A Late Fifteenth-century Commonplace Book (Textes Vernaculaires Du Moyen Age) (Textes Vernaculaires Du Moyen Age, 23) 9782503582917, 2503582915

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A LATE FIFTEENTH-CENTURY COMMONPLACE BOOK

TEXTES VERNACULAIRES DU MOYEN AGE Volume 23 Founded in 2004, Textes Vernaculaires du Moyen Âge is an editorial enterprise designed to meet the needs of scholars and students alike. Its main focus is on texts which have hitherto failed to benefit from adequate editorial treatment and which, as a consequence, remain unknown or imperfectly known to the academic community. All aspects of medieval vernacular literary activity form part of its brief : literary texts, historical writings, including chronicles, devotional treatises, sermons, scientific treatises, and the like. The series also welcomes editions of better-known texts accompanied by modern translations, designed to meet the needs of scholars and students who may be unfamiliar with the language of the original texts. Each edition comprises a description of the source text or texts, manuscript or early printed book, accompanied by explanatory notes and a comprehensive glossary. All submissions are subject to blind or double blind peer review. The series concentrates on propositions in both medieval English and French. Potential editors are strongly advised to contact the general editor in the first instance before making a submission : [email protected]. Collection dirigée par / General editor Stephen Morrison (Centre d’Études Supérieures de Civilisation Médiévale, Université de Poitiers) Comité scientifique / Advisory Board Alexandra Barratt (Université de Waikato, Nouvelle Zélande), Daron Burrows (Université d’Oxford, Royaume-Uni), Vittoria Corazza (Université de Turin, Italie), Irma Taavitsainen (Université de Helsinki, Finlande), Alessandro Vitale-Brovarone (Université de Turin, Italie), Annette Volfing (Université d’Oxford)

A Late Fifteenth-Century Commonplace Book Edited from Cambridge University Library Ms Gg. 6.16 by Ariane Lainé

F

© 2019, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher.

D/2019/0095/15 ISBN 978-2-503-58291-7 e-ISBN 978-2-503-58292-4 DOI 10.1484/M.TVMA-EB.5.116418 ISSN 1782-6233 e-ISSN 2566-0225 Printed in the EU on acid-free paper

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9 Manuscripts and Sigla ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11 Abbreviations����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 13 Bibliography ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 17 Unprinted Primary Sources: Manuscripts��������������������������������������������������������� 17 Printed Primary Sources����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 17 Unprinted Editions of Primary Sources������������������������������������������������������������� 20 Secondary Sources��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 20 Recapitulary Tables��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 25 Recapitulary Table of the Contents of the Manuscipts (1)��������������������������� 25 Recapitulary Table of the Contents of the Manuscipts (2)��������������������������� 26 Recapitulary Table of the Contents of the Manuscripts (3) ������������������������� 28 Recapitulary Table of the Contents of the Manuscripts (4)������������������������� 32 Introduction ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 35 Description of the Manuscript����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 37 Language������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 38 Layout and Watermarks����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 43 Quire 1����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 55 Quires 2 and 3����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 66 Two Sermons for a Wedding Ceremony ����������������������������������������������������������� 79 Quires 4 and 5 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 84 Conclusion: A Preaching Tool�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 111 Editorial Principles and Procedures ���������������������������������������������������������������� 115 Quire 1. ff.1r–7v������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ [1] [The Three Maries]������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ [2] [Note on Octavian and the Sybil]���������������������������������������������������������� [3] [Note on the Temple in Rome] �������������������������������������������������������������� [4] [The Apostles’ Creed and Citations from the Prophets] ���������������� [5] [Exemplum of Longinus] ������������������������������������������������������������������������ [6] [Easter Day Sermon] ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������

117 117 117 117 118 118 119

6

CONTENTS

[7] [Outline of sermon & Citations]������������������������������������������������������������ [8] [Sermon for Lent 1] ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� [9] [Exemplum of the Bloody Letters and the Lady who Killed her Own Child] ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ [10] [Extract from the Exemplum of St Dunstan’s mother]���������������������� [11] [A Note on the How and Why one Should Say a Pater Noster and an Ave]�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� [12] [A Note on the Letters of Ihesu Crist]�������������������������������������������������� [13] [A Note on the Law at the Court of King Arthur]���������������������������� [14] [Exemplum of Three Philosophers]�������������������������������������������������������� [15] [An Extract from an Exemplum about Two Cripples and a Precious tree] ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� [16] [A Note on Bad Christians Likened to Swine]������������������������������������ [17] [Sermon-Like Note on the Three Apostles John, Peter, and Judas and the Sins of Pride, Gluttony and Envy] ������������������������������������������

122 122

127

Quires 2 and 3. ff.8r–30v������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ [18] [A Sermon on Mt, 22:37] ������������������������������������������������������������������������ [19] [A Sermon on 1 Ptr, 4:7]�������������������������������������������������������������������������� [20] [A sermon on Ps, 40:5]������������������������������������������������������������������������������ [21] [A sermon on Lc, 19:15]�������������������������������������������������������������������������� [22] [A Sermon on Io, 11:25]�������������������������������������������������������������������������� [23] [A Sermon for All Saints Day and All Souls Day]������������������������������ [24] [A Sermon for a Wedding Ceremony]��������������������������������������������������

129 129 135 140 144 149 155 158

124 125 125 125 125 126 126 127

Quires 4 and 5. ff.32r–59v���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 161 [25] In Solemniʒacione matrimonij���������������������������������������������������������������� 161 [26] Dominica Prima Aduentus Domini������������������������������������������������������ 164 [27] In Die Natalis Domini Nostri Ihesu Cristi������������������������������������������ 169 [28] In Die Circumcicionis Domini Nostri Ihesu Cristi �������������������������� 173 [29] In Die Epiphanie Domini Nostri Ihesu Cristi������������������������������������ 175 [30] Dominica Septuagesime Euaungelium�������������������������������������������������� 178 [31] Dominica in Sexagesima �������������������������������������������������������������������������� 181 [32] Dominica in Quinquagesima������������������������������������������������������������������ 183 [33] In die Cinerum et in Capite Ieiunij�������������������������������������������������������� 188 [34] Domnica Prima Quadragesime �������������������������������������������������������������� 190 [35] Dominica Secunda Quadragesime �������������������������������������������������������� 195 [36] Dominica iija Quadragesime Euaungelica Luc xjmo ��������������������������� 198 Explanatory Notes �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 201

CONTENTS

7

Glossary�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 243 Index of Proper Names�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 253 Index of Biblical Quotations���������������������������������������������������������������������� 255 Index of Non-Biblical Quotations ���������������������������������������������������������� 259 Index of Exempla�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 261

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

For permission to edit the text of C.U.L. MS Gg.6.16 I am indebted to Cambridge University Library. I am grateful to the successive directors of the CESM in Poitiers, Eric Palazzo, Cécile Treffort, Claudio Galderisi and Martin Aurel who made it possible for me to work in the best conditions at the MSHS of Poitiers. I am particularly indebted to a number of scholars, without whose work mine would have never been carried through. These scholars are notably Alan Fletcher, Anne Hudson, Stephen Morrison, Veronica O’Mara, Susan Powell and Helen Spencer. I would like to thank a number of colleagues and friends for their help and encouragement, notably Jean-Pascal Pouzet, Michael Boylan, Karin Fischer, MarieEve Perrot, and Didier and Isabelle Suteau. But if I were to thank one person only that would be Stephen Morrison, my tutor, my colleague, my friend for his unfailing support when I was doubting, guidance when I was lost and availability whenever I needed advice or a chat.

MANUSCRIPTS AND SIGLA

B, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 95 D, Durham, University Library, MS Cosin V. iv. 3 G22, Gloucester, Cathedral Library, MS 22 G22 add., Gloucester, Cathedral Library, MS 22 add Gg, Cambridge, University Library, MS Gg. 6.16 H, London, British Library, MS Harley 2247 L, Lincoln, Cathedral Library, MSS 50 and 51 R, London, British Library, MS Royal 18. B. xxv Ross, London, British Library, MS Royal 18. B. xxiii Ry, Manchester, John Rylands Library, MS eng. 109 S, Cambridge, Sidney Sussex College, MS 74 T, Dublin, Trinity College, MS 448

ABBREVIATIONS

BL, British Library, London CCCM, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis (Turnhout, 1966–) CCSL, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina (Turnhout, 1953–) CSEL, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum (Vienna, 1866–1913) CUL, Cambridge University Library DSC, A Late Fifteenth-Century Dominical Sermon Cycle, ed. Stephen Morrison, 2 vols 337, 338 (EETS, 2012 for 2011); cited by page and line numbers EETS, Early English Text Society EWS, English Wyccliffite Sermons, 5 vols, ed. Anne Hudson and Pamela Gradon (Oxford: University Press, 1983–96); cited by page and line numbers Fasciculus Morum, Fasciculus Morum, A Fourteenth-Century Preacher’s Handbook, ed. Siegfried Wenzel, (The Pennsylvania State University: The Pennsylvania University Press, 1989); cited by page and line numbers Fletcher, A Hive of Industry, ‘A Hive of Industry or a Hornet’s Nest? MS Sidney 74 and its Scribes’, in Late Medieval Religious Texts and Their Transmission, Essays in Honour of A. I. Doyle, Alan Fletcher (York: A. J. Minnis, York, 1991) Fletcher, Edition, A  Critical Edition of Selected Sermons from an Unpublished Fifteenth-century de Tempore Sermon-Cycle, ed. Alan Fletcher, B. lit. thesis (Oxford: unpublished, 1978), cited by page and line numbers Gesta Romanorum, ed. Hermann Oesterley (Berlin: Weidmann, 1872) IMEP, Index of Middle English Prose (Cambridge, 1984–) IMEV, The Index of Middle English Verse, ed. Carleton Brown and R. H. Robbins, The Index Society, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1943) IMEV, Suppl., R. H. Robbins and J. L. Carter, Supplement to the Index of Middle English Verse (New York and London, 1985) Index Exemplorum, Index Exemplorum, A Handbook of Religious Tales, ed. F. C. Tubach (Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, Akademia Scientiarum Fennica, 1969) Jacob’s Well, Brandeis, Jacob’s Well, an English Treatise on the Cleansing of Man’s Conscience, ed. Arthur Brandeis (London: EETS, 1900)

14

Abbreviations

Jacob’s Well, Atchley, Jacob’s Well, ed. C. P. E. Atchley, Thesis in philosophy (University of Washington: unpublished, 1998); C. P. E. Atchley edited the second part of Jacob’s Well, that was left unedited by A. Brandeis LALME, A  Linguistic Atlas of Late Mediaeval English, ed. Angus McIntosh (Aberdeen: University Press, 1986) LgA, Iacopo da Varazze, Legenda Aurea, ed. Giovianni Paolo Maggioni, 2  vols (Florence: 1998); cited by page and section numbers MED, Middle English Dictionary, (Ann Harbor: 1952–2001) MET, Middle English Texts (Heidelberg: 1975–) MGH, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Monteau, Edition, Edition critique d’une révision du XVéme siècle recueil hagiographique moyen-anglais du Festial de John Mirk, conservé dans MSS BL Harley 2247 et Royal BL 18 B.xxv, ed. Elodie Monteau, Ph. D diss. (Poitiers: unpublished, 1999); cited by page and line numbers NIMEV, Julia Boffey and A. S. G. Edwards, A New Index of Middle English Verse (London, 2005) O’Mara, Four Middle English Sermons, Four Middle-English Sermons, ed. Veronica O’Mara, MET, 33, (Heidelberg: 2002); cited by page and line numbers O’Mara & Paul, Repertorium, V. O’Mara & S. Paul, A Repertorium of Middle English Prose Sermons, ed. Veronica O’Mara & Susan Paul (Turnhout, 2007) Owst, Preaching in Medieval England, Preaching in Medieval England: An Introduction to Sermon Manuscripts of the Period c.  1350–1450, G.  R. Owst (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1926) PL, Patrologia Latina, ed. J.-P. Migne, 221 vols (Paris, 1844–64) Powell, Edition, A Critical Edition of the Temporale Sermons of MSS Harley BL 2247 and Royal BL 18 B.xxv, ed. Susan Powell PhD. Diss. (University of London: unpublished, 1980); cited by page and line numbers Powell, Festial, John Mirk’s Festial, ed. Susan Powell, 2 vols (EETS, 2009); cited by page and line niumbers QEH, Certain Sermons or Homilies Appointed to be Read in Churches in the Time of Queen Elizabeth (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1938) Ross, MES, Middle English Sermons, ed. W. O. Ross, EETS, 209 (1940); cited by page and line numbers

Abbreviations

15

South English Legendary, The South English Legendary, or Lives of Saints, ed. Carl Hortsmann (London: EETS, 1887); cited by page and line numbers Speculum Sacerdotale, ed. E. H. Weatherly, EETS (1936), cited by page and line numbers Spencer, Fortunes, ‘The Fortunes of a Lollard Sermon Cycle in the Later Fifteenth Century’, Helen Spencer, in Mediaeval Studies, (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1986) Spencer, English Preaching, English Preaching in the Late Middle Ages, Helen L. Spencer (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993) adj.

adjective

pa. p.

past participle

adv.

adverb

pa.

past

aux.

auxiliary

pl.

plural

comp.

comparative

pr.

present tense

conj.

conjunction

pr. p.

present participle

det.

determiner

prep.

preposition

imp.

imperative

pron.

pronoun

inf.

infinitive

sg.

singular

mod.

modal

v.

verb

n.

noun

vbl. n.

verbal noun

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Unprinted Primary Sources: Manuscripts BL, Harley 2247 BL, Royal 18. B. xxv Cambridge, Sidney Sussex 74 Dublin, Trinity College 241 Durham, University Library, Cosin V. iv. 3 Gloucester, Cathedral Library 22 and 22 add. Lincoln, Cathedral Library, 50 and 51 Manchester, John Rylands University Library, Eng. 109 Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 95 Warminster, Longleat 4

Printed Primary Sources AElfric’s Lives of Saints, ed. Walter W. Skeats, EETS (1881) Alexander Neckam, De Naturis Rerum & De Laudibus divinae Sapientiae, ed. T. Wright, Rolls Series 34 (London, 1863) An Alphabet of Tales, ed. M. McLeod Banks (London, 1904, 1905) Augustine, Contra Iulianum opus imperfectum, ed. M. Zelzer, CSEL 85 (1974–2004) — De baptismo, ed. M. Petschenig, CSEL 5 (Vienna, 1908) — Sermones, PL 38: 923–1171 Ps.-Augustine, De spiritu et anima, PL 40:797–832 Bede, In Lucae euangelium expositio, ed. D. Hurst, CCSL 120 (Turnhout, 1960); PL 92:301–634 Beleth, John, Summa de ecclesiasticis officiis, ed. H.  Douteil, 1976, CCCM 41A, (Turnhout, 1955); PL 94:9–268 Bernard of Clairvaux, Sentenciae, Bernardi opera, ed. J. Leclercq and H. M. Rochais, vol. 6 (Rome, 1972)

18

Bibliography

Bonauentura, Breuiloquium, ed. P. P. Collegii a S. Bonauentura (1891) Brinton, Thomas, The Sermons of Thomas Brinton, Bishop of Rochester, ed. Sister M. Aquinas Devlin (London, 1954) Bromyard, John, Summa Praedicantium, ed. A. Ritius, 2 vol. (Venice, 1586) Certain Sermons or Homilies Appointed to be Read in Churches in the Time of Queen Elizabeth (London, 1938) Cesarius of Heisterbach, Caesarii Heisterbacencis Monachi ordinis Cisterciensis Dialogus Miraculorum, ed. J. Strange, 2 vols (Cologne, 1851) Christanus Campiliensis (Christanus de campo liliorum), ed. W.  Zechmeister, CCCM 19B (Turnhout, 1992) East Midland Revision of the South English Legendary (An), ed. Manfred Görlach (Heidelberg, 1976) Elucidarium, ed. Y. Lefevre, L’Elicidarium et les lucidaires (Paris, 1954) English Sermons, ed. W. O. Ross, EETS, 209 (NY, 1940, 1987) English Wyccliffite Sermons, ed. Anne Hudson and Pamela Gradon, 5 vols, (Oxford, 1983–96) Fasciculus Morum, A Fourteenth-Century Preacher’s Handbook, ed. Siegfried Wenzel (Pennsylvania, 1989) Gesta Romanorum, ed. H. Oesterley (Berlin, 1842) Gesta Romanorum (A Middle English Version of the), Edited from Gloucester Cathedral MS 22, ed. K. I. Sandred, Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis (Uppsala, 1971) Gregory the Great, Homiliae in Evangelia, ed. R. Etaix, CCSL 141 (Turnhout, 1999) Innocent III, In eadem in solemnitate in nativitate Domini, PL 217:457C Homiletica Vadstenensia ad religiosos et sacerdotes, ed. M.  Berggren, CCCM 229 (Turnhout, 2009) Jacques de Vitry, Sermones dominicales of Jacques de Vitry, ed. Th. Crane (London, 1890) Jacob’s Well, an English Treatise on the Cleansing of Man’s Conscience, ed. A. Brandeis, EETS (London, 1900) Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, Th. Graesse (Osnabruck, 1965) —, Sermones de sanctis, Ad fignum concordiae, vol. 2 (Venice, 1589) —, Sermones dominicales, Ad fignum concordiae, vol. 1 (Venice, 1589)

Bibliography

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Lantern of Li ʒt (The), ed. Lilian M. Swinburn, EETS (London, 1917) Late Fifteenth-Century Dominical Sermon Cycle edited from Bodleian Library MS e Museo 180 and other manuscript (A), ed. S. Morrison, EETS, 2 vols (Oxford, 2012 for 2011) Lavynham, Richard, A Litil Tretys on the Seven Deadly Sins, ed. J. P. W. M. van Zutphen (Rome, 1956) Legenda Aurea, ed. Giovianni Paolo Maggioni, 2 vols (Florence: 1998) Le lapidaire du quatorzième siècle, d’après le traité du Chevalier Jean de Mandeville, I. Del Sotto (Vienne, 1862) Lolard Sermons, ed. Gloria Cigman, EETS (1989) Mirk, John, John Mirk’s Festial, ed. S. Powell, EETS, 2 vols (2009) —, Instructions for Parish Priests, ed. Gillis Kristensson, Lund Studies in English, 49, (Lund, 1974) Nicole de Bozon, Contes moralisés, ed. T. Smith & P. Meyer (Toronto, 1889) Notker, Balbuli S. Galli Monachi, ed. Migne, PL vol. 131:1055 O’Mara Veronica ‘Four Middle English Sermons’, Middle English Texts, 33 (Heidelberg, 2002) Peter Damian, Sermones, ed. I. Lucchesi, CCCM 57 (1983) Peter of Poitiers, Summa de confessione, ed. J. Longère & P. Tombeur, CCCM 51 (Turnhout, 1980) Peter of Ravenna (Chrysologus), Collectio sermonum, ed. A.  Olivar, CCSL 24 (Turnhout, 1975) Prudentius, Liber Cathemerinon, ed. M. P. Cunningham, CCSL 126 (Turnhout, 1966) Raban Maur, Martyrologium, ed. J. McCulloh, CCCM 44 (Turnhout, 1979) Sicard of Cremone, Mitralis de officiis, ed. G. Sarbak & L. Weinrich, CCCM 228 (2008 South English Legendary, ed. C. D’Evelyn and A. J. Mill, EETS (1956, 1959) Speculum Christiani, ed. Gustaf Holmstedt, EETS 182 (1933) Speculum Sacerdotale, ed. E. H. Weatherly, EETS 200 (1936) Stephanus de Borbone, Tractatus de diversis materiis praedicabilibus, ed. J. Berlioz & J. L. Eichenlaub, CCM, 124 (Turnhout, 2002)

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Bibliography

Tabula Exemplorum Secundum Ordinem Alphabeti, ed. Jean Thiébaut Welter (Paris, 1926) The Early English Version of the Gesta Romanorum, ed. S.  J.  H. Herrtage, EETS (1962, 4th ed), The Gospel of Nicodemus, ed. H. C. Kim, (Toronto, 1973) The Late Middle English Lucydarye, ed. S. Morrison (Turnhout, 2013) The Paston Letters, ed. N. Davis (New York, 1963) The Play Called Corpus Christi, Kolve V. A. (Stanford, 1966) Thesaurus hymonologicus sive Hymnorum, canticorum, sequentiarum circa annum MD usitatarum, H. A. Daniel (Halis, 1841–56) Thomas of Chobham, Summa de arte praedicanti, ed. F. Morenzoni, CCCM 82B (Turnhout, 1997) Two Wycliffite Texts, The Testimony of William Thorpe and the Sermon of William Taylor, ed. Anne Hudson, EETS 301 (1993)

Unprinted Editions of Primary Sources A Critical Edition of the Temporale Sermons of MSS Harley BL 2247 and Royal BL 18 B.xxv, ed. Susan Powell PhD. Diss. (University of London, 1980) Critical Edition of Selected Sermons from an Unpublished Fifteenth-century de Tempore Sermon-Cycle (A), ed. Alan Fletcher, B. lit. thesis (Oxford: unpublished, 1978) Edition critique d’une révision du XVème siècle recueil hagiographique moyen-anglais du Festial de John Mirk, conservé dans MSS BL Harley 2247 et Royal BL 18 B.xxv, ed. Elodie Monteau, Ph. D diss. (University of Poitiers, 1999) Jacob’s Well, ed. C. P. E. Atchley, Thesis in philosophy, (University of Washington: 1998; C. P. E. Atchley edited the second part of Jacob’s Well, that was left unedited by A. Brandeis

Secondary Sources Arnold, Matthieu, Dahan, Gilbert and Noblesse-Rocher, Annie, Génèse 2:17: L’arbre de la connaissance du bien et du mal, Editions du Cerf (Paris, 2016) Blench, J. W., Preaching in England in the Late Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (Oxford, 1964) Boffey, Julia and Edwards, A. S. G., A New Index of Middle English Verse, (London, 2005)

Bibliography

21

Bloomfield, M. W., The Seven Deadly Sins (East Lansing, Mich., 1952) —, and Thomson, John J., ‘Anthologies and Miscellanies: Production and Choice of Texts”, in Book Production and Publishing in Britain 1375–1475, ed. Jeremy Griffiths and Derek Pearshall (Cambridge, 1989),  279–315 Braekman, W. L. and Macaulay P. S., ‘Two Unpublished Middle English Exempla from MS Royal 18 B xxiii’, Neuphilologische Mitteilungen, 71 (Helsinki, 1972) Brémont, C., Le Goff, Jacques, and Schmitt, Jean-Claude, L’exemplum, Typologie des sources du Moyen-âge, 40 (Turnhout, 1982) Brewer, Derek S., ‘Observations on a Fifteenth-Century Manuscript’, Anglia 72, (1954), 390–99 Briquet, Charles-Moïse, Les filigranes: dictionnaire des marques du papier dès leur apparition vers 1282 jusqu’en 1600, 4 vols (Geneva, 1907) Brown, Carlton, and Robbins, R. H., Index of Middle English Verse, (New York, 1943) Britnell, Richard (ed.), Daily Life in the Late Middle Ages (Stroud, 1998) Catalogue of the Manuscripts Preserved in the Library of the University of Cambridge, iii (Cambridge, 1858) Carruthers, Mary, The Book of Memory, a Study of Memory in Medieval Culture (Cambridge, 1990) Chaytor, H.  J., From Script to Print: An Introduction to Medieval Literature (Cambridge, 1945) Connolly, Margaret, The Index of Middle English Prose, Handlist XIX: Manuscripts in the University Library, Cambridge (Cambridge, 2009) Crick, Julia, and Walsham, Alexandra, The Uses of Script and Print, 1300–177 (Cambridge, 2004) D’Avray, David L., ‘Marriage sermons in ad status collections’, in Modern Questions about Medieval Sermons , David L. D’Avray & Nicole Bériou (Spoletto, 1994) Davy, Marie Madeleine, Sermons universitaires parisiens de 1250–1251, contribution à l’histoire de la predication médiévale (Paris, 1941) Duffy, Eamon, The Stripping of the Altars, Traditional Religion in England 1400–1580 (New Haven and London, 1992) Fletcher, Alan, ‘A Hive of Industry or a Hornet’s Nest? MS Sidney 74 and its Scribes’, in Late Medieval Religious Texts and Their Transmission, Essays in Honour of A. I. Doyle, Alan Fletcher (York, 1991)

22

Bibliography

— ‘Magnus Predicator et Devotus’, Preaching, Politics and Poetry in Late-Medieval England, (Portland, 1998) — ‘Unoticed Sermons from John Mirk’s Festial’, Speculum, 55.3 (1980), 514–22 — and Powell, Susan, ‘The Origins of a Fifteenth-Century Sermon Collection, MSS Harley 2247 and Royal 18. B. XXV’, Leeds Studies in English, 10 (1978), 74–96 Gillespie, Vincent, and  Gosh, K, ‘Vernacular books of religion’, in Book Production and Publishing in Britain 1375–1475, ed. Jeremy Griffiths & Derek Pearsall (Cambridge, 1989) Ghosh, Kantik, The Wyccliffite Heresy (Cambridge, 2002) Hanna, Ralph, ‘Booklets in Medieval Medieval Manuscripts: Further Considerations’, in Studies in Bibliography, Bibliographical Society of the University of Virginia, 39, (1986), 100-111 —, III, Pursuing History: Middle English Manucripts and their texts, (Stanford, 1996), xii, 362 Heath, Peter, The English Parish Clergy on the Eve of the Reformation (London and Toronto, 1969) Herbert, J. A., A Catalogue of the Romances in the Department of Manuscripts in the British Museum (London, 1910) Hudson, Anne, ‘A Lollard-Sect Vocabulary?’ in Some Meny People langages and Tonges, ed. Michael Benskin & M. L. Samuels, (Edinburgh, 1981), pp. 15–30 —, ‘Lollard Book Production’, in Book Production and Publishing in Britain, 1375– 1475 (Cambridge, 1988) chap. 1 —, The Premature Reformation: Wyccliffite Texts and Lollard History (Oxford, 1988) IMEP, Index of Middle English Prose (Cambridge, 1984–) Keen, Maurice, ‘Wiclif, the Bible and Transsubstantiation’, Wyclif in his Time, ed. Anthony Kenny, (Oxford, 1986), pp. 1–16 Kolve, V. A., The Play Called Corpus Christi (Stanford, 1966) Manning, Bernard Lord, The People’s Faith in the Time of Wyclif (Cambridge, 1919) Minnis, Alastair J. (ed.), Late-Medieval Religious Texts and their Transmission: Essays in Honour of A. I. Doyle (Cambridge, 1994) McCarthy, Conor, Marriage in Medieval England, Law, Literature and Practice, (Woodbridge, 2004)

Bibliography

23

Morrison, Stephen, ‘A Late Middle-English Cycle: Some Editorial Concerns’, Identités et Différences, AMAES (1992), 59–79 — ‘Lollardy in the Fifteenth-Century, the Evidence from Some Orthodox Texts’, Cahiers Elisabéthains, 52 (1997), 1–24 O’Mara, Veronica, ‘A Checklist of Unedited Late Middle English Sermons that Occur Singly or in Small Groups’, Leeds Studies in English, 19, (1988), 141–66 — and Paul, Suzanne, A Repertorium of Middle English Prose Sermons (Turnhout, 2007) Owst, G. R., Preaching in Medieval England: An Introduction to Sermon Manuscripts of the Period c. 1350–1450, (Cambridge, 1926) — Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England: A Neglected Chapter in the History of English Letters and of the English People (Cambridge, 1993) Peebles, Rose Jeffries, The Legend of Longinus in Ecclesiastical Tradition and in English Literature (Baltimore, 1911) Pouzet, Jean-Pascal, ‘Réflexions sur la transmission de textes en anglo-français insulaire (XIIIe-XIVe s.). Prolégomènes à une étude codicologique’, ed. A. Crépin et J. Leclant, AIBL (Paris, 2012), pp. 35–97 Réau, Louis, Iconographie de l’art chrétien (Paris, 1955) Robbins, R. H. and Carter, J. L., Supplement to the Index of Middle English Verse (New York and London, 1985) Robinson, P. R., ‘The Booklet, a self-contained unit in composite manuscripts of the Anglo-Saxon period’, Codicologica 3, 1980 Rubin, Miri, The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge, 1991) Spencer, Helen L., English Preaching in the Late Middle Ages (Oxford, 1993) — ‘The Fortunes of a Lollard Sermon Cycle in the Later Fifteenth Century’, in Mediaeval Studies (Toronto, 1986) Tubach, F. C., Index Exemplorum, A Handbook of Religious Tales (Helsinki, 1969) Wenzel, Siegfried, Macaronic Sermons, Bilingualism and Preaching in Late Medieval England (Ann Arbor, 1994) —, Medieval Artes Praedicandi: A Synthesis of Scholastic Sermon Structure (Toronto, 2015)

RECAPITULARY TABLES

Recapitulary Table of the Contents of the Manuscipts (1) Gg’s Semons Occasions

Gg

H

R

G22add O

L

G22 D

S

Ry

Easter

2r

97r

60v

Lent 1

3v

55v

38r

Diliges Dominum Deum tuum

8v

194r

4r

Estote Prudentes et vigilate in oracionibus

12r

196r

4vb

Sana Domine animam meam

15v

198r

6rb

Hodie oportet 18v me in domo tua manere

200r 8ra

202r 9vb

Mortuus vivet

21v

All Saints & All Souls

26r

Wedding Ceremony (1)

28v

Wedding Ceremony (2)

32r

Advent

34r

1r

1r

Nativity of Christ

38r

13r

12r

200v 24r

1

Circumcision

41r

25r

8r

206r

30v

13

Epiphany

42r

211v

32r

25

Septuagesima Sunday

43v

34r

26r

Sexagesima Sunday

46r

38v

29r

247v 70r

97

1

B

Ross

62r & 71r

107r

26

Recapitulary Tables

Occasions

Gg

H

R

40v

30v

51r

47v & 49v

34r & 34v

Quinquagesima 47v Sunday Ash Wednesday

G22add O

L

G22 D

74r

106

251r & 255v

84v & 90v

120 & 130

1 Lent

53r

55v

38r

2 Lent

56r

63v

42r

270v

104v 161

33r

3 Lent

58r

68r

45r

276r

11r

40r

173

S

Ry

B

Ross

Recapitulary Table of the Contents of the Manuscipts (2) S’s sermons S

Ry

B

Ross

S Cycle of Sunday sermons from Pentecost to Sunday within the Ascension octave (Lollard prothemes)

SERMONS

Gg

ff. 3r– 142v (whole cycle); 204r– 204v (Trinity 5, incomplete)

ff. 12ra15vb (Trinity 5, 6) ff. 16ra17rb (Trinity 7, incomplete)

ff.1r–107r (sermons from Sexagesima to lent 3 omitted)

ff. 86r–88r (fragments from Advent 1); ff. 90r– 92v (fragments from Advent 2); ff. 92v–94r (fragments from Advent 3); ff. 150–156v (Trinity 5, 6, 7)

Pater Noster of Richard Ermyte

143r–166v

Thomas Wimbledon’s sermon, Redde Racionem villicacionis tue

168r–179r

HRG22add

OLG22D

O, 92v–97v

Recapitulary Tables

SERMONS

Gg

S

Ry

B

Ross

191v–192v

Nativity of Christ Diliges Dominum Deum tuum (Mt, 22:37)

ff. 8r– 12r

ff. 194r– 196r

ff. 4r–4v

Estote prudentes et vigilate in oracionibus (1 Pt, 4:7)

ff. 12r– 15v

ff. 196r– 198r

ff. 4vb-6rb

Sana Domine animam meam (Ps, 40:5)

ff. 15v– 18v

ff. 198r– 200r

ff. 6rb-8ra

Hodie oportet in domo tua manere (Lc, 19:5)

ff. 18v– 21v

ff. 200r– 202r

ff. 8ra-9vb

Mortuus viuet ff. 22r– (Io, 11:25) 26r

ff. 202r– 204r

ff. 9vb12ra

Christum Sanctificate in cordibus vestris (Trinity 5)

ff. 204– 204v ends imperfectly

Ememus Panes

ff. 204v– 207v ends imperfectly due to missing folio

ff. 62r (fragments) &70r–71r (fragment)

ff. 107r–111r

HRG22add

27 OLG22D

28

Recapitulary Tables

Recapitulary Table of the Contents of the Manuscripts (3) HRG22add’s Sermon Cycle (F): Festial revision OCCASIONS

H

R

G22add

Advent

1r

1r

1

Advent

2r

15r

8

Advent (F)

3v

16v

13

Advent (F)

5v

18v

18

Nativity of Christ (F)

7r

19v

Nativity of Christ

10v

22v

Nativity of Christ

13r

12r

St. Stephen (F)

15v

13v

St. John the Evangelist (F)

17v

2v

Holy Innocents 20r (F)

4r

St. Thomas of 22r Canterbury (F)

5v

Circumcision

25r

8r

Circumcision (F)

26v

9r

T

Gg

O

L

G22

34r

38r

200v 24r

1

41r

206r

30v

13

97

Epiphany (F)

28r

10r

Septuagesima Sunday (F)

30v

24r

33

Septuagesima Sunday

34r

26r

33

Sexagesima Sunday (F)

36r

27v

Sexagesima Sunday

38v

29r

46r

247v 70r

Quinquagesima 40v Sunday

30v

47v

74r

43v

106

D

SBRyRoss

Recapitulary Tables

OCCASIONS

H

R

Gg

O

L

G22

34r

51r

251r

84v

120

49v

34v

51r

255v

90v

130

1 Lent (F)

53r

36v

1 Lent

55v

38r

Lent 1

58r

39r 56r

270v

104v

161

33r

58r

276r

111r

173

40r

Quinquagesima 44v Sunday (F)

32v

Ash Wednesday

47v

Ash Wednesday

Lent 2 (F)

61v

41r

Lent 2

63v

42r

Lent 3 (F)

66v

44r

Lent 3

68r

45r

Lent 4 (F)

71v

47r

Lent 4

75v

49r

Passion Sunday 78r (F)

50v

G22add

T

3v & 53r

Passion Sunday 81r

51v

Palm Sunday (F)

82v

52v

Tenebre (F)

84r

53r

233

Maundy Thurday (F)

85v

54r

239

Good Friday (F)

86v

54v

244

Good Friday

90r

56v

Good Friday

91v

57v

Holy Saturday (F)

93v

58v

Easter Day (F)

95r

59v

Easter day

97r

60v

Easter Day

99v

62r

Easter Day

103r

64r

Rogation Days (F)

105r

67v

D

251

2r

29 SBRyRoss

30

Recapitulary Tables

OCCASIONS

H

Rogation Days

106v

R

Rogation Days

108r

68r

Ascension Day (F)

111r

69v

Ascension Day

113v

71r 72r

Whit Eve (F)

115r

Whit Sunday (F)

116v

Whit Sunday

119r

72v

Trinity Sunday (F)

121v

74r

Trinity Sunday

124r

Corpus Christi (F)

124v

76r

Corpus Christi (F)

126r

77r

Dedication of a Church

79v

Dedication of a Church (F)

80r

St Andrew (F)

130v

G22add

82r

St Nicholas (F)

134r

84r

Conception of the Virgin (F)

137v

84v 85r

Conception of the Virgin (F) St Thomas Apostle (F)

140v

86r

Conversion of St Paul (F)

143v

88v

Purification of the Virgin (F)

145v

90r

St Matthias (F)

149r

91v

Annunciation of the Virgin (F)

151r

1r

T

Gg

O

L

G22

D

SBRyRoss

Recapitulary Tables

OCCASIONS

H

Annunciation of the Virgin (F)

153r

Annunciation of the Virgin (F)

153r

R

G22add

93r

Annunciation of the Virgin (F) St George (F)

154r

94v

3r

St Mark (F)

156r

97r

6v

97v

St Mark (F) SS Philip and James (F)

157v

98r

8v

98v

SS Philip and James (F) Invention of the Cross (F)

159v

100v

11r

Nativity of St John Baptist (F)

162v

103r

13v

SS Peter and Paul (F)

166r

106r

17v

Reliquae Sunday (F)

169v

108v

St Mary Magdalene (F)

170v

109v

20r

St James (F)

174r

111v

21v

St Anne (F)

175v

113r

24r

St Laurence (F) 177r

114r

25v

Assumption of the Virgin (F)

179v

116r

28v

Assumption of the Virgin (F)

182v

119v

33r

St Batholomew 185r (F)

122r

37r

Nativity of the Virgin (F)

124r

T

Gg

O

L

G22

D

31 SBRyRoss

32

Recapitulary Tables

OCCASIONS

H

R

G22add

Nativity of the Virgin (F)

187r

124v

39v

Exaltation of the Cross (F)

189v

126r

42r

Ember Days (F)

192r

127v

43v

St Mathew (F)

193r

128v

44v

St Michael (F)

194v

130r

46r

St Luke (F)

197v

131v

48r

SS Simon and Jude (F)

199r

132v

49v

All Saints(F)

202r

134v

53v

All Saints

204r

136r

All Souls

205v

137r

All Souls (F)

207r

138r

Funerals

210r

T

Gg

O

L

G22

D

SBRyRoss

Recapitulary Table of the Contents of the Manuscripts (4) OLG22D’s sermon cycle OCCASIONS

O

L

G22

D

Advent 1

177v

1r

1r

Advent 2

185v

9v

6v

Advent 3

190v

14v

10v

Gg

H

R

Advent 4

195v

20r

Nativity

200v

24r

1

38r

13r

12r

Circumcision

206r

30v

13

41r

25r

8r

Epiphany

211v

32r

25

42r

Epiphany Octave

214v

32v

33

35r

38

Epiphany Octave 1

16r

Epiphany Octave 2

218r

40r

46

Epiphany Octave 3

224v

47r

60

G22add

SBRyRoss

Recapitulary Tables

OCCASIONS

O

L

G22

Epiphany Octave 4

230v

54v

72

Epiphany Octave 5

236r

61v

81

D

Gg

H

R

Septuagesima

242r

66v

90

Sexagesima

247v

70r

97

46r

38v

29r

74r

106

47v

40v

30v

Quinquagesima

251r

84v

120

51r

47v

34r

Ash Wednesday

255v

90v

130

51r

49v

34v

Lent 1

262v

96r

145

24r

Lent 2

270v

104v

161

33r

56r

63v

42r

40r

58r

68r

Quinquagesima)

276r

111r

173

284r

119r

191

49r

Passion Sunday

289r

127r

Palm Sunday

291r

Lent 3 Lent 4

209

57r

221

63r

Trenebre

233

Good Friday

244

Holy Saturday

251

Easter Sunday

257

Easter Sunday

268

Easter Sunday

298r

Easter 1

1r

286

Easter 2

4v

293

Easter 3

9r

302

Easter 4

13v

311

Easter 5

18v

143r

321

133r

Rogations Ascension

24r

138r

332

Pentecost

29r

149r

341

Trinity

37v

157v

353

Corpus Christi

44r

165r

365

Trinity 1

48r

169v

373

Trinity 2

54r

176r

387

Trinity 3

58v

181v

399

Trinity 4

64r

187r

413

68r

G22add

45r

33 SBRyRoss

34

Recapitulary Tables

OCCASIONS

O

L

G22

Trinity 5

69v

193r

428

Trinity 6

75v

199v

444

Trinity 7

80v

205r

458

Trinity 8

86v

211r

473

Trinity 9

92v

217r

Trinity 10

98r

487 500

Trinity 11

102r

1r

510

Trinity 12

107v

5v

523

Trinity 13

111r

10r

531

Trinity 14

115r

Trinity 15 (1)

14r

539

21v

554

Trinity 15 (2)

121v

28v

565

Trinity 16

127v

34v

577

Trinity 17

133v

41r

587

Trinity 18

140r

47r

599

Trinity 19

144v

52v

609

Trinity 20

149r

57v

618

Trinity 21

154r

63v

628

Trinity 22

158v

68r

636

Trinity 23

162r

71v

642

Trinity 24

165v

75r

649

81v

660

Trinity 25

171v

Dedication of a Church

305r

Dedication of a Church

309r

D

Gg

H

R

G22add

SBRyRoss

INTRODUCTION

This work is an edition of the hitherto unprinted content of CUL MS Gg.6.16.1 Gg is a fifteenth-century miscellany showing affiliations with ten other manuscripts.2 It may be considered as an original personal compilation conceived by a parish priest as a preaching tool. Although most of the sermons preserved in Gg may also be found in other manuscripts, the compilation in itself is unique. Gg’s scribe and compiler obviously gathered material he found relevant and useful in the exercise of his priestly office. But he was also dependent on what was readily at hand in the vicinity. Interestingly enough, none of the sister manuscripts originates from the same region as Gg, namely Norfolk or possibly Suffolk.3 The language of S is that of Worcestershire, that of Ry is north Nottinghamshire, whereas O, L, G22 and D’s scribe4 was from Leicestershire, and so were probably those of H and R. It appears that Gg’s scribe consulted copies of sermons that somehow circulated far and wide at the end of the fifteenth century. That this compilation was still used after the Reformation is also suggested by a number of emendations made in a later hand. Gg is a unique object – as a personal compilation – which provides at the same time a general idea of preaching materials current in late fifteenth-century England and possibly beyond. It also preserves materials unrecorded elsewhere; as such, Gg is of great interest. It is quoted in a number of seminal studies on preaching in medieval England5 for good reason. Editing the entire compilation makes sense with regards to the compiler’s purpose itself. It makes sense for the modern reader who thus catches a glimpse of a parish priest’s way of collecting material and preaching. Finally, it makes sense for the modern editor. Gg preserves materials of various origins and destined to various occasions, sometimes mere fragments of sermons or exempla. Some are preserved in other manuscripts, some are not. For some, Gg preserves the most reliable version, for 1  Referred to as Gg in this edition. 2  Cambridge, Sidney Sussex MS 74 (S); Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 95 (B); Manchester, John Rylands University Library, MS  Eng 109 (Ry); British Library, MS  Harley 2247 (H); British Library, MS Royal 18.B.xxv (R ); Gloucester Cathedral Library MS 22 (G22) Gloucester Cathedral Library MS 22 add (G22add.); Oxford Bodleian Library, MS e Museo 180 (O); Linciln Cathedral Library MSS 50&51; Durham University Library, MS Cosin V.IV.3 (D); British Libray, MS Royal 18.B.xxiii (Ross). For the materials they share see recapitulary table, pp. 28–32. 3  LALME, LP 8430. 4  All four manuscripts were copied by the same scribe. 5 Spencer, English Preaching; G. R. Owst, Preaching in Medieval England.

36

Introduction

some it does not. Some have been edited, most have not.6 A partial edition of Gg however would not make sense. It must be apprehended as a whole, as a unique personal preaching tool and edited as such. The notes and jottings preserved in the first quire are of particular interest and worthy of special attention. Not only do they tell much about the way the average priest and preacher worked and the sources he was likely to tap, but a number of them could serve directly to recast some of the temporale sermons preserved in Gg itself. As preserving various materials, Gg is affiliated with a number of manuscripts as mentioned before. It is affiliated with manuscripts S, Ry, B and Ross for the sermons preserved in quires two and three, and affiliated with manuscripts H, R, G22 add, O, L, G22 and D for the temporale sermons of quires 4 and 5. H and R deserve closer attention: on top of Gg’s temporale sermons, these manuscripts preserve a revised version of John Mirk’s Festial.7 And there are signs that the Festial revision in H and R could be indebted to Gg’s sermons and notes – other than those belonging to the afore-mentioned temporale cycle. The man, who was responsible for the Festial revision now extant in H and R, might have used Gg itself, borrowing material here and there. Therefore, there seems to be more coherence in editing Gg in particular and miscellaneous manuscripts in general in their entirety, rather than fragmentarily. Now, one could deplore the absence of variants. Indeed, the relevance of editing a text with variants is obvious enough. The modern reader’s perception of medieval preaching would be restricted to its most rigid expression had he not access to variants. The latter actually blow life into sermons when revealing how flexible the act of copying and preaching could be, as proper to any human activity. When handing down a new copy of a given text, the scribe acted as an intermediary, human link in a manuscript chain. The case of Gg, however, is slightly different as preserving materials belonging to various traditions, some of them being mere fragments or jottings. Gg must be apprehended as a whole, and yet, it is also one among several pieces in the jigsaw: this edition of Gg has been conceived as complementary to editions of its sister manuscripts.8 Editing the materials preserved in quire one was somewhat a conundrum, as some of the jottings are intermingled with one another whereas others were taken down in a backward fashion. Editing them as such might have left the reader slightly puzzled. Consequently, this edition includes both jottings and sermons – even isolated quotations – but in a manner that facilitates the reading 6  The eleven sermons from Advent to Lent 3 preserved in folios 34–59v have been edited twice in appendices to other editions: Morrison, DSC; Powell, Edition. 7  See recapitulary table, pp. 28–32, for the content of HRG22add. 8  for OLG22D see Morrison, DSC., for HR see S. Powell, Edition, and for S.B,.Ry see EWS.

Introduction

37

process. The original layout of each fragment or group of sermons, however, may be deduced from its description in chapters one and three and the notes. Description of the Manuscript9 S.xv2. Compilation of sermons, exempla and citations, ending imperfectly in the middle of a sentence (“havynge therin scharpe tethe.”). Collation i + 59 + i. Pencil foliation top right and occasionally bottom right recto (last page numbered “59” and “60” top right recto and “59” bottom right recto). Material: paper. Size of page approximately 215 × 145mm, of frame 155 × 95mm. Approximately 29–34 lines per page. Frame-ruling from f. 8r to f. 32v. collation: 18 (lacks 5) 212 312 412 516. No signatures visible. One catchword at the end of quire 2 (f. 19v). One hand, an Anglicana with some secretary forms. No rubrication although spaces were left at the beginning of some sermons: ff. 3v, 8r, 12r, 15v, 18v, 22v, 26r. There are some marginal comments in the scribe’s and later hands. The language is East Anglian, possibly Norfolk or Suffolk. Contents Quire 1, ff. 1r–7v F.1r: a note in Latin bearing on the story of the three Maries – Maria Virgina, Maria Cleophe and Maria Salome, Anna’s three daughters; first four lines of the prophets’ and apostles’creed; a note on Octavianus, the Roman Emperor whom the Sybil informs about Jesus’ birth; a note on the Temple in Rome which collapsed the day Jesus was born, as predicted by the devil; next eleven lines from the Prophets’ and Apostles’ creed; f. 1v: a quotation of Mt.18:17; a quotation of Mt. 12:43; remaining eight lines from the prophets’ and apostles’ creed; an exemplum about Longinus, the blind knight who pierced the crucified Jesus’ side with his spear and recovered sight when drops of blood fell into his eyes; ff. 2r–3r: a short Easter day sermon; a quotation from Seneca jotted down at the bottom of a sketch of a sermon for Passion Sunday on the theme nisi granum frumenti, 2 Joan., 12:22; a note on confession, contrition and satisfaction; two quotations from St Gregory; ff. 3v–4r: an incomplete sermon for Lent 1 (a full but different version of which is preserved in quire 5 ff. 53r–56r); ff. 5r–5v: an exemplum on a mother who is made pregnant by her own son and kills their baby (begins on f. 5v and ends on f. 5r); f. 6r: a note on the reasons why a man should say three Pater nosters, an Ave Maria and a Credo every night precisely at midnight; f. 6v: an incomplete exemplum 9 See A Catalogue of the Manuscripts preserved in the Library of the University of Cambridge (Cambridge, 1861–8, iii.221); Powell, Edition., vol. 1, pp. 76–77.

38

Introduction

about the court of King Arthur where each knight had to honour his lord according to certain rules; an exemplum about three philosophers who respectively believe that love, wealth and prayers are the most needful when comparing them with a lily, a rose and an olive tree; f. 7r: an incomplete exemplum on a man who takes his precious tree to be taken care of to a man with a head but no hands then to a man with hands but no legs; a note on a parallel between a man who eats his meat, ungrateful to God who sends him his food and a swine which feeds itself with acorns but never looks upward to the tree from which the said acorns fall; an incomplete sermon beginning ‘remember’ dealing with the Last Supper, on true and untrue Christians where the sins of pride, gluttony and envy are discussed and compared with wind, water and dust f. 7v: end of the sermon beginning on f. 7r. Quires 2 and 3, ff. 8r–30v ff.8r–12r: a sermon on the theme Diliges dominun deum tuum (Mat., 22:37), headed “Post trinitatem 13 et 18”; ff. 12r–15v a sermon on the theme Estote prudentes et vigilate in oracionibus (1 Pt., 4:7); ff. 15v–18v: a sermon on the theme Sana, domine, animam meam, quia peccaui tibi (Psa., 40:5); ff. 18v–22v a sermon on the theme Hodie oportet me in domo tua manere (Lc, 19:15); ff. 22v–26r a funeral sermon on the theme Mortuus vivet ( Jo., 11:35); ff. 26r–28r a sermon for All Saints and All Souls Day; ff. 28r–30v a marriage sermon; ff. 31r–31v blank. Quires 4 and 5, ff. 32r–59v: ff.32r–33v a marriage sermon; ff. 34r–38r a sermon for the first Sunday in Advent; ff. 38r–41r a sermon for the Nativity of Christ; ff. 41r–42v a sermon for the Circumcision; ff. 42r–43v a sermon for the Epiphany; ff. 43v–45v a sermon for Septuagesima; ff. 46r–47v a sermon for Sexagesima; ff. 47v–51v a sermon for Quinquagesima; ff. 51v–52v a sermon for Ash Wednesday; ff. 53r–56r a sermon for the first Sunday in Lent; ff. 56r–58r a sermon for the second Sunday in Lent; ff. 58r–59v a sermon for the third Sunday in Lent. Language Gg is recorded in LALME under the linguistic profile 8430, corresponding to Suffolk. Alan Fletcher10 studied the language of Gg earlier and identified its provenance as Norfolk. Some forms are characteristic of both Norfolk and Suffolk. Actually, when using the LALME questionnaire, one comes to the conclusion that Gg originates from somewhere on the border between Norfolk and Suffolk. 10 Fletcher, Edition.

