Churchill Babbington & Joseph R. Lumby, 9 vols, RS 41 (London, Longman, Green, Roberts, 1865). Isidore of Seville (c 560–636), Chronica, ed. José C. Martin, CCSL 112 (Turnhout, Brepols, 2003). Isidori Hispalensis Episcopi Etymologiarum sive Originum Libri XX, ed. Wallace M. Lindsay, 2 vols (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1911). Jacobus de Voragine (1228–1298) Legenda Aurea, ed. Bruno W. Häuptli, 2 vols (Freiburg-im-Breisgau, Herder, 2014).
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LXXXIX
Iacopo da Varazze: Legenda Aurea, ed. Giovanni P. Maggioni, 2 vols (Florence, 2007). Fleith, Barbara, Studien zur Überlieferungsgeschichte der lateinischen Legenda Aurea (Brussels, Société des Bollandistes, 1991). Gilte Legende, ed. Richard Hamer, with Vida Russell, EETS os 327–28, 339 (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2006–2012). Titus Livy (d. 17ad), Titi Livi Ab Urbe Condita, 4 vols, ed. Robert S. Conway, C. Flamstead Walters et al. (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1914–1928) Lucan (39–65ad), M[arci] Annaei Lucani Belii Civilis libri decem, ed. Alfred E. Housman (Oxford, Blackwell, 1970). Also ed. D. R. Shackleton Bailey (Berlin, De Gruyter, 1997). Deferrari, Roy J. et al., A Concordance of Lucan (Washington dc, Catholic University of America Press, 1940, repr Hildesheim, Georg Olms, 1965). Martinus Polonus (d. 1278) Martini Oppaviensis Chronicon Pontificum et Imperatorum, ed. Ludwig Weiland, MGH Scriptores xxii (Hannover, Hahn, 1872), 377–475, continuations 476–82 and Scriptores xxiv, 251–65; see further Ikas, Fortsetzungen, below. Ikas, Wolfgang-Valentin, Martin von Troppau (Martinus Polonus), O.P. († 1278) in England, Wissensliteratur im Mittelalter 40 (Wiesbaden, Reichert, 2002). Counts 484 MSS of the work at pp. 18–19. Deals with the use of Martin’s Chronicle in Capgrave’s Solace on pp. 307–09. Ikas, Wolfgang-Valentin, ‘Neue Handschriftenfunde zum Chronicon Pontificum et Imperatorium des Martin von Troppau’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 58 (2002), 521–37. Ikas, Wolfgang-Valentin, Fortsetzungen zur Papst- und Kaiserchronik Martins von Troppau aus England, MGH Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum n.s. xix (Hannover, Hahn, 2004). MSS and texts of Continuations of Martin’s Chronicle. Kaeppeli, Thomas, & Emilio Panella, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum Medii Aevi, 4 vols (Rome, Ad S. Sabinae, 1970–1993). Vol. III, 118–23, item 2974, deals with Martinus Polonus, including MSS containing his Chronicle. Mirabilia (s. xii–xiii) Valentini, Roberto & Giuseppe Zucchetti, Codice Topografico della Città di Roma, 4 vols, Fonti per la storia d’Italia 81, 88, 90–1 (Rome, Tipografia del Senato, 1940–1953), III, 3–65. Latin texts. Nichols, Francis M., The Marvels of Rome: Mirabilia Urbis Romae (London, Ellis and Elvey, 1889), 2nd edn, with a gazeteer, but excluding much useful supplementary material that is present in the first edition, by Eileen Gardner (New York, Italica Press, 1986). English translation. Accame [Lanzillotta], Maria & Emy Dell’Oro, I Mirabilia urbis Romae (Tivoli, Tored, 2004). Latin text with Italian translation and apparatus. Mirabilia Romae, c 1475, facsimile ed. Rudolf Ehwald (Berlin, 1903).
XC
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Mirabilia Rome vrbis, pr. Eucharius Silber (Rome, 1498). Accame [Lanzillotta], Maria, Contributi sui Mirabilia Urbis Romae (Genoa, Università di Genova. Facoltà di lettere e filosofia, 1996). Bloch, Herbert, ‘Der Autor der Graphia aureae urbis Romae’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 40 (1984), 55–175. Campanelli, Maurizio, ‘Monuments and Histories: Ideas and Images of Antiquity in some Descriptions of Rome’, in Rome Across Time and Space: Cultural Transmission and the Exchange of Ideas c. 500–1400, ed. Claudia Bolgia, Rosamond McKitterick, and John Osborne (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2011), 35–51, at 35–40. Donati, Lamberto, ‘Del Mirabilia Romae Xilografico’, La Bibliofilia 64 (1962), 1–36. Mirabilia block-books s. xv. D’Onofrio, Cesare, Visitiamo Roma Mille Anni Fa: La Città dei Mirabilia (Rome, Romana Società Editrice, 1988). Prints the texts of the Mirabilia and the Graphia (with Italian translation) adjacent on the same page with the chapters in the Graphia taken in the sequence of the Mirabilia to provide parallel texts for comparison: pp. 46–100. Duchesne, Louis, ‘L’auteur des Mirabilia’, Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire 24 (1904), 479–89. Hyde, John K., ‘Medieval Descriptions of Cities’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 48 (1965–1966), 308–41, at 320–24. Repr in idem, Literacy and its Uses: Studies on Late Medieval Italy, ed. Daniel Waley (Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1993), 1–32. Kinney, Dale, ‘Mirabilia Urbis Romae’, in The Classics in the Middle Ages: Papers of the Twentieth Annual Conference of the Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, ed. Aldo S. Bernado & Saul Levin (Binghamton, Center for Medieval & Early Renaissance Studies, 1990), 207–21. Kinney, Dale, ‘Fact and Fiction in the Mirabilia urbis Romae’, in Roma Felix: Formation and Reflections of Medieval Rome, ed. Éamonn Ó Carragáin & Carol L. Neuman de Vegvar (Aldershot, Ashgate, 2007), 235–52. Miedema, Nine Robijntje, ‘Medieval Images of the Eternal City: Rome seen through the Mirabilia Romae’, in The Power of Imagery: Essays on Rome, Italy, and Imagination, ed. Peter van Kessel (Rome, Apeiron, 1993), 203–21 and 316–21, esp. 205–09. Miedema, Nine Robijntje, Die ‘Mirabilia Romae’. Untersuchungen zu ihren Überlieferung mit Edition der deutschen und niederlandischen Texte (Tübingen, Niemeyer, 1996). Lists some 227 manuscripts of the Latin text (some dating from after Capgrave’s time) on pp. 24–91. Valuable section on versions derivative from the Graphia (which includes Capgrave, though he probably did not use it) on pp. 367–433.
Select Bibliography
XCI
Alexander Neckam (1157–1217), De Naturis Rerum, libri duo, ed. Thomas Wright, RS 34 (London, Longman, Roberts, and Green, 1863). Osbert of Clare (d. 1158), The Letters of Osbert of Clare, Prior of Westminster, ed. Edward W. Williamson (London, Oxford University Press, 1929). Ovidius Naso (43bc–17ad) Ovid, Fasti, ed. James G. Frazer, rev George P. Goold (Cambridge MA, Harvard University Press, 2014 edn). Metamorphoses, Liber 14, ed. K. Sara Myers (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2009). Francesco Petrarch (1304–1374), The Canzoniere, or, Rerum vulgarium fragmenta, ed./tr. Mark Musa (Bloomington IN, Indiana University Press, 1999), also in Opere, ed. Mario Martelli (Florence, 1975). Propertius, Elegies, ed./tr. George P. Goold (Cambridge MA, Harvard University Press, 1999 edn). Rufinus of Aquileia (c 345–411), Historia Ecclesiastica (Latin tr. of that by Eusebius of Caesaria, with additions by Rufinus), ed. Theodor Mommsen, 2 vols (Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1903), also PL 21, 465–540. Servius Honoratus, Maurus (s. iv/v), see Virgil C. Julius Solinus (s. iii), Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium, ed. Theodor Mommsen (Berlin, Weidmann, 1895, repr 1958). Several manuscripts of this work are still conserved in English libraries. Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus (c 69–126), De Vita Caesarum, ed. John C. Rolfe (London, Heinemann, 1970 edn). Gnaeus Pompeius Trogus (s. i) in epitome by Marcus Junianus Justinus (s. ii) M. Iuniani Iustini Epitoma Historiarum Philippicarum Pompei Trogi, ed. Otto Seel (Stuttgart, Teubner, 1972). Terentius Varro (d. 28bc), De Lingua Latina: Introduction, Text, Translation and Commentary, ed. Wolfgang D. C. de Melo (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2019). Vincent of Beauvais (1184–1264), Speculum Historiale, pr. Hermannus Liechtenstein (Venice, 1494). ISTC iv00286000. Virgil (70–19bc) P. Vergili Maronis Opera, ed. Roger A. B. Mynors (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1969). Warwick, Henrietta H., A Vergil Concordance (Minneapolis, University of Minnesota, 1975).
XCII
Select Bibliography
Maurus Servius Honoratus (grammarian s. iv/v, who wrote a commentary on Virgil) Servii Grammatici qui feruntur In Vergilii Aeneidos libros VI–VIII Commentarii, ed. Georg Thilo (Leipzig, Teubner, 1883). Edition to be superseded by ‘Harvard Servius’. Marshall, Peter K., ‘Servius’ [manuscript tradition], in Texts and Transmissions: A Survey of the Latin Classics, ed. Leighton D. Reynolds (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1983), 385–88. Many manuscripts but textual transmission much complicated by supplementation. Faltonia Betitia Proba (poetess s. iv, who compiled from Virgil) Faltonia Betitia Proba Cento Vergilianus [de Laudibus Christi], ed. Alessia Fassina & Carlo M. Lucarini (Berlin, De Gruyter, 2015). Vitae Sanctorum ‘Lives of the Saints’ Bollandus, Johannes (ed.), Acta Sanctorum, 68 vols (Antwerp, Apud Ioannem Meursium, 1643). ActaSS Delehaye, Hippolyte, ‘Recherches sur le Légendier Romain’, Analecta Bollandiana 51 (1933), 34–98. [SS Abdon & Sennen, Sixtus II] Delehaye, Hippolyte, Étude sur le Légendier Romain: Les Saints de Novembre et de Décembre, Subsidia Hagiographica 23 (Brussels, Société des Bollandistes, 1936). [SS Anastasia, Cecilia] Herde, Peter (ed.), Die ältesten Viten Papst Cölestins V. (Peters vom Morrone), MGH Scriptores n.s. xxiii (Hannover, Hahn, 2008). [St Celestine V] Mombritius, Bonino, Sanctuarium seu Vitae Sanctorum, 2 vols (Paris, Albertum Fontemoing, 1910 edn). Moretti, Paola F., La passio Anastasiae: Introduzione, Testo Critico, Traduzione (Rome, Herder, 2006). [St Anastasia] Lapidge, Michael, The Roman Martyrs: Introductions, Translations, and Commentary (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2018). See also Jacobus de Voragine William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum, ed. Roger A. B. Mynors, Rodney M. Thomson & Michael Winterbottom, 2 vols (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1998).
Commentary on the Solace Beadle, Richard, ‘The East Anglian “game-place”: a possibility for further research’, REED Newsletter (1978), 1.2–4, suppl. by D. Galloway, REED Newsletter (1979), 1.24–26. Gayk, Shannon N., Image, Text, and Religious Reform in Fifteenth-Century England (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2010), esp. 150–54.
Select Bibliography
XCIII
Giosuè, Daniela, ‘John Capgrave e Margery Kempe a Roma, Immagini della città a confronto’, in Libri de viaggio, libri in viaggio: studi in onore de Vicenzo De Caprio, ed. Stefano Pifferi and Cinzia Capitoni (Viterbo, Sette città, 2012), 195–210. Giosuè, Daniela, ‘Typical and Unique: John Capgrave’s The Solace of Pilgrimes Reconsidered’, Analecta Augustiniana 84 (2021), 9-35. Grossi, Joseph jr, ‘John Capgrave’s Smal Pypying: Marveling at Rome in Ye Solace of Pilgrimes’, Medievalia et Humanistica n.s. 30 (2004), 55–83. Hough, Dorothy W., ‘John Capgrave: Pilgrim to Rome’, Art and Archaeology 27 (1929), 276–78. Lucas, Peter J., ‘An Englishman in Rome: Capgrave’s 1450-Jubilee Guide, The Solace of Pilgrims’, in Studies in Late Medieval and Early Renaissance Texts in Honour of John Scattergood, ed. Anne Marie D’Arcy and Alan J. Fletcher (Dublin, Four Courts, 2005), 201–17. Mills, Charles A., ‘Ye Solace of Pilgrimes’, Journal of the British and American Archaeological Society of Rome IV, 5 (1912), 440–65. Nardella, Cristina, ‘La Roma dei Visitatori Colti: dalla Mentalità Umanistica di Maestro Gregorio (XII–XIII secolo) a quella Medioevale di John Capgrave (XV secolo)’, Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria 119 (1996), 49–64. Salih, Sarah, ‘Two Travellers’ Tales’, in Medieval East Anglia, ed. Christopher HarperBill (Woodbridge, Boydell Press, 2005), 318–31. The Book of Margery Kempe and Capgrave’s Solace. Salih, Sarah, Imagining the Pagan in Late Medieval England (Cambridge, Brewer, 2019). See esp. pp. 29–31, 135–39. Summit, Jennifer, ‘Topography as Historiography: Petrarch, Chaucer, and the Making of Medieval Rome’, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 30 (2000), 211–246, esp. 223–33.
EDITORIAL PROCEDURE
The text has been edited from the holograph manuscript, Oxford Bodleian Library MS 423, art. 5 [H], written in Capgrave’s own hand. The spelling of this manuscript has been reproduced except for the correction of apparent errors. Emendations are indicated in the textual footnotes, where alterations made by the scribe (the author) are also recorded. The textual notes also include variations in the only surviving copy of the work, which is fragmentary and occurs in Oxford, All Souls College, MS XVII, fols i–ii and pp. 221–24 [A], and Oxford Balliol College, MS 190, fols 116–19 [B]. This copy by another scribe, evidently made in the author’s scriptorium, was rejected by him and appears in the form of endleaves in two other manuscripts containing his works copied by his own hand, so the textual authority of this copy of the Solace is negligible. Annotations added in later hands (which are not part of, or modifications to, the text) have been ignored. In H there is no distinction in form between the letters ʒ and z, the graph ʒ serving for both; but where the letter is z it has been so printed. Similarly there is no distinction in H between þ and y, the graph y serving for both; but where the letter is þ it has been so printed. It is often difficult to distinguish letters composed of minims (i, m, n, u) from each other— though i is frequently dotted it is not always so— but there are no real problems arising from this difficulty. There is a distinction in H between i and j, j having a long descender that goes below the line of writing, but this j is merely a calligraphic variant of i; i has been printed except where the letter has been presumed not to represent a vowel sound, when j has been used. Abbreviations and contractions have been expanded without notice. Each contraction has been expanded in accordance with the full spelling of it most frequently employed in the word in which it occurs. Most contractions offer no difficulty. But the interpretation of the strokes with which some letters are often furnished, usually when in final position, can be difficult, since these strokes may be either marks of contraction or calligraphic flourishes. The most notable occurrences are after r, where, for example, þer’ is interpreted as þere. Another problem is the treatment of final –o(u)n, where n and u are usually indistinguishable, so that two minims surmounted by a nasal titulus may indicate u with a mark of contraction, giving –oun, or n with an otiose flourish. The former alternative, giving –oun, has been preferred. Roman numbers have also been treated as abbreviations, so ‘iiii’ is expanded as four or foure.
Editorial Procedure
XCV
The only diacritic introduced is an acute accent to mark unaccented final e when it stands for etymological i or OF é, as in cité. Word-division has been regularized without notice and generally follows the usage of OED. Capital letters have been used as far as possible in accordance with modern practice. Modern punctuation has been supplied, but this punctuation is never intended to be at variance with that in H, to which it conforms as far as possible. Where the text runs over a page division the position of the division is marked in the text by a vertical bar with the folio number indicated in the margin. Occasional obvious omissions in the text have been supplied in square brackets. The translation aims to convey Capgrave’s meaning as faithfully as possible in idiomatic modern English. To this end a closely literal word-for-word translation has been avoided, but without any intention of distorting what Capgrave wrote, in which ultimate authority rests. In Part I some chapter-headings have been modified to make clear in modern terms what subject is being dealt with. Capgrave himself translated with declaracioun and addicioun of moo termes for esier undirstandyng, but I have tried to avoid condescension and adding to what he wrote. With regard to vignette/illustrations included in the translation, the source of the illustration and any necessary information or credit is noted in the list of illustrations on pp. xv-xviii above.
JOHN CAPGRAVE osa THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES
[ÞE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES]
fo 355r
Many men in þis world aftyr her pilgrimage haue left memoriales of swech þingis as þei haue herd and seyn þat nowt only here eres schuld ber witnesse but eke her eyne. So ded Pictagoras þat trauayled as seith Seynt Jerome be þe prophetis Memphetik. So did Plato þat laboured þorw Egipt and alle þoo cuntrés of Itaylé wech wer called sumtyme Grecia Maior,1 not aschamed he þat was a maystir at Atenes schuld be a pilgrime forto lerne strange þingis namely in straunge cuntrées. To on eke þat was clepid2 Titus Liuius came many men owt of Spayn onto Rome mor for þe fame of þe man þan þe fame of þe cité forto here him trete and dispute of þe werkys of natur and þe maneres of men whech are comendable. This same clerk Seynt Jerom, þat wrytith alle þese storyes, he himselue laboured all þe Holy Lond to knowe þe spaces and þe townes þer þe holy patriarches dwelt sumtyme and specialy þer Our Lord3 Jhesu with his4 holy presens halowid þe circuite. Þerfor þei þat wil knowe þis processe lete hem rede þe same book of Seynt Jerom whech is called De distanciis locorum. Also þer was a man of Uenys whech þei called Marcus Paulus he laboured all þe soudanes londe and descryued onto us þe natur of þe cuntré, þe condiciones of þe men and þe stately aray of þe grete Cane houshold. Eke Jon Maundeuyle, knyth of Yngland, aftir his labour made a book ful solacious onto his nacyoun. Aftyr all þese grete cryeris of many wonderfull þingis I wyl folow with a smal pypying of swech straunge sitis as I haue seyn and swech straunge þingis as I haue herd. No man blame me þow he beleue not þat I schal write for I schul not write but þat I fynde in auctores and þat is for a principall, or ellis þat I sey with eye and þat is for a secundari, or ellis þat I suppose is soth lete þat be of best auctorité. Onto all men of my nacioun þat schal rede þis present book and namely onto my special maystre Sir Thomas Tudenham undyr whos proteccioun my pylgrimage was specialy sped I recomende my sympilnesse praying hem of paciens in þe redyng þat þei take no hed at no crafty langage wher non is but at þe good entent of þe maker. If ʒe wil algate wite what þe book schal hite, me þinkith best to kalle it Solace of Pilgrimys in whech schal be all þe descripcioun declared of Rome þat was before schortly drawe in a mappa.
Grecia maior] MS grete grece expuncted with grecia maior written above suprascript 4 his] suprascript 1
clepid] suprascript
2
Lord]
3
THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMS
After making a pilgrimage many men in this world have left a record of things that they have heard and seen, so that not only their ears but also their eyes may bear witness. Pythagoras did this when, as Saint Jerome says, he endured such rigours at the prophets of Memphis. So did Plato, travelling through Egypt and all the lands of Italy then called Greater Greece, unashamed even though a great teacher at Athens to be a pilgrim and learn new things in new countries. Many men came to Rome from Spain to one called Livy, more because of Livy’s reputation than that of the city, in order to hear him discourse on and argue about the works of Nature and praiseworthy human customs. This same scholar Jerome, who writes about all these things, himself travelled the Holy Land to get familiar with the land, the towns where the patriarchs dwelt in their time and especially where Our Lord Jesus sanctified the route by his presence. So those that know this practice [of making a record] let them read St Jerome’s book called ‘Concerning the Distances between Places’. Besides there was a man from Venice called Marco Polo who travelled all over the Sultan’s lands and described for us what kind of country it is, the conditions of the inhabitants and the stately conduct of the Chinese household. Also John Mandeville, knight of England, following his travels made a book of great comfort to his nation. After all these great people proclaiming many wonderful things I will follow with a modest disclosure of such new sights as I have seen and such new things as I have heard. No-one is to blame me because he doesn’t believe what I’m going to write, for I shall write only what I find in [reputable] authors, that’s the first rule, or else what I have seen with my eyes, that’s the second rule, or else what I believe to be the truth, let that have the highest authority. I commend my straightforwardness to all men of my nation who read this book, and in particular I commend it to my particular lord Sir Thomas Tuddenham, under whose sponsorship my pilgrimage was particularly fostered, asking them for forbearance while reading it, in that they take no notice of the absence of flowery language but rather do take note of the sincerity of the author. If you want to know what the book should be called I think it best to name it Solace of Pilgrims, for it encompasses all the known descriptions of Rome previously encapsulated in a map.
4
THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES
The forme of our werk schal be ordred þus. The first part schal declare the disposicioun of Rome fro his first makyng. The secunde part schal declar þe holynesse of þe same place fro his first Crystendam.
PROLOGUE
5
The structure of our work shall be arranged as follows. The first part will set out the disposition of Rome from its beginnings. The second part will set out the sacredness of the same place from when it became Christian.
PART I Ancient Rome
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
These be þe chapeteres of þe first part:
fo 355v
¶ Whech wer þe first foundatoris of Rome. primi. ¶ Of þe dyuerse ʒatis wallis and towris of Rome. II. ¶ Of þe dyuerse bryggis of Rome. III. ¶ Of þe dyuerse hillis of Rome. IIII. ¶ Of þe mul|titude of paleys in Rome. V. ¶ Of þe multitude of arches in Rome rered for dyuers uictories. VI. ¶ Who many cymyteries be in Rome. VII. ¶ Who many1 oþir holy places and of her names befor it was Cristen. VIII. ¶ Of þat place in special þat is called2 Angulla Sancti Petri. IX. ¶ Of dyuers templis of fals goddis now turnyd to seruyse of seyntis. X. ¶ Of þe Capitole, principall place of þe cité. XI. ¶ Of þe too hors of marbil and too nakid men whech þei clepe þe Caballis. XII. ¶ Of þe hors of brasse and þe ryder þat stant at Laterane. XIII. ¶ Of þat place whech þei clepe þe Collisé. XIIII. ¶ Of þat place eke whech þei clepe Pantheon. XV. ¶ Of þe fayr place clepit Ara Celi. XVI. ¶ Of þe tour þat stant fast be þe ʒate whech is clepid Porta Flaminea. XVII. ¶ Of þat werk whech þei clepe Septisolium. XVIII. ¶ Of þe arche clepid Prici Tarquini. XVIIII. ¶ Of þe place before Seynt Petres kyrk whech þei calle Cantarus. XX. ¶ Of þe sepulcris of Remus and Romulus. XXI. ¶ Of þe paleys longyng to Trajane and Adriane. XXII. ¶ Of þe conke in whech Constantine was baptized. XXIII. [¶Of þat] place [cleped] Omnis Terra.3 [XXIIII.] [¶] Of þe gouernouris in Rome fro þe tyme of Romulus onto þe last kyng Tarquinius XXIIII [recte XXV]. [¶] Of þe gouernoures in Rome fro þat same kyng onto þat emperouris begunne. XXV [recte XXVI]. [¶] Of all þe emperouris fro Julius Cesar onto Frederik. XXVI [recte XXVII].
many] suprascript
1
called] MS calle
2
This chapter heading added in margin and trimmed by a binder
3
CHAPTER HEADINGS OF PART I
9
These are the chapter headings of Part I: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Who were the original founders of Rome. The various gates, walls and towers of Rome. The various bridges of Rome. The various hills of Rome. The abundance of palaces in Rome. The abundance of arches in Rome built to celebrate various triumphs. How there are many catacombs in Rome. How there were many other sacred sites and their names before they became Christian. 9 The special place called St Peter’s obelisk. 10 Various temples dedicated to false gods now converted for the worship of saints. 11 The Capitol, the most important place in the city. 12 The two marble horses and the two naked men called the Caballi di Marmo. 13 The horse of brass and its rider that stands at the Lateran (= Marcus Aurelius). 14 The place called the Colliseum. 15 The place called the Pantheon. 16 The beautiful place called Ara Celi. 17 The tower that stands by the gate called Porta Flaminea. 18 The building called the Septizodium. 19 The arch of Tarquinius Priscus (= Circus Maximus). 20 The place in front of San Pietro called the Cantarus. 21 The sepulchre of Remus and Romulus. 22 The palace belonging to Trajan and Hadrian. 23 The conch-shaped stone in which Constantine was baptized. 24 The place called Omnis Terra. 25 The rulers of Rome from Romulus to the last king Tarquinius Priscus. 26 The rulers of Rome from the last king to the first emperor. 27 The emperors from Julius Caesar to Frederick [II (d 1250)].
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
Whech wer first foundatouris of Rome.
Capitulum I.
Of þe auctoris or ellis þe makeris of Rome or of hem þat first dwelt þere are many opynyones. Summe sey þat Remus and1 Romulus bilid it first and ʒaue her name to it, but ageyn þat opynyoun is Solinus De mirabilibus mundi þat seith it hith Rome er þese bretheryn were bore. For þese oppynyones and many moo I wil procede be ordre and declare onto þe rederes of2 þe first dwelleris of Rome. Ther was a croniculer in elde tyme whech þei called Estodius whos book is not now redyly founde but he is rehersid in þe newer bookis as for a trewe auctour. Thus writith he that, aftir þe tyme þat Noe had seyn who his successioun had bilid þat hy tour of Babilon and uenjaunce taken on þe puple in confusioun of tungis, þat same Noe with certeyn of his frenschip in a litil schip seyled into Itaylé, dwelt and deyid in þat same place whech we clepe now Rome. Aftir him dwelt þere Janus his sone (othir cronicles calle him Ionicus), and þei sey of hym þat he was a grete astronomer, for he taut þat sciens onto Nembroth. He eke prophecied of þe regnes þat wer deryued fro þe sunnys of Noe. For of Cam was he Belus born, afterward kyng of Surry. Of Sem spronge þei of Mede þei of Perse and þei eke of Grece. And of Japhet come þe Romaynes. These þingis wrote þis Ionicus and many othir. fo 356r
Neuyrþelasse for I am not sykyr wheythir | þese too names longyn to o man or to too; þerfor I write what cronicles sey of Janus. Janus þei say with Janus his son3 and his neve Tamese biggid þe cité whech þei called Janiclye, and eke ouyr Tibur he mad a paleys whech he clepid Janicle in þat same place wher Seynt Peter cherch stant and þe paleys as I suppose, for þis cause, for þe hill aboue þese too hith ʒet Mons Janiculus. Sone after þis tyme Saturne, whech was of his owne son gelt and fled fro his cuntré, he cam to þe same place and þer, aftyr many bataylis, he bylid a cyté where now stant þe Capitole. In þoo same dayis þe kyng of Itailé cam to þe same Saturne with all þe strength of þe Siracusanis, whech is a cyté of Cicilé, and he bylid eke a grete part of Rome fast by þe flood þat was þann clepid Albula and now is it clepid Tibur. Hercules eke his son, as Uarro writith, mad a cité vndir þe Capitol whech he clepid Valery. Than cam a kyng þat dwelt upon Tybur and mad þer a cyté. Euander after þis, kyng of Archadye, bilid him a cité in þe Mount Palantine. This same man fled his cuntré as summe men seyn for he had kyllid his fadir at instauns of his moder, whech hith hym grete þingis for þe dede and and ] & suprascript
1
of ] suprascript
2
son] suprascript
3
Chapter 1
11
Chapter 1 The original Founders of Rome. The authors of accounts of Rome, the builders of Rome and the first inhabitants have different opinions about the founders. Some say that Remus and Romulus built it first and gave their name to it. Solinus in his work On the Marvels of the World disagrees saying it was called Rome before the two brothers were born. I will deal with these and other opinions in order for the readers and set down who were the first inhabitants of Rome. There was a historian in ancient times called Estodius whose book is not now available but he is cited in more recent books as a genuine authority. He writes that when Noah had seen how his immediate successors had built the high Tower of Babel and how it had backfired on the people through the Confusion of Tongues, then with selected friends Noah sailed to Italy in a small boat and lived and died in the place we now call Rome. After him his son Janus lived there (some histories call him Jonitus), and they say he was a great astronomer because he taught that skill to Nimrod. He also foretold the dynasties that followed from the sons of Noah. From Ham was born Belus who became king of Babylon. From Shem descended the people of Medea, the people of Persia and the people of Greece. From Japhet came the Romans. Jonitus wrote these things and many others. Nevertheless I am not sure whether these two names belong to one man or two; for that reason I note what histories say of Janus. They say that Janus with his son Janus and his nephew Camese built the city called Janiculum, and also on the other side of the River Tiber he built a palace on the site where San Pietro stands, and I guess the palace was called Janiculum because the hill rising above these two buildings is called the Janiculum and still is. Soon after this Saturn, who was castrated by his own son and fled his country, came to this same spot and there, after many battles, he built a city where the Capitol now stands. Around the same time the king of Italy came to Saturn with all the strength of the people of Syracuse, a city of Sicily, and he also built a large part of Rome right by the river that was then called Albula but is now the Tiber. And Hercules, his son, as Varro writes, made a city called Valentia below the Capitol. Then a king came who lived by the Tiber and built a city there. After that Evander, king of Arcadia, built a city on the Palatine hill. As some men say, this same man fled his country because he had killed his father at the urging of his mother, who promised him great things
12
THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
aftirward fled with hym onto Rome. Of þis same Euander spekith Virgil in þe eite book Eneydos. Aftir him to men, on hith Coroboam, anothir hith Glausus, bylid mech þing in Rome. And þann, as writith Solinus, cam a fled woman fro Troye whos name was Romen; sumtyme it is seid þat sche was dowtir to Eneas and summetyme it is seid sche was but cosin, but sche ʒaue þe name to þe cyté as we seide befor, longe or Remus and Romulus wer bore. Wherfor writith þis auctour þat it was forbodyn in her sacraries þat no man schul name þis woman but only put all þe honour onto Romulus aftir tyme he had take þe reule. Auentinus eke, þe kyng of1 Albany, mad him a cité in þat hill þat is ʒet called Auentyn. And þann euene foure hundred ʒere aftir þe destruccioun of Troye fifty and four, Romulus born of þe Trojanes blood, his broþir Remus deed or slayn, þe ʒer of his age twenti-too, þe fiftene kalende of May all þese forsaide citées coupled togydir and walled in on empire.
fo 356v
And because þat þese too bretherin mad Rome and sette it in a perfithnesse þerfor me þinkith ful necessarie to descryue her birth and her persones for eschewing2 of grete errouris þat poetis feyne of hem. There was a kyng fast be Rome in þe kyng dam þat was called Regio Latinorum whos name þei clepid Amulius þe son to Procate, kyng of þe same. This man Amilius had a elder brothir þat hith Munitor. So þis ʒonger brothir droue out þe elder fro þat kyngdam and exiled him3 for euyr for he wold be kyng alone. Eke he took his [Munitor’s] doutyr clepid Rea and put hir in a hous of | religioun dedicate onto Mars god of batayle þat sche schuld ber no childyrn whech vpen hap myth uenge þe wrong þat was do. This woman þus constreyned to chastité conseyued, it is not pleynli teld of whom for all þe clerkys in þoo dayis feyned þat þese too men wer begotyn of a god celestiall, and so þe woman hirselue confessed þat Mars god of batayle had begoten þese childirn. But for all þat, þe trewe jugis at þat time condempned hir to be doluyn qwik, for swech deth was ordeyned þann for maydenes þat wer consecrate to þe templis if þei broke her chastité. Aftir þe deth of þe moder þese too childyrn wer leyd be þe Tibur side, þat doggis aud woluys schuld distroye hem. So happed a schipard þat kept þe kyngis flok, whos name was Fastulus, to kom by and sey þoo fayr babes left in swech perell; he took hem up and bare hem hoom to his wyf Laurens þat sche schuld norch hem and releue hem. It is seid comounly þat þei wer fed of a wolf for4 þis same Laurence was called Lupa, whech soundith in our langage ‘a wolf ’, rith for þis cause for sche was5 fayr and lecherous and grete appetite had to many men, and þerfor was sche likned onto þis stynkyng beest. And ʒet onto þis day þe celles þat comown women dwell in þorwoute þe Latyn tonge be clepid Lupanaria, þat is to sey houses of woluys. But who-so-euyr it be of þese exposiciones þe cronicles of ] suprascript
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for doing the deed and afterwards fled with him to Rome. Virgil speaks of this Evander in Book VIII of the Aeneid. After him two men, one called Corybas, the other Glaucus, constructed many buildings in Rome. And then, as Solinus writes, there came a woman who had fled from Troy: her name was Romen. Sometimes it is said that she was daughter to Aeneas, and sometimes it is said that she was just his cousin, but she gave the name to the city as we said before, long before Remus and Romulus were born. On this account Solinus notes that in their sacred places no one was allowed to name this woman, for all the honour was accorded to Romulus after he had taken over the government of the city. Aventinus, the king of Alba Longa, also built a city on the hill called the Aventine. And then, 454 years after the destruction of Troy, when Romulus, born of Trojan blood was 22 years of age (his brother Remus being dead or slayn), all these aforementioned cities joined together within the walls to form one empire on 17 April. And because these two brothers made Rome and established it to perfection it seems to me very necessary to describe their birth and their characters in order to avoid the considerable errors promulgated about them by poets. In the kingdom of Latium near Rome there was a king called Amulius, son of Procas, the previous king of Latium. Amulius had an older brother called Munitor. This younger brother wanted to be king alone, so he drove out the older brother from the kingdom and exiled him for ever. He also took the older brother’s daughter called Rhea and put her in a religious house dedicated to Mars, god of war, so that she would bear no children who might in the turn of events exact retribution for the evil deed done. Thus constrained to chastity this woman conceived, but it is not clear by whom, for all the scholars at that time falsely claimed that these two men were begotten of a heavenly god, and the woman herself confessed that Mars, god of war, had begotten these children. For all that the just judges at the time condemned her to be buried alive, for that form of death was what was then laid down for virgins consecrated to the temple who broke their vow of chastity. After the death of the mother these two children were laid beside the River Tiber, so that dogs and wolves would destroy them. As it happened a shepherd named Faustulus, who kept the king’s flock, came by and saw those two beautiful babies in such danger. He took them up and carried them home to his wife Laurentia so that she could nourish them and comfort them. It is commonly reported that they were fed by a wolf, for this same Laurentia was called Lupa ‘She-Wolf ’, so called because she was beautiful and wanton and had a great appetite for many men, and that is why she was likened to this smelly animal. And still in our time wherever the Latin tongue is spoken the apartments that common women live in are called Lupanaria ‘brothels’, that is to say houses of she-wolves. But whatever the truth of these accounts
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
of Rome and picture þorw Ytailé bere wytnesse þat a wolf ʒaue soke onto þese childyrn perauenture or Faustulus had founde hem. Thus grew þei undir proteccioun of þis schiphard and his wif til þei come to swech age þat þei coude ryde and schote and put hem in prees þere buffetis schuld be ʒoue. So it happed on a tyme þat Remus went oute alone or ellis with a smal felawchip and was taken of theuys led as a thef to þis Munitor þat was his moderis fadir. That herd sey Romulus and with Fastulus þe schiphard gadered a grete strength forto fecch hom his broþir and whan he cam to þis Munitor and herd him telle what wrong his ʒonger brothir had doo to hym þei alle in fere went and kyllid þis Amilium and restored þe trewe eyir to þe kyngdam. Thus haue I schewid her þat þow þer wer many dwelleris at Rome before þese too breþerin ʒet þei1 coupled all þese citées togidir, made þe wallis and þe touris whech wer not mad befor. This cité in þis wise was begunne of þese too men þe nyneten ʒer of Phacee kyng of Israel and þe fourt ʒer of Achaz kyng of Jerusalem in þe fourte age of þe world of whech was spent þre hundred ʒere and twentiþre, fro þe begynnyng of þe world þre þousand too hundred eyti-too, and fro þe destruccioun of Troye four hundred and fifti-foure. fo 357r
The þird ʒer folowyng aftir þis was Remus slayn with a laboureris rake2 of a man þat hith Fabius, duke of Romulus host, wheythir be þe consent of Romulus | or nowt is put in dowt. Rakes are called þer long hokis of yrun with too tynes with whech þei turne her lond. For euene as we with spadis put þe lond from us in deluyng so þei with her rakes draw it onto hem. Summe writeris sey þat þese too breþerin fell at debate whech of hem schuld be principall and it plesed hem both þat þis souereynté schuld be had with sum heuenely tokne. So both to wer acordid to go into þe hill Aduentyne and whan þei come þedir first onto Remus appered seuene egles, þan after onto Romulus appered fourtene. Remus mad his chalange þat he schuld be principall for þe first apperyng. Romulus seyd he had mor rith for þe gretter nowmbyr, and so in þis strif þe forseyd man Fabius hit him with a rake þat lay next hand as is seyd befor. Anothir opinioun of his deth I fynde wrytyn þat aftir þe wallis wer made summe, and summe dikys þer þe wallis schuld be, it was mad a lawe þat no man schuld passe hem withouten leue and in dew tyme, and for þe cause þat Remus was þe first breker of þis lawe þerfor was he slayn. Aftir þe deth of þis man, Romulus called onto þe cité mech sundry puple, Sabinenses, Albanenses, Tusculanes, Politanes, Celanenses, Sicanenses, Camarianis, Campanis, Lucanis and ny all þe noble puple of Itaylé. Than was þei] suprascript
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the histories of Rome and pictorial representations throughout Italy testify that a wolf gave suck to these children, perhaps before Faustulus found them. So they grew up under the protection of this shepherd and his wife until they reached the age when they could ride and shoot and put people in confined situations where they could be beaten up. It happened one time that Remus went out alone or with a small retinue and was captured by thieves and taken as a thief to this Munitor, who was his mother’s father. Romulus heard about this and together with Faustulus the shepherd convened a large troop to bring his brother back home. When he came to Munitor and heard what wrong his younger brother had done to him they all went together and killed this Amulius and restored the true heir to the kingdom. Thus I have shown here that although there were many people who dwelt at Rome before these two brothers, yet it was these two who linked all these cities together and built the walls and towers that were not built already. In this way this city was begun by these two men in the nineteenth year of the reign of Pekah, king of Israel, and the fourth year of the reign of Ahaz, king of Judah, in the fourth age of the world which had advanced 323 years, 3282 years from the beginning of the world, and 454 years from the destruction of Troy. Three years later Remus was killed with a workman’s hoe by a man called Fabius, a commander in Romulus’s army; whether this was with Romulus’s consent or not is moot. What they call hoes there are long iron hooks with two prongs with which they turn over the soil. For just as we turn the soil away from us digging with spades, so they draw it towards them with their hoes. Some writers say that these two brothers got into an argument as to which of them should be principal, and it was agreeable to both of them that this ascendancy should be decided by some divine sign. So they both agreed to go up to the Aventine hill and when they came there seven eagles appeared first to Remus and then afterwards fourteen eagles appeared to Romulus. Remus claimed that he should be principal because his eagles appeared first, but Romulus said he should take precedence because of the greater number of eagles that appeared for him. In the course of this altercation the man we mentioned called Fabius hit Remus with a hoe that was to hand as we said already. I find another written opinion about his death that after the walls were partly put up, but there were ditches where the walls were yet to be built, a law was made that no-one should go by them without permission and in due time, and because Remus was the first person to break this law he was killed for that reason. After the death of this man, Romulus summoned to the city various peoples, Sabines, the people of Alba Longa, the people of Tusculanum (Frascati), the people of Politorium, the people of Tellenae, the people of Ficana, the people
16
fo 357v
THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
þer1 grete care forto haue so many men withouten women and specialy for þei of þe cuntré were not glad to lete her dowteris be weddid to þe dwelleris of Rome for þe grete noyse þat was of hem in extorsion theft and mordre as is vsed amongis werriouris. Wherfor þis same Romulus let make a grete cry of dyuers exercises, justyng, schetyng, putting at þe ston and swech othir, to towe þe cuntré both man and woman onto þese gay games. And whan þe puple was most gadered euery man þat was sengil chase him a make of þoo maidenes whech wer come oute of þe cuntré but moost specialy of þat nacioun whech wer called Sabynes. And þere began a grete bataile betwix þe Romaynes and Sabynes and lested many dayes onto þe tyme þat þei wer þus acordid þat euery child þat is born of both blodes schuld haue to names, on in worchip of þe fadyr, anothir in worchip of þe moder. Thus grew Rome in grete nowmbir and in grete worchip for Romulus chase owt an hundred of þe eldest men and called hem senatoures a senectute, whech is forto sey age menyng herby þat elde men and weel wered of longe experiens schuld haue gouernaunce ouir þe puple. Eke he chase owt of þe puple of þe most2 strenghest and likly men and ech of hem called was3 miles, þat is to sey in owr langage ‘a knyth’. For mille is a þousand, and a þousand of þese chase he first þat soo of þis noumbir began þis name. Whan he had regned þus not many ʒeres he held a bataile in a marys of Campanie and sodeynly a grete tempest and grete þundir rysyng to|gidir sodeynly bare him awey þat no man wist wher he becam, and þann þe puple annowbred him amongis her goddis and called him god Qwyryn for þis cause, for qwyryn in þe Sabynes tonge is called ‘a schaft’, and he rood neuyr withoute a spere þerfor þei aproprid to him þat name. And in worchip of him for þe moost part of þe Romaynes at þese dayes if þei goo on fote þei walk with speres. Anothir cause of þis name is assigned be writeris þat aftir his deth þei picchid his schaft in þe Mount Aduentyn and it grew onto a tree þerfor wold þei calle him þe god Qwyrynall.
þer] r supplied
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of Camerium, the people of Capeni, the Lucani people, and practically all the noble people of Italy. Then there was great anxiety that there were so many men without a woman, and especially because the country dwellers were reluctant to let their daughters marry Romans on account of their reputation for extortion, theft and murder, as is commonly found with soldiers. So Romulus caused a great announcement to be made about various sports, jousting, shooting, putting of the shot and the like, in order to attract the country folk, both men and women, to these uplifting games. And when the people were all gathered together every man who was single chose a partner from the girls who had come from the country, especially from the nation of the Sabines. And there arose a great argument between the Romans and the Sabines which lasted days until the two parties agreed that every child born of the two blood-lines should have two names, one in honour of the father and one in honour of the mother. In this way Rome grew in population and prestige for Romulus selected a hundred of the oldest men and called them Senators ‘by seniority’, that is to say by age, meaning that men who were old and mellowed by long experience should rule over the people. Also he chose the strongest and most able men, each called miles, that is to say in our language ‘a knight’. For mille is ‘a thousand’, and he chose a thousand of these knights first so that the name miles came from this number. When he had reigned a few years he fought a battle in the marsh of Campania and suddenly a great thunderstorm carried him away so that on-one knew where he had gone, and then the people counted him as a god and called him Quirinus the god because quirinus in the Sabine language means ‘shaft’; since he always rode carrying a spear they appropriated this name for him. And in honour of him most Romans walking out on foot carry a spear. Another reason for this name is given by authors that after his death they pitched his spear on the Aventine hill and it grew into a tree, so they call him the god Quirinal.
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
Of þe ʒatis wallis and towris.
Capitulum II.
Now of þe ʒatis of Rome wallis and towris schal be our tretyng folowyng euyr þe steppis of our elde. Ʒatis be þere in Rome twelf beside þe cité Leonyne wher Seint Petir cherch stant, whech cité hath þre ʒates, and eke þe cité Transtiber wher Seynt Cecilé and Seynt Pancras and Seynt Grisogonus lyn, whech hath alsoo oþir þre. As for þe wallis ʒe schal vndirstand þat þei stand at þis day sumwhat appeyred of age, as no wonder is, but ʒet are þei strong and hy for þe most part as touris be in Inglond of þe townes þat stand þere. Who many myle1 þei conteyne I cannot seyn but be gessyng, for I fynde writyn þat if a man go aboute þe wallis and þe watir he schuld goo twenti-too myle, and I hald not þe watir fro þe tour by Seynt Poules ʒate onto þe toure þat stant2 be þe ʒate whech is called Porta Flaminea not mech mor þan sex myle. So as be myn estimacioun fro Seyn Poules ʒate þat stant in þe south onto Porta Flaminea þat stant in þe north þe wall conteynyth in length vp on sextene myle. As touching þe toures þe elde writeris sey þat þere be þre hundred sexti and on whech is likly inow to be soth for þei stand rith ny togidir.
fo 358r
Now of þe ʒatis we wil beginne at þat ʒate þat ledeth to Seynt Paules, whech stant on þe south side of Rome, it is cleped in elde bokis Porta Capena, whech soundith in our langage ‘þe takyng ʒate’, for þat wey þat goth be þat ʒate is clepid Via Hostiensis, for it goth to a cyté þat hith Hostie, whech stant in swech a place wher Tibur rennyth into þe see, and so soundith þe name in Latyn, for hostium is ‘a dor’ and þat is called soo as þe dore of Tibur. On þe rith hand of þis ʒate stant a grete sware hill ny ioyned onto þe wal mad al of fre ston grete benethin and smal abouyn, hier þann ony tour, in whech Remus is byried as þei sey þere. This Porta Capena is sumtyme in elde bookis called Porta Campania, wheþir it is errour of writeris or nowt I leue it as now. Be þis ʒate was Seynt Paule led whan he schuld be ded. Be þis ʒate cam Seynt Syluester hom whan he had dedicate Paules cherch so late þat he | was constreyned to prey God of endewryng of þe sunne, and as it is3 seid þe sunne seruyd him tyl he came at Seynt Petres cherch, and be þat tyme it was mydnyth. This dedicacioun was in Halowmesse monthe sumwhat aftyr Seynt Martyn day. Next þis ʒate stant þat ʒate þat is called Porta Appia; þis wey goth first onto a litil cherch whech is cleped Sancta Maria de Palma and þann to a crosse men calle Domine quo uadis, ferþermor onto þat holy place whech is dedicate onto þe name myle] suprascript
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Chapter 2 The Gates, Walls and Towers of Rome Now we will treat of the gates, walls and towers, always following the steps of our forerunners. There are twelve gates in Rome leaving aside both the Leonine City (where San Pietro stands), which has three gates, and the Trastèvere quarter (wherein lie Santa Cecilia, San Pancrazio and San Crisogono), which also has three. As for the walls you must understand that they stand today looking a bit antiquated, which is no surprise, but yet they are strong and for the most part as high as towers that stand in English towns. How many miles they comprise in circumference I cannot say except by guessing; I find it written that if a man go around the walls and the water he shall go twenty-two miles, and I reckon that the water from the tower by the Porta San Paolo to the tower that stands by the gate called Porta Flaminea is not much more than six miles. So by my estimate the wall from the Porta San Paolo in the south to the Porta Flaminea in the north comprises up to sixteen miles in length. With regard to the towers the ancient writers say that there are three hundred and sixty-one of them, which looks likely enough to be true as they stand very close to each other. We will start with the gate that leads to San Paolo fuori le Mura, which stands on the south side of Rome. In ancient books it is called Porta Capena, which means in our language ‘the taking gate’. For the route that goes through that gate is called Via Ostiense as it goes to a town called Ostia, which stands at the place where the Tiber goes into the sea; that’s what the name means in Latin, for hostium is a ‘door’, and the place is so called because it is at the door of the River Tiber. On the right hand of this gate there stands almost joined to the wall a great square mound of dry stone, broad at the bottom and tapering at the top, and higher than any tower, in which, as they say there, Remus is buried. In ancient books this Porta Capena is sometimes called Porta Campania, whether by mistake on the part of writers or not I leave aside for now. St Paul was led through this gate when he was to be beheaded. After he had dedicated San Paolo St Sylvester came home through this gate so late that he was forced to pray to God to extend the sunlight and as it is said the sun provided him with light until he arrived at San Pietro at midnight. This dedication service was in November somewhat after St Martin’s day (11 Nov). Next to this gate stands the gate called Porta Appia; this route (Via Appia) goes first to a small church called Santa Maria in Palmis, then to a standing cross that men call Domine Quo Vadis ‘Where are You going Lord?’, and further along to
20
THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
of Seynt Sebastian, wher is Kalixti cymyteri and eke catacumbas, of whech places whe speke now but litil for aftir in our book we will speke of hem mor largely. Fast by þis ʒate was Seynt Sixte heded for þe name of Oure Lord Jhesu, as we fynde in cronicles, whech Sixte was pope of Rome and maystir onto Seynt Laurens. The cause whi it is clepid Porta Appia: for a grete lord of Rome whech hith Appius Claudius mad it. Porta Latina is alsoo a grete ʒate of Rome and is clepid Latina for þat wey goth onto þat lond þat was called þe Latyn lond; þer began first þe Latyn tunge with labour and study of Latyn, kyng of þat lond, and of Karmentis his modir. Fast by þis ʒate stant a litill chapell in whech Seynt Jon þe Euangeliste was put in a tunne of brennyng oyle and be myracle had no harm. The maner of þis martirdam is declared in cronicles on þis wyse.1 He was in Ephese and preched þere bysily þe feith of Our Lord Jhesu. Than þe proconsul of þe cité defended him his preching. He answerd þat it was better forto obeye to God þan to man. And þan was Jon sent to Rome with a lettir to Domiciane in whech he was called2 a wycch ful of sacrilege and a louer of him þat was do on þe crosse. So be comaundment of Domiciane he was put in þe tunne and whann þe emperour say þat he was so meruelously delyueryd he had þoutʒ forto a saued him but for þe grete hate whech he had to Crist he sent him into Pathmos to be exiled þere. Eke þere is a ʒate whech summe clepe Metronia and summe Triconia. This ʒate is not now used but sperd up for þorw þat tour entreth a fresch watir into þe cité whech rennyth þorw þe nunnes place þat dwell at Seynt Syxtes, and it appereth ageyn in a deep hole fast by Seynt Georges and þann undir þe ground mor þan too myle for it rennyth into Tybyr with a grete at a well þat stant ny Sancta Maria de Populo. Metronia is as mech to sey as mesuryng and Triconia soundith in our tunge dressing of her into þre partes. Because women waschen at þis ʒate customhabily both exposiciones of gramar may be applied3 to þat place, first mesure of her camisees whech þei boyle þere and dressing of heer whech þei wasch þer. fo 358v
Now folowith þe ʒate þat þei clepe Laterane or ellis Asinari. Laterane is it cleped for it stant be þe pa|leys Lateranensis, and whi þat paleys is called soo auctores seyn for latus lateris is a side and because þat place stant on þe o side of Rome and closith in þe cité, þerfor þe calle it soo. Othir men sey þat it was clepid Laterane of þe frosch þat was in Nero wombe, whech frosch at his comaundment was byried þer, for lateo is forto hide and rana is a frosch in Latyn tunge, whech soundith ‘hidyng of þe frosch’. Her may ʒe knowe weel þat of ful lewid dedis of men risen in þis world ful famous places, for of þe fame of þis place schal be mad ful gret wyse] MS wyse ner
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was called] in margin
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the holy place dedicated to St Sebastian, where is situated the catacombs of St Calixtus, places we say little about now because we will deal with them more generously later in our book. As we find in histories, St Sixtus I, who was pope of Rome and teacher of St Laurence, was beheaded near this gate for his devotion to the name of Our Lord Jesus Christ. The reason why it is called Porta Appia: because a great grandee at Rome called Appius Claudius built it. Another great gate of Rome is Porta Latina, called Latina because that is the way to Latium, where the Latin language first began through hard work and study by Latinus, king of that land, and by Marica his mother. Near this gate stands a small chapel where St John the Evangelist was put in a barrel of boiling oil and miraculously was unharmed. The manner of his martyrdom is reported in histories in this way. He was in Ephesus and conscientiously preached there the faith of Our Lord Jesus Christ. Then the proconsul of the city forbad him to preach. He responded by saying it was better to obey God than a man. Then John was sent to Rome to Emperor Domitian with a letter in which he was called a sorcerer, full of sacrilege, and a lover of the one who was done for on the cross. So on Domitian’s orders he was put in the barrel of boiling oil and when the emperor saw that he was so miraculously saved he thought about pardoning him but on account of the great hatred that he had towards Christ he sent him into exile in Patmos. There is also a gate that some people call Porta Metronia and some Porta Triconia. This gate is not used now but is boarded up, for a fresh stream enters the city through that tower and flows through the convent of nuns that dwell at San Sisto Vecchio, then it appears again in a deep gulley near San Georgio in Velabro and goes more than two miles underground to flow into the Tiber at a sluice by a well that is situated near Santa Maria del Popolo (recte in Cosmedin). Metronia is as much as to say ‘measuring’ and Triconia means in our language ‘arranging into three parts’. Since women customarily do their washing at this gate both etymological explanations are applicable to that place, first ‘measure’ in relation to their petticoats, which they boil there, and ‘arranging’ in relation to arranging their hair, which they wash there. The next gate is the one called Lateran (Porta San Giovanni) or else Porta Asinaria. It is called Lateran because it stands by the Lateran Palace, and authors say the reason that palace is so called is because Latin latus lateris means ‘side’ and the palace is situated on one side of Rome and closes off the city there, hence its name. Other men say it was called Lateran on account of the frog in Nero’s stomach, the frog being buried there on his orders, for Latin lateo means ‘hide’ and rana means ‘frog’, so the meaning is ‘hiding the frog’. From this you can perceive that men’s very base deeds can give rise to very famous places in this world, for the high reputation of
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
declaracioun aftirward in our secund book. This ʒate is called alsoo Asinari for þe multitude of asses1 þat come in ʒet at þese dayes with dyuerse birdenes. Now next aftir þis ʒate stant a ful solempne ʒate whech þei calle þe grettest and eke þei name hym þerto Porta Lauicana; be þis ʒate passe þe pilgrimes whan þei goo to Seint Laurens extra Muros. And wheythir it is clepid Laui with a u or Lani with a n it is dowt to summe men for Lanicana with a n soundith ‘þe ʒate of wollis’, and Lauicana with a u soundith ‘þe ʒate of wasching’. I leue all þis in þe disposicioun of þe rederes. I wene ueryly þat þe weye þat goth be þis ʒate is called Via Ardeatina. Next þann is anothir ʒate whech þei call Porta Sancti Laurentii; it is clepid so for whan men haue be on pilgrimage at Seint Laurence þei come hom ageyn to Rome be þis ʒate. But in elde tyme it was called Porta Taurina, þe bullis ʒate, or ellis Porta Tiburtina, þe ʒate þat ledeth to þe cité whech hitith Tiburtine þat stant twelf myle fro Rome, and ʒet þe Romaynes haue it in subjeccioun in token wherof þe keyis of þat cyté hange within Rome at a gate fast be þe cherch of Viti and Modesti be a chene of yrun. The nexte ʒate folowyng as summe sey is Porta Salaria, but Seynt Anneis legend calleth it Porta Numentana, and so þe nexte into þe north side is Salaria – þis hold I þe trewer party. Be þis ʒate go men to Seynt Anneis cherch and to Seynt Constaunce and whi þei calle it Numentana auctores say for þat wey goth onto a cuntré whech is called soo, in whech cuntré were many worthi werriouris and continued in many batailes ageyn þe Romaynes, as men may rede in þe book De gestis Romanorum. Than folowith þe ʒate whech þei calle Salaria; be þat wey go men to a cyté of þe same name. For as Lucane þe poete seith in his secund book this cité berith his name of þe grete plenté of salt þat þei fynde in the mountis. And þat þis is soth pilgrimes may knowe weel be þe pokes of salt þat hors and asses ber specialy if men go be þat wey to Rome þere Peruse stant.
fo 359r
Anothir ʒate þere is þat is cleped Pinciana and took his name of þat hill þat goth from Sancta Maria2 de Populo onto þe same ʒate. Men sey at Rome þat þere dwelt a tyraunt sumtyme whech hith Pincis of whom þis hill took his name. At þis day are ʒet | voutes3 in þe hill and many walles eke, for mech of þe hill longith onto þe Frer Austenes þat dwell at Sancta Maria de Populo. Summe sey þat it was on of Nero paleys and both may be soth. Fast by þis ʒate aboue þe hill asses] final s suprascript
1
Maria] added in the margin
2
voutes] MS vountes
3
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this place will be fully set out in Book II. This gate is also called Asinaria because of the multitude of asses that still enter with various loads by it today. Now the next gate after this is a very important gate which they call the greatest, and the name given to it is Porta Lavicana (Porta Prenestina or Maggiore); pilgrims going to San Lorenzo fuori le Mura pass by this gate. There is some doubt among men as to whether it is called Lavi with a v or Lani with an n, for Lanicana with an n means ‘the gate of wools’, and Lavicana with a v means ‘the gate of washing’. I leave all this to the readers’ discretion. I know for a fact that the route that goes out through this gate is called Via Ardeatina. Next is another gate called Porta San Lorenzo, so named because when men have gone on pilgrimage to San Lorenzo they come back home to Rome by this gate. In olden times it was called Porta Taurina ‘the bull’s gate’, or else Porta Tiburtina, the gate that leads to the city named Tiburtina, which lies twelve miles from Rome, and the Romans still hold that city in submission, and as a token of this submission the keys of the city hang in Rome on an iron chain at a gate near the church of Santi Vito e Modesto. The next gate following round is Porta Salaria, as some call it, but the records of Sant’Agnese fuori le Mura call it Porta Nomentana; as the next gate on the north side is Porta Salaria, I consider Nomentana to be the more accurate name for this one. Men go to Sant’Agnese fuori le Mura and to Santa Costanza by this gate, and authors say the reason they call it Nomentana is because the route from it goes to a country so named, in which country there were many worthy soldiers, and they continued to fight many battles against the Romans as men may read in the book On the Deeds of the Romans by Florus. Then comes the gate that they call Porta Salaria; men go this way to a city of the same name. For as Lucan the poet says in his second book this city takes its name from the great quantity of salt they find in the hills. And particularly if they come to Rome by the route from Perugia pilgrims may know the truth of this etymology certainly from the packs of salt that horses and asses carry. There is another gate called Porta Pinciana, the name of which comes from the hill that goes from Santa Maria del Popolo to this gate. Men say that once upon a time there lived at Rome a tyrant called Pincius from whom this hill took its name. To this day there are many arched structures and walls too on the hill, for much of the hill belongs to the Austin Friars who dwell at Santa Maria del Popolo. Some say it was one of Nero’s palaces, and both may be true. Near this gate up on
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
stood a cherch of Seynt Felicé þe martir but now it is falle down þe most part as many othir be. Anothir ʒate is þere fast be Sancta Maria de Populo þat stant evene into þe north, and þe wey to Peruse and to Venyce lith þere ouyr a grete brigg of ston a long myle fro þe ʒate, whech brigg þei calle Pons Miluius. The ʒate is clepid Porta Flaminea for þis cause for it is open to a prouynce of þat same name. Geruase in his book De ociis imperialibus rehersith eytene prouinces þat longe to Ytailé, of whech þis Flaminea is put in þe eleuene place. The last ʒate of alle is called Porta Colina uel Colatina, whech stant at þe briggis foot under þe Castell Aungell, whech castell was sumtyme clepid Templum Adriani. In Transtiber ar þer þre ʒates and in þe cité Leonyne oþir þre, whos names I coude not esely lerne but on of hem hith Portuensis, and þat is in þe wall þat goth fro þe popes paleis onto þe Castell Aungell. Anothir hith Aurelia and þat is aboute Seynt Pancras as I suppose in Transtiber.
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the hill there stood the church of San Felice the martyr but it is now for the most part fallen down, as are many others. There is another gate that faces towards the north near Santa Maria del Popolo, and the route to Perugia and Venice lies that way over a great stone bridge a good mile from the gate, and this bridge is called Ponte Milvio. The gate is called Porta Flaminea for the reason that it opens the way to a province of the same name. In his book Recreation for an Emperor Gervase of Tilbury lists eighteen provinces belonging to Italy, of which this Flaminea is put in eleventh place. The last gate of all is called Porta Colina or Colatina, which stands at the foot of the bridge overlooked by Castel Sant’Angelo, formerly called the Mausoleum of Hadrian. In Trastèvere there are three gates and in the Leonine City a further three, the names of which I could not easily ascertain, but one of them is called Porta Portuensis, and that is in the wall that goes from the papal palace to Castel Sant’Angelo. Another gate is called Porta Aurelia and I guess that is near San Pancrazio in Trastèvere.
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
Off dyuerse briggis in Rome.
fo 359v
Capitulum III.
Of þe dyuers briggis in Rome schul we make but schort processe for it is a mater of no grete charge. The first brigg is Pons Miluius of whech I spak before, whech stant more þan a myle fro þe north ʒate of Rome and þere goo men ouyr Tibur þat schul to Peruse goo or ellis to Venyce. It had summetyme grete touris and mech housyng aboute it as þe name of it soundith ʒet, for Miluius is as mech to say as a þousand, and because þe Romanes wold not her enmyes schuld entre withinne her wateris þerfor had þei þer as it is seyd a þousand assigned to kepyng of þis brigg. The secunde is Pont Adriane for it stand undir Adrianes temple now is þat temple cleped Castell Aungell for þe grete miracle þat was do þere in Seynt Gregory tyme, of whech place we schul speke more largely aftirward. This brigg is þe comoun weye out of Rome onto Seynt Petres. The thirde brigg is called Neroniane; I hope it be falle down for we may ʒet se þe steppes of him and many moo þat stood sumtyme and now are falle. It was cleped Neroniane for Nero mad it. Thow he was cursyd in lyuyng ʒet was he as þei write a grete bylder. The fourt is called Pont Antonine for þat lord mad it and many other þingis in Rome as we schal trete of aftirward. The fifte is Pont Fabrice for on Fabricius mad it, a man eke of grete fame. The sexte is Pont Graciane for þat holy Cristen emperour mad it. This man was so good and so propicius to þe Cherch þat Seynt Ambrose bischop of Melan wrote onto him a grete book of þe faith of Our Lord Jhesu, whech is now | ful straunge forto fynde. The seuene was cleped þe senatouris brigg for because þei made it. The eyte was all of marbill, Theodosius þe emperour made it and of him it bar þe name. The nyne mad Valentiniane þe emperour and eke it bar his name.
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Chapter 3 The various Bridges in Rome
We shall deal briefly with the various bridges in Rome for the subject is no great matter. The first bridge is the Ponte Milvio, mentioned above, which stands more than a mile from the north gate of Rome; there men intending to go to Perugia or Venice cross the Tiber. At one time it had large towers and considerable housing around it, as the name still suggests, for Milvius is as much to say as a thousand, and because the Romans did not want their enemies to enter within their waters, for this reason, as it is said, they allocated a thousand men to secure the bridge. The second bridge is the Pons Aelius Hadrianus (now the Ponte Sant’Angelo), for it stands below the Mausoleum of Hadrian which is now called Castel Sant’Angelo on account of the great miracle that was done there in the time of St Gregory, about which we shall say more later. This bridge is the usual route out of Rome to San Pietro. The third bridge is called Pons Neronianus. I hope it falls down for we can still see the steps of him and many others that stood for a time and now are fallen. It was called Neronianus because Nero built it. Though his life was accursed yet as they write he was a great builder. The fourth bridge is called Pons Antoninus, for that lord made it and many other things in Rome, and we shall give some account of them later. The fifth bridge is Pons Fabricius, for Fabricius built it, another man of great repute. The sixth bridge is Pons Gratiani (now the Ponte Cestio), for that holy Christian emperor built it. This man was so good and so generous to the Church that St Ambrose, bishop of Milan, dedicated to him a great book of the faith of Our Lord Jesus Christ, which is now difficult to find. The seventh bridge was called the senators’ bridge, for they built it (= Pons Aemilius, later the Ponte Rotto). The eighth bridge was all marble; the Emperor Theodosius built it and it took its name from him (Pons Theodosii). The ninth bridge was built by Emperor Valentinian and it too bore his name.
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
But ʒe schul undirstand þat of all þese briggis stand now but fif, as fer forth as I could aspie, and eke þei be not ful longe as othir citées haue for þei passe not four or fif arches; þe watir is dep but not rith brood.
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But you must understand that as far as I could see only five of these bridges still stand, and also they are not as long as other cities have, for they have no more than four or five arches; the water is deep but not very wide.
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Of þe dyuers hillis in Rome.
Capitulum IIII.
Seuene famouse hillis were sumtyme rehersid of Rome and þe names of hem haue be so ofte chaunged þat it is ful hard forto write þe treuth of hem. Mons Janiculus is þe first and on þe foot of þat hyll stant Seint Petir cherch and þe popes paleys. Of þis hill þus writith Dominicus de Arecio in his book De montibus. Janicle he seith is on of þe seuene hillis of Rome so named of Jane þat dwelt þer, whom þe Romanes aftir he was ded receyued for a god, and þat in Saturnus tyme. Of whom Ouyde in his bok De fastis rehersith certeyn wordis þat Janus schuld haue seid whann his auter was mad: Ara mea est collis quem vulgus nomine nostro Nuncupat hec etas Janiclumque vocat.
This is to say in our tunge: This is myn auter of þat hill whech þe puple be my name calleth Janicle in þis age.
This hill was joyned onto Rome and wallid in þertoo whann Anthus Marcius Meduliensis had ouyrcome þe kingdam of þe Latyn tunge and brout all þe puple onto Rome, for þer he mad hem dwell. Mons Palantinus is þat hill as I suppose on whech þe grete paleys stood; on þe est side stant Seynt Gregory monastery and on the west side stant þe cherch of Seynt Anastase, on þe south side gardeynes þat wer sumtyme all marys and watir. This reherse I forto acorde with auctores whech speke of þis hill. For of it þus writith Dominicus de Arecio. Palantine he seith is on of þe seuen hillis1 of Rome upon whech hill Remus and Romulus bygunne her first bildyng. But of þe name of þis hill is dyuers writing amongis þese auctores. Varro seith in his fift bok þat certeyn men cleped Palantes, whech come fro a cuntré þei calle it Reatyne, came þedir with Euander, bat oute þe dwelleres þat were þer and named þe hill aftir hem. Solinus De mirabilibus mundi seith þat it was named of certeyn men þat come fro Archadye and mad her dwellyng þere. And summe othir sey þat Euander had a son whech hith Palante and he inhabite þis hill and ʒaue it his name. Of þe paleys þat stood upon þis hill schul we speke in þe next chapitre folowyng. fo 360r
Mons Auentinus is eke on of þese hillis2 of Rome | of whech Varro writith þus. Mount Auentine for summe cause men sey was þus named: on Neuius þat stood þer sey certeyn birdis þat come out of Tybir and litid upon hym. Virgil speketh of þis story in þe eyte book Eneydos wher he seith: duarum nidus domus hillis] MS hill
1
2
hillis] MS hill
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Chapter 4 The various Hills in Rome Seven famous hills have been mentioned at Rome, and their names have changed so often that it is hard to write the truth about them. The Janiculum hill is the first and at the foot of that hill stands San Pietro and the papal palace. Domenico di Bandini of Arezzo writes about this hill in his book On Mountains. Janiculum, he says, is one of the seven hills of Rome, so called after Janus who lived there and whom the Romans acknowledged as a god after his death; that was in the time of Saturn. In his book The Roman Calendar Ovid recounts certain words that Janus was to have said when his altar was made: Ara mea est collis quem vulgus nomine nostro Nuncupat hec etas Janiclumque vocat.
That is to say in our language [Capgrave translates]: ‘This is my altar of that hill which the people call Janiculum after my name in this age’.
This hill was joined onto Rome and enclosed in a wall when Ancus Marcius had conquered the kingdom of Latium and brought all the people into Rome, for he made them live there. The Palatine hill is the one where I guess the great palace stood; on the east side stands the monastery attached to San Gregorio Magno, and on the west side stands the church of Sant’Anastasia, on the south side parks that used to be all marsh and water. I’m mentioning this to be in accord with authors who describe this hill. Domenico di Bandini of Arezzo writes about it as follows. The Palatine, he says, is one of the seven hills of Rome; on this hill Remus and Romulus started their first building. But among these authors there are various statements about the name of the hill. Varro says in the fifth book of his On the Latin Language that certain men called Palantes, who emanated from a place they call Reate, came there with Evander, defeated the inhabitants who were there and named the hill after themselves. Solinus in his On the Marvels of the World says that it was named after certain men who came from Arcadia and made their home there. And some others say that Evander had a son called Pallas and he lived on this hill and gave it its name. We will talk about the palace that stood on this hill in the following chapter. The Aventine hill is also one of these hills of Rome that Varro writes about, as follows. Men say the Aventine was for some reason named in this way: one Naevius who stood there on the hill saw certain birds come from the Tiber and alighted on him. Virgil speaks about this story in the eighth book of the Aeneid, where
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
oportuna uolucres. The sentens of þe poete is þat to nestis of birdis litid on þis man on þe same hill whech hill he seith is ful able to birdis. Summe othir sey þat it is called Auentyne of newcomeres or dwelleris þerto, for so soundith þe Latyn tunge, whech dwelleris mad þer a temple to Diane. Therfor seith Varro þat it was called so ab aduentu, þat is to sey ‘of newe comyng of men þertoo’. Sumtyme fro þat hill to Rome folk wer feried with botis, now is it londid. Titus Liuius seith þat it was called soo of a kyng of Albany whech had þe same name, þere smet ded with þundir. Of þis story makith Ouyde mencioun in his fourt book De Fastis: Venit Auentinus post hos locus unde uocatur Mons quoque etcetra.
That is to sey in Englisch: Auentine cam thidir with his hoost aftir whom þe place is named and eke þe mount.
Eke in þe fourt book Methamorphoseos þus spekith he of þis mater: Tradidit Auentino qui quo regnaret eodem Monte iacet positus tribuitque uocabula monti. ‘This same Auentine’, he seith, ‘dwelt in þe foreseid hill and aftir his birying ʒaue his name to þat hill’.
This hill was annexid onto Rome be a worthi conqwerour called Anthus Marcius. In þis hill stant þe paleys of Eufermiane and a cherch of Seynt Sabyn of whech we wil speke of aftirward. This hill eke is cleped Qwirinall, for whan Romulus was ded þei picchid his schaft þere and it grew, of whech mater we spoke before, and eke whi he is called Qwyrinus, in þe first chapetre. Mons Canalis hangith on þe south side of þis same hill and it is called soo as I suppose for it is fro þat pleyn befor Seynt Poules ʒate lowe lich a gutter in his ascense, and on þis hill stant a cherch of Seynt Boneface þe martyr, in whech lith eke Seynt Alexe þe counfessour. Vpon þe side of þis hill stant a piler of marbill with a hole forto receyue a schaft, whech schaft hath a cloth of silk wounde aboute it, and who can ride best and sonnest touch þis schaft he schal haue þis cloth. Thus be þer þre clothis set up and wonne on Fasting-Gong-Sunday euery ʒere. And her cours of her ridyng begynnyth at þe hill whech is clepid Omnis Terra and endith in þis same hill.
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he says (corrected): dirarum nidis domus opportuna volucrum ‘a suitable place for the nest of vile birds’. The gist of the poet is that two nests of birds alighted on this man on the same hill, this hill being very suitable for birds. Some others say that it is called Aventine after newcomers or new inhabitants there, for that is what the Latin language indicates, and these inhabitants made a temple to Diana there. To that effect Varro says that it was so called ab adventu ‘from the coming’, that is to say from the new arrival of men there. At one time people were ferried in boats from the hill to Rome but now the two are joined by land. Livy says that the hill was so called after a king of Alba Longa who had the same name who was struck dead by thunder. Ovid mentions this story in his fourth book of The Roman Calendar: Venit Aventinus post hos locus unde vocatur Mons quoque . . . .
That is to say in English: Aventinus came there with his army and the place and the hill are named after him.
Ovid also speaks about this subject in the four[teen]th book of The Metamorphoses: Tradit Aventino qui quo regnaret eodem Monte iacet positus tribuitque vocabula monti. ‘This same Aventinus’, he says, ‘dwelt in the afore-mentioned hill and after his burial there gave his name to that hill’.
This hill was annexed to Rome by a worthy conqueror called Ancus Marcius. On this hill stands the palace of Euphemian and a church of St Sabina, which we will speak about later. This hill is also called the Quirinal, for when Romulus died they pitched his spear there and the shaft grew, a matter together with why he was called Quirinus we spoke about before in Chapter 1. The Little Aventine is on the south side of the Aventine and I guess it is called Canalis because it lies low like a channel in its ascent from the plain in front of Porta San Paolo, and on this hill stands a church of St Boniface the martyr (now Sant’Alessio), where St Alexis the confessor lies buried. On the side of this hill there stands a marble pillar with a hole made to hold a spear-shaft, and this spearshaft has a silk cloth wound around it, and the one who can ride fastest and be the first to touch this cloth he gets the cloth. In this way every year there are three cloths set up and won on Quinquagesima Sunday. And the route followed by the riders starts at the hill called Omnis Terra (Monte Testaccio) and ends at this hill.
34
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
Mons Capitolinus stant ny in þe myddis of Rome. Varro seith þat it is clepid soo for whan þei diggid þe ground forto make þere a temple onto Jubiter þei founde a mannis hed al hool, and þis caused þe hillis name for caput is ‘a heed’ and soo of caput was þe hill called Capitoline. Befor þat ʒet in elder tyme þe hill was clepid Tarpeye of a mayden þat had þe same name whech was þere byryid and slayn. Ʒet befor þat tyme was it clepid Mons Saturnius for þere stood a litil town called Saturnia, as | Virgil seith in þe eite book Eneydos. And because þere schal be a special chapetre of þis place in our book folowyng, þerfor as now we speke no mor of him. Mons Celius is eke on of þe seuene so named, as Varro seith in his fift book, of on Celienne, keper of þat hill, whech man was with him Romulus a grete helper ageyn þe kyng of þe Latyn tunge in all his batayles. And þis hill was annexid to þe cyté whech tyme Tullius Hostilius ouyrcam in batayle þe puple of a regioun called Albanorum, whech puple he translate onto þe cyté. This hill eke bar a grete name for þat same Tullius Hostilius dwelt þerin and eke it was mor noysed for þe gloriouse poete Ennius dwelt in þat same place. Of þe temple þat stood þerupon and who it is dedicate to Seynt Steuene we schul trete in þe secund book, whech schal be of spiritual þingis. Mons Superaggius is þat hill on whech stant Sancta Maria Maior, whech edificacioun was mad be a grete miracle of snow as it schal be declared in þe secund book. Beside þese hillis ar many othir, as þe hill in whech Titus and Vespasianus lyn, and þe hill wher þe cherch of Seynt Balbyn stant, and þe hill of Quatuor Coronatorum fast be Laterane, and þe hill þat is clepid Omnis Terra fast by Seynt Poules ʒate, and þe hill eke þat is betwix þe housyng of Rome and Sancta Maria de Populo, whose names for errour of writeres1 I cannot discerne. For þei write þat þere schuld be a hill in whech þe Romanes wold a slayn Virgile,2 and fro þat hill he went inuysible to Naples; summe men calle þis hill Juuenalis and summe Riualis.
writeres] re suprascript
1
Virgile] suprascript
2
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The Capitoline hill stands more or less in the middle of Rome. Varro says it is so called because when they dug the ground to build a temple to Jupiter there they found a man’s head, whole, and this led to the name of the hill, for caput means ‘head’ and so from caput the hill was called Capitoline. Before that in olden times the hill was called Tarpeia after a young woman of the same name who was killed and buried there. Even before that time the hill was called the Saturnian hill because a small town called Saturnia was situated there, as Virgil says in the eighth book of the Aeneid. And because there will be a special chapter about this place later in our book, for that reason we say no more about it now. The Caelian hill is also one of the seven hills, so named, as Varro says in his fifth book, after the guardian of the hill, Caelius Vibienus, who was with Romulus in all his battles against the king of Latium. And this hill was annexed to the city when Tullius Hostilius defeated in battle the people of the region called Alba Longa, whose people he took into the city. This hill also gains great repute because the same Tullius Hostilius lived on it and also it was more reputed because the illustrious poet Ennius lived in that place. We shall deal with the temple that stood on this hill and how it is dedicated to St Stephen in Book II, which will be about religious matters. The Esquiline hill is the one on which stands Santa Maria Maggiore, a building that came about because of great miracle involving snow, as will be made clear in Book II. There are many other hills besides these, as the hill in which Titus and Vespasian are buried, the hill where the church of Santa Balbina stands, the hill of Santi Quattro Coronati near the Lateran, the hill called Omnis Terra (Monte Testaccio) near Porta San Paolo, and the hill that is between the built-up area of Rome and Santa Maria del Popolo, the name of which because of errors in the writing I cannot make out. For they write that there should be a hill there where the Romans wanted to kill Virgil, and from that hill he went unseen to Naples; some men call the hill Juvenalis (recte Viminalis) and some Rivalis.
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
Of þe multitude of paleysis in Rome.
Capitulum V.
Now of þe paleysis þat be in Rome we wil schortly trete.
And first of þe grete paleys þus writith an auctor. The grete paleys stood in þe myddis of þe cité in tokne þat þei were lordes of all þe world, and it was mad in forme of a crosse in four frontes, in whech frontes were a hundred ʒates, on eche side euery ʒate of brasse. In tokne þat þere were so many brasen ʒatis a man may ʒet se in cherchis many þerof all hole, for a grete part of hem are ʒotyn into othir uses as men may se; for þe body of Seynt Petir cherch is cured with metall. This paleis was as I suppose a myle aboute and ʒet stand þere many wallis, dyuers arches and maruelous voutes. Ther is a seler þat longid to þat paleis, as þei sey a uout undir þe ground, whech hath four deambulatories, and euery deambulatory hath sextene arches, euery arch is sextene fete fro piler to peler, eke euery piler is four fete sware, and þis was a seler for wyn. Anoþir seler sey I þer þat stant of seuene longe paues, and sex walles betwix þe paues; sum wall hath fif dores, sum sex, sum seuen, so disposed þat o man may se fourten or fiftene dores at ones if ony man go owt or in. fo 361r
A paleys þer is eke whech is called þe paleys of Romulus; I cannot gesse oþir but | it is Templum Pacis, for both of þis and eke of þe Capitoll fynde I writin þat þei schuld stand onto þe tyme þat a mayde bor a child, and on þat nyth whech Our Lord was bore it is seide of bothe þat a grete part of hem fell down. But ʒet at þese dayes þat temple þat was cleped Templum Pacis fallith be pecis ʒerely in þe fest of þe natiuité of Our Lord Crist. The paleys Lateranensis is sumtyme clepid Nero paleys sumtyme Constantine paleis in þese elde descripciones of Rome. And þis is þe cause as I suppose. Nero berith þe name of it for he bilid a grete part þerof. Constantine eke berith þe name of it for he ʒaue it1 into þe Cherchis possessioun. Nero had anothir paleys fast be þe cherch of Marcelline and Petir, eke anothir betwix þe Hospitall of þe Holy Goost and Seynt Petir cherch, eke anothir be þe place whech þei calle Sancta Maria de Populo, wher he killid himselue. Abouen on þe hill of whech paleys are sene ʒete many voutis and cloysteris undir þe erde, summe as hole as euyr were þei.
it] suprascript
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Chapter 5
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Chapter 5 The multitude of Palaces in Rome Now we will treat the palaces in Rome briefly. First, an author writes of the Great (Lateran) Palace thus. The Great Palace stood in the midst of the city as a sign that the Romans were lords of the whole world, and it was made in the form of a cross, with four frontal facades. and on each facade there were a hundred gates, and on each side every gate was of copper. As an indication that there were so many copper gates one can still see many such gates intact in churches, but a large proportion of them were melted down for other uses as one can see; for the nave of San Pietro is covered with metal. This palace was I guess a mile in circumference and many walls, various arches and marvellous vaults still stand there. There is a cellar that belonged to that palace, a vault as they say under the ground, which has four cloisters, and every cloister has sixteen arches, every arch is sixteen feet from pillar to pillar, and every pillar is four foot square – and this was a cellar for wine. I saw another cellar there that has seven long sections of paving and six walls between the sections of paving; some walls have five doors, some six, so set out that a man can see fourteen or fifteen doors at a time and if anyone goes out or comes in. There is also a palace that is called the palace of Romulus; I can only assume it is the Temple of Peace, for I find written of both this palace and of the Capitol that they were to stay standing until the time when a virgin bore a child, and it is said of both of them that on the night that Our Lord was born a great part of them collapsed. And even today the temple called the Temple of Peace loses part of its structure every year on the feast of the nativity of Our Lord Jesus Christ. The Lateran palace is sometimes called Nero’s palace and sometimes Constantine’s palace in these old descriptions of Rome. And I guess this is the reason. Nero gives his name to it because he built a large part of it. Also Constantine gives his name to it because he handed it over into Church ownership. Nero had another palace near the church of Santi Marcellino e Pietro, yet another between the Hospital of the Holy Spirit (Vatican) and San Pietro, and yet another again by the place they call Santa Maria del Popolo, where he killed himself. Above on the hill of this palace many arches are seen and cloisters under the ground, some as intact as when they were first made.
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
The paleys of Trajane I wot not verily where it standith. Adrianes paleys þei sey is þe Castell Aungell, summe sey it is anoþir place be whech stant a columpne in altitude twenti passe. The paleys of him Claudius stant fast by Pantheon all in ruyne. The paleys of Julius Cesar was fast by þe grete stoon on whech his bones ly. The paleys of Eufermyane, fader to Seynt Alexe was in þe hill Auentyne wher stant now a fayr cherch of Seynt Sabine1 and a place of Frere Prechoures. The paleys of hem called Titus and Uespasianus stant withoute Rome as men goo onto Cathacumbas. The paleys of Domician was in Transtiber. The paleys of Octouian was fast by þe cherch of Seynt Syluester. The paleys called Olimpiadis was in þat place whech Seynt Laurence was rostid, called now Laurencii in Parliperne. The paleys of him Tullius Cicero is but litil fro þe Jewis market mor into þe est. This man was prince and principall of rethoryk, fyndyng and teching in þe Latyn tunge. The paleys of Venus was fast by þat place whech þei clepe Scola Grecorum and summe sympill men calle it Catonys scole. The paleys of on called Kateline, a man of wondirful witte and maruelous gouernaunce, stood in þat place wher now stant a cherch of Seint Antoni.
fo 361v
These emperoures eke had certeyn places whech þei clepid theatra and þat soundith in our tunge a place in whech men stand to se pleyis or wrestilingis or swech oþir exercises of myth or of solace. Summe of þese places were called ampheatrum, þat was a place all round swech as we haue here in þis lond, summe wer called theatrum, and þat was a place was lich half a sercle, of whech þere were seuen in Rome. On þat Titus and Uespasianus mad be her paleys as we goo to Catacumbas. The secunde made Tarquinius þe kyng fast be þe place clepid Septisolium. The þird made Pompey fast by þe cherch of Seynt Laurence in Damasco. The fourt made Antonie fast by Seynt Sixtis. The fift made | Alisaundre þe emperour fast by Seynt Mary Rotunde. The sexte made Nero fast by Crecensis Castell. The seuene was called Flaminea fast by Porta Appia.
Sabine] suprascript
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Chapter 5
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I really do not know where the palace (recte temple) of Trajan stands. They say the palace of Hadrian (= Mausoleum of Hadrian) is Castel Sant’Angelo, but some say it is another place near which stands a column twenty paces (100 feet) in height (i.e. the Temple of Trajan near Trajan’s Column). The palace (recte temple) of Claudius stands in ruins near the Pantheon. The palace (recte temple) of Julius Caesar was near the great stone where his bones lie buried. The palace (= house) of Euphemian, father of St Alexis, was on the Aventine hill where there now stands the beautiful church of Santa Sabina and a Dominican friary. The palace of Titus and Vespasian stands outside Rome on the way to the Catacombs. The palace of Domitian was in Trastèvere. The palace of Octavian was near the church of San Silvestro in Capite. The palace called Olimpiadis was in the place called San Lorenzo in Panisperna, where St Laurence was roasted alive. The palace (= house) of Cicero is just a short distance from the Jewish market slightly to the east; this man was the prince and chief practitioner of rhetoric, researching and teaching in the Latin language. The palace of Venus was near the place they call the Greek School, and some less educated men call it Cato’s School. The palace of Catalina, a man of marvellous wisdom and outstanding protective authority, stood where there is now a church, Sant’Antonio Abbate. These emperors also had certain places that they called theatres, and that means in our language a place where men stand to watch games or wrestling matches and such other activities of strength or pleasure. Some of these places were called amphitheatres, that was a place in the round such as we have here in this country, and some were called theatres, and such a place was like half a circle, of which there were seven in Rome. There is one that Titus and Vespasian made beside their palace as we go towards the catacombs (= Circus of Maxentius). King Tarquinius built the second near the place called the Septizodium (= Circus Maximus). Pompey made the third near the church of San Lorenzo in Damaso. Antoninus Caracalla made the fourth (= Baths of Caracalla) near San Sisto Vecchio. Alexander Severus made the fifth (= stadium of Alexander Severus) near the Rotunda. Nero made the sixth near Castel Sant’Angelo (= (?) Circus of Caligula). The seventh was called Flaminea (= (?) Circus Flamineus) near the Porta Appia.
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
Of þe multitude of arches in Rome rered for diuers victories.
Capitulum VI.
Arches in Rome were many rered in worchip of conqwerouris aftyr her grete conquestis. The arche þat was gilt fast by Seynt Celsis was1 rered in worchip of Alisaundre, not grete Alisaundre kyng of Macedony, but of on Alisaundre emperour of Rome. But ʒe must vndirstand þat all þese were not housed with voutis, but þei called arches alle swech eterne memoriales, for þe most part of hem were sette on arches. The nobilnesse of þis man is expressed in cronicles, whech calle him Alexandre Mammeas for Mammea hith his modir. Sche sent aftir Origene onto grete Alisaundre forto speke with him for þe grete fame of clergy whech was bore of him. And he cam to Rome to þis lady, conuerted hir and taute hir þe feith of Our Lord Jhesu; not longe aftir þei to brout þe same Alisaundre onto þe trewe byleue. And sone after he was Cristen he went into Perse and þere had a grete conqueste ageyn þe kyng of Perse called Xerses; þerfor reisid þe Romanes onto him þis memorial as I suppose, for þei took euyr mor heed at temporall joyes þan goostly. This same emperour graunted leue to hem of Edissa to fecch þe body of Seynt Thomas þe apostell into her cyté. Anothir arche is þer be Seynt Vrse which was mad in honour of þre Cristen emperours, Theodosi, Valentine and Graciane. These men ded so many þingis for þe comoun profite þat þe puple of Rome lete make þis memorial for hem. Eke withouten þe ʒate whech was clepid and ʒet it is Porta Appia stood sumtyme a temple consecrate to Mars, god of batayle, and fast by þat temple stood an arche was cleped Archus Triumphalis. To Titus and Vespasianus þei made eke an arche whan þei came from Jerusalem; þis arche stant fast by Sancta Maria le Noue. An arch þere was eke made in worchip of þe emperour and þe senatoures whech stood fast by Seynt Laurens in Lucina. Anothir was þere rered in worchip of þe emperour Octauiane. Eke anothir þei called Antonini. Anothir fast by Seynt Marc cherch called þe Hand of Flesch, in Latyn manus carnea. Eke on in þe Capitole þat was clepid Archus Panis Aurei, þat is to sey þe ‘Arche of Golden Brede’.
was] added in margin for insertion
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Chapter 6
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Chapter 6 The multitude of Arches raised in Rome to mark various Victories There were many arches raised in Rome in celebration of conquerors after their great victories. The arch that was gilded near San Celso in Banchi was put up in honour of Alexander, not Alexander the Great, king of Macedonia, but Alexander Severus, emperor of Rome. You must understand that not all these triumphal arches were provided with vaults, but they called all such eternal memorial structures arches, for most of them were built on arch-structures. The worthiness of this man is told in histories, which call him Alexander Mammeas, for Mammea was the name of his mother. She sent to the great city of Alexandria for Origen so she could speak with him because of the great reputation for learning that emanated from him. And he came to Rome to this lady, converted her and taught her the faith of Our Lord Jesus Christ, and not much later the two of them brought the same Alexander to the true faith. Soon after he became christian he invaded Persia and there had a great victory over the king of Persia called Xerxes; for this reason I guess the Romans raised this memorial to him, for they always paid more attention to worldly successes than spiritual gains. This same emperor gave leave to the people of Edissa to bring the body of St Thomas the apostle into their city. There is another arch in honour of three Christian emperors, Theodosius I, Valentinian II and Gratian, near Sant’Urso. These men did so many things for the common good that the people of Rome caused this memorial to be made for them. Also, outside the gate called then and still called Porta Appia there stood a temple consecrated to Mars, god of war, and there stood an arch near that temple called Triumphal Arch. They also built an arch for Titus and Vespasian when the two conquerors returned from Jerusalem; this arch stands near Santa Maria Nova. There was also an arch built in honour of the emperor (Septimius Severus) and the senators, which stood near San Lorenzo in Lucina. There was another raised in honour of Emperor Octavian. Also another they called Antonini (probably the arch of Claudius). Another near San Marco is called ‘The Hand of Flesh’, in Latin manus carnea. Also one in the Capitol called in Latin Arcus Panis Aurei, that is to say ‘The Arch of Golden Bread’.
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
Beside all þese was þer on be Seynt Marie Rotunde whech þei cleped Archus Pietatis. This was mad as þei say for swech a cause. Ther was an emperour redy in his chare, sum sey it was Trajane, þat rood oute to batayle. Happed a certeyn woman to mete witʒ him, wepte, felle down at his foot and prayed him of mercy. He askid what sche wold and sche sayde: fo 362r
I had a sun and no moo but him, and þi sun killid | my son, wherfor I charge þe as þou art a trewe juge do me rith in þis mater.
The emperour answerd onto þe woman þat whech tyme he come hom ageyn fro his jornay he wold se þat rith schuld be had in þe best maner. Sche mad objeccion ageyn and seide: If it be soo þat þou dey er þou com hom, who schal do me rith þann.
That sey the emperour and cam down from his chare, examined þe mater and condempned þe manqweller to þe deth. Tho fell sche down and prayed him þat sche myth haue his son for hir son. Thus þe emperour graunted hir þat sche desired and þus was trewe jugement had and pité exercised in sauacioun of þis mannis lif, wherfor was þis memoriall cleped Archus Pietatis.
Chapter 6
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Besides all these there was one near the Rotunda that they called the Arch of Piety. This was built, so they say, for some such reason. There was an emperor ready in his chariot, some say it was Trajan, who rode forth to battle. A certain woman happened to meet him, wept, fell down at his feet and begged him for mercy. He asked what she wanted and she said: I had a son, and only him, and your son killed my son, therefor I charge you as a true judge to make amends to me in this matter.
The emperor replied to this woman that when he came home again from his expedition he would see that justice should be served in the best way. She made objection and said: If you were to die before you come home, who will give me justice then?
The emperor saw her point and descended from his chariot, examined the case and condemned the killer to death. Then she fell down and begged him that she might have his son in place of her son. In this way the emperor granted her what she wanted and so true judgement was given and mercy exercised in saving this man’s life, on account of which this memorial was called the Arch of Piety.
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
Who many cymyteries be in Rome.
Capitulum VII.
Cymiteries in Rome are called nowt only swech places as deed men be byried in but swech as holy men dwelt in. This sey I not þat men schuld undirstand þat no man were byryed in hem but to þis entent, forto proue þat þei serued of sumwhat ellis. For cimiterium in Latyn is not ellis forto sey but tredyng of deed mennis bodies, and ʒe must vndirstande þat þe cymyteries at Rome be grete voutes and mynes vndir þe erde in whech seyntis dwellid sumtyme, but now be þei desolate for horrible derknesse and disuse of puple saue only þat cymytery whech is called Kalixti. And because þat in þe secund book we schul trete of þe goostly tresour þat is in þis cymyterie þerfor in þis chapetre wil we reherse only þe multitude of hem þouʒ þei be now desolate.
fo 362v
Cimiterium Kalepodii is at Seynt Pancras in Transtibir. Cimiterium Agathe is in þe place of þe same title. Cimiterium Vrsi in þe same place. Cimiterium Sancti Felicis in þe same place. Cimiterium Kalix[ti]1 moost famouse fast by Catacumbas undir Seint Sebastianes cherch. Cimiterium Pretaxati is betwix þe ʒate whech is cleped Porta Appia and Seynt Appollinare. Cimiterium Concordianum is withouten Porta Latina. Cimiterium inter Duos Lauros is fast by Seynt Heleyn. Cimiterium ad Ursum Pileatum sum bokis sey þat is fast by Seynt Sabines, but I fonde writin in marbiil at a crosse fast be Seynt Julianes þat Seynt Viuianes place was sumtyme clepid ad Ursum Pilleatum. Cimiterium in Agro Verano is at Seynt Laurens extra Muros. Cimiterium Priscille at þe same title. Cimiterium Trasonis fast by Seint Saturnyn. Cimiterium Sancte Felicitatis in þe same title. Cimiterium Ponciani fast by Cimiterium Kalixti. Cimiterium Hermetis and Domitile and Cimiterium Curiaci were in þe weye whech goth to Seint Poules it is cleped Via Hostiensis. But þe moost part of þese be now desolat and onknowen nowt only to pilgrymes | but eke onto hem þat haue be þere all her lyue.
Kalix[ti]] Kalix in the margin at the edge of the right-hand leaf, cropped by the binder; ti restored
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Chapter 7
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Chapter 7 The Cymyteries or Catacombs in Rome In Rome places where holy men dwelt as well as places where dead men are buried are called cymiteries ‘catacombs’. I say this not so that people will think that noone was buried in them but for this reason, to demonstrate that they had a further function. For Latin cimiterium means pressing down dead men’s bodies, and you must understand that the catacombs of Rome are great vaults and passages under the ground in which saints dwelt sometimes, but now they are deserted on account of the horrible darkness and disuse by people, except for those called the catacombs of St Calixtus. And since we shall treat of the spiritual treasure that lies in these catacombs in Book II, in this chapter we will just set out the large number of them even though they are now desolate. The catacombs of Calepodius are at San Pancrazio in Trastèvere. The catacombs of St Agatha are at the place of the same name (Sant’Agata dei Goti). The catacombs of Urso are at the place of the same name (Sant’Urso). The catacombs of San Felice are at the place of the same name. The most famous catacombs, those of St Calixtus, are adjacent to the catacombs under San Sebastiano. The catacombs of Praetextatus are between the gate called Porta Appia and Sant’Apollinare. The catacombs of Gordian are outside the Porta Latina. The catacombs ‘between two bay-trees’ are near the burial-place of St Helen. Some books say that the catacombs of ‘the Bear with the Scholar’s Cap’ are near Santa Sabina, but at a cross near San Giuliano I found an inscription saying that St Viviana’s place (Santa Bibiana) was at one time called ‘at the Bear with the Scholar’s Cap’. The catacombs in the Campo Verano are at San Lorenzo fuori le Mura. The catacombs of Priscilla are at the place of the same name (Piazza di Priscilla, via Salaria). The catacombs of Trasone are near San Saturnino. The catacombs of Santa Felicità are in the place of the same title. The catacombs of Pontianus are near the catacombs of St Calixtus. The catacombs of SS Hermes and Domitilla and the catacombs of Cyriaco were on the route called the Via Ostiense that goes to San Paolo fuori le Mura. But most of these catacombs are now desolate and unknown not only to pilgrims but also to those who have lived there all their lives.
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
Of oþir holy places and her names befor it was Cristen.
[Capitulum] VIII.
Of oþir holy places spoken of in oure legendis and martirologis wil we trete now, for it is grete counfort onto our deuocioun þat whan we rede of hem we may remembre þat we sey hem. Owt at þe ʒate whech is cleped Porta Appia þere was sumtyme a temple of Mars, god of bataile, and now is þer a fayr arche in whech is depeyntcd all þe story who Our Lord met with Petir and seyde onto him þat he wold go to Rome to be crucified ageyn, and þer he sent Petir ageyn to receyue his martirdam whech was in will to a fled þerfro. Thus þe temple of þe fals feyned god of batayle is turned onto a memorial of trewe fiteres for Our Lord Jhesu, whech wold rather deye þan forsake his feith.
fo 363r
That place þat is now cleped Custodia Mamortini, where Seynt Petir was in prisoun, was sumtyme a temple consecrat to Jubiter. That cherch whech is cleped Seynt Adrianes was sumtyme the Temple of Refuge, þat is to sey whosoeuyr fled þertoo was saf þere. The cherche of Seynt George was þe Temple of Concorde. That place whech is cleped now Sancta Maria de Penis Inferni, where þe dragon lyuyth ʒet undyr þe ground as þei sey, was sumtyme Templum Ueste. Vesta was as mech forto seye as a goddesse keper of chastité and Vestales wer called þoo uirgines þat dwelt þer. That place whech is cleped Sancta Maria le Noue, þat was þe Temple of Concorde and Pité. Fast by was a place cleped Cartularium in whech place were here bokes kept of here lawe. For þei engrosed onto hem all þe gode customes of þe world þat wer writyn in ony book, and þei inacted hem into her bokes, whech bokes þei named bibliotecis, of þoo had þei twenti-too uolumes. That cherch cleped Seynt Petir ad Vincula, where Seynt Petir cheyne is schewid, was sumtyme Temple to Venus goddesse of leccherye. That place where Seynt Paules cherch stant was called in elde tyme Ortus Lucille. This same woman ʒaue mech possessioun onto þe Cherch as men may rede in cronicles. Fast by Septisolium was a foule pitte of wose and watir, in whech Seynt Sebastian body was cast, and he appered onto þis same woman Lucille and teld hir þat sche schuld fynde his body þere, whech he bid schuld be byried in þe cherch fast by Catacumbas, and sche fulfillid his commaundment. Fast by þe Capitolie was a hous all undir þe ground, whech is cleped in þe legendis of martires in Tellure. The strete þat is cleped Laterane goth by Seynt Praxedis. That place where Seynt Laurens was rosted is called sumtyme Olimpiades pales, as is seid byfor sumtyme it is cleped Olimpiades temple. Many oþir places be þere þus chaunged to þe best, of whech we schul speke mor largely in þe secund book whan we schull | descryue þe cherchis.
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Chapter 8 Holy places and their pre-Christian names Now we will deal with other holy places mentioned in our legends and martyrologies, for it is a great comfort to our piety that when we read about them we remember that we saw them. At one time there was a temple of Mars, god of war, out beyond the gate called Porta Appia, and now there is a beautiful arch on which is painted the whole story of how Our Lord met with Peter and said to him that he was going to Rome to be crucified again, and there he sent Peter back to receive his martyrdom, which he had been minded to flee from. In this way the temple of the false pretend-god of war has been turned into a memorial of true soldiers of Our Lord Jesus, who would rather die than disavow his faith. The place that is now called the Mamertine Prison, where St Peter was imprisoned, was at one time a temple consecrated to Jupiter. The church that is called Sant’Adriano was at one time the Temple of Refuge ((?) Lapis Nigra (Comitium)), that is to say whoever fled there was safe. The church of San Giorgio in Velabro used to be the Temple of Concord. The place that is now called Sancta Maria de Penis Inferni (Santa Maria Antiqua), where the dragon still lives under the ground as they say, was at one time the Temple of Vesta. Vesta was said to be a goddess preserver of chastity and the virgins who lived there were called Vestals. The place that is called Santa Maria Nova used to be the Temple of Concord and Piety. Nearby was a placed called the Cartulary Tower where the books of their laws were kept. For they collected together all the good customs in the world that were written in any book and they recorded them in their books, which they named bibliothecis ‘bibles’, of which they had twenty-two volumes. The church called San Pietro in Vinculi, where St Peter’s chain is shown, was at one time the temple of Venus, goddess of lechery. The place where San Paolo fuori le Mura stands was called in olden times the Garden of Lucina. As men can read in histories this woman gave much property to the Church. Near the Septizodium there was a stinking pit of slime and water, into which St Sebastian’s body was thrown, and he appeared to this same woman Lucina and told her that there she would find his body, which he asked her to have buried in the church by the catacombs, and she did what he asked. Near the Capitol there was a house under the ground, which is called In Tellure in the legends of martyrs (probably the Canapara in the ruins of the Basilica Julia). The street called Via de San Giovanni in Laterano goes by Santa Prassede. The place where St Laurence was roasted was at one time called Olimpiades Palace; as noted above sometimes it is called Olimpiades Temple. There are many other places changed in this way for the best, and we will say more about them in Book II when we describe the churches.
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
Of þat place in special þat is called Angulla Sancti Petri.
[Capitulum] IX.
Ther is a piler fast by Seynt Petir cherch all of o ston, a grete merueyle forto behold, for, as þe elde writeris sey þat had experiens of þe mesur, þe piler is in heith too hundred feet and fif. Upon þis pilere is a grete ball of copir or brasse whech was sumtyme gilt and fretted with precious stones in whech was Julius Cesar body put rith for þis cause. For, as he was lord aboue alle men þat wer olyue whil he regned here, so schuld his body rest aboue all bodies þat wer byried befor him. Wherfor in þat round ball of gold be wrytyn þese uers: Cesar erat tantus quantus fuit ullus in orbe Se nunc in modico clausit in antro suo Mira sepultura stat Cesaris alta columpna Regia structura qua rite nouercat in aula Aurea concha patet qua cinis ipse latet Si lapis est unus dic qua fuit arte leuatus Et si sint plures dic ubi iunctura inest.
This is þe sentens of þese uers. This man was swech þere is now non him lich. Now passed fro men and sperd in his litil den, a meruelous sepultur a piler of hy figur. To a kyngis bildyng full lich1 in halle stand þere no swech. The rounde balle we se in whech his asches be If þis be but o ston be what craft myth it upgon If joyntis ony ʒe se telle us wher þat þei be.
lich] in margin marked for insertion
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Chapter 9 The Angulla Sancti Petri ‘St Peter’s Obelisk’
Near San Pietro there is an obelisk consisting of one piece of stone, a great wonder to see, for, as the ancient authors say, who had experience of the dimensions, the obelisk is two hundred and five feet high. On top of this obelisk is a large globe of copper or brass, which was at one time gilded and inlaid with precious stones, and in which Julius Caesar’s body was placed for this reason. For just as he was lord above all men who were alive while he reigned, so his body should lie to rest higher than all the bodies that were buried before him. Therefore these verses are written on that round golden globe: Cesar erat tantus quantus fuit ullus in orbe Se nunc in modico clausit in antro suo Mira sepultura stat Cesaris alta columpna Regia structura qua rite nouercat in aula Aurea concha patet qua cinis ipse latet Si lapis est unus dic qua fuit arte leuatus Et si sint plures dic ubi iunctura inest.
This is the meaning of these verses: This man was so great there is now none to compare with him. He has now passed away and is secured in his little tomb, a marvelous sepulchre, a pillar of high standing. For a king’s edifice there is nothing comparable in any hall, the circular globe that we see containing his ashes. If it is just one piece of stone by what skill was it raised up and if you see any joins tell us where they are.
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
This is þe piramydall memorie of þis noble conqwerour to whom was not ʒoue so grete worchip aftir his deth withouten notable dedis in his lyff. Wherfor we list now to reherse summe of his dedis þat all þe rederes may know he hath not þis memoriall withoute cause. Or he was emperour, whilis he was on of þe consulis, he caused þat þe Romanes sent oute wise men gretly lerned in secular sciens to mesur all þe world. Thei laboured aboute þis werk þriti-on ʒer and founde þat þe erde hath famouse sees þriti, prouinces seuenety and eyte, notabil citées an hundred and seuenety. So all þe world schuld conteyne in his sercle twenti þousand myle and fourti myle, and because þe circumferens of euery sercle is thries as mech as is þe space fro o side to anothir, þerfor þei concluded þat fro þe o side of þe world to þe othir schuld be sex þousand myle and seuen hundred. Grete uictories had þis man ouyr dyuers naciones, þat is to seye Frauns, Germanie with all his prouynces, whech is ful ny þe þirde part of Cristendam, Sueue eke he conquered, Grete Brytayn whech þei clepe Inglond, Erlond, and many oþir. He had so many batailes in þe prouynces of Germanye þat þe noumbre of hem þat wer slayn þere cam as cronicles telle to too hundred thousand eyti-too thousand of chosen armed men. At grete Alisaundr also mad he meruelous werk, saue o rebuk had he þere: he was fayn to flee to þe watir and whan he had entred a schip þere folowid him so many men þat þe schip sank. Thann saued he himselue swymmyng with o hand too hundred passe, and | certeyn1 letteris in his oþir hand whech wer neuly brout onto him. This lord eke with ful grete stodye corrected þe kalender whech was neuyr parfith onto þe tyme þat þis correccioun was mad, and þerfor was on of þe monthis of it named aftir him. Suetonius seith of him þat his hand was as able to þe penne as to þe swerd. Of his meknesse it is told þat he cam on a tyme into skole wheras Accius þe poete sat and red onto his disciples. Alle men rose ageyn þe emperour saue þis Accius þat sat stille. Aftir þe acte was do a lord enqwirid of þis poete whi he ros not and ded worchip to þe uictour of all þis world. He answered ageyn in þis maner, þat a souereyn schuld not rise onto his subjecte, þerfor to do worchip onto his pere is ful conuenient but wisdam excellith al þing.
This same proposicioun was so alowid of þe emperonr þat he ded make a lawe þere schuld neuir maystir in skole rise ageyn non astat. Aftir many dyuers commendaciones of þis lord þe cronicles conclude þat he was killid in þe Capitole be enuye of Brutus and Cassius.2 Of þe maner of his deth and þe toknys befor his deth wer ouyrlonge forto telle and eke ouyrferr fro our purpous on whech we sette oure book at our begynnyng.
certeyn] MS certey
1
Brutus and Cassius] on Brutus / Cassius
2
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This is the memorial obelisk of this noble conqueror, who would not have been accorded such honour after his death without notable deeds during his lifetime. Therefore we are pleased to set out now some of his achievements so that all the readers may know that he has not been accorded this memorial without reason. Before he became emperor, while he was one of the consuls, he made the Romans send out wise men who were very learned in secular science to measure the whole world. They worked at this labour for thirty-one years and found that the earth has thirty famous seas, seventy-eight provinces, and a hundred and seventy notable cities. So the whole world should encompass in its circumference two thousand and forty miles, and because the circumference of every globe is three times as much as the distance from one side to the other, they deduced that it ought to be six thousand and seven hundred miles from one side of the world to the other. This man had great victories over various nations, that is to say France, Germany with all its provinces, which is practically one third of Christendom. He also conquered the land of the Suevi, Great Britain, which they call England, Ireland, and many others. He fought so many battles in the provinces of Germany that, as histories record, the number of the slain came to two hundred and eightytwo thousand select armed men. He also did marvellous work at magnificent Alexandria, except for one set-back that he had there: he was content to flee to the water and when he had gone on board a ship so many men followed him that the ship sank. Then he saved himself by swimming two hundred paces (a thousand feet) with one arm while he held in his other hand certain letters that had been newly brought to him. Also by intense attention to detail this great man corrected the calendar, which had never been right until this correction was made, and for this reason one of the months was named after him. Suetonius says of him that his hand was as able to the pen as to the sword. Concerning his humility it is said that he came on one occasion to the school where Lucius the poet was sitting and reading to his pupils. Everyone rose out of respect for the emperor except Lucius, who remained seated. After the deed was done a lord asked the poet why he did not rise and show respect to the conqueror of all the world. He replied in this way, saying that a sovereign should not rise for his subject, therefor to pay respect to an equal is very appropriate but wisdom overrides everything. This same proposition was so esteemed by the emperor that he made a law that no master in school should ever have to rise out of respect for any rank. After many various commendations of this great man the histories conclude that he was killed in the Capitol on account of Brutus and Cassius’s jealousy. It would take too long to tell of the portents before and the manner of his death and it would take us too far from the purpose of our book set out at the start.
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Of dyuers templis of fals goddis turnyd to seruyse of seyntis.
Capitulum X.