Introduction

39

There is a range of seven types of evidence drawn from LALME pointing to a Norfolk/Suffolk provenance. The first one concerns forms encountered neither in Norfolk, nor in Suffolk. This can be eliminated immediately. The second one concerns forms that are found in Norfolk, Suffolk and a large number of regions, rendering this type of evidence also rather inconclusive. The third one deals with forms found in Norfolk, Suffolk and in counties north of an approximate line Shrewsbury/Norwich. The fourth one deals with forms encountered in Norfolk, Suffolk, and counties south of the same approximate line. The fifth type of evidence deals with forms specific to both Norfolk and Suffolk. The sixth one focuses on forms specific to Norfolk, while the seventh on forms specific to Suffolk. We shall leave out the first two types and concentrate on those which proved more conclusive. The most frequent form is given first and presented without brackets. As for the other forms, the number of brackets indicates their relative frequency. The greater the number of brackets, the less frequent the form. Type 3: Norfolk, Suffolk and counties north of an appoximate line Shrewsbury/Norwhich: – Which: the-qwhych (the-whych). the q- type is characteristic of Norfolk and Suffolk and generally of northern counties. It may be encountered mainly north of Leicestershire and up to Scotland. There are very few sporadic occurrences south of Lincolnshire, such as in Essex and Somerset mainly. – Since: sethen, sen, sythen. Of the three, only the sen-type is representative. There are occurrences in Norfolk, Suffolk and in counties north of Leicester apart from Cheshire and Staffordshire. Sporadic occurrences around London, in Surrey, Worcestershire, Warwickshire, Oxfordshire and Bedfordshire. – Blessed: blyssyd. The bli-/bly- type occurs mainly in counties north of a line Shrewsbury/Norwich, although the form is sporadically recorded in Warwickshire, Northamptonshire and Bedfordshire – Some: sum – Whether: qwedyr, qwedur. The qw- type is concentrated in Norfolk and Suffolk and sporadically found in counties north of Norfolk. Type 4: Norfolk, Suffolk and counties south of an approximate line Shewsbury/ Norwich – Their: heyre (theyre). The hir-type is located in Norfolk, Suffolk and more generally in the Midlands and as west as Herefordshire, around London, down to south Surrey and Cornwall. Rarely north of Derby. – Each: yche (eche). the eche-type is located mainly in counties south of Leicestershire, as South West as Devon and as Sourh-East as East Sussex and Kent. Only a few occurrences are recorded North of Leicestershire, in Derbyshire.

40

Introduction

– Burn: brennyng, brennynge, brennand, brennande. The bren- type is absent north of the Shrewsbury/Norfolk line. – Evil: yvell, (yvyl), (evyll) – Heaven: heven, heuen Type 5: Norfolk and Sufolk only – Shall, should: xall, xulde. Almost exclusively in Norfolk and Suffolk. – Are: arne (been, be). The arn-type is concentrated in Norfolk and Suffolk although sporadic occurrences can be found in other counties such Warwickhire, Worcestershire, Herefordshire, Shropshire, Cheshire and around London. – What: qwhat. Concentrated mainly in Norfolk and Suffolk despite a few sporadic occurrences further South. – Whose: qwhos Type 6: in Suffolk but not in Norfolk – Though: thawe. The thawe- type is recorded in Suffolk but not in Norfolk. Mainly concentrated in Shropshire, Herefordshire, Worcestershire and Warwickshire. – Land: londe, very rare in Norfolk but present in Suffolk and almost in all counties South of a line Shrewsbury/Norwich Type 7: in Norfolk but not in Suffolk – Love: luff. Located in Norfolk and in many counties north of a line Shrewsbury /Norfolk but absent south of this line and in particular in Suffolk. The forms given below are characteristic enough to exclude other regions: – Shall, should: xall, xulde – Who/ whose: qwho/qwhose – Between: betwyx, betwyxe; very common in almost all countries from North Buckinghamshire to Scotland including Norfolk and the border between Norfolk and Suffolk. No occurrences in Suffolk though, which may be due to coverage of the survey. There is one occurrence of betwixt (f.  6r) which LALME does not seem to have recorded either in Norfolk or Suffolk, but only in a very few counties – around Durham, in Lancashire, West Yorkshire, Shropshire, Warwickshire, Nothamptonshire and Hertfordshire. The same may be said of fawrt- for four, unrecorded in LALME for Norfolk and Suffolk and mainly localised in West and South Yorkshire and Lancashire. Generally speaking, qw- and qwh- forms, such as in qwedyr or qwhych, are found in Norfolk, Suffolk and also in the northern counties.

Introduction

41

The distinction between Suffolk and Norfolk, still according to the LALME questionnaire is not easy. Very few forms are confined to either Norfolk or Suffolk. In addition, apart from rare cases, the language of Gg shares more forms with the northern counties than with southern counties. Given the above evidence, the provenance of Gg is very likely indeed to be somewhere on the border between Norfolk and Suffolk and it is probable that some of the exemplars this scribe used circulated in an area north of a line Shewsbury/Norwich. Linguistic Profile of Gg (using the LALME questionnaire, I. 76–77) The frequencies of the forms are indicated by brackets, the greater their number, the rarer the form. THE the (þe) THESE thyse, þise (these) ((theys)) SHE sche HER hyr (her) IT it THEY þei, thei (theye, they) THEM hem (them) THEIR theyr(e, heyr(e SUCH syche WHICH the-qwhyche (qwiche) EACH yche (eche) MANY manye (many) MAN man ANY anye (any) MUCH myche (mekyl) ((meche, mykell)) ARE arne (been, be) IS is ART 2sg. arte, art WAS was SHALL sg. xall SHALL pl. xull, xall (schull) SHOULD sg. xulde (schulde) ((xuldle)) SHOULD 2 sg. xuldest SHOULD pl. xulden WILL sg. wyll WILL pl. wyll

WOULD wolde, wold WOULD 2sg. woldyst (woldest) FROM ffrom (ffro) ((frome)), (((ffroo, froom))) AFTER afftur THEN than, then, (thane, þane) THAN than THOUGH thawe IF yff (ʒyff ) AGAINST aʒens, aʒen, aʒeen AGAIN aʒen, (aʒeen), ((aʒene)) SINCE sen, (sythen), ((sethen)) YET ʒit, ʒyt, (ʒitt), ((ʒytt, ʒitte)) WHILE the-qwyle, the-qwhylys, qwhylyst(e, qwyle (the-qwhyle, theyre-qwhyle, whilest, qwiles) STRENGTH strengthe WH- qwh- (h-, w-, wh-, qw-) NOT not (noghʒt), ((noght)), (((nott, notte))) NOR ne (nor) ((nore)) WORLD worlde THINK v. thynke WORK vbl. n.. werkWORK pres stem work- (werkynge) THERE ther (theyr) ((þer)) (((there))) WHERE qwher

42

Introduction

MIGHT vb. myʒt (myghʒt) THROUGH thoroo (thoro) WHEN qwhan (qwhen) Pres part –ynge (-ande) Pres 3sg excl ‘-eth’ type -ythe 3 sg. pr. ind. ((x)) Str. pt. pl -ene, -e, -en, -yne weak pl. excl. ‘-ed’ (-yd) ASK vb. ask- (ax-) BEFORE pr. undiff. affore, be-ffore BOTH bothe BURN pr. brennBUT bot CALL excl ‘clep’–type call-pa. CAME sg. came, com CHURCH chyrche COULD, 1/3sg. culde, cudde DAY pl. deys, seyse DIE v. dye DIED sg. dyede DO 2 sg. doyste DO 3 sg. dothe, doethe DID sg. dyd DREAD; SPREAD pt/ppl dred EITHER + or ether, eyther, etheyr EVIL yvell (yvel) EYE pl. eyʒen, (eyʒyn) FETCH vb feche FIRE fyre FIRST weak adj. the-first GAVE 1/3sg. gaffe/ʒaff GIVEN ʒove (ʒoven) ((ʒoffe, ʒeuen, goffyn)) (((goffe))) GOOD goode GROW HAVE inf. Haue HAD pl. hadden, had HEAR v. here HELD sg. heelde HENCE hense HIGH hye

HIGHT (called) hyghʒt HILL hyll HUNDRED hunderethe II LED pa./ppl. led (lede, ledde) LET pa. leet LIE (down) pr. lygge LITTLE lytyll (lityl) LIVE v. lyff NE + WILL wyll + not NEITHER… NOR nether… ne (netheyr… ne) NO-MORE no-more OR or (ethyre) OTHER odyre (odyr, other) OWN adj. awne (awen) READ pa./ppl. redde SAY 1/3 sg. pr. say-, seye SAW, 1/3sg. sawe, see SELF selffe (self ) ((self )) SILVER siluer (syluer) SIN sb. syn SLAIN sleyne STEAD steede THOUSAND thowsande TOGETHER togedur (togedyr) ((togedure, togedyre)) TWO too UNTIL tyll, vnto (tyl) WELL adv. exc ‘wel(l)’ wele WHAT qwhat WHENCE qwhens WHETHER qwhedur (qwedyr) WHO ho (hoo, qwho) WHOSE qwhos (qwhoys) WIT (KNOW) wete (wyte) WITHOUT withowte (withowten) ((withowtyn)) WORSE werse YIELD pr. pl. ʒelden LY -le, -lee, lye

Introduction

43

Layout and Watermarks Gg consists of five quires and its abrupt ending in the middle of a sermon for the third Sunday in Lent suggests that it might have originally contained more folios. When considering the contents, affiliations, layout and watermarks together with the various inks the scribe used, the skeleton of the whole manuscript stands out. Three parts may be distinguished. They may be assimilated to booklets or selfcontained units as P. R. Robinson put it.11 At first sight, it seems that Gg is indeed composed of three distinct and independent parts – quire one (ff. 1r–7v), quires two and three (ff. 8r–31v) and finally quires four and five (ff. 32r–59v) – each part or booklet sharing palaeographical peculiarities with none of the others. Quire one contains jottings, fragments of sermons or exempla the inks and layout of which differ considerably. Quires two and three preserve a set of five sermons for various occasions, some of which are also found in MSS S, Ry, B and Ross. It is worth noting that S, Ry, B and Ross are futher cognate as they share material not preserved in Gg.12 This set is followed by two hitherto unrecorded sermons respectively dedicated to All Saints and All Souls Day, and a wedding ceremony. All five sermons and possibly the sermon for All Saints and All Souls Day were copied with the same ink and in the same manner, whereas the ink and layout of the wedding sermon is clearly distinct from that of the previous six. Quires four and five open with yet another marriage sermon followed by an incomplete de tempore cycle covering part of the liturgical year from Advent to Lent 3 and common to MSS H, R, G22 add, O, L, D and G22. The ink and layout are very similar for all these sermons and, most interestingly, for the marriage sermon with which quire four opens. One might surmise that all five quires were not originally meant to be assembled, although written by the same scribe. Yet, a closer look reveals connections between quire one and the other two parts. When looking more attentively, some internal logic appears. Understanding the compiling process seems suddenly feasible and most fascinating. The chronological order into which the scribe proceeded is obviously not the one today’s reader of the manuscript is offered. These three parts are both self-contained units and limbs of the same body, providing evidence that some internal, organic logic is operating.

11  P.  R. Robinson, ‘The Booklet, a self-contained unit in composite manuscripts of the Anglo-Saxon period’, Codicologica 3, 1980. 12  See pp. 26–27.

44

Introduction

Three self-contained units Accurate scribal work might well have consisted not only in careful attention to the copying of the text but also in the perpetuation of the structures and layout of the text in the scribal exemplar.13

In Gg too, scribal pieces might be traced back to a common exemplar due to similar structure and layout. When such pieces happen to travel in the same group of manuscripts and to have been copied with the same ink and on the same paper, the evidence of a common exemplar is even clearer. In the case of a compilation such as Gg, tracing sermons and notes back to a number of exemplars is of particular interest with regards to the chronological order into which these texts were copied down, and vice versa. Three self-contained units may be distinguished on the basis of their contents as mentioned above. All three parts preserve preaching materials – either sets of sermons or notes – which could be used separately as evidenced in the sister manuscripts. The five sermons in quires two and three also travel in the same order in MSS S, Ry B14 and Ross,15 while the de tempore cycle of quires four and five is found in yet another group of manuscripts – H, R, G22 add, O, L, D and G22. In MSS S, Ry and B, Gg’s sermons circulate with a cycle of Sunday sermons, the prothemes of which are Lollard homilies,16 three of which are also preserved in Ross amid preaching materials of different origins. The de tempore cycle in quires four and five was added to other de tempore sermons in H, R, O, L, D, G22, G22 add. It is worth noting that these supplementary de tempore sermons are not the same in OLDG22 and HRG22add – a number of which are revisions of John Mirk’s Festial.17 It is clear from the contents of the sister manuscripts that either part or booklet of Gg could be withdrawn, bound in a different order or even incorporated into another set of materials without affecting the others. This impression is further confirmed by the sermons’ layout and the various inks used to copy them. While the ink may give some information about the chronological order into which groups of texts were copied,18 the layout tells more about common exemplars. Two main types of layout are distinguished. The notes in quire one, however, are often presented in various ways as specific to jottings. The discolouring of ink with the passing of time makes it difficult to determine 13  V. Gillespie, ‘Vernacular books of religion’, in Book Production and Publishing in Britain 1375–1475 (Cambridge, 1989), p. 332. 14  B perserves only the last one, for a funeral. 15  Ross preserves only an incomplete version of the first one. 16  EWS. 17 Powell, Edition; Monteau, Edition; Morrison, DSC. 18  The ink alone cannot be used as a proof, but it may consolidate other pieces of evidence. However, the following considerations rest on visual observations only and not on any scientific analysis of the compounds.

Introduction

45

their exact number. Some of them, however, contrast so sharply with one another that the use of different inks by the scribe may not be questioned. Distinct ink, distinct layout and paper of distinct origins may be easily identified for each part or booklet. Two stocks of paper seem to have been used: the first one served for quires one, two and three19 while the second one served for quires four and five.20 The scribe used the same ink for quires four and five, but an ink quite distinct from the one used for quires two and three. As for quire one, again as specific to jottings, inks of various colours may be identified. It is worth noting that some of the notes in quire one – including the sermon for Easter and part of the incomplete sermon for Lent 1 – were possibly taken down with the same ink as the one used for quires two and three – although of a somehow lighter shade. The layout of the five sermons in quires two and three follows their structure: at the end of the protheme, for the repetition of the theme, the scribe went down to the following line. He left a blank space for an initial for both the theme21 and the repetition of the theme.22 The handwriting is regular and rather small. Ruling is still visible, showing that the scribe barely left a line between the end of one sermon and the beginning of the next one as if he had been worried not to waste too much space. Interestingly enough, the sermon for All Saints and All Souls day23 is presented in the same way – with a blank again left for an initial. The sharp contrast with the following quires suggests that the All Saints and All Souls day sermon and the set of five sermons were copied in a row, if not from the same exemplar, although this All Saints and All Souls day sermon clearly belongs to a different textual tradition. The layout of the de tempore sermons in quires four and five offers a sharp contrast again. Although handwritten in a careful and regular manner too, no ruling can be seen. The title of each de tempore sermon in quires four and five is centred in the folio. The layout is very regular and the abrupt ending of the manuscript in the middle of the Lent 3 sermon strongly suggests that Gg once contained at least the end of that sermon, if not a full cycle in several other quires. Quires four, five and the now putative missing ones might have originally formed a self-contained unit – as preserving a full cycle – independent from the other three quires. And yet, there is some form of unity throughout the codex as we know it. 19  The watermarks observed on folios 2–31 point to the same design of a cow, sometimes full-length on ff.  2 and 4, sometimes with the legs missing on ff.  13,17,18,  29, sometimes retaining the legs only 6, 9,10, 14, 24, 29, 31. The design may correspond to Briquet 2782, 29,9 × 43, Etampes, 1446–48; see also Briquet 15074, 29,5 × 44, Montpellier, 1466, Lyon, Châlon sur Saône 1468–72. 20  Face of a cow with horns and a line pointing upwards from the top of the head and ending with a four-point star. The face of the cow only appears on ff. 32,37,41,45,48,50,57 while the horns and star appear on ff. 34,38,43,46,53,55,58. Possibly Briquet 15074, 29,5 × 44, Montpellier, 1466, Lyon, Châlon sur Saône 1468–72 or 15100, 41,5 × 60, Enngen, 1480. 21  In all sermons except the sermon on Mortuus viuet. 22  In the sermon on Mortuus viuet only. 23  The sermon for All Saints and All Souls is unique to Gg and has no connection whatsoever with the previous five, nor with the following de tempore cycle.

X X

X

f. 1v Citation from Mt., 12:43

fragmented

X

X

f. 1v Longinus

f. 1v Prophets’ and apostles’ creed (end)

X

fragmented

X

f. 1r Prophets’ and apostles’ creed (middle part) X

X

X

f. 1r Temple in Rome

f. 1v (top) Citation from Mt., 18:17

X

X

f. 1r Octavianus

Layout 2 Unspecific Layout

fragmented

Layout 1

X

Ink 6

f. 1r Prophets and apostles’s creed (beginning)

Ink 5 X

Ink 4

X

Ink 3

f. 1r Three Maries

Ink 2

Ink 1

QUIRE 1

46 Introduction

X

Layout 1

X

copied backwards

X

Layout 2 Unspecific Layout

f. 4r Lent 1 sermon (last part)

f. 3v Lent 1 sermon (middle part)

f. 3v Lent 1 sermon (beginning)

X

X

X

X

Ink 6

X

X

Ink 5

f. 3r Two citations from Gregory

X

Ink 4

X

X

Ink 3

X

Ink 2

f. 3r Sketch of Sermon for Passion Sunday

f. 3r Easter Day sermon

X

X

ff. 2r–2v Easter Day sermon (beginning)

f. 2v (bottom) Citation from Seneca

Ink 1

QUIRE 1

Introduction

47

Ink 6

Layout 1

Layout 2 Unspecific Layout

Copied backwards

X

X

X

f. 5v beginning of an exemplum on murderous mother (end f. 5r)

f. 6r Evening prayers

f. 5r bottom blank

X

Ink 5

X

Ink 4

f. 5r extract from an exemplum on St Dunstan’s mother

Ink 3

copied backwards

Ink 2

X

Ink 1

f. 5r end of an exemplum on a murderous mother

leaf.5 missing

f. 4v blank

f. 4r bottom blank

QUIRE 1

48 Introduction

Layout 1

Layout 2 Unspecific Layout

X X

X X

f. 7r Grace before dinner

ff. 7r–7v Fragment of a sermon on the Last Supper

Further to this chart one can observe the following things in quire 1: – Headings in ink 3 on f. 1rv, 2r (e.g. a four-word note about the symbols of the Apostles). – f. 3v includes a note in top margin in ink 2; the first eleven lines and the first three words in line 12 are in ink 1. – f. 4r also has a marginal annotation in ink 3 (at the very end). – f. 5r has capital letters in ink 3.

X

X

f. 7r Exemplum of a lame man

f. 6v Exemplum of the three philosophers

X

Ink 6

X

Ink 5

X

Ink 4

f. 6v Note on the court of King Arthur

Ink 3 X

Ink 2 X

Ink 1

f. 6v Note on the Letters of Ihesu

QUIRE 1

Introduction

49

occasion in X ink 3 (top)

X

X

ff. 26–28 All Saints & All Souls

f. 31r–31v blank

ff. 28v–30v Marriage sermon

X

X

X

X

X

ff. 22–26 Mortuus Viuet

f. 22r top a line in Latin on contrition, confession and satisfaction

ff. 18v–21v Hodie oportet me in domo tua manere

X

X

X

ff. 15v–18v Sana Domine

f. 12v top series of biblical citations and prayers

X

Layout 1

X

Ink 6

ff. 12–15v Estote Prudentes

Ink 5 X

Ink 4

X

Ink 3

ff. 8–12 Diliges Dominum

Ink 2

Ink 1

QUIRES 2 and 3

Layout 2

X

X

Various 50 Introduction

X X X X X X X X X X

X X X X X X X X X

ff. 41–42 Circumcision

ff. 42–43v Epiphany

ff. 43v–46 Septuagesime

ff. 46–47 Sexagesime

ff. 47v–51 Quinquagesime,

ff. 51–52v Ash Wednesday

ff. 53–56 Lent 1

ff. 56–58 Lent 2

ff. 58–59v Lent 3 (incomplete)

Layout 2

X

Layout 1

ff. 38–41 Nativity

Ink 6

X

Ink 5

X

Ink 4

ff. 34–38 Advent

Ink 3 X

Ink 2 X

Ink 1

ff. 32–33v Marriage sermon

QUIRES 4 and 5

Various

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51

52

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When considering such a disparity one may wonder whether Gg is a genuine personal compilation. In other words, one may wonder whether the scribe and the compiler were one and the same man. As for the scribe himself, his handwriting can vary considerably from one part to another, sometimes careful sometimes not. The paper is not the same throughout the manuscript and the last part ends abruptly in the middle of a sermon, not to say a cycle. These elements suggest that some time must have elapsed between the copying of each part and that they may not have belonged to the same original design. But that it later became so is very likely. A sketch of a sermon and two citations from Gregory were copied at the bottom of f. 3r following the end of the Easter Day sermon. A further citation from Seneca was written at the bottom of the opposite folio, f. 2v, where the middle part of the Easter Day sermon lies. All these notes were written with a now yellowish ink distinct from the one used for the Easter Day sermon. The same yellowish ink can be traced, for citations again as well as for headings or sermon occasions, variously in quire 1 and in other quires (e.g. in quire 3, f. 28v top for the occasion), which strongly suggests that they were taken down when the whole manuscript was already bound. As there is one hand throughout in this yellowish ink as well as in other inks, one may conclude that the same man wrote and supervised the compilation of Gg. The compiler designed his anthology as a preaching tool and the coherence of the whole must be sought in his intention to bring together materials fitting his needs as a parish priest. It is no wonder that material in quire one should sometimes echo that in quires two and three, sometimes that in quires four and five. Quire one is actually the key to understanding the whole compilation. Some internal logic Distinguishable from the other four in terms of size, contents, layout and affiliations, quire one is made up of seven folios – its fifth leaf was cancelled. It merely preserves notes – fragments of exempla or sermons – some of which were jotted down with little care.24 Among such jottings, the ink and layout of which vary, a fragment of a sermon for Lent 1 stands out. It is found on ff. 3v–4 and was never completed. It is a slightly differing version of a sermon preserved in quire five as part of Gg’s de tempore cycle.25 Its layout and ink look quite similar to those of the sermons in quires two and three, as a blank space for an initial was left again. Actually, its layout is not that of a jotting. The scribe stopped and resumed the copying of this 24  For the detailed content of quire 1 see p. 37–38. 25  For variants, see pp. 64–66.

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sermon at least twice as suggested by the three different shades of ink, which may be a sign that he once meant to copy it in full although he eventually failed to do so. He probably did not drop his copying out of lack of interest though, as is clear from the following blank folio 4r. Note that the now missing fifth leaf was all the more likely to be torn away if blank too. One may venture to suggest that this incomplete sermon and those of quires two and three were copied from the same exemplar, or if not, were at least part of the same initial project, although belonging to different textual traditions. Then, quire one could have been originally conceived as complementary to quires two and three as more texts would also be needed. The small size of quire one and identical watermarks suggest that such could be the case, and so does the ruling: the scribe would know approximately the number of folios required to copy the material he wanted. Further evidence may be adduced to shore up this assumption. Quires two and three are rather homogeneous in terms of layout, ink, watermarks and contents, at least for the first five sermons. The sixth one, a sermon for All Souls and All Saints Day which owes much to the Speculum Sacerdotale and very little to the previous five, does not belong to the same tradition but shares the same layout with a blank space for an initial. The specificity of the first six sermons of quires two and three compared with the rest of the manuscript is that a blank was reserved for an initial, no space was wasted, and not a single line left in between two sermons and the handwriting is smaller than in the other quires. And yet, after the sixth sermon all that changes dramatically: the end of the sixth sermon occupies three quarters of folio 28r while the bottom part was left blank. The very last leaf of quire three was left blank too. And in between these two empty spaces, that is on ff. 28v–30v, a sermon for a wedding ceremony was copied in loose hand, reminiscent of some of the notes in quire 1. The ink has the same aspect as the one used for the exemplum on a murderous mother (f. 5v). Now, as quire 4 opens with yet another marriage sermon, the layout of which is identical to that of the following de tempore cycle, it is tempting to suggest that the marriage sermon of quire 3 was copied à propos on folios left blank when all booklets had been bound together or at least gathered together, to fill in a gap. Now, one might try to determine what the scribe’s initial project was, as far as quires 1, 2 and 3 are concerned. One may surmise that the first piece he wrote in quire 1 was this incomplete Lent 1 sermon. When looking carefully at the layout and inks of the various notes in quire one, one has a strong feeling that all the jottings before and after the Lent 1 sermon were actually taken down at random to fill in blanks – very much like the afore-mentioned wedding sermon. Indeed, only this Lent 1 sermon is presented in the same way as the sermons in quires two and three. The Lent 1 sermon is followed by an exemplum about a murderous mother. The note was copied in a backward fashion as indeed the scribe started on f. 5v

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and finished on f. 5r, announcing his arrangement down f. 5v – verte ffolium et ibi inuenies conclusionem. In other words, turn the page backward for the end. Therefore f. 5r must have been blank when he first started copying his exemplum on f. 5v whereas f. 6r was probably not. On ff. 6r–7v, a number of notes from unknown sources – mostly fragments of exempla – were jotted down with inks now of various shades. As suggested before, Gg’s scribe might have interrupted his copying of the Lent 1 sermon with the intention of resuming it later and left some free space intentionally before taking down the subsequent exempla. With a view not to waste his material and to resume his copying of the Lent 1 sermon later, he took down the following note backwards, saving as much space as possible. That he proceeded this way is also suggested by the layout of the preceding sermon for Easter. Although preserved on ff. 2–3, the impression, when looking at the manuscript, is that the Easter day sermon was copied after that for Lent 1 (ff. 3v–4). The Easter day sermon was jotted down in a somewhat cramped hand as if, again, the scribe had intended to use as little space as possible. Due to extreme precaution, the end occupies only one third of f. 3r. The empty space down f. 3r was later filled with an outline of sermon – possibly for Passion Sunday and Easter – and two citations from Gregory and a third one from Seneca – starting in the middle of f. 3r and ending down the opposite f. 2v. As mentioned earlier, the ink used for these jottings is of a contrasting yellowish shade which reminds one of some of the notes on ff. 7r–7v and top of f. 6v. That the outline of sermon and citations on ff. 3r–2v are independent from the Easter Day sermon is beyond doubt. This is further suggested by the following observation: the same yellowish ink may be traced elsewhere in the manuscript for a line in Latin on confession, contrition and satisfaction at the top of f. 22r. Actually, one has the strong feeling that all these jottings – ff. 3r–2v, 6v, 7r–7v and 22r – were most probably meant to fill in empty spaces, when all other quires were already written and probably bound or meant to be gathered together. The scribe’s habit of filling in empty spaces is particularly clear in folios 1 to 2 where the stories on the three Maries, on Octavianus and the Sybil, and the temple in Rome are interspersed by fragments of the Creed.26 The overall impression is that Gg is the result of a collecting process which was partially fortuitous. Now back to the Easter and Lent 1 sermons, why should the scribe have left too small a space for anything more than notes, if he was so keen not to waste material, as seems to be the case? The most plausible explanation is that he wrote the Easter Day sermon in a somewhat cramped hand for fear of not having enough space to copy it in full, because the following Lent 1 sermon was already written. The reason why he took down the Easter Day sermon on folios prior to the

26  See p. 46.

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Lent 1 sermon might be that he still intended to complete the latter later or had already filled some of the following folios with exempla. It should be noted too, that the layout of the Lent 1 sermon is not the same as that of the Easter one. Consequently, there is no clear evidence that they were both copied from the same exemplar or were ever part of an original compilation. And this supports our assumption that the copying of the Lent 1 sermon chronologically precedes that of the sermon for Easter. The layout of sermons and notes is indeed relevant, for it reveals which texts could derive from the same exemplar or at least, the order into which they were copied. These are the five sermons and the All Saints and All Souls Day sermon of quires two and three possibly copied from the same exemplar as the incomplete Lent 1 sermon of quire one. The marriage and the de tempore sermons of quires four and five were all copied from another exemplar. This might shed light on the reasons why the two versions of the Lent 1 sermon Gg preserves differ27 slightly, as copied from distinct exemplars. As for the Easter day sermon, though preserved in quire one together with the Lent 1 sermon, there is no clear evidence from the layout that it was copied from the same exemplar as the latter or even belonged to the same tradition; its presence in MSS H and R as part of their temporale cycle might be a mere indication that the reviser and compiler of the cycle they preserve had Gg itself at his disposal. Indeed, the case may find an echo in two of HR’s Festial revisions.28 Finally, the layout and ink of the marriage sermon at the end of quire three resemble some of the notes in quire one. Quire 1 Quire one contains preaching materials, mostly exempla. Most of this was taken down by the scribe under the form of notes or outlines of sermons and was probably meant to compose or augment new and old sermons. These notes tell much about the way ordinary priests and preachers worked and the sources they were likely to tap. They are also revealing of the various degrees of narrative variation a particular text or exemplum could undergo. A quick glimpse at quire one29 suggests that the sort of material this priest and compiler needed was meant for the exercise of preaching to a lay audience. This is confirmed by the general content of the sermons compiled in the following quires, most of them Sunday sermons. The presence of two marriage sermons in quires two and three strengthens the impression that Gg’s compiler was a parish priest. Exempla also suited lay preaching, such as the stories about a murderous 27  See pp. 64–66. 28  See pp. 92–100. 29  The content of quire one is described p. 37–38.

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Introduction

mother, Longinus, Candelmas Day or even King Arthur. In the same way, the Creed and lines on contrition and confession fit into the pattern of instructions to lay parishioners. Most of these notes or similar stories can be traced in works such as the Festial, the Legenda Aurea, the Fasciculus Morum, the Gesta Romanorum, John Bromyard’s Summa Praedicantium, the Speculum Sacerdotale, An Alphabet of Tales, the Speculum Laicorum, Thomas Brinton’s sermons. The scribe himself indicates that he knows one of these tales well enough when interrupting his copying of an exemplum with the mention Intelligo ffabulam modo satis bene.30 Gg’s scribe may have been working either from written sources including collections of sermons and perhaps exempla and treatises, or from oral sources, mere reminiscences of sermons he heard. A number of these notes could serve directly to supplement some of the temporale sermons preserved in quires four and five as suggested by similar stories narrated in the Festial, the Legenda Aurea or Gg’s sister manuscripts. The notes on Octavianus and the temple in Rome31 might well be extracts from a sermon on the Nativity, taken down with the intention to use them again to augment a sermon for that occasion, as is the case in the Legenda Aurea.32 This story may be found in the Fasciculus Morum too, where the anecdote exemplifies “Christ’s Entrance into this World” in the chapter entitled Envy.33 Both Jacobus de Voragine and the author of the Fasciculus Morum quote Innocent III as their main source. In Innocent III, the story of Octavianus also illustrates the Nativity of Christ.34 The Festial and its revision in HR include the story of Octavianus35 for that day as well, although omitting the story about the temple. The same use of both accounts was made for another sermon on the Nativity preserved in Dublin, Trinity College MS 241 (ff. 119v–121r) and the latter might very well be one among many. The note on the three Maries36 relates to Christ’s family tree and can be traced in a number of sources, including Bede,37 John Beleth,38 Jacobus de Voragine,39

30  f. 7r, ed. p. 125–26. 31  f. 1r, ed. p. 117. 32  LgA, ‘De natiuitate Domini’, p. 63. 33  Fasciculus Morum, p. 238. 34  Innocent III, ‘In eadem in solemnitate in nativitate Domini’, PL, vol. 217, col. 457C. 35 Powell, Festial, vol. 1, p. 27, ll. 135–49. 36  f. 1r, ed.p. 117. 37  D. Hurst (ed.), Beda Uenerabilis, ‘In Lucae euangelium expositio’, CCSL 120, lib.2, cap.6, l. 1372; PL 92, col. 399 A. 38  H. Douteil (ed.), Iohannes Beleth, Summa de ecclesiasticus officiis, 1976, CCCM 41A, cap.157, l. 29. 39  LgA, ‘De nativitate beate Mariae virginis’, p. 900.

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John Bromyard,40 Christanus Campiliensis41 or John Mirk.42 It could be used to illustrate a sermon for the second Sunday after the octave of Epiphany as is the case in Warminster MS Longleat 4,43 or for Easter day and Ascension day as in Dublin Trinity College MS 241,44 or even a sermon on St Anne as in the Legenda Aurea and the Festial, or Philip and Jacob as in the Speculum Sacerdotale.45 The scribe took down the Prophets and Apostles Creed fragmentarily. He incorporated the first four lines between the stories of the three Maries and that on Octavianus, the next eleven lines between the note on the temple in Rome and a citation from Mt, 18:17, and the remaining eight lines between the afore-mentioned citation and the story of Longinus. The association of the prophets with the apostles in the Creed flourished in the thirteenth-century and had become much sought by the late fifteenth century. Emile Mâle showed how popular the juxtaposition of prophets and apostles was in late medieval art, in particular on the tympans and stained glass windows of churches.46 York Minster is a famous example, where the Prophets and Apostles Creed is represented on the stained glass windows of the north choir and south choir clerestories.47 As indeed instruction to parishioners would draw on visual as much as auditory sources, the wealthiest could further their knowledge with a psalter or book of hours such John of Berry’s where the Prophets and Apostles Creed is beautifully illustrated. Whereas the citations from apostles that form the Nicene Creed never varied, those from the prophets did. A quick comparison of Gg’s Creed with those found in York Minster or John of Berry’s psalter book proves the point. The note on Longinus48 was probably meant to be used as an exemplum, although the introductory lines remind one of the beginning of a sermon, ffrendys, it is ffull necessarye qwhat werke þat anye man begyn þat he remembyr hym and thynke on hys God þat bogh3t hym and lyffte vpe hys honde and blysse hym, ffor as I

40  A. Ritius (ed.), John Bromyard, Summa Praedicantium, (Venice: Dominicus Nicolinus, 1586), vol. II, p. 14, chap.III, col. 4, par.36. 41  W. Zechmeister (ed.), Christanus Campiliensis (Christanus de campo liliorum), CCCM 19B, 1992, pp. 543–79, l. 68. 42 Powell, Festial, ‘De Sancta Anna mater Marie uirginis’, vol. 2, pp. 193–95, ll. 66–86. 43  ‘The secund Sunday after the Octave of Epiphany’, ff. 16v–19r. 44  ‘Easter Day sermon’, ff. 93v–96v; ‘Ascension Day sermon’, ff. 118r–119v. 45  Speculum Sacerdotale, chap. 35, pp. 143–46. 46  There was a far simpler way of conveying the divine concordance between the Old and New Testaments and this was to place the prophets face to face with the apostles […]. The correspondance of the prophets and the apostles was one of the favorite subjects of fifteenth-century art, and strangely enough, takes on a kind of grandeur in the fifteenth century that it lacked in the thirteenth. E. Mâle, Religious Art in France, Bollingen series xc:3 (Princeton University Press, 1986) pp. 30–36, translation M. Mathews. 47 S. Brown, ‘Our Magnificent Fabrick’. York Minster: An Architectural History c. 1220–1500 (Swindon: English Heritage, 2003); S. Brown, Stained Glass at York Minster (London: Scala, 1999). 48  f. 4, ed. pp. 118–19.

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ffynde in scrypture þat Longinus, þe blynde knygh3t […].49 The only biblical reference50 to the blind knight who pierced Jesus’ side makes no mention either of his name or life.51 The author says he found this story in scrypture, which might mean either the Bible or some written piece of literature. Attributing to the Bible some hagiographic legend would be a sign that the story of Longinus was part and parcel of an often drawn-on stock of miraculous tales.52 In the Legenda Aurea, a whole sanctorale sermon is devoted to the character of Longinus. Jacobus’ work is unlikely, however, to be the direct source of Gg’s note as suggested by some textual discrepancies. In Gg, Longinus is said to have preached for thirty eight years while the Legenda Aurea53 makes mention of twenty eight years, which could be interpreted as a copying mistake, but is more likely a variant. Gg agrees with a number of famous sources including Raban Maur54 or Vincent of Beauvais.55 Longinus is a recurring character, and the ‘earliest vernacular account’ of the blind knight in English literature seems to occur in Ælfric.56

49  f. 4, ed. pp. 118–19. 50  Mt., 27:54, Centurio autem, et qui cum eo erant, custodientes Iesum, viso terrae motu et his quae, fiebant, timuerunt valde, dicentes: vere filius dei erat iste. 51 R.  Jeffries Peebles, The Legend of Longinus in Ecclesiastical Tradition and in English Literature (Baltimore: J. H. Furst, 1911) p. 27. 52  Des métaphores usuelles dans la littérature hagiographique telles que l’aveuglement de l’incrédulité, la lèpre ou la mort du péché ont été prises maintes fois dans le sens littéral et ont donné naissance à des légendes. L’incrédulité a toujours été assimilée à la cécité: les mécréants, les hérétiques sont qualifiés d’aveugles et quand ils se convertissent, on dit que les écailles leur tombent des yeux, que leurs yeux s’ouvrent à la lumière. Incapable de comprendre ce langage, le peuple a confondu la cécité spirituelle (typlôsis tês psykhês) avec la cécité physique et transformé les païens ou les juifs antichrétiens en véritables aveugles. Le centurion Longin, qui était aveugle au sens spirituel du mot (entendez incroyant), est illuminé par la grâce divine au pied de la croix: cette métaphore engendre la légende du port-lance aveugle qui perce le flanc du Sauveur et retrouve miraculeusemenrt la vue grâce à une goutte de sang jaillie de la plaie du Christ. L. Réau, Iconographie de l’art chrétien (Paris: PU, 1955), vol. 1 pp. 338–39. 53  Vnde renuntians militie et ab apostolis instructus in Caesarea Cappadocie uiginti octo annis monasticam uitam duxit et uerbo et exemplo plurimos ad Christum conuertit, Legenda Aurea, ‘De Sancto Longino’, ed. G. P. Maggioni, p. 307. 54  In Capadotia passio sancti Longini martyris, de quo in libello martyrii eius narratus quod aliquando militans sub centurione Romano in passione Domini latus eius cum lancea in cruce aperiret, et uiso terrae motu et signis quae fiebant, crediderit in Christum poenitentiam agens de operibus suis pristinis. Postea monachus factus per xxx et viii annos Christo militauit multos conuertens ad fidem Dei, Rhabanus Maurus, Martyrologium, mensis 3, dies 15, linea 84, CCCM 44, ed. J. McCulloh, 1979. 55  Ex gestis eius Protinus illuminatus in Christus credidit; Unde militie cedens instructus ab apostolis: in Cesarea Cappadocie xxxviii annis monachicam vitam duxit et in omni sanctitate permanens verbo et exemplo plurimos ad Christum conuertit, Vincent de Beauvais, ‘De vulnere domini lateris’, Speculum Historiale, lib. vii, cap. xlvi, quoted by R. Jeffries Peebles, op; cit., p. 23. 56  In English literature the story of Longinus appears frequently. From the tenth to the sixteenth centuries his legend is found in every type of literary production, R. Jeffries Peebles, op. cit., p. 80; “The ealiest vernacular account of Longinus that I have found, occurs in Ælfric’s alliterative metrical homily”, The Exalttion of the Cross, ibid, p. 83, cf. W. W. Skeat (ed.), AElfric’s Lives of Saints, (London: EETS, 1881), vol. 2, p. 156.

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The same story could be exploited differently and adjusted to various preaching needs. In Gg and HR, a brief mention of Longinus may also be found in a Septuagesima sermon.57 In Warminster MS  Longleat 4 the blind knight is mentioned in a sermon for Palm Sunday.58 Had Gg’s scribe had any intention of incorporating this exemplum into one of his sermons, he certainly meant to insist on Christ’s mercy and the redeeming nature of his blood and sacrifice. Such is the significance attributed to the anecdote in Gg’s sermon for Septuagesima: […] qwhan Longius perschyd and opynde hys syde with noo small gemelott, nor persour, bot with a sherpe spere vnto hys herte, and ther he 3affe plenteffusly drynke off grace and remission to manys sawle þat thyrsted afftur mercye.59 Blindness could also have served as an allegory for ignorance, just as Longinus’ recovery of sight as an allegory for the revelation of Christ’s divinity. Longinus’ own words in the play Corpus Christi are eloquent enough: What I did I knew not, For I did not see, And if I had seen, I would not have done it, Though I had been killed”.60

A similar use of the allegory of blindness may be found in this extract from the Festial: He lyghteth also þoo þat loketh ille. Herby, gode men, 3e schul vndurstonde þat Cryst heluth not onlych hem þat weren blynde in body, but mony moe þat weren blynd in soule and combret wyth darkenes of synful lyuyng.61 Such was the kind of ready-to-use material a compiling priest was likely to find relevant. The exemplum of the incestuous and murderous mother62 whose hand remains stained with her child’s blood is of particular interest with regard to the accompanying verses. These are a very close translation of a Latin exemplum from the Gesta Romanorum.63 In Gg, the Latin verses are preserved and supplemented with an English translation which seems to have no parallels in other English extant versions.64 Differing translations may be found at least in Harley MS 231665 and OLG22.66 The note in Gg is introduced by the term remember, the edifying 57  Septuagesima, ff. 34r–36r. 58  Palm Sunday, ff. 44r–48r. 59  f. 45v, ed. p. 180, ll. 75–80. 60  V. A. Kolve, The Play Called Corpus Christi, (Stanford: Stanford University press, 1966), p. 220. 61 Powell, Festial, ‘De Nativitate Domini Nostri Ihesu Christi’, p. 25, l. 79–82. 62  See f. 5r–5v, ed. p. 124. 63  Gesta Romanorum, chap.13, p. 291. 64  IMEV, p. 565, n. 568. 65 f. 2v. 66  See Sunday sermon for Trinity 3 in O, Morrison, DSC, vol. 2, p. 257.

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function of which is most conspicuous and could have served a twofold purpose: illustrating the great compassion of the Virgin, and exhorting parishioners to confession. In MSS OLG22’s sermon,67 this exemplum illustrates the need to repent for ones’ sins68 and tales of the miracles of the Virgin are claimed to be its source. A similar tale69 was incorporated to a number of works including the Fasciculus Morum70 and into the English Gesta Romanorum,71 Thomas Brinton’s sermons,72 John Bromyard’s Summa Praedicantium,73 the Festial74 and the Speculum Laicorum:75 a lady is visited by Christ in a dream, who asks her to apply a hand on his bleeding side. When awakening on the morrow, her hand is stained with Christ’s blood which no hot water may wash away, but confession only. A Middle-English version of this exemplum is preserved in Royal 18.B.xxiii, appended to a sermon for the dedication of a church from Mirk’s Festial.76 Interestingly enough, this exemplum also includes Latin verses which are very close to those of the Gesta Romanorum: Gesta Romanorum/Gg: Casu Cecidisti Carne Cecata Demoni Dedisti Dona Donata (dotata in Gg) Monstrat Manifeste Manus Maculata Recedit Rubigo Regina Rogata.

MS Royal 18.B.xxiii:

67  Not in Gg and HRG22add. 68  And therfore at Þe reuerence of God remember in thi consciens how $u haste offendid Þi God[[62v]]and com to hym be grace of good lyvyng. And then Criste wyll sey to all synfull pepill doyng penaunce for there synnes as the gospell of this day makethe mencion, where he seythe Þus: Congratulamini michi, qui[a] inueni ovem meam que perierat; ‘Be ϸe glad withe me, for I haue fownde my schepe Þat hathe perissched’, Þat is to sey, tho synfull sowlis Þat was comberde withe synne is come to grace. Wherfore he seythe moreover: Quod ita gaudium erit in celo super vno peccatore penitenciam agente; ‘So ioy schall be [in heven] on oo synfull man doyng penawnce.’. Acordyng to this, we fynde among Þe Myrakils of owre Lady that there was some tyme a gentil-woman, and sche was full of deuocion and vsed many devowte prayers to owre Lady, Morrison, DSC, vol. 2, pp. 255–56. 69  Index Exemplorum, 2416. 70  Fasciculus Morum, p. 496, l. 73–86. 71  S. J. H. Herrtage (ed.), The Early English Version of the Gesta Romanorum, EETS (London: Oxford University Press, 1962) (4th ed), chap. Lxxiv, p. 393. 72  Thomas Brinton, sermons 65,86, and 88; see Fasciculus Morum, p. 497, note to lines 73–82. 73  John Bromyard, op. cit., ‘Confessio’, C.VI.58; see Fasciculus Morum, p. 497, note to lines 73–82. 74 Powell, Festial, Sermon for Lent 2, pp. 84, ll. 102–16; See Fasciculus Morum, opp.497, note to lines 73–82. 75  S. J. H. Herrtage (ed.), The Early English Version of the Gesta Romanorum, EETS (London: Oxford University Press, 1962) (4th ed), 136; see Fasciculus Morum, p. 497, note to lines 73–82. 76  See Powell, Festial, n°68, pp. 249–52.

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[…] so he dud and founde written on hire thomme þise wordes Casus cecidisti. carne cocata. In secundo digitu. Demoni dedisti deo dicata. In tercio digitu Regurgens a reatu. Regina rogata; In quarto digitu. Puerum perdidisti. Pena palliata. In quinto digitu Monstrat manifeste manus maculata […]77

There is however no English translation of the Latin verses in Royal 18.B.xxiii, contrary to Gg. This story, again, is an exhortation to penance and confession through the means of an innocent’s blood. The following note in Gg – about a woman who goes to Church for Candlemas day – is a condensed version of the story of St Dunstan’s mother told in the South English Legendary.78 In the Festial, John Mirk added this exemplum to his sermon for the Purification of the Virgin Mary.79 The exemplum about a precious tree and a cripple is shortened with the mention Intelligo ffabulam modo satis bene. In this version a man with arms and hands but neither feet nor legs is first asked to guard the tree, then so is a man with feet and legs but wanting arms and hands: Exemplum, how the bodye and the sawle xall bothe be damnyd and þei deserve it. Narracio. Qwher as theyre was a grete astate þat had a presyous tree with ffrute ffor to be kepte growyng in hys gardyne, he toke þis tree to a man to kepe þat had a body, hede and hondys. Bot þis man wantyd ffeet and leggys. Also, he toke þis tree to anodyre man þat had leggys, a hede and a bodye bot he wantyd armys and hondys. Intelligo ffabulam modo satis bene.80

Gg’s scribe obviously knew this story although he failed to recognize it at once. The note is too short to be identified with certainty, but it somehow echoes an exemplum by Etienne of Bourbon where a blind man and a cripple are asked to guard the king’s orchard but steal the fruits instead.81 The moral that is drawn in Gg is the same as in Etienne of Bourbon’s exemplum. In Gg the moral comes first, followed by the mention narracio, then come the first lines of the exemplum, and finally intelligo ffabulam modo satis bene. It looks as if the scribe followed some indication in the margin of his exemplar – possibly narracio and key words – and thus took down the moral without reading the 77  W. L. Braekman and P. S. Macaulay, “Two Unpublished Middle English Exempla from MS Royal 18 B xxiii, (Helsinki: Neuphilologische Mitteilungen, 1972) 71, pp. 97–104. 78  The South English Legendary, p. 19. 79 Powell, Festial, vol. 1, p. 58, ll. 115–25. 80  f. 7r, ed. p. 126. 81 J.  Berlioz (ed.), Stephanus de Borbone, Tractatus, de diversis materiis praedicabilibus, CCCM (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002), Book 1, VII, 124, l. 251/61.

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exemplum beforehand. It is only when he realized that he knew the story – that is when he recognized Etienne of Bourbon’s – that he stopped his copying. Actually, he might have been misled by the differing infirmities, and had he not, this variant would have never been passed down. Actually, no other traces of Gg’s variant have been recorded in collections of Middle English sermons. Nor is it recorded in ThEMA.82 And yet it is clear that the scribe drew this exemplum from a written source. That Gg’s exemplar was in Latin should not be overlooked. So these very short lines remind one of what has been lost. Sermon writers usually drew on the common stock of exempla, allegories or images, but the latter could be modified in particular when working from memory. They could also form the basis for the composition of other exempla with a similar edifying purpose, a phenomenon of which the afore-mentioned note could be an illustration. The exemplum about the three philosophers may also enter the same pattern: three philosophers are asked by their lord which thing is the most necessary. The first one replies ‘love’ and compares it with a rose, the second one answers riches likened to a lily and the third one says prayers are the most useful and likens them to an olive tree. The right answer is obviously prayers, for as the other two are perishable, the olive tree is evergreen. A close version of this exemplum may be found in a Procession sermon – possibly by Thomas Spofford – preserved in London BL MS 226883 – and where love is replaced by friendship.84 Interestingly enough, the Latin lines that are found in Gg are very close to those found in BL MS 2268, except that in the latter they are not separated from the main narrative: Gg (f. 6v): Rosa marcescens, lilia putrescens, olive virescens BL MS 2268 (f. 210r–210v): And þerfore to þe fryst of þe clerkys, þe qwylk held þat frenchep was þe best mene, he gaf a rose, saying onto hym on þis wyse, Rosa cito decressit, ‘þe rose fatys in a day’. To þe secunde, þat held þat habundauns of godys of fortune was þe best mene to socour a man in hys tribulacion, þe god gaue a lelye wyth þese wordys, lilium putrescit, ‘þe lily rotys sone awaye’. [ f. 210v] Vnto þe thyrd, þat held þat prayere was þe best mene to releue a man in noyse and tribulacion, he gaf a braunche of a clene olyue tre saying apo þis wyse, Olyua semper virescit, ‘þe olyue is grene and lastys allway’.85

Gg’s scribe must have had several exemplars at his disposal. That he worked from different models is suggested by the way he filled in the blanks between notes and wrote backwards. Since he introduces most of his notes by remembyr or the abbreviated form of exemplum, or even narracio, it is possible that the latter were 82  Thesaurus Exemplorum Medii Aevi. 83 O’Mara, Four Middle-English Sermons, p. 128, lines 128–46. 84  Note that love may include friendship. 85  See O’Mara, Four Middle-English Sermons, p. 128, ll. 128–46.