Before in þe eite chapetir spoke we sumwhat in þis mater and her schul we fulfille þat was left þere. Before Adrianes Temple wer oþir too temples, on was dedicat to þe goddesse of flowres, þe oþir was consecrate to Phebus. Phebus called þei þe sunne for þis cause: Phebus is as mech to sey as cler or brith, þerfor called þei so þe sunne for he is britest of all planetis. And þouʒ so be þat alle þingis þat growyn on erde be moost norchid be þe sunne ʒit þese men in her errouris wold haue anoþir special goddesse onto floures, and hir called þei Flora. On of þese templis is now dedicat onto Our Lady and þe oþir onto Seyn Jame. The cherch þat is clepid Seynt Vrse was sumtyme Nero Secretari, in whech as men rede he vsed ful cursid nygromancy and dyuynacioun moost speciali in deed mennys bodies. For we rede of hym and of Juliane Apostata both þat þe deuel wold not speke onto hem onto tyme þei must sle a fayr woman grete with childe, and sche schuld be hangid up and opened as a beest, þann schuld þe deuel apperin in hir body and ʒiue hem answer of her materis. These houses comounly wer called her sory secretaries. Blessed be Jhesu þat hath turned Cristen mennys hertis þat not1 only þei be aferd forto doo swech dedis but eke it is horrible onto hem forto here þerof.
fo 364r
There was eke a feld fast by Martis Temple whech stood as we seide before fast by þat place whech þei clepe Domine quo vadis? This feld seruyd to þis office: the þirde kalendis of July come all þe worthi puple of Rome | to þat same and þer was þe usage to chese her consules, whech is as mech to sey as wise men of councell whech wer chosen to gouerne þe puple as for o ʒer. For we rede of þe worþi men of Rome þat þei were twyes consul or thries or foure sithes oftentyme chose for her worthinesse. These men þus chosen schulde abide þere fro þat thre kalendis of July onto þe kalendis of Januari and þann schuld be brout onto þe Capitol with grete solempnite and receyue þer his office. Minerues Temple, whech is clepid goddesse of wisdom, is now turned into a cherch of Our Ladi and a couent of frere prechoures, in whech stant a conclaue þere many a pope hath be chosen for grete sewirnesse, for it stant in þe myddis of þe cyté. And þer be meruelous merkis made in marbill and writyng þerupon who hye þat Tybur hath risen dyuers ʒeres. This chaungyng of templis into chirchis schal be more largely talked in þe secunde book whan we come to þe same places þat we speke of now. not] suprascript
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Chapter 10 Pagan temples turned to Christian use We spoke a bit about this subject earlier in Chapter 8 and here we will finish what was left incomplete there. In front of the Mausoleum of Hadrian there were two other temples, one dedicated to the goddess of flowers, the other consecrated to Phoebus. They called Phoebus the sun for this reason: Phoebus means ‘clear’ or ‘bright’, so they called the sun Phoebus because it is the brightest of all celestial bodies. And although it is a fact that all things that grow on earth are nourished most by the sun, yet these men through their mistaken beliefs would have another special goddess dedicated to flowers, and they called her Flora. One of these temples is now dedicated to Our Lady and the other to St James. The church that is called Sant’Urso was formerly Nero’s Chancery, where as we read he practised on dead mens’ bodies in particular evil black magic and the art of foretelling the future from present signs. For we read of both him and of Julian the Apostate that the devil would not speak to them until they had killed a beautiful woman who was great with child, and she was to be hung up and opened like an animal, then the devil would appear in her body and give them answers to their business affairs. These places were commonly called wretched private chambers. Blessed by Jesus who has steered the hearts of christian men so that not only are they afraid to do such deeds but also find it abhorrent even to hear about them. There is also a field near the Temple of Mars, which, as we said already, stands near the place they call Domine quo vadis? ‘Where are you going, Lord?’. This field served this function: on 29 July all the worthy people of Rome came to that place and it was the custom to select their consuls there, consuls being wise men of legal training who were chosen to govern the people for one year. For we read of the worthy men of Rome that they were often consul on two occasions, or three or four times, selected on merit. These men duly selected were to stay there from 29 July till 14 January and then be brought to the Capitol with great ceremony and each receive his official post there. The temple of Minerva, goddess of wisdom, is now converted into a church of Our Lady (Santa Maria sopra Minerva) and a Dominican friary, in which there is a place for a conclave, for it stands in the midst of the city, where many a pope has been chosen for great stability. And there are remarkable marks made in marble and writing on it too as to how high the Tiber has risen in various years. This conversion of temples into churches will be treated more fully in Book II when we come to the same places that we are talking about now.
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part I
Of þe Capitol, principal place of þe cité.
fo 364v
Capitulum XI.
Of þe Capitol whech is now and euyr hath be as principal place of þe cité wil we speke. First ʒe schal undirstand þat þis place stant on a hill whech is cleped Mons Capitolinus for þis cause, as we seyde before in þe capitule De Montibus, þat a mannes hed al hol was founde in þe ground whann þei diggid to make a temple in worchip of Jupiter. It was eke clepid Capitol as heed of all þe world, for in þat hous þei kept her councell who þei schuld gouerne all þe world. It had grete wallis and þoo sumtyme sette with gold and precious stones of ful meruelous werk þat wold not lithly be distroyed with wedir1 for þe stones wer sawen in dyuers formes and couchid in þe wall with cyment, as men may ʒet se in dyuers cherches in Rome. But þis werk of þis place and many moo is distroyed eythir be conqwest of þe cité or ellis be chaunge onto bettir2 use. Withinne þis tour was a temple whech þei sey as of ricchesse was worth þe þird part of þe world of gold siluyr perle and precious stones, in which Virgile mad a meruelous craft þat of euery region of þe world stood an ymage mad3 all of tre and in his hand a lytil belle; as often as ony of þese regiones was in purpos to rebelle ageyn þe grete magesté of Rome anon þis ymage þat was assigned to þat regioun schuld knylle his bell. Thann was þere in þe myddis of þe hous al aboue a knyt mad of bras and a hors of þe same metall whech euene anoon as þis4 belle was runge turned him with a spere to þat cost of þe erde wher þis puple dwelt þat purposed þus to rebelle. This aspied of þe prestis whech be certeyn cumpanyes were assyned to wecch and wayte on þis ordynauys anon all þe knythod of Rome with her legionis | mad hem redy to ride and redresse þis5 rebellion. Summe auctores sey þat þe belle hing aboute þe ymages nek. And anon as þe puple mad rebellion þe ymage turned his bak to þe gret god Jubiter þat stood in þe myddys. Thei enqwyred of Virgile who longe þis werk schuld endewre and he answered tyl a may bare a child, wherfor þei concluded þat it schuld stande euyr. In þe natiuité of Crist þei sey all þis brak and many oþir þingis in the cité to schewe þat þe Lord of all lordes was6 come. Men may haue merueile þat Virgile schuld haue swech knowyng of þe misteries of our feith, and I answer þertoo þat þe Holy Goost put his ʒiftis nowt only in good men of trewe byleue but eke in othir, lych as it is seyd of Cayphas þat prophecied of Cristis deth. Þe euangelist spekith of him þus:7 These wordes seid8 he not of himself but because he was bischop for þat ʒer þerfor he prophecied.
Copy in A begins 2 bettir] A þe better 3 mad] A and 4 þis] A þus 5 þis] A þus 6 was] A shuld’ 7 þus] A þis 8 seid] A sey 1
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Chapter 11 The Capitol We will now deal with the Capitol, which is now and has always been the most important place in the city. First you must understand that this place is situated on a hill called the Capitoline for this reason, as we said already in chapter 4 on the hills of Rome, that a man’s head (L caput) was found intact in the ground when they were digging to make a temple in honour of Jupiter. It was also called Capitol as head of the whole world, for in that building they held official meetings on how they were to govern the whole world. It had great walls, which were sometimes inlaid with gold and precious stones with exceptionally skilled workmanship that would not easily be destroyed by exposure to the weather, for the stones were cut in various shapes and embedded in the wall with cement, as people can see in various churches in Rome. But the workmanship in this place and in many others has been destroyed either by conquest of the city or else through the building being converted into better use. In this tower was a temple, which in value they say was worth a third of all the riches in the world in gold, silver, pearl and precious stones, where Virgil made a marvellous structure in which there stood a wooden figure representing each part of the world, and each figure had a little bell in his hand; whenever any part of the world intended to rebel against the magisterial power of Rome immediately the figure that was assigned to that area would ring its bell. Then up above in the midst of this building there was a knight made of copper and a horse of the same metal, and as soon as this bell was rung he turned with his spear towards the region of the earth where the people who intended to rebel lived. Once this was seen by the priests assigned by certain troops to watch this device and wait for it to function, then immediately all the army of Rome made ready with their legions to ride out and suppress the rebellion. Some authors say that the bell hung around the figure’s neck. And as soon as the people rebelled the figure turned his back on the great god Jupiter who stood in the centre. They asked Virgil how long this work would last and he replied (that it would last) until a virgin bore a child, from which they concluded that the work would stand for ever. At the birth of Christ they saw all this, and many other things in the city, break down to show that the Lord of all lords had arrived. People might wonder that Virgil could have such knowledge of the mysteries of our faith and I respond to that by saying that the Holy Spirit may bestow his gifts not only on good men of the true faith but also on others, just as it is said of Caiaphas, who foretold Christ’s death. The evangelist says this of him: He said these words not of himself but he made his prophecy because he was high priest for that year.
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Neuyrþelasse in Virgil bookes be founde open testimonies of Cristis birth as it is conteyned in a Latyn book þat a woman called Proba gadered owt of Virgiles uers. These þre uers folowyng coupled sche owt of þe first book Eneydos and seuene book. Uirginis os habitumque gerens mirabile dictu Nec generis nostri puerum nec sanguinis edit1 Ueraque terifici cecinerunt omina vates.
These uers mene þis in our tunge as I2 suppose: A woman beryng a virginal mouth and a virginal habite merueyl to seye Neythir of our kynrod ne of owre blood hath bore a child. The late comyng of þis dredful lord sunge þe former prophetis.
fo 365r
This same Capitol had many templis and houses hanging upon him as ʒet3 is sene. For in þe heith aboue was4 a temple consecrate5 to Jubiter and Juno. A lithil beneth anothir temple cleped Vestal in whech maydenes dweld in clennesse of chastité as I declared before. In anoþir temple þat was sumtyme named of þe Lady Rose6 was a solempne chayer in whech þe principal bischop of alle here temples þe day of his entre schuld he intronyzid, in whech chayer þei sette Julius Cesar whann he was first receyuyd, and þat was þe sext day of March. All þis as it semeth was on þe est side of þe Capitol. And on þe west side to þe mercate side was a7 temple dedicate to Mynerue. And fast by a tour in whech þei kyllid þe noble man often rehersid whech hith Julius Cesar. Alle þese8 places ar ny chaunged or distroyed be dyuers men of oþir londis þat haue wonne Rome oftentyme. And for þe Romanes sey þat þei ferd neuir weel ne neuyr9 stood in prosperité sith Cristendam cam, þerfor wil I schewe hem þat oþir naciones conquered hem longe before Crist was incarnate. The cronycles of Grete Brytayne ly now nexte hand, whech is cleped Inglond, þerfor out of þoo wil I take my testimonie. Belinus and Brennus were to kyngis of þis lond regnyng togidir in þat same tyme þat Hester was wedded to | Assuerus. These to bretherin wonne a grete party of Rome, but principal was Brennus whech made þe cytées in Lumbardye both Melan and Pauye, and aftyrward þese too breþerin held a grete batayle with þe Romaynes at a flood of þis side of Rome called Albula, where þe Romanes fled and þei folowed and took all þis citée saue þis Capitol whech had be take had not a gander10 with cry awaked þe keperes. Of þis story not only our cronicles bere witnes but þe cronicles of Itailé, þat is to sey Godfrey of Viterbe in his book whech he clepeth Pantheon, and Trogus Pompeius in his book, eke Ysidor11 bischop of Spayn in his Book of Cronicules. Also Seynt Ambrose, bischop of Melan, in his book called Exameron seith onto Rome þat þei were more bounde to do worchep onto her gees þann to her goddis for þe gandyr was wakyng and warned hem whann her edit] suprascript and repeated in the margin 2 as I] A a 3 ʒet] A it 4 aboue was] A was aboue 5 consecrate] A contrite 6 Rose] A rese 7 was a] A was 8 þese] A þe 9 ne neuyr] A neuer 10 a gander] A gandir 11 Ysidor] A vsed 1
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Nevertheless open testimonies of Christ’s birth are found in Virgil’s books, as contained in a Latin book composed of Virgilian verses gathered together (to make a new poem) by a woman called Faltonia Betitia Proba. She joined the following three verses together from the first and seventh books of the Aeneid: Virginis os habitumque gerens mirabile dictu Nec generis nostri puerum nec sanguinis edit Veraque terifici cecinerunt omina vates.
I guess these verses mean in our language: It’s a marvel to say, a woman bearing a virginal mouth and dress, who is neither of our family nor our blood, has produced a boy child. The former prophets sang of the late arrival of this awesome lord.
This same Capitol had many temples and houses attached to its sloping sides as can still be seen. At the summit there was a temple consecrated to Jupiter and Juno. A little way down there was another temple called the Temple of Vesta, in which virgins lived in the purity of chastity, as I described already. In another temple, which was formerly named after the Lady Rose, there was an important chair in which on the day of his inauguration the principal high priest of all their temples was to be invested with his authority; it was in this chair that they set Julius Caesar when he was received first, and that was 6 March. All this, it seems, was on the eastern side of the Capitol. And on the western side, the market side, there was a temple dedicated to Minerva. And nearby there was a tower in which they killed the noble man often told of who was called Julius Caesar. All these places are practically changed or virtually destroyed by various men from other lands who have overrun Rome many times. And because the Romans say that they never fared well and never enjoyed prosperity since the arrival of Christendom, for that reason I will show them that other nations conquered them long before Christ was made man. The histories of Great Britain, which is called England, lie now to hand, so I will take my supporting evidence from them. Belinus and Brennus were two kings of this land reigning jointly at the same time as Esther was married to Ahasuerus. These two brothers conquered a great part of Rome, but the more important was Brennus, who founded the cities in Lombardy, Milan and Pavia, and after this these two brothers fought a great battle against the Romans at a river on this side of Rome called Albula (recte Allia), where the Romans fled, and they (Belinus and Brennus) followed and took the whole city except the Capitol, which would have been taken had not a gander woken the guards up with its cry. Not only our histories but also the histories of Italy bear witness to this story, that is to say Godfrey of Viterbo in his book which he calls his Pantheon, Trogus Pompeius in his book, and Isidore, bishop of Spain, in his book
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goddis slept. And in very soth whan þis Brennus had receyued a grete summe of gold and was goo, þe fonnyd puple defouled in errour ded make1 a gandyr of white marbill and ded to it worchip as to a god.2 The hed of it is broken but þe body lith ʒet hool at a cherch dor whech þei clepe Sanctus Nicholaus in Carcere.
ded make] A make
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a god] A god
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of book of histories. And St Ambrose, bishop of Milan, says to Rome in his book Hexameron that they were more obliged to honour their geese than their gods, for the gander was awake and warned them when their gods slept. And in truth when this Brennus had received a sum of gold and gone, the misguided people, infected with false opinion, made a gander of white marble and worshipped it as a god. Its head is broken but the body lies intact at the door of a church they call San Nicola in Carcere.
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Of þe too hors of marbill and to naked men called þe Caballis. Capitulum XII.
Off þe Caballis be many strange tales, sum sey þei wer geauntis, summe sey þei were philisophres. Too grete horses þere be and too naked men standyng1 be hem. On þe othir side of þe strete sittith a woman wounde al aboute with a serpent, and a fayre conk of porphiry ston befor hir. This is2 þe treuth of þis mater as cronycles telle. In þe tyme of Tiberius þe emperour come to Rome to naked3 men and philisophres but ʒong of age, on of hem hith Pratellus, þe oþir hith Sibia. These men were brout onto þe emperour, for þe puple dempt be here straunge aray þat þei knewe summe straunge4 þingis. The emperour inqwirid of hem what was cause of her comyng and whi þei went nakid. Thei answerd þat as þe schap of her body was open to alle men because of her nakednesse soo all þe pryuy þingis5 of þe world were open onto her knowyng. ‘Calle þou þi councell into þi pryuy chambir’, þus6 seid þei onto þe emperour, ‘and comoun onto hem what mater þou wilt as pryuyly as þou can and we schal telle þe aftirward what was seyd fro þe moost onto þe leest’.7
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The emperour assayed þat þei seide and he fond all þing soth þat was promissed. Tho hith he hem grete ricchesse and had hem in ful grete reuerens8 and þei refused all and desired of him no oþir þing but þat þis memorial schul be mad in her name. Or we procede ferþer in our mater we wil satisfie þe resones of men þat wil aske in what wise þese men myth haue þis9 pryuy cunnyng. And we answer þerto þat þei had þis cunnyng, as is supposed,10 for innocens, for þei þat walked so naked had litil appetite onto worldly good | and were ful uertuous eke in here maneres,wherefor Our Lord list to rewarde hem with sum special ʒift. I suppose eke þat þei wer of a nacioun whech be clepid Guynosopistis, of whom we rede in Þe geestis of Grete Alisaundre þat aftir he herd þe fame11 of hem he wolde algate se12 hem whom he fond al naked, man and woman, dwellyng in caues in þe erde euyr preising God,13 neuyr doing wrong, lyuyng withouten stryf withoute debate. Here lyuyng plesed þis king so wel þat he comaunded hem to ask of hym what þei wold haue and he schuld graunte hem. Thei prayed him to ʒyue hem immortalité, and he answerd þat þing whech he had not himself14 ne not15 myth standyng] A and standing 2 is] suprascript 3 to naked] A and naked 4 summe straunge] A straunge 5 þingis] supplied in the margin and marked for insertion 6 þus] A þis 7 leest || The] Copy A ends || Copy B begins 8 reuerens] B richesse and reuerence 9 þis] B his 10 supposed] d almost erased 11 fame] B same 12 se] B of 13 god] suprascript 14 himself ] self suprascript 15 ne not] B not 1
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Chapter 12 The statue of the Dioscuri There are many strange stories about the Dioscuri, some say they were giants, some say they were philosophers. There are two huge horses and two naked men standing beside them. On the other side of the street is seated a statue of a woman all entwined with a snake, and a beautiful conch-shaped porphyry-stone in front of her. This is the truth of this matter as histories tell. In Emperor Tiberius’s time two naked men, philosophers as yet young in age, came to Rome, one of them was called Praxiteles, the other Fidia. These men were brought to the emperor, as the people reckoned from their unusual attire that they knew something remarkable. The emperor asked them the reason for their coming and why they went naked. They answered that just as the shape of their bodies was open to all men because of their nakedness, so all the mysterious things of the world were open to their spiritual perceptiveness. ‘Call your council into your private room’, so they said to the emperor, ‘and confer with them of whatever subject you wish as confidentially as you can, and we will tell you afterwards what was said from the largest part to the smallest’.
The emperor tested out what they said and he found that everything they promised was true. Then he promised them great riches and held them in great respect, and they refused all of it and desired nothing of him except that this memorial should be made in their names. Before we go any further on this subject we will satisfy the curiosity of men that will ask how these men come to have this special expertise. And we answer to that that they apparently had this expertise out of innocence, for those who walked so naked had little desire for worldly goods and were very virtuous in their customs, on account of which Our Lord wished to reward them with some special faculty. I guess also that they were from a race that is called Gymnosophists, of whom we read in The Wars of Alexander that after Alexander heard of their reputation he found them all naked and wished to see them, man and woman, continually living in caves in the earth ever praising God, never doing wrong, living without strife and without argument. Their life-style pleased this king so much that he told them to ask of him whatever they wanted and he would grant it to them. They asked him to give them immortality, and
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haue, who schul he ʒyue it onto oþir men. Tho þei undirtok him1 of his pride, manslauth, ouyrrydyng of þe cuntré and mech oþir þing, and he passed fro hem gretly mevyd2 of her innocent lyuyng. All þis3 sey we forto proue be liklynesse þat þese4 too men were of þis nacioun. Therfor stood þei naked for þei knew many priuy þingis, as if a man se anoþir naked he schal haue mo sekir merkis of him þann if he se him clad.5 That þei hald up her handis and her armes it betokneth þat þei coude telle of þingis whech schul falle aftirward. The grete hors þat trede so sore upon þe erde6 betokneth þe princes and potestatis þat haue gouernauns of þis world, ouyr whom stood þese naked men7 for to signifie þat wisdam is mor of honour þann power. For in Kyng Alisaundre lif is a story ful just to þis8 purpos, whech tellith þat þe kyng was in will for to distroye a cité, man9 and woman, wal and hous; þe city hith Attenes. And whann he was come þidir with al his hoost he fonde sittyng in þe sunne an eld philisophre called Anaximenes whech had sumtyme be his maystir. The kyng supposed, as it was, þat þe city had sent him for to gete grace of þe kyng and anon as he say him with a grete ire and a grete oth he seide þese wordis: Be þe hy prouydens of god aboue, whatsoeuyr þou ask of me þis day it schal not be had.
And þe philisophre answerd him and seide: Now be þat same prouydens whech þou hast named I charge þe þat þou lette not til þis cité be distroyed. ‘O’, quod Alisaundre, ‘euyr is þe maistiris wit10 aboue his disciple’.
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Thus was þe cité saued11 and þe kyngis ire softed. These too naked men, whos memorial we haue now in hand to descryue, þei profecied of þe Cherch and eke of þe baptem and þerfor in testimonie of þis profecie þer sittith a woman wounde with a serpent an a gret vessel byfor hir of a porphiri ston. This woman wounde with a serpent betokneth12 þe soules whech were in þe deueles daunger with errour in her feith and cursed customes in her maners. The fair uessel of porphiri ston betokneth þe baptem in whech sche13 schuld be waschid fro all þese14 grete perellis. This same exposicioun is touchid | in þe eld15 cronicles of Rome and not neuly feyned be us.
him] supplied in margin for insertion 2 mevyd] MS mevydd with 2nd d erased 3 þis] B þus 4 þese] se suprascript 5 clad] B glad 6 erde] B ʒerde 7 men] B more 8 þis] B þus 9 man] B a man 10 maistiris wit] B meystiris 11 saued] omitted in B 12 betokneth] B betok at end of page 13 sche] B þe 14 þese] B þe 15 eld] omitted in B 1
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he replied by asking how could he give to other men something he did not have himself and could not have. Then they rebuked him for his arrogance, killing of other men, overrunning the countryside and many other things, and he left them greatly moved by their innocent life-style. We say all this to demonstrate the probability that these two men were from this race. They stood naked because they knew many secrets, just as if a man sees another naked he will have more certain indications of his character than if he sees him clothed. They held up their hands and arms as a sign that they could foretell things that would happen in the future. The great horse that trod so vigorously upon the ground symbolizes the princes and potentates who have rule of the world, above whom these naked men stood to signify that wisdom is more honourable than power. For in the Life of Alexander there is a story that is very apt for this theme: it tells that the king was intending to destroy a city, every man and woman, wall and house; the city is called Athens. And when he got there with all his army he found sitting in the sun an old philosopher called Anaximenes, who had at one time been his teacher. The king supposed, as was indeed the case, that the city had sent him to get a reprieve from the king, and as soon as he saw him he spoke these words with great anger and swearing: By the high providence of god above, whatever you ask of me today shall not be granted.
And the philosopher answered him and said: Now by the same providence that you have invoked I charge you not to hold back until this city has been destroyed. ‘Oh’, said Alexander, ‘the teacher’s quickness of thought is always superior to the pupil’s’.
In this way the city was saved and the king’s anger mollified. These two naked men, whose memorial we are now describing, foretold the Church and also baptism, and therefore as a witness to this prophecy a woman sits entwined with a snake and a large conch-shaped porphyry-stone. This woman entwined with a snake symbolizes the souls who were in danger from the devil through false opinions in their faith and bad habits in their conduct. The beautiful vessel of porphyry stone symbolizes the baptism through which she was to be cleansed of all these great perils. This same analysis is expounded in the old histories of Rome and has not been newly invented by us.
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Of þe hors of bras and þe rider þat stant at Laterane.
[Capitulum] XIII.
Now of þe hors þat stant at Laterane and of þe sitter1 þat is upon him schal2 be our processe, for summe men sey þat it was mad in worchip of grete Constantine but it is not soo. First wil I declare onto ʒou þe schap of þe ymage and aftir telle þe story what he was3 and whi he was sette þere. A4 grete hors of brasse is þere of ful fayr schap whech was sumtyme gilt and a man eke of þe same metall sittyng on his bak withouten sadill; a kyng boundyn undir þe hors fot and a bird sittyng on þe horses hed. This ymage was sette þere for þis cause. In þat tyme þat consules gouerned Rome befell þat a kyng cam oute of þe est with a grete strength of men and besechid Rome. In þe tyme of consules seide I, for Rome was first5 gouerned be kyngis and þann be to consules whech wer chosen euery ʒere, and þann be emperouris of whech Julius Cesar was þe first. So as I seide in þat same tyme þat counsellouris gouerned þe cite, in whos tyme speciali fynde I not, cam þis kyng6 and beseged Rome. The cité was gretly frayed of þis kyng and coude not fynde a mene who þei schuld avoide hym. Than was þere in Rome a man of grete strength, summe bokes sey þat he was a knyth, summe a swyer and summe þat he was but of þe low degré in þe puple, whech is to sey in her langage rusticus, in our a chorl. A bold man he was strong and wise. Happed him to be in þe Capitoll wher þe states and þe puple treted what cheuesaunce þei myth make to voyde þis grete daunger. He stood up amongis hem and seide: What wold ʒe7 gyue a man þat schuld delyuer ʒou fro þis distresse.
The senate answerd: Lete þat man appere and ask what8 he wil and he schal haue it. ‘I wil’, seid þis man, ‘tak þis jornay vpon me so þat ʒe graunt me þriti sextaries of gold and eke make a memorial in my name, hors and man lich as I wil ride. Alle þis schal be mad9 of brasse and gilt aboue on þe best wise’.
The senate graunted him to fulfill all his desire. Than seide he onto hem: At mydnyth loke ʒe10 be redy alle in dikys and cauernes in þe ground and in þe arches withinne þe wallis and whatsoeuyr I bid ʒou do loke ʒe fulfille it. sitter} B after 2 schal] MS schal now with now expuncted 3 he was] B was he 4 A grete] B Of grete 5 first] st suprascript 6 þis kyng] B þese kinges 7 ʒe] B he 8 what] MS what | what with first what expuncted 9 schal be mad] B made shall be 10 ʒe] B ye þer 1
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Chapter 13 The statue of Marcus Aurelius at the Lateran Now our account will move on to the horse that stands at the Lateran and the rider that sits upon it, for some say that it was made in honour of Constantine the Great, but that is not so. First I will describe the shape of the statue, and then tell the story of who he was and why he was set up there. There is a large horse of copper of beautiful shape that was at one time gilded, and also a man made of the same metal sitting on his back without a saddle; a king tied up under the horse’s foot and a bird sitting on the horse’s head. This statue was erected there for this reason. At the time when consuls governed Rome it happened that a king with a large force of men came out of the east and besieged Rome. I said in the time of consuls because Rome was first governed by kings, and then by two consuls elected every year, and then by emperors, of whom Julius Caesar was the first. So, as I said, at the time when consuls governed the city, in whose time specifically I have not discovered, this king came and besieged Rome. The city was greatly afraid of this king and could find no way of repelling him. There was then a man of great strength in Rome, some books say he was a knight, some say he was a squire, and some say he was but of the lower classes, which is to say in Latin rusticus, in ours a churl. He was a brave man, strong and wise. He happened to be in the Capitol where the senate and the people were debating what stratagem they might adopt to dispel this great danger. He stood up amongst them and said: What will you give a man who delivers you from this affliction?
The senate answered: ‘Let that man appear and demand what he wants and he shall have it’. ‘I will’, said this man, ‘take on this task myself if you grant me thirty measures (60 lbs) of gold and also make a commemorative monument in my name, horse and man as I shall ride out. This shall be made entirely of copper and gilded over in the best manner.’
The senate agreed to carry out his wish completely. Then he said to them: At midnight make sure you are all ready in ditches and caves in the ground and in niches in the walls, and whatever I ask you to do make sure you do it.
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Thei consentid to al þat was seid. At mydnyth þis man lep upon a grete hors and a strong, and rood forth into þe feld with a sith on his bak as þouʒ he wold goo to mowe. When he cam in þe hoost he houed and taried til þe kyng had slept1 his slepe and roos and went onto a tre to avoyde þe birden of his wombe. Certeyn knytis and swieres þat were keperis for þe body folowed2 fro ferr and sey þis man þus arayed lich a charl ridyng witʒoute a sadel, supposed not þat3 he had be of Rome but rather sum4 labourer of | her owne party, and þus þei cried onto him: Bewar, carl, what þou do come not so ny þe kyng þou schal be hangid and5 þou touch him.
The man herd what þei seide and with a good avis he lyft up þe kyng onto his hors, for he was a large man and a strong, and þe kyng but of litil statur. Thus rood he forth crying with a loude voys: Rise Romanes and defende ʒou for I haue caute þe kyng.
The Romanes cavt grete counfort þat þis kyng was take, þe oþir partye lost hert þat her heed was absent, and þus had Romanes þe feld, þis man grete worchip, and þe perell delyueryd. For þat same kyng was fayn to compown witʒ hem and pay hem grete tribute or his delyueraunce was mad. Than rered þei þis ymage at Laterane with many oþir þingis þann we expresse now for þei be wasted with age and rust as men may uerily see.
slept] t suprascript
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folowed] omitted in B
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þat] omitted in B
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sum] B þine
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They agreed to everything that was said. At midnight this man leapt upon a big, strong horse and rode out into the field with a scythe on his back as though he was going to cut the grass. When he came in amongst the army he waited around and took his time until the king had finished sleeping and rose up and went to a tree to relieve his bladder. Certain knights and squires who were his bodyguards followed from a distance and saw this man dressed like a peasant riding without a saddle, presumed that he did not come from Rome but was rather some serf from their own side, and so called out to him: Watch out, peasant, that you don’t come too near the king for if you touch him you will be hanged.
The man heard what they said and with great forethought lifted the king up onto his horse, for he was a big, strong man and the king only of short stature. So he rode forth crying with a loud voice: Rise Romans and defend yourselves for I have captured the king.
The Romans derived great encouragement from the king being captured, the other party lost heart when their leader was not there, and so the Romans gained the field, this man received great honour, and the danger was averted. For this same king was content to settle with them and pay a large tribute before his release was effected. Then they raised this statue at the Lateran and many more things than we describe now for they are decayed with age and rust as people can readily see.
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Of þat place whech þei clepe þe Collisé.
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Capitulum XIIII.
The Collisé eke is a meruelous place whech was mad round of schap and grete arches and mayn, as ʒet is sene for þe moost part of it stant at þis day. It was þus disposed þat a wal goth in a sercle, I suppose þat it was ny of an hundred arches aboute, and aboue þat as many and eke aboue þat as many. Thann was þer anothir wal inward þat had as many arches be þe ground as þe first part had, but þe arches wer lesse, as reson askith for þe sercle was smaller, and þis wal had but to cors of arches, for þe curyng of þe voutes wer so disposed þat þe roof was hy withoute and descended lower withinne. Than was þer þe þird wal whech had and hath as many be þe ground as hath þe oþir but it hath non abouen. So hath þe uttir wal þre arches in heith, the secunde too arches in heith, the þird but on. Thann was þere in þe myddis a grete voide court and a solempne werk þerin, whech is now distroyed for þere stant but an eld chapell. As of þe name of þis place þus write oure bokis. Catholicon seith þat Colliseus is swech a þing þat is rered for þe mynd of a ded man.1 He allegith for him Juuenal þe poete þat seith þus: Et de marmoreo citharam suspende colloso. Whych is to sey: ‘And al of marbil hang vp an harp to þe Collisé’. Wherby he ment þat what þing be mad to þe memorie of a ded man it may be called a Collisé. Therfor seide Papie þat Collisé is a grete ymage of marbill and a hy. Catholicon seith alsoo here þat in þis same place stood þoo ymages with bellis aboute her nekkis whech schewid2 þe rebellioun of dyuers cuntrés ageyns Rome. But all oþir auctores sey þat þis ordinauns was in þe Capitol as we declared before. Wherfor we will justly write now what þe elde auctores sey in þis mater. The Collisé þei sey was a temple of grete heith and brede nomimat and consecrate onto þe sunne and þe mone in whech were many | wondirful werkis. For þe rof aboue was cured with plates of metall so gilt and depeynted þat it was lich þe sterred heuene aboue, in whech be sotill craft þei feyned þundris man] supplied in margin for insertion
1
schewid] supplied in margin for insertion
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Chapter 14 The Coliseum The Coliseum is also a marvellous place, which in shape was made round with great arches and strength, as can still be seen for the greater part of it stands today. It was so designed that a wall goes in a circle, I guess there were nearly a hundred arches going round, and as many above that and as many above that again. Then there was another wall inside that had as many arches on the ground as the first wall had but the arches were smaller, as reason requires, for the circle was less in circumference and this wall had just two courses of arches, for the covering of the vaults was so arranged that the roof was high outside and lower inside. Then there was the third wall inside which had and has as many arches on the ground as the second but it has no arches above. So the outer wall has three arches in height, the second two arches in height, and the third just one. Then in the centre there was a great empty arena and an impressive miraculous thing in it, which is now destroyed for only an old chapel stands there. Our authorities write about the name of this place as follows: Catholicon says that Colliseus is something that is raised as a memorial to a dead man. In support it cites the poet Juvenal, who says Et de marmoreo citharam suspende colloso, which means ‘And hang up a harp to the Colliseum all of marble’. By that he meant that anything made as a memorial to a dead man may be called a Colliseum. For this reason Pappus said that Colliseum is a great high piece of sculpture in marble. Catholicon also says that here in this very place stood those figures with bells round their necks who indicated the rebellion of various countries against Rome. But all other writers say that this piece of equipment was in the Capitol, as we explained before. On that account we will now write justifiably what the old writers say on this subject. The Colliseum, they say, was a temple of great height and breadth, designated and consecrated to the sun and moon, in which there were many marvellous impressive things. For the roof above was covered with metal plate so gilded and painted that it was like the stars in heaven above, in which by ingenious skill they mimicked thunder and lightning, rains and other spells of weather that come from the sky. The signs of the Zodiac could also be seen there, depicted very
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and leuenes reynes and oþir wederes swech as come fro þe firmament. Ther wer also apperyng1 þe signes supercelestial expressid ful weel in whech tymes of þe ʒer þe sunne passith be hem. As in Januari be þe signe þei clepe Aquari, in Februari be þe fischis, in March be þe ram, in April be þe bul, in May be þe too twynnes Castor and Pollux, in June be þe crabbe, in Julé be þe leoun, in August be þe virgin, in September be þe balaunce, in October be þe scorpioun, in Novembir be þe scheter, in December be þe gote. All þese wer schewid þer ful meruelously in her meuingis and many oþir þingis. In the myddis of þis place stood þe grete god Phebus, so is þe sunne cleped and eke Apollo is his name. He was so mad þat with his feet he touched þe erde and with his rith hand þe heuene, for in his left hand held he a bal as þouʒ he had al þis world in gouernaunce. Whi he is cleped Phebus and whi Apollo and whi þat Juuenal seid before þat þe harp schuld be hange befor him rather þan befor othir, all þis wold ask longe declaracioun of poetrie whech is now fer fro my mynde and clene out of use. Neuyrþelasse as a gramarioun I wil sumwhat expowne þis, þat Sol is clepid Phebus a phos, whech is as mech to sey as ‘lith’, for þis cause þat he hath mor lith þan alle þe planetis. He is eke cleped Appollo aftir a famouse man þat had þat same name whech was a souereyn lech, and þis name was attribut onto þe sunne for he cureth þe sores of erde and causeth þe same erde to bring forth2 ful rip frutes.
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The melodye of þe harp is offered onto him as to þe reuler and principall of all planetis, in whech planetes cours and turnyng as philisophres sei is ful grete melodye. Now whi al þis fayre werk was distroyed wil I telle ʒou. Seint Siluester aftir þat tyme he had baptized þe grete Constantine was mad lord and emperour of all þis side of þe world for þe forsaid Constantin went onto Constantinople and dwelt þer þat he ne non of his schuld interrupt þe grete power and þe grete possessioun whech he ʒave to þe Cherch. Thus standyng þe cherch at his liberté, mech Cristen puple come to Rome in pilgrimage and whann þei seyn þis gay bildyng and þis meuyng of þese planetis as I haue declared, þei left mech of her deuocioun and stood and gased on þese vanities rith for nouelté of þe site. Tho mad Seint Siluester þis maummentrie to be broke and spent into betir use. Al þis haue I red, þat whech folowith in þis mater haue I herd. Men sey þat Siluester cam þidir on processioun, which tyme þis werk schuld be distroyed and þis grete ymage þat stood al aboue, | be power whech þe deuele had þerin, spak to Siluester and seide þus: Colis eum, þat is to sey in Englisch ‘Worchipis þou him’. The deuele spak þoo wordes at þat tyme to stere þe puple whech was redy to distroye þat maumentrie þat for very fer of þoo wordis þei schuld lette her werk. And þann Seynt Siluester with a grete boldnesse turned þe proposicioun onto anothir and seyd to þe maundment: Colis Deum, þat is to sey ‘Þou worchipist God’. So cried þei oft sithis, as it is told, þe on colis eum þe oþir colis Deum and of þis dialoge in apperyng] MS apperyng þere with þere expuncted
1
forth] MS forth | forth with 2nd instance expuncted
2
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well and showing at what times of the year the sun passes by them. So in January the sun passes by the sign they call Aquarius ‘Water-Carrier’, in February by Pisces ‘Fish’, in March by Aries ‘Ram’, in April by Taurus ‘Bull’, in May by Gemini ‘Twins’, Castor and Pollux, in June by Cancer ‘Crab’, in July by Leo ‘Lion’, in August by Virgo ‘Virgin’, in September by Libra ‘Scales’, in October by Scorpio ‘Scorpion’, in November by Sagittarius ‘Archer’, in December by Capricorn ‘Goat’. All these were wonderfully depicted there in their movements and many other aspects. In the centre of this place stood the great god Phebus, as the sun is called, and another name is Apollo. He was made so that he touched the ground with his feet and the heavens with his right hand, for he held a globe in his left hand as though he had the whole world in his power. Why he is called Phebus, and why Apollo, and why Juvenal said that the harp should be hung in front of him rather than in front of others, all this would require a long interpretation of [ancient] poetry that is now far from my mind and completely out of fashion. Nevertheless as an etymologist I will explain this a bit, that Sol is called Phebus from phos, which means ‘light’, because he has more light than all the planets. Also he is called Apollo after a famous man of the same name who was a supreme physician, and this name was attributed to the sun because it cures the afflictions of the earth and causes the same earth to bring forth ripe fruit. The melody of the harp is offered up to him as the ruler and chief of all planets, and in the courses and rotation of these planets there is great tunefulness, as philosophers say. Now I will tell you why all this beautiful work was destroyed. After he had baptized Constantine the Great St Sylvester was made lord and supreme ruler of this [western] side of the world, for Constantine went to Constantinople and lived there so that he nor any of his family could interfere with the great power and the great goods that he gave to the Church. The Church continuing to stand in security, many Christian people came to Rome on pilgrimage and when they saw this fine building and this rotation of the planets as I have described, they abandoned much of their devotion and stood and gazed at these vanities just for the novelty of the sight. Then St Sylvester caused these objects of misguided worship to be broken up and made available for better use. All this I have read; what follows on this subject I have heard. People say that Sylvester came there in procession at the time when this work was to be destroyed, and this great statue that stood on high spoke to Sylvester by the power that the devil invested in it, and said as follows: Colis eum, which means in English ‘Worship him’. The devil spoke those words at that time to steer the people who were ready to destroy these objects of misguided worship so that they would stop their labour out of fear of those words. St Sylvester with great assurance turned the proposition into another and changed the directive to: Colis Deum, which means ‘Worship God’.
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returnyng of a terme roos þe name of þis place, as sum sey þat it was called Collisé. Wheþir þis be treuth or nout I make no meyntenaunce. But þis haue I red in þis mater þat Siluester ded distroye it, and in tokne þat þer was swech a þing sumtyme þe grete heed and þe left hand in whech he held þe ball he sette at Laterane and ʒet stant it þer.
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So they cried many times, as it is related, one party Colis eum the other party Colis Deum, and the name of this place arose from this altercation in changing a phrase, thus some say it was called Collise. I give no support to either position, whether it be true or false. But I have read this on this subject, that Sylvester did destroy it, and as witness that there was such a thing at one time he put the great head, and the left hand with which he held the globe, at the Lateran and they still stand there.
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Of þat place whech þei clepid Pantheon.
fo 368r
Capitulum XV.
Pantheon was eke a notable place, now it is called Sancta Maria Rotunda uel Sancta Maria ad Martires. And of all þese names schal be mad mencion. In þat same tyme þat kyngis had cesed at Rome and consules had þe gouernaunce ther was a man amongis hem cleped Marcus Agrippa, grete of witte and of power. This man was sent be þe auctorité of þe senate forto conquere þe west parties of þe world, and took with him four legiones and went down into þe lower cuntrés, conqwered onto her empire all þe Sueues and Saxones and many oþir. Whan þis conquest was performed and he com hom receyued as a victour, not longe aftir on of þoo ymages þat stood with her belles aboute her nekkis in þe Capitole ronge his belle and turned his face awey fro þat coost þat he beheld before, and þis same ymage was named and markid onto þe kyngdam of Perse. This say þe prest þat was ebdomadary for þat weke, whech lay and wayted upon swech chaunces as his office was, he roos up anon went up into þe Capitol onto þe lordes and teld in sothnes þat þe puple of Perse was redy to debate and purposed to rebelle. Thei gadered her councell to make remedy ageyn þis rebellion and all þei consentyd þat þis Marcus Agrippa schuld goo onto þis conquest for too causes. On was for he had sped so weel in his oþir jornay, anoþir cause for his puple was redy onto his hand and he as late experte knew best þe condiciones of hem, what þei coude doo or ellis what þei myth doo. This man refused þis charge, alleggyng þe labour þat he had late, and þe litil rest aftir þat. Neuyrþelasse at grete instauns of þe senate he took avisement of foure dayes to ʒeue hem þanne a final answer. Hom he gooth heuy and þouthful, stodying on þis mater of þe grete distaunce of þe weye, of þe perel eke in þe see, and moost for þe power as was reported þat þei of | Perse had purueyed ageyn Rome. Thus as he lay half aslepe þere appered onto him a fayr woman, sche counforted him as he þout and bad him be myry for if he wold doo aftir hir councell he schuld haue as fayr a jornay as euyr had conqwerour of Rome. The man in þis uisioun as he þoute spak onto þis lady: He had merueyl, he seide, what sche was þat hitʒ him so grete þingis of whech he stood sore in dout. Sche answerd onto him þat sche was modyr of þe grete goddis celestial, wyf onto Saturnus, modir onto Jubiter, Neptune and Pluto: ’My name’, sche seith, ‘is Cibeles, whech in ʒour sacraries is rehersed witʒ gret solempnité’. ‘O blissid modir’, seith þis man, ‘will ʒe now make me sewir þat I schal haue þe uictorie at þis jornay’.
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Chapter 15 The Pantheon The Pantheon was also a remarkable place, now called Santa Maria Rotunda or Santa Maria ad Martyres. Mention shall be made of all these names. When kings ceased at Rome and consuls had the rule, among them there was a man called Marcus Agrippa, of great intelligence and power. On the authority of the senate this man was sent to conquer the western parts of the world, and he took with him four legions and went into the low countries and annexed to the empire all the lands of the Suevi and the Saxons and many others. When this conquest was completed and he returned home being received as a victor, not long afterwards one of those figures that stood with bells around their necks in the Capitol rang his bell and turned his face away from the region it was facing before, and this same figure was assigned and pointed to the kingdom of Persia. The priest who was on duty for that week, who, as was his responsibility, lay waiting for such an event, rose up immediately and went up to the lords in the Capitol and reported that the people of Persia were truly ready to cause strife and intended to rebel. They gathered their council to plan redress against this rebellion, and they all agreed that this Marcus Agrippa should undertake this expedition of conquest for two reasons. One was that he had succeeded so well in his previous undertaking; the second was that his host was ready to hand and he as a recent expert knew the condition of them best, what they could do or what they might do. This man refused this duty of responsibility, pleading the hard work he had had recently and the little rest after it. Nevertheless under great pressure from the senate he took four days for deliberation to give them a final answer. He went home gloomy and thoughtful, considering in relation to this subject the great distance of the journey, the danger also at sea, and most of all the military force, as was reported, that the Persians had mustered against Rome. So as he lay half asleep a beautiful woman appeared unto him; she encouraged him as he thought, and told him to be cheerful, for if he would follow her advice he would have as successful an expedition as a Roman conqueror ever had. In his dream as he thought the man spoke to this lady: ‘He wondered’, he said, ‘who she was to promise him such great things when he had such doubts about them’. She answered him that she was mother of the great celestial gods, wife to Saturn, mother of Jupiter, Neptune and Pluto: ’My name’, she says, ‘is Cybele, who is referred to in your shrines with great ceremony’. ‘Oh blessed mother’, says this man, ‘will you now make me certain that I will have the victory in this expedition?’
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‘Ȝe treuly’, sche seith, ‘so þou make þis byhest, þat þou schalt make me a temple of þat schap whech I schal deuyse onto þe’.
There sche dyuysed hem all þe schap of þe temple both in heith and in brede, and he behite hir aftir his jornay sped he schuld fulfill al þat sche had comaunded. He roos up in þe morownyng weel counfortid, told all þis councell onto þe senate, and all þat euyr he had behitʒ þei promissed to fulfille. Men myth ask here whi Our Lord suffered þese wikked spiritis þus to apper and þus vndir similat religioun to make men spend so grete good in þe deueles seruyse. As for þe sufferauns of God þat mater is inperscrutabil saue þat Seynt Paule seith þat for þe grete defautes whech wer in her lyuyng þei wer worþi forto be disseyued. Thus seith he in þe Epistill ad Romanos. To þe oþir party whi He suffered swech richesse to be spent in þe deueles seruyse summe men answer, because it was wrongfully gote it had þe lesse grace forto be weel spent. Summe men sey bettir þerto þat God mad a puruyaunce at þat tyme þat þoo grete houses whech were rered up for errour or for vanyté schuld aftirward serue in betir use to worchip of God and seyntis, as Dauid took þe crowne of an hethen kyng and wered it himselue, þis rede we in þe secund book of Kyngis.
fo 368v
Now to telle our processe: þis Marcus Agrippa restored his hoost and with grete strength went into Perse, many schippis had he for he led with him fif legiones. Þere with grete labour and many batayles he ouyrcam hem and put hem vndyr gretter tribute onto Rome þann þei wer byfore. Thus comth he hom victour and is receyued with grete worchip. Anon as he hath rested him a while he bygan þis temple with ful grete cost for it is a meruelous hous and a grete, whech myth not haue so grete sintiris as þe arches ar wyde and þerfor he ded make a grete hill of erde and couchid all þese voutes þerupon and in þe erde was þrowyn mech mony þat þe puple aftir edificacioun of the hous schuld be glad forto bere oute þe erde. Eke þe porche is made with pileres of marbil so hye and so grete þat it is mer|veil forto se and forto þink who þei myth be caried or lift up. Aftir þe hous was mad he sette up ymage of Cibeles in þe heith of þe roof, whech ymage was made of bras ful weel gilt aboue, and ouyr hir hed was þat coproun þat stant byfor Seynt Petres cherch; who it cam þere or in whos tyme schal be declared aftirward in þe secund book. Suffisid now of þis place þus mad in þe honour of Cibeles, modir of þe goddis, and Neptune god of þe see in special, and all oþir goddis in general. Summe men sey þat þis þing was doo in Domicianes tyme and þe elde cronycles sey it was doo in the consules tyme, whech begunne to gouerne Rome at þe last kyng, and cesed whan þe first emperour cam whech was Julius Cesar, eke betwix Julius and Domician were nyne emperoures. Here be to opiniones, let men chose what þei will.
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‘Yes, truly’, she says,’ providing you make this promise, that you will build me a temple according to the design that I will contrive for you’.
There she designed the shape of the temple, both the height and the breadth, and he promised her that after his expedition he would do everything that she had commanded. In the morning he rose up much cheered, reported his deliberations to the senate, and they undertook to carry out everything he had promised. People might ask here why Our Lord allowed these evil spirits to appear in this way and to make people thus spend so much money in service of the devil under false religion. As for God’s forbearance the matter is inscrutable, except that St Paul says they deserved to be misled on account of the great flaws in their life-style. So he says in the Letter to the Romans. On the other side of the argument as to why God allowed such riches to be spent in the devil’s cause, some men answer that because they were ill gotten they had less chance to be well spent. Some men put forward a better argument that at that time God made provision that those great buildings that were raised in (moral) error or through vainglory should later serve to better use in honour of God, and saints such as David took the crown from a heathen king and wore it himself, as we read in the second book of Kings. Now to relate our story: this Marcus Agrippa rejuvenated his army and went into Persia with a large force. He had many ships for he took with him five legions. Through hard work and many battles he overcame them there and put them under obligation to pay more tribute to Rome than they did before. So he came home the victor and was received with great honour. As soon as he had rested a while he began this temple at great cost for it is a marvellous large building, which could not be provided with such large temporary wooden arch-supporting frames because the arches were so wide, so he made a great mound of earth and rested all these arched interior roof structures on the mound, and a lot of money was thrown in the earth (that comprised the mound) so that after the construction of the building people were glad to carry the earth away. Also the porch is constructed with pillars of marble so high and so broad that is a wonder to behold and to think that they could be carried or lifted up. After the building was completed he set up a statue of Cybele high up in the roof, the statue being made of copper and gilded all over, and above her head an ornamental top that now stands in front of San Pietro; how it got there, or when, will be explained in Book II. That’s enough now about this place built in honour of Cybele, mother of the gods, especially of Neptune, god of the sea, and all the other gods generally. Some men say that this building was built in Domitian’s time, and the old histories say it was done in the time of the consuls, who began to rule Rome after the last king and stopped doing so when the first emperor arrived, which was Julius Caesar; also between Julius Caesar and Domitian there were nine emperors. Here are two opinions; let people choose what they will.
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Of þat fair place cleped Ara Celi.
Capitulum XVI.
Ara Celi is now a ful solempne place standyng on a hill fast by þe Capitoll; it is not our occupacioun for to telle what it is, for þat longith to þe Octauian next regnyng aftir Julius Cesar for he was cosyn onto Julius. This emperour with grete labour and prudens mad subjecte onto Rome all þe naciones of þe world, þus sey þe Romanes. We sey þat Crist ded þis, for whan he schuld come and take mankynde and joyne it onto his godhed he wold haue a general pes þorwoute þe world, whech fell in þis mannes tyme þe fourti-secunde ʒer of his regne. The senatoures and þe puple of Rome, þat knew not Crist ne receyued him nowt, seyn all þis pes had in þis mannes tyme, tendred eke þe grete jornayes þat he had mad, considered alsoo þe beuté of his persone, þei cleped him onto her Capitol and had onto him swech wordis: Lord hiest of myth, fayrest of beuté, moost fortunat to pees and trancquillité, we se weel and perseyue þat þis þing myth neuyr be doo be a worldly man. Wherfor we undirstand weel þat þere is a grete part of deité regnyng withinne þe and for þat cause we alle with on assent ar þus acordid to worchip þi persone as a god, to sette up þi statue and a lawe þerupon þat whosoeuyr come forby and do it no worchip he schal be ded. Refuse not þat we profir for of uery loue and pur deuocioun we offir to ʒou all þis seruyse.
The emperour heryng þese wordes stood al astoyned knowing him a man corruptible, and dedly prikkid þus with veynglorie on þe o side and with fer of deth on þe oþir side, ʒaue hem þis answere: ‘Ʒe schal’, he seith, ‘graunt me leyser and auysement of þis mater, and aftir tyme I haue avised me ʒe schal haue swech answere with whech ʒe schal be plesed’.
fo 369r
Aftir he was go fro hem he sent for a woman þei cleped hir Sibillam Tiburtinam, eythir was sche cleped so for sche dwelt in þat cité or ellis for | sche was bor in þat cité. Whann sche was come he rehersed onto hir all þat þe senate had purposed onto him, and sche took of him þre dayes of avisement in whech sche fastid ful streytly praying þe grete god of heuene to ʒeue hir grace þat sche schuld ber þe emperour an answer whech schuld be plesauns to god and worchip to his persone. Here may men se þat befor Cristis birth were ful goode and holy creatures nowt only in the Jewis lawe whech was ʒoue be Moyses but eke amongis þe hethen men, as Romanes were, dwelt sum folk whech be uery inspiracioun of God had þis undirstandyng þat þei knew weel þere was no god but on, maker of heuene and erde, þei knewe eke þat þoo mawmentis sperd in templis had no part of deité as þe puple supposed, but al was errour and mysbeleue. Whan þis woman in fastyng and prayer had continued þese þre dayes sche mette with þe emperour rith in þe same
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Chapter 16 Ara Celi Ara Celi is now a famous place situated on a hill near the Capitol. It is not our business to describe what it is, as that belongs with Octavian who reigned after Julius Caesar, for he was his cousin. With great pains taken and sagacity this emperor made all the nations of the world subject to Rome, so the Romans say. We say that Christ did this, for when he came and took on a human nature and combined it with his divinity he wanted to establish a general peace throughout the world, which happened in this man’s time in the forty-second year of his reign. The senators and the people of Rome, who did not know Christ and did not receive him, saw all this peace enjoyed in this man Octavian’s time, considered also all the great expeditions that he had undertaken, and took note of the physical attractiveness of his person, so they summoned him to their Capitol and addressed these words to him: Lord greatest in might, fairest in beauty, most fortunate in peace and tranquility, we see well and perceive that this outcome could never have happened to a man of the world. From that we realize that there is a substantial amount of divinity reigning inside you, and for that reason with one assent we are all agreed to worship your person as a god, to put up your statue and pass a law that whoever goes by it and does not worship it shall forfeit his life. Do not refuse what we propose for we offer you all this devotion out of pure love and allegiance.
Hearing these words the emperor stood absolutely astonished, knowing himself to be a man capable of corruption, on the one hand greatly troubled by excessive pride, and on the other hand troubled by fear of death, and gave them this answer: You must grant me time for consideration and reflection in this matter, and when I have had time to ponder you will get an answer with which you will be well pleased.
After he had left them he sent for a woman who was called Sibylla Tiburtis; she was so called either because she lived in that city or else because she was born in that city. When she had come he told her everything that the senate had proposed to him, and she asked for and obtained three days of reflection during which she fasted continuously praying the great god of heaven to give her grace to give the emperor an answer that would be pleasing to god and honour to his person. Here people can see that before Christ’s birth there lived some really good and holy persons, not only under the Jewish law, which was given by Moses, but also among heathen men, as the Romans were, people who by the guidance of God had this insight that they knew there was only one god, maker of heaven and earth, and knew also that those idols confined in temples had no element of divine nature as people thought, but all was error and misplaced belief. When this woman had continued in fasting and prayer for the three days, she met up with the emperor
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place called now Ara Celi, þann was it clepid Octauianis chambir, and þere had sche meruelous wordis onto þe emperour, for sche, as þis story seith, brout him þidir twenti-seuene uers, þe first begynnyth: Judicii signum tellus sudore madescit, in whech twenti-seuene uers in capitales of hem was conteyned þis sentens: Iesos Cristos Tenu Yios Sother; in Latyn þus: Jesus Cristus Dei Filius Saluator; in Englisch þus: ‘Jesus Crist þe Son of God our Sauyour’. Of þese uers and þis Sibille spekith Seint Austyn in þe eitene book De ciuitate Dei but sumwhat diuerseth he fro þis cronicle whech calleth hir Tiburtinam, for Austin clepith hir Erutheam. Aftir þese uerse red and expowned as þei loked up þei sey þe heuene opyn and a grete clernesse brith as þe sunne, eke an auter þei seyn and on þe auter a fair mayde standyng and in hir arme a child. Summe bokis sey þat þis mayde with hir child appered in a sunne and summe sey þat þer appered, þat day þat Crist was bore, þre sunnes and alle þre in schort tyme turned into on, be whech þing as þei say was undirstande þat in þe godhed ar þre persones, and on of þese þre took our kynde of þis mayde. Othir men sey þat þis þing signified who þre kyndes, godhed, soule and flesch schuld be joyned in o persone. Whan þe emperour had behold þis a gre[te] while he herd a voys fro heuene soundyng þese wordis: This is þe auter of God,1 to þis loke þou do worchep.
Anon þe emperour and Sibill fell down to ground and ded reuerens and deuté to þat lord þat wold schew him swech maner misteries. All þis was don on þe same day2 þat Crist was born, þat not only Bedlem schuld haue knowing of Crist, ne not only schiphardis in Judé, ne not only þe kyngis of þe est, but men of Rome whech wer fer fro þe trewe feith. Thoo went þe emperour onto þe senate and teld hem of þe gret merueilis whech he had seyn. Þer he refused all þat þei profered him and seide he wold be seruaunt onto þis child euyr whil he may lyue. fo 369v
The senate consentid to all þat is don, and go hom euery man | musyng upon þis site whech þe emperour and eke Sibill had seyn. Sone aftir he ded make an auter in þe same place3 and called it Ara Celi; now it is a ful solempne couente of Frer Meynouris,4 and because we schul not talk þerof in þe secund book, for it is5 neythir on of þe seuene cherches ne non of þe patriarcal cherchis whech be cleped6 staciones, þerfor wil I write her uers whech I red þere. Cunctarum prima que fuit orbe sita Noscas quod Cesar tunc struxit Octauianus Hanc Aram Celi sacra proles cum patet ei.
of God] MS followed by an erasure of (?) 3 letters and a line across the resulting space 2 day] suprascript 3 place] suprascript 4 Meynoures] 1st e suprascript 5 is] suprascript 6 cleped] d almost erased 1
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in this very place, then called Octavian’s apartment, now called Ara Celi, and uttered marvellous words to the emperor, for, as the story goes, she delivered to him twenty-seven verses, the first beginning: Judicii signum tellus sudore madescit, ‘Sign of judgement, the earth shall drip with sweat’. The following statement (in Greek) was contained in these twenty-seven verses in capitals: Jesos Cristos Tenu Yios Sother, so in Latin Jesus Cristus Dei Filius Salvator, so in English ‘Jesus Christ the Son of God our Saviour’. St Augustine speaks of these verses and this Sibyl in Book 28 of The City of God, but, diverging from the story that calls her Tiburtis, he calls her Sibylla Erythraea. When these verses had been read and explained, as they looked up they saw the heavens open and a great brightness as brilliant as the sun, also they saw an altar and standing on the altar a beautiful maiden with a child in her arm. Some books say that this maiden with her child appeared in a sun, and some say that the day Christ was born there appeared three suns and all three shortly turned into one, by which as they say it was understood that there are three persons in the godhead, and one of these three became incarnate by this maiden. Other men say that this phenomenon signified how three natures, godhead, soul and body, should be joined in one person. When the emperor had beheld this for some while he heard a voice from heaven speaking these words: ‘This is the altar of God, make sure this is what you worship’. Immediately the emperor and the Sibyl fell to the ground and did honour and obeisance to the lord who was able to show them such manner of mystical truths. All this was done on the same day as Christ was born, so that not only Bethlehem should know about Christ, and not only shepherds in Judaea, and not only the kings of the orient, but also men of Rome who were far from the true faith. Then the emperor went to the senate and told them of the great wonders that he had seen. There he declined everything they had offered and said he would be servant to this child for as long as he lived. The senate agreed to everything that was done and that everyone should go home pondering the vision that the emperor and the Sibyl too had seen. Soon afterwards he erected an altar in the same place and called it Ara Celi; now it is an important Franciscan friary, and since we shall not speak of it in Book II, as it is neither one of the seven principal churches nor one of the titular churches called stations, for that reason I am going to write the verses that I read there. Cunctarum prima que fuit orbe sita Noscas quod Cesar tunc struxit Octauianus Hanc Aram Celi sacra proles cum patet ei.
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Thus mene þei in Englisch with declaracioun and addicioun of moo termes for esier undirstandyng: The first cherch of all cherches þat wer mad in þis world is þis. Knowe weel þat þe emperour Octauian mad þis same. He cleped it þe auter of heuene whech tyme þat þe mayde with hir child appered onto him.
This same place as I fond writen þere was consecrat be Anaclete þe pope, whech was þe fourt fro Petir. And up onto þis are þe fayrest greces of white marbil þat be in þe world, for þere be as I haue mynde sex scor and eyte.
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They mean this in English with explanation and addition of more words for easier understanding: This is the first church of all the churches that were made in the world. You should know that the Emperor Octavian made it. At the time when the maiden appeared to him with her child he called it the Altar of Heaven.
As I found written there this same place was consecrated by Pope Anacletus, the fourth pope after Peter. Leading up to it are the most beautiful steps of white marble in the world, for as I recall there are one hundred and twenty-eight.
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Of þat place þat stant fast be þat ʒate called Flaminea.
Capitulum XVII.
Fast by þat ʒate whech þei clepe Porta Flaminea þis same Octauian did make a grete tour whech he clepid þe emperoures castell, wheþir it was þe grete round hill þat stant þere and all þe housyng is distroyed saue voutis in þe ground, or ellis it is a grete tour of ston þat stant nyher the foreseid ʒate it is to me a doute. But þus mech fynde I wrytyn, þat he mad þis werk to þis entent þat emperoures schuld be byried þere. Edified it was with grete tables of marbil and in þoo tables grauen þe conquestis of Rome. Therfor hope I ʒet þat þis same tour þat stant, ʒet a grete part is þat same. He called it þe Castelle Augustall, Augustus is as mech forto sey1 as an emperour, and þis name was first ʒoue to Octauiane for þis skil for augeo auges is as mech to sey as to make a þink mor þann it was, and because þis man2 mored þe empir of Rome with grete conquestis þerfor þei ʒoue him þis name, and mad eke onto his worchip on of þe monthis of þe ʒer to ber his name. This same Octauian had a special loue as it semeth onto þis ʒate and þis strete þat gooth herby. The cause of þis specialté is alegged in a book De viris illustribus þat Dominicus de Arecio mad capito Nero, wher he writith þus: Whann Octauian had wedded his new wyf he brout hir hom by þis same strete and þis same ʒate. And happed as sche cam be þe weye an egle to flye ouyr hir whech had caute a white henne to his pray. The henne had in hir mouth a braunch of laurer with ripe bayes þeron, for euene as sche stood forto fede hir þe egle caute hir up. And whann he had bor hir but a lityl space he lette henne, braunch and all fall in þis ladies lappe. | Mech lokyng was on þis and busy rounyng betwix þe lordis what þis myth betokne. The grete maystiris of swech sory sciens of magik and sorsry wer councelled what þis schuld mene, but þei wolde ʒeue non answer þerinne but comaunded þat þe braunche schuld be sette and þe henne kepte.
fo 370r
And þat ʒere, as writith þis man, were in þat plage of Rome moost plenty of hennys þat euyr men herd sey. Eke fro þat time forward in þat partie amongis her vines þei planted many laureris and ʒet be þere many growyng in euery vine. Befor, in þe chapitre of ʒates, we seid þat þis ʒate is cleped Porta Flaminea of a prouynce þat hatʒ þe same name and þis ʒate is þe weye to þe same prouynce. This was seid þann undir auctorité of Geruase and ʒet we sei þe same. But oute of þis may men sone contryue a newe colour why it is cleped Flaminea. For flameum flamei as seith Catholicon is a kerchi or ellis a large wympil mad of red silk all þinne with whech ʒong women hid her face þat here schameful abaschid chere schuld not gretly be aspied. Lucane in his secund book berith witnesse of þis exposicioun wher he seith: Lutea demissis velarunt flamea vultus. The poete seith þat with red kerchies þei hillid her schamful facis. For luteus is take in gramer both for ʒelow sey] suprascript
1
man] suprascript
2
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Chapter 17 The Mausoleum of Augustus This same Octavian erected a great tower, which he called the emperor’s castle, near the gate that they call Porta Flaminea. To me it is doubtful as to whether it was the great round mound that stands there, with all the building destroyed except arches in the ground, or whether it is a great stone tower that stands nearer the Porta Flaminea. But this much I find written, that he built this monument so that emperors would be buried there. It was built with large stringcourses of marble with the conquests of Rome carved in the courses. Therefore I hope that the same tower that still stands matches the description. Octavian called it the Mausoleum of Augustus. Augustus means ‘an emperor’, and this name was given to Octavian first on account of his ability, for augeo auges means to make something bigger than it was, and since this man increased the size of the Roman empire by great conquests, they gave him this name. This same Octavian, as it seems, had a particular affection for this gate and the street that goes by it. The reason for this partiality is claimed in De viris illustribus ‘Of Famous Men’, a book made by Domenico di Bandini of Arezzo, in the chapter on Nero, where he writes as follows: When Octavian married his new wife he brought her home by this very street and this very gate. And as she came along the way there happened to fly over her an eagle that had caught a white hen as its prey. In its mouth the hen had a branch from a bay tree with ripe ripe bay-fruit on it, for the eagle snatched the hen up just as she stood to feed herself. And when the eagle had carried her upwards just a little he let hen, branch and all drop in this lady’s lap. There was much gazing at this and avid discussion amongst the nobles as to what this might signify. The great experts in such wretched fields of knowledge as magic and sorcery were asked for their advice as to what it should mean, but they wouldn’t give any answer on the matter but ordered that the branch be put in a particular place and the hen guarded.
And that year, as this man writes, there was the greatest abundance of hens in that district of Rome that men ever heard say of. Also from that time onwards they planted many bay-trees with their vines in the same area of ground, and there are still many growing there with every vine. Earlier, in the chapter about gates, we said that this gate is called Porta Flaminea after a province that has the same name, and this gate is on the route to that same province. This was said then with the authority of Gervase of Tilbury, and we still say the same. But men can quickly formulate a new argument from this as to why it called Flaminea. For flameum flamei, as Catholicon says, is a veil or large head-scarf made of very thin red silk, with which young women hide their faces so that their blushing embarassed demeanour should not be much noticed. In Book II of De bello civili Lucan gives support to this explanation when he says: Lutea demissos velarunt flammea voltus
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and red. Than conclude I þus of þis mater: in as mech as þis lady rood with swech a kerchi be þis same ʒate in whech fell onto hir swech a notable pronosticacioun, þerfor of hir ueil whech is clepid flameum cleped þei þe ʒate flamea þouʒ it wer so þat it had þe same name befor.
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‘No saffron-coloured bridal veil covered the downcast countenance’. The poet says that they covered their blushing faces with red veils. For luteus is taken in lexicography to mean both ‘yellow’ and ‘red’. So I draw the following conclusion in this matter: in so far as this lady rode with such a veil by this same gate where she had such a prediction, they called the gate flamea after her veil, which is called flameum, even though it had the same name already.
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Of þe place cleped Septisolium.
fo 370v
Capitulum XVIII.
Septisolium alsoo was a famous place, it stant fast be Seynt Gregories monasterie, a meruelous place of bildyng, for in þe west side it is mad of grete aschler stones and þoo ar all to schake as þouʒ þei schuld falle. The oþir þre sides ar open with peleres of marbil so disposed þat þere be distincte seuene setis betwix þese pileres, and so soundith þe name of þe place for septem is ‘seuene’ and solium a ‘sete’, þat is forto say ‘seuene setis’. Aboue þese seuene setis are oþir seuene and eke aboue þo seuene ar oþir seuene þat it is merueil who þo heuy pileres of marbil myth be caried up so hy. Of þis place be thre opynyones wherof þat it serued. The Romanes sey þat þei dwelt þer, þe seuene wise men whech þei clepe þe seuene sages. We rede þat þere were seuene wise men in Grece whos names be redy in cronicles: þe first hith Pitacus, þe secund Solon, þe þird Eylon, þe fourt Piriandus, þe fift Cleobulus, þe sexte Bias, and þe seuenet Bienus. But þese men leued not all at ones at o tyme, and þouʒ þei had be at o tyme I wene þat þei come neuyr at Rome. To þis sey þe Romanes þat þis place was mad for oþir seuene, but þei haue not her names rydyly. Wherfor I ʒeue no grete credens to þis tale, for þis cause, namely for all | þe grete clerkis of Rome for þe most party had places of her owne as Seneca, Tullius, Caton, Boys and eke Salustius. Anothir opinion red I in Dominicus book de Arecio þat it was clepid Septisolium for whann Octauian cam hom fro all his conquestis and was in pees with al þe world þe Romanes ordeyned þere þat he was receyued with seuene sundry worchippis, perauenture of euery sciens of þe seuene liberal [sciens] was mad sum special pagent in comendacioun of þe man. I red eke anoþir tale at Seynt Gregories monasteri be þe schewyng of an Englisch monk. It was and is writyn þere þat Seynt Gregory occupied þis place with grete maisteris of all seuene sciens at his cost, þat what man wold com lerne ony of þe seuene he schuld frely lerne in þat place.
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Chapter 18 The Septizodium The Septisolium, which stands near San Gregorio Magno, is also a famous place, a marvellous building, for on the western side it is made of large slabs of ashlar stone and they are all capable of being shaken as if they would collapse. The other three sides are open with pillars of marble so disposed that there are seven separate seats between these pillars, and that is what the name of this place means, for septem is ‘seven’ and solium ‘a seat’, that is seven seats. There is another tier of seven seats above the first seven, and a further tier of seven above the second seven, so that how those heavy pillars of marble could be raised up so high is a marvel. There are three opinions as to what purpose this place served. The Romans say that the seven wise men they call the seven sages lived there. We read that there were seven wise men in Greece whose names are readily available in histories: the first was called Pittacus, the second Solon, the third Cylon, the fourth Periander, the fifth Cleobulus, the sixth Bias and the seventh Bienus. But these men did not all live at the same time, and even if they had lived at the same time I believe they never came to Rome. The Romans answer this by saying that this place was made for another seven, but they don’t have their names to hand. So I have little confidence in this story, for this reason, namely that all the great scholars of Rome for the most part had places of their own, as Seneca, Cicero, Cato, Boethius and also Sallust. I read a second opinion in Domenico di Bandini of Arezzo’s book that it was called Septisolium because when Octavian came home from all his conquests and was in peace with the whole world the Romans organized that he was received with seven various demonstrations of esteem, maybe some special pageant in honour of the man was devised in accordance with each of the seven liberal arts. At the monastery attached to San Gregorio Magno I read yet a third story shown to me by an English monk. It was written there, and still is, that St Gregory lived in this place at his own expense with learned teachers of each of the seven liberal arts, so that if any man wished to come and learn any of the seven he could readily learn it in that place.
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Of þat place whech is clepid Archus Prici Tarquini.
Capitulum XIX.
Archus Prici Tarquinii is anothir place and in uery suyrté I wot not where it standith. The descripcioun of þe place schal I write as I fynde leuynge þe soile forto be soute of hem þat wil walk and take heed more bisily þan I ded. Martyn seith in his Cronicle þat it stood betwix þe Mount Auentyn and þe grete paleys and it had as he seith too ʒates, on into þe est, anoþir into þe west, meruelously disposed as we schal trete aftirward. Martyn clepith þis place Circus Prici and þe cronicle clepith it Archus Prici. Archus is a arche rered for a victour, Circus is a place mad for rennyng of hors. This place was of ful grete beuté and so meruelously mad þat þouʒ þere stood neuir so many men þerin schuld neuir man lette oþir to see þoo games whech wer exercised þer. Al aboue wer arches mad with gold and precious stones and aboute þoo arches was sitting mad for women forto se þe grete dedis þat were exercised þere in the kalendis of May. In þe myddis of þese arches were too hy columpnes, þe lesse had eiti-seuene feet on heith, and þe gretter had too hundred and twenti-too. Al aboue þis hy piler stood a hors of metall gilt ful weel. And anoþir hors on þe o ʒate whech wer made with swech countenaunce þat it semed verily on of hem schuld renne ageyn þe oþir. Eke al aboue þese werkis was a sete for þe emperour whann he wold see þese pleyis. But all þis is down and as I seide befor I am in doute wheþir it was þis place or nowt for þere be oþir biggingis whech to my dom were more likly þan þis þat swech werkis schuld be þere.
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Chapter 19 The Circus of Tarquinius Priscus Another place is the Circus of Tarquinius Priscus, and truly I do not know where it is. I will write the description of the place as I find, leaving the site to be sought by those who will walk and take note more assiduously than I did. Martinus Polonus says in his Chronicle that it stood between the Aventine hill and the great palace (of Domitian), and, as he says, it had two gates, one facing east, the other west, marvellously arranged as we shall explain below. Martinus calls this place Circus Prici and the chronicle calls it Archus Prici. Archus is an arch raised for a conqueror. Circus is a place for horse-racing. This place was very handsome and built so marvellously that no matter how many men were in it no-one would ever prevent another from seeing the sports that were performed there. High up there were arches embellished with gold and precious stones, and around those arches there was seating provided for women to see the great sports that were performed there in the kalends of May (18 Apr to 15 May). Between these arches there were two tall columns, the shorter one was eighty-seven feet high, the taller one two hundred and twenty-two feet high. On top of this high pillar stood a horse made of metal very well gilded, and there was another horse on one of the gates, both made with such expression that it seemed as if one of them would charge at the other. Also above all these works there was a seat for the emperor when he wished to see these sports. But this is all fallen down and as I said before I am doubtful if it (what I have described) was this place or not, for there are other buildings, in my judgement, where such works would be more fitting.
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Of þe place bifor Seint Petir kirk cleped Cantarus.
fo 371r
[Capitulum] XX
There is a voide place byfor Seynt Petir cherch closed in al with housyng and in þe myddis þerof stant a fayr disposed werk sumwhat lich a cundite. This werk þei sey mad Symon Magus, whech was grete enmy to Petir and Poule, and gretly meynteyned be Nero, thei clepe þis same werk Cantarus, and cantarus as sey auctores is a vessel in whech men ber wyn with | merth, and vphap þis fals man, whech was gretly exercised in wischcraft and ful familiar with spiritis, mad swech grete vesseles forto meue and stere. This vessel was arayed with meruelous pileris of porphiri ston, with tables of fayr marbil with copir platis anameled and gilt with flours, birdis and delphuns of meruelous werk whech had dyuers spoutes rennyng with watir. In þe myddis of þis werk now stant þe pynot þat was sumtyme a curyng onto þat place clepid þoo dayes Pantheon, now Sancta Maria Rotunda. This pinot had sumtyme certeyn pipes of led in whech watir was caried ful sottilly to alle men þat had nede þerof. And a grete part of þat same watir was caried to þe emperouris batth be sotill ymaginaciones but principaly be nygromancie and wischcraft of þis forseid man Simon Magus, whech was ʒoue al to swech þinggis. But now be all þese þingis distroyed for þere is left noþing of swech sotiltées.
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Chapter 20 The Cantharus in the atrium in front of old San Pietro In front of San Pietro there is an empty place entirely enclosed with building, and in the middle of it there stands a beautiful work arranged a bit like a waterchannel. They say Simon Magus, who was a great enemy to Peter and Paul and greatly supported by Nero, made this work, which they call Cantharus, and cantarus as writers say is a vessel in which men carry wine with merry pleasure, and no doubt this evil man, who was much practised in witchcraft and very familiar with evil spirits, made such large vessels to stir things up and hold sway. This vessel was furnished with marvellous pillars of porphyry stone, with tables of beautiful marble with copper plates enamelled and gilded with flowers, birds and dolphins, marvellously skilful work that had various spouts with water running. The pinecone carving, which was formerly a protection for Santa Maria Rotunda, called the Pantheon in those days, now stands at the centre of this work. At one time this pine-cone had certain pipes of lead through which water was carried very ingeniously to all men who had need of it. And a large proportion of that same water was borne to the emperor’s bath by the sly ingenuity but mainly black magic and sorcery of this man Simon Magus already mentioned, who was completely addicted to such things. But now all these things are destroyed for there is nothing left of such trickery.
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Off þe sepulturis of Romulus and Remus.
Capitulum XXI.
Ther is eke a place betwix Seynt Petir cherch and Castell Aungell whech þei clepe Aruagia, whech is as mech to say as a place in a feld for aruus in þe Latyn tunge is a feld. In þis same place stant a grete hill mad of ston in whech Romulus body lith. And þis hill was wallid aboute sum tyme lich a warde of a castell with grete marbill stones, but Cristen men at comaundment of þe pope in elde tyme took awey þoo stones and mad þerof þe grecis and þe pauiment befor Seynt Petir cherch. It had eke anoþir wall withouten þis as a dobil warde, and fast by was a strete called Tiburtineum, and eke a grete market place toward þat hill þer Seynt Petir was crucified, but all is turned now a[n]d seruyth in bettir use. In þese stones of þese walles was mech grauyng of certeyn hethen stories with pecokkis and oþir birdis of metall ful weel gilt, and a hill in þe myddis ful weel made of þe same werk, whech is but wast forto speke of as now for as I seide al is chaunged and turned into bettir use. The graue of Remus was touchid before.
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Chapter 21 The ‘pyramid’ or tomb of Romulus Between San Pietro and the Castel Sant’Angelo there is also a place they call Arvagia, which means a place in a field, for arvus in Latin is ‘a field’. A great hill made of stone, in which the body of Romulus lies, stands in this same place. And at one time this hill was provided with a perimeter wall of large pieces of marble like the fortified area of a castle, but in olden times Christian men removed those pieces of marble on orders from the pope and with them made the steps and pavement in front of San Pietro. The hill also had a second perimeter wall outside the inner one as a double bulwark, and nearby there was a street called Via Tiburtina and also in the direction of that hill a large market place where St Peter was crucified, but everything is changed now and fulfils a better function. In the slabs of these walls there was a lot of carving of certain heathen stories, with gilded peacocks and other birds made of metal, and a hill very well made of the same work in the midst, but it is a waste to describe it now for, as I said, everything is changed and converted to better use. The grave of Remus was dealt with earlier.
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Of þe paleis longing to Trajane [and] Adr[iane].
fo 371v
Capitulum [XXII]
Eke þe paleys of Trajane and Adriane þe emperouris was ful costful werk of metall a[n]d of stones with dyuers memoriales of elde stories whech were longe to speke of. But o þing in special was þere whech me lykith gretly to declare. For in þis place were tables of brasse in whech was wrytyn þe fraternité and þe frenchip whech was mad betwix þe Jewis and þe Romanes in Judas Machabeus tyme. And because þe Bible spekith of þis mater þerfor wil we haue recors on þat same book and translate onto ʒow þoo wordes þat he hath primo Machabeorum eite. Judas Machabeus he seith herd speke of þe grete name of þe Romanes, who þat þei were strong of power and | gentill in helping of all men þat wold pray hem of frenschip. Eke he herd speke of þe grete batayles whech þei had in Galys, who þei had ouyrcome hem and put hem vndyr tribute, and of hem of Spayn who þai wer obedient onto þe Romanes to sende hem both gold and syluyr with oþir metallis whech are founde in þat lond. Þei herd speke eke of Asie and Lydie and many oþir cuntrés whos kyngis and dukis þe Romanes had ouyrcome with power and good counsell, in so mech þat whom þei wold preferr þei schul regne in prosperité, and whom þei wold oppresse þei schuld neuyr rise. Ferþermore þat þere was no kyng amongis hem ne no man usurped to wer no crowne in dominacioun ouir þe puple, but þei had þre hundred and twenti councellouris with whos witte all þese jornayes were doo, saue þat þei made special commissioun to o man for o jornay or for o ʒer to do certeyn þingis at her comaundment. Judas heryng all þis worchip of hem sent onto hem his embassiatouris with swech a message. Of þese embassiatoures on of hem hith Eupolemy þe oþir hith Eleazar. These too men come to Rome into þe court amongis þese counselloures and swech wordes þei seide onto hem: Judas Machabé and his breþerin and eke all þe puple of þe Jewis whech dwell aboute Jerusalem sent us hidir onto ʒou to make comenaunt of pees ferme and stable betwixe ʒou and hem þat þei schuld be accept into ʒour felawchip and ʒe schuld entre hem in ʒour memoriales as ʒour felawis and ʒour frendes.
These tydynggis þat þese men broutʒ were weel accepted onto þe Romanes so fer forth þat þei wrote þese same comenauntis in too tables of bras and on of hem remayned at Rome in þe same place of whech we speke of now, and þe oþir sent þei to Jerusalem as for a perpetual memorye. And þis is þe sentens of þat epistill writyn in þese tables: Euyr be it weel onto þe Romanes and to þe puple of Jewis, both in þe se and in þe lond þe enmy and þe swerd euyr be ferr fro hem. And if it so falle þat þere come ony grete batayle onto þe Romanes or to ony oþir naciones whech are joyned in felawchip onto hem þe puple of þe Jewis schal help hem as tyme and space may serue with trewe
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Chapter 22 The paleys ‘temple’ of Trajan The temple of the emperors Trajan and Hadrian was also very sumptuous work using metal and stone slabs with various carved records of old stories that would take a long time to recount. But there was one thing there that it pleases me very much to set down. For in this place there were tablets of copper on which was written the brotherly alliance and friendship that was made in Judas Maccabeus’s time between the Jews and the Romans. And since the Bible speaks about this subject we will refer to that book and translate for you the words of 1 Macc.8.1–30. Judas Maccabeus heard tell of the great name of the Romans, how they were strong in military prowess and generous in helping all men who wanted their friendship. Also he heard tell of the great battles they had had against the Galatians (or Gauls), how they had overcome them and put them under obligation to pay tribute, and he heard tell of the Spaniards, how, subject to the rule of the Romans, they were to send them both gold and silver along with other metals that are found in that land. They heard tell also of Asia and Lydia and many other countries whose kings and commanders the Romans had overcome by military prowess and good instruction, in so far as those they wished to promote were to continue in prosperity, and those they wished to put down would never rise. Furthermore they heard tell that there was no king among them nor any man who falsely asserted his right to wear a crown in lordship over the people, but that they had three hundred and twenty councillors by whose wisdom all these expeditions were undertaken, except that they gave special delegation of authority to one man for one expedition for one year to carry out certain things at their bidding. Hearing all these favourable reports about them Judas sent his ambassadors to them with the following message. One of these ambassadors was called Eupolemus the other ( Jason son of ) Eleazar. These two men arrived amongst the councillors at the court in Rome and spoke these words to them: Judas Maccabeus and his brothers, and all the Jewish people who live around Jerusalem too, sent us here to you to make a pact of firm and stable peace between you and them (the Jews), that they should be accepted into your fellowship and you should include them in your records as your fellows and your friends.
This news that these men brought was so acceptable to the Romans that they wrote these same terms of agreement in two tablets of copper, and one of them remained in Rome in the very place that we mention now, and they sent the other to Jerusalem as a perpetual record. And this is the text of that letter written in these tablets: May it ever go well for the Romans and the Jewish people, may the enemy and the sword ever be far from them both on the sea and on land. And if it should happen that any serious attack is made on the Romans or any other nation joined in fellowship with them,
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hert and hool entent. And þe same Romanes, ne non þat longe onto hem, schul not ʒeue onto þe Jewis neþir whete ne armour ne siluyr ne schippis but þei schul help þe Romanes and fite and be gouerned aftir þe Romanes comaundment. Also if þer come ony batayle or ony distresse onto þe puple of þe Jewis þe Romanes schul help1 hem as tyme and space wil suffyr, and to þoo helperes þe Jewis schul neythir ʒeue whete ne armour ne syluyr ne bred as it pleseth þe Romanes and þei schul kepe her comaundmentis withouten ony deceyt.
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The same Romanes wrote eke onto þe puple of Jewis þat if þe Romanes or ellis þe Jewis list aftirward to sette more to þis writyng or lesse onyþing þat is þerinne þei schul do þis at good leyser and good tyme aftir dis|posicioun of both parties and all þat it writyn or schal be writyn schal be hald grate and rate.
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the Jewish people will support them in so far as time and space allow with wholehearted commitment and without reservation. Neither shall the same Romans, nor any affiliated to them, provide the Jews with wheat, armour, silver or ships unless they support the Romans and fight and be ruled by Roman orders. Also if any attack or misfortune should come upon the Jewish people the Romans are to support them as far as time and space permit, and the Jews shall not provide those supporters with wheat, armour, silver or bread, as it pleases the Romans, and they must follow orders without any hypocrisy.
The same Romans also wrote to the Jewish people that if either the Romans or the Jews wished to add to this text later or subtract anything from it they should do this with full deliberation and in ample time after preparation by both parties, and everything that is written or shall be written will be considered solemnly and legally binding.
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Of þe conk in whech Constantin was baptized.
[Capitulum] XXIII.
The conk in whech Constantin was baptized stant at Seynt Jon Lateranensis, not in þe same place where it stood in tyme of his baptem, but in a litil chapell on þe rith hand as we come in, gratid all with tymbir. This conk is hewyn owt of a blak ston schapyn lich a hol trow in whech appere ʒet þe swames of his leprosie,1 whech tyme þei fell from his body. Off þis vessel who it was arayed sumtyme spekith Dominicus de Arecio in his book oftyn allegged in þis maner. That same vessel in whech Constantyn was baptized, þat on vulgare name is clepid a conke, it was hewyn owt of a blak ston polchid as brith as geet; whech ston Constantyn in worchip of his baptem hillid with syluyr both withoute and withinne as ferr as þe watir went in tyme of his wasching. In þe myddis of þe vessel he ded sette a fayr piler of porphiri ston, upon whech piler he sette a laumpe of pure gold whech weyid þre pound, and in þis laumpe all Ester tyme was norchid a lith þat brent with non oþir licour but with bawme. Aboue on þe brinke of þis uessel he sette a lombe al of gold whech with sotil gemetry pored watir down into þe vessell and þis same lombe weyid a hundred pound and seuenety. In þe rith part of þe same vessel he sette an ymage of Our Sauyour Jhesu Crist, whech weyid a hundred pound and seuenety, all of clene siluyr. And on þe lyft side of þe same vessel sette he a ymage of Seynt Jon Baptist of þe same metall and of þe same with holdyng a scrowe in his hand, in whech was wrytyn: Ecce Agnus Dei. Ecce qui tollit peccata mundi. Eke aboute þe brynk betwix þese ymages were sette seuene bestes whech we clepe hertis, ich of hem with a spoute poryng watir into þe vessell and ich of hem was ʒotyn of pure gold þe wite of four scor pound.
All þese jowelles and al þis aray is now goo and away, as þis man wrytith, eythir with fals couetyse of prestis whech haue mysspent it, or ellis with robbyng of tyrauntes whech haue conqwerd Rome oft sythe, and so þe vessell at þis day stant naked and bare.
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Chapter 23 The conch-shaped font where Constantine was allegedly baptized The conch-shaped font in which Constantine was baptised stands at San Giovanni in Laterano, not in the same place where it stood at the time of his baptism, but in a little chapel on the right hand as we come in, railed off with wood. This conchshaped font is hewn out of a black stone shaped like a deep basin in which the scabs of his leprosy as they fell from his body still show. In his book Domenico di Bandini of Arezzo speaks often about how this vessel was decorated, stated in this way. That same vessel in which Constantine was baptised, commonly called a conch, was carved out a black stone polished as bright as jet. In honour of his baptism Constantine covered the stone inside and out with silver down to the level of the water at the time of his ritual ablution. In the midst of the basin he set a beautiful pillar of porphyry stone, on top of which pillar he set a lamp of pure gold that weighed three pounds, and in this lamp all through Easter a light was maintained that burnt no other liquid than balm-scented lamp-oil. Above on the lip of this basin he set a lamb wholly made of gold, which through clever design poured water down into the basin, and this same lamb weighed one hundred and seventy pounds. On the right-hand side of the same basin he set a figure of Our Saviour Jesus Christ wholly made of pure silver, which weighed a hundred and seventy pounds. And on the left-hand side of the same basin he set a figure of St John the Baptist, made of the same metal and of the same weight, holding a scroll in his hand, on which was written: Ecce Agnus Dei. Ecce qui tollit peccata mundi ‘Behold the Lamb of God, behold He who takes away the sins of the world’. Also around the lip in between these figures seven figures of animals we call harts (red deer) were set, each of them with a spout pouring water into the basin, and each of them was made from molten pure gold to the weight of eighty pounds.
As this man writes, all these precious metals and all this display is now gone away, either through the faithless avarice of priests who have squandered it, or through being stolen by tyrants who have often conquered Rome, and so the basin today stands naked and bare.
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Of þat place cleped Omnis Terra.
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Capitulum XXIIII.
As we goo to Seynt Paules stant a hill on þe rith hand whech þei clepe Omnis Terra and þis is þe cause whi it is clepid soo. In þat tyme þat Romanes had lordchip of all þe world for þe moost party þei mad a constitucioun in her senate þat all þat puple whech was undir her dominacioun schuld brynge with her tribute certeyn pottis ful of erde, summe more, summe lesse, aftir þe quantité of þe regioun and þe distaunce of þe place. Þis usage lested many ʒeres and þat is sene þer, for þe hill is gret and brod and at þis day if a man delue in þat hill he schal fynde all þe erde ful of schordis of pottis. | Upon þis hill is gret ordinaunce on Fastingong Sunday for þer be grete cartis with bugles þerin forto drawe hem, and þe cartis ful of swyn; alle þis ordinaunce is sette aboue þe hill, and þere come þe Romanes with armour and swerdis in her best aray, for he þat may cacch a mussel of flesch þat day he is a man for euyr. Thus sodeynly þe cartes go down and þe men be redy with speris forto gore þe bestis, so what for þe grete descence and sodeyn fro þe hill and hurt of þe bestis and cry of þe men þe ger brekith and þe bestis are loos, a ful onlikly game me þoutʒ it was where þat flesch is hewe with rusty heren, and summe men hurt, and summe dede, but þis is her elde game whech þei cannot leue. Anothir game is þere of more gentill sport for þei ridyn fro þe foot of þis hill to þe Mount Canale, and who ride best schal haue a cloth of silk to his reward as we seyd befor whan we spoke of þe same hill.
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Chapter 24 The place called Omnis Terra (= Monte Testaccio)
As we go to San Paolo fuori le Mura there stands a hill on the right-hand side that they call Omnis Terra ‘All Earth’, and this is the reason why it is so called. In the time when the Romans had dominion over the whole world for the most part they issued a decree in their senate that all the people who were under their dominion should bring with their tribute certain pots full of earthenware, some larger, some smaller, according to the size of the region and the distance of the place (from Rome). This practice lasted many years and that is seen there, for the hill is tall and broad, and to this day if a man digs in the hill he will find all the earth full of pottery shards. There is an established traditional event on this hill on Quinquagesima Sunday (Sunday before Lent), for there are great wagons with wild oxen attached to them to pull them, and the wagons are full of pigs. All this organized provision is set up at the top of the hill, and then the Romans come there fully equipped with their armour and swords, for the one who can chop off a morsel of meat that day he is a man for ever. Suddenly the wagons go down (the hill) and the men are ready to skewer the animals with their spears, so what with the sudden accelerating descent from the top of the hill, and the stumbling of the animals, and the shouting of the men, the harnesses break and the animals are let loose, it seemed to me an absolutely revolting sport where flesh is cut with rusty iron, some men injured, and some men dead, but this is their old sport and they cannot let it go. There is another sport of more noble pleasure there, for they ride from the foot of this hill to the Little Aventine hill, and whoever rides most excellently is to have a silken cloth as his reward, as we said earlier when we spoke of the same hill.
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Of þe gouernouris in Rome fro Romulus onto Tarquinius.
Capitulum XXV.
Now wil we mak recapitulacioun of all þe gouernouris of Rome from Romulus onto Frederik, and specialy in þis chapetre of þe seuen kyngis þat regned þere first. [1]1 Romulus as we seide before was first kyng and gouernour of Rome aftir tyme þat it was broute onto a monarchie, for as we declared in þe first chapetre þere were many smale kyngis before regnyng on þe smale parties. Of þis Romulus both of his dedes and his deth and eke his deité is spoke before, þerfor here it schal be left. [2] The secund kyng at Rome aftir Romulus was clepid Numa Pompilius. This man regned in Rome fourti-on ʒere in þat same tyme þat Ezechie was kyng in Jury. This kyng of hye prouydens ordeyned þat knytis schuld haue her wages of þe comown errarie þat þei schuld þe mor absteyne fro extorsioun. For mech of his tyme he had pees witʒ þe regiones þat stood aboute him. This kyng eke addid onto þe ʒere too monthis Januari and Februari, for þe ʒer befor his tyme began at March. Eke þe first mony þat was mad of siluyr was mad be his auys, for he made þe werkmen to graue þerin his ymage and write þerin his name. And þerfor in þe Latyn tonge þe name of þe money was deryued oute of þis lordis name. For nummus in Latyn tunge is as mech to sey as mony and þis mannes name was Numa, so oute of Numa cam nummus. He assyned eke ten wise men to write oute Solon his lawes, and þat þei myth be used in þat puple he sette hem in longe declaracioun in twelue parties whech þei clepe bibliotekes. The names of þese men þat had þis labour are þese: Appius, Claudius, Gemicius, Veterius, Julius, Manilius, Suspicius, Sixtus, Curacius, Romulus Postumus. This last Romulus Postumus hath too names in þe cronicles for differens fro þe first Romulus. [3] The þirde kynge þat regned in Rome hith Tullius Hostilius and he regned eke þat same tyme in whech Manasses was kyng in Judé. This man [. . .] [Here there is a lacuna in the text caused by the loss of four leaves at the centre of Quire III. Ch XXV ends incomplete. The whole of ch XXVI is missing.
The numbers of the kings are given in the margin in the hand of the scribe, so they are included in the text here in square brackets. 1
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Chapter 25 The rulers of Rome from the time of Romulus to the last king Tarquinius Now we will review all the rulers of Rome from Romulus to Frederick II (d 1250), and in this chapter the seven kings in particular who reigned there first. 1. As we said earlier Romulus was the first king and ruler of Rome from the time that it was made into a monarchy, for as we explained in chapter 1 there were many lesser kings beforehand who reigned in small parts (of what became Rome). We have already spoken about Romulus, both his achievements and his death, also his deification, so it is left aside here. 2. The second king at Rome after Romulus was called Numa Pompilius. This man reigned twelve years in Rome at the same time as Hezekiah was king in Judah. With great prudence this king decreed that knights should have their pay from the public treasury so that they would abstain all the more from extortion. For much of his time he had peace with the districts that were adjacent to him. Also this king added to the year the two months of January and February, for the year before his time began in March. Also the first coinage that was made of silver was made by his counsel, for he made the workmen engrave his profile and write his name on the coins. Therefore in Latin the name of this coinage was derived from this lord’s name. For nummus in Latin means ‘money’ and this man’s name was Numa, so nummus comes from Numa. He appointed ten wise men to write out Solon’s laws, and he set them up to write at great length in twelve groups which they call libraries so that the laws could be of use among the people. The names of these men who undertook this labour are: Appius, Claudius, Gemicius, Veterius, Julius, Manilius, Suspicius, Sixtus, Curacius and Romulus Postumus. This last, Romulus Postumus, has two names in the histories to differentiate him from the first Romulus. 3. The third king who ruled in Rome was called Tullus Hostilius, and he reigned also at the same time as Manasseh was king in Judah. This man . . . [text incomplete] Chapter 26 The rulers of Rome from Tarquinius to the first emperor [text missing]
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Verus regned seuene ʒere. This man was of euel condicioun and specialy in gloteny and lecchery, in so mech þat he wedded his stepmodyr called Julia; he deyid in þe cité whech þei clepe Edissa. [22] Than was an emperour thei clepe Martinus whech regned but o ʒere, for he and his son on o day lost both her hedis. Of þis mannes name and of þe place of his deth is grete contradiccioun amongis þese writeres. Summe sey he hith Martinus, summe sey Macrinus, summe sey he deyed in Inglond, summe sey in Rome; all þis leue I to discusse amonges þe rederis of þis book. [23] Anoþir, Antony regned aftir him, a man of cursed lyf, þerfor was he slayn and his modir togidir whan he had regned þre ʒer. In his tyme lyued Seynt Kalixte þe pope of whom ʒe schul here aftir. [24]1 Than was Alisaundre emperour, whech regned thretene ʒer. This man, be instauns of his modir Mammeas and teching of Origene whech cam to Rome to couerte hir, was mad so good onto Cristen men þat he suffered hem to haue her councelles and her prayeris be hemself. Neuirþelasse in his tyme þe schrewed officeres of his killid many martires: Seynt Vrbane, Cecilé, Tiburcé and Valeriane. [25] Maximianus regned þann þre ʒer, summe bokis calle him Maximinus. Ther is no gret wrytyng of þis man but þat for misgouernaunce he was slayn and his son eke whech was but ʒong of age. [26] Aftir him was Gordian emperour, sex ʒer he regned, and slayn he was eke aftir he cam fro Perse. In his tyme lyued þat grete writer often allegged in bokes, þei clepid him Affricanus. [27] Philippe þe Elder regned þann and Philippe his sone aftir him; þe regne of hem both is counted togidir for þei regned but seuene ʒere. Thei both wer baptized of a martir þei clepe Poncius and aftirward slayn of þe hoost, on of hem at Rome, þe othir at Verone. Thei beqwoth in hir deth all her tresour onto Seynt Sixte, whech was pope þat tyme, þat he schuld dispose þis good to þe worchip of God and sustenaunce of pore men, and Seynt Laurence at assignacioun of his maystir Sixte departed þis tresour aboute Rome, whech was grete cause of his martyrdam. [28] Decius was next emperour, a wise man of werr but to Cristen men an odious tyraunt. For Philippe þe Elder sent him into Fraunce because þei rebelled, and whan he herd sey þat Decius had redressed all þing weel and was comyng homward ageyn, he forto do him a singuler worchip met with him at Verone and sone aftir þe same Decius killid his lord aslepe in his bed. This herd sey þe ʒonger Philippe þat was at Rome, he took þann al þis tresour to Seynt Sixt. Of þis Decius is mech This number is missing from the margin, almost certainly cropped by a binder.
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Chapter 27 The emperors of Rome from Julius Caesar to Frederick II (d1250) [begins imperfect] [21]. Lucius Verus reigned seven years. This man was of evil disposition particularly regarding gluttony and lechery, in so far as he married his stepmother called Julia; he died in the city that they call Edessa. 22. Then there was an emperor they called Macrinus who reigned just one year, for he and his son both lost their heads on the same day. There is great disagreement amongst writers as to this man’s name and the place of his death. Some say he was called Martinus, some Macrinus, some say he died in England, some say in Rome; all this I leave to be discussed by readers of this book. 23. After him, another, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, reigned, a man of evil life-style, on account of which he was killed together with his mother when he had reigned three years. Pope St Calixtus I, about whom you will hear later, lived at this time. 24. Then Alexander Severus was emperor, who reigned fourteen years. By the persuasion of his mother, Mammeas, and through the teaching of Origen, who came to Rome to convert her, he was made so favourable to Christian men that he allowed them to have their meetings and their prayers on their own. Nevertheless his wicked officials killed many martyrs in his time: Pope St Urban I, St Cecilia, St Tiburtius and Valerian. 25. Then Maximianus reigned for three years; some books call him Maximinus. There is nothing much written about this man except that both he and his son, who was still of young age, were killed for wrongdoing. 26. After him Gordian was emperor; he reigned for six years and he also was killed, when he returned from Persia. In his time lived that great writer who is often cited in books; they called him Africanus. 27. Philip I reigned next and after him his son Philip II; the reign of the two of them is counted as one since they only reigned for seven years. They were both baptized by a martyr they call Pontianus and later killed by the army, one of them at Rome, the other at Verona. At their death they bequeathed all their treasure to St Sixtus II, who was the pope at the time, so that he would disburse these assets to the worship of God and support of poor men, and, following the directive of his superior Sixtus, St Laurence distributed this store of riches around Rome, which was a substantial reason for his martyrdom. 28. Decius was the next emperor, in war a thoughtful man, but to Christians he was a detestable despot. Philip I sent him to France because the people rebelled, and when he heard that Decius had put everything right and was coming back home, to do him particular honour he met him at Verona, and soon afterwards this same Decius killed his lord asleep in his bed. When Philip II, who was at Rome, heard this he then took all his treasure to St Sixtus. There is much
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strif in cronicles,1 for sum sey þat Seynt Laurence was not in his tyme, and it is excused þus þat þis man is clepid Decius Cesar and not Decius Imperator, so be þat exposicioun þere were too. Summe othir men say þat Galiene þe emperour hith Decius alsoo. [29] Valeriane was aftir him and he regned with [30] his son Galiene fiftene ʒere. This man was manly in þe beginning but aftirward he was ʒoue to uice and mech | wrecchidnesse and so was his son Galiene. Summe auctoris sey þat before þese too wer oþir too emperouris whech þei calle Gallus and Volusianus. I suppose þat þei regned but litil tyme and þerfor þe writeres charged not her bokes with them, or elles þei were emperouris extraordinari. For we rede of swech many, of on Glodius þat was a oribile etere and drynker, and of anothir Diadumeus þat was as þei sey bore with a cappe on his heed. This Valerianus of whom we spoke went into Perse, and þere, for þe grete blood of martires whech he had spilt, was taken of þe kyng of Perse; whan he had take him he put oute both his eyne and kepte him to þis office þat whansoeuyr he schuld ride þis Valerian schuld ly down and he schuld set his feet on his bak whan he wold take his hors. This say and herd Galiene his son þat was left at Rome, and þat caused þat he was not so cruel to Cristen men as he was before. [31] Aftir þese regned Claudius þe secund o ʒere and eyte monthes. This man aftir a victori whech he had in Macedony was sone deed. [32] Thann aftir him regned Quintilius his broþir but seuene dayes for he was slayn anon. [33] Aurelianus was þo emperour and in his tyme Cristen men had mech persecucioun most special in Fraunce for þere was he himselue and exercised mech tyrannye and þat fair cité whech þei clepe Orgliaunce he named it aftir him. [34] Tacitus was þann a wis man and a redy but sone ded; he regned þere seuene monthis. [35] Thann regned on Probus sex ʒer and þre monthis. He was bore in Perse, as summe men sey, but þe trewer opinioun is þat he was a Roman. In his tyme roos þat heresi whech þei clepe Maniches, of a prince of hem cleped Manes, ageyns whom Seynt Austen laboured ful strongly, and þat in many bokis. [36] Tho regned Clarus and his too sones [37] Carinus and [38] Numerianus but sone were þei ded, þe fader was drenchid in a watir, þe o son killid in his bed, þe othir sone ded but it is not expressid on what wise. All þese þre regned but too ʒere. [39] Diocleciaun cam aftir hem and [40] Maximian, þe on regned on þe est þe oþir in þe west. The first þing þis Diocleciaun ded he brent all þe Cristen bokes þat myth be founde. These too tyrauntis ded most harm onto Cristen men þan cronicles] MS cronicle
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disagreement in histories, for some say that St Laurence did not live at this time, and so it is explained that this man is called Decius Caesar and not Emperor Decius; by this explanation there were two Decius’s. Some other men say that Emperor Galienus was called Decius too. 29. Valeriane followed him and he reigned with [30] Galienus his son for fifteen years. This man was noble at the beginning but later was given to wickedness and base behaviour, and so was his son Galienus. Some writers say that before these two there were two other emperors whom they call Trebonianus Gallus and Volusianus. I guess they only reigned a short time and so writers did not weigh down their books with them, or else they were not regular emperors. For we read of many such, of one Glodius, who was an excessive eater and drinker, and of another, Diadumeus, who as they say was born with a (dunce’s) cap on his head. This Valeriane, of whom we spoke, invaded Persia, and because of the great amount of martyrs’ blood that he had spilt he was captured by the king of Persia; when he had captured him he put out both his eyes and bound him to this menial employment, that whenever he (the king of Persia) should ride out this Valeriane had to lie down and he (the king) was to put his foot on his back when he wished to mount his horse. His son Galienus, who was left behind at Rome, saw and heard this, and that brought about that he was not so cruel to Christian men as he was before. 31. Claudius II reigned after them for one year and eight months. After a victory that he won in Macedonia this man was soon dead. 32. After him his brother Quintillus reigned for just seven days, for he was quickly killed. 33. Then Aurelian was emperor and in his time christian men were subjected to a lot of persecution, especially in France, for he was there himself and indulged in great despotism, and he named the beautiful city that they call Orléans after himself. 34. Then there was Tacitus, a wise and resourceful man, but soon dead; he reigned for seven months there. 35. Then Probus reigned for six years and three months. As some say he was born in Persia, but the truer opinion is that he was born a Roman. In his time the heresy they call Manichaeism arose, begun by a leader they call Manichaeus, whom St Augustine wrote against very persuasively, and that in many books. 36. Then reigned Clarus and his two sons [37] Carinus and [38] Numerian, but they were soon dead, the father was drowned in a river, the son killed in his bed, and the other son was also killed but it is not said how. These three together reigned just two years. 39. After them came Diocletian and [40] Maximian, one reigned in the East, the other in the West. The first thing Diocletian did was to burn all the Christian books that could be found. These two despots caused the greatest suffering for
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euyr did ony oþir, for ten ʒere lested her persecucioun for as we redyn withinne þriti dayes twenti þousand men wer slayn for Cristis cause, amongis whech wer Seynt Anastase and Sebastiaun and many oþir. [41] Galerius regned aftir with on [42] Constancius, Galerius in þe est, Constancius in þe west,1 so was þe empir at þoo dayes dyuyded. This Constaunce, aftir tyme þat he had conquered all Spayn, he2 went into Grete Brytayn, and þere he wedded Heleyn, a kyngis doutyr, of whom he begate grete Constantyn, and þis same Constauncius deyid in Britayn and is byryed at Ʒork as Martyn seyth. [43] Grete Constantine regned þriti ʒere ten monthis and eleuene dayes. This man brout Cristen men to her liberté and ʒaue hem leue to bilde | cherches to þe worchip of God. Summe cronicles slaundir him and sey þat in þe last ende of his lyf he schuld be peruerted to þe heresy of þe Arianes but þis oppinioun is ageyn Seynt Gregori in his Register, and Seint Ambrose Upon þe psalmes, and Ysidre in his Cronicle whech all sey þat he ended wel. The Grekis eke sey of him as of a seynt for his fest fallith þe twenti-first of May. We schal write of him mech mor in þe secund book whan we schul declar þe werkis þat he mad. [44] Constantinus þe Secunde regned with his too breþerin þriti-foure ʒer and in his last ende was he peruerted to þe heresi of þe Arianes be a bischop called Eusebi, so þat summe men slaunder þe fadir for þe son because þei had both o name. The ende of þis man was þis: as he schuld go in Constantinople to a Grete Councell in whech he had þout to a condempned þe bischoppis and clerkis of trewe byleue he went befor to a chambir to auoyde swech þing as natur requirith3 and þere sodeynly his boweles felle fro him and he sone ded. This same ende had Arry eke as we rede. [45] Julianus Apostata was next him and he regned too ʒer and eyte monthis; he was clepid Apostata for he fled þis Constantin whech killid his broþir and for fer of deth was mad a monk, but aftirward be councell of a nygromancer he asked of þe deuele wheþir he myth be emperour or nowt and þe spirit answerd þat he schuld be emperour o condicioun þat he schuld forsake his Cristendam and be vttir enmye onto Cristen men. And so was he for he ʒaue leue to þe Jewes þat þei schuld bilde ageyn þe temple of Jerusalem, and fro Cristen men he took all her godes vndir colour of þat clause in þe Gospel Nisi quis renunciaverit omnibus quae possidet non potest meus esse discipulus.4 [46] Jourmanus regned aftir him but eyte monthis, for whan Julian was ded þe hoost chase him emperour and he seide it was not leful to a Cristen man to be lord ouyr so many hethen men. Thei answerd rather þann he schuld forsake þe empir þei wold be Cristen all. Thus took he þat dignité but sone was he ded and in meruelous maner. For he was leyd after his jornay in a cloos hous all of stone
In þe west] in the margin marked for insertion 2 he] MS shows 3 minims erased after he and a red line through the resulting space 3 Requirith] in margin (h much cropped) marked for insertion 4 in þe gospel nisi quis renunciaverit omnibus quae possidet non potest meus esse discipulus] added in margin ( for insertion) by the scribe 1
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Christian men, more than any other ever did, for their persecution lasted ten years, for as we read twenty thousand men were killed in Christ’s cause in thirty days, amongst whom were St Anastasia and St Sebastian and many others. 41. Afterwards Galerius reigned with [42] Constantius Chlorus, Galerius in the East, Constantius in the West; so the empire was divided at that time. After he had conquered the whole of Spain this Constantius went to Great Britain, and he married a king’s daughter Helen there, by whom he begat Constantine the Great, and this same Constantius died in Britain and was buried at York, as Martinus Polonus says. 43. Constantine the Great reigned for thirty years, ten months and eleven days. This man brought Christian men freedom and gave them permission to build churches in worship of God. Some histories slander him and say that towards the end of his life he was misled into the heresy of Arianism, but this opinion is contrary to St Gregory in his Registrum Epistularum, to St Ambrose in his Explanatio super psalmos xii, and to Isidore in his Chronica, all of which say he ended well. The Greeks also treat him as a saint, for his feast-day falls on 21 May. We shall write much more about him in Book II when we will explain the works that he executed. 44. With his two brothers Constantine II reigned for thirty-four years, and at the end of his life he was misled into the heresy of Arianism by a bishop called Eusebius, with the result that some men slander the father on account of the son because they both had the same name. The end of this man was this: as he was going to Constantinople to attend a Great Church Council, in which he had intended to condemn the bishops and scholars of the true faith, he went beforehand to a room to evacuate such things as nature requires, and suddenly there his guts fell out and he died immediately. As we read Arius had the same ending. 45. Julian the Apostate was next after him and he reigned for two years and eight months. He was called Apostate because he fled from this Constantine II who killed his brother and he was made a monk out of fear of assassination, but later by the advice of a necromancer he asked the devil whether he might be emperor or not, and the demon replied that he would be emperor on condition that he would forsake his Christianity and be the absolute enemy of Christian men. And so he was, for he gave permission to the Jews to rebuild the Temple of Jerusalem, and from Christian men he took all their possessions on the pretext of that sentence in the Gospel: Nisi quis renunciaverit omnibus quae possidet non potest meus esse discipulus (Lk 14.33) ‘None of you can become my disciple if you do not give up all your possessions’. 46. After him Jovian reigned for just eight months. For when Julian died the army chose him emperor, and he said that it was not lawful for a Christian man to be lord over so many heathen men. They replied that they would rather all be Christian than that he should forsake the empire. Then he took the honour but he was soon dead in a surprising way. For after his day’s work he was put to rest in a walled house entirely built of stone newly whitewashed with lime
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newly whitid with lym in whech þei mad onto his counfort as þei þout a fir of charcole, and of þe eyir of þese too in þe morow he was found deed. Aftir him regned [47] Valentinian with his broþir [48]1 Valent for he departed þe empire and ʒaue his broþir þe est and kept himselue þe west. This Valentinianus was a lord witʒ Juliane Apostata, and happed him on a tyme forto go into a temple of fals goddis forto do sacrifise, and ministres stood þere with watir halowid aftir her gise2 with whech þe sprenglid þe3 lordis. This Valentinianus smet þe minister þat þrew watir upon him and seid he was rather defiled þerby þan clensed. Because of þat, Julian ded him exile, but Our Lord God for his open confession of His name rewarded him with þe empire. His broþir Valent fell into þe oppinyon of Arianes and deyid in þat heresi. This same Valent lyued four ʒere aftir Valentinianus with Gratiane and anothir Valentinian þe ʒonger. In þis tyme lyued Seynt Ambrose. [49] Gratian with his breþerin Valenti|nian þe ʒonger and eke with Theodosius regned sex ʒer. In his tyme were cherches oppened ageyn and Cristen men had leue to renewe Goddis seruyse, whech þingis were defended byfor at comaunment of emperouris infect with heresie. [50] Theodosie regned aftir him with þis ʒong Valentiniane. This man distroyed þe temples of maumentrye and in his tyme eke Seynt Jerom translate þe Bible and Seynt Ambrose mad þe ympnis, and Seynt Austen was conuerted. This man faut ageyn his enmyes more with orison and prayer þan with swerd. He regned eleuene ʒere. He deyid at Melan and biried at Constantinople. [51] Archadius and Honorius regned thretene ʒere, and in her tyme Rome was wel ny distroyed be a kyng clepid Alaricus, of whech destruccioun roos a gret blasphemé of þe Romanes for þei seide þat þei ferd neuyr weel sith Crist cam to Rome and beraute hem her goddis be þe preching of Petir and Poule. Ageyn þis blaspheme Seynt Austin mad þat solempne werk whech we clepe De ciuitate Dei. [52] Honorius aftir þis with Theodosius his broþiris son regned fiftene ʒere, a man of holy lyf, for too wyues had he and þei deyed both maydenes. He loued specialy þe Cherch and hated gretly heretikes. In his tyme deyid Seynt Jerom at Bethlem þe ʒere of his age nynety-on. [53] Theodosius þe ʒongir with Valentiniane his neue regned twenti-seuene ʒere. In his time was þe fest ordeyned whech is clepid Ad vincula Sancti Petri. In his tyme deyed Seynt Austyn þe ʒer of his age seuenty-sex. In his tyme wer reisid be miracle þe seuene sleperes whech had slept too hundred ʒere. This man deyid at Constantinople and þere is he biried. [54] Marcianus and Valentinianus regned seuene ʒere, in whos tyme was holde þe grete councell Calcedonensis where þe heretikes Euticen and Dioscorus were
The number 48 is not present in the margin, presumably cropped by a binder 2 gise] added in margin for insertion 3 sprenglid þe] MS streng | lid þe with lid þe added in left-hand margin 1
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in which they made a fire of charcoal, as they thought for his comfort, and the next day he was found dead by the fumes of these two (the lime-wash and the charcoal). 47. After him Valentinian II reigned with [48] his brother Valens, for he divided the empire and gave his brother the East and kept the West for himself. This Valentinian was a commander with Julian the Apostate, and one time it happened that he went into a temple of false gods to make a sacrifice, and attendants stood there with water consecrated according to their custom with which they sprinkled the commanders. This Valentinian struck the attendant who threw water over him and said he was more contaminated than purified by it. Because of that Julian exiled him, but Our Lord God rewarded him with the empire for the open acknowledgement of His name. His brother Valens lapsed into Arianism and died in that heretical belief. This same Valens lived four years after Valentinian along with Gratian and Valentinian II. St Ambrose lived at this time. 49. Gratian with his brothers Valentinian II and Theodosius I reigned for six years. In his time churches were re-opened and christian men had permission to resume the worship of God, things that were prohibited before on the instruction of emperors misguided by heresy. 50. After this Theodosius I reigned with Valentinian II. This man destroyed the temples of false gods and in his time also St Jerome translated the Bible and St Ambrose wrote his hymns and St Augustine was converted. This man fought against his enemies more by prayer and supplication than with sword. He reigned for eleven years. He died at Milan and was buried at Constantinople. 51. Arcadius and Honorius reigned for thirteen years, and in their time Rome was almost destroyed by a king called Alaric; a great blasphemy arose from this destruction on the part of the Romans, for they said that they had never prospered since Christ came to Rome and deprived them of their gods through the preaching of Peter and Paul. St Augustine made an important work that we call De Civitate Dei ‘The City of God’ against this blasphemy. 52. After this Honorius with his brother’s son Theodosius I reigned for fifteen years, a man of celibate life, for he had two wives and they both died virgins. He loved the Church especially and loathed heretics intensely. In his time St Jerome died at Bethlehem aged ninety-one. 53. Theodosius II with his nephew Valentinian III reigned for twenty-seven years. In his time the feast-day called Ad Vincula Sancti Petri ‘St Peter in Chains’ was established (1 Aug). St Augustine died in his time aged seventy-six. In his time the seven sleepers who had slept for two hundred years were roused by a miracle. This man died at Constantinople and is buried there. 54. Marcianus and Valentinian III reigned for seven years. The Great Council of Chalcedon (451) was held in their time, at which the heretics Eutyches and
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condempned. Eleuene þousand virgines at Coloyn wer martirized in his tyme but not be him. [55] Leo þe First regned seuentene ʒere. In his tyme were þe Rogaciones ordeyned before þe Ascensioun, of Seynt Mamert bischop of Vyenne. The pope eke of Rome at þat tyme hith Leo eke, with whom was a notable clerk and notary onto him, þei calle him Prosper, whose bokes we haue to gret lernyng. [56] Zeno aftir þat regned fiftene ʒere in whos tyme þe bodies of Seynt Mathew þe euangelist and Seynt Barnabe þe apostel were founde and witʒ hem þe Gospel þat Seynt Mathew wrot. [57] Anastasius aftir him regned twenti-sex ʒere. In his tyme were many heretikes of þe Arianes oppinioun sodeynly ded, on Olimpius at Cartage, and anoþir Barabas, whech was gret confusioun to þat errour and confirmacioun onto us. [58] Justinus aftir him regned nyne ʒer. This man with all his myth laboured to distroye heresi in þe Cherch, to whom eke fro Rome Jon þe pope went onto Constantinople forto gete grace þat Arrianes schuld haue her cherches ageyn at instaunce of a tyraunt called Theodoricus, and þat same cité was ful glad to se Goddis viker visite hem, whech had not ofte be seyn before. [59] Justiniane cam aftir þis man and | he was first taute with a bischop of þe Arrianes secte alle þe erroures þat longe to þat heresie. But aftirward be þe mercy of Oure Lord and bysy labour of þe pope cleped Agapitus he was turned fro þat heresy into þe trewe feyth. This is þe same man þat gadered all þe Lawe Cyuyle Institu[t]es, Code and Digest. He mad eke þe grete temple at Constantynople whech þei clepe Sancte Sophie. He regned in þat empire þriti-eite ʒere. [60]1 Justinianus þe Secunde regned eleuene ʒere. In his tyme Itaylé rebelled ageyns him; þe capitayne of þis rebellioun was on Narces with a grete multitude of Lumbardis, þe cause þat Sophie þe emperesse hated him and þat mad him to fle into Lumbardye and rere þe power beforeseyd. [61] Tiberius regned aftir him, seuene ʒere lasted his regne. This man ʒaue grete good in almesse for Cristis loue, so ferforth þat he was falle in grete pouert, but aftirward releued be a grete tresour founde in partie be myracule. [62] Mauricius regned aftir him twenti ʒere euene. In his tyme was Seynt Gregorie pope, be whom Inglond was neuly conuerted onto þe feith. [63] Than regned Focas, whech graunted leue to Pope Boneface þat þe temple mad in worchip of all goddis schuld be consecrate to all seyntis. This temple hith now Sancta Maria Rotunda. [64] Eraclius regned aftir him þriti-on ʒere. This man killid þe kyng of Perse Cosdre and browt þe holy crosse onto Jerusalem. In his tyme eke regned þat cursed prophete Machomete. All the numbers (60-71) for the kings/emperours on fo 378r have been cropped by a binder; they are restored editorially. Similarly on fo 379r the numbers have been partially or completely cropped.