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extracts from sermons rather than collections of exempla, as suggested before. He might have been following the same mention narracio often found in the margin of sermon collections, thus selecting pieces he could use again. In turn, his own writing narracio could serve as a marker and help him find what he was looking for in his own commonplace book. Although the principle of asking a wise man a number of questions was common, this exemplum is not recorded in any other Middle English manuscript, neither is it in THeMA or the Gesta Romanorum. Therefore, it is tempting to suggest that Thomas Spottford’s sermon was the source of Gg’s note. It is even more so as a note on King Arthur found a remote echo only in another of Thomas Spottford’s sermons. On f. 6v Gg’s scribe took down a couple of lines dealing with laws used at the court of King Arthur: Item, it is to remembyre the lawes þat were vsyd in Kyng Arthour [days], how on the Sonondey or they were sett at the kyngys tabyll. The ffyrste was þat or [sum] were sett to the tabyll he xulde tell newe tythans or ellys he xulde doo sum poynte off arm, signum et signatum, or cum in hys beste clothynge, cum spiritum devocionis et cum aqua contricionis et sanguine, id est, cum memoria sue pascionis.

Interestingly enough, The Repertorium of Middle English Prose Sermons86 does not record any exempla dealing with King Arthur, which may suggest that he was not very popular among Middle English sermon writers. And yet, Tubach’s Index Exemplorum records an exemplum87 in Cesarius of Heisterbach88 telling how, during his sermon, an abbot rouses the sleeping monks by the mere mention of the story of King Arthur. Gg’s note and Cesarius’ exemplum thus show that preaching would sometimes require adding entertaining material to written sermons. The same resort to King Arthour may be found in a sermon by Thomas Spofford for the Annunciation and Passion Sunday preserved in MS Harley 2268: I fynde wrytyn þat þere was law and ordinaunce emang þe knythtys of þe Rounde Tabyll of Kyng Arthurow, bot qwat thorow byttyr passion and pyne for owre sake in þis batell, armyd with owre manhede, he was slayn and owre heritage restoryd and recoueryd again, sayng þe haly apostyll, Christus semel pro peccatis nostris mortuus est, prima Petri 3.89

86  O’Mara & Paul, Repertorium, (Turnhout, 2007). 87 N°360. 88  J. Strange (ed.), Caesarii Heisterbacencis Monachi ordinis Cisterciensis Dialogus Miraculorum, 2 vols (Cologne, 1851). 89 O’Mara, Four Middle English Sermons, p. 95, ll. 661–65.

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Just as in Gg, the allusion is brief and its source is not mentioned. It could indicate that the audience would be familiar with such stories and no further indication needed. The character of King Arthur was probably popular as shown by this extract from the Paston Letters: And as for the Duke’s court, as of lords, ladies, and gentlewomen, knights, squires, and gentlemen, I heard never of none like to it save King Athur’s court.90

Interestingly enough, again, The Repertorium records only two sermons alluding to King Arthur, the afore-mentioned sermon by Thomas Spofford in MS Harley 2268 and a sermon for the Annunciation preserved in MS Royal 18. B. xxiii. At first sight, this could suggest that sermon writers would rather not have wished to resort to the figure of King Arthur. However, the note in Gg would tend to prove otherwise, as most of the notes preserved in quire one could have been taken down to augment sermons and be traced in other works. The peculiarity of quire one is to give the modern reader an insight into the way a fifteenth-century priest worked and accommodated his sources. Such notes as Gg’s may help reconstruct the act of preaching from written sermons, very much in the way the fifteenth-century personal compilation preserved in St John’s College, Cambridge S.35 “allows us to see something of the actuality in practice”, as Eamon Duffy put it. “The significance of the St John’s manuscript is not in any originality it contains, but in the evidence it provides of the actual employment of the theories and advice of the textbooks by working priests in their day-to-day practice.”91 Several degrees of emendation Looking at the various degrees of emendation of a particular text is instructive with regards to the number of branches which may be identified in a textual tradition. And quire one contains such material – the afore-mentioned Lent 1 sermon, a different version of which is also preserved in quire five, and the affiliated manuscripts H and R. Most relevant is the fact that both versions in Gg differ considerably enough to belong to two distinct though cognate branches. Equally noteworthy is the closeness the version in quire five bears to HR’s as against that in quire one. Gg’s scribe obviously had two different models at hand and must have found this sermon especially worth noting down as he copied it twice even though in an incomplete manner in quire one. Gg’s preserving two 90  N. Davis (ed.), Paston Letters, (London: EETS, 2004), s.s. 20, p. 539. 91 E. Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars, Traditional Religion in England 1400–1580, (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1992), p. 60.

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diverging versions is also revealing of the availability of exemplars at a given time and place. Here follows a selection of such variants: Gg, f. 3v: ‘into a deserte off a spirit’ Gg, f. 53r: ‘off a spirite into desert’ H, f. 55v: ‘of a spirite into desert’ R, f. 38r: ‘of a sprite into disserte’ Gg, f. 3v: ‘was the temptator’ Gg, f. 53r: ‘was ther present the temptator’ H, f. 55v: ‘was þere present þe temptator’ R, f. 38r: ‘was þer presentid þe temptatour’ Gg, f. 3v: ‘Mannys ffode, beleve and sustenawnce’ Gg, f. 53r: ‘Manys ffode, sustanaunce and lyffynge’ H, f. 55v: ‘Mannys fode, sustinaunce and lyving’ R, f. 38r: ‘Mannys fode, sustynance and levyng’ Gg, f. 3v: ‘[…] þat þu xalte not hurte þi ffote anense the stone, þat þei meye kepe the in all þi weyse.’ Gg, f. 53v: ‘[…] þat þu xuldes not harme thi ffote aʒen the stone.’ H, f. 56r: ‘[…] þat þu shulde not hurt thi fote ageyns þe stone.’ R, f. 38r: ‘þat þu schuldist not hurt þi feet agayns þe stonys’ Gg, f. 3v: ‘the devyll’ Gg, f. 53v: ‘eft sones the devyll’ H, f. 56r: ‘eft sones the fende’ R, f. 38: ‘eft sonys þe fende’ Gg, f. 4r: ‘a mownte or ane hyll’ Gg, f. 53v: ‘ane hyll’ H, f. 56r: ‘an hyll’ R, f. 38r: ‘an hyʒe hyll’ Gg, f. 3v: ‘all the regnes ande the welthes off thys worlde’ Gg, f. 53v: ‘all the kyndams, riches and welthes off the worlde’ H, f. 56r: ‘all kyngedams, all regions, all riches and welthis of the worlde’ R, f. 38r: ‘all þe kyngdams and regions and riches and welþe of þe world’ Gg, f. 4: ‘the spyryt off the holye gooste’ Gg, f. 53v: ‘the holy goste’ H, f. 56r: ‘þe holy goste’ R, f. 38r: ‘þe holy gost’

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Gg, f. 4: ‘and have syche power over hym’ Gg, f. 53v: omitted H, f. 56r: omitted R, f. 38r: omitted

Though minor, the above variants seem conclusive since quire one preserves a mere fragment of that sermon. Gg’s version two and HR are close enough to derive from the same branch of the tradition as evidenced by the third example: Mt: 4,4 non in solo pane vivit homo is translated as thus in version 1: manys ffode, beleve and sustenawnce is not only in brede. Gg’s version two and HR read manys ffode, sustanaunce and lyffynge is not only in brede. The term beleve in version one is of particular interest. Beleve must be a spelling variant of bi-live also spelt bileue92 – meaning food or means of subsistence – so synonymous with ffode and sustenawnce. Thus the sequence ffode, beleve and sustenawnse in version one makes sense. So does version two and HR where lyffynge is synonymous with food too. Therefore, both versions are close translations. However, the particular spelling of beleve is worth a second thought. This term is frequently used in Gg’s sermons. This is however the one occurrence of beleve meaning food and not belief. The use of beleve in version one is clearly at odds with the other occurrences of the term in quires 4 and 5, where it always means belief and never food, whereas the notion of food is always expressed by the terms ffoode or ffode (7 occurences all in all).93 And this consolidates the assumption of distinct exemplars and distinct branches of the tradition. The association of Gg’s sermons with other traditions in the affiliated manuscripts may be seen as a sign of their popularity, while the many variants suggest that the number of intermediaries was likewise significant. Quires 2 and 3 Content and Form Quires 2 and 3 preserve seven sermons in all. The first five travel in four other manuscripts. They may be easily distinguished from the last two, unrecorded elsewhere so far. The form is different: whereas the first five are modern, the last two are not.94 However it is worth noting that the sermon for All Souls and All Saints Day was probably copied from the same exemplar as the previous five, as

92  Al hit is cleped bred, þat is mannes bileue; ac naðeles bred bitocneð þre bileues. -þe mete þe þe lichame brukeð..godes word…cristes holie licame, Trin. Hom. 27, MED. 93  MED gives one occurrence only of bilive meaning food. 94  For sermon form in general see Spencer, English Preaching., pp. 228–69.

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suggested by similar layout and ink.95 It should also be noted that it follows the sermon on the dead, which might explain why they happened to be associated in Gg and possibly its exemplar. The following lines shall concentrate on the first five sermons only while the remaining two, for All Saints and All Souls day and a wedding ceremony, will be discussed in the following chapters.96 The five sermons preserved in quires two and three comply with the rules required of modern or university sermons. The structure of the sermon on Diliges dominum deum tuum97 may serve as an example: Theme: Diliges dominum deum tuum, Mt, 22:47 Protheme The audience is exhorted to serve God and not the devil for God only shall reward them for their service. The protheme concludes as thus: Ande þus, þu serueste to syn þat þe ffeend vsethe the too, ffor he þat doethe syn he is servant to synne: Qui ffacit peccatum seruus est peccati.98 Ande so þu makest thyselffe thrall ther þu myghtyste bee ffree, ande chesyste the ffende to þi ffadyr þat is ffynder off all syn. Ande therffore, loke ande caste þu þine herte to qwhat thyngys þu servyst moste to, ande turne þerffroo aʒeen ande serve to God, ande make þe ffree þer þu arte bonde, ande besye the too gete the grace to ffyghʒt aʒen the ffowle ffeende thoroo the helpe off þi Lorde to wyn off hym the victorye. Too have thys grace ande thys helpe off hym þat is Allmyghtye at þis tyme and all odyr tymes, me so to teche yowe the lawe off God allmyghʒty and yowe to lerne it and ffulffyll yt in deed, þat it be worchep to hym þat is allmyghʒty aboven helpe, ande amendynge off yowre lyffes satysfaccion to your sawles ande to all cristen pepyll, qwyk ande dede, þat God wyll þat we pray ffore, ffore the state off all holye chyrche and pees off all cristen londys ande thyngys that been nedeffull vs to praye ffore. Att thys tyme besechen we to owre lorde God Almyghʒtye yche man ande woman, with a Pater noster ande ane Ave Maria.

95  See p. 50. 96  For All Saints and All Souls see pp. 94–97; for a wedding ceremony see pp. 79–84. 97  ff.8–12, ed. pp. 129–34. 98  Qui facit peccatum servus est peccati, Io, 8:34.

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Reiteration of the theme: The theme is repeated and followed by an explanation of the three virtues of love, illustrated with quotations: 1) Good will is stronger than deeds: – Quia voluntas reputatus pro facto99 – Ante Dei namque oculos numquam est vacua manus a munere, si ffuerit archa cordis repleta bona voluntate.100 – Gloria in excelsis, Lc, 2:14 2) Love makes man timorous: – Timete Dominum omnes sancti, quoniam non est timentibus eum. Ps, 33:10101 3) Love makes man obliging – Si ego sum Deus, ubi est timor meus, si ego sum Deus ubi est amor meus? Mal, 1:6 Four principals are announced: Ande þerffore, as I seyde to the affore, þu xalte luffe þi lorde God, bot iiij thyngys here been ffor to be considered: 1) Why man should love God. – Qui ipse prior dilexit nos et lauit nos a peccatis nostris in sanguine suo. Apoc, 1:5 – Diligentes me diligo, Pv, 8:17 2) How man should love God. – Diliges Dominum Deum tuum ex toto corde tuo et ex tota anima tua ex tota mente tua et ex omnibus viribus tuis et proximum tuum sicut te ipsum. Lc, 10:27; Mt, 22:37102 – Beati mundo corde: quoniam ipsi Deum videbunt. Mt, 5:8

99  Quia voluntas reputatus pro ffacto, possibly a misquotation from Bernardus Claraeuallensis, Epistola de baptismo (77), Bernardi Opera, ed. J. Leclercq and H. M. Rochais, par. 8, vol. 7, p. 191, l,17: Quid planius, quod voluntas pro facto reputetur, ubi factum excludit necessitas? 100  Ante Dei namque oculos numquam est uacua manus a munere, si arca cordis repleta est bona uoluntate, Gregorius Magnus, XI Homiliae in euangelia, lib.1, hom.5, ed. R Etaix, SL 141, 1999. 101  Timete Dominum omnes; sancti eius quoniam non est inopia timentibus eum, Ps, 33:10. 102  Diliges Dominum Deum tuum ex toto corde tuo anima tua et ex omnibus viribus tuis et ex omni mente tua et proximum tuum sicut te ipsum, Luc, 10: 27; Diliges Dominum Deum tuum ex toto corde tuo et ex tota anima tua et ex tota mente tua, Mt., 22:37.

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– Oculi mei semper ad dominum quoniam ipse euellet de laqueo pedes meos. Ps, 24:15 – Anima mea liqueffacta est vt dilectus locutus est. Ct, 5:6103 – Nocte surgentes vigilemus omnes semper in psalmis meditemus atque viribus totis duo canamus dulciter ympnos.104 3) How man knows he loves God duly. – Si adhuc hominibus placerem Christi seruus non essem. Gal, 1:10 4) What stops man from loving God. – Ingorancia non excusat.105 – Quia ignorans ignorabitur. 1 Cor, 14:38 – In maliuolam animam non introibit sapiencia. Sap, 1:4 – Quia creavit te sine non justifficabit te sine te.106 – Sicut bona voluntas est mecum omnis boni sic mala voluntas est mecum omnis mali.107 Conclusion – Omni tempore benedic Deum. Tob, 4:20 Ande þus xalte þu lerne to luffe þi lorde Godde ande þis luffe wyll brynge the to the lyffe withowten eende to þat lyffe he brynge vs þat sufferde ffor mankynde peyne ande passyon on the crosse ande dyede on Gode Ffrydeye. Amen. In the other four sermons the theme is also announced then followed by a protheme and a prayer. In a second part the theme is repeated and developed in a process that is divided into a number of principals which in their turn are subdivided. The prothemes of these five sermons have a similar ending, reminding the priest of his duty to teach the word of God and his parishioners to abide by it. Then, it closes up with a Pater noster and an Ave. The process that follows opens with the repetition of the theme and its translation. 103  Anima mea liquefacta est ut locutus est quaesi et non inveni illum vocavi et non respondit mihi, Cant.,5:6. 104  Nocte surgentes vigilemus omnes? Quibus et illud: somno refectis artubus, surgamus omnes ocius. Cur certe non omnes ymnos, omnes denique orationes, quae nimirum a doctoribus plurali sunt stilo composita, vel silentio praetereuntes omittitis, vel ad singularem violenter numerum revocatis? Petrus Damiani, Ep. CLXXX, MGH, vol. 1, epist.28, p. 258, l. 1, briefe IV, Teil 1–4, ed. K. Reindel,1983–93. 105  Various possible sources such as: Quid ergo erit de eis quos ignorantia non excusat quasi dicat Gravius punientur, Petrus Lombardus, Collectanea in omnes Pauli apostoli Epistulas, PL 192, ad Colossenses, cap.3, col. 281, l. 24; Ergo ignorantia non excusat peccatum, Thomas de Aquino, In II Sententiarum distinctio:22, quaestio:2, argumentum:1, l. 5, ed. Prima Americana t. VI, VII-1 & VII-2 (1948). 106 Bonauentura, Breuiloquium, ed. P. P. Collegii a S. Bonauentura, pars.5, cap.3, l. 86: Verum est igitur quod dicit Augustinus quod qui creavit te sine te non iustificabit te sine te; Augustinus Hipponensis, Sermones, sermo 169, PL 38, col. 923, l. 17, Qui ergo fecit te sine te, non te iustificat sine te. 107  Sicut in beniuolentia bona uoluntas, sic in maliuolentia mala uoluntas est, Augustinus Hipponensis, De baptismo, CSEL 51, lib.4, cap.7, par.10, p. 234, ed. M. Perschenig, 1908.

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The elaborate form of university sermons, the great number of quotations and their often being composed in Latin, ill-suited an audience of laymen. Yet, there are signs that these five sermons were actually meant for such people as they address some ‘goode men and women’. They may very well be vernacular translations of Latin sermons, as suggested by the existence of a Latin version for the last of them (on the dead) preserved in Hereford Cathedral Library, MS O. III. 5 (f. 104v, col. a-106v, col.b).108 The numerous references to the parishioners’ duty towards God and their lay fellows are further indications that these were destined for the laity. The sentence me ffor to tell it ande ʒe ffor to here it109 may indicate that this sermon was meant to be preached, although here could also mean ‘understand’. The occasions for which they were intended are unclear, and we may follow the indications provided by the scribes themselves. In Gg the first sermon was ascribed to Trinity 13 and 18 in a later hand. In Ry, the second one is entitled Rogation and Ascension 8. Still in Ry, the third one is said to be a Rogation Day sermon, the fourth one for Advent. The overall impression is that these five sermons could belong to the same cycle, however difficult it is to prove. Their being preserved in such a compilation as Gg gives more saliency to their similarities. Furthermore, they were copied in the same order in two other extant copies, which strongly suggests that they went in that particular order because they belonged to the same tradition or came to. And in the sister manuscripts too, these five sermons seem somehow at odds with the neighbouring materials, further consolidating the impression that they formed a series. The Textual Tradition The five sermons of quires 2 and 3 are preserved in full in two other manuscripts: Cambridge, Sidney Sussex MS 74 (S) and John Rylands Library, MS Eng.109 (Ry). A third copy of the last one – for a funeral – may be found in Oxford, Bodley MS 95 (B). BL, Royal MS 18.B.xxiii (Ross) preserves fragments of the first one, on Diliges Dominum Deum tuum, incorporated into sermons 7 and 10 of Ross’s edition. SERMONS

Gg

Diliges Dominum Deum Tuum (Mt, 22:37)

ff. 8r–12r ff. 194r– ff. 4r–4v 196r

S

Ry

Estote prudentes et vigilate in oracionibus (1 Pt, 4:7)

ff. 12r– 15v

ff. 196r– ff. 4vb198r 6rb

108 Fletcher, A Hive of Industry, pp. 126–27. 109  Sermon on Estote prudentes et vigilate in oracionibus, Pt, 4:7, f. 12v.

B

Ross ff. 62r &70r–71r

Introduction

SERMONS

Gg

S

Sana Domine animam meam (Ps, 40:5)

ff. 15v– 18v

ff. 198r– ff. 6rb200r 8ra

Ry

Hodie oportet in domo tua manere (Lc, 19:5)

ff. 18v– 21v

ff. 200r– ff. 8ra202r 9vb

Mortuus viuet (Io, 11:25)

ff. 22r– 26r

ff. 202r– ff. 9vb204r 12ra

B

71 Ross

ff. 107r– 111r

The sister manuscripts are further related since they share more material. S notably preserves a cycle of Sunday sermons (S cycle), the prothemes of which are Wycliffite gospel sermons. They seem to be the result of the combining of two different traditions: Wycliffite gospel sermons on the one hand and epistle sermons on the other. It ought to be noted that these epistle sermons are not unsympathetic to Lollard views either. The Wycliffite cycle preserved under the form of prothemes in S is extant in 28 other manuscripts and was edited by Anne Hudson.110 The S cycle was studied in more detail by Helen Spencer111 and Alan Fletcher.112 The following discussion shall rest on their observations. In all the sermons forming the S cycle, the theme is from the epistles. And yet, it is immediately followed by a Wycliffite gospel sermon that serves as a protheme, at the end of which comes the call for prayer with Pater noster and Ave. Then the theme from the epistle is repeated, translated and expanded. There are two exceptions though, where the prothemes are not Wycliffite homilies, for Trinity 5 and Trinity 6. However, the form remains the same: The theme from the epistle is immediately followed by the protheme on the gospel of the day concluded with a prayer and Pater noster and Ave, the repetition of the theme followed by its translation and the core of the sermon. Although S has been damaged and a number of leaves are now missing, including those originally containing the sermon for Trinity 5, Anne Hudson has shown most convincingly that S originally preserved the sermon for Trinity 5 still witnessed in B, Ry and Ross. As part of the evidence, S does preserve the beginning of this sermon at the end of the manuscript, on folios 204r–204v, following the five sermons of Gg. It ends abruptly with the mention alius sermo, indicating that the scribe recognized the sermon once copied on the now missing folios.113 Alan Fletcher also showed that at least three scribes, if not four, were working 110  EWS. 111 Spencer, Fortunes, 1986, vol. 48, pp. 352–96. 112 Fletcher, A Hive of Industry, pp. 131–35. 113 A. Hudson: It seems reasonable to conclude that the incompleteness of the material on f. 204v resulted from the scribes’ realization that this matter had been copied into the manuscript before, on the lost ff. 15–16, EWS, pp. 118–19.

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in association in S, with “scribe A keeping an eye on the overall shaping of the compilation”:114 Scribe A, ff. 3r–18v Scribe B, f. 19r Scribe A, ff. 19v–29v Scribe B, ff. 30r–54v Scribe A, ff. 54v–142v Scribe B, ff. 143r–166v Scribe C, ff. 168r–76r Scribe? D, ff. 176r–178v Scribe A, f. 179r Scribe A, ff. 181r–191v Scribe A, ff. 191v–192v Scribe B, ff. 194r–204v Scribe A, ff. 204v–207v

From Pentecost to Trinity 6 (incomplete) Continuation of Trinity 6 (still incomplete) Remainder of Trinity 6 to Trinity 9 From Trinity 10 to Trinity 19 Trinity 19 to Sunday within the Ascension octave Pater noster of Richard Ermyte Thomas Wimbledon’s semon Redde racionem villicacionis tue Continuation of Wimbledon’s sermon Remainder of Wimbledon’s sermon Decalogue treatise and commentary on the Ave Maria Sermon on theme Puer natus est nobis Five sermons of Gg + Trinity 5 (unfinished) Sermon on theme Ememus panes

Alan Fletcher, A Hive of Industry or a Hornet’s Nest, pp. 143–44

The number of scribes at work in S suggests that they had several exemplars at their disposal or possibly unbound quires. This could also explain why scribe B recognized the Trinity 5 sermon he was copying on f. 204r–204v and left it unfinished as he knew it was part of the cycle occupying the previous folios. The S cycle is partially preserved in Ry, B and Ross: SERMONS

Gg

S Cycle of Sunday sermons from Pentecost to Sunday within the Ascension octave (Lollard prothemes)

Diliges Dominum Deum Tuum (Mt, 22:37)

ff. 8r–12r

S

Ry

B

Ross

ff. 3r–142v (whole cycle); 204r–204v (Trinity 5, incomplete)

ff. 12ra-15vb (Trinity 5, 6) ff. 16ra-17rb (Trinity 7, incomplete)

ff.1r–107r (sermons from Sexagesima to lent 3 omitted)

ff. 86r–88r (fragments from Advent 1); ff. 90r–92v (fragments from Advent 2); ff. 92v–94r (fragments from Advent 3); ff.ff. 150–156v (Trinity 5, 6, 7)

ff. 194r–196r ff. 4r–4v

114 A. Fletcher, A Hive of Industry, p. 144.

ff. 62r (fragments) &70r–71r (fragment)

Introduction

SERMONS

Gg

S

Estote prudentes et vigilate in oracionibus (1 Pt, 4:7)

ff. 12r–15v

ff. 196r–198r ff. 4vb-6rb

Ry

B

73

Ross

Sana Domine aniff. 15v–18v ff. 198r–200r ff. 6rb-8ra mam meam (Ps, 40:5) Hodie oportet in domo ff. 18v–21v ff. 200r– tua manere (Lc, 19:5) 202r

ff. 8ra-9vb

Mortuus viuet (Io, 11:25)

ff. 9vb-12ra

ff. 22r–26r ff. 202r– 204r

ff. 107r– 111r

Ry preserves all of Gg’s five sermons but only Trinity 5, Trinity 6 and Trinity 7 from the S cycle. Ry’s version of Trinitity 5, Trinity 6 and Trinity 7 is very close to S – which could point to a common exemplar – except that Trinity 7 was left unfinished. The Trinity sermons in Ry come after Gg’s. In B, the S cycle is incomplete in two respects: first, the sermons from Sexagesima to Lent 3 were omitted – though apparently not through the loss of leaves115 – and second, the B scribe abridged most of the Lollard prothemes while keeping one or a few sentences only. It is clear however that his exemplar did preserve the full sermons as shown by Helen Spencer: “And collation of S and B soon shows that B must have had something resembling S in front of him rather than the other way about. This is the best way of accounting for the abrupt transitions of thought and dislocation of syntax that occur in B: the compiler has made an ad hoc decision to abridge material in the process of copying it. A good example occurs in Advent 3…”116 Besides, the prothemes are kept in their entirety in Trinity 5 and 6 as they were not Lollard. The B scribe must have deemed the Lollard prothemes too controversial to be retained. Helen Spencer showed how the B scribe would omit or alter the most extreme passages while ‘agreeing with the reforming views expressed in his source. However it is unclear whether his greater moderation reveals his personal views, or a greater dislike of living dangerously, or the effects of greater vigilance by the authorities.”117

115 Spencer, Fortunes p. 356: The Wycliffite gospel commentaries were in most of the sermons reduced to a single sentence and the group of sermons from Sexagesima to Lent 3 inclusive were omitted in their entirety. Since no leaves are missing, this gap in the sequence cannot be a simple mechanical loss, but the omission is hard to explain: the corresponding sermons in Sidney Sussex 74 are not notably extreme, the gap affects Lent when most preachers were most busy, and moreover the omission disrupts the sequence of pastoral teaching. Possibly the antecedent of MS Bodley 95 was defective. 116 Spencer, Fortunes, p. 365. 117 Spencer, Fortunes, p. 393.

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No link seems to have been made between Ross and Gg until now. However, Ross sermon 10 is actually a fragment of Gg’s sermon on Diliges Dominum Deum tuum (first in the series of five). This extract corresponds to the part of the sermon immediately following the iteration of the theme, and its rendering is rather faithful. The same fragment may be found in Ross sermon 7 too, where it is incorporated bit by bit yet in a different order into another sermon. To Ross, who did not know the link with Gg’s sermons, “the fact that sermon 10 is incomplete suggests the possibility that the complete version contained further parallels to sermon 7, and that for this reason the scribe considered it not worth copying. Such speculation, however, is almost without profit. Perhaps one of these sermons represents a plundering of the other; perhaps the same man wrote both; possibly the sermons are by different men who copied a common source.”118 It is clear however that Ross 7 derives from Ross 10 and not the other way round. Interestingly enough, the same habit of extracting and combining scraps from various traditions may be observed in at least three other sermons preserved in Ross – for Advent 1, 2 and 3 – as evidenced by Helen Spencer.119 Here, the compiler borrowed from the Advent sermons of the S cycle – Advent 1, Advent 2 and Advent 3 – and from sermons now preserved in MS Bodley 806. Ross also preserves the sermons for Trinity 5, Trinity 6 and Trinity 7 from the S cycle. However, the prothemes in Trinity 6 and 7 were omitted. To Helen Spencer, “it is evident that, although the Ross compiler omitted the gospel commentaries at the beginning of two of the sermons (Trinity 6 and 7), he decided to do so independently. For that he had access to a copy which included the gospel commentaries (or at least part of them, as in B) is apparent from his absentminded inclusion of ‘vbi prius’ in these two sermons immediately after the opening announcement of the theme. In other words, the compiler had decided simply to begin at the iteracio thematis.”120 Gg is the only manuscript where the five sermons are not circulated with the S cycle, and yet, their being preserved with the S cycle in four manuscripts strongly suggests that this association was not fortuitous. As evidenced by Helen Spencer none of the mansucripts S, B, Ry, Ross or Gg could have derived from one another, implying a number of intermediaries. This association is then very likely to have occurred in more than four manuscripts. This combination seems to apply more particularly to the Trinity sermons of the S cycle as witnessed in Ry and most probably in S’ exemplar where the sermon for Trinity 5 most certainly came after Gg’s. This is true for Ross too, as it preserves traces of Gg’s sermon on Diliges Dominum Deum tuum together with the three 118 Ross, MES, p. xx. 119 Spencer, Fortunes, pp. 372–77. 120 Spencer, Fortunes, p. 370.

Introduction

75

Trinity sermons of the S cycle. To Helen Spencer “there seems to have been a genuine manuscript tradition in which all eight sermons travelled together: the combination is unlikely to have occurred at hazard in R (Ry).”121 Lollardy set aside, the form of all these sermons is close: the prothemes always end with a call to prayer with Pater noster and Ave, the theme is repeated and then expanded. They serve a catechetical purpose and all resort to a number of subdivisions and citations. It ought to be remembered again that the prothemes in Trinity 5 and 6 are not drawn from the Wycliffite sermons. To Anne Hudson, this may be due to a loss of leaves: “It is perhaps most likely that the antecedent set 1 manuscript used by N (S) and its congeners had lost by inadvertence the sermons for 5 and 6 Trinity, and that the gap was therefore filled from another source.122 One might consider the possibility that this other source had some connection with Gg’s set of five sermons. More can be found in common between the five sermons of Gg and those for Trinity 5, 6 and to some extent 7, where the repetition of the theme is followed by its translation introduced with almost always the same formula: Gg, Diliges Dominum Deum tuum, f. 8v, ed. p. 130, l. 39: Thyse wordes þat I tell yowe, þei been not myne bot the wordes off Ihesu Criste, the qwhyche hymselffe spake ande taghʒt to hys dyssypulls ande arne þus myche to seyne […] Gg, Estote prudentes et vigilitate in oracionibus, f. 12 v, ed. p. 135, l. 28: Thyse wordys þat I seye, þei been the wordys off Sente Petyre the apostyll, ande þei been þus myche to seyne on Ynglysche […] Gg, Sana Dominine animam meam, f. 16v, ed. p. 141, l. 47: Goode men ande women, thes been the wordes off David the prophete in the Sawter Booke ande been thus myche to seyne […] Gg, Hodie oportet in domo tua manere, f. 19v, ed. p. 145, l. 56: Þise wordys þat I seye, I  tolde to yowe them affore, ande are þus myche to meene to your vndyrstondynge […] Gg, Mortuus viuet, ff. 22v–23r, ed. p. 150, l. 47: Thyse wordes þat I seye arne wryten in the gospell þat is redde [[ f. 23r]] in the cherche ouer hem þat been deede ande arne thus myche to seye […]

121 Spencer, Fortunes, p. 361. 122  EWS, p. 119.

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Introduction

Ry, Trinity 5, f. 12v: ϸise ar ϸe wordes of Petur ϸe apostle and ar ϸus mekull to

ʒou to say on Englesch […]

B, Trinity 5, f. 56v: Thes wordys that y haue take to speke of at thus tyme, they bynne the wordes of the holy appostyll Seynt Petur, wreten in the pystyll od thus day and bythe thus muche to sey on Englysche to your vndirstondyng […] S, Trinity 5, f. 204r–204v: incomplete Ross, Trinity 5, f. 150r, ed. Ross p. 288 [44]: om. Ry, Trinity 6, f. 14v: ϸise ben ϸe wordes of Saynt Poule and ar ϸus mekell to say […] B, Trinity 6, f. 60v: Thes wordes that y haue take to speke of at thus tyme bythe the apostelys wordes S[e]ynt Poule wreton in the pystyll of thus day and buthe thus muche to sey on Englysche to your vnderstondyng […] S, Trinity 6, f. 19: ϸese ben Seynt Poule wordes and are ϸus muche to saye […] Ross, f. 153v, ed. Ross p. 297 [45]: These been ϸe words of Seynt Paule and are hus mykyll to say […] Ry, Trinity 7, f. 16v: ϸise bene ϸe wordes of Seynt Poule ϸe apostle and ar ϸus mekull for to say […] B, Trinity 7, f. 62v–63r: ϸise byn the wordes of Seynt Poule the apostell and buϸe thus muche to sey on Englische […] S, Trinity 7, f. 21: ϸuse ben ϸe wordes of Seynt Poule and ben ϸus in Englisch […] Ross, f. 155r, ed. Ross p. 301 [46]: These been the words of Seynt Paule the appostell and are thus myche for to saye […] The same phraseology may be found, at the same place, in a number of other sermons from the S cycle too, such as below: S, f. 30v: ϸese aren ϸe apostels words today in ϸe epystle and ar ϸus muche to say to oure all lurnyng […] S, f. 35v: ϸese words of ϸis epystle are ϸus muche to seye […] S, f. 45: ϸese words are ϸus muche to saye of ϸis epistle of Seynt Paule […] S, f. 113v: ϸese words of Seynt Poule ben ϸus muche to say […]

Introduction

77

When looking more attentively at Gg’s five sermons, one encounters a few formulas which could be traces of some remote Lollard sympathies, such as “Goddys lawes” or the milder “Lawes off Goddes”. The sentence “teche the lawe off Godde as trewe prechours owen to doo and then meye yt proffyt to them ϸat it heren”123 is not downright Lollard but, given the context in S, is definitely alerting. Then could it be possible that the same man composed both Gg’s sermons and the S cycle? That would be too far-fetched a conjecture. Now, speculating at length on the whys and hows of this association would be vain for lack of solid evidence and may distract one from the gist, that is that at some point both heterodox and orthodox materials travelled together. S preserves other materials including Thomas Wimbledon’s sermon, Redde racionem villicacionis tue. A revised version of the latter is also preserved in manuscript O together with Gg’s cycle of temporale sermons preserved in quires four and five. Although orthodox, the compilation in OLG22D contains traces of Lollard influence,124 in particular the dependence of OLG22D’s gospel lections on the Wycliffite Bible dating c. 1380. Besides, passages of the Lollard Sermon of the Dead Men125 are paralleled in the OLG22D sermons for Trinity 16 and 24. Manuscripts OLG22D and SBRy have more in common than mere Lollard inspiration as the S sermon for the first Sunday after Easter may be found in O126 too. It is clear from such overlapping of materials and influence that no straightforward conclusion may be drawn concerning late fifteenth-century-sermon compilations. The latter were derived from a tradition of borrowings and influences of various kinds. However, Gg seems to be the link between different groups of manuscripts, all being compilations and as such representative of a preacher’s need in the second half of the fifteenth century. And yet, Gg clearly stands out as representative of a distinct branch of the tradition as evidenced by collation. S is admittedly very good – at least for these five sermons – and evidence that the other manuscripts cannot derive from it is scant: Gg, fol. 19v: […] in the qwhyche wordys iij thyngys xulde be vndyrstonde. One is qwhat thynge lettethe God to dwell in owre howse. Ande anodyr yff he xulde duell þerin, howe it xulde be areyde to make it plesynge to hym. Ande the thyrde qwhat thynge […].

123  Ed. p. 141, ll. 42–44. 124  S.  Morrison has described the sources of the OLG22D group in his edition of O, DSC., vol.  1 pp. 54–64. 125  Ed. G. Cigman, Lollard Sermons, EETS: 1989, pp. 207–40. 126  ff.1r–4r and G22 pp. 286–92.

78

Introduction

Ry, f. 5v: […] in whilke wordes þree þingis schuld men vndirstonde. One is what thyng lettis God to duelle in our house. Anoþer is howe we schuld araye our house to make it plesyng to hym. Þe thrydde what þing […]. S, f. 200v: […] in whuche wordes thre thynges schulden men vnderstonde. One is what thyng letteth God to duell in houre house to make hit plesyng to hym. Þe thryde what thyng […]. In the above passage the erroneous version of S is most probably due to eyeskip on the term house, as evidenced by Ry. This explanation implies that house appeared twice in the S exemplar just as in Ry but contrary to Gg. This may be interpreted as a sign that S and Ry had a common exemplar. Eyeskip in S both suggests that S may not be the exemplar used by the scribes of Ry, B and that Gg belongs to a different tradition. Similar signs are scattered all throughout the text as shown by the short selection below: Gg, f. 25v: […] ande nogh3t xall be herde bott soroynge and weylynge and gneystynge off tethe […]. S, f. 204: […] and no3t schal be herde þere but sorowyng and dole wepyng and warying and gnastynyng of tethe […]. Ry, f. 8v: […] and noght schall be herde bot sorowyng and doole wepyng and wapynge and gnastynge of tethe […]. B, f. 110v: […] and nou3t schall be herd ther but sorowynge and dele wepynge and wratthynge and cursynge and gnastyng of tethe […]. It is clear from the above quotation that Gg does not derive from either S, Ry or B. Gg, f. 11: Ande se also qwhat sorowe the ffeende hathe ffor the brennyng luff þat þe seentys hadden to Godde Almygh3ty. S, f. 195v: […] what joye þat þey ben inne ffor þe brennyng loue þat þey hadden to God Almyghty. Ry, f. 1v: […] to se what joye þei bene in for þe brynnyng loue þei hadden to God Allmyghty.

Introduction

79

Such dissimilar readings further shore up the assumption that Gg belongs to a different tradition. Now Ry’s peculiarity when retaining quotations in Latin and adding material not found in the other manuscripts rules out that Gg might derive from it either. We may safely conclude that Ry did not provide the material for the other copies, nor did B, for the only sermon it preserves often disagrees with the other manuscripts. The same conclusion was drawn by Helen Spencer regarding the sermons deriving from the S cycle.127 Finally, Gg is not shorn of omissions or mistakes not found in the other copies. Looking at the variants revealed that S – save from the aforementioned eyeskip – probably retains the best copy of all and that Gg is not cognate with the S group. This is consolidated by the content of the manuscripts and the S cycle in particular. Two Sermons for a Wedding Ceremony Gg preserves two sermons for a wedding ceremony128 which are unique in the sense that they are not recorded elsewhere. But they may be said to be of great interest for two more reasons. One reason is that the first sermon129 was meant for no ordinary audience as it addresses some moste worchypull soffereyns.130 Was it a first draft by this compiler priest himself, or some sermon he heard or read? It would be hard say as it is the only version we have and as a matter of fact Middle English sermons for a wedding ceremony are very rare. And this is the final reason. Indeed, A Repertorium of Middle English Prose Sermons131 records only three of them, two of which are preserved in Gg, while the third one was added to Mirk’s Festial. Only four out the twenty-two manuscripts preserving this cycle contain this marriage sermon. Mirk’s marriage sermon may also be found in BL MS Royal 18 B. xiii together with two other sermons from the Festial, for Easter Sunday and the consecration of a church. It should be noted that none of Gg’s sermons and Mirk’s is cognate with one or the other. 127 Spencer, Fortunes, pp. 367–69. 128  ff. 28v–30v and ff. 32r–34r. 129  ff. 28v–30v, ed. pp. 158–60. 130  For practical purposes, however, the appearance of some little remark which could only apply to one particular audience or occasion, some special plea in an Invocation – “for the good and virtuose prosperite and encrese of owre soverayngne here present,” for example – must be taken as adequate testimony. Here at last survives the undoubted work of a reporter or else of some very conscientious sermon-diarist. The same may be said, too, of the quaint and fulsome repetitions of an anonymous preacher in a certain Cambridge manuscript, with his “moste worchifull ffrendys,” and his homely directions in the style of Myrc. But these primitive collections are comparative rarities, Owst, Preaching in Medieval England, p. 233. 131  O’Mara & Paul, Repertorium.

80

Introduction

Then, the question is “why are Middle English sermons for a wedding ceremony so rare?” Had it not been for the Festial’s sermon, one may have doubted the very need for such material. It seems reasonable to believe that late medieval priests knew the bride and groom they were uniting well enough to improvise a personal address. When preaching to a familiar lay audience, for such an occasion as a wedding, the ordinary priest was probably more likely to deliver a short homily-like sermon requiring little preparation or virtually no model. It seems reasonable to believe too that the priest had other occasions for the delivering of marital and sexual instruction. Recommendations were often provided in sermons celebrating the Nativity, Advent, the first and second Sundays after the Octave of Epiphany, and the second Sunday after Trinity. Religious treatises and sermons which dealt with marriage usually resorted to the same biblical sources, Genesis, the episode of The Wedding Feast at Cana ( John 2, 1:11) and the Gospel of Matthew – for the most frequently tapped. The content of Gg’s sermons and John Mirk’s could hardly be described as remarkable either. It echoes the teaching delivered throughout the liturgical year and in Latin de matrimonio sermons.132 The same stress is put on the origins of the sacrament of marriage, instituted by God in paradise, love between spouses, the dangers of adultery and the indivisibility of the bonds of marriage. Providing that these sermons are representative of what was usually preached, one may conclude that no more sermons of the kind were preserved simply for lack of originality: they were either improvised or simply destroyed. Gg’s sermons echo religious treatises, sometimes Canon Law, and the ritual of the consecration of marriage according to the Sarum use, when reminding the bride and groom of the requirements of marriage: marriage ought to be celebrated in the presence of the priest as provided for in 1 Salisbury 85.133 Moste worchipull ffrendys we be cum hedyr at þis time in the name off the Ffadur, Son and Holy Gost in þe honerabyll presens off owre modur gostly holy chyrche to conioynyn, knytt and combyne thyse ij persawnes by the holy sacrament off matrimonye grauntyd to þe holy dignite and ordyr off presthode.134

132  D. L. D’Avray, ‘Marriage sermons in ad status collections’, Modern Questions About Medieval Sermons, D.  L. D’Avray & Nicole Bériou, Centro Italiano di studi sull’alta medioevo latino, (Spoletto, 1994) pp. 77–134. 133  Conor McCarthy, Marriage in Medieval England, Law, Literature and Practice, (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2004) p. 30. 134  f. 28v, ed. p. 158.

Introduction

81

A similar reference to the presence of the priest may be found in a Latin ad status sermon by Humbertus de Romanis (died in 1277).135 To David L. D’Avray, the “stress on the public and religious celebration of marriage” ought to be understood as “an implied rejection of clandestine marriages which are frequently attacked in marriage sermons”.136 The priest’s authority is further enhanced by the need for bride and groom to be confessed before wedding. Also it is to wyte þat þis holy sacrament off matrimony muste be reseyvyd with a devowte herte, a clene sawle and a pure entente. Therffor, holy chyrche exortethe, cownselythe and ordenythe þat bothe man and the woman be reconcylyd to clennes off lyffe by conffessyon befforne the matrimony is solemnesyd137 […]

The origins of the ritual of the rings and the pallium are explained, and most of all the origins of the sacrament of marriage. Since it was instituted in paradise by God himself, the bonds of marriage are sacred and may not be dissolved by men. The glorius apostyll ʒiffynge to yowe holsum cownseyll þat nedyr pouerte ne aduersite, ryches or plentee, sekenes or defformite make yowe thoroo anye blast off temptacion to dissolve \or loose/ thys solemne knott off matrimonye þat I purpos to knytt affore God, his awngells and all hys sentys in heven, quia quod Deus coniunxit, homo non separet.138

The same teaching is given in a sermon by Guibertus de Tornaco, where the indivisility of a Christian marriage is contrasted with “the customs of the Jews and the pagans, who send away their wives because of some physical ugliness, or deformity, or sterility, or leposy, and marry again.”139

135  In Solemni benediction nubentium, quoted by D. L. d’Avray, “Marriage sermons in ad status collections”, p. 89. 136 ibid. 137  f. 33v; A sermon for the second Sunday after the Octave of Epiphany on Io, 2:1 and preserved in Dub. Trinity MS 241 (ff.54v–57r) says that marriage is made of the following four: cordial and mutual consent, confession, the dowry and the ring. See O’Mara & Paul, Repertorium, vol. 1, pp. 232–33. 138  f. 30v. In a sermon preserved in Brit. Lib. MS add 40672 on the theme Mt. 19:6, the bonds of marriage are presented as stronger than any other, either between a man and his brother or a man and a prostitute. For the sacred bonds of marriage are everlasting: And Crist seyde to Þes men, herfore chal a man leeue fadir and modir and chal drawe to his wif. And Þey chulen be two in o fleyssh and so Þey ben not now two but o fleyssh. And by Þes wordis wolde Crist mene Þat more onehed chulde be bytwixe a man and his wif Þan bitwixe oÞere men. Eche man wiÞ his broÞer is o fleyssh as o bodily kynde, and a man is maad oon wiÞ an hoor onoÞer maner. But Þis sacramental onehed passiÞ Þis in many maners, for Þis onehed chal laste in heuene but not by siche fleysshly knowyng. f. 247r; EWS, vol. 3, pp. 317–18; See O’Mara & Paul, Repertorium, vol. 1, pp. 801–02. 139  D. L. D’Avray, ‘Marriage sermons in ad status collections’, p. 100.

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Gg’s sermons also echo the recommendations delivered throughout the liturgical year in particular when recalling that requited love and mutual consent preside over all other needs: So in lyke wyse, ʒe to soffereyns at this tyme stabyll yourselff so stedffastlye in luff \þat/ nether worde ne langwage, cowntenawnce ne dede, make yowe to withdrawe the beemys off parffyte luffe as long as ʒe lyff togedur. Ffor luff is the begynnar and grownde off þis blyssyd sacrament off matrimonye.140

A man should not marry a woman for her dowry, but for the love their share. Their duty as a married couple was to obey God’s order to Adam and Eve, which was to multiply. Indeed, sex within the bonds of marriage was tolerated but circumscribed. Although marriage could be advised as a way to counter fornication, sex between spouses, however, was to be synonymous with procreation.141 Again, Gg echoes a much hammered recommendation.142 By the mene off thys blyssyd sacrament, now in thys glorius formacion off the Good Lorde institute and ordeynyd, and so in man and woman to be continued to avoyed and aschewe all ffornicacion and awowtree vnto the ende off þe worlde.143 Adam and Eve thus creatyd and fformyd off Allmyʒty God, he blyssyd them and gaff to them thys comawndement, crescite et multiplicamini, et replete terram, et subjicite eam, et dominamini piscibus maris et volatilibus celi et vniversis animantibus, que mouentur super terram. ‘Growethe and multipliethe and ffullffyllythe the erthe with your ffrute’, seythe Allmyʒty God […]144

Carnal desire was condemned by the Church just as women could be blamed for stirring it. G. R. Owst suggested that marriage itself was somehow suspicious as a source of boredom at the best and as providing an arena for lust at the worst:

140  f. 30v. A similar teaching may be found in a sermon for the first Sunday after the Octave of Epiphany, in Bodl. MS Bodl. 806, f. 24v: …and Þus may we amende Þey Þat for love alone [be] wedded as Þe pore folke comynly ben., ed. O’Mara & Paul, Repertorium, vol. 3, pp. 1718–19. 141  Be weddyd for loue noϸt for mook. Be weddyd for to fle synne & noϸt for lust holyche. Comou[n]nyth to gyder[e] to brynge forth frute to encresyn erthe w[yth] folke and heuen[e] w[yth] soulys. Jacob’s Well, Jacob’s Well, Atchley, p. 330. 142  […] Al it is lecherie but ϸif it be for biϸetynge of children […];,MS Bodl. Holkham 40, second Sunday after Trinity, f. 63, ed. O’Mara & Paul, Repertorium, vol. 3, pp. 2102–04. Vse ϸour[e] comou[n]nythng to gyder[e] in dewe tyme & in honest maner[e] & leeffully & kyndely as goddys lawe wolde. And noϸt as vnresonable beestys, Jacob’s Well, Atchley, p. 330. 143  Gg, f. 29v, ed. pp. 158–59, ll. 33–36. 144  Gg, f. 29v, ed. p. 159, ll. 47–48.

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[…] in no sphere, perhaps, does the sheer, overwhelming pessimism of the pulpit show itself more clearly than in its treatment of the theme of matrimony. Bromyard’s discussion of the subject is as usual a fair sample. In his chapter on Matrimonium, the dignity and worth of marriage occupy no more than one-senventh of the total discourse. Nor is the reason for this far to seek. For, as he tells us elsewhere, while the Old Testament’s ideal of womanhood was fecundity, its New Testament and therefore modern equivalent is the state of virginity.145

This antipathy could well explain why model sermons for a wedding ceremony are so rare. A wedding day will be expected to be a happy day, and the sermon delivered on that occasion a happy one. Henceforth, how would sermon writers reconcile their hostility towards marriage with an optimistic address? Interestingly enough, Gg’s sermons show no such hostility. They celebrate the love, happiness and sense of duty that bound spouses together. And ffor this cawse is the ryng putt and sett by the husbonde vpon the iiijte ffinger off the woman ffor to schewe þat a true luff and precordiall affeccion must be betwyxe hem. Cawse qwhy? As doctours sey, ther is a veyne cummynge ffrome the herte off a woman to the iiijte ffinger and therffore the ringe is putt on the same ffingar þat sche xulde kepe vnite and luff with hym and he with hyre.146

One should note that the interpretation of the ring in the Festial is slightly different: the ring reminds the wife of her love for God first and only then of her love for her husband.147 Gg’s sermons also insist on equality between husband and wife: Here is to be had in rememberaunce þat Allmyʒty God fformyd woman \nor/ off the hyest party off man, þat is ffor to seye off the hede, nere off the lawest party off [man] þat is the ffoot, bot off a rybbe off the syde not ffer ffrom manys hert in token þat woman xuld not vsurpe to have dominacion ne promynens above man, ne man xulde not sett woman in hys conseyte in vile subiecion or exill, dignite off worchep and reverence benethe hym, bot woman to be egall and ffellawe vnto man as a true ffere and make in verre stedffast luffe.148

145  G. R. Owst, Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England: A Neglected Chapter in the History of English Letters and of the English People (Cambridge: CUP, 1993), p. 378. 146  Gg, f. 33r, p. 162, ll. 43–48. 147  Þan aftur, for þe womman be techyng of þe fende with hure honed toke froyte of þat tree þat was forbodon and ete þerof and зaf hur husbonde Adam, [in] schewing þat [sc]he[o] louid hyre husbonde [more] þan God, þerfore þe prest blessuth a ring, þat betokeneth God þat hath neyther begynnyng ne ending, and duth [hit on] hur fyngur þat ha veyne to hure herte, [in] tokenyng þat [sc]he[o] schal loue God oure all thyng and þanne hure husbond., ed. Powell, Festial, vol. 2, pp. 254, ll. 65–71. 148  Gg, f. 29v, ed. p. 159, ll. 37–43; For a similar explanation, see The Late Middle English Lycidarye, ed. S. Morrison (Turhout: Brepols, 2013), 26, p. 9, ll. 120–26.

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When comparing Gg’s sermons with the Festial and ealier Latin ones, on may borrow David L. D’Avray’s phrase about thirteenth-century-ad status sermons on marriage, and say that “the first impression is one of uniformity. The same commonplaces keep turning up – often couched in very similar terms. […] Only when their common characteristics become sufficiently familiar to be taken for granted can their individual features be distinguished. For they do in fact differ in their emphases, in the particular themes they select from the matrix of topoi which tradition put at their disposal.” What makes Gg’s sermons somehow special – apart from their being so rare – is this particular emphasis on love, mutual support and equality between husband and wife. They contrast with many a sermon on matrimony as devoid of any hints at adultery or threat. They are genuine invitations to marriage, as we may guess most sermons for a wedding were. They were probably composed by parish priests themselves, as homily-like addresses to people they would know personally. Although, or because, they dealt with commonplaces, they were probably either improvised or simply destroyed. No wonder their being preserved in a personal compilation such as Gg. John Mirk intended his Festial and Instructions for the ill-equiped parish priests, very much in the way Gg’s scribe conceived his own preaching tool when compiling useful material. The presence of a sermon for a wedding in the Festial further proves the point. Finally, one cannot resist quoting David L. D’Avray again: “We study medieval marriage sermons not for their theological profundity, but to discover what sort of ideas about marriage ordinary men and women were regularly exposed to. We also study them as part of literary history – in the Maurist sense – to assess how each individual sermon collection contributed to a tradition of ideas.”149 I believe that Gg’s sermons fulfill this function perfectly, as taking over topics already discussed in thirteenth-century Latin sermons and further passing them down in the vernacular to a lay audience. Quires 4 and 5 Content – Form – Sources The eleven sermons preserved in quires 4 and five 5 form an incomplete de tempore cycle opening with Advent and closing abruptly in the middle of the Lent 3 sermon. This could be due to the loss of leaves. They clearly address a lay audience as suggested notably by this sentence from the sermon for the first Sunday in Advent: 149  D. L. D’Avray, ‘Marriage sermons in ad status collections’, pp. 84–85.

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( f. 35v) Bot ʒit gentyll seres, note well thys, owre mercyffull ffadyr dothe as the maner and the vse is off men off worschep þat have gentyll hawkys.

Susan Powell and Alan Fletcher150 have identified most of the sources of these sermons and the following discussion shall rest on their observations. Most of the said sermons appear to be based on several works such Jacobus de Voragine’s writings for six of them. Whilst the sermons for Nativity and Lent 1 draw heavily on the Distinctiones151 those for Circumcision, Epiphany and Quinquagesima are mostly indebted to the Legenda Aurea. Jacobus’ Sermones dominicales may also have provided material for the Lent 1 and Lent 2 sermons. A fourth source, possibly that of the Lent 3 sermon too, was also identified by Susan Powell152 as John Felton’s Sermones dominicales. It is worth remembering John Felton’s taste for Jacobus’ writings,153 which enhances the coherence of the cycle in terms of sources. It also makes it difficult to know whether the genuine source is John Felton or Jacobus, as Susan Powell admitted.154 She also pointed out the similarities of the Septuagesima and Lent 2 sermons to material preserved in BL MS add.21253.155 Finally, the Fasciculus Morum was consulted for the composition of the Advent sermon. Susan Powell and Alan Fletcher actually showed that this Advent sermon probably drew on one of the skeletal sermons appended to some of the Fasciculus manuscripts. The popular fourteenth-century treatise on the seven deadly sins and their counter-virtues supplemented the Legenda Aurea in the Quinquagesima sermon too. The Fasciculus Morum and Jacobus’ writings obviously appeared complementary to some medieval compilers as evidenced by Bodl. MS Bodl. 332 which preserves the Distinctiones together with the Fasciculus Morum. Unfortunately, no sources have been identified so far for the remaining Sexagesima and Ash Wednesday sermons. Interestingly enough, a combined consideration of the sources and form reveals that a less sophisticated form invariably suited the Jacobus de Voragine-based sermons whereas the Fasciculus Morum and John Felton’s Sermones dominicales usually provided material for more complex ones:

150 Powell, Edition; A. Fletcher and S. Powell, ‘The Origins of a Fifteenth-Century Sermon Collection, MSS Harley 2247 and Royal 18B.xxv’, Leeds Studies in English, 10, 1978, pp. 74–96,. 151  chapters arranged alphabetically. 152 S. Powell, Edition. 153  See A.  Fletcher, ‘Magnus Predicator et Devotus’, Preaching, Politics and Poetry in Late-Medieval England, (Portland: Four Courts Press,1998), p. 69. 154  Dependence on Felton is hard to establish, since Felton’s sermons are a patchwork of other men’s thoughts, and, in fact, Jacobus de Voragine’s sermons are the source of much of Felton’s material. However, there are fairly close connections between the sermon for the third Sunday in Lent and Felton’s sermon for that day, as well as random passages elsewhere which can be paralleled in Felton, Powell, Edition, p. 109, vol. 1. 155 Powell, Edition, p. 109, vol. 1.

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SERMONS

SOURCES

FORM COMPLEXITY

ADVENT

Fasciculus Morum

+

NATIVITY

Distinctiones (+Jacobus’ Sermones dominicales in HR & OLG22)

-

CIRCUMCISION

Legenda Aurea

-

EPIPHANY

Legenda Aurea

-

SEPTUAGESIMA

BL MS add.21253

+

SEXAGESIMA

Unidentified (+ Distinctiones in HR & OLG22)

+

QUINQUAGESIMA

Legenda Aurea and Fasciculus Morum (+ + Fasciculus Morum in HR & LG22)

ASH WEDNESDAY

Unidentified (+ Fasciculus Morum in HR & OLG22)

-

QUADRAGESIME 1

Distinctiones and Jacobus’s Sermones dominicales

-

QUADRAGESIME 2

Jacobus de Voragine’s Sermones domini- + cales; BL MS add. 21253 (+The Fasciculus Morum in HR & OLDG22)

QUADRAGESIME 3

John Felton’s Sermones dominicales (+ Fasciculus Morum in HR & OLDG22)

+

It should be noted too that the Fasciculus Morum and Jacobus de Voragine are the sources used to expand Gg’s text in the sister manuscripts too. When the original source happens to be Jacobus, the Fasciculus Morum is often drawn on for further interpolations in the affiliated manuscripts. However, the opposite is never verified and Jacobus may supplement Jacobus-based sermons mainly. The cycle witnessed in Gg certainly owed its fortune to such use of popular sources and exempla too. These edifying narratives combined a highly moral purpose with a practical one, striking and awakening an audience’s mind. The exemplum156 of the man who escapes death when telling three truths is borrowed from the Gesta romanorum.157 That of the merciful emperor illustrates the sermon for the first Sunday in Lent158 and is recorded in F. C. Tubach’s Index exemplorum.159 Another one, telling of a father and his three sons is reminiscent of a tale 156  ‘In die Cinerum et in capite ieiunij’, f. 52r–52v, ed. p. 189, ll. 38–51. 157  Gesta Romanorum, cap.58, ‘De confessione’ 158  f. 55v, ed. p. 193, ll. 124–39. 159  Index Exemplorum, n° 3268.

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attributed to Jacques of Vitry and recorded by F. C. Tubach too.160 Drawing on well-known works was certainly the key to this cycle’s success preserved in eight manuscripts. The Textual Tradition The temporale cycle of Gg is partially preserved in seven other manuscripts (H, R, G22 add, O, L, D, G22). G22 add preserves Gg’s sermons for Advent and Septuagesima only. D contains Gg’s sermons for Lent 2 and 3 only, whilst H and R omit that for the Epiphany of Christ. O does not preserve Gg’s sermon for Quinquagesima. OLDG22 omit Gg’s sermons for the Nativity of Christ, Septuagesima and Lent 1 while including sermons of their own for these occasions. Finally, when Gg has one sermon for Ash Wednesday, the others have two. Despite some variations, all Gg sermons are preserved in at least two other manuscripts. They expectedly appear in the same order in all extant copies. In the sister manuscripts, the temporale cycle is either intermingled with another one, just as in HRG22add or followed by other sermons, such as in OLDG22.161 Two groups may be distinguished: that of OLDG22 and that of HRG22add. Apart from the incomplete temporale sermon cycle found in Gg, these two groups have no material in common. The sermon for Lent 3 that ends abruptly in Gg however is preserved in full in both groups of manuscripts. But each group carries on after Lent 3 with its own set of sermons. Though clearly distinct, these two groups have a common archetype going no further than lent 3, the copytext of which may well be Gg. The OLDG22 Group OLDG22 belong to the same branch of the tradition despite some internal variations. Their peculiarity is to be of one and the same hand, although there are signs that the OLDG22 scribe resorted to several exemplars.162 Such a spectrum implies the existence of a number of intermediate copies further pointing to the popularity of this temporale cycle. In OLDG22, Gg’s sermons provide part of a temporale cycle which covers the whole liturgical year to Trinity 25, gathering 69 sermons in all,163 to which another two for the consecration of a church and

160  Index Exemplorum, n° 3102. Jacques de Vitry’s Sermones Vulgares, ed.Th.F. Crane, The Exempla or Illustrative Stories from the Sermones Vulgares of Jacques de Vitry, London, 1890. 161  For the overlapping content of these manuscripts see the recapitulary table pp. 28–34. 162  See chapter on variants, pp. 107–10. 163  This additional cycle is not preserved in its entirety in all the manuscripts: O omits a number of them, such as the sermon for the Octave of Epiphany, Rogation Day or Trinity 15, while G22 preserves

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fragments were added in O. The OLDG22 group have their own sermons for the first Sunday in Advent, Septuagesima and Lent 1, unparalleled either in Gg or HRG22add. The sources of these sermons are manifold yet often close to Gg’s. In his edition of O, Stephen Morrison164 has recalled that, firstly, the Fasciculus Morum may be traced in a number of them. Secondly, the six sermons for Passion Sunday, the Holy Week and Ascension are based on the Festial. Thirdly, Thomas Wimbledon’s Paul’s Cross sermon of C.1388 – on Lc.16:2 – is the source drawn on for Trinity 9 and Septuagesima Sunday sermons. Fourthly, Richard Lavynham’s Litil Tretys may be traced in the sermons for Lent 1, Trinity 2, Trinity 7 and Trinity 17. Most interestingly, Stephen Morrison also showed the dependence of OLDG22’s gospel lections on the Wycliffite Bible dating c. 1380. It is worth noting the presence of Sidney Sussex 74’s sermon for the first Sunday after Easter in O too. Passages from the Lollard Sermon of the Dead Men165 are paralleled in the OLDG22 sermons for Trinity 16 and 24. The orthodoxy of the OLDG22 cycle, however, may not be questioned as evidenced by the large number of exempla often borrowed from the Gesta romanorum, the Miracles of the Virgin, Robert Holcot or the Vitas patrum. The works of Josephus and Gervase of Tilbury, the De proprietatibus Rerum of Ralph Higden and Alexander Neckam’s De Naturis Rerum appear to have been consulted too. The sermons common to Gg and OLDG22 show no sign of Lollard inspiration. Although the rest of the de tempore cycle in OLDG22 might be a compilation itself, the use of the Wicliffite Bible in these sermons is rather uniform and contrasts sharply with Gg’s: it is clear that the sermons deriving from Gg’s cycle in OLDG22 do not belong to the same tradition. This is supported by the fact that after Lent 3 HRG22add and OLDG22 have no more sermons in common. The additional material found in OLDG22 is however complementary to Gg’s sermons in terms of the liturgical occasions thus covered and to some extant sources. Such is also the case for the HRG22 add group. The HRG22add Group In HR, Gg’s sermons travel with a Festial-based-sermon cycle. Indeed, H and R preserve a revised version of John Mirk’s Festial.166 Their connection with the Festial has already been discussed at length by Susan Powell167 and only the broad Festial sermons for Tenebrae, Holy Thursday and two Easter Sunday sermons not found in the other manuscripts, except D which has the first G22 Festial sermon for Easter Sunday. 164 Morrison, DSC, vol. 1 pp. 54–64. 165  G. Cigman (ed.), Lollard Sermons, (London: EETS, 1989) pp. 207–40. The similarities are discussed in Morrison, DSC, pp. 131–33. 166  See recapitulary table pp. 28–32. 167 Powell, Edition.

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outline of it needs considering here. The manuscripts which preserve the Festial may be divided into two groups according to the way sanctorale and temporale sermons are arranged. Manuscripts that fall into group A are believed to be the closest to the archetype with temporale and sanctorale sermons alternating following the liturgical calendar. By contrast, in group B manuscripts temporale and sanctorale sermons form two distinct sections and most probably preserve a revision of the original Festial. Consequently, HR preserve a revision of the group B cycle. A third manuscript ought to be mentioned: Dublin, Trinity College, 428.168 T has no temporale sermons and only preserves twenty-four Festial revisions from the santorale section to which a non-Festial sermon for All Saints was appended. The Festial version these manuscripts offer was expanded with the help of the very sources drawn on by John Mirk himself, namely the Bible, the Legenda Aurea, the Gesta romanorum, John Beleth and the service of the church.169 The HR reviser further added material borrowed from the Fasciculus Morum, Jacobus’ works and “material based on Archbishop Thorsby’s decree of 1357, known as John Cartryge’s sermon”.170 Interestingly enough, the reviser in HR seems to have proceeded the way the reviser of Gg’s sermons did. It should be noted that in both cases revisions borrow from Jacobus de Voragine’s works and the Fasciculus Morum. Hereby, Gg’s cycle fits in HR’s compilation very well. In the de tempore section of HR, Gg’s sermons and the Festial revisions alternate. They cohabit with a number of other temporale sermons, preserved neither in Gg nor OLDG22. Noteworthy is the fact that out of the 36 sermons of the sanctorale section of HR only four171 happen not to be based on the Festial, as against 25 out of 56 in the temporale section. The cycle thus preserved in HR offers a choice of two, sometimes three, de tempore sermons for the same occasion. These supplementary sermons not based on the Festial, including Gg’s, are characterized by Susan Powell as additional sermons, as her main concern was the Festial revisions. We shall keep the same terminology for a matter of convenience, while suggesting that these additional sermons and the Festial revisions had more in common than mere juxtaposition. Indeed, there are signs that the HR Festial reviser consulted the so-called additional sermons before revising the Festial. Susan Powell showed that the same sources were used to revise both the Festial and Gg’s sermons. This coincidence led her to suggest that the same man revised both cycles, though independently.172 It seems, however, that the link between the 168  Hereafter designated as T. 169  The point is discussed by Powell, Edition, vol. 2, p. 48. 170 Powell, Edition, vol. 2, p. 47. 171  These are sermons for Relic Day, All Saints, All Souls and a burial. 172 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, pp. 108–12.

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HR Festial revisions and the additional sermons in HR is even tighter than this: the reviser may have used both the additional sermons – including those omitted in Gg – and their sources to revise the Festial. Three Distinct Phases The HRG22add and OLDG22 groups and Gg are witnesses to three distinct phases within the same textual tradition. The earliest version of the cycle is probably to be found in Gg. This was later expanded in HRG22add and still further in OLDG22. The HRG22add group offers an intermediary version of the cycle, though not the common exemplar of MSS OLDG22. Gg, f. 57: […] and privethe hym off hys goodis naturall as it is figured in the gospell off Sent Luc, de ffilio prodigo. H, ff. 64r–64v: […] and pryveth hym of all his goodis naturall, as of byrth, kynred, bewtee, strenght, witt and wisdam. All þese it maketh pore, nedy and febyll, as it is well figurd de filio prodigo, that viciously wastid all his goodis by lecherous lyving, Luce xv.173 R, f. 42v: […] and priveþ hym of hys godis naturall as of byrth, kynred, bewte, strenþe, wit and wyssdome. And all þyes synnys makeþ powr, nedy and febil as is wele figured de filio prodigo, þat viciosely wastys al hys godys by lecherose levyng, Luc 15. O, f. 271v: […] and depryvithe it of all his good dedys. Be these menys þe devyll temptiþe moche pepyll. And tho that scholde be prowde of burthe, of bewtye, of strengthe, of wyt or of wisdom, to be prowde of eny þese ʒiftis, it cawsithe þe synful sowlys to be pore, nedy and febyll of all grace tyll he cum to better state of good lyvyng, as it is fygurde, De filio prodigio, þat viciusly wastid all his gooddys be lecherus lyvyng.174 Susan Powell showed most convincingly that material omitted in Gg’s sermons and preserved in the sister manuscripts was added to an earlier version and should be regarded as digressions. This phenomenon is well exemplified in the Sexagesima sermon.175 OLG22 and HR all agree when borrowing from the chapter Penitencia of Jacobus’ distinctiones, adding a passage where God’s memory is compared with a usurer’s tally. To Susan Powell these lines must be interpolations as suggested by the structure of the sermon. The passage happens to have been inserted between 173 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, pp. 216–17, ll. 48–52. 174 Ed. Morrison, DSC, p. 122, l. 35–43, vol. 1. 175  See Powell, Edition, pp. 87–88, vol. 1.

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two biblical quotations – Mt, 25: 41 and Mt, 25: 34 – in which God respectively addresses the damned and the elect. In Gg, the quotations succeed one another logically since both are introduced by the image of the soil sometimes barren, sometimes fertile. By contrast, they read as disconnected in OLG22 and HR due to the insertion of this long passage in between. The case for interpolations in the sister manuscripts is also grounded on Susan Powell’s study176 of the sermon for Ash Wednesday split into two in OLG22 and HR. Indeed, when Gg has one sermon for that occasion the others have two. Gg’s sermon was literally cut in two – the first half providing the core of the HROLG22 first sermon, and the remaining half that of the HROLG22 second one. The somewhat abrupt opening of the second sermon reads as nongenuine to Susan Powell and strongly suggests that Gg does preserve the original sermon later dismantled. It is worth noting that the material supplementing Gg’s sermon in OLG22’s and HR’s new versions borrows from the Fasciculus Morum, again. The sermons witnessed in Gg most probably provided the base text of the later versions found in the HRG22add and OLDG22 groups, but they may have inspired some of the revised Festial sermons in HR too. The first evidence is suggested by what Susan Powell justly remarked, that “we may note a number of cases of omissions to the Festial text in the interests of brevity or to avoid the reduplication of material. The sermon for the Circumcision of Christ gives details of the five bleedings of Christ. The revised version of the same sermon omits these details with the note nota superius in exhortacione circumcisionis Domini, since the previous sermon, a new one not based on the Festial, although closely dependent on the Legenda Aurea, has already given those details in full.”177 Two patterns may derive from Susan Powell’s observation: either the Festial reviser178 was responsible for this omission and as a consequence must also be the compiler of the cycle now preserved in HR, implying that he altered the text accordingly as he went on compiling Festial – and non-Festial-based sermons, or that the compilation preceded that particular emendation of the Festial text, made later by a perceptive scribe. At any rate, be they one or two, these men must have had a thorough knowledge of the entire compilation and the additonal sermons in particular. The sermon for the Epiphany of Christ may cast some light on the inter-connection between Festial-based sermons and additional ones in HR.

176  See Powell, Edition, pp. 88, vol. 1. 177 Powell, Edition, pp. 39–40, vol. 2. 178  I call ‘Festial reviser’, the person responsible for the Festial version now extant in HR and not that of group B manuscripts. To put it in other words, the ‘Festial reviser’ is the reviser of HR’s Festial revision.

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The Epiphany sermons of HR and Gg Gg’s Epiphany sermon is not preserved in HR where the Festial revision for that day is accompanied by no additional material. By contrast, it is part of the OLDG22 cycle. So why should it be omitted in HR? Gg’s sermon is based on the Legenda Aurea which is also the source drawn on by John Mirk and the HR Festial reviser for that day. As a consequence, these sermons bear a close resemblance. To Susan Powell their proximity deterred the HR compiler from adding material deemed redundant and unnecessary to his Festial revision. Indeed, similarities pointing to a common source are easy to find. Yet, most interesting are those which may not be traced in the Legenda Aurea. In the following example Gg and the HR Festial revision share material found neither in Mirk’s Festial nor the Legenda Aurea. H, f. 28: Whan oure souereyn Savioure Ihesu shuld be born in Bedleem in þe dayes of Herode þe king, there were iij kynges…179 Gg, f. 42: Qwhan owre soffereyn lorde Criste Ihesu was born in Bedlem Jude in the deys off Herode the kynge, iij crownyd kyngys… In the passage above – a translation of Mt, 2:1 – the closeness of Gg’s sermon with the HR revision is all the more striking since it has no parallel in their sources. The following example points to a possible dependence of the HR revision on Gg’s sermon. Gg, f. 42r: And as thei xuld returne home a3en, ane awngell in heyr sleppe monysched hem þat þei xulde not goo by Herode. And as it was the wyll off God, thei toke anodyr wey into theyr region and cuntree. H, f. 29: And as þei shuld retourne homeward, an aungell in þeire slepe monysshed þem þat þei shuld not goo by Herode. And as it was þe plesure of God, thei toke anoþir way into þeire region and cuntree.180 O, f. 212v: And as they scholde returne homwarde aʒene, an aungell monyssched them in there slepe that they scholde not go aʒene be Herowde. So they toke another wey into þeire owne regyons.181

179 Powell, Edition, vol. 2, p. 89, ll. 17–19. 180 Powell, Edition, vol. 2, p. 92, ll. 83–87. 181 Ed. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, p. 40, l. 32–34.

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Although the same biblical detail is told in both the Festial and the Legenda Aurea, HR’s sermon echoes Gg’s in a striking manner. Moreover, in HR the reviser anticipated the Festial when including the anecdote earlier in the narrative than John Mirk in his. When the reviser came to copy the Festial passage where the kings’ dream is told, he justified this redundancy with the remark as I saide before: Festial: þus when þese kynges haddon don hure offryng, by thechyng of [an] angell, þey lafton Hero[d], and зedon hom by anoþur way […]182 H, f. 29: Thus whan these iij kynges had do her offeryng to oure [souereyne] Savioure Criste Ihesu, thei rode home by anoþer way be techyng of the aungell and left Herode, as I saide before. In the following example too Gg stands out as HR’s model: Festial: […] and by þe encence þat he was verey God, and by þe myrre þat he was very mon, þat schulde be ded and layd in graue wythouten rotyng. For gold ys kyng of metel; ensence ys brend in holy chyrche in worschep of God; myrre ys an vnement þat keputh ded bodyes from rotyng.183 H, f. 29r: Therefore, offred þese iij kynges ensence, signifying þat he is verrey God. The third they presentyd hym with mirre, þat is a precious ointment þat conserueth and kepith ded bodies from corrupcion. Wherefore þei offrid mirre, signifying þat he shulde suffre peynfull dethe for mannes redempcion. Gg, f. 43r: Thei also presentyd myrre qwyche is a precious vntment þat conservythe and kepythe a dede body ffrome corrupcion. Therffore offerde thei myrre in tokun þat he xulde dye and suffur peynfull dethe ffor manys redempcion. When confronting HR’s text with the versions of the same sermon preserved in other group A and group B Festial manuscripts, it appears that none of them preserves a similar reading. Therefore, the passages quoted above strongly suggest a consultation of the sermon now extant in Gg by the reviser who amended his copytext accordingly. The slightly differing version in the O group manuscripts – which do preserve Gg’s sermon – further enhances the textual resemblance the HR Festial revision bears to Gg’s sermon.

182 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, p. 48, l. 65–66. 183 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, p. 48, l. 62–64.

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This consolidates Susan Powell’s assumption that the same man revised both the Festial and Gg’s sermons. It also supports her assumption that he revised them independently as, indeed, this Epiphany sermon is preserved in OLG22D and not in HR. As a consequence, this reviser may have revised the sermons preserved in Gg first, a revision used and further expanded in OLG22D. Then, and only then did he revise the Festial. The HR Festial reviser may have drawn on the additional sermons, including Gg-preserved material, on two other occasions. The sermons where such evidence may be found are those for All Saints and All Souls day and Easter. Gg’s sermon for All Saints and All Souls day and the HR Festial revision As proper to a personal compilation, Gg contains both notes and sermons which are unrelated to neighbouring materials. Such is the case of the sermon for All Saints and All Souls day found in quire three,184 preceding a marriage sermon and following the set of five sermons also found in S, Ry and B. It is unique to Gg and related neither to the sermons of S, Ry and B nor to the temporale cycle witnessed in HRG22addOLDG22. Gg’s sermon for All Saints and All Souls day is much indebted to the Speculum Sacerdotale for All Hallowes and obviously offers a shorter version of the latter. HR preserve a revision of the Festial for All Saints day, to which two additional sermons were appended, one dedicated to All Saints and one to All Souls – neither of them based on the Festial or the Legenda Aurea or even the Speculum Sacerdotale. The Legenda Aurea, the Festial, its revision in HR and the Speculum Sacerdotale all include the exemplum of the keeper of St Peter Church in Rome. It is, however, omitted in Gg. The Speculum Sacerdotale is very close to the Legenda Aurea, except that it adds an exemplum dealing with purgatory witnessed in Gg only, when the Legenda Aurea only briefly refers to it. Henceforth, there is little doubt about the Speculum Sacerdotale being Gg’s source rather than the Legenda Aurea. At first sight, HR’s revision of the Festial for All Saints day bears no particular resemblance to Gg’s sermon, nor does it with HR’s additional sermons. It first stands out from a comparative study of the aforementioned sermons that, as usual, HR’s revision of the Festial is augmented with the help of the Legenda Aurea. However, there are also instances when the revision departs from both the Legenda and the Festial and when its source must be sought elsewhere: H, ‘In solempnitate omnium sanctorum’ (Festial revision), ff. 202r: For in as moch as we be insufficient to worship and reuerence all seyntes bi þemself, for it 184  ff. 26–28r, ed. pp. 155–57.

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passeth þe power of man, wherefore an holy fadir pope of Rome, Boniface þe fourt, at a generall convocacion of all the clergye, commaundid þe fest of all seyntes to be solempnyzed and halowed thorugh all cristendome þe first day of Nouembre. […] The passage above has no parallels either in the Festial or the Legenda Aurea. However, it echoes the opening lines of HR’s additional sermon for All Souls Day: H, ‘In die animarum’, f. 205v: And how All Soulesmasday was first founde I fynde wrete in a cronycle we rede þat Holy Pope Boneface had halowed þe temple of Pantheon to þe reuerence of God and all seintes, aftir he sett a convocacion of all clergis, þat all cardinalles, archbisshoppis and bisshoppes shuld be þere at a certeyn day and place assigned, oþer in þeir owne persones or by þeir procuratours. In the following lines, HR’s revision adds material echoing Gg: H, ‘In solempnitate omnium sanctorum’ (Festial revision), f. 202: This temple Pantheon of all fals Goddes contynued vnto þe tyme of pope Boneface þe iiijte from Seint Gregory. Which holy Bonyface perceyved þis foule abusion how blynde in beleve þe Romayns were. He sent to þe emperour of Rome called Foca, praying to [yeve hym]185 þe grounde with þe temple bicause he was chefe lorde of þat. Than þe emperour, as a gode christen prince, at þe desyre of þe holy pope Bonyface, he frely gafe hym þe grounde with the temple. Then pope Bonyface did bete dovn all þese mawmentes and fals goddes and made þe house clene. And with grete solempnyte in procession goyng to þe temple, he halowed þat place in þe reuerence of the [Trinite],186 our Lady Seint Mary, of all aungelles, archaungelles, patriarkes, prophetis, apostelis, euaungelistes, martires, confessours, virgines and all holy spirytes, all Goddes chosen in heven. And now it is called in Rome Seint Mary Rotounde. And for þis temple sum tyme was called Pantheon, þat was ordeyned to worship all ydolles and fals mawmentes and Goddes, now it is a chirch hallowed and dedicate of all seyntes in heven. Than aftir Boneface, þere cam anoþir pope called Bonefacius Quintus, third from þat oþer Bonefacius, and he ordeneyd þat day to be halowed þe first day of Novembre þorugh all cristendam. Festial, ‘De festo omnium sanctorum sermo breuis’: Þan dured þis tempul tyl þetyme of pope Boneface þe ferthe com, þe wyche ʒode to þe emperoure þat was callud Foca and prayed to 3euen hym þat tempul þat he myghte putton oute of it þe multitude of fendes an halow it in honowre of oure Lady and of alle martyres, and

185  Yeve hym] om. T. 186  Trinite] om. RT.

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so he dyod. Þan com aftur an othur pope þat was callud Gregorius and ordeyned þis day to be halowod in þe worchep of God and of alle seyntus, and so commaundyd alle Holy Chyrch to do þus? AND þis fest was þus furst begonnen.187 Legenda Aurea, ‘De omnibus sanctis’: Tempore igitur Phoce imperatoris, cum iam dudum Roma fidem domini recepisset, Bonifacius papa quartus a magno Gregorio circa annos domini DCV predictum templum a Phoca cesare impetrauit et omni ydolorum eliminata spurcitia ipsum iv idus Maii in honorem beate Marie et omnium martyrum consecrauit ac locum sancte Marie ad martyres appellauit, qui nunc sancta Maria rotunda a populo appellatur. Nondum enim confessorum sollempnia ab ecclesia agebantur, sed quia ad hoc festum multitudo maxima confluebat et propter defectum uictualium celebrationi uacare non poterant, ideo quidam papa Gregorius hoc festum in kalendis Nouembris, quando maior uictualium copia esse uidetur, messibus et uindemiis celebratis, fieri instituit ac per uniuersum mundum hunc diem in honorem omnium sanctorum celebrari sollempniter ordinauit […].188 HR’s lines our Lady Seint Mary, of all aungelles, archaungelles, patriarkes, prophetis, apostlis, euaungelistes, martires, confessours, virgines and all holy spirytes, all Goddes chosen in heven, may not be found in the Festial or the Legenda Aurea.189 They are preserved, however, in the opening lines of Gg’s sermon and its source, the Speculum Sacerdotale: Gg, f. 26–26v: The secunde deye of Nouembyre we hallowe the solempnyte off owre Lorde ande off all seyntys, þat is vnderstonde off owre Ladye Sent Marye ande off all holye awngells in heven, patriarkys, prophetys, apostels, euaungelystys, martyres, conffessores ande virgens ande all þat been chosen to the blys off heven […] Ande qwhan he (Boneface) had gete thee same temple off the emperor, he ordeynde ʒat owre ladye ande all seyntys schuld be worchepyd therin, the ffyrst dey off Novembyr. And ʒat was ordenyd ovyr all crystendome ffor all seyntys ʒat xuld be worchepyd […] In HR the Festial is obviously revised, sometimes with the help of the Legenda Aurea, sometimes with other material which might well be identified as the socalled additional sermons. This is further confirmed by the revison’s inconsistency 187  Powell, Festial, vol. 2, p. 240, ll;21623. 188  LgA, cap. CLVIII, p. 1100. 189  This passage somehow echoes the Lengenda aurea which reads Notandum autem quod quadruplex est differentia sanctorum noui testament quos per anni circulum colimus et quos hodierna die insimul recolligimus, ut eis quod negligenter fecimus, suppleamus, scilicet apostoli, martyres, confessores et uirgines, et hii secundum Rabanum per quator mundi partes significantur, per orientem apostoli, per meridiem martyres, per aquilonem confessores, per occidentem uirgines, LgA, p. 1105. The similitude, however, does not gainsay the fact that the revision is indebted to Gg’s sermon.

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about the identity of the pope who ordained the feast to be celebrated on 1 November. The reference to Bonefacius Quintus in the revision is hardly reconcilable with the Legenda Aurea, the Festial, HR’s additional sermons, Gg or even the Speculum Sacerdotale. […] wherefore an holy fadir pope of Rome, Boniface the fourt, at a generall convocacion of all the clergye, commaundid þe fest of all seyntes to be solempnyzed and hallowed thorugh all cristendome þe first day of Nouembre. […] aftir Boneface, cam anoþir pope called Bonefacius Quintus, third from þat oþer Bonefacius, and he ordeneyd þat day to be halowed þe first day of Nouembre þorugh all cristendam. Such discrepancy obviously points to a consultation of various sources by the HR Festial reviser, including at least the Festial, the Legenda Aurea and possibly the additional sermons. Once again it should be noted that the other Festial manuscripts do not echo HR, except Trinity College Dublin MS 428. Trinity College Dublin MS 428 and H are, however, very close. They were most probably copied from the same exemplar, the original compilation.190 Because the same diverging lesson may be found in Trinity College Dublin MS 428 too, it certainly was in the original compilation. Therefore, it seems unlikely that a scribe other than the Festial reviser himself – as envisaged before – amended the Festial revision, changing the identity of the popes from Gregory to Bonefacius Quintus. It seems however reasonable to suggest that the reviser of the HR Festial-based sermons and the compiler of the HR whole cycle were one and the same man, who compiled and revised at the same time. In other words, the compilation witnessed in HR is probably not subsequent to the revision of the Festial but rather concomitant. Since the connection between the HR Festial revisions and the additional sermons – including Gg’s – has been shown, we may now wonder about the copytext the HR reviser consulted for his revision of the Festial sermon for All Saints day. As there is no evidence that Gg’s sermon for All Saints day ever belonged to the cycle of the additional sermons,191 it seems reasonable to suggest that HR’s Festial reviser consulted this sermon directly from Gg. The Easter day sermon of quire 1 This Easter day sermon is preserved in quire 1 just before a sermon for Lent 1, a differing version of the which is also preserved in quire 5. Both these sermons are in HR. Then one could consider the Easter day sermon as part of the original 190 Monteau, Edition, pp. lii–lx. 191  It is preserved in quire 3 and has the same layout as five university-like sermons of quires two and three. Besides, it is not preserved in OLDG22.

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temporale cycle, as we may guess it was in Gg before its would-be mutilation. However, the omission of this Easter day sermon in OLDG22 may suggest otherwise. Was this Easter day sermon really part of the original cycle? What was the original cycle like before loss of leaves in Gg? The only content of the latter we may safely reconstruct goes as far as the sermons common to HRG22add OLDG22, namely no further than Lent 3. There is very little evidence that Gg or some other exemplar ever included this Easter day sermon as part of the temporale cycle, apart from HR and their archetype. Its presence in HR might be explained by the fact that the HR reviser consulted Gg itself and might have drawn on the version he found in quire 1. When comparing Gg’s Easter day sermon with HR’s version its stands out that the latter is much fuller. Indeed, there is a sharp contrast between both versions. To Susan Powell, Gg offers an incomplete one, probably departing from the Latin original best represented in HR.192 Susan Powell puts forward three main arguments to support her interpretation. The most powerful is that two divisions seem to be announced in the opening lines while one point only is discussed: leef ffrendys euery man and woman that þis deye disposythe hym to reseyve Cristys precyus bodye hym behovythe to be cleene in lyffynge and parffytte and stabyll in beleeffenge. Ffyrst I seye euerye Crysten man behovythe ffor to be cleen in lyffynge. However Gg’s sermon ends with this first point and no second one is discussed whereas HR’s sermon is composed of three divisions which are clennes in lyving, perfyte loue in beleving and charytee schewyng. Her second and third arguments are complementary: as Gg’s Easter day sermon is preserved in quire one amidst jottings it is likely to be a mere note itself. Finally, because it is macaronic, Gg’s scribe must have translated it down briefly directly from the Latin original: … the version in C is an incomplete form of the HR sermon. This is suggested anyway by the part-English, part-Latin format (which makes it likely that the compiler of C had access to the Latin original), the fact that, while two divisions are introduced, only one is discussed, and the fact that the sermon occurs in the context of random jottings in the MS. Then the question is: is Gg’s an abridged version of HR’s or is HR’s an expanded version of Gg’s? It ought to be born in mind that Susan Powell suggested that the same man revised both the Festial and Gg’s cycle. So why not this Easter day sermon? Equally worth remembering are the similarities between Gg’s sermons for the Epiphany and All Saints and All Souls day with HR’s Festial revisions for the same occasions. Further still, when confronting HR’s sermon for Easter with the following additional one and the Festial revision for the same day, relevant similarities may emerge. 192 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, pp. 255–60.

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Gg, f. 2: Quia ut apostolus quicumque manducauerit panem hunc vel biberit calicem deum indigne reus erit corporis et sanguinis deum – prima ad Corinth. xjm°. Þat is ffor to seyne, qwho so reseyveth Cristys precyus bodye vnworthelye, he xall be ponysched ande chastysyd as thawe he hadde sleyne Criste hymselffe as the Jewes dyden. H, ‘Item in die pasce alia exortacio’, f. 97v: Quia, ‘Quicumque manducauerit hunc panem indigne reus erit corporis et sanguinis Domini’ – glosa: ‘id est, punietur acsi Christum occidisset’ – whoso receyvith Cristes precious body vnworthily in fourme of brede he shall be gilty of Goddes flessh and his blode, 1 Corinthiorum xj. The glose seyth þat he shall \be/ ponysshed at oo day as þough he had slayn Criste with his hande as þe cruell Iewis did.’193 In the above passage, H’s lesson is fuller than Gg’s. Because a similar passage may be found in another additional sermon for Easter in HR, one has a feeling that Gg’s version was expanded in HR with the help of this additional Easter day sermon: H, ‘Item tercia exotacio in die pasce’, f. 102v: For þe holy appostill Poule, 1 Corinthiorum [11] seith, ‘qui manducat indigne iudicium sibi manducat’, et cetera – he þat etith þis sacred brede vnworthely he shall be gilty of þe blessid body of God, þat is to sey, for Cristes deth, to his dampnacion endeles. For þe glose seith vpon þe same text, ‘he shall be as gilty of Cristes dethe as þe Iewis þat slough hym’.194 Again, similarities between the Festial revision and HR’s first additional Easter sermon point to cross – borrowings: Festial, ‘De Festo Pasche’: Wherefore, gode men and wommen, I scharge зow heзly in Goddus behalue þat none of зow today come to Goddus borde, but he be in ful charite to alle Goddus pepul, and also þat зe be clene chryuen and in full wylle for to leuon зoure synne.195 H, Festial revision of ‘Exortacio in die pasce’, f. 96v: Wherefore I charge you and discharge me in Goddes name þat none of you presume to cum to Goddes borde but if ye be in clennes of lyfe and in perfite charytee.196

193 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, p. 205, ll. 4–11. 194 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, p. 210, ll. 196–202. 195 Powell, Festial, vol. 1, p. 116, ll. 72–75. 196 Powell, Edition, vol. 2, p. 198, ll. 77–79.

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H, ‘Item in die pasce alia exortacio’, f. 98 Wherefore I charge you and discharge me, as ye woll answere before þe high iuge at þe dredefull day of dome, þat non of /yow\ presume to take vpon hym to receyve þat blessid sacrament but if ye be in clennes of life.197 Similarities between HR’s Easter day sermon and the second additional sermon for that occasion on the one hand, and the Festial revision on the other, may betray the HR reviser’s habit again. It cannot be excluded that he used a copytext other than Gg but this seems a little doubtful. He can be expected to have dealt with this Easter day sermon the way he did with Gg’s material in general. And, as HRG22add and OLDG22 share no sermons after Lent 3, it may also be envisaged that Gg was already incomplete when the HR reviser had it at his disposal. It would ensue that, though fuller, HR’s Easter day sermon was based on Gg’s shorter one. Finally, Susan Powell’s suggestion that Gg’s sermon might be a vernacular translation of a Latin sermon and the only extant one further consolidates the impression that this reviser worked directly from Gg. Conclusion The complex relationship between Gg, OLDG22HRG22add, HR’s Festial revisions and HR’s additional sermons may be summed up as such: 1. The same man probably revised both the Festial and Gg’s sermons independently, giving shape to the now HR-extant revision of the Festial and expanded versions of Gg’s sermons. 2. HRG22add and OLDG22 have a common archetype, probably the work of the reviser of Gg’s sermon and the Festial. However, both branches are distinct and preserve their own peculiar readings, implying the existence of other intermediaries. 3. The HR Festial revision for the Epiphany of Christ seems to be indebted to Gg’s sermon for the same day. Although OLG22 preserve Gg’s sermon too, the Festial reviser clearly had a copy at hand closer to Gg’s text than OLG22’s. This might indicate that the HR Festial reviser did work from Gg itself. 4. The HR Festial revision for All Saints day echoes Gg’s sermon; however, the latter is preserved neither in HRG22 nor OLDG22. Therefore, Gg itself might very well be the copytext used by the Festial reviser for that occasion, again. 197 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, p. 257, ll. 62–65.

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5. HR preserve an additional sermon for Easter that is a fuller version of Gg’s sermon for the same day. Since it is omitted in OLDG22 and was copied in Gg’s quire 1 among other preaching materials, there is no indication that it ever belonged to the cycle of sermons preserved in quires 4 and 5. 6. Finally, the link between revision and compilation in HR must be considered. The Festial revisions for the Epiphany of Christ and All Saints Day are accompanied by no additional sermons, most probably to avoid redundancy, as suggested by Susan Powell. This might indicate that the same man revised the Festial and compiled the archetype of HRG22add. This seems all the more likely since the same man probably revised both the Festial and Gg’s sermons. Henceforth, Gg was most probably consulted by the man responsible for the common exemplar of the two groups HRG22add and OLDG22. Stemma Codicum It stands out clearly that none of these manuscripts GgHRG22addOLG22D can be a copy of one or the other. As mentioned before, Gg’s sermon for Ash Wednesday most probably served as a model for the composition of the HROLG22D sermons for the same day198 while passages omitted in Gg must be regarded as digressions in the sister manuscripts. As a consequence, HRG22addOLG22D share lessons that are not echoed in Gg, which must be credited to the initiative of an intermediary scribe and reviser at the X level of the tradition. Although they often agree against Gg on interpolations, HRG22add and OLG22D clearly belong to two distinct branches. The first evidence is their contents; whereas Gg’s sermons are associated with Festial revisions in HRG22add, they circulate with 64 Sunday sermons in OLG22D. Thus, HRG22add and OLG22D form two separate branches. The second evidence ensues from Susan Powell’s remark about the sermon for the Circumcision of Christ where HR add an exemplum omitted in OLG22 and Gg: […] while HR add an exemplum to a discussion of the second time Christ bled, which is part of a treatment of the five bleedings of Christ. The source of the exemplum is the Festial sermon for the Circumcision of Christ, where it also occurs at the end of a discussion of the second time Christ bled, the whole of the sermon being also based on the Legenda Aurea. Moreover, HR’s version of this Festial sermon omits the whole of the discussion of the five bleedings of Christ, because this has been dealt with already in the sermon under discussion here. The additional exemplum in HR is, then, intrinsic to the character of that

198  See p. 91.

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collection, demonstrating its particular connection with the Festial and its compiler’s use of cross-referenced material.199

Finally, textual variations also point to a departure from HRG22add’s archetype in OLG22D. The interrelations between these manuscripts have been studied most carefully by Susan Powell and Stephen Morrison, and once again we shall be content with the main lines: firstly, the common archetype of both branches – X – could well derive from Gg itself; secondly HRG22add and OLG22D form two independent branches, respectively deriving from Y and Z; thirdly, of HRG22add, H must be the closest to Y; fourthly of OLG22D, O must be the closest to Z.

Gg as the common archetype of two distinct branches Even when HRG22add agree with OLG22D against Gg, slight variations indicate that they do not derive directly from the same exemplar and that HRG22add are probably closer to Gg than OLG22D. It stands out clearly from the passage quoted earlier and again below that the text in H is the witness of an intermediate stage, in between Gg’s plain version and O’s fuller one: Gg, Lent 2, f. 57: […] and privethe hym off hys goodys naturall as it is figured in the gospell off Sent Luc, de filio prodigo.

199 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, pp. 86–87.

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H, ff. 64–64v: […] and pryveth hym of all his goodis naturall, as of byrth, kynred, bewtee, strenght, witt and wisdam, all þese it maketh pore, nedy and ffebyll, as it is well figurd de filio prodigo, that viciously wastid all his goodis by lecherous lyving, Luc xv.200 O, f. 271v: […] and depryvithe it of all his dedys. Be these menys þe devyll temptiþe moche pepyll. And tho that scholde be prowde of burthe, of bewtye, of strengthe, of wyt or of wysdome, to be prowde of eny of þese ʒiftis, it cawsithe þe synful sowlys to be pore, nedy and febyll of all grace tyll he cum to better state of good lyvyng, as it is fygurde, De filio prodigo, þat viciusly wastid all his gooddys be lecherus lyvyng.201 And yet, sometimes O happens to be closer to Gg than HR: Gg, Circumcision, f. 41: […] thee manhode off hym swett water and blode […] H, f. 26: […] þe manhode of hym swett water and blode rennyng from his blessid body vnto þe grounde for drede of his dethe. Ffor right as a childe for drede and fere of betyng is [hevy] when he seeth þe rodde, right so þe tendir fflessh of Criste was adrad of his passion þat was commyng and swet watere and blode […]202 O, f. 209: […] the manhode swete bothe water and bloode […]203 Such a departure from both Gg and O excludes the possibility that HR’s direct exemplar be also OLG22D’s and vice versa. Obviously, distinct emendations were introduced in Gg’s text at several levels. X was the first level of emendation and was common to both groups. Then, this modified version of Gg’s text was further altered in Y and Z separately–HRG22add’s exemplar and OLG22D’s respectively. Gg, Lent 2, f. 57: By this lepyr Naaman is vnderstonde euery synner þat horribele stynkethe in the sygh3t off God. He must goone owte ffrom the lothelye londe off dedlye syn and cum to the kyng off Israel, þat is owre soffereyn Lorde God off blys, þat he mey cure hym off hys sekenes, off dedlye syn. H, f. 64v: [by þis lepire, R] Naaman is vndirstonde euery synne[re þat] horryble stinkeþ in þe syght of God. So then þe synfull man must go from the lothely londe of dedely synne, by conffessyon and contrycion, and then cum to the kyng of Israel, þat 200 Powell, Edition, vol. pp. 216–17, ll. 48–52. 201 Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, p. 122, ll. 37–43. 202 Powell, Edition, vol. p. 152, ll. 81–85. 203 Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, p. 37, ll. 104–05.

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is to sey, oure souereyn lorde God, king of blisse, that he may cure hym of his sikenes of lepre of dedely synne.204 O, f. 272: Be this leper is vnderstonde every synner þe whiche infirmyte of the sekenes of synne cawsithe þe sowle to stynke in þe syʒte of God, þe whiche is fowle disfygurde when it is chargyd wythe synne. And if he wyll be hole he muste go owte of þe cuntre of dedely synne be confescion and contriscion, and so cum to þe kyng of Israell, þat is to sey, þe kyng of blys þe whiche is þe connyngeste leche, for he helythe every synfull sowle of all infirmyte and diseses. For man is never so redy to schewe to þis blyssed Lorde þe sekenes of synne by þe mene of confescion and contriscion as he is redy toʒ3ife þe salue of his swete mercy and eternall saluacion.205 The previous stemma codicum is then maintained:

HRG22add as independent copies of a Y exemplar At the Y level, Gg’s text – already modified in X – was further altered and probably compiled with the Festial revision now extant in HR and partially in G22add and Trinity College Dublin MS 428. In no way could G22add be the exemplar used by the HR scribes for it is far too incomplete. As for H and R, though their

204 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, p. 217, ll. 58–64. 205  Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, pp. 122–23, ll. 47–57.