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Dioscorus were condemned. Eleven thousand virgins were martyred at Cologne in his time, but not by him. 55. Leo I reigned for seventeen years. In his time Rogation Days were established before Ascension Day by St Mamertus, bishop of Vienne. The pope of Rome was also called Leo (the Great), with whom there was a notable scholar and notary scribe, St Prosper of Aquitaine, whose books we have for learned instruction. 56. After that Zeno reigned for fifteen years, in whose time the bodies of St Matthew the Evangelist and St Barnabas the apostle were found, and with them the Gospel that St Matthew wrote. 57. After him Anastasius I reigned for twenty-six years. In his time many heretics of the Arian persuasion died suddenly, one Olympius and another Barabas at Cartagena, which was a great cause of condemnation for that heresy and a great vindication for us. 58. After him Justinus I reigned for nine years. With all his strength this man worked to destroy heresy in the Church. At the instigation of a great despot, Theodoricus the Great, king of the Ostrogoths, Pope John I went from Rome to Constantinople to get permission from Justinus for Arians to have their churches back, and that same city was really glad to see the pope visit them, something that had not often been seen. 59. After this man came Justinian I, and to begin with he was taught all the errors that belong to Arianism by a bishop of that heretical sect, but later he was converted to the true faith by the mercy of Our Lord and the energetic work of Pope Agapitus I. This is the same man who collected together all civil law into the Codex Justinianus or Corpus Juris Civilis ‘Body of Civil Law’. Also he built the great temple at Constantinople that they call the Haghia Sophia. He reigned in that empire for thirty-eight years. 60. Justin II reigned for eleven years. In his time Italy rebelled against him; the leader of this rebellion was one Narses together with a great host of Lombards, and the reason for it was that Aelia Sophia, empress to Justin II, hated Narses and caused him to flee into Lombardy and raise the army already mentioned. 61. Tiberius II reigned after him; his reign lasted seven years. This man gave great wealth as alms for the love of Christ, to such an extent that he fell into great poverty, but was later rescued by a great treasure trove found partly through a miracle. 62. After him Mauricius reigned for twenty years exactly. In his time St Gregory the Great was pope, by whom England was newly converted to the faith. 63. Next reigned Phocas, who gave permission to Pope Boniface II to consecrate the temple made in honour of all gods (Pantheon) to all saints. This temple is now called Santa Maria Rotunda. 64. After him Heraclius reigned for thirty-one years. This man killed Chosroes II, king of Persia, and brought the holy cross to Jerusalem. That accursed prophet Mohammed flourished in his time.
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[65] Constantinus Tertius regned aftir him twenti-seuene ʒere. This was Eraclius son and deceyued with þe same heresie with whech his fader was deceyued, þe heresy is cleped Monachelitarum, þei seid þat in Crist was but o will. The feith puttith too in Crist, on to þe godhed, anoþir to þe manhod. [66] Constantinus Quartus, son to þe forsaid man, regned aftir his fader seuentene ʒere. This lord hated þat his fader loued1 and was ful bysy forto distroye þat heresy whech was meynteyned be his fader. For be his comaundment was gadered þe sexte Counsell at Constantinople of too hundred bischoppis four score and nyne, whech all diffyned þat þere were in Crist to willis, as is seid before. [67] Justinianus þe Secund, son to þe same Constantyne regned aftir his fader ten ʒere. He went fro his fader steppes and ʒaue fauour to heresy, wherfor Our Lord suffered him to be exiled into an yle þei clepe Tersone, first priuyd both of his nase and eke of his tunge. In his tyme lyued Bede. [68] Leo þe Secund regned þre ʒere whom Tiberius exiled into þe ilde cleped Tersona, first cuttyng his nase and his tunge. [69] The same Tiberius regned aftir him seuene ʒere, whom þe forseid Justinianus þat was exiled kyllid. [70] Philippe þe Secunde regned a ʒer and sex monthis. He distroyed all þe ymages of Criste or of seyntis whech he fond, oþir þingis of him rede we nowt. [71] Anastasius þe Secund regned þre ʒer. This | man killid þe forseid Philippe, wherfor þe knytis of his hoost deposed him and mad him a preest. [72]2 Theodosius þe Þirde was intronized be þe same knytis, a good man and pesible, he regned o ʒer. [73] Than regned Leo III twenti-fif ʒer, whech deyed in þat same errour whech sufferith non ymages to be honowred. In his tyme was þe body of Seynt Austyn translate fro Sardyny to Papie. [74] Constantinus V, þis mannes son both in nature and in maneris, regned þritifif ʒere. [75] Aftir him regned Leo IIII, whech desired a crowne owt of a cherch, and whan he had it on his hed anon a feuer took him and mad an ende of him. [76] Tho regned Constantinus VI ʒeres ten. In his tyme was gadered þe Grete Councell at Nycene of þre hundred and fifti faderis in whech þe crede was mad whech we singge at masse. [77] Aftir him regned Nicephorus nyne ʒere. [78] And þanne Michael too ʒere whech was good and trewe of condicioun. [79] Than came Charles called þe Grete into þe empire. This man at comaundment of Adriane þe pope went into Ytailé and took on Desideri, lord of þat cuntré, led him prisoner into Fraunce and aftirward at prayer of þe pope and þe Romanes took upon him þat empire. He regned euene fourten ʒer. loued] inserted suprascript 2 The first king/emperor number on fo 378v is 73, even though the numbers restored on fo 378r only go up to 71 The numbers 73–81 have been corrected editorially to 72–80. 1
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65. After him Constantine III Heraclius reigned for twenty-seven years. He was the son of Heraclius and misled by the same heresy as his father was misled by, the heresy called Monothelitism, whose adherents said that there was but one will in Christ. The faith puts two wills in Christ, one for the divinity, a second for the humanity. 66. Constantine IV, son of the above, reigned after his father for seventeen years. This emperor hated what his father loved and was very intent on destroying the heresy that was supported by his father. In response to his instructions the sixth Church Council consisting of two hundred and eighty-nine bishops was convened at Constantinople, which collectively concluded that there were two wills in Christ, as stated above. 67. Justinian II, son of Constantine IV, reigned for ten years after his father. He strayed from his father’s path and gave succour to heresy, on account of which Our Lord allowed him to be exiled to an island they call Chersonesus, having first been deprived of both his nose and his tongue. Bede lived in his time. 68. Leontius reigned for three years. Tiberius III exiled him to the island called Chersonesus, first cutting out his nose and his tongue. 69. After him this same Tiberius III reigned for seven years. The aforementioned Justinian II, who was exiled, killed him. 70. Philippicus reigned for a year and six months. He destroyed all the figures of Christ or the saints that he found. We find nothing else written about him. 71. Anastasius II reigned for three years. This man killed the aforementioned Philippicus, on account of which the commanders of his army deposed him and made him a priest. 72. Theodosius III was crowned by the same commanders; a good and peaceloving man, he reigned for one year. 73. Then Leo III reigned for twenty-five years; he died in that state of heresy that does not allow statues to be honoured. In his time the body of St Augustine was transferred from Sardinia to Pavia. 74. Constantine V, this man’s son both in nature and behaviour, reigned for thirty-five years. 75. Leo IV reigned after him; he desired a crown from a church and as soon as he had it on his head a fever struck him down and made an end of him. 76. Then Constantine VI reigned for ten years. In his time the Great Church Council of three hundred and fifty priests was convened at Nicaea, where the Creed that we sing at mass was composed. 77. After him Nicephorus I reigned for nine years. 78. And then for two years Michael II, who was good and steadfast in disposition. 79. Then Charlemagne came to the empire. At the behest of Pope Hadrian I this man went to Italy and took on Desiderius, ruler of that country (Lombardy), led him prisoner into France, and later at the request of the pope and the Romans took the empire for himself. He reigned for precisely fourteen years.
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[80] Lodewik, son of þe same Karolus regned twenti-fif ʒere. In his tyme were þe bokis of Seynt Denys translate. [81]1 Lotharius Ius regned aftir him ten ʒere. In his tyme was Seynt Heleyn, modir to Constantine, translate from Rome into Fraunce. [82] Lodewicus IIus regned aftir him twenti-on ʒere. [83] Carolus IIus, whech was cleped Caluus regned aftir him þre ʒer and nyne monthis. [84] Than Carolus IIIus, whech was cleped Grossus, regned twelue ʒere. [85] Than Arnulphus twelue ʒere. [86] Than Lodwicus IIIus sex ʒere. [87] Than Berengarius Ius. In his tyme was þat abbey foundid whech þei clepe Clunacensis, we calle it Cloyne. Here cesed þe Frensch blod to regne and þe Almaynes begunne. [88] Conrardus Ius regned seuene ʒere summe men anowmbir him nowt amongis þe emperouris because he was neuir confermed be þe pope. [89] Berengarius IIus regned þanne eite ʒere. [90] Than regned Herry þe kyng eytene ʒere in Almayne but not in Itailé, þerfor is he not anoumbired amongis emperouris. [91] Berengarius IIIus regned aftir him eite ʒere. [92] Octo Primus regned þanne þriti-sex ʒere. He weddid as we fynde þe sister of Adelstan kyng of Ynglond. [93] Octo IIus regned twenti ʒere; he went to Rome and þere was crowned of Pope Benedicte. [94] Than regned Octo IIIus nynetene ʒere. [95] And þanne Henricus Ius twelue ʒere. [96] Than Conrardus Primus twenti ʒere. This man was meruelously comaunded to be slayn whil he was ʒong and be grete miracle saued, but þe story is long. [97] Aftir him regned Henricus IIus seuentene ʒere. In his tyme was Berengarie in Fraunce condempned and conuicte of heresie, as it is conteyned in þe decrees Distinctio ii Ego Berengarius. And in his tyme was mad þe grete viage to Jerusalem, whan Godfrey of Boloyn was mad kyng | þere. [98] Henricus IIIus regned fourti-nyne ʒere. In his tyme was grete pestilens þorwoute þe world. In his tyme eke was found þe spere þat Our Lord was wounded with. [99] Henricus IIIIus, son to þis man regned fiftene ʒere. Aftir tyme he was intronized be sufferauns of his fader, he put his fader in prison and kept him þere til he deyed. In his tyme lyued Hugo de Sancto Victore at Parys. [100] Conrardus þe Secunde regned fiftene ʒere, he mad a ful solempne jornay into þe Holy Lond at instans of Seynt Bernard.
No number is assigned to Lotharius I.
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80. Louis the Pious, son of the same Charlemagne, reigned for twenty-five years. In his time the books of Dionysius the Pseudo-Areopagite were translated. [81]. After him Lothair I reigned for ten years. In his time the body of St Helen, Constantine’s mother, was transferred from Rome to France. 82. Louis II reigned after him for twenty-one years. 83. Charles II, called the Bald, reigned after him for three years and nine months. 84. Then Charles III, called the Fat, reigned for twelve years. 85. Then Arnulf for twelve years. 86. Then Louis III for six years. 87. Then Berengar I. In his time the abbey of Cluny was founded. Here the hereditary descent by French blood ceased and the Germans began to reign. 88. Conrad I reigned for seven years; some men do not include him among the emperors because he was never confirmed by the pope. 89. Berengar II then reigned for eight years. 90. Then Henry II, (self-proclaimed) king (of the Romans) reigned for eighteen years in Germany but not in Italy, for which reason he is not counted among the emperors. 91. Berengar II (sic) reigned for eight years after him. 92. Then Otto I reigned for thirty-six years. As we find he married the sister (recte daughter) of Æthelstan, king of England. 93. Otto II reigned for twenty years; he went to Rome and was crowned there by Pope Benedict VII. 94. Then Otto III reigned for nineteen years. 95. And then Henry II for twelve years. 96. Then Conrad II for twenty years. This man was ordered to be killed terribly while he was young and saved by a great miracle, but the story is long. 97. After this Henry III reigned for seventeen years. In his time Berengar of Tours was condemned and convicted of heresy in France, as contained in the decrees Distinctio ii Ego Berengarius. And in his time the great military expedition to Jerusalem was undertaken (1096), when Godfrey of Bouillon was made king there. 98. Henry IV reigned for forty-nine years. In his time there was a great plague throughout the world. Also in his time the spear that Our Lord was wounded with was found. 99. Henry V, this man’s son, reigned for fifteen years. After he was crowned through the indulgence of his father, he put his father in prison and kept him there till he died. In his time Hugh of St Victor lived at Paris. 100. Conrad III reigned for fifteen years. At the instigation of St Bernard he undertook an important expedition to the Holy Land (Second Crusade, 1147).
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[101] Fredericus Primus regned þriti-seuene ʒere. He was crowned at Seynt Petres in Rome and aftir took his jornay into þe Holy Lond and deyid þere. For in his dayes was Jerusalem take oute of Cristen mennis handis. [102] Henricus Vus regned eite ʒere; he conquered in his tyme þe regiones both of Cicilé and of Neaplis. [103] Aftir him regned Octo IIIIus. He regned but four ʒere, for all þe princes of Almayne fouten ageyn him with Frederik at comaundment of þe pope cleped Honorius. [104] Aftir him regned Fredericus IIus ʒeres twenti-þre. This man was grete enmy to þe Cherch insomech þat he was deposed be þe pope and aftirward leued a wrecchid lif and had deth lich onto his lyf. And her wil we mak an ende of þis partie of our book1 as we promised and go streith onto þe secund part whech schal trete of þe spiritual tresor of Rome.
book] in margin for insertion
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101. Frederick Barbarossa reigned for thirty-seven years. He was crowned at San Pietro in Rome, and afterwards undertook an expedition to the Holy Land and died there. For in his time Jerusalem was taken out of Christian men’s hands. 102. Henry VI reigned for eight years; in his time he conquered the two regions of Sicily and Naples. 103. After him Otto IV reigned, for only four years, for, on instruction from Pope Honorius III all the princes of Germany fought with Frederick against him. 104. After him Frederick II reigned for thirty-three years. This man was a great enemy to the Church in so far as he was deposed by the pope and afterwards lived a wretched life and suffered a death like his life. And here we will finish this (first) part of our book and go straight on to the second part, which will deal with the spiritual treasure of Rome.
Here beginnyth þe secunde part whech tretith of þe cherchis in Rome and of þe spirituale tresour conteyned in hem.
PART II
Here begins the second part, which deals with the churches in Rome and the spiritual treasure contained in them.
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Prologus.
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There is grete questioun amongis studious men whi Rome hath swech grete pryuylege þat þe hed of alle Cristendam schuld dwelle þere as for þe most part, and alle þe cherchis of Cristendam schuld obeye þat Cherch as for a principal moder and norcher of oure feith. Summe men sey it was conuenient þat þere schuld God be principaly honoured wher he was principaly despised, and þat cyté whech was heed of all errour schuld be mad aftirward heed of all lernyng. So can Oure Lord, as seith Seint Austin, make his gode þingis of our euele. Othir men be þere þat grounde hem in þe Gospell, where Our Lord ʒaue power plenarie onto Seynt Peter in whech þei sey is conteyned þat he was mad prince and principal ouyr all þe apostelis, so þei conclude þat, þow þe Cherch of Antyoche be elder of tyme, þe Cherch of Rome is worthier of dignyté. A othir cause is rehersed of Grete Constantine whech mad aftir his baptem certeyn lawes euyr forto be kepte, of whech lawes þis was on, þat lich as þe emperour of Rome is lord and principall ouyr all kyngis, so þe bischop of Rome schuld be principal ouyr all bischoppis. We fynde also in bokys þat þe Cherch of Constantinople presumed forto be principal of all þe world and for þat presumpcioun Pope Boneface þe IIII mad suggestion to þe emperour | cleped Focas þat he schuld sette sum remedy in þis mater. And he ordeyned þat þe cherch of Seynt Petir at Rome schuld be in name and in auctorité principall of all þe world. Men þink ferþermore of grete reson þat it schuld be soo for þe multitude of martires whech spilt her blood in confirmacioun of our feith in þat same place. Than wil we speke of þis holy place and of þe dyuers parcellis of þis place undir þis forme. First of þe seuene cherchis whech be cleped principal. Thanne of all þoo cherchis in whech þe staciones be holde in Lenton or Esterne. Last of all þoo cherchis whech be hald in ony fame asferforth as our rememberaunce may atteyne.
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Prologue. There is great debate amongst scholarly men as to why Rome has such great privilege that the head of all Christendom should live there for the most part, and why all the churches of Christendom should obey that Church as the principal mother and nurse of our faith. Some men say it was fitting that God should be principally honoured where he had been principally despised, and that city which had been the fount of all error should be afterwards made the fount of all learning. So, as St Augustine says, Our Lord can make good things out of bad. There are other men who base their argument on the Gospel, where Our Lord gave full spiritual authority to St Peter, included in which, they say, is that he was made first and foremost of all the apostles, so they conclude that. although the Church of Antioch is older in years, the Church of Rome is more worthy of dignity. Another reason is imputed to Constantine the Great, who, after his baptism, made certain laws to be followed in perpetuity, one of which laws was this, that just as the emperor of Rome is first and foremost of all kings, so the bishop of Rome is foremost of all bishops. We find in books also that the Church of Constantinople took upon itself to be foremost of all the world, and because of that presumption Pope Boniface IV suggested to the emperor called Phocas that he should provide official redress in this matter. And he determined that the church of San Pietro in Rome should be in name and authority foremost of the whole world. Furthermore it seems to men that it is entirely reasonable that it should be so on account of the multitude of martyrs who shed their blood in confirmation of our faith in that very place. So we shall treat of this holy place and the various parts of it as follows: first the seven principal churches; then all those churches at which stations are held in Lent or at Easter; lastly all those churches which are held in esteem as far as our memory can manage.
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Off Seynt Petir cherch.
Capitulum I.
Seynt Petir cherch stant on þe west side of Rome, nowt in Rome, for it is a cyté be þe selue, þat and þe popes paleys and Castell Aungell and a strete with þre cherches and an hospital. This same cyté in elde cronicles is clepid Civitas Leonina. This cherch of Seynt Petir is gret and long and hath many dyuers houses hangyng upon him. The length is twenti-too pileres, betwixe euery piler is twelue fete of space, and euery piler conteynyth four fete of þiknesse so are þere of þo spacis of twelue fete twenti-thre, beside oþir pileres whech cam out of Salamones temple, of whech four stande on side and four on þe oþir and four ouyrwhert before þe auter.
Or we come at Seynt Petres þere be greces of marbil whech are as brood as al þe cherch; of summe mennys passe þei are of length fifti-eyte, for so brood is þe cherch, þat is to seye þe body with four eles, too on eythir side. A passe conteynyth
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Chapter 1 San Pietro
San Pietro stands on the west side of Rome, not in Rome proper, for the church and the pope’s palace and Castel Sant’Angelo and a street with three churches and a hospital comprise a city in its own right. In old histories this same city is called Civitas Leonina ‘The Leonine City’. San Pietro is broad and long and has various buildings attached to it. The length is twenty-two pillars, with twelve feet of space between each pillar, and every pillar is four feet thick, so there are twenty-three of those twelvefoot spaces, besides other pillars that came from Solomon’s temple, of which four stand on one side and four on the other side and four crosswise in front of the altar.
Before we get to San Pietro there are marble steps that are as broad as the church; by some men’s measurement they are fifty-eight paces in length (approx. 290’ = 88m), for the church is very broad, the nave with four aisles, two on each side. A
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fif fete aftir þe mesure of gemetry whech is conuenient here. These1 greces be in noumbir twenti-nyne, and as oftyn as a man goth upon þese greces because of deuocioun as oftyn hatʒ he for euery grece2 seuene ʒere of indulgens graunted of Alisaundre þe pope, as we fynde writin in elde rememberaunce. Withinne þe cherch of Seynt Petir be four score auteres and eyte, and to euery aucter is graunted pardon of twenti-eyte ʒere þat day þat þe seynt fallith to whech seynt þe auter is consecrat; this same indulgens durith be þe octaue of þe same fest. Seuene aucteres be þere of principal auctorité. The auter of þe Vernacle, þe auter of Our Lady, þe auter of Seynt Gregory, þe auter of þe apostoles Simon and Jude, þe auter of Seynt Andrew, þe auter of Seynt Leon and Seynt Cruce where women enter not. To ech of þese is graunted tociens quociens seuene ʒere indulgens. In þe fest of þe Anunciacioun of Our Lady whosoeuer visite þis cherch hath of indulgens a þusend ʒere; on Maunde Þursday a þusend ʒere; in euery feest of Seynt Petir a þusend ʒere; in þe dedicatioun of þe cherch whech falleth in þe octaue of Seynt Martyn seuene þusend ʒere and þe þirde part remissioun of all synne. Whannsoeuyr þe Uernacle is schewid þre þusend ʒere is graunted to þe Romanes; and to hem alle þat dwelle our þe mowntis | nyne þusend ʒere; and to þoo þat dwelle be þis halue þe mowntis twelue þusend ʒer. But ʒe schal undirstand þat in þe cité of Rome resten eite bodies of þe aposteles. In Seynt Petir cherch is half þe body of Petir and half of Poule incinerat saue þe bones and þe oþir half of þe same is at Seynt Poules. Also in þe cherch of Seynt Petir are Simon and Judas lying aboue in þe wall; þe oþir four aposteles schul be teld of aftirward. In þe same cherch lith Seynt Gregory þe pope, Seint Leon þe pope, Seint Jon Crisostom, bischop of Constantinople, þe holy martires Processus and Martinianus, Seynt Petronill and oþir mo.
Of þe holy Vernacle wil we speke now. Summe men clepe it þe sudary of Crist. Of þis same grete relik spekith Geruasius in his book þat he mad De ociis imperialibus. He seith þere þat þis woman þat had þis sudary in whech Crist wipt his face whan he went to his passioun was Martha whom he had cured eke fro þe flux of blood whech sche had suffered twelue ʒere, and on Volusianus, frend onto Tibery þe emperour, whan he herd sey at Jerusalem þat þis woman had þis sudary he caused hir forto come to Rome with the same sudary þat þe emperour with contemplacioun of þe face myth be hool of certeyn seknesse þat he had. This was do indede for anon as he sey þe face of Jhesu in þat sudary he was hool. The woman teld him þe maner pleynly who sche cam be þis figure. Sche saide a litil before þe passioun sche undirstood weel, partye be þe wordis of Our Lord, partye be þe These] repeated over a line division in the MS
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pace occupies five feet according to measurement by the art of geometry, which is appropriate here. The number of these steps is twenty-nine, and every time a man goes up these steps out of devotion he gets seven years of indulgence granted by Pope Alexander III for every step, as we find written in an old account. Inside San Pietro there are eighty-eight altars, and at every altar pardon of twentyeight years is granted (to each pilgrim) on the feast-day of the saint to whom the altar is dedicated; this same indulgence lasts during the octave of the saint. There are seven altars of leading importance: the altar of the Veronica, the altar of Our Lady, the altar of St Gregory, the altar of the apostles Simon and Jude, the altar of St Andrew, the altar of St Leo the Great and the Holy Cross, where women do not enter. However often it happens seven years of indulgence is offered at each of these altars. Whoever visits this church on the feast of the Annunciation of Our Lady receives a thousand years of indulgence; on Maundy Thursday a thousand years; on every feast-day of St Peter a thousand years; on the anniversary of the dedication of the church, which falls in the octave of St Martin (11–17 Nov) seven thousand years and remission from a third of all sins. Whenever the Veronica is shown three thousand years are granted to the Romans; nine thousand years to those who live across the mountains; and twelve thousand years to those who live on this side of the mountains. But you must understand that the bodies of eight of the apostles lie in Rome. In San Pietro there lies half the body of Peter and half the body of Paul, cremated except for the bones, and the corresponding halves lie in San Paolo fuori le Mura. Also in San Pietro the bodies of Simon and Jude are laid to rest up above in the wall; the other four apostles will be reported on later. In the same church lie the bodies of Pope St Gregory I, Pope St Leo the Great, St John Chrysostom, patriarch of Constantinople, the holy martyrs Processus and Martinianus, St Petronilla and others. We will now deal with the holy Veronica. Some men call it the sudarium of Christ. Gervase of Tilbury writes about this famous relic in his book De otiis imperialibus ‘On the Recreations for an Emperor’. He says there that the woman who had this sudarium on which Christ wiped his face when he was going to his passion was Martha, whom He had cured from the profuse bleeding she had endured for twelve years, and one Volusianus, a friend of Emperor Tiberius, when he heard at Jerusalem that this woman had this sudarium, he
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conspiracioun of Jewis þat Our Lord in schort tyme schuld deye, wherfor sche ordeyned a fayr kerchy in whech sche þoutʒ sche wold haue depeynted þe face of Our Lord, and as sche went to seke þe poyntour Our Lord mette hir and askid her whidir sche went, and sche answerd and told him þe treuth. Tho Our Lord took þe kerchy and impressid þerin þe liknesse of his face whech was al disfugured of colour, of labour in preching and fastyng and oþir hardnesse whech he used. For our bokes sey þat of swech penauns he semed mech elder þanne he was, as may be seyn in Jones Gospel where þe Jewis supposed þat he was fifti ʒere old whann he cam neuyr to þriti-four.
This same Geruase tellith of anoþir figure of Our Lord and alleggith for him a book i-called Gesta de vultu Lucano, whech book is not I trow in þis lond. This Geruase seith þat whan Our Lord hing naked on þe crosse Joseph ab Arimathia stood amongis oþir frendis of Jhesu and morned lich as þei dede. And þoo he seide onto Our Lady and oþir þat stood by: ‘This man’, he seith, ‘þat hangith on þe tre here, he may sey þat he hath but febil frendis whan non of us hath here a cloth to hide withal his nakidnesse’.
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Tho sent þei with o consent and bowt hem a fayr schete, a large and a clene, and wond þis schete aboute him whil he hing on þe crosse, and body, schete and al þei took down. But | whan þei schuld ley him in þe graue al þe schap of his body was impressid in þe cloth. Nichodemus kept þis cloth and ded poynt anoþir aftir þat figure, wond it up and kept it with oþir relikes, þat is to sey a crowet with þe blood of Our Lord, on of þe nayles, part of þe crowne of þorn, þe sponge and mech oþir þing. And þis orison folowyng seid he euery day in presens of þese relikes. Ecce Agnus Dei, ecce qui tollit peccata mundi, ecce Deus viuorum et mortuorum, ecce vita viuencium, salus omnium credencium, quem adoramus, quem glorificamus, cui benedicimus et Dominum Patrem Omnipotentem et Filium cum Spiritu Sancto laudamus et superexaltamus in secula. Adiutor et protector et defensor sis michi Domine benignissime et sanctissime et misericordissime.
This same Geruase spekith of anothir figure of Our Lord þat was in a cyté þei clepe Edissa, and þe grete story whech is cleped Ecclesiastica historia berith witnesse of þe same. The processe is þis. A kyng of þat same cité cleped Abgarus, vexid with grete seknesse, sent to Our Lord Jhesu to Jerusalem desiring to se his
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made her come to Rome with the same sudarium so that by contemplation of the (image of the) face the emperor might be cured of a certain illness that he had. This was indeed done, for as soon as he saw the face of Jesus on the sudary he was healed. The woman told him plainly how she came by this image. She said that a little before the passion, partly from Our Lord’s words, and partly from the plotting of the Jews, she fully realized that Our Lord was shortly to die, so she prepared a bright headcloth on which she thought she would have the face of Our Lord painted, and as she went to find the painter Our Lord met her and asked her where she was going, and she answered and told Him the truth. Then Our Lord took the headcloth and impressed the image of his face on it, which, from the hard work of preaching and fasting and other privations that He practised, was all disfigured in colour. For our books say that because of such asceticism he seemed much older than he was, as may be seen in the Gospel according to John where the Jews thought that He was fifty years old when He never even reached thirty-four. This same Gervase reports another image of Our Lord and cites for support a book called Gesta de vultu Lucano ‘History of the Image at Lucca’, a book that is not extant in this country. Gervase says that when Our Lord was suspended naked on the cross Joseph of Arimathaea was standing among other friends of Jesus and was mourning as they did. And then he said to Our Lady and others who stood nearby: ‘This man who is suspended on the tree here’, he said, ‘he might say that he has no better than inadequate friends when none of us has a cloth to hide his nakedness’.
Then with one accord they sent out and bought a bright piece of cloth, large and clean, and wound this cloth around him while he was suspended on the cross, and they took down body and cloth and all. But when they were to lay him in the grave the shape of his whole body was impressed on the cloth. Nicodemus preserved this cloth and painted another in imitation of that image, rolled it up and kept it with other relics, that is to say an ampula with the blood of Our Lord, one of the nails, part of the crown of thorns, the sponge and many other things. And he said the following prayer every day (in Latin) in the presence of these relics: ‘Behold the lamb of God, behold Him who takes away the sins of the world, behold the God of the living and the dead, behold the life of the living, the salvation of all believers, whom we adore, whom we glorify, whom we bless, and we praise the Lord, Father Almighty, and the Son with the Holy Spirit, and we exalt them above all else for ever. Be my helper and protector and defender O most kind, most holy and most merciful Lord.’
This same Gervase speaks of another image of Our Lord that was in a city they call Edessa, and the great work of history that is called Historia Ecclesiastica ‘History of the Church’ testifies to the same. This is the story. A king of that city called Abgar, troubled by a severe illness, sent to Our Lord Jesus in Jerusalem asking to
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persone, desiring eke þat he schuld cure him of certeyn greuous seknesse. Our Lord wrote onto him a lettir in whech He seyde þat þe kyng was blessid forto beleue in Him whom he had nowt seyn. He wrote ferþermor þat he must fulfill þat dispensacion for whech he was sent, but aftir his deth he behith him forto send on of his disciples whech schuld lerne him þe trew feyth. And as touchyng sith of his persone he sent him a cloth in whech was depeynted þe ymage of Our Sauyour. And as it is wrytyn in þe cronicles of þe cyté Our Lord leyd himselue naked on þe cloth in whech al his body was meruelously merkid, and þat same cloth is schewid euery Esterne Day, in whech þe ymage apperith in dyuers formes, þe first hour of þe day it semeth a child of seuene ʒere age, þe secund our fourten ʒere age, þe þrid oure twenti ʒere, and last our in swech age as he suffered passion for vs. All þis is seid undir auctorité of Geruase. There be alsoo in Seynt Petir cherch twelue pileres standyng next þe auter whech as we seide before were caried fro Jerusalem, and on ich of þese pileres stood sumtyme an ymage lich to on of þe aposteles of siluyr and gold, but þe tyrauntes þat haue conquered Rome bore awey þat rychesse. On þere is amongis all, moost precious of þoo pileres, whech is barred aboute with yrun, and what vertu it hath and whi it hath swech vertu is wrytyn þere in Latyn in hard marbill; þe sentens of þat writing is translate here in Englisch:
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This is þe pilere on whech Our Lord Jhesu Crist lened whann he prechid to þe puple and on whech he rested whann he prayed to þe fader of heuene, whech pilere with othir eleuene þat stande her aboute were brout fro Salamones temple onto þis nobel cherch, þe vertu þerof puttith awey | wikkid spirites fro men þat be nexid with hem and doth many oþir miracles.
A litil fro þese pileres is an autere of white marbil, and in þe myddis a fayre porphiri ston more þann a superaltari. This sentens is writen þere in Latyn: Vpon þis porphiri ston were weyed þe bones of þe holy aposteles Petir and Paule and departed be Seynt Siluester þe pope þe ʒere of Our Lord þre hundred and nyneten, whann þis cherch was mad.
Many oþir þingis be þere at Seynt Petres, but þese be most famouse.
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see him in person, desiring also that he would cure him of a certain serious illness. Our Lord wrote a letter to him, in which He said that the king was blessed to believe in Him whom he had not seen. Furthermore He wrote that He must fulfil that divine obligation for which He was sent, but He promised to send one of His disciples who would teach him the true faith after His death. And with regard to seeing His person He sent him a cloth on which the image of Our Saviour was painted. And as it is written in the histories of the city Our Lord lay down naked on the cloth on which the imprint of his body was marvellously delineated, and every Easter Day that very cloth is displayed, on which the image of Our Lord appears in various forms, the first hour of the day it seems to be a child of seven years old, the second hour it appears fourteen years old, the third hour it appears twenty years old, and the last hour it appears to be the age that Christ had when He suffered His passion for us. All this is reported on the authority of Gervase. Also in San Pietro twelve pillars stand near the altar, which as we said above were brought from Jerusalem, and at one time a likeness in silver and gold of one of the apostles stood attached to each pillar, but the despots who have overrun Rome have carried off those valuables. Amongst them all there is one pillar, the most sacred, which is fenced off with iron bars, and its merit and why it has that merit is written in Latin there in hard marble; the meaning of that writing is translated here in English: This is the pillar that Our Lord Jesus Christ leaned against when he preached to the people and that he rested on when he prayed to the Father of Heaven. This pillar together with the other eleven that stand nearby were brought from Solomon’s temple unto this noble church; their merit banishes evil spirits from men who are touched by them and does many other miracles.
A short distance from these pillars there is an altar of white marble, and in the midst a beautiful porphyry stone larger than a portable altar. This statement is written there in Latin: The bones of the holy apostles Peter and Paul were weighed on this porphyry stone and divided by Pope St Sylvester I the year of Our Lord 406, when this church was built.
There are many other things at San Pietro, but these are the most celebrated.
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O[f ] Seynt Paules cherch.
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Capitulum II.
Now of þe cherch of Seynt Paule wil we speke whech stant in þe south side of Rome a myle oute fro þe ʒate whech þei called in old tyme Porta Capena, now is it clepid Porta Sancti Pauli. It is fro Seynt Petir cherch to Seynt Paules cherch þre myle. Ʒe schul undirstand þat in þe cherch of Seynt Petir ar seculere chanones and in þe cherch of Seynt Paule monkis of Seynt Benedictis ordre. This same cherch of Seynt Paule is large ny of schap to Seynt Petres with a body and four eles, saue in length it hath too pileres lesse in euery rowe, for Seynt Petir cherch1 hath four scor and eite in al, and þis hath but foure score. The auter of Seynt Petir cherch stant into þe west and þe auter of Seynt Paule cherch stant into þe est. Therfor sum pilgrimes be þat knowe þe cause whi men go in at þe west ende of Seynt Paules, for þe redier weye is forto entre be þe north side. The cause whi þoo men þat knowe þe place enter be þe west side is þis, for aftir tyme þat Seynt Paules heed was smet of too myle þens it was caried and hid þere þe west dore is now and aftirward founde and kepte with grete reuerence. And in worchip of þat heed whosoeuyr enter be þat dore he hath euery day twenti-eite ʒere of indulgens with remissioun of þe þirde part of his synnes. In þe feste of Seynt Paule is graunted a þusend ʒere. In his conuercioun a hundred ʒere. In þe feste of Innocentis fourti ʒere. In þe dedicacoun of þe cherch, whech is þe octaue day of Seint Martyn, seuene þusend ʒere and þe þird part remissioun. Euery Sunday of þe ʒere hath a man þere as mech pardon as þow he went to Seynt James in Gales. This lond wher þis cherch stant, and þe abbey with all her comoditees, was sumtyme cleped Ortus Lucille; in Englisch it meneth þe gardeyne of Lucille. This Lucilla was a rich woman and an holy whech spent hir good in coumforting of martires in her passiones and in byrying of her bodies aftir her deth. Also in þe cherch of Seynt Paule betwixe þe hye auter and þe auter of Seynt Benedict is a ful fayr ymage of Crist hanging on þe crosse, whech ymage spak certeyn wordes onto Seynt Bryde whech tyme sche lay þere in contemplacion, and þe same ston þat sche rested on at þat tyme is þere closed in a | grate. Eke in þe sacristie may a man see þe same Bible þat was Seynt Jeromes, and as summe sey þere he wrote it himselue. A fayr book is it and a large and ful wel arayed.
Peter cherch] in the margin marked for insertion, except that only the initial c of cherch has survived the binder’s guillotine 1
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Chapter 2 San Paolo fuori le Mura Now we will talk about San Paolo fuori le Mura, which stands on the south side of Rome, a mile out from the gate that in olden times was called Porta Capena, now Porta San Paolo. From San Pietro to San Paolo it is three miles. You must understand that in San Pietro there are secular canons and in San Paolo there are monks of the Benedictine order. This same church of San Paolo is large and close in plan to San Pietro, with a nave and four aisles, except that in length it has two fewer pillars in every row, for San Pietro has eighty-eight in all and San Paolo just eighty. The altar of San Pietro faces the west and the altar of San Paolo faces the east. By that some pilgrims know why men enter by the west end of San Paolo, for the more accessible way is to enter on the north side. The reason why men who know the place enter from the west end is that after St Paul’s head was struck off two miles from there it was brought to the church and hidden where the west door is now, and later found and preserved with great reverence. And in honour of that head whoever enters by that west door for every day that he does so he will receive twenty-eight years of indulgence together with remission from a third of his sins. On the feast-day of St Paul (29 Jun) a thousand years of indulgence are granted; on the feast-day of the conversion of St Paul (25 Jan) a hundred years; on the feast-day of the Holy Innocents (28 Dec) forty years; on the feast-day for the dedication of this church, which falls on the octave of the feast-day of St Martin (18 Nov), seven thousand years and remission from a third of one’s sins. Every Sunday of the year a man receives as much pardon there as if he went to Santiago de Compostella. The land on which this church and the abbey and all its appurtenances stands was formerly called Ortus Lucille, in English ‘The garden of Lucina’. This Lucilla (recte Lucina) was a rich and devout woman who spent her wealth in providing refreshment for martyrs at their passions and in burying their bodies after their death. Also there is a very beautiful figure of Christ suspended on the cross between the high altar and the altar of St Benedict in San Paolo; this figure spoke certain words to St Bridget when she lay there in contemplation, and the same stone that she rested on at that time is enclosed by a railing. Also one can see in the sacristy the very Bible that was St Jerome’s, and some there say that he wrote it himself. It is a handsome book, large and extremely well decorated.
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Of þe cherch of Seint Sebastiaun.
[Capitulum] III.
The cherch of Seynt Sebastian stant to myle fro Seynt Paules also oute of þe wallis of Rome a grete myle, for we enter into Rome ageyn whan we haue do our labour þere be a ʒate þei clepe Porta Appia. In þis cherch lith þe holy pope Seynt Fabiane þat was chosen to þat dignité be a grete myracle, for a dowe cam sodeynly and rested on his heed. It was he þat ordeyned notaries in Rome forto write þe deth of martires whech were killid þere for Cristis cause. This man lith in þe hye auter þat stant aboue. There is anoþir auter benethe as we come oute fro þe cymytery whech is cleped Kalixti and in þat auter lith þe holy martir called Sebastiane. This auter is hald on of þe holy places of Rome. For at þis auter sang Seynt Gregori and an aungell mynistered at his messe, whech aungell for þe moost party of þat messe stood on a white ston þat lith þere ʒet and it is hald in ful grete reuerens. The aungell seid þese wordis as it is writyn þere. In loco isto est vera promissio et peccatorum remissio splendor et lux perpetua ac sine fine leticia quam promeruit Christi martir Sebastianus.
That is to sey in Englisch: In þis place is þe very behest and remission of all synnes, schynyng and lith euyrlastyng þorw þe meritis of Cristis martir Sebastiane.
Also abouen in þe same cherch be þat dore þat goth to Rome lith Seint Steuene þe pope afor an auter undir a fair ston igrated with irun. This cherch hath grete pardoun euery day, þorwoute þe ʒere a þusend ʒere, and in o Sunday in
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Chapter 3 San Sebastiano
San Sebastiano is situated two miles from San Paolo, also a long mile outside the walls of Rome, for when we have done our devotion there we return to Rome by a gate they call Porta Appia. There lies in this church the holy Pope St Fabian, who was chosen for that high office by a great miracle, for a dove suddenly came and alighted on his head. He it was who ordered notaries in Rome to record the deaths of martyrs who were killed there for Christ’s sake. This man lies at the high altar that stands in the church above. There is another altar down below as we come out of the catacombs of St Calixtus and the holy martyr Sebastian lies buried at that altar. This altar is considered one of the holy sites of Rome. For St Gregory was singing at this altar and an angel assisted at his mass, the angel standing for the greater part of the mass on a white stone that still lies there and is held in very great veneration. The angel spoke these words as it is written there: In loco isto est vera promissio et peccatorum remissio splendor et lux perpetua ac sine fine leticia quam promeruit Christi martir Sebastianus.
That means in English: In this place is the real promise and remission of all sins, and perpetual brightness and light through the merits of Christ’s martyr Sebastian.
Also up above in the same church, by the door that goes to Rome, Pope St Stephen I lies under a beautiful stone railed off with iron in front of an altar. This church offers great pardon every day, a thousand years throughout the year, and one
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May remission of all synnes. The cymytery cleped Kalixti is undir þe cherch a caue or ellis a myne undir þe ground. It is neythir very ston ne very erde but betwixe both, red of colour. Many caues be þere and stopped with stones þat men schuld not erre in her weye saue too are left open, of whech on as þei sei was Seynt Petir chapel. But if ʒe bere lith in ʒour hand ʒe se rith nowt for it is dep undir þe ground. For whan we go down on þe o side of þe cherch þere be þriti-too greces and I trow as many upward on þe oþir side þere þe aungell ministred to Seint Gregori at messe. The cymytery is þus long þat if a man tary not in þe chapeles but go rith forth he schal walk it be þann he hath said four sithes Miserere mei Deus. In þis place wer biried fourti-sex popes and ech of hem ʒaue grete indulgence to þe same place. Ther was Seynt Cecilé biried alsoo, hir memorial is þere ʒet grauen in white marbill ful wel. The comoun opinion is þere of þis place þat whosoeuyr out of synne visite it, þat is to seye clene schreue and | contrite, he is assoiled as clene as a man may1 be be power of þe Cherch. This cymytery was mad be Calixte þe pope, þerfor it bereth his name. He mad it as þei sey for too causes, on is þat þe hedes or ellis þe popes of þe Cherch schuld dwelle þere secretly fro perel of tirauntis, for it was nececarie þat þei schuld leue lenger to confirmacioun of hem þat were neophites. Anoþir cause þei sei he had for he desired forto byry martires þat deied for Cristis sake and for he myth not doo þis openly þerfor he ordeyned þis priuy place. Beside þis cherch is a grete hous whech þei clepe Cathacumbas; þis same Catacumbas is a meruelous name for it is not expowned in our Latyne bokes ne non of þe gramariones touch þis word þus compowned. The simples þei speke of as of cata whech soundeth as þei wryte þat cata is ‘aboue’ or ellis cata is ‘al’, and cumbo or ellis cumbas þei sey þat þis is ‘lowe’ or ellis ‘dep’, so þis word soundith ‘all lowe’ or elles ‘al dep’ and in very sikirnesse þis same hous is dep in þe erde and was sumtyme a grete pitte for we go down þertoo on twenti-eite greces. Summe men sey þat it2 was þe purgacioun of all yssewes of þe bocheres þat dwelt þere, for þere be ʒet many wallis on whech stood ful solempne houses, whech houses wer a bochery sumtyme to Rome and in þis place as þei sey were Petir and Paule þrowe rith for despite. This tale in partie is soth and in partie not for þat it was a macelle called in our tonge a bochery þat is soth, and þat þei were þrowe þere of þoo men þat killid hem for despite þat is not soth. Therfor wil we declare onto ʒou þe trewth of þis mater. Petir and Paule suffered her passion at Rome þe last ʒere of Nero both at o tyme as Gelasius þe pope writith. Petir was killid in Via Aurea and þere byried in a place whech þei clepe Vaticanus, whech place is now joyned onto Seynt Petir cherch, and it was clepid so for þe prestis of þe hethen lawe had þere certeyn reuelaciones as þei seide be whech þei prophecied onto þe puple. For vates is a ‘prophete’ and may] suprascript
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Sunday in May remission of all sins. The catacombs of St Calixtus comprise a cave or mine underground beneath the church. They are neither real stone nor real earth, but in between, red in colour. There are many passages there blocked off with rocks to prevent men from straying off their course, except that two are left open, one of which as they say was the chapel of St Peter. Unless you carry a light in your hand you see nothing for it is deep under the ground. For when we go down on one side of the church there are thirty-two steps and I believe as many going upwards on the other side where the angel assisted St Gregory at mass. So the catacombs are long, so that if a man does not delay in the chapels but proceeds straight through he will walk it in the time it takes to say Miserere me Deus (Psalm 50) four times. Forty-six popes were buried in this place, to which each of them gave great indulgence. Also St Cecilia was buried there, her memorial well carved in white marble is still there. The general view of this place there is that whoever visits it without sin, that is to say completely confessed and remorseful, he is absolved as wholly as a man may be by the power of the Church. These catacombs were made by Pope St Calixtus I and that is why they bear his name. As they say he made it for two reasons, one is that the heads or popes of the Church should rest there secretly out of danger from despots, for it was necessary for them to survive longer as supporting evidence for neophytes. They say he had a second reason in that he wanted to bury martyrs who died for Christ’s sake, and because he couldn’t do this openly he therefore fixed on this secret location. Beside this church there is a great building they call catacombs; this name ‘catacombs’ is extraordinary for it is not explained in our Latin books and none of the grammarians deal with this compound word. They deal with the root cata which means as they write ‘above’ or else ‘all’, and cumbo or else cumbas they say means ‘low’ or else ‘deep’, so this word means ‘all low’ or else ‘all deep’, and for a certainty this same house is deep in the earth, and was at one time a deep pit for we go down twenty-eight steps to it. Some men say it was the disposal dump for the by-products of butchers who lived there, for there are still many walls against which stood grand buildings, buildings that were at one time a butcher’s row for Rome, and as they say Peter and Paul were thrown into this place out of malice. This story is part truth and part false, for it is true that it was a meat-market called a butchery in our tongue, and it is false that Peter and Paul were thrown there out of malice by the men who killed them. Therefore we shall make known to you the truth of this matter. As Pope Gelasius I writes, Peter and Paul suffered their passions at Rome at the same time in the last year of Nero’s reign. Peter was killed in Via Aurea and buried there in a place they call the Vatican, a place now joined to San Pietro, and it was so called because the priests of the heathen religion, as they say, had certain revelations through which they prophesied to the people. For vates is ‘a prophet’ and canus
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canus is as mech to sey in þat tonge as ‘elde’, so joyned togidir þis place soundith in oure tonge a place of ‘elde prophecye’. And þat þis place stood Via Aurea or Aurelia, as it is cleped, sumtyme witnessith þe legende of Seynt Pancrace. Now was Paule ded fif myle fro þat place Via Hostiensi where a chapelle with þre welles stant ʒet fast bi Scala Celi, and þere biried. And so ley þei many ʒeres onto þe tyme of Cornely þe pope, whech was þe twenti-first pope fro Petir, for in his tyme þe Grekis þat dwelle at Constantinople, hauyng enuie þat þe Cherch of Rome schuld be more in honour þan her Cherch, and considering þat þese bodies of Petir and Paule biried at Rome were a grete cause of accesse of pilgrimes, ful sotilly þei com to Rome and with grete curiosité stole þese bodies with entent to bere hem to Hostie and so forth to þe se. And whan þei were goyng þe spi|ritis þat were in ydolis constreyned be þe grete power of Our Lord cried with a loude voys: Help, men, help for ellis ʒour goddis schul be stole.
The Cristen men vndirstood þis of þe bodies of Petir and Paule, þe hethen men vndirstood it of her maumentis, and so with o consent þei pursewid þe Grekis, and þat1 sey þe Grekis, þei þrewe þe bodies in þis pitte and þere lay þei as summe cronicles sey seuenty ʒere. Martines cronicle seith þat þei were þrowe þere in Cornelius tyme and lift up eke in þe same popes tyme and translate to þo places þere þei ly now at instans of a blessid woman callid sumtyme Lucilla and sumtyme Lucina. Othir cronicles sey þat þei were translate fro þat place long aftir þat tyme for Siluester was þe twelf pope fro Cornely whech weyid hem and departed hem as it is writyn in marbil openly in Seynt Petir cherch. Swech contradiccioun is alday in cronicles but for because it touchith not þe articles of oure feith þerfor may men chese what party þei wil.
þat] in margin marked for insertion between and and sey
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in that language means ‘old’, so joined together this place means in our language ‘a place of old prophecy’. And the Legend of St Pancras testifies that this place was situated in the Via Aurea, or Aurelia as it is sometimes called. Now Paul died five miles from that place where a chapel with three wells still stands near Santa Maria Scala Celi in the Via Ostiense and was buried there. And so they lay for many years up to the time of Pope Cornelius, who was the twenty-first pope after Peter, for in his time the Orthodox Greeks who dwelt at Constantinople, being jealous that the Church of Rome was more revered than their Church, and realising that these bodies of Peter and Paul buried at Rome were a great incentive to pilgrimage, came to Rome in secret and with great ingenuity stole these bodies with the intention of carrying them to Ostia and so onwards by sea. And when they were going the spirits that dwell in idols, impelled by the great power of Our Lord, cried with a loud voice: Help, men, help or else your gods will be stolen.
The Christian men understood this to refer to the bodies of Peter and Paul, the heathen men understood it to refer to their pagan idols, and so with one consent they chased the Orthodox Greeks, and when the Greeks saw this they threw the bodies in this pit and there they lay, as some histories say, for seventy years. The Chronicle of Martinus Polonus says that they were thrown there in Pope Cornelius’s time and disinterred in the same pope’s time and conveyed to the place where they lie now at the instigation of a woman sometimes called Lucilla and sometimes (recte) Lucina. Other histories say that they were moved from that place long after that time, for St Sylvester I, who was the twelfth pope after Cornelius, weighed them and divided them as it is written publicly in San Pietro. Such opposed views occur all the time in histories, but since they don’t concern the articles of faith men can choose whichever view they like.
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Of þe cherch Lateranensis.
Capitulum IIII.
The cherch clepid Lateranensis is a ful solempne place and many dyuers houses be þerin with dyuers relikes. First whan we come fro Sebastianes we entre a hous cleped Seynt Gregoryes librarie, for þere as þei sey mad he þe most part of his bokis, in token þat it is so mech of his lif is ʒet depoynted on þe wallis. Anoþir litil chapel is by and on þe auter stand to elde pileris of ston, whech pileres þei sey1 stood in þat conclaue at Nazareth wher Gabriel told Our Lady þoo first heuenely tydyngis. And in very soth a ymage of Our Lady is on þe o piler and a ymage of Gabriel on þe oþir, of ful elde picture. Than go we into þe baptistery. The baptistery is a grete hie round hous in whech Constantyn was baptized, and many oþir houses hangen þeron as schal be declared aftirward. In þe myddis of þis hous stand eite grete pileres of porphiri ston betwixe whech was þe vessel sette in whech he was waschid. On þe rith hand as we come in is a hous grated with tymbir where þe conk stant, þus þei clepe it, þe uessel of his baptem, of whech conk we mad a special declaracion in þe first part before, þe twenti-thirde chapetre. Next þat hous is a litil chapel halowid in þe worchip of Seynt Jon Baptist in whech no woman entreth, and þere as þei sey is plener remissioun tociens quociens; of þe graunt of Seint Siluester women haue þe same if þei go on pilgrimage and touch þe dore. Than next is a grete chapell and an offering onto an ymage of Our Lady, þe special offeringis be ringis of gold or of siluer and þerfor is þat ymage cleped Sancta Maria de Anulo, þat is to sey in Englisch ’Seyn Mary of þe Ring’. Who sey] suprascript
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Chapter 4 San Giovanni in Laterano
San Giovanni in Laterano is an important place with several rooms in it with various relics. First, when we come from San Sebastiano, we enter a room called St Gregory’s library, for, as they say, he wrote the majority of his books there, and, as an indication of that, much of his life is depicted in paintings on the walls. Another small chapel is nearby and on the altar stand two old pillars of stone, pillars that, they say, stood in the private chamber where Gabriel told Our Lady those first heavenly tidings. And in truth a figure of Our Lady is on one pillar and a figure of Gabriel is on the other, of very old visual representation. Then we go into the baptistery. The baptistery is a broad, high round room in which Constantine the Great was baptised, and many other rooms are attached to it as will be explained later. In the centre of this room eight pillars of porphyry stone stand erect, amongst which the basin in which he was cleansed was set. On the right as we enter there is a room railed off with wood where the conch stands, that’s what they call the vessel in which he was baptised; we provided a particular account of it above, in Part I, chapter 23. Next to that room there is a small chapel consecrated to the worship of St John the Baptist, where no woman can enter, and full remission of sins is available there however often it occurs, as they say; by the authority of St Sylvester women may receive the same indulgence if they go on pilgrimage and touch the door. Next there is a large chapel and a celebratory offering to a figure of Our Lady; the particular offering comprises rings of gold or silver, so that art-work is called Sancta Maria de Anulo, that is to say in English ‘Saint Mary of the Ring’. How this
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þat þis offering cam | in use first is writyn þere in a table rith thus. There was sumtyme in Rome a rich man whech had onto his wyf a woman both fayr and good. This man loued beside his wyf a woman of vicious condicionis and þei to spent grete good in riot and vicious lyuyng. The wif þat was good of lyf had þis condicioun þat ones or twyes in þe weke sche wold walk to Seynt Jon Lateranense, and special deuocioun wold sche sey befor þis ymage þat is in worchip of Our Lady. The vicious woman perceyued weel þat al þe loue of þe husbond was go fro þe wif and ful onkendly com to hir, detracted þe wif in his presens and seid þat sche used þe same onclennesse whech he used and prouyd þis be grete absens fro hir owne hous ones or twies in þe weke. The man leued not þese tales. Tho þis wikkid woman went to a nygromancer and compelled a dampned spirit to stele þe ring þat þis good woman was weddid with and he himselue appere lich a ʒong man weryng þis ring. And whan þe husbond sey al þis anon he hastid homward al þat he myth in purpos forto sle his innocent wif, for to þis entent wroute þe forseid wikkid woman al þis malicious werk. And þan þe wif prayed Oure Lady for sche coude not fynde þe ryng whech he bad hir seke and be grete myracle þe ryng was brout agayn and all þe fraude of þe fend parceyued, þe husbond eke conuerted fro his wikkidnes,1 and þis same is ʒet a gret offeryng in Rome in special of ryngis. In þat same chapel is anoþir fayr hous in whech þei seye Constantine held his councell with his lordis and þere stant ʒet partie of his tribunal. Beside þis is a chapell and be þe dore stant a piler of marbill scarce a metʒerd hy, betwixe whech piler and þe wal is a litil space and in þat space on of þe popes clepid Gregorie condempned himselue to prison, but aftirward he was delyueryd be miracle, and on þis piler stood sumtyme a crucifixe whech men kissed with grete deuocioun. So happed it þat a gentilwoman cam forto kisse þis crucifixe and sey anoþir old pore woman kisse þe same. And as of dedignacioun, whan sche wold haue wipte þe crucifixe, al sodeynly it fled fro þat place up to a wal and more þan four fadom hy hing stille, and ʒet it hangith in testimonie of þe miracle. Aftir visitacioun of þese places we entre into þe grete cherch, whech was þe first þat euyr was bilid in Cristendam, and euene ouyr þe auter on þe wal is þe face of Our Sauiour2 whech appered onto all þe puple of Rome visibile þe same day þat Seynt Syluester halowid þe cherch. And as þe elde stories sey, it was neuyr mad with mannes hand but sodeynly þus it appered. A fayre figure it is and brith of colour brown and red and large eke. Than turne we down into þe cherch | and kisse a grete auter, ouyr whech auter be þe hedes of Petir and Paule, whech be schewid oftesith in þe weke before Estern openly onto þe puple. The hed of Petir is a brood face with mech her on his berd and þat is of grey colour betwixe wikkidnes] wi in the margin with the rest of the word cropped by a binder | our sauiour
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celebratory offering first came into being is inscribed on a tablet there as follows. There was in Rome at one time a rich man who had a wife who was both beautiful and virtuous. Besides his wife this man loved a woman of sinful disposition and the two of them spent considerable wealth on debauchery and immoral living. The wife who led a moral life was in the habit of walking once or twice a week to San Giovanni in Laterano, and she would say a special prayer in worship of Our Lady in front of this figure. The sinful woman saw that all the husband’s love had left the wife and went to her very improperly, disparaged the wife in his presence and said that she practised the same wantonness as he did and justified this by alleging her long absence from her own house once or twice a week. The man did not believe these stories. Then this wicked woman went to a sorcerer and forced a condemned spirit to steal the ring by which this good woman was married and to appear himself in the guise of a young man wearing this ring. And when the husband saw all this he immediately hastened home as fast as he could intending to kill his innocent wife, for the aforesaid wicked woman did all this malicious work with this very intent. And then the wife prayed to Our Lady because she could not find the ring that he told her to search for, and by a great miracle the ring was returned and the deception of the devil realized, the husband also turned from his wickedness, and this same art-work is still a great celebratory offering in Rome, particularly in relation to rings. In the same chapel there is another beautiful room in which they say Constantine held his assembly with his commanders, and there stand (representations of ) part of his court. Beside this there is a(nother) chapel and in front of the door there stands a marble pillar scarcely a yard high; between this pillar and the wall there is a small space, and one of the popes called Gregory (? Pope Gregory IX) condemned himself to imprisonment in that space, but he was later released by a miracle, and at one time a crucifix, which men kissed with great reverence, was mounted on this pillar. It so happened that a lady came to kiss this crucifix and saw another poor old woman kiss it. And as if out of scorn, when she was to wipe the crucifix, suddenly it flew from that position and hung motionless more than four fathoms (24 feet) high up on a wall, and it still hangs there as a witness to the miracle. After the visit to these places we enter the great church, which was the first ever church to be built in Christendom, and on the wall right over the altar is the face of Our Saviour that visibly appeared to all the people of Rome on the same day as St Sylvester consecrated the church. And as the old stories say, it was never made by human hand, but it appeared suddenly. It is a beautiful figure and vivid in red and brown colours and broad as well. Then we turn down into the church and kiss a large altar; above this altar are the heads of Peter and Paul, which are often shown openly to the people in the week before Easter. The head of Peter is a wide face with a good deal of hair on his beard, which is grey in colour, between white
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whit and blak. The hed of Paule is a long face balled with red her both berd and hed. On eithir side of þis auter stand too grete pileres of brasse hol ful of seyntes bones. Summe men sey þat þoo wer þe pileres þat Hiram mad to Salamon as þe þirde book of Kyngis make mynde, but þis beleue I nowt for þat descripcioun whech is mad in þe book of Regum accordith rith nowt with þe schap of þese pileres. In þe uttir ende of þe cherch ferþest fro þis auter is a chapell in whech be many relikis. Ther is þe Arke of þe Eld Testament with þe tables, þe rodde þat floured and þe uessel of gold with manna. Ther is þe bord on whech Crist mad his maunde, þe ʒerd of Moyses, of þe fif loues and of þe too fischis þat left at Cristis fest, þe cote of Our Lord whech Our Lady mad, part of Our Ladies kerchi, part hir her, þe hed of Zakarie, Jon Baptist fader, of þe blood and of þe aschis of Seynt Jon Baptist body, þe hed of Seint Pancrace, þe schuldir of Seynt Laurens, þe cote of Seynt Jon Euangelist with whech he reysid þre dede men, þe cuppe in whech he drank venum, þe chene with whech he was teyid in Ephese and many oþir þingis. Now go we upward into þe cherch ageyn and entren into a cloistir whech ledith into þe grete halle where þe General Councell be holden whech tyme þei be at Rome. At þe hey des of þis halle is a ful fayre marbil ston so cured aboue with bord þat men may kisse it. On þis ston stood Seynt Jon þe Euangelist and prechid þe feith of Our Lord onto Domician emperour and to þe puple of Rome. Aftir his sermone Our Lord Jhesu appered onto him in swech figure as he went in erde and þankid him for his sermone and so sodeynly passed oute at þe oþir ende of þe halle no man wist where. This visioun caused popes in elde tyme to graunte grete indulgence to þis hous fourti ʒere and fourti lentones. And because no man can telle verily be whech dore Crist went oute, for þere be þre dores, þerfor pilgrimes goo þorw all þre dores. Euene before þoo dores is a ful fayre hous open onto þe cort of Lateranense and sette hye up on a uoute in whech hous Seynt Gregory prechid often onto þe puple. The desk of marbil stant þere ʒet on whech he was wone to lene whan he prechid. Than go we forth in a long paue of a cloystir and þere lith a grete round ston of marbil and fast by is depoynted a ymage of Seynt Jame. This is þe very story of þese toknes as I lerned þere. Seynt Jon þe Euangelist whan he was at Rome had grete desire to speke with James his broþir, whech was þat tyme in Spayn at Gales. This | same Jon cried out at þe windowne and spak onto Seint Jame and James answered him of certeyn materis whech þei wold. This þing semeth impossible to mannes witte for þe grete distauns of fif or sex hundred myle, but to God is noþing impossible whan he will werk onyþing for his seruauntes. A litil ferther in þat cloyster hang þe first bellis þat euyr were mad. And forth in anoþir paue of þat cloystir is a chapel, and þere stant þe chayer þat þe pope is
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and black. The head of Paul is a long beaten face with head and beard showing red hair. On either side of this altar stand two large pillars of bronze completely filled with the bones of saints. Some men say those were the pillars that Hiram made for Solomon as the third book of Kings reminds us, but I don’t believe this to be so, for the description in the book of Kings does not accord with the shape of these pillars. At the far end of the church, furthest from this altar, there is a chapel in which there are many relics. There is the Ark of the Old Testament with the Tablets (of stone), the rod that flowered and the urn of gold with manna. There is the table at which Christ ate his last supper, Moses’s rod, some of the five loaves and two fish that were left over at Christ’s feast, Our Lord’s coat that Our Lady made, part of Our Lady’s veil, part of her hair, the head of Zechariah, John the Baptist’s father, some of the blood and the ashes from Saint John the Baptist’s body, the head of St Pancras, St Laurence’s shoulder, St John the Evangelist’s coat, by which he raised three dead men, the cup from which he drank poison, the chain by which he was shackled in Ephesus and many other things. Now we go up into the church again and enter a cloister that leads into the great hall where the General Council is held when it is at Rome. On the high dais of this hall there is a very beautiful marble stone covered over with wood so that men may kiss it. St John the Evangelist stood on this stone and preached the faith of Our Lord to Emperor Domitian and the people of Rome. After his sermon Our Lord Jesus appeared to him in such general appearance as he had on earth and thanked him for his sermon and suddenly went out at the other end of the hall, no-one knew where. This vision caused popes in olden times to grant (any pilgrim who visited) this hall great indulgence of forty years and forty Lents. And as there are three doors, no-one can say truly which door Christ went out by, so pilgrims go through all three doors. In front of those doors, set high up on a vault and open to the Lateran court, there is a beautiful room where St Gregory often preached to the people. The marble lectern, which he was in the habit of leaning against when he preached, still stands there. Then we move forward by a long cloister pavement and a large round marble stone lies there, and an image of Saint James is painted nearby. This is the true story of these signs as I learned there. When St John the Evangelist was at Rome he had a great desire to speak to his brother James, who at that time was in Galicia in Spain. This same John shouted out of the window and spoke to St James and James answered him regarding particular matters they wanted to discuss. To the mind of man this thing seems impossible because of the great distance of five or six hundred miles (between Rome and Galicia), but nothing is impossible for God when He wants to make something happen for his servants. A little further along that cloister hang the first bells ever to be made. And further forward in another paved area of that cloister there is a chapel, and there stands
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asayed in wheþir he be man or woman, because þe Cherche was deceyued ones in a woman whech deyid on processioun grete with child, for a ymage is sette up in memorie of hir as we go to Laterane before a litil place, sumtyme a cherch as I suppose, it schuld be cleped Titulus Pastoris. Aftir þis chapell be a peyre greces down into þe cort of fair white marbill, as I haue mynde now þere be euene twenti-eite. Upon on of þese greces stood Our Lord Jhesu before Pilate whan he was dempt to þe deth, and notwithstanding þat o gre is merkid for þat cause as þei sey, ʒet þe deuocion of pilgrimes is not content þerby but þei knele upon alle and kisse all for uery sikirnesse. Ʒet aboue in þe cloistir be othir þre chapellis of whech on in special is of grete auctorité, þei clepe it þe chapel of þe Saluatour, eke in þis chapel entreth neuyr no woman. The story of þat chapel is writyn þere in grete declaracioun, here it schal be abreggid. Aftir þe deth of Our Lord Jhesu Our Lady Mary made grete lamentacioun for absens of hir son. Consolacyon wold1 sche non receyue but if sche myth haue a face lich his face on whech sche myth loke euery day. This mater was comounned amongis þe apostoles and þis weye founde þerin þat Seynt Luke must make þis ymage. He wold not graunte hem to make it but on a condicioun þat þei schuld fast and prey þre dayes for his good speed. And in þis menewhile þis Luke planed a table of a palme tre in whech he þout forto make his werk, whech table he sperd up priuyly þat no man schuld touch it. But whann tyme cam þat he schuld werk he fonde a face redy mad whech no man coude amende. This table was schewid onto Our Lady and sche had so grete plesauns þerin þat sche kissid it swetely and seide þese wordis: ‘This same is lich my son’. In all hir lyf myth no man gete it fro hir but at hir deth sche ʒaue it onto Seynt Jon Euangelist, and fro him it was beleft with Pollicarp his disciple and aftirward brout to Rome.
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the chair in which the pope is tested as to whether he is a man or a woman, for the Church was misled once by a woman who died in procession great with child; for a figure is set up in memory of her as we go towards the Lateran in front of a small place, formerly a church I guess, that should be called Titulus Pastoris ‘Title of the Shepherd’. After this chapel there are a couple of beautiful white marble flights of stairs down into the courtyard; as I recall now there are twentyeight steps exactly. Our Lord Jesus stood before Pilate on one of these staircases when He was condemned to death, and although, as they say, one staircase is so designated for that reason, nevertheless the piety of the pilgrims is not satisfied by (devotion to the one staircase), but they kneel on every step and kiss each one for complete reassurance. Still in the cloister on the upper level there are three other chapels, one of which in particular is of great inspirational power: they call it the chapel of the Saviour, into which also no woman may enter. The history of that chapel is written there at great length; here it will be abridged. After the death of Our Lord Jesus, Our Lady Mary expressed much grief at the absence of her son. She refused all commiseration unless she could see a (picture of a) face that was a good likeness of his face and that she could look at every day. This matter was discussed amongst the apostles and this way found to deal with it, that St Luke must make this picture. He would only agree to make it on condition that they would fast and pray for his success for three days. In the meantime this Luke planed a tablet of palm wood on which he intended to make his picture, and he locked the tablet up secretly so that noone could touch it. But when the time came for him to work (on the tablet) he found a face already made that no-one could improve. This tablet was shown to Our Lady and she derived such pleasure from it that she kissed it sweetly and said these words: ‘This same (picture) is like my son’. Throughout her life no-one could get it from her, but at her death she gave it to St John the Evangelist, and it was entrusted by him to his disciple St Polycarp and later brought to Rome.
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Of þat cherch cleped Seint Cruce.
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Now of þat place whech is cleped Seynt Cruce wil we speke and first telle þe fundacion of þat place. Constantine had a doutyr meruelously cured of scabbe at þe graue of Seynt Agnes, as we schul trete more largely aftirward whan we speke of Seynt Agnes. This Constaunce ded mak þis cherch of Seynt Cruce and Pope Siluester | halowid it. In þe hye auter whech is a ful fayr conk, so clepe þei hol uessels of ston, in þat same conk ly þe bodies of Seynt Anastase þe martir and Cesari þe martir and þereto is graunted fourti ʒere of pardon and as many Lentones. And in þe festis of þese too martires is graunted remission of þe fourt part of synne. The fest of Anastase falleth þe twenti-secunde day of Januari. The fest of Cesari fallith on Halowmesday. In þis cherch is a grete pece of þe crosse þat Our Lord suffered passion upon, eke mech of þe crosse on whech þe theef hyng þat was on þe rit side. There be too saphires hol at þe ʒift of Seynt Heleyn, in on of hem is part of þe blood of Our Lord Jhesu, in þe oþir part of þe mylk of þe Blessed Virgine. There is also a nayle with whech Our Lord was fast to þe crosse, it is a grete boistous þing of too handful long with a gret heed lich a schip nayl and blunt at þe ende, for þat poynt whech is at Coloyn of too vnch long was broken fro þis nayl at comaundment of Charles whan he was emperour. He ded so mech for þe Cherch þat þe Cherch myth noþing denye him. There is a cloth þat Seynt Jon Baptist wered. There is a laumpe ful of bawm, whech bawm ran fro þe hed of Seint Vincent. There is a pees of þe flesch of Seynt Laurens and coles joyned þerto rith as þei fried in his passioun. There be many oþir relikes1 in both auteres on eythir side for þe summe of indulgens in þe same place is euery day a hundred ʒere and twenti-seuene and euery Sunday, Wednysday and Friday too hundred and fifti-four. Thann go we down on a peyre greces into a chapel þei clepe Jerusalem. This same chapel was þe pryuy chambir of Seint Heleyn, in whech sche lay moost, and Seynt Siluester at hir instauns consecrate þis hous and ʒaue þerto ful grete indulgens, for euery Friday þorwoute þe ʒere is þere plener remissioun, and on Good Friday absolucioun a pena et culpa, as þe elde writing of þe wallis witnessid sumtyme. In þis chapell entreth no woman but o day in þe ʒer and þat is in March þe twentiet day, in þe vigile of Seint Benedict, for þat day was þis chapel consecrate. Whi þat women be forboden swech holy places be told many lewed causes to whech I wil relikes] suprascript
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Chapter 5 Santa Croce in Gerusalemme Now we will deal with the place called Santa Croce in Gerusalemme and explain the foundation of the place first. Constantine the Great had a daughter Constance who was miraculously cured of skin-disease at the grave of St Agnes. This Constance caused Santa Croce in Gerusalemme to be built and Pope St Sylvester I consecrated it. In the high altar, which is a very beautiful conch— that’s what they call vessels completely made from one piece of stone— in that conch lie the bodies of St Anastasia the martyr and St Caesarius the martyr, and in relation to that forty years of pardon and forty Lents of pardon are granted. On the feast-days of these two martyrs remission of a quarter of one’s sins is granted. The feast-day of St Anastasia falls on 22 January. The feastday of St Caesarius falls on All Saints’ Day (1 Nov). In this church there is a large piece of the cross on which Our Lord suffered his passion, also much of the cross that the thief was suspended on on the right-hand side. Two complete sapphires are there at the gift of St Helen: the blood of Our Lord Jesus is in one of them; the milk of the Blessed Virgin is in the other. There too is a nail with which Our Lord was fastened to the cross: it is a huge crude thing two hand-widths long (8” = 20 cm) with a large head, like a ship’s nail, and blunt at the end, for the two-inchlong tip that is at Cologne was broken from this nail on the orders of Charlemagne when he was emperor. He did so much for the Church that the Church couldn’t deny him anything. There is a cloth that St John the Baptist wore. There is a lamp full of oil scented with balm, the balm having flowed from the head of St Vincent. There is a piece of the flesh of St Laurence and coal-embers stuck to it just as they fried at his passion. There are many other relics in both altars on either side, for the sum of indulgence in this place is one hundred and twenty seven years every day, and every Sunday, Wednesday and Friday two hundred and fifty-four years. Then we go down a pair of stairways into a chapel they call Jerusalem. This same chapel was the personal chamber of St Helen, where she lay most, and at her instigation St Sylvester consecrated this room and granted it abundant indulgence, for there is full remission of sins every Friday of the year, and on Good Friday absolution free of penalty or blame, as the old writing on the wall testified at one time. No woman enters this chapel except on one day of the year and that is the twentieth day of March, the Vigil of St Benedict, for the chapel was consecrated on that day. Many misguided reasons are reported as to why women are forbidden to enter such holy
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ʒeue no credens, but I will sey myn opynyoun in þis mater. Al þoo whech haue be
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at Rome knowe weel þat þe women þere be passing desirous to goo on pilgrimage and forto touch and kisse euery holy relik. Now in very sothfastnesse þese places whech are forbode hem be rith smale in quantité. And vphap sum woman in þe prees eþir for seknesse or with child hath be in grete perel þere and for þis cause þei wer forbode þe entré of þese houses as I suppose. In þis same chapel fel a wondirful case of on Siluester þe pope, not þat Siluester þat baptized Constantyn, but anoþir whech hith Gilbert before. This man was enhaunced on þat dignité be | fals menes of nygromancie. And whann he1 whas þus sublimat onto þe hiest degré of þe Cherch he councelled with his familiar deuel who longe he schuld lyue and where he schuld deye. The deuele told him vndir a sophim he schul neuyr deye but at Jerusalem. Than was þe name of þis chapel onknowe to þe pope for he supposed veryly þat Jerusalem whech stant in Palestin was þe place asigned be þe deuele. Thus leued he in a maner of a sikernesse of long lyf for at þat Jerusalem whech we spak of last he cast him neuyr to come. Than felle it a day in whech þe stacioun was at þis chapell and þe pope of vsage mu[s]t nede synge þere, for at þis day ʒet synggith no man at þat auter but þe pope.2 Whan þis Siluester was at messe þe wedyr wex blak and meruelous tempestis aryse, crowis innumerable eke appered. The cardinalis and þe puple fel down for fer and no man myth entende onto þe seruyse so were þei dismayed. Tho þe pope cleped on vnto him an inqwired of him þe name of þis place. He answerd and seid þat Siluester named it Jerusalem at instauns of Seint Heleyn. Thoo wept þe pope and had grete repentauns of his wikkid lyf and before þe puple mad open confessioun what comnauntis he had mad with þe deuele and who he was deceyued in sophisticacioun of þis name Jerusalem. Wherfore be comaunded hem þat þei schuld dismembir him joynt be joynt and þrow it owt to þe crowis, þe same schuld þei do of his hert, eke if þei bore awey his hert þei schuld neuir pray for him he seide, and if þei bore it not awey þan myth þei trost þat he stood undir proteccioun of Goddys mercy. Thus as he comaunded it was doo for þe hert of him wold þei not touch, whech hert in tokne of þis myracle hangith in þe roof onto þis day. Before þe ʒate of Seynt Cruces stand thre crosses on whech þe passioun of Our Lord is ensaumpled on Good Fryday with mech oþir circumstauns. Eke as we go forth oute of þe cyté to þe cherch of Seynt Laurens is a grete wal standyng on arches, on whech wall runne sumtyme cundytes of oyle of watir and of wyn onto þe grete paleys. And in þe natiuité of Our Lord fel þere a meruelous þing: on of þo grete pileres mad al of tyl with half þe arch on3 þe o side and half on þe oþir side whech rested upon him, turned him and stood euene contrarie to þe werk and so stant he at þis day. whan he] suprascript
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places, to which I give no credence, but I will relate my opinion in this matter. All those who have been to Rome know well that the women are extremely eager to go on a pilgrimage and touch and kiss every holy relic. Now in all honesty these places where they are forbidden to enter are very small in size. And perhaps some woman in the crowd was in great danger there, either from illness or being with child, and for this reason women were forbidden to enter these rooms I guess. In this chapel a remarkable incident occurred in relation to Pope Sylvester II, not Sylvester I who baptized Constantine the Great, but another who was called Gerbert previously. This man was advanced to that dignity by the treacherous tricks of sorcery. And when he was exalted to the highest level in the Church he consulted his attendant devil as to how long he would live and where he would die. The devil told him in a sophism that he would only die at Jerusalem. The name of this chapel was unknown to the pope at that time for he believed truly that Jerusalem that is situated in Palestine was the place assigned by the devil. So he lived in a form of assurance of long life for he decided never to go to the Jerusalem that we mentioned. So it happened one day when the station was at this chapel, by custom the pope had to sing there, for on this day no man but the pope sings at that altar. When this Sylvester was at mass the weather turned dark, and terrifying storms arose, also countless crows appeared. The cardinals and the people fell down in fear and no-one could pay attention to the service they were so frightened. Then the pope called one of them to him and asked him the name of this place. He replied and said that at the instigation of St Helen Sylvester I named it Jerusalem. Then the pope wept and had great remorse on account of his sinful life and made open confession in front of the people as to what covenants he had made with the devil and how he had been misled through the name Jerusalem having two meanings. On that account he ordered them to dismember him joint by joint and throw out the bits to the crows, and they should do the same with his heart, and if the crows carried his heart off he said they should never pray for him, but if the crows did not carry his heart off then they could have confidence that he continued to have the protection of God’s mercy. It was carried out as he ordered for the crows would not touch his heart, which is suspended from the roof to this day as a memorial of this marvellous event. In front of the gate of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme stand three crosses on which the passion of Our Lord is enacted on Good Friday with many other relevant aspects of the event. Also as we go out of the city to the church of San Lorenzo fuori le Mura there is a high wall standing on arches, along the top of which conduits of oil, water and wine sometimes run to the Lateran Palace. And at Our Lord’s nativity something wonderful happened: one of the tall pillars entirely made of brick, with half the arch supported by the pillar on one side and half the arch supported by the pillar on the other side, turned itself and stood contrary-wise, and it still does so today.
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Of þe cherch of Seynt Laurens.
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[Capitulum] VI.
Now go we oute of þe cyté be a ʒate þei clepe Porta Lauicana and betwix heggis and vynes walk a grete myle or we come at þe cherch of Seynt Laurens. For it stant in a feld; in her langage and in oure legendis þei sei In agro Verano. This cherch is edified ful wel and a monasterie of munkis anexid þerto. In þis cherch benethe þe auter in a voute in a | ful fayre tumbe lith Seint Laurens with Seynt Steuene; ful realy Laurens was byryed þere aftir his martirdam but who Seynt Steuene cam þidir fro Jerusalem, þat schal I telle ʒow. Whan he was stoned to þe deth with þe Jewis and left in þe feld þat bestes and foules schuld ete him, on Gamaliel, mayster onto Seynt Paule þe apostel took up þis body and ded it byry with grete worchip in a possession of his clepid in þe Ebrew tonge Caphargamala, and þere lay þis body four hundred ʒere to counte fro Cristis birth, and forto count fro þe deth of Seynt1 Steuene thre hundred ʒere sexti-sex. So in þe seuene ʒere of Honorius þe emperour þis same Gamaliel appered to a prest cleped Lucianus and told hym where Steuene was byried, and oþir persones, of whech þis Gamaliel was on. He comaunded him eke to go to þe bischop of Jerusalem and telle him þat it was þe wil of God þat þese persones schuld be lyft fro þat despect place in whech þei were leyd and bore onto þe cherch cleped Syon, in whech þe forseid Steuene was sumtyme2 arschdekne. As Gamaliel comaunded al was do, for þere was þe bodye of Seynt Steuene leyd in grete worchip and many myracles do þat day, as Seynt Austen berith witnesse in twenti-secunde book De ciuitate Dei. Aftir þis certeyn ʒeres a gret lord senatour of Constantinople cleped Alisaundre sayled onto Jerusalem with his lady Julyane to visite þoo holy places in whech Oure Lord suffered for us passion. And whan he was come, for grete deuocioun whech he had to Seynt Steuene, he mad onto him a fayre oratorie and a chest of siluer in whech his body was couchid. So happed it withinne fewe dayes þat þis Alisaundre dyed; aftir his deth his frendis made a chest of siluer lich onto þe former chest and leyd his body þerinne. Seuene ʒere aftir his deth his wif Juliane desired to saile to Constantinople and prayed þe bischop of Jerusalem to ʒeue hir leue þat sche myth cary hir husbondes body hom with hir. He answerd þat in treuth he knew not þe o chest fro þe oþir because þei were so lich. Sche saide þat sche had priuy merkes where hir husbond lay of whech sche schuld not faile. Thoo þe bischop schewid both and sche of ignoraunce chase þe chest of Seynt Seynt] suprascript
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Chapter 6 San Lorenzo fuori le Mura Now we go out of the city by a gate they call Porta Maggiore, and we walk a long mile between hedges and vines before we arrive at San Lorenzo fuori le Mura. For it stands in a field; in their language and in our saints’ lives they say In agro Verano ‘In the Campo Verano’. This church is very well built and a monastery of monks is joined to it. In this church St Laurence and St Stephen lie together beneath the altar under an arch in a very beautiful tomb. Really Laurence was buried there after his martyrdom, but how St Stephen came there from Jerusalem, that is what I am going to tell you. When Stephen was stoned to death by the Jews and left in the field so that wild animals and birds could eat him, one Gamaliel, teacher to St Paul the apostle, took the body up and buried it with great honour in a landed property of his called Caphargamala in Hebrew, and counting from the birth of Christ his body lay there four hundred years, and counting from the death of St Stephen three hundred and sixty-six years. So in the seventh year of the reign of Emperor Honorius this same Gamaliel appeared (in a dream) to a priest called Lucianus and told him where Stephen and others (one of whom was Gamaliel) were buried. He ordered him to go to the patriarch of Jerusalem and tell him that it was the will of God that these individuals should be disinterred from that inconsequential place where they were buried and conveyed to the church called Zion, where the aforesaid Stephen was at one time archdeacon. Everything was done as Gamaliel commanded, for the body of St Stephen was laid there with great honour, and many miracles were done that day, as St Augustine testifies in De civitate Dei ‘The City of God’, Book 22. Some years after this an important noble (?)consul called (?)Ariovindus from Constantinople travelled with his lady Anicia Juliana to Jerusalem to visit those holy places where Our Lord suffered his passion for us. And when he arrived, because he had such great reverence for St Stephen, he built for him a beautiful shrine and made a casket of silver in which his body was put to rest. As it happened a few days later this Ariovindus died; after his death his friends made a casket of silver just like the other one (for Stephen) and put his body to rest in it. Seven years after his death his wife Juliana wished to sail to Constantinople and asked the patriarch of Jerusalem for permission to take her husband’s body home with her. He replied that in truth he did not know one casket from the other because they were so alike. She said that she had secret marks for where her husband was lying by which she could not fail (to identify him). Then the patriarch showed her both and out of ignorance she chose
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Steuene and left hir husbond þer. Whan þe body was with hir in þe see þe deueles of þe eyr cried with grete noyse þat her enmy Steuene was stole fro Jerusalem. Thus was he brout onto Constantinople and had þere in ful grete reuerens. Aftir þis not long Eudosia, þe douter onto þe emperour Theodosius, was vexid with a wikkid spirit, sche at Rome, hir fader dwellyng at Constantinople. Hir frendis sent onto þe emperour and teld him of þis chauns. He wrote ageyn onto hem þat sche schuld come to Constantinople for þere he hoped sche schuld be cured þorw meritis of Seynt Steuene. Whan þis message was come þe deuele within hir cried and seid sche schal not go to Constantinople but Steuene must come to Rome, for so is | þe wil of þe aposteles. Than was þere a grete trety betwix þe Grekis and þe Romanes and in here trety þis was her apoyntment, þat þe Grekis schuld brynge þe body of Seynt Steuene to Rome and leue it þere, and in recompens receyue þe body of Seynt Laurens and bere it to Constantinople. Thus come þei of Grece with þe body of Seynt Steuene onto Rome and þei of Rome had ordeyned þat þis body schuld be leyd at a cherch þei clepe Sancti Petri ad Vincula. But whan þei cam þere þe wikkid spirith within þe mayde cried and spak on þis wise: Not here schal he ly but with his broþir Laurens.
Tho bore þei him to þe cherch of Seynt Laurens and euene at þe entré of þe cherch þe mayde þat folowid continuely be labour of hir frendis was delyuered of hir wikkid gest. Anon as þei cam to þe tombe of Seynt Laurens forto make a chaunge þe body of Laurens sodeynly turned and mad a space where his felaw schuld ly. Tho leyd þei down þe body of Seynt Steuene and anon as þei leyd hand forto take Seynt Laurens þei fell down as ded and so ley still a grete while onto þe tyme þat þe pope and þe puple prayed for hem, eke within ten dayes after þei deyid all. Thus cam Seynt Steuene fro Jerusalem to Rome onto þe cherch of Seynt Laurens, of whech cherch þis special chapetr is mad. In þis cherch ly many mo seyntis þan þei to, as a table þere berith witnesse, in whech be wrytin swech uers. Continet hoc templum sanctorum corpora plura A quibus auxilium suplex homo poscere cura. Cum Sixto iacet Laurencius igne crematus. Et prothomartir Stephanus leuita beatus. Post hos Ypolitus collis religatus equorum Cum nutrice sua cum cuncta plebe suorum; Romanus miles, Triphonia uirgo, Quirilla, Et quadraginta quos passio continet illa; Justinus sacer defunctos qui tumulabat;
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the St Stephen’s casket and left her husband there. When the body was at sea with her the devils of the air cried out with great noise that their enemy Stephen had been stolen from Jerusalem. Then he was brought to Constantinople and held in great reverence there. Not long after this Licinia Eudoxia, daughter (recte wife) of Emperor Theodosius II, was troubled by an evil spirit while she was living at Rome, and her father at Constantinople. Her friends wrote to the emperor and told him of this misfortune. He wrote back to them saying that she should come to Constantinople because he hoped she would be cured there by the virtues of St Stephen. When this message arrived the devil inside her cried out and said she should not go to Constantinople but Stephen must come to Rome, for so is the will of the apostles. Then there was an important treaty between the Greek and Roman Churches, and these were the provisions in their treaty, that the Greeks should bring St Stephen’s body to Rome and leave it there, and in return receive the body of St Laurence and convey it to Constantinople. So the representatives of the Greek Church arrived at Rome with the body of St Stephen, and the representatives of the Roman Church had decided that this body should be laid at San Pietro in Vincoli. But when they arrived there the evil spirit inside the young lady cried out and spoke thus: He shall not lie here but with his brother Laurence.
Then they conveyed him to San Lorenzo fuori le Mura, and as soon as the entrance to the church was reached, the young lady, who kept following through the good offices of her friends, was freed of her evil guest. As soon as they arrived at the tomb of St Laurence to make the exchange the body of St Laurence suddenly turned and made a space where his fellow was to lie. Then they laid down the body of St Stephen, and as soon as they laid hand on St Laurence in order to remove his body they fell down as if they were dead and lay still for a long time until the pope and the people prayed for them, even so they all died within ten days. In this way St Stephen came from Jerusalem to Rome and the church of San Lorenzo that is the subject of this particular chapter. Many more saints than these two lie in this church, as a tablet testifies there, on which are written the following verses: Continet hoc templum sanctorum corpora plura A quibus auxilium suplex homo poscere cura. Cum Sixto iacet Laurencius igne crematus. Et prothomartir Stephanus leuita beatus. Post hos Ypolitus collis religatus equorum Cum nutrice sua cum cuncta plebe suorum; Romanus miles, Triphonia uirgo, Quirilla, Et quadraginta quos passio continet illa; Justinus sacer defunctos qui tumulabat;
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Curiaca vidua que sanctos eciam recreabat, Huius matrone fuit haec possessio cara, Ipsius nomen specialiter continet ara.
This is þe sentens of þese vers. This temple conteynyth of seyntis bodies fele Of whech seyntis þou man1 aske sum help. With Sixte þe pope lith Laurens brent in þe fir. The first martir Steuene eke he lith here. The man Ypolitus with wild hors drawe to þe deth Lith her with his norys and all þe seruauntis of his hous; Romanus þe knyth, Triphonia þe mayde, and Quirille, And fourti mo as her passion telleth ful pleyn; Justinus þe prest þat byried þis puple with dreed; Curiaca þe widow whech fed þis puple ful oft; Onto þis woman þis same place longid sumtyme, Hir name is ʒet on þe auter ful specialy sette.
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These be þe relikes eke in Seynt Laurens cherch: a grete ston of white marbil with certeyn holes on whech his body was fried, on whech ston a man may ʒet se þe blood and þe fatnesse of his body. Ther is eke a grete pece of þe gridil2 on whech he was rosted; and of his maner of tormentrie be grete opiniones þer: sum sey þat þe ston lay aboue þe gridel, summe sey it lay benethe. There is schewid eke þe lauour of copir with whech he baptized all þat cam onto him | for þat cause. There be schewid also þre stones al blody whech were þrowyn at Seynt Steuene. With to of hem þei persed onto his braynes and with þe þird þei smet him down. The indulgens of þis place as þei sey is grete: euery day seuene ʒere, as many Lentenes and þe þird part remission of all synne; in þe festis of Steuene and Laurens a hundred ʒere, and þat dureth be þe octaue. An as is seid þere and writyn in autentik bokes, whosoeuyr visitith þis cherch euery Wednysday he schal delyuer a soule fro purgatorye. Of whech mater is founde in wrytyng swech a meruelous vision. Ther was sumtyme a holy man in þat place ful of vertu, keper of þat cherch, in a nyth as he lay not aslepe but wakyng he say Seint Laurens entir be þe est side of þe cherch be þe wyndow and many fayre ʒong folk hangyng on his skirtis. The seynt cam onto þis man and seid onto him þus: Wete þou wel þat I am Laurens patron of þis cherch whech stand in Goddis presens continuely praying for all þoo þat haue special deuocioun to me, and euery Wednisday, for þat day was I martired, haue I a special commissioun of Our Lord þat I descende to purgatorie where as many soules as may cacch hold of me are delyuered fro þat peyne. Therfore þou and all oþir beth bysy to do sum special seruyse onto God and me for ʒe schul haue special reward better þan ʒe gan gesse. man] suprascript
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gridil] gridian written above in another hand
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Curiaca vidua que sanctos eciam recreabat, Huius matrone fuit haec possessio cara, Ipsius nomen specialiter continet ara.
This is the meaning of these verses: This church contains many saints’ bodies, saints whom you can ask for support. St Laurence, who was burnt in the fire, lies here along with Pope St Sixtus III; the first martyr Stephen also lies here; Hippolytus, the man dragged to death by wild horses lies here with his nurse and all his household servants; the soldier Romanus, the virgin Triphonia and Quirilla and forty more as their passions relate very plainly, the priest Justinus who buried his people in fear, the widow Cyriaca who often fed this people and to whom this same place belonged at one time: her name is still specially recorded on the altar.
Also these are the relics in San Lorenzo fuori le Mura: a large white marble slab with particular holes on which his body was fried, a slab on which one can still see the blood and fatty substance of his body; there is also a large piece of the griddle on which he was roasted. There are several opinions there about this manner of torture: some say that the slab lay above the griddle, some say the slab was underneath. Also shown there is a copper ewer with which he baptized everyone who came to him for that reason. Three stones that were thrown at St Stephen, all bloody, are shown there too. With two of them the throwers penetrated through to his brain, with the third they struck him down. As they say the indulgences of this place are plentiful: for every day seven years of pardon and as many Lents and remission of a third of all sins; on the feast-days of St Stephen and St Laurence a hundred years and that lasts for the octave; and, as is said there and written in authoritative books, anyone who visits this church on a Wednesday will deliver a soul from purgatory. The following remarkable dream-vision is found in writing on this subject. At one time there was a holy man full of grace, church sacristan in that place; as he lay awake not sleeping one night he saw St Laurence enter the east end of the church by the window with many beautiful young people hanging on to his vestments. The saint approached this man and spoke to him as follows: Know well that I am Laurence, patron of this church, who stands in God’s presence praying all the time for everyone who has particular devotion to me, and every Wednesday, for I was martyred on that day, I have a special authority delegated from Our Lord to descend into purgatory where as many souls as can catch hold of me are delivered from that pain. Therefore you and everyone else should be intent upon
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This seyd þe martir with all his felawchip ascendid up to heuene synging þis antyme. In craticula Te Dominum non negaui etcetra.
He began it and þei song it forth. This same story is writyn in a elde legend whech þe monkes of Charterhous usen and a clerk þei clepe Osbert makith mynde of þe same in his book of Epistoles.
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performing some particular service to God and me, for you all shall have a particular reward better than you begin to guess.
This said, the martyr ascended up to heaven with all this entourage singing this anthem (in Latin): ‘I have not abjured You Oh Lord on the gridiron’
He began it and they continued it. This same story is written in an old saint’s life that the monks of Charterhouse make use of, and a scholar they call Osbert of Clare calls it to mind in his book of Letters.
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Of þe cherch cleped Sancta Maria Major.
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Capitulum VII.
Now schal we speke of a cherch þei clepe Sancta Maria Major, in Englisch we may calle it Seynt Marie þe More. But whi it is cleped1 so ʒe schul here. Befor þis cherch was mad þere was no cherch in Rome in memorie of Oure Lady. And þerfor Our Lady appered onto a certeyn man of Rome comaunding him with his good to make þis cherch, for it is a fayr house large and plesaunt to þe sith, costful eke specialy in the pauyment. For it was þe first was mad and eke it is þe largest of all, þerfor is it called Maior. In what maner it began and be what myracle it was mad þus fynde we wrytyn in þe elde stories of þe cherch. In þe tyme of Liberius þe pope, not he þat was sone aftir Constantyn, but anoþir whech is cleped Liberius þe ʒonger; in his tyme was in Rome a man þat had mech þe gouernauns of Rome, for emperouris at þat tyme ne now as ferr as I can se, haue lytyl dominacion þere. This man as þe bokis sey hith Jon a holy man, deuoute, juste and trewe, whech had a wif of þe same proporcioun in holynesse, deuocioun, rithwisnesse | and treuth. They prayed euery day to Our Lady of hie deuocyoun þat þei myth leue in þis world to þe pleasauns of Our Lord and eke þei prayed enterly þat þoo worldly goodis of whech þei hadde grete habundauns schuld be expendid in sum werk whech were plesauns onto hir son. Aftir þis lyf many ʒeres continued Our Lady appered onto þe seid pope and to þis same Jon eke onto his wyf, for all þei in o moment had o maner a visioun. Sche sayde onto hem who þat grete cyté had rered up many a solempne hous in worchip of dyuers seyntis and non in al þat cité was dedicate to hir, wherfore it plesed hir son þat sche schuld merke þe ground and þei schuld edyfye þe werk. And þat þei myth knowe weel þat sche whech appered was modir onto Crist, and eke þat þis was þe wil of Crist þat þis hous schuld be edified, sche told hem who þat sche had merkid al þe ground with snow wher þat sche þout hir hous schuld stande. And in encresing of þe myracle þat snow schuld falle2 down so habundauntly sche saide hem þat it was ageyns þe kynde of þat tyme of þe ʒere, for þis was do þe fift day of August. This man Jon aros in þe morownyng and as he went forby þis hill whech is cleped Mons Superaggius he say al þe top þerof snow. Tho went he forth to telle þe pope of þis myracle and he fond him redy whech had sent for þe cardynales and þe puple of þe cyté, for he wold with solempne procession both se þis myracle and begynne þese groundes. cleped] d suprascript
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Chapter 7 Santa Maria Maggiore Now we will deal with the church they call Santa Maria Maggiore, we may call it ‘St Mary the Greater’ in English. You must hear why it is called so. Before this church was built there was no church in Rome to commemorate Our Lady. Therefor Our Lady appeared to a certain man of Rome ordering him to build this church with his wealth, for it is a beautiful building, broad and pleasing to the eye, sumptuous too particularly with regard to the paving. For it was the first (church in Rome dedicated to Mary) to be built and it is also the largest, for that reason it is called Maggiore. In the old histories of the church we find written how it started and by what miracle it was built. In the time of Pope Liberius, not the one who reigned soon after Constantine the Great but another called Liberius the Younger (see note), there was a man in Rome who pretty much held the ruling authority over Rome, for at that time (and now as far as I can see) emperors have little authority there. As the books say this man was called John, a holy man he was, righteous and honest, whose wife possessed the qualities of holiness, piety, righteousness and honesty to the same degree. Every day they prayed to Our Lady with deep piety that they might live in this world to the satisfaction of Our Lord, and they prayed also wholeheartedly that the worldly wealth that they had an abundance of should be spent on some work that was pleasing to her son. After this life continued for many years Our Lady appeared to the said pope, to this same John and also to his wife, for they all had a vision of the same kind at the same moment. She remarked to them how that great city had raised many an important building in honour of various saints, and none dedicated to her in the whole city, therefor it pleased her son that she should mark the spot and they should erect the building. And so that they could know for sure that she who appeared to them was Christ’s mother, and also that it was Christ’s will that this church should be built, she told them how she had marked out with snow the whole plot where she thought her church should be situated. And for enhancement of the miracle that snow should fall so abundantly she told them that it was unnatural for that time of year, for this was done on the fifth day of August. This man John rose up in the morning and as he went past the hill they call the Esquiline he saw that the top of it was all snow. Then he went out to tell the pope about this miracle and he found him ready: he had sent for the cardinals and the people of the city, for he wished to go in ceremonial procession both to see this miracle and to begin the groundworks. So they went forth all together and they dug open the foundations as the
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Thus go þei forth all in fere and at þat same day þei opened þe groundes as þe snow schewid. Aftirward with ricchesse of þis Jon þis cherch was mad to his perfeccion and he himselue with his wif is biried þere in a conk of red ston þei clepe porphirie ston fast be þe dore þat goth to Seynt Antonye. In þe hie auter of þe cherch restith þe body of Seynt Mathie þe apostil. And in anoþir auter be1 þe body of Seynt Jerom doctour. There is also a ymage of Our Lady whech seynt Luce mad. Ther be eke þe bodies of þese popes, Honory, Eugeny, Gregory, Pelagii and Nicholas. Ther is þe harme2 of Seynt Luk þe euangelist, þe harme3 o Seynt Mathew þe euangelist, þe hed of Seynt Vyuyane þe virgine, þe arme of Seynt Thomas of Cauntirbyry and of his vestment, þe cradill þat Crist was leyd in, þe manjour with þe hey of whech þe bestes ete where Crist was bore, þe hosen of Seynt Joseph, þe mylk of Our Lady and mech oþir þing. These be þe indulgens graunted to þe same place: in þe dedicacoun of þe same cherch too þusend ʒere and þe þird part remissioun of al maner synne; euery day þorwoute þe ʒer are graunted twenti-eyte ʒere, in Lenton þe pardon is dobled; in euery fest of Our Lady a hundred ʒere; fro þe Assumpcioun of Oure Lady onto hir Natiuité is graunted euery day fourten hundred ʒer. The summe of al þe pardon of þis cherch is hald þere ful grete.