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contents vary but slightly, their lessons conspicuously do. Furthermore, a number of eyeskips may be encountered in both H and R. Gg, f. 53v, Lent 1: Suppose ʒe not þat Pilate, þat sentenciously seyd aʒense Criste ffor drede off the Jewes, þat he was not a membyr off the dule? Also Annas, Cayphas and Herode and all syche, ʒys plenly wer not they membyrs off the dule þat pursuede Crist to dethe? H, f. 56: Suppose ye not þat Pilate þat sentenciously seid ageyns Criste for drede of þe Iewes, þat he was not a membre of þe devell? Annas, Cayphas, and Herode and all such? Yis withoute fayle. Were þey not membris of þe devell þat pursued Criste vnto deth?206 R, f. 38: Suppose 3e not þat […]207 þat sentenciosly agayns Crist for dred of Iewys þat he was not a membre of þe dewyll and tho þat pursued Criste vnto þe deþe? In R, the eyeskip obviously stems from the repetition of the word dewyll. When compared with Gg, H is definitely superior to R. However, it is not shorn of erroneous readings either: Gg, f. 43v, Septuagesima: The kyndam off heven he assemlyd and lykynde to a goode husbonde þat goethe owte eyrlee to hyer and to purveye ffor werkemen into hys vyne3erde. And qwhen he ffonde syche as plesyd hym, he made cowuawnt with them ffor a peny on the deye and sent them fforthe into the vyne3erde. Then, he went owte a3en the iijde owre […] H, f. 34: The kingdom of heven is semblid and likened vnto a good husband þat erely went oute to hire and purvey werkemen to werke and laboure in his vyne-yerd. Then he went oute ageyn þe iijde oure […]208 R, f. 26: Þe kyngdame of hewen is symyled and likened to a good hosbond þat erly wente to hir and purvey for werkemen to werke in hys wyne3erde and whan he fonde suche as pleasid hym, he made a conuencion and conuenaund with hym for a peny of þe day and sent hym into hys vyne3erd. Þan he went owt agayn aftir iij owris […]

206 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, p. 200, ll. 53–57. 207  Where H and Gg read Pilate, R possibly reads place, however hard it is to decipher as it was cancelled by a later hand and replaced by by law that […]. 208 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, p. 154, ll. 4–9.

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The passages selected above could be easily augmented to show that neither H nor R were the examplar of one or the other. It should be noted, however, that in most cases H is the closest to Gg and seems superior to R.209 Now, what about G22add? Its content certainly implies that it cannot have served as a model for H or R, which is confirmed by textual variations. In the sermon for Advent, G22add significantly departs from both HR and Gg: Gg (HR), f. 35, Advent: Qwhi, quod thys grete clerke […] G22add, f. 4: Thys gret clerke askyth and seyde why […] Gg (HR), f. 35v: […] ffor the enteere luff off the ffadure, consydyr not yt deffawte off the son. G22add, f. 4: […] rememberyng þe entyr leve þat þe fader hadde to hys son and not redardnyng aзen hym of his defautys. Despite a number of variations proper to G22add, the latter seems to be closer to R than H, suggesting that G22add and R might be futher related: Gg, f. 34, Advent: [Experiens scheweche þat in the absens off a kynge or ellys, yff a kynge be not had in reputacion, ffavour, worchep and drede, lyke as schewythe a sovereyn awethe to be, offtyn there growethe and encresethe myche malyce and wykkudnes, and schortlye to seke off ffalshed, syn and trawthe have then grete dominacion ffor than be spolyacions, robbrys, deseytes, tresons and many wronges doo withowte correccion and cawsethe offtyn tyme the pepull to be rebell and ryse ane nense the pees as] it had lyke ffor to have be in thys rewm within ffewe 3eers, had not God schewed to vs off hys good grace. H, f. 1: […] it was like to haue bene in this reem within fewe yeres, had not Gode shewed to vs of his gode grace.210 R, f. 1: […] oftyn tymes haþ ben sene in dyuers remys. G22add, f. 1: […] ofte hath be seyn yn dyuerse reymmes.

209  For H’s superiority see Powell, Edition, vol. 1, pp. 93–95. 210 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, p. 116, ll. 12–13.

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The passage quoted above arouses particular interest as it is the only reference to contemparory historical events this sermon cycle preserves. Susan Powell211 suggests that the trouble mentioned here could be the Wars of the Roses and the absent monarch could well be Edward IV who fled to the Netherlands in 1470 before triumphantly returning to London in 1471. OLG22D as independent copies of a Z exemplar: It ought to be borne in mind that OLG22D were copied by the same man. However close they might be, these manuscripts have their own peculiar readings and could hardly have served as a model for one another. A number of textual variations may be observed that point to O as the closest to Gg and HR, and consequently to OLG22D’s archetype. Although superior to LG22D, O’s text sometimes happens to be defective too: Gg, f. 57, Lent 2: Quia qui facit peccatum seruus est peccati. Ffor he þat doethe syn, he is bonde servawnt to syn, Johanis 8 and Luc 4. O, f. 271v: Quia qui facit peccatum, seruus est peccati; ‘Ffor he þat [doϸe synne]is seruaunt and bonde to synne’, Luce iij° et Johannis octauo.212 O’s lesson is obviously erroneous when rendering a partial translation of the Latin quotation whereas it is preserved in full in the other manuscripts. Although easy to mend, this error suggests that O was probably not the model used by the scribe to copy LG22D. This is further confirmed by the fact that LG22 seem to preserve common readings foreign to the other manuscripts. In the following passage LG22 clearly depart from Gg, HR and O when omitting the phrase owre labour to eese. Besides, the version extant in O reads as halfway between HR and Gg on the one hand and LG22 on the other one: Gg (HR), f. 38v, Nativity: And than, all owre syn and soroo was turnyd to solas, owre wepynge chawnchyd to joye, owr labour (turned, R) to eese, owre aduersite to prosperyte and owre dampnacion to saluacion wan Criste was borne. O, f. 201r–201v: Then all owre sorow was turned to solace, and owre wepyng was chaungyd to ioye and owre labor to ese, owre aduersite to prosperite, owre dampnacion to saluacion. And so generaly all maner of tribulacions was turned into grete

211 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, p. 312. 212 Ed. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, pp. 121–22, ll. 30–32.

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ioye and al maner gladnes when owre soueren sauiowre cam thus vnto vs be his blissed natiuite.213 L, f. 24: Þen all our sorow3e was turned into salace and owre wepyng was turned into myrthe and joye, and all owre adversite into prosperite and owre dampnacion vnto saluacion. And so generally all maner of tribulacions was chaungyd and turned into grete joye and all maner of gladnesse when owre sovereyne saviowre Criste Ihesu cam þus vnto vs by his blessid natiuite. G22, f. 46: Þen all our sorow3 was turned into solace and owre wepyng was turned into myrþe and joye and all our adversite into prosperite and owre dampnacion into salvacion and so generally all maner of tribulacions was chaungid and turned into grete joye and into all maner of gladnes when owre lorde Ihesu Criste cam þus to vs by his blessid natiuite. Other instances may be identified where O’s text stands as a witness to an intermediary stage between Gg and LG22. In the lines below, material omitted in HR and Gg was added in OLG22. However, the same term allevyd is still found in O, HR and Gg whereas LG22 have lyʒtened instead: Gg (HR), f. 39, Nativity: The seeke is more cowmffortyd, slakyd and allevyd off hys peyne. O, f. 202v: […] the seke þen is more comforted and allevyed of his sekenes and peyne, and gladly þen schall take his reste.214 L, f. 26–26v: Þen þe seke is more comfortyd and lyʒtened of hys sekenes and peyne and gladly þen schall take his reste. G22, f. 5: Þe seke þen is gretely comfortyd and lyʒtened of þeyre sekenes and peynes and gladly þen schall take þeyre reste. Despite apparent proximity neither L nor G22 could be the exemplar of one or the other for they both and singly omit passages preserved in the other manuscripts. Their similar readings must be attributed either to a common model or to their being of the same hand. When considering D, it stands out that this manuscript too is defective. But strangely enough, D sometimes agrees with L and sometimes with

213 Ed. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1 p. 27, ll. 20–25. 214 Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, p. 29, ll. 64–65.

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G22 against all the other manuscripts. LG22D’s reliationship is particularly difficult to disentangle and this may be attributed to their common scribe. The OLG22D scribe must have been influenced by his memory, his intuition, and automatic reflexes. And human fallability is best illustrated in the sermon for the second Sunday after Lent, where Gg, HR and G22 share a similar reading not echoed in OLD: Gg, f. 56–56v, Lent 2: Ther went owte a woman of Canonee ffrom the endys off that cuntre, crynge and seynge to our mercifull Lord [ f. 56v] have mercy on me, þu son of Dauit, ffor my doghʒtur is yvell vexid with a devyll. H, f. 63v: There wente a woman of Chanane from þe endes off the countrey, cryeng and saying to our Lorde, ‘Miserere me[i], fili Dauid, filia mea male a demoneo vexatur’. Haue mercy on me, þou son of Dauid, my doughter is evell vexed with a devell.215 R, f. 42–42v: And þer went owte a woman of Canony frome þe endys of þat cuntre, cryyng and sayng to our Lord, Miserere mei etc. Haue mercy on me þu sone of Dauid, my doʒtir is evyl vexid with a sprete, a fowle dewle. O, f. 270v: And there went owte a woman of Canane frome the fartheste parte of the cuntre, criyng and seyynge to owre Lorde: Miserere mei, domine fili Dauid; filia mea a demonio male vexatur; ‘Haue merci on me, Lord, þe Sonne of Dauid, my dowʒter is [evyll] vexyd withe a devyll.216 G22, f. 203: And þere cam owte a woman of Canane from þe fartheste parte of al þe cuntre, cryyng and sayng to owre Lorde þus, Miserere mei domine fili Dauid, filia mea a demonio male vexatur. Lorde, haue mercy on me, þu þat arte þe sonne of Dauyd, for my dowʒtur is (v) evyll vexyd with a devyll. In OLD, Gg’s yvell vexid is reduced to vexyd. But, most interesting is G22’s reading, where the scribe clearly started writing the letter v217 – most probably for the word vexyd – before inking it out to copy evyll vexyd instead. It seems very likely that G22’s scribe – who happened to be OLD’s too – was influenced by his knowledge of a passage he had already encountered when copying the other manuscripts. Then he must have altered his copy in accordance with his model when he realized his mistake. Two remarks ought to be made. Firstly, none of the manuscripts O,L,D served as model to copy G22. Secondly, this anecdote does

215 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, p. 215, ll. 3–7. 216 Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, pp. 120–21, ll. 3–7. 217  In brackets in our quotation.

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not imply that OLD’s model or models were all defective but rather that a mistake made once could be both repeated and corrected. Gg as the copytext of X: At the X stage the text now preserved in Gg was revised, giving shape to the Y and Z models, versions of which are extant respectively in HRG22add and OLG22D. Now, could Gg itself be the exemplar used by the X scribe and reviser? It is indeed very likely, as already shown when comparing Gg’s version of the sermons for the Epiphany of Christ and All Saints and All Souls Day with the HR Festial revisions for the same occasions. Besides, Gg’s readings are always supported by one group or the other and it clearly stands out as the most authoritative manuscript. Whenever Gg happens to disagree with both groups, the divergence can always be proved to stem from additions and digressions in the sister manuscripts. However, there may be found one erroneous reading in Gg suggesting otherwise. In the sermon for the Nativity, Gg’s text is deffective when HOLG22add certainly preserve the right reading: Gg, f. 39v, Nativity: […] a cunnynge leche þat cudde and wolde by hys science and helffull medecyns recure a seke man sodenly and with intervall off tyme and restore to hys ffirst mygh3t and strengthe […] H, f. 14v: […] a kunnyng leche or crafty man þat cowde and wolde bi his science and helefull medicyns recure sike men sodenly without intervall of tyme and restore hym ageyn to his first myght and strenght […]218 R, f. 12v: […] a cunnyng leche or craft þat cowd and wold by hys science and helþefull meddecyns recur a seke man with trawale of tyme and restore hym again vnto hys first myзt and strength […] O, f. 203v: […] a connyng leche þat kowde be his sciens rekever soche a seke body sodenly withe owte intervalle of tyme and so restore hym aʒene to hys fyrste helthe […]219 With intervall is clearly an erroneous reading of without interval, which could imply that Gg was not the exemplar used at the X stage. However, so obvious a mistake was certainly easy to correct either by the reviser in X or by the various

218 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, p. 146, ll. 97–101. 219 Ed. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, p. 3, ll. 108–11.

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scribes involved in the process of copying HRG22addOLG22D and their models. Besides, some trace of Gg’s mistake might be seen in R, which retains yet another reading – with trawale. The handwriting in R’s model might have been difficult to decipher and led to such misreading as trawale instead of intervall. Providing that intervall – not without – was the term R’s scribe came up against and changed, his model might probably have read with intervall. Should this assumption prove correct, Gg’s erroneous reading would not have been amended at the X stage, but later in HRGiOLGiiD’s models. As a consequence, X could definitely derive from Gg. Gg’s text may be said to be clearly defective again in the sermon for the Nativity, where it reads I seyd also þat welthe is declared with mercy. The right lesson should be wrath is declared with mercy not welthe, as underlined by S. Powell.220 Interestingly enough, the sister manuscripts all make the same mistake, except H which reads wrath. However correct, H’s reading must be attributed to a later reader and not to H’s scribe. Looking carefully at the manuscript reveals that a later reader erased a word beginning with the letter w then wrote rath in its stead while preserving the original initial w. That the erased word was welthe seems most likely and it obviously appeared to him as an erroneous reading. Therefore, the transmission of this conspicuous mistake further supports the case of Gg as the model of X. This shows, if needed, that conclusions with regards to manuscripts affiliations must rest on a whole web of evidence and that apparent erroneous readings may also be found in a common archetype and not only in copies. Actually, copies were often ameliorated versions of the original one. Again, the contents of Gg and its sister manuscripts are also revealing of much complexity. Conclusion: A Preaching Tool Gg is neither a rare book nor an illuminated manuscript and yet it outlived the fate of many of its counterparts which suffered under the knife of the binder. How is it that a fifteenth-century personal compilation meant for the use of an individual so survived? Not only was it spared by the binder, rats and fires but also by fashion. This orthodox personal compilation of sermons and exempla could still be regarded as useful by someone living after the Reformation and the introduction of the printing press as suggested by the number of notes in the margin and text pointing to his interest for Gg and good use of it. Looking at these annotations helps clarify the following aspects: the way fifteenth-century sermons could be amended to comply with post-Reformation orthodoxy; the fact that ordinary terms could be coloured with heretical connotations; the evidence that Gg was regarded as a preaching tool, hence its longevity. 220 Powell, Edition, vol. 1, p. 356.

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That the man who emended Gg’s text belonged to the post-Reformation period is suggested by the very nature of his emendations. He seems to have cancelled and changed phrases and terms mainly related to the Eucharist, or the worship of the Virgin Mary and Saints. His notes insist on the fact that there should be no intercessor between God and man save Christ and are reminiscent of Elizabethan homilies.221 His clearest way of expressing his disagreement was to signal that a passage should be omitted, sometimes with the mention omitte in the margin but most often when cancelling it. Sometimes this later user provided another term for the one cancelled, sometimes not. Sometimes he would be content with inserting one word or more. Here is a list of such emendations. The elements that were subject to modification or cancelled are given in bold. Insertions in a later hand are given in bold in brackets. a. Insertions: a.1, f. 2: Leef ffrendys, euery man and woman that þis deye disposythe hym to reseyve Cristys precyus bodye [in sacrament] hym behovythe to be cleene \in/ lyffynge ande parfytte ande stabyll in beleeffenge. a.2, f. 2: Ryghʒt so, þat man or woman þat lyffethe in vnclennes off sawle withowte repentawnse off herte, schryfft off mowthe [vnto God] gothe to Goddys borde ffor to reseyve the holye sacrament, he reseyvethe the sacrament to hys endlees dampnacion. a.3, f. 16r: That othyr thynge þat ffallethe to a prechour is to preche the lawes off God Allmyghʒtye [synserly] […] b. Passages referred to by [omitte] in the margin: b.1, f. 2v: he reseyvethe theyr þe blyssyd sacrament to hys endeles dampnacion, as Judas dyd qwhan he was howselde […] b.2, f. 2: Bot ffrendys, qwhan þis worthee sacrament \off/ Cristys awen bodye is reseyvyd ande sett or put into a synffull manys sawle or womanys, it ʒewethe no grace ne vertu to the reseyvour. b.3, f. 2v: […] as Judas dyd qwhan he was howselde.

221 QEH.

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c. Words and passages cancelled or subpuncted by a later hand: c.1, f. 2: Thys glorius sacrament off the awter gyffethe and grawntethe grte vertu ande grace ande proffytythe manye ffolde to the reseyvoore off þis glorius sacrament. c.2, f. 17v: Ande holde the stylle in that weye þat þu cum not owte ande schewe owte to Godde thy wowndys off þi syn ande to the sentys off heven too have pyte on thee. c.3, f. 22: The ffyrst cawse is ffor thei have grete nede off helpe ande off prayers ffor the grettenes off the peyne the qwhyche þat þei suffer. c.4, f. 22: The ffyrst dede off mercye, as I heyr seyde, ande the moste principall is to praye ffor hem ffor the grettenes off heyr peyne the qwyche þat þei suffer. d. Terms cancelled and substituted: d.1, f. 2: Ryghʒt so ffreendys gostlye: as longe or qwhan Criste precyus bodye, the sacrament off the awter [holy communion] […] d.2, f. 2: Ryghʒt so, euerye man or woman in thys worlde lyffynge – thawe he peye hys dettys þat he awethe ande thawe he be schrevyn at the preste hys gostlye ffadur [vnto God] […] d.3, f.  5: That thoroo þe prayer off owre lady [only mediator Ihesu Criste] fforʒovyn is þi syn. d.4, f. 5v: And euer sche toke myche caroo ffor hyr syn, and euery dey knelynge worchept owre Lady with v Aves [God]. Þan owre Ladye [God] had pete off hyr and wolde have hyr sayde […] d.5, f. 7: Remember þat all the apostelles were with owre Lorde in Cena Domini at þe Mawndy [Lord’s supper]. d.6, f. 8: Ande reson xulde tell a man that eyther he servythe ffor mede [reward] or ffor peyne, ffor we be set betwene thyse too, etheyr to cum to heven or to hell. d.7, f. 11v: Ffor God hathe ʒeven to yche man a ffree wyll ether to chees the [grace to do] goode Gode ethyre [a free wyll to do] the yvell qwhedur so hym lykethe.

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d.8, f. 33: The iijde I sey þat weddyd [maryd] man and woman must be vndur the bonde off obediens […] That the corrector believed there should be no intercessor between God and man is most conspicuous when he substituted God for the priest or the Virgin Mary or even the Saints in Heaven such as in d.2, d.3 and d.4 echoing the following passage from a post-Reformation sermon: For there doth the Holy Ghost plainly teach us, that Christ is our only mediator and intercessor with God, and that we must seek and run to no other.222 The insertion of syncerly in a.3 is also reminiscent of some Elizabethan sermons on the question of images: If answer be yet made, that this offense may be taken away by diligent and sincere doctrine and preaching of God’s word…[…]yet might idolatry by diligent and sincere preaching of God’s word be avoided […] there also of reason a godly and sincere preacher should and might be continually maintained.223 The corrector’s disagreement is plainly stated. However, in a number of cases the nature of his emendations is subtler. Interestingly enough, his theological departure from Gg is also expressed through the use of another term, another apparently ordinary term that the modern reader could well take for a synonym. But obviously, the words he crossed out and those he substituted were not synonymous to him. Even ordinary terms have a particular resonance. Why is it that one word is slang and another is not, that one word is orthodox and another heretical, but experience? For lack of such experience of the days of the Reformation, the modern reader cannot see but synonyms where the corrector might have expressed his theological disagreement. Among the terms referring to the Eucharist Mawndye and howselde or howselynge clearly disturbed the corrector just as in b1, b3 and d.5. The term Mawndy was commonly used in the fifteenth century and still is. However, when looking at a few Elizabethan homilies it appears that the phrase Lord’s Supper was rather to be found instead of Mawndy, as in the following quotation:

222  QEH, p. 344. 223  QEH, p. 240.

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And have not the Christians of late days, and even in our days also, in like manner provoked the displeasure and indignation of Almighty God, […] with gross abusing and filthy corrupting of the Lord’s holy Supper, the blessed Sacrament of his Body and Blood, with an infinite number of toys and trifles of their own devices to make a goodly outward shew, and to deface the homely, simple, and sincere religion of Christ Jesus?224 Mawndy must have been discarded for theological reasons, as too reminiscent of the Eucharist. The same may be said of howselynge or howselde. Also related to the Eucharist was altar where the priest celebrated mass before stone altars were destroyed and replaced by wooden tables in the early 1550s.225 Again, the corrector felt the need to substitute communion for awter, just as in c.1 and d.1. Corrections do not only express the corrector’s departure from Gg’s fifteenthcentury orthodoxy but also his own taste. Indeed, he changed a number of terms for which no satisfactory theological explanations may be found, such as meede that he replaced by rewarde or weddid by married. Needless to say that the above terms he changed can be encountered in post-Reformation sermons. At first sight, these emendations do not seem to change the meaning of the text significantly, and yet they surely had a raison d’être. They served a particular purpose, updating fifteenth-century-commonplace sermons, adapting them to post-Reformation orthodoxy, together with personal taste. And this could be achieved simply through the use of a synonym. Finally, updating and adapting Gg’s sermons is a sign that they could still be of some use to a post-Reformation priest or reader. Gg was not a mere anthology of sermons: it was a genuine preaching tool. Editorial Principles and Procedures The text is that of Gg and is amended only when incomplete or can be said to be clearly in error. The material is then provided from the sister manuscripts if any. Punctuation, capitalization, paragraph and word division conform to modern usage. Abbreviations of n and m indicated by a superscript horizontal stroke are expanded without notice. And so are the following abbreviations: P with horizontal stroke through the descender is resolved as per or par according to modern usage and frequency in the manuscript when this can be found. Ihc is expanded to Ihesu Wt is expanded to with

224  QEH, p. 369. 225 E.  Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars, Traditional Religion in England 1400–1580, Yale University Press, 1992, p. 472.

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The abbreviated plural inflection in nouns is expanded as ys or s as it outnumbers other inflections such as is or es

The superscript 2-shaped is expanded to initial and final are kept as they are pervasive The scribe’s use of and and of and is respected. Marginal or superscript insertions by the scribe are indicated by forward and reverse primes \ … /. When the text is clearly defective, missing letters or words are incorporated into the text within brackets. When supplied from other manuscripts these insertions appear in the footnotes and explanatory notes. Insertions and cancellations in later hands are given within brackets in the footnotes and explanatory notes only. Erroneous text either subpuncted or crossed through by the scribe appear in the footnotes and explanatory in reverse and forward primes with the mention ‘cancelled’ or ‘subpuncted’. Variants do no appear in the footnotes but when substantial are given in the explanatory notes. Conventions and abbreviations used in the footnotes and explanatory notes: canc. cancelled by crossing through om. omitted dh different hand sh same hand supersc. superscript

QUIRE 1 FF. 1R–7V

[1] [The Three Maries]1

5

[[f.  1r]] Ioachym et Anna peperunt ffiliam Mariam virginem. Mortuo Ioachym, Cleophas nupsit Annam qui peperit alteram Mariam qui dicitur Maria Cleophe. Salomeus tercio nupsit Annam, mortuo Cleophas, que peperit terciam Mariam quam dicitur Maria Salome. Ioseph nupsit Mariam Virginem que peperit Christum. Alpheus nupsit Mariam Cleophe que peperit Ioseph, Iacobum, Symone et Judam. ʒebedeus nupsit Mariam Salome que peperit Iohannem Euaungelista et Iacobum Maiore. Emeria soror Anne que peperit Eliʒabeth, mater Iohannis Baptiste. [2] [Note on Octavian and the Sybil]

10

Octavianus imperator Rome, he presumyd ffor to a be rulare and gouerner off all the worlde ande afturwarde ffor to a be worchepyd as a god. Ande it was schewde to hym bye Sybylla, a prophetysse, takynge hym by the honde seyynge on þis wyse, Hic puer maior te est, lokynge vpwarde into the eyre. [3] [Note on the Temple in Rome]

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The Iewes desyred off heyre ffals Godis the duell ffor to have knawlage howe longe the tempyll off Rome, aftur þei had bygkyd it, þat it xulde stonde. Ande þe duell is ignorant to knawe thyngis þat arne to cum and answerde ande seyde ‘it xall stonde vsque Deum virgo peperit’, ande þei answerde and seyde aʒen to þe duell, ergo in eternum stabit templum, as ho seye it is impossibile a meyden to have a chylde. Ande þan anoon owre Lorde schewde hys myʒt. Owre Ladye, meyde ande virgyne, hadde chylde and þan þe tempyll ffell and þan þe Iewes had knawlage off þe byrthe.

1  Two lines supersc., illeg., probably sh.

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[4] [The Apostles’ Creed and Citations from the Prophets]

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Moyses propheta, In principio creauit Deus celum et terram. Petrus apostolis, Credo in deum patrem omnipotentem creatorem celi et terre. Dauid propheta, Dominus dixit ad me, ffilius meus es tu ego hodie genui te. Sanctus Andreas apostolus, Et in Ihesum Christum ffilium eius vnicum dominum nostrum. Ysaias Propheta, Ecce virgo concipiet et2 pariet. Sanctus Iacobus Apostolus, qui conceptus est spiritus sancto. Daniel Propheta, Post lxij ebdomadas occidetur Christus, Danielis xij. Sanctus Iohanes Apostolus, Passus sub Poncio Pilato cruciffixus mortuus. Osee Propheta, Ero mors tua, O mors; morsus tuus ero in infferno. Sanctus Thomas, Descendit ad infferna tercia die resurrexit a mortuis. Amos Propheta, Edifficat ascencionem \suam/ in celis. Sanctus Jacobus Minor, Ascendit ad celos sedet ad dexteram Dei patris omnipotentis. Joel Propheta, In valle Josaphat ibi sedebo vt iudicem. Sanctus Philippus, Inde venturus est judicare viuos et mortuos. Aggeus Propheta, Spiritus meus erit in medio vestrum. Sanctus Bartholomeus, Credo in Spiritum Sanctum. [[f. 1v]] Josue Propheta, In ecclesiam populi Dei couenerunt, Judit xij. Sanctus Matheus, Sanctam ecclesiam catholicam. Malachias Propheta, Cum odio habueris dimitte dicit Dominus. Sanctus Simon, Sanctorum communionem remissionem peccatorem. ʒacarias Propheta, Suscitabo ffilios tuos syon. Sanctus Mathias, Carnis resureccionem. Jeremias Propheta, Ecce ego do vobis vita, vite et mortis, Jeremie tricesimo j. Sanctus Tadeus apostolus, Et vitam eternam, amen. Scandalum est dictum vel ffactum in vituperum ad malum ffinem. Et ideo scriptum est, vae homini illi per quem scandalum venit. [5] [Exemplum of Longinus]

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Ffrendys, it is ffull necessarye qwhat werke þat anye man begyn þat he re membyr hym and thynke on hys God þat boghʒt hym and lyffte vpe hys honde and blysse hym. Ffor as I ffynde in scrypture þat Longius, þe blynde knyghʒt, qwhat tyme þat he put owre Lorde to þe herte, a paarte off þat blissyd bloode

2  et pariet] et /virgo\ pariet, canc.

Quire 1 [ff. 1r–7v]

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ffell into hys eyʒyn ande with þat he had hys syghʒt. Ande þan he turned ande beleved on the newe lawe. And qwhan hee was turned to þe ffeythe, þan he þat was juge off Cristys deethe sente ffor Longius ande askyd hym yff he wer turned to Cristen ffeythe and he seyde ‘ʒaa’. Ande þan he leet hym have hys syghʒt, bot he brake aweye hys tethe and kytt owte hys tunge. Ande ʒyt, by the meracle þat Gode schewed ffor hym, he wente ande preched the Cristen ffeythe viij and xxxti wyntur afftur. Ande þan the juge off Cristes dethe sent ffor Longius aʒeen ande askyd qwhye he wolde not turne to hys ffeythe; and he answerde ande seyde, ‘suffure me to go into þe tempyll amonge þi goddys and yff I can destrue hem leeve þu on my ffeythe. Yff I can not, I xall leeve on þi ffeythe’. And so þis juge gaffe hym leeve. Ande þan Longius went into þe tempyll and destrued all hys mawmentys ande cungered all þe duellys owte off þe mawmentis, ande asked þe duellys qwhat power þei had ffor to abyde theyre. Ande þe duellys answerde ande seyde, Vbi Ihesu Crist Deus vester non est nec signa eius crucis, ibi est mansio nostra et ideo caveatis omnes christiani ne ad incipiatis ne antea signo crucis signetis, et cetera. Cum inmundus spiritus exierit ab homine ambulat per loca arida, quaerens requiem et non invenit. Tunc dicit: reuertar in domum meam vnde exivi. Et veniens inuenit eam vacantem, scopis mundatam et ornatam \mortalibus/ tunc vadit, septem alios spiritus secum nequiores se et intrantes habitant ibi: et ffiunt nouissima hominis illius pejora prioribus. [6] [Easter Day Sermon]

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[[f. 2r]] Leeff ffrendys, euery man and woman that þis deye disposythe hym to reseyve Cristys precyus bodye3 hym behovythe to be cleene \in/ lyffynge ande parffyte ande stabyll in beleeffenge. Ffyrste, I seye euerye Crysten man behovythe ffor to be cleen in lyffynge, Quia dicit apostolus quicumque manducauerit panem hunc vel biberit calicem Deum indigne, reus erit corporis et sanguinis Deum – prima ad Corinth.xjmo. Þat is ffor to seyne, qwho so reseyveth Cristys precyus bodye vnworthelye he xall be ponysched ande chastysyd as thawe he hadde sleyne Criste hymselffe as the Jewes dyden. Ffrendys, clerkys þat tell off kynde, þei seyn in heyre bookys, crystall þat bryghʒt stoone, qwhan it is sett ande putt ande closyd in golde, þis stone hathe grete vertu ande prophetyth mekyll to the berere; bot qwhan it is sett ande closyd in laton or in lede, þis nobyll stoon ʒyffethe noo vertu to the berere. Ryghʒt so ffreendys gostlye: as longe or qwhan Criste precyus bodye, the sacrament off

3  [in sacrament] superscr. dh.

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the awter,4 is sett and put in a cleen crysten manys sawle, clensyd ffro syn ande wykudnes, thys glorius sacrament off the awter5 gyffethe ande grawntethe grete vertu ande grace ande proffytythe manye ffolde to the reseyvoore off þis glorius sacrament. Bot ffreendys, qwhan þis worthee sacrament \off/6 cristys awen bodye is reseyvyd ande sett or put into a synffull manys sawle or womanys, it ʒewethe no grace ne vertu to the reseyvour.7 Alexander, de Naturis rerum, dicit quod capra que herbis venenatis [que]8 viuit mel comedat in bona quantitate statim moritur.9 Sic spiritualiter omnis christianus qui pannis operibus ffuerit assuetus, sine debita contricione cordis et oris conffessione10 corpus Cristi dominicum sumerit quod dulcius est omni melle statim in anima moritur spiritualiter. Thys is ffor to seyne þat a geyte the qwhyche lyffethe mekyll be vncleen herbys ande bye vncleen ffoode, yff sche ete a grete quantyte offe honye sche is bot dede. Ryghʒt so, þat man or woman þat lyffethe in vnclennes off sawle withowte repentawnse off herte, schryfft off mowthe11 gothe to Goddys borde ffor to reseyve the holye sacrament, he reseyvethe the sacrament to hys endlees dampnacion. To thys purpos spekythe and tellythe the gospell howe Judas was howsylde off Cristys awne hande on Schyre Thursdeye. Ande the gospell tellythe in anodyre place howe þis Judas was schrevyn opynlye to all the Jewes qwhan he seyde opunlye, Peccavi tradens sanguinem iustum, not withstondynge hys howselynge12 ne hys schryffte ande also [[f. 2v.]] not withstondynge the same xxxti pens þat he toke ffor Criste qwhan he solde hym, the same he broghʒt aʒeen to þe Iewes ande turnyd hym neuer to proffytt afftur. Ffor all þis ʒitt in þat þat he wente to Goddys boorde in a badde purpos ande in wyll ffor to doon amysse affturwarde, theyre he reseyved hys endeles dampnacion. Ryghʒt so, euerye man or woman in thys worlde lyffynge – thawe he peye hys dettys þat he awethe ande thawe he be schrevyn at the preste hys gostlye ffadur13 – ʒyt hyff he goo to Goddys borde withowte repentawnce off herte ande in a wyll or a purpos to turne to syn aʒeen ande to hys wykudnes, he reseyvethe theyr þe blyssyd sacrament to hys endeles dampnacion, as Judas dyd qwhan he was howselde.14

4 awter] canc., dh, [holy communion] superscr., dh. 5  of the awter] canc. 6 [Off ] superscr., dh. 7  [Omitted] in margin, dh. 8 que] canc., dh, a word illeg., superscr., dh. 9  moritur] mori/e\tur, canc. 10 [Deo] superscr., dh. 11  [vnto God] superscr., dh. 12  canc., dh; [of the sacrament] superscr., dh. 13  at the prest hys gostlye ffadur] canc., dh; [vnto God] superscr., dh. 14  [omitted] in the margin, dh.

Quire 1 [ff. 1r–7v]

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Also to thys same purpos, Sanctus hominus solempnitatis Bernerdus in quodam sermone de quodam homine narrat, howe a certeyne man went to Goddys boorde on þis deye withowtyn verye repentawnce in herte ande not cleene schreve bot in a purpos to turne to hys syne aʒeen. Ande in thys wyse he reseyved the holye sacrament. Ande qwhan he cam ffroom goddys burde he ffell downe sodenlye ded as blake ande as horribele as anye devyll off hell and as ffowle as pyche or anye thynge here in erthe. Ande seynge all the ffolke þat þer were, þat þe blyss[ff ]ull sacrament cam owte off þat manys mowthe in the lykenes off the oste off the awter ande hoved in the eyer above þat manys hede the space off vij ffeet or more, seyyng ande criynge alowde on þis wyse, Iudicet dominus inter te et me, ‘God Almyʒtye myʒt deeme the ryghʒt betwene the ande me.’ Ande then went the holy oste alone to the awter ande theyre leyde hym amonge odyre holye ostys. Ffrendys gost\l/ye, I tell þis storye ffor thys purpos howe God hathe take15 veniawnce on syche men þat have goone vnworthelye to Goddys burde ffor to reseyve Cristys precyus bodye. Þan the gospell spekethe, Luce quinto, Quod Beatus Petrus timuit Christum habere in naui sua quia reputabat se peccatorem et jndignum dicens exi a me domine quia peccator sum ego. Quanto magis homo et peccator debet timere corpus dominicum indigne sumere. Here tellethe the gospell howe Sent Petyre was afferde ande dred hym ffor to have Criste with hym in hys schyppe ande in hys boot, ffor he heelde hymselffe a synffull man ande vnworthe to bee in Cristys presence. Meche more [[f. 3]] ʒa þan an hunderethe ffolde more awghʒt euerye man ande woman to been afferde ande drede hym hylye ffor to reseyve Cristys precyous bodye into hys sawle vnworthelee, ffor eche on off vs all is ane hu[n]derethe ffolde more synffull beffore Godys fface þan euer was Sent Peter in all þe deys off hys lyve. Ande theyreffore, I charge yowe all on Godys behalffe ande dyscharge mee þat noon off yowe all goo to Godys burde in noo dedlye syn ne in no wykkud purpos ffor to syn aʒen, bot have repentawnce in yowre hertys off yoour synnys þat have bee doon ande bethe cleen schreven off all your synnys.16 Sett yowe ande purpos yowe no more ffor to turne to syn, bot hathe gode perseverans as Scripture seythe, Qui perseuerauerit usque in ffinem hic saluus erit. Ande on þis wyse xulde ʒe be cleen in lyvynge ande abyll ffor to reseyve Cristys precius bodye. Amen.17

15 [Doothe] superscr., dh. 16  [vnto God] superscr., dh. 17  supersc., sentence in English largely illeg, dh.

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[7] [Outline of sermon & Citations] 150

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 | intus candidum Granum ffrumente est | extra rubeum  | sic dominus noster | intus candidus  | Per innociencia  | Extra rubeus In vna parte integrum in alia parte diuisum Per sanguinis effusionem in vna parte integrum per diuinitatem et diuisus per humanitatem. Cordis contricio debet esse |Amara cum perseuerancia |Discreta cum moderamine |Generalis pro omnibus commissis Oris conffecio debet esse |Vera ore proprio te tuum accusando |Nonda cum omnibus circumstancijs |Sancta propter Deum percipue Operis satisffaccio debet esse |Voluntaria in propria persona |Justa oculta pro occultis manifesta pro maniffestis |Plenaria omnibus commissis respondens |Bona propter Deum tuum Gregorius, non melius reffrenabis carnis desideria quam cogitare qualis ipsa sit mortua. Gregorius, Dum mentis intencio ad altera se subleuat omnem in se ffortitudinem [uitae]18 interioris19 necat. Seneca, si generosus es lauda parentela, si diues es lauda fortuna, si pulcher es exspecta paulisper et non eris.20 [8] [Sermon for Lent 1]21

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[[f. 3v]] We rede in the gospell off thys deye, Mt.4to, þat owre soffereyne Lorde Criste Ihesu was led into deserte off a spyryte þat he xulde be tempyd off the deuyll. And qwhan he had ffastyd xl deyse ande xl nyghʒtes the manhode off hym hungyrde. Anone was the temptatour enmye off mankynde, the devyll, seynge to owre soffereyne Lorde on þis wyse, Si ffilius Dei es, dic vt lapides isti panes ffiant. ‘Yff þu be verye Goddys sun in heven, seye, byd ande comawnde þat þe stones þat been here be made loves ande brede to mannys sustenawnce.’ Owre Lorde pacyen\t/ly answerde thus, Non in solo pane viuit homo sed in omni verbo quod 18  om. 19  Should be [exterioris]. 20  Folio 2v in actual arrangement of the text. 21  Complete version in quire 5, ff. 53–56, ed. pp. 190–94.

Quire 1 [ff. 1r–7v]

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procedit de ore Dei. ‘Mannys ffode, beleve ande sustenawnce is not onlye in brede bot in euerye worde þat procedethe ffrom the mowthe off Godde.’ Than the devyll toke vp22 owre souereyne Lorde Criste Ihesu ande sett hym vpon ane hye pynnacle off the temple in þe holye cytee seynge on thys wyse, Si ffilius Dei es, mitte te deorsum. Scriptum est enim, quia angelis suis mandauit de te. ‘Yff þu be Goddys sun off lyffe, cum downe ande ffall downe ffor it is wrytun þat angell[s] have in comawndment þat þei xulde save, kepe ande preserve the, þat þu xalte not hurte þi ffote anense the stone, þat þei meye kepe the in all þi weyse.’ Owre sovereyne Lorde, bothe God ande man, pacyentlye answerde to hym on þis wyse, Scriptum est, non temptabis Dominum Deum tuum. ‘Scripture comawndethe’, quod owre Lorde God, ‘þat þu xuldest not tempte nor aseye þi Lorde Godde’. Than the devyl toke vp owre Lorde God ande sett hym vpon þe hye parte off a mownte or ane hyll off mervelous grete heyghʒt qwher he schewed vnto hym all the regnes ande the welthes off thys worlde ande theyre delectable ioyes ande seyde vnto hym thus, Hec omnia tibi dabo, si procidens adoraueris me. ‘Ffall downe bakwarde’, quod the devyll, ‘ande worchep me ande I xall ʒyffe the all þat þu seeste heere beffore thee’. Owre sovereyne Lorde Criste Ihesu ffull pacyentlye seyde thus, Vade Sathanas, scriptum [[f. 4]] est Dominum Deum adorabis et illi soli seruies. ‘Voyde ande goo hense, þu Sathana, enmye to mankynde, it is wrytun þat þu xalte worchep þi Lorde God ande be obecyant to hys onlye servyce’. Þan þe devyll leffte owre Lorde ande vanysched aweye. Ande fforthewith grete multytude off awngell[s] com ande mynysterde to owre Lorde God. Thys is the lytterall sentence off þis deye. Bot nowe than, lete vs returne to the begynnynge off the gospell and wete off qwhat spyryt our sovereyne Lorde God was ledde into deserte in trawthe. Sent Gregor þe holye doctour seythe withowte ffeyle it was the spyrytt of the Holye Gooste þat led owre soffereyne Lorde into þat place, qwher the duvell schulde ffynde hym to tempte hym. ʒyt moreouer, mannys reson mervelethe þat owre soffereyne Lorde, bothe God ande man, qwhye þat hihe sufferde the devyll to towchyn hym ande have syche power ouer hym. Ffor as it seyde befforn, þe devyll toke vp owre Lorde ande sett hym vpon ane hye pinnacle off the temple, ande efftsones vpon ane hye hyll. Thys is the questyon: qwye that owre Lorde wolde suffer that? Hereto answerethe thys ffamows doctour Sent Gregor in hys omelyes ande seythe thus, ‘the devyll is the cheeffe capteyn ffader, hede ande ffownder off all ffalse schrewes ande cursed ande all þat been wykked, ffalse or cursed.’

22  vp] vp /on \, canc.

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[9] [Exemplum of the Bloody Letters and the Lady who Killed her Own Child]

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[[5v]]23 Remember the tale off the ladye þat had a chylde and cheryst it and leyd it in hyr bed tyl the chylde was off xvj ʒerys off age. And than, thoro the temptacion, he gate hys modur with chylde. And he was so aschamyd and soree þat he wolde labur to Rome and into the Holy Lond ffor to seeke remedee ffor hys synnys. And qwhan he was goone, þis lady kept hyr close to the chylde was borne and fforthewith sche kyllyd þis chylde. And the blode off the chylde sprong into hyr honde, and þeroff com xvj letters, that is ffor to sey iiij cccc, iiij dddd, iiij mmmm and iiij rrrr. And þan þis lady culde neuer wasche awey thyse blody letters. And þan sche provydyd a glove ffor that hande, þat sche neuer ete ne dranke ne slept bot þat hand was allwey glovyd. And euer sche toke myche caroo ffor hyr syn, and euery dey knelynge worchept owre Lady with v Aves.24 Þan owre Ladye25 had pete off hyr and wolde have hyr savyde, and sent a prest to hyr to excite hyr to be confess[yd],26 and ‘yff sche wyl not be conffessyd off þat syn, pull awey hyr glove and þan sche xall be so ffull off sorow þat sche xall nee dye ffor soroo. And þan cowmfforthe hyr ffor dyspeyr and sey þat owre Lady wyll have hyr savyd ffor the servys þat sche hathe to hyr’. And þan sche was conffessyde. Be þis xvj letters is vndurstonde þise wordys:27 Case cecidisti carne cecata28 Demone dedisti dona dotata Monstrat maniffeste manus maculata Resedit rubigo regina rogata By ffrelnes off þi fflesche þu ffell in a caas Þu gaffiste to the dule þat to the goffyn was Yt aperythe in thi honde wrytun within That thoroo þe prayer off owre lady29 fforʒovyn is þi syn.

23  Part of folio 4r and folio 4v left blank. Actual arrangement of the text: lines on St Dunstan’s mother and verses on bloody letters to be found on f. 5r. 24  owre Lady with v ave] canc., dh; [God ] superscr., dh. 25  owre Lady] canc., dh; [God] superscr., dh. 26  Very close to the edge, end of the word missing. 27  verte ffolium et ibi inuenies conclusionem] down the folio, sh. 28  Folio 5r. 29 lady] canc. dh; [only mediator Ihesu Criste] superscr., dh.

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[10] [Extract from the Exemplum of St Dunstan’s mother] And anon afftur ffell Candelmes Dey, sche bare a candell abowte the chyrche

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ʒerde; and qwhan menys candells went owte hyr candell was styll lyghʒt. And þan all the pepull went to hyre to ffeche lyghʒt, the qwyche was acordynge to the

seeynge off owre Lorde, Gaudeo magis super vno peccatore penitenciam agente, et cetera. Et alibi non veni vocare iustos sed peccatores ad penitenciam. Amen. [11] [A Note on the How and Why one Should Say a Pater Noster and an Ave]

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[[f. 6r]] Ffor this cawse þu xalte euery nyʒt at mydnyʒt, as nee as God wyll sende to þe grace, worchep the secunde person in Trinite with iij Pater Noster, iij Ave Maria and j Credo. In primis the ffirst Pater Noster in the reverence off water and off that blode þat Allmyʒty God30 swet31 vs his passyon worde32 in his agonie. The secunde in the reuerrence off the passion off owre Lorde \þat/33 mey be betwyxt me and the dule34 at my dyynge, that the passion off owre Lorde mey be present to put the dule ffrom35 his intente. Remember howe the byschop desyryd his prest to pray ffor hym. The iijde Pater Noster in the worchep off hys incarnacion, the qwyche Adam abode in hell vj ml ʒerys and moo ffor grace, the qwhyche indurythe all the qwyle a man is lyffynge qwher it is seyde, Anima mea in manibus meis semper. [12] [A Note on the Letters of Ihesu Crist]

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[[f. 6v]] Exemplum, it is to remembyr thys worde Ihc. I: iusticia; H id est humilitas; C id est Castitas et id est Caritas. Item it is to remembyr, Spiritum deuocionis et aqua contricionis et sanguis in memoriam sue pascionis. [13] [A Note on the Law at the Court of King Arthur] Item, it is to remembyre the lawes þat were vsyd in Kyng Arthour [days],36 ho[w]37 on the Sonondey or they were sett at the kyngys tabyll. The ffyrste was 30 [Criste] superscr. dh. 31  [when he went towarde] superscr., dh. 32 word] canc. dh. 33 Lorde] Lorde /þe passyon off \, canc, sh; [þat] superscr., sh. 34 dule] dule /and\, canc. sh. 35 ffrom] fform. 36 days] om. 37  End of word illeg.

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þat or [sum]38 were sett to the tabyll he xulde tell newe tythans or ellys he xulde doo sum poynte off army[s],39 Signum et signatum, or cum in hys beste clothynge, Cum spiritum devocionis et cum aqua contricionis et sanguine id est cum memoria sue pascionis.40 [14] [Exemplum of Three Philosophers]41

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Ther were iij phylysoffers þat a Lorde askyd42 qwhat thynge was most helpynge ande most best in moste.The ffyrst off them seyde luff \and þat he lykund to a roos/. The secunde off them seyde ryches and þat he lykunde to a lylye ande the thyrde seyde preyer and that he lykunde to ane olyve tree. Þane þei wold se, sen euery man off them had put fforthe hys opynyon, thei wolde wyte qwhyche opynyon off them all was best. Þan it was answerde ande seyde þat þe roos it wolde be ffeyre a qwhyle bot it wolde ffade anon, and so en lykewyse luff off þis worlde. Yt was answerde to the secunde a lyly was ffeyre bot itt stanke in the dyynge and Sit in diuicis modo ordinate amatis. The answere to the iijde was that the olyve tree was allweye greene and allwey encreysynge and þat is þe beste, ffor ho so dysposythe hym to pray and ffor to have the prayere off the pore pepull, yt schall allwey more hys grace in thys worlde and brynge hym to the bylys in the43 todur worlde, Vnde scripture, Rosa marcescens, lilia putrescens, oliua virescens. [15] [An Extract from an Exemplum about Two Cripples and a Precious tree]

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[[f. 7]] Exemplum, how the bodye and the sawle xall bothe be damnyd and þei deserve it. Narracio. Qwher as theyre was a grete astate þat had a presyous tree with ffrute ffor to be kepte growyng in hys gardyne, he toke þis tree to a man to kepe þat had a body, hede and hondys. Bot þis man wantyd ffeet and leggys. Also, he toke þis tree to anodyre man þat had leggys, a hede and a bodye bot he wantyd armys and hondys.44

38  superscr., dh. 39  End of word illeg. 40  End of word illeg. 41  [of worldly lawe, of riches and of prayours] superscr., dh. 42  askyd] askyd /that\ qwhat, canc. 43  the] /thys\ the, canc. 44  Abridged with the mention [Intelligo ffabulam modo satis bene].

Quire 1 [ff. 1r–7v]

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[16] [A Note on Bad Christians Likened to Swine]

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45 Owre mete and vs blys Ihesu, Ante prandium et tunc post prandium, \ffor/ owre mete þat vs hathe do goode. Blyssyd be Ihesu þat boghʒt vs on þe rode. Bot mykell pepull remembyre not þis, ffor þei ffare to Godwarde as the swyne dothe. Ffor qwhan he cummythe to a tree þer acornys hathe growen and arne ffall downe, he lokethe sore on þe acornys and ffedythe hym sore on them, bot he lokethe neuer vp into the tree ffro qwhens thei com. So ffarethe the pepull no on deys: þei ete and drynke sore and ffyll þe ffowle body, butt they take lytyll heede qwhat thankyngys and prayers do to God þerffore þat all thynge sent.

[17] [Sermon-Like Note on the Three Apostles John, Peter, and Judas and the Sins of Pride, Gluttony and Envy] 295

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Remember þat all the apostelles were46 with owre Lorde in Cena Domini at þe mawndy.47 Amonges all the apostells I note iij: Sent John, Sent Peter and Judas. By Sent John I vndurstonde48 vertuous pepull þat be vertuous in lyffynge at all tymes off the ʒere and luff to here þo thyngis þat ben to Goddis worchep and helthe to heyre sawles, for Sent Iohn49 was euer elyke in vertuous lyffynge; and þerffore he see the secretis off allmyhʒty God. By Peter I vndurstonde tho pepul þat haue trespast affore the reseyveynge off thys blyssyd sacrament and afftur […] […]50 all holy chyche and with allmyghʒty Godde, þat þei xulde kepe the lawes and the preceptis51 […]52 broken them as Peter dyd. Afftur þat hee had reseyvyd þe blyssyd sacrament, he denyed hys meyster and fforswore hym as a treytour. And þerffore þu that [[7v]] hast53 be vntru to þi lorde and fforsake the lawes off thy lorde, loke and remember þiselffe þat a treytour xall cum affore hys kynge lose gyrte. Vnlose þi gyrdyll and the settynge off þi gowne and mekele cum to the barre þat is to sey to Goddes borde with all the mekenesse þat mey be had into [þi]54 sawle. By Judas I vndurstonde all eretykes, all ffalls pepull þat presu[m]ptuous pepull þat reseyve þat b[l]yssyd sacrament as Judas dyd in dedly syn. And þat was cawse

45  Entitled [Grace before dyner], dh. 46  Words superscr., illeg., dh. 47 Mawndy] canc., dh.; [lordes super] superscript, dh. 48  I vndurstonde] /I vndurstonde\ I vnderstonde, canc. 49  Iohn] Iohn /se\, canc., dh. 50  ellig., dh. 51  [of God] superscr., dh. 52  Three-letter word, illeg. 53  hast] /þat\ hast, canc. dh. 54 þi] om.

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off hys dampnacion and all syche so xall bee withowte þei amende hem here. And Ideo, caueatis vt mundi scitis ab omni iniquamente mentis et corporis, þat ʒe be pure vessells, clene as siluer, wele sowndynge as siluer to mans eyere so þat your preyour to þe plesure off55 allmygʒty God wele sowndynge [be]. And þan owre lorde xall gylte with golde, þat ys þe precious sacrament, yowre sawles. Siluer þat xall be gilte must be kepte ffro wynde, ffro water and also duste. And so your sawles þat xall be made glee with the precious sacrament muste be kept ffrom wynde, þat is vnderstonde pride. Ffor lyke as wynde blawethe vp a mans clothes, so pride blawethe a mans presumptuously anens God and þe worlde. Also watur: all the qwyle a man be in watur and hys hed abowffe þe watur, so longe he mey be saffe. Bot qwhan hys hede is vndur the watur, þan he is bot losste. By thys is vndurstonde all the qwyle þat þu arn not \enffe [c]te/ with no glotony bot þat þu hast þi reson to gyde the, so longe þi hede is abow the watur. Bot qwhan þu arte so ffare enffecte þat þi hede [is] vndur the watur, þan hathe all fflesly synnys destrude þi reson. The iijde is duste þat make a man blynde. By duste is vndurstonde couetyse. Beware þu be not made blynde anense God with þis duste couetyse in the tythynge, et cetera.

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QUIRES 2 AND 3 FF. 8R–30V

[18] [A Sermon on Mt, 22:37]

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[[f. 8r]] Diliges dominum Deum tuum, Mt.xxm° ij° cap°. The helpe ande the grace off Godde þat is almyghtye helpe vs all at thys tyme ande euere withowtene eende. Amen. Goode men, ʒe xull vndyrstonde þat euerye man in thys worlde is servawnte to sum qwhat, to God or to the ffeende, or to the worlde or to hys fflesche or ellys serwawnte to hys syn. Ande reson xulde tell a man that eyther he servythe ffor mede1 or ffor peyne, ffor we be set betwene thyse too, etheyr to cum to heven or to hell. Ande sythen man lovethe heer bodelye to be in quyete, ande reste longe to lyff in lykyngys ande kepe neuer dyshese to have, so schulde he chese by reson to have it euerlastynge ande to fflee ande too dreed euer that peyne þat xall [laste]2 ffor euer moore. Ande3 so, by reson xulde man chese to serve to hym þat grawntyd thys blys, ande that is God Almyghty, Cui seruire regnare est. That is, ffor to serve to hym is to be a kynge, to have longe lyffe withowte eende. Ande theyrffor, seythe Criste hymselffe in the gospell, Qui michi ministrat me sequatur; et vbi ego sum, illic et minister meus erit. That is to seye, ‘he þat servethe too me, ffolowe he me, ande qwher þat I am, theyr xall my servawnt bee’. Ande ther chese we to serve to hym þat rewardythe hys servawnt soo, ande ffle we þe servyse off thyse odyr þat been so ffalse ande euer have been. The worlde, as ʒe wote wele, it xall passe with all hys lustys, Transibit mundus cum concupiscencijs suis. ‘The worlde xall passe’, the apostyll seythe, ‘wyth all hys lykyngys ande hys lustes’. The fflesche xall [[f. 8v.]] rote ande worthe to noghʒt bot to be erthe ande wormys meete. Ande yff þu serve to the ffeende, loke qwhat maner rewarde þu getyste qwhan þu haste servyde hym all þi lyve ande endyst in hys servyse. Ffor all þi traveyle þu geteste noghʒt ellys bot þe peyne in hell þat euer xall laste. Ande þus, þu serueste to syn þat þe ffeend vsethe the too, ffor he þat doethe syn he is servant to synne: Qui ffacit peccatum seruus est peccati. Ande so þu makest thyselffe thrall ther þu myghtyste bee ffree, ande chesyste the ffende to þi ffadyr þat is ffynder off all syn. 1 [Rewarde] superscr., dh. 2 laste] om. 3  A word, illeg., superscr., dh.

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Ande therffore, loke ande caste þu þine herte to qwhat thyngys þu servyst moste to, ande turne þerffroo aʒeen ande serve to God, ande make þe ffree þer þu arte bonde, ande besye the too gete the grace to ffyghʒt aʒen the ffowle ffeende thoroo the helpe off þi Lorde to wyn off hym the victorye. Too have thys grace ande thys helpe off hym þat is allmyghtye at þis tyme and all odyr tymes, me so to teche yowe the lawe off God allmyghʒty and yowe to lerne it and ffulffyll yt in deed, þat it be worchep to hym þat is allmyghʒty aboven helpe, ande amendynge off yowre lyffes satysfaccion to your sawles ande to all cristen pepyll, qwyk ande dede, þat God wyll þat we pray ffore, ffore the state off all holye chyrche and pees off all cristen londys ande thyngys that been nedeffull vs to praye ffore. Att thys tyme besechen we to owre Lorde God Almyghʒtye yche man ande woman, with a Pater noster ande ane Ave Maria. Diliges dominum Deum tuum, ubi prius. Thyse wordes þat I tell yowe, þei been not myne bot the wordes off Ihesu Criste, the qwhyche hymselffe spake ande taghʒt to hys dyssypulls ande arne þus myche to seyne: ‘Þu xalte luff þi Lorde God’, ffor off all the servyse þat anye man meye doo to hys Lorde heere in erthe, luffe xulde [[f. 9r]] be moste acceptabyll, ande þat ffor thre skylles. One is ffor luff makethe man wele wyllynge; Ande luff makethe man dredffull, ande luff \makethe/4 man servysable. Ande thyse iij awethe euerye servawnte to hys Lorde. Ffor thawe a serwawnte be vnmyghʒtye ande with all wele wyllynge hys mayster ande \he/ be resnabyll, he wyll holde hyme exscused, yff þat he drede hys lorde and is servysable in þat þat he meye. Ande þus luff off hys herte makethe hym plesynge to hys lorde. Bot off all the lordis þat were euer, was theyre neuyre noon þat myghʒt luff vs so myche as dyd owre Lorde God, þat wolde dye hymselff ffor luff þat he loved vs. Manye men wolde leese heyre catell ffor heyre ffreende ande be soore wowndyd, bot theyr is noon in the worlde gladlye with hys ffree wyll [þat]5 wolde gyff hys awne lyffe to hys emnye as owre Lorde God dyd. Ande thereto we be so ffeble, so pore ande so nedye þat we meye gyffe to hym aʒen ryghʒt noghʒt, bot ʒyff it be owre luffe, ande thereoff hathe he noo neede bott ffor owre awne proffytt. Ande thereffore gyffe we hym ffrelee þat he desyrethe ande so þu xalte luff thye Lorde God as I seyde. Ande yff þu be vnmyghʒtye to ffullffyll þi luff in dede, he acceptythe þi wyll ffor luffe þat þu haste to hym, Quia voluntas reputatur pro ffacto, ffor thy gode wyll is acowntyde ffor the dede. Ande þis wyttenesythe Sent Gregorye in hys omelyse, Ante Dei namque oculos nunquam est vacua manus a munere si ffuerit archa cordis repleta bona voluntate. That is sothelye to seye, beffore the syghʒt off God is neuer the honde voyed ffor gyfft yff the cheste off thye herte be ffullffyllyd off6 goode wyll. Ande to syche 4  superscr., dh. 5  þat] S. 6 off ] canc., dh; [with] supersc., dh.

Quires 2 and 3 [ff. 8r–30v]

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men here in erthe God hathe grawntyd pees, Gloria in excelsis Deo. ‘Joye’, seythe the awngells in heven, ‘be to God þat is hyeste and [[9v]] pees be in erthe to men off gode wyll’. And luff, I saye, makethe a man dredffull to dysples hys God in thoght, worde or deed. And ther seythe the prophete in the Sawter Booke, Timete Dominum, omnes sancti eius quoniam non est7 timentibus eum. That [is] ffor to seye, dredethe God all the seyntys in heven ffor nothynge wantythe to hem þat dredun hym. And þus, thoroo luff [and] drede thei serve God in grace ande thynken all is to lytyll þat þei meye do hym. Ande þerffore byddythe the prophete þise too tegedyre, Servite Domino in timore. That is, serve to God in drede. Ande thus luff makethe man to serve hym ande to dreede hym ffor he askethe thys off vs ande seyse on thys wyse, Si ego sum Dominus, ubi est timor meus, si ego sum Deus, ubi est amor meus. ‘Yff I be þi lorde, qwher is mye dreed? Yff I be þi God qwher is my luff ?’ Ffor to þi Lorde God þu awest bothe luff ande drede. Ande þerffore, as I seyde to the affore, þu xalte luffe þi Lorde God. Bot iiij thyngys heere been ffor to be considered: one thynge is qwhye þu xalte luff þi God, anothyr is howe þu xalte luff God; the8 thyrde thynge is qwherbye þu xalte knawe that þu luffeste God, ande the ffawrte is qwhat thynge lettethe the to luff God. To knawe ffyrste qwhye þu xalte luffe God the apostyll tellythe, Qui ipse prior dilexit nos et lauit nos a peccatis nostris in sanguine suo. That is ffor he loves vs ffyrst ande wesche vs off owre synnes in hys awne bloode; kynde sterethe man to luff hym þat luffethe hym. Ande so seythe God hymselve, Diligentes me diligo. ‘I luffe hem’, he seythe, ‘þat luffen me’. Ande ffor thys skyll onlye þu xuldest luffe hym bye reson, ffor the gretest cawse off luff þat þu haste to thys worlde is ffor ryches, qwher as þu meyste ffynde hem in hym. Yff þu covytt [[f. 10r]] ryches, he is rycheste off all. Yff þu couet ffayrnes, he is ffayryste off hall. Yff þu coueyte lykynge ande solace, in hym is all cowmfforthe. Yff þu covet wyt ande wysdam, he is wysdam off the ffadyr. Yff þu covett longe lyffe, he is lyffe withowten ende. Ande qwhat thynge þat goode is þat þu knawiste, thynke vpon all þu meyste ffynde in hym, noghʒt as the lykyngys off thys worlde þat passen soone aweye, bot the lykynge ande the luffe off hym þat lastythe withowten eende, as is not yche deye ffeylynge bot waxethe yche deye moor ande mor. Ande thys me thynkethe is a grete cawse qwhye þu schuldest luffe hym. Ande thereffore, as I seyde ffyrste, þu xalte luffe thye Lorde Godde. The secunde askynge is howe þu xalte luffe God. He techethe the in hys gospell qwhere he seythe, Diliges Dominum Deum tuum ex toto corde tuo, ex tota

7  non est] non de est. 8  the] thy.

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anima tua, ex tota mente tua et ex omnibus viribus tuis et proximum tuum sicut te ipsum. That is þu xalte luff þi Lorde Godde with all thy herte, with all thye mynde, with all þi sawle, ande with all thye strengthes, ande þi neghʒtboro as þiselffe. Þus schuldyst þu luff þi God. Þu loffest God with all þi herte qwhen þu kepyste the owte off syn ande so þu xalte see Almyhʒty God thoroo the cleen luff off þine herte, ffor Criste hymselffe seythe in the gospell, Beati mundo corde quoniam ipsi Deum videbunt. That is ffor to seye, ‘Blyssyd be they þat be cleen in herte, ffor Godde Allmyghʒty þei xall see’. With all þi mynde þu muste luff Godde qwhen all thee deedys þat þu doyste or wordys þat þu spekys, þu holdeste eye þi mynde on Godde þat þu xulde not hym offende. And theyreffore seythe the prophete in the Sawter Booke, Oculi mei semper ad Dominum, quoniam ipse euellet de laqueo pedes meos. ‘Ever myne eyne xall be to God ffor he xall put owte my ffete ffro the snarys off synne’. Ande also he xall ordeyne þat my mynde ande myne vnderstondyng [[f. 10v]] xulde euer be lokynge to Godde, ffor he xall drawe owte the affeccions off my sawle off wykkud synne þat I have vsed. Þu luffeste Godde with all þi sawle qwhen thye herte is so ffull off joye þat it tendyrthe in Goddys luffe, ande meltethe thoroo swete thoghʒtys, wepythe or syketh sore ffor synne with ffull purpos ande entente, euermore to kepe the cleene, as it tellethe in Canticis off the luffe off mannys sawle, Anima mea liqueffacta est vt dilectus locutus est. ‘Mye sawle was moltyn as my derlynge spake’. Ande so ffor luffe owre sawle xulde melte wythe thee swettenes off Goddys lawes. Wythe all þi myghʒtys þu luffeste Godde qwhen cowardnes, ffrawardnes ande ffalse condycions arne putte aweye. Ande putteste þi bissenes ande þi power to serve in charyte, yche man in hys degree, as God hathe sett hym stronglye to stonde aʒeen synne ande meynten9 the wyll off Godde, bothe wythe catell ande with goode ande, yff it neede bee, to suffer dethe to helpe hem þat arne ouersett, and to cowmfforthe hem þat arne in soroo with deedys off mercye þat Godde hathe comawndyde þat þu xuldest doo. And thus, qwhat man soo þu bee þat doyste þi deedys on þis wyse, qwhat degre þu stondys in, þu loveste Godde with thye myghʒtys. Ande thereffore it is songyn in the chyrche: Nocte surgentes vigilemus omnes semper in psalmis meditemur atque viribus totis Domino canamus dulciter ympnos

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Waake we all rysynge owte off syn, havynge owre mynde euer in psalmys ande synge we with all owre myghʒtys swetlye to owre Lorde Godde. They syngen swetlye þat doone heyre werkes ande heyre labowrs in love ande charyte ande with meekenes in sawle. Ande thus, as I seyde beffore, þu xalte luff þi Lorde Godde. The thyrde askynge is thys: howe þu xalte knawe þat þu loveste Godde as þu arte beholden to luffe hym. Þu meye not luff hym in thys worlde bot þu luffe hym ouer all þinge [[f. 11r]] the awe to knawe. One is, qwhat thynge þat þi lykynge ande thye thoghʒt is moste vpon, that thynge þu ocupyeste þe ffasteste abowte, ande that thynge þu lovest mooste, qwedyr it be to plees Godde or the wrechyd worlde. Ffor he þat plesethe synffull men in thys worlde ffor luff or ellys ffor dreede ande wyll not mysplees hem ffor Godys cawse þat is trawthe, he meye wele knawe qwherbye he lovethe noghʒt Godde ouer all thynge, ffor Sente Pawle seythe in hys pystoll on thys wyse, Si hominibus placerem Cristi, servus non essem. That is, ‘yff I plees rather men þan10 Criste, þan I am not the servant off Criste’. Mooreouer, odyrwyse meye þu knawe bye thys skyll yff þu luffe Godde: yff þu sorowe ffor anye thynge þat þu haste loste more þan ffor þi syn þat þu haste done aʒeen Godde Almyghʒty, yt semethe þat þu lovest moost þat þinge þat þu moste sorows ffoore, be it wordlye goodys, ffleslye ffreendys or helthe off thye bodye. Ffor more þu xuldest make ffor thye syn þat þu haste doon than ffor losse off all thys worlde ande þine awne bodelye deethe, noghʒt ffor harme bodelye ne peyne þat þu dysceruyst bot ffor soroo off the losse off the luffe off Godde. Ande þus aweste þu to luffe þi Lorde Godde. The ffawrte thynge is qwhat thynge lettethe man to luffe Godde, ande ʒe xull wete vnkunnyngnes ande recheleshed, yvell wyll ande vnkyndenes. Yff þu seye þu arte11 vnkunnyng ande kanste not luff Godde, it [is] noon excusacion to be saved bye, ffor as the grete clerke seythe, Ignorancia non excusat, ffor þu meyste lerne to luffe off euerye crature. Ffyrste off the ffeende þu meyst lerne to luffe to see qwhat sorowe he hathe, ffor he loved noghʒt hys Godde ande holye martyrs ande holye seyntys. Ande se also qwhat sorowe the ffeende hathe ffor the brennyng luff þat þe seentys hadden to Godde Almyghʒty, offe yche thynge in hys kynde þat Godde hathe made heere, [[f. 11v]] howe yt lovethe to ffulffyll þat Godde hathe ordeynde it to doo, ande hoo soo wyl not lere to luff God wyll hym noghʒt knawe, Quia ignorans ignorabitur; ffor ‘he þat can noghʒt ande meye kun, Godde wyll not knawe hym’. Ffor sone we kun leere ffor to serve to the ffeende, bot ffor to serve God Almyghʒtye, take we no keepe reclesede. Also lettethe men to luff God qwhen þat we fforʒetyn hys goodnes ande hys grace, the joye þat is ordeynde to hem þat

10  þan] þat. 11  þu arte] þu arte þu arte.

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hym loven ande the peyne ande the woo þat synffull men xall have. Ande þus we leve ffor reclesed owre lyffe to amende. Yvell ys the thyrde þat lettythe vs off þis luffe, ffor in the yll wyllye herte xall no wysdam entyre, Salomon, In maliuolam animam non introibit sapiencia. Ffor God hathe ʒeven to yche man a ffree wyll ether12 to chees the13 goode Gode ethyre the yvell14 qwhedur so hym lykethe. Ande therffore, thanke þin awne15 yvell wyll yff þu be noghʒt ryghʒtwyse, ffor as Sent Awstyne seythe, Qui creauit te sine te non justifficabit te sine te. That is ‘God þat made the wythowte the xall not make the ryghʒtwyse wythowten thyne awen ffree16 wyll’. Ande also as Seynt Awstyne seythe, Sicut bona voluntas est micum omnis boni sic mala voluntas est micum omnis mali. He seythe ‘as gode wyll is begynnar off all goodnes, so is yvell wyll begynnar off all lewdenes’. Ande theyreffor amende þin yvell wyll ande þan þu xalte luff þi Lorde Godde. Vnkyndenes is the iiijte thynge þat lettethe a man to luff Godde, ffor þis syn wythstondethe the goodnes off the Holye Gooste qwhan þat man ʒeldethe to God yvell aʒense hys goode deede. Ande þat þu doyst qwhen þu arte bolde to syn bycawse off hys mercye, ande qwhen þu trustest not in hys godenes þat he wyll fforgyff þe þi synne yff þu wylte amende the, ffor bothe these too arne calde vnkyndenes. Ande qwhan þu fforgeteste hys goodness, hys ʒyfftes ande hys grace that he dothe to the euerye [[f. 12r]] dey þat þu bothe seest ande ffeleste, ande as ane vnkynde wreche þu thankest not hym þeroff. Ande þerffore, turne the ande amende the ande be þu not vnkynde ande thanke þi Lorde at all tymes as the Wyse Man byddythe, Omni tempore benedic Deum. Ande þus xalte þu lerne to luffe þi Lorde Godde, ande þis luffe wyll brynge the to the lyffe withowten eende, to þat lyffe he brynge vs þat sufferde ffor mankynde peyne ande passyon on the crosse ande dyede on Gode Ffrydeye. Amen.

12  a free wyll ether] canc., dh, [grace] superscr., dh. 13  chees the] canc., dh. 14  [ (…) free wyll to doo] superscr., dh. 15  þin awne] þi nawne. 16  canc., dh; [good] superscr., dh.

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[19] [A Sermon on 1 Ptr, 4:7]17

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Estote prudentes et vigilate in oracionibus. The helpe ande the grace. Gode men ande wemen, euerye Cristen man is bunden to here Goddys worde. Ffor ryghʒt as a servawnte is hyred with a lorde ffor a certyn hyre ffor to doo qwhat he bydde hym doo, or ellys too be put owte off cowrte and to fforgoo hys hyre, so is yche Cristen man hyred off Almyʒtye God ffor to do hys wyll ffor a penye on the deye, þat is, the blysse off heven, as the gospell seythe, Nonne ex denario diurno conuenisti mecum. Ande so we xull be put owte off hys cowrte bot yff we do hys wyll, þat is ffro þe helpe off holye chyrche here in erthe, ande xall also fforgoo owre meede þat is the blys18 off heven ande so to be wreches euermore withowten eende. Ande thereffore howe xulde we knawe qwhat hys wyll is, bot yff we herde hys worde. Ande theyreffore it is nedeffull þat we hys worde here. Ande theyreffore he seythe hymselffe in hys gospel to teche vs, Qui ex Deo est verba Dei audit propterea vos non auditis quia ex Deo non estis. That is ffor to seye, ‘He þat is Goddys \man/ and luffethe ffor to lyff afftur the lawes off Godde, he herythe the wordes off Godde \and/ ffor ʒe be notte the pepull off Godde, þereffore þe covet noghʒt to here the worde off Godde’. Moreouere, he seythe in the gospell thyse wordes, Qui audit verba mea et custodit ea hic [[f. 12v]] est qui diligit me. ‘He þat herethe mye wordys ande kepythe them’, he seythe, ‘he it is þat lovethe me’. Ande þei þat herene hys wordys ande loven hym ande kepen hem ande doone þerafftur, he ʒevethe hem hys blyssynge qwher he seythe on thys wyse, Beati qui audiunt verbum Dei et custodiunt illud. ‘Blyssyde be they þat heren Goddys worde ande kepyn yt.’ Ande thus, thoroo herynge off Goddys worde19 ande kepynge in dede, we xall have the blys that euer xall laste. Ande þerffore at owre begynnyng pray we to God þat he ʒeve vs grace to here hys worde, me ffor to tell it ande ʒe ffor to here it ande lere it, þat it be plesynge to God ande cowmfforthe to your sawles. Ande þat it so meye be, euerye man off charyte seye ane Pater Noster ande ane Ave.20 Estote prudentes et vigilate in oracionibus, vi Petrus. Thyse wordys þat I seye, þei been the wordys off Sente Petyre the Apostyll, ande þei been þus myche to seyne on Ynglysche, ‘Be ʒe ware ande wyse ande wakethe in prayers’. There be too manere off warnes ande too maner off wysdamys. One is bodelye and anothyre is gostlye: bodelye warnes makethe a man to be ware off the perylls off thys worlde ande gostelye warnes makethe a man to dreed þe peynes off hell. Sythen þan þe sawle is more precyoser þan the bodye ande is the ymage off God ande boghʒt 17  [Exhortacio ad audiedu verbum dei] superscr., dh. 18  blys] mede, canc.;[ blys] superscr., dh. 19  worde] S, Ry, om. Gg. 20  and an Ave] canc., dh.

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with the precyus bloode off Criste, ther as owre bodye is made bot off ffowle mater ande off corrupcion, we xulde myche more be thee warere gostlye þan bodelye. Bot ffor harmes ande perylls þat mey ffall to owre bodye, we caste with all owre wyttys howe we mey hem ffle, ande ʒyt ffor all þat we can do or gete helpe ffor anye gode deylee, owre ffowle bodye apeyrethe ande drawethe to the perylles off dethe. And ʒyt offten tymes it is seen, it comyth or men be ware þeroff. And þis warnes is calledde wysdam off the worlde; ande therffore as the apostyll seythe, Sapiencia huius mundi stulticia est apud Deum. The wysdam off þis worlde is ffolye in the syghʒt [[f. 13r]] off Allmyghtye Godde. Gostlye warnes xulde men have or ellys all is noghʒt, the qwhyche xulde rule the bodye as a man rules hys wyffe. Ffor and21 the sawle weende amysse ande ffeyle off hys mede, bothe the bodye ande the sawlee xall wende streghʒt to hell. Ande theyreffore men xulde gostlye euermore be ware ande specyallye off three thyngys þat arne in thys worlde: off concentyng to syn, off detraccion ande off the deede doynge off syn. Ffor with þise iij þu xalte purchayse heven or hell. Yff wykked thoghʒtes ffallen in thyne herte as offten tymes þer dothe, ymagyne not vpon hem bot swythe put them aweye ffor drede off lykynge ande concentynge þat þu myghtest soone ffalle too. Ffor yche thoghʒt þat comythe ande ffallethe in thyne herte is not syn anone bot yff þu concente þerto, bot it xall be cawse off grace yff þu wythstonde it. Ande þerto seythe Salomon to cowmfforthe man withall, Recistite diabolo et ffugiet a vobis. ‘Withstonde the devyll ande he xall ffle ffro yowe’. Ande þus muste þu be ware þat þu concente not to synne. Bot yff it so ffall þat þu have concentyd, ffeghʒt ffaste ande be afferde to do the dede, bot hye the ffaste to schryffte with a soree herte ande tell owte thy trespas in wyll too amende the ande do penawnce ffor þi syn the qwhyle þu haste tyme, as Criste byddethe hymselffe ande techeth by hys prophete, Penitenciam agite; appropinquavit enim regnum celorum, ‘Dothe penawnce ffor your syn ande þe kyngdam off heven xall cum nye to yowe’. Ande þus muste þu be ware to doo the cursed deede. Bot yff man have synned in deed as God kepe vs therffroo, ryse owte anoon therefroo ande lygge not styll theyrein, ande soone fforsake þat dede þat dethe peraventure take not the in that owre, ffor as it is wrytun, Vigilate, quia nescitis diem neque horam. Ffor God is redye ffor to fforgyff hem þat wyll amende hem, as holy wrytt seythe ande techethe vs on þis wyse, Surge qui dormis, resurgere a mortuis et illuminabit te Christus. [[f. 1Зv.]] ‘Ryse vp, þu þat slepyste in syn, ryse and ʒyffe the ffro dethe, ande Cryste xall \light/ the with the beemes off hys grace.’ For yff þu lygge styll in þi syn þat þu haste done in dede, þan þu synnyste by custum ande þat is wele werse ffor it is called the ffendys synne to laste longe

21  and] if S, Ry.

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therin, Humanum est cadere, sed diabolicum est perseuerare. Ffreltee off man is to syn bot it is the ffendys doynge to lye styll theyrein, ffor þe ffeende, þat is emnye to all mankynde, he sterythe men to abyde longe in heyre syn to heyre lyffes ende. Ande þan he wyll be redye to brynge affore hem all heyre synffull dedys to make hem to lothe hemselffe ande so to ffall into wanhope. Ande þat is callyd syn aʒen the Holye Goste, þat neuer more xall be fforʒoven in thys worlde ne in the todyr. Ande theyre qwhyle we have tyme, amende we owre wykkudnes as Crist hymselffe techeth ande also hys apostyll, Operamini donec dies est venit enim nox quo22 nemo operari potest. ‘Worke ʒe’, he seythe, ‘qwhylyst ʒee have the deye off lyffe in thys worlde. Ffor fforsothe nyghʒt þat is called dethe xall cum in the qwhyche no man xall worken’, Dum tempus habemus operemur bonum ad omnes. ‘The qwhylys we have tyme’, seythe þee apostyll, ‘doo we goode to all men’ ffor þat þat is done afftur owre deye is lyke to a lanterne þat is borne ffar behynde a man in the marke þat meye ffor onye lyghʒt theroff ffall in the dyche. Ande therffor, as I ffyrste seyde, be ʒe ware ande wakethe in prayers, Quia aduersarius vester diabolus tanquam leo rugiens circuit, querens quem deuoret: cui recistite ffortes in ffide, for ‘your emnye the devyll, as a roryng lyon sechynge abowte qwhom þat he maye devowre, wythstonde ʒe hym stronge in the ffeythe’. Bot ho so wyll þus be ware, hym behovethe ffor to wake. Ande þerffore seythe Sente Petyre, Estote prudentes et vigilate. ‘Be wyse ande ware ande wakethe’. Ffor [[f. 14r]] yff a man be waytyd off theves to be robbyd, walkynge hys pilgrimage off hys ryche tresour, he hathe nede to wake thyse theves to wythstonde. Sertys, we been all pilgrimes in thys worlde, wanderynge in the valee off sorowe, offe labour ande off angree þat couetythe to cum to the cowrte off heven to seche to the kynge off joye, theyr he is in blysse. Ande þat wyttenesythe Dauit that saythe thus, Ego sum peregrinus et pauper sicut omnes patres mei. ‘I am a pylgryme ande pore as all my ffaders were’ ande we are weyted with emnys to robbe vs ande to sloo vs ffor the ryche tresour þat we beer abowte þat Criste boghʒt so deer, hongynge on the crosse, þat is owre precyous sawle wythe all owre gode dedys. Ande these been owre emnys þat weytun vs nyghʒt ande deye, the ffowle ffeende ande þe worlde ande the ffowle fflesche, anense qwhom vs nedythe to wake with iij maner off armour. Pouerte, peenawnce ande pacyence schulde we be armyd wythe in thys worlde þat is so ffalse ande weytethe vs to slee with ffalse covetese off ryches ande honowres, states ande degrees, the qwhyche be ffalse ande ffeylynge euer at owre moste neede. Ffor nakyd we come into þis worlde ffyrste qwhen we wer borne ande naked schall we hense weende soone qwhen we xall dye. Ande all þise worldlye welthes xull we cleen leve ande have in another place as we have deserved heere. Ande yff we wyll ouercum thys worlde with all hys 22  quo] quo /operamini\, canc.

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couetyse, clothe we vs in pouerte23 þat Crist chose to hymselffe ande purcheyse we the blyssynge off Godde, ande be we hys awen chylderne as hymselffe seyde, Beati pauperes spiritu quoniam ipsorum est enim regnum celorum, ‘Blyssyd be the pore in spyrytt ffor the kyngdam off heven is off them’. Ande hereto acordythe the Apostell in hys pystell, Pauperes elegit Deus in hoc mundo, diuites in ffide. ‘The pore off thys worlde [[f. 14v.]] God hathe chosen hem, the qwhyche been ryche in the ffeythe to be in hys blysse.’ Ande thus, thoroo pouerte be ware and wake in prayers, ande so þu xalte ouercum þis worlde þat is thyne emnye. Thyne odyre emnye is thy fflesche þat I spake off, aʒeen the qwhyche þu muste be ware ande clothe the wyslye with penawnce, ande so þu xalte ouercum hym. Ffor yff þu ffolowe hys wyll, þi sawle he wyll slee, as Criste hymselffe by hys awne apostyll seythe, Si secundum carnem vixeritis moriemini, þat is, ‘Yff ʒe lyff afftur yowre fflesche ʒe xull dye’. Ande theyreffore seythe Sente Pawle, þat knewe wele þis emnye, Castigo corpus meum et in seruitutem redigo. ‘I chastyce my fflesche ande put it in thraldum þat it be noghʒt to keene ande so to kepe mye sawle.’ Bot ʒyt þu muste norysche yt qwhylys þei dwelle togedyre noghʒt to myche ne to lytyll bot in a goode meene. Ande so we be taghʒt with doctures þat þus seyne, Sic nutrienda est caro vt non defficiat et sic castiganda vt non superbiat. ‘Thyne fflesche awethe to be noyryched so þat it ffeyle not ande so be chastysde þat it waxe not prowde.’ Ande so be ware with that emnye ande wakethe in prayers. Thye thyrde emnye ande the moste is the ffeende off hell that with a thowsande deseytes weytes man sawle to steyre a pesabyll herte to ffall into ffowle syn, Qui mille per meandreos ffraudes que fflexuosas agitat quieta corda. Golde ne syluer he covet noon, bot man sawle to hell, nothynge ffor hys proffyt bot ffor hys awne grete harme. So ffull he is off venum, off soroo ande off envye, that thawe hymselff xulde have ane C ffolde moore peyne, ʒytt he wolde have odyr in that peyne to be, ffor he wolde noon hadde þat joye the qwhyche he ffell owte off. Ande as he ffell owte off heven into hell thoroo hys ffowle pride, so is he overcomyn thoroo pacyence ande mekenes as holye wryte berythe wyttenes qwher it þus seythe, Paciencia vincit maliciam. Attingens a ffinee vsque ad ffinem ffortiter, et disponit [[f. 15r]] omnia suaviter. That is, ‘pacyens ouercomethe the malyce off the ffowle ffeende, rechynge ffro the tone ende to the todyr stronglye ande disposethe all thynge swetlye’. Ande therffore clothe we vs in charyte, in ffeythe ande in ryghʒtwysnes, the qwhyche been called the armour off God. Ande take we the sworde off the spyrytt, þat is, Goddys worde, with the qwhyche we xall wythstonde all hys brennyng dartys ande make hym to fflee ffro vs as Criste hymselffe dyd. Ande þus God lerne vs bye the apostyll Pawle in hys pystell, Induite vos armatura Dei vt possitis stare aduersus insidias diaboli et cetera Ande þus to ffyghʒt aʒene the ffeende, owre 23  pouerte] pouerte /an\, canc.

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fflesche; ande the worlde be ʒe ware as I seyde ande wakethe in prayers, ffor to be ware þus ande wake. Prayer helpethe myche ffor to put aweye syche wykkud temptacions. Ande þerffore [sayde]24 Criste to hys awne discypulls, Vigilate et orate ne intretis in temptationem. ‘Wakethe ande prayethe þat ʒe ne entyre noghʒt into temptacion’ ffor we mey noghʒt wythstonde it thoroo the myghʒt off howreselffe. Ande therffore nedythe vs to praye to hym þat is allmyghʒtye. And qwhat sum euer þat we asken in owre prayer, in ffeythe ande hope ande charyte, we xull have it grauntyd off Godde þat is in heven. Ande so Criste hymselffe techethe qwhat we xall aske, Petite vt gaudium vestrum sit plenum. ‘Aske’, he seyde, ‘þat ʒe have ffull off joye’ ande þat is in heven for here is no ffull joye bott menged with soroo. Ande he kepythe þat we aske hym noo lytyll ʒyffte ffor yt fallethe to hys state to gyff grete gyfftes. Ande þerffor wyll he þat we aske the kyngdam off heven ffor þer is no gyffte þat25 meye be more þen thys. Bot yff we covet þat owre prayer be herde off Godde Allmyghʒty, we muste praye on iij wyse to make it parffyte, ffor þer is prayer off herte, off worde, ande off dede. Prayer off a cleene herte stonte in holye desyre off that thynge þat meye pleese God ande helpe to þi sawle with swete wordys off thye mowthe ande other holye dedes. Ande [[f. 15v]] thus we synge in holye chyrche qwher we þus seye: Corde et voce simul Cristum regem veneremur

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‘Worchep we togedur Criste þat is owre kynge with herte ande with mowthe’, ffor bothe too muste acordyn yff it xall plese to hym. Ande he seythe in the gospell qwhat so we aske þus, as I have seyde beffore, it xall be ʒoven to vs, Quaecumque orantes petitis, credite quia accipietis et ffiet vobis. Ande þerffore, as I seyde at the begynnynge, be ware and wakethe in prayers, þus, Quia multum valet deprecatio iusti assidua, ffor ‘myche aveylethe the custumabyll prayer off a iuste man’. And þus, thoroo warnes off sleghees off the ffeende ande thoroo besye wakynge ffro synnes off thys worlde ande thoroo besye prayer off26 clennes off lyffe, wee xall wyne to þat blysse þat euer more xall laste, too þat joye he brynge vs þat with hys wowndys blodye on Gode Ffrydeye boghʒt vs. Amen.

24  sayde] S, Ry, om. Gg. 25  þat] þat /þei\, canc. 26  off ] off in.

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[20] [A sermon on Ps, 40:5]

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Sana, Domine, animam meam quia peccaui tibi, psalmo xlmo. Gode cristene men ande wemen, iij cawses meven me to preche to yowe. One is to ffullffyll the offyce ande the charge þat I have takyn off God. Anothyr is the syn ande the perylls þat the pepull stondyn in, ande the thyrde cawse is to helpe manys sawle to the blys off heven. Ffor Criste sente hys dyssypulls into all the worlde ande badde hem preche the gospell to euerye creature. Ande by eche creature is vndyrstonde man ande woman the qwhyche have sum qwhat off yche creature: beynge with stonys, ffelynge with bestys, mevynge with trees,27 waxynge with herbys and reson ande mynde with awngylls. Ande ffor þis skyll is man called yche creature. Ande iij thyngys awethe28 yche prechour to have: one is þat he doo hymselffe as he techethe to odyre;29 ande another þat he techen þe lawe off Godde Allmyghʒtye; ande another þat he preche ffor noo wordlye wynnynge as anense the ffyrste ensawmpyll we have off Criste. Ffyrste he dyd ande afftur he taghʒt, as the postyll wyttenessythe, Primo [[f. 16r]] coepit Ihesu ffaccere et postea docere. Ande therffore, seythe the holye doctur on þis wyse, Qui vnum docet et aliud ffacit, Deum instruit quomodo debet se iudicare. That is, he þat techethe one ande dothe ane odyre, God he enffurmythe howe he xall deme hym. Ande all syche blamethe the prophete in the Sawter Booke, Peccatori autem dixit Deus: quare tu enarras iusticias meas? Et assumis testamentum meum per os tuum? Proiecisti sermones meos retrorsum. God seythe to the synffull man, ‘qwhye telleste þu my ryghʒtwysnes ande takest mye testament by þi mowthe? Þu takest fforthe my wordys backworde ande þan fforthe with theves ande vsee þi lyffynge amonge wowteres. Thy mowthe was abundant off malyce ande þi tunge songe ffalsnes or sorows’. Qwherffore he seyde ‘I xall argue the ande I xall sette these wykked dedes aʒen thye fface so as cowtheste doo wele ande woldest not’. That othyr thynge þat ffallethe to a prechour is to preche the lawes off God Allmyghʒtye,30 ffor ther is no lawe bot that man to be saved bye, ffor it is a cleene lawe withowte anye medlynge, as God techethe thoro the prophete in the Sawter Boke, Lex domini inmaculata convertens animas; testimonium Domini ffidel[e] sapientiam prestans paruulis. ‘The lawe off God is cleene ande vndeffowled, turnynge or convertynge sawles, the true wyttenes off Godde gyffynge wysdam to the smale, þat is, to the meke’. Ande therffore seythe Jeremye, Qui habet sompnium narret sompnium suum, qui habet sermones indicat sermones meos, v°. ‘He þat hathe a dreeme tell he hys dreem, ande he þat hathe my wordys se he my wordys trulye or sothelye.’ 27  trees] /bestys\ trees, canc. 28  A word superscript, illeg., dh. 29  A couple of words, illeg., dh. 30 [synserly] superscr., dh.

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The thy/r\31 de thynge is þat he preche ffor no veyne glorye ne covetyse off worldlye wynnyngys bot ffor worchep to God, amendynge off menys lyffes, ande ffor þine awne meede in heven to have rewarde, or ellys he priuethe hemselffe off euerlastynge meede, as a grete doctour tellethe ande seythe on thys wyse, Quisquis ideo predicat vt hic vel laudis vel muneris [[f. 16v]] mercedem accipiat, eterna procul dubio mercedem se privat. ‘Ho so prechethe ffor to take ffor hys labour praysynge or meede or ʒyffte, withowten dowte he depriuethe hymselffe off euerlastynge meede.’ Qwherffore all prechours xulde be ware off thyse iij thyngys ande teche the lawe off Godde as trewe prechours awen to doo, ande than meye yt proffytt to them þat it heren. Ande þus at the begynnynge praye we to God þat he off hys myghʒt ande off hys grace ande hys grete mercye graunte me grace so to preche to yowe the lawe off Godde ande ʒe so to lerne it, et cetera, ane Pater Noster ande Ave. Sana domine animam meam, et cetera… Goode men ande women, thes been the wordes off David the prophete in the Sawter Booke ande been thus myche to seyne, ‘Lorde make hole my sawle ffor I have synnyde to the’. In thyse wordys been iij thyngys nedeffull to mankynde: one is meke knawynge off thye selffe, another is devowte prayer, ande anothyr hys sykur truste in hym þat þu prayeste too. The ffyrst nedethe yche cristen man mekelye to knawe hymselffe ffor so xall he cum to the knawynge off Godde, the qwhyche knawynge is lyffe þat euer xall last as Criste tellethe in þe gospell off Sent John, Hec est autem vita eterna, vt cognoscant te solum Deum verum. Thys is lyffe euerlastynge þat þei knawe the onlye verrye God. Ande þus to knawe Godde ande þis lyffe euerlastynge, þu xalte cum therto be knawynge off thyselffe, as seythe Sent Barnarde, Per cognicionem tui peruenies ad cognicionem Dei. Ffor ryghʒt as a man sechethe no leche-craffte to the tyme þat he knawe hys awne sekenes ande neede, ande then he sekethe afftur salue to leye to hys soore. Ffor yff hys soore or hys hurte be withowten salue, it waxes ffull off dede fflesche ande growethe to the boone. Ande syche sores comunlye wyll neuer be heled; ande offtyme theyre is no medsynes ffor syche stynkande sores þat stynkun ande rotun so ffowle, bot kutt hem cleene aweye. Ande yff a man luff myche hys bodye to seche afftur leche-craffte þat affturwarde xall be rotun erthe, myche more besylyer schulde þu seche ffor a leche þat cud [[f. 17r]] craffte ffor thy sawle the qwhyche passethe the bodyes in worthenes off all dedlye men ande wemen in thys worlde. Ffor yff thye sawle be hurte with a darte off syn, the lengar þat yt dwellethe in the wownde þe more it ffesterethe ande stynkethe ande rotethe all abowte. Ande so, bot yff þu sone seche sum helpe to þi sawle, it wyll brede þi dethe in hell withowten eende. Ande þerffore, seche beselye to clense it ffro syn ande drawe owte þat yrne þat it was hurte withall or ellys wyll no gostelye heele þi sawle ffor Sent Bernarde seythe, 31  thyrde] thy/n\de, canc.; [r] superscr., sh.

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Non est malagma apponere dum fferum est in vulnere. ‘Yt is noghʒt to leye a plastere to þi wownde qwhylys the yrne is theyrein.’ Ande theyreffore knawe þine awne sore with sorooynge off herte and syche afftur salue off chryffte ande [off ]32 penawnce with ffull purpos ande entent neuer to syn more, or ellys it wyll waxe deede ande be cutte aweye with the sworde off Godys worde ande casten into hell qwhan he xall seye þise wordys to the synffull sawles, Ite maledicti in ignem eternum, quod paratus est diabolo et angelis eius. That is ffor to seye, ‘Weende ʒe fforwarede into the ffyre off hell þat to the ffeende is made redye ande to all hys awngells’. Seye hertelye thereffore the wordes þat I ffyrste seyde thoroo knawynge off þi trespas to hym þat þe meye helpe: ‘Heele, Lorde, my sawle ffor I have trespaste to the.’ Ffor þus cried Davit þat knewe hymselffe gyltye in iij grete synnes to God Almyghʒtye, ande asked fforgyffenes off Godde ffor hys grete mercye, ande seyde, ‘I have synned oonlye anense the’, Tibi soli peccavi. Ande so wanne he mercye thoroo hys meeke knawynge. The secunde thynge þat is needffull is devowte prayer to gete the hele ande salve to þi seeke sawle as dothe a pore beggare þat nede33 hathe off helpe. He crepythe owte off hys cowche into the hye weye ande schewethe owte all hys soores to hem þat been myghʒty, ande clothythe hym to heyre syghʒt in hys ffebyll clothynge ffor to styre hem the more to have pyte on hym. Ande ffaste he ʒellethe [[f. 17v]] ande cryethe to have sum helpe as he þat knawethe hys awne nede ande ffeyne wolde be holpen. So schull we þat been pore off holynesse ande vertues ande have many soore wowndys ande sekenes off syn; crepe we owte off owre cowche þat we have longen lyen in, off the lustes off owre fflesche ande lykynge off syn ande off þis worldlye wrechednes þat vs hathe deseyved, into the hye weye off Cristes comawndementys. Ande þus dyd Dauid the prophet as hymselffe seythe, Viam mandatorum tuorum cucurri cum dilatasti cor meum. ‘I ran ffaste the waye off þi comawndementys qwhan þu haddeste made my herte large to reseyve thy grace’. Ande holde the stylle in that weye þat þu cum not owte ande schewe owte to Godde thy wowndys off þi syn ande to the sentys off heven34 too have pyte on thee. Ande crye ffaste vpon God ffor he wyll mete with thee yff þu abyde in that weye, clothed with ffebyll clothes. Bot yff þu be welle clade as manye beggars been ande schewe it owtewarde to the ffolke, þan geteste þu þe lesse. Be35 þis goode clothynge is vnderstonde þi goode deedys. Yff þu schewe hem owtewarde with boste to be praysed, þu getest noo rewarde off God othyre þan þu haste, ffor hymselve seythe, Amen dico vobis, receperunt mercedem suam. ‘Sothelye I seye to yowe, heyre mede þei have rescyved.’ Ande therffore tell owte in thy schryffte

32 off ] om. 33  nede] nedethe. 34  ande to the sentys off heven] canc., dh. 35  be] bot.

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all þine yvell dedes to Godde þat is so myghʒty to [cloþe]36 the all newe – he sethe the ffebyll clothes þat þu beggest in. Ande crye ffaste vpon God to grawnte the hys helpe off mercye and fforʒeffnes ande hele to þi sawle, ffor he is curteys ande kynde ande large off hys gyffte ande wyll gyffe ʒe þine askynge iff it reson be. Ffor so seythe the Lorde hymselffe the qwhyche wyll not ffeyle, Petite, et accipietis quaecumque orantes petitis et accipietis, credite et ffiet vobis. That is ‘Askeethe ande ʒe xull take’. Ande also he seythe in ane odyr place, ‘qwhat sum euer ʒe aske praynge, belevethe ffor ʒee xall take ande it xall bee doon to yowe’. Þan [[f. 18r]] ys it needffull þat we devowtlye praye ande so, as I ffyrste seyde, crye we to God with wordys þat I ffyrste seyde ande toke to preche off, ‘Lorde hele my sawle ffor I have synnyd to the’. Thyrde thynge þat vs nedythe in thys mater is truste. Ffor bot man truste to spede off hys boone, ellys he levethe to aske ande so hathe he noghʒt. Ande therffore xulden we truste God, þat all meye withowten anye dowtynge off mercye ande off grace. Ande þus Criste techethe hymselffe in the gospell, Conffide ffili, remittuntur tibi peccata tua. ‘Truste wele, sun’, he seythe, ‘þi synnes arne fforʒoven thee’. Bot in the truste þat we have, be ware off too thyngys: ouertruste is the tone ande wanhope is the todyr, ande bothe þise been da[m]pnabyll37 ho so them vsethe. Ouertruste is qwhan a man trustethe hym so myche in the mercye off Godde þat he is the bolder to syn aʒen God. Ande þis syn is called vnkyndenes ande bolde vpon hope. Ande thys syn makethe a man to lye longe in syn ande so to dye þerin atte the laste ande afftur to be dampnyd. Wanhope bryngethe man to the saame eende, qwhan that man wenethe þat hys synnes be so grete, so manye in nowmbyr ande off so longe tyme, þat God wyll not have mercye on hys synffull dedes. Ande þus synnyd Judas, qwhan he hadde solde Criste, ande Caine þat was cursed qwhan he had sleyne hys brother. Ande þis syn is called the syn aʒen the Holye Goste þat neuer xall be fforʒyffen in thys worlde ne in the todyre, ffor more it displesethe God þan dothe all odyre syn. Ande thereffore it is nedeffull ffor to be ware with þise too ande sett saddye your hertys in holye truste ande hope, soore fforthynkynge thy syn in wyll to amende thee. Ffor more is the mercye off God than man meye synne in erthe, Quia misericordia eius super omnia opera eius, et misericordia eius ab eterno et vsque in eternum. ‘Hys mercye’, seythe the prophete, ‘is above all hys werkes ande hys mercye yss ffroo the begynnynge ande withowte endynge ouer hem þat [[f. 18v]] dredyne hym’. Ande ther with a sekur truste call vpon Crist, qwhan þu ffeleste þi sawle seke with anye syn, with the wordys þat I seyde at the begynnynge, ‘Lorde hele my sawle ffor I have synyd to the’. Ande he wyll hele the anon and make the all saffe ande brynge the afftur to the blys þat never schall have eende. To þat blysse he brynge bothe yowe ande me þat boghʒt vs vpon þe rode tree. Amen.

36  clothe] S and Ry, om. Gg. 37  dampnabyll] dapnabyll.