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snow indicated. Later this church was built to John’s standard of perfection by the utilization of his wealth, and together with his wife he himself is buried there in a conch-shaped sarcophagus of red stone that they call porphyry (situated) right by the door that goes to Sant’Antonio Abbate. The body of St Matthew the apostle rests at the high alter of the church. The body of St Jerome, doctor (of the Church) lies at another altar. There is also a picture of Our Lady that St Luke made. The bodies of these popes are there too: Honorius II, Eugene II, Gregory (?), Pelagius I, Nicholas IV. The arm of St Luke the evangelist is there, the arm of St Matthew the evangelist, the head of St Viviana the virgin, the arm of St Thomas of Canterbury and of his vestments, the crib where Christ was laid in the manger with the hay that the animals ate where Christ was born, St Joseph’s leggings, Our Lady’s milk and many other things. These are the indulgences granted at this church: on the feast-day of the dedication of this same church two thousand years and remission of a third of all sins; every day throughout the year twenty-eight years are granted, in Lent the pardon is doubled; on every feast-day of Our Lady a hundred years; from the Assumption of Our Lady (15 Aug) to her nativity (8 Sep) fourteen hundred years is granted every day. The sum of all the pardon at this church is considered there to be very considerable.
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Of þe | stacion at Seynt Sabine.
Capitulum VIII.
Now wil we speke of all þoo cherches where þe staciones be holden in Lenton, but ʒe schal vndirstand þat þe staciones be sumtyme at þese same cherchis beforeseid.1 Seynt Gregory as we redyn ordeyned þese staciones and was at hem himselue and prechid þere as we may notabilly parceyue in many of his omelies. It is cleped a stacioun, a stando, for stacioun is as mech to sey as to stand aftir walkyng. For pilgrimes walkyn þe sercle with grete labour and summe rest neuyr tyl al her labour be don. Wherfor þis holy doctor Gregory ordeyned þat euery day schuld be a masse in a certeyn place and þere schuld men rest and here þat masse. Eke for to encrese her deuocyon more onto þis dede he graunted onto þat cherch where þe stacyon is as mech pardon as is in al Rome as for þat day. And þis is þe cause as I suppose þat fewe Romanes walk þe sercle but þe stacioun, as a man may pleynly se. The first stacion on Puluyr Wednisday is at a cherch þei clepe Seynt Sabine, be whech cherch stant a ful fayr place whech was þe paleys of Eufermiane, fader onto Seynt Alexe. In þat place haue þe Frere Prechoures a couent, and þis same cherch haue þei annexid þerto. This cherch and þis couent stant on a hill þei clepe it Mons Auentinus of whech we spoke before in þe capitule De montibus. Now wil we telle ʒou what we haue red of þis same Sabine. This woman was doutyr onto on of þe Heroudes, whech was clepid Herodes Mettallarius; for dyfferens fro oþir Heraudis was he so clepid. Sche was weddid onto a worthy man of Rome cleped Valentine and aftir his deth sche drow to felauchip of a worþi woman and holy, aftirward martired for Crist, whech þei cleped Seraphia. This Seraphia taut þe feith of Our Lord to þis same Sabine first, and aftirward brout hir onto þe beforeseid] in margin marked for insertion
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Chapter 8 The station at Santa Sabina
Now we will deal with all those churches where the stations are held in Lent, but you must understand that the stations are sometimes held at the very churches dealt with above. As we read, St Gregory the Great established these stations and was at them himself, and preached there, as notably we can observe in many of his sermons. It is called a station, a position, for station means to stand after walking. For pilgrims walk the circuit with great physical exertion and some never rest until their task is completed. So this holy doctor Gregory organised that there should be a mass in a particular place each day and men should rest there and hear their mass. And so as to augment their devotion to this practice he granted to the church where the station is held as much pardon as is available in the whole of Rome on that day. And this is the reason I guess that few Romans walk the circuit but focus on the station, as a man can see plainly. The first station is on Ash Wednesday at a church they call Santa Sabina, beside which is situated a very beautiful place that was the house of Euphemian, father of St Alexis. The Dominican friars have a friary at that place and have connected this same church to it. This church and friary are situated on the hill they call the Aventine, which we spoke about above in the chapter about the hills (I.4). Now we will relate to you what we have read about this same St Sabina. This woman was the daughter of one of the Herods, Herod Metallarius, so called to differentiate him from other Herods. She was married to an illustrious Roman called Valentine, and after his death she became
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knoulech of holy prestis, of whom sche receyued hir sacramentis. Thus with þis Seraphia dwelt þis same Sabine in holy conuersacioun onto þe tyme þat þis forseid Seraphia was arestid, led onto þe juge and condempned onto þe deth only for sche beleued in Our Lord Jhesu Crist. This same Sabyne folowid onto hir passion and aftir hir deth took hir body and byried it in þe same graue whech was ordeyned for hirselue. Aftir tyme þat mech of þis was doo but before þe deth of þis same Seraphia a grete president of Rome cleped Berillus called þis woman Sabine onto him and þus he spak: Why doost þou þiselue so mech schame and makist þiselue so wrecchid? Why considerest nowt what þou art an whens þou cam? Thou hast joyned þe in felauchip onto þese Cristen folk and hast forgete þe noble birth þou cam of and þe worthy man whech weddid þe,1 eke þou art not aferd of þe wretth of our goddys. Turne ageyn woman to þin2 | owne hous and fle þe cumpany of þat wicch whech hath deceyued þe and many oþir.
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Sabine ʒaue him þis answere: That same holy mayde whom þou slaundrest now ful ontreuly wold God þou had herd of hir3 þe same councel þat þou myth forsake þe fals ydoles and knowe the very God þat calleth good men to euyrlasting lyf and sendith euel men to euyrlasting payn.
This president Berillus whan he had herd þese wordes lete hir go at large and seyd no more onto hir. This was doo before þe deth of Seraphia, for aftir hir deth sche was arened and brout to a juge þei cleped Helpidius, whech seid onto hir at hir first appering: Thou art Sabine, wyf onto þat worthi man Valentine and doutyr onto Heraude whech was of ful grete dignité.
Sche answerd: I am þat same and blessed be Our Lord Jhesu þat be þe labour of Seynt Seraphia hath brout me fro þe onclennesse of þe delues power onto þe fredam of Our Lord.
The juge whan he herd þis and say hir grete constauns in þe feith pronounsed þe sentens of hir deth in þis forme: Sabine inobedient onto þe goddis and despising our lordis þe emperouris we comaunde to be heded with a swerd and all hir godes to be arested onto þe comown profith.
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close friends with a worthy holy woman called Seraphia, later martyred for Christ’s sake. This Seraphia taught the faith of Our Lord to Sabina first, and later brought her to the attention of holy priests, from whom she received her sacraments. So this Sabina dwelt in a holy style of living with Seraphia up to the time when Seraphia was arrested, taken before a judge and condemned to death just because she believed in Our Lord Jesus Christ. This Sabina followed at her passion and after her death took her body and buried it in the very grave that was pre-arranged for herself. After much of this had happened, but before Seraphia’s death, an important governor in Rome called Berillus summoned this woman Sabina before him and spoke as follows: Why do you bring such shame upon yourself and make yourself so miserable? Why don’t you bear in mind what you are and whence you came? You have joined yourself in discipleship to these Christian people and you have forgotten your noble birth and the illustrious man who married you, also you have no fear of the wrath of our gods. Return to your own house and shun the company of that sorceress who has misled you and many others.
Sabina gave him this answer: That same holy maiden whom you slander quite inaccurately now, would to God that you had heard from her the same counsel, so that you could have abandoned the false idols and know the true God who summons all men to everlasting life and sends evil men to eternal torment.
When he had heard these words this governor Berillus let her go freely and said no more to her. This happened before the death of Seraphia, for after her death she was charged and brought before a judge they called Helpidius, who said to her at her first appearance: You are Sabina, wife to that illustrious man Valentine and daughter to Herod, who was of high rank.
She replied: I am she, and blessed be Our Lord Jesus who by the intervention of St Seraphia has delivered me from the moral defilement of the power of the devil to the freedom of Our Lord.
When he heard this and saw her great loyalty to the faith he pronounced her death-sentence in this form: We command Sabina, disobedient to the gods and showing no respect for our masters the emperors, to be beheaded with a sword, and all her possessions to be seized for the common good.
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Thus was sche slayn þe fourten kalendis of Septembir and pryuyly1 caried be nyth of Cristen men and byried be Seraphia, maystresse of hir feith. In þis same cherch be many relikes whech I wrote not. O memoriale say I þere of Seynt Dominik, for it is seid whan he was besy to haue his ordre confermed he prayed mech with grete wecch in þat same cherch and þe deuel þat hath enuye with euery good dede þrew a grete ston as mech or more þan a mannes hed to a slayn him, but be grete myracle it felle beside and raf a marbil ston, doyng him no harm. Of þis story are wrytyn þere swech vers: Credidit orantem iacto confundere saxo Hic Sanctum Dominicum hostis uersutus set ipsum Illesum Dominus seruat mirabile factum Marmoris illisi confraccio monstrat in euum Hijs quod fidem prebet suspensus et iste molaris.
The sentens of þe vers is þis. He supposed whil he preyed to destroye him with þis ston. Here in þis place Seynt Dominic our wikkid enmy he supposed soo. But Our Lord kept his seruaunt fro harm a meruelous tale. The marbil þat is hurt here berith witnesse for euyr. And eke a grete euydens of þe treuth is þe ston þat hangith her.
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She was killed in this way 19 August and secretly taken by Christian men at night and buried beside Seraphia, instructress of her faith. There are many relics in this church that I didn’t make a note of. I saw a memorial there of St Dominic, for it is said that when he was eager to have his order confirmed he prayed a great deal without sleep in that church, and the devil, who has great resentment against every good deed, threw a stone as large as or larger than a man’s head with the intention of killing him, but by a great miracle it fell beside him and split a marble slab, doing him no harm. The following verses are written there about this episode: Credidit orantem iacto confundere saxo Hic Sanctum Dominicum hostis uersutus set ipsum Illesum Dominus seruat mirabile factum Marmoris illisi confraccio monstrat in euum Hijs quod fidem prebet suspensus et iste molaris.
This is the meaning of these verses: With this stone our wicked enemy thought to destroy St Dominic while he prayed in this place, but, marvellous to relate, Our Lord protected his servant from harm; the marble slab that is damaged bears witness for ever. And the stone that is suspended here is also substantial evidence of the truth.
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Of þe stacion at þe cherch of Seint George.
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Capitulum IX.
The Þursday before þe first Sunday of Lenton is þe stacion at a cherch of Seynt George where þat his hed is schewid, his spere and þe banʒer with whech he killid þe dragon. The hed stant þere on a auter þat day in a tabernacle of syluyr and gilt mad soo þat a man may lyft up certeyn part þerof and touche and kisse þe bare schul. Oþir hedis be schewid þere whech be now oute | of rememberauns. But as touching Seynt George because þis lond haldith him in grete reuerens sumwhat of his lyf wil we touch. In þe Grete Councel þat was hald at Nycene, a cyté in Grece, þere þe lif of þis seynt was anoumbirid amongis apocripha. Apocrifum is as mech to sey as whan þe treuth of a þing is in doute or ellis men haue no certeyn who was maker or writer of þat mater. But þe Councell at þat time determined þat he was worthi to be anoumbired amongis þe holy martires of Crist. Perauenture þei had a lif with sum veyn tales whech cam neuyr to our handis. But for þat þei at þat tyme whech were Faderes of þe Cherch anoumbered him amongis þe holy martires, þerfor may we suppose veryly þat mech whech we rede þat he ded or suffered was soth: as þat he was bore in þe lond of Capadoce, and þat he delyuered þe mayde fro þe dragon, and killed þat best, whech dede was cause of conuercion both of þe kyng and eke of þe cyté. And whan he schuld goo fro þe kyng he taut hem four þingis. On þat he schuld be besy to edifie chirchis in his lond. The secunde þat he schuld haue þe mynystris of þe Cherch in grete reuerens. The þirde þat he schuld here þe seruyse of God deuoutly. The fourt þat he schuld euyr be besy to releue pore men. Al þis þing touchid in his lyf is likly forto be soth. It is ful lich a treuth also þat Dacian, president of Pers vndir wikkid Diocleciane, compelled þis seynt to thurifie and offir to þe deueles, and, because he wold not consent to ydolatrie, þat he comaunded him to many tormentis: first to be hanged on a gibet, þann his sydes to be rent with yrun hokis, and brennyng laumpes put to þe woundes, and aftir mech othir tormentrie his hed to be smet of. This is touchid schortly of his passion þat men may knowe wel þat þe legende whech was hald suspect in þe forseid Councell is not come to our handis, but perauenture þe treuthis were drawen oute þerof and left to us, and þe othir suspecte þingis þrow beside. So rede we þat Seynt Jerom seyd of Origenes
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Chapter 9 The station at San Giorgio in Velabro The station on the Thursday before the first Sunday in Lent is at a church of St George, where his head is shown, his standard and his spear with which he killed the dra gon. On that day the head stands there on an altar inside a reliquary of silver and gold, so made that a man can lift a particular part of it up and kiss the bare skull. Other heads are shown there that are now forgotten. But with regard to St George, since this country holds him in great veneration, we will say something about his life. At the great Council of Nicaea (325), a city in Greece, the life of this saint was reckoned to be apocryphal. Apocrypha means when the truth of something is in doubt or when men have no certainty as to who was the creator or author of that topic. But the Council ruled at that time that he deserved to be counted amongst the holy martyrs for Christ. Perhaps they had a life with some misleading stories that has never come to our hands. But because those who were Fathers of the Church at the time counted him amongst the holy martyrs, we may indeed believe that much that we read about what he did or suffered was the truth: as that he was born in the land of Cappadocia, that he saved the maiden from the dragon and that he killed the monster, a deed that brought about the conversion of the king as well as the city. And when he was to leave the king he taught him four things: one, that he should be diligent in building churches in his country; the second, that he should hold the ministers of the Church in high respect; the third, that he should hear the worship of God devoutly; the fourth, that he should always be intent on sustaining poor men. All these things mentioned in his life are likely to be true. It is also likely to be true that Datianus, governor in Persia under evil Diocletian, ordered this saint to offer incense and sacrifice to false gods, and that, since he would not agree to idolatry, he (Datianus) condemned him to many torments: first to be hanged on a gallows, then his sides to be torn with iron hooks and burning lamps applied to the wounds, and after many other torments his head to be struck off. This is dealt with briefly in regard to his passion so that men may know well that the legend that was considered suspect at the aforesaid Council has not come to our hands, but perhaps the true parts of the story were extracted from it and allowed to survive for us, and the other suspect parts were put aside. We read that St Jerome said (something apposite) about Origen’s books, for particular enemies of Origen, in order to
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bokes, for certeyn enmyes of Origene in slaunder of his name had planted heresies amongis his treuthis, so ferforth þat Seyut Jerom was fayn forto sey: Sic lego Origenem tanquam colligens rosas de spinis. ‘So rede I’, he seith, ‘Origen as þou I schuld gader roses fro þornes’.
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Suffisith þis as for þe memorie of Seynt George. But amongis studious men is meuyd þis doute: whi þat þe region of Ynglond hath þis seynt in so special reuerens þat þei make him1 a principal capteyn in her batayles and trost upon him moost aftir God. Many þingis haue I herd in þis mater but of non auctorité and þerfor wil I leue it rith as I fynde. I rede weel þat a special tuycioun ouyr all Cristen men hath þis seynt and þis rede I in a story is cleped Historia Antiochena, where þat he tellith þus. Whan þe last sege was at | Jerusalem and Cristen men went þidir to conquer þe cyté þere appered a fayre ʒong man onto a prest þat dwelt in þat place where þe body of Seynt George rested in Perse, and comaunded þe same prest to take þe body and cary it forth with þe ost for þei schuld spede mech þe bettir as he seide. Whan þei came to þe cyté and schul skale þe wallis þe Cristen men were gretely aferd for þe Sarsines, most for her schotte þat was so habundant. Tho appered onto hem þe same ʒong man in white clothis and a reed crosse þerin he bad hem þat þei schuld folow him and put awey al fere. So dede þei and wunne þe cyté to þe grete honour of Cristen men and grete confusion of Sarsines.
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blacken his name, had planted heresies among his true doctrines, to the extent that St Jerome was content to say: Sic lego Origenem tanquam colligens rosas de spinis. ‘I read Origen’, he says, ‘as though I gather roses from thorns’.
Let this suffice as a commemoration of St George. But this question is debated by scholars: why the region of England holds this saint in such particular high regard that they make him a standard-bearer in their battles and trust in him the most after God. I have heard many things on this subject but none of authority so I shall leave it as I find it. I read that this saint has a particular power to protect all Christian men, something I read in a history called Historia Antiochena, where the author relates the following. When the most recent siege of Jerusalem took place (1096) and Christian men went there to conquer the city, a handsome young man appeared to a priest who dwelt in the place where the body of St George lay in Persia and ordered the priest to take the body and convey it with the army, for, as he said, they would be more successful (with the presence of St George). When they arrived at the city and had to scale the walls the Christian men were very frightened of the Saracens, most of all because their discharge of missiles was so prolific. Then the same young man appeared in white clothes with a red cross on them, and he told them to follow him and put all fear aside. So they did and gained the city to the great glory of Christian men and the great humiliation of Saracens.
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Of þe stacioun at þe cherch of Jon and Paule.
Capitulum X.
The Friday after Puluyr Wednysday is þe stacioun at a cherch þei clepe Johannis et Pauli; it stant fast be þe monastery of Seynt Andrew; þe monkis of Seynt Andrew sey þat þese same Seyntis Jon and Paule be translate and ly amongis hem. Wel wote I þat, whan þe stacioun is, þe puple visitith both cherchis but þe grete solempnité and al þe tariing of þe puple, eke certeyn þingis whech þei selle þere at staciones, al þis is at þe cherch of Johannis et Pauli. Beside þe cherch is a fayr place þat longith to a cardinal, and on þe oþir side as we go forth to þe Collisé was a grete paleys, of whech stand ʒet many hye wallis and meruelous voutes. In þis cherch is ful grete indulgens þat day, but we þink best at þis tyme to telle sumwhat of þe lyf of þese seyntes and whi þei were dede, as we cast us forto do of alle othir. Thei were with Constaunce, doutir onto Constantine, in houshold, on of hem was steward of hir house, þe othir was chambirleyn, and whan1 þe woman deyed, of þe grete good whech sche left sche mad þese men hir aturnés. Thei as goode and trew men disposed þes ricchesse onto Cristen men in many sundry degrées, mete and drynk and clothis and þat2 was euery day. This herd Julianus þe emperour, whech is cleped Apostata, for he was first lerned in þe feith and aftirward he forsoke it, and because he was passing couetous he coloured his couetise with þe Gospell whech seith to Cristen men: But if ʒe forsake al þat ʒe haue ʒe may not be my disciples.
Thus robbid þis tyraunt all Cristen men, and [whan] he herd sey as we rehersed of þe grete elmesse ʒouen be Jon and Paule, he sent onto hem þat þei schuld come onto his presens. Thei sent him ageyn swech an answere: For þi wikkidnesse haue we left þi lordchip for we be not fals feyned Cristen as þou pretendist but trew seruauntis onto Our Lord.
He sent hem ageyn a new message vndyr swech wordis: Ʒe þat were norchid in þe emperoures hous it is not semly þat ʒe schuld withdraw ʒou fro my presens, for if it be so þat I be despised of ʒou it is nedful to me to make swech ordinauns þat neythir ʒe ne non oþir schul be dis|piseres of þe empire.
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Chapter 10 The station at Santi Giovanni e Paolo The station on the Friday after Ash Wednesday is at Santi Giovanni e Paolo; it is situated near the monastery of St Andrew. The monks of St Andrew say that these same saints John and Paul have had their remains moved and lie with them. I know well that on the day of the station the people visit both churches but the full ceremonial and all the congregation of the people, also particular things that they sell at stations, all this is at Santi Giovanni e Paolo. Beside the church is a beautiful place belonging to a cardinal, and on the other side as we go towards the Coliseum there was a great temple, many high walls of which still stand, and wonderful arches. There is very great indulgence available in that church on that day, but we consider it best at this time to relate something of the life of these saints and why they died, as we set out to do with all the others. They were part of the household staff of Constance, Constantine the Great’s daughter, one of them was steward, the other was chamberlain, and when the woman died she made these men executors of the great wealth that she left. As good honest men they disbursed these riches among Christian men in many different ways, food and drink and clothes, and that was every day. Emperor Julian, called the Apostate because having been instructed in the faith he then abandoned it, heard about this, and since he was exceedingly greedy he disguised his covetousness with the Gospel that says to Christian men: Unless you abandon everything that you have you may not be my disciples.
In this way this despot robbed all Christian men, and when he heard tell, as we mentioned, of the great alms given by John and Paul he sent to them that they should come into his presence. They sent him answer as follows: We have left your lordship on account of your malevolence, for we are not false-pretend Christians as you claim to be, but we are true servants of Our Lord.
He sent them back a new message in this form: It is not appropriate that you who were sustained in the emperor’s house should withdraw yourselves from our presence, for if it is so that I am despised by you it is necessary for me to make a ruling such that neither you nor anyone else shall be despisers of the empire.
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Paule and Jon sent him þis answere þat þei dispised him nowt in swech degré þat þei worchiped ony oþir man more þan him but þei put before him in worchip þat Lord þat hath his lordchip both ouyr heuene and erde, and because þat his comaundmentis were contrarious to þis hye Lordis wil þerfor þei sent hym word þat þei wold neuyr come to his presens. Julianus sent onto hem ageyn and seyd þus: Ten dayes schul be ʒoue ʒou of auisement; at þe ten day if ʒe come I schal receyue ʒou as my frendys, if ʒe come novt I wil punch ʒou as myn open enmyes.
Alle þese dayes were þese seyntis ful bysi forto gyue awey al þat euyr þei had onto pore Cristen men. On þe tent day cam Terrencianus, a grete lord with Juliane, with a ymage formed aftir Jubiter comaunding hem on þe emperoures name þat þei schuld worchip þis ymage as a god. They answered rith thus: Juliane if he be þi lord haue pes with him. To us is no othir lord but þe Fadir and þe Sun and þe Holy Gost whom he was not1 aferd to forsake. And because he is now þrowyn fro þe face of God þerfor wold he bring oþir men to þe same fal.
Aftir þis comunicacioun þis same Terrenciane ded make a pitte in her owne hous al be nyth, comaunded her hedes to be smet of, wonde all in clothis and byried hem þus, makyng a cry in þe morownyng be auctorité of þe emperour þat þei were exiled oute of þe cité of Rome. This was þe ende of þese martires. Sone aftir þis was Julianus killid in þe batayl of Pers, and aftir him Jouiniane2 þe emperour, because he was a Cristen man, ʒaue leue to all Cristen men to open her cherchis and exercise Goddis seruyse as þei had do before. Thoo deueles withinne men were put oute specialy in þe hous of Jon and Paule crying and diuulging here holy passion insomech þat þe son of þe forseid Terrenciane, whech was obcessid with a deuele, cam onto þat same hous of Jon and Paule and þe deuele withinne him cried þat Jon and Paule brent him. That herd þe fadir, he cam þidir and askid forgifnes of his trespas and before his eyne his sone was cured, eke þei both at Esterne folowing were mad Cristen men, for so was þe vsage þanne. This same Terrenciane endited þe lif and þe martirdam of þese seyntis for he coude best because he was at þe ende.
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Chapter 10
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Paul and John sent this reply, that they did not despise him in so far as they worshipped any other man more than him, but they did put before him in honour the Lord whose dominion is over heaven and earth, and because his commandments were opposed to this high Lord’s will they sent him word that they would never enter his presence. Julian sent to them again and said as follows: Ten days will be granted to you for reflection. When the ten days are up if you come I shall receive you as my friends; if you do not come I will punish you as my overt enemies.
All these days these saints were fully occupied in giving away everything they ever had to poor Christian men. On the tenth day a grandee under Julian, Terrentianus, came with a figure having the appearance of Jupiter ordering them in the emperor’s name to worship this figure as a god. They replied in this way: Julian, if he is your lord, peace be with him. For us there is no other lord but the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit whom he was not afraid to abandon. And because he is now cast from the face of God, for that reason he wants to bring other men to the same fate.
After this communication this same Terrentianus caused a pit to be made by night at their own house, ordered their heads to be struck off, wrapped them in cloths and buried them so, issuing a proclamation in the morning on the authority of the emperor that they had been exiled out of the city of Rome. This was the end of these martyrs. Soon after this Julian was killed at a battle in Persia, and after him Emperor Jovian, because he was a Christian man, gave leave to all Christian men to open their churches and observe the worship of God as they had before. The devils residing in men were thwarted, especially in the house of John and Paul, crying out and making known their holy torment to the extent that the son of the aforesaid Terrentianus (Vizentius), who was obsessed by a devil, came to the same house of John and Paul, and the devil inside him shouted that John and Paul burnt him. The father heard this, and he came there and asked forgiveness for his sin, and his son was cured in front of his eyes, also both were made Christian men the following Easter, for that was the custom then. This same Terrentianus wrote up the lives and the martyrdoms of these saints, for since he was there at the end he could do it best.
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Of þe stacion at Seynt Triphonis.
fo 387r
Capitulum XI.
The Satirday aftir Puluyr Wednisday is þe stacion at Seynt Triphonis, an elde cherch it is, and anexid onto þe cherch is a couent of freres whech we clepe comounly Heremitis of Seynt Austyn. In þis cherch lith Seynt Triphon and Seynt Respicius whech was his felaw. Thedir is eke neuly translate þe body of Seynt Monica, modir to Seynt Austyn. Ther be alsoo þe bodies of Seynt Felice, pope, Seynt Auree and Longii martires, þe hed of Seynt Menne and many oþir. Who Seynt Monica cam þidir and in whos tyme with al þe declaracion were long to telle, who wil rede it | he may se it a book þat I mad titiled to Seynt Austin1 whech is cleped Concordia because it is a maner of a concord betwix Chanonys and us. The sentens of þat translacioun I wil write here schortly. The pope Martyn þat was last, at instans of a frere of our ordre called Petir, bischop Electensis, sexten onto þe pope þat tyme, for so it is comounly þat þis ordre hath þat office, be instaunce also of a gret clerk cleped Augustinus de Roma, General of þat ordre for þat tyme, [he] ʒaue leue þat freres of þis ordre schuld goo to Hostie and bryng þis body to Rome to þat same place of Seynt Triphonis, of whech place þis special chapetre is mad. He þout, he seid in his bull Conuenient, þat sith þe Cherch hath determined þat Heremites of þis ordre be þe very childyrn of Seyn Austyn, and eke for þe Cherch be real power brout hem into Pauy where þei haue possessioun of þe body of Seynt Austyn, it was also conuenient þat þei whech haue þe son schuld also haue þe modir. This translacion was mad þe ʒere of Our Lord a þusend foure hundred and twenti swech tyme as Palme Sunday fell o þe nynet day of April. Now of þese seyntis of whom þe place is dedicate, Triphon and Respicius, wil we speke. Thei both were bore in Asie of good kynrod of nobil condicion and of grete disposicioun onto vertu. Whan þei were on of hem twelue ʒere old, þe oþir fourtene, happed to mete with a Cristen prest, whech baptized hem, whech taute hem þe feith and groundly lerned hem many treuthis of scripture. Aftir þei had take informacioun of þis man þei went forth in þe cuntré where þei fel in felauchip with a ʒong child of here age, and aftir her aqueyntaunce þis same was gretely hurt of a serpent, he made his querimonie onto þese seyntis and prayed hem of help, for he knew wel, he seid, þat Our Lord God had graunted hem grace to hole swech sores. Tho Triphon prayed onto Our Lord with swech wordis: O Lord, lite of oure soules, incline þin eres onto our prayeres and send our felaw sum reles of his peyne, þat all þis puple may knowe þe for very Lord, hauyng power ouyr al þing.
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Chapter 11
181
Chapter 11 The station at San Trifone The station on the Saturday after Ash Wednesday is at San Trifone, an old church joined to which is a friary of the Hermits of St Augustine. St Tryphon and his companion Respicius lie in this church. The body of St Monica, mother of St Augustine, has recently been conveyed there. There also are the bodies of Pope St Felix (? II), SS Aurea and Longinus, martyrs, the head of St Menas and many others. How St Monica came there and in whose time would take a long time to relate with full explanation: whoever wishes to read about it can see it in a book I wrote dedicated to St Augustine called Concordia, for it is a kind of reconciliation between the (Augustinian) Canons and us (Augustinian Friars). I will write briefly here the essence of the story of the removal of her body. At the instigation of a friar of our Order called Peter, bishop of Alet (Aude), sexton to the pope at that time (Martin V), for this Order commonly fills that office, and at the instigation also of a great ecclesiastic called Augustine Favaroni of Rome, prior general OESA, this last pope Martin V gave permission that friars of this Order should go to Ostia and bring this body to Rome and this very church of San Trifone, which this particular chapter is about. He thought, he said in his bull Convenient, that since the Church had decreed that the friar hermits of this Order were the very children of St Augustine, and also since the Church by sovereign power brought them to Pavia, where they have possession of the body of St Augustine, it was also appropriate that they who had the son should also have the mother. This removal was made AD 1420 (recte 1430), when Palm Sunday fell on April 9. Now we will deal with these saints to whom the place is dedicated, Tryphon and Respicius. They were both born of good family in Asia and of noble status with a great inclination towards moral excellence. When one of them was twelve years old and the other fourteen, they happened to meet a Christian priest, who baptised them, who taught them the faith and instructed them thoroughly in the many true doctrines of scripture. After they had absorbed teaching from this man they went into the country, where they entered into company with a young child of their age; following their friendship this young man was severely hurt by a snake, and he expressed his grief to these saints and asked them for assistance, for he knew well, he said, that Our Lord had given them (the power) to heal such injuries. Then Tryphon prayed to Our Lord in the following words: Oh Lord, light of our souls, incline your ears to our prayers and send our friend some relief from his pain, that all this people may know you as the true Lord having power over everything.
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Thus was þe child sodeynly mad hool. Anoþir grete myracle ded þei be þe wey to a Greke and eke a marchaund þat fell down sodeynly ded in her sith; þei reisid him fro deth to lif and ʒoue him swech exhortacion þat he forsoke þe world and folowid Crist forth all his lyf. Thus fro Asie into Rome in euery town or castell where þei restid þei prechid þe feith of Our Lord Jhesu Crist and ded many myracles in encresing of þe feith. So come to Rome and dwelt þere in emp[er]oure Philippis tyme, but vndir Decius þe emperour were þei martired be þe meyr of Rome, Aquiline. First were þei put in prison, kept fro mete and drynk, fro comfort eke of all Cristen men, þanne were þei drawe oute of prison onto tormentrye and euyr were þei redy to all maner peynes, putting of her cloþis with good wil whann þei schuld be betyn, offeryng hemselue redy to all maner tormentrye. In all her peynes þe| meyhir Aquylinus cryed onto hem with swech wordis: Knowe weel ʒe ʒong men þat no man schal do ageyn þe comaundment of þe myty emperouris but þei schul abyden ful bittir peynes.
And þis answer þei gaue him ageyn: Be þou sikyr alsoo þat no man schal be inobedient to þe heuenely comaundmentis but he schal be punchid with helle tormentis.
Tho he lete hem down fro þe gibbet where þei wer scorgid and comaunded þe soles of her feet to be smet ful of nayles, and soo to be led þrowoute þe cyté in þe grete cold of wyntir, for her day of her deth and martirdam is aboute þe fest of Seint Martyne. Last of all he comaunded her hedes to be smet of, and so þei knelyng and praying receyued her martirdam for Our Lordis sake. Thus regne her soules in heuene and her bodies in erd be had in mech worchip.
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By this means the child was suddenly healed. Along the way they performed another great miracle for a Greek merchant who suddenly fell down dead in their sight; they raised him from death to life and gave him such exhortations that he abandoned the world and followed Christ for the rest of his life. So they preached the faith of Our Lord Jesus Christ in every town or castle where they rested (as they travelled) from Asia to Rome, and they performed many miracles in enhancing the faith. So they came to Rome and lived there in Emperor Philip’s time, but they were martyred under Emperor Decius by Aquilinus, the prefect of Rome. First they were put in prison, deprived of meat and drink, also of the support of Christian men, then they were led out of prison into torture and they were always prepared for every kind of pain, taking their clothes off with goodwill when they were to be beaten, offering themselves as ready for any kind of torture. In the midst of their tortures the prefect Aquilinus called out to them with the following words: Know well, young men, that any man who goes against the commandment of the mighty emperor shall endure harsh torment.
And they gave him this answer back: You may also be sure that any man who is disobedient to the heavenly commandments will be punished with the torments of hell.
Then he let them down from the scaffold where they were whipped, and ordered the soles of their feet to be struck full of nails and to be led so throughout the city in the harsh cold of winter, for the day of their death and martyrdom is around the feast of St Martin (11 Nov). Last of all he ordered their heads to be struck off, and so they received their martyrdom for Our Lord’s sake kneeling and praying. So their souls reign in heaven and their bodies are held in great honour on earth.
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Of þe stacioun of Seint Jon Lateranensis.
fo 388r
Capitulum XII.
The first Sunday of Lenton is þe stacion at Seynt Jon Lateranensis, of whech place we seid mech þing before in þe capitule made of þe same cherch. But here ʒet we þink it is resonable to reherse summe þingis perauenture left before, for it schal make þe boke more perfith and alsoo it schal not acombir þe rederis with no tariing, for þe processe schal be succinct. This cherch is þe first cherch þat euer was rered in þe world, for Constantin himselue aftir his baptem halp for to digge þe groundis þerof, and in þis same place is þe pope crowned aftir his eleccion. For þis place was principal paleys of Constantine, whech place þe same Constantine resigned onto Siluester and eke þe diademe of his hed for he mad him temperal lord ouyr al þe west side of þe world. And þat þere schuld be no contrauersie betwix her officeres and her housholdis he remeued to Constantinople and dwelt þere al his lyf. Mech þing ded þis holy emperour for þe Cherch, for aftir his baptem be eite dayes euery day ded he a notable þing. The first day he mad a lawe and ded it pronounce þorwoute Rome, aftirward þorwout þe empire, that Crist schuld be honoured as a god and whosoeuyr dispised him schuld be treted as a traitour. The secund day was þis lawe more largely expressid þat whosoeuyr blasphemed þe name of Crist schuld be slayn. Blasphemé is vndirstand her, whan men sey of Crist oþirwise þan treuth, as summe heretikes seid þat he took no very flesch ne blood of Mary but þe body whech he took was formed of þe eyir, whech body he myth transmute as he wold. Blasphemé is eke cleped whan we sey of Crist oþirwise þan is to his worchip, as þat he schuld do ony forfete or ony synne or giue meyntenauns to ony swech þingis. The þird day made he þis lawe þat whosoeuyr ded ony Cristen man ony wrong anon witʒouten ony oþir jugement he schuld lese half his godis. Before þat tyme it was leful to euery man to robbe Cristen men and bringge | hem to þe juge and pursewe hem to þe deth. The fourt day he mad þis lawe þat, euene as þe emperour of Rome is souereyn lord of þat empire, so schuld þe bischop of Rome be hed and souereym of all bischoppis, and þis lawe is grounded in þe Gospell where þat Crist mad Petir hed of all þe apostelis, joyned þerto þat praktik whann Petir chase his principal sete at Rome. The fift day mad he þis lawe þat whosoeuyr fled to ony cherch for sauacion of his lyf þe Cherch schuld saue him, and þis lawe is nowe ful euel kept amongis us,1 God ne seyntis ne eke her houses are not hold in reuerens as þei schuld. The sext day was þis law mad þat no man schuld make no chirch in no cité ne town but if he had leue of þe bischop to whom þat town longith. The seuenet day ordeyned he þat þe tithes of all his possessiones schuld be gadered and treuly expendid in edificacioun of cherchis. The eite day cam he to þat place where now Seynt Petir cherch is and mekely2 asked forgifnesse of all his synne,
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Chapter 12
185
Chapter 12 The station at San Giovanni in Laterano The station on the first Sunday of Lent is at San Giovanni in Laterano, which we said a lot about above in the chapter about this church (II.4). But we still think it is reasonable to relate here some matters perhaps omitted earlier, for it will make the book more perfectly formed and at the same time it will not weigh down the reader with any delay, for the subject-matter will be succinct. This church was the first church in the world to be built, for after his baptism Constantine the Great himself helped to dig the ground there, and after his election the pope is crowned in this very place. For this place was Constantine’s principal palace, which he gave to Pope Sylvester I; he also gave him the crown from his head, for he made him temporal lord over all the western side of the world. And so that there should no controversy between their staff and their households he moved to Constantinople and lived there all his life. This holy emperor did a lot for the Church, for every eight days after his baptism he did something notable. The first day he made a law, and promulgated it throughout Rome and later throughout the empire, that Christ should be honoured as a god, and anyone who scorned him should be treated as a traitor. The second day this law was more fully expounded, in that anyone who blasphemed the name of Christ should be killed. Blasphemy is understood here to mean that when men say untruths about Christ, as some heretics said that he did not take flesh and blood from Mary but the body that he took was formed from the air, a body he could metamorphose as he wished. It is also called blasphemy when we say something about Christ that is not to his honour, as that he should render any penalty or perform any sin or lend countenance to any such things. The third day he made this law, that anyone who did any wrong to to a Christian man, he should immediately lose half his possessions without any appeal. Before that time it was lawful for anyone to rob Christian men and bring them before a judge and pursue them to the death. The fourth day he made this law, that, just as the emperor of Rome is sovereign lord of that empire, so should the bishop of Rome he head and sovereign of all the bishops, and this law is founded on the Gospel where Christ made Peter head of all the apostles and the practical consideration that Peter chose Rome as his headquarters. The fifth day he made this law, that anyone who fled to any church for preservation of his life, the Church should save him, and this law is now very badly kept among us, neither God nor saints nor their buildings are held in the respect they should be. The sixth day the law was made that no man should build a church in any city or town unless he had the permission of the bishop who had the jurisdiction over that town. The seventh day he laid down that the tithes of all his possessions should be collected and duly spent on the building of churches.
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aftirward tok a pickex and reisid þe ground þer þe wallis schuld be, eke of grete meknesse he bare oute of þe pitte of dikkid erde twelue vessellis in worchip of þe twelue aposteles.
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The eighth day he went to the place where San Pietro now is and asked forgiveness of all his sins, later he took a pickaxe and lifted the soil where the walls were to be, and with great humility he also carried twelve buckets of excavated earth out of the trench in honour of the twelve apostles.
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Of þe stacyoun of Seynt Petir ad Vincula.
Capitulum XIII.
The Munday aftir þe first Sunday is þe stacion at a cherch þei clepe Sanct Petri ad Vincula, þere is schewid þe chene þat he was bounde with at Jerusalem; pilgrimes kisse it and put it aboute her þrotes. Of þis place fynd I mech writing and long, whech I schal abreggin her. We rede wel þat aftir þe ascencion of Crist Petir abode stille at Jerusalem and in þe cuntré aboute. This witnessit Seynt Paule in his epistel Ad Galathas, whech seith þat neuly aftir his conuercion he went up to Jerusalem forto se Petir and þere dwelt with him fiftene dayes. Thus Petir dwellyng at Jerusalem and preching þe feith of Our Lord ran in offens of þe Jewis, whech hated Crist, and þei of malice acused him to Heraude þat was mad lord of al þat cuntr be þe ʒift of Gayus, whech was þan emperour of Rome. This Heraud killid first Seynt Jame, broþir onto Jon þe Euangelist, and whan he had aspied þat he plesed þe Jewis with þis dede he leyd wecch for to take Petir, took him and bond him in prison with chenes, assigned many men to wecch him but ʒet was he delyuered meruelously be an aungell, as it is wrytyn in Actibus Apostolorum. And þis same cheyne whech þe aungell losid is þat same whech is in so mech reuerens at Rome. But because þat þere is grete errour whech Heraude ded þis dede, for þere were þre, þerfor wil I here schortly write a reule whech I fynde in vers þat men may know whan þei regned and what þei dede in her tyme. The vers are þese. Ascalonita necat pueros Antipa Johannem Agrippa Jacobum claudens in carcere Petrum.
The sentens of þese vers is þis. fo 388v
There were þre Heraudes regnyng by and by, | on of hem hith Heraude Ascalonite, þe oþir Heraude Antipas, þe þirde Heraude Agrippa.
This Ascalonite was he þat regned in Jerusalem at Cristis birth whech comaunded all þoo innocentis to be slayn þat Crist schuld be ded amongis hem. Antipas was he þat killid Seynt Jon þe Baptiste. And Agrippa was he þat killid Seynt Jame and prisoned Seint Petir, of whos cheynes in þat same place1 we haue now take on hande to speke.
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Chapter 13
189
Chapter 13 The station at San Pietro in Vincoli The station on the Monday after the first Sunday in Lent is at San Pietro in Vincoli, where the chain that Peter was shackled with in Jerusalem is shown; pilgrims kiss it and put it round their necks. I have found a lot written about this place and it is long, so I shall abridge it here. We read that after Christ’s ascension Peter still lived at Jerusalem and in the country round about. St Paul bears witness to this in his Letter to the Galatians, which says that Paul went shortly after his conversion to Jerusalem to see Peter and stayed with him for fifteen days. So Peter, living at Jerusalem and preaching the faith of Our Lord, caused offence to the Jews, who hated Christ, and out of malice they accused him before Herod, who had been made ruler of that country ( Judaea) by the gift of Gaius, who was then emperor of Rome. This Herod first killed St James, brother of St John the Evangelist, and when he noticed that he pleased the Jews by this deed, he set a watch ready to capture Peter, captured him and shackled him in prison with chains, assigned many men to watch over him, but he was still miraculously rescued by an angel, as is written in the Acts of the Apostles. And this same chain that the angel released is the very one that is held in such veneration at Rome. But since there is a lot of inaccuracy as to which Herod did this deed, for there were three of them, I will briefly write a rule that I found in verse, so that men may know when they reigned and what they did in their time. These are the verses: Ascalonita necat pueros Antipa Johannem Agrippa Jacobum claudens in carcere Petrum.
This is the meaning of these verses: There were three Herods reigning one by one, one of them was called Herod Ascalonita, the second Herod Antipas, the third Herod Agrippa.
This Herod Ascalonita was the one who reigned in Jerusalem at Christ’s birth and ordered all the holy innocents to be killed so that Christ would be amongst them. Herod Antipas was the one who killed St John the Baptist. And Herod Agrippa was the one who killed St James and imprisoned St Peter, whose chains in this very place we have now undertaken to talk about.
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Who þan þat þese cheynes cam to Rome it is told in eld bokys. The doutyr to Theodosius þe emperour called Eudosia, aftir tyme þat sche was delyuered of a wikkid spirit be presens of Seynt Steuene whan he cam first to Rome, as we told before in þe chapeter of Seynt Laurens, þis same woman þus delyuered went on pylgrimage onto Jerusalem to worchip þere þe holy steppes of Crist. And because sche was grete of birth and held þere grete houshold sche drow mech folk to hir aqweyntaunce, but in special o Jew was þere whech sche had take to grete familiarité. He told hir of þe cheynes whech Seynt Petyr was bound with, and whan he say þat sche desired hem he brout hem onto hir and ʒaue hem as for a grete ʒift. Than cam sche to Rome with þis relik and had a grete councell with þe pope Pelagius what schuld be do with þese cheynes for þei both desired þat þere schuld be a special place and special solempnité consecrate onto hem. Than was þere in Rome before þat tyme a grete haliday þe first day of August in worchip of Octauiane, whech solempnité myth not esily be distroyed. Tho mad þis woman þis cherch and þe pope ordeyned þat al þat solempnité whech was doo in worchip of Octauiane schuld be turned to worchip of Seynt Petir. The cheyne þat cam fro Jerusalem fro Heraudis prison was brout be þis woman and offered þere. The pope broute þe same cheyne whech Petir was bounde with at comaundment of Nero, and whann þei were both broute togidir sodeynly be myracle þe o cheyne was fast onto þe oþir as þou þei had be wrouth so, and þus þei perseuer into þis same day. Anoþir cause of þis fest is told þat Pope Alisaundre, whech was þe sext pope fro Seint Petir, was in prison for Cristis cause and on Qwyrine was his keper. So þis couenaunt was betwixe hem both þat Qwyrine schuld dobil his cheynes þat he was bounde with and schet al þe dores of þe prison, and if he myth that nyth come to his hous he schuld beleue in Crist. Thus was he Alisaundre be an aungel meruelously delyueryd fro prison and appered onto hem and þei mad ful promisse to be baptized. Tho þei prayed him for helth of her doutyr whech was meruelously seek. And he comaunded hem þat sche schuld go to his prison in whech he was and kisse his cheynes and soo schuld sche be hool. Quyryne seid onto him ageyn: ‘Schal sche go þidir and not fynde þe1 þere’, and he answerd: ‘He þat brout me þens be myracle schal lede me ageyn be þat same mene’.
fo 389r
The mayde cam and fond | [þe] pope in prison, and whan sche wold a kissid his cheynes he comaunded hir to seke þe cheynes of Seynt Petir amd kisse hem, so did sche and was hol. For þis special myracle þis same pope ordeyned þis fest to be solempnyzed in þe Cherch. Many myracles haue be doo with þese same cheynis as is openly declared in many bokes of whech we haue no leiser to speke now. þe] suprascript
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Chapter 13
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The story of how these chains came to Rome is told in old books. After Emperor Theodosius II’s daughter (recte wife) Licinia Eudoxia had been made to yield up an evil spirit by the presence of St Stephen when he first came to Rome, as we already described in the chapter on St Laurence, this very woman so freed went on pilgrimage to Jerusalem to worship there (by following) Christ’s footsteps. And since she was pregnant and held court there she attracted many people to her friendship, but in particular a Jew was there whom she took into her companionship. He told her of the chains with which St Peter was shackled, and when he saw that she wanted them he brought them to her and gave them to her as a great gift. Then she came to Rome with this relic and had a long consultation with Pope Pelagius I as to what should be done with these chains, for they both wished that there should be a special place and a special religious festival for them. Before that time there was in Rome an important holiday in honour of Octavian on the first day of August, a feast-day that could not easily be taken away. Then this woman built this church and the pope decreed that all the celebration that was observed in honour of Octavian should be transferred to the honour of Peter. The chain that came from Herod’s prison in Jerusalem was brought by this woman and offered there. The pope brought the chain that Peter was shackled with on the orders of Nero, and when the two were brought together, suddenly the one chain was miraculously fastened to the other as though they had been so wrought, and so they remain unto this day. Another reason for this feast-day is recorded: that Pope St Alexander I, who was the sixth pope after Peter, was in prison for Christ’s sake and his guard was one Quirinus. So there was this agreement between them that Quirinus was to double the chains Alexander was shackled with and shut all the doors of the prison, and if that night Alexander could come to Quirinus’s house he would believe in Christ. So Alexander was miraculously released from prison by an angel and appeared before them (Quirinus’s household) and they made a full undertaking to be baptized. Then they prayed for the health of Quirinus’s daughter, who was terribly ill. And Alexander told them that she should go to the prison where he was and kiss his chains, and so she would be cured. Quirinus replied to him: ‘Is she to go there and not find you there?’. And he answered, ‘He who brought me from there miraculously shall lead me back miraculously’.
The girl came and found the pope in prison, and when she would have kissed his chains he ordered her to seek the chains of St Peter and kiss them, which she did and was cured. On account of this particular miracle this pope ordered this feast-day to be celebrated in the Church. Many miracles have been performed by means of these chains, as is openly expounded in many books, but we do not have the leisure to speak about that now.
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Of þe stacioun at Seynt Anastase.
Capitulum XIIII.
The Tewisday aftir þe first Sunday is þe stacion at Seynt Anastase, a fayr cherch fast be Seynt Georges, but it is but seldom used as I suppose. This Anastase was a woman of grete possessioun and leuyd in grete perfeccion, as hir Lif telleth. Pretaxatus, a worthi man of Rome he was hir fader and Fausta hir modir. This same Fausta was conuerted to Crist be mediacion of a holy bischop þei cleped Crisogonus. Eke þis same Anastasia fro þe tyme þat sche coude speke was induced onto þe feith, hir fader dwellyng still in his paganité. So whan sche cam to womannes age sche was constreyned be hir frendis to be weddid to on Publius, a rich mannes child but of ful euel condiciones. Sche þus weddid, a Cristen woman onto a hethen man, wold not comoun with him in fleschly comunicacioun, but feyned hirsellue seek þat schuld undir þat colour abstine fro his bed. And whan he had aspied þat sche was a Cristen woman, an who sche wold in ful febil aray only with o mayde visite þe prisones in whech Cristen men wer putte and refrecch hem plenteuously with hir goodis, anon þis wikkid husbond sperd hir in a prison and ordeyned þat sche schuld neithir haue mete ne drynk, desiring þat sche schuld deye for hungir, þat he myth aftir hir deth entir into hir nobel possessioun and spend it in ryot and1 reuel as he had don his owne. Thus is þis woman in prison withoute consolacioun saue þat sche sent certeyn letteris onto Seint Grisogonus and he sent ageyn to hir episteles of ful holy councell as men may rede in his Lif, and perauenture whan we schul speke of him we wil reherse hem þere. Thus aftir grete tribulacioun þis woman had sumwhat of hir desire, for hir husbond deyed and sche with swech godes as were left ful plenteuously ded elmesse for Cristis sake. Than was sche aftir þis brout before a juge and accused þat sche was Cristen. The juge say þe beuté of hir and vndirstood weel þat sche was bore to grete lyflode, he led hir into a priuy chambir in purpose for to defile hir þere. Anon as þei were alone sodeynly he was blynd and eke þerto swech maner maledye fell upon him þat withinne a litil while he deyed in his seruauntis armes. Than was sche broute onto anoþir juge and he seid onto hir in councell: Anastase, if þou wil be a Cristen woman do as Crist bad þe, ʒyue awey al þi good and folow him in pouerté.
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Chapter 14
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Chapter 14 The Station at Santa Anastasia The station on the Tuesday after the first Sunday of Lent is at Santa Anastasia, a beautiful church near San Giorgio in Velabro, but I guess it is seldom used. Anastasia was a woman of great wealth and lived a life of spiritual purity, as her Life says. Her father was a man of high standing in Rome called Praetextatus and her mother was St Fausta, who was converted to Christ by the good offices of a holy bishop they called St Chrysogonus. Anastasia too, from the time she could speak, was initiated into the faith, her father resting still in his pagan state. When she arrived at womanhood she was obliged by her friends to be married to one Publius, son of a rich man but of evil disposition. She, a Christian woman so married to a heathen man, would not have sexual intercourse with him, but pretended to be ill so that under that pretext she had to absent herself from his bed. And when he realized that she was a Christian woman, who in shabby clothes with just one maid would visit the prisons in which Christian men were put, and comfort them generously with her riches, straightaway this wicked husband locked her in a prison and ordered that she should have neither food nor drink; he wished that she would die of hunger, so that after her death he could access her noble wealth and spend it on debauchery and revelry as he had done with his own. So this woman is in prison without comfort, except that she sent letters to St Chrysogonus and he sent back to her letters full of divine advice, as men may read in his Life, and perhaps when we write about him we shall explain about him there. So after great suffering this woman had something of her desire, for her husband died, and with such possessions as were left she distributed alms abundantly for Christ’s sake. Then after this she was brought before a judge and accused of being Christian. The judge saw her beauty and understood very well that she had been born to great social status; he led her into a private room with intent to rape her there. As soon as they were alone suddenly he was blind and on top of that such an illness overcame him that within a short time he died in his servants’ arms. Then she was brought before another judge and he said to her in confidence: Anastasia, if you are a Christian woman, do as Christ commanded you, give away all your possessions and follow him in poverty.
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Sche answerd him on þis wise: fo 389v
Crist bad me gyue my good for his | sake not to rich men but to pore men. Therfor because þou art rich I schuld gretly doo ageyn my Lordis comaundment if I ʒoue my godes to þe.
Than comaunded þe juge þei schuld lede hir to prison and lete hir deye þere for hungir. In whech prison a virgine whech was martir but fewe dayes before fed hir with heuenely mete too monthis. Aftir þat tyme passed sche and too hundred maydenis were exiled out of Rome to certeyn yles whech be cleped Insule Palmarie because many palmes growe þere. And not long aftir þe same juge went þidir and put hem all to þe deth but Anastase he ded bynde to a tre þat sche schuld be brent, where sche comendid hir soule to God and so deyid longe or þe fire brent ony grete part of hir. A worthi man gat hir body and biried it at Rome as many men suppose.
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And she replied to him as follows: Christ told me to give my possessions for his sake not to rich men but to poor men. Therefore, since you are rich I would gravely go against my Lord’s commandment if I gave my possessions to you.
The judge ordered that they should put her in prison and let her die there of hunger. In this prison a virgin who had been martyred a few days earlier fed her with heavenly food for two months. After that time had passed she and two hundred maidens were exiled from Rome to particular islands that are called Insule Palmarie ‘the Pontine Islands’, because many palm-trees grow there. And not long after that the same judge went there and put them all to death, but he tied Anastasia to a tree so that she would be burnt, whereupon she commended her soul to God and so she died long before the fire burnt much of her. An honourable man fetched her body and buried it at Rome, as many men presume.
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Of þe stacion at Sancta Maria Major.
Capitulum XV.
The Wednisday aftir þe first Sunday is þe stacion at a cherch þei clepe Sancta Maria Major, of whech we spoke of before and told all þe writyngis whech we founde þere. But neuerþelasse for perfeccion of þe book we wil plant in sum notable processe whech fel in þis place. The holi doctor Seynt Gregory in his book of Omelies telleth a notable processe of a woman whech haunted mech þis cherch, and þis tale is in þe fourty omelie of his book, þat is to sey þe last. There was an elde woman in Rome swech tyme as he1 leued in monasterie before he was pope. This woman hith as he seith Redempta. Sche had joyned onto hir in felauchip too ʒong women of gode condiciones, whech were onto hir disciples. On of hem hith Romula, of þe oþir he seith he knew þe fas but not þe name. All þre leued þus in good lif in a hous fast be þis cherch of Seynt Mary and euery day were þei in þat place with deuoute contemplacioun and in ful despect habite. So aftir many ʒeres þus spent in holy lyf þis Romula fel into greuous siknesse swech as þei clepe þe peralisé, whech encresed upon hir þat eche lost all þe use of hir membris. Thus lay sche many ʒeris wel blessed of God, for þe more seknesse sche had þe more paciens had sche. On a day sche cleped hir maystresse onto hir and eke hir felaw and prayed hem to sitte by hir in felauchip to hir coumfort. Euene as þe sitte by hir þei herd grete melodye in þe hous and felt sote sauour, of whech þei felt neuer ere, and bisily þei gunne loke on þis woman whech lay þus long sek, for þei supposed verily þat sche knew more of swech þingis þan þei. Tho þe seek woman seid onto hem þese wordes: Beth not aferd for I schal not deye þese four dayes.
fo 390r
The fourt day sche cleped hem ageyn and prayed hem þat þe prest myth come and ministir onto hir þe holy sacrament. So was it do indede and aftir þat ministery fulfillid þei herd þe same noyse again and felt þe same sauour, moreouyr2 | þei herd in þe strete as it had be too sundry qweres, on of men, anothir of women, singing ful swetly, and in al þis swete melodye þei loked at Romula and hir soule was passed and goo. This tellith Seint Gregorie to þis conclusioun, þat þei þat seme wrecchid are sumtyme fulder worthi with God, and we rehersid þis to þis ende to magnifying of þis cherch whech þese women most used.
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Chapter 15
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Chapter 15 The station at Santa Maria Maggiore The station on the Wednesday after the first Sunday in Lent is at Santa Maria Maggiore, which we wrote about earlier and recounted all the inscriptions that we found there. Nevertheless for the sake of the book’s balance and completeness we will insert some notable subject-matter at this point. In his book of Homilies the holy doctor of the Church St Gregory tells a notable story about a woman (Redempta) who frequented this church a lot, and this story is in the fortieth homily in his book, that is to say the last. At the time when he lived in the monastery, before he was pope, there was an old woman in Rome called, as he says, Redempta. She had united with her in companionship two young women of good disposition who were her acolytes: one of them was called Romula; he said he knew the face of the other but not the name. All three lived in a pure state of life in a house near this church of Santa Maria Maggiore, and they were in that church every day in humble clothing to practise devout religious meditation. After many years spent so in holy living this Romula fell victim to a serious illness called paralysis, which intensified within her so that she completely lost the use of her limbs. So she lay for many years much blessed by God, for the greater the illness the greater her patience. One day she called her mistress and her companion to her and asked them to sit by her for her consolation. Just when they were sitting by her they heard a loud melody in the house and sensed a sweet smell, which they had never experienced before, and they eagerly proceeded to gaze at this woman who had been long sick, for they thought that she knew more of such things than they did. Then the sick woman spoke these words to them: Do not be afraid, for I shall not die in the next four days.
The fourth day she called them again and begged them that the priest would come and administer the holy sacrament to her. So it was done indeed, and after the administration of the last sacrament they heard the same tune again and sensed the same smell, moreover they heard from the street what sounded like two separate choirs, one of men, another of women, singing sweetly, and in the midst of this sweet melody they looked at Romula and her soul had passed away. St Gregory tells this story with this inference, that those who seem unfortunate are sometimes more greatly valued by God, and we reported this for the purpose of enhancing the fame of this church that these women used most.
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Of þe stacion at Seint Laurens Panisperne.
Capitulum XVI.
Anothir stacioun is þere on þe Þursday aftir þe first Sunday of Lenton at a cherch Þei clepe Seint Laurens Panisperne. This place as I suppose was cleped so for gret plenté of bred mad þere. For panis in her tonge is breed and perna or perne soundith as fatnesse, whech fatnesse with a maner of a transumpcion is used in our langage for plenté, as we say a fat lond whech is plenteuous of birden. This place clepid þus Panisperne was a place in whech mech bred was mad and many ouenes used, for in on of þoo ouenes, as þei sey þere, whech ouene lesteth þere at þis tyme, was Seynt Laurens rostid. A gret merueyle to me growith in þis mater. Summe sey he was rosted on þe white ston þat stant at Seynt Laurens, and þat suppose I best, for a man may ʒet se þe places where þe grees and þe flesch of him fried and þis ston is not smal to put esily in a ouene, for it is as mech as a comoun graueston. Summe sey þat he was rosted on a gridel of yrun, of whech many parties lesten ʒet in Rome and are kissid with ful grete reuerens for touching of holy body. Summe sey þat he was leyd in a1 ouene. I may weel beleue þat his tormentis were chaunged now to o peyne now to anoþir and þus at dyuers chaunges had he dyuers tormentis and all in fyr. In confirmacioun of myn opynion is þat first I rede in his Lyf þat þei took grete brennyng plates of yrun and leyd hem to his sides. I rede also þat Decius seid onto him þat al þat nyth schuld be spent in tormentrie2 of his body, whech soundith onto my eres þat þere was chaunge of tormentrye. In his Lif eke is red who Decius comaunded a bed of yrun to be brout forth in whech Laurens schuld rest. This bed of yrun is clepid þe gridil. And I suppose veryly þat if I had now at hand þe grete book of martires whech is cleped Passionarium I schuld fynde mo testimonies for myn oppinioun. Suffiseth as now þat oure deuocioun be enclined onto þe treuthis whech þe Cherch of Rome prechid, both of þe ston whech is hald in grete reuerens and stant in þe principal part of þe hed cherch of him, euene on þe rith hand of þe popes sete, and eke of þe ouene whech is anexid to a cherch of his name and ful wel hillid aboue, in whech cherch eke are ful good women lyuyng solitarie lif in her contemplacioun. Many oþir relikes are schewid in þis cherch, of whech I haue now no3 fresch rememberauns, for I wrote hem nowt for þe prees þat was þere.
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Chapter 16
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Chapter 16 The station at San Lorenzo in Panisperna There is another station on the Thursday after the first Sunday in Lent at San Lorenzo in Panisperna. I guess this place was so called because of the great abundance of bread made there. For panis in their language is ‘bread’ and perna or perne means ‘fatness’, a word that by a kind of metaphor is used in our language for ‘abundance’, as we say a ‘fat’ land that is abundant in crop. This placed called Panisperna was a place where a lot of bread was made and many ovens used, for, as they say there, St Laurence was roasted in one of those ovens, an oven that still remains there at this time. A notable cause for puzzlement arises in me regarding this matter. Some say he was roasted on the white slab that is at San Lorenzo fuori le Mura, and I guess that is best, for one can still see the places where his fat and his flesh fried, and this stone is not so small as to be put in an oven easily, for it is as large as a common gravestone. Some say that he was roasted on a griddle of iron, many parts of which still survive in Rome and are kissed with great devotion as if touching the holy body. Some say he was laid in an oven. I could easily believe that his torments were varied, now from one punishment now to another, and when such variation occurred he suffered different torments, and all in fire. The following points support my opinion. First, I read in his Life that they took large plates of burning hot iron and laid them against his flanks. Secondly I read that Decius said to him that he would spend the whole night under the infliction of physical pain on his body, which to my mind means there was a succession of torments. Thirdly it can also be read in his Life how Decius ordered a bed of iron to be brought forth, on which Laurence was to lie down. This bed of iron is called the griddle. And I believe truly that if I had the great book of martyrs that is called Passionarium ‘On the Passions’ to hand, I would find more supporting evidence for my opinion. Suffice it for now that our piety is sympathetic to the truths that the Church of Rome promulgated, both of the stone slab that is held in high honour and stands on the right hand of the pope’s seat in the main part of the most important church dedicated to him, and also of the oven that is joined to a church dedicated to him and well covered over; in this church also are excellent women living solitary lives of divine contemplation. Many other relics are shown in this church, which I cannot now recall, as I did not write them down on account of the great crowd that was there.
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part II
Of þe stacion at þe twelue Aposteles.
Capitulum XVII.
The Friday in þe first weke of Lenton is þe stacion at a cherch dedicat to þe twelue Aposteles. There is part of þe bodies of Philippe and Jacob but in special þere is schewid þe arme of Seint Philippe al hool. There ly þe bodies eke of þese martires, Basilidis, Cirini, Naboris, Nazarii and Celsi, Victoris and Innocencii. This Philippe was martired in Surry and aftir translate to Rome and þis James martired at Jerusalem and eke brout to Rome. Of þese seyntis Basilidis, Cirini and Naboris fynde we but litil writyng but þat þei were ded for Cristis sake in a cyté þei clepe Ebredunensis and aftirward in tyme of pees translate to Rome. Of þis Nazarius and eke of Celsus fynde we þus wrytyn: that þis Nazarius was bore in Rome, his fadir hith Affricanus his modir Perpetua, both were þei baptized be þe handis of Seynt Petir. He himselue was baptized and lerned in þe feith be þe labour of Seynt Clement. Aftir good instruccioun of Seynt Clement he went þrow all Ytailé be Placens and Melane and so ouyr þe mountis til he cam in Frauns euyr preching þe feith of Our Lord Jhesu. And in Fraunce in a cyté þei clepe Cunelle a worþi woman of þe town toke hir child onto his lernyng whech þei clepe Celsus, whom he baptized and taute him þe feith, and so forth both þei went up into Itailé where he prechid þe name of Crist, for whech preching Nero comaunded þat he schuld be led in a schip into þe myddis of þe see and þere þrowe in. So was he seruyd and Celsus eke. The tempest roos aftirward whech was likly to ouyrturne þe schip, and þei whech were in þe schip sey þese seyntis walkyng on þe see and cryed ful sore on þis wise: We haue synned ageyn þe God of Nazarius, wherfore we schul dey.
And to þe seynt þe cried þus: Thou holy man Nazarius help us in our nede and we schul lede þe to what hauene þou wilt.
He answerd ageyn: Beleue ʒe þat my God may saue ʒou?
They seide þei beleued. Tho entred he þe schip and blessed hem1 in Cristis name and charged hem to kepe hem fro þe doctrine of Nero deueles. Sone aftir sesed þe tempest and þei sette him upon þe lond, where he went and prechid as he ded hem] suprascript
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Chapter 17
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Chapter 17 The station at Santi Apostoli The station on the Friday in the first week of Lent is at Santi Apostoli. Parts of the bodies of Philip and James are there but in particular the complete arm of St Philip is shown there. The bodies of the following martyrs also rest there: St Basilides, St Quirinus, St Nabor, SS Nazarius and Celsus, St Victor the Moor and (?) St Innocent. This Philip was martyred in Syria and later conveyed to Rome and this James was martyred in Jerusalem and also brought to Rome. We find little writing about these saints Basilides, Quirinus and Nabor except that they died for Christ’s sake in a city called Embrun (Haute-Alpes), and later in peacetime they were conveyed to Rome. We find this written about Nazarius, and Celsus too: that this Nazarius was born in Rome, his father was called Affricanus and his mother Perpetua, both of whom were baptized at the hands of St Peter. Nazarius himself was baptized and taught the faith by the assiduity of St Clement. After receiving good instruction from St Clement he travelled right through Italy via Piacenza and Milan and so over the mountains till he arrived in France, always preaching the faith of Our Lord Jesus. And in France, in a city called Cunelle, a noble woman of the town gave her child, whom they call Celsus, to his instruction, and he baptized him and taught him the faith, and so they both went up into Italy, where he preached the name of Christ (as an object of worship), on account of which Nero ordered that he should be taken by ship into the middle of the sea and thrown in there. That is how he was treated, and Celsus too. Afterwards a storm arose that was likely to overturn the ship, and those in the ship saw these saints walking on the sea and cried out loudly so: We have sinned against the God of Nazarius, on account of which we shall die.
And they cried to the saint as follows: Nazarius, you holy man, help us in our need and we will take you to whatever harbour you want.
He replied: Do you believe that my God can save you?.
They said they believed. Then he boarded the ship and blessed them in the name of Christ and directed them to protect themselves against the precepts of Nero’s demons. Soon after the storm abated and they put him down on land, where
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before. Thus cam he to Melan where he fond in prison Geruase and Prothase whose confort he was euery day. This aspied of on Anolinus, whech had banched hem þe cité, anon at þe precept of Nero he comaunded hem to be heded.
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he went and preached as he did before. So he arrived at Milan where he found Gervase and Prothase, to whom he provided relief every day. Anubinus, who had banned them from the city, saw this and straightaway at Nero’s command he ordered them to be beheaded.
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Of þe stacion at Seynt Petir cherch.
fo 391r
Capitulum XVIII.
The Satirday in þe first weke is þe stacioun at Seynt Petir cherch, of whech we spoke mech before, but sum pety þingis left we forto plant in whanne þe staciounes come for conueniens of þe book. There is a place joyned to þat cherch whech þei clepe Vaticanus. | Vaticanus was a hous in þe hethen lawe, in whech hous þe prestes of þat lawe had answere of certeyn materes of whech þei made inquisicion. For vates in Latyn tunge is as mech to sey as a ‘prophete’, and canus is ‘eld’, so it soundith an ‘elde prophete’. Perauenture þe deueles wold not ʒeue answere but to her elde seruauntes to cause þe oþir ʒunger men to dwelle þe more stabily in her errouris with gret desire to come sumtyme to knowlech of swech priuy þingis. This place is sumtyme in many legendes cleped1 In Monte Vaticano ‘In þe Mount Vaticane’, and þe cause is for it stant hanging on a hill. It is also cleped In Templo Apollinis for Appollo is þe sunne and þis temple was in special consecrate to þe sunne. In þis same place whech is cleped Vaticanus was Seynt Petir byried, and many oþir popes as her legendis bere witnesse for Linus þat was pope next Seynt Petir he was byried þere first and aftir translate be on called Gregory, bischop of Hostie, onto þat same place. Cletus his successour was byried þere alsoo, and so was Anacletus, Euaristus, Sixtus, Thellophorus, Iginius and Pius, and many oþir mo whech made þe place of ful grete fame.
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Chapter 18
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Chapter 18 The station at San Pietro The station on the Saturday in the first week of Lent is at San Pietro, which we said a lot about above, but for the conformity of the book we left some small things to insert when the stations come round. There is a place annexed to the church that they call Vaticanus. In the heathen law Vaticanus was a house in which the priests of that law received answers regarding certain subjects they made enquiries about. For vates in Latin means ‘a prophet’, and canus is ‘old’, so it means ‘an old prophet’. Perhaps the demons would only give their answers to the old servants in order to cause the younger men to stay fixed in their erroneous ways the more steadfastly, and with a great desire to acquire knowledge of such secret things at some time in the future. In many collections of saints’ lives this place is sometimes called In Monte Vaticano ‘On Mount Vatican’, and the reason for this is that it is situated on the side of a hill. It is also called In Templo Apollonis ‘(built) on the temple of Apollo’, for Apollo is the sun and this temple was consecrated to the sun in particular. In this very place that is called Vaticanus St Peter was buried, and many other popes too, as their hagiographies testify, for Linus, who was pope in succession to St Peter, was buried there first and later conveyed to the same place (as St Peter) by Gregory, bishop of Ostia. St (Ana)Cletus, his successor, was buried there too, and so was St Evaristus, St Sixtus II, St Telesphorus, St Iginus and St Pius I, and many more who made the great hall of fame.
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Of þe stacion at Sancta Maria in Dominica.
fo 391v
Capitulum XIX.
The secunde Sunday of Lenton is þe stacioun at a cherch of Our Lady, þei clepe it Sancta Maria in Dompnica; þe place is cleped so as I suppose in þese eld bokes because þe stacioun falleth on þe Sunday. For at þis day þe Romanes clepe it anoþir name, Sancta Maria in Nauicellis. And þis is þe cause whi þei clepe it soo, as þei sei þere. Before þe dore of þis cherch stant a boot al of marbil as weel mad as þouʒ it were tymbir with ribbis and round holis where þe ores schuld goo and nauis in her langage is a ‘schip’, and nauicella a ‘litil schip’, whech we clepe a boot, and of þis same nauicelle berith þat cherch his name at þis day. Dyuers opiniones herd I þere of þis schip, summe seid þat a certeyn seynt cam be myracle rowyng to Rome in þat same, but þe seyntes name þei told not ne mech othir þing whech I inqwyryd. Othir men seid þat þe Vernicle cam in þe same schip ouyr þe se fro Jerusalem, probacioun ne writyng alegged þei non, and þerfor ʒe schul haue þese opiniones rith as I haue. I may wel beleue þat be þe grete powere of God a ston myth flete on þe watir, but wheithir þis ston ded so or nowt I put it in dout. We rede weel þat at þe comaundment of þe prophete Helyse a grete exes-hed fleted in þe watir, whech was not agayn kynde as seith Seint Austin in þe secund book De mirabilibus sacrae scripturae, for þe watir as he seith þere is more myty forto bere an heuy þing þan is þe eyir. For grete trees þat þe eyir wil not bere þe watir wil bere hem. So þat þe watir aftir his inuestigacioun hath nature of þe eyir in partie and in partie nature of þe erde. For he himselue asayed þis þing whech I schal telle ʒou. A grete ston þrowyn in þe watir | teyid with a rop whech to men myth not meue ne draw scarsely whan it lay on þe erde o man schal meue it esely whan it is in þe watir. Wherfor þis doctour concludith þat a ston or yrun to flete is not ageyn kynde but partie it is born be kynde and party born be myracle.
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Chapter 19 The station at Santa Maria in Domnica The station on the second Sunday of Lent is at a church of Our Lady called Santa Maria in Domnica; I guess the place is so called in these old books because the station falls on a Sunday. To this day the Romans call it by another name, Sancta Maria in Navicellis ‘St Mary of the Boat’. And this is the reason why they call it so, as they say there. In front of the door of this church there stands a boat made of marble, so well carved as to look as though it were made of wood, with rib-framework and round holes where the oars should go, and navis in their language is ‘a ship’, and navicella ‘a little ship’, which we call a boat, and the church bears the same name to this day, (now) Santa Maria della Navicella, I heard various views there about this boat: some said that a certain saint arrived miraculously by rowing to Rome in that very boat, but they did not reveal the name of the saint, nor several other matters when I asked; other men said that the Veronica arrived over the sea from Jerusalem in that same boat, but they cited no proof or written confirmation, so therefor you can have these opinions the same as I have. I may well believe that by the mighty power of God a stone might fly over the water, but I am doubtful as to whether this particular stone did. We read that by the commandment of the prophet Elisha a large axe-head flew on the water, which was not against nature, as Augustinus Hibernicus says in the second book of De mirabilibus sacrae scripturae ‘On the Marvels of Sacred Scripture’, for as he says there, water is stronger than air to bear the weight of a heavy object. For water will bear the weight of large trees but the air will not. So on foot of his analysis water has partly the nature of air and partly the nature of earth. For he himself tried this phenomenon out, as I shall tell you. A great stone attached to a rope, which two men could not move, nor scarcely drag along when it lay on the earth, one man will move easily when it is in the water. Wherefore this learned man concludes that for a stone or piece of iron to fly is not against nature, but partly it is held up by nature and partly by miracle.
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Of þe stacion at Seynt Clement cherch.
Capitulum XX.
The Munday in þe secunde weke is þe stacion at a cherch of Seynt Clement, in whech cherch restith his body, and þese bodies of Seint Ignace þe martir, Seint Lazare, Seynt Ciriak and oþir moo. There is schewid eke þe stole of Seint Clement, his chales and mech oþir þing. Of þis same pope wil we telle ʒou sum þingis whech are in doute amongis many men. For summe sey þat he was pope next Petir, and summe sey þat too were before him. Also his Legend seith þat he was biried in þe se and lith þere onto þis day, and þis book seith he lith at Rome. Al þis þing wil ask declaracioun.
As for þe first mater ʒe schal undirstand þat Seynt Petir whil he leued chase to prestes of his, þe on hith Linus þe oþir hith Cletus and mad hem his vikeris general, graunting hem power, on withinne þe wallis of Rome, þe oþir withoute, to gouerne þe Cristen puple. And þis was þe cause whi he ded þus, for he wold haue mor leiser to contemplacioun and to conuercioun of þe puple. But whan he schuld deye he took Clement be þe hand and comitted onto him þe flok whech Criste had comitted to him. Al þis is conteyned in a epistel whech þe same Clement wrote onto Seynt Jame, bischop of Jerusalem. But whann Petir was ded1 Clement wold algate preferr þese too men before him because þei had so grete power in his maistires time. And þis meknesse of Clement was gretely alowid of hem þat were þan postes of þe Cherch. So Linus reyned eleuen ʒere and certeyn dayes and Cletus regned oþir eleuen ʒere. And Clement aftir hem nyne ʒere and certeyn dayes. This is þe treuth of þis mater.
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As touchyng þe oþir poynt, who þat he cam to Rome, ʒe schul vndirstand þat aftir tyme he had conuerted mech puple in Rome he was exiled be comaundment of Trajane þe emperour onto an yle where many Cristen men were exiled and, aftir he had þere do many myracles and bylid many cherches, Trajane sent þidir a duke whech comaunded þat schipmen schuld take and lede him into þe depe of þe see, teye an ankyr aboute his nek and þrowe him into þe see þat Cristen men schuld not worchip his body as a god. Thus was it doo i-dede but too of his disciples Cornelius and Phebus kneled on þe brynk and prayed Our Lord þat þei myth see þe body of þis martir. And sodeynly þe se be thre myle withdrow him and þei all went on þe bare sond tyl þei came þere he was þrowe, where þei fonde a hous al of marbill arayed be þe handis of aungelis and his body resting þerin. | Tho had þei a reuelacioun þat þei schuld not bere him awey. And þus euery ʒere seuene ded] suprascript
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Chapter 20
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Chapter 20 The station at San Clemente The station on the Monday of the second week of Lent is at San Clemente, where his body lies, as well as the bodies of St Ignatius the martyr, Lazarus, St Cyriacus and others. Also St Clement’s stole is shown there, his chalice and many other things. We will tell you some things about this pope that are considered doubtful by many men. For some say that he was pope after Peter, and some say that there were two popes intervening between Peter and Clement. Also his Life says that he was buried at sea and lies there to this day, and this book says that he is buried at Rome. This whole matter will require explanation. Regarding the first topic you must understand that while he was alive St Peter elevated two of his priests, one called Linus, the other called Cletus, and made them his deputies, granting them power to rule Christian people, one within the walls of Rome, the other outside the walls. And the reason he did this was so that he would have more time for contemplation and for converting the people. But when he was about to die he took Clement by the hand and entrusted to him the collective family of the Church that Christ had entrusted to him. All this is contained in a Letter that the same Clement wrote to St James, bishop of Jerusalem. But when Peter died Clement would in any event prefer these two men to precede him because they had such great power in his master’s time. And this humility of Clement’s was greatly commended by those who were then pillars of the Church. So Linus reigned eleven years and some days, and Cletus reigned another eleven years. And after them Clement reigned nine years and some days. This is the truth of this matter. Regarding the second topic, how his body came to Rome, you must understand that after he had converted many people in Rome, on the orders of Emperor Trajan, he was exiled to an island where many Christian men were exiled, and after he performed many miracles there and built many churches, Trajan sent a captain there who ordered that sailors should arrest him and convey him out into the deep sea, tie an anchor round his neck and throw him into the sea, so that Christian men would not be able to honour his body as a god. So it was done indeed, but two of his followers, Cornelius and Phoebus, knelt on the seashore and prayed Our Lord that they might see the body of this martyr. And suddenly the sea retreated three miles and they all went out on the open sand till they came to where he was thrown, where they found a marble shrine fitted out by the hands of angels and his body resting inside. Then they had a revelation that they should
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dayes at his feest was þe se þus bare onto þat day þat þis Legend was wrytin and sumwhat aftir. In Justinianes tyme þe emperour and in Pope Nicholas tyme þe first, an holy man cleped Seint Cyrille brout þis body oute of þe se be reuelacion and leyd it at þe cherch of his name. Eke þe same Cyrille within fewe dayed dyed and is biried in þe same cherch doying many miracles.
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not take him away. And so every year (the sand usually covered by) the sea was open for seven days at his feast-day up to the day when this Life was written and a bit after. In the time of Emperor Justinian and Pope Nicholas I, a holy man called St Cyril through a revelation brought his body out of the sea and laid it to rest in the church of his name. Within a few days this same Cyril died too, and he is buried in this same church, performing many miracles.
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Off þe stacion at Seynt Balbine.
Capitulum XXI.
Anothir station is þere on þe Tewsday folowyng at a cherch þei clepe Seint Balbine; it stant on a hill in þe south side of Rome, munkis þei be as I suppose þat dwell þere and it is now þe title onto þat worþi man of þis lond cardinal and arschbiscop of Ʒork. This same Balbine was doutir to a worþi man of Rome whom þei clepid Qwyrinus. This same Qwirinus had in prison at comaundment of þe emperour a man of Rome whech had be meyr of þe cité, þei cleped him Hermes. This Qwyryn sey þis worthi man suffir prison and cheynes þus paciently for Cristis cause; he seid onto him: I haue grete wondir of þe þat hast bore swech office in þe cité and were a man endewid with grete good þat þou hast forsake þe holy religioun of our goddis and newly take a secte whech ledith all his loueres to losse of her good, slaundre of her name and orible deth.
This Hermes answerd þus ageyn: Withinne fewe ʒeres I had þe same oppinion and I scorned hem þat þus reklesly lost her good as me þout and wilfully runne onto her deth. For I supposed before þat þere was no lyf aftir þis lif, and men whan þei deyed went neythir to peyne ne to joye.
Tho þis Qwyrinus seid onto Hermes: If þou can schewe me be ony euydens þat þere is a lif aftir þis lif is spent, þan wold I encline myn eres to þi doctrine.
Hermes seid: If þou wilt goo to Alisaundre, pope of the Cristen men, he schal lerne þe þis skole bettyr þan I can.
Whan Qwyryne herd þe name of Alisaundre he cried with a loude voys and seide: Now cursed be þat prest whech hath deceyued þus many men. I seide to þe þat þou schuld be sum opin euydens or be sum trewe witnesse proue me þere is a lif after þis is do, and þou namest to me a cursed man, a renegat, a man gretely noised with wischcraft and swech oþir wrecchidnesse, for whech noyse he lith bounde in my prison. But þis schal I do for þi wordis. The wil I schette sewirly in prison and him schal I bynde with dobil cheynes and hardyly þe doris schul be schet wel inow. If he come to þe þis nyth
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Chapter 21 The station at Santa Balbina There is another station on the following Tuesday at Santa Balbina; it is situated on a hill on the south side of Rome. I guess they are monks who live there, and the title to it is now held by that illustrious man of this country, the cardinal archbishop of York. This same Balbina was daughter to an important man of Rome called Quirinus. On the orders of the emperor, Quirinus had in prison a man of Rome who had been prefect of the city, they called him Hermes. Quirinus saw this estimable man endure prison and chains patiently for Christ’s sake; he said to him: I am very surprised by you, a man who was provided with great possessions, who filled such a high position in the city, that you have abandoned the holy religion of our gods and chosen a sect that leads all its adherents to loss of their possessions, defamation of their name and horrible death.
This Hermes answered him back: A few years ago I had the same opinion, and I scorned those who, recklessly as it seemed to me, thus lost their possessions, and obstinately hastened to their death. For I thought earlier that there was no life after this life, and that when men died they went neither to suffering nor to joy.
Then this Quirinus said to Hermes: If you can show me any evidence that there is a life after this life is exhausted, then I would lend my ears to your religion.
Hermes said: If you go to Alexander I, pope of the Christian men, he will teach you this doctrine better than I can.
When Quirinus heard the name of Alexander he cried out with a loud voice and said: Cursed be that priest now who has misled so many men. I said to you that you should prove to me that there is a life after this life is ended by some open evidence or by some honourable witness, and you name me an accursed man, a traitor, a man widely accused of sorcery and other such baseness, on account of which accusation he lies bound in my prison. But I will do this in response to your words. I will lock you securely in prison and I shall shackle him with double chains and the door will be fastened firmly enough. If tonight he comes to you, or you to him, then I will believe that Christ is a
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or þou to him þan wil I beleue þat Crist is a very God and eke þat þere is anoþir lif aftir þis, swete onto his loueres and bittir onto his enmyes.
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This þing whech he supposid impossible was do indede, for at mydnyth | met þei both in fere and þan was þis Qwyryne baptized and his doutir both, cleped Balbina, whom þis same Alisaundre had cured fro greuous siknesse. Qwyryne is biried in þis same cherch and Balbine eke, but sche berith þe special name for aftir deth of hir fader as it is seid sche spent al hir patrimonie in bigging of holy places and sustenauns of pore men.
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true God and also that there is another life after this one, pleasant for his adherents and painful for his opponents.
This task, which he thought impossible, was indeed carried out, for they both met together at midnight, when Quirinus was baptized as well as his daughter Balbina, whom this Alexander had cured of a serious illness. Quirinus is buried in this very church, and Balbina too, but her name is that of the dedication because, after the death of her father, she disbursed all her inheritance, so it is said, on the erection of sacred buildings and succour of poor men.
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Of þe stacion at Seint Cecilé.
Capitulum XXII.
Wednysday in þe same weke is þe stacioun at Seint Cecilé in Transtibir. It is clepid Transtibir for Tibir goth betwix Rome and þat. For þis Transtibir is a cité wallid be þe selue on þe west side of Tibir and so is Ciuitas Leonina, of whech we spoke before in þe first capitule of þis secund part. This Transtibir hath a cherch of Our Lady ful famous and a cherch of Seynt Crisogon, a couent of þe Menouris and a hous of Chanones and a Hospital of Seint Edmund þe kyng. Now in þis capitule wil we speke of Seynt Cecilé place, a fayre cherch it is and a fayr place hanging þeron of chanones, in whech place stant ʒet þe bath in whech sche dyed. In þis cherch lith sche and Tiburcius, hir husbond Valerianus his broþir and Vrbane, as manifest writyng is þere in tablettis. This sey I for summe men seid to me þat sche lith at Seynt Gregoryes, but þe writing at Seint Cecilés is more elder þan is her writyng. Wel wote I þat sche was slayn in hir owne place and byried in cimiterio Kalixti, as writing berith witnesse in þe same cimiterie ʒet in þe hard marbil, and as me þinkith it was ful conuenient to translate hir onto hir owne place, namely whan Seynt Vrbane anon aftir hir deth consecrat hir dwelling place onto a cherch.
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Of þis glorious martir Cecilé many notabil þingis fynde we wrytyn, of whech summe wil we reherse schortly, þat þe comendacioun of þe seynt schuld not slepe, and þe labour of þe rederes schuld not be long. First rede we þat sche bare þe Gospel of Our Lord euyr at hir breest, whech wordes are dyuersly undirstand at dyuers clerkis. Summe sey þat sche bare þe Gospel materialy wrytyn in hir bosum þat sche myth rede it whan sche wold. Othir þere be whech sey þat þis þing is undirstand þus þat sche bare þe preceptis and þe counceles of Our Lord whech are writin in þe Gospel freschly in hir mynde þat sche schuld not offende God for ignoraunce. Both þingis ded sche as I suppose, þat is to sey sche þout on þe comaundmentis and councellis of Crist whech is most nedful. For þouʒ a man write or bere hem and do not þeraftir it is litil mede onto him. So þis is þe bettir part forto haue hem deuly in mynde. And þouʒ it be not þe betir part forto bere hem upon him ʒet sey we þat it is a good part. For we rede þat þe holy faderes of þe Cherch bare þe material Gospel aboute with hem where þei went. In speciale rede I of Seynt Barnabé þat he bare þe Gospell | of Mathew with him al his lyue, and whan1 he was ded it was leyd with him in þe graue and foundyn hool many ʒeres aftir in tyme of Zeno þe emperour. We rede also of an holy munk whan] suprascript
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Chapter 22
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Chapter 22 The station at Santa Cecilia in Trastévere The station on the Wednesday of the second week of Lent is at Santa Cecilia in Trastévere. It is called Transtibir because the R Tiber goes between Rome and Trastévere. For this Trastévere is a separate walled city on the western side of the Tiber, as is the Leonine City, which we dealt with above in Book II, chapter 1. Trastévere has a very famous church of Our Lady, a church of St Chrysogonus, a Franciscan friary, a house of Canons, and a hospice of St Edmund King (and Martyr). In this chapter we will now deal with Santa Cecilia in Trastévere; it is a beautiful church, to which there is a beautiful building attached for the Canons, and where the hot-tub in which she died still remains. She lies in this church together with Valerian, her husband, and Pope St Urban I, as inscriptions on tablets make openly clear there. I say this because some men said to me that St Cecilia lies at San Gregorio Magno, but the inscription at Santa Cecilia in Trastévere is older than theirs. I am quite sure that she was killed at her own place and buried in the catacombs of St Calixtus, as an inscription still testifies in hard marble at the cemetery, and it seems to me that it was very appropriate to convey her to her own place, that is to say when immediately after her death St Urban consecrated her house as a church. We find many notable things written about this glorious martyr Cecilia, some of which we will briefly summarize, so that the veneration of the saint should not lapse, and the reader’s effort should not be overstretched. Firstly we read that she always wore the Gospel of Our Lord at her breast, words that are variously interpreted by various scholars. Some say that she wore the Gospel in physical written form next to her breast so that she could read it whenever she wished. There are others who say that this statement is to be understood as meaning that she carried the divine injunctions and the holy counsels of Our Lord that are written in the Gospel freshly in her mind, so that she would not offend God out of ignorance. I guess she did both things, that is to say she thought about the injunctions and counsels of Christ, which is highly necessary. For whether a man write them or know them by heart, if he does not follow that up with corresponding action, it is little benefit to him. So the better course is this, to have them dutifully in mind. And although it is not the better course to carry them on his person, yet we say that it is a good course. For we read that the holy fathers of the Church carried the physical written Gospel about with them wherever they went. In particular, I read of St Barnabas that he carried the Gospel of St Matthew
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cleped Serapion þat he bare þe Gospel witʒ him where he went. And because þat gospell comaundeth to hem þat wil be perfith þat þei schuld ʒeue awey al her good þis man keping þis councel on þe streitest maner mad himselue naked to cloth oþir men. Thei þat met him enqwired of him who had so spoiled him and he seid þe Gospel. Al þis is seid to make prof þat it is ful likly þat þis holi martir and virgine Seint Cecilé bare aboute witʒ hir þe material Gospel. This mayde was cause of conuercioun of þese too breþer Tiburcius and Valerian and of many oþir. Sche was homely with aungeles and hardy onto þe deth, wherfor þe Cherch hath hir in ful grete reuerens both at Rome and here.
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with him all his life, and when he died it was laid in the grave with him, and many years later it was found intact at the time of Emperor Zeno. We read also of a holy monk called Serapion that he carried the Gospel with him wherever he went. And since the Gospel demands of those that would be perfect that they should give away all their possessions, this man, following this counsel in the strictest sense, made himself naked to clothe other men. Those who met him asked of him who had so robbed him and he said the Gospel. All this is said to give evidence that it is very likely that this holy martyr and virgin St Cecilia did carry the physical written Gospel about with her. This virgin was the reason for the conversion of these two brothers, Tiburtius and Valerian, and of many others. She was friendly with angels and resolute unto death, on account of which the Church holds her in great veneration both at Rome and here.
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Of þe stacion at Sancta Maria etcetera.
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Capitulum XXIII.
On þe Þursday in þat same weke is þe stacioun at a cherch of Our Lady whech þei clepe Sancta Maria Transtiberim, þat is to sey in Englisch Seynt Mari ouyr Tibur, for it stant ouir þe watir where Seint Cecilé stant. This place in eld tyme was ordeyned to refresching of knytis aftir her labour whan þei were falle in age. On þat same day þat Crist was born þere sprong in þis same place too wellis of oyle whech run all þat day plenteuously into Tibur. These too welles be ʒet þere in ful grete reuerens. But whi þese wellis schuld renne more oile þan oþir lycour is assigned þis cause amongis clerkis, for oyle þei sei signifieth mercy and þat Lord was come whech brout with him a lawe ful of mercy. Of þis conueniens betwixe oyle and mercy speke clerkis in her bokis and sey þat euene as oyle ouerspredith all maner licouris so þe mercy of Oure Lord houyth aboue all his werkis. Who may susteyne his real power or make resistens ageyn his ordinauns? Who can sey þat he is onrithful in his jugementis or ellis indiscrete in his gouernauns? Alle þese blasphemés schul we ley aside and knele to Our Lord and þank him for he hath set þe oyle of mercy before al his werkis. Wil ʒe se þe maner of makyng of oyle. Smale sedes, smale frutes are pressed ful sore þat þis swete lycour schuld be had. Crist was in þis world in reputacion of þe world but a smale frute, but whan he was pressed on þe crosse grete plenté of mercy ran owt to our redempcioun. Wil ʒe se þe excesse of þe new lawe in mercy. The persone in Moises Lawe þat gadered drye stikkis on þe halyday was stoned to þe deth. The woman in þe Newe Lawe taken openly in avoutry was preserued, and þat be þe jugement of Our Lord Jhesu, mercyfully fro þe deth. Ther was yʒe for yʒe and toth for toth and joynt for joynt. Here is þe councel of meknesse openly injoyned þat | comaundith in þis wise: if a man smyte þe on þe o cheke profir him þin oþir. Opynly crieth Salamon in his Epithalami of þe mercy of Our Lord1 spekyng in þis maner: Oyle largely spred abrod þat is þi name.
The name of Jhesu is oyle largely spred abrood, spred in heuene, spred in erde, spred in helle. In heuene he ʒeueth seyntis more joye þan euyr þei deserued. In erde he loueth men þat loue not him and doth good onto hem þat despise him. In helle he proporcioneth nowt þe peyne to þe malice of þe synne; this is our byleue þat soules in hell haue lasse peyne þan þe be worthi. Lord] suprascript, and written in the margin as well
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Chapter 23 The station at Santa Maria in Trastévere The station on the Thursday of that same week is at Santa Maria in Trastévere, that is to say in English ‘St Mary over the Tiber’, for it is situated over the water where Santa Cecilia is. In olden times this place was established to provide shelter and refreshment for soldiers when they became old after their endeavours. On the same day as Christ was born there sprang up in this place two springs of oil that flowed abundantly all day into the Tiber. These two springs are still there held in great veneration. This reason as to why these springs should issue forth more oil than other liquid is alleged amongst scholars, that oil signifies mercy, they say, and that Lord had arrived who brought with him a religion full of mercy. Scholars in their books talk about the association between oil and mercy and say that just as oil spreads over all kinds of liquid so the mercy of Our Lord floats above all his works. Who can withstand his sovereign power or make any resistance against his authority? Who can say that he is unfair in his judgements or imprudent in his manner of governing? We shall set aside all such abusive irreverence and kneel before Our Lord and thank him for giving the oil of mercy priority in all his works. I want you to see the way oil is made. Small seeds and small fruits are pressed very intensively so that this precious liquid may be obtained. In this world Christ was just a small fruit in worldly standing, but when he was pressed on the cross great abundance of mercy flowed out for our redemption. I want you to appreciate the superabundance of the new law in the quality of mercy. The person in the Pentateuch who collected dry sticks on the sabbath was stoned to death. The woman in the New Testament openly caught in adultery was mercifully preserved from (sentence of ) death, and that was the judgement of Our Lord Jesus. There (in the Pentateuch) was an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, and a limb for a limb. Here, openly prescribed (in the New Testament), is the counsel of humility that directs in this way: if a man strikes you on one cheek, offer him the other. Solomon in the Song of Songs openly proclaims the mercy of Our Lord, speaking like this: Oil liberally spread around, that is your name.
The name of Jesus is oil liberally spread around, in heaven, on earth, in hell. In heaven he gives saints more joy than they ever deserved. On earth he loves men who do not love him and does good to those that scorn him. In hell he does not apportion the torment in accordance with the wickedness of the sin; this is our belief, that souls in hell receive less torment than they deserve.
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Of þe stacion at Seynt Vitalé.
Capitulum XXIIII.
Friday in þe secund weke is þe stacion at a cherch dedicate in þe worchip of Seynt Vitale. A ful desolate place it is and al in ruine as þere be many moo. This same man Vitale was fader onto þoo holy seyntes Geruase and Prothase, martires mad for Our Lordis sake in þe cyté of Melane. This Vitale was in so grete reuerens at Melan þat he was chose to be on of þe consules whech had gouernauns of al þe puple for a ʒere. He was turned onto Crist and his wif alsoo cleped Valeria be suggestion of Cristen men þat come from Rome.1 So happed him to go in felauchip of a grete juge þei clepid Paulinus onto þat cité cleped Rauenna to haue a sessioun upon certeyn defautes. Whan þei were come þidir þis Paulynus ʒaue sentens upon a Cristen man of craft, a leche whos name was Vrciane. But whann þis Vitale sey him walk to his deth with ful heuy cher because he had no counfort he cried loude onto him þat al þe puple myth here: Beware Vrciane þat þi hert fayle not now for þan art þou hurt with þe arow of dispeyr, whech wounde schal neuir be hol. Think what counfort þou hast goue oþir men in her gret myschef, and with þat same consolacion counfort now þiself.
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For þese wordis þis man went boldly onto þe tormentis and paciently suffered his deth. Aftir his martirdam Vitale took þe body and biried it with grete worchip. The juge sent aftir him to ʒeue answere to þis offens but he wold not come. He seide he was a Cristen man2 and aftir þe comaundment of Crist he had doo a dede of obediens in byrying of his broþir. Paulinus was wroth with þis answere, made him to be brout before him and hangin on a gebet to loke if he wold reney þat new opinion whech he had take. But whan he sey him stabil in þe feith he comaunded him to be led to a palme tre, whech tre was halowed onto þe deueles, and but if he wold offer encense þere at þat tre he comaunded his officeres þat þei schuld make a dep graue and byry him þere al qwik. A prest of þat hethen lawe whech ʒaue councel onto þe juge þat þis man schuld þus be ded was anon arested | of þe deuele and seuen dayes he lay crying: Thou brennyst me Vitale.
fro Rome] added in the margin at the end of the line 2 man] added in the margin at the end of the line
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Chapter 24 The Station at San Vitale The station on the Friday of the second week in Lent is at a church dedicated to St Vitalis. It is a completely devastated place and all in ruins, as many others are. This same man Vitalis was the father of those holy saints Gervase and Prothase, martyred for Our Lord’s sake in the city of Milan. This Vitalis was held in such high esteem in Milan that he was chosen to be one of the consuls who governed the people for one year. At the instigation of Christian men who came from Rome he was converted to Christ, and his wife, called Valeria, too. It so happened that he went to the city called Ravenna in the company of an important judge they called Paulinus to hold a court session about certain offences. When they got there this Paulinus delivered a sentence on a Christian man of learned skill, a medical doctor whose name was Ursicinus. But when Vitalis saw him walk to his death in a dejected manner because he had no consolation, he cried out aloud to him so that everyone could hear: Take care, Ursicinus, that your courage does not fail now, for then you will be pierced by the arrow of despair, a wound that will never be healed. Consider what consolation you have given other men in their great distress, and comfort yourself now with that same consolation.
With these words this man went bravely to his torture and endured his death patiently. After his martyrdom Vitalis collected the body and buried it with great honour. The judge sent for him to give answer to this offence, but he would not go. He said he was a Christian man and in accordance with Christ’s command he had acted out of obedience in burying his brother. Paulinus was angered by this reply, caused him to be brought before him and suspended on a gallows to see if he would deny that new opinion that he had held. But when he saw him steadfast in the faith he ordered him to be led to a palm tree that had been consecrated to devils, and, unless he would offer incense there at the tree, he ordered his officers to make a deep grave and bury him alive in it. A priest of that heathen religion, who counselled the judge that this man should die in this way, was immediately seized by the devil, and for seven days he lay crying: Vitalis, you are burning me.
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The seuenet day he ran into a flood and so mad an ende of his lyf. The wif of þis same martir clepid Valeria aftir þe deth of hir husbond rood hom agayn onto Melan, and happed be þe wey sche fond certeyn men in a wood whech mad her sacrifice þere. Thei spoke to hir forto ete and drynk of swech uitaile as was offered onto þoo maumentis. But sche refused it, wherfore þei bete hir soo þat unneth myth sche be caried be her seruauntis onto Melan; withinne þre dayes aftir hir spirit was separat fro þe body and so sent to God.
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The seventh day he ran into a river and so terminated his life. After the death of her husband the martyr’s wife, Valeria, was riding back home to Milan, and it so happened on the way she found certain men who were performing sacrificial rites in a wood there. They invited her to eat and drink of such food and drink as was offered to those idols. But she declined it, on account of which they beat her so severely that she could hardly be carried to Milan by her servants; three days later her soul was separated from her body and so she went to God.
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Off þe stacioun at Marcelline and Petir.
Capitulum XXV.
Satirday in þe same weke is þe stacion at a cherch dedicat onto too seyntis, on hith Marcelline, þe oþir hith Petir. This Petir was in prison because he beleued in Crist vndir a keper þei clepid Archemius. This Archemius had a doutir vexed with a wikkid spirit. Petir seid onto Archemé his keper þat if he wold beleue in Crist his doutir schuld sone be hool. Archemye answerd: I haue grete meruayle of þi foli. Crist þi God, notwithstanding þat þou art euery day bete for his cause and sufferist eke mech oþir penauns of prison and of yrun, may not delyuyr þe.
Petir answerd þat it was best to his soule þus with peyne and tribulacion forto plese Crist. Tho seid Archemius onto Petir: I schal bynde þe in prison and ley on þe irun inow. If þou can breke oute of prison þan wil I beleue on þi Lord Crist.
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This man Petir þus strongly bounde appered sodeynly onto Archemye clad al in whit and a tokne of þe crosse in his hand. The same houre Archemie doutir was hool, and þe same Archemé with his wif and all his houshold beleuyd in Our Lord. Tho sent þei aftir Marcelline þe preest whech baptized hem alle. A grete juge of Rome clepid Serenus called þis Marcelline and Petir onto his presens and aftir her constaunt confessioun comaunded hem to prison. Marcelline was put in a derk hous where was neythir mete nor lith, alle þe flor strowid with broke glas and he bare leggis and feet. Petir was stokkid in anoþir hous strongly schette and barred. But an aungell of Our Lord was sent fro heuene whech clad Marcelline with clothis delyuerid him, and Petir eke, and brout hem onto Archemie hous. Whan þis juge Serenus herd sey þat þei were delyuered oute of prison and receyued þus in þe hous of Archemye, he comaunded þe same Archemye and his wif to be þrow to dede with stones. Marcelline and Petir he juged to be led to þe blak wood and þere to be heded. He þat smet of her hedis say her soules with schining cloþis arayed with perle and precious stones of aungellis born up into heuene, and in his last dayes he repent him of his euele dedes, ded gret penauns | and was baptized, his name was Dorotheus.
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Chapter 25 The station at Santi Marcellino e Pietro The station on the Saturday of the same (second) week is at a church dedicated to two saints, one called Marcellinus, the other called Peter. Because he believed in Christ this Peter was in prison under a guardian called Archemius. This Archemius had a daughter troubled by an evil spirit. Peter said to his guardian Archemius that if he would believe in Christ his daughter should shortly be healthy. Archemius answered: I am very surprised by your stupidity. Christ your God cannot deliver you, despite the fact that you are beaten every day for his sake, and you endure also a lot of other pain, as prison and iron shackles.
Peter answered that it was best for his soul to please Christ thus with pain and torment. Then Archemius said to Peter: I shall fetter you in prison and hold you down with ample iron shackles; if you can break out of prison then I will believe in your Lord Christ.
This man Peter, grievously shackled in this way, suddenly appeared to Archemius dressed completely in white with a sign of the cross in his hand. At the same time Archemius’s daughter was healed, and the same Archemius, together with his wife and all his household, believed in Our Lord. Then they sent for the priest Marcellinus and he baptized them all. An important prefect of Rome called Serenus summoned this Marcellinus and Peter to his presence and after their unwavering confession ordered them to (be sent to) prison. Marcellinus was put in a dark cell where there was neither food nor light, the whole floor was strewn with broken glass and he with bare legs and feet. Peter was imprisoned in another cell strongly fastened and barred. But an angel of Our Lord was sent from heaven who dressed Marcellinus with clothes delivered to him, and Peter too, and brought them to Archemius’s house. When this prefect Serenus heard say that they were rescued out of prison and received in the house of Archemius, he ordered the same Archemius and his wife (Candida) to be stoned to death. He condemned Marcellinus and Peter to be taken to the dark wood and beheaded there. He who struck their heads off saw their souls, with brilliant clothes adorned with pearls and precious stones, carried up to heaven by angels, and in the last days of his life he repented of his wicked deeds, did serious penance and was baptized; his name was Dorotheus.
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Off þe stacion at Seynt Laurens.
Capitulum XXVI.
The þird sunday of Lenton is þe stacion at þe principal cherch of Seynt Laurens, whech stant oute of þe wallis of Rome in a feld þei clepe In agro Verano, þat is to sey ‘In þe Somer Feld’. For ver in her tonge is as mech to sey as ‘somer’. It is sumtyme seyd of seyntis þat ly þere þat þei were byried iuxta arenarum. Arenarium is a place where men diggen sond, and in sothnesse in þis same place was sumtyme diggid mech sond to make her morter in Rome; now haue þei found a newe veyn of sond more north onto Seynt Anneys ward. This same feld longed sumtyme to a blessed widow þei cleped Cyriaca, whech ʒaue al þat possessioun onto þe seruauntis of Seynt Laurens. We redyn in Martines Cronicle þat Constantine þe emperour let make þis cherch of Seint Laurens and all þat voute beneth þe auter where Seint Laurens lith with mech precious þing whech is not þere now for as we seid ofte aboue þese cherches haue be spoiled of tirauntis þat haue conquered Rome. This blessed emperour Constantine, þat spent so mech good in worchip of God and seyntis, hath ful grete reward þerfor as we suppose. O þing in þe worchip of Seynt Laurens wil we reherse who he rewardith his seruauntis. There was an emperour of Rome cleped Herry whech had a wif called Radegundis. These two persones leued in swech perfeccioun þat both be o consent kept her maydenhed to God. So aftirward at stering of þe deuele þis emperour fel in a gelosie ageyn his wif, demyng of hir oþirwise þan it was. So at his comaundment þe lady was constreyned þat sche schuld goo barefoot on a gad of yrun reedhoot to proue þere hir innocens. Sche mad hir redy and blessed hir with swech wordis: Euene as I am not defiled of Herry ne of non oþir man so Crist þou be myn help.
Thus went sche saf withouten harm ouyr þe hoot yrun saue þat þe emperour smet with grete ire. Sone aftir þis þe emperour deyed and a grete multitude were gadered before an hermytes hous to be present at þe emperouris deth. The hermyte inqwired of hem whidir þei schuld, and þei answerd to se þe emperouris ende. He comaunded hem be vertu of þe passion of Our Lord Crist þat þei schuld come ageyn þe same weye and telle him in what plith þe emperour deyed. Thei come ageyn and gaf him þis answere: ‘Oure jornay’, þei seid. ‘is spent in wast for þat brent Laurens cam forth with a potte and þrewe it in þe balauns whech weyid down þat fals suspicioun and þat fals jugement ageyn his wif and alle oþir trespaces whech he had doo’.
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Chapter 26 The station at San Lorenzo fuori le Mura The station on the third Sunday of Lent is at the principal church of San Lorenzo fuori le Mura, which is situated outside the walls of Rome in a field they call In agro Verano, that is to say ‘In the Summer Field’. For ver in their language means ‘summer’. It is sometimes said of saints that rest there that they were buried iuxta arenarium ‘beside the sandpit’. Arenarium is a place where men dig sand, and in truth at one time a lot of sand was dug up in this place in Rome to make their mortar; now they have found a new seam of sand more to the north towards Sant’Agnese fuori le Mura. This same field belonged at one time to a blessed widow they call Cyriaca, who gave all her possessions to the servants of St Laurence. We read in Martinus Polonus’s Chronicle that Emperor Constantine the Great was the instigator of this church of San Lorenzo fuori le Mura and all the crypt beneath the altar where St Laurence lies with much precious stuff that is not there now because, as we have often remarked above, these churches have been sacked by despots who have conquered Rome. We guess this blessed Emperour Constantine, who spent so much wealth on the worship of God and the saints, has received abundant reward for that. We will relate one story in honour of St Laurence: how he rewards his servants. There was a Holy Roman Emperor called St Henry II who had wife called Cunigunde. These two people lived in such holiness that by one consent they both kept their virginity for God. Soon afterwards, under the direction of the devil, this emperor suffered from a fit of sexual jealousy against his wife, concluding that it was other than it was with her. So on his orders the lady was compelled to go barefoot on a redhot iron bar to prove her innocence there. She got herself ready and made the sign of the cross saying these words: As I am not profaned by Henry or any other man, may you Christ be my help.
So she went safely over the hot iron without harm except that the emperor was struck down by great anger. Soon after this the emperor died, and a great crowd gathered in front of a hermit’s house to be present at the emperor’s death. The hermit asked of them where they wanted to go, and they answered to see the emperor’s end. By virtue of the passion of Our Lord Christ he ordered them to come again the same way and tell him in what set of circumstances the emperor died. They came back and gave this answer: ‘Our journey’, they said, ‘was pointless for that scorched Laurence came out with a pot and threw it on the scales so that it outweighed the false suspicion and that false accusation that he had made against his wife, and all other trespasses’.
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In very treut þis emperour, of grete deuocioun whech he had to Seynt Laurens, had offered at his cherch a chalys of so grete wite þat it was mad with | to eres for to lift it esily, whech was mad of pure gold. The deueles in here goyng, as þei told þis hermyte, pullid awey on of þoo eres. This reuelacion was found soth for it was noted þat in þat same hour þe emperour deyed, þe ere of þe chalis eke was founde broke. This storie is rehersed here to magnifie Seint Laurens and eke sumwhat to enbelching of þe book.
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In actual fact, out of the great devotion that he had to St Laurence this emperor had presented his church with a chalice of pure gold of such great weight that it was made with two ears to lift it up by. In their departure (from Emperor Henry), as they told this hermit, the devils pulled away one of the ears. This revelation was found to be true, for it was noted that at the same hour as the emperor died the ear of the chalice was found broken off. This story is related here to give glory to St Laurence and also somewhat to enhance the attraction of the book.
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Off þe stacion at Seint Mark.
Capitulum XXVII.
On Munday aftir þe þirde Sunday is þe stacion at a cherch of Seynt Marc, but his body lith not þere for it lith at Venys. In þis cherch ly þe holy martires Abdon and Senen whech were slayn for Cristis loue at Rome vndir þe tyme of Decius. He fond hem in a cyté whech þei clepe Corduba for þere were þei accused for tresoun because þei byried þoo men þat were killid for Crist. Decius comaunded hem to be bounde strongly with yrun cheynes and to be led so to Rome before his chare. And because þei had be in office vndir þe empire of Rome and were men of sotil wit and of plenteuous possession he comaunded hem to apere before þe senate in a hous þat stood in þe Capitol lowe be þe ground cleped in our legendis In Tellude. Thei were brout in as þei were take for þei were smale kyngis in Perse, in which Perse stant þis cité Corduba. Thei were brout into þe senat in ful good aray in cloþis of gold and precious stones. Alle þe senate meruailed of hem to se so goodly men and so weel arayed þus sore bounde with cheynes. Thoo spak Decius onto þe senat on þis maner: Beholde þese men, seres, for þei be open enmyes onto þe empire, fauoureres of tretoures and renegates whech haue forsake our lawe.
He comaunded þan to on Valeriane þat he schuld led hem to þe temple of þe sunne forto make her offeryng þere, if þei wold not he comaunded hem to be deuoured of wilde bestes. Tho Valerian mad hem naked and led hem to þe temple of þe sunne, compeled hem to offyr but þei despised þe maument and spatillid þerat. Than were þei beten with staues, clobbid with leed, led forth into þat place wher martires were tormentid and put onto hem too leones and four beres. The bestes runne onto hem first with a rage but whan þei cam onto hem þei wex tame, lay down be her feet as doggis. Tho þe juge comaunded her hedes to be smet of and her bodies þrowin before þe maument. So lay þei þre dayes in despite of Cristen feith. Aftir þoo thre dayes a dekne cleped Qwyryne lift up her bodies, bare hem hom to his hous, closed hem þere in a fayr vessel of led þat þei schuld not rote and1 biried [hem] in þe ground ful priuyly in þe same hous. In Constantines tyme þe noble emperour þese same martires appered onto a Cristen man, þei told he cleped Ponciane.
and] & suprascript
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Chapter 27 The station at San Marco The station on the Monday after the third Sunday of Lent is at San Marco, but St Mark’s body does not rest there, as it lies at Venice. In this church rest the holy martyrs Abdon and Sennen, who were killed for Christ’s sake at Rome in the time of Decius. He found them in a city they call Cordulia, for they were accused there of treason because they buried those men who were killed for Christ’s sake. Decius ordered them to be shackled securely with iron chains and brought in this state to Rome before his chariot. Since they had been in office under the Roman empire, and were men of refined intelligence and abundant possessions, he ordered them to appear before the senate in a room situated low to the ground in the Capitol; in our saints’ lives it is called In Tellude ‘In the Temple of Tellus’. They were brought in in the state they had been captured in, for they were minor kings in Persia, where the city of Cordulia is situated. They were brought into the senate very well dressed in clothes adorned with gold and precious stones. All the senate was surprised to see such excellent men and so well attired thus securely shackled with chains. Then Decius spoke to the senate as follows: Behold these men, sirs, for they are open enemies of the empire, supporters of traitors, and dissidents who have abandoned our religious laws.
He then ordered one Valeriane to take them to the temple of the sun to make their offering there; if they would not do it he ordered them to be eaten by wild animals. Then Valerian made them naked and took them to the temple of the sun, and forced them to make an offering but they scorned the idol and spat at it. Then they were beaten with sticks, clubbed with lead (on a line), led into that place where martyrs were tortured, and two lions and four bears were set on them. The animals charged at them in a rage to start with, but when they got to them they became tame and lay down at their feet like dogs. Then the commander ordered their heads to be struck off and their bodies to be cast before the idol. So they lay for three days in order to spite the Christian faith. After those three days a deacon called Quirinus raised up the bodies, carried them home to his house, enshrined them there in a beautiful leaden coffin so that they would not putrefy, and buried them secretly in the ground in the same house. In the time of the noble emperor Constantine the Great these same martyrs appeared to a Christian man who they said was called Pontianus.
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Of þe stacion at a cherch cleped Seint Potenciane.
Capitulum XXVIII.
Tewisday in þe same weke is þe stacion at a cherch dedicate in þe name of an holy virgine cleped Potenciane. Sche was doutir onto an holy man, disciple of Seint Petir, whos name was Pudens. Hir modir hith Sabinella, hir sistir hith Praxedis, of whom we schal speke of aftir. This noble woman Potenciane was lerned of hir fader in þe lawe of Crist and educate in perfith lif on þe best maner. Aftir þe deth of hir fader, be þe councel of Pius þe pope and of anothir holy man ny of hir kin cleped Pastor, sche mad hir hous a cherch and all hir seruauntis þat wold be Cristen sche mad hem fre and relesed her bondage be þe consent of Praxede whech was hir sistir.1 Aftir many good dedis do, God gaf hir reward of hir good werkys, for sche deyed þe fourten kalend of June and is byried in þe cymyterie cleped Priscille. In þis same cherch of Seynt Potenciane are þre þousand bodies of seyntis, þe most part martires for Crist. In þis cherch is a chapel with an auter and a aungell-hole as mech as a man may sitte in whech was mad be myracle in þis wise. Petir whan he was in prison at instauns of his frendis was late loos not knowyn onto þe gayleres. Tho fled Petir onto þis same hous. And anon as he cam in, þe wal ʒaue him as mech place as he myth hide his body in. The gayleres whech had take charge of his bodi folowid and sey hym navt because he was hid in þe wal, but þei sey a fayre ʒong man standyng þere whech was Petires aungell; to him þei spak and inqwired of him if he say ony man þat had neuly broke prison. He answerd onto hem in þis maner: ’I haue merueile’, he sayde, ‘þat ʒe se him naut and he sittith2 þere in þe corner’.
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Thus be bewreying of þe aungell was Petir take and led ageyn to prison. Here may men inqwire of me wheþir it was þe wil of God þat Petir schuld skape fro prison or nowt. That it was His wil þei may proue be þe grete myracle whech God ded for him whanne He hid him in þe wal. Whi schuld þoo stones ʒeue place to hide Peteres body but if God wold þat Petir schuld be hid? And whi wold He Petir schuld be hid but þat þe gaileres schuld not fynde him? On þe oþir partye men may argw and sey þat it was Goddis wil he schuld be take because He sent a aungell to telle þe keperes where he was, and þe testimoni of a aungel is more expresyue þat it was Goddis wil þann is þe meuyng of stones. To þis difficulté sum men answer in general þat oftetyme God sufferith summe men to haue here desire as for a tyme and ʒet hath He ordeyned anoþir ende for hem in His | hir sistir] added in the margin at the end of the line
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Chapter 28 The station at Santa Pudenziana The station on the Tuesday of the same (third) week (of Lent) is at a church dedicated to the name of a holy virgin called St Pudentiana. She was the daughter of a holy man, a disciple of St Peter, whose name was Aulus Pudens. Her mother was called Sabinella, and her sister was called Praxedes, whom we shall treat later. This noble woman Pudentiana was taught the New Testament by her father and educated in the best way for the life of perfection. After the death of her father, on the advice of Pope Pius I and of another holy man of close family called Pastor, she made her house into a church, and she freed all her servants who wanted to be Christian and, with agreement of her sister Praxedes, released them from bondage. After completing many good deeds God rewarded her for her good works, for she died on 19 May and is buried in the catacombs of Priscilla. In this same church of Santa Pudenziana there are the bodies of three thousand saints, for the most part martyrs for Christ. In this church there is a chapel with an altar and a niche for an angel, big enough for a man to sit in, which was created by a miracle in this way. When he was in prison, Peter was rescued by his friends without his gaolers knowing. Peter then fled to this same building. And as soon as he entered, the wall provided him with enough space to hide in. The gaolers who had the responsibility of holding him followed, and did not see him because he was hidden in the wall, but they did see a handsome young man, Peter’s angel, standing there; they spoke to him and asked if had seen any man who had just jumped prison. He replied in this way: ’I am surprised’, he said, ‘that you do not see him when he is sitting there in the niche’.
So at the angel’s betrayal Peter was captured and taken back to prison. Here men may ask me whether it was God’s will that Peter should have escaped from prison or not. That it was His will they can guarantee from the great miracle that God performed for him when He hid him in the wall. Why would those stones make space to hide Peter’s body unless God wished Peter to be hidden? And why did He want Peter to be hidden if it wasn’t to stop the gaolers finding him? On the other hand men may argue and say that it was God’s will that he should be captured because He sent an angel to tell the gaolers where he was, and the testimony of an angel is more indicative that it was God’s will than the moving of stones is. Some men have a general answer to this problem, in that God often allows some men to have their wish for a limited time, and yet in His providence He has ordained
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prouidens. So may we sey of Petir þat perauenture he was aferd of deth whech was ordeyned for him, and upon þat fere he preyed God he myth be excused fro þoo bittir tormentis, for we rede so of Crist þat he prayed onto his fader for þe same entent, and Oure Lord sent him warnyng be þe first myracle þat his prayeres were acceptable in þe sith of God, and be þe secunde myracle He mad him to haue knowlech þat it was Goddis wil he schuld turne ageyn to prison and þere abide þe deth whech was ordeyned for him. This same processe is grounded in þe Gospell where Oure Lord saide to Petir: Whan þou were ʒong þou girt þe and went whidir þou wold, but whan þou art agid anoþir man schal gird þe and lede þe whidir þou wilt nowt.
This seid Our Lord, menyng herby þat sumtyme Petir schuld be suffered forto do as he wold and sumtyme he schuld be led to do þat he wold not. In þis same cherch is a chapel with an auter, at whech auter was do þat grete myracle þat I telle. There stood a prest at messe sumtyme in swech plith perauenture as was not pleasauns to God, and swech tyme as he schuld receyue þe sacrament þe same sacrament sodeynly fled awey fro him and fel on a marbil ston. Onto þis day it lith still incorporat onto þe ston, hard as ston, saue it hath anoþir colour þan þe ston. In þis same cherch eke is þe stool on whech Crist satte whan he mad his maunde.
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another end for them. So we can say of Peter that perhaps he was afraid of the death that was arranged for him, and prompted by that fear he prayed to God that he might be let off from those harsh torments; for we read of Christ similarly that he prayed to his father for the same purpose, and Our Lord sent him prior notice by his first miracle that his prayers were acceptable in the sight of God, and by the second miracle He caused him to know that it was God’s will he was to go back to prison and there endure the death that was appointed for him. This same sequence of events is based on the Gospel, where Our Lord said to Peter: When you were young you tied your clothes with a belt and went where you wanted, but when you are old someone else will tie your clothes with a belt and lead you where you do not want to go.
This is what Our Lord said, meaning that sometimes Peter would be allowed to do as he wished, and sometimes he would be led to do what did not wish to do. In this same church there is a chapel with an altar, where a great miracle was done, as I shall relate. At one time a priest stood at mass possibly in such a state of sin as was displeasing to God, and when the time came that he was to receive the sacrament, suddenly the sacrament slipped away from him and fell on a marble slab. Still today it lies hard as stone combined with the slab, except that it has a different colour from the slab. Also in this church is the stool that Christ sat on when he ate his last supper.
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Of þe stacion at a cherch of Seint Sixt.
Capitulum XXIX.
Wednysday in þat same weke is þe stacion at a cherch dedicate to Seynt Sixte. At þis cherch dwelle cloos nunnes whech haue on of þe ymages of Our Lady þat Seynt Luke peyntid as þei sey. This Sixte was a pope in Rome in þat same tyme þat Seynt Laurens lyued þere, for he was maystir onto Seynt Laurens. He was bore at Atenes, þe nobil studye of Grece, and taute þere in philosophie on þe best maner. Aftirward cam he to Rome and þere for his nobil conuersacioun he was chose to þat dignité, hed of þe Cherch. Decius herd of his lif and eke of his disciples sent aftir him into a hous cleped In Tellude al be nyth. But when he was arested þis noble man Sixtus, he seide onto his clerkis: Breþrin myn, beth not aferd. Alle þese seyntis þat deyed before us þei suffered þoo tormentis with grete paciens þat þei schuld þe more sikirly come to þe euyrlastyng lif. Our Lord Jhesu suffered swech deth for us to ʒeue us exaumpil of ful grete sikirnesse.
And with a lowde voys he seid: Come forth and folow me, let no man be aferd of peynes.
His disciples answered: We fadir schul go with þe. Whidir schuld we go but þere our fadir goth?
Thus were þei led before Decius and he spak onto him in þis maner: Knowist þou Sixte whi þou art called and whi þat our officeres haue brout þe to our presens?
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Sixtus answered þat he knew it weel. | Decius said onto him: If þou knowe it wel make þi clerkis forto knowe þe same þat þou may lyue and þi clerkis be encresed.
Sixtus answerd: Treuly, Ser, I do and haue do ful grete bysynesse þat my clergi schuld be encresed. ‘Go make sacrifise’, said Decius þanne onto him, ‘to our goddis þat be immortale and þou schal be in oure lawe prince of all þe prestes’.
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Chapter 29 The station at San Sisto Vecchio The station on the Wednesday in that same (third) week (of Lent) is at a church dedicated to St Sixtus II. An enclosed order of (Dominican) nuns dwell at this church; as they say they have one of the pictures of Our Lady that St Luke painted. This Sixtus was pope in Rome at the same time as St Laurence lived there, for he was St Laurence’s teacher. He was born in Athens, the noble place of learning in Greece, and taught philosophy there in the best way. Later he came to Rome and there, on account of his elegant conversation, he was chosen to that dignity, head of the Church. Decius heard about his life and also about his followers, and by night sent for him at the building In Tellude ‘In the Temple of Tellus’. But when he was arrested this illustrious man Sixtus said to his clergy: My brothers, do not be afraid. All the saints who died before us suffered those torments with great patience in order that they might come more surely to everlasting life. Our Lord Jesus suffered such death for us to give an example of full spiritual security.
And he said with a loud voice: Come forth and follow me; let no man be afraid of punishments.
His followers answered: We will go with you, father. Where would we go but where our father goes?
So they were brought before Decius and he spoke to them as follows: Do you know, Sixtus, why you have been summoned and why our officers have brought you to our presence?
Sixtus replied that he knew it well. Decius said to him: If you know it well make sure your clergy know it too so that you can remain alive and your clergy be increased.
Sixtus replied: Truly, Sir, I do and have done due diligence towards increasing my clergy.
Then Decius said to him:
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‘I haue’, sayde Sixtus, ‘mad sacrifice to God omnipotent, and to Our Lord Jhesu Crist haue I offered a clene hoost and indefiled in þe ministerie of þe Cherch’.
Decius saide onto him: Ʒeue counsel to þin age as we counsel þe, so þou take heed at þi welfare and at þe helth of þi clerkis.
Sixtus answerd: Onto þis day haue I ʒoue hem swech counsel þat fro þe dep pit of helle I haue be euyr bisi with al my labour to kepe hem.
Decius was wrooth and seid onto him: Make sacrifise onto our goddis or elles þou schal be exaumple to alle þoo þat despise our goddis.
Sixtus saide: Rith now I saide onto þe þat I haue made sacrifise to our God in heuene and to Our Lord Jhesu Crist, for oþir sacrifise wil I non make.
Thoo Decius comaunded his knytis þat þei schuld lede him to þe temple of Mars whech stood þann Via Appia fast by þat place cleped Domine quo Vadis and if he wold not offer he bad hem bryng him ageyn and put him in Mamortines prison, whech stant fast by þe Capitol. In his ledyng he ʒaue swech exhortaciones onto his lederes þat þei despised her lord and beleued in Our Lord Jhesu Crist. Othir officeres, because he wold not obeye, brout him onto Mamortines prison. And whan he was þere Seint Laurens his disciple cam onto him with swech wordis: Whidir wilt þou fader goo withoute þi son? Þou were neuyr wone to offir withoute a seruaunt ne neuyr make no sacrifise but if þou had a ministir. What seest þou in me þat schuld displese þi fadirhood? Hast þou founde me onkynde or ellis ontrewe? Take now trewe experiens wheþir þou haue chosen a trosti ministir or nowt. To me hast þou comitted to minister þe sacrament of Cristis body onto þe puple, to me hast þou comitted ministracioun of þe sacramentis and now denyest to me felauchip of þi martirdam.
Aftir many oþir wordis whech Seint Laurens had, Seynt Sixt saide onto him: I forsake þe not, son, in no maner wise, but I do þe to wite þat gretter tormentis are kept for þe. We as aged men haue chosen a wey of esy batayle, the as a ʒong man abydyn
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Go and make a sacrifice to our gods that are immortal and you will be chief of all the priests in our religion.
Sixtus said: I have made a sacrifice to almighty God, and I have offered a pure and unalloyed host in the ministry of the Church.
Decius said to him: Think about your stage of life, as we advise you, so that you take heed of your welfare and the health of your clergy.
Sixtus replied: I have always been diligent with all my efforts to keep them from the deep pit of hell and have advised them about this up to today.
Decius was angry and said to him: Render sacrifice to our gods or else you will be an example to all those who despise our gods.
Sixtus said: Just now I said to you that I have made sacrifice to our God in heaven and to Our Lord Jesus Christ, for I will make no other sacrifice.
Then Decius ordered his cohorts to take him to the temple of Mars, which was situated then on the Via Appia near a place called Domine Quo Vadis? ‘Where are you going, Lord’ (see III.7), and if he would not offer (a sacrifice to the Roman gods) he told them to bring him back and put him in the Mamertine prison, which is situated near the Capitol. While being led (to the temple of Mars) he gave such incitements to those leading him that they scorned their superior and believed in Our Lord Jesus Christ. Since he would not obey (the order to sacrifice to the Roman gods), other officers brought him to the Mamertine prison. And when he was there his follower St Laurence came to him with these words: Where will you go, father, without your son? You were never accustomed to make an offering without a servant, nor did you ever make any sacrifice unless you had a minister. What do you see in me that displeases your fatherhood? Have you found me undutiful or disloyal? Take now real proof as to whether or not you have chosen a trustworthy minister. You have committed to me the ministration of the sacrament of Christ’s body to the people. You have committed to me the ministration of the sacraments and now you deny me comradeship in your martyrdom.
After many more words that St Laurence had with him, St Sixtus said to him:
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gretter tormentis whech þou schal suffir. Aftir þre dayes þou schal folow me. Helie left Helise behind him whan he was raueschid to heuene and took no vertu fro him.
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Aftir þese wordes was Sixtus brout onto Valeriane þe juge and he comaunded him to be led to Martis temple with his deknes Felicissimus and Agapitus, and þere her he|dis to be smet of. This ende made þis holy pope.
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In no way am I abandoning you, son, but I have to tell you that greater torments are reserved for you. We as old men have chosen a way of mild persecution, you as a young man await the greater torments that you will endure. You will follow me after three days. Elijah left Elisha behind when he was transported to heaven and took no merit away from him.
After these words Sixtus was brought before the prefect Valeriane, and he ordered him to be taken with his deacons Felicissinus and Agapitus to the temple of Mars and their heads to be struck off there. This is the end that this holy pope made.
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Of þe stacion at Cosmas and Damianus.
Capitulum XXX.
Thursday in þe same weke is þe stacion at a cherch of Cosmas and Damianus, fast be þat place whech was clepid Templum Pacis. There resten eke þe bodies of Mauricii, Exupii and Candidi, þat were gouernouris of a legion sent fro Thebes onto Rome to Maximiane þe emperour, whech were eke martires for Crist undir þat same tyraunt. These to breþerin Cosmas and Damianus1 were lechis of craft and born in Arabye, þis grace of þe Holy Goost þei had þat whomsoeuir þei fond seek þei cured hym anon withouten ony cost of þe pacient. Lisias, þat was president of þe cyté, called hem onto him and inqwired of hem her names. Thei said þei hith Cosmas and Damianus. Thre breþrin eke þei had,2 as þei said, whos names þei cleped Antimus, Leoncius, Euprepius. Alle were sent aftir and whan þei were come he comaunded hem to do sacrifise to ydoles. Thei wold not. Wherfor he comaunded hem to be tormented with hot yrnes both in her handis and her feet. In þese peynes þei þankid God with mery chere as þouʒ þei had no torment suffered. Tho þe juge bad þei schuld be bounde togidir with strong cheynes and so to be þrow in þe se. Thus were þei serued and be þe myty hand of God delyuered, for sodeynly þei stood before þe juge ageyn. Grete wondyr had þe juge of þis delyuerauns and seyd onto hem: Tech me þis wichcraft whech ʒe use and I schal be felaw with ʒour werkis.
Anon as he had seid þese wordes deueles appered visibily and bete him þat he was fayn to chaunge his langage and sey onto Cosmas and his breþrin on þis maner: I pray ʒou ʒe seyntis of God pray for me.
Anon as þei prayed for his help þe deueles fled fro hym. Tho þe juge turned onto his errour ageyn, sayde onto his assessouris: Take heed now who wrooth oure goddis were with me because I was in purpose to forsake hem.
Thoo bad he þei schuld be þrowe in a grete fire, but be þe myth of Our Lord it was sone qwenchid and þei sone delyueryd. Tho wold he þat þe puple schuld þrow hem to ded with stones but þoo stones turned ageyn to þe þroweres and hurt hem greuously. Than were þei hange on a tre and men redy with scorgis forto bete hem but þe beteres were wery er þe seyntes were sory. Than were þei teyid onto a tre and men redy with arowis to schote hem to þe deth. The arowes hurt þe puple and & Damianus] in margin marked for insertion through and expuncted
1
þei had] written twice in MS, the second instance crossed
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Chapter 30 The station at Santi Cosma e Damiano The station on the Thursday of the same (third) week (of Lent) is at Santi Cosma e Damiano, near the place that was called the Temple of Peace. In this church rest the bodies of SS Mauricius, Exuperius and Candidus, who were commanders of a legion sent from Thebes to Emperor Maximian at Rome, and who were also martyrs for Christ under that same despot. These two brothers Cosmas and Damian were doctors by occupation born in Arabia, and they had this grace by the Holy Spirit that they cured whomever they found sick without any charge to the patient. Lisias, prefect of the city, summoned them to him and asked them their names. They said they were called Cosmas and Damian. As they said they also had three brothers, whose names were Anthimus, Leontius and Euprepius. They were all sent for, and when they came he ordered them to make sacrifice to idols. They refused. So he ordered them to be tortured with hot irons both on their hands and their feet. Under these torments they thanked God with cheerful demeanour as if they had not suffered any pain. Then the prefect commanded they should be bound together with strong chains and thrown into the sea like so. They were treated in this way and rescued by the mighty hand of God, for suddenly they stood before the prefect again. The prefect was astonished at this rescue and said to them: Teach me this sorcery that you practise and I will be an associate in your activities.
As soon as he had uttered these words demons appeared in full view and beat him till he was content to change his language and speak to Cosmas and his brother in this way: You saints of God I pray you pray for me.
As soon as they prayed for his support the demons fled from him. Then the prefect went back to his wrong-doing and said to his advisers: Notice now how angry our gods were with me because I was of intent to abandon them.
Then he commanded that they were to be thrown into a great fire, but it was quickly extinguished by the power of Our Lord and they were rescued. Then he purposed that the people should stone them to death, but the stones came back at the throwers and hurt them seriously. Then they were suspended on a tree and men were ready to flay them but the flayers were tired before the saints were vexed. Then
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þe scheteres, þe seyntes had no harm. Thus last of alle he comaunded her hedis to be smet of, and her bodies were left þat doggis and woluys schuld ete hem. But Cristen men priuyly caried hem and biried hem with grete worchep. Felix þe Eite pope ded make her cherch in Rome as it is writyn þere in vers, of whech summe schul be rehersed | here. These þei be: Aula Dei claris radiat speciosa metallis Martiribus medicis populis spes certa salutis Optulit hoc domino Felix antistite dignum.
Thus mene þei in Englisch. The halle of God schynyth and þat ful fayr with metall. With martires and leches to þe puple hope of very helth Felix offered it to Our Lord ful worþi onto þe mytyr.
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they were tied to a tree and men were ready to shoot them dead with arrows. But the arrows hurt the people and shooters, and the saints suffered no injury. So last of all he ordered their heads to be struck off, and their bodies were left for dogs and wolves to eat. But Christian men secretly fetched them and buried them with great honour. Pope Felix IV built this church in Rome, as is inscribed there in verse, some of which will be recorded here. Here they are: Aula Dei claris radiat speciosa metallis Martiribus medicis populis spes certa salutis Optulit hoc domino Felix antistite dignum.
This is what they mean in English: God’s hall shines very beautifully with gold, a hope of true salvation to the people through martyrs and physicians. Felix offered it to Our Lord, fully worthy of the bishop.
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Of þe stacion at Seint Laurens in Lucina.
Capitulum XXXI.
Friday in þe þird weke is þe stacion at Seynt Laurens in Lucina, a fayre cherch it is and a cardinales place joyned þerto for þis cherch is his tytle. There lith þe body of Seynt Lucyne, whos ground þis was, and many mo, in Rome. There is eke þe cheyne with whech Seint Laurens was bounde in prison and many oþir relikis. Here may men know wel þat þis blessed martir Laurens suffered mech þing for Crist er þat he was rosted. For he was bounde in prison whech tyme he cured al þe blind men þat cam onto him. Thus rede we þat on Lucillus, a hethen man, was in prison with him and for þout and schame felle in swech weping þat he lost his sith. Laurens said onto him þat if he wold beleue in Our Lord Jhesu Crist he schuld haue his sith ageyn. Lucille sayd þat he beleued. Tho Laurens baptized him and mad him hool of blyndnesse. Aftir þis many blynde men cam onto him for helth and he put his handes upon hem and holed hem. This was þe principal cause whi Ypolitus his keper beleued in Our Lord and forsoke all þe ydoles redy to take martirdam as he ded. For after þe deth of Seynt Laurens he was drawe to dede with wild hors. Of Seynt Laurens speke we no more now for we talked more largely of him before.
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Chapter 31 The station at San Lorenzo in Lucina The station on the Friday in the third week (of Lent) is at San Lorenzo in Lucina, which is a beautiful church with a cardinal’s house annexed to it, for he takes his title from this church. The body of St Lucina, whose ground this (church) was (built on) in Rome, rests here, and many more. The chain with which St Laurence was shackled in prison is also there, and many other relics. Here may men have full knowledge that this blessed martyr Laurence suffered many torments for Christ’s sake before he was roasted. For he was shackled in prison at the time when he cured all the blind men who came to him. So we read that one Lucillus, a heathen man, was in prison with him, and on account of his distress and humiliation he had such a fit of lamentation that he lost his sight. Laurence said to him that if he would believe in Our Lord Jesus Christ he would have his sight back. Lucillus said he believed. Then Laurence baptized him and cured him of his blindness. After this many blind men came to him for healing and he laid his hands upon them and cured them. This is the main reason why his guard Hippolytus believed in Our Lord and abandoned all the idols, prepared to accept martyrdom, as he did. For after the death of St Laurence he was dragged to death by wild horses. We say no more about St Laurence now, as we spoke about him more expansively above.
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Of þe stacion at Seynt Susanne.
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Capitulum XXXII.
Satirday in þe þirde week is þe stacioun at a cherch of Seynt Susanne fast by þe place whech is cleped Terme Diocleciane, þat is to sey þe bathis of Diocleciane, for þis Diocleciane mad þere a ful solempne paleys, þe wallis and archis and many voutis stand at þis day. There were housis undir þe ground rennyng with kunditis of cold watir where lordis refreschid hem in somyr, for þe sunne is passing hote þere. There were houses eke aboue þe ground in whech runne hot cunditis and þere abiden þe lordis in cold wedir. This paleys was gret and occupied mech lond, and on þe west side þerof stant þis place of Seynt Susanne. A fair cherch it is and a praty place annexid þerto fer fro ony dwelleres, half a myle on sum side, on sum side a hol myle. This place is newly ʒoue to þe freris whech be cleped Hermytes of Seynt Austyn, þere dwell now four for þe place is not grete. This Pope Nicholas, sith he was pope, translate þe body of Seynt Susanne fro Seynt Peteres | kirk onto þis same, as an Englisch frere told me whech was on of hem þat bare hir. And þe ston þat was upon hir is bor þidir eke on whech þese vers be wrytyn. Olim presbiteri Gabini filia felix Hic Susanna jacet in pace patri sociata.
Thus mene þei in our tonge. Sumtyme of a prest Gabine þe douter rych Here Susanne sche lith in pes coupled to hir fader.
Of þis Susanne I mad inqwisicion what sche was, for sum men supposed þat it had be Susanne of þe elde lawe whech was wyf to Joachim and doutyr onto Helchie whech was accused ful wrongfully of too prestes and delyuered with grete myracle be Daniel þe prophete. These men þat seyd þus had a colour for her opinione þat þe story of þis same Susanne is red þat same day in þe epistel of þe messe. But anoþir opinion was told me whech was sayd me þat þis Susanne was wif to Seynt Alexe son to Eufermyane a grete lord in Rome whech dwelt in þe Mount Aduentyne, for þere was his paleys and now it is a cherch of Seint Sabyn and a couent of Frere Prechouris. That sche was a prestir doutyr is not inconuenient for so was Seynt Pernel. Seynt Alexe whan he had wedded her he took his leue of hir ful priuyly in his chambir and sche aftir þat tyme lyued a ful solitary lyf plesing God with fastyng and prayer and so endewred al hir lyf.
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Chapter 32 The station at Santa Susanna The station on the Saturday in the third week (of Lent) is at Santa Susanna near the place called the Thermae of Diocletian, that is to say the Baths of Diocletian, for this Diocletian built there an important palace, of which the walls and arches and many vaulted ceilings stand today. There were rooms underground with channels running with cold water, where nobles refreshed themselves in summer, for the sun is very hot there. There were also rooms above the ground with channels running with hot water where the nobles stay in cold weather. This palace was large and occupied a large site, and this place Santa Susanna is situated on the western side of it. It is a beautiful church and an attractive place joined to the palace and secluded from any local residents by half a mile on one side and a whole mile on the other side. This place has been recently given to the friars who are called Hermits of Saint Augustine; now four live there, for the place is not large. Since he became pope this present Pope Nicholas V conveyed the body of St Susanna from San Pietro to Santa Susanna, as an English friar told me who was one of those that bore her. And the stone that covered her has been brought there too, on which these verses are written: Olim presbiteri Gabini filia felix Hic Susanna jacet in pace patri sociata.
They mean this in our language: Here lies Susanna, at one time the rich daughter of a priest called Gaius, united in peace with her father.
I made enquiries as to who this Susanna was, for some men thought that she was the Susanna of the Old Testament, the wife of Joachim and daughter of Hilkiah, who was quite wrongly accused by two priests and saved by Daniel the prophet. Those men who said this had grounds for their opinion from the fact that the story of this same Susanna is related that same day in the reading at the mass. But another opinion was told me by hearsay that this Susanna was the wife of St Alexis, son of Euphemian, a grandee who lived on the Aventine hill in Rome, for where his palace was, there is now a church of Santa Sabina and a Dominican friary. That she was the daughter of a priest is not inappropriate, for so was St Petronilla. When he had married her St Alexis took his leave of her publicly in his chamber, and after that time she lived a solitary life pleasing God with fasting and prayer and so remained all her life.
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Of þe stacion at Jerusalem in Seint Cruces.
Capitulum XXXIII.
The fourt Sunday of Lenton is þe stacion at a chapel vndir Seynt Cruces called Jerusalem, of whech we spak before. We saide þere þat þis was þe conclaue of Seynt Helyn, whech at hir instauns was halowed in worchep of þe crosse and cleped Jerusalem as a memorial of hir noble labour þat both sout and fond þe crosse at Jerusalem. For whan Constantine was baptized of Siluestir and þis same Heleyne turned onto þe feith anon with a gret deuocion sche went onto Jerusalem to seke þe crosse whech Our Lord hyng on. Whan sche was com þidir and þe Jewes had knowyng þat sche had newly receyued þe feith of Our Lord þei were aferd and seid amongis hem: ‘What wil þis lady do, hope ʒe?’ On of hem whech hith Judas said onto hem:
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I wote ful wel þat sche wil inqwyre of us where þat crosse is in whech Jhesu Crist was hangin. Beware þat non of ʒou bewrey þis councel for if ʒe doo oure lawe is distroyed and all our forfaderes customes schul turne to nowt. Zacheus, whech was my grauntser, said onto my fadir and my fadir told it onto me. Thus saide he onto me whan he schuld dey: ‘Take heed, son, at my wordis if þere be mad ony inqwyraunce of þe crosse whech Jhesu hing upon, rather þan þou schal deye telle hem where it is, for fro þat tyme þat it is founde schal neuyr our nacioun stand in worchip but al þat worchip whech | we had schal turne onto þe Cristen feith’. I said þat tyme onto my fadir: ‘Sith our nacioun knew wel þat he was Crist whi wold þei put him on þe crosse’. My fader answerd herto and saide: ‘God knowith I consented neuyr onto þat deth but oft spak I agayn hem þat conspired his deth. But þe principal cause of his deth was þat openly he prechid ageyn þe vices whech þe Pharisees usen. But þis is sikir þat þe þird day aftir his passion he ros fro þe deth and fourty dayes aftir þat resureccioun was he seyn who he went up into heuene not only of his disciples but of many oþir of our nacioun. And þese myracles were cause þat Steuene þi broþir beleued in him and prechid of him openly þat he was Messias, whech our lawe seith schuld come, for whech preching þei stoned him to þe deth. Therfore, son, be þou war þat þou blaspheme not þe name of Jhesu ne speke no euele of non of his disciples’.
Whan þe Jues herd Judas telle þis tale þei said: Þis þing herd we neuyr or now but whan we come in presens of þe qween loke þou talk not so large.
Sone aftir þis comunicacion þei come before þe qween, sche inqwired where þe crosse was, but non of hem wold make knowlech wherfore sche comaunded hem to be brent. Thoo in grete fere þei accused Judas and said to þe qween þat he was
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Chapter 33 The station at Santa Croce in Gerusalemme The station on the fourth Sunday of Lent is at a chapel under Santa Croce called Jerusalem, which we talked about before. We said there that this was the private retreat of St Helen, which at her instigation was consecrated to the honour of the cross and called Jerusalem as a memorial of her noble effort when she both sought and found the cross at Jerusalem. For when Constantine the Great was baptized by St Sylvester and this same Helen was converted to the faith, straightaway she went to Jerusalem with great piety to search for the cross that Our Lord was crucified on. When she arrived there, and the Jews knew that she had recently become an adherent of the faith of Our Lord, they were afraid and said amongst themselves: ‘What will this lady do, do you suppose?’ One of them called Judas said to them: I know very well that she will ask us where is the cross on which Jesus Christ was crucified. Take care that none of you betray this secret for if you do our law will be destroyed and all the customs of our ancestors will revert to nothing. My grandfather Zacheus said this to my father and my father said it to me. When he was about to die he said this to me: ‘Take note of my words, son, if there are any enquiries about the cross that Jesus was crucified on, unless you would rather die don’t tell them where it is, for from the moment it is found no nation shall ever stand in honour, but all the honour that we had ill turn towards the Christian faith’. At that time I said to my father: ‘Since our nation knew well that He was Christ why did they want to put Him on the cross?’ My father answered this and said: ‘God knows that I never consented to that death but I often spoke against those who contrived His death. But the main reason for His death was that He openly preached against the vices sustained by the Pharisees. But this is certain, that the third day after His passion He rose from the dead, and forty days after that resurrection He was seen ascending into heaven not only by His disciples but by many others of our nation. All these miracles were the reason that your brother Stephen believed in Him and preached openly of Him that He was the Messiah, who our law says shall come, on account of which preaching they stoned him to death. Therefor, son, be careful not to blaspheme the name of Jesus, and speak no evil of any of his disciples.
When the Jews heard Judas tell this story they said: We never heard this before now but when we come into the presence of the queen don’t talk at such length.
Soon after this discussion they came before the queen and she asked where the cross was, but none of them would divulge this knowledge, so she ordered them to be burnt. Then in great fear they pointed to Judas and said to the queen that
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most pryuy to þis mater where þe crosse and many oþir þingis were hid. Tho lete sche hem alle goo and onto Judas sche said: Deth or lyf may þou chese; but if þou telle me where þe crosse is þou schal dey.
He answerd and saide:1 Now is it too hundred ʒere sith it was hid— I was not þann bore ne many ʒere aftir— who wold ʒe desire þis þing of me?
Tho was he put in a dep pitte and kept þere withoute mete and drynk wenyng to him þat he schuld deye þere for hungir. Than he asked mercy and promised þat he schuld telle hir where it was. Whann he had brout hir to þe place he set him on his knes and praied Our Lord God þat he schuld fynde it. Sodeynly aftir his prayer al þe erde qwakid and out of certeyn riftis cam oute smek whech smelled swetter þan ony spis. Tho Judas lift up his handis for joye and cried with a loude voys: Now knowe I verily þat þou Crist art sauyour of þis world.
Thei doluen twenti passes and foundyn þre crosses, all þre bore þei into þe cité, and aboute non of þat same day þere was a ded man brout on a bere, Judas took o crosse and laide it on þe man and he roos not, þo took he þe secund and he lay still, þan þe þird and he roos. Wherby þei knew wel þat was þe crosse whech Crist halowid with his blood. Tho founde þei þe nayles and sche receyued hem with ful grete reuerens. Mech þing is writin of þis stori whech I leue now, for I wil make declaracion of oþir staciones whech be at oþir places.
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he was the most confidentially informed about the matter of where the cross and many other things were hidden. Then she let them all go and said to Judas: You can choose between death and life; unless you tell me where the cross is you shall die.
He answered and said: It is now two hundred years since it was hidden— I was not born then, nor many years later— how come you want this information from me?
Then he was put in a deep pit and kept there without food or drink indicating to him that he would die there of hunger. Then he begged for mercy and promised that he would tell her where it was. When he had brought her to the place he sank to his knees and prayed Our Lord God that he would find it. Suddenly after his prayer all the earth shook and smoke came out of certain cracks, smoke that smelt sweeter than any spice. Then Judas lifted up his hands for joy and cried out with a loud voice: Now I know truly that you Christ are the saviour of the world.
They dug down a hundred feet and found three crosses, they carried all three into the city; and about noon of the same day a dead man was brought in on a bier, Judas took a cross and laid it on the man and he did not rise, then he took the second and he lay still, then the third and he rose. By that they knew that that was the cross that Christ consecrated with his own blood. Then they found the nails and she accepted them with great piety. There is a lot written about this story, which I leave now, for I will provide explanations of other stations that are at other places.
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Of þe stacion at1 | a cherch cleped Quatuor Coronatorum. Capitulum XXXIIII.
Munday in þe fourt weke is þe stacion at a cherch of Foure Coronatoris on a hill on þe rith hand as we goo to Seyn Jon Lateranensis, onto whech cherch eke is annexid a fair place longyng onto a cardinale. In þis cherch lith þe body of on Marius þat cam fro Perse and took his martirdam in Rome. There lith his wif eke whech hite Martha and his too sones, on hith Audifax, anoþir Abacuk, alle þre martires eke. These foure coronatoures were grauouris of ymagery and entayle most speciali in stoon. Thei founde first þe maner of werkyng in hard stones both of sawing, grauyng and pulching as2 it is seide at Rome. Dyuers oppiniones be of her names, summe sey þere were but four, whech hith þus, Seuerus, Seuerianus, Carpoforus and Victorinus. Sum sey þere were fyue, Claudius, Nichostratus, Castorius, Simphorianus and Simplicius. The names of þe four first myth not be founde and þerfor þe Cherch sette in þese fyue for þei were martirized þe same day. Diocleciane mad a grete tempil in whech he wold make a grete simulacre of þe sunne with cart and hors and al þe aray as þe poetes feyned. For þei feyned þat þe sunne ridith in a chare of four wheles and þe mone in a cart of to wheles and mech oþir þing. But to þis entent say we þis, Diocleciane had found a noble veyn in þe erde of a precious ston þei clepe thaso, he did clepe both philisophres and grauoures and told hem his avys þat he wold haue a chare grauen in þis ston with four wheles and four hors and a man standing in þe chare whech schuld represent þe sunne. These foure coronatouris were presented onto him amongis many oþir werkmen as most parfith and most sotil in ymaginacion. But þei wer priuy Cristen men, and þat þei schuld werk þei wrout it in þe worchip of Crist and seyntis elles wold þei noþing graue. Grete strif was þere many day betwixe þe philisophres and þe werkmen in what maner þis ston schuld be kit. So at þe comaundment of Diocleciane þere were gade[red]3 on a day sex hundred werkmen and twenti with too philisophres and euer was þere gret strif betwix hem. These foure coronatoures stood beside and ded naut to þe werk. Thoo þe philisophres chalanged hem and seid onto hem: What is þe cause þat ʒe obeye not onto þe comaundment of þe most goodly and mekest prince Diocleciane?
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Chapter 34 The station at Santi Quattro Coronati The station on the Monday in the fourth week (of Lent) is at Santi Quattro Coronati, which is on a hill on the right hand as we go to San Giovanni in Laterano, and a beautiful place belonging to a cardinal is joined to it. The body of one Marius, who came from Persia and was martyred in Rome, lies in this church. His wife lies there too— her name was Martha— and his two sons, one called Audifax the other Abachum, all three martyrs too. These four crowned martyrs were sculptors of carvings and statues, especially in stone. As is said in Rome they were the first to discover the way of working with hard stone, sawing, carving and polishing. There are various opinions of their names: some say there were just four of them, who were called Severus, Severianus, Carpophorus and Victorinus; some say there were five, Claudius, Nichostratus, Castorius, Simphorianus and Simplicius. The names of the first (group of ) four could not be found so the Church put in these five, for they were martyred the same day. Diocletian built a large temple in which he wanted to make a great image of the sun with chariot and horse and all the display as the poets conceived. For they conceived that the sun rides in a chariot of four wheels and the moon in a chariot of two wheels and a lot of other things. But in relation to this we note that Diocletian had found a fine seam of valuable stone they call thassos, so he summoned both philosophers and sculptors and told them his plan that he wanted a chariot sculpted in this stone with four wheels and four horses and standing in the chariot a man who was to represent the sun. Amongst other workmen these four crowned martyrs were presented to him as the most excellent and the most skilful in ingenuity. But they were private Christian men, and whatever they made they produced it to the honour of Christ and the saints, otherwise they would not sculpt anything. For many days there was much argument between the philosophers and the artisans as to the way this stone should be cut. So on the orders of Diocletian on one day there were gathered six hundred and twenty workmen and two philosophers, and there was still great friction between them. These four crowned martyrs stood aside and did nothing to the work. Then the philosophers challenged them and said to them: What is the reason that you do not obey the commandment of the most excellent and meek prince Diocletian?
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Claudius spak for hem: We wil not blaspheme him þat mad us ne we wil do so swech werk in whech we schuld be found gilty in his sith.
The philisophres said þan onto hem: It semeth þat ʒe be Cristen men.
Thei answerd all with o voys: Treuly are we Cristen men.
Thoo þe philisophres chose oþir werkmen whech mad an ende withinne þriti daies. And whan þis werk was brout before þe sith of þe emperour he merueiled þerof and seid. fo 399v
This haue þei made þat are hald so gret | maisteres in þis craft.
The philisophres answerd: Holi prince þo men of whom ʒe speke are Cristen men and be magik wene forto make all men subject onto hem.
Diocleciane said: If þis be soth we schul haue experiens.
And þe same hour he comanded on Lampadius to do execucioun upon hem. First he cleped hem and schewid al maner tormentry and inqwired of hem wheidir þei wold do sacrifise to þe immortal goddis or nowt. Thei wold not do his comaundment, as þei saide. Tho mad he hem naked to be betyn with scorgis and a crier in þe betyng cried þus: The preceptis of princes schuld ʒe not despise.
In þat same our Lampadius was obcessid with a deuele and eue[n] in his sete he rent himselue and deyde. His wif and his eyir runne to þe paleys crying uenjaunge of þese wicchis. Tho þe emperour comaunded þat þei alle schuld be wound in led and so þrowyn in Tybir. But within fewe dayes a Cristen man cleped Nichodemus lift up þe bodies and biried hem in his hous.
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Claudius spoke for them: We will not blaspheme Him who made us, and we will not do such work that because of it we would be found guilty in His sight.
Then the philosophers said to them: It would appear that you are Christian men.
They all answered with one voice: Truly we are Christian men.
Then the philosophers chose other workmen who completed the job in thirty days. And when this work was brought before the emperor’s view he marvelled at it and said: Those who are considered such great masters of this skilled workmanship have made this.
The philosophers answered: Holy prince, those men of whom we speak are Christian men and think to make all men subject to them by sorcery.
Diocletian said: If this is true we shall have proof.
And the same hour he ordered one Lampadius to execute them. First he summoned them and showed them all kinds of torture and asked them whether they would make sacrifice to the immortal gods or not. They would not carry out his order, as they said. Then he made them naked to be whipped with scourges and during the whipping a crier cried out: You should not scorn the precepts of princes.
That same hour Lampadius was possessed by a devil and, even seated on his chair, he lacerated himself and died. His wife and his heirs ran to the palace crying vengeance on these sorcerers. Then the emperor ordered that they all should be encased in lead and thrown into the Tiber like so. But within a few days a Christian man called Nichodemus raised the bodies up and buried them at his house.
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Off þe stacion at Seynt Laurens in Damasco.
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[Capitulum] XXXV.
Tewisday in þat same weke is þe stacion at a cherch cleped Laurencii in Damasco. This cherch stant fast be Campflour. But whi it is clepid in Damasco I haue not lerned ʒet wel wot I þat Damascus was sumtyme þe principal cité of Surry. On cleped Eleezer, steward of Abrahames houshold, he mad it, summe men clepe him anoþir name and so he hith Damascus, but þis may not be drawe in no colour to namyng of þis cherch. The glose upon Ysai upon þis text ‘Onus Damasci’ seith þat in þis same place where þe cité of Damasc stant Cayn killid Abel his broþir, and, as Seynt Gregori seith,1 euery wikkid man may be clepid Cayn and euery good man þat sufferith paciently persecucion Abel. Wherfor þis tyraunt Decius was lich anoþir Cayn and þis martir Laurens lich anoþir Abel, but wheþir þat Seynt Laurens suffered ony tormentri in þis place or nowt I am in doute. If he ded, þan myth it be called þe place where Cayn killid his broþir. But a nyher euydens may we make of þis place: for Damascus is as mech forto sey as a ‘blodi feld’; now þis cherch stant2 ny in þe most multitude of houses and dwelleres of Rome. It is forto suppose verily þat many a martir was killid in þat place because it was ny þe puple, þat þei schuld be more aferd to receyue Cristen feith, þerfor was it called þe blodi feld whech in Surry tong soundith Damascus. Amongis all oþir seintis whech restyn in þis cherch þere lith an holy pope cleped Damasus; for þat man sum sey it schuld be cleped Laurencii in Damaso, not in Damasco, as þei clepe þe cherch of Balbyne Saluatoris in Balbina,3 for þe cherch is of þe Saluator Crist, and þis mayde Balbyne lith þere, þerfore þei clepid it soo. This Damasus þe pope ded mech þing | in þe cherch aftir tyme þat he was pope. First soute he certeyn seyntis and translate hem and mad vers upon her graues for he was a grete vercyfiour. He ordeyned eke at instauns of Seynt Jerom4 þat psalmes schuld be songe both nyth and day. And þese too vers at þe psalmes endes wrote Seynt Jerom onto him desiryng of him þat all þe Cherch schuld be bounde to þe same obseruauns, Gloria patri etcetera.
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Chapter 35 The station at San Lorenzo in Damaso The station on the Tuesday in that same (fourth) week (of Lent) is at San Lorenzo in Damaso. This church is situated near the Campo dei Fiori. But I have not discovered why it is called in Damasco, although I know well that Damascus was at one time the principal city of Syria. A man called Eliezer, steward to the household of Abraham, built it, and some men give him another name and so he is called Damascus, but there is no way this can be drawn upon as a supporting argument for the naming of this church. The commentary in the Glossa Ordinaria on the text Onus Damasci (Is 17.1) says that Cain killed his brother Abel in this very place where the city of Damascus stands, and as St Gregory says, every wicked man may be called Cain and every good man who endures persecution patiently may be called Abel. On this analysis this despot Decius was like another Cain and this martyr Laurence like another Abel, but I doubt whether St Laurence endured any torments in this place. If he did, then it could be called the place where Cain killed his brother. But we can make a better case for this place: for Damascus means ‘a bloody field’, and this church is situated near the densest concentration of houses and inhabitants in Rome. It may truly be thought that many a martyr was killed in that place because it was near the people, where they would be more afraid to accept the Christian faith, so for that reason it was called ‘the bloody field’, (the word for) which in the Syrian language is Damascus. Among all the other saints who rest in this church there lies a holy pope called Damasus; some say that on account of that man it should be called San Lorenzo in Damaso, not in Damasco, just as they call the church of St Balbina San Salvatore in Balbina; they call it so because the church is dedicated to Christ the Saviour and the virgin St Balbina lies there. This Pope Damasus did a lot in this church after he became pope. First of all he sought out the bodies of certain saints and conveyed them to this church and wrote verses on their graves, for he was a great versifier. At the instigation of St Jerome he arranged that psalms should be sung both at night services and at day services. And St Jerome wrote to him asking him to install the use of these two verses at the end of the psalm so that the whole Church would follow the same practice: Gloria Patri ‘Glory to the Father’ etc.
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Off þe stacion at Seint Paules.
Capitulum XXXVI.
Wednysday in þe same weke is þe stacion at þe cherch of Seynt Paule whech stant without þe wallis on þe south side of Rome, of whech we spoke before but summe addiciones wil we sette here rith for conformité of þe book. There ly in þis cherch, as þei sey þat dwelle þere, a þousand of þoo innocentis whech were killid for Crist. There lith Thimotheus, þat was disciple onto Paule, and Titus eke, whech was his disciple alsoo. These to men receyued notable epistelis fro Seynt Paule, and hem both mad he bischoppis, on of hem in Asie, þe oþir in Europe, as seith Þe Glose upon þe same episteles. There lith eke in þis cherch Seint Maurus, Seynt Approniane and Seynt Archemie, Felix eke þe martir þat blew down many mawmentis, Audactus þe martir, Simplicius þe martir, Faustinus, Beatrix, Lucia, Geminianus, Ciriacus, Largus and Smaragdus, and many oþir of whech it were al to longe to write here þe passiones. There is þe hed of Seynt Ananie, whech baptized Seynt Paule in þe cité of Damasc, the hed of Seynt Steuene þe first martir, þe arme of Seint Anne, modir to Our Lady, þe arme of Seint Nicholas, bischop of Bare, þe arme of þe woman Samaritane þat ʒaue Crist drynk at þe welle. There stant also a piler, whech stood in Pilates hous sith1 what tyme Crist was bete þere, summe sey þat Crist was bound onto þe same. In þis same cherch lith Seynt Plautille2 whech lent Paule a cloth whan he schuld be ded. And because þat story longith directly to þe apostel Paule for þat cause wil we reherse it here. Whan Paule was condempned to þe deth he was led forth into þe feld out of Rome, for þe place where his hed was smet of is out of Rome þre myle. In þe gate of Rome whech is cleped Porta Capena or ellis Porta Sancti Pauli þis woman Plautille, whech was lerned be him in þe lawe of God, met þere with him. Sche wept ful sore, tok hir leue, and comendid hir to his prayeres. Paule saide onto hir: Fare wel Plautill, doutyr of euerlastyng helth, but o3 þing I pray þe lende me, a kerchi with whech I may hide myn eyne whann I schal lese myn hed.
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Thoo took sche him a kerchi and he bare it forth with him, and whan his hed was smet of he sprad it with his owne handis and gadered þe blood. Aftir þat gadering þe kerchi was sodeynly at Rome in Plautill hand. Sche | was aknowe aftirward þat sche say Petir and Paule, who þei came into Rome arayed with cloþis of gold and crownes on her hedes. Sche schewid eke hem þat were at his deth þe wympil al blody whech was brout hir to Rome longe er þei myth com þider.
whech stood in Pilates hous sith] MS whech stood in Pilates hous on whech stood sith with the rest of the word cropped by a binder 3 o] MS of 1
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Chapter 36 The station at San Paolo fuori le Mura The station on the Wednesday in the same (fourth) week (of Lent) is at San Paolo fuori le Mura on the south side of Rome, which we spoke about earlier but we will make some additions here for the balance of the book. In this church, as those who live there say, there lie a thousand of those innocent children who were killed on Christ’s account. There lies Timothy, who was disciple to Paul, and Titus too, who was also his disciple. These two men received remarkable letters from St Paul, and he made them both bishops, one of them in Asia, the other in Europe, as the Glossa Ordinaria to these Letters says. Also in this church there lie SS Maurus, Approniane, Archemie, also Felix the martyr who destroyed many idols, Audactus the martyr, Simplicius the martyr, Faustinus, Beatrix, Lucia, Geminianus, Cyriacus, Largus and Smaragdus, and many others whose passions it would take much too long to write here. The head of St Ananias, who baptized St Paul in the city of Damascus, is there, the head of St Stephen, the first martyr, the arm of St Anne, mother of Our Lady, the arm of St Nicholas, bishop of Bari, the arm of the Samaritan woman who gave Christ a drink at the well. A pillar also stood there, one that stood in Pilate’s house since the time that Christ was scourged there, and to which some say Christ was bound. In this same church lies St Plautilla, who lent Paul a cloth when he was to die. And since this story relates directly to Paul the apostle, we will tell it here for that reason. When Paul was condemned to death he was led out to the field outside Rome, for the place where his head was struck off is three miles out of Rome. This woman Plautilla, who had been taught God’s law by him, met him at the gate of Rome that is called Porta Capena or Porta San Paolo. She wept bitterly, took her leave and entrusted herself to his prayers. Paul said to her: Farewell Plautilla, daughter of eternal health, but one thing I pray you, lend me a veil with which I can cover my eyes when I am to lose my head.
Then she gave him a veil, and he took it with him, and when his head was struck off he spread it out with his own hands and collected the blood. Following that collection of the blood the veil was suddenly in Plautilla’s hand in Rome. She acknowledged later that she saw Peter and Paul, how they came into Rome dressed in cloth of gold and crowns on their heads. She also showed those who were at his death the bloody veil that was brought to her long before they could get there themselves.
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Off þe stacion at Seint Martyn in Montibus.
Capitulum XXXVII.
Thursday in þat same weke is þe stacion at a cherch cleped Sancti Martini in Montibus, where Seynt Siluester lith, and þere is his stole, his uestment and his sandalys. In þis cherch lyn eke many oþir seyntis. There be dwellyng at þis place certeyn freres cleped Carmelites, for her ordre began in þe hill cleped Carmele, whech stant in Palestin. This Martyn was pope in þat same tyme þat on Paule, patriark of Constantinople, sette grete scisme in þe Cherch. For he held þat heresie whech puttith but o wil in þe persone of Our Lord Jhesu Crist. Alle þe testimonies of þe old faderes of þe Cherch he refused, þe embassiatoures þat were sent fro Rome to vndirtake him of his grete defautes he despised. Thoo þat were of þe trew opinion he bet hem, prisoned hem, exiled hem, so þat many pleintis come to Rome fro many sundri parties of þe world þat sum remedy schuld be ordeyned to þis sore. Thoo þis same Pope Martyn mad a congregacion at Rome of a hundred bischoppis and fyue, and þere he condempned þe heresie of þis Paule. The emperour, whech þat tyme dwelt at Constantinople, was infecte with þis same heresie and he sent his chetour into Ytailé to make a scisme ageyn Martyn þe pope. This was asaied be many menes but euyr Oure Lord God was a protectour onto his trew seruaunt for Our Lord wold not suffer þe hertis of his puple to hate þis man, þis holy preste Martyn. Tho þis chetoure, whech hith Olympus, turned him to an horible fraude and feyned þat of deuocioun he wold be hoseled of Pope Martynes hand and in þis feynyng he had mad comenaunt with him þat bare his swerd, þat whech tyme þe pope was bisi to hosil þis man his seruaunt with his swerd schuld sle þe pope. But Our Lord God mad þis ʒong man blynd al þat messe tyme forto lette þat cursed dede as he swore aftir afore þe puple. The helth of rithful men as seith Dauid is of Our Lord and Our Lord is a protectour of rithful men in tyme of tribulacion. The emperour aftir þis sent down anoþir officer and he took þis pope and led him into Cersone or ellis Tersone, an ylde in þe see þere deyid þis man1 in grete tribulacion for rith of þe Cherch. There dede he many myracles for whech þei translate him to Rome. The same day is þe stacion at a cherch of Seynt Siluester, where þat his hed is, and eke þe hed of Seynt Jon Baptist, and in þis place dwelle cloos nunnes whech haue man] suprascript
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Chapter 37 The station at San Martino ai Monti and the station at San Silvestro in Capite The station on the Thursday in the same (fourth) week (of Lent) is at San Martino ai Monti, where St Sylvester lies, and his stole, his vestments and his sandals are there. Many other saints also lie in this church. Certain friars are living at this place called Carmelites, for their Order began at Mount Carmel, which is situated in Palestine. This Martin I was pope in the same year as one Paul II, patriarch of Constantinople, established a great schism in the Church. For he was an adherent of that heresy which allowed but one will in the person of Our Lord Jesus Christ. He denied all the evidence produced by the old Fathers of the Church, he scorned the emissaries who were sent from Rome to correct his great offences. He beat those of the true belief, imprisoned them and exiled them, so that many complaints came to Rome from many different parts of the world that some remedy should be arranged for this wound. Then this same Pope Martin called a meeting at Rome of a hundred and five bishops, and there he condemned the heresy of this Paul. The emperor (Constantine III Heraclius), who at this time lived in Constantinople, was corrupted with the same heresy, and he sent his property manager to Italy to create a schism with Pope Martin. This was attempted by many means, but Our Lord God was always a protector of his true servant, for Our Lord would not allow the people to hate this holy priest Martin in their hearts. Then this property manager, who was called Olimpius, resorted to a detestable deception and pretended that out of devotion he wished to be given the host from Pope Martin’s hand, and in this pretence he had made an agreement with his sword-bearer that at the time when the pope was occupied in giving the host to this man his servant should slay the pope with his sword. But Our Lord God blinded this young man for the duration of the mass in order to prevent that cursed act, as he swore later in front of the people. As David says (in Ps 5.13) the health of just men comes from Our Lord, and Our Lord is a protector of just men in time of tribulation. After this the emperor sent another officer (Theodorus) and he captured this pope and took him into Chersonesus (Crimea), an island in the sea where this man died in great anguish for the just cause of the Church. He did many miracles there on account of which they conveyed his body to Rome. A station on the same day is at San Silvestro in Capite, where St Sylvester’s head is, and also the head of St John the Baptist, and enclosed nuns (Poor Clares) who
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þe keping of þe Baptistes hed. Many men sey þat þis hed is at Amyas and þei must vndirstand þere is no more at Amyas but þe nethir chauyl, for al þe oþir | part1 of þe hed is mad of goldsmytis werk. So ʒe may se verili þat þe principal part of Baptistes hed is at Rome.
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have the guardianship of the Baptist’s head live at this place. Many men say that this head is at Amiens, and they must understand that there is only the lower jaw at Amiens, for all the other part of the head is the work of a goldsmith. So you can see truly that the main part of the Baptist’s head is at Rome.
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Of þe stacion at Seint Eusebie.
Capitulum XXXVIII.
Friday in þat weke is þe stacion at Seynt Eusebie and þis cherch was þe title of þat honorable fader Herry, bischop of Wynchester, þat deyid now late. Onto þis cherch is annexid an abbey of munkys, I wot not verili now of what ordir. To þis cherch þe same cardinal at his deth beset good ornamentis and fayr jeweles whech are schewid þere at þe stacion to grete worchip of Englischmen. Off þis Eusebie telle þe eld stories of þe cherch þat he was a preest in Rome swech tyme as Constantine was emperour, not he grete Constantine baptized of Siluester, but his son whech was defiled with þe Arrianes heresi and was rebaptized eke of a bischop hith Eusebius, þe grettest fautor of þat scisme. This same emperour Constantine had so þret þe pope at þat tyme, whech hith Liberius, þat he was fauourable onto þat heresi. For þis rede we þat at þe comaundment of þis emperour þis Pope Liberius was sodeynly lift up in a chare and caried oute of þe cité into an yle where he was exiled þre ʒere. He þus exiled, þe Cherch at Rome be his consent chosen a new pope clepid Felix, whech man was grete enmy to þe Arrianes, for ageyn hem he sette a gret councel at Rome, in whech councel he rejecte too men, fautouris onto þe emperour; on of hem hith Vrsacius, þe oþir hith Valent. And whan þei were þus put oute of þe councel þei laboured onto þe emperour þat he schuld depose þis Felix and clepe him Liberius ageyn on þat condicion þat he schuld ʒeue fauour to her heresie. Whan he was come ageyn þis Liberius he ded as þei desired and ʒaue grete fauour onto hem. At þat tyme þis blessed preest Eusebius of whom þis present capitule is mad stood up manly and defended þe trew feith euene in þe presens of þis Constantine and seid þat he was ful sory þat Liberius, hed of þe Cherch, schuld þus falle into heresie. Constantine was wroth with þe wordis of þis man and comaunded him to be sperd up in his owne hous in a smal corner whech had in brede no mor þan four fete. There continued þis holy man in grete constauns and deuoute prayeres many monthis and in þis tribulacion deyid and went onto Oure Lord þe nyneten kalend of Septembir. Too deuoute prestes Gregorius and Orosius took up his body and bore it to þat place cleped Cimiterium Kalixti and byried it þere. Thei sette eke þis title on his graue: ‘The sepulture of Eusebi þe man of God’.
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Chapter 38 The station at Sant’Eusebio The station on the Friday of that (fourth) week (in Lent) is at Sant’Eusebio, to which the title was held by that honourable father (Cardinal) Henry Beaufort, bishop of Winchester, who died recently. An abbey of monks adjoins this church, of what Order I truly do not know. At his death the same cardinal bequeathed good ornaments and beautiful jewels that are showed there at the station to the great honour of Englishmen. The old histories of the church relate about this Eusebius that he was a priest in Rome at the time when Constantine was emperor, not Constantine the Great who was baptized by Sylvester, but his son (Constantine II), who was contaminated with the Arian heresy and was also rebaptized by a bishop called Eusebius, the greatest abettor of that schism. This same emperor Constantine had so threatened the pope at that time, who was called Liberius, that he became sympathetic to that heresy. For we read that on the orders of this emperor Pope Liberius was suddenly lifted up in a chair and carried out of the city into an isle where he was exiled for three years. With him exiled, by his consent the Church at Rome chose a new pope called Felix, who was a great enemy of the Arians, for he called a Great Council against them at Rome, at which Council he cast out two men, supporters of the emperor; one of them was called Ursacius, the other Valent. And when they were put out of the Council they canvassed the emperor that he should depose this Felix and call Liberius back again on condition that he would favour their heresy. When he came back Liberius did as they wanted and greatly favoured the heretics. At that time this blessed priest Eusebius, whom the present chapter is about, stood up bravely and defended the true faith, even in the presence of this Constantine, and said that he was very sorry that Liberius as head of the Church should lapse into heresy. Constantine was furious with this man’s words and ordered him to be locked up in a small out-of-the-way part of his own house, which was no more than four feet wide. This holy man lived on there in great fortitude for many months with devout prayers, and died in this state of torture and passed away to Our Lord on 14 September. Two pious priests Gregorius and Orosius took up his body and carried it to the place called the Catacombs of Calixtus and buried it there. They also placed this inscription on his grave: ‘The burial place of Eusebius, man of God’.
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Whan Constantine herd þat þis Gregory had byried Eusebius body he comaunded þat he schuld be sperd in þe same vout and dey þere for hungir | but Orosius his felaw caried him oute be nyth and counforted him ʒet deyed he withinne fewe dayes and was byried in þe same vout next Seynt Eusebye.
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When Constantine heard that this Gregorius had buried Eusebius’s body he commanded that he should be locked in the same place of confinement and die of hunger there, but his friend Orosius carried him out by night and consoled him, but he died in a few days and was buried in the same burial-chamber next to St Eusebius.
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Off þe stacion at a cherch clepid Nicholaus in Carcere. [Capitulum] XXXIX.
Satirday in þat same weke is þe stacion at a cherch cleped Sanctus Nicholaus in Carcere. It soundith in our tunge ‘Seynt Nicholas in þe prison’. For þis prison was mad be Juliane Apostata for Cristen men and now is it mad a cherch in worchip of Seynt Nicholas where as þei sey is Seint Nicholas arme and his pontifical. There is eke þe arme of Seynt Alex and a grete part of Seynt Fraunceys habite. There lith eke at þe dore al þe body of a gandir whech was worchipid as for a god swech tyme as a gander had wakid þe keperes of þe Capitol whan þe kyng of Ynglond had conqwered al saue þe Capitol. Because þis cherch is dedicate to Seynt Nycholas sumwhat of his lyf wil we expleite here. In his childhod he had þat perfeccioun þat he began to fast twyes in þe weke, for on Wednysday and Friday he wold in þe cradill soke but onys, þus began in him þe gret perfeccion of abstinens. Whan his frendis were ded he saued þre maydenes fro þe filth of leccherye ʒeuyng hem grete habundauns of his good, where he fulfilled þe councell of Our Lord þat seid to his disciples: But if ʒe forsake al þat ʒe haue ʒe may not be my [disciple].
In þis dede eke he fled þe most perilous vys1 of veynglorie whan he wold do it so pryuyly. He was chosen bischop withouten ony symonie. He ministred in his office withoute ony couetise. He halp marineres in perellis of þe see. He multiplied þe whete þat was seld to his parischones. Many oþir þingis ded he whech are customable in þis lond to be rehersid both in Latyn and in Englisch.
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Chapter 39 The station at San Nicola in Carcere The station on the Saturday in that same (fourth) week (of Lent) is at San Nicola in Carcere, which means in our language ‘Saint Nicholas in the Prison’. For this prison was built by Julian the Apostate for Christian men, and now it has been made into a church in honour of St Nicholas, where, as they say, St Nicholas’s arm is (kept) and his pontifical. There too is the arm of St Alexis and a large part of the habit of St Francis. Also, at the door there lies the whole body of a gander, which was worshipped as a god from the time when a gander had woken the guards of the Capitol, when the king of England had conquered all (the city) except the Capitol. As this church is dedicated to St Nicholas we will relate something about his life here. In his infancy he showed that manifestation of perfection when he proceeded to fast twice a week, for in the cradle he would suck only once on Wednesdays and Fridays; so began the great perfection of abstinence. When his friends died he saved three maidens from the defilement of sexual abuse, giving them a great quantity of his possessions, whereby he fulfilled the counsel of Our Lord, who said to his disciples: Unless you abandon everything you have you cannot be my disciple.
By this action he avoided the most dangerous vice of vainglory when he wanted to do it secretly. He was chosen as a bishop without any simony. He ministered in his office without any covetousness. He helped sailors at danger from the sea. He multiplied the wheat that was sold to his parishioners. He did many other things that it is customary to relate in this country both in Latin and in English.
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Off þe stacion at Seint Petir.
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Capitulum XL.
On þe Passion Sunday is þe stacion at þe cherch of Seint Petir, of whech place mech þing was seid before, but sumþing was left to sette in here. There is a ymage of Our Lady in a chapell and it doth many miracles in special to hem þat haue þe brennyng feuyr. Mech offeryng is þertoo and grete pardon graunted to all þat visite þat place. There is eke anoþir ymage of Our Lady depeynted on a wal in þe cherch and because þei had hange Judas roop before her sche stert awey with indignacioun and sodeynly appered in a bare wal beside, and þat wal where sche was depeynted is bare, as neuyr picture had be þere. Eke þere is þe þird ymage of Our Lady in þe porch as we come in and a Jew, seyng Cristen men do grete reuerens þerto, I not with what instrument he smet it but in very sikirnesse þe blood ran owt fro þe ymage whech is poyntid on a wal, ʒet is þe blod sene both of þe ymage where it was smet and eke on a mar|bil ston whidir þat it sprang. There is a ston upon whech Petir1 wept aftir tyme he had deneyed his maystir. We rede of him þat at euery tyme whan he remembrid þis negacion euyr wold be wepe, wherfor was2 he fayn euyr to bere a sudary in his bosum. There is a ston alsoo on whech þe emperour of Rome schal receyue his crowne. There is þe bason in whech Pilat wasched his handis. On of þo þirti plates for whech Crist was seld is þere alsoo. At þe qwer dore is þat place whech þei clepe Limina Apostolorum, where ar wretyn swech vers. Hic Petre diuini tribuebas fercula verbi Sepius hoc loco sacrificans Jhesu Cristo. Hec domus est Aquile seu Petri presulis almi.
This is þe sentens of þese vers. Here Petir of Goddis word þou ʒaue ful largely þe mete Oftyn in þis same place þou mad sacrifise to Crist. This is þe hous of Aquile or of þe hyest bischop Petir.
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Chapter 40 The station at San Pietro The station on Passion Sunday is at San Pietro, a place that a lot was said earlier about, but something was left to put in here. In a chapel there is a picture of Our Lady and it performs many miracles, especially for those who have ague-fever. A great many offerings are made before it, and great pardon is granted to all who visit that place. There is also a second picture of Our Lady painted on a wall in the church, and because they hung Judas’s rope in front of her she recoiled with displeasure, and suddenly she appeared on a bare wall alongside, and the wall where she had been painted was bare, as though there had never been a picture there. There is a third picture of Our Lady too, in the porch as we enter, and a Jew, seeing Christian men show it great devotion, with what instrument I don’t know struck it, but in absolute certainty blood ran out of the picture that is painted on a wall, and the blood can still be seen, both on the picture where it was struck, and also on a marble slab where it spurted out. There is a stone on which St Peter wept after the time he denied his master. We read of him that every time he remembered this denial he would weep, on which account he was always content to carry a head-cloth at his chest. There is also a stone (seated) on which the emperor of Rome receives his crown. There is a basin in which Pilate washed his hands. There is also one of those thirty pieces of silver for which Christ was sold. At the door of the choir is the place they call Limina Apostolorum ‘the threshold of the (tombs of the) apostles’, where the following verses are written: Hic Petre diuini tribuebas fercula verbi Sepius hoc loco sacrificans Jhesu Cristo. Hec domus est Aquile seu Petri presulis almi.
This is the meaning of these verses: Peter, you gave the substance of God’s word amply here; in this same place you often made sacrifice to Christ. This is the house of Aquila or of the supreme bishop Peter.
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Off þe stacion of Seint Grisogonus.
Capitulum XLI.
The Moneday in Passion Week is þe stacion ouyr Tibyr at a cherch dedicat to Seyn Grisogonus. There is þe arme of James þe apostel whech was Zebedeus son. Of þis Grisogonus we spoke sumwhat before in þe title of Seynt Anastase. There teld we who he counfortid hir with his noble episteles. Here wil we telle be what tribulacion he went to heuene. Diocleciane mad him to stand before him for he had herd so mech of þis man þat he wold haue experiens of his wisdam. Aftir many wordis had betwixe hem too of Crist and of þe feith Diocleciane saide: Take upon þe [þe] dignité of a meyhir, þat is to sey þat all þoo men þat are arested in þat ward where þou dwellist schul be undir þi jurisdicion. Take upon þe eke at our ʒifte þat worchip þat þou schal be principal consul and gouernour of al þi kynrod. We desire of þe no more for al þese rewardes but þat þou wilt do worchip and offir to our goddis.
Grisogonus answerd in þis maner: O God in heuene with my mynde I worchip and with clene dedis I serue. These fals ymages of ʒour goddis whech are not elles but cophres for deueles to dwell in, I despice and forsake for euyr.
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Diocleciane in grete angir comaunded þat he schuld be led to a place cleped Ad Aquas Gradatas, þat is to sey in Englisch ‘To þe Grecyd Wateris’, and þere his hed to be smet of. These greced waterys are a pitte fast by Seynt Georgis where a fayre spryng comth sodeynly out of þe ground and sodeynly entreth ageyn into þe ground and þe pitte is so dep þat a mylle-hous whech stant beneth is not as hy as þe erde. Othir sey þat þese Aque Gradate were ouyr Tibyr but þei telle not where. Aftir his hed was smet of þei þrew his body in þe flood but aftirward it was founde be an holy prest | þei clepe him Zoilus. He lift up þe body and biried it pryuyly in his hous in a cubicle vndir þe ground. His hed was founde aftir as fayr and fresch as it was þe hour of his deth. Þis hed he joyned to þe body and euene þriti days aftir Grisogonus deth þis same prest Zoilus as for a special reward receyued deth of his bodi and eterne lif of his soule.
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Chapter 41 The station at San Crisogono The station on the Monday in Passion Week is across the Tiber at a church dedicated to St Chrysogonus. The arm of the apostle James, son of Zebedee, is there. We said a bit about Chrysogonus earlier in the chapter on Santa Anastasia. We mentioned there how he comforted her with his excellent letters. Here we will relate with what suffering he went to heaven. Diocletian made him stand before him, for he had heard so much about this man that he wanted to have experience of his wisdom. After many conversations between the two of them about Christ and the faith, Diocletian said: Take for yourself the responsibility of a prefect, that is to say that all those men who are arrested in the sector where you live will be under your jurisdiction. Take for yourself also at our gift the honour that you will be principal consul and governor of all your people. For all these rewards we desire no more of you than that you will worship and make offerings to our gods.
Chrysogonus answered in this way: I worship with my mind and I serve with pure actions one God in heaven. These false idols of your gods, which are nothing more than chests for demons to live in, I despise them and abandon them for ever.
In great anger Diocletian ordered that he should be taken to a place called Ad Aquas Gradatas, which means in English ‘To the Waters with Steps’, and his head struck off there. These waters with steps are a hollow near San Giorgio in Velabro, where a beautiful spring comes out of the ground unexpectedly and then goes back into the ground unexpectedly, and the hollow is so deep that a millhouse, which is situated down below, is not as high as the (surrounding) ground. Others report that these Aque Gradate were across the Tiber but they do not say where. After his head was struck off they threw his body into the water but it was found later by a holy priest they call Zoilus. He raised the body up and buried it secretly at his house in an underground chamber. Later his head was found (looking) as attractive and fresh as it was at the hour of his death. He joined this head to the body, and just thirty days after Chrysogonus’s death this very priest Zoilus accepted the death of his body and the eternal life of his soul as a special reward.
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Off þe stacion at Seint Ciriac.
Capitulum XLII.
Tewisday is þe stacyon at a cherch of Seynt Cyriac fast by þe Batthes of Diocleciane, a litil chapel it is and ful desolat neuyr open in þe ʒer but þat day as I suppose. Ʒet is þis place a title of a cardinal whech is on of þoo seuene þat longyn to Seynt Mari Major. This Ciriacus was a dekne with Seynt Marcell þe pope, whom Dioclecian with many oþir Cristen men dampned onto þe deth and prolongid her lyf on þis condicion þat þei schuld dig sond and bere it on her bakkys onto þat same place where his bathis were in makyng. Amongis þese laboureres was an eld Cristen man cleped Saturnyn, whech myth not labour. This same Ciriac of grete charité halp þe eld man and bare þe birdenes of þat man and his owne eke. And þis labour performed he with gret joye synging deuoute ympnys and holy psalmes swech as þe Cherch used at þoo dayes. The meyhir of Rome whech was at þat tyme sent a knyt cleped Appronyan to arest þese men and bryng hem to his consistory. Whan he had arested hem and schuld lede hem forth he herd a loude voys in þe eyr crying swech wordis: Come ʒe blessed men of my Fader and receyue þat kyngdam whech was behote ʒou fro þe begynnyng of þe world.
For þis cry was þis same Approniane conuerted onto þe feith, baptized and not long aftir ded for þe confession of Our Lord Crist. In þoo same dayes þe doutyr of Diocleciane, Archemia, was vexid with a wikkid spirit, whech spirit cried withinne hir horribily: But if Cyryac come hedyr ellis wil I not go oute.
Ciriac was sent aftir and whan he was come he comaunded þe deuele be þe vertu of þe passioun of Our Lord Jhesu þat he schuld voide þat place and seke a new hostage. The deuele answerd him ageyn and saide: If þou put me oute of þis body assygne a new place where I schal dwelle.
Ciriac saide onto him: Lo here is my body, enter þerin if þou may.
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Chapter 42 The station at San Ciriaco in Thermis The station on the Tuesday (of Passion Week) is at San Ciriaco in Thermis, near the Baths of Diocletian. It is a small chapel and very deserted, never open during the year except on that (one) day I guess, yet this place provides the title of a cardinal, one of the seven that are attached to Santa Maria Maggiore. This Cyriacus was a deacon with Pope St Marcellus I, whom Diocletian condemned to death along with many other Christian men, and (offered to) prolong their lives on condition that they dig sand and carry it on their backs to the very place where his baths were under construction. Among these workers was an old Christian man called Saturninus, who could not work. Out of great charity Cyriacus helped the old man and carried the loads of that man as well as his own. And he carried out this work with great joy, singing the devout hymns and holy psalms that the Church used in those days. The current prefect of Rome at the time sent an officer called Appronian to arrest these men and bring them to his court. When he had arrested them and was to lead them on he heard a loud voice in the air crying out the following words: Come you men blessed by my Father and receive the kingdom that was promised you from the beginning of the world.
As a result of this cry this same Appronian was converted to the faith, baptized and soon after dead for the confession of Our Lord Christ. In those same days Artemia, Diocletian’s daughter, was troubled by an evil spirit, a spirit that cried out within her dreadfully: Unless Cyriacus comes here I will not depart.
Cyriacus was sent for, and when he arrived he ordered the devil by the virtue of the passion of Our Lord Jesus to leave that place and seek a new victim. The devil answered him back and said: If you banish me from this body assign me a new place where I am to lodge.
Cyriacus said to him: Behold, here is my body, enter into it if you can.
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The deuel said agayn: Thi body is so crouchid and so blessid þat þere may I not come. But of o þing I warne þe: if þou putte me oute fro þis mayde here, I schal cause þe to seke me at Babilon.
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Tho he comaunded him to voide and he avoided, so was þe mayde hool and aftir baptized in þe name of Crist. But whan þis Ciriac wened to a dwelled pesibily in his hous in contemplacion as he desired, sodeynly came a messager fro | þe kyng of Perse onto Diocleciane praying him to send him Cyriac whech cured his douter, for as he wrote his welbeloued doutir cleped Iobiane was obcessid with a deuele, whech deuele cried withinne hir þat he wold neuyr void but if þis Ciriac came. Than at þe prayer of Diocleciane Cyriac was sette in1 a schip and sailed into Perse and so forth caried to Babylone. Whan þe mayde was brout on his presens þe deuele withinne hir cried loude: I haue mad þe wery Ciriac.
And þis holy man answerd: I am not wery but euer redi to obeye þe gouernauns of God.2 ‘Ʒet’, quod þe deuel, ‘haue I brout þe where I desired þou schuld be’.
Ciriac saide onto him: Mi lord Jhesu Crist comaundeth þe þat þou leue þis maide.
The deuele cried: O dredful name þat þus constreyneth me to goo.
And with þat word he went out and left þe mayden hool. Tho Ciriac baptized þe kyng and þe qwen and her doutir with many mo. He refused þe ʒiftis þat þe kyng profered him and cam hom ageyn to Rome. Sone aftir his comyyg deyid þis Dioclecian. Maximian his son was emperour aftir him whech killid his sistir Archemie because3 sche was Cristen. Tho called he Ciriac and mad [him] forto be drawe naked bounde with chenes a grete weye4 rith before his chare. Tho he hing him with his felawis Largus and Smaragdus and pored5 hoot pik on her hedis. Last of alle he comaunded hem to be hedid.
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The devil replied: Your body is so marked with the cross and so blessed that I cannot come in there. But I give you notice of one thing: if you banish me from this maiden here I shall make you search me out in Babylon.
Then he ordered the devil to leave and he left, so the maiden became healthy and later she was baptized in the name of Christ. But when Cyriacus thought he could live in his house peaceably in contemplation, suddenly a messenger came to Diocletian from the king of Persia asking him to send him Cyriacus, who had cured his daughter, for as he wrote his beloved daughter called Iobia was possessed by a devil who cried out within her that he would never leave unless this Cyriacus came. Then at the request of Diocletian Cyriacus was put in a ship and sailed to Persia, and so he was taken on to Babylon. When the maiden was brought to his presence the devil inside her cried out aloud: I have made you weary, Cyriacus.
And this holy man replied: I am not weary but always ready to obey the authority of God. ‘Yet’, said the devil, ‘I have brought you here where I wanted you to be’.
Cyriacus said to him: My lord Jesus Christ commands you to leave this maiden.
The devil cried out: O dreadful name that forces me to depart.
And with that word he departed and left the maiden healthy. Then Cyriacus baptized the king and queen and their daughter with many others. He declined the gifts that the king offered him and came back home to Rome. Diocletian died soon after his arrival. After him his son Maximian was emperor, and he killed his sister Artemia because she was Christian. Then he summoned Cyriacus and caused him to be dragged naked shackled with chains a long distance right in front of his chariot. Then he hung him with his companions Largus and Smaragdus, and poured hot pitch on their heads. Last of all he ordered them to be beheaded.
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Of þe stacion at Seynt Marcell.
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Capitulum XLIII.
Wednysday folowing is þe stacion at a cherch of Seint Marcell, fast by þe Columpne, where þat same Marcell lith and þe hedes of Cosmas and Damianus. There lith eke þe noble emperour Focas þat gaf leue to Bonefas þe pope þat þe grete temple of fals goddis schuld be consecrat to all seyntis. This cherch stant by a grete memorial of Rome whech is cleped Columpna. Columpna is as mech to sey as a piler, for in þis piler, whech is a gret hy þing and round mad of dyuers stones, was grauyn and ʒit it apperith mech þerof all þe stories of þe batail of Troye. This piler is of swech fame þere þat on of þe grete kynrodis of Rome haue her name þerof, and comounly on of þe cardinales is of þis kynrod: he þat is now den of þe cardinalis hith Prosper de Columpnis. And Pope Martyn eke was of þis kynrod. Eke anoþir worthi man of ordir of hermytes of Seynt Austin, a notabil clerk as skole men know wel inow, whech þei clepid Egidius, he was of þis kynrod. But of þis Marcell wil we telle sumwhat because þis cherch is dedicat to his name. This Marcellus was pope of Rome in time of Maxencius, and for because he halowid a cherch in worchip of Our Lady whech was a dwelling place of a blessid woman clepid Lucyna, whech cherch is called Sancta Maria in Via Lata, þat is to sey ‘Seint Mari in þe Brood Stre|te’, and for þat cause þe forseid Maxencius, þat he had turned þis womannes hous to a cherch, he ded make of þat cherch a comoun stabil and condempned þe same pope forto serue bestes þere al his lyue. In þis same place he deyid and was biried in þe cimiterie clepid Priscille. This Pope Marcelle ordeyned fiftene cardinales in Rome only to baptize men and to birie hem. So semeth it þat cardinales at þat tyme were not of swech dignyté as þei be now, for þei were þann ordeyned as for curates, for þis same pope was before Siluester and onto þat tyme þat Siluester cam þe officeres of þe Cherch were not endewid in swech dignité as þei be now. And because þat þis man was þe first þat ordeyned cardinales, and before þis man we rede not of þis name, þerfor if þe rederes wil consent I wil declare here þe noumbir of þe cardinales, þe dignité [of ] þe office and eke þe titles. Al þis wil I drawe oute of Martynes Cronicle euene be ordre as he seith. Thus writith he þat euene as Our Lord in heuene hath þre ierarchies of aungellis ordeyned to his seruyse so þe pope whech is Cristis viker in erde hath þre
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Chapter 43 The station at San Marcello al Corso The station on the following Wednesday (of Passion Week) is at San Marcello al Corso, near the Column (of Marcus Aurelius), where that same Pope Marcellus I rests, and the heads of Cosmas and Damian. There lies also the noble Emperor Phocas, who gave leave to Pope Boniface IV for the great temple of false gods (Pantheon) to be consecrated to all saints. This church is situated near a great memorial of Rome that is called Columpna. Columpna means ‘a pillar’, for all the history of the battle of Troy was carved (and a lot of it is still seen) on this pillar, which is very high and round and made of various stones. This pillar is of such reputation there that one of the great families of Rome take their name from it (Colonna), and often one of the cardinals is from this family: he who is now dean of the cardinals is called Prospero Colonna. And Pope Martin V was also of that lineage. Also another illustrious man of the Order of the Hermits of St Augustine, a notable scholar as schoolmen know well enough, whom they called Giles of Rome, he was of this family. But we will relate something about this Marcellus because this church is dedicated to his name. This Marcellus was pope of Rome in the time of (Emperor) Maxencius, and since he consecrated a church that had been a residence of a blessed woman called Lucina in honour of Our lady, a church called Santa Maria in Via Lata, which means ‘St Mary in Broad Street’, for this reason, that he had turned this woman’s house into a church, the aforesaid Maxencius made this church into a common stable and condemned the pope to look after animals there for the rest of his life. He died in the same place and is buried in the catacombs of Priscilla. This Pope Marcellus ordained fifteen cardinals in Rome just to baptize men and to bury them. So it seems that cardinals at that time were not of such high esteem as they are now, for they were then ordained as curates, for this pope was before Sylvester, and up to the time that Sylvester came along the officers of the Church were not endowed with such high esteem as they are now. And since this man was the first to ordain cardinals, and before this man we do not even read the name ‘cardinal’, for this reason, with the readers’ permission, I will set out here the number of cardinals, the degree of esteem of the office and also the titles. I shall take all this from Martinus Polonus’s Chronicon exactly in the order he presents. So he writes that just as Our Lord in heaven has three hierarchies of angels established for his service, so the pope, who is Christ’s vicar on earth, has three
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ierarchies of cardinalis ordeyned to his ministracion. The first ierarchie is of cardinal bischopis; the secunde of cardinal prestis; the þird of cardinal deknes.1 Cardinal bischoppis are þere seuen, cardinal prestis twenti-eite, cardinal deknes sextene. The seuen cardinal bischoppis ar þese: The bischop of Hostie, whech is worthiest of all for be his handis þe pope nevly chosin receyuyth his consecracion. The bischop Portuense is þe secund. The bischop Albanensis þe þird. The bischop Sabinensis is þe fourt. The bischop Prenestine þe fift. The bischop Sancte Ruffine is þe sext. The bischop Tusculane þe seuenet. These seuen be þe popes vikeris forto serue him at þe auter in þe cherch cleped Lateranensis on Sundays and on grete festis. Cardinal prestis be þere twenti-eite, distincte onto oþir four cherches, to euery cherch seuene. These be þe seuen intitled to þe cherch of Seynt Petir: The cardinal of Seynt Mary Transtiberim; The cardinal of Seynt Grisogonus in þe same place; The cardinal of Seyn Cecili in þe same Transtiberim; The cardinal of Seynt Anastase; The cardinal of Seynt Laurens in Damasco; The cardinal of Seynt Marc; The cardinal of Seynt Martyn in Montibus. These be þe seuen þat serue to Seyn Paules cherch: The cardinale of Seint Sabine; The cardinal of Seynt Prisce; The cardinal of Seint Balbine; The cardinal of þoo seyntis Nerei and Achillei; The cardinal of Seint Sixte; The cardinal of Seint Marcelle; The cardinal of Seint Susanne. These be þe seuene cardinal prestes þat serue at Seint Laurens: The cardinal of Seint Praxed; The cardinal of Seint Petir ad Vincula; The cardinal of Seint Laurens in Lucina; The cardinal of Seynt Cruces at Jerusalem; The cardinal of Seint Steuene in Celio Monte; The cardinal of Jon and Paule; The cardinal of Quatuor Coronatorum. These be þe seuen cardinal þat serue at Seint | Mari Major: The cardinal of þe cherch dedicat to Þe Twelue Apostles; The cardinal of Seint Ciriac in þe Bathis; The cardinal of Seint Euseby; The cardinal of Seynt Potencian; The cardinal of Seint Vitale; The cardinal of Marcellini and Petri; The cardinal of Seint Clement. These be þe cardinal deknes ordeyned to þe ministeri of our fader þe pope in noumbir þere be sextene: The cardinal of þe cherch of Our Lady called in Domnica or ellis in Nauicellis he is þe first and archdekne of his felawis; The cardinale of Seynt Lucie whech stant in þe gret paleis fast bi Septisolium; The cardinal of Seynt Mari Noue; The cardinal of Cosme and Damiani; The cardinal of Seynt Adriane; The cardinal of Seynt George; The cardinal of Seint Mary by þe Grek Skole; The cardinal of Seint Mari in Porticu; The cardinal of Seynt Nicholas in Carcere; The cardinal of Seynt Aungel; The cardinal of Seyn Eustas; The cardinal of Seynt Mari in Aquario; The cardinal of Seint Mari in Via Lata; The cardinal of Seint Agas; The cardinal of Seint Lucie whech is cleped in Caput Suburre; The cardinal of Seint Qwiric.
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hierarchies of cardinals established for his ministry. The first hierarchy is cardinal bishops; the second of cardinal priests; the third of cardinal deacons. There are seven cardinal bishops, twenty-eight cardinal priests, sixteen cardinal deacons. These are the seven cardinal bishops: The bishop of Ostia, who is of highest status of all because the newly elected pope receives his consecration at his hands. The bishop of Porto (Rome) is the second. The bishop of Albano (Rome) is the third. The bishop of Sabina (Rome) is the fourth. The bishop of Palestrina (Rome) the fifth. The bishop of Santa Rufina (Rome) is the sixth. The bishop of Frascati (Rome) the seventh. These seven are the popes vicars to serve him at the altar in San Giovanni in Laterano on Sundays and on important feast-days. There are twenty-eight cardinal priests, divided between four other churches, seven to each church. These are the seven with titles attached to San Pietro: The cardinal of Santa Maria in Trastévere; The cardinal of San Crisogono, in Trastévere; The Cardinal of Santa Cecilia in Trastévere; The cardinal of Santa Anastasia; The cardinal of San Lorenzo in Damaso; The cardinal of San Marco; The cardinal of San Martino ai Monti. These are the seven who serve at San Paolo fuori le Mura: The cardinal of Santa Sabina; The cardinal of Santa Prisca; The cardinal of Santa Balbina; The cardinal of Santi Nereo ed Achilleo; The cardinal of San Sisto Vecchio; The cardinal of San Marcello al Corso; The cardinal of Santa Susanna. These are the seven cardinal priests who serve at San Lorenzo fuori le Mura: The cardinal of Santa Prassede; The cardinal of San Pietro in Vincoli; The cardinal of San Lorenzo in Lucina; The cardinal of Santa Cruce in Gerusalemme; The cardinal of San Stefano Rotunda; The cardinal of Santi Giovanni e Paolo; The cardinal of Santi Quattro Coronati. These are the seven cardinals that serve at Santa Maria Maggiore: The cardinal of Santi Apostoli; The cardinal of San Ciriaco in Thermis; The cardinal of Sant’Eusebio; The cardinal of Santa Pudenziana; The cardinal of San Vitale; The cardinal of Santi Marcellino e Pietro; The cardinal of San Clemente. These are the cardinal deacons ordained to the ministry of our father the pope, of whom there are sixteen in number: The cardinal of Santa Maria in Domnica, also called Santa Maria della Navicella, he is the foremost and archdeacon of his fellows; The cardinal of Santa Lucia, which is situated in the great palace (Baths of Septimus Severus) near the Septizodium; The cardinal of Santa Maria Nova; The cardinal of Santi Cosma e Damiano; The cardinal of Sant' Adriano; The cardinal of San Giorgio in Velabro; The cardinal of Santa Maria in Cosmedin; The cardinal of Santa Maria in Portico; The cardinal of San Nicola in Carcere; The cardinal of Sant’Angelo in Pescheria; The cardinal of Sant’Eustachio; The cardinal of Santa Maria in Aquiro; The cardinal of Santa Maria in Via Lata; The cardinal of Sant’Agata dei Goti; The cardinal of Santa Lucia Vecchia, known as Sancta Lucia a Captusecuta; The cardinal of San Ciriaco in Thermis.
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Off þe stacion at Seint Appollinare.
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[Capitulum] XLIIII.
Thursday in Passion Weke is þe stacion at a cherch cleped Seint Appollinare. This same was disciple onto Seynt Petir and whan his maystir had lerned him þe lawe of God he sent him to Rauenne to preche þere þe Cristen feith. Whan he was come to Rauenne he holid a grete lordis wif of greuous seknesse and aftir baptised both hir and hir husbond. The juge of þe cité, hering þis, sent aftir him and compelled him to offir to þe goddis, but he wold not consent, for he saide onto þe juge þat it had be mech bettir þat gold and þat siluyr whech hing before þe goddis to spend it in clothis in mete and in drynk for sustenauns of pore men. Tho comaunded þe juge to his ministris þat for þis blasphemé ageyn her goddis þei schuld bete him with battis as long as þei founde in him ony lif. So half ded half on lyue þei left him; his disciples cam þan and caried him to a womannes hous þat was Cristen þere withinne sex monthes he was mad hool. Than went he to a cité þei clepe Classensis where he cured a noble man whech myth not speke, and a ʒong mayden he delyuered fro a wikkid spirit whech was withinne hir. For þese myracles þere were turned onto þe feith of Our Lord Crist mo þan fif hundred men, wherfor þe paynemes bete him with grete battis forbedyng him þat he schuld not reherse þe name of Jhesu. He for febilnesse lying on þe erde rehersid euyr þe more þe blessed name Jhesu. Tho mad þei him to go with bare feet upon brennand coles where he prechid with grete constauns þe name and þe vertu of Our Lord Jhesu. Than banched þei him þat cité. In þat tyme þe duke | of Rauenne had a doutyr greuously seek he sent for Apollinare þat he schuld cure his doutyr and at þe first entré of þe seynt þe doutir was ded. Than saide þe duk: I wold þou had neuyr entred myn hous for at þi comyng þe grete goddis are wroth with me, þerfor is my doutyr ded.
Appollinare answerd onto þe duk: Drede þe not but o þing, graunt me þat if þi doutyr lyue þou schalt not let hir to serue Him þat mad hir.
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Chapter 44 The station at Sant’Apollinare The station on Thursday in Passion Week is at Sant’Apollinare. St Appollinare was a disciple of St Peter, and when his tutor had taught him the Christian religion he sent him to Ravenna to preach the Christian faith there. After he had arrived in Ravenna he healed the wife (Tecla) of a senior official of a serious illness, and later baptized both her and her husband. Hearing this, the prefect of the city sent for him and pressed him to make an offering to the gods, but he would not agree, for he said to the prefect that it would be much better if the gold and silver that hung in front of the gods were spent on clothes, food and drink for the sustenance of poor men. Then the prefect ordered his officials that on account of this blasphemy against their gods they should be beaten with cudgels for as long as they perceived any life in them. So they left him half dead half alive; his followers then came and carried him to a Christian woman’s house, and there he was healed in less than six months. Then he went to a city called Classe, where he cured a nobleman who could not speak, and he freed a young maiden from an evil spirit that was inhabiting her. More than five hundred men were converted to the faith of Our Lord Christ as a result of these miracles, for which the pagans beat him with great cudgels, forbidding him from uttering the name of Jesus. Lying on the ground for want of energy he repeated the blessed name Jesus all the more. Then they made him walk barefoot on burning coals where he preached with great constancy the name and the merit of Our Lord Jesus. Then they banished him from the city. At that time the ruler of Ravenna (Rufus) had a seriously ill daughter, so he sent for Appollinare to cure his daughter, and as soon as the saint entered the daughter died. Then the ruler said: I wish you had never entered my house, for the great gods are angry with me on account of your coming, therefor my daughter is dead.
Appollinare answered the ruler: Don’t be afraid except for one thing, grant me that if your daughter live you will not prevent her from serving Him who made her.
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Aftir þe faderis graunt þe mayde roos up heyl and sound withouten ony maledye. The emperour of Rome herd of þese meruelous werkis whech were wrout be Appollinare comaunded his officeres þat þei schuld compelle him to do sacrifise onto here goddis or ellis þei schuld banych him þe cuntré. Aftir many passiones and tribulaciones þis holi man was councelled of Cristen men for reformacioun of his helth to dwelle for a tyme amongis myselles where he was aspied and neuly so betyn þat withinne seuene dayes he sent his soule to his maker.
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Following the father’s consent the maiden rose up hale and hearty without any illness. The emperor of Rome heard about these wonderful actions that were performed by Appollinare, and ordered his officers to force him to make sacrifice to their gods, otherwise he would be exiled from the country. After many trials and tribulations, for the recovery of his health this holy man was advised by Christian men to live among wretched people, where he was discovered and so beaten anew that he sent his soul to his maker in less than seven days.
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Off þe stacion at Seint Steuene in Celio Monte.
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Capitulum XLV.
Friday in Passion Weke is þe stacion at a cherch of Seynt Steuene whech stant in a hill þei clepe there Mons Celius. This hill was famous before Crist for a grete conqwerour cleped Tullius Hostilius dwelt þere and a famouse poete alsoo had his dwellyng þere. On þis hill stod a temple consecrat to swech goddis as þe poetes clepe faunes. But Seynt Jerom and oþir Cristen clerkis writin þat þere be certeyn spiritis whech apperen, sumtyme in forme of men sumtyme in oþir forme, and mad certeyn toknes be whech toknes men knew þingis þat schuld falle aftirward. And þei þat appered þus and spoke not were cleped faunes. Oþir were þere and spoken half hors half men, as a man may rede be þe auctorité of Seynt Jerom in þe Lif of Seynt Antonie, where he seith þat on of hem was taken in Constantines tyme and brout qwik to grete Alisaundre where al þe puple sey him. Tho deyed he and was salted and caried onto Antioche þat þe emperour myth se him. But now to purpos. This temple sumtyme dedicat to þese faunes is now consecrat in worchip of Seynt Steuene, and þis was þe cause as I suppose for he had before no special place in Rome dedicate to him. Ferþermore I haue red1 in summe cronicles þat Seynt Sebastian distroyed þe fals maumentes þat stood in þat temple and aftir þe grete persecucion of Diocleciane and Maximiane, whan þei were ded, Cristen men halowid þis temple to Seynt Steuene. This same seint is worþi ful mech worchip for he was þe first martir þat deyed for Crist. He cam as2 it semeth of a ful good stok for he þat fond þe crosse at coartacion of Seynt Helyn was broþir to Seynt Steuene. First hith he Judas and whan he was conuerted by þo grete | miracles do be þe crosse Seynt Helyn mad him to be Cristen, and cleped his name Qwiriak. We fynde eke in elde annuales þat he was aftir þat chosen bischop of Jerusalem. We rede eke of Seint Steuene þat his hed is at Cane. For at þe last sege of Jerusalem a monk cleped Odo, a Normaunt of birth, cam fro Jerusalem to Rome, and what for letteris of lordis þat he brout, what for grete þingis þat he ded,3 he gat Seynt Steuenes hed and brout it onto Cane. This was do þe ʒere of Our Lord as our cronicles sey a þusend and nynety-sex.
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Chapter 45 The station at San Stefano Rotunda The station on the Friday in Passion Week is at a church of St Stephen, which is situated on the Caelian hill. Before Christ’s time this hill was famous, as a great conqueror called Tullus Hostilius lived there, and a famous poet had his home there too. A temple consecrated to such gods as the poets call fauns stood on this hill. But St Jerome and other Christian scholars write that there are particular spirits who appear, sometimes in the form of men and sometimes in other forms, and make certain signs, from which men have known events that would happen later. And those that appeared in this way and said nothing were called fauns. There were others half horse half man who did speak, as one may read on the authority of St Jerome in the Life of St Anthony (recte Paul), where he says that one of them was captured in Constantine the Great’s time and brought alive to famous Alexandria, where all the people saw him. Then he died and he was treated with salt and conveyed to Antioch so that the emperor could see him. But let’s keep to the point. This temple, at one time dedicated to these fauns, is now consecrated to the honour of St Stephen, and the reason for this, I guess, was that previously he had no particular place dedicated to him in Rome. Furthermore I have read in some histories that St Sebastian destroyed the false idols that stood in that temple, and after the great persecution of Diocletian and Maximian, when they died, Christian men consecrated this temple to St Stephen. This same saint deserves great veneration for he was the first martyr who died for Christ. It appears that he came of very good family, for it was St Stephen’s brother who found the cross at the urging of St Helen. Earlier he (the brother) was called Judas, but when he was converted by the great miracles performed by the cross St Helen made him Christian and gave him the name Cyriacus. We find also in old annals that later he was chosen patriarch of Jerusalem. Also we read of St Stephen that his head is at Caen. For at the last siege of Jerusalem a monk called Odo, a Norman by birth, came from Jerusalem to Rome, and on account of the letters he brought from nobles, and on account of the great things that he did, he obtained St Stephen’s head and brought it to Caen. As our chronicles say this was done in the year of Our Lord 1096.
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Off þe stacion at Seint Jon Portlatin.
fo 405v
Capitulum XLVI.
Satirday of Palme Sunday þe vigil is þe stacion at a cherch dedicate to Seint Jon Euangelist, we clepe þe fest Jon Portlatin, for þere is a gate in Rome cleped Porta Latina and fast by þis gate on þe rith hand is a1 litil chapel where þat þis Jon Euangelist was put in a tonne of brennyng oyle. Whi þis gate is cleped Porta Latina for þat strete goth to a lond whech is cleped þe Latyn Lond for þere began þe Latyn tonge. On þe oþir side of þe strete is sette a fair cherch in worchip of þis same seynt, but it is but seldom open for þere be no dwelleres þeron. In þis chapel is an auter and vndir þe autere a hole where men crepe þorw for grete cause as summe sey þere, for as oftyn as a man goth þorw so often he delyueryth sum soule fro purgatory. In þat same place suffered Jon þe Euangelist his martirdam. He prechid first in Asie and þere because he wold not cese of preching þe gouernour vndir þe emperour Domiciane put him in prison and sent a lettyr onto þe emperour whech dwelt þan at Rome, in whech lettir he informed him þat he had on of þe disciples of Crist in prison, whech disciple hith Jon, a man he seid of meruelous conuersacion, for a wicch he was as he seid ful of sorsry, a defiler of holy places, a despiser of þe grete goddis. Domician wrot onto þis president ageyn þat he schuld send him to Rome. Thus cam he to Rome and prechid in þe grete halle at Lateranensis and, for his preching, was despised of þe Romanes. For first þei mad al þe her of his hed to be schaue lich a fool, þan put þei him in a tunne of brasse ful of boiling oyle, where he skaped be grete miracle, for he went fro þat tormentrie, as his Lif saith, anoynted and not hurt. This miracle meued so þe emperour þat he wold not sle him but exiled him into Pathmos. The Romanes, as we fynde write, were not wroth for þat þe apostoles prechid of Crist and of his grete werkis, for þei refused no god but receyued all goddis of all naciones of alle sectis onto worchip. But þis was cause of her rebellion ageyn Crist, for þei had mad a lawe þat no man schuld be receyued as for a god but if it were first approbat amongis þe senatouris. And because þe apostoles prechid of Cristis deité er tyme þat he | was approbat for a god amongis hem þis was cause of her indignacion. Anoþir cause was þere for þei saide Crist2 was a proud god for he wold be god alone and receyue non oþir onto felauchip of his deité. But now to our first purpos. The modir of Jon þe Euangeliste, Salomé, whech was on of þoo women þat folowid Crist in his preching, herd sey þat hir son Jon was in prison at Rome, cam to a] suprascript
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Crist] supplied
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Chapter 46
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Chapter 46 The station at San Giovanni alla Porta Latina The station on Saturday the vigil of Palm Sunday is at a church dedicated to St John the Evangelist, we call the feast San Giovanni alla Porta Latina (6 May), for there is a gate in Rome called Porta Latina and near this gate on the right-hand side is a small chapel where this John the Evangelist was put in a cauldron of boiling oil. This gate is called Porta Latina because the road through it goes to Latium, where the Latin language began. On the opposite side of the street a beautiful church is situated in commemoration of this same saint, but it is seldom open as there are no inhabitants there. In this chapel there is an altar, and a hole under the altar where men crawl through for an important reason as some say there, for every time a man goes through (the hole) he delivers a soul from purgatory. In that same place St John the Evangelist suffered his martyrdom. He preached first in Asia, and since he would not cease preaching there the governor under Emperor Domitian put him in prison and sent a letter to the emperor, who lived at Rome then, and in the letter he informed him that he had one of the disciples of Christ in prison, the disciple called John, a man, he said, of wondrous discourse, for he said he was a necromancer, full of sorcery, a defiler of holy places, one who scorned the great gods. Domitian wrote back to this governor that he should send him to Rome. So he came to Rome and preached in the great hall at the Lateran Palace and was scorned by the Romans for his preaching. For first of all they caused all the hair of his head to be shaved off (to make him look) like a fool, then they put him in a bronze cauldron of boiling oil, which he escaped from by a great miracle, for he went away from that torture, as his Life says, anointed but not hurt. This miracle impressed the emperor so much that he would not kill him but exiled him to Pathmos. As we find written the Romans were not angry because the apostles preached about Christ and of his great deeds, for they denied no god but accepted for worship all gods from all nations and sects. But this was the reason for their resistance to Christ, that they had made a law that no man was to be accepted as a god unless it (the proposal) was first approved by the senators. Since the apostles preached about Christ’s divinity before he was approved as a god by the senators, this was the reason for their contemptuous behaviour. There was another reason, for they said that Christ has a haughty god in that he wanted to be god alone and would not accept another into communion with his divinity. But let’s get back to our prime subject. John the Evangelist’s mother, Salome, who was one of those women who followed Christ in his preaching, heard say
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Rome forto se him and counforte him. But er sche cam Jon was exiled and sent forth to Pathmos. Tho went sche into Campanie, a cuntre of Itaylé, þere deyed sche and was biried fast by a cité þei clepe Verulane. Aftir, for grete miracles þat sche ded,1 and eke for appering of James hir son, whech saide to a holy man in reuelacion þat it was Goddis wil his modir schuld ly in more solempne place, sche was lift up and translate to þe cité.
ded] added in margin at the end of the line
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Chapter 46
295
that John was in prison in Rome, so she came to Rome to see him and comfort him. But before she arrived John was exiled and sent to Pathmos. Then she went to Campania, a region of Italy, where she died and was buried near a city they call Veroli (Lazio). Later, on account of the great miracles that she performed, and also because of the appearance of James her son, who said to a holy man by revelation that it was God’s will that his mother should rest in a more important place, she was raised up and conveyed to the city.
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Off þe stacion at Lateranensis.
fo 406r
Capitulum XLVII.
On Palme Sunday is þe stacion at Seynt Jon Lateranensis, of whech cherch is seid mech þing before and fewe memoriales left to rehers her. This mech we sey þat it is þe use of Cristen men to be gadered at her modir cherch þat day and be þere in þat solempne procession whech Crist exaumpled himselue, and because þat þis cherch is þe eldest cherch of þe world þerfor is it conuenient þat þis solempne procession schuld be at þe eldest cherch. This procession was first begunne be Oure Lord and continued be þe apostoles onto þe tyme þat þei deyed and so forth be succession of oþir faderes þis good usage is come to us. For Seint Austin ʒeuith us swech a reule in his book De moribus Ecclesie þat alle þoo good usages whech are worchip to God and encrees of good,1 whan we cannot se hem groundid in scripture we schul suppose þat Crist taut hem his apostoles, and þei taute hem oþir faderes and so is þe good custome come down to us. I sey not þis for cause þat þis procession is not in scripture for I wote weel þe Gospell telleth full pleyn who Crist cam to Jerusalem and who þe puple with grete worchip receyued him. But I sey þis, þat we fynde not in scripture þat þe apostoles kept þis procession aftir þe deth of Crist in places where þei abod þat tyme of þe ʒere, and ʒet is it ful likly þat þei ded so. I may beleue eke þat because Seynt Gregory sette þe seruyse of þe cherch in order þat þis same day at þis same cherch he sang þese newe songis and said þese noble orisones now used in þe cherch, and so ordeyned þat þe stacion schuld ʒerly be kept. We rede of o certeyn addicion to þis seruyse mad be a noble man called Theodulphus, bischop of Orgliauns, þat he mad þese vers: Gloria laus et honor etcetra. The cronicle tellith of him þat he was accused falsly onto þe emperour Lodewyk of certeyn defautes and þe emperour in grete ire comaunded him to prison at Angoye. Happed of Palme Sunday þe emperour to be pre|sent in þat cité2 and in procession to go forby þat same hous in whech þis bischop was in prison. Tho þis bischop loked out at a wyndown and asked silens and þese vers whech he had mad before he sang with so grete melodye þat þe emperour, meuyd of pité, comaunded him to be delyuered fro prison and restored to his dignité.
of good] added in margin and marked for insertion
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cite] supplied
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Chapter 47
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Chapter 47 The station at San Giovanni in Laterano The station on Palm Sunday is at San Giovanni in Laterano, a church we have said a lot about earlier, so there are few records left to relate here. This much we do say, that it was the custom of Christian men to gather at their mother church on that day and to be present in that important procession that Christ set the precedent for himself, and since this church is the oldest church in the world it is appropriate that this important procession should be at the oldest church. This procession was inaugurated by Our Lord and continued by the apostles until they died, so that this good custom has come down to us via successive generations. St Augustine gives us a good rule in his book De moribus Ecclesiæ ‘On the Customs of the Church’, that when we cannot see all good customs that are a mark of commitment to God and serve to increase goodness as grounded in scripture, we must believe that Christ taught them to his apostles, and they taught them to other generations, and the good custom has come down to us. I do not say this because this procession is not in scripture, for I know very well that the Gospel tells plainly how Christ came to Jerusalem and how the people received him with great reverence. I do say this, that although we do not find in scripture that the apostles retained this procession in places where they lived at that time of the year after Christ’s death, it is highly probably that they did so. I believe also that, because St Gregory established the order of service in the church, he sang these new hymns and said these noble prayers that are now used in the church on this same day at this same church, and so established that the station should be celebrated annually. We read of a particular addition made to this service by an illustrious man called Theodulph, bishop of Orléans, when he created these verses: Gloria laus et honor etc ‘All glory laud and honour’. The history book says of him that he was falsely accused of particular offenses before Emperor Louis the Pious, and in great anger the emperor ordered him (to be sent) to prison in Angers. It so happened that the emperor was present in that city on Palm Sunday and in procession to pass the very house in which this bishop was in prison. Then the bishop looked out of a window, craved silence and sang these verses that he had created earlier with such great tunefulness that the emperor, moved with compassion, ordered him to be set free from prison and restored to his position of authority.