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[21] [A sermon on Lc, 19:15]

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Hodie oportet me in domo tua manere, Luce xixmo et cetera. The helpe ande grace be at the begynnyng. With Goddys grace, I purpose me to teche the byddynge ande too tell yowe the gospell as he badde38 to hys dyssypulls, Ite in mundum vniuersum et predicate euaungelium omni creature. ‘Wandethe39 ’, he seythe, ‘into all the worlde ande preche the gospell to euerye creature’, þat is to seye, to yche40 resnable creature. Ande theyrffore, seythe Sente John on thys wyse in hys pystell, Si quis venit ad vos, et hanc doctrinam non affert, et nolite eum recipere in domum vestram, et cetera. ‘Qwho soo cummythe to yowe ande bryngethe noghʒt thys techyng with hym ne wyll ʒe noghʒt receyve hym into yowre howse.’ Ande therffore, at the beegynnynge, Criste in the gospell tellethe how man xall amende hys lyffe ande lyffe in vertues ande make amendys off hys trespas, ande so to cum to heven. The storye tellethe howe þat Ihesus ʒeede abowte in Iherico. Ande a man qwhos name was ʒachee, the qwhyche was a ryche man and prince off all Pub\l/ ycanys,41 ande he soghʒt to seche Ihesu qwho þat he xulde bee ande he myghʒt noght ffor the cumpenye. Be þis ʒache meye be vndyrstonde yche man þat covetythe to see Godde Almyghʒty, ffyrste thoro ffeythe ande afftur fface to fface in the blysse off heven. Qwhen þat he herethe telle in the lawe off Godde þat Cryste thoroo hys mercye cummythe to yche manys sawle, qwhyche þat is meke in the weye off hys lyffe, offte he is letted ffro the syghʒt off God in hys sawle þat all cowmfforthe is in with the cumpenye off synnes, noyens ande tribulacions. Ande so he conseyvethe off grace [[f. 19r]] þat he is off lityll stature, þat is, þat he is vnworthee42 thoroo hys synne hevenlye cowmfforthys too have as hys herte desyrethe. Ande qwhan he knawethe thus hymselffe, he sethe hys awen deffawte ande rennethe ffaste beffore odyr with holye affeccion ande clymbethe vnto the tree off holye lyffe, ffull off vertues ande off goode thewes, owte off the vale off synffull lyffe to see Criste in hys sawle, qwhat thynge he is here thoroo mercye ande mekenes ande qwhat thynge he xall be at þe doome thoroo ryghʒtwysnes. Ande þus, as the gospell seythe, he ʒeede ffaste rennynge byffore vnto a hyll, ande qwhan Ihesu Crist com therbye he loked up to thys meeke man with the eyʒen off hys mercye ande seyde on þis wysee, ‘ʒachee, cum downe to do þi Lordys wyll, ffor þis deye me behovethe in thyne howse to dwell, that is, yt is heleffull to the þat I thys deye ande all thye lyve thoroo my grace dwell in thy43 sawle’, noghʒt ffor he

38 badde] canc., a word superscript, dh, possibly [commanded]. 39 wandethe] canc, two words superscr., dh. First word is [goo], second illeg. 40  yche] eny, dh. 41 [l] superscr. sh. 42  vnworthee] wnworthee. 43  thy] my, canc. [thy] superscr., sh.

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hathe neede to vs bot all ffor owre awne need. Ande also he ʒeede downe mekynge hymselffe to God, leevynge hys propyre wyll, ande reseyve[d]44 God mekelye with gladnes off spyrytt ande seyde on thys wyse, ‘Lo Lorde, halffe off my goodes I ʒeve to pore men’. Ffor als sone as God Almyghʒtye thoroo mercye ande grace dwell in manys sawle, anoon he is redye to doo thee deedys off mercye to hem þat neede have. Ande yff þei have thoroo dysseyte anye man begyled theye wyll gladlye qwyte ffawre ffolde aʒeen, ande þus dyd thys man [as]45 thys gospell tellethe. Ffor qwhan man synnethe thoroo dysseyte to iiij partees, he trespasythe to God ande to holye chyrche, to hys awne sawle ande to hys neghʒtburgh. Ande to þise ffawre muste ʒe make amendys to God46 thoroo fforthynkynge ande soroo in hys herte ande to holye chyrche thoroo schryffte off mowthe aʒense hys sawle with penawnse, holye purpos ande prayʒer ande to make a sethe too [[f. 19v]] hys neghʒtburgh in þat þat in hym is. Ande thus dyde thys holye man as thys gospell tellethe. Ande þerffore Criste seythe on thys wyse to hym, ‘þis \day is/47 made helee to thys howse’, so as he xulde be Abrahamys son. Ffor Criste com to seche ande to save hym þat xulde have peryschyste, ande þis mey man lerne þat wyll be saved to make hym redye in hys sawle to receyve God ande to make amendys ffor hys trespas as he is tawghʒt.48 Ande theyrffore, at þe begynnynge praye we to God so to amende owre wykkyd lyffe here, þat we conceyve þis deye the worde off God Allmyghʒtye, þat it be worchep to hym ande helpe to owre sawles, þat he graunte vs grace all þat been here to holde hys wordys in owre herte ande do þerafftur in deede þat wee meye weende49 theyre thoroo to the blys off heven þat xall euermore laste, worlde withowten eende. Ande it mey so be, euerye man ande woman seye ane Pater Noster ande ane Ave. Hodie oportet me in domo tua manere, vbi prius. Þise wordys þat I seye, I tolde to yowe them affore, ande are þus myche to meene to your vndyrstondynge, ‘Me behovethe thys deye to dwell in thyne howse.’ In the qwhyche wordys iij thyngys xulde be vndyrstonde. One is qwhat thynge lettethe God to dwell in owre howse; ande anodyr, yff he xulde duell þerin, howe it xulde be areyde to make it plesynge to hym; ande the thyrde, qwhat thynge wyll make hym to dwell styll therein. By thys50 is vndyrstonde owre sawle þe qwhyche, yff it be cleen, is Goddys awne tempyll as þe apostell seythe, Templum Domini sanctum est, quod estis vos. Ande also, Nescitis quoniam corpora vestra templum Dei est et spiritus habitat in vobis? Qui autem violauerit templum, disperdet eum Deus. ‘ʒe are the holye tempyll off God. Wete ʒee

44  reseyve] reseyved S, Ry. 45  as] S, Ry; om. Gg. 46  Words superscr., illeg., dh. 47 superscr., sh. 48  Words supersc., dh, illeg. 49 [Goo] superscr. dh. 50  A word superscr., dh, illeg.; þis house as I sayde] S, Ry.

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noghʒt wele þat yowre bodyes ar the tempyll off God, ande the Holy Goste dwellythe within yowe. Qwho so euer sothelye51 deffowlethe the tempyll off God, God xall hym dystroye.’ Ande þerffore were it neede to wete52 [[f. 20r]] qwhat thynge lettethe God to dwell in owre sawle. Ffor yff man wyste or knewe þat a kynge or a grete Lorde wolde be harberde in hys howse ande geff hym theyrffore hys waryssone the qwhylyste þat he lyffyd, he wolde be full besye to make hys howse cleen, þat noo ffylthe were theyrein that xulde hym myspeye.53 Then xulde men myche more clense gostlye [his]54 howse to reseyve in the Kynge off all kyngys, ffor he wyll then ʒyffe to the þe rewarde þat xall be the kyngdame off heven. Ande as he seythe hymselff, yff hee ffynde yt cleen ‘Þis deye me behovethe to dwell in thyne howse’. Bot three thyngys hym lettethe to dwell in thyne howse: vnclennes off thoghʒt, worde ande deede, ffor he wyll not dwell theyre bot yff these be clensyde owte. Ande therffore bye the prophete God seythe hymselve, Lauamini et mundi estote. ‘Be ʒee waschen ande made cleen’, Aufferte malum cogitacionum vestrarum55 ab oculis meis. ‘Bere aweye’, he seyethe, ‘þe wykkudnes off your thoghʒtes ffro myne eyʒen’, for holye scripture seythe, cogitationes male separant vos a Deo, ‘wyked thoghʒtes departyn yowe ffro Godde’. Ande theyrffore kepe cleen thyne herte ffro all thye thoghʒtes þat been yvell, ande þan wyll God thys deye dwell in thynee howse. Vnclennes off worde deffowlethe thye mowthe ande þat on manye wyse: with lyyngys ande swerynge ande ydyll wordys spekynge, skornynge ande ffowle tales tellyng, bakbytynge ande wareynge ande prowde boste makynge, chydynge, fflaterynge ande with ffalse exscusynge ande with syche manye moo þat the mowthe deffowlethe. Ffor ryghʒt as the chalys xulde be kepte cleen, ande were vnsemelye þat muke or ffylthe were þerin in the qwhyche men putt the holye sacrament, so schulde þu beselye kepe cleen thye mowthe in the qwhyche þu reseyveste Cristes fflesche ande hys blode,56 ande prayest theyrewith to Godde to wynne57 the hevenlye meede.58 Ffor qwhat meken[nes]59 [[f. 20v]] so it is, be it neuer so gode, ande it cum in a ffowle vessell to hym þat it xulde ete, thawe he hungur ffull sore hee lothethe ther withall. Soo dothe owre Lorde qwhen wee to hym praye ffor owre mowthe is so vncleen with ffowle stynkynge wordys. Ande þerffore prayethe Dauit in the Sawter Boke, Pone, Domine, custodiam ori meo. Ande also, domine, libera animam meam a labiis iniquis, et a lingua dolosa. ‘Lorde, put þu kepynge 51  A word superscr., dh, illeg. 52  Catchword [qwhat thynge], sh, bottom corner right. 53  A word superscr., dh, illeg. 54  his] S, Ry; om. Gg. 55  vestrarum] w vestrarum. 56  [in sacrament] superscr., dh. 57  A word superscr., dh, illeg. 58 [rewarde] superscr., dh. 59  Ending is missing.

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to my mowthe’ ande ‘Lorde’, he seyde, ‘delyvyr my sawle ffro the wykkud lyppes ande trecherus60 tungys’. Tuum abundauit malicia, et cetera, ‘thye mowthe’, seythe the prophete, ‘was abundante off malyce’ ande th\y/s61 ffylthe off thy mowthe lettethe God Allmyghʒtye to entyr into thye sawle ande so to dwell with the. Ande theyreffore vse thye tunge to hevenlye speche ande close owte ffro thye mowthe all ffowle syn, ande þan wyll God thys deye dwell in thyne howse. The thyrde thynge is þat lettethe thus God to dwell in thyne howse ar thye wykked deedes ande so afftur thye deedes wyll Godde the rewarde, Qui reddet unicuique opera sua. Ffor thye deedes schewen the luff off thyne herte, qwhedur þu luffe Godde or the ffeende off hell. As Sent John seythe, Probacio dileccionis est exhibicio operis, ‘provynge off thye luffe is schewynge off thye dede’. Ande þerffore schall þi deedys cum with the to the doome: as the gospell seythe, Opera enim illorum sequuntur illos. Ande ther schalte þu reseyve as þu haste here wroghʒt, be it goode or yvel, to joye or to peyne. Ande therffore amende thy deedys ar þu passe hense aʒen þu cum to recunnynge at the dredffull deye of doom. Ande þan wyll God thys deye duell in thyne howse qwhan he is not letted with noon off thyse iij. The secunde thynge þat I spake offe is ffor to wyte howe þu xalte areye62 thyne howse aʒen þis kynge cum. Ffor qwhan the ffylthe is swepte owte with schryffte63 off mowthe,64 than wolde it be strewed ande hungen cleen abowte with iiij [[f. 21r]] cardynall65 vertews þat smell so swete: with ryghʒtwysnes ande prudence, with strenghe ande with temperance. Ryghʒtwysnes ʒevethe all thynge to them þat it awe: to God hys luff, to hys sawle holye techynge, to hys neghʒtboro helpe, ande cowmfforthe to hys bodye ffor ffode, hys sawle to heven, hys bodye to the erthe. Bot it is ffull longe ffor to declare all these ande theyrffore wyll I passe ouer to anodyr tyme. The secunde thynge is prudence to dyghʒt the howse with all þat is warenes beffore in thoghʒt, worde ande deede ande namelye off thyne endynge þat þu knaweste neuer qwhan ne howe ne in qwhat wyse þat þu xalte hense weende. Ande theyrffore, seythe the prophete in the Sawter Booke, Vtinam saperent66 et intelligerent, ac nouissima providerent. ‘Wolde Gode theye saverde ande vndyrstode, ande off heyre last eende were ware beffore.’ The thyrde vertu is strengthe mekelye ffor to suffur noye ande persecucion, sekenes ande pouerte ande euer to be pacyente bothe to God ande to man as Criste hymselffe techethe, In paciencia vestra possidebitis animas vestras, ‘in your 60  A word superscr., dh, illeg. 61  superscr., sh. 62 Wsuperscr., dh, illeg. 63 A word superscr., dh, illeg. 64  A word, illeg., canc., words superscr., illeg., dh. 65 [principal] superscr., dh. 66  Final [e] canc.

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pacyence xall yowe kepe your sawles’. Ande theyreffore byddythe the apostell, Pacientes estote ad omnes, ‘be ʒe pacyente to all’. Ande so thoroo pacyence xalte þu be stronge in God. The ffawrte vertu is temperawnce qwhy[che]67 þu xuldeste have þat is a goode mesure to rule the wythe dyscrecion, noghʒt to mykyll ne to lytyll, bot a gode meene in mete ande drynke, in worde ande in warke, in slepe ande in wakynge, in penawnce ande in othyr. Ande yff þu dyghʒt thyne howse wele on þis wyse, þan wyll God þis deye dwell in thyne howse. Bot it is not inughe to dwell bot one deye, bot he þat hathe a goode geste he wolde holde hym longe. Therffor, the dyssypulls prayed God Allmyghʒtye68 qwhan þei met on the weye towwarde Emaws, Mane nobiscum domine, ‘Lorde, dwell with vs’ ffor it is [[f. 21v]] nyghʒt. Ande iij thyngys makethe God to dwell styll with man: ffeythe, hope ande charite, ho so kan hem kepe. Ffeythe is to beeleve that holye chyrche techethe, the qwyche is grownded in þe lawe off God, ande theyr withall behovethe vs to do goode dedys, Quia ffides sine operibus mortua est. Ffor ‘ffeythe withowten gode werkes is deed’, as the apostel seythe. Hope is the secunde þat makethe God to duell, ffor wanhope ande ouerhope dryven hym aweye, ande therffor selye hope helpe to holde hym in thye sawle. Ande ʒyt all þis aveylethe noghʒt bot yff þu be in charyte, ffor charyte hydethe the syn þat þu haste done, Caritas operit multitudinem peccatorum. Ande charite makethe vs dere to God to dwell in vs ande we in hym in thys worlde ande in the todyr. Ffor Sent John seythe, God is charyte ande he þat dwellethe in charyte he dwellethe in God; ande Godde in hym, Deus caritas est, et cetera. Ande charite stondythe ffullye in thyse too poyntes: in luff off God ouer all thynge ande hys neghʒtburghe as hymselffe. Ande a man meye noghʒt luff God bot yff he luff hymselffe. And yff he luff not hymselffe, howe xulde he luff hys neghʒtburgh, ffor he þat lovethe wykkudnes lovethe not hymselffe as the prophete seythe, Qui diligit uniquitatem odit animam suam, ‘he þat lovethe wyku/d\nes69 he hathethe is awne sawle’. Ande theyrffore hate wykudnes ande þan þu lovest God ande luff also thye neyʒghbour, be he ffreende or ffoo ande þan þu arte in charyte ande dere to God Almyghʒtye. Ande þus xalte þu make hym euer to dwell with the. Ande þus wyll God þis deye dwell in þine howse ande brynge the wele owte off þis wrechyd worlde into hys howse þat is the kyngdam off heven in blysse withowten eende. Ther euer is deye ande neuer nyghʒt ande euermore xall be in cumpenye with awngells in the syghʒt off God. To þat blys he brynge vs all þat boghʒt vs ther to. Amen.

67  qwhy] qwhyche. 68 Allmyghʒtye] all Allmyghʒtye. 69 [d] superscr. sh.

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[22] [A Sermon on Io, 11:25]70

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[[f. 22r]] Mortuus viuet, Johannis xi°. Dere ffrendys in God, as Sente Anselme seythe in his sentence: off all thyngys þat man meye doo ffor the dede,71 the ffyrst ande the princypall is ffor too praye ffor hem ande helpe hem in heyr nedeffullnes, ande that on thre wyse. The ffyrste cawse is ffor thei have grete nede off helpe ande off prayers ffor the grettenes off the peyne the qwhyche72 þat þei suffer. The secunde ffor qwhane þei arne dede þei mey not helpe hemselffe. The thyrde cawse is ffor namelye in syche prayers a man schewethe hys charyte to hys neyghbours þat been dede ande also to the qwyke. The ffyrst dede off mercye, as I heyr seyde, ande the moste principall is to praye ffor hem ffor the grettenes off heyr peyne the qwyche73 þat þei suffer. Ffor so bytter is the peyne off hem þat been in purgatorye, as Sente Awstyne seythe in hys sermon, þat it ouerpassethe all the peynes off thys worlde. The ffyre off purgatorye ouerpassethe kyndelye thys ffyre here withowte comparyschon in hete more þan þis ffyre ouerpassethe in kyndelye hete the hete off the sun. Mervel no man, yff it so schulde be þat the same ffyre is theyr as it is in hell withowten anye difference, with syche odyr peynes owtetake þis: þat in hell is noone hope off dylyverawnce. Ande þei þat been in purgatorye arne comfforted bye, as Sente Gregorye in hys Moralles tellethe. Ande þerffor xulde pyte meve men to praye as the Wyse Man meved hys son seynge on thys wyse, Ffili in mortuum produc lacrimas, et quasi dira passus incipe plorare. That is to seye, ‘Son vnto thee ded man brynge fforthe thye terys’ ande as ffor hym þat harde sofferethe begyn ffor to wepe. Ffor one deye in þat peyne hem thynkethe a ffull ʒeer, as it tellethe bye ensawmpyll in vitis patrem ande thynkethe me thys cawse [[f. 22v]] ys pryncypall. The secunde cawse is ffor they have grete need, ffor they mey noghʒt in peyne helpe themselffe, ffor theye meye not in that peyne wyn them nether mede ne woo. Ffor soo þei arne with peynes withsett on yche a syde þat vnethes meye þei onye tyme thynke on oghʒt elles ffor in þat peyne þei wyn no mede bot clenson heyre syn. Ande theyrffor seythe the Wyse Man to hem þat bene on lyve, Ecclesia xvij°, Ante mortem conffitere; a mortuo, enim, quasi non perit conffessio. That is, schryve the or þu dye, ffor schryfft peryschythe ffro the dede as ffor hym74 þat ys noghʒt. The iijm cawse is principall ffor to praye ffor the dede as I here seyde, ffor offte tyme it is not done ffor worldely rewarde bot onlye ffor charyte and pytee off heyr peyne. Ande so it is more proffyte þan other prayerys, and therffore socour 70  A note superscr., illeg., sh. 71  dede] in synne […] superscr., dh. 72  ffor the…qwhyche] canc., dh. 73  ffor the … qwyche] canc., dh. 74  hym] hym /n\, canc., sh.

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we hem þat arne dede with almesdede gyffynge, with prayers ande with ffastynge ande with masse synggynge, ffor þise been iiijm helpes, the qwhyche þat been gostlye ande prophet to the deede, as Sent Gregorye seythe, ande stondythe in the lawe, Quamvis ieiunium prodest, mortuis ex deuocione ieiunantis elemosina parlus prodest, et cetera. Yff all ffastynge proffytt to the dede þat commythe off deuocion off hym þat so ffastethe, almesdede proffyt ʒyt more to hem þan bothe þise done withowten onye prayʒer. Bot messe syngynge proffyt ouer all these to \þe/ sawles in purgatorye þat been in þat peyne, ffor the holye sacrament offerde to the ffadyr. Ffor as sum doctours seyne, qwhan a devowte messe is songen ande mynde made off the dede, þat all þat been in purgatorye in partye arne delyvyrde ande alegged off the peyne qwhyche þat þei been in. Ande therffor, yt proffetythe thus ffor to praye. Praye we ffor the sawles þat been in purgatorye ande ffor hem þat been on lyve ande ffor grace þat yche man nedethe, yche man ffor charyte seye a Pater Noster ande ane Ave. Mortuus viuet vbi supra. Thyse wordes þat I seye arne wryten in the gospell þat is redde [[f. 23r]] in the cherche ouer hem þat been deede ande arne thus myche to seye ‘the dede man xall lyffe’. Gode men ande wemen, as a grete clerke off the sacramentys in hys boke seythe, yff þat owre fformour ffadyr hadde stonde in the state off innocencye ande had not synnyde aʒense Godde thoroo hys vnbuxumnes, he ande all thoo þat off hym had commyn, withowte bodelye dethe to heven theye schulde have went, bot ffor he brake the comawndement off Godde. Theyrffore dye we all, as holye wrytte seythe, Nam morimur omnes, et quasi aqua dilabimur super terram. Ande ffor þat synne is man generallye with bodelye dethe pynched, þat þeyre is anye nor neuer xall be bot at he is deed or xall dye. And thus Sent Austyne seythe þat þei þat lyen in the erthe xall not passe þat peyne to the deye off dome, bot þat þei xall bodelye dye. Ande afftur þat, God xall cum downe ffor to deeme thys worlde as hymselffe hathe ordeynde, ande sodenlye þei xall ryse aʒen ande cum to the doom. Ande so Ennoke ande Elye, þat lyvyd in paradyse manye ml wyntur, ʒytt xall þei dye ande be sleyne in the eende off the worlde. As Damascene seythe, þei xall not passe þis sentens þat to man is ʒoven, In quacumque hora comederitis de ligno vite moriemini. Bot sum man meye asken thus to dowtes qwhye þat cristen men dye qwhyche þat been baptyʒed, sethen in baptyn is waschen aweye orygynall syn, ande bodelye dethe ys peyne onlye off orygynall syn? Hereto answerethe Sent Awstyne ande seythe on þis wyse: ffor thawffe baptyme thoroo Cristys passyon do aweye orygynall [syn]75 as anense the blame, ʒyt aʒense temporall peyne yt dothe it noghʒt aweye þat owre [feyth]76 be noghʒt woyde ande withowte mede. Ffor

75  syn] S, Ry; om. Gg. 76  feyth] S, Ry; om. Gg.

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yff man ffor baptym bodelye xulde not dyee, all maner off men, off qwhat beleve soo theye bee, wolde ryn to baptym, bodelye dethe ffor to fflee ande noghʒt ffor [[f. 23v]] helthe off heyre sawles. Ande so owre ffeythe xulde perysche. The secunde dowte is thys: sen dethe to all men is knytt ande enioynyd onlye ffor syn, stondythe noght thys dethe man to mede ande yche man drawethe lyche orygynall syn qwhedur yche man in dethe schulde suffer elyche peyn? Hereto I seye neye, as Lucydarye tellethe. Ffor theyr is iij maner off dethys: bytter, ande more esye, ande kyndele dethe. The ffyrste is in ʒonge men, þe todyr is in chylderne ande the thyrde is off olde men. Ʒonge men suffer more in dyynge þan do ʒongar chylderne or ellys olde ffolke þat dyen in heyr age. Sythen vertu77 off the sawle is more in hem rotyde ande the sawle to the bodye in hem is ffaster knytt þan it is in odyr the qwhyche been ʒonge chylderne, sethen thei sufferne more generallye, all dyen bot it commythe hem generallye off kynde. Bot sothelye sen no man synned in hymselffe with hys awne propour wyll aʒen God Almyghʒty in the ffyrste trespas save Adam ande Eve, therffor God, ffull off hys mercye, ordeynde ande dysposyd þat all men ffro þis dethe xulde be reysed aʒen on the deye off dome in bodye ande in sawle; ande as theye lyffon here bothe in bodye ande in sawle they schull afftur in worlde withowten eende. Ande therffore the apostyll seythe on thys wyse, Non contristemini sicut et ceteri, qui spem non habent. Qui si credimus quod mortuus est Cristus et resurrexit: ita deus eos qui dormierunt per Iesum, adducet cum eo et resuscitabit. Be noghʒt hevyd as odyr þat have noon hope, ffor qwhye yff we trawe þat Criste was dede ande rose aʒene to lyffee, soo Godde xall reyse them þat dyed or slepte ande leyde hem thoroo Ihesu with hym to blysse. Ande soo dar I off the dede seye with the gospeler as I seyde beffore, the dede man xall lyffe not onlye bodely lyffe afftur [[f. 24r]] the doom bot thys liffe he xall lyffe euerlastynglye, off the qwyche Sent Pawle spekethe ande seythe on þis wyse, Mortui [enim]78 estis, et vita vestra abscondita est cum Cristo. ‘ʒe ar not dede, ande your lyffe is hyd in joye with Cryste.’ Ande tweyne thyngys man awethe to trawe that the ded man xall lyff euerlastynge lyffe in joye: one is þat qwhen he passethe owte off thys warlde with parffyte charyte anense God ande hys neghʒbour, with hope, ande stedffaste in the ffeythe ande ryghʒt beleve in all the xij articulls as Holye Chyrche techethe. Ande so Almyʒtye God seythe in the gospell, Hec est voluntas patris vt omnis qui videt ffilium et credit in eum non pereat sed habeant vitam eternam. That is, ‘the wyll off my ffadur: þat yche [man]79 þat xall se the sun xall trawe in hym by hope ande charyte, he xall noghʒt peryche bot have the lyffe euerlastynge’; the secunde 77  sythen vertu] sythe vertu sythen vertu. 78  enim] non. 79  man] S, Ry; om. Gg.

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is þat man xulde vse that he departe with verre contricion ande conffessyon off hys synnes, ffor owre Lorde berethe wyttenes by the proffytt ande seythe, Si dixero impio morte morieris et ipse egerit penitenciam de peccato suo vita viuet et non morietur. ‘Iff I xulde have seyde or I have seyde to the wykked man thoroo dethe ‘þu xalte dye’ ande he do penance ffor hys syn, he xall noghʒt dye bot lyffe euerlastynge lyffe’. Þan sythen he passed thus as wyttenes they that were abowte hym, yoff all þat he synned vs awe ffor to trawe þat þis ded man xall lyffe, þat is in lyffe ande joye withowten eende. In the qwhyche wordys ʒe xall vndurstonde þat theyre been iij dethes, as Sent Awstyne seythe. One off the bodye ande anodur off þe sawle, ande the thyrde is dethe off hell. In the ffyrste is the sawle partyde ffro the bodye, the qwyche is lyffe off the bodye. In the secunde is Almyʒtye God departed ffro the sawle; ande the thyrde, bodye ande sawle joyned togedur aʒen arne departed ffro the cumpeny off [[f. 24v]] God. The ffyrst dethe is contrarye to the bodelye lyffe. The secunde is contrarye gostlye to the lyffe off the sawle. Thee thyrde is contrarye to hem bothe. Ande as the ffyrste is gode ande delectable, the secunde better ande more delectabyll, ande the [thrydde]80 alther beste ande moste delectabyll. So euen aʒenwarde the ffyrste dethe is yvell, hevy ande dredffull, the secunde werse, hever ande more dredffull, the thyrde is the werste, alther moste dredffull ande alther moste fferdffull. The ffyrste dethe I seye, þat is bodelye, the qwyche is contrarye to bodelye lyffe, ys yvell hevee ande dredffull ande þat ffor iij skylles. One ffor peyne in dyynge, the secunde in departynge off etheyr ffro other ande the thyrde at qwhat plyte þei xall been qwhan thei been dede. Ensawmpull to the ffyrste, seythe Sent Awstyne, that þis dethe is so yvell ande so grevows, þat the peyne meye noghʒt be tolde ne be ffelte with onye reson. Qwherffor Criste seynge hys pascion commynge, dredynge the dethe, he seyde to hys dyssypulls: Tristis est anima mea vsque ad mortem. ‘Hevye is my sawle or mye lyffe to the dethe.’ Qwherffor owre fformor ffadur seynge hys sun dye, so myche he dred the dethe and was afferde theyroff, þat ffor soroo ande drede a hundred81 ʒeer he abstenyde hym ffro hys wyffe and purposed hym to lyffe chaste tyll þat the awngell apperyd to hym ande bade hym gete moo chyldern. Ande so ffor peyne dethe is to drede. Also dethe is to drede ffor luff off departynge ande fferdnes off ffendys. Ffor as dyuerse doctours seyne, at the owre off owre dethe, ffeendys xall bee theyr ande all the synnes þat wee have doon, thei xall schewe tyll vs in all þat theye meye to brynge vs in dyspeyre. Ande syn off dyspeyre is neuer fforʒeven [in]82 thys worlde ne in the todur. 80  thrydde] S, Ry; om. Gg. 81  hundred] hundred (…) ʒeer, illeg., sh. 82  in] is.

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The thyrde cawse is qwhye dethe is to drede: ffor the vncerteyne afftur theye been deede. Ffor noon wote in þis [[f. 25r]] worlde, be he neuer so ryghʒtwys, in qwhat state he xall dye. Ffor yff he be nowe in the state off grace, he knawethe noghʒt tomawroo yff he xall so be styll. Ande therffore, ffor thys cawse, is dethe gretlye to drede. Ande therffore seythe Sapience, O mors quam amara est memoria tua. ‘A dethe howe bytter is to have mynde off the.’ Wolde God that synffull men wolde vndurstonde þis, the qwhyche multyplye heyre synnes as theye xulde neuer dye. Ffor ther be manye men, the qwyche delytene hem so myche in heyre synnes ande maken joye in heyre lustes, þat netheyr drede off dethe ne veniawnge off God meye noghʒt drawe hem ffro heyre synnes ande heyre ffowle delytes. Too qwhom Sent Barnarde seythe in a sermonde þat hee makethe: O miser homo, quomodo disponis te in omni hora ad mortem, cogita tu miser, et cetera. ‘A, þu wreched man, howe disposeste þu noghʒt the83 in yche owre to dethe, beethynke the wreche þat þu xalte dye’. Sen þu wele knawest þat þu muste dye, vndurstonde howe in þi dethe thyne nyen xall turne in thyne hede, þi veynes xall breste in thye bodye and þine herte xall be departed ffro soroo. Ffor as Senec seythe, noothynge xall proffytt to thee so myche to temperawnce as offte thynkenge on thye dethe. Ande euermore þu norysches thye bodye in lustes ande lykyngys in bodelye ese, ande delyteste ffor too make the stronge, ande so myche xalte þu dye with thee more peyne. Ande therffore take gode hede qwhat Crisostom seythe: qwhen we dyen, owre ffrendys ffeylen, owre kyn weende aweye. All þat we off erthe have reseyved, in erthe we it leeffe. Ande no man xall wee have with vs, save onlye owre deedys: yff þei be gode to joye, yff theye bee yvell to peyne. As wyttenes the Apocalippes, qwher he seythe on thys wise: Opera enim illorum [[f. 25v]] secuntur eos. Ande therffore yche prowde man take hede to thyse wordys, þat Sent Awstyne seythe off the dede man: hys noose, he seythe, waxethe colde ande hys fface pale, ande noo thyng is more horrible þan is a dede bodye. Ande therffore it is noghʒt sufferde to be aboven the erthe bot, as dedlye venom, is throwen in a dyche with erthe stopped, ande with stones, þat it no more be seen. Ande therwith all toodes are norysched, ande wormes, the qwhyche xall cum off itself, ande ete it to noghʒt. The secunde dethe is gostelye, thee qwhyche is more dredffull, qwhan þat God ffor þi synnes wendethe ffro thye sawle,84 þan þi sawle dyethe, as Sent John seythe: Qui ffilium Dei in se non habet, non habet vitam eternam. ‘He þat hathe not Goddys son in hym, he hathe noghʒt lyff in hes sawlee.’ Thys secunde dethe men drede noghʒt, bot the ffyrste, ffor vnnes þer is anye þat takethe hede to synne, soo þat he scape the slawnder off the worlde ne vndurstondethe noghʒt qwhat the apostell seythe: stipendia peccati mors est. That is, ‘the rewarde ffor syn is dethe’.

83 noghʒt the] the noghʒt the. 84  sawle] sawle ande qwhan he wendethe ther ffro.

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The thyrde, þat I seye, is called the dethe off hell. Ande therffor prayethe Job to delyvyre hym off that dethe: Libera me, /domine\, de morte eterna, the qwyche is werst ande moste to drede ande fflee. Ffor, as þe Proffytt seythe, Mors peccatorum pessima. The ffyrste dethe departethe the sawle ffro the bodye, the secunde prisonethe the sawle in the bodye, ande therffore seythe John in the Pocalippes: Dampnati desiderabunt mori, et mors ffugiet ab eis. The dampned xall covet dethe ande dethe xall fflee ffro hem, in the qwyche dethe all the wyttys off man schulde soroo ande be afferde off the horrible syghʒtys off the duellys. Ande noghʒt xall be herde, bott soroynge ande weylynge and gneystynge off tethe. Ande þer xall be man85 in aw. Hys v wyttys þer [[f. 26r]] been markenes ande myche stynke, stronge colde ande heet, hunger ande [thyrste],86 tempestys ande stormes. Ande theye be ffedde with dragons gall ande drynke venom with moo peynes ande sorows than all thys world can tell. Ande þat xall be in the worlde withowten eende. Bot in the deye off doom, qwhan all xall ryse ande be departed asunder – the goode ffro the yll, the goode to the blysse, the yvell to the peyne – þan þis dede man, þat endede in luff ande charyte, as I eyere seyde, he xall lyffe thys blyssyd lyffe þat neuer xall have ende, qwher euermore is joye ande blysse. To þis blysse he [vs]87 brynge. Amen.

85  xall be man] xall be man be. 86  thryste] schryfte Gg; thurste S; thyrste Ry; fryst B. 87  vs] S, Ry; is Gg.

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[23] [A Sermon for All Saints Day and All Souls Day]88

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Heere begynnethe the Storye off all sentys ande the ffeste off all sentys ande sawles. The secunde deye off Novembyre we halowe the solempnyte off owre Lorde ande off all seyntys, þat is vndurstonde off owre ladye Sent Marye ande off all holye awngells in heven, patriarkys, prophetys, apostels, euangelystys, martyres, conffessores ande virgens, ande all þat been chosen to the blys off heven. Nowe vndurstonde qwhye þis solempnyte was made ande hoo was cawse it was ordeynde ande howe it began to be halowed ande to be worchepyd. Ther was be olde tyme a tempyll in the cyte off Rome, þat was callyd Panteon. Ande as ffor as myche as in that tyme thee pepull off the citee worchepyd ffalse goddys, ande so in þat tempyll the hethen men worchepyd heyre mawmentys. Thys name off Panteon is a name off Grue, þat is vndyrstonde ‘Pan’, þat is in owre tunge ‘all’ – ande ‘theon’ – þat is in owre tunge ‘goddys’. Ande þise too, ‘Pan’ and ‘theon’, was sett togedur and seyd ‘Pantheon’, þat sygnyffyethe ‘all goddys’. And in that tyme, þer was ane holye man, pope off Rome, qwhos name was callyd Boneffas, ande ane emperour þat hyghʒt Ffoca. Ande þis tempyll off this ffalse [[f. 26v]] goddys, þat fforseyd Boneffas desired off the emperour to þis entent þat he wold voyde owte off that tempill all ffeendys. Ande he wolde haloo the same temple in the onowre off owre Ladye and all sentis. And qwhan he had gete thee same temple off the emperour, he ordeynde þat owre Ladye ande all seyntis schuld be worchepyd ther in the ffyrst dey off Nouembyr. And þat was ordenyd ouyr all Crystendome ffor all seyntys þat dey xuld be worchepyd, ffor þis: þat a man meye not haloo all seyntes deys. Therffor þat deye is ordeynd ffor to worchepen all seyntes and cum to thee ioye off heven, et cetera. The ordenawnce off this ffeste owre Lorde declarethe in this maner: þer was a munke at Rome, þat owre Lorde loved myche. Þat monke in the euenynge was with hys bretherne as in the vigill off this ffest and, as he rest hym in hys bed, the awngell off God rauysched the sawle off thee munke and bare it into heven. And the sawle off thee monke sawe the maieste off owre Lorde standynge, ande a qwhen cam byfforne hym, and a grete multitude off virgeyns and com to the kynge. And affturward com xij ffadurlye men befforne the kynge ande stode bye hym. And affturward ther com a grete multitude off knyghʒtys and all honowred the kynge. Theyr wer so manye þat þei myʒt not be nowmberde. The awngell seyde to the sawle: ‘Be noghʒt afferde ffor þu xalte see the glorye off God’. And þan theyr com a gret multitude off prestis and þat on euerye side. Ande all wer in qwhyte clothynge and com befforne the kynge and stoden there. And whilest þei stodeyn ther, one off hem began matynes and all thei holpen hym. Ande than 88  Title superscr., illeg., dh.

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the sawle seyde to the awngell: ‘Qwhat been this marveylls?’ And the awngell answerd ande seyde: ‘Þat qwene89 is owre Ladye with all holye virgenys, the wyche have suffered martirdame ffor Godys luffe. Bot þis ffeste, [[f. 27r]] the qwhyche cristen men worchep in honour off all seyntys,90 and nowe thei ʒelden to the kynge thankys, þat hathe so myche worchepyd them. And thei prayed to the kynge ffor the pepull off the worlde, þat he wolde have mercye þat so myche worchep done hem this deye ande to all seyntes. The xij men þat þu sawe been the apostells. Ande the knythʒtys þat þu sawe arne martyrys. The greet multitude off clerkys þat þu sawe arne conffessorys and ther been manye amongys hem þat have noon odyr ffeste. Þan cristen men make þis deye, and þis dey þei gladen and joyen and prayen too God ffor the pepull, þat he have mercy on hem, þat doone hem so myche worchep. Ande he þat began matins is Sent Petur, in qwhos been all chyrches ande sawles.’ ‘Þan’, seyde the awngell to the sawle off the munke, ‘ʒitt I wyll brynge the too anodyr steede, theyr þat þu xalte se the merveyle off God’. And he bare the sawle to a grete hyll, abowte the qwhyche hyll was a brennynge water, in the qwhyche was a grete multitude off men as it wer grawell off the see. Sum off hem wer in the watur too the chyn, and sum to the breeste, and sum to the knees, ande sum to the anclees. Ande afftur þat the awngell [bare the sawle]91 to a mydewe, þat was murede all abowte with precious stonys. Ande in that medewe were sytes off golde schynynge and beddes off golde schynynge and beddes off golde made rede, þat smelled ouer all spices or anye meetys. Ande qwyle the sawle so stoode ande wondered qwhat thei were, so sodenlye þer com off ʒonge chylderne as off a ʒonge age. And þat multitude off chylderne was so grete as sterres off heven ande gravell off the se, all syngynge and schynynge and syttynge in thee newe seetys ande restynge in the precious beddys. Ande qwyle the chylderyn made þat joye, the mete was arayed off all kynnes meetys þat myʒt be thoghʒt or [[f. 27v]] spoke with tunge off man. And þat wyhle þat all setyn ande etyn, sodenlye ther com so ffele beggars þat no man myʒt nowmbyr hem ande all stondynge withowte thee wall off the mydewe ande beggen. Ande no man gaffe to hem allmes, ande the sawle seyde: ‘A! God, qwhat am I to qwhom so manye merveles been schewde too?’ Ande the awngell seyde to the sawle: ‘I wyll schewe to the \and/ make the to knawe all þise thyngys þat þu haste seen: this mydowe is paradyse, qwher as the dules xall not cum, and þe place þat Adam92 trespaste in; and thoo childerne þat þu sawe in the ffyre been the sawles þat been in purgatorye. All the sawles qwhan thei goo ffro thee bodye, yff þei have not doon werrye penawnse ffor heyre synnys, 89  qwene] /quew qwene. canc. 90  Sign in the margin pointing to omission. 91  bare the sawle] om. Gg; brouʒt the sowle vnto] Speculum Sacerdotale, p. 222. 92  Adam] Adam /y\, canc.

Quires 2 and 3 [ff. 8r–30v]

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been sent into þat ffyre theyr to abyden vnto that tyme þat þei have ffullffyllyd heyr penawncee. And afftur þat þei been purchod, þei be put into anodur place ande ther þei xall dwell tyll the deye off dome. And þan the bodyes ande the sawles xall be togedur in blys withowten eende. Ande also all the sawles þat þu sawe in the ffyre bene sawles the whyche, afftur the tyme off penawnce, dwellen in the ffyre ande have ffreendys in the worlde, þat prayen ffor hem ande ʒeven almes ande doone odyr goode deedys ffor hem. Ande all the beggars þat þu sawe been sawles in prison, thee qwhyche þat have no ffreendys in the worlde to praye or to [do]93 almesdedys ffor hem. Also thoo þat þu sawe, þat weren in the mydoo and gaffe not to the beggars, tho wer thei þat wyll not have compascion off the pore here in erthe. Ande therffore þei xall beggen when þei been in purgatory off them þat been here in erthe. Nowe have I tolde to the all thise thyngys, nowe wyll I restore the to þi bodye aʒeen. Ande tell þu qwhat þu haste seen to the pope off Rome, þat like as he hathe ordeynde [[f. 28r]] this deye in the worchep off all sentys, ryghʒt so hee myʒt the nexte deye þat all the sawles, as wele þei þat have noo ffrendys as thei þat have ffrendys, myʒt be prayed ffore. And so all Cristen sawles myʒt [be]94 reffresched bye prayer lyke as all the sentys in heven wer worchepyde bye prayer. Ande þan afftur all þis was doon, þan the awngell broghʒt the sawle to the bodye. And þan in þat tyme odyr monkys off his brethern supposed he had bee dede ande made redye hys sepulture and so bare the bodye to the bereynge. Ande qwhiles the monkys abyden the makynge off the grave, the monke þat semed dede com to lyffe ande sat vp ryghʒt on the beere ande axed qwher the pope was. Ande thei tolde hym qwher and thei \wer/95 full sore afferde. Ande than the monke wente to the pope and tolde hym qwhat he sawe. Ande qwhan the pope herde all his talys he was ffull gladde ande comawnded all his clerkys to cum togedur, ande tolde hem qwhat the monke had seyde. Ande so, be cownsell off his clergye, the pope comawnded thoroo all Cristendam þat, ryghʒt as we haldon the ffyrste deye in the worchep off all seyntys, so xulde we worchepyn the secunde deye. We xulde halden and cum to the chirche to praye ffor all Cristen sawles þat þei myʒt cum to þe blys. Amen.

93 do] om. Gg. 94  om. Gg. 95 wer] superscr., dh.

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[24] [A Sermon for a Wedding Ceremony]

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[[28v]] Worchypull soffereyns here we [be]96 assemylde affore God, hys awngells and all hys seyntys, by the vertu off the blyssyd sacrament off matrimonye off too persawnes to make one, þat is to been off one concente and off one wyll. The qwyche oned betwyx man and woman to be had was exspressed by the sentence off God in hys ffyrst fformacion qwher as he seyd: Erunt inquit duo in carne vna. ‘There xall be’, seythe Almyʒty God, ‘ij dyfferent and diuerse persawnes in bodye and in sawle, the qwyche xall be made one fflesche and blode thoroo the blyssyd sacrament off matrimonye’. Thys seyd most blyssyd sacrament off matrimony Allmyʒty God hymselff institute and ordenyd in the blyssyd and joyffull place off paradyse affore anye syn was97 thoghʒt or doo – originall, veniall or actuall – and so was noon off all the todyr vj. And so it was ordeynyd in remedye anense syn and to the conffirmacion and nobyll encrece off morall vertues to be possessyd in manys saule in hys pilgrimage goynge honorablye to the ryall cyte off Ierusalem, clepyd heven. [[f. 29r]] Almyʒty God seyng by the merrour off hys Godhede that Adam so beynge sole, mankynde myʒt neuer a been meliorate ne encresyd, qwherffore blysfully he seyde, Non est bonum hominem esse solum; ffacciamus ei adiutorium simile sibi. ‘It is not good’, seyd allmyʒty God, ‘man to be alone; late us make to hym a creature to be to hym releve, socour and helpe, lyke vnto hym in fflesche and blode’, in qwhom he xall execute and excercyse the inwarde beemys off hys luff, and ther hys herte to sett above all odyr creatures next Allmyʒty God. And than þis glorious Lorde – Tulit vnum de costis Ade dormientis – he toke one off the rybbys off Adam beynge in slepe þere, þe disposycion off Allmyʒty God. And þan ffurmyd owre ffyrst modur Eva, þat sche xulde be vnyd and knytt to owre fforme ffadyr Adam, with hym to be on[e]d in bodye, in fflesche and in blode and one in sawle by verre stedffast luff in mynd thoroo þis blyssyd sacrament off matrimonye. Qwyche sacrament was ffullffyllyd and made parffyte qwhan Adam inspired with the spirett off Godys knawlage seyd theys wordys, Hoc os de ossibus meis et caro de carne mea. ‘O good Lorde’, seyd Adam, ‘þis woman fformyd by thy myʒti power ordenyd to be my ffellawe, I vndurstonde be þi blysfull inspirynge þat þise materiall bonys off thys [[f. 29v]] woman cummyth off my bonys and thys fflesche sensibyll cummythe off my fflesche. I and sche to be one body, on fflesche and one blode and to [be]98 one in mynde by stedffast luff, by the mene off thys blyssyd sacrament. Now in thys glorius formacion off the good Lorde, institute

96 be] om. Gg. 97  syn was] syn /q\ was, canc. 98 to] om. Gg.

Quires 2 and 3 [ff. 8r–30v]

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and ordeynyd, and so in man and woman to be continued to avoyed and aschewe all ffornicacion and awowtree vnto the ende off þe worlde. Here is to be had in rememberaunce þat Allmyʒty God fformyd woman \ nor/99 off the hyest party off man, þat is ffor to seye off the hede, nere off the lawest party off [man]100 þat is the ffoot, bot off a rybbe off the syde not ffere ffrom mannys hert in token þat woman xuld not vsurpe to have dominacion ne promynens above man, ne man xulde not sett woman in hys conseyte in vile subieccion or exill, dignite off worchep and reverence benethe hym, bot woman to be egall and ffellawe vnto man as a true ffere and make in verre stedffast luffe. Adam and Eve thus creatyd and fformyd off Allmyʒty God, he blyssyd them and gaff to them thys comawndement, Crescite et multiplicamini, et replete terram, et subicite eam, et dominamini piscibus maris et volatilibus celi et vniversis animantibus, que mouentur super terram. ‘Growethe and multipliethe and ffullffyllythe the erthe with your ffrute’, seythe Allmyʒty God, ‘man to be lorde and prince, woman to be [[f. 30r]] ladye and princes101 off ffysches and ffowles and off all thyngys þat is induyd with lyffe sensative þat arne mevyd vpon erthes. And I wyll þat ʒe and yowre ffructe, þat cummythe by naturall cowrse and propagacion, be inhereditours off the blys off heven, and to þat johye to atteyne by parffytt luff and humull condicion off mekenes, ther to restore the casure and the ydus ffall off awngell[s], qwyche ffell thoroo desyre off inordinate worchep, laborynge to vsurpe the dignite off the hyest soffereyne Allmyghty God, the originall maker and fformare off all creaturs.’ Qwherffore ʒe soffereyns, at þis tyme beynge present, disposyd in mynd and wyll be one consente thoro the meyne off parffyte luff, grownder and begynnar off all vertues, to reseve þis blyssyd sacrament off matrimonye, I xall seye to yowe at þis tyme as Criste seyd to hys discipull[s]: Estote perffecti sicut Pater vester celestis perffectus est. ‘Be ʒe parffyte in body and sawle as your Ffadyr off heven Allmyghʒty God is parffyte.’ The Ffadur off heven is so parffyte þat no straungenes off mankynde wyll cawse hym to withdrawe the sun beemys ffrom the herte. And he makethe [[f. 30v]] the sun to doo hys offyce and to schyne bothe vpon them þat arne goode and vpon them þat arne odyr weys disposyd. So in lyke wyse, ʒe to soffereyns at this tyme stabyll yourselff so stedffastlye in luff, \þat/102 nether worde ne langwage, cowntenawnce ne dede, make yowe to withdrawe the beemys off parffyte luffe as longe as ʒe lyff togedur. Ffor luff is the begynnar and grownde off þis blyssyd sacrament off matrimonye. Item the ffadyr off heven is so parffite þat the ffadyr and the son and the holy goost arne iij persawnys and 99 nor] superscr., sh. 100 man] om. Gg. 101  princes] princes /a\, canc. 102  ʒat] superscr., sh.

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one God, so þat in thise iij persawnys restythe vnyte and onyd in all theyr werkys. Lyke wyse, ʒe soffereyns, at þis tyme by the mene off this blyssyd sacrament, be ʒe parffite as longe as ʒe xall naturally lyff togedyr as ʒe xall be one in body, fflesche and in blode, lyke wyse to be stedffast and parffite with oned in luff in your sawles withowte discontinuawnce. The glorious apostyll ʒiffynge to yowe holsum cownseyll þat [n]edyr103 poverte ne aduersite, ryches or plentee, sekenes or defformite make yowe thoroo anye blast off temptacion to disolve \or loos/104 thys solemne knott off matrimonye þat I purpos to knytt affore God, his awngells and all hys sentys in heven, Quia quod Deus coniunxit, homo non separat. Amen.