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Off þe stacion at Seint Praxede.
fo 406v
Capitulum XLVIII.
The Moneday aftir Palme Sunday is þe stacion at Seynt Praxedis, a fair cherch it is and a place of munkis annexid þertoo. This Seynt Praxede was sistir to Seynt Potenciane, a rich woman, a louer of God, a grete refrescher of pore men. This cherch was hir halle and in þe myddis was a welle, whech welle sche and hir seruauntes filt o day with blood of martires þat were ded for Crist. The well is now closed with a round ston and grated aboute with irun. We rede in þe cronicles þat in þis Praxedis cherch ly byried too þusend martires and four hundred. This is writyn in þe marbil as we come in at þe dore. There is eke a chapell on þe rith hand with an auter, in whech auter lyth Seint Valeyntyn and vndir þe auter is a pes of þat piler to whech Crist was scorgid. It is a metʒerd of length, þe fairest blew marbill þat ony man may se. There sei we in þe sacristie a fayr vernycle whech Seynt Petir ded make, as þe abbot seid to us, and kept it al his lyf, but whan he deyed he ʒaue it to þis mayde and many oþir þingis. For þere is a grete pees of þe holy crosse, more þan a fote long and too hvnch1 brood and a vnch þik, in schap of a crosse with his transuersal and his standard. There be eke þre of þoo þornes þat were in Cristis hed, þei be white of colour and too vnch of length. This same day eke is þe stacion at anoþir cherch dedicat to þese seyntes Nereus and Achilleus. These to men conuerted an holy mayden onto Crist whech hith Domycelle. This mayde was nes to Domician þe emperour and for hir hie kynrod, hir beuté and hir good aray sche was desired of a ʒong lord cleped Aurelian forto be his wif, but þese too men þat were hir cubiculeris and baptized of Seynt Petir stered here lady þat sche schuld no husbond receyue. The preisid onto hir þe grete vertu of virginité, þe grete mede þat longith þerto in heuene. Eke þei told hir of þe grete daungeris in mariage of þe onstedfast loue betwix sum men and here wiues, who þat men in her wowyng þat trete ʒong women in þe best maner aftirward rebuke hem and bete hem in þe werst gise.2 Sche answered onto þe suasiones of þese men and seid sche had good mynde þat hir owne fader was ful gelous and þat sche wist hir modir haue ful many an heuy day. In þis pletyng betwixe mariage and virginité sche consentid to þese men both to receyue Cristendam and eke to kepe hir bodi clene. | He þat wold a weddid hir aspied þis and compleyned to þe emperour so be his comaundment þe maide with hir councellouris were exiled onto an yle þei clepe Ponciane. Aftir were þei all þre slayn for Our Lordis cause, þe too men lost her3 hedes, þe uirgine was sperd in a hous with oþir maidenes and brent with impetuous fyre. hvnch] h almost erased
1
gise] added in margin and marked for insertion
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her] suprascript
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Chapter 48
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Chapter 48 The station at Santa Prassede and the station at Santi Nereo e Achilleo The station on the Monday after Palm Sunday is at Santa Prassede, a beautiful church with a monastery attached. This St Praxedes was the sister of St Pudentiana, a rich woman, a lover of God, a great provider of relief for poor men. This church was her residence and in the midst of it was a well that she and her servants filled in one day with the blood of martyrs who had died for Christ’s sake. The well is now closed over by a round stone, with an iron railing round it. We read in the histories that two thousand, four hundred martyrs lie buried in this church of Santa Prassede. This is written on the marble slab (that we see) as we enter by the door. There is also a chapel on the right-hand side with an altar at which St Valentine rests, and under the altar there is a piece of the pillar to which Christ (was attached when he) was scourged; it is a yard in length, the most beautiful blue marble that anyone could see. In the sacristy there we saw a beautiful veronica, which, as the abbot told us, St Peter made and kept all his life, but at his death he gave it to this maiden along with many other things. A large piece of the holy cross is there, more than a foot long, two inches wide and an inch thick, in the shape of a cross with its transverse beam and its upright. Also three of the thorns that were on Christ’s head are there, they are white in colour and two inches long. The station on the same day is also at another church dedicated to SS Nereus and Achilleus. These two men converted to Christ a holy maiden called Flavia Domitilla. This maiden was niece to Emperor Domitian, and on account of her pedigree, her beauty and her good posture, she was wanted by a young commander called Aurelian as his wife, but these two men, who had been baptized by St Peter and were her chamberlains, urged their lady not to take a husband. They praised the great virtue of virginity to her and the great reward in heaven that derives from it. Also they told her of the great risks of marriage, the transitory love between some men and their wives, how in their courting men treat young women in the best way, but later upbraid them and beat them in the worst fashion. She responded to the persuasiveness of these men, and said that she had a good idea that her father was very amorous and that she knew that her mother had many a grievous day. In this debate between marriage and virginity she agreed with these men both to accept Christianity and also to keep her body chaste. The man who wished to marry her noticed this and complained to the emperor, so on his orders the maiden and her advisers were exiled to an island called Ponza. Later they were all three killed for Our Lord’s sake, the two men lost their heads, the virgin was locked in a house with other virgins and burnt in a fierce fire.
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Of þe stacion at Seint Prisce.
Capitulum XLIX.
Tewisday in Palme Weke is þe stacion at a cherch dedicate to Seint Prisca, virgin and martyr. Ther is a place vndir þe ground where Seint Petir1 oftetyme saide masse and þere is schewid his stole and his girdil and many oþir relikkis. This mayde was bore in Rome, doutir to a consul, fayr of body, fayrer in soule. In Claudius tyme þe emperour died sche for confession of þe feith. Whan sche was brout first before þe emperour he had merueyle of hir beuté and swech wordis he seid onto hir: O god Appollo, grete is þi myth þat can make so fayre a creatur to þe plesauns of man.
Thoo he enqwirid of hir religion. Sche saide onto him þat euery day sche mad offering onto hir God withouten spillyng of blood. He vndirstood not hir wordis but mad hir to be led into þe temple of Appollo þere to make hir offering. Sche cam to þat place where Appollo was honowred, swech a orison sche mad þere as it is reported: Joye be to þe fader of heuene, on þe I calle, and þe I pray þis place þat is used with mech onclennesse ageyn þi worchip and þi comaundment þou with þi myty hand distroye, þat þe emperour may know and all þe puple þat we schuld not worchep but only þe.
Sone aftir þese wordis were saide anon þe erde schoke, many houses of þe cité broke, but specialy þis Appollo fell down smal as sond, þe þird part eke of his temple fel down with him. Tho comaunded Claudius þat þei schuld bete hir.2 In her betyng sche þankid God: ‘Blessed be þou Lord’, sche saide, ‘þat hast ordeyned euyrlastyng mede to hem þat trost in þe’.
A vois was herd fro heuene in þat same tyme whech saide: Counfort þe doutir in God, for aftir schort peyne folowith long reward.
Many tormentryes suffered þis mayden, betyn nakid with scorgis, rased hir body with hokys, and euyr þe next day was sche found hool, put amongis wilde bestis and not hurt, in þe myddis of a grete fire and not brent. Alle þese tormentries suffered sche with gret paciens. Last of alle sche lost hir heed for Cristis loue and wan heuene joying þere with Crist hir loue.
Petir] supplied
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hir] suprascript
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Chapter 49
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Chapter 49 The station at Santa Prisca The station on the Tuesday in Holy Week is at a church dedicated to St Prisca, virgin and martyr. Under the ground there is a place where St Peter often said mass, and his stole and his belt are shown there with many other relics. This maiden was born in Rome, the daughter of a consul she had a beautiful figure and was even more beautiful in spirit. She died in the time of Emperor Claudius for confession of the faith. When she was first brought before the emperor he was amazed by her beauty and spoke these words to her: O god Apollo, your power is great who can create so beautiful a creature for man’s pleasure.
Then he asked about her religion. She said that she made an offering to her God every day without spilling any blood. He did not understand her words, but made her be led into the temple of Apollo to make her offering there. She arrived at the place where Apollo was worshiped and, as it is reported, uttered the following prayer there: Joy to the father of heaven, I call on you, and I pray you, to destroy with your mighty hand this place that is used with great sinfulness contrary to your honour and command, so that the emperor and all the people may know that we should worship you alone.
Soon after these words were spoken the earth shook, many of the houses in the city collapsed, in particular this Apollo fell down (crushed) small as sand, and also a third of the temple fell down with him. Then Claudius ordered that they should beat her. During her beating she thanked God, saying: May you be blessed, Lord, who has established everlasting reward for those who trust in you.
A voice from heaven was heard at the same time, which said: Console yourself, daughter in God, for long reward follows short torment.
This maiden suffered many tortures, being beaten naked with scourges, her body lacerated with hooks, but always she was found unharmed the next day, put amongst wild animals and not hurt, put in the midst of a great fire and not burnt. She suffered all these tortures with great patience. Finally she lost her head for Christ’s sake and won heaven rejoicing there with Christ her love.
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Off þe stacion at Seint Maria Major.
fo 407r
Capitulum L.
Wednysday in þat weke is þe stacion at Seynt Mari Major, of whech place we haue spoke mech, for we had a special chapetre þerof whan we spoke of þe seuen principal cherchis, also on þe Wednysday in þe first weke of Lenton whan þe stacion was þere. Now forto reherse onyþing1 þat is seide before but if I2 haue sum newe circumstaunce or sum newe | addicion is but veyn.3 For þis cause I wil reherse here a short cronicle whech Gregorius Turonensis tellith in worchip of Oure Lady, to þis ende, þat euery man4 or woman whech is bysi to edifye ony hous or oratorie to hir worchip doth to hir and to hir son ful grete plesauns. The story is þis. He seyth þat Gret Constantyn biggid a ful solempne cherch in Constantinople in worchep of Our Lady. The disposicion of þe place asked grete pileres and hye to bere up þe werk. Now was it þe usage þan, and so is ʒet at Rome, þat þei mad no piler in no swech solempne werk but al of o ston. For a man may se þese pileres at þis day too fadum about and more and of fifti fete hy or more and al of o ston. Swech stones had Constantyn ordeyned for his costful hous and whan þei were redi to be rered þei mad redy her trises and her pullynes, lynes and robynettis, but þe pileres myth not be reisid. There was grete care betwix þe werkmen,5 so þe maistir of hem, a deuoute man of lyf as it is writin, prayed onto Our Lady specialy þat sche schuld send good speed onto þis werk for it was mad in honour of hir. The nyth folowyng sche appered onto him and bad him go onto þe petite skole þere beside, oute of þat skole sche bad him chese6 þre fauntes, for þei thre and he schuld reise up þese pileres withoute ony more help, þus sche behite him. The mason ded hir comaundment and all þing came to hande as he wolde. Here may men se þat edificacion of swech houses in erde plesith þe seyntis in heuene, and þat may we know be þis tokne whan þei hemselue wil send help þertoo.
onyþing] þing added at the end of the line 2 I] supplied 3 is but veyn] suprascript 4 man] MS w man with w expuncted 5 werkmen] MS werkme 6 chese] MS chese oute with oute expuncted
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Chapter 50
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Chapter 50 The station at Santa Maria Maggiore The station on Wednesday in that (Holy) Week is at Santa Maria Maggiore, a church we have said a lot about, for we had a particular chapter about it when we dealt with the seven principal churches, also (in the chapter) on the Wednesday in the first week of Lent, when the station was there. Now to relate anything that is already said would be sheer vanity unless I have some new event or some new addition. For this reason I will relate here a short story that Gregory of Tours tells in honour of Our Lady, to this end, (to show that) every man or woman who is occupied in building a house or oratory in her honour gives very great gratification to her and to her son. This is the story. He tells that Constantine the Great built a very important church in Constantinople in honour of Our Lady. The disposition of the place required huge high pillars to support the building. Now it was the custom then, and still is at Rome, that in such important buildings they only used pillars that comprised a single piece of stone. For to this day one can see these pillars, twelve feet plus in circumference, fifty feet plus in height, and each from one piece of stone. Constantine had supplied these stone pillars for his expensive building, and when they were ready to be raised up they prepared their pulleys and their ropes, cables and hoisting machines, but the pillars could not be raised. There was great concern amongst the workmen, so the foreman, a man whose way of life was devout, as it is written, prayed to Our Lady in particular that she should send a happy outcome for this work, as it was being done in her honour. The following night she appeared to him and told him to go into the little school alongside and choose three small children from the school, for they three and he were to raise up the pillars without any other assistance, so she promised him. The builder followed her instructions and all things came to pass as he wished. Here men can see that the erection of such buildings on earth pleases the saints in heaven, and that from this sign we may know when they themselves will send support.
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Of þe stacion at Seint Jon Lateranensis.
[Capitulum] LI.
On Maunde Þursday is þe stacion at Seint Jon Lateranensis and a grete cause whifor þere is þe bord on whech Crist mad his maunde. Of þis mater þan wil we speke in þis capitle for we haue said before of þis cherch al þat euyr we can. Crist before his Passion comaunded too of his disciples Petir and Jon to go into Jerusalem before him and ordeyne þere for his soper þat he with his disciples schuld ete þe paschal lomb er he departed fro hem. He sent hem to a man in þe cité whos name þe euangelistis expresse not, but oure elde clerkis sei þat he was on of Cristis disciples, and þis euydens þei make þerfore, þat Crist bad hem sey þe maistir sent hem þidir. Be þis general message þei sei is vndyrstand þat þis man þat held þis hous was on of hem þat beleued in Crist. For it was a comon use amongis his loueres forto sey ‘Our maistir was þere’ or ‘Our maystir said soo’. This name was singlerly appropriat onto him for he forbade þat non of his discipiles schuld clepe oþir maistir: ‘On was her maistir’, he saide, ‘whech is in heuene’.
The tokne whereby þei schuld know þis man, where Crist wold suppe, he told hem on þis maner: fo 407v
’Whan ʒe come into | þe cité’, he seid, ‘ʒe schal se a man before ʒou with a uessel of watir in his nek. Folow him and in what hous þat he entreth sey to þe man þat oweth þe hous þat þe maistir wil þat he shew ʒou þe place where he schal hold his soper’.
Thus as þei saide þei fond and all þing was arayed as her maystir prophecied. It was a ful godly sith to se Our Lord Jhesu wth his twelue come down into þe cyté. It is to suppose þat summe of þe seuenty-too disciples were þere to do seruise onto Our Lord and to þo twelue. For we rede in Seynt Marciales Lif þat þis same Marcial was on of þoo disciples whech was þat nyth with Our Lord in þat same hous and ordeyned for þe soper whech was made þere. We rede þat he brout all þe watir with whech Crist wasched þe aposteles feet whan þe mete was redy. Jon þe Euangelist, as sum men write, cam to Our Lord, for he was most familiar with him, and saide onto him: Ser ʒe may suppe whan ʒe will.
The bord þat þei ete on was not fer fro þe ground, as summe men writyn, for þei hemself sotyn on þe ground at her soper, for þis was þe usage in elde tyme, and ʒet it is in þe lond of Palestin where Jerusalem standith, as many laboured men sey. But whosoeuyr it be at þis day it was so þanne, as we fynde writyn. The bord þat þei ete on was sware, mad of dyuers peses and þe mesure of euery sware, as Bonauenture De vita Cristi seith, was too braches and þre fyngeris. A brache in
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Chapter 51 The station at San Giovanni in Laterano The station on Maundy Thursday is at San Giovanni in Laterano, and a major reason for this is that the table at which Christ ate his last supper is there. We will talk about this matter in this chapter, as we have already said everything we can about this church. Before his Passion Christ commanded two of his disciples, Peter and John, to go into Jerusalem before him and arrange for his supper there, so that he would eat the paschal lamb with his disciples before he left them. He sent them to a man in the city, whose name is not given in the gospels, but our old scholars say that he was one of Christ’s disciples, and the evidence they cite for this interpretation is that Christ told them to say that ‘the master’ sent them there. They say it is understood from this general message that the man who owned this house was one of those who believed in Christ. For it was a general custom amongst his devotees to say ‘Our master was there’, or ‘Our master said so’. This name was uniquely appropriate for him as he forbad his disciples to call anyone else ‘Master’; he said: There is one master, who is in heaven.
He told them the sign by which they would know this man, at whose house Christ would eat his supper, in this way; he said When you enter the city you will see a man in front of you with a pitcher of water at his neck. Follow him, and when he enters a house say to the man who owns it that the master wants him to show you the room where he will host his supper.
As they said, they found it so, and everything was arranged as their master foretold. It was a very splendid sight to see Our Lord Jesus with his twelve come down into the city. It is presumed that some of the seventy-two disciples were there to show allegiance to Our Lord and to the twelve. For we read in the Life of St Martial that this same Martial was one of those disciples who was there that night with Our Lord in that same house and was chosen (to be at) the supper that was held there. We read that he brought all the water with which Christ washed the apostles’ feet when the supper was ready. As some men write John the Evangelist came to Our Lord, for he was closest to him, and said to him: Sir, you can take supper when you wish.
As some men write, the table that they sat at was not far from the ground, for they themselves sat on the ground at their supper, for this was the custom in olden times, and still is in the land of Palestine where Jerusalem stands, as many travelled men say. The table that they ate at was square, made of various pieces, and the measurement of each square, as Bonaventure in his De Vita Christi says, was two
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Ytailé is called a mesure with whech þei mete cloth and of our mesure I hald it þre quarteres of a ʒerd, so þe swares of þis bord on euery side were in mesure a ʒerd and half and a handful saue a vnch, þat is to sey þre vnch. Thus sete þei þre on ech side and Jon in Cristis lappe and all ete þei of o disch, and as we seide before þis same bord is at þis same cherch of whech we speke now.
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arm-lengths and three finger-lengths. In Italy an arm-length is a measure they use for cloth and in our measure I take it to be three quarters of a yard (2’ 3”), so the squares of this table measured on every side are a yard and a half (4’ 6” = 137 cm) and a handful minus an inch, that is to day three inches. So they sat three on each side and John on Christ’s lap, and they all ate from one dish, and, as we said already, this same table is at this very church we are talking about now.
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Off þe stacion at Seynt Cruce.
fo 408r
Capitulum LII.
On Good Friday is þe stacion at Seynt Crucis where þat a grete partye of þe crosse is schewid, and because þat in many cuntrés of þe world are schewid peses of þe holy crosse, and men haue merueyle who swech a tre schuld extend himselue into so many partes, eke as grete merueyle haue þei þat þo peses be not lich for summe haue o colour and summe haue anoþir, þese doutis of þese men causen me to declare here þis matere. As for þe first I rede in þe Lif of Seint Heleyne þat whan sche had founde þe crosse sche mad certeyn peses to be cut of, and þoo brout sche to Rome to hir son with many oþir relikes, so þat it semeth þe tre was grete and myth be dyuyded into many partes. I rede alsoo in elde bokes þat whan a pese was cut fro þis tree þe tre grewe agayn onto þe same quantité it was before. God Our Lord hath multiplied so many | dyuers þingis in þis world, and it is lesse merueile þouʒ he werk þe same maner in þat tre whech was instrument of our sauacioun. As touching þe oþir mater of dyuers colouris of þis tre ʒe schal vndirstand þat þe crosse was mad of four sundry trees, þat is to sey palme, cedre, cipresse and olyue. A vers of elde faderis tyme berith witnesse of þis: Ligna crucis palma cedrus cipressus oliua.
He seith þus: ‘Þe trees of þe crosse were palme, cedre, cipresse and oliue’.
Whech was þe standard, whech þe transuersale, or whech þe title is ful hard to know but I wil reherse ʒou myn opinion. The oliue was þe hi tre þat stood up rith and bare al his body. This is þe cause whi þat I suppose so, for I rede þat Seth schuld a brout þe sed þerof fro paradise, and at þe comaundment of þe aungel whech tok it him, he sette it on his fader graue, whech was Adam. I rede eke þat þis tre was hew be Salamon to be a bem in þe temple, but it wold not acorde. I rede eke þat þe queen of Saba, whan sche say þis tre, sche proficied þerof and seid þat a kyng of þat lond schuld be hanged on þe same tre. Than for þe gretnesse of þe tre because he was1 ordeyned for a bem I beleue verily þat þis was þe tre of þe crosse þat stood rith up. There was a stok also sette in þe erde as we rede and in þis stok was a gret morteis in whech þis long tre stood þe more sikir. This stok was of þe cedre as we suppose for þis cause, for þe cedre wil neuyr rote, þerfor þei sette þat tree in þe ground wenyng þat þe crosse schuld a stande be many agis to bere witnesse þat swech a man for treson was ded at Jerusalem. This seid þei and purposed þat hated Crist, but Our Lord turned þe mater anoþir wey. For whan þei sei in who grete deynté Cristen men had all þoo þingis þat touchid his body, anon of pure enuye þei hid hem all. The cipresse, for it is swete of sauour, was þat tree to whech þoo blessed handis wer nayled. The title aboue in whech he was] written twice in the MS, the first instance expuncted
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Chapter 52 The station at Santa Croce in Gerusalemme The station on Good Friday is at Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, where a large part of the cross is shown, and since pieces of the cross are shown in many countries of the world, and men wonder how such a tree could extend itself into so many parts, and equally they are surprised that those pieces are not alike, for some show one colour and some another, these men’s doubts cause me to explain this matter here. As for the first matter I read in the Life of St Helen that when she had found the cross she had certain pieces cut off, and she brought them to her son at Rome with many other relics, so it seems that the cross was large and could be divided into many parts. I read also in olden books that when a piece was cut off from the cross it grew back to the same size that it was before. God Our Lord has multiplied so many different things in this world that it is less surprising that He work in the same way with the cross that was the instrument of our salvation. As for the second matter of the cross showing various colours, you must understand that the cross was made from four different trees, that is to say palm, cedar, cypress and olive. A verse from the ancient fathers’ time bears witness to this: Ligna crucis palma cedrus cipressus oliua.
It means: The trees of the crosse were palm, cedar, cypress and olive.
Which was the upright, which was the cross-piece, which the superscription is very hard to know, but I will expound my opinion to you. The olive was the high tree that stood upright and bore the weight of his body. This is the reason I think so, for I read that Seth should have brought its seed from paradise, and, on the orders of an angel who took it to him, he set it on his father Adam’s grave. I read also that this tree was cut down by Solomon to make a beam in his temple, but it was not compatible. I read also that when the queen of Sheba saw this tree she made a prophecy about it that a king of that land would be hung on the same tree. So because of the size of the tree, in that it was intended for a beam, I truly believe that this was the tree (comprising the part) of the cross that stood upright. As we read, there was a tree-stump set in the ground, and in this stump there was a large hole in which this tall upright beam stood the more securely. This stump was of cedar, we guess, for this reason, that cedar will never rot, so they set that beam in the ground thinking that the cross would stand for many ages to bear witness that such a man was killed at Jerusalem for treason. This is what those who hated Christ said and intended, but Our Lord turned it round the other way. For when they saw how much esteem Christian men had for everything that touched His body, immediately they hid them all out of sheer resentment. The cypress,
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was writyn in þre maner langages Jhesu Crist Nazarenus Rex Judeorum was mad of þe palme, þat haue we red in elde bokes, for all victores were wone to bere þe palme aftir her victori, and because Crist had conqwered þan all þe power of helle, þerfor þei sette þis tre al aboue in tokne of victorie. His enmyes sette it not to þat entent, but God stered hem to sette it soo þouʒ it wer ageyn her entent. Here haue we expressid þe parties of þe crosse as we myth, if ony man haue sey ferþer in þis mater we grucch not þow our sentens be leid beside and bettir be receiued. Of þese four parties of þe crosse spekith þe holi apostil Paule Ad Ephesias 3: ‘Loke ʒe be roted and grounded in charité’, he seith, ‘þat ʒe may comprehende whech is þe length and þe brede, þe heith and þe depnesse’.
fo 408v
Vpon þis seith Seint Austyn þat Cristis hed was sette hie on þe crosse þat a Cristen man schuld euer amongis all | oþir þingis haue his hert most specialy lift up to heuene. In þe brede of þe crosse where Cristis handis were nayled is vndirstand, as he seith, þat oure werkis schuld be in þe honour of Crist. The length of þe crosse causeth in us þat euene as þe body of Crist had þere his tormentrie so a Cristen man schuld suffir sumwhat for þe loue of God and remission of his synnes. The stok beneþin whech is hid in þe erde maketh us to beleue þat Our Lord hath do more for us þan we can conceyue.
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because it smells sweet, was the wood to which those blessed hands were nailed. The inscription up above, on which was written in three languages Jhesu Crist Nazarenus Rex Judeorum ‘Jesus Christ of Nazareth, king of the Jews’, was made of palm, as we have read in old books, for all victors were accustomed to bear the palm after their victory, and since Christ had conquered the power of hell they set this wood on high as a sign of victory. His enemies did not put it there with that intention, but God steered them to put it there even though it was contrary to their intention. We have set out the parts of the cross here as well as we could, but, if anyone has seen more relating to this subject, we make no complaint even though our opinion is put aside and a better one accepted. The holy apostle Paul speaks of these four parts of the cross in his letter to the Ephesians, chapter 3; he says: Be sure to be rooted and grounded in charity, so that you may understand which is the length and the breadth, the height and the depth.
St Augustine says about this that Christ’s head was set high on the cross so that, amongst all other things, a Christian man should have his heart in particular raised up to heaven. From the breadth of the cross, where Christ’s hands were nailed, is understood, as he says, that our works should be to the honour of Christ. The length of the cross produces in us the effect that, just as the body of Christ suffered torments there, a Christian man should suffer somewhat for the love of God and remission of his sins. The stump underneath, which is hidden in the ground, incites us to believe that Our Lord has done more for us than we can perceive.
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Of þe stacion at Seint Jon Laterane.
Capitulum LIII.
Satirday on Pas Euene is þe stacion at Seynt Jon Laterane and þere is leid an ymage of Crist in a graue and mech oþir þing doo to þe worchip of Cristis sepulture, of whech sepulture we wil sey sumwhat to edificacion of þe rederes. Aftir tyme þat Crist was ded Our Lady and Maudelen and hir too sisteris and Jon Euangelist abood still be þe crosse and þere abood til knytis cam and broke þe thies of þe too þeues and onto þat tyme þat Longius had put þe spere onto Cristis hert. Aftir þe knytis were goo þei abode stille til Joseph ab Arimathia and Nichodemus and oþir mo com with ladderis and oþir instrumentis to take Our Lord down. Joseph took down þe rith hand and Nichodemus þe lift, þus losed þei all þe body and leid it on þe ground and þe hed in Our Lady lap and Maudelen sat and kissid þe feet. Longe it was or þei coude gete leue of Our Lady forto biry him. But at þe last be instauns of Jon sche suffered him to be byryed. The sepulture of Crist was a round hous hewyn in a hill of ston, whech ston was in his veynes sumwhere red and sumwhere whit. The hous was no hier þan a man myth touch with his hand. On þe est side was þe entré þerto, on þe north side was a graue mad be craft mete for a mannes body seuene fete of length and thre span fro þe pauyment. This was mad for Joseph and in þis was Crist layd. Aftir þat Crist was biried Joseph ab Arimathie desired þat Our Lady schuld go dwelle at his hous, but hir councell þoute it was to fer fro Jerusalem. Than desired Mary Maundelen to haue Our Lady1 onto hir herborow, sche alleggid a gret allectyf þat it was þe principal logging of Crist. To þis wold not Jon consent, to whom Our Lady was comended, for he seid it was more conuenient þat sche schuld be loggid in þe cité for þis cause, for þei had told her frendis before whan þei went to þe crosse þat þei schuld come to þe cité agayn. Therfor Maudelen said: Jon I hope þou wilt not forsake my modir at þis tyme, for we wil go and be loggid with þe same man where our maistir suppid last.
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Thus cam þei þorw þe cité and many of here frendis met with hem, þei saide þei were ful sory þat Jhesu was so ded, ne þei were neuyr gilty in þe mater ne neuyr consenting þerto. Thus is Crist biried and Our Lady brout onto þis hous where þat | Crist had mad his maunde.
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Chapter 53 The station at San Giovanni in Laterano The station on Saturday Easter Eve is at San Giovanni in Laterano, and a figure of Christ is laid there in a grave, and many other things done out of respect for Christ’s tomb; we will say something about the tomb for the enlightenment of the readers. After Christ died Our Lady, Mary Magdalene and her two sisters and John the Evangelist remained at the cross until soldiers came and broke the thighs of the two thieves, and until Longinus had put his spear into Christ’s heart. After the soldiers had gone they still remained until Joseph of Arimathaea and Nichodemus and others came with ladders and other gear to take Our Lord down. Joseph released the right hand and Nichodemus the left, and so they released the whole body and laid it on the ground, with the head in Our Lady’s lap, and Mary Magdalene kissed his feet. It was a long time before they could get permission from Our Lady to bury him. But eventually, at the instigation of John, she allowed him to be buried. Christ’s sepulchre was a round room carved out of a hill of stone, stone with veins partly red and partly white. The room was no higher than a man could touch with his hand. The entry to it was on the eastern side, on the north side was a grave skilfully made to be suitable for a man’s body, seven feet long and three hand-spreads (approx. 2’) from the paving. This had been made for Joseph, and Christ was laid in it. After Christ was buried Joseph of Arimathaea wanted Our Lady to go and live in his house, but her advisers thought it was too far from Jerusalem. Then Mary Magdalene wanted to have Our Lady at her lodgings, she offered a great inducement that it was the principal lodging of Christ. To this John would not agree, so Our Lady was entrusted to him, for he said it was more appropriate that she should be housed in the city because they had told their friends earlier, when they went to the cross, that they should come back to the city. Therefor Mary Magdalene said; John, I hope you will not abandon my mother at this time, for we will go and take lodging with the same man at whose house our master ate his last supper.
So they went through the city and met up with many of their friends, who said they were very sorry that Jesus was dead, and that they had never had any responsibility in the matter and never agreed with it. So Christ was buried and Our Lady brought to the house where Christ ate his last supper.
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Off þe stacion on Pase Day.
Capitulum LIIII.
On Pase Day is þe stacion at Seynt Mari Major where Seint Gregori sang on þe same day on whech a gret myracle fel þere, for whech myracle þis stacion was sette þere for euyr on þis day. Thus rede we in Seint Gregori Lif þat on Pase Day he sang messe at þis same cherch and all þe puple deuoutly herd his messe. So happed it at þe last ende of masse, whan he seid Pax Domini sit semper uobiscum, whilis þe qweer was in silens, an aungell with a lowd voys answerd and said: Et cum spiritu tuo. No wondir þouʒ þis man were deuoute in his writyng whan Our Lord had so grete tendirnesse ouyr him þat he wold send an1 aungell to do him seruyse. For we rede eke þat anoþir tyme an aungell ministred at his masse, as is treded more largely in þat capitle of Seint Sebastian. For þis miracle was ordeyned a statute in þat cherch þat if þe pope singe þere þe qwere schal not answer whan he seith Pax Domini. And treuly wheþir þei do so euyr or nout I wot not veryly, but þis herd I, þat at dyuers masses be note þe qwer saide all thre Agnus Dei with Miserere nobis and not with Dona nobis pacem as we do.
Thus haue I descryued onto ʒow þe stacions of Lenton for of þoo staciones befor Lenton or of þoo þat are in Hestern Weke we spoke not2 for to causes. O cause is for þe staciones in Lenton are more comendid and more vsed. Anoþir cause is for all þoo cherchis are stacions in Lenton also saue to, on is Sancta Maria Rotunda, anoþir is Seynt Pancras, and of þese both wil we speke now in þe þird part.
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Chapter 54 The station at Santa Maria Maggiore The station on Easter Day is at Santa Maria Maggiore, where St Gregory sang on the very day that a great miracle occurred there, and on account of this miracle this station was established there on this day for ever. We read in St Gregory’s Life that he sang mass on Easter Day in this same church, and all the people devoutly heard his mass. It so happened that at the very end of the mass, when he said Pax Domini sit semper vobiscum ‘The peace of the Lord be with you always’, while the choir was silent, an angel with a loud voice replied and said Et cum spiritu tuo ‘And with your spirit’. It is no wonder that this man was devout in his writings when Our Lord had such great goodwill towards him that he would send an angel to serve him (at mass). For we read also that an angel assisted at his mass on another occasion, (a topic) that is dealt with more fully in the chapter on St Sebastian. On account of this miracle a rule was established in this church that if the pope sing there the choir shall not respond when he says Pax Domini. And truly, whether they do so or not I really do not know, but I did hear this, that at various sung masses the choir said all three Agnus Dei ‘Lamb of God’ with Miserere nobis ‘Have mercy on us’, and not with Dona nobis pacem ‘Grant us peace’ as we do. [End of Part II] So I have described for you the Lenten stations, for we did not speak of the stations before Lent, nor of those that are in Easter Week, for two reasons. One reason is that the Lenten stations are more meritorious and (numerously) attended. A second reason is that the churches that feature in the stations outside Lent are the same churches, except for two, one is Santa Maria Rotunda, and the second is San Pancrazio, and we will deal with both now in Part III.
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These be þe capitles of þis secund part before. The Prologe. Off þe cherch clepid Seynt Peteres Capitulum I. Off þe cherch cleped Seynt Paules Capitulum II. Off þe cherch of Seynt Sebastian Capitulum III. Off þe cherch cleped Lateranensis Capitulum IIII. Off þe cherch of Seynt Cruce Capitulum V. Off þe cherch of Seynt Laurens Capitulum VI. Off þe cherch cleped Maria Major Capitulum VII. Off þe stacion at Seynt Sabine Capitulum VIII. Off þe stacion at Seynt George Capitulum IX. Off þe stacion at Jon and Paule Capitulum X. Off þe stacion at Seynt Triphonis Capitulum XI. Off þe stacion at Seynt Jon Lateranensis Capitulum XII. Off þe stacion at Seint Petir ad Vincula Capitulum XIII. Off þe stacion at Seint Anastase Capitulum XIIII. Off þe stacion at Seynt Mari Maior Capitulum XV. Off þe stacion at Seynt Laurens Panispern Capitulum XVI. Off þe stacion at Þe Twelue Aposteles Capitulum XVII. Off þe stacion at Seynt Petir cherch Capitulum XVIII. Off þe stacion at Sancta Maria in Dompnica Capitulum XIX. Off þe stacion at Seynt Clementis Capitulum XX. Off þe stacion at Seint Balbyne Capitulum XXI. Off þe stacion at Seint Cecilé Capitulum XXII. Off þe stacion at Sancta Maria Transtiberim Capitulum XXIII. Off þe stacion at Seint Vitale Capitulum XXIIII. | Off þe stacion at Seint Marcellin and Petir Capitulum XXV. Off þe stacion at Seynt Laurens Capitulum XXVI. Off þe stacion at Seynt Mark Capitulum XXVII. Off þe stacion at Seynt Potenciane Capitulum XXVIII. Off þe stacion at Seynt Sixte Capitulum XXIX. Off þe stacion at Seintis Cosmas and Damianus Capitulum XXX. Off þe stacion at Seint Laurens in Lucina Capitulum XXXI. Off þe stacion at Seynt Susanne Capitulum XXXII. Off þe stacion in Jerusalem at Seint Cruce Capitulum XXXIII. Off þe stacion at a cherch clepid Quatuor Coronatorum Capitulum XXXIIII. Off þe stacion of Seynt Laurens in Damasco Capitulum XXXV. Off þe stacion at Seynt Paules Capitulum XXXVI. Off þe stacion at Seint Martyn in Montibus Capitulum XXXVII. Off þe stacion at Seynt Eusebie Capitulum XXXVIII. Off þe stacion at Seynt Nicholas in Carcere Capitulum XXXIX.1 Off þe stacion at Seynt Petres Capitulum XL. Off þe stacion at Seynt Grisogonus Capitulum XLI. Off þe stacion at Seint Ciriac Capitulum XLII. Off þe stacion at Seint Marcelle Capitulum XLIII. Off þe stacion at Seynt Appollinare Capitulum XLIIII. Off þe stacion at Seynt Steuene in Monte Celio Capitulum XLV. Off þe stacion at Seynt Jon Portlatyn Capitulum XLVI. Off þe stacion at Lateranensis Capitulum XLVII. Off þe stacion at Seynt Praxede Capitulum XLVIII. Off þe stacion at Seint Prisce Capitulum XLIX. Off þe stacion at Seyn Mari Major Capitulum L. Off þe stacion at Lateranensis Capitulum LI. Off þe stacion at Seynt Cruce Capitulum LII. Off þe stacion at Lateranensis Capitulum LIII. Off þe stacion on Pase Day Capitulum LIIII.
Capitulum XXXIX.] MS xxxix ca.
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These are the chapters of this preceding Part II. Chapter 1: San Pietro. 2: San Paolo fuori le Mura. 3: San Sebastiano. 4: San Giovanni in Laterano. 5: Santa Croce in Gerusalemme. 6: San Lorenzo fuori le Mura. 7: Santa Maria Maggiore. 8: The station at Santa Sabina. 9: The station at San Giorgio in Velabro. 10: The station at Santi Giovanni et Paolo. 11: The station at San Trifone. 12: The station at San Giovanni in Laterano. 13: The station at San Pietro in Vincoli. 14: The station at Santa Anastasia. 15: The station at Santa Maria Maggiore. 16: The station at San Lorenzo in Panisperna. 17: The station at Santi Apostoli. 18: The station at San Pietro. 19: The station at Santa Maria in Domnica. 20: The station at San Clemente. 21: The station at Santa Balbina. 22: The station at Santa Cecilia in Trastévere. 23: The station at Santa Maria in Trastévere. 24: The station at San Vitale. 25: The station at Santi Marcellino e Pietro. 26: The station at San Lorenzo fuori le Mura. 27: The station at San Marco. 28: The station at Santa Pudenziana. 29: The station at San Sisto Vecchio. 30: The station at Santi Cosma e Damiano. 31: The station at San Lorenzo in Lucina. 32: The station at Santa Susanna. 33: The station at Santa Croce in Gerusalemme. 34: The station at Santi Quattro Coronati. 35: The station at San Lorenzo in Damaso. 36: The station at San Paolo fuori le Mura. 37: The station at San Martino ai Monti and the station at San Silvestro in Capite. 38: The station at Sant’Eusebio. 39: The station at San Nicola in Carcere. 40: The station at San Pietro. 41: The station at San Crisogono. 42: The station at San Ciriaco in Thermis. 43: The station at San Marcello al Corso. 44: The station at Sant’Apollinare. 45: The station at San Stefano Rotunda. 46: The station at San Giovanni alla Porta Latina. 47: The station at San Giovanni in Laterano. 48: The station at Santa Prassede and the station at Santi Nereo e Achilleo. 49: The station at Santa Prisca. 50: The station at Santa Maria Maggiore. 51: The station at San Giovanni in Laterano. 52: The station at Santa Croce in Gerusalemme. 53: The station at San Giovanni in Laterano. 54: The station at Santa Maria Maggiore.
Here beginnyth þe þird part: Of oþir cherches in Rome.
PART III
Here begins the third part: Other Churches in Rome.
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Prologus.
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Thus fer haue we brout our entent þat we haue descryued all þoo places where staciones be holde in Lenton, now wil we telle sum notable þingis of oþir cherches in Rome swech as be famous. Our purpos was in þe beginnyng of þis werk to a mad but too parties þerof, and so it is writyn, but þis secund part schuld a be ouyr-prolix. Therfor men councelled me of þese oþir cherches whech schul now come in hand to make a special part be himselue, so schal þe werk be concluded in a ternarie, for þat noumbir is halowid as we sey in our diuinité because our feith prechith onto thre persones in o godhed. Our Lord God alsoo hath made his ministres aungelles and sette in swech perfeccion þat þei be distincte into thre ierarchies and euery ierarchie distincte into thre ordres. Eke Our Lord hath dyuyded al þis world into thre parties, þat is to sey Asie, Europe and Affrik. Al þis is said for þe perfeccioun of þis noumbir þre, and mech more þing myth be seid þerof if men wolde, specialy if þei wold take councell of a book whech Ysidre mad and it is entitiled De more. The ordre1 in þis werk folowyng schal be þis. First wil we speke of all þe cherchis of Oure Lady whech wil com to rememberauns and þann of oþir cherches whech stand in fame and specialy of hem of whom we fynde | ony notable wrytyng.
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Prologue So far we have accomplished our intention in that we have described all the places where the stations are held in Lent. Now we will relate some notable things about such other churches in Rome as are famous. When we began this work our intention was to write it in just two parts, and so has it been done, but this second part would have become over-lengthy. Therefor men advised me to make a separate part about these other churches, which will now be put in hand, so the work will be concluded as a triunity, for that number (of three) is revered, as we say, in our divine being because our faith proclaims to us three persons in one godhead. Also Our Lord God rationalized his assistants as angels established in such perfection that they are divided into three hierarchies, and each hierarchy divided into three orders. Also Our Lord divided the whole of this world into three parts, that is to say, Asia, Europe and Africa. All this is mentioned on account of the perfection of this number three, and a lot more could be said about it if men wished, especially if they wanted to follow the advice of a book made by Isidore entitled De More ‘On Custom’. The disposition of the following work shall be like this. First we will deal with all the churches we can recall dedicated to Our Lady, and then (secondly) with other churches of reputation and those that we find any notable writing about in particular.
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Off Sancta Maria Rotunda.
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Capitulum I.
There is a cherch in Rome whech was clepid sumtyme Pantheon, now it is clepid Sancta Maria Rotunda or elles Sancta Maria ad Martires. It is clepid Sancta Maria Rotunda for it is a round hous withoute piler and þat of so grete widnesse and so grete heith þat it is wondir who þei myth rere it. The sey þer comounly and I fonde it wrytin þere þat þei mad a grete hill of erde as brod and as hy as þei wold haue þe hous and in þis hill þei byried mech mony whan þe hous was mad, þei ʒoue þe puple leue to cary oute þe erde and for her cariage to take þe mony whech þei fond. In very sikirnesse I sei a vout mad at Rome, a ful fayre hous whech is a celer at Seint Thomas hospital euene of þis same maner. It is cleped eke þis cherch Sancta Maria ad Martires, for it was halowid not only in worchip of Our Lady but in worchip of all martires. Martires is seid singulerly and non confessouris for þe Cherch said not of confessoures þan. There was in Rome a pope clepid Boneface þe Fourt, a blessid man of lyf and grete in reputacion. This man was pope in tyme of Focas þe emperour sone aftir Seint Gregory, for aftir Gregory was Sabinus a ʒere and eite monthis and þanne Bonefacius Tercius not fully a ʒere, so þat be my counting þis Bonefacius Quartus was in þe ʒer of Our Lord sex hundred and fif. This Boneface prayed þe emperour Focas þat he schuld ʒeue him þis temple whech was cleped before Pantheon, þat is to sei a temple of all goddis, for pan is as mech to sey as ‘al’ and theos ‘god’ or ‘goddis’. The principal cause whech meued þe pope was þis, for þe wikkid spiritis þat had receyued grete offeringis þere of þe puple whil þei were in errour sey þe same puple had forsake hem and were turned onto Crist, of gret malice whech þei haue hurt þe puple in morownyngis and euenes with meruelous maledies. And because þis cherch stant in þe best of Rome where most puple dwellith, þerfor þis pope of grete pité was þe more bisi to seke remedy agayn þis myschef. So aftir þe emperoures graunt he mad all þe maumentis within þe hous to be broke, clensid þe hous of all offices þat were within longing to swech cerymonies as þe hethen puple used. Aftir þis doo he called all þe Cristen puple of Rome and in here presens halowid þe place, saide þere a messe and hosild þe most part of þe puple. Tho mad he a constitucion of þe Cherch þat þis day fro þis tyme schuld be as holy as Cristemasse Day and all þe puple schuld come and do reuerens to God and too all seyntis, þat all þe necligenses whech falle in| þe long ʒere schuld be amendid with solempnité of þis fest. Summe croniculeris write þat Boneface set
Chapter 1
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Chapter 1 Santa Maria Rotunda (= Pantheon) There is a church in Rome that was formerly called The Pantheon, now it is called Santa Maria Rotunda or Santa Maria ad Martyres. It is called Santa Maria Rotunda because it is a round building without any pillar, and of such great width and such great height that it is a marvel how they could raise it. They say there commonly, and I found it written there, that they made a great mound of earth as broad and as high as they wanted the building to be, and when the building was being constructed (around it) they buried a lot of money in this mound, then they allowed the people to carry out the earth and keep the money they found for their labour. Certainly I saw at Rome a vaulted space made in the very same way, a very beautiful room that is a cellar at the hospital of St Thomas. This church is also called Santa Maria ad Martyres, for it was consecrated not only to the honour of Our Lady but also to the honour of all martyrs. ‘Martyrs’ is meant exclusively, not to include confessors, for the Church did not distinguish confessors then. There was in Rome a pope called Boniface IV, a man of blessed life and great reputation. This man was pope in the time of Emperor Phocas, soon after St Gregory, for Sabinianus reigned a year and eight months after Gregory, and then Boniface III for less than a year, so that by my count this Boniface IV was (pope) in the year of Our Lord 605 (recte 608). This Boniface asked the Emperor Phocas to give him the temple previously called Pantheon, that is to say a temple of all the gods, for pan means ‘all’ and theos ‘god’ or ‘gods’. The main reason that influenced the pope was this, that when the evil spirits, who had received great offerings from the people there while they were in error, saw that the same people had abandoned them and had turned to Christ, out of the great malice that they had they (proceeded to) injure the people morning and evening with terrifying illnesses. And since this church was situated in the best part of Rome, where the most people lived, for this reason the pope in his great compassion was the more eager to find a solution to this affliction. Soon after the emperor’s concession he caused all the idols in the building to be smashed, and purified the building of all the insignia of office inside that pertained to such ceremonies as the heathen people performed. After this was done he summoned all the Christian people of Rome and consecrated the place in their presence, said mass there and administered Holy Communion to the greater part of the people. Then he made an edict of the Church that from this time onwards this day should be as holy as Christmas Day, and all the people should come and venerate God and all the
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þis feest þe fiftene day of May and on of þe Gregories aftirward chaunged it and set it þe first day of Nouembir for þis cause: for grete multitude of þe cuntré cam to Rome at þis feest and vitaile þat tyme of þe ʒer was passing scarse, wherfor he sette it at þis tyme whan corn and wyn is in moost plenté.
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saints, so that all the indifference of the long year should be compensated for by the seriousness of this feast-day. Some historians write that Boniface established this feast-day on 15 May and one of the Gregories later changed it and fixed it on 1 November for this reason: for a huge crowd came to Rome from the country on this feast-day, and provisions were very low at that time of year, so he fixed it at this time when corn and wine is most abundant.
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Off Ara Celi cherch of Our Lady.
Capitulum II.
Off Ara Celi we spoke before in þe first party and told who it was sumtyme Octauian chaumbir whech he dismitted fro him and halowid it onto God. This cherch as þei sey þere is specialy consecrat onto Our Lady because þe same emperour on Cristmasse Day saw a virgin appering in þe sunne and in hir arme a child. This vision of Cristis birth, whech was schewid to Octauian þe day of his birth, was nout only schewid in Rome but in oþir places of þe world. For as I haue red when þe sterre appered to þe thre kyngis in Ynde þere appered with þe sterre a child with a crosse and seid onto hem þat þei schuld seke þe newe kyng born at Bethlem. For þe progenie of þese kyngis had ordeyned certeyn men to wayte aftir þis, meuid be a prophete þei called Balam whech was in þe tyme of Moises. This is seid vndir auctorité of Strabus in his notes Super Matheum. We rede also in oþir cronicles þat Jeremie þe prophete in þe captiuité of Jerusalem fled into Egipt where he told to þe kyng of Egipt þat whan a mayde bare a child in þe lond of Judé all þe ydoles of Egipt schuld fall down and be distroyed. These wordes of Jeremye were in so grete auctorité in Egipt þat þe prestis of þe temple þere in Memphis ded peynt a ymage of a mayde and in hir lap a child and sette it in a pryuy place of þe temple as for a special memorial. Tholomé þe grete astronomer whech was kyng of Egipt aftir, a studious man to lerne straunge þingis, inqwired of þe prestis what þis ymage ment and he had of hem non oþir answer but þat þe holy prophete Jeremie told swech a þing onto her elderes and þei beleued veryly it schuld be as he seide. This place þat is þus consecrat in worchip of Our Lady is not clepid withouten cause þe auter of God for þat virgine was þe first auter þat receyued þe flesch and þe blood of Our Lord Jhesu, whech flesch and blood amongis Cristen men now is ministred on euery auter. In þis cherch are wrytyn þese vers: Hac ara celi Sibilla sermone fideli Quem genus humanum colat instru[x]it Octauianum. Hec est virgo parens ait hic Deus est homo parens Hic rex fine carens tu rex homo flos uelut arens.
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Chapter 2 Santa Maria in Aracoeli (ends incomplete) We wrote about Ara Celi earlier in Part I (ch 16) and told how it was at one time Octavian’s chamber, which he relinquished and dedicated to God. As they say there, this church is consecrated to Our Lady specifically because on Christmas Day the same emperor saw a virgin appear in the sun, with a child in her arms. This vision of Christ’s birth, which was shown to Octavian the day of His birth, was shown not only in Rome, but also in other parts of the world. For as I have read, when the star appeared to the three kings in India, with the star there appeared a child with a cross, and it said to them that they should seek the new-born king in Bethlehem. For the ancestors of these kings had arranged for certain men to wait for this (event), urged by a prophet they call Balaam, who lived at the time of Moses. This is said on the authority of Walafrid Strabo (putative author of the Glossa Ordinaria) in his notes Super Matthaeum ‘On Matthew’. Also we read in other histories that Jeremiah the prophet during the subjection of Jerusalem fled into Egypt, where he warned the king of Egypt that, when a virgin bore a child in the land of Judaea, all the idols of Egypt would fall down and be destroyed. These words of Jeremiah were held to be of such great authority in Egypt that the priests of the temple in Memphis there painted a picture of a virgin with a child on her lap and fixed it in a secret place in the temple as a special reminder. The great astronomer Ptolemy, who was ruler of Egypt later, a man who was assiduous in learning new things, asked the priests what this picture meant, and the only answer he got from them was that the holy prophet Jeremiah told this story to their predecessors and they truly believed it would happen as he had foretold. This place that is thus consecrated to the worship of Our Lady is not without reason called the altar of God, for that virgin was the first altar to receive the flesh and blood of Our Lord Jesus, the flesh and blood that is now administered among Christian men at every altar. These verses are written in this church: Hac ara celi Sibilla sermone fideli Quem genus humanum colat instru[x]it Octauianum. Hec est virgo parens ait hic Deus est homo parens Hic rex fine carens tu rex homo flos uelut arens.
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This is þe sentens of þese vers as I vndirstand: This is þe auter of heuene where Sibille witʒ wordis ful trewe Off him þat alle men schul worchip mad [. . .]
[Here there is a lacuna in the text, which breaks off in ch 2 and resumes in ch 4 on Santa Maria sopra Minerva]
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This is the meaning of these verses as I understand: This is the altar of heaven where in truthful speech the Sibyl (taught Octavian) about the man whom the human race is to revere. (She affirmed this is the virgin appearing, this is God appearing as man. This is the king whose reign will have no end, whereas you [Octavian], though a king, are human, like a flower that withers.)
[On account of material lacking in the manuscript the text breaks off.] Chapter 3 Lacking
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[ . . . ] stand of þe lower wisdam whech is sent fro God. Anoþir part of hir picture is þat sche is euyr peyntid ʒong. For wisdam is neuyr eld but euyr new and new offered to our soule. Sche [Minerva] halt a spere in hir hand to signifie þat þei whech be endewid with wisdam schuld be redy euyr to defende hem fro þe perilous temptacionnes of þe deuele. Gorgones heed berith sche in hir breest. These poetes feyne þat þer were thre monstres, þat is to sey men or women misschapin for þei thre had but o hed and on eye, whech monstres a conqwerour, as þei feyne his name was Perseus, killid. But before his conquest he borowid þe spere of þis same Pallas and eke hir scheld þat was mad of cristal. Al þis is feyned to þis entent þat a wise man1 schal euyr haue dreed in his breest forto be ware and redy ageyn alle þe fraudes of our enmy whech may transfigure himselue into what schap þat he wil. Many mo similitudes are writen betwixe þese to, Mynerue and wisdam, but I wil leue hem and sent ʒou if ʒe list to lerne more of þis mater onto a book cleped Mithologie Fulgencii.
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Chapter 4 (begins imperfect) Santa Maria sopra Minerva [takes up from missing discussion about Minerva, goddess of wisdom] . . . (under) stood of the lower wisdom that is sent from God. Another aspect of her picture is that she was always painted young. For wisdom is never old but always fresh and offered anew to our soul. She (Minerva) held a spear in her hand to signify that those who are endowed with wisdom should always be ready to defend themselves from the dangerous temptations of the devil. She bears a Gorgon’s head at her chest. These poets imagine that there were three monsters, that is to say deformed men or women, for those three had but one head and one eye, monsters who were killed by a conqueror whose name they imagine was Perseus. Before his victory Perseus borrowed the spear of this same Pallas (= Minerva), and also her shield, which was made of crystal. All this is imagined for this purpose, that a wise man will always have concern in his heart to be wary and ready against all the deceptions of our enemy, who can transform himself into whatever shape he will. Many more similarities are noted between these two, Minerva and wisdom, but I will leave them and send you, if you wish to learn more on this matter, to a book called Mythologiae by Fulgentius.
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Of þe cherch cleped Marie Anunciat.
Capitulum V.
Marie Anunciat is a wol fayre cherch whech stant in þe feld as we go fro Scala Celi onto Seint Sebastianes, a myle fro þe o place and a myle fro þe oþir. It stant now withouten ony dweller and ʒet hath it a fayre litil place annexid þerto. Saue at þe dedicacion of þe place whech is in þe fest of Anunciacion of Our Lady1 þan be sum folk abydyng þere. Off þis place we fynde swech wrytyng. An holy man dwelt þere sumtyme þat seruyd God and Oure Lady in ful solitary lif, and because þe place was of þat fest of Our Lady whech is clepid Anunciacion, whan þat Gabriel cam fro heuene and teld Oure Lady þoo gracious tydynggis, þe sauacion of al þe world, he had in þis place grete deuocioun. Upon a day Our Lady appered onto him and seide þat what man in clene lif deuoutely wil visite þis place he schal neuyr com in þe peynes of purgatorie. Many oþir þinggis be seid þere of þis place whech I may wel beleue because þat þis fest of Our Lady is a solempne and a principal fest aftir myn opinion, for on þis day nowt only was Oure Lady gladid with tydynggis of Gabriel but many oþir þingis fel in þis feest as a grete versifyour witnessith in certeyn vers whech folow here: Salue festa dies que vulnera nostra coherces Angelus est missus est passus in cruce Cristus. Est Adam factus et eodem tempore lapsus Ob meritum decime cadit Abel fratris ab ense Offert Melchisedec Ysaac supponitur aris Est decolatus Cristi baptista beatus Petrus ereptus Jacobus sub Herode peremptus Corpora sanctorum cum Cristo multa resurgunt Latro dulce tamen per Cristum suscipit Amen.
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This is þe sentens of þese vers: Heil þou festful day This day þe aungel was sent Adam was mad þis day For fals tithyng we say Melchisedech with Abraham mette Jon Baptist þis day was ded Petir fro prison was drawe Many men owt of þe ground The þeef on Cristis rith hand
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þat puttist our woundes away. Crist on þe crosse was bent. and turned to þe synful way. Cayn killid Abel þis day. with bred and wyn he him grette. for treuth he lost his hed. and James þis day i-slawe. rise þis day both hool and sound.2 herd ful good tytand.
sound] in margin marked for insertion
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Chapter 5 Santa Maria Annunziata Santa Maria Annunziata is a beautiful church, which is situated in a field as we go from Santa Maria Scala Celi to San Sebastiano, a mile from the one and a mile from the other. It stands now with no inhabitants nearby, and yet it has a beautiful little place joined on to it. An exception was at the dedication of the church, which is on the feast-day of the Annunciation of Our Lady (25 Mar), for at that time there were some people living there. We find the following story about this place. At one time a holy man lived a solitary life there, for he was devoted to God and Our Lady, and since this place was associated with the feast of the Annunciation of Our Lady, when Gabriel came from heaven and told Our Lady that good news, the salvation of the world, he had great piety in this place. One day Our Lady appeared to him and said that any man of irreproachable life who devoutly visits this place shall never experience the pain of purgatory. Many other things are said about this place and I can well believe them because this feast of Our Lady is an important and major feast in my opinion, for on this day not only was Our Lady blessed with the news from Gabriel, but also many other things happened on this feast-day, as a great versifier testifies in particular verses that follow here: Salue festa dies que vulnera nostra coherces Angelus est missus est passus in cruce Cristus. Est Adam factus & eodem tempore lapsus Ob meritum decime cadit Abel fratris ab ense Offert Melchisedec Ysaac supponitur aris Est decolatus Cristi baptista beatus Petrus ereptus Jacobus sub Herode peremptus Corpora sanctorum cum Cristo multa resurgunt Latro dulce tamen per Cristum suscipit Amen.
This is the meaning of these verses: Hail to the feast-day that absolves our sins. On this day that the angel was sent, Christ was hung on the cross. Adam was created on this day and turned to sin. On this day we say Cain killed Abel on account of false reporting, Melchizedek met Abraham and greeted him with bread and wine. On this day John the Baptist was killed; he lost his head for telling the truth. On this day Peter was dragged out of prison, and James was killed. On this day many men rise up out of the ground healthy and undamaged; the thief on Christ’s right hand heard the Gospel.
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Of þe cherch clepid Marie Transpodium.
[Capitulum] VI.
Marie Transpodium is a cherch of Our Lady in þe Cyté Leonine where Seynt Petir cherch stant, whi it is called Transpodium treuly I coude not lerne for þe dwelleres are wroth anon if men ask ony questiones. Trans is as mech to sey as ‘ouyr’ and podium ‘a lenyng’ joyned in our langage it soundith ouyr þe lenyng, what lenyng was here or whi it is clepid soo treuly I cannot gesse. This mech I say þere, too pileris onto whech Petir and Paule were bounde and bete for þei taute þe feith of Our Lord Jhesu. Thus were þe holy apostoles ofte-tyme serued: whan þei cam first onto a cyté and prechid þe name of Crist anon þei were had into þe councel and betyn naked and forbodyn þat þei schuld no more nemel Cristes name onto þe puple. Off þis maner chastising were many dyuers uses amongis dyuers naciones. I haue red þat summe juges amongis þe hethen men suffered her tormentouris to bete men withouten mesur eþir tyl þe beter was wery or ellis til he þat was betyn was ded. For þese ondiscret juges Oure Lord God comaunded his puple in þe Old Testament þat þe juges schuld not suffir men to be betyn undiscretly, for Our Lord put onto hem a reule þat þei schuld not passe fourty lacch. Off þis mater spekith Seint Paule ful pleynly, as a man þat had gret experiens of þis mater, in þe secund epistel Ad Corinthios and seith on þis maner: A Judeis quinquies quadragenas una minus accepi.
In Englisch he seith þus: Of þe Jewis fyue sithis fourty lasch on lesse I took.
These schort wordis wil I expresse to ʒou in larger langage. The Jewis hated Paule gretly because he forsok her secte and beleued in Crist, wherfor oft-tyme þei called him to councell and bete him for his preching. The noumbir of his scorgingis he telleth here, fyue sithis he seith. The maner he telleth eke, eche tyme had he fourty lacch saue on, þat is to sey ech tyme þriti-nyne. Because her lawe comaunded þat þei schuld not passe fourty lacch and þei hemself wold be hald mercyful þouʒ þei were not, soo þerfor þei ʒoue him on lasse þan þe lawe comaunded. Thus had þe seruauntis of Our Lord mech aduersité in þis world for whech aduersité þei be now gretly enhaunsed in heuene.
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Chapter 6 Santa Maria in Transpontina Santa Maria in Transpontina is a church of Our Lady in the Leonine City where San Pietro is situated; why it is called Transpodium truly I could not discover, for the inhabitants get angry if men ask questions. Trans means ‘over’ and podium ‘a slope (in a wall)’; joined together in our language it means ‘over the slope’, but what slope was here, or why it is so called, truly I cannot fathom. This much I did see there: two pillars to which Peter and Paul were bound and then beaten at them because they taught the faith of Our Lord Jesus. The holy apostles were often treated in this way: when they first entered a city and preached the name of Christ, straightaway they were hauled before the court and beaten naked and forbidden from continuing to name the name of Christ to the people. Amongst various nations there were many various practices in this kind of punishment. I have read that some judges among the heathens allowed their torturers to beat men without limit, either till the beater was tired or else till the one who was beaten was dead. Regarding these intemperate judges Our Lord God commanded his people in the Old Testament that judges should not allow men to be beaten immoderately, for Our Lord imposed on them a rule that they should not exceed forty lashes. As a man who had considerable experience in this matter, St Paul speaks very clearly about it in the Second Letter to the Corinthians, and says as follows: A Judeis quinquies quadragenas una minus accepi.
So in English he says: I received one less than forty lashes from the Jews five times.
I will explain these few words to you at greater length. The Jews hated Paul intensely because he abandoned their sect and believed in Christ, on account of which they often summoned him to court and beat him for his preaching. He tells the number of times he was whipped, five times he says. He also tells us the manner of his whipping: each time he received forty lashes minus one, that is to say thirty-nine lashes each time. Because their law commands that they should not exceed forty lashes, and they themselves wanted to be considered compassionate, though they were not, therefor they gave him one less than the law commanded. In this way the servants of Our Lord endured much adversity in this world, for which they are now greatly rewarded in heaven.
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Of þe cherch cleped Sancta Maria de Palma.
Capitulum VII.
Marie de Palma is a cherch in þe heywey as we go fro Porta Appia onto Sebastianes cherch. This is a praty litil cherch and a place annexid þertoo where is comounly a tauerne to þe counfort of pilgrimes. Whi it is clepid De Palma I lerned not but a maner of gessing I haue, for þere left Our Lord Jhesu Seint Petir whan he sent him ageyn to Rome to receyue his deth in confirmacion of Cristen faith. And because conquerouris in eld tyme wered þe palme for victori, þerfor þe Cherch applieth þis langage onto martires seying þat aftir her deth þei are worthi þe palma, þat is to sey to be clepid victores as maystires ouyr þe fleschly lustis, and ouyrcomeris of temptaciones of þe world, þe deuel, and greuous tyrauntes. Beʒond þis cherch not fer, litil more þan a boweschote, stant a crosse þei clepe it Domine quo vadis. There met Our Lord with Petir whan he fled his martirdam. Petir knew Him weel and asked of Him whidir He wold goo. Oure Lord saide He went to Rome agayn to be crucified. Thoo was Petir gretly rebukid and Our Lord saide onto him þanne: Go þou to Rome agayn.
Thus walkid þei fro þat crosse onto þis cherch, Our Lord and he togidir, and sodeynly at þat place where þis cherch stant Our Lord passid fro him. And þere was a ston sumtyme in þat cherch kept vndyr þe auter where þe steppes of Our Lordis bare feet are impressid, but because þe place is desolat saue whan pilgrimes be þere, þerfor is þis ston born to Seynt Sebastianes and þere it lith in þe sacristie, men may se it whan þei wil. Crist as it semeth was a mech man for þe steppis be rith large. Here may men enqwire of me of þis apparicion of Crist for it was aftir His Ascension wheythir His body was þere or nowt, or elles an aungell appered in His stede. Of þis mater is grete difficulté amongis dyuynes. Before þe Incarnacion þei sey þat þoo appariciones were mad be aungelles representyng þe persone of God and doyng þe message of God. Aftir þe Incarnacion þere is no doute but þat Crist appered in His manhod visibily onto all þat wold se Him. Betwix þe Resurrexion and þe Ascencioun is seid also þat Crist appered in His very body glorificat, whech body myth entre þorw wall and bord and noþing lette it, for þat body had þann and ʒet hath þe four precious þingis whech þei clepe dotes, þat is to sey subtilité þat no þing may hold it, agilité þat al þing may bere it,
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Chapter 7 Santa Maria in Palmis Santa Maria in Palmis is a church on the main road as we go from the Porta Appia to San Sebastiano. This is a pretty little church with a place adjacent where there is frequently a tavern for the contentment of pilgrims. I did not learn why it is called De Palma but I have a way of divining it, for Our Lord Jesus left St Peter there when he sent him back to Rome to suffer death as a confirmation of Christian faith. Since in olden times conquerors wore the palm as a sign of victory, accordingly the Church applies this language to martyrs, saying that after their deaths they are worthy of the palm, that is to say as subduers of the fleshly appetites, and overcomers of worldly temptations, the devil and vicious despots, to be called victors. Not far beyond this church, little more than the distance travelled by an arrow shot from a bow, there stands a cross called Domine Quo Vadis ‘Where are you going, Lord?’. Our Lord met Peter there when he was running away from his martyrdom. Peter knew Him well and asked Him where He wished to go. Our Lord said He was going back to Rome to be crucified. Then Peter was greatly reprimanded and Our Lord said to him: Go back to Rome.
So they walked from that cross to this church, Our Lord and he together, and suddenly, at the place where this church stands, Our Lord vanished from him. And at one time there was a stone kept under the altar in that church, a stone in which were impressed the footsteps of Our Lord’s bare feet, but, because this place is deserted except when pilgrims go there, this stone was carried to San Sebastiano and lies there in the sacristy, where men can see it when they wish. As it seems Christ was a big man for the footsteps are very large. Here, since it was after His ascension, men may ask me about this apparition of Christ, as to whether His body was there or not, or whether an angel appeared in His place. This is a difficult question for religious scholars. Before the Incarnation they say that the apparitions were performed by angels representing the person of God and delivering the message of God. After the Incarnation there is no doubt that Christ appeared in His humanity visibly for all who wished to see Him. Between the Resurrection and the Ascension also it is said that Christ appeared in His own glorified body, as His body could enter through walls and tables with nothing
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impassibilité þat it may suffer neythir deth ne seknesse, clernesse eke with whech þe dul vndistanding of þe body is avoyded. So upon þis our doctouris put in doute þoo appariciones aftir His Ascencion wheithir þoo were1 in Cristis body assumpt or ellis be þe ministeri of an aungell, summe hold þe o part sum þe oþir, but I beleue | þat þe manhod of Crist myth aftir his Ascensioun appere onto Petir þouʒ it were so þat Petir say not þe godhed. If þis posicion be onyþing ageyn þe feith or ageyn scripture I wil gladly reuoke it.
þoo were] written twice, with first instance expuncted
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able to prevent it, for that body had then and still has the four precious things that they call inherent gifts, that is to say perspicacity, that nothing can contain it, swiftness, that anything can convey it, indestructability, in that it can suffer neither death nor illness, and clear-sightedness, by which the dull understanding of the body is banished. On this basis our doctors (of the Church) raise doubts about those apparitions after his Ascension, as to whether they were assumed to be in Christ’s body or alternatively through the ministration of an angel, some hold the one view, some the other, but I believe that the humanity of Christ could have appeared to Peter after His Ascension, though Peter did not see the divinity. If this position contains anything against the faith or against scripture I will happily rescind it.
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Of þe cherch clepid Sancta Maria de Populo.
Capitulum VIII.
Sancta Maria de Populo is a fayr litil place in Rome fast by a gate cleped Porta Flaminea on þe north side of Rome, whech place is inhabit with freres cleped Hermytes of Seynt Austyn. The fame of þis place ros for þis cause. The wikkid emperour of Rome clepid Nero ded many grete wrongis to þe cité, for whech dedis he had ful grete enmyté. The last wrong he ded onto hem, he mad his men to sette a grete part of Rome on fyre. Sum sey þe Romanes compleyned onto him þat her stretes were narow and whan he had brent half Rome he seid onto hem þat þei had space inow to make her stretis more large. Summe sey þat he red who gret lamentacion was mad at Troye whan it was on fire and for þat cause he fyred Rome to loke what lamentacion þe puple schuld make. This dede was cause þat þe puple roos and compelled þe senatoures to gader her councell to loke what remedye myth be had ageyn þe wikkid desires of þis tyraunt. The councell answerd þat he was cursed and incorrigibil, wherfor þei determyned þat with grete strength þei wold sle him. This cam to Neroes ere and be nyth he fled onto þis same place whech is clepid Sancta Maria de Populo and þere he killid himselue with a swerd, as it is openly peynted in þat place. But oþir cronicles sey þat as he went forto hide him amongis þe vynes and þe buschis he herd too or thre chorles þat sote be a fyre speke of þe emperour and on of hem sayde: Be my trouth and I wist where he were I schuld sone be sikyr of him.
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Nero herd þis and þout it schuld be grete derogacion to his name if he were ded of a chorlys hand, þerfor with a gret scharp stake he persed himself to þe hert. This was þe end of þe man aftir our cronicules. Many dayes aftir þis was doo, þe deueles þat kept his body ded mech harm at þis gate þat þer myth no man erly ne late go ne entir be þis wey but he were gretly hurt. So in Pope Pascalis tyme þe puple of Rome compleyned gretly of þis greuauns and he comaunded þat þe same puple schuld fast thre dayes and pray God to send sum remedy ageyn þis tribulacion. On þe þird nyth Our Lady appered onto þe pope and1 seyde he must go with procession of þe puple onto þe gate on þe north side of Rome clepid Flaminea, þere in a vyneʒerd schuld he fynde many walnot trees and undir þe grettest tre of all þere schuld he fynde þe body of wikkid Nero. This body sche bad him he schuld take up and brenne. Þe tree schuld he dig up rote an all and where þe tree stood make an auter in þe worchip of hir | whech is qween of heuene and modir to God. This Pope Pascale made þe auter as he was comaunded and gaf to þe place many relikes, I wote weel of dyuers seyntis þere be more þan2 fourty, eythir of her flesch or of her bones or cloþis or sum oþir þing. The fayrest jewel þere is a ymage of Our Lady depeynted of Seynt Luk, it is but half a ymage fro and] MS ad
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Chapter 8 Santa Maria del Popolo Santa Maria del Popolo is a beautiful little place on the north side of Rome near a gate called Porta Flaminea, and it is occupied by friars called Hermits of St Augustine. The fame of this place arose for this reason. The wicked emperor of Rome called Nero did many great injuries to the city, for which actions he attracted very great hostility. The last injury he did to them (the Romans) was when he made his men set a large part of Rome on fire. Some say the Romans complained to him that their streets were narrow, and when he had burnt half of Rome he said to them that they had enough space to make their streets wider. Some say that he read how great an outcry was made at Troy when it was on fire, and for that reason he set fire to Rome to see what outcry the (Roman) people would make. This action was the reason why the people rose up and forced the senators to convene their council to see what remedy could be found to withstand the evil wishes of this despot. The council responded by saying he was accursed and incorrigible, so they resolved that with a large force they should kill him. This came to Nero’s ear and he fled by night to this very place that is called Santa Maria del Popolo, and he killed himself there with a sword, as is seen openly in a painting at that place. But other histories say that, as he went to hide among the vines and bushes, he heard two or three peasants who sat by a fire speak of the emperor, and one of them said: By my troth if I knew where he was I should soon get rid of him.
Nero heard this and thought it would be great detriment to his reputation if he were killed at the hands of a peasant, so he pieced himself to the heart with a long sharp stake. According to our histories that was the end of the man. Many days after this was done the demons that inhabited his body caused a lot of injury at this gate, in that early or late no-one could pass or enter by this way without getting badly hurt. So in Pope Paschal II’s time the people of Rome complained bitterly about this injury, and he ordered that the same people should fast for three days and pray God to send some relief from this affliction. On the third night Our Lady appeared to the pope and said he must go in a procession of the people to the gate called Flaminea on the north side of Rome, where he would find many walnut trees in a vineyard, and he would find the body of the evil Nero under the largest tree of all. She told him he should exhume this body and burn it. He was to dig up the tree, root and all, and make an altar dedicated to her as queen of heaven and mother of God where the tree stood. This Pope Paschal made an altar as he had been ordered and gave many relics to the place; I know well there are (relics of ) more than forty different saints there, either their flesh, or their bones, or clothes, or something else. The most beautiful jewel there is the picture
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þe naule vpward in a blew mantell ribaned with white and gold enterfered, þe visage of it large and brood and þe mantell þrow ouyr hir hed, in hir lift hand hir child clad in red. There be mo ymages in Rome of Lukis peynting þan þis but þis is gretly soute. For euery Satirday comth mech puple þidir and þe cardinales and courtisanes visit þis place deuly notwithstanding it is not open ne þei se it nowt. On þe Friday before þe fourt Sunday in Lenton þan is it set open and grete multitude of puple is þere at þat openyng, and so is it kept open on daylith onto þe Sunday aftir Pas whech is called In Albis, euery day þat tyme is þere grete pres1 of Romanes but moost on Satirday aftirnoon for before noon þei visit þe Saluatour at Seynt Jon Lateranensis. Whi þis place is cleped Sancta Maria de Populo or who þis ymage cam into þat place now schal ʒe here. In þe tyme of þe ix pope Gregorie, it were betir seid in tyme of þat pope whech was clepid Gregorie þe Nynet fell a grete pestilens in Rome for euyr whan deth comth to þat cité þei dey with grete speed and mech wayling and crying is þere. So in þis popes tyme2 and in þis pestilens þe puple of Rome runne hool onto þe popes presens and prayed with gret instauns þat he wold ordeyne a procession and comaund þe puple forto prey onto God þat þis venjaunce myth sese. The pope graunted hem her peticioun and saide he wold go with hem and haue a sermone and syng masse himselue. Þe place of her stacion þat day he assigned himselue, he wold haue þe stacion, he saide, at þat place of Our Lady whech was neuly bikkid be his predecessour Pascale. And to multiplé more deuocioun in þe puple he wold brynge on of þo ymages þat Seint Luke depeynted and offere it and gyue it to þe place for euyr.3 Al þis promisse rehersid was do in dede, þe pestilens cesed, þe ymage is þere stille, and because þe pope gaue þe ymage at instaunce of þe puple and graunted eke grete pardon to þe same place at þe same instaunce þerfor is it clepid Sancta Maria de Populo.
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of Our Lady painted by St Luke; it is a half-portrait from the navel upwards, (and she is wearing) a blue cloak trimmed with white and gold intertwined, the face is broad, and the cloak thrown over her head, her child dressed in red in her left hand. In Rome there are more pictures painted by Luke than this, but this one is greatly sought out. For every Saturday a lot of people come there, and the cardinals and members of the papal Curia duly visit this place, despite the fact that it is closed and they do not see it. It is opened on the Friday before the fourth Sunday in Lent, and huge crowds of people are there for the opening, and so it is kept open in daylight until the Sunday after Easter Day, which is called In Albis ‘In White Robes’; every day during that time there is a great throng of Romans, but most of all on Saturday afternoons, for before noon they visit the (face of Our) Saviour at San Giovanni in Laterano. You shall now hear why this place is called Santa Maria del Popolo and how this picture came to be there. In the time of Pope Gregory IX there occurred a great plague in Rome, for always when death comes to that city they die with great speed and there is much wailing and weeping. So in this pope’s time during this plague the people of Rome ran en masse to the pope’s presence and prayed with great insistence that he would organize a procession and command the people to pray to God that this punishment might stop. The pope granted their request and said he would go with them and give a sermon and sing mass himself. He assigned the place of their station on that day himself; he would have the station, he said, at that place of Our Lady that was newly built by his predecessor Paschal. And to increase devotion amongst the people he would bring one of those pictures that St Luke painted and offer it and give to the place for ever. All this promise as reported was carried out indeed, the plague ceased, the picture is still there, and because the pope gave the picture at the instigation of the people and also granted a great deal of pardon to the place, because of this very urging it is called Santa Maria del Popolo ‘St Mary of the People’.
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Of þe place cleped Sancta Maria de Penis Inferni.
fo 413v
Capitulum IX.
There is a place [fast by Seynt Georges] entitiled eke1 onto Our Lady and þei clepe it þere Sancta Maria de Penis Inferni. Who þis name cam up, red I þere schortly in þe same cherch on þis maner. There was a dragon in Rome of grete quantité whech killid mech puple | and Seynt Siluester bond him beneth þe ground an hundred passe and fifti and called þat place Libera nos de penis inferni and graunted þerto pardon eleuen þusend ʒere. This is wrytyn on a table in þat litil cherch. But in þe Lif of Seynt Siluester is more large talkyng of þis mater. Ther fynde I wrytyn þat aftir tyme Siluester had conuerted Constantine and ouercome þe twelf Jewis þat Heleyn brout fro Jerusalem, conuerted hem and Heleyn eke, aftir þis þe bischoppis of þe maumentis in Rome came with a grete compleynt onto Constantin and told him who þat dragon þat had be in a pitte many day and do but litil harm, now sith Constantin was Cristen had slayn moo þan thre hundred persones. This saide þei to make þe emperour beleue þat her goddis were wroth for he was Cristen and in her wreth ded þis venjaunce. Siluester was sent aftir and he vndirtok in þe name of Our Lord to ordeyn remedye ageyn þis perel. The bischoppis of þe temples where ydoles were worchiped promitted onto Constantin þat, if Siluester ordeyn for þis dragon he do no2 more harm, þei all wil be conuerted to Crist. Siluester continued a day or too in fastyng and prayer. Thoo appered onto him Seynt Petir and saide þese wordes: Be not aferd Siluestir forto do as I shal sey þe. Thou and too of þi prestes goo boldly down to þe dragon, he lith benethe in þe erde o hundred passe and fifti. Take lith with þe and whan þou seest him sey onto him þese wordis: ‘Our Lord Jhesu Crist, born of a virgine, crucified and biried, whech ros up þe þird day fro deth and sittith on þe rithand of þe Fader, aftirward schal come and deme both qwik and dede, He comaundeth þe, Dragon, þat þou do no harm; He comaundeth þe, Sathanas, þat þou abide him here in þis same place onto þat same tyme þat He schal come to þe Doom’. Whan þou hast said þese wordes take a þreed and bynde his mouth togidir and with a ryng þat hath a crosse graue þerin þou schalt sele þe knot and make al sikir.
Seynt Siluester ded as Petir comaunded and aftir his dede cam oute saaf and hool. Too wicchis þere were þat folowid Siluestir into þe pitte forto se who he wold werk and þei had be ded of þe blast of þis beest but þat Siluester prayed for hem. Thei too, seying þis miracle, were turned to Crist and all þe forsaid bischoppis with mech oþir puple. Tho Siluester ded stop þis hole and set þis cherch in þe hole, clepid it as we said before and ʒaue onto it swech indulgence as is eke rehersed.
fast by Seynt Georges entitiled eke] marked for expunction apparently in error
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Chapter 9 Santa Maria Antiqua There is a place near San Giorgio in Velabro also dedicated to Our Lady and they call it there Sancta Maria (Libera nos) de Penis Inferni ‘Holy Mary free us from the pains of hell’. I read briefly in the church how this name arose, as follows. There was a very large dragon in Rome, which killed a lot of people, and St Sylvester confined him a hundred and fifty paces underground (approx 229m), and called that place Libera nos de penis inferni, and granted it eleven thousand years of pardon. This is written on a tablet in that little church. But in the Life of St Sylvester there is a more expansive version of this subject. There I find written that after Sylvester had converted Constantine the Great and won over the twelve Jews that Helen brought from Jerusalem, converted them and Helen too, the priests of the icons in Rome came to Constantine with a great complaint, and told him how that dragon, which had been many a day in a dungeon and done little harm, now, since Constantine had become Christian, it had killed more than three hundred people. They said this to make the emperor believe that their gods were angry because he was Christian, and wrought this retribution in their wrath. Sylvester was sent for, and he undertook in the name of Our Lord to provide relief from this danger. The priests of the temples where idols were worshipped promised Constantine that, if Sylvester can provide that this dragon does no further harm, they would all be converted to Christ. Sylvester continued for a day or two in fasting and prayer. Then St Peter appeared to him and said these words: Don’t be afraid, Sylvester, to do what I tell you. Without hesitation you and two of your priests go down to the dragon, who lies one hundred and fifty paces underground. Take light with you and when you see him say to him these words: ‘Our Lord Jesus Christ, born of a virgin, crucified and buried, who rose up from death on the third day and sits on the right hand of the Father and afterwards shall come and judge both the living and the dead, He commands you, Dragon, to do no harm, He commands you, Satan, to wait for Him here in this very place until the time when He shall come to the Judgement’. When you have said these words take a piece of cord and bind his mouth together and seal the knot with a ring that has a cross engraved on it, and make it all secure.
St Sylvester did as Peter commanded and emerged safe and sound after his encounter. There were two sorcerers who followed Sylvester into the dungeon to see how he worked, and they would have been dead from the fiery blast of this monster if Sylvester had not prayed for them. These two, seeing this miracle, and all the priests (of the idols) and many other people were converted to Christ. Then Sylvester blocked up the hole and built this church over the hole, named it as we said above, and allotted it the level of indulgence that we also mentioned above.
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Of þe cherch cleped Sancta Maria iuxta Scolam Grecorum.
fo 414r
Capitulum X.
Anothir cherch of Our Lady called Sancta Maria iuxta Scolam Grecorum is rith in þe weye as we go to Seynt Paules, or we come at þe Mount Aduentyn þe cherch stant on þe lift hand and Scola Grecorum on þe rith hand. This same | Scola Grecorum is a grete hye round hous whech stood on white pileres of marbill, now it is al wallid with til for þe pileris be age are wasted. In þis skole was exercise of lernyng in all þe seuen scienses, for mech of oure lernyng cam fro þe Grekis and for þat cause þe Grekis held open skole at Rome in her langage. That þe seuene sciens were taute as weel in þe Greke tonge as in þe Latyn tonge witnessith Þe Lif of Seynt Austyn where it is seid þat þe same Austyn hated þe Grek letteris and loued þe Latyn. The cherch þat stant before þis skole is dedicat onto Oure Lady, and in þis cherch as we fynde writyn taute Seynt Thomas of Cauntirbyry1 philosophie and rethorik to hem þat wold come. For he was exile seuen ʒere and in his exile he dwelled sum part at Rome. Before þe dore of þis cherch stant a grete round ston and þat is mad aftir þe figure of a mannes face. This ston calle þei þere Os Justi. This ston was enchaunted sumtyme be swich craft þat what man cam to þis ston or woman and swore a trew oth in ony mater þat he were charged of he schuld putte his hand in þe mouth of þis ston and pulle it oute esely. And if so were þat his oth were fals he schuld neuyr pulle oute his hand withoute grete hurt. Therfor was þis ston cleped Os Justi, ‘þe rithful mouth’. Seynt Thomas of Cauntirbyry] crossed through by a later reader probably s.xvi
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Chapter 10 Santa Maria in Cosmedin
Another church of Our Lady called Sancta Maria iuxta Scolam Grecorum ‘St Mary near the Greek School’ is on the way as we go to San Paolo fuori le Mura: the church stands on the left hand and the Greek School on the right hand before we come to the Aventine hill. This Greek School is a broad, high, round house, which stood on white marble pillars, but now the pillars are all decayed through age it is all walled round with brick. In this school the teaching of knowledge in the seven liberal arts was practised, for much of our knowledge came from the Greeks, and for that reason the Greeks held open school in Rome in their language. The Life of St Augustine (recte Confessions), where it says that Augustine hated Greek and loved Latin, bears witness (to the fact) that the seven liberal arts were taught both in Greek and in Latin. The church, which stands opposite this school, is dedicated to Our Lady, and as we find written, St Thomas (Beckett) of Canterbury taught philosophy and rhetoric in this church to those who wished to come. For he was in exile for seven years, for part of which he lived in Rome. In front of the door of this church there stands a big round stone that is made to resemble a man’s face. They call this stone Os Justi, ‘The Mouth of the Righteous’, there. This stone was put under a magic spell at some time with such skill that whoever came to this stone, man or woman, and swore a true oath on any matter they were charged with, they were to put their hand in the mouth of this stone and pull it out easily. And if it turned out that the oath was a lie they would never be able to pull out their hand without great injury. That is why this stone was called Os Justi.
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Of Sancta Maria Imperatrix de Imperiali.
Capitulum XI.
Anothir memorie of Oure Lady is as we go to Lateranensis at a corner, and þat is cleped Imperatrix de Imperiali, ‘þe emperesse of þe empire’. There is a fayre ymage peynted on a wal in honour of Our Lady, whech ymage spak sumtyme to a pope comaundyng him to do1 hir reuerens as he ded to othir. The story seith rith þus. There was a pope in Rome cleped Celestinus Quintus. This pope had so grete deuocion in Our Lady þat before euery ymage of hir he wold tary and sey an Aue Maria. This used he many ʒeres. So in his tyme was gadered a Grete Councell at Seynt Jon Laterane for reformacioun of þe Cherch and þis pope rode in a morownyng with his breþerin þe cardinales comownyng of certeyn materes þat were purposed in þe Councell hauyng no consideracion at þis ymage ne doyng no reuerens þertoo. Sche stood þan openly peynted on þe wal as sche doth now but sche was not housed as sche is now. Whan þe pope was sumwhat passed and goo þe ymage of Our Lady cried with a lowde voys and seyde: Celestine, what offens haue I do to þe þat þou wilt not do me þe same seruyse whech þou art wont to do to all my sisteres? Remember þe wel who þere is no ymage in my name but þou wilt with glad chere tary before it and with deuoute hi[mnes]2 sey þere þe same wordes whech Gabriel saide to me.
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The pope was al astoyned, descended of his hors, kneled down deuoutly before þe ymage, mekely asked forgyfnesse and deuly saide | þere swech orison as he used. Tho named he þis place Ad Sanctam Mariam Imperatricem de Imperiali, ‘þe place of Seynt Mari emperesse of þe empire’. He graunted eke to all þoo þat visite þis place with deuocion a þusend ʒere and fif hundred.
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Chapter 11 Santa Maria Imperatrice On a corner as we go to the Lateran there is another commemoration of Our Lady, and that is called Imperatrix de Imperiali, ‘the empress of the empire’. There is a beautiful picture painted out of reverence for Our Lady on a wall there, and this picture spoke at one time to a pope commanding him to pay his respects to her as he did to others. The story goes like this. There was a pope called Celestine V in Rome. This pope had such great dedication to Our Lady that he would pause in front of every picture of her and say an Ave Maria, ‘Hail Mary’. He followed this practice for many years. During his papacy a Great Council was convened at San Giovanni in Laterano for Church reform, and this pope rode one morning with his entourage of cardinals discussing certain matters that were on the agenda for the Council, paying no attention to this picture and showing no reverence for it. She was depicted then openly painted on the wall, as she is now, but she was not provided with a covering as she is now. When the pope had just passed and was gone by, the picture of Our Lady cried out with a loud voice and said: Celestine, what offence have I done to you that you will not do me the same honour as you are accustomed to do to all my sisters? Remember there is no picture in my name in front of which you will not pause with cheerful disposition and say in devout hymns the same words as Gabriel said to me.
The pope was completely astonished, descended from his horse, knelt down devoutly in front of the picture, meekly asked forgiveness and duly recited his customary prayers there. Then he named this place Ad Sanctam Mariam Imperatricem de Imperiali, the place of St Mary empress of the empire. He also granted one thousand, five hundred years of pardon to everyone who visits this place with devotion.
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part III
Of þe cherch cleped Sancta Maria de Consolacione.
Capitulum XII.
There is anoþir litil cherch fast by þe Capitol entitiled onto Our Lady whech þei clepe Sancta Maria de Consolacione. In þis cherch as it is seid Seynt Bernard vsed mech to sey his dutés, both seruyse dyuyne and voluntarie deuociones. He wold eke wayte him tyme whan he myth solitarie knele before þis ymage and loke þeron, þan wolde he with grete deuocion haue his meditaciones be himself. Aftir grete custom of þis noble exercise upon a day he kneled and lokid on þis ymage, and saide before hir1 þis ympne, Aue Marie stella, and whan he cam at þis vers, Monstra te esse matrem, sodeynly be gret myracle þe ymage put hir hand onto hir breest and þrist hir breest so þat too or thre dropes of mylk sprang in Bernardis face. More fynde I not of þis place.
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Chapter 12
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Chapter 12 Santa Maria della Consolazione There is another little church near the Capitol dedicated to Our Lady, which they call Sancta Maria de Consolacione ‘St Mary of Consolation’. It is said that St Bernard was frequently accustomed to performing his religious obligations in this church, both divine service and voluntary devotions. He would also wait for the time when alone he could kneel in front of this figure and look at it, then with great devotion he would have his meditations on his own. When he had become accustomed to this valuable exercise, one day he knelt and looked at this figure, and recited this hymn in front of her, Ave Maria stella, ‘Hail Mary, star . . .’, and when he came to the (fourth) verse, Monstra te esse matrem, ‘Show yourself to be a mother’, suddenly by a great miracle the figure put her hand to her breast and squeezed her breast so that two or three drops of milk squirted into Bernard’s face. I find no more about this place.
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THE SOLACE OF PILGRIMES, Part III
Of þat cherch clepid Sancta Maria in Porticu.
Capitulum XIII.
Anoþir place þere is consecrate to Our Ladi whech þei clepe Sancta Maria in Porticu, Seint Mary in þe Porch. In þis place dwelled sumtyme a worthi woman called Galla. Synacus a gret lord of Rome was hir fader. Sche leued in þe tyme of þe first pope þat hith Jon and in þe dayes of þe emperour Justiniane, whech was Justines son. This woman aftir þe deth of hir fader was endewyd with grete richesse and spent þoo goodes left onto hir in noble vses principaly to þe worchip of God. Sche hirselue eke leued in gret contemplacioun comitting þe gouernauns of hir houshold onto hir seruauntis. Vpon a day as sche sat at mete on of hir maydenes went to þe seler for to fech wyn and sodeynly upon a piler whech bore up þe hous sche sey a grete brithnesse and in þe myddis of þis lith a fair ymage of Our Lady. The mayde, sore astoyned, ran into hir lady and told hir of þis meruelous sith. Sche ros with gret hast and loked, þe lith sey sche wel but ymage sche sey non. Hir councell gaue hir þis reed that to þe pope schuld she goo and telle him pleynly þis þing newly fallen. So to þe paleys Lateranensis sche goth, for þere lay þe pope þanne, þere told sche him of þis apparicion, desired of him he schuld come þidir himselue. The pope consented to hir desire. He wold first he seid haue his confessour and dispose him to swech heuenely sitis. He counceled hir eke to do þe same and þis do he seid streit he wil go with hir. Thei cam hom onto Galla hous nout alone but with cardinales, patriarkes and bischoppis with þe senatoures and mech puple of Rome. Whan þei wer þere [ . . . ] [Ends incomplete]
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Chapter 13 Santa Maria in Portico (ends incomplete) There is another place dedicated to Our Lady there, they call it Sancta Maria in Porticu, ‘St Mary in the Porch’. At one time a noble woman called Galla lived in this place. Symmacus, a consul in Rome, was her father. She lived at the time of Pope John I and in the days of Emperor Justinian I, who was the son (recte father) of Justin I. After the death of her father this woman was endowed with great wealth, and spent those riches left to her on good causes, principally the worship of God. Also she herself lived in deep contemplation delegating the management of her household to her servants. One day, as she sat at table, one of her maids went to the cellar to fetch wine, and suddenly she saw a great light on a pillar that supported the house, and in the midst of this light (she saw) a beautiful picture of Our Lady. The maid, greatly astonished, ran to her lady and told her of the wonderful vision. She rose with great speed and looked; she saw the light well enough but she did not see the picture. Her advisers thought she should go to the pope and give him a full description of this new event that had happened. So she went to the Lateran palace, for that was where the pope stayed then, and she told him of this apparition and desired that he should come there himself. The pope consented to her wish. First, he said, he would call his confessor and prepare himself for such heavenly visions. He advised her to do the same, and once this was done he said he would go with her straightaway. They came back to Galla’s house, not just them, but also the cardinals, patriarchs and bishops together with the senators and a large group of the people of Rome. When they arrived . . . . [Ends incomplete] Further chapters lacking
COMMENTARY
References are to page and line. Part I [Prologue] 2/3 Pictagoras þat trauayled as seith Seynt Jerome: Pythagoras does not feature in Jerome’s De viris illustribus. 2/13 þe same book of Seynt Jerom whech is called De Distanciis Locorum [Terrae Sanctae] ‘On the distances of places in the holy land’: Usually attributed to Eugesippus (c. 1040). 2/16 þe grete Cane houshold: Cane is presumably an error for (?) Cassaine ‘Kenchan’, a Chinese province. 2/17 a book ful solacious: Mandeville’s Travels. 2/24 Sir Thomas Tudenham: see Intro, p. xlvi. 2/28 þat was before schortly drawe in a mappa: Harvey 1993: 63 says that a ‘map went with the Solace’, but it is not clear whether the map was something that preceded the Solace or was part of it. Ch. 1 on the founders of Rome: the first three paragraphs, Ther was a croniculer … walled in on empire, are based on Martinus, pp. 399–400, itself based on the Graphia, §§ 1–12. 10/3 Solinus De mirabilibus mundi: better known as Polyhistor or Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium, I.7 (ed. Mommsen 1895: 4) for Rome being called Rome before the arrival of Romulus. 10/6 Ther was a croniculer in elde tyme whech þei called Estodius: this passage is from Martinus 399/47 ff. For Estodius see Intro, p. lviii and n. 159. 10/10 Noe seyled into Itaylé, dwelt and deyid in þat same place whech we clepe now Rome: from Martinus 399/48–400/1, in turn from the Graphia, § 1 (Valentini & Zucchetti, III.77). Lacking in Ur-Mirabilia and Rosell. 10/12 Janus, allegedly the son of Apollo and the most ancient king who reigned in Italy, founder of Janiculum, has here been confused with Jonitus, Noah’s fourth son according to the Revelations of Methodius: see Charlotte D’Evelyn in PMLA 33 (1918), 150. 10/19 I write what cronicles sey: Graphia, §§ 1–12 (Valentini & Zucchetti III.77–9; lacking in Ur-Mirabilia and Rosell), slightly expanded.
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Tamese: probably erron. for Camese, who in the Graphia, § 2, is indigena, a native, not nephew to Janus. The form Tamese occurs in some manuscripts of Martinus, 400/2, note a. 10/26 þe same Saturne: evidently the god, but possibly a misunderstanding of the Latin, which probably referred to Saturnia, the city. 10/28 as Uarro writith: De lingua Latina V.45 (ed. de Melo 2019: I.278–9, II.688), but the reference to Varro is taken over from the Graphia, § 5. 12/1 Of þis same Euander spekith Virgil in þe eite book Eneydos: not in the Graphia or Martinus. The reference is to Servius’s commentary on the Aeneid VIII.51, ed. Thilo 1883: 206, from which the passage about Evander is taken. 12/3 as writith Solinus, cam a fled woman fro Troye whos name was Romen: from Solinus, Polyhistor I.2, ed. Mommsen 1895: 3. If the lady was the daughter of Aeneas her name should be Ilia. 12/9 And þann euene four hundred ʒere aftir þe destruccioun of Troye fifty and four: from Martinus 400/16–18, where it is borrowed in turn from the Graphia, § 12, except that the Graphia states the number of years as 433 rather than 454. 12/17 Amulius also called Amilius, king of the Latins. Amulius, the younger brother usurped the throne by exiling his older brother Munitor, whose daughter the Vestal Virgin Rhea produced Romulus and Remus saying their father was the god Mars. Capgrave’s evident scepticism regarding Romulus and Remus’s divine origin leaves the way open for the perfection of Christianity to take precedence over classical Roman corruption; see discussion by Grossi 2004: 65–66. 12/29–14/4 Capgrave has amalgamated two stories about the nurturing of Romulus and Remus by giving Faustulus’s wife two names: Laurence ‘Laurentia’ and Lupa, as he does also in Abbreuiacion of Cronicles 26/3– 13. The Lupa-version, ultimately from Ovid, Fasti, II.v.415, probably comes from Master Gregory’s De mirabilibus, ch. 32, although Gregory discounts the story that the twins were nurtured by Lupa. Lupa ‘SheWolf ’ was a courtesan; cf. Augustine De civitate Dei, XVIII.xxi. This rendition of the story by Capgrave accords Romulus and Remus’s background an undesirable aura; see discussion by Grossi 2004: 66–67. 12/37 Lupanaria: Lupinaria, brothels. 14/15 in þe fourte age of þe world: The chonology here differs from that in Capgrave’s Abbreuiacion of Cronicles, where Ahaz’s reign ends in the year of the world 4459. 14/34 Romulus called onto þe cité mech sundry puple: based on the Graphia, § 12. 10/20
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Ch. 2 has an account of the gates expanded from Martinus, 400/27–37. In William of Malmesbury’s Gesta regum Anglorum, ed. Mynors et al. 1998, Bk IV, § 352, there is an account of the gates of Rome in connection with the First Crusade, but Capgrave does not appear to have drawn on it. 18/14 As touching þe toures: taken from Martinus 400/21. 18/17 Porta Capena: a gate in the Servian walls, some relics of which remain in the Piazza di Porta Capena; it was the original starting-point of the Via Appia. 18/40 in Halowmesse monthe sumwhat aftyr Seynt Martyn day: November, after 11 November. 18/42 Porta Appia: a gate in the Aurelian walls, through which passed the Via Appia. 20/7 Porta Latina: a gate in the Aurelian walls, from which issued the Via Latina. 20/9 Karmentis: the mother of Latinus was Marica; Carmentis was the mother of Evander. 20/12 on þis wyse: with ner following wyse in the MS, and the word maner occuring earlier in the sentence it looks as though Capgrave may have first written maner or maner wyse but then opted for wyse. 20/20 Metronia: the Porta Metronia was a postern in the Aurelian walls, its chief purpose to admit the Marana Brook, which went into the Tiber near Santa Maria in Cosmedin (not del Popolo). 20/30 Asinari: the Porta Asinaria, a gate on the Aurelian walls just south west of the modern Porta San Giovanni. 22/4 Porta Lauicana: or Prenestina, a gate in the Aurelian walls, now part of the Porta Maggiore. The Via Labicana (now Casilina) led from it to Labico and beyond. 22/10 Porta Sancti Laurentii: a gate in the Aurelian walls from which issues the Via Tiburtina. It was formerly called Porta Tiburtina or Porta Taurina, latterly Porta San Lorenzo. 22/15 þe cherch of Viti and Modesti: Santi Vito e Modesto, built s. iv, restored 1900. 22/17 Porta Salaria … Porta Numentana: separate though adjacent gates in the Aurelian walls. The Porta Salaria, now destroyed, was on the site of the Piazza Fiume, and the Porta Nomentana, from which issues the Via Nomentana, is now replaced by the Porta Pia. 22/19 Seynt Anneis cherch: Sant’Agnese fuori le Mura built c. 340 over the catacombs of St Agnes (Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.14–38). 22/20 Seynt Constaunce: the Rotunda di Santa Costanza erected c. 350 (Sharp 1967: 69–71).
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22/23 22/25 22/29 22/34 24/1
24/3 24/6 24/9
24/13 24/15 24/16
Commentary
De gestis Romanorum: Lucius Annaeus called Florus’s epitome of Roman history, ch. V, § 11 (ed. Tosi 1998: 52). Lucane þe poete seith: untraced. Lucan never mentions Salaria: see Deferrari et al. 1965. Pinciana: the Porta Pinciana. and both may be soth: presumably the views that the arched structures go back to Pincius or that they were relics of one of Nero’s palaces. cherch of Seynt Felice: the former San Felice on the Pincean hill. The nearby Santa Maria del Popolo had an Austin friary attached where Capgrave probably stayed, so he would have had ample opportunity to inspect San Felice. Anothir ʒate … Porta Flaminea: a gate in the Aurelian walls, from which issued the Via Flaminia, the main route to Rome from the north. It is now replaced by the Porta del Popolo. Geruase in … De ociis imperialibus: Gervase of Tilbury (c. 1160–1211), Otia Imperialia II.viii, ed. Banks and Binns, pp. 254–61 at 258–9. Porta Colina uel Colatina: not the Porta Collina of antiquity. The Via Collatina branches off the Via Praenestina outside the Porta Maggiore, so there never was an ancient gate there, an error apparently taken over from Master Gregory’s De mirabilibus, ch. 2, as noted by Rushforth 1919: 19–20. What is envisaged here seems to be a gate to the Leonine City. Cf note to ‘Collatina’ in Osborne, Gregorius, 40. Portuensis: the Porta Portuensis guarded the way to the port and was replaced by the Porta Portese s. xvii. Its location is to the south of the Trastévere district, not particularly close to the Castel Sant’Angelo. Aurelia: the Porta Aurelia, in the vicinity of the modern Porta San Pancrazio (built 1854). Seynt Pancras: San Pancrazio: see end of Part II.
Ch. 3 on Roman bridges is probably expanded from the mid fourteenth-century recension of the Mirabilia by Nicolás Rosell: Valentini & Zucchetti III.183; cf. also Mirabilia (antica), § 9 (Valentini & Zucchetti III.26), and Graphia § 21 (Valentini & Zucchetti III.84). 26/3 Pons Miluius: the Ponte Milvio. Watch-towers were added by Nicholas V (pope 1447–1455), presumably just before Capgrave was in Rome, but cp. Scaglia 1964: 138–39. 26/9 Pont Adriane: the ancient Pons Aelius or Pons Hadrianus (P. Aelius Hadrianus), now the Ponte Sant’Angelo. 26/13 Neroniane: the Pons Neronianus, no longer extant, but originally just below where the Ponte Vittorio Emanuale is now.
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Pont Antonine: the Pons Antoninus or Pons Aurelius, broken down by s. xi, replaced by the Ponte Sisto, the first bridge to be built since the classical era (1475), so this must be one of the bridges that no longer stood for Capgrave to see. 26/19 Pont Fabrice: the Pons Fabricius, the best preserved ancient bridge of Rome, going from the city in the east to the Isola Tiberina. 26/20 Pont Graciane: dedicated as the Pons Gratiani (Gratian, emperor 367– 83) in 370, now the Ponte Cestio, going from the Isola Tiberina to the Trastévere district in the west. 26/22 a grete book of þe feith of Our Lord Jhesu: Ambrose, De Fide (PL 16, 527–689). 26/24 þe senatouris brigg: the ancient Pons Aemilius, subsequently known from its delapidated state as the Ponte Rotto, the remains of which are just downstream of the Ponte Palatino. 26/25 The eyte [brigg] was all of marbill, Theodosius … made it: probably a replacement for the ancient Pons Probi, further upstream than the other bridges. Bridges were not normally constructed of marbill, so in reality ‘stone’ may be meant. 26/27 The nyne [brigg] mad Valentiniane: apparently another bridge upstream, but thought to be the same as the Pons Theodosii. 26/17
Ch. 4 on the hills of Rome is probably expanded from the Mirabilia (Rosell): Valentini & Zucchetti III.182–83. 30/3 Mons Janiculus; not now counted as one of the seven hills of Rome because it is on the west of the Tiber. Ancus Marcius, the fourth king, built the Pons Sublicius to connect the area with the main part of the city. 30/4 Dominicus de Arecio ... De Montibus: a reference to Domenico di Bandini of Arezzo’s ‘De Montibus’, being Part IV, book 6 of his monumental Fons Memorabilium Universi. This part has never been edited. Capgrave cites Domenico in his accounts of both the Janiculine and Palatine hills. 30/7 Ovid, Fasti, ed. Frazer/Goold 2014, I.245–46: Ars mea collis erat quem volgo nomine nostro/ Nuncupat haec aetas Ianiculumque vocat ‘My castle was the hill which the present age is accustomed to call by my name and dub Janiculum’. 30/14 Anthus Marcius Meduliensis: as it stands this should mean that the fourth king of Rome came from the Médoc, for which there is no evidence. 30/16 Mons Palantinus: the Palatine is the central hill of Rome. The form with Palant- may be an allusion to Virgil, Aeneid, VIII.53 Palanteum, but
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more likely comes from Varro, De Lingua Latina V.53, ed. Mela 2019: 284, whom Capgrave cites. 30/17 Seynt Gregory monastery: San Gregorio Magno. St Gregory converted his home into a Benedictine monastery in 575; for the church see Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.320–26. 30/30 Mons Auentinus: the Aventine is the southernmost of the seven hills of Rome. 30/33 Virgil speketh … in þe eyte book Eneydos: recte dirarum nidis domus opportuna volucrum, Aeneid VIII.235, on which Servius comments: see Thilo 1883: II.231. 32/4 seith Varro: De lingua Latina V.43, ed. Melo 2019: 278. 32/6 wer feried with botis: because the ground was marshy. 32/7 Titus Liuius seith: Ab urbe condita, ed. Conway/Walters 1914: I.3.9. 32/9 Ouyde … in his fourt book De fastis: Ovid, Fasti IV.51–52, ed. Frazer/ Goold 2014: 192. The phrase post hos refers to Agrippa and his grandson Remulus, who was struck by a thunder-bolt. 32/14 [Ouyde] in þe fourt book ‘Methamorphoseos’: Metamorphoses XIV.620– 21, ed. Myers 2009: 43 and 163 (note to line 620). The first word should be Tradit not Tradidit. 32/21 This hill eke is cleped Qwirinall: an error taken over from the Mirabilia: the Quirinal was a separate hill, the most northerly within the Servian walls. 32/24 Mons Canalis: what Capgrave meant is unclear, probably the lesser of the two high-points of the Aventine, known as the Little Aventine. 32/26 cherch of Seynt Boneface þe martyr, in whech lith eke Seynt Alexe: Sant’Alessio (Sharp 1967: 38–9; Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.40–1) was dedicated to St Boniface until 1217, so Capgrave was probably following an older source here rather than being somewhat over-traditional because Boniface was English. 34/1 Mons Capitolinus: the Capitoline is the smallest of the seven hills, between the Forum Romanum and the Campus Martius. 34/1 Varro seith: De lingua Latina V.41–2, ed. Melo 2019: 276. 34/7 Saturnia, as Virgil seith in þe eite book Eneydos: presumably a reference to Aeneid VIII.358, but it is of the Janiculum hill that it is said illi fuerat Saturnia nomen ‘Saturnia was its name’. Servius, ed. Thilo 1883: II.253, does not comment on this verse. 34/10 Mons Celius: the Caelian hill is the southeasternmost of the seven hills. 34/19 Mons Superaggius: the Esquiline. 34/21 many othir [hillis]: Capgrave apparently does not mention the Pincian despite mentioning that the Porta Pinciana is named after the hill on p. 22/29.
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34/22 þe hill wher … Seynt Balbyn stant: the Caelian. 34/23 Omnis Terra: Monte Testaccio. 34/24 þe hill … betwix þe housing of Rome and Sancta Maria de Populo … in whech þe Romanes wold a slayn Virgile: the Viminal. Capgrave might have had difficulty deciphering this name in a source-manuscript because of all the minims in it. The Rosell version of the Mirabilia has ‘Viminalis’ (Valentini & Zucchetti, III.182); lacking in Ur-Mirabilia and Graphia. The name Riualis may have been suggested by Rhiphael, a large mountain to the north of Scythia, but used for any cold northern mountain. Ch. 5 on the palaces of Rome is expanded from Martinus, 400/38–401/17. 36/2 þe grete paleys: the Lateran, the palace of the popes until the move to Avignon in 1309, hence its dilapidated state. The statement that it is in þe myddis of þe cité comes from Martinus 400/38 ‘in medio urbis’, a statement not found in versions of the Mirabilia. 36/16 þe paleys of Romulus: the Palace of Romulus (son of Maxentius, d. 309), otherwise called the Temple of Peace, because there is a hall behind it that was part of the Forum of Peace built earlier by Vespasian; subsequently the church of Santi Cosma e Damiano was built on it. 36/22 The paleys Lateranensis … Nero paleys … Constantine paleis. The Lateran is so called after Plautius Lateranus, who was put to death by Nero. Capgrave may have consulted the Graphia, which says that ‘Palatium Lateranense fuit Neronis ... in quo palatio nunc est magna ecclesia [= S Giovanni in Laterano] sita’ (Valentini & Zucchetti, III.81–82). 36/26 anothir [paleys] betwix þe hospitall of þe Holy Goost and Seynt Petir cherch: from Martinus 400/45–46. This is the first mention of this palace as it is not found in the Mirabilia. 38/1 The paleys of Trajane: probably the Temple of Trajan in the Forum of Trajan, hence the subsequent reference to anoþir place be whech stant a columpne, i.e. Trajan’s Column. 38/1 Adrianes paleys: the mausoleum of Hadrian (s. ii), now the Castel Sant’Angelo. 38/3 The paleys of him Claudius should be on the site of the Domus Aurea, which Nero built over it, but that is not adjacent to the Pantheon. The mistake is taken over from Martinus and in turn by Martinus from the Graphia. 38/4 The paleys of Julius Cesar: presumably the Temple of Julius Caesar at the edge of the Forum. 38/5 The paleys of Eufermyane: the house of Euphemian, close to Sant’Alessio.
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The paleys of Domician: in Trastévere probably near where San Cosimato now stands. 38/9 The paleys of Octouian: apparently near where the Palazzo Fiano now stands, near the Corso. 38/9 þe cherch of Seynt Syluester: San Silvestro in Capite (= in the house of Paul) was rebuilt s. viii, then completely reconstructed in 1590 (Sharp 1967: 202–03). 38/10 The paleys called Olimpiadis: apparently near the Via Milano off the Via Panisperna. 38/11 The paleys of him [Marcus] Tullius Cicero: Cicero’s house was on the Clivus Victoriae overlooking the Forum, near where San Teodoro is now. 38/13 The paleys of Venus: from the reference to the Scola Grecorum evidently close to where Santa Maria in Cosmedin now stands (see III.10), but unidentified. The name of the Greek School arose because of the large Greek-speaking population that built up around it. The connection with Cato the Elder may be because he rejected Greek in his youth but took to it in his later years and taught it to his son. 38/15 The paleys of on called Kateline: this name and its proximity to Sant’Antonio is from Martinus 401/9, although the Mirabilia has ‘palatium Camilli’. The house of Catiline was on the Palatine hill, not near the cherch of Seint Antoni, Sant’Antonio Abbate, consecrated s. v and dedicated to St Anthony s. xiii. For the house of Camillus or Camillianus see Valentini and Zucchetti, III.22, n. 14. 38/18 The Theatres of Rome: Capgrave lists seven. That of Titus and Vespasian was the Circus of Maxentius. That of Tarquinius was the Circus Maximus. That of Pompey was near what is now Sant’Andrea della Valle. That of Antonie, said to be near Seynt Sixtis (San Sisto Vecchio given to the Dominicans in 1219 and much restored ss. xvi– xviii, on which see Sharp 1967: 204–5), is probably the Baths of Caracalla, also known as Thermae Antoninianae. That of Alisaundre was the stadium of Severus Alexander on the site of what is now the Piazza Navona, not far from Seynt Mary Rotunde (the Pantheon; see II.15). That of Nero, said to be near Crecensis Castell, i.e. Castel Sant’Angelo, is probably the Circus of Caligula; it is confusing that the area of the Ager Vaticanus was known as the Circus of Nero. That called Flaminea could be the Circus of Flamineus, close to the Theatre of Marcellus, but that is not near the Porta San Sebastiano (= Appia). 38/8
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Ch. 6 on the triumphal arches of Rome is probably expanded from Mirabilia (Rosell): Valentini & Zucchetti III.185–86. Cp. Graphia § 15: Valentini & Zucchetti III.80–81. 40/2 The golden arch of Alexander Severus (emperor 222–35) was near Seynt Celsis: San Celso in Banchi (Sharp 1967: 66) on the opposite side of the Tiber from the Castel Sant’Angelo. 40/3 Having carefully distinguished between Alexander the Great, the conqueror from Macedonia, and Emperor Alexander Severus, Capgrave then proffers Alexander the Great’s Persian opponent, Xerxes I (= Assuerus 56/28), as the one defeated by Alexander Severus, whose Persian opponent was in fact Ardashir I, founder of the Sassanian Empire. 40/16 The arch in honour of … Theodosi, Valentine and Graciane (emperors 367– 95), said to be near Seynt Vrse, the former Sant’Urso, which was on the opposite side of the Tiber from the Ponte Sant’Angelo. But the arch has been confused with that of Arcadius, Honorius and Theodosius, which really was near Sant’Urso. The confusion comes from the Mirabilia: see Kinney 2007: 249. 40/21 Archus Triumphalis: evidently the arch of Drusus. 40/21 The arch of Titus and Vespasianus was in the Circus Maximus near Sancta Maria le Noue, the church of Santa Maria Nova rededicated as Santa Francesca Romana in 1608 (Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.220–43). 40/23 An arch … in worchip of þe emperour and þe senatoures: the arch of Septimius Severus, near San Lorenzo in Lucina. 40/24 The arch of Octauiane apparently crossed the Via Flaminea (Corso) but where it did so exactly is not known. 40/25 Antonini: probably the arch of Claudius. 40/26 Anothir [arch] fast by Seynt Marc cherch: the Arch of San Marco somewhere in the area of the present Piazza Venezia, known in Latin as Arcus manus carneae ‘arch of the hand of flesh’. 40/27 The Archus Panis Aurei ‘arch of golden bread’ is located on the Capitoline hill, possibly confused with the Arch of Marcus Aurelius. 42/1 Archus Pietatis: this Arch of Piety, formerly situated in front of the Rotunda, is mentioned in the Mirabilia and its foundations were apparently discovered s. xvii: Rushforth 1919: 37–40. Ch. 7 on cemeteries is closest to the Rosell version of the Mirabilia: Valentini & Zucchetti III.187–88. In particular what occurs as cimiterium Gordiani in the oldest version of the Mirabilia (Valentini & Zucchetti III.27) is omitted in the Graphia and comes out as cimiterium Concordianum in Rossell (Valentini & Zucchetti III.178/2), mimicked by Capgrave’s Cimiterium Concordianum.
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44/1–26 The catacombs. For an index of the catacombs in the Mirabilia see Barker 1913: 124–25. That of Calepodius was near Seynt Pancras, San Pancrazio, for which see the end of Part II. The Cimiterium Agathe is in þe place of þe same title, i.e. at Sant’Agata dei Goti (Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.2– 12). Cimiterium Vrsi and Cimiterium ad Ursum Pileatum have been confused: that of Urso is near Seynt Viuianes (Santa Bibiana, built in 465 but revamped by Bernini in 1625), and that of the bear with a scholar’s cap on the Via Portuense; Seynt Julianes is the former San Guiliano on what is now the Via Merulana. The location of the catacomb of San Felice is unknown. The catacomb of St Calixtus is near San Sebastiano. That of Praetextatus is near the beginning of the Via Appia Pignatelli on the way to San Apollinare (II.44). Cimiterium Concordianum resists identification but is said to be outside the Porta Latina; no doubt Gordiani of the Ur-Mirabilia is correct (Miedema 1996: 410). The catacomb between two bay-trees was the burial place of St Helen on the Via Labicana. The Cimiterium in Agro Verano, near San Lorenso fuori le Mura, is presumably in the Campo Verano. The catacombs of Priscilla are on the Via Salaria, and further out are those of Trasone, near Seint Saturnyn, the former San Saturnino, and a little further still those of Santa Felicità. Cimiterium Ponciani: unidentified. The catacombs of SS Hermes, Domitilla (a niece of the emperor Domitian) and Cyriaco are said to be on the Via Ostiense, but the catacombs of Sant’Ermete are in fact on the Via Bertolini, slightly to the west of the Via Salaria. 44/25 desolat and onknowen: cf. Gaston 1983: 145. The catacombs were opened and explored by G. B. Rossi in the 1870s. Ch. 8 on holy places and their pre-Christian names is based on Mirabilia (Rosell): Valentini & Zucchetti III.188–89. 46/4 The former temple of Mars was apparently outside Rome on the Via Appia; its exact location is unknown. 46/10 There seems to be some confusion here. The Custodia Mamortini or Mamertine Prison was where St Peter was imprisoned and is now San Pietro in Carcere. Seynt Adrianes was the Curia (Senate House) converted into a church in 638 and subsequently restored to its Roman state in 1935–1938. 46/13 The Temple of Concord in the western part of the Forum did not provide the foundation for a church, and certainly not for San Giorgio in Velabro. 46/14 Sancta Maria de Penis Inferni: Santa Maria Antiqua, on which see III.9 and note. This church includes part of the adjacent Temple of Augustus, while the Temple of Vesta is not far away.
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46/17 Sancta Maria le Noue þat was þe temple of Concorde and Pité: Santa Maria Nova, rededicated as Santa Francesca Romana in 1608, was built on the site of the Temple of Venus and Rome. 46/18 The Cartularium or Cartulary Tower was near the Arch of Titus in the Forum. 46/22 San Pietro in Vincoli is built on the foundations of the Basilica Eudoxiana; the reference to Venus goddess of lechery (not love!), if not mistaken, is a loaded statement. 46/23 San Paolo fuori le Mura was indeed built on the foundations of the oratory in the garden of Lucina. 46/29 a hous … in Tellure: probably the Canapara in the ruins of the Basilica Julia, mistakenly identified with the temple of Tellus, which was situated elsewhere. 46/30 The strete þat is cleped Laterane goth by Seynt Praxedis: If this is the Via di San Giovanni in Laterano it goes by San Clemente. The street going past Santa Prassede is the Via Merulana. 46/31 Olimpiades Pales/Temple: see above n to 38/10. Ch. 9 on the Angulla Sancti Petri is based on Mirabilia (Rosell): Valentini & Zucchetti III.190. 48/1 The word angulla ‘needle’ is presumably a medieval form of L acula; cf. F aiguille. 48/3 þe piler is in heith too hundred feet and fif: actually 135 feet high. Gregory gives the height as cc l. pedes ‘250 feet’: De mirabilibus, ch. 29. 48/4 The obelisk was situated in the Circus of Nero until 1586, when it was moved to its modern site and the globe at its summit (now in the Palazzo dei Conservatori) was replaced by a cross. The globe had an inscription dedicating it to Augustus and Tiberius; the connection with Julius Caesar came from a misreading (see Miedema 1996: 450). 50/13 Sueue: The Suevi were a group of Germanic tribes from north-west Germany, first mentioned by Julius Caesar in connection with the invasion of Gaul by the Suevian chieftain Ariovistus during the Gallic Wars. Caesar did not conquer them. They were settled in north-west Spain c. 600. 50/14 [ Julius Cesar conquered] Grete Brytain which þei clepe Inglond, Erlond: Caesar came to England in 55 bc (Veni, vidi, vici) but the country (excluding Scotland) was not subjugated until Claudius sent a huge army in 43 ad. Ireland was never conquered by the Romans. 50/23 Suetonius, De vita Caesarum, I.55–56, ed. Rolfe 1970: 75–79.
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Ch. 10 supplements ch. 8 on pagan temples turned to Christian use. 52/3 The temples dedicated to Flora and Phoebus are fictitious. The churches said to be built on the sites of these fictitious temples can only be guessed at from the location before Adrianes Temple (Castel Sant’Angelo): possibilities are San Giacomo in Portico (di Scossacavalli) for Seyn Jame, as suggested by Mills, but his suggestion (followed by Miedema (1996: 415) of Santa Maria in Transpontina for Oure Lady must be rejected on the grounds that that church was not begun until 1566. 52/9 The cherch þat is clepid Seynt Vrse, the former Sant’Urso, near the Ponte Sant’Angelo, said to have been built on the foundations of Nero’s Chancery (Secretari). 52/18 Martis Temple: the Temple of Mars outside the Porta Appia (see above ch. 8, n to 46/4). For the church Domine Quo Vadis see below III.7 and note. 52/27 Minerues Temple … is now turned into a cherch of Our Ladi and a couent of frere prechoures: Santa Maria sopra Minerva, built on the site of a temple to Minerva Chalcidica; see III.4 below. Ch. 11, on the Capitol, is much expanded from Mirabilia (Rosell): Valentini & Zucchetti III.192–93. 54/4 a temple in worchip of Jupiter: the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus Capitolinus. 54/13 Virgile mad a meruelous craft: evidently a gross exaggeration of Virgil’s achievements, apparently accepted more readily in southern Italy. 54/14 in his hand a lytil belle: the so-called Salvatio Romae. This story is probably taken from Neckam, De Naturis Rerum, Bk II, ch. clxxiv, ed. Wright, p. 310. 54/30 þe euangelist spekith: cf. Jn 16.13. 56/3 These þre uers joined together by Proba from Virgil: the first is Aeneid I.315 except that mirabile dictu has been substituted, the second is Eclogues VIII.45 except that in Virgil the last word should be edunt, and the third is Aeneid V.524 except that the first word (in both Virgil and Proba) should be seraque. They are taken from Faltonia Betitia Proba (s. iv), Cento Virgilianus de laudibus Christi, as ed. Fassina & Lucarini, lines 341–43 on p. 30. Cf Augustine, De civitate Dei, X.xxvii. 56/13 a temple consecrate to Jubiter and Juno: Jupiter Stator and Juno Regina had separate temples. That of Juno was to the north of the Capitoline. 56/14 anothir temple cleped Vestal: the Temple of Vesta in the Forum. 56/15 anoþir temple … named of þe Lady Rose: unidentified.
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a temple dedicate to Mynerue: the Temple of Minerva was in the Forum of Nerva. 56/22 fast by a tour in whech þei kyllid … Julius Cesar: the Forum of Caesar is fast by but Caesar was killed in the Senate House. 56/26 The cronycles of Grete Brytayne: Possibly Higden, Polychronicon, but he merely says Romam obsederunt ‘they besieged Rome’ in ch. xvii (III.266). The story of how the Gauls went on to take Rome after the battle of the Allia (here miscued Albula, a name used earlier for the Tiber: 10/26) between the Senones (a Gallic tribe led by Brennus) and the Roman Republic c. 390BC is said to be found in several authorities, Godfrey of Viterbo, Trogus Pompeius, Isidore and Ambrose. Godfrey of Viterbo’s Pantheon reports on the deeds of Brennus in Recension C, Particula IX, which features the garrulus anser ‘the goose that kept on honking’ that saved the Capitol (Pantheon (Basle, 1559), cols 230–31), but in Waitz’s edition of Recension E (Particula XV, ch. 26, pp. 142–43) the story is not there, no doubt because Waitz considered it unworthy of inclusion. Trogus briefly mentions the event in his Historiae Philippicae (as epitomised by Justinus) at XXXVIII.iv.8. I have not found mention of the event in Isidore’s Chronica (ed. Martin, CCSL 112). Ambrose mentions the event in Hexameron V.xiii.44. Grossi (2004: 69 and n. 45) cites Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia Regum Britanniæ, ed. Griscom, Bk III, ch. 9, as a possible source here, but Capgrave’s version of the story does not resemble Geoffrey’s at all closely. 58/4 Sanctus Nicholaus in Carcere: on San Nicola in Carcere see II.39 below. 56/21
Ch. 12 deals with þe too hors of marbill: the caballi di marmo or Dioscuri formerly in the Baths of Constantine but since c. 1590 in the Piazza del Quirinale; properly they represent Castor and Pollux. The account is expanded from Mirabilia (Rosell): Valentini & Zucchetti III.193–94, using Higden’s Polychronicon, I.226–28, as well. Cf. Martinus 401/46– 402/5. For the medieval interpretation cf. Ernst R. Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, tr. Willard R. Trask (New York, Pantheon, 1953), 405–06, and Kinney 1990: 210–13. Salih notes that the main thrust of Capgrave’s account is to subordinate the visual to narrative explanation, making the striking nakedness of the figures (fig. I.12) a sign of innocence (2019: 135–39). 60/6 the names of the two philosophers, here given as Pratellus and Sibia, appear correctly in the edited Mirabilia as ‘Praxiteles et Fidia’. Higden has Praxitellus and Fibia. These names appeared on the false late-antique
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plinths of the statues (opus fidiae and opus praxitelis) and writers before Petrarch did not realize that they were the names of the Greek sculptors of the originals (ss. v/iv bc). 60/24 we rede in Þe Geestis of Grete Alisaundre: Wars of Alexander 4148–95, ed. Duggan/Turville-Petre 1989: 133–34. Or possibly Capgrave knew the Latin source. For some remarks on the transmission of this story see Cary, Medieval Alexander, ed. Ross (1967), 148. 62/11 Kyng Alisaundre lif: possibly the prose Life of Alexander found in the Thornton MS, where there is a much more elaborate version of this story: ed. Westlake 1913: 32–35; Chappell 1992: 78–83. 62/13 Attenes: the city saved by Anaximenes’ quick-wittedness was his native Lampsacus (= Lapseki, Turkey), an event that (if it really happened) must date from 335 bc. In Capgrave’s Abbreuiacioun of Cronicles (31/24– 31) the same story is attributed to Demosthenes at Athens, as in the prose Life of Alexander. For some remarks on the transmission of the story see Cary, Medieval Alexander, ed. Ross (1967), 276–77. 62/26 a woman wounde al aboute with a serpent: presumably Hygiaea, the goddess of health, of whom there is a statue in the Palazzo Guistiniani. Ch. 13 on the hors of bras … at Laterane is probably expanded from Mirabilia (Rosell), taken over from Mirabilia (antica): Valentini & Zucchetti III.195, § 24, printed Valentini & Zucchetti III.32–33, using Higden’s Polychronicon I.228, as well. This equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius was moved from the Lateran to the Piazza del Campidoglio in 1537, where it stayed until 1981; see figs I.13, II.4. The old position is shown in a fresco of St Thomas Aquinas confounding the Heretics (1489) by Filippino Lippi in Santa Maria sopra Minerva, S Transept, Capella Carafa, on which see Bertelli 1965: esp. 119–20 and fig. 7 after p. 120, and Geiger 1986: 103–04, also Fossi 1999: 117, fig. 14. The statue probably owes its preservation at least partly to the fact that in the Middle Ages the rider was thought to be Constantine, though Capgrave discounts this identification. Cf. Curtius, European Literature (1953), 405. For the placement of the statue before the Lateran see Fehl 1974. 64/6 a bird sittyng on þe horses hed: a common error misinterpreting a tuft on the horse’s mane; see fig. I.13. 66/9 Bewar carl: this dramatic direct speech is Capgrave’s adaptation of the Mirabilia’s reported statement coeperunt clamare, ut ipse auferret se de via ante regem ‘they began to clamour that he should remove himself from the way before the king’. Cf. Benson 2009: 167.
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Ch. 14 on the Colliseum is expanded from Mirabilia (Rosell): Valentini & Zucchetti III.195–96. 68/13 Catholicon: possibly the dictionary/grammar by Giovanni Balbi ( John of Genoa op, d. 1298), from which the citation from Juvenal, Satire VIII.230, is apparently taken. The Latin means ‘and hang up your harp on a marble colossus’, usually taken as a jibe at the bronze colossus of Nero. 70/2 þe signes supercelestial … As in Januari … Februari … : the signs of the Zodiac: Aquarius ‘water-carrier’, Pisces ‘fishes’, Aries ‘ram’, Taurus ‘bull’, Gemini ‘twins, Cancer ‘crab’, Leo ‘lion’, Virgo ‘virgin’, Libra ‘balancing scales’, Scorpio ‘scorpion, Sagittarius ‘archer’, Capricorn ‘goat’. Salih notes that Capgrave still describes the attractions of the mechanism and its display despite his disapproval of its seductive distraction from the purposes of pilgrimage; she finds his attitude somewhat ambivalent (2019: 130–31). 70/9 þe grete god Phebus: this statue is thought to have been the colossus of Nero from the atrium of the Domus Aurea. The name Colliseum comes from this colossus. 70/22 Seint Siluester: pope 314–35. 72/4 þe grete heed and þe left hand: De Rossi, Piante, II, Pl. 1, shows these lying before the Lateran in a plan of s. xiii/xiv. Ch. 15 on the Pantheon is probably expanded from Mirabilia (Rosell) taken over from Mirabilia (antica): Valentini & Zucchetti III.195, § 25, printed Valentini & Zucchetti III.34–35. For the Pantheon as Santa Maria ad Martyres or Santa Maria Rotunda see III.1 below. 74/4 Marcus Agrippa was right-hand man to Octavian in military matters. When Octavian became the emperor Augustus, Agrippa turned his hand to providing Rome with magnificent buildings, of which the Pantheon is the sole intact survivor. 74/30 Cibeles: Cybele, mother of gods. 76/10 Thus seith he in þe Epistill ad Romanos: Rom 7.11–12. 76/17 þis rede we in þe secund book of Kyngis: 2 Sam 12.30. Ch. 16 on Ara Celi is probably expanded from Mirabilia (Rosell) taken over from Mirabilia (antica): Valentini & Zucchetti III.195, § 18, printed Valentini & Zucchetti III.28–29, § 11. 78/24 Sibillam Tiburtinam: Sibylla Tiburtis. As Capgrave notes below, Augustine refers to her as Sibylla Erythraea. Alltogether there were ten or twelve Sibyls.
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Judicii signum tellus sudore madescit: ‘Sign of judgement, the earth shall drip with sweat’. This verse and those that follow it are cited by Augustine, De civitate Dei, XVIII.xxiii.17–43, ed. Dombart & Kalb 1955: II.613–14, also PL 41, 579–80. 80/5 Jesos Cristos Tenu Yios Sother: in Greek, taken over from Augustine. 80/28 Ara Celi; now it is a … couente of Frer Meynouris: for Santa Maria in Aracoeli with its Franciscan friary see III.2 below. 82/6 Anaclete þe fourt [pope] fro Petir: second after Peter. 82/8 sex scor and eyte steps. Now 124 steps, originally from the Temple of the Sun on the Quirinale and put in place to celebrate Rome’s escape from the plague in 1348. Probably a small adjustment was made to the number of steps when the adjacent Victor Emmanuel II monument was built (1885–1911). 80/3
Ch. 17 on the mausoleum of Augustus is expanded from Mirabilia (Rosell) taken over from Mirabilia (antica): Valentini & Zucchetti III.195, § 23, printed Valentini & Zucchetti III.47–50; cf. also the shorter version in the Graphia: Valentini & Zucchetti III.87. 84/1 fast be þat ʒate called Flaminea: the Mausoleum of Augustus is on the Piazza Augusto Imperatore south of the Porta del Popolo (Flaminea) just north of the Ponte Cavour. 84/15 Dominicus de Arecio: The reference is to Domenico di Bandini of Arezzo’s De viris claris, Part V, book 1 of his monumental Fons Memorabilium Universi. The text has never been printed and unfortunately the chapter on Nero is not one of those excerpted in Schürer 2015: heading on p. 392. The only surviving manuscript of English provenance containing the De viris is CCC 78, which contains the entries for A–L, therefore excluding Nero. 84/33 Catholicon. As above the dictionary referred to may be that by John of Genoa. 84/35 Lucane: Lucan, De bello civili, II.361, Non timidum nuptae leviter tectura pudorem / Lutea demissos velarunt flammea voltus ‘No saffron-coloured bridal veil covered the downcast countenance’. Capgrave, ever the practical realist, evidently thought a red veil would have been more successful in screening the face of a blushing young woman than a yellow one. Ch. 18 is probably expanded from the brief notice in Martinus 401/29–30. The Septizodium (formerly called the Septizonium), built by Septimus Severus in AD203 to impress visitors approaching Rome by the Appian Way, was demolished in 1588. 88/1 Seynt Gregories monasterie: San Gregorio Magno.
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88/10
88/17 88/21 88/22
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seuene wise men in Grece: Pittacus of Mytilene, Solon of Athens, Cylon of Sparta, Periander of Corinth, Cleobulus of Lindos, Bias of Priene, and another called Bienus, but it should rather be Thales of Miletus. Bienus might be for Bion, a satirical philosopher. in Dominicus book de Arecio: a reference to part of Domenico di Bandini of Arezzo’s Fons Memorabilium Universi, a text still awaiting a modern edition: see Intro, p. lxi, and Bibl pp. lxxxv–lxxxvi. all seuene liberal [sciens]: the seven liberal arts comprising the trivium (grammar, logic, rhetoric) and the quadrivium (arithmetic, geometry, music and astronomy). Seynt Gregories monasteri: the Benedictine monastery of St Andrew attached to San Gregorio Magno.
Ch. 19 on the Circus of Tarquinius Priscus (= Circus Maximus) is probably based on Martinus 401/34–36. 90/1 I wot not where it standith: presumably Capgrave failed to identify the so-called arcus Prici Tarquini with the Circus Maximus. According to Livy it was Tarquinius Priscus who began it. 90/6 Martyn clepith þis place Circus Prici and þe cronicle clepith it Archus Prici: Martyn is Martinus Polonus and þe cronicle is probably a version of the Mirabilia. Ch. 20 on the Cantharus is probably expanded from Mirabilia (Rosell) taken over from Mirabilia (antica): Valentini & Zucchetti III.194, § 23, pr Valentini & Zucchetti III.44–45. The Graphia says the Cantharus is in Paradiso Sancti Petri (Valentini & Zucchetti III.85). 92/4 The Cantharus was in the atrium with a fountain in front of old San Pietro; see fig. II.1b and the plan of old San Pietro in Schüller-Piroli 1950: 735; a surviving church with an atrium in front is Sant’Ambrogio in Milan. The pynot was a large stone carving in the shape of a pinecone (later in the Vatican garden) that was involved in the pipework distributing the water. Dante compares the face of Nimrod (in the last circle of Hell) to the pinecone (Inferno, XXXI.58–9). 92/15 Symon Magus: the Magician of Acts 8.9–24, condemned by Peter. Santa Maria Nova was allegedly founded on the spot where he died. Ch. 21 on the tomb or ‘pyramid’ of Romulus is probably expanded from Mirabilia (Rosell) taken over from Mirabilia (antica): Valentini & Zucchetti III.194, § 23, printed Valentini & Zucchetti III.45–46. The Meta Romuli was destroyed s. xvi. The equivalent of Capgrave’s Aruagia is
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94/8 94/13
Commentary
L Naumachia ‘large pool’, almost certainly the Naumachia Traiani in the Trastévere area; cf. Nicholls/Gardiner 1986: 78. Hülsen suggested that aruagia is from Latin Almachia, a corruption of Naumachia (cited in Mills 1911: 47, n. 2). But aruagia may mean ‘cornfields’ and be connected with the legend recorded by Gregory, De mirabilibus, ch. 27, that St Peter’s pile of grain was turned into a pyramid of stone by Nero. The ‘pyramid’ was demolished in 1499. a strete called Tiburtineum: the Via Tiburtina leaves Rome to the east from the former Porta Tiburtina, close to the Porta San Lorenzo. So the identity of the street mentioned is unclear. The graue of Remus: see 18/15–24.
Ch. 22 on the palace of Trajan and Hadrian is probably expanded from the beginning of the section in Mirabilia (Rosell) taken over from Mirabilia (antica): Valentini & Zucchetti III.194, § 23, printed Valentini & Zucchetti III.53. Presumably the building referred to is the Temple of Trajan in the Forum of Trajan, adjacent to Trajan’s Column. 96/ 7 primo Machabeorum eite: I Macc.8.1–30, which Capgrave here paraphrases. The tables of brasse are said to be those of I Macc.8.22. 96/10 Galys: the Romans had victories over both the Gauls and the Galatians. 96/22 Eupolemy … Eleazar: the envoys were Eupolemus and Jason, son of Eleazar. Ch. 23 on the conch-shaped stone used for Constantine’s baptism. 100/3 This conk is hewyn owt of a blak ston schapyn lich a hol trow: whether this is the ‘ancient basin of green Egyptian basalt’ (Sharp 1967: 21) now to be seen in the baptistery of San Giovanni in Laterano is moot. It is no longer thought that Constantine was baptised here. 100/6 Dominicus de Arecio: a reference to part of Domenico di Bandini of Arezzo’s Fons Memorabilium Universi, a text still awaiting a modern edition: see Intro p. lxi and Bibl pp. lxxxv–lxxxvi. Evidently Domenico is the main source of this chapter. 100/19 Ecce Agnus Dei ecce qui tollit peccata mundi: the words of the Agnus Dei in the Mass. ‘Behold the Lamb of God, behold He who takes away the sins of the world’. Ch. 24 on the place called Omnis Terra: adapted from Adam (of ) Usk (who witnessed the events in 1404), Chronicon, ed. Given-Wilson, 194–96. Evidently the hill referred to, full of old pottery shards, is Monte Testaccio, a little to the west of the Porta San Paolo. The name Omnis
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Terra is a simplification of Usk’s phrase ad summitatem montis omnis terre ‘to the summit of the mountain of all earth’. For a summary account of these carnival games, based on Adam Usk, see Gregorovius, tr. Hamilton 1894–1902: VI.ii.709–10. 102/8 Fastingong Sunday: Quinquagesima. 102/11 he þat may cacch a mussell of flesch þat day he is a man for euyr: evidently ironic, as the subsequent reference to a ful onlikly game me þoutʒ confirms. The disapproval is Capgrave’s; cf. his remark ‘Fy’ in the margin of the autograph manuscript of the Abbreuiacion of Cronicles, beside a passage describing the mutilation of dead soldiers’ bodies, ed. Lucas 209/15–16. 102/17 Mount Canale: see above 32/24–32. Ch. 25 on the rulers of Rome from Romulus to Tarquinius, the seven kings, is based on Martinus 402/25–403/14, but because of a lacuna in the manu script, which lacks four leaves between fols 372 and 373, the a ccount breaks off incomplete with the third king, Tullius Hostilius. 104/20 bibliotekes: not recorded by MED. OED, s.v. bibliothèque cites the word from 1549; cf. also s.v. bibliotheca. Ch. 26 on rulers after the kings and before the emperors is missing because of the lacuna in the manuscript. It was no doubt taken from Martinus 403/15–406/38. Ch. 27 on the emperors of Rome begins imperfect, lacking the accounts of Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian, Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius (which were no doubt taken from Martinus 443/25–447/14), and re-commencing with Lucius Verus (161–9). The account is taken from Martinus 447/15–471/29. 106/1–3 this account of Lucius Verus seems to have been conflated with that of Caracalla (211–17) as it was the latter who married his stepmother Julia and died in Edessa (Martinus 448/11–14). 108/11–12 Glodius and Diadumeus do not occur in Martinus (ed. Weiland) 449. 110/26 he fled þis Constantin whech killid his broþir: Julian was the nephew of Constantine the Great but a potential rival to his cousin Constantine II, who had Julian’s brother Gallus beheaded. 110/32 Nisi quis renunciaverit omnibus quae possidet non potest meus esse discipulus: Lk 14.33 ‘None of you can become my disciple if you do not give up all your possessions’.
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112/30 beraute: a past tense form of ME bereven unrecorded by MED or OED. 112/38 Ad Vincula Sancti Petri: the feast of St Peter’s chains on 1 Aug. 114/11–12 Olimpius … Barabas: cf. the treatment in Abbreuiacion of Cronicles 70. 114/27 Narces: Byzantine general under Justinian I erron. assigned to the reign of Justin II. Cf Abbreuiacion of Cronicles 72–73. The Lombards did not then live in Italy. 118/37 Before Conradus þe Secunde Lothair II (emp. 1133–1137) has been omitted. Part II Any late medieval visitor coming to Rome from northern Europe would be familiar with the aspirational style of Gothic church architecture, continually leading the eye upwards towards heaven. By contrast Roman churches were predominantly hall-churches where the overall impression was more restful, spiritual and contemplative. Above all such a visitor as Capgrave could hardly fail to have been impressed by the mosaics and frescoes, features virtually unique to Rome in their richness in western Europe, and the work of the Cosmati added lustre to this artistic wealth. When Capgrave describes a church as fayr it is this colourful surface decoration that he is remarking upon above all else, what Capgrave calls precious stones of ful meruelous werk þat … wer sawen in dyuers formes and couchid in þe wall with cyment (I.11 at 54/7–9). Ch. 1: Old San Pietro was built on the site of an oratory over the tomb of St Peter and consecrated in 326 by Pope St Sylvester I; for the early construction see M. D’Onofrio in Morello 1999: 13–31, and R. Gem in McKitterick et al. 2013: 35–64, and for the appearance of the church in 1300 see Kessler 2002: 1–13, also Kessler/Zacharias 2000: 192–218. By the middle of s. xv this building was showing signs of structural weakness, not noted by Capgrave, and plans were put in place to improve it or replace it with the new basilica which stands today; see C. M. Richardson in McKitterick et al. 2013: 324–47. The old church was about half the size of the present building; see Krautheimer 1937–1977: V.165–279. For a detailed plan of old San Pietro, with a key to 148 features see Schüller-Piroli 1950: 735–37. 126/2 a strete with þre cherches and an hospital: for the approach to old San Pietro see Hetherington 1994: 43–44, and J. Osborne in McKitterick et al. 2013: 274–86; for a plan of the area see Krautheimer 1937–1977: V.178, fig. 146. 126/3 This cherch of Seynt Petir is gret and long: 212 ft wide and 395 ft long. Flanked by two aisles each side, proportions later followed in Gothic
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style at Bourges cathedral, the nave and aisles had 86 marble columns, i.e. 4 x Capgrave’s 22 with two of them as part of the altar surround, which Capgrave mentions below. 126/7 pileres whech cam out of Salamones temple: presumably the portico of Solomon, where Jesus taught ( Jn 10.23). 128/2 These greces be in noumbir twenti-nyne: Stacyons of Rome also has ‘Nyne and twenty’ steps (line 28). According to Muffel (ed. Volk 1876), p. 18 and n. 5, there were 28 steps. Others give 28, 24, 18: see Hulbert 1923: 413, who says the variants probably result from misreading ‘xxviij’. 128/4 as we fynde writin in elde rememberaunce: this detail of the 7 years indulgence for going up and down the 29 steps could be from Stacyons of Rome 29–36. For statements of these indulgences see Miedema 2001: 367–97. On the application of arithmetic to indulgences, the inexhaustibility of the Church’s treasury of merit, and the pardon increasing according to the intensity and timing of pilgrimage, see Shaffern 2006: 21–28. On indulgence inflation cf. Webb 2006. 128/5 four score auteres and eyte: the number of altars and the dedicatees of the 7 main altars varies amongst witnesses. Muffel, ed. Volk, p. 25 claims 105 altars; Rucellai, ed. Marcotti, p. 567, says 96; OBL Digby 196, fo 10 (cited by Mills, p. 62) says 89, and others cited by Mills say 100. The seven main altars, according to Capgrave, are dedicated to A the Veronica, B Our Lady, C St Gregory (fd 12 Mar), D the apostles Simon and Jude (fd 28 Oct), E St Andrew (fd 30 Nov), F St Leo (fd 11 Apr), G the Holy Cross (fd 11 Sep). Muffel and Digby 196 give the same seven in the orders DCEFGBA and ADCBEFG respectively; for others see Mills, p. 62. 128/8 þe Vernacle: la Veronica nostra, as Dante called it (Paradiso XXXI.104– 6), probably the greatest spiritual treasure at San Pietro, sight of which ‘had become indelibly associated with the Roman pilgrimage’ (Webb 2006: 250), was a cloth offered by a woman to Christ on his way to Calvary to wipe his face and said to retain his image, otherwise called a sudarium; see fig. II.1c. Thought to derive from vera icon ‘true image’ and hence transferred to the woman herself in the name ‘Veronica’. For the Veronica at old San Pietro see Kessler 2002: 11–12, and A. van Dijk in McKitterick et al. 2013: 237–56. 128/20 In Seynt Petir cherch is: for notices of the relics in old San Pietro see Miedema 2001: 322–40. 128/25 St Petronilla was descended from Titus Flavius Petro, Emperor Vespasian’s grandfather. Her sarcophagus was removed from the catacombs c. 770 to a chapel in old San Pietro on which see Mâle 1960: 37–41.
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128/26 Of þis same grete relik spekith Geruasius: Gervase of Tilbury, Otia imperialia, ed. Banks and Binns (2002), III.23–25; see their notes on pp. 594–607. The whole passage from He seith þere to undir auctorité of Geruase is a summary of Gervase, but in the order III.25, III.24, III.23. 128/27 þis woman þat had þis sudary … was Martha: this tradition that Martha, sister of Mary and Lazarus of Bethany, was the lady with the Veronica comes from Gervase, Otia, III.25. 130/5 þe liknesse of his face whech was al disfugured: Capgrave’s stance here is neutral, not potentially critical like Julian of Norwich’s concern regarding how might this image be so discolouring and so far from feire: in A Revelation of Love, ed. M. Glascoe (Exeter, 1986), 12, as noted by Salih 2005: 326. 130/11 a book i-called ‘Gesta de Vultu Lucano’ ‘History of the Image at Lucca’: reported by Gervase, Otia, III.24, and see pp. 598–99, n. 1. Capgrave has added that the book is not … in þis lond. 130/25 Ecce agnus Dei: ‘Behold the lamb of God, behold Him who takes away the sins of the world, behold the God of the living and the dead, behold the life of the living, the salvation of all believers, whom we adore, whom we glorify, whom we bless, and we praise the Lord, Father Almighty, and the Son with the Holy Spirit, and we exalt them above all else for ever. Be my helper and protector and defender O most kind, most holy and most merciful Lord.’ 130/31 Edissa: Edessa, capital of Syrian Mesopotamia, now Sanliurfa. 130/31 Ecclesiastica Historia: Eusebius of Caesarea’s Historia Ecclesiastica (at I.13), the reference to which is taken over from Gervase, who has embellished the story by adding the feature of Our Lord’s image in a cloth being transferred to King Abgar at Edessa. Ch. 2: San Paolo fuori le Mura: see also II.36 below. 134/5 This same cherch of Seynt Paule is large: as embellished by Leo III (795– 816) the church was the largest and most beautiful in Rome, like San Pietro with a nave and two aisles either side, though the number of pillars was 80 as opposed to the 88 Capgrave counted in San Pietro. Pillaged by the Saracens s. ix, it was restored c. 1070 by Abbot Hildebrand OSB, later Pope Gregory VII. This church, which would have been the one seen by Capgrave, was burnt down in 1823, then rebuilt. See Krautheimer 1937–1977: V.93–164, and cf. Sharp 1967: 173–77; Kessler/Zacharias 2000: 158–82. 134/15 he hath euery day twenti-eite ʒere of indulgens with remissioun: for statements of these indulgences see Miedema 2001: 304–14.
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134/18 þe octaue day of Seint Martyn: 18 Nov. 134/19 Euery Sunday of þe ʒere hath a man þere as mech pardon as þow he went to Seynt James in Gales: Santiago de Compostela in Galicia, another major pilgrim destination. The comparison is taken over from the Indulgentiae ecclesiarum urbis Romae: cf. Miedema 1992: 210. 134/22 Ortus Lucille: the Roman matron Lucina had an oratory in her vineyard where she is reported to have buried St Paul, and it was on the site of this oratory that the first basilica was built on orders from Constantine. 134/27 Seynt Bryde: St Bridget (1303–1373), foundress of the Order of the Most Holy Saviour (Bridgettines); Christ’s Passion was central to her spiritual life and the crucified Christ speaking directly to her is common in her Revelations (e.g. Bk I, chs 11 (§ 1), 26 (§ 28), 30 (§§1–5), etc.); she was in Rome 1349–1370, and died there in 1373. For other notices of this miracle see Miedema 2001: 299, item 7. 134/28 Eke in þe sacristie may a man see þe same bible þat was Seynt Jeromes … A fayr book is it and a large and ful wel arayed: The Biblia di San Paolo fuori le Mura, made by the Benedictine monk Ingobert at Reims c. 870 and presented to Gregory VII, is still in the abbey’s library; it contains a portrait of St Jerome. For other notices of this book at San Paolo see Miedema 2001: 299, item 8. Ch. 3: San Sebastiano, originally built by Constantine s. iv with a nave and two aisles as a Basilica Apostolorum. Evidently this was the church that Capgrave saw, where, as he says, he went down 32 steps to the catacombs below. Here St Sebastian’s body was buried, as a result of which the church was subsequently dedicated to him. The church was remodelled s. xvii. See Krautheimer 1937–1977: IV.99–147. 136/3 In þis cherch lith: for notices of the relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 406–13. 136/6 This man [Pope St Fabian] lith in þe hye auter þat stant aboue. There is anoþir auter benethe […] and in þat auter lith þe holy martir called Sebastiane. This auter is hald on of þe holy places of Rome: according to the Roman rite the sealing of relics within the altar was an important part of the dedication of a church; see Henry Mayr-Harting, The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England (London, Batsford, 1972), 180–81. 136/18 lith Seint Steuene þe pope afor an auter: the tomb of St Stephen (pope 254–7) is now under the high altar. 136/19 This cherch hath grete pardoun euery day: for statements of these indulgences see Miedema 2001: 423–36.
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138/32 macelle: not recorded by MED or OED, from MedL macella ‘meatmarket’. Evidently Capgrave realized it was a loan-word as he glosses it in our tongue. 138/35 as Gelasius þe pope writith: Gelasius I (pope 492–6), for whose writings see PL 59, 13–190. 140/2 þat þis place stood Via Aurea or Aurelia … witnessith þe legende of Seynt Pancrace: as found in Acta Sanctorum, Mai III.21, § 4, tr. Lapidge 2018: 475–76. 140/5 Scala Celi: see below, note to III.5. 140/18 Martines cronicle seith: Martinus 413/43–47. 140/23 as it is writyn: see above, at the end of II.1. Ch. 4: San Giovanni in Laterano. This church with its adjacent palace was the headquarters of the Church until the exile to Avignon in 1313. When Gregory XI (pope 1370–1378) returned to Rome from Avignon the Lateran was uninhabitable due to fire-damage. But Gregory rebuilt S Giovanni and it was further restored under Martin V (pope 1417–1431) probably to the state in which Capgrave saw it. See the full account by Sharp 1967: 1–28, and Krautheimer 1937–1977: V.1–92. See further below, II.12, 47, 51 and 53. 142/4 depoynted (sic): the more usual form is depeynted, as in I.8 at 46/5. 142/15 a litil chapel … of Seynt Jon Baptist: the chapel of St John the Baptist, San Giovanni in Fonte, is off the Baptistery. 142/16 tociens quociens: ‘however often it happens’. For statements of these indulgences see Miedema 2001: 217–34. 144/32 þe face of Our Sauiour … visibile þe same day þat Seynt Syluester halowid þe cherch: according to tradition on the day of consecration, 9 Nov 324, a mosaic of the Saviour’s face miraculously appeared in the vault of the apse saying Pax vobis ‘Peace be with you’. The original dedication of the church was to Christ the Saviour. 146/2 too grete pileres of brasse: these were seen c. 1170 by the Jewish visitor, Benjamin of Tudela. 146/4 as þe þirde book of Kyngis make mynde: 1 Kg 7.15–22. 146/7 many relikis: probably based on the blue mosaic plaque inscribed in gold letters listing the relics held at the church; ‘Literal Copy’ pr Nichols 1889: 186, with tr. on pp. 182–85, repr Sharp 1967: 19–20. When Capgrave was there the plaque would have been in a portico behind the high altar in the ancient apse. Capgrave has added a few features, as the two fishes (to go with the five loaves), the heads of Zachary and Pancras, Laurence’s shoulder, and the fact that St John’s coat raised three men from death; presumably he learnt of these on the spot. There is also some
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account of the Lateran relics in Mirabilia, II.8 (tr. Nichols 1986 edn: 29–30). For notices of these relics see Miedema 2001: 166–96. 148/3 a litil place, sumtyme a cherch as I suppose, it schuld be cleped Titulus Pastoris: the former San Pastor, near San Clemente. The name Titulus Pastoris properly refers to Santa Pudenziana. The ymage … sette up in memorie of the female pope Joan is shown on the map at the end of de Rossi (Piante 1879: II. tav vi–xii) with the caption Logo dove partori la papessa ‘the place where the popess passed away’. 148/11 Chapel of þe Saluatour: the Sancta Sanctorum, where the venerable image of Our Lord painted on cedar wood is kept (Sharp 1967: 26); see also Gervase, Otia Imperialia, ed. Banks/Binns, 607, n. 6. On the Santa Sanctorum see Kessler & Zacharias 2000: 38–63 (= ch. 2). Ch. 5: Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, see also below, II.33, 52. 150/4 þis cherch of Seynt Cruce: founded by Constantine to house the relics of the true cross found at Jerusalem by his mother St Helena. Rebuilt 1144 by Lucius II but later completely modernized 1733–1734. See Sharp 1967: 76–79; Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.165–95. 150/5 a ful fayr conk … of ston: this basalt tomb beneath the altar housing the relics of SS Anastasius and Caesarius is still there. The fd of Caesarius of Arles should be 27 Aug. Halowmesday is All Saints’ Day (1 Nov). 150/10 In þis cherch is … many … relikes: many of these are still preserved at the church in a chapel off the chancel. For notices of these relics by other writers see Miedema 2001: 129–38. 150/21 þe summe of indulgens in þe same place is: for statements of these indulgences see Miedema 2001: 146–58. 150/24 Thann go we down on a peyre greces into a chapel: steps at the end of the right aisle lead down to the chapel of St Helena, in Capgrave’s time decorated with frescoes. 150/28 absolucioun a pena et culpa: absolution free of penalty or blame. 152/7 Siluester þe pope, not þat Siluester þat baptized Constantyn, but anoþir whech hith Gilbert before: Silvester II (999–1003), previously Gerbert of Aurillac, abp of Ravenna. The false story about his pact with the devil comes from William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum, ed. Mynors, Bk II, §§ 167, 172, in I.282, 294. The story is also told by Vincent of Beauvais, as in Speculum Historiale (Venice, 1494), Bk XXIV, ch. 98, on fol. 320v. 152/34 a grete wal standyng on arches: presumably the Aqueduct of Nero, an extension of the Aqua Claudia. 152/36 þe grete paleys. Pope Hadrian I (772–95) had the aqueduct repaired to supply the Lateran.
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Ch. 6: San Lorenzo fuori le Mura, see also below, II.26. 154/3 This cherch is edified ful wel: San Lorenzo fuori le Mura in the Campo Verano was originally two churches, the first built by Constantine in 330 over the tomb of St Laurence in the catacombs of St Cyriaca, the second 432–40. These two churches were united by Honorius III in 1216 and their apses demolished. Restored 1864–1870 but then seriously damaged in an air raid in 1943, since restored again. The tomb of St Lawrence mentioned by Capgrave lies under the altar in the former choir of the first, earlier church. Amongst the ‘edifications’ Capgrave would have seen the baldacchino of 1147, the episcopal throne of 1254, mosaics (s. vi) of Christ and saints in the triumphal arch, and a paschal candlestick with twisted stem (Hetherington 1994: 90–91); see further Sharp 1967: 108–10; Krautheimer 1937–1977: II.1–144. 154/4 a monasterie of munkis anexid þerto: of which order is unclear. 154/5 in a ful fayre tumbe lith Seint Laurens with Seynt Steuene: the story of the translation of St Stephen’s remains back to Jerusalem was told by Lucian, tr. Avitus, Epistola ad omnem ecclesiam de revelatione corporis Stephani martyris, ed. Vanderlinden, ‘Revelatio Sancti Stephani’, Revue des Études Byzantines 4 (1946), 178–217, with Version A at 190–216 (even numbered pages) and Version B at 191–217 (odd numbered pages), also PL 41, 805–18. 154/9 Gamaliel: a Pharisee doctor of Jewish Law held in great esteem by all Jews (Acts 5.34), and as teacher of Jewish law to St Paul (Acts 22.3). 154/11 Caphargamala: a Jewish village where the Salesian monastery of Beit Jimal was situated. The tomb of St Stephen was said to have been kept in a cave nearby. After his remains were discovered in 415 thanks to Father Lucian’s vision the Inventio Sancti Stephani was celebrated 3 Aug. 154/20 as Seynt Austen berith witnesse in twenti-secunde book De ciuitate Dei: Augustine, De civitate Dei XXII.8. This reference is taken over from Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, ch. 112, ed. Häuptli 2014: II.1394/13 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 105, II.537). 154/28– For the translation of St Stephen’s relics from Jerusalem to Rome and the detail of St Laurence moving aside in the tomb to make space for St Stephen see Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, ch. 112, ed. Häuptli 2014: 1392/11–1394/12 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 105, II.536–7. 156/32 Cum Sixto: Sixtus II, martyred 6 Aug 258. As for the other martyrs Hippolytus was thought to have been a Roman soldier who guarded St Laurence; his norys was apparently called Concordia. Romanus was also a soldier who was so impressed by Laurence’s fortitude in the face of extreme torture that he became a Christian. Triphonia and her
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daughter Quirilla were baptized by the priest Justinus. Quiriaca/Cyriaca was a Christian widow. The whole story appended to the martyrdom of St Laurence is described by Lapidge (2018: 319) as ‘a preposterous work of fiction’. 158/17 These be þe relikes eke in Seynt Laurens cherch: for notices of these relics by other writers see Miedema 2001: 238–41. 158/26 The indulgens of þis place as þei sey is grete: for statements of these indulgences see Miedema 2001: 244–55. 158/29 whosoeuyr visitith þis cherch euery Wednysday he schal delyuer a soule fro purgatorye: on altruistic indulgences for the dead see Shaffern 2006: 33–36. 160/3 In craticula Te Dominum non negaui: ‘I have not abjured You Oh Lord on the gridiron’, an antiphon used at the mass for St Laurence: Corpus Antiphonalium Officii, ed. Hesbert 1963–1979: no. 6896A. 160/5 a clerk þei clepe Osbert makith mynde of þe same in his book of Epistoles: Osbert of Clare (d. 1158), Letters, ed. Williamson, 93–95. Ch. 7: Santa Maria Maggiore is called Maggiore because it is the premier church dedicated to Our Lady in Rome. Probably rebuilt or at least restored by Sixtus III (pope 432–40), then restored/enlarged by Eugenius III (pope 1145–1153) and Nicholas IV (pope 1288–1292). After Capgrave’s time the apse was rebuilt s. xvii and the main facade added s. xviii. 162/5 Santa Maria Maggiore a fayr house large and plesaunt to þe sith, costful eke specialy in the pauyment: a reference to the mosaics of s. v and the Cosmatesque pavement of c. 1150 (restored 1750). On the building and decoration of this church see Mâle 1960: 60–68, and Hetherington 1994: 86–89, and for the mosaics Oakeshott 1967: 73–89; see also Sharp 1967: 136–41; Krautheimer 1937–1977: 1–60; Kessler/Zacharias 2000: 126–57 (ch. 5). 162/9 In þe tyme of Liberius þe pope: Liberius was pope 352–66. The reference to Liberius þe ʒonger is probably a mistake as the distinction should be between Constantine the Great (emperor 306–37 and Constantine II (emperor 337–61). 162/13 Jon was a Roman patrician who owned the land where the church now stands. 162/24 sche had merkid al þe ground with snow: the church was known earlier as Santa Maria delle Neve ‘Our Lady of the Snow’, a reference to the legend that Our Lady appeared both to the patrician John and to Pope Liberius telling them to build a church for her where snow fell miraculously on 5 Aug.
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162/28 Mons Superaggius: i.e. the Cispian summit of the Esquiline hill, presumably a reference to the establishment of his residence there on the agger ‘summit’ by Servius Tullius, 6th king of Rome. 164/4 þe dore þat goth to Seynt Antonye: Sant’Antonio Abbate, down what is now the Via Carlo Alberto. 164/5 In þe hie auter of þe cherch restith: for notices of these relics by other writers see Miedema 2001: 262–69. 164/6 There is also a ymage of Our Lady whech seynt Luce mad: the Madonna di San Luca is now in the Borghese chapel. 164/8 Pelagii: which pope is meant is not certain as both Pelagius I and II were buried at San Pietro. 164/9 Seynt Vyuiane: St Viviana (Ital. Santa Bibiana). 164/10 þe cradill þat Crist was leyd in: Still on Christmas morning the Santa Culla ‘Holy Crib’ is taken in procession and revealed at the high altar. 164/13 These be þe indulgens graunted to þe same place: for statements of these indulgences see Miedema 2001: 275–91. 164/17 The summe of al þe pardon of þis cherch is hald þere ful grete: as noted by Webb (2006: 266) the vagueness of this concluding statement is suggestive. Chs 8–54 focus on the stations at the various churches during Lent, the high point of the Roman stational system, for which see Baldovin 1987: 153– 55 and Grisar 1925: 19–84, with summary including biblical readings at 116–19, also Willis 1968: 44–49. In earlier practice each station began with the clergy and others in the procession preceding the pope from the Lateran to the church appointed for the mass to take place (Baldovin 1987: 131–33). For an account of the service see Klauser 1969: 60–68, and for the texts see Andrieu 1961–1985: V.127–308; cf. note to 314/13 below. The stations, still the same, are set out in the Roman Catholic Missal under the Proper of the Time; for Monday in Holy Week the station at Santa Prassede is preferred to that at Santi Nereo e Achilleo (Capgrave cites both), and for Thursday in the fourth week of Lent San Martino in Montibus is preferred to San Silvestro in Capite (Capgrave cites both). Ch. 8: Santa Sabina, built s. v1, the ‘pearl of the Aventine’, has been described as the perfect model of a Roman basilica (Mâle 1960: 50–59), basically unchanged, apart from slight modifications s. ix, for fifteen centuries, but Capgrave does not comment on the architecture or the mosaics of s. v showing figures representing the Jewish and Gentile elements in
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166/5 166/14
166/15 166/17 166/18
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the Church (Oakeshott 1967: 89–90); see also Sharp 1967: 194–99; Krautheimer 1937–1977: IV.72–98; Willis 1968: 70–71. It was made the Lenten station for Ash Wednesday by Gregory the Great (pope 590–604). Seynt Gregory was at [þese staciones] himselue and prechid þere as we may … parceyue in many of his omelies: probably a reference to Gregory’s Homiliae in Evangelia, as ed. Raymond Étaix, CCSL 141 (Turnhout, Brepols, 1999), as this work is definitely cited in II.15 at 196/5–. It is cleped a stacioun, a stando: the word stando, not recorded by MED or OED, may be a blend of ME stande/stonde and L statio, or it may be a scribal error for stande. a ful fayr place whech was þe paleys of Eufermiane: presumably the palace of the Savelli popes, Honorius III (1216–1227) and Honorius IV (1285–1287) is meant, but there seems to be some confusion with nearby Sant’Alessio (Alexis being the son of Euphemian), which became a Basilian abbey in 977 with adjacent monastery; this church is mentioned above in Book I, ch. 4 at 32/20. þe Frere Prechoures: the church was given to the newly founded Dominican Order by Honorius III in 1219. De montibus: Part I, ch. 4. Sabine [fd 29 Aug]: the passage from Aftir tyme þat mech of þis was doo to maytresse of hir feith is abridged from her saint’s life, as found in Acta Sanctorum, Aug VI.500–04, tr. Lapidge 2018: 585–92, with commentary at 582–85. many relikes whech I wrote not: including the relics of SS Sabina, Serafina, Alexander (pope 105–15), Theodolus and Eventius. For notices of these relics by other writers see Miedema 2001: 764–66. O memoriale ... of Seynt Dominik: near the door a low pillar surmounted by a black stone still marks the spot. For the Latin wording of the inscription cp. Miedema 2001: 765, item 5, where contundere makes better sense, as does versuto ad ipsum and confracto.
ch. 9: San Giorgio in Velabro. Velabrum was the name of a marshy area between the Capitoline and Palatine hills, since drained, but still damp. The church was restored by Leo II (pope 682–3), and Pope Zachary (741–52) had the head of St George brought there (both were from Cappadocia), so, since the area was largely inhabited by Graeco-Byzantines, the dedication was most appropriate. In the confessio under the high altar St George’s head, his spear and standard are still preserved, as placed there by Pope Zachary. See Sharp 1967: 92–94; Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.244–65; also Willis 1968: 74–75.
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where þat his hed is schewid: for notices of these relics by other writers see Miedema 2001: 542–43. 172/7 as touching Seynt George: this account of St George [fd 23 Apr] is condensed from that in the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine ch. 58, ed. Häuptli 2014: 810/18–818/4 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 54, I.268– 74); cf. Acta Sanctorum (Apr III.100–63). 174/6 whi þat þe region of Ynglond hath þis seynt in so special reuerens: cp. Acta Sanctorum Apr III.160–63. 174/11 Historia Antiochena: The Historia Nicaena vel Antiochena is a Latin prose chronicle (c. 1146) commissioned by King Baldwin III of Jerusalem. Apparently one manuscript made its way to the west, located in 1718 at the German monastery of Himmerod by the Maurist Edmond Martène, who printed the verse prologue (PL 155, 1089–1092), but since lost; the work was subsequently printed from a transcript by Martène (Recueil des Historiens des Croisades: Historiens Occidentaux, V (Paris, 1895), 172). It is highly unlikely that Capgrave saw this work, and as noted by James B. MacGregor, ‘The First Crusade in Late Medieval Exempla’, The Historian 68 (2006) 29–48, there are a number of apparent medieval references to it that turn out to be based on another work. In this case Capgrave’s source is the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine, ch. 58, ed. Häuptli 2014: 822/7–14 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 54, I.274). 172/2
Ch. 10: Santi Giovanni e Paolo, severely damaged by Robert Guiscard in 1084, was restored by Pascal II (pope 1099–1118) and Adrian IV (1154–1159), who was responsible for the fine apse and campanile and for the Cosmatesque pavement in the nave; see Sharp 1967: 98–101; Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.267–303; also Willis 1968: 64–65. 176/2 þe monastery of Seynt Andrew: the Benedictine monastery founded by St Gregory next to San Gregorio Magno. 176/3 þese same Seyntis Jon and Paule be translate: for notices of these relics by other writers see Miedema 2001: 567–68. 176/6 a fayr place þat longith to a cardinal: unidentified. 176/7 a grete paleys: the Temple of Claudius (AD 54). 176/9 ful grete indulgens þat day: for notice of these by other writers see Miedema 2001: 568. 176/10 þe lyf of þese seyntes: taken from the passio of Gallicanus, John and Paul as found in Mombritius 1910: I.569–72, tr. Lapidge 2018: 368–77, §§ 9–14, with discussion at 365–68. The version found in Acta Sanctorum Jun V.159–60, tr. Lapidge 2018: 377–80, shows the events in a different order. 176/19 But if ʒe forsake al þat ʒe haue ʒe may not be my disciples: Lk 14.33.
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Ch. 11: San Trifone, originally constructed in 957, was given to the Austin friars in 1287 but was eclipsed by the larger Sant’Agostino built c. 1480 on practically the same site in the Via della Scrofa; the Austin church was finally demolished in 1736 (Sharp 1967: 36–37); see also Willis 1968: 75. The relics of St Monica, mother of St Augustine, now rest in Sant’Agostino. 180/3 In þis cherch lith: for other notices of the relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 796. 180/9 Concordia (c. 1442), a work by Capgrave that has not survived, was mad to reforme charité betwix Seynt Augustines heremites and his chanones (Tretis, ed. Munro, 136/6–7), and dedicated to John Watford, abbot of the Canons Regular at St James’s abbey, Northampton. 180/11 Petir, bischop Electensis, sexten onto þe pope: Peter (d. 1440), bishop of Alet (Aude). 180/13 Augustinus de Rome General of þat ordre: Augustine Favaroni of Rome, prior general OESA 1419–1431. 180/16 in his bull ‘Conuenient’: the bulls of Martin V (1417–1431) may be found in Bullarum Diplomatum et Privilegiorum Sanctorum Romanorum Pontificum Taurinensis editio, (Augustae Taurinorum, Sebastiano Franco & Henrico Dalmazzo, 1859), V, 664–749, also in Magnum Bullarum Romanum, ed. Angelo M. Cherubini (Leiden, 1654–1673), I, 309–38, and Annales Ecclesiastici, ed. Cesare Baronio, continued by Odorico Rinaldi (Bar-le-Duc, Guerin, 1864–1883), XXVIII, 1–85. For the event see Roth 1961–1966: I.101 and n. 178. 180/20 þe ʒere of Our Lord a þusend foure hundred and twenti swech tyme as Palme Sunday fell o þe nynet day of April: actually 1430. 180/22 Now of þese seyntis … in mech worchip: much condensed from an account as found in Acta Sanctorum, Nov IV.365–69, or the version by Thierry (Theodoric) of Fleury, Nov IV.370–73. 182/8 þe meyr of Rome, Aquiline: ‘Aquilinus’ is a Roman cognomen meaning ‘eagle-like’; he was ‘prefect’ of Rome. Ch. 12: for San Giovanni in Laterano see further II.4 above, and II.47 and 51 below. Ch. 13: San Pietro in Vincoli was founded in 442 to receive the chain that bound St Peter in Jerusalem, now transferred via Eudoxia Zicinia, wife of the emperor Valentinian III, to Pope Leo I. Capgrave saw the church before the restoration of 1475, and since then there has been even more restoration and redecoration: see Sharp 1967: 180–82; Krautheimer 1937–1977: III.178–231; also Willis 1968: 69. But he hardly describes it, being apparently mesmerized by the chain and its miraculous healing powers.
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Commentary
pilgrimes kisse it: for notices of the relics see Miedema 2001: 720–22. This witnessit Seynt Paule: Gal 1.18. in Actibus Apostolorum: Acts 5.19. þre Heraudes: 1 Heraude Ascalonite is Herod the Great, who was responsible for the slaughter of the innocent children; 2 Heraude Antipas is Herod Antipas, son of prec, who beheaded John the Baptist; 3 Heraude Agrippa is Herod Agrippa I, son of prec, who imprisoned St Peter. This passage is based on Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, ch. 10, ed. Häuptli 2014: I.242/15–22 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 9, I.57). 190/1 it is told in eld bokys: this account of the chains and their transference to Rome is based on some such account as is found in Mombritius 1910: II.408–10. Cf also Ps-Jerome’s Epistola XXX ad Eustochium on the subject ‘De Vinculis S. Petri’ (PL 30, 226–32). 190/2 Eudosia: wife, not daughter, to Emperor Theodosius II (408–50). 190/23 Qwyrine: St Quirinus was the pope’s gaoler, converted by him in prison. 188/2 188/5 188/14 188/22
Ch. 14: Santa Anastasia, originally built s. iv and adorned with frescoes under Damasus (pope 366–84) and with mosaics in the apse under Hilary (pope 461–8), was remodelled ss. xvii–xviii, so what Capgrave saw would have been very different from what is seen now. See Sharp 1967: 39–41; Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.42–61; also Willis 1968: 61–62. 192/3 This Anastase: the story of Anastasia is based on her Passio, ed. Moretti 2006: 172–87, also Delehaye 1936: 221–49, tr. Lapidge 2018: 84–87, of which (pace Lapidge 2018: 63) a version is found in Mombritius 1910: I.354–56, under St Chrysogonus (24 Nov). 192/4 Pretaxatus … was hir fader and Fausta hir modir: her father Prætextatus was a well-to-do Roman and her mother was St Fausta of Sirmium. St Anastasia is also designated ‘of Sirmium’. 192/5 a holy bischop þei cleped Crisogonus: St Chrysogonus (d. 303), martyred at Aquilea, venerated at Rome through his church, San Crisogono (II.41). 194/8 Insule Palmarie: the Pontine islands in the Tyrrhenian Sea. Ch. 15: for Santa Maria Maggiore see also II.7 above, and II. 50, 54 below. 196/4 Seynt Gregory in his … Omelies telleth a notable processe of a woman: the story of Redempta is taken from Gregory, Homilia in Evangelia, no. 40, § 11, ed. Étaix (CCSL 141), 407–09. Ch. 16: San Lorenzo in Panisperna (or Pane e Perna) was reconstructed by Pope Boniface VIII in 1300, the year of the first Jubilee, but then renovated again in 1575, so obscuring the original church. See Sharp 1967: 115; Krautheimer 1937–1977: II.185; also Willis 1968: 75.
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198/11 þis ston [on which St Laurence is said to have roasted] is not smal to put esily in a ouene, for it is as mech as a comoun graueston: possibly referring to the cavity at the entrance to the crypt outside the present church. 198/16 I rede in his Lyf: as found in Delehaye 1933: 72–98, §§ 13–16, 19–28 at pp. 81–92, tr. Lapidge 2018: 333–42, esp. § 28; cf. also Mombritius 1910: II.92–95. 198/22 Passionarium: which martyrology is meant is not clear. 198/28 Many oþir relikes: for some accounts of these see Miedema 2001: 584–85. Ch. 17: Santi Apostoli was built s. vi and Pope John III (561–74) placed the remains of SS Philip and James the Less there and dedicated the church to all the apostles. Completely restored s. ix, it was badly damaged in the earthquake of 1348 and restored again by Martin V (pope 1417–1431), in which state Capgrave would have seen it. Restored and rebuilt ss. xviii–xix. See Sharp 1967: 50–51; Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.76–81; Willis 1968: 57. 200/2 in special þere is schewid: for other accounts of the relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 731–33. 200/8 Ebredunensis: Embrun (Haute-Alpes). 200/9 Of þis Nazarius and eke of Celsus … to be heded: based on the account as found in Acta Sanctorum Jul VI.533. The dramatic exchanges have been augmented somewhat. 200/13 Placens: Piacenza. 200/14 Cunelle: L Gemellus, equally puzzling as Gimel (Puy-de-Dôme) and Gémeaux (Côte-d’Or) are not large towns. Ch. 18: for San Pietro see also II.1 above, and II.40 below. 204/17 Cletus was a shortened form of Anacletus, so both names refer to the same person. Ch. 19 206/2 Sancta Maria in Dompnica; þe place is cleped so: the title is from Dominica ‘chief ’, i.e. on imperial foundation. The apse contains a mosaic of the Virgin sitting on a throne with the Child in her lap, showing Byzantine influence, the earliest to occupy such a position (Mâle 1960: 86–87; Oakeshott 1967: 196–98). See Krautheimer 1937–1977: II.308–21; also Willis 1968: 76. 206/5 a boot al of marbil: this Roman stone boat, later made into a fountain by Leo X (s. xvi), gave rise to the earlier name of Santa Maria della Navicella.
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Commentary
206/15 at þe comaundment of þe prophete Helyse: 2 Kgs 6.5–6. 206/16 as seith Seint Austin in […] De mirabilibus sacrae scripturae: not St Augustine of Hippo (as commonly thought in the Middle Ages) but Augustinus Hibernicus, written 655: PL 35, 2149–2200, at 2185 (Bk 2, ch. 25). Ch. 20: San Clemente. St Clement, fourth pope (88–97), had his house made into an oratory, which was enlarged into a church, probably in the time of Constantine, but after it was burnt by Robert Guiscard’s men in 1084, Paschal II (1099–1118) used the ruins as a foundation for the present upper church, where under the high altar rest the relics of SS Clement and Ignatius of Antioch. Evidently Capgrave would not have seen the lower church, which was rediscovered in 1857. See Sharp 1967: 67–69; Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.117–37; also Willis 1968: 63–64. 208/1 in whech cherch restith: for other accounts of relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 505–06. 208/3 Seint Lazare: according to legend Lazarus and the Three Marys went to evangelize Provence. 208/6 For summe sey þat he was pope next Petir: for the succession of popes after Peter, Capgrave was probably following Liber Pontificalis, ed. Duchesne 1886–1957: I.123 (and xci). Jerome, De viris illustribus, also puts them in the right order: ed. Herding 1879: ch. 15 on p. 19. 208/15 a epistel whech þe same Clement wrote onto Seynt Jame, bischop of Jerusalem: this is the letter that Clement was then believed to have written to St James at Jerusalem, ed. Rehm, rev. Strecker 1994: 375–87, tr. Donaldson et al. 1870: 6–16. 208/22 As touchyng þe oþir poynt: the story of Clement’s exile, his passion, and the revelation of his body is probably adapted from the Passio Sancti Clementis, as found in Mombritius, Sanctuarium (1910 edn), I.341–44, tr. Lapidge 2018: 170–79 (with discussion 165–70), where Cornelius and Phoebus (who are not included in all accounts) are named in ch. 7. 210/2 In Justinianes tyme þe emperour and in Pope Nicholas tyme þe first, an holy man cleped Seint Cyrille: the dates of Pope Nicholas I (858–67) and St Cyril (d. 859) overlap but not with the dates of any Emperor Justinian (or Justin). Ch. 21: Santa Balbina was founded s. iv with a facade, portico and campanile in brick of s. x/xi. The bodies of Santa Balbina and her father, the tribune Quirinus (or Cyrinus), martyred during the persecution of Hadrian in 132, are still there in an urn under the high altar. See Sharp 1967: 51–52; Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.82–92; also Willis 1968: 62–63.
Commentary
212/2 212/3 212/5
214/5
389
munkis þei be as I suppose þat dwell þere: the church was assigned to Augustinians (presumably canons) until s. xviiex. Evidently Capgrave was not able to speak to anyone in the know. þe title onto: John Kempe, cardinal archbishop of York (1425–1452). His translation to Canterbury 21 July 1452 is one of the criteria for dating the Solace before mid-1452; see Intro p. xlvi. This same Balbine […] fro greuous siknesse: this story is based on an account such as that found in Acta Sanctorum, May I.375–79 (Pope St Alexander I and Balbina), tr. Lapidge 2018: 362–72, esp. §§ 3–6, with discussion on p. 559. Qwyryne is biried in þis same cherch and Balbine eke: for other notices of the relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 471–72.
Ch. 22: Santa Cecilia in Trastévere 216/4 This Transtibir hath a cherch of Our Lady ful famous and a cherch of Seynt Crisogon: Santa Maria in Trastévere (II.23) and San Crisogono (II.41). 216/6 a Hospital of Seint Edmund þe kyng: the hospice of the Holy Trinity and St Edmund King and Martyr (founded 1362 on what is now the square in front of San Crisogono), united with the English hospice of the Holy Trinity and St Thomas the Martyr in 1464: for an account of it see the chapter by Joseph Ibbett in Tickle intro. English Hospice, 1962: 82–98, esp. 89, and Harvey 1999: 55–76. Cf. below 322/8–9. 216/7 a fayre cherch it is … in whech place stant ʒet þe bath in whech sche dyed: Rebuilt by Paschal I (817–24), who had the relics of Cecilia, her husband Valerian and her brother Tiburtius brought here from the cemetery of St Calixtus. It showed much mosaic decoration (Mâle 1960: 91–93; Oakeshott 1967: 212–13) but was considerably altered ss. xvi– xix. See Sharp 1967: 63–66; Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.94–111; also Willis 1968: 63. Some of the frescoes by Pietro Cavallini (fl 1250–1330) survive (Hetherington 1994: 95–96). The church houses the calidarium where it was intended to steam Cecilia to death. 216/9 In þis cherch lith: for other notices of the relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 492–94. 216/17 Of þis glorious martir Cecile … fynde we wrytyn: probably abridged from the passion of St Cecilia as ed. Delehaye 1936: 194–220, tr. Lapidge 2018: 144–64. Since Chaucer used the Cecilia story for The Second Nun’s Tale a convenient account of sources for it by G. H. Gerould is found in W. F. Bryan & Germaine Dempster, Sources and Analogues of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales (New York, Humanities Press, 1941), 667–71, who reprint the texts of Mombritius (Sanctuarium 1910: I.332–41), and the Legenda Aurea by Jacobus de Voragine at 671–84.
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216/19 sche bare þe Gospel … in hir bosum: this detail is present in her passion § 3 (Delehaye 1936: 196; Lapidge 2018: 145; also Mombritius 1910: I.332/51. The adducing of St Barnabas and Serapion as similarly guarding the gospel in their breasts is apparently Capgrave’s addition. 218/1 Serapion: bp of Thmuis in Lower Egypt, martyred at Alexandria ( Jerome, De viris illustribus, ch. 99) or Serapion, bp of Antioch ( Jerome, De viris illustribus, ch. 41). Ch. 23 220/2 Sancta Maria Transtiberim: Santa Maria in Trastévere was one of the earliest churches in Rome and the first dedicated to the Virgin. Rebuilt by Gregory IV (pope 827–44) it was provided with notable mosaics on the triumphal arch and apse c. 1140 (Mâle 1960: 139–45; Oakeshott 1967: 250–56), and with mosaics on the facade s. xiii/xiv (Oakeshott 1967: 244–47). The Cosmateque floor-paving was completed in 1148. See also Hetherington 1994: 93–95; Krautheimer 1937–1977: III.65–71; Willis 1968: 67–68. 220/5 On þat same day þat Crist was born þere sprong in þis same place too wellis of oyle: in view of this legend, which originated with Eusebius, Chronicon, ed. Helm 1956: 158, 21–24, the church was known for a time as Fons Olei ‘Fountain of Oil’. 220/6 These too welles be ʒet þere in ful grete reuerens: presumably the fountain of Roman origin in Piazza di Santa Maria in Trastévere restored 1692; the street leading to the piazza is the Via del Fonte d’Olio. 220/19 The persone in Moises Lawe þat gadered drye stikkis on þe haly-day was stoned to þe deth: Num 15.32–36. 220/20 The woman in þe Newe Lawe taken openly in avoutry was preserued: Jn 8.3–11. 220/24 Opynly crieth Salamon in his Epithalami: expanded from SofS 1.3. Ch. 24: San Vitale was dedicated in 416 but was evidently in disrepair when Capgrave visited. It was rebuilt in 1475; a few remnants of the church of s. v survive. See Krautheimer 1937–1977: IV.313–31; also Willis 1968: 72–73. 222/3 This same man Vitale … sent to God: adapted from some such account as is found in Acta Sanctorum Apr III.564–65. Ch. 25: Santi Marcellino e Pietro (s. vi), olim on Via Casilina, now Via Merulana, completely rebuilt s. xviii (Sharp 1967: 117); see also Willis 1968: 66.
Commentary
226/1
391
too seyntis, on hith Marcelline, þe oþir hith Petir: their story is based on some such account as is found in Acta Sanctorum, Jun I.171–73, tr. Lapidge 2018: 441–47 with discussion at 436–41. Archemius the gaoler’s wife was called Candida.
Ch. 26: For San Lorenzo fuori le Mura see above note to Part II, ch. 6. 228/7 Seynt Anneys ward: towards Sant’Agnese fuori le Mura, roughly north-west. 228/10 We redyn in Martines Cronicle: Martinus 415/35–40. 228/17 an emperour of Rome cleped Herry whech had a wif called Radegundis: St Henry II (Holy Roman Emperor 1014–1024) and his wife St Cunigunde of Luxembourg. The account seems to be loosely based on that found in Acta Sanctorum Jul III.760–62. Another source might be some such account as is found in the Additamentum to the Vita Sancti Henrici II Imperatoris (2nd version) attributed to Adalbert, in MGH, Scriptores IV.816–20. Ch. 27 232/1 Seint Mark: San Marco was reconstructed by Gregory IV in 833 since much modified, but the s. ix mosaic of Gregory offering a model of the Church remains (Mâle 1960: 93–94; Oakeshott 1967: 212–16), as do the relics of the Persian martyrs Abdon and Sennen, now in the crypt (Sharp 1967: 119–21). See Krautheimer 1937–1977: II.216–47; also Willis 1968: 67. 232/2 In þis cherch ly þe holy martires: for other notices of the relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 595–96. 232/3 Abdon and Senen: probably from the passion of Abdon and Sennen found in that of St Polychronius and others ed. Delehaye 1933: 75–80, §§ 4, 7–10, tr. Lapidge 2018: 327–31. 232/10 In Tellude: the temple of Tellus. 232/11 Corduba: Cordulia, a city in Persia. 232/29 þese same martires appered onto a Cristen man, þei told he cleped Ponciane: a somewhat fanciful rendering of L levata sunt corpora sancta et translata sunt in cymiterium Pontiani ‘their holy bodies were raised up and translated to the cemetery of Pontianus’. Presumably the L text Capgrave used was corrupt. Ch. 28: Santa Pudenziana, said to be on the site of her grandfather Quintus Cornelius Pudens’s house, was rebuilt and ornamented by Pope Siricius (383–99) with mosaics (Sharp 1967: 188–91); see also Willis 1968: 69– 70. Capgrave saw it before the substantial remodelling of 1598.
392
234/1
234/3
234/12 234/13
236/7 236/13 236/14
Commentary
an holy virgine cleped Potenciane … þe cymyterie cleped Priscille: Pudentiana’s story, along with that of her sister Praxedes, is taken from some such account, attributed to Pastor, as is found in Acta Sanctorum Mai IV.299–300, tr. Lapidge 2018: 311–15 with discussion at 307–11. Their burial-place is named after their grandmother. Pudens: mentioned 2 Tim 4.21. Aulus Pudens was the son of Quintus Cornelius Pudens and married first Claudia Rufina (also mentioned 2 Tim 4.21), and secondly Sabinella (or Savinilla), by whom he had Pudentiana and Praxedes. St Peter lived in his house and converted him. bodies of seyntis: in the well in the left-hand aisle. For other notices of the relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 740–41. In þis cherch is a chapel with an auter and a aungell-hole: presumably the chapel of St Peter to the left of the high altar. The story of Peter hiding in a niche in the wall is also mentioned by Muffels in his notice of this station: ed. Vogt 1876: 43. The niche where he hid was plausibly one of those in a corner at the back of the ambulatory. Angel-hole is not recorded by MED or OED; unlike the priest-hole that developed later for Catholic priests hiding from Protestant enforcers (OED from 1660) the angel-hole was open to view. þe Gospell where Oure Lord saide to Petir: Jn 21.18. In þis cherch is a chapel with an auter: possibly the chapel of St Pudens on the right-hand aisle. þat grete myracle [where] þe sacrament … fel on a marbil ston [but] hath anoþir colour þan þe ston: Muffels mentions that the host is blood-red (ed. Vogt 1876: 43).
Ch. 29: San Sisto Vecchio. Reported to have been built on the spot on the old Via Appia where St Sixtus II (pope 257–8), on his way to martyrdom, met St Laurence. Restored s. viii, rebuilt by Innocent III (pope 1198–1216), and given to the Dominicans in 1219. St Dominic himself, together with his friars, removed to Santa Sabina shortly afterwards, leaving the Dominican nuns in place until they were removed to Santi Domenico e Sisto c. 1570. After Capgrave’s visit Sixtus IV (pope 1471–1484) had the church remodelled. See Krautheimer 1937–1977: IV.163–77; also Willis 1968: 71. 238/4 This Sixte was a pope … her hedis to be smet of: taken together with the cut-and-thrust dialogue from some such account as is found in Acta Sanctorum, Aug II.140–41, which is also found with the passions of St Polychronius and others ed. Delehaye 1933: 80–85, §§11–13, 17–18, tr. Lapidge 2018: 331–36.
Commentary
393
Ch. 30: Santi Cosma e Damiano. 244/2 There resten eke þe bodies: for other notices of the relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 513–14. 244/3 Mauricii, Exupii and Candidi … gouernouris of a legion sent fro Thebes: the massacre of the Theban legion occurred in 286. Their commander was St Maurice, aided by St Exuperius and St Candidus. The account here is probably abridged from some such account as is found in Acta Sanctorum, Sep VI.342 (Passio SS Mauritii et Thebæorum). 244/6 These to breþerin Cosmas and Damianus … with grete worchep: based on some such account as is found in Acta Sanctorum, Sep VII.469–70. 246/4 Felix þe VIII pope ded make her cherch: Santi Cosma e Damiano was built by Felix IV in 527, adapted from a Roman hall and temple adjoining the Forum, to which he added an apse, with mosaics of the two saints and the apostles (Hetherington 1994: 89; Sharp 1967: 72–74; Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.137–43); see also Willis 1968: 74. Capgrave would have seen it thus before it was divided into two levels s. xvii. The inscription mentioned at the end of the chapter can still be seen. For the full version see Miedema 2001: 515, item 4. Ch. 31 248/1
a fayre cherch it is: San Lorenzo in Lucina was built s. v, severely damaged in the conflagration set off by Robert Guiscard in 1084, and rebuilt under Pascal II c. 1110. Because of another rebuild in 1650 not much is known about the earlier church’s ‘fairness’ (cf. Krautheimer 1937–1977: II.181–82). However, þe cheyne with whech Seint Laurens was bounde in prison and many oþir relikis are still there in the form of the gridiron on which St Laurence suffered, as are the relics of St Felicola and the head of St Alexander. See Sharp 1967: 112–14; Krautheimer 1937–1977: II.159–84; also Willis 1968: 65–66. For San Lorenzo fuori le Mura see II.6, 16, 26, 35. 248/3 Seynt Lucyne … and many mo: Lucina was a Roman matron who funded the church to be built on her land. The bodies of SS Pontianus, Eusebius, Vincentius and Pellegrinus were placed under the high altar by Pascal II. For other notices of the relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 579–81. 248/7 Thus rede we þat on Lucillus: this story is from the passion of St Polychonius and others, § 20, ed. Delehaye 1933: 86–87, tr. Lapidge 2018: 337.
Ch. 32: Santa Susanna, originally built on the foundations of her father’s home, then rebuilt in 796 when it was decorated with mosaics. At the time of Capgrave’s visit there was a small Austin friary attached, where
394
250/9
250/13 250/20 250/23 250/27
250/30
Commentary
Capgrave probably stayed. Later the church was remodelled and given a baroque makeover. The body of St Susanna was buried in the cemetery of St Alexander in the catacombs of St Felicitas, and then transferred later, presumably as Capgrave describes, and placed under the altar of the crypt. See Krautheimer 1937–1977: IV.254–78; also Willis 1968: 71–72. fer fro ony dwelleres: Capgrave’s account of this station differs from most of the others, probably on account of his staying at the friary there and having time and space to seek information and consider it. He displays no knowledge of Susanna’s Passio. translate þe body of Seynt Susanne: for other notices of the relics at this church see Miedema 2001: 793. Sumtyme of a prest Gabine þe douter: according to legend Susanna was the niece of Pope Gaius (283–96). Susanne of þe elde lawe: the Susanna of Dan 13, daughter of Hilkiah, wife of Joachim. The readings for Saturday in the third week of Lent included Dan 13.1–9, 15–17, 19–30, 33–62 (Grisar 1925: 118). Susanne was wif to Seynt Alexe: allegedly. Alexis, patron-saint of Sant’Alessio, was the son of Euphemian, mentioned II.8 (and note to 166/14), and fled his bride for a hermit’s life in Syria after their wedding. In her Passio (§ 2, tr. Lapidge 2018: 273) the proposal was to marry Susanna to one Maximian, said to be the adoptive son of Emperor Diocletian. Seynt Pernel: St Petronilla was considered to be the daughter of St Peter.
Ch. 33: Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, see also II.5 above, and II.52 below. 252/7 sche went onto Jerusalem: the story of how St Helena found the true cross is first told by Gelasius of Caesarea, ed. Wallraff et al. 2018, F15a on pp. 120–25. The version of the legend that involves Judas (who later became St Cyriacus) is taken here from Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, ch. 68, ed. Häuptli 2014: I.948/15–954/6 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 61, I.313–15). Capgrave probably also knew some such account as is found in Acta Sanctorum Mai I.445–48; the details of how the true cross was identified from the three crosses found and the recovery of the nails used to fix Christ’s body to the cross are found in Rufinus, Historia Ecclesiastica I.8, at PL 21, 475–78. Ch. 34: Santi Quattro Coronati, the four crowned martyrs, were the brothers SS Severus, Severianus, Carpophorus and Victorinus, who were scourged to death under Diocletian for refusing to worship a statue of Aesculapius. The earlier church was burnt down by the Normans in 1084, then rebuilt
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to a reduced size c. 1110, hence the disproportionately wide apse. The sarcophagi of the four martyrs are now in the crypt under the high altar. See Krautheimer 1937–1977: IV.1–36, also Willis 1968: 61. 256/1 on a hill: the Caelian. 256/2 onto whech cherch eke is annexid a fair place longyng onto a cardinale: presumably the separate chapel of San Silvestro, built 1246 and containing s. xiiimid frescoes of the Last Judgement and the story of Constantine and Sylvester. 256/4–6 According to legend, Marius, Martha his wife, and Audifax and Abachum their sons, were martyred for sympathetically burying Christian martyrs c. 270. For other notices of the relics at this church see Miedema 2001: 510. 256/7 These foure coronatoures … in his hous: probably adapted from some such account as is found in Acta Sanctorum Nov III.780–84, where the names of the four crowned martyrs are given as Claudius etc; note that in the passage of dialogue on p. 258 it is ‘Claudius’ who speaks for them. For discussion and translation of the legend see Lapidge 2018: 448–67. 256/19 a precious ston þei clepe thaso: thassos is a white marble found in Greece. The word is not recorded by MED or OED. Ch. 35: San Lorenzo in Damaso, first built by Pope Damasus (366–84), after whom it is named, but the present church was rebuilt by Bramante in 1495 slightly west of the original one, so what Capgrave saw can now only be conjectured. See Sharp 1967: 111–12; Krautheimer 1937–1977: II.146–51; also Willis 1968: 65. 260/2 Campflour: Campo dei Fiori. 260/6 The glos upon Ysai: the Glossa Ordinaria to Is 17.1, as in ed. Froehlich & Gibson 1992: III.31a. 260/8 as Seynt Gregori seith: perhaps a reference to Moralia in Job, ed. Adriaen 1979–1985, Bk 22, ch. 14, lines 26–33. 260/22 This Damasus: the account here is probably based on Liber Pontificalis, as ed. Duchesne 1886–1957: I.84–85. For Damasus’s activities at San Lorenzo in Damaso in the context of his promotion of the cult of (Roman) martyrs see Thacker 2007: 12–13. 260/27 Gloria Patri: the first words of the lesser doxology derived from Mt 28.19. Ch. 36: San Paolo fuori le Mura: see above, Part II, ch. 2. 262/5 Thimotheus: St Timothy’s tomb now lies in front of the altar. Capgrave gives an unusually long list of martyrs’ relics here. 262/8 as seith Þe Glose: the Glossa Ordinaria, as in ed. Froehlich & Gibson 1992: IV.404 & 418.
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262/15 þe woman Samaritane þat ʒaue Crist drynk at þe welle: Jn 4.7–26. 262/18 St Plautilla, thought to have died in 67ad, is probably a fiction (Lapidge 2018: 215, n. 40). The story of Plautilla and the veil is taken over from Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, ed. Häuptli, ch. 90, II.1172/5–22 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 84, I.441). The subject featured in art: see, e.g., G. C. Bauman, ‘The Miracle of Plautilla’s Veil in Princeton’s Beheading of Saint Paul’, Record of the Art Museum, Princeton University 36 (1977), 3–11. Ch. 37: San Martino ai Monti is one of the oldest churches in Rome, enriched by the emperor Constantine, where Pope Sylvester (314–35), subsequently buried there, held meetings prior to the Council of Nicaea (325). Rebuilt by Pope Symmachus in 500 and dedicated to SS Sylvester and Martin, the church was restored by Adrian I (pope 772–95), rebuilt by Sergius II (844–47), then restored by the Carmelites in 1650, by whom it is still served. See Krautheimer 1937–1977: III.87–124; also Willis 1968: 71. Of the relics of St Sylvester his mitre is still there, as are his remains and those of Pope Sergius and SS Fabian and Soter. 264/2 where Seynt Siluester lith: for other notices of the relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 697–98. 264/6–29 This Martyn … translate him to Rome: based on the account of Pope Martin I (649–53) in Liber Pontificalis, ed. Duchesne 1886–1957: I.336–38. 264/14 The emperour, whech þat tyme dwelt at Constantinople: Constantine III Heraclius. 264/24 The helth of rithful men as seith Dauid: based on Ps 5.13. 264/26 anoþir officer: called Theodorus. 264/27 Cersone or ellis Tersone: Chersonesus (Crimea), a notorious dump for criminals just outside the boundaries of the Roman Empire. 264/30 cherch of Seynt Siluester, where þat his hed is: San Silvestro in Capite, built c. 755, was completely rebuilt 1590; see Krautheimer 1937–1977: IV.148–62. The church was built on the site of the house of Pope Paul I (757–67) and in capite is a corruption of Kata Pauli ‘at the house of Paul’. Evidently the relics of the two heads were there when Capgrave visited. 264/31 cloos nunnes: the Poor Clares. 266/1 Amyas: Amiens Cathedral claims the head as a relic brought from Constantinople by Wallon de Sarton on his return from the Fourth Crusade.
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Ch. 38: Sant’Eusebio stands on the site of the house of Eusebius the priest (martyred 357) and was reconstructed in 1241 under Gregory IX (pope 1227–1241), who granted an extraordinary indulgence to any who visited between Wednesday in Holy Week and Low Sunday. The relics of Eusebius and Orosius lie under the high altar. See Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.210–16; also Willis 1968: 64. 268/1 þis cherch was þe title of þat honorable fader Henry Beaufort, bishop of Winchester (1404–1447), who was titular cardinal of Sant’Eusebio. Capgrave reports seeing on display gems and ornaments left to the church by the late cardinal. The statement indicates that the work must be post-1447: see Intro, p. xlvi. 268/3 an abbey of munkys: Celestines, founded in 1244 by Celestine V (pope 1294) and subsequently affiliated to the Benedictines. 268/6 Off þis Eusebie telle þe eld stories of þe cherch: this version seems to be taken from some account such as that found s.n. Liberius I (pope 352–66) in Liber Pontificalis ed. Duchesne 1886–1957: I.82–83. Cp. the version in Lapidge 2018: 300–02. Ch. 39: San Nicola in Carcere was built s. xii, not on the site of a prison but on the foundations of three temples, originally built in honour of Janus, Juno Sospito and Spes, situated in the Forum Holitorium; it was remodelled and provided with a new facade in 1599. St Nicholas’s chapel is to the left of the apse; see Willis 1968: 76. The pontifical of St Nicholas would have been a liturgical manuscript containing the rituals and prayers appropriate for him to use as a bishop. 272/4 where as þei sey is Seint Nicholas arme: for other notices of the relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 705. 272/7 whan þe kyng of Ynglond had conqwered al saue þe Capitol: not the king of England but Brennus, leader of the Gauls in 390BC, but it should be noted that in Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia Regum Britanniae, III.8–9, Brennus was a British leader who had made conquests in Gaul. 272/9 sumwhat of his lyf: abridged from Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, ch. 3, ed. Häuptli 2014: I.126/16–132/13 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 2, I.12–15). 272/16 But if ʒe forsake al þat ʒe haue: Lk 14.26–27. Ch. 40: for San Pietro see also II.1, 18. 274/18 Limina Apostolorum: ‘the threshold of the [tombs of the] apostles’, esp. Peter and Paul.
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274/20 Hic Petre … : this verse is apparently adapted from one at Santa Prisca; Aquila was her husband. Ch. 41: San Crisogono was built over an older church in 1123 with a Romanesque campanile, and, although he does not refer to the mosaics or Cosmatesque pavement, this church would have been the one visited by Capgrave before further modifications ss. xvii and xix. The arm of St James is still there. See Sharp 1967: 74–6; Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.144–64; also Willis 1968: 63. 276/2 There is þe arme of James: for other notices of the relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 502. 276/3 Of þis Grisogonus: the story of St Chrysogonus is taken from the Passio of SS Anastasia & Chrysogonus, as ed. Moretti 2006: 118–24, §§ 8–9, tr. Lapidge 2018: 68–70, also Delehaye 1936: 226–28. 276/7 Aftir many wordis had betwix hem too of Crist and of þe feith: this apparently extended discussion between Diocletian and St Chrysogonus, if serious, could have been on the lines of that between Celsus and Origen as recorded in Origen’s Contra Celsus, summarized by Nixey 2018: 32–35. 276/18 Ad Aquas Gradatas: this place is across the River Isonzo near the present-day village of San Canzian d’Isonzo; see Lapidge 2018: 69, n. 62. Capgrave’s attempts to locate it are not from the Passio of St Chrysogonus and seem to imply that he has lost sight of the setting for the meeting with Dioclecian at Aquilea. Ch. 42: San Ciriaco in Thermis dates from s. v, repaired s. ix, reconsecrated under Urban II (pope 1081–1099), and then allowed to decline (Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.114–16); see also Willis 1968: 64. The establishment of the church is noted in Acta Sanctorum Jan II.9 for 16 Jan, Marcellus. 278/5 This Ciriacus ... Lord Crist: adapted from the Acta Marcelli (on whom see below, ch. 43) beginning at ch. i, in Acta Sanctorum Jan II.5–9, tr. Lapidge 2018: 398–408, §§ 2–3, 10–20, with discussion on pp. 395–96. 278/20 In þoo same dayes ... ageyn to Rome: adapted from Acta Marcelli ch. iii. 278/20 Archemia: Artemia. 280/2 crouchid: ‘so marked with the Cross’, as in the Crutched Friars. 280/24 Sone aftir his comyng ... be hedid: adapted from Acta Marcelli ch. iv. Ch. 43: San Marcello al Corso dates from s. v and in s. viii/ix the relics of St Marcellus (pope 308–9) were brought here and placed under the high altar, still their position today although the high altar was moved when the church was rebuilt s. xvii with the new facade in the place
Commentary
282/2 282/3 282/10 282/14 282/17
282/33
284/17 284/18 284/22 284/30 284/31 284/34 284/35 284/35 284/36
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where the old apse was (Sharp 1967: 118–19; Krautheimer 1937–1977: II.205–15); see also Willis 1968: 67. The Columpne is the Column of Marcus Aurelius, which commemorates that emperor’s victories over the Germanic tribes and the Sarmatians (169–76), not the Trojan wars as Capgrave thought. where þat same Marcell lith: for other notices of the relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 589–90. There lith eke þe noble emperour Focas: not the emperor, but probably St Phocas the gardener. Prosper de Columpnis: Prospero Colonna was made Cardinal of St George in 1426. Oddo Colonna became Pope Martin V in 1417. But of þis Marcell ... Priscille: adapted from Acta Marcelli ch. v, in Acta Sanctorum Jan II.5–9, tr. Lapidge 2018: 398–408, § 22. Santa Maria in Via Lata (Sharp 1967: 15961; Krautheimer 1937–1977: III.72–81), just across the street from San Marcello, was, according to Capgrave, converted into a church from the house of Lucina, and displeasure at his act of consecrating the building as a church was the cause of Marcellus’s suffering and death. Thus writith […] : This account of titular cardinals is taken from Martinus 407/8–38. The first seven cardinal bishops are bishops of the suburbicarian dioceses of Rome, given as: Ostia, Porto, Albano, Sabina, Palestrina, Santa Rufina and Frascati. In fact Porto and Santa Rufina were united in 1120 and Velletri has been left out. Nerei and Achillei: Santi Nereo ed. Achilleo. See below, ch. 48. Seint Sixte: San Sisto Vecchio (above, ch. 29), given to the Dominicans in 1219 and much restored in the modern period. Jon and Paule: Santi Giovanni e Paolo, on which see above, ch. 10. Seynt Lucie: the former Santa Lucia, Via dei Cerchi, close to the complex of the Palace of Domitian, the Domus Augustana, the Stadium and the Baths of Septimius Severus. Seynt Mari Noue: Santa Maria Nova, rededicated in 1608 as Santa Francesca Romana (Sharp 1967: 83–85). Seynt Aungel: Sant’Angelo in Pescheria, built 530–2 (Krautheimer 1937– 1977: I.64–74). Seyn Eustas: Sant’Eustachio, restored s. xiiex with campanile (Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.217–18), since restored again s. xviii. Seynt Mari in Aquario: presumably the former Santa Maria in Aquiro, Piazza Capranica, for which see Krautheimer 1937–1977: II.275–76. Seint Agas: Sant’Agata dei Goti built 462–70, but much altered subsequently.
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284/36 Seint Lucie: Santa Lucia Vecchia, from s. xii known as Sancta Lucia a Captusecuta, an obscure name that many writers, trying to make sense of it, altered into something different: Martinus reads in capud Sabure (ed. Weiland, 407/37). 284/37 Seint Qwiric: San Ciriaco in Thermis, on which see above, ch. 42. Ch. 44: þe stacion at Seint Appollinare: the station at Sant’Apollinare was established on Thursday in Passion Week by Gregory II (715–31). The church was built on the ruins of Neronian-Alexandrian baths, restored by Adrian I (pope 772–95), and then completely rebuilt s. xviii (Sharp 1967: 48–9; Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.75; also Willis 1968: 77), so what Capgrave saw was very different from what can be seen now. 286/2 This same [Appollinare]: abridged from some such account as is found in Acta Sanctorum, Jul V.344–50, or Mombritius 1910: I.117–22. 288/6 myselles: At Gilbert 67/31 the same word means ‘lepers’, but how here in the Solace that could have been for reformacioun of his helth is questionable; possibly the phrase is ironic. Figuratively the word could mean ‘wretched people’ (MED and OED, s.v. mesel, from L misellus, mesellus), and that is probably the sense here. Perhaps the placement was for the good of his soul, or maybe it was to disguise his whereabouts, or both. Ch. 45: San Stefano Rotunda on the Caelian Hill may have been first built on the foundations of a pre-existing Roman building. It was an exceptionally large circular church, one of the oldest in the world, probably modelled on the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem: see Mâle 1960: 69–75. The outermost of three concentric rings was demolished by Pope Nicholas V c. 1450 so its state when seen by Capgrave is unclear. As reported by Sharp (1967: 208), in 1430 it was rich in marbles and mosaics. See also Krautheimer 1937–1977: IV.199–240; Willis 1968: 57. 290/9 be þe auctorité of Seynt Jerom in þe lif of Seynt Antonie: The life of St Antony the Hermit was written by Athanasius of Alexandria (296– 373), not Jerome, and translated into Latin by Evagrius Ponticus (345– 399), pr PG 26, 835–978. However, the reference here is to Jerome’s Vita Sancti Pauli (c. 337), a life of St Paul of Thebes, in which Antony searches for Paul as an even more senior hermit and sees the centaur, fauns and other strange creatures, §§ 7–8 (PL 23, 17–28, at 22–24). 290/16 Seynt Sebastian distroyed þe fals maumentes: possibly based on the description of St Sebastian’s relics helping to drive out unholy spirits when a church is dedicated, in Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, ch. 182, ed. Häuptli 2014: II.2410/13–21 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 175, II.961).
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290/24 We rede eke of Seint Steuene þat his hed is at Cane: presumably Caen; the origin of this story is obscure. In BHL 7894 (dating from 1120) his body was allegedly transferred to Cluny. Odo is presumably the bishop of Bayeux (d. 1097), but while he set out on the First Crusade he only got as far as Palermo where he died, so in reality he could not have returned with the head of St Stephen. Ch. 46 292/6 a fair cherch: San Giovanni alla Porta Latina (s. v), re-built by Hadrian I in 772, has a campanile of s. xii, frescoes of the same date (restored 1940) in the apse, and some Cosmatesque mosaics (s. xiii) around the entrance (Sharp 1967: 96–98; Hetherington 1994: 70; Krautheimer 1937–1977: I.304–19; also Willis 1968: 77). The chapel where John the Evangelist was plunged in a cauldron of boiling oil no longer exists. 292/11 In þat same place suffered Jon þe Euangelist … Verulane: this account is abridged from that in Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, ch. 69, ed. Häuptli 2014: 960–62 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 62, I.318–19). 292/32 Salomé: John was the son of Zededee and Salome, and brother of James the Greater. 294/2 Pathmos: John himself records his exile to Patmos, an island in the Aegean, at Rev 1.9. 294/3 Verulane: Veroli (Lazio). Ch. 47: for San Giovanni in Laterano see further above, II.4, 12, and below, II.51 and 53. 296/4 þat solempne procession whech Crist exaumpled himselue: Christ’s triumphal entry into Jerusalem with palms. 296/8 Seint Austin […] in his book De moribus Ecclesie: Augustine, De moribus Ecclesiae (388), I. chs 7–8, §§ 11–13, at PL 32, 1315–1316. 296/13 þe Gospell telleth: Lk 9.51–62. 296/21 Theodolphus: Theodulph, bishop of Orléans (c. 798–818), imprisoned at Angers, wrote the hymn Gloria, laus et honor, which is based on Mt 21.1–11, for use on Palm Sunday. On the hymn see Connelly 1957: no. 54 on pp. 84–87. The story of his release from imprisonment by singing his hymn is from Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, ch. 181, ed. Häuptli 2014: 2382/19–2384/7 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 174, II.951). Ch. 48 deals with stations at two churches: Santa Prassede and Santi Nereo ed Achilleo. In s. viii the station for Monday of Holy Week was changed from S Prassede to SS Nereo e Achilleo (Baldovin 1987: 141) so Capgrave has followed one model with both, or two separate models.
402
298/1
298/2 298/4
298/10 298/17
298/18 298/32
Commentary
a fair cherch it is: Santa Prassede was built by Paschal I in 822 and decorated with mosaics, on which see Mâle 1960: 88–91, Oakeshott 1967: 204–12, Hetherington 1994: 92–93. The chapel of St Zeno in the righthand aisle is remarkable for being the only chapel in Rome to be covered with mosaics all over. The church is preserved much as Paschal built it and Capgrave may have seen some restoration work that was being carried out in 1450. See Krautheimer 1937–1977: III.232–59; also Willis 1968: 69, and Kessler/Zacharias 2000: 107–25. a place of munkis annexid þertoo: a monastery of the Vallombrosans, who followed the Benedictine Rule. in þe myddis was a welle […] now closed: the porphyry disc closing the well is still there. The relics of many martyrs were moved from the catacombs to this new resting place. The relics are listed on marble tablets now near the sanctuary (2300 rather than the 2400 Capgrave took from his written source), for which see Goodson 2010: fig. 34 on p. 167, text transcribed and translated pp. 327–33; cf. also her pp. 229–34. For other notices of the relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 747–52. a pes of þat piler to whech Crist was scorgid: brought in 1223, it is still there. anoþir cherch dedicat to þese seyntes Nereus and Achilleus: rebuilt and richly decorated by Leo III (pope 795–816) but allowed to fall into ruin during the Avignon exile, its presumed state when Capgrave was in Rome. It was restored in 1471 and then practically rebuilt s. xvi; see Sharp 1967: 165–66; Krautheimer 1937–1977: III.135–52; also Willis 1968: 68. Nereus and Achilleus: servants to Flavia Domitilla (Domycelle), said to be the niece of Emperor Domitian. Their passio is abridged from that found in Acta Sanctorum, Mai III.6–13, tr. Lapidge 2018: 210–27, esp. §§ 2–10, 18. Ponciane: Ponza, an island to the west of the bay of Naples.
Ch. 49: Santa Prisca: founded s. iv, enlarged by Pope Leo III in 806, it became an abbey run by the Franciscans from 1414, but was much damaged by the French in 1798, since repaired; see Sharp 1967: 185–88; Krautheimer 1937–1977: III.260–76; also Willis 1968: 69. 300/3 many oþir relikkis: for other notices of relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 758. 300/4 This mayde was bore in Rome: the story of St Prisca is based on some such account as is found in Acta Sanctorum, Jun II.184–87. Ch. 50: for Santa Maria Maggiore see further above, II.7, 15, and below, II.54. 302/6 a short cronicle whech Gregorius Turonensis tellith: Gregory of Tours, Libri miraculorum, I.ix at PL 71, 713–14, or I.8 in MGH, Scriptores Rerum Merovingiarum 1.2 (Hannover, 1885), 493.
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302/16 pullynes: if a variant of MED, polein(e ‘pulley’, this form is otherwise unrecorded. The sense fits better with pull-line, recorded by OED from 1863. Ch. 51: for San Giovanni in Laterano see further above, II.4, 12, 47, and below, II.53. 304/2 þe bord on whech Crist made his maunde: the presence of the Lord’s table is noted in the Memoriale de Mirabilibus et Indulgentiis quae in Urbe Romana existunt, pr Valentini & Zucchetti 1940–1953: IV.85: Est in vestiario sive sacristia tabula supra quam cenavit dominus Ihesus Christus cum discipulis suis ‘In the sacristy is the table at which the Lord Jesus Christ and his disciples ate their [last] meal’. 304/23 We rede in Seynt Marciales lif … when þe mete was redy: Taken over from Johannes de Caulibus, Meditationes vitae Christi (formerly attributed to Bonaventure), ed. Stallings-Taney 1997: ch. 73 (De Cena Domini), 243/25–29. It seems highly unlikely that Capgrave actually read it in a life of St Martial, as Stallings-Taney 1997: 242–43 has to resort to a MS reference (Milan, Ambrosiana, B.49, fo 128vb) rather than a source that would have been more widely accessible. 304/35 In the Meditationes vitae Christi by Johannes de Caulibus, ch. 73 on the Last Supper does not mention the dimensions of the table. The work was translated into English by Nicholas Love as The Mirror of the Blessed Life of Jesus Christ. Ch. 52: for Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, see also above, II.5, 33. 308/13 As touching þe oþir mater of dyuers colouris of þis tre: taken from Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, ch. 68, ed. Häuptli 2014: I.942/4–6 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 61, I.310). 308/21 I rede þat Seth schuld a brout þe sed: this passage is adapted from Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, ch. 68, ed. Häuptli 2014: 938/8–940/17 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 61, I.309–10). 310/9 Of þese four parties of þe crosse spekith þe holi apostil Paule: Eph 3.17–18. This passage is taken from Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, ch. 68, ed. Häuptli 2014: I.942/12–20 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 61, I.310). The reference to Augustine, also taken over from the Legenda Aurea, is to De doctrina Christiana 2.41 (CCSL 32, 64) or Epistula 147, 14 (CSEL 44, 307). Ch. 53: for San Giovanni in Laterano see further above, II.4, 12, 47, 51. Ch. 54: for Santa Maria Maggiore see further above, II.7, 15, 50. 314/3 Thus rede we in Seint Gregori Lif: in the Legenda Aurea by Jacobus de Voragine, ch. 46, ed. Häuptli 2014: I.626/15–18 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 45, I.204).
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an aungell ministred at his masse, as is treded […] in þat capitle of Seint Sebastian: presumably a reference to chapter 23 in the Legenda Aurea on St Sebastian, ed. Häuptli 2014: I.384: 11–12 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 22, I.104). 314/13 þe qwer saide all thre Agnus Dei with Miserere nobis and not with Dona nobis pacem: the only reference to the text used for the liturgy in the whole work. Capgrave notes that the Roman usage he heard differs from that in England with which he is familiar. 314/19 Seynt Pancras: San Pancrazio, on which see Krautheimer 1937–1977: III.153–74, dates from s. v but was rebuilt s. xvi and s. xix, so it is a pity that Capgrave’s account is lost from Part III. It was a relatively large church at the time of its conception reflecting the importance accorded to the saint: Birch 1998: 93–94. 314/9
Part III Prologus 320/5 ouyr-prolix: Recorded by OED from 1616; not found in MED. 320/13 a book whech Ysidre mad […] entitiled De more: possibly Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae, II.10, or more probably V.3 Quid differunt inter se ius, leges et mores ‘What is the difference between justice, laws and customs?’. Ch. 1 Santa Maria Rotunda, i.e. the Pantheon, for which see above, Part I, ch. 15. Dedicated to Mary Queen of Martyrs 13 May 609 by Boniface IV, when the relics of hundreds of martyrs were buried in a vault under the altar. The day was celebrated as All Saints’ Day, later changed by Gregory III to 1 Nov. 322/11 in worchip of all martires: for other notices of relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 665. Ch. 2: Santa Maria in Aracoeli, so called because the Tiburtine Sibyl foretold the birth of Christ to Augustus in the words Ecce ara primogeniti Dei ‘Behold the altar of the first-born of God’, hence the name Church of the Altar of Heaven. See Part I, ch. 16. Given in 1250 to the Franciscans, who still hold it (Sharp 1967: 125–28; Krautheimer 1937–1977: II.269–70). 326/11 Strabus in his notes Super Matheum: a reference is to the Glossa Ordinaria, Mt 2.2 and commentary, as in Froehlich & Gibson 1992: IV.8, and PL 114, 73.
Commentary
405
326/17 Tholomé þe grete astronomer whech was kyng of Egipt aftir: Ptolemy the astronomer (s. ii) has been confused with one of the Ptolemy’s who ruled Egypt, starting with Ptolemy I Soter, an associate of Alexander the Great. 326/26 Hac ara celi […] : part of a longer Latin verse inscription pr Miedema 2001: 609. The verses may be rendered: ‘This is the altar of heaven where in truthful speech the Sibyl taught Octavian about the man whom the human race is to revere. She affirmed this is the virgin appearing, this is God appearing as man. This is the king whose reign will have no end, whereas you [Octavian], though a king, are human, like a flower that withers.’ Ch. 3: A lacuna in the manuscript means that the end of ch. 2, the whole of ch. 3, and the beginning of ch. 4 are lacking. Ch. 4: Santa Maria sopra Minerva: the only old church in Rome in the Gothic style, begun 1280 and modelled on Santa Maria Novella in Florence (Mâle 1960: 162–69). It was occupied by the Dominicans, who had a friary adjacent. Capgrave would have seen the church before the facade was added in 1453. See also Sharp 1967: 141–43. 330/5 Gorgones heed: According to legend, after his victory over the three Gorgon sisters Perseus gave the head of Medusa to Minerva (alias Pallas), who had it depicted on her breastplate. 330/14 Mithologie Fulgencii: Fabius Planciades Fulgentius (c. 600), Mithologiarum libri tres, ed. Helm. The fable of Perseus and the Gorgons occurs at I.xxi, but Capgrave probably drew on the story as told by Lucan, Pharsalia IX.629 ff., and/or Ovid, Metamorphoses IV.617 ff., to both of which Fulgentius refers. Ch. 5: Santa Maria Annunziata olim near the Via Ardeatina, on the Via Appia Antica outside the Porta Sebastiano. No record has been found of the fayre cherch, nor the fayre litil place beside it. Scala Celi refers to Santa Maria Scala Celi, so called because St Bernard, who lived briefly in an adjacent Cistercian monastery, had a vision there of a soul ascending a ladder from purgatory to heaven (Mâle 1960: 134–35). The church is adjacent to to what is now the abbey of Tre Fontana, and was rebuilt 1582 but the crypt probably still retains some resemblance to what Capgrave saw. 332/10 he schal neuyr com in þe peynes of purgatorie: for statements of the indulgences available at this church see Miedema 2001: 601–02.
406
Commentary
332/16 Salue festa dies que vulnera nostra coherces: Liturgical hymn used by a bishop on the feast-day of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary (25 Mar): Andrieu 1938–1941: II.125; Chevalier 1892–1920: no. 17928. The hymn is also cited by Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, ch. 51, ed. Häuptli 2014: I.694/5–13 (Hamer, Gilte Legende, ch. 49, I.234). Ch. 6: The present church of Santa Maria Transpontina in the Via della Conciliazione was built 1566–1587 as the head church of the Carmelites. In Capgrave’s day the church of this name was situated nearer the Castel Sant’Angelo, hence the name Transpontina ‘across the bridge’. The form Transpodium is erroneous. 334/5 This mech I say þere: for other notices of the relics at this church see Miedema 2001: 681–82. 334/27 þei schuld not passe fourty lacch: Deut 25.3. For St Paul’s experience see 2 Cor 11.24. Ch. 7: Santa Maria in Palmis with its chapel Domine Quo Vadis is on the Via Appia Antica between the Porta Sebastiano and San Sebastiano. It marks the spot where St Peter, fleeing Rome, met an apparition of Jesus, whom he asked Domine quo vadis ‘Where are you going, Lord’, to which Our Lord replied Venio igitur crucifigi ‘I come to be crucified again’. Thus prompted Peter returned to Rome for his own crucifixion. The church contains a copy of the footprints said to have been left by our Lord, the originals being at San Sebastiano. The designation in Palmis (otherwise del Passo) is probably a corruption of palmalle ‘footsole’. The church was rebuilt in 1620 with a new facade of 1637. 336/18 þere was a ston sumtyme in þat cherch: for other notices of the relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 522–23. 336/30 dotes: ‘inherent personal qualities’, not recorded by MED. OED, s.v. dote, n. 2, cites it in this figurative sense 2 from 1546, in the literal sense 1 ‘woman’s dowry’ from 1509. The concept referred to is sometimes known as the dowry of Christ’s body. Ch. 8: Santa Maria del Popolo was situated, as Capgrave notes, near the Porta Flaminea at the northern entrance to Rome, and had an Austin friary attached. No doubt Capgrave would have stayed there on arrival in Rome, as is suggested by his knowing that the relics of over forty saints are kept there. Built by Pascal II (pope 1099–1118) to lay the ghost of Nero, the church was subsequently remodelled under Sixtus IV (pope 1471–1484) after Capgrave’s visit.
Commentary
407
340/35 many relikes: for other notices of the relics in this church see Miedema 2001: 651–52. 340/36 The fayrst jewel þere is a ymage of Our Lady depeynted of Seynt Luk: the Madonna of s. xii/xiii, which was considered to have miraculous healing powers, transferred to this church from the Lateran by Gregory IX (pope 1227–1241), as noted by Sharp 1967: 148–49. It is still there in the remodelled church. 342/8 þe Sunday aftir Pas whech is called In Albis: during the week after Easter, which was consecrated to neophytes, they kept their white baptismal robes until the Sunday after Easter in albis deponendis when the white robes were set aside. 342/9 þe Saluatour at Seynt Jon Lateranensis: þe face of Our Sauiour 144/31. Ch. 9: Sancta Maria de Penis Inferni: Santa Maria Antiqua, formerly known as Santa Maria Liberatrice, and in Latin before that as Sancta Maria Libera nos a Poenis Inferni ‘Holy Mary free us from the pains of hell’. It is richly decorated with frescoes (s. viii): see Mâle 1960: 82–84; Hetherington 1994: 89–90; Sharp 1967: 125; Krautheimer 1937–1977: II.249–68. See also Louis Duchesne, ‘S. Maria Antiqua. Notes sur la topographie de Rome au Moyen-Age’, Mélanges d’Archéologie et d’Histoire, 17 (1897), 13–37. 344/6 graunted þerto pardon eleuen þusend ʒere: for statements of the indulgences available at this church see Miedema 2001: 624. 344/7 in þe Lif of Seynt Siluester: Vita B. Silvestri Magnæ Romæ Episcopi, in Sancti Sylvestri Rom. Antistitis Acta Antiqua Probatiora, ed. François Combefis (Paris, 1659), 258–336, with the dragon episode at 269–72; the story is made more dramatic by Capgrave, as, for example, where in the Latin life Silvester is told to use a ring in closing the dragon’s mouth but Capgrave describes him doing it. Ch. 10: Santa Maria in Cosmedin (in Schola Graeca), an older church that supported the Greek-speaking Byzantine population in Rome, and restored, after depredations by Robert Guiscard in 1084, by Alphanus, the architect of Calixtus II (pope 1119–1124) to become an outstanding medieval church. See Krautheimer 1937–1977: II.277–307. 346/7 þe seuene sciens: the seven liberal arts, comprising the trivium (grammar, logic, rhetoric) and the quadrivium (arithmetic, geometry, music and astronomy). 346/8 as witnessith Þe Lif of Seynt Austyn: not the Vita by Possidius (rev Rotelle 1988), but Augustine’s own semi-autobiographical Confessions
408
Commentary
1.13.20 (see O’Donnell 1992: II.75–76, note to graecas litteras), also 1.14.23. 346/11 Seynt Thomas of Cauntirbyry: Thomas Beckett (1118–1170), abp of Canterbury, spent some years in exile in Rome. 346/14 Os Justi: a stone mask of Oceanus (possibly Tiber), a Roman well-head cover, the ‘Bocca della Verità’, which made if very difficult for liars to withdraw their hand; it has no historical connection with the church (Sharp 1967: 131–34; see also Miedema 2001: 679–80). Ch. 11: Santa Maria Imperatrice: no longer extant. Its location was in the angle between the Via di San Giovanni in Laterano and the Via dei Santi Quattro. 348/2 There is a fayre ymage: for other notices of this relic and variants see Miedema 2001: 619–20. 348/5 Celestine V was pope 1294. The earliest versions of his life are edited by Herde 2008: 67–88, 91–100, 103–69. The story of his missed devotion to the image of the BVM may be apocryphal. 348/23 a þusend ʒere and fif hundred: for statements of the indulgences at this church see Miedema 2001: 620–21. Ch. 12 Santa Maria della Consolazione: apparently behind the Capitol (Miedema 2001: 616); the present building is post-Capgrave. 350/2 There are two lives of St Bernard found in PL 185, 225–466 and 469–524. 350/3 sey his dutés: i.e. the prescribed services or offices of the Church, as OED, s.v. duty n., sense 5b, recorded from 1526 but not recorded in this sense by MED, s.v. duete. 350/4 þis ymage: for other notices of this image of the Blessed Virgin Mary see Miedema 2001: 616. 350/7 Aue Marie stella/Dei mater alma: Chevalier 1892–1920: no. 1889, full text in AHMÆ, II.39–40, no. 29. The fourth verse begins Monstra te esse matrem ‘Show yourself to be a mother’. Ch. 13 Santa Maria in Portico, now replaced on the same site by Santa Maria in Campitelli (s. xvii). It was called in Portico because St Galla (s. vi), who had a vision of the Virgin seeking charity, gave alms to the poor in the porch of her house. The image of the Virgin, said to have appeared miraculously in 524, probably a Syrian icon, was presumably seen by Capgrave, and is still preserved in the newer church; cf. Sharp 1967: 128–30. Unfortunately the account of this episode breaks off incomplete because of a loss of leaves at the end of the manuscript.
Commentary
409
352/3 Synacus: Symmacus the Younger, consul 485, d. 525. 3622/10 a fair ymage of Our Lady: this story of the image of the Virgin appearing in Galla’s cellar occurs in Acta Sanctorum, Oct III.154–58, § iii. Lost Material The only church stated in the surviving part of the work to be included in the lost chapters at the end is San Pancrazio (for the reference to San Pancrazio as included in Part III see Part II, ch. 54), but evidently there would have been many more, including some of those mentioned in passing listed below in Appendix 1, part B. One of the ostensible focuses of Part III is churches dedicated to Our Lady: possible such candidates for treatment include Santa Maria in Cappella (Rossiter 231, Sharp 130), Santa Maria della Concezione in Campo Marzio (Rossiter 101, Schimmelpfennig 1988–1990: 657), Santa Maria delle Grazie (Rossiter 110, Miedema 2000: 617–18), Santa Maria de Insula (Miedema 2001: 631–33), Santa Maria in Monticelli (Rossiter 89, Sharp 144–45, Miedema 2001: 634–35), Santa Maria Nova (mentioned I.6, I.8, II.43; Rossiter 136, Sharp 83–85, Miedema 2001: 637–44), Santa Maria della Pace (Rossiter 98, Sharp 146–47, Miedema 2001: 645–47), Santa Maria in Puteo Albo (= Santa Maria in Vallicella, now Chiesa Nuova; Rossiter 76, Sharp 156–58, Schimmelpfennig 1988–1990: 657), Santa Maria Scala Coeli (mentioned III.5; Rossiter 254, Sharp 151, Miedema 2001: 672–77), Santa Maria in Via (Rossiter 146, Sharp 158–59), Santa Maria in Via Lata (mentioned II.43; Rossiter 145, Sharp 159–61, Miedema 2001: 690–92), and also Santa Maddalena (Miedema 2001: 693–94. Other possibilities for inclusion are: Santa Barbara (Miedema 2001: 474–76), San Bartolomeo (Rossiter 81, Sharp 52–55, Miedema 2001: 477–81), San Francesco a Ripa (Rossiter 232, Sharp 85–86, Miedema 2001: 539–41), San Paolo alle Tre Fontane (Rossiter 254, Sharp 177–78, Miedema 2001: 535–39), San Pietro in Montorio (Rossiter 237, Sharp 179–80, Miedema 2001: 716–18), San Pietro in Carcere (Rossiter 105, Sharp 178–79, Miedema 2001: 725–28), San Saba (Rossiter 87, Sharp 193–94, Miedema 2001: 760–63), Santo Spirito in Sassia (Rossiter 240, Sharp 205–06, Miedema 2001: 785–89), Santi Vincenzo e Anastasio alle Tre Fontane (Rossiter 254, Sharp 217–18, Miedema 2001: 456–60).
APPENDIX
A. Alphabetical List of Churches each with its own chapter(s) Name
Capgrave Reference
Rossiter, page no.
Sant’Anastasia
II.14, mentioned I.4, II.43
84
Sant’Apollinare (olim near Stadium)
II.44, mentioned I.7
-
Santi Apostoli
II.17, mentioned II.43
165
Santa Balbina
II.21, mentioned I.4, II.43
216
Santa Cecilia in Trastévere
II.22, mentioned II.43
231
San Ciriaco (olim near Via Parigi)
II.42, mentioned II.43
-
San Clemente
II.20, mentioned II.43
201
Santi Cosma e Damiano
II.30, mentioned II.43
135
San Crisogono
II.41, mentioned II.43
230
Santa Croce in Gerusalemme
II.5, 33, 52, mentioned II.43
210
San Eusebio
II.38, mentioned II.43
201
San Giorgio in Velabro
II.9, mentioned I.8, II.41, 43
84
San Giovanni in Laterano
II.4, 12, 47, 51, 53, mentioned I.23 206
Santi Giovanni e Paolo
II.10, mentioned II.43
214
San Giovanni alla Porta Latina
II.46
219
San Lorenzo in Damaso
II.35, mentioned I.5, II.43
73
San Lorenzo in Lucina
II.31, mentioned I.6, II.43
148
San Lorenzo fuori le Mura
II.6, 26, mentioned I.7, II.43
193
San Lorenzo in Panisperna
II.16, mentioned I.5
183
Santi Marcellino e Pietro (olim on Via Casilina)
II.25, mentioned I.5, II.43
-
San Marcello
II.43
145
San Marco
II.27, mentioned I.6, II.43
70
412
Appendix
Name
Capgrave Reference
Santa Maria Annunziata (olim near III.5 Via Ardeatina, between Porta San Sebastiano and San Sebastiano)
Rossiter, page no. -
Santa Maria Antiqua
III.9
112
Santa Maria in Araceli
I.16, III.2
65
Santa Maria della Consolazione
III.12
82
Santa Maria in Cosmedin (Schola Graeca)
III.10, mentioned II.43
83
Santa Maria in Domnica
II.19, mentioned II.43
214
Santa Maria Imperatrice
III.11, mentioned I.8
-
Santa Maria Maggiore
II.7, 14, 50, 54, mentioned I.4, II.43
197
Santa Maria sopra Minerva
III.4, mentioned I.10
91
Santa Maria delle Palme (= Domine Quo Vadis?)
III.7
221–22
Santa Maria del Populo
III.8, mentioned I.4, 5
149
Santa Maria in Porticu (olim at the southern end of what is now the Via del Teatro di Marcello)
III.13, mentioned II.43
80
Santa Maria Rotunda = Pantheon
I.15, III.1, mentioned I.5, 15, 20, 26; II.54
93
Santa Maria in Traspontina
III.6
257
Santa Maria in Trastévere
II.23, mentioned II.43
232
San Martino ai Monti
II.37, mentioned II.43
196
Santi Nereo ed Achilleo
II.48, mentioned II.43
218
San Nicola in Carcere
II.39, mentioned I.11, II.43
82
San Paolo fuori le Mura
II.2, 36, mentioned I.7, 8; II.1, 43
88
San Pietro
II.1, 18, 40, mentioned I.5, II.43
258
San Pietro in Vincoli
II.13, mentioned I.8, II.6, 43
194
Santa Prassede
II.48, mentioned I.8, II.43
196
Santa Prisca
II.49, mentioned II.43
85
Santa Pudenziana
II.28, mentioned II.43
200
413
Appendix
Name
Capgrave Reference
Rossiter, page no.
Santi Quattro Coronati
II.34, mentioned I.4, II.43
205
Santa Sabina
II.8, mentioned I.4, 5, 7, II.32, 43
85-86
San Sebastiano
II.3, mentioned I.7, 8
223
San Sisto Vecchio
II.29
218
San Stefano Rotondo
II.45, mentioned I.4, II.43
213
Santa Susanna
II.32, mentioned II.43
176
San Trifone (where now stands Sant’Agostino)
II.11
-
San Vitale
II.24, mentioned II.43
184
B. Churches Mentioned in the Course of the Discussion
Name
Capgrave Reference
Rossiter, page no.
1. Sant’Adriano (= Curia)
I.8, II.43
108
2. Sant’Agata dei Goti
I.7, II.43
183
3. Sant’Agnese fuori le Mura
I.2, II.26
178
4. Sant’Alessio (& San Bonifacio)
I.4
86
5. Sant’Angelo in Pescheria
II.43
80
6. Sant’Antonio Abate
I.5, II.7
200
7. Santa Bibiana
I.7
212
8. Santi Celso e Giuliano (olim Via I.6 dei Banchi)
-
9. Santa Costanza
I.2
179
10. Sant’Eustachio
II.43
95
11. San Felix ‘in Pincis’ (olim near Villa Medici)
I.2
-
12. San Giuliano (olim Via Merulana)
I.7
-
13. San Gregorio Magno
I.3–4, I.18, II.10
215
14. Santa Lucia (olim Via dei Cerchi)
II.43
-
414
Appendix
Name
Capgrave Reference
Rossiter, page no.
15. Santa Lucia Vecchia (no longer extant, also called Sancta Lucia a Captusecuta)
II.43
-
15. Santa Maria in ‘Aquario’ (pres erron. for Aquiro, olim on the Piazza Capranica)
II.43
-
16. Santa Maria Nova
I.6, I.8, II.43
136
17. Santa Maria Scala Coeli
III.5
254
18. Santa Maria in Via Lata
II.43
145
19. San Pancrazio
I.2, I.7, II.conclusion,
238
20. San Pastor (olim near San Clemente)
II.4
-
28. San Saturnino (Via Salaria, catacombs of Trasone)
I.7
180
29. San Silvestro in Capite
I.5, II.37
147
30. San Sisto Vecchio
I.5, II.43
218
31. Sant’Urso (olim west of Via Papale, near the Ponte Sant’Angelo)
I.6, I.10
-
32. Santi Vito e Modesto
I.2
200
INDEX OF NAMES AND PLACES
Entries in bold refer to forms in the text. References in bold are to Part and Chapter, as I.16 = Part I, ch. 16. The names of churches are in their Italian form, whereas the names of saints are in the form used in English. Abacuk Abachum, son of Marius & Martha2 256/5 Abdon, martyr (s. iii) 233/2–30 Abel, bro. of Cayn 260/7–10, 332/19, 29 Abgarus Abgar V, k. of Osroene (Syria) 130/32 Abraham, patriarch, household of 260/4 Accius, Lucius, Roman tragic poet (d. 180bc) 50/25–30 Achaz Ahaz, k. of Judah (742–726bc) 14/14 Achilleus, St, martyr 298/18 Adam, first man 308/23, 332/18, 28 Adelstan Æthelstan (k. of England 925–39), da. of (Eadgyth) m. Octo Primus 118/20 Adriane, paleys [of] Temple of Trajan (and Hadrian), Rome I.22, 8/23; Adriane, Pont Pons Aelius Hadrianus, now the Ponte Sant’Angelo 26/9; Adriani, Templum Mausoleum of Hadrian (= Castel Sant’Angelo) 24/11, 26/9, 38/2, 52/2 Adriane þe pope Hadrian I (pope 772– 95) 116/37 Adrianes, Seynt Sant’Adriano (Curia) 46/12; cardinal deacon of 284/32 Aduentyn(e) see Auentyn(e) Affricanus1, fa. of St Nazarius 200/11
Affricanus2 Africanus, Christian writer (fl. 222) 106/23 Affrik Africa 320/11 Agapitus1, deacon under Sixtus II 242/4 Agapitus2 St Agapetus I (pope 535–36) 114/21 Agas, Seint Sant’Agata dei Goti, cardinal deacon of 284/36 Agathe, Cimiterium catacombs of St Agatha near Sant’Agata dei Goti 44/11 Agnes, Seynt, tomb of 150/3. See also Anneis Agrippa, Marcus Marcus Vipsanius Aggrippa, Roman general turned builder 74/4, 15, 76/18 Agro Verano, in in the Campo Verano 228/2; (Cimiterium = catacombs) 44/20, 154/3 Alaricus Alaric, k. of the Visigoths (d. 410) 112/25 Albanenses people of Alba Longa 14/35 Albanensis, bischop bp. of Albano (Rome) 284/6 Albany Alba Longa 12/9 Albanorum 34/14; k. of 32/7 In Albis, Sunday aftir Pas called Sunday after Easter when white robes worn by neophytes were shed 342/8n Albula older name for R Tiber 10/26, erron. for (battle of ) Allia 56/31 (56/26n) Alexe, Seynt St Alexis (d. c. 430), son of Euphemian 38/5, 166/15, 250/26, 29; body of 32/27; relic of 272/5 Alisaundr Alexandria 40/8, 50/17, 290/11
416
Index of Names and Places
Alisaundre (?) Ariovindus, Byzantine consul (506) 154/22; sarcophagus of 154/33 Alisaundre, (Kyng) Alexander III, the Great, Macedonian conqueror (d. 323bc) 40/3; Life of 62/11. See also Geestis Alisaundre, called Mammeas (after his mo.), Alexander Severus (emp. 222– 35) 40/7, 106/12–17; arch of 40/2– 15; theatre of (= stadium of Severus Alexander) 38/25 Alisaundre, Pope St Alexander I (pope 105–15) 190/22–37, 212/23–214/5 Alisaundre þe pope Alexander III (pope 1159–1181) 128/4 Almayne Germany 118/16, princes of 120/7; Almaynes, emps from 118/12 Ambrose, Seynt St Ambrose (c. 339–97), bp. of Milan 26/21, 112/21; works: Hexameron 56/36, De fide 26/22, Explanatio super psalmos xii 110/13 Amyas Amiens (France) 266/2 Amulius Amulius/Amilius, k. of the Latins 12/17–18, 14/9 Anaclete, aka Cletus St Anacletus I (pope 78–90) 82/6, 208/10, 20; tomb of 204/17 Ananie, Seynt Ananias, Jewish Christian of Damascus, relic of 262/12 Anastase, Seynt St Anastasia 192/3– 194/13; body of 150/6; fd. of (22 Jan recte 25 Dec) 150/21; martyrdom of 110/3 Anastase, Seynt Sant’Anastasia II.14, 30/18, 276/3, 316/10; cardinal priest of 284/14 Anastasius I (emp. of E. 491–518) 314/10–13 Anastasius þe Secund Anastasius II (emp. of E. 713–16) 116/20–21
Anaximenes of Lampsacus, philosopher 62/14 Andrew, Seynt, apostle; altar of in San Pietro 128/10 Andrew, Seynt, monastery of 176/2n; monks of 176/2 Angoye Angers (France) 296/24 Anne, Seint St Anne, mo. of Mary, Our Lady, relic of 262/14 Anneis, Seynt St Agnes, Life of 22/17. See also Agnes Anneis (cherch), Seynt Sant’Agnese fuori le Mura 22/19, 228/7 Anolinus Anubinus, ‘prefect’ of Milan under Nero 202/2 Anthus Marcius Ancus Marcius, 4th k. of Rome (642–17bc) 30/13, 32/18 Antinius Anthimus, bro. of Cosmas and Damianus 244/10 Antioche see Antyoche Antipa see Heraude Antoni, Seint St Anthony the Hermit (d. 356), Life of 290/9n Antoni, Seint Sant’Antonio Abbate 38/17, 164/4 Antonie Antoninus Caracalla (emp. 211– 17), theatre of (= Baths of Caracalla) 38/26 Antonine, Pont Pons Antoninus 26/17 Antonini Antoninus Pius (emp. 138–61), arch of (erron.) 40/25n Antony Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, aka Heliogabalus (emp. 218–22) 106/9–11 Antyoche Antioch 290/12; Church of 124/10 Anubinus see Anolinus Aposteles, Þe XII Santi Apostoli II.17, 316/12; cardinal priest of 284/24 Ap(p)ollo, god of the sun 70/9–19, 204/12, 300/8, 13; statue of 300/19; temple of 300/12, In Templo
Index of Names and Places
Apollinis (built) on the temple of Apollo 204/12. See also Phebus Appia, Porta 18/30, 20/5, 38/28, 40/19, 44/15, 46/3, 136/3, 336/1 Appia, Via 240/14 Appius, learned scribe 104/21 Appius Claudius Caecus, Roman orator who built Via Appia 20/5 Appolinare, Seint St Appollinare 286/2–288/7 Appolinare, Seynt Sant’Apollinare II.44, 44/15, 316/31 Appronyan, Roman officer of the law 278/13, 18 Approniane, Seynt, martyr, body of 262/9 Aquari Aquarius 70/3n Aque Gradate ‘the stepped waters’ 276/18n Aquile Aquila, husband of St Prisca 274/22n, 26 Aquiline, ‘prefect’ of Rome (c. 250) 182/8n, 12 Arabye Arabia, prob. Syria 244/6 Ara Celi Roman citadel, now Santa Maria in Aracoeli I.16, III.2 Arc(h)adius (emp. of E. 395–408) 40/16n, 112/24–29 Archadye Arcadia 10/30, 30/26 Archemia Artemia, da. of Dioclecian 278/20, 280/26 Archemie, Seynt (?) = next, body of 262/9 Archemius, gaoler of Peter the Exorcist 226/3–25 Archus Panis Aurei Arch of Golden Bread 40/27n Archus Pietatis Arch of Piety 42/1–16n Archus Triumphalis unidentified triumphal arch 40/21 Ardeatina, Via, Rome 22/9 Arenarium sandpit 228/4
417
Arke of þe Eld Testament Ark of the Covenant 146/7 Arnulphus Arnulf (emp. 896–99) 118/8 Ar(r)ianes followers of Arius, heretical sect 110/12, 18, 112/12, 314/11, 16, 20, 268/8, 15 Arry Arius (c. 250–c. 336), heresiarch 110/24 Artemia see Archemia Aruagia location in Trastévere of the ‘pyramid’ of Romulus 94/2, I.21n Ascalonita see Heraude Ascensioun (a) Christ’s ascension into heaven 336/23, 27, 338/3, 5; (b) Ascension Day, 6th Thur (= 40th day) after Easter 114/4 Asie Asia 96/13, 180/23, 182/4, 262/7, 292/12, 320/11 Asinari Porta Asinaria 20/30–22/2 Assuerus Ahasuerus, k. of Persia (= Xerses) 56/28 At(t)enes Athens 2/5, (erron. for Lampsacus) 62/13, 238/5 Audactus, martyr (d. 303), body of 262/10 Audifax, son of Marius & Martha2 256/5 Augustinus de Roma Augustine Favaroni of Rome (prior general OESA 1419–1431) 180/13 Augustinus Hibernicus; erron. cited as Austyn 206/16n Augustus, see Octauiane Aungel, Seynt Sant’Angelo in Pescheria, cardinal deacon of 284/34 Auree, Seynt St Aurea (of Ostia, s. iii), body of 180/6 Aure(li)a Via Via Aurelia (beyond the Porta San Pancrazio) 140/2 Aurelia Porta Aurelia 24/14 Aurelian, would-be husband of Domycelle 298/20
418
Index of Names and Places
Aurelianus Aurelian (emp. 270–75) 108/24–27 Austenes, Frer, Heremitis of Seynt Austyn Austin Friars 22/33, 180/3, 17, 250/11, 282/11, 340/3 Austyn, Seint Augustine of Hippo (354–430) 108/33, 112/21, 124/7, 180/17; body of 116/25, 180/19; death of 112/36; mo. of see Monica; works: De civitate Dei 80/7, 112/28, 154/21; Life of = Confessiones 346/8, De doctrina Christiana 310/12n; De moribus Ecclesiae 296/9; book dedicated to, see Concordia; Chanonys Canons following the Rule of 180/9. See also Augustinus Hibernicus Aue Maria ‘Hail Mary’, prayer 348/7 Aue Marie Stella ‘Hail Mary Star’, liturgical hymn 350/7n A(d)uentyn(e), Mount, Mons Auentinus Aventine hill, Rome 12/9, 14/25, 16/27, 30/30–32/23, 38/6, 90/4, 166/17, 250/27, 346/2 Auentinus, k. of Alba 12/8, 32/10, 13 Babilon Babel, tower of 10/9 Babylon 280/4, 12 Balam Balaam, soothsayer summoned by k. of Moab 326/10 Balbine St Balbina (d. 132) 212/5– 214/8; body of 260/21 Balbyn, Seynt Santa Balbina II.21, 34/22, 260/20, 316/15; cardinal priest of 284/17 Barabas Arian bp. at Cartagena (c. 500) 114/12 Bare Bari (Italy), see Nicholas, Seint Barnabe St Barnabas, apostle 216/31; body of 114/8 Basilidis St Basilides, martyr 230/6; body of 200/4 Beatrix, martyr, body of 262/10 Bede, AS scholar 116/13
Bedlem see Bethlem Belinus Gallic warlord 56/26 Belus ancient k. of Babylon 10/14 Benedict, Seynt St Benedict of Nursia (c. 480–c. 550); altar of in San Paolo 134/25; vigil of (20 Mar) 150/30 Benedicte, Pope Benedict VII (pope 974–83) 118/22 Benedictis ordre, monkis of Seynt Benedictine monks 134/5 Berengarie Berengar of Tours, theologian (s. xi) 118/27–28 Berengarius Ius Berengar I (emp. 915– 24) 118/10–12 Berengarius IIus Berengar II (emp. 950– 61) 118/15; aka Berengarius IIIus 118/18 Berillus, Roman governor (praeses) at trial of Seraphia 168/6, 19 Bernard Seynt St Bernard (1090–1153) 118/38, 350/2–10 Bethlem Bethlehem 80/21, 112/32, 126/9 Bias of Priene, Greek sage 88/12 Bibiana, see Viuianes Bibliothecis compendia 46/21 Bienus (?) Bion, erron. for Thales of Miletus, Greek sage 88/12 Blessed Virgine see Mary Bonauenture St Bonaventure (1221– 1274), work attrib: Meditationes vitae Christi 304/35n Boneface, Pope Boniface II (pope 530– 32) 114/35 Bonefacius Tercius Boniface III (pope 607–08) 322/16 Boneface þe Fourt, Pope Boniface IV (pope 608–15) 124/16–19, 282/3, 322/13– 324/1 Boneface, Seynt church of Sant’Alessio (previously San Bonifacio) 32/26 Boys Boethius (480–524), Roman author 88/17
Index of Names and Places
Brennus, Gallic warlord of the Senones tribe 56/27, 29, 58/1 Britayn see Grete Brytayn Brutus, Marcus Junius, Roman general (d. 43bc) 50/34 Bryde, Seynt St Bridget (1303–1373) 134/27 Caballis Caballi di marmo ‘Marble horse-riders’ I.12 Calcedonensis, þe Grete Councell Council of Chalcedon (451) 112/40 Caligula see Gayus Calixtus see Kalixte Cam Ham, son of Noah 10/14 Camarianis people of Camerium 214/35 Camese, see Tamese Campania, Porta, alternative name for Porta Capena 18/23 Campenia Campania 16/19, 294/2 Campanis people of Capeni 14/36 Campflour Campo dei Fiori ‘field of flowers’ 260/2 Canalis, Mons (?) Little Aventine hill 32/24n, 102/18 Candidi St Candidus, martyr (d. 286) 244/3 Cane1 (?) Kenchan 2/16n Cane2 Caen (Normandy) 290/24n Cantharus, see Petres Capadoce Cappadocia 172/16 Capena, Porta gate in Servian wall, Rome 18/16, 23, 134/2, 262/22 Caphargamala, Jewish village 154/11 Capitol(i)e the Capitol, Rome I.11, 8/12, 10/25, 29, 36/17, 40/27, 46/29, 50/33, 52/25, 64/18, 68/20, 74/9, 13, 78/1, 10, 232/9, 240/16, 272/7, 350/1 Capitolinus, Mons Capitoline hill, Rome 34/1–9, 54/2–5 Carinus (emp. 282–85) 108/34 Carmele Mount Carmel 264/4 Carmelites Carmelite friars 264/4
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Carolus IIus called Caluus Charles II the Bald (emp. 875–76) 118/6 Carolus IIIus called Grossus Charles III the Fat (emp. 876–87) 118/7 Carpoforus St Carpophorus, one of ‘four crowned martyrs’ 256/11 Cartage Cartagena (Spain) 114/11 Cartularium Cartulary Tower (Forum) 46/18 Carus see Clarus Cassius, Gaius, celebrated Roman (d. 43bc) 50/34 Castelle Augustall Mausoleum of Augustus I.17 Castell Aungell Castel Sant’Angelo 24/10, 14, 26/10, 38/2, 27, 94/1, 126/2 Castor and Pollux, twin sons of Jupiter 70/5 Castorius, alternative ‘crowned martyr’ 256/12 Cat(h)acumbas catacombs 38/8, 23, 46/28, 138/21 Catalina see Kateline Catholicon a dictionary (prob. by John of Genoa) 68/13n, 18, 84/33 Caton Marcus Porcius Cato (234– 149bc), Roman censor 88/17; school attrib. to 38/15 Cayn Cain, bro. of Abel 260/7–12, 332/19, 29 Cayphas Caiaphas, high priest in Jerusalem (18–36ad) 54/30 Cecilé St Cecilia (s. iii) 106/16, 216/7– 218/9; body of 138/11 Cecilé, Seynt Santa Cecilia in Trastévere II.22, 18/4, 220/3, 316/15; cardinal priest of 284/13 Celanenses erron. for Telanenses, people of Tellenae, town in Latium 14/35 Celestinus Quintus Celestine V (pope 1294) 348/5, 15
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Index of Names and Places
Celsi St Celsus, martyr 200/9–202/3; body of 200/4 Celsis, Seynt San Celso in Banchi 40/2 Celienne Caelius Vibienus 34/11 Celius, Mons Caelian hill, Rome 34/10– 18, 290/2 Cersone see Tersona Cesari St Caesarius, abp. of Arles (c. 470–542) 150/6; fd. of 1 Nov (recte 27 Aug) 150/9 Chapel of þe Saluatour Sancta Sanctorum ‘the Holy of Holies’, San Giovanni in Laterano 148/11n Charles þe Grete Charlemagne (emp. 800–14) 116/36–39, 150/17–18 Charterhous, monkes of Carthusian monks 160/5 Chrysogonus see Grisogonus Cibeles Cybele, mother of gods 74/24– 76/4; statue of 76/29, 32 Cicero, [Marcus] Tullius Cicero, Roman orator and writer (d. 43bc) 88/17; house of 38/11 Cicilé Sicily 10/26, 120/5 Ciriac (in þe Bathis), Seint San Ciriaco in Thermis II.42, 316/30; cardinal priest of 284/25, cardinal deacon of 284/37 Ciriak, Seynt St Cyriacus, bp. of Jerusalem, martyr (d. 303) 278/5– 280/29; body of 208/3, 262/11. See also Judas2 Cirini see Qwyrine Clarus Carus (emp. 282–83) 108/34–37 Classensis Classe, port of Ravenna 286/13 Claudius1, learned scribe 104/21 Claudius2, alternative ‘crowned martyr’ 256/11, 258/1 Claudius I (emp. 41–54) 300/20; arch of 40/25n; temple of 38/3, (= grete paleys) 176/7; time of 300/5
Claudius II (emp. 268–70) 108/20–21 Clement, Seynt St Clement I (pope 90–9) 200/12, 208/5–210/4; body of 208/2, cloak of (relic) 208/3 Clement cherch, Seynt San Clemente II.20, 316/14; cardinal priest of 284/27 Cleobulus of Lindos, Greek sage 88/12 Cletus shortened form of Anacletus q.v. Cloyne Cluny (France) 118/11 Clunacensis of Cluny 118/11 Colatina, Porta 24/9n Colina, Porta 24/9n Collisé Colliseum, Rome I.14, 8/15, 176/7 Coloyn Cologne (Germany) 114/1, 150/16 Columpne Column of Marcus Aurelius 282/2, 5–10 Columpnis, Prosper de Prospero Colonna 282/10n Concorde, Temple of (in the Forum) 46/13 Concorde and Pité, Temple of erron. for Temple of Venus and Rome 46/18 Concordia, lost work by Capgrave 180/9n Concordianum, Cimiterium catacombs of Gordian 44/16 Conrardus Ius Conrad I (k. of Germans 911–18) 118/13–14 Conrardus Primus Conrad II (emp. 1027–1039) 118/25–26 Conrardus þe Secunde Conrad III (k. of Germans 1138–1152) 118/37–38 Constancius Constantius Chlorus (emp. 305–06) 110/4–8 Constantine, (Gret) Constantine the Great (emp. 306–37) 8/24, 36/24, 70/23–24, 110/7–16, 124/12, 142/9, 144/20, 152/8, 184/6, 8, 228/10, 14, 252/6, 268/7, 302/9, 14, 344/9–18;
Index of Names and Places
da. of see Constaunce; font supposedly used for baptism of I.23; mo. of see Heleyn; palace of 36/22, 184/8; statue purportedly of 64/2; time of 232/28, 290/10 Constantine Constantius II (emp. 337– 61) 268/7– 270/2 Constantinople 70/24, 110/20, 112/23, 38, 114/16, 140/7, 150/2, 154/29, 156/3, 5, 7, 9, 13, 184/11, 264/15, 302/10; Church of 124/15; great church at see Sophie; Church Council at (680) 116/8; gret lord from 154/22; patriarch of see Jon Crisostom, Paule Constantinus II (emp. 337–40) 110/17– 24, 26 Constantinus Tertius Constantine III Heraclius (emp. of E. 641) 116/1–4, 264/14–15 Constantinus Quartus Constantine IV (emp. of E. 668–85) 116/5–9 Constantinus V (emp. 741–75) 116/27–28 Constantinus VI (emp. 776–97) 116/31–33 Constaunce Constance, da. of Constantine the Great 150/4, 176/11 Constaunce, Seynt the Rotunda di Santa Costanza 22/20 Corduba Cordulia, Persia 232/4, 11 Cornelius, devotee of St Clement 208/29 Cornely þe pope St Cornelius (pope 251–53) 140/22; time of 140/6, 19 Coroboam Corybas 12/2 Cosdre Chosroes II (k. of Persia, d. 628) 114/39 Cosmas St Cosmas, martyr 244/6– 246/3; relic of 282/2
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Cosmas and Damianus Santi Cosma e Damiano II.30, 316/21; cardinal deacon of 284/31 Crecensis Castell see Castell Aungell Crisogonus (Seint) St Chrysogonus (d. 303) 192/6, 19 Crisogon, Seynt San Crisogono II.41, 216/5 Crist Jesus Christ 20/19, 56/25, 78/5, 8, 80/21, 112/26, 146/25, 182/4, 184/15– 21, 28, 188/9, 190/5, 26, 192/30–194/3, 200/28, 208/15, 214/1, 220/17, 222/6, 226/3–16, 236/3, 252/12, 20, 254/14, 18, 260/20, 262/15–17, 274/18, 21, 25, 276/7, 292/24–26, 31, 296/4, 11, 14, 298/10, 16, 18, 300/30, 304/4, 8, 10, 15, 26, 306/4, 308/33, 310/3, 312/4, 18, 30, 322/23, 332/17–34, 336/21, 27–28; apparition of 336/22; Ascension of 188/4; belief in 192/5, 200/17, 248/6, 278/19, 286/15, 334/23, 344/18; body of 310/16, 338/3, as sacrament 240/25; coat of made by Our Lady 146/10; crib of as baby (relic) 164/10; crucifixion of 310/12–14, 332/17, 27, death of 54/30, 296/16; divinity of 292/28; Easter sepulchre for 312/2, 13; followers of 292/15, 34, 304/8; human form of 338/5; image of 116/19, 134/26, 144/32–33, 312/2–3; lodging of 312/21; martyrs for 172/13, 232/5, 234/12, 244/4, 262/5, 290/20, 298/5; miraculous meal of loaves and fishes provided by 146/10; mo. of see Mary; name of 280/6; nativity of 54/26, 78/30, 80/12, 21, 220/5, 326/5; passion of 228/29, 312/7; seat used by (at Last Supper) 236/18; support for 110/2, 114/31, 136/6, 138/19, 166/22, 168/3, 182/23, 190/23, 192/23, 200/7, 232/3, 300/29; sudarium of see Vernacle; table (for Last
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Index of Names and Places
Supper) of 146/8, 304/2; teaching of 216/26, 222/19, 234/5; time of 290/2; will/s. of 116/3–4, 9, 162/23, 264/7; worship of 182/5, 256/24, 310/15; Cristis viker (= pope) 282/33. See also Jhesu Cristemasse Day Christmas Day 322/31, 326/4 Cruce, Seynt Holy Cross, altar of in San Pietro 128/10 Cruce, Seynt Santa Croce in Gerusalemme II.5, II.33, II.52, 316/4, 23, 36; cardinal priest of 284/21 Cunelle, unidentified French city 200/14n Curacius, learned scribe 104/22 Curiaci, Cimiterium catacombs of Cyriaco 44/23 Cylon, see Eylon Cyriaca, pious widow 158/1, 14, 228/8 Cyrille, Seint St Cyril, missionary (d. 869) 210/3–5 Dacian Datianus, governor (praeses) in Persia under Diocleciaun 172/24 Damascus, Syria 260/3, 5, 7, 13, 262/13 Damianus St Damian, martyr 244/6– 246/3; body of 282/2 Damasus I (pope 366–84) 260/18, 22–27 Daniel, prophet 250/23 Dauid, k. of Judah and Israel (1010– 970bc) 76/16; as writer of Psalms 264/25 Decius Cesar (?) Decius Brutus 108/2 Decius (Imperator) (emp. 249–51) 106/32–108/4, 182/7, 198/18–20, 232/5, 13, 238/8–240/16, 260/9; time of 232/3 Denys, Seynt St Dionysius (Denis) of Paris (c. 250); works of, erron. for those by Dionysius the PseudoAreopagite (c. 500) 118/2
Desideri Desiderius (k. of Lombards 757–74) 116/37 Diadumeus, (?) Diadumenlanus, son of Emp Macrinus 108/12 Diane Diana, goddess of hunting 32/4 Diocleciaun Diocletian (emp. 285– 305) 108/38–110/3, 172/25, 250/3, 256/15, 18, 27, 32, 258/15, 276/5–20, 278/5, 280/8, 11, 25; persecution by 290/17; da. of see Archemia; Terme Diocleciane Thermae/Baths of Diocletian 250/2–8, 278/1 Dioscorus, partiarch of Alexandria (d. 454), follower of Euticen 112/40 Domiciane Domitian (emp. 81–96) 20/15–16, 76/37, 146/20, 292/13, 17; niece of see Domycelle; palace of 38/8; reign of 76/34 Domine quo vadis? chapel close to Santa Maria in Palmis on Via Appia III.7n, 18/32, 52/19, 240/14, 336/11 Dominik, Seynt St Dominic (1170– 1221) 170/3–19. For the Dominican order see Prechoures Dominicus de Arecio Domenico di Bandini of Arezzo (c. 1335–1418) 88/17, 100/6; works: De montibus 30/4, 20; De viris illustribus 84/15 Domycelle Flavia Domitilla, supposed niece of Emp Domiciane 298/20 Dorotheus, Roman executioner 226/30 Drusus, Nero Claudius, Roman general (d. 9bc), triumphal arch of 40/21n Ebredunensis Embrun (Haute-Alpes) 200/8 Ecclesiastica Historia Eusebius of Caesarea’s Historia Ecclesiastica 130/31 Edissa Edessa, capital of Syrian Mesopotamia, now Sanliurfa 40/14, 106/3, 130/31
Index of Names and Places
Edmund þe kyng, hospital of Seint English hospice of St Edmund k. and martyr 216/6 Egidius Giles of Rome oesa (d. 1316) 282/12 Egipt Egypt 2/4, 326/13–18; idols of 326/14, k. of 326/13, 326/13, 17n Eleazar fa. of Jason, envoy sent by Judas Maccabaeus to Rome 96/22n Eleezer (?) Eliezer, son of Moses & Zipporah 260/4 Electensis of Alet (Aude), bp. of see Petir Eneas Aeneas, da. of, see Romen Englischmen Englishmen 268/5 Ennius Quintus Ennius, Roman poet (d. 169bc) 34/16 Ephese Ephesus 20/12, 146/14 Epithalami Song of Songs 220/25 Eraclius Heraclius (emp. of E. 610–41) 114/38–40; son of 116/1–2 Erland Ireland 50/14 Ester(ne) Easter 100/12, 124/24, 132/9, 178/28; week before (= Holy Week) 144/38. See also Hestern, Pase Esther, see Hester Eudosia Licinia Eudoxia, wife (not da.) of Theodosius II (emp. of E. 408– 50) 156/4, 190/2 Eufermiane Euphemian, fa. of St Alexis 250/27; house of 32/20, 38/5, 166/14 Eugeny Eugene II (pope 824–27), body of 164/7 Eupolemy Eupolemus, envoy sent by Judas Maccabaeus to Rome 96/22 Euprepius, bro. of Cosmas and Damianus 244/11 Europe 262/7, 320/11 Eusebi Eusebius, bp. of Nicomedia (d. c. 342) 110/19 Eusebie, Seint Sant’Eusebio II.38, 316/27; cardinal priest of 284/25
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Eusebie St Eusebius, priest/martyr (d. 357) 268/6–270/4 Eusebius, bp. of Vercelli (d. 371) 268/9 Eustas, Seyn Sant’Eustachio; cardinal deacon of 284/35 Euticen Eutyches, heretic 112/40 Euander Evander, k. of Arcadia 10/30, 12/1, 30/24, 27 Euaristus Evaristus (pope 100–09), tomb of 204/18 Exupii St Exuperius, martyr (d. 286) 244/3 Eylon Cylon of Sparta, Greek sage 88/11 Ezechie Hezekiah, k. of Judah (716– 687bc) 104/9 Fabiane, Seynt St Fabian (pope 236–50) 136/3–7 Fabius, army-commander under Romulus 14/19, 28 Fabrice, Pont Pons Fabricius 26/19 Fasting-Gong-Sunday Quinquagesima 32/20, 102/8 Fausta St Fausta of Sirmium, mo. of Anastase 192/4 Faustinus, martyr 262/10 Fa(u)stulus Faustulus, shepherd fosterfa. of Romulus and Remus 12/31, 14/2, 7 Felicé, Seynt the former church of San Felice on the Pincean hill 24/1; Felicis, Cimiterium Sancti catacombs of 44/13n Felicissimus, deacon under Sixtus II 242/4 Felicitatis, Cimiterium Sancte catacombs of Santa Felicità 44/21 Felix II (antipope 355–65) 268/14, 18; body of (?) 180/5 Felix þe martir Felix, martyred bp. of Thibiuca in Africa (d. 303), body of 262/9
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Index of Names and Places
Felix þe Eite pope erron. for Felix IV (pope 526–30) 246/4, 8, 12 Ficanenses, see Sicanenses Fidia, see Sibia Flaminea (?) Circus Flamineus 38/28n Flaminea, province of Italy 24/6–8, 84/30–32 Flaminea, Porta Porta Flaminea, Roman gate 8/18, 18/10–12, 24/5, 84/1–2, 84/29–86/4, 340/2, 30 Flora, goddess of flowers 52/7; fictitious temple dedicated to 52/3 Focas1 Phocas (emp. of E. 602–10) 114/35–37, 124/17, 322/14, 18 Focas2 St Phocas 282/3n Fraunceys, Seynt St Francis, relic of 272/5 Frauns/Fraunce France 50/12, 106/33, 108/25, 116/38, 118/4, 200/13–14; emps from 118/11 Fredericus Primus, also Frederik Frederick Barbarossa (emp. 1155– 1190) 120/1–3 Fredericus IIus also Frederik Frederick II (emp. 1220–1250) 8/30, 114/2, 120/9–11 Frensch see Frauns Gabine erron. for Gaius (pope 283–96) 250/16, 19 Gabriel, archangel 142/6, 332/7, 14; image of 142/8 Galerius (emp. of E. 305–10) 110/4–8 Gales Galicia (Spain) 146/33 Galiene Gallienus (emp. 253–68) 108/3– 7, 17 Galla St Galla (s. vi) 352/3–20 Gallus Trebonianus Gallus (emp. 251– 53) 108/8 Galys Galatia (Roman province around what is now Ankara); or Gaul 96/10n Gamaliel, doctor of Jewish law 154/9, 13, 15, 18
Gayus Gaius Caligula (emp. 37–41) 188/10 Geestis of Grete Alisaundre, Þe Wars of Alexander, ME Romance 60/24 Gelasius þe pope Gelasius I (pope 492– 96) 138/35 Gemicius, learned scribe 104/21 Geminianus, martyr, body of 262/11 George, Seynt , St George 172/7–174/20 George(s), Seynt San Giorgio in Velabro II.9, 20/23, 46/13n, 192/2, 276/20, 316/7, 344/1; cardinal deacon of 284/32 Germanie Germany 50/12, 15 Geruase1, martyr 202/1, 222/3 Geruase2 Gervase of Tilbury (c. 1160– 1211), Otia Imperialia 24/6, 84/31, 128/27, 130/10, 12, 30, 132/12 Gesta de Vultu Lucano ‘History of the Image at Lucca’, source given by Geruase2 130/11 Gilbert see Siluester þe pope Glausus Glaucus 12/2 Glodius, bogus emp. 108/11 Gloria laus et honor ‘Glory, laud and honour’, hymn by Theodulph of Orléans 296/21 Glose, Þe Glossa Ordinaria 262/8 God, (Our Lord) 20/14, 60/26, 76/8, 13–15, 78/32, 110/11, 112/10, 124/4, 146/36, 158/39, 168/15–17, 174/8, 180/30–34, 194/11, 196/16, 30, 200/22, 27, 214/1, 216/24, 224/7, 228/19, 234/9, 24–26, 31, 236/2–7, 15, 238/28, 240/11, 244/14, 250/31, 252/21, 254/10, 264/17, 23, 276/15, 282/32, 296/10, 300/11, 21, 308/10, 310/5, 320/8, 330/1, 334/14, 340/27, 342/17; [God] þe Fadir and þe Sun and þe Holy Gost 178/12; altar of 80/18, 326/22; (wo)man of 268/30, 298/3, 300/25; mercy of 152/29;
Index of Names and Places
person of 336/25; power of 206/13, 244/16, 28; precepts of 262/23, 272/14, 286/3, 336/26; presence of 158/35; saints of 244/23; will of 234/24–30, 236/6, 294/5; worship of 178/21, 228/14, 298/32, 304/23, 310/17, 322/31, 326/2, 332/6, 352/7; Goddis viker the pope 114/18 Godfrey of Boloyn Godfrey of Bouillon (1060–1100), leader of 1st Crusade 118/29–30 Godfrey of Viterbe Godfrey of Viterbo (1120–1196), medieval historian; works: Pantheon 56/35–36 Good Friday 150/27, 152/33, 308/1 Gordian conflation of Gordian I, II and III (emps 238–44) 106/21–23 Graciane Gratian (emp. 367–83) 26/20– 23, 112/15–18; triumphal arch of 40/17n Graciane, Pont Pons Gratiani, now the Ponte Cestio 26/20 Grece Greece 10/16, 88/10, 238/6; Grecia maior Greater Greece, i.e. parts of Italy under Gk control 2/5; þei of Grece representatives of the Gk Orthodox Church 156/14 Gregorie þe Nynet Gregory IX (pope 1227–1241) 80/12–25 Gregorie, Pope (?) Gregory XI (pope 1370–1378) 144/24 Gregories, on of þe Gregory III (pope 731–41) 324/1 Gregorius, priest (s.ivmid) 268/28, 270/1 Gregorius Turonensis Gregory of Tours (c. 540–94); works: Libri Miraculorum 302/6 Gregory, Seynt St Gregory I (pope 590– 604) 88/23, 114/33, 136/9, 138/8, 146/27, 166/3, 7, 196/29, 296/17, 314/1, 322/15; altar of in San Pietro 128/9; biography of 314/3n; body
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of 128/23; time of 26/10; works: Homilia 40 196/4, (?) Moralia in Job 260/8, Registrum Epistularum 110/13 Gregory, suffragan bp. of Ostia (787– 804) 47/10 Gregory (?) pope, body of 164/8 Gregory monastery, Seynt Benedictine monastery of St Andrew attached to San Gregorio Magno 30/17, 88/1, 22 Gregoryes librarie, Seynt room in Lateran Palace 142/3 Gregoryes, Seynt San Gregorio Magno 49/27 Greke, a Greek person 182/2; þe Greke tonge Greek (language) 346/7–8 Grekis, The Greeks A. Greek inhabitants of Rome 346/6–7; B. = Orthodox Church 110/14, 140/7, 16–17, 156/11. See also Grece Grete Brytayn Great Britain 50/14, 110/6, 8; chronicle of 56/26n Grisogonus, Seyn St Chrysogonus 276/3–28 Grisogonus, Seynt San Crisogono II.41, 18/4, 316/29; cardinal priest of 284/12 Guynosopistis Gymnosophists, sophists from India 60/23 Ham see Cam Helchie Hilkiah, fa. of Susanne (Dan 13) 250/22 Heleyn, Seynt St Helen, wife of Constancius Chlorus, mo. of Constantine 110/7, 150/12, 252/3– 254/20, 290/21–22, 344/9; burialplace of 44/17; chapel of in Santa Cruce see Jerusalem; Life of 308/6; relics of 118/3 Helie Elijah, prophet 242/1 Helpidius, Roman judge 168/21 Helyse Elisha, prophet 206/15n, 242/2
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Index of Names and Places
Henricus Ius Henry II (emp. 1014–1024) 118/24 Henricus IIus Henry III (emp. 1046– 1056) 118/27–30 Henricus IIIus Henry IV (emp. 1084– 1106) 118/31–33 Henricus IIIIus Henry V (emp. 1111– 1125) 118/34–36 Henricus Vus Henry VI (emp. 1191–1197) 120/4–5 Heraclius see Eraclius Heraude (Agrippa) Herod Agrippa I, k. of Judaea (41–44) 188/9–26, 332/22; prison belonging to 190/17 Heraude (Antipas) Herod Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee (4bc–39ad) 188/19, 23 Heraude (Ascalonita) Herod the Great, k. of Judaea (37–34bc) 188/19, 22 Hercules hero of many labours, son of 10/28 Hermes, ‘prefect’ of Rome 212/7–24 Hermetis and Domitile, Cimiterium catacombs of SS Hermes and Domitilla 44/23 Herodes Mettallarius Herod Metallarius, fa. of Sabine 166/19, 168/23 Herry St Henry II (emp. 1014–1024) 228/17–230/6 Herry, bischop of Wynchester Henry Beaufort, bp. of Winchester (1404–1447), titular cardinal of Sant’Eusebio 268/1–4n Herry þe kyng Henry II (duke of Bavaria 955–76, 985–95), self-proclaimed k. of Romans 118/16–17 Hester Esther, Jewish wife of Assuerus, k. of Persia 56/27 Hestern Weke Easter Week 314/16. See also Esterne, Pas(e) Hezekiah see Ezechie
Hippolytus see Ypolitus Hiram, bronze-worker for Saloman 146/3 Holy Goost Holy Spirit, grace of 244/7 Holy Lond Palestine 118/38, 120/2. See also Palestin Honorius (emp. 395–423) 40/16n, 112/24–33, 154/13 Honorius III (pope 1216–1227) 120/8 Honory Honorius II (pope 1124–1130), body of 164/7 Hospitall of þe Holy Goost, Hospice of the Holy Spirit, Vatican 36/27 Hospital of Seint Edmund þe kyng Hospice of the Holy Trinity and St Edmund King and Martyr 216/6n Hostie Ostia 18/18, 140/11, 180/14; bp. of 284/4, and see Gregory Hostiensis, Via Via Ostiense, Rome 18/18, 44/24, 140/4 Hugo de Sancto Victore Hugh of St Victor (c. 1096–1141), theologian 118/36 Hygiaea, goddess of health 62/26n Iginius Hyginus (pope 138–42), tomb of 204/18 Ignace þe martir, Seint St Ignatius of Antioch, body of 208/2 Incarnacion, þe the Incarnation of Christ 336/24–27 Inglond England 18/7, 50/14, 56/26, 106/7; conversion of 114/34; k. of (erron.) 272/7n Innocencii (?) St Innocent, martyr (s. ii); body of 200/4 Innocentis, feste of fd. of Holy Innocents (28 Dec) 134/17 Institutes Code and Digest Codex Justinianus, or Corpus Juris Civilis ‘Body of Civil Law’ 114/23
Index of Names and Places
Inter duos Lauros, Cimiterium catacombs ‘between two bay-trees’, see Heleyn Iobiane Iobia, da. of k. of Persia 280/9 Ionicus Jonitus, reputed fourth son of Noah 10/12, 16 Ireland see Erland Itaylé/Ytailé Italy 2/4, 10/10, 116/37, 200/12, 16, 294/2, 306/1; chronicles of 56/34; k. of 10/24; peoples of 14/36, 114/26 Jame, Seyn, Jacobus St James 52/8, 188/20, 26, 77/29, 39, bro. of Jon þe Euangeliste 146/32–37, 188/11; image of 146/31; relic of 276/2; son of Salomé 294/4. Seynt James in Gales Santiago de Compostella (Galicia) 134/20 Jame, Seynt St James the Younger, ‘brother of Jesus’, ‘bp’ of Jerusalem (d. 69) 208/16n James/Jacob St James the Less 200/5, body of 200/2 Janiclye Janiculum, fortified city on W bank of Tiber built by Janus 10/20, 30/10–12; Janicle palace/temple supposedly built by Janus on the site of what is now the Vatican 10/21 Janiculus, Mons Janiculum hill, Rome 10/23, 30/3–15 Janus, Jane ancient Italian k. 10/12, 19, 30/5–7; Janus his son 10/12 Japhet son of Noah 10/16 Jeremie þe prophete Jeremiah 326/12 Jerome, St 2/3, 13, 112/20, 172/31, 174/2, 260/24–26, 290/5; Bible of San Paolo attrib. to 134/29; body of 164/6; death of 112/32; works: De Distanciis Locorum (attrib) 2/13; Vita Sancti Pauli 290/9n Jerusalem 96/26, 32, 114/39, 120/3, 128/31, 130/33, 132/14, 152/12–15,
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154/7, 156/29, 188/2, 5, 190/17, 200/6, 206/12, 252/5, 290/26, 296/14, 304/5, 32, 308/32, 344/10; 1st crusade to (1096) 118/30, 174/12, 290/25–29; kingdom of Judah 14/14; occupation of 326/12; patriarch of 154/16, 29; pilgrimage to 190/5; return of Titus and Vespasian from 40/22; temple of 110/31 Jerusalem chapel of St Heleyn in Santa Croce in Gerusalemme II.33, 150/24–30, 252/4 Jewis, þe Jews 96/5, 130/1, 8, 154/8, 188/8, 12, 252/8, 30, 334/21, 22; Jewish people 96/25, 96/34–98/10, 110/30; o Jew one Jew in particular 190/7, 274/9; þe twelf Jewis twelve Jews brought from Jerusalem by St Heleyn 344/9 Jhesu (Crist), Our Lord Jesus Christ 2/12, 20/3, 46/8, 52/15, 130/33, 132/20, 146/21, 148/6, 168/26, 208/29, 220/27, 238/13, 240/1, 14, 20, 248/9, 13, 252/17, 268/27, 280/19, 296/7, 304/21, 23, 24, 312/9, 29, 314/7, 334/15, 336/4, 14–17; angel of 226/21; blood of 150/13; death of 148/13; devotion to 222/4; faith of 20/13, 182/5, 200/14, 252/9, 334/7; flesh and blood of 326/23; footprint of 336/19–16; friends of 130/13, 334/29; Gospel of 216/19–218/6; image of 100/16, 128/34, 130/10, 132/9, 148/15; k. of Jews 310/1; mercy of 220/11, 21, 24; name of 252/28, 286/17–20, 334/8–10, 344/15; nativity of 152/36; power of 280/2. See also Crist Joachim, husband of Susanne (Dan 13) 250/22
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Index of Names and Places
Jon, Roman patrician (fl. 350–60) 162/12, 18, 27; funds provided by 164/2 Jon and Paule, Seyntis SS John and Paul, martyrs (s. iv?) 176/21, 178/1, 26; bodies of 176/3; house of 178/25–27 Jon and Paule, Johannis et Pauli, cherch of Santi Giovanni e Paolo II.10, 316/7; cardinal priest of 284/22 Jon Baptist, Seynt John the Baptist 332/31; chapel dedicated to 142/15; cloth worn by 150/18; fa. of see Zakarie; head of 264/31–266/1; image of 100/17; relics of 146/12 Jon Crisostom, Seint St John Chrysostom (c. 347–407), patriarch of Constantinople, body of 128/24 Jon þe Euangeliste, Seynt St John 20/10–19, 146/19, 32–37, 148/24, 292/3, 11, 15–23, 304/4, 27, 306/4, 312/5, 12, 22, 26; bro. of see Jame; church dedicated to see Jon Portlatin; mo. of see Salome; relics of 146/13–15; Jones Gospel 130/8 Jon Lateranensis, Seynt San Giovanni in Laterano, Lateran Palace II.4, II.12, II.47, II.51, II.54, 8/14, 34/23, 64/1–2, 72/4, 100/1, 256/2, 284/9, 316/3, 8,33, 36, 37, 348/1, 8; portrait of Christ worshiped at 342/9 Jon þe pope John I (pope 523–26) 114/15, 352/4 Jon Portlatin, Seint San Giovanni alla Porta Latina II.46, 316/33 Joseph, Seynt, husband of Mary, relic of 164/12 Joseph ab Arimathia Joseph of Arimathaea 130/12, 312/7, 9, 17 Jourmanus = next Jouiniane Jovian (emperor 363–64) 110/34–111/3, 178/20 Jubiter, see Jupiter
Judas1, apostle who betrayed Jesus; rope pertaining to 274/6 Judas2, a leading Jew who later became St Ciriak 252/10–254/18, 290/21–24 Judas Machabeus Judas Maccabaeus (fl. 166-160bc) 96/8, 20, 25; time of 96/5; book of Maccabees 96/7–98/11 Judé Judaea 80/22, 104/25, 326/14 Jude/Judas, Jude the apostle, body of 128/22. See also Simon Jues see Jewis Julia, stepmother of Emp Caracalla 106/2n Juliane Apostata Julian the Apostate (emp. 361–63) 52/11–15, 110/25–34, 112/6, 10, 176/16, 178/5, 10, 13, 272/3; death of 178/20 Julianes, Seynt San Giuliano (olim Via Merulana) 44/18 Julius, learned scribe 104/21 Julius Cesar Julius Caesar, Roman general/dictator 8/30, 48/8–50/36, 56/17–21, 64/11, 76/36, 78/3; body of 48/4; temple of 38/4 Julyane Anicia Juliana, imperial princess at Constantinople (s. v/vi) 154/23, 28 Juno, queen of the gods, temple to 56/14 Jupiter/Jubiter, chief Roman god 54/23; image of 178/11; mo. of, see Cibeles; temple to 34/2, 46/11, 54/5, 56/14 Jury Judah; k. of see Ezechie Justin II, see Justinianus Justiniane I (emp. of E. 527–65) 114/19– 25, 352/4 Justinianus þe Secunde Justinian II (emp. of E. 685–95, 704–11) 116/10–13, 18; time of (?) 210/2n; erron. for Justin II (emp. of E. 565–78) 114/26–29 Justinus I (emp. of E. 518–27) 114/14–18; son of see Justiniane I
Index of Names and Places
Justinus, priest/martyr 156/38, 158/13 Juuenal Decimus Junius Juvenal (60– 140), poet 68/14, 70/12 Juuenalis erron. for Viminal hill 34/27 Kalepodii, Cimiterium catacombs of Calepodius 44/11 Kalixte, Seynt St Calixtus I (pope 217– 22) 106/10, 138/15 Kalixti cymyteri catacombs of St Calixtus 20/1, 44/8, 13, 22, 136/8, 138/1, 216/13, 268/29 Karmentis erron. for Marica, mo. of Latinus 20/9 Karolus see Charles þe Grete Kateline L. Sergius Catalina, rich Roman turncoat (d. 63bc), apparently confused with L. Furius Camillus (d. 365bc), saviour of Rome; house of 38/15 Kyngis, þe þirde book of 1 Kg 146/4 Lady Rose, unidentified temple of 56/16 Lampadius, enforcer to Dioclecian 258/17, 23 Lampsacus, Gk city saved by Anaximenes 62/12–24 Largus, martyr 280/28; body of 262/10 Laterane, þe cherch see Jon Lateranensis Laterane, þe Porta San Giovanni 20/30 Laterane, strete cleped (?) Via di San Giovanni in Laterano 46/30n Lateranensis, þe paleys Lateran Palace 20/31, 36/2–15, 36/22–30, 292/19, 352/14 Latina, Porta 20/7, 44/16, 292/3–6 Latyn Latinus, k. of the Aborigines in Italy 20/9 Latyn (tunge, þe) the Latin language 20/8, 32/4, 38/13, 292/6, 346/8–10 Latyn lond, þe Latium 20/8, 292/5; Latyn tunge, þe kingdam of þe 30/14
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Laurence in Damasco, Seynt San Lorenzo in Damaso II.35, 38/25, 316/25; cardinal priest of 284/14 Laurencii in Parliperne erron. for Laurens Panisperne Laurens Laurentia, wife of Faustulus 12/29 Laurens/Laurence, Seynt St Laurence (225–58) 20/4, 38/10, 46/31, 106/29, 108/1, 198/8, 20, 228/32, 230/6, 238/3–5, 240/19–242/1, 248/4–26, 260/10; bodily relic of 146/13, 150/20; body of 154/4, 156/13, 22, 24, 32, 158/7; chapter about 190/4; fd. of (10 Aug) 158/28; devotion to 230/1; followers of 228/9; tomb of 156/21; vision of 158/32–160/3 Laurens extra Muros, Seint San Lorenzo fuori le Mura II.6, II.26, 22/5, 11, 44/20, 152/34, 198/9, 316/5, 18; cardinal priests at 284/19–23 Laurens in Lucina, Seynt San Lorenzo in Lucina II.31, 40/24, 316/23; cardinal priest of 284/21 Laurens Panisperne, Seint San Lorenzo in Panisperna II.16, 38/11, 316/12 Laurentii, Porta Sancti Porta San Lorenzo 22/10 Lauicana, Porta Porta Prenestina or Maggiore 22/4, 154/1 Lazare, Seint Lazarus, brother of Martha 208/3n Lenten Lent 124/23, 164/15, 166/1, 172/1, 184/1, 198/1, 200/1, 206/1, 228/1, 252/1, 302/3, 314/15, 320/2; Lentones pl. 150/7, 158/27 Leo þe First Leo I (emp. of E. 457–74) 114/3–6 Leo þe Secund Leontius (emp. of E. 695–98) 116/14–15 Leo III (emp. of E. 717–41) 116/24–26 Leo IIII (emp. of E. 751–80) 116/29–30
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Index of Names and Places
Leo(n), Seynt St Leo the Great (pope 440–61) 114/5; altar of in San Pietro 128/10; body of 128/23 Leoncius Leontius, bro. of Cosmas and Damianus 244/11 Leonyne, þe cite, also Civitas Leonina La Città Leonina, the fortified area of the Borgo, now the Vatican 18/2, 24/12, 126/3, 216/3, 334/1 Liberius þe pope (352–66) 268/10–23; time of 162/8 Limina Apostolorum ‘the threshold of the [tombs of the] apostles’ 274/18 Linus, (pope 67–78) 208/10, 19; tomb of 204/15 Lisias, ‘prefect’ of (?) Cyrrhus (Syria) 244/8 Liuius, Titus Livy, Roman author (d. 17ad) 2/7, 32/7 Lodewik Louis the Pious (emp. 813–40) 118/1–2, 296/23 Lodewicus IIus Louis II (emp. 855–75) 118/5 Lodwicus IIIus Louis III (emp. 901–05) 118/9 Longius St Longinus 312/6; body of 180/6 Lotharius Ius Lothair I (emp. 840–55) 118/3–4 Lucane Lucan, Roman poet (d. 65ad) 22/24, 84/35 Lucanis the Lucani people 14/36 Lucia, martyr, body of 262/10 Lucianus, ecclesiastical writer 154/14 Lucie, Seint Santa Lucia Vecchia; cardinal deacon of 284/36n Lucie, Seynt the former Santa Lucia (via dei Cerchi); cardinal deacon of 284/30n Lucille erron. for Lucina, also Seynt Lucyne, roman matron 46/27, 134/22, 140/20, 282/17; body of
248/3; Ortus ~ garden of 46/24, 134/22 Lucillus, blind man given sight and converted by Seynt Laurens 248/7–10 Luke, Seynt Luke, evangelist; painter of image of Christ 148/16–18, of image BVM 164/7, 238/3, 340/36n, 342/3, 28; relic of 164/8 Lumbardis Lombards (from Pannonia in the Balkans) 114/28 Lumbardye Lombardy, formerly in the Balkans 56/29, 114/29 Lupa ‘She-Wolf ’, courtesan confused with Laurentia 12/34 Lupanaria, brothels 12/37 Lydie Lydia, region in Asia Minor 96/13 Macedony Macedonia 108/21; k. of, see Alisaundre Machomete Mohammed 114/40 Macrinus (emp. 217–18) 106/4–8 Mamert, Seynt St Mamertus, bp. of Vienne (c. 470) 114/4 Mammea(s) Julia Mammea, mother of Alisaundre Severus, 40/7, 106/13 Mamortini, Custodia Mamertine Prison 46/10n, 240/16, 19 Manasses Manasseh, k. of Judah (687– 642bc) 104/25 Manes Manes/Manichaeus (c. 216–76), founder of Manichaeism 108/32 Maniches Manichaeism, heretical sect 108/32 Manilius, learned scribe 104/22 Marc, Seynt Mark, evangelist 232/1; body of 232/2 Marc cherch, Seynt San Marco II.27, 316/19; cardinal priest of 284/15; nearby arch of 40/26 Marcell, Seint San Marcello al Corso II.43, 316/30; cardinal priest of 284/18
Index of Names and Places
Marcell, Seynt Marcellus I (pope 306– 08) 278/5, 282/14–26; body of 282/2 Marcelline Marcellinus, priest martyr (c. 304) 226/2–26 Marcelline and Petir, cherch of Santi Marcellino e Pietro II.25, 36/26, 316/17; cardinal priest of 284/26 Marcial St Martial, bp. of Limoges (s. iii) 304/24: Life of 304/23n Marcianus (emp. of E. 450–57) 112/39–114/2 Marcus Aurelius (emp. 161–80) I.13 Marcus Paulus Marco Polo, Italian traveller 2/14 Mari in Aquario, Seynt the former Santa Maria in Aquiro; cardinal deacon of 284/35 Mari in Porticu, Seint Santa Maria in Campitelli (or, in Portico) III.13; cardinal deacon of 284/33 Maria de Anulo, Sancta image of Our Lady to which rings were proffered 142/21 Maria de Consolacione, Sancta Santa Maria della Consolazione, III.12n Maria in Dominica, Sancta Santa Maria in Domnica II.19, 316/13: cardinal deacon of 284/29. See also Maria in Nauicellis Maria Imperatrix de Imperiali, Sancta the former Santa Maria Imperatrice III.11 Maria Major, Sancta Santa Maria Maggiore II.7, II.15, II.50, II.54, 34/19, 278/4, 316/5, 10, 35: cardinal priests at 284/23–27 Maria ad Martires, Sancta, see Pantheon Maria in Nauicellis, Sancta Santa Maria della Navicella, earlier name for Sancta Maria in Dominica 226/4, 284/29
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Maria le Noue, Sancta church of Santa Maria Nova 40/22, 46/17; cardinal deacon of 284/31 Maria de Palma, Sancta Santa Maria in Palmis, Via Appia III.7, 18/31 Maria de Penis Inferni, Sancta Santa Maria Antiqua III.9, 46/14 Maria de Populo, Sancta Santa Maria del Popolo III.8, 22/30–33, 34/24, 36/27: erron. for Santa Maria in Cosmedin 20/25; gate in Roman wall near 22/29 Maria Rotunda, Sancta see Pantheon Maria iuxta Scolam Grecorum, Sancta see Mary by þe Grek Skole Maria Transtibirim, Sancta Santa Maria in Trastévere II.23, 216/4, 316/16: cardinal priest of 284/12 Maria in Via Lata, Sancta Santa Maria in Via Lata 282/17; cardinal deacon of 284/36 Marica, see Karmentis Marie Anunciat the former Santa Maria Annunziata III.5 Marie Transpodium the former Santa Maria Transpontina III.6 Marius, St, martyr from Persia 256/4 Mark see Marc Mars, god of war 12/21; temple to 40/20, 46/4–9, 52/18, 240/14, 242/4 Martha1, sister of Mary and Lazarus of Bethany 128/29 Martha2, wife of Marius 256/5 Martinianus, martyr (c. 67ad), body of 128/25 Martinus, emp. see Macrinus Martyn Martinus Polonus (d. 1278), chronicler 90/3–6, 110/8; Martines cronicle Chronicle of Popes and Emperors 140/18, 228/10 Martyn Martin I (pope 649–53) 264/6–29
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Index of Names and Places
Martyn, the pope Martin V (pope 1417– 1431) 180/10, 282/10 Martyn, Seynt, fd. of (11 Nov) 18/29, 182/22; octave of 128/15, 134/18 Martyn in Montibus, Seint San Martino ai Monti II.37, 316/26; cardinal priest of 284/15 Mary/Marie Rotunde, Seynt see Pantheon Mary by þe Grek Skole, Seint Santa Maria in Cosmedin III.10; cardinal deacon of 284/33 Mary, Our Lady Blessed Virgin Mary 148/13, 22–24, 162/3–164/18, 302/18, 312/4, 10, 18, 20, 22, 30, 332/6–9, 13, 340/28, 33; milk of 150/13, 164/12. See also Oure Ladi Mathew, Seynt St Matthew, evangelist, body of 114/7; relic of 164/9; Gospel of 114/9, 216/31 Mathie þe apostil, Seynt Matthias, apostle, body of 164/9 Maudelen, (Mary) Mary Magdalene 312/4, 11, 19, 20, 25–27 Maunde Þursday Maundy Thursday 128/13, 304/1 Maundeuyle, Jon Sir John Mandeville 2/16 Mauricii St Mauricius, martyr (d. 286) 244/3 Mauricius (emp. 582–602) 114/33–34 Maurus, Seint martyr (s. vi); body of 262/8 Maxencius (emp. 306–12) 282/19; time of 282/15 Maximian (emp. 286–305) 108/38, 244/4, 280/25–29; persecution by 290/17 Maximi(a)nus (emp. 235–38) 106/18–20 Mede Media 10/15
Melan Milan 56/29, 112/23, 200/13, 202/1, 222/4, 224/6; bp. of see Ambrose Melchisedec Melchizedek, k. of Salem 332/20, 30 Memphis Memphis 326/16; Memphetik of Memphis 2/3 Menne, Seynt St Menas, head of 180/6 Messias Messiah, the anointed one 252/27 Metronia Porta Metronia 20/20, 25 Meynouris, Frer Franciscan Friars, friary of 80/29, 216/5 Michael II (emp. of E. 820–29) 116/35 Miluius, Pons Ponte Milvio, bridge over R Tiber 24/5, 26/3–8 Minerva see Mynerue Mirabilibus Sacrae Scripturae, De work by Augustinus Hibernicus 206/16n Miserere mei Deus, prayer ‘Have mercy on me O God’ 138/10 Mithologie Fulgencii Fulgentius, Mithologiarum 330/14n Moises/Moyses Moses 78/31; law of 220/19; rod of 146/9; time of 326/10 Monachelitarum Monothelitism, heretical movement (s. vii) 116/3 Monica, Seynt, mo. of St Augustine; body of 180/5 Munitor, older brother of Amulius 12/18, 14/6–8 Mynerue Minerva, goddess of wisdom 330/3–12; Minerues Temple Temple of Minerva 52/27, 56/20 Naboris St Nabor, martyr 200/6; body of 200/4 Naples 34/27; Neaples kingdom of Naples 120/5 Narces Narses, Byzantine general 114/27n Nazareth, place of Annunciation at 142/6
Index of Names and Places
Nazarii St Nazarius, martyr 200/8– 202/3; body of 200/4 Neaples see Naples Nembroth Nimrod 10/13 Neptune, god of the sea 76/33; mo. of, see Cibeles Nerei and Achillei Santi Nereo ed. Achilleo II.48; cardinal priest of 284/17 Nereus, St, martyr 298/17–33 Nero, emp. (54–68) 20/34, 26/15, 36/23, 25–28, 92/4, 200/17, 29, 202/3, 340/4, 14, 22; body of 340/31; palace of 22/34, 36/22; suicide of 36/28; theatre of (= Circus of Caligula) 38/27; by order of 190/19; time of 138/35; Nero Secretari Nero’s Chancery 52/9 Neroniane Pons Neronianus 26/13–15n Neuius Gnaeus Naevius (270–201bc), Roman poet 30/31 Nicephorus I (emp. of E. 806–15) 116/34 Nichodemus1 Nicodemus, important Jew 130/20, 312/8–9 Nichodemus2, Christian who assists burial of martyr 258/26 Nicholas, Pope Nicholas I (pope 858– 67); time of 210/2 Nicholas IV (pope 1288–1292), body of 164/8 Nicholas, þis Pope Nicholas V (pope 1447–1455) 250/12 Nicholas, Seint, bp. of Myra (Asia Minor, now Demre, Turkey), d. at Bari (343) 272/4, 9–21; relic of 262/14, 272/4 Nicholaus in Carcere, Sanctus San Nicola in Carcere II.39, 58/4, 316/28; cardinal deacon of 284/34 Nichostratus, alternative ‘crowned martyr’ 256/11 Noe Noah 10/8–11; sons of 10/12–17
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Numa Pompilius 2nd k. of Rome 104/8–24 Numentana, Porta Porta Nomentana, formerly on site of Porta Pia 22/18–21 Numerianus Numerian (emp. 283–84) 108/34 Nycene Nicaea (Greece); 1st Church Council at (325) 172/8; 2nd Church Council at (787) 116/32 Octauiane, Octouian Octavian = Augustus (emp. 27bc–14ad) 78/2– 82/8, 84/8–17, 88/18, 326/4–6, 27; arch of 40/25; mausoleum of see Castelle Augustall; palace of 38/9, 80/1, 326/2; worship of 190/14–16 Octo Primus Otto I (emp. 962–73) 118/19–20 Octo IIus Otto II (emp. 967–83) 118/21–22 Octo IIIus Otto III (emp. 996–1002) 118/23 Octo IIIIus Otto IV (emp. 1209–1218) 120/6–8 Odo (?) Odo, bp. of Bayeux (d. 1097) 290/25n Old Testament 334/14 Olimpiadis, pale(y)s/temple called 38/10n, 46/32 Olimpius Olympius (bp. of Cartagena c. 500) 114/11 Olympus Olimpius, property manager to Constantine III 264/16–23 Omnis Terra Monte Testaccio, Rome I.24, 8/25, 32/31, 34/23 Orgliaunce Orléans, France 108/26; bp. of see Theodolphus Origene Origen (c. 185–c. 254), Alexan drian biblical scholar 40/7, 106/13; critics of 174/1; works by 172/31 Orosius, priest (s. ivmid) 268/28, 270/2 Osbert of Clare (d. 1158) 160/5: Letters 160/6
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Index of Names and Places
Os Justi ‘mouth of veracity’, stone mask 346/14–19n Oure Ladi/Lady altar of at San Pietro 128/9, image of 142/7, 164/7, 238/2, 274/3, 5, 274/9–13, 340/37, 348/3–20, 352/11, lap of 312/10, worship of 302/7–10, 332/6, 81/43; Anunciacioun of (25 Mar) 128/12, 332/4, 7, Assumpcioun of (15 Aug) 164/16, Natiuité of (8 Sep) 164/17, fds of 164/16; cherch of Santa Maria in Ara Celi 326/3, Santa Maria in Domnica 284/29, Santa Maria sopra Minerva 52/28, Santa Maria in Via Lata 282/17–18; churches dedicated to 320/15, 346/10, 348/1, 350/1, 352/1. See also Mary, Our Lady Ouyde Ovid, Roman poet (43bc– 17ad), works: Fasti 30/7–10, 32/8– 11, Metamorphoses 32/14–16 Pacis, Templum Temple of Peace 36/17, 20, 244/2 Palante Pallas, son of Evander 30/27 Palantes Palatini, inhabitants of Palatine hill 30/23 Palantine, Mount, Mons Palantinus Palatine hill, Rome 10/31, 30/16–29 Palestin Palestine 152/14, 264/5, 304/32. See also Holy Lond Palmarie, Insule Pontine islands 194/9 Palme Sunday Palm Sunday (1 week before Easter) 180/21, 292/1, 296/1, 24, 298/1 Palme Weke Holy Week 300/1 Pancrace, Seynt St Pancras (d. 304); head of 146/12; passion of 140/3 Pancras, Seynt San Pancrazio 18/4, 24/15, 44/11, 314/19 Pantheon The Pantheon, Santa Maria Rotunda I.15, III.1, 8/16, 38/4, 27, 42/1, 92/11, 114/37, 314/19
Papie1 Pappus, mathematician (s. ivex) 68/17 Papie2 Pavia, Italy 116/26. See also Pauye Parys Paris 118/36 Pas Euene, Satirday on Holy Saturday 312/1 Pascal, Pope Paschal II (pope 1099– 1118) 340/34; time of 340/25, 342/21 Pase Day Easter Sunday 314/1, 3; Sunday after 342/8. See also Hestern Passion Sunday Passion Sunday (2 weeks before Easter) 274/1 Passion Week 276/1, 286/1, 290/1 Passionarium, unidentified martyrology 198/22 Pastor, author of passion of Potenciane and Praxedis 234/7 Pathmos Patmos, island in Aegian Sea 20/19, 292/23, 294/2 Paule/Poule, Seynt St Paul 18/24, 76/9, 92/3, 112/27, 138/31, 154/9, 262/13, 19–30, 334/6, 334/22; body of 128/20, 132/27, 140/9, 15; conversion of (fd. 25 Jan) 134/17; death of 138/34, 140/4, fd. of (29 Jun) 134/16; head of 144/37, 146/1; Letter (2nd) to Corinthians 334/17–27n, Letter to Ephesians 310/9 n., Letter to Galations 188/5n, Letter to Romans 76/11n, Letters to Timothy and Titus 262/6–7. In Jon and Paule see Jon Paule, patriark of Constantinople Paul II, patriarch of Constantinople (641–53) 264/6, 14 Paules/Poules, Seynt San Paolo fuori le Mura II.2, II.36, 18/15, 44/24, 46/23, 102/1, 136/1, 316/2, 26, 346/2; bodies of SS Peter & Paul at 128/20–21; cardinal priests at 284/15–23; dedication of 18/25 Pauli, Porta Sancti Porta San Paolo 134/3, 262/22
Index of Names and Places
Paulinus, ‘prefect’ of Ravenna 222/8–9, 20 Pauye Pavia 56/30, 180/18. See also Papie2 Pekah see Phacee Pelagius Pelagius I (pope 556–61) 190/11; body of 164/8n Pernel, Seynt St Petronilla 250/30n Perpetua, mo. of St Nazarius 200/10 Perse Persia 10/15, 40/11, 74/11, 76/19, 106/22, 108/13, 30, 172/23, 174/14, 178/20, 232/11, 256/4, 280/12; k. of 108/14, 232/10, 280/8, and see Xerses; people of 74/14, 23 Peruse Perugia, route to 22/28, 24/4, 26/5 Petir the Exorcist, martyr (c. 304) 226/2–26 Petir, bishop Electensis Peter (d. 1440), bp. of Alet (Aude) 180/11 Petir, (Seynt) St Peter 46/5–7, 10, 82/7, 92/3, 124/9, 138/31, 140/6, 188/4– 14, 188/20, 27, 200/11, 208/9, 16, 234/14–236/12, 262/30, 274/13, 17, 21, 298/12, 21, 300/2, 304/4, 332/22, 32, 334/6, 336/4, 11–17, 338/5–6; angel of 234/19; apparition of 344/19–30; body of 128/20, 132/27, 140/9, 15; chapel of at catacombs of Calixtus 138/5; chains of 46/22, 190/1–21; death of 138/34, 36, fd. of (29 Jun) 128/14; follower of 234/3, 286/2; head of 144/37–38; place of crucifixion of 94/8; pope 190/23, 208/6; principal apostle 184/29; tomb of 204/14–13; worship of 190/16 Petir ad Vincula, Seynt San Pietro in Vincoli II.13, 46/22, 156/15, 316/9; cardinal priest of 284/20 Petres, Seynt, Seynt Peter cherch/ kirk San Pietro II.1, II.18, II.40,
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10/21, 18/3, 27, 26/12, 30/3, 36/6, 27, 48/1, 94/1, 120/1, 134/3, 6, 7, 184/37, 250/14, 316/2, 13, 29, 334/2; altar of to W 134/9; bodies of SS Peter & Paul at 128/20, 140/23; bodies of SS Simon & Jude at 128/22; Cantharus at I.20, 8/21, 76/31; cardinal priests at 284/11–15; forecourt at 94/6; premier church in world 124/18; secular canons in 134/4; Petri, Sancti, obelisk at I.9, 8/10 Petronill, Seynt St Petronilla, body of 128/25 Phacee Pekah, k. of Israel (750–742bc) 14/14 Pharisees, strict Jewish sect 252/23 Phebus1 Phoebus, god of the sun 52/3–6, 70/9–16. See also Apollo Phebus2, devotee of St Clement 208/29 Philippe, apostle 200/5; body of 200/2–3 Philippe þe Elder + Philippe his son Philip I & II (emps 244–49) 106/24–37; time of 182/7 Philippe þe Secunde Philippicus (emp. of E. 711–13) 116/18–20 Pictagoras Pythagoras, ancient Gk philosopher 2/3 Pilate Pontius Pilate 148/6, 274/17; house of 262/16 Pinciana Porta Pinciana named after the Pincian hill 22/29 Pincis Pincius, who gave his name to the Pincian hill 22/31 Piriandus Periander of Corinth, Gk sage 88/11 Pitacus Pittacus of Mytilene, Gk sage 88/11 Pius Pius I (pope 142–55) 234/6; tomb of 204/18 Placens Piacenza 200/13 Plato ancient Gk philosopher 2/4
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Plautille, Seynt St Plautilla 262/18–32n Pluto, god of the underworld; mo. of, see Cibeles Politanes people of Politorium 14/35 Pollicarp St Polycarp (c. 69–c. 155), bp. of Smyrna 148/25 Pompey Pompey, Roman general (d. 48bc); theatre of 38/25 Ponciane Ponza, island W of bay of Naples 298/32 Ponciani, Cimiterium catacombs of Pontianus (pope 230–35) 44/22 Poncius St Pontianus (who baptised Emperors Philip I & II) 106/26, 232/30 Portuense, bischop bp. of Porto (Rome) 284/6 Portuensis Porta Portuensis, later replaced by the Porta Portese 24/13 Potenciane, Seint Santa Pudenziana II.28, 316/19; cardinal priest of 284/26 Potenciane, (Seynt) St Pudentiana, martyr 234/2–12, 298/3 Poules ʒate, Seynt Porta San Paolo (olim Porta Ostiensis) 18/9–11, 32/25, 34/23 Pratellus Praxitelis, Gk sculptor thought to be Roman philosopher 60/6 Praxedis St Praxedes, martyr 234/3, 9, 298/2–5 Praxedis, Seynt Santa Prassede II.48, 46/31, 316/34; cardinal priest of 284/20 Prechoures, Frere Dominican friars 166/15; friary of 52/28, 250/28 Prenestine, bischop bp. of Palestrina (Rome) 284/7 Pretaxati, Cimiterium catacombs of Praetextatus 44/14 Pretaxatus Praetextatus, fa. of Anastase 192/4
Prisce, Seint St Prisca, martyr 300/1–30 Prisce, Seynt Santa Prisca II.49, 316/35; cardinal priest of 284/16 Priscille, Cimiterium catacombs of Priscilla 44/20, 234/11, 282/22 Proba, Faltonia Betitia, Roman poetess who re-arranged verses from Virgil (s. iv) 56/2–11n Probus (emp. 276–82) 108/30–33 Processus, martyr (c. 67ad), body of 128/24 Procrate Procas, k. of the Latins before Amulius 12/18 Prosper of Aquitaine, St (c. 390–c. 463) 114/6 Prothase, martyr 202/1, 222/3 Publius, husband of Anastase 192/9–18 Pudens Aulus Pudens, fa. of Potenciane and Praxedis 234/3n Puluyr Wednisday Ash Wednesday 166/13, 176/1, 180/1 Pythagoras, see Pictagoras Quatuor Coronatorum church of Santi Quattro Coronati ‘four crowned martyrs’ II.34, 34/22, 316/24; cardinal priest of 284/23 Quintilius Quintillus (emp. 270) 108/22–23 Qwiriak, Qwiric see Ciriac Quirilla, martyr 156/36, 158/11 Qwirinall Quirinal hill, confused with Aventine 32/21 Qwirinus Quirinus, Roman tribune, fa. of Balbine 212/5–214/7 Qwyrine also Cirini St Quirinus (gaoler to Pope Alexander I) 190/23–33, 200/6; body of 200/4 Qwyryne Quirinus, deacon (s. iii) 232/26 Qwyryn(us) Quirinus, surname given to Romulus 16/21, 32/23; Qwyrynall
Index of Names and Places
said to be divine name for Romulus, but prob. the Quirinal hill is meant 216/27 Radegundis erron. for St Cunigunde of Luxembourg, wife of Emp St Herry II 228/18 Rauenna Ravenna 222/8, 286/3–4; duke of 286/20–288/1 Rea Rhea Sylvia, da. of Munitor 12/20 Reatyne Reate, town in Umbria 30/24 Redempta, senior Roman lady 196/7–31 Refuge, Temple of (?) Lapis Nigra (Comitium) 46/12 Regio Latinorum Latium 12/17 Regum, þe book of, see Kyngis Remus 12/6, 11, 14/5, 18, 25–26, 32, 30/21; tomb of I.21, 8/22, 18/22 Respicius, Seynt, companion to Triphon 180/4, 180/22–182/24 Resurrexion, þe Christ’s Resurection 336/28 Riualis erron. for Viminal hill 34/27n Rogaciones Rogation Days, Mon, Tues, Wed before Ascension Day 114/3 Roman a Roman 108/31 Roma(y)nes Romans 10/16, 16/9, 16/24, 22/14, 22, 30/6, 34/26, 40/12, 50/5, 56/23, 30–31, 66/15–16, 78/5, 32, 88/8, 14, 19, 96/5, 8, 12, 14, 29, 96/34–98/11, 102/2, 10, 112/26, 116/38, 128/17, 166/11, 206/3, 292/19, 22, 340/6; crowds of 342/9; representatives of the Roman Church 156/11 Romanus, Christian soldier 156/36, 158/11 Rome 2/7, 4/2–3, 8/2–30, 10/11, 12/1, 3, 14, 16, 14/11, 16/12, 18/16, 20/15, 32, 22/12–15, 30, 30/13, 15, 40/9, 46/6, 54/15, 56/22, 28, 31, 60/5, 64/15, 68/20, 74/23, 26, 76/21, 78/4, 84/26, 88/13, 96/23, 100/25,
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106/7, 14, 27, 37, 112/24–28, 114/15, 118/4, 21, 120/13, 132/16, 136/2, 9, 18, 138/30, 35, 140/9–10, 144/19, 148/25, 156/5, 10, 12, 26, 162/3, 166/10, 178/19, 180/15, 182/4, 6, 184/14, 30, 188/16, 190/1, 3, 10, 194/8, 12, 196/7, 198/13, 200/6, 8–9, 206/10, 208/8, 11, 22, 212/2, 218/9, 222/7, 228/6, 232/3, 6, 238/4, 7, 244/4, 250/27, 256/4, 9, 262/2, 21, 30–33, 264/13, 29, 266/4, 268/6, 280/24, 290/15, 26, 292/14, 18, 33, 300/4, 302/12, 308/8, 322/13, 326/6, 336/5, 340/2; ambassadors from 264/9; arches in I.6, 8/7; attacked 64/9, 13, 112/24, 228/13; bp. of (= pope) 124/14, 184/27, 282/15; bodies of apostles in 128/20–23; bridges in I.3, 8/4; cardinals in 282/23–284/37; cemeteries in I.7, 8/8; chronicles of 62/32; Church of 124/11, 140/8; churches in 54/9, 122/1, 318/1, 320/3, 322/1; Church Council at 264/13, 268/15; consuls at 52/21–26, 64/7, 74/3, 76/35; conquests of 84/7; dragon in 344/4; old descriptions of 2/28, 36/23; dwellers in 16/2, 260/14; emperor of 124/13, 184/26, 188/10, 274/16, 288/2, 340/4; empire of 84/11; in exile at 346/13; families of 282/8; on fire 340/6–10; founders of I.1; gates to I.2, 26/4, 292/2; governance of 64/9–11; grandee of 162/10, 166/20, 212/5; hills of I.4, 8/5; holiday at 190/13; inhabited area of 34/24, 322/24; monument of 282/5; notaries in 136/5; palaces in I.5, 8/6; people of 40/18, 52/20, 56/37, 78/8, 80/22, 144/33, 146/20, 208/23, 322/28, 340/26, 352/20; pilgrimage to 70/27; pilgrims to 152/2, 324/2; plague in 342/15; property in 56/28; representatives of gods in
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344/10; rulers of I.25–7; supporter of 66/7; temples in 8/9, 11; theatres in I.5; towers in 8/3; walls of 8/3, 136/1, 228/2; warriors of 54/21; writers from 88/16; þei of representatives of the Roman Church 156/14. See also Ara Celi, Capitol, Collisé, Flaminea, Laterane, Pantheon, Petres, Prici, Remus, Romulus, Septisolium, Trajane Romen name given to lady from Troy (= (?) Ilia) said to have given her name to Rome 12/4 Romula younger friend of Redempta 196/10–29 Romulus, founder of Rome 10/2, 12/6– 8, 10, 14/7, 19, 26–27, 34, 16/4, 12, 30/21, 32/21, 34/11, 104/1–7; commander under 14/19; tomb of I.21, 8/22. See also Qwyryn Romulus Romulus (son of Maxentius, d. 309); palace of (otherwise called the Temple of Peace) 36/16–21 Romulus Postumus, learned scribe 104/22 Saba, queen of queen of Sheba 308/26 Sabine St Sabina, martyr (d. c. 126) 166/18–170/2 Sabinella, mo. of Potenciane and Praxedis 234/3 Sabinenses Sabines 14/35; Sabynes 16/8–9; language of 16/22 Sabinensis, bischop bp. of Sabina (Rome) 284/7 Sabinus Sabinianus (pope 604–06) 322/15 Sabyn/Sabines, Seynt Santa Sabina II.8, 32/20, 38/6, 44/18, 250/28, 316/6; cardinal priest of 284/16 Salamon Solomon (k. of Israel 970– 931bc) 146/3, 308/24; as singer of
SofS 220/24; Salamones, Solomon’s (temple) 126/7, 132/22 Salaria presumed name of city in the land of the Sabines 22/24. Salaria, Porta former Porta Salaria 22/17–28 Salomé, mo. of Jon þe Euangeliste 292/32–294/6n Salustius Sallust (86–35bc), Roman author 88/17 Salue festa dies Salve festa dies ‘Hail festive day’, liturgical hymn 332/16n Samaritane, þe woman ( Jn 4.7–26); relic of 262/15 Sancte Ruffine, bischop bp. of Santa Rufina (Rome) 284/7 Sardyny Sardinia 116/26 Sarsines Saracens 174/16, 20 Saturne/Saturnus Saturn, Latin deity 10/23–25; time of 30/6; wife of, see Cibeles Saturnia city around the Tarpeian Rock 34/7 Saturnius, Mons earlier name for Capitoline hill 34/6 Saturnyn Saturninus, disabled Christian worker 278/9 Saturnyn, Seint former church of San Saturnino 44/21 Saxones Saxons, continental Germanic tribe 74/7 Scala Celi Santa Maria Scala Celi (Via Appia Antica) 140/5, 332/1 Scola Grecorum Gk School, attached to Santa Maria in Cosmedin (III.10) 38/14, 346/3–10 Sebastian, Seynt St Sebastian 290/16, 314/10; body of 46/27, 136/8; martyrdom of 110/3 Sebastianes cherch, Seint San Sebastiano II.3, 20/1, 44/14, 28, 142/2, 316/3, 332/2, 336/2, 20
Index of Names and Places
Sem Shem, son of Noah 10/15 Senatouris brigg, þe Pons Aemilius, subsequently known as Ponte Rotto 26/24 Seneca Lucius Annaeus Seneca, Roman philosopher/politician 88/16 Senen Sennen, martyr (s. iii) 232/3–31 Septimius Severus (emp. 193–211); arch of 40/23n Septisolium Septizodium, Rome I.18, 8/19, 38/24, 46/25, 284/31 Seraphia, martyr, servant to Sabine 166/22–168/6, 170/2 Serapion, martyr 218/1n Serenus, ‘prefect’ of Rome 226/17, 23 Seth, son of Adam & Eve 308/21 Seuerianus St Severianus, one of ‘four crowned martyrs’ 256/10 Seuerus St Severus, one of ‘four crowned martyrs’ 256/10 Sibia Fidia, Gk sculptor thought to be Roman philosopher 60/6 Sibillam Tiburtinam Sibylla Tiburtis, medium to the gods 78/24, 80/8, 19, 27 Sibille Sibyl 326/26, 328/2 Sicanenses erron. for Ficanenses, people of Ficana, town in Latium 14/35 Sicily, see Cicilé Siluester, Seynt St Sylvester I (pope 314–35) 18/25, 70/22, 70/30–72/3, 132/29, 140/22, 142/17, 144/34, 150/5, 26, 184/9, 252/6, 282/26, 344/5–35; body of 264/2; head of 264/30; Life of 344/7n; cherch of = San Silvestro in Capite 38/9, II.37 Siluester þe pope Sylvester II, Gerbert of Aurillac (pope 999–1003) 152/7n–31 Simon, apostle; altar of Simon and Jude in San Pietro 128/9; body of 128/22 Simphorianus, alternative ‘crowned martyr’ 256/12
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Simplicius, alternative ‘crowned martyr’ 256/12; body of (?) 262/10 Siracusanis people of Syracuse, Sicily 10/26 Sixte, Seynt St Sixtus I (pope 115–25) 20/3–4 Sixte, Seynt St Sixtus II (pope 257–58) 106/28–31, 106/37, 238/1–242/5; body of 156/32, 158/7; tomb of 204/18 Sixtis, Seynt San Sisto Vecchio II.29, 20/22, 38/26, 316/20; cardinal priest of 284/18; Syxtes, Seynt, Dominican convent at 20/22 Sixtus, learned scribe 104/22 Smaragdus, martyr 280/28; body of 262/11 Solinus, C. Julius, Roman author (s. iii); De mirabilibus mundi 10/3, 30/25 Solon of Athens, Gk sage 88/11; laws made by 104/19 Sophie Aelia Sophia (empress to Justin II and regent 573–78) 114/28 Sophie, Sancte Haghia Sophia, Constantinople 114/24 Spayn Spain 2/7, 110/6, 146/33; people of 96/11 Steuene, Seynt St Stephen 158/24, 252/26; body of 154/6–156/27; devotion to 290/14; fd. of (26 Dec) 158/27; relic of 262/13; spiritual presence of 190/3 Steuene þe pope, Seint St Stephen I (pope 254–57); body of 136/18 Steuene (in Celio Monte), Seynt San Stefano Rotunda on the Caelian hill II.45, 34/17, 316/32; cardinal priest of 284/22 Strabus Walafrid Strabo (c. 808–49), supposed author of Glose 326/11 Suetonius Gaius Tranquillus, Roman historian (fl. 121ad) 50/23
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Index of Names and Places
Sueue the land of the Suevi 50/13n Sueues Suevi, Germanic tribe 74/7 Superaggius, Mons Esquiline hill, Rome 34/19–20, 162/28 Surry Assyria 10/15; Syria 200/5, 260/3; language of 260/17 Susanne of þe elde lawe Susanna (of Dan 13) 250/22 Susanne, Seynt St Susanna 250/21, 24– 31; body of 250/13, 17, 20 Susanne, Seynt Santa Susanna II.32, 316/22; cardinal priest of 284/19 Suspicius, learned scribe 104/22 Syluester, see Siluester Symon Magus 92/3, 15n Synachus Symmacus the Younger (consul 485) 352/3 Syon Zion, citadel at Jerusalem 154/17 Syxtes see Sixtis Tacitus (emp. 275–76) 108/28–29 Tamese prob. erron. for Camese, supposed nephew to Janus 10/20 Tarpeye Tarpeia, who gave her name to the Tarpeian Rock on the Capitol 34/5 Tarquini(us) Prici Tarquinius Priscus, last k. of Rome 8/27, 104/1; Arche [of], theatre of (= Circus Maximus) I.19, 8/20, 38/24 Taurina, Porta older name for Porta San Lorenzo 22/12 Telanenses, see Celanenses Tellude, In in the temple of Tellus 232/10, 238/9 Tellure, hous in prob. the Canapara in the ruins of the Basilica Julia 46/29n Terrencianus Terrentianus, grandee under Julian the Apostate 178/10, 16, 26–30; son of (Vizentius) 178/24 Tersona/Tersone Chersonesus (Crimea) 116/12, 15, 264/27
Thebes, Greece, Roman legion from 244/3 Thellophorus Telesphorus (pope 125– 36); tomb of 204/18 Theodolphus, bp. of Orléans (c. 798– 818) 296/21–28n Theodoricus the Great, k. of Ostrogoths (493–526) 114/17 Theodosius I (emp. 378–95) 112/19–23; bridge named after 26/25; triumphal arch named after 40/17 Theodosius þe emperour Theodosius II (emp. of E. 408–50) 112/30–38, 190/2; da. (= wife) of see Eudosia Theodosius þe Þirde Theodosius III (emp. of E. 716–17) 116/22–23 Thimotheus Timothy, disciple of Paul; body of 262/5 Tholomé Ptolemy, astronomer (s. ii) 326/17n Thomas, Seynt St Thomas the apostle, body of 40/15 Thomas hospital, Seint later name for English hospice. See Edmund þe kyng Thomas of Cauntirbyry, Seynt Thomas Becket, abp. of Canterbury (1162– 1173) 346/11; relic of 164/10 Tiberius (emp. 14–37) 128/30; time of 60/5 Tiberius II (emp. 578–82) 114/31–33 Tiberius III (emp. of E. 698–704) 116/14–17 Tibur, Tybyr R Tiber 10/20, 28, 29, 18/19–20, 20/24, 26/4, 30/32, 52/31, 216/2, 220/3, 6, 258/26; bank of 12/29; on the W side of 276/1, 23, see also Transtiber Tiburcé St Tiburtius, bro.-in-law of St Cecilé 106/16, 216/9 Tiburtina, Porta older name for Porta San Lorenzo 22/13
Index of Names and Places
Tiburtine Tibur(tina), ancient city of the Sabines 22/13 Tiburtineum (?) Via Tiburtina 94/8n Timothy see Thimotheus Titulus Pastoris, the former San Pastor, near San Clemente 148/4n Titus1, follower of Paul; body of 262/5 Titus2 (emp. 79–81) 34/21; arch of 40/21; palace of 38/7, 23; theatre of (= Circus Maxentius) 38/23 Trajane Trajan (emp. 98–117) 2/22, 48/16; paleys [of] temple of Trajan I.22, 8/23, 38/1 Transtiber, þe cité Trastévere 18/3, 24/12–5, 38/9, 44/11, 216/2, 4 Trasonis, Cimiterium catacombs of Trasone 44/21 Triconia alternative name for Porta Metronia 20/20, 25 Triphon, Seynt St Tryphon of Campsada, martyr (s. iii) 180/22– 182/24; body of 180/3 Triphonia, martyr, body of 156/36, 158/11 Triphonis, Seynt San Trifone II.11, 316/8 Trogus Pompeius Gnaeus Pompeius Trogus, historian (s. i) 56/35 Troye Troy 12/10, 340/9; destruction of 14/17, 282/8 (ch. 43n) Tullius, see Cicero Tullius Hostilius Tullus Hostilius, 3rd k. of Rome 34/13–15, 104/24–25, 290/3 Tusculane, bischop bp. of Frascati (Rome) 284/8 Tusculanes people of Tusculanum (= Frascati) 14/35 Vrbane, Seynt St Urban I (pope 222–30) 106/16, 216/10, 15 Vrciane St Ursicinus of Ravenna 222/10–17 Vrsacius, Arrian priest 268/16
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Vrse, Seynt church of Sant’Urso 40/16, 52/9n Vrsi, Cimiterium catacombs of Urso 44/12n Ursum Pileatum, Cimiteriam ad catacombs of ‘the Bear with the Scholar’s Cap’ 44/17–19 Valent Valens (emp. of E. 364–78) 112/4, 11–12 Valent, Arrian priest 268/17 Valentine, senator husband of Sabine 166/21, 168/23 Valentine, Valentiniane Valentinian II (emp. 375–92) 112/15–18; bridge named after 26/27n; triumphal arch of 40/17n Valentiniane Valentinian III (emp. 425– 55) 112/34–114/2 Valentinian(us) Valentinian I (emp. 364–75) 112/3–14 Valeria, wife to Vitale 222/6, 224/2–7 Valeriane (emp. 253–60) 108/5–19, (before he was emp.) 232/17–19, 242/3 Valeriane, husband of St Cecilé 106/17, 216/9 Valery Valentia, ancient name for Rome 10/29 Valeyntyn, Seint St Valentine, martyr; body of 298/9 Varro M. Terentius Varro (d. 28bc) Roman author 30/22, 30, 32/4, 34/1 Vaticanus the Vatican 204/4; In Monte Vaticano on the Vatican hill 204/11 Venus goddess of love (or leccherye 46/23); palace of 38/13n; temple of 46/23 Uenys, Venyce Venice 232/2; man from 2/14; route to 24/4, 26/5 Vernacle, þe, Veronica, image of Christ deposited on cloth 128/16, 128/26– 130/9, 206/11; altar of at San Pietro 128/8
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Index of Names and Places
Verone Verona 106/27, 35 Verulane Veroli (Lazio) 294/3 Verus Lucius Verus (emp. 161–69) 106/1–3n Vespasianus Vespasian (emp. 69–79) 34/21; arch of 40/21; palace of 38/7, 23; theatre of (= Circus Maxentius) 38/23 Vestales virgins in the service of Vesta 46/16 Vesta goddess of hearth and home 46/15; temple of 56/14 Ueste, Templum Temple of Vesta (Forum) 46/15 Veterius, learned scribe 104/21 Victorinus, St, one of ‘four crowned martyrs’ 256/11 Victoris St Victor the Moor, martyr; body of 200/4 Vincent, Seint (d. 304), head of 150/19 Virgil Publius Virgilius Maro, Roman poet (70–19bc) 34/26, 54/13, 24, 27; Servius’s commentary on Aeneid (VIII.51, 235) 12/1, 30/32, 34/7; verses by, adapted by Proba, q.v. Vitale, Seynt St Vitalis of Milan 222/2– 224/7; fa. of Geruase, Prothase 222/3 Vitale, Seynt San Vitale II.24, 316/17; cardinal priest of 284/26 Viterbe, see Godfrey Viti and Modesti, cherch of Santi Vito e Modesto 22/15
Vyvyane, Seynt St Viviana (= Ital. Bibiana); relic of 164/9 Viuianes, Seynt Santa Bibiana 44/19 Volusianus1, friend of Emp. Tiberius 128/30 Volusianus2, son of Emp. Gallus 108/9 Vyenne Vienne (France); bp. of see Mamert Wynchester, bp. of see Herry Xerses erron. for Ardashir I, founder of the Sasanian Empire in Persia 40/12. See also Assuerus Ynde India = the East 326/7 Ypolitus Hippolytus, Roman soldier who guarded St Laurens 248/13–15; body of 156/34, 158/9 Ysaac Isaac, son of Abraham 332/20 Ysidor/Ysidre Isidore of Seville (c. 560– 636), polymath; works by: Chronica 56/35, 110/14, Etymologiae 320/13n Ytailé see Itaylé Ʒork York 110/8; cardinal abp. of 212/3n
Zacheus, grandfather of Judas 252/14 Zakarie Zechariah, fa. of Jon Baptist; head of 146/11 Zebedius Zebedee, fa. of Jame the apostle 276/2 Zeno (emp. of E. 474–91) 114/7–9; time of 216/33 Zodiac, signs of 68/24–70/7 Zoilus, priest who buried Grisogonus 276/25–29