103  Possibly [t] corrected into [n], sh. 104 loos] superscr., sh.

QUIRES 4 AND 5 FF. 32R–59V

[25] In Solemniʒacione matrimonij

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[[f. 32r]] Moste worchipull ffrendys,1 we be cum hedyr at þis time in the name off the Ffadur, Son and Holy Gost, in þe honerabyll presens off owre modur gostly holy chyrche, to conioynyn, knytt and combyne thyse ij persawnes by the holy sacrament off matrimonye grauntyd to þe holy dignite and ordyr off presthode. Qwyche sacrament off matrimonye is off this vertu and strengthe þat þise ij persawnes, qwyche be nowe too bodyes and ij sawles, durynge2 theyr lyvys togedur schall be [b]utt one fflesche and ij sawles.3 Acordynge to thys, the holye evaungeliste in the gospell – Math. 19 – seythe,4 Propter hoc dimittet homo patrem et matrem et adherebit uxori sue, et erunt duo in carne vna. ‘Ffor thys’,5 seythe the holy euaungeliste, ‘a man xall leve ffadur and modyr and drawe to hys wyffe ffor thei xall be too sawles in one fflesche’. This is wele ffiguryd, Genesis primo, qwhan Allmyʒty God had fformyd6 owre fforne ffadur7 in agro damasceno, to the resemblauns, similitude and ymage off the blyssyd Trinyte by hys only worde – Quia dixit et ffacta sunt – and putt them [with]8 hym in that precious place off paradise. Þan, þat good Lorde off hys goode grace to the cowmfforthe, solace and recreacion off Adam toke a ribbe ffrome the syde off Adam, he beynge on slepe. God blyssyd itt and fformyd a woman theroff [[f. 32v]] to be helper liche vnto hym, seynge, Crescite et multiplicamini, et replete terram, dominamini piscibus maris et volatilibus celi, et cetera. ‘Encrese, multiply and replesche ʒe the erthe, be ʒe souereyns and lordys ouer all the ffysches off the see, ffowles and byrdys off þe eyre and all þat berythe lyffe vpon erthe’, Genesis i°. And qwhan þis was doon by the wyll and the handwarke off God, than bothe Adam and Eve obesiauntlye consentyd to thys matrimonye qwhan Adam seyde, Hoc os ex ossibus meis, et caro de carne mea, ffor thyse wer 1  [godde Christen people] superscr., dh. 2  Sequencesuperscr., illeg., dh. 3  Sequence superscr., illeg., dh. 4  Sequence superscr., illeg., dh. 5  Sequence superscr., illeg., dh. 6  [and made] superscr., dh. 7 [Adam], superscr., dh. 8 with] conjectural but plausible because a word has been effaced.

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the sacrament wordys in tho deys, secundum Reymundum ca° de matrimonio, ‘This bon off this woman is off my bonys and this fflesche off thys woman is off my fflesche.’ So thei wer ij sawles and one fflesche and like as it was the plesure and thee wyll off Allmyʒty God to make them one fflesche and ij sawles, ryghʒt soo it is the effecte nowe off the sacrament off matrimony in all holy chyrche. Fferthermore, it is to wete þat euery man and woman þat be maryed and knytt by the sacrament off matrimony, þei muste be vndyr the bonde and ʒoke off God on iij maner wyses. Ffyrste, vndur the bonde off honeste and worchep in werkyng, the secunde vndur the bonde off true luff and ffeythffull in lyvynge and thee iijde vndyr the bonde off obediens and continuall [[f. 33r]] abydynge. Ffyrst I seyde weddyd9 man and woman muste be vndur the bonde off honeste and worchep in werkynge, þat is to seye þat þei xall do ryghʒt noghʒt that be aʒense the oneste and ordyre, disteynynge the sacrament off matrimonye nor displesyng God in noo wyse. Secundly, thei must be vndur the bonde off true luff and ffeythffull in liffynge, þat is to sey that with all theyre hertis effectually to luff them togedyr withinfforthe by inwarde affeccion, withowtefforthe with gode acorde, pees and quiete by dileccion and bothe withinfforthe and withowtefforthe by goode werkynge and ffrutffull operacion. And ffor this cawse is the ryng putt and sett by the husbonde vpon the iiijte ffinger off the woman ffor to schewe þat a true luff and precordiall affeccion must be betwyxe hem. Cawse qwhy? As doctours sey, ther is a veyne cummynge ffrome the herte off a woman to the iiijte ffinger and therffore the ringe is putt on the same ffingar þat sche xulde kepe vnite and luff with hym and he with hyre. The iijde I sey þat weddyd10 man and woman must be vndur the bonde off obediens and continuall abidynge, þat is to sey þat eyther off them xulde supporte, help and cowmfforthe11 in sekenes and in helthe as longe as thei lyff togedur to the worschep and plesure off Allmyghʒty God. Moreouer, ffor iiij cawses [[f. 33v]] we a\r/ne12 grettly to have thys sacrament off matrimonye in reuerens and worschep. One ca\u/se is ffor God hymselff was ffryst ffounder and maker off the sacrament off matrimonye. The secunde ffor it was made and ordeynyd off God in the moste precious place that he wroghʒt vpon erthe ffor it was in paradise terestre. The iijde cawse ffor it was the ffirst sacrament þat God ordeynde and the iiijte ffor Holy Chyrche hathe admittyd it to be one off the vij sacramentys off Holy Chyrche. And ffor thys cawse is the

9 weddyd] canc., [maryd] superscr., dh. 10 weddyd] canc., dh; [a maryd] superscr., dh. 11  [one another] superscr., dh. 12 arne] canc. dh, [oughe?] superscr. dh.

Quires 4 and 5 [ff. 32r–59v]

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palle holden ouer theyr hedys in the messe13 tyme ffor the palle representethe the dignite off matrimony. Also it is to wyte þat þis holy sacrament off matrimony muste be reseyvyd with a devowte herte, a clene sawle and a pure entente. Therffor, Holy Chyrche exortethe, cownselythe and ordenythe þat bothe14 [þe] man and the woman be reconcylyd to clennes off lyffe by conffessyon befforne the matrimony is solemnesyd ffor thee encresynge and augmentynge off grace ffor he þat reseyvythe it with a sinffull sawle and a corrupte entente, he reseyvythe not the Holy Goste. And he þat reseyvythe not the Holy Goste, he reseyvythe no grace nor owre Lorde God þat is grownde off grace. Qwherffore we all þat be present here xall beseche owre Lordys mercy þat þise ij persawnes mey be worthye to reseyve þis holy sacrament off matrimonye with devowte hertys, clene sawles, with pure entente duly to kepe þeir chargys and beheestys.15 Amen.

13 messe] canc.dh, [communion] superscr., dh. 14  A word superscr., illeg., dh. 15  chargys and be] canc., dh; [and promises] superscr., dh.

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[26] Dominica Prima Aduentus Domini

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[[f. 34r]] Worschypffull ffrendys, thys dey is the begynnynge and þe ffirst dey off Aduent and þe gracious cummynge off owre suffereyn Lorde Criste Ihesu. Exsperiens schewethe þat in the absens off a kynge, or ellys yff a kynge be not had in reputacion, ffavour, worchep and drede lyke as schewythe a sovereyn awethe to be, offtyn there growethe and encreseth myche malyce and wykkudnes, and, schortlye to speke16 off ffalshed, syn and [vn]trawthe17 have then grete dominacion. Ffor than be spolyacions, robbryes, deseytes, tresons and many wrongys doo withowte correccion and cawsethe offtyn tyme the pepull to be rebell and ryse anenense the pees, as it had lyke ffor to have be in thys reem within ffewe ʒeers, had not God schewed to vs off hys good grace. Liche wyse it is in this chyrche militante qwher as owre soffereyn Lorde Criste Ihesu is kynge in qwhos garmente is18 wrote, Rex regum et Dominus dominancium. He is kynge off kyngys and Lorde off all lordys. Thys soffereyn kynge off all kynges is absent as offte as synnys, transgressions, wykkudnes and malyce encreseth and growethe in the pepull, þat is to sey amongys the spiritualty, temporaltye and the commualtye, aʒense thee lawes off God. And therffore to pes the pepull in thys chyrche mylytante, the euaungelyst Seynt Mathew in the gospell off thys dey gyffythe warnynge19 to all Cristen pepull, seynge, Ecce rex tuus venit. ‘Behold and see thy soffereyn kynge cummythe to the’, Mathew. As he sey: beware off the wrongys þat þu haste wroght aʒense the lawes off God, ffor nowe in the cummynge off thys hevenly kynge xall be [[f. 34v]] schewyd lawes off iustyce and ryghʒtwesnes, by thee qwyche trespasers and overleders xall be chastesed and correctyd. Worchypufull20 ffrendys, ʒe xall vnderstonde þat affore the cummynge off owre Lorde Criste Ihesu, mankynde erred and went wyll ffrom the ryghʒt wey [in]21 iij diuerse weys: by the exortation and sterynge off iij ffals leders and gydys. Ffyrst by instigacion off the devyll, by hys dysseyttys, wyles and wrenches, by the wey off pride and elacion; the secunde by the weye and sterynge off the worlde with hys riches, by the wey off covetyse and avaryce; and the iijde by the deceyveable ffragilite and ffrelenes off the ffals fflesche, by the wey off vnleffull lustys, off lychere and vnclennes.

16  speke] H, R; seke Gg. 17  vntrawthe] trawthe Gg, vntrewthe H. 18  in qwhos garmente is] in qwhos is garmente is. 19  warnyng] warnnyng Gg. 20  worchypfull] worchypuful Gg. 21  in] by R; om. Gg.

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Bot beholde þat mankynd schulde be withdrawe and constreynyd ffrom the vices and be reducyd to the ryghʒt wey off vertu. Owre souereyn saveour Cryst Ihesu cummythe vnto vs on odyr iij wyses. Ffyrst in the wey off obediens, mercy and mekenes aʒens the devylls pride, malyce and wykkudnes; the secunde he cummythe by the wey off pacyens and pouerty anense the worldys ffalsness, wyles and sotelty, and the iijde by thee wey off continense and clennes aʒen the ffrele fflesches, corrupcion and wrechednes. Ffyrst I sey owre suffereyn Lorde cummythe to schewe mankynde the wey off obediens, mercy and mekenes aʒens the devylls pride, malyce and wykkudnes. Ffor befforne hys precious passion, he was obedient vnto the Ffadur in blys, seynge, Non mea voluntas, sed tua ffiat. ‘Ffadur in heven, I confforme to þi wyll, not as I wyll bot as þu22 wylte have it.’ Also þat good [[f. 35r]] lord Criste Ihesu ʒaffe exawmpyll to mankynde to be buxum, bonour and mylde qwhan he was obedient nether to kynge ne to hye and myʒty prince, bot to Joseph þat lyvyd bye the crafft off carpentry, and to hys pore modur he was sogett, Erat cum subditus illis, Luce 2°. Thys myʒtffull kynge Criste Ihesu, at is cummynge as a merciffull lorde, all wey he ioyethe off gode men and meke. And qwhan he sethe and perseyvythe the contrite herte off a synner, redely he grauntythe his gode grace and mercy to the amendynge off hys lyffe, and gyffythe ffull remission off syn. Ffigeur off this, De ffilio prodigo, Luce, that qwhan þat vicious son had consumyd, wastyd and distroyed hys goodys with comon wemen by vnclene lyffynge, anone as he askyd mercy off hys ffadyr and seyde, Pater peccaui, et cetera, ‘Ffadyr, I have synnyd affor God and the, nowe am I not worthy to be callyd thi son’. Than fforthewith hys ffadur was mevyd to mercy, he kyssyd hym and toke hym to hys good grace. Petrus de Ravensis, that grete clerke, seythe vpon the same gospell off Luce in this wyse to sinffull man, Quare, inquit, moramini in peccatis vostris? Quare non reditis ad patrem? non enim dixit isto ffilio prodigo, ‘ubi ffuisti? Ubi sunt que tecum tulisti?’, nec ‘tanta et tantam turpitudinem communicasti?’, sed continue ait ‘profferte stolam primam’, quia delicta ffilium non vidit vis amoris, hec ille. ‘Qwhi’, quod this grete clerke, ‘abyde ʒe still and continue in your synnys, ʒee sinffull creaturs? Qwhy gre ʒe not and returne to your mercyffull ffadur Crist Ihesu?’ He seythe not to hys vicious [[f. 35v]] son, mankynde, ‘qwher haste þu be’, nor he axethe not ‘qwher be the goodes þat þu haste dispendyd’, nor ‘qwhye haste þu comittyd þat syn or that syn’. Bot he seythe Profferte stolam prima, ‘brynge fforthe’, quod þat mercyffull ffadure, ‘hys ffirst clothynge’, þat is to sei the grace þat he reseyvyd at the ffunt stone. Ffor the enteere luff off the ffadure consydyr not \yt/ deffawte off the son.

22  þu] þi Gg.

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Therffor must euery man and woman do qwhane he hathe myspende hys tyme thoroo synfull lyffynge. Late hym remembyr and go aʒen to hys ffadyr mercyffull Cryste Ihesu with a meke herte and sey, as this vicious son seyde, Pater, peccavi in te, non sum dignus vocari ffilius tuus, ‘Ffadur, I have synnyd, I am not worthee to be callyd thi son’. ʒit merciffull ffadur, ffor thi grete mercy, make me one to be off the nowmbyr off savyd sawles’. And qwhan that mercyfull Lorde se thys mekenes and hys contrite herte, withowte ffeyle hee xall reseyve hym to hys mercy and gyff hym a kysse off perpetuall pees and fforʒevenes, and so to be in his goode grace. In token off this, þat mercyffull Lorde sufferde hys armys to be spredon brode vpon the crosse to halse the and take the to grace. He bowyd downe hys hede to call the to penawnce. He suffyrde hys precious syde to be peryschyd and sched owte hys herte blode to have thi contrite herte. Bot ʒit, gentyll seres, note wele thys, owre mercyffull ffadyr dothe as the maner and the vse is off men off worschep þat [[f. 36r]] have gentyll hawkys. Qwhan thei have lete them fflye afftur the game, thei call them aʒen to hande. Bot qwhan thei wyll not redely cum, the meyster þat kephethe the hawke hathe a reclamatory to call with all made blody, or ellys a parte off rawe fflesche off sum best or ffowle, that the hawke the rather wyll cum downe to hande. Ryghʒt so, owre merciffull Lorde Criste Ihesu seeynge mankynde loste ffor syn, not redely wyllynge to here the call and voyce off God, thoroo pite and mercy he is mevyd, and steryd and ascendyd vpon the crosse ffor manys redempcion, qwher he schewyd opunly in the mownte off caluery hys precious body ffrom the hyest parte off the hede to the lawest parte off the ffoote, all sprengte with blode, þat synffull man, qwhan he perceyvyth thys grete kyndnes off God, the rather xulde fforsake hys syn. Bot I dred me it is off manye vnkynde creatures as it is off ane hawke þat is not crafftele recleymyd or ellys, qwhan sche is23 ffull ffed, þan wyll not cum to the call nor ffor mete þat is profferde to hyr. Ryghʒt so, vnkynde creatures, howe so be it thei here off Crystis pascion and hys dethe, ʒit neuer the more thei wyll not fforsake heyr syn. Proverbium 1, Vocaui uos et renuistis, ‘I have callyd yowe’, quod owre merciffull Lorde, ‘and ʒe wyll not knawe my voyces’. So thus have I schewed ʒowe the ffyrst way off owre lordys obediens, mercy and mekenes aʒense the devylls pride, malyce and wykkudnes. I seyd also the secunde wey þat owre mercyffull Lorde com by, it is the wey off paciens, pouertee aʒene the worldys ffalsnes and soteltee. Owre mercyffull Lorde Criste Ihesu in hys cummynge he chees pacience, pouerte and lovyngly schewyd it vnto vs. Lyche as a good [[f. 36v]] and a luffynge leche or a ffrendffull ffecicyane, the medecyne þat he makythe ffor the seke, he wyll taste it and aseye 23  sche is] sche is /not\, canc.

Quires 4 and 5 [ff. 32r–59v]

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it þat the seke xulde not drede to reseyve it afftur. Qwherffore, off the doctrine off thys gracious Lorde, the holy apostells toke exaumpyll off pacyens [and]24 pouerty, qwhan thei fforsoke all worldly welthes and ffoloed Cryste. Beholde! And a lorde son and hys aeyer dysdeyne or fforsake hys ffadur armys or hys baner and flee theyrffroo withowte onye occasion, wele meye he be callyd a cowarde and ane vntrue son worthy to have a rebuke off hys ffadur. Ryghʒt so, euery true Cristen man þat is callyd the son off God is worthy to be callyd a kynde cowarde and ane vntrue son, þat is afferde to bere the banere off the kynge off euerlastynge blys, qwyche baner is the signe off penawnce and off pacience and off pouerty, qwyche þat good Lorde toke vpon hym, Cum pro nobis pauper ffieri voluit. Qwhan þat thys \kynge/,25 þat is kynge off all kyngys and Lorde off all lordys, wylffully forsoke worschip to be made pore ffor owre sake. Yff þu wylt enqwere qwhat precious paleys or hy hall had þat good Lorde in hys cummynge into thys worlde or qwhat cheff chawmbyr he had at hys blyssyd byrthe, beholde it was a stabyll servyd ffor bestys, ffor in a beestys bynne, cribbe or mawngeour he was leyde. Qwhat maner off meynee had he abowte hym? Certys ane oxe and an asse. Qwhat mete had he? Not ellys bot26 the mylke off hys swete moders papp. Qwhat clothes or garmentis had he? Not ellys bot hys dere moders lapp. Qwhat servawntys had he, bot allonlye [[f. 37r]] hys pore moder ioyfullye cheryschynge hym. Qwherffore seythe the holy proffitt, Dimul in vnum diues et pauper. ‘Bothe was togedyr in that soffereyn Lorde, riches, pacyence and pouerte.’ Riches, ffor he is soffereyn Lorde and God. Pouerte, ffor he is man, Quando verbum caro ffactum est, ‘the son off God is cum man’. Sent Austine, De sacramentis, seythe that merciffull Lorde Criste Ihesu was so pore in his manhode þat he had no place off hys awen to be borne in in hys blyssyd natiuite. Qwhan he was borne, ther was no place assygned to ley hym in, the place was so pore. Qwhan he was goynge fforthe in the worlde, he had not qwher he myghʒt reste vpon hys hede. And qwhan he dyed ffor manys redempcion, he had ryghʒt noghʒt to couer hys nakyd bodye, ffor all nakyd he was neyled to the crosse. So than this is the secunde wey off Criste: the wey off pacience and pouerte aʒense the worldys ffalsnes and sotelte. The iijde wey and cummynge off owre soffereyn Lorde Criste Ihesu is the wey off continence and clennes aʒen the ffreel fflesche ffragilite and wrechednes. Thys precious vertu off continence and clennes mey wele be assemyld to ane erbe callyd agnus castus, off þe qwyche spekethe Albertus, De Vegetabilibus liber 6° capitulo 5°. Thys grete clerke seythe þis erbe, agnus castus, in somyr it bryngethe fforthe ffeyr ffresche fflowres, leves and ffrute, and off hys nature and kynde it desyrythe hote and drye. The leves, fflowres and ffrute be vertuous to kepe and cause continence 24 and] om. Gg. 25  superscr., sh. 26  bot] bot bot.

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and chastite yff þei [[f. 37v]] be caste in howses or borne vpon a man. Yff we speke off thys erbe gostly, agnus castus, it mey be seyde the holy crosse, qwhos ffrutte is agnus inmaculatus, þat chaste and inmaculate lambe Criste Ihesu.27 The levys off thys precious herbe Cryste Ihesu it mey be seyde the wattre wowndys in Cristis precious body. Bot as longe and qwhan þe ffrute off thys herbe, Criste Ihesu, be sprynkytt and strewyd in the howses off owre sawles with continuall and besye deuocion, than pure continence, chastite and clennes xall not ffeyle, to the qwyche continence men be assemlyd to angellys, Quia angelis cognata est virginitas. Therffore, in signe off pure chastite, meydenhode and clennes, owre soffereyn Lorde Criste Ihesu electe and chase to be a meyden. He wolde be borne off a meyde and also be baptysyd off a meyden. Thys is than, as I seyd, the iijde wey and cummynge off continence, virginite and clennes aʒense the ffrele fflescheis ffragilite and corrupcion and wreschednes. Nowe than sethe this gracious Lorde and kynge off blysse hathe off hys godenes schewyd vs the weys off vertewe and grace in hys blyssyd cummynge, lete vs as hys ffeythffull ffoloers welcum þat gode Lorde in clennes off lyffe aʒen the iij gostly emnyes, the ffeende, the fflesche and the worlde seynge thus, Excita quis Domine corda nostra ad preparandas vnigeniti tui vias vt per eius aduentum purifficatis tibi mentibus seruire mereamur. [[f. 38r]] Oo, þu mercyffull Lorde, mekely we beseche the, excite and stirre vp owre hertis be thi goode grace to welcum and areye \to/28 the holy and vertuous weys off thi onlye begotun son, þat by hys gracious advent and holy cummynge we mey be worthee to serve hym in clennes off lyffe to hys plesawns, qwyche graunt vs that merciffull saveour þat is nowe cummynge ffor manys saluacion. Amen.

27  Criste Ihesu] Criste Ihesu /it mey be seyde\, canc. 28  superscr., sh.

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That holye doctour Isidorus wrytythe in the storee off þe blyssyd natiuite off Cryst the cawse off institucion off that holy ffeste seyynge on thys wyse: ‘Afftur þat owre fforne ffadur Adam had despiced and broke the precepte off God in paradyse and obeyed to the dules suggestione,29 fforthewythe he was drevyn owte off that precious place by ane aungell off God as apostata and a rebellyon to God into this vale off misere and tribulacion off þis wreched worlde. ‘Bot alas ffor soroo’, quod this holy doctour, ‘not allonly he, bot all thoo þat schuld cum afftur hym xulde suffer bodele dethe and goo to hell’. Ther was no man þat myghʒt do remedy and odyr cowmfforthe, Trenorum primo, Non est qui consoletur ex omnibus caris eius. Bot almyʒty God, Pater misericordiarum, ffadur of all mercys, þat euer cowmffortythe vs in owre tribulacion, perceyvyd and behelde the heve þat man was in. He sent downe God the son, the secunde [[f. 38v]] persawne in Trinite, with mercy assigned into a meydens wombe þat neuer knewe off manys ffelochep in thoghʒt nore in dede, and by inspiracion off the Holy Goste was conceyvyd with God the secunde persawne in Trinyte. And vpon Cristes dey he was born off that glorious virgine and meyde Marye, inviolate, withowte syn and peyne. And than all owre syn30 and soroo was turnyd to solas, owre wepynge chawnchyd to ioye, owr labour to eese, owre aduersite to prosperyte and owre dampnacion to saluacion wan Criste was borne. Than was truse take and perpetuall pes made betwyxe God and man, awngell and man and betwyxe man and man qwhan holy multitude off awngells songe with hevenly voyces – Gloria in excelsis Deo, et cetera – ‘Ioye, worchep and reuerence be to Almyʒty God in heven, pees and vnyte in erthe to men off good wyll’. It is to wete þat I ffynde iiij thyngys notable to manys saluacion by the blyssyd byrthe off Criste. Ffyrste, good werkis be schewyd plenteffusly. The secunde, welthe is declared with mercy. The iijde, ffrom endles woo we be made ffree. And the iiijte, ffrom gostly corrupcion clene purged we bee. Ffyrste I seyd in Crystys blyssyd byrthe good werkys be schewyd plentef fusly. Philisaphres sey þat ffor the grete inffluens off hete, the son is callyd Pater omnium planetarum methomatice, ffadyr off all planetys. We se by exsperiens, lyche as the son by hys presens with the hete off hys bryghʒt beamys schynynge is cawse off generacion and produccion off ffrutys, fflowres and herbys vpon þe erthe, and the absens off the schynyng off the son [[f. 39r]] cawsethe offt tymes the longar or than erbys, ffrutys and fflowres spryng and ffloresche, ryghʒt so owre

29  suggestione] /precept\ suggestion, canc. 30 syn] canc.

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soffereyn Lorde Criste Ihesu is callyd the wysdam off thee ffadur in heven by the grete schynynge influence vnto creatures, in as myche as all thyngys by made by hym, Per ipsum omnia ffacta sunt, Ioh. primo. Wele mey þan þat luffynge Lorde be callyd Pater omnium creaturarum, Fffadur off all creatures ffor off hym is owre begynnynge and by hym we be ffed, noryschyd and cheryschyd. Ffor lyche as the blyssed presens off allmyʒty God by hys inffluent grace makythe vs all to do wele and proffit in good werkys, ryghʒt so hys absens be cawse off owre synnes, makethe vs bareyne and voyed off vertu þat we mey not growe be grace. Ffor as we se by exsperiens, in seeke and ffebyll creatures, qwhan the dey is done and nyghʒt cummyth vpon, it is grevous and more tedious to the seeke. Bot aʒense the dey, in the spryngynge off the son, the seeke is more cowmffortyd, slakyd and allevyd off hys peyne. Ryghʒt so in lyche wyse, all mankynde was bareyn off grace and seke ffor syn, bot nowe in the spryngynge off the blyssyd byrthe off Criste Ihesu, manhode31 is deliuyrde ffrom all sekenes off dampnacion. The qwyche gracious Lorde is verre son off ryghʒtwesnes as the Wyse Man wrytythe, Sol uisticie per omnia prospexit, et gloria domini plenum est opus eius, ‘Owre soffereyne Lorde Cryste Ihesu is verre sun off ryghʒtwesnes, beholdynge all thyngys and hys ioyffull werkys be ffull off grace’, Ecclesiasticus 42°. Thus, I mey vereffye þat in Cristis blyssyd byrthe goode werkys be schewyd plenteffusly. I seyd also þat welthe is declared with mercy. The nature and the property off a chylde is þat he cannot noye ne bere [[f. 39v]] no rancour within hym nor wrathe, how so be it þat þu bete hym or chastice hym. Bot as sone as þu schewe to hym a ffeyr fflowre or a rede apyll, he hathe fforʒete all þat was do to hym befforne, and he wyll cum rynnynge with hys halsynge armys to plees and kys the. Ryghʒt so gostlye, Almyghʒty God the Ffadure off heven, off hys goode grace and plentyffus mercy he sent downe God the secunde persawne in Trinyte to take owre nature vpon hym, ffor in hym is no rancour bot all mercy and godenes. And yff þu have offendyd hym thoroo custum off syn, yff þu wylt schewe to hym the ffeyr ffloreschynge fflour off contricion and the rede appyll off satisfaccion, anon þat mercyffull Lorde with hys halsynge armys off hys mercy and pitee wyll reseyve the to hys good grace and mercy. Thus I mey verreffye that welthe is declared with mercy. I seyde also þat ffrom endles dethe we be made ffree. It is to wyte þat vpon all crafftis off medsynes, it is not ffowndyn þat sodenly a seke man xall ryse and recure to helthe withowte sum tyme off abydynge er than he be restored to hys ffyrste helthe. Bot þan, yff it myʒt be ffowndyn syche a cunnynge leche þat cudde and wolde by hys science and helffull medecyns recure a seke man sodenly with[owte]32 intervall off tyme and restore hym to hys ffirst myghʒt and

31 [Kynde] superscr., dh. 32  withowt] without H, R; with, Gg.

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strengthe, wele myghʒt he be callyd a meyster leche. Bot withowte ffele, syche one is owre soffereyn Lorde Criste Ihesu, by hys blisfull byrthe, the best and most cunnynge leche þat euer was, qwhan mankynde was not allonly seeke bot dede withowte hope off lyffe, in so myche þat he was broghʒt to the sepulture off hell, to qwhom noo prophete myghʒt doo remedye nor discipline off the lawe bot allonlye [[f. 40r]] that luffynge leche and soffereyn Lorde Criste Ihesu by hys blyssyd byrthe. Sent Awstine, þat holy doctour, De verbis Domini, seythe thus, Non liberaretur genus humanum, inquit, nisi verbum Dei dignaretur esse humanus. ‘Mankynd’, quod Sent Austine, ‘xuld neuer a be dilivyrde ffrom the thraldom, bondage and servage off the dule, had not owre soffereyn Lorde God vouched saffe to take owre nature and to becum man ffor owre redempcion’. Thus I mey wele sey and conclude that ffrom endles dethe we be made ffree. I seyd also and schortlye þat ffrom gostly corrupcion, clene purged we bee. Experience schewethe þat a goode vessell and wele vined conservythe the wyne goode and ʒevythe þerto redolent relees and savour. Qwherffor, yff a man desyre to make a vessell wele releste and tastyde, hym behovythe to put therin sum swete smellynge spices or ellys hy and myʒty wynes þat schulde make swete and good savour. Ryghʒt [so],33 befforne Cristys blyssyd byrthe, ther was no wessell in mankynde þat myʒt holde and kep grace ffor all mankynde bot at was corrupt and inffecte ffor the syn off Adam. And so hys ffirst grace was corrupt and broke. The holye prophet Dauid seythe, Ffactus sum tanquam vas perditum, ‘I am made as a vessell þat is broke’.34 Qwherffore, in as myche as all mankynd was not abyll to reseyve grace, owre sawles mytʒt not brynge fforthe sweche as was medeffull, meritory and proffitable. Bot nowe qwhan owre suffereyn Lorde Cryste Ihesu, secunde person in Trinite, was cum downe ffrom the Ffadyr off heven into a pure vessell and inmaculate the [[f. 40v]] meydens wombe withowte syn, þat blyssed and vertuous vessel, oure lady Sent Mary, was ffull off grace – Quia opus excelsi – ffor sche is Goddys awne handwerke, Ecclesiasticus 44to. Than anone the redolent rennynge revers and vertuous water off owre saluacion plentiffuslly efflowed. And þat befforne was byttur by dampnacion, nowe is made swete be Cristis incarnacion. So than I mey verreffye that ffrom gostly corrupcion clene purched be wee. That is to sey by the grete grace and myʒtffull mercy off owre saveour Cryst Ihesu thoroo hys holy byrthe. Thus hys myʒt, mercy, benyngnyte and grace is plenteffusly profferde to vs þat wer danmyd to perpetuall dampnacion by Goddys ryghtwisnes, yff he had not schewde off hys mercy takynge owre nature at thys tyme. Sent Paul, that holy 33  so] H, R; om. Gg. 34  as a vessel þat is broke] canc., dh.

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doctour, acordythe to this in a pistyll þat he sendythe Ad titum seynge: apparuit benygnitas et humanitas saluatoris nostri Dei: non ex operibus iusticie, que ffecimus nos sed secundum suam misericordiam saluos nos ffecit. ‘Nowe’, quod þis holy doctour Sent Pawle, ‘plenlye it apperethe the bowntevous beningnyte and myʒtffull manhode off owre soffereyn saveour Criste Ihesu; we be not savyd by the werkys off ryghtwisnesse þat we have wroght, bot by the plenteffus mercy off hys goode grace, he hathe made vs saffe ffrom the dolorus daunger and dredffull derkenes off euerlastynge dampnacion’, Ad titum 2°. Therffore, vpon the holy doctrine off Sent Paule, late35 vs lyff in thys worlde sobyrly, ryghtwyslye and holyly at thys tyme and [[f. 41r]] welcum this luffynge Lorde Criste Ihesu with clennes off lyffe, þat vouched saffe to reseyve owre nature off mankynde ffor owre redempcion and sure saluacion, þat we mey cum to þat blys þat owre mercyffull saveour boghʒt vs too by hys incarnacion and blyssyd byrthe. Amen.

35  late] þat, Gg.

Quires 4 and 5 [ff. 32r–59v]

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Worchipull ffrendys, I ffynde in Legenda sanctorum þat iiij cawsis in specyall we awe to have the holy ffeste off circumcicion off owre Lorde, þat is callyd Newe ʒer Dey, in grete reuerence and worschep. Ffirst cawse is and reson ffor it is the viijte dey off Cristis blyssyd byrthe and incarnacion. Ffor yff we be bundyn by the ordenawnce off holy chyrche to have in worchep the viijte dey off odyr seyntys in the ʒer þat were bot membyrs off Criste, myche more be we bondyn to have in reuerence the viijte dey off Crystis byrthe, the qwyche is Lorde and soffereyn ouer all seyntys, ffor hys incarnacion was begynnynge and principall off owre saluacion. The [second]36 cawse qwhye we xuld have thys holy ffeste in reuerence ffor cristis holy name was ʒove þat dey to hym by imposicion. It is to wete þat vpon Newe ʒer Day was ʒove to owre Lorde God Criste Ihesu a newe name, Quod os nominum nominauit. Ther were ʒove to hym þat dey iij names, as the gospell wyttenes, þat is to sey Ffilius Dei, Cristus et Ihesus. The euaungelist Sent Luce in the gospell [seythe]37 he was namyd the son off God becawse he is God the secunde persawne in Trinytee. [[41v]] Also he is named Criste ffor he is bothe God and man takynge at this tyme owre nature on hym. Moreouer he was named Ihesus, þat is to sey saveour, ffor Ihesus is a name off grete excellence and worchep, Quia secundum canones, ther xuld no creature here thys name Ihesus rehersyd bot at he schuld incline and bowe downe, doo worchep and reverence vnto yt, ffor all awngel and sentis in heven, all dules and ffendys in hell and all creatures in erthe bowe downe and knele to thys name Ihesu, ffor it is a name þat excellythe all names [to]38 manys endeles saluacion. Ffor thoroo the blyssyd byrthe off Ihesu owre saveour, allthoo off mankynd þat were dampnyd to perpetuall peyne and dampnacion, nowe thei be save to be inheretours off endeles saluacion. The iijde cawse qwhi this holy ffest off circumcicion xulde be solemnysed, it is þat blyssyd blode off Cristys schedynge by effusion. Ffor þat [dey]39 in ffulffyllynge off the lawe off Abraham he sched ffirst þat dey hys precious blodee. Yt is to wete þat v tymes owre soffereyn saveour Ihesu bled ffor mankynde. The ffirst tyme, as I seyd befforn, on Newe ʒere Deye qwhan he was circumsisyd, qwyche was the begynnynge off owre redempcion.

36  second] H, R, om. Gg. 37 seythe] om. Gg. 38  to] H; om. Gg. 39  dey] H; þei] Gg.

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The secunde tyme was befforne his precious passyon in ane agonye qwhan he made hys prayer to the Ffadur in heven. Thee manhode off hym swett water and blode ffor drede off hys dethe, ffor the desyre off owre redempcion. And the iijde tyme, Crist bled qwhan he was scowrged off the cursed Iues ffor the meryte off owre redempcion. The iiijte tyme was qwhan he was hangyn and put vpon the crosse qwher euery veyne and synwe off hys blyssyd bodye [was]40 all to brast so stretly he was [[f. 42r]] streyned off the cursyd Iues. And þat was the rawmsone off owre redempcion. The vte tyme and the laste was qwhan hys precious syde was perchyd with a scharp spere vnto hys herte, qwyche was the sacrament off owre redempcion and ffull rawmson peyde, qwhan theyr ranne owte plenteffusly bothe blode and water, qwhiche ffigured vs þat we must be clensed and purched by the water of baptyme that hathe the effecte off [þe]41 blode and water þat ranne from Cristis syde. The iiijte cawse and reson qwhy the ffest off Newe ʒer muste be solempneʒed, it is ffor the holy token off Cristis circumsicion þat owre soffereyn Lorde Crist Ihesu wold so vowtsave þat dey to take vpon hym in hys tendyre age off viijte deys elde to save vs by þat holy signe ffrom the power and daunger off the devyll, aʒense the originall syn off owre fforne ffadur Adam. Ffor thyse iiij cawses and resons in especiall cauthethe thys ffeste off Cristis circumsicion to be solempniʒed and worschepyd. Therffore ʒe xall cum to Holy Chyrche at thee reuerence off Cristis circumsicion.

40  was] H, R; om. Gg. 41 þe] om. Gg.

Quires 4 and 5 [ff. 32r–59v]

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Worscipull ffrendys, it is to wete þat ffor iiij grete ande mervelous meraclis þat wer schewed vpon xijte dey, thee holy ffeste off the Epiphanye gretly awethe to be worchepyd. One was as it is wrytun in the gospell off Sent Mathewe þat is redde in holy chyrche the same dey, Mt. Qwhan owre soffereyn Lorde Criste Ihesu was born in Bedlem Iude in the deys off Herode the kynge, iij crownyd kyngys proffecyed off Crystis natiuyte, cummynge owte off þe eest vnto Ierusalem to the qwyche place and orient sterre broghʒt them to Bedlem. Bot qwhan thei com to [þe]42 sytee [[f. 42v]] off Ierusalem, thei askyd ‘Qwher is he borne \þat/43 is kynge off Iues’. ‘We have se’, quod þei, ‘and orient sterre in the eest and we cum to worchep hym’. Qwhan Kynge Herode herde off þise wordys, he was gretly turbylde and all Ierusalem with hym. Than Herrode gaderde togedure all the princes off prestis and scribes off the pepyll and he axed off them qwher thei red44 by prophecye þat Criste xulde be borne. And thei seyde: ‘In Bedleem Iude, ffor it is wreten in prophecye’, quod thei, ‘þat in Bedleem xulde be borne a chylde þat xulde gyde and gouerne the pepull off Israel’. Than qwhan Kynge Herode herde off thys prophecye, he called vnto hym thyse iij crownyd kyngys. He bad them: ‘Goo and diligently enqwere off that chylde; and quan ʒe have ffunden hym cum aʒen by me’, quod Herode, ‘and I wyll worchep and reuerence hym’. Soo thyse kyngys toke fforthe þer iurneye and the schynynge sterre beffore them vnto thei com to Bedleem. And qwhan thei com to þat place qwher þat soffereyne Lorde was with hys modyr Maria, anon thei ffell to ffoote and reuerently worchepyd hym with golde, mirre and ensence. And as thei xuld returne home aʒen, ane awngell in heyr sleppe monysched hem þat þei xulde not goo by Herode; and as it was the wyll off God, thei toke anodyr wey into theyr region and cuntree. Thys is the litterall sence off thee gospell off þat deye. Thus thyse iij kyngys offerde golde, encence and mirre. Ffirst, þei offerd golde ffor lyche as golde is most precious off metalls so is he Kyng off all Kyngys and Lorde off all lordys. Þe secunde thei offerde encence. Encence is a swete smellynge thynge qwyche is vsed in chyrches [[f. 43r]] to diuine seruis and worchep off God, and it is acceptabyll with diuocion and preyer in the syghʒt off God. Therffore offerd thei encence tokunnynge þat he was verre God. Thei also presentyd myrre qwyche is a precious vntment þat conservythe and kepythe a dede body ffrome corrupcion. Therffore offerde thei myrre in tokun þat 42  þe] the O, om. Gg. 43 þat] supersc. 44  red] red /þ\, canc., sh.

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he xulde dye and suffur peynfull dethe ffor manys redempcion. This grete miracull is growndyd in scripture red in Holy Chyrche the same deye: ibant magi, quia viderant, stellam sequentes preuiam, et cetera. 40

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Anodyr miracull was schewyd the same deye by the revolucion off the ʒere qwhan Cryste was xxxti ʒere off age. He com ffrom Galalye into ffloom Iordane vnto Sent Ion, Mt.3°, to be baptiʒed off hym, qwher was schewde the verre visione off the blissyd Trinyte: God the Ffadyr in heven was herde in voice, seynge, Hic est ffilius meus dilectus. ‘This is my wele belovyd son.’ God the secunde persone in Trinyte was ther in fflesche and bodye and God þe Holy Goste, iijde persawne in trinyte, was ther present in the similitude off a dowe, Luce. Thus ther was the Ffadyr, the Son and the Holy Goste, iij persawnes and one God at that blyssed baptym off Cryste to wasche awey owre synnes. Qwherffore Holy Chyrche syngythe þat same deye: lauacra puri gurgitis celestis agnus attigit, et cetera…

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Þe iijde mervelous meracull was by the reuolucion off the ʒer þat same dey þat Criste was xxxj ʒers and xiij deys off age, qwher owre soffereyn Lorde Crist Ihesu was at a maryage at the ffest off Archdecline in Chana, Galilee, qwher þei ffeyled [[43v]] wyne. And ffor as myche as he wolde be knawe þat he was verre God, ther he turnyd the water into wyne thoroo myghʒt off hys Godhed. Therffore Holy Chyrche redythe that dey nouum genus potencie, aque rubescunt ydrie

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Þe iiijte meracull was schewde the same dey as by thee revolucion off the ʒere, as Ianuens wyttenesythe. Qwhan Criste was xxxij ʒeres off age and xiij deys, grete multitude off pepull ffoloed hym in deserte as the gospell off Sent Mathewe [makethe]45 mencyon, Mt. Qwhan thei ffeyled mete and bodele sustenawnce he ffed v \ml/ pepull with v loves so þat euery man and woman sufficiently was saciate and reffresched. And afftur mete and ffedynge ther were borne vp xij lepffull off releffe and broke mete. Ther schewyd þat gracious Lorde a grete myʒt off hys Godhed. 45  makethe] O, om. Gg.

Quires 4 and 5 [ff. 32r–59v]

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Ffor thyse iiij cawses and meraculls þat God schewed þat dey, þat holy ffest off the Epiphanye awethe to be hadde in reverence and worchep as Cristis awne deye. Graunt vs, þu mercyffull Lorde, so to worchep and reuerence thee in thys deserte lyvynge þat we mey cum to þat blys þat neuer schall have endynge. Amen.

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[30] Dominica Septuagesime Euaungelium

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Worchipull ffrendys, it is wreten in the gospell off Sent Mathewe redde þis dey in Holy Chyrche, Mt. 20, that owre soffereyn Lorde Crist Ihesu seyd to hys discipulls this parabyll: the kyngdam off heven he assemlyd and lykynde to a goode husbonde þat goethe owte eyrlee to hyer and to purveye ffor werkemen into hys vyneʒerde. And qwhen he ffonde syche as plesyd hym, he made cownawnt [[f. 44r]] with them ffor a peny on the deye and sent them fforthe into the vyneʒerde. Then he went owte aʒen the iijde owre afftur ffyndynge moo werkemen stondynge voyed and ydyll seynge to them: ‘Gothe into my vyneʒerde and þat ryghʒt is I xall gyffe yowe’. So efftsones he gothe owte aʒen abowte the vjte and the ixte owre and dyde the same. At the laste, abowte the xj owre off the deye, he went owte aʒen and theyr he ffonde moo stondynge to qwhom he seyde, ‘Qwhy stonde ʒe all dey ydyll and do noo werke’. Thei answerede: ‘Ffor no man hathe hyred vs’. To them the gode husbond seyde, Ite, et vos in vineam meam, et cetera. ‘Go ʒe into my vynʒerde’. Qwhan the dey was done, the gode husbonde seyd to hys servawnt, procuratour off þe vine, ‘Call in the werkemen and pey them theyre deyes wagees bothe one and odyr. Goo as wele take to them a penye on the dey þat cam laste as wele as þei þat cam ffirste’. Then þei þat cam ffirst desyred to have had more to theyr hyre and thei gruched and wer displesed with the good husbonde off the howse, seynge thus, Hii nouissimi una hora ffecerunt, et cetera. ‘Thyse þat cam laste in one howre have done and þu gyffyste þem as myche as vs þat have laburde and traveylde all the hete off the dey.’ To on off them the good man off the howse seyd: ‘o þu my ffrende, I doo to the no wronge, knawyst not þu wele þat I made cownawnt with the ffor a penye on the dey? Take þat is thyne off ryghʒt and goo home. I wyll gyff as myche to them þat cam laste as to the. Supposist not þu þat I wyll doo46 as it please me? Or ellys þu arte ffrawarde and wykkyd and wrathe ffor I doo wele.’ So xall the laste be egall to the ffyrste and the ffyrst equall to the laste. Manye be callyd bot ffewe [[f. 44v]] be chosen. This is the litterall sence off the gospell off thys deye: This gode husbonde and wys husbonde is vndurstond owre suffereyn Lorde allmyʒty God þat offt tyme enterythe into hys vyneʒerde þat is to sey manys sawle by inwarde inspiracion off grace. Bot it is to wyte þat a vyneʒerde is callyd many wyses in scripture and vndurstonde more þan by manys sawle. Ther is one vyneʒerde þat is called the vine off synners and cursed men bot þat vine is not Goddys bot rather the vine off the dule. And ffor to plante in this vineʒerde the devyl goethe47 owte and bryngethe in werkemen afftur hys devyse

46  þat I wyll doo] þat I wyll do þat I wyll doo. 47  goethe] growethe, canc.

Quires 4 and 5 [ff. 32r–59v]

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and plesure, þat is to seye prowde men, invious men, wrathfull men, slawthffull men, covetous men, glotenous men, vicious men, lyers, slawnderers, bacbyters, extorcioners, oppresers off pore men, theves, mychers, sodomytes and all siche, Deuteronom xjmo, vua eorum una ffellis et botrus amarissimus. The grape and the cluster þat cummythe off thys cursed vyne is bytter as gall, ffor it bryngethe men to desparacion and endles dampnacion. The lorde and meyster off thys vyne is the devyll, ffadur and ffownder off all vices, goynge and sekynge qwhom he mey devour. Ther is anodyr vyne, þat is the vyne off Holy Chyrche and good Cristen men, and þat is Goddys vyne, Vineam de Egipto transtulisti. ‘Þu, good Lorde’, quod Dauit, ‘þu hast remevyd and take the vine ffrom Egipte, þat is to sey ffrom the devyll, and made the vyne off holy chyrche þi vyne’. God hathe plantyd this vyne off Holy Chyrche and good Cristun men with hys holy handys and plenteffusly he hathe wattyrd it with hys holy blode in hys peynffull passyon. And hys laborers and true werkemen in þis [[f. 45r]] vine be good men and women þat se God by theyr verry ffeythe and gode werkys. Ther is the iijde vine and þat is manys sawle in clene lyffe boghʒt with the precious blode \off criste/,48 þat is Goddys vine qwher off the gospell spekythe þis deye. And as a vine muste be knytt to reyles and roddys þat it49 fall not downe to the grownde to be destrued ne trodun vndur ffeet, so must thys vine. Manys sawle be knytt vnto Criste with the bondys off Goddys comawndementis and closed abowte with the pale50 off parffite charyte to kepe the vine ffrom bytynge off manys sawle off the dule bestys, þat is to sey the sotyll suggestions off the dule, the fflesche and the worlde þat yche dey and nyghʒt be besye to distroye the vyne off manys sawle \þat/51 was redemyd with Crist precious bloode. Ther is the 4te vine and þat is þat vertuous virgine owre Lady Sent Marye, synffull manys mediatrice and þat is also Goddys vyne, off qwhom the Wyse Man spekythe, Sap. 24, Ego quasi vitis ffructifficaui suauitatem odoris; in me omnis spes vite et virtutis, in me omnis graci, vi[t]e et veritatis. ‘I, fflour off all women and modur off all mercy, I, as a vine have fflowred and ffloresched the swetnes off all savour and benynglye broghʒt fforthe the ffeyre ffrute off honour and honestee, I, the modure off leffull luff and off drede, off grete excellence and hevenlye hope, in me is’, quod þat52 lady, ‘all grace and vertu; in me is all singuler hop, all lyff and all truthe.’ Wele mey than þat mercyffull meyde and modyr off God be callyd

48  superscr., sh. 49  it] is. 50  pale] /pla\ pale, canc. 51  superscr., sh. 52  þat] þat /þat\, canc.

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a vertuous vine þat broghʒt fforthe Criste, the grape off excellent swettnes off mercy [[f. 45v]] to synfull mannys sawle. Ther is the vte vyne þat is to sey owre soffereyn Lorde Criste Ihesu as the holy euangelyste Sent John wyttenesythe, Ego sum vitis, vos palmites, Ioh 14. ‘I am the verre vyne and ʒe the brawnches.’ The swete wyne off this vine is Cristis precious blode sched ffor manys redempcion. The pure and the clene vessell þat conservyd and kepte þis dowcet wyne off Crist precious blode, \it/53 is hys precious body, qwyche was attamed and besely abrochyd54 vpon Gode Ffrydey, qwhan Longius perschyd and opynde hys syde with noo small gemelott nor persour, bot with a scherpe spere vnto hys herte. And ther he ʒaffe plenteffusly drynke off grace and remission to manys sawle þat thyrsted afftur mercy. The vjte vine and the laste is called the blysse off heven and thys precious vine55 abryngethe fforthe clere wyne off enduryng saluacion, Vnum propheta – calix Dominum quam preclarus est. That is to sey, the blys off heven boghʒt with Cristis dere dethe and bitter pascion is ffull clere to savyd sawles. Thys is clere wyne off indurynge ioye and gladdenes and is withowte dreggys off doole, soroo, turbyll and tribulacion. Therffore þat merciffull Lorde Criste Ihesu xall ʒiff to thee swete wyne to drynke off euerlastynge saluacion to hys ffeythffull servawntis þat wylffully wyll fforsake synne and perfforme parffyte penawnse in this lyffe. And ther he xall ʒiff to rewarde the dey a peny off endles joye to all þat labour in clennes off lyffe, qwyche graunt vs þat merciffull Lorde þat is þe verry vyne off owre saluacion and so to lyffe in þis worlde þat we mey receyve the peny off endeles joye. Amen.

53  superscr., sh. 54  abrochyd] /brothed\ abrochyd, canc. 55  and thys specious vine and the laste is called the blysse off heven] canc.

Quires 4 and 5 [ff. 32r–59v]

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Owre soffereyne Lorde Criste Ihesu in the gospell off þis deye, Luce 8, seyde vnto the pepull þat was ny hym off diuerse citees this similitude: ‘Behelde’, quod owre soffereyne Lorde, ‘he þat sawethe goethe owte to sawe hys sede, and qwhan it is sawe, sum off the sede ffallethe nye by the weye and comonly þat is trodun with man and beest, and byrdys gladlye ete it and destroy it.56 Sum off thee sede þat is sawe perhappes ffalle vpon the stones and qwhan it xulde cum to the spryn\g/ynge,57 yt dryethe aweye cawse qwhye ffor it hathe no moyster to qwyke the rote. Sum sede is sawe and ffallethe amonge thornes that dystroyethe the sede and wyll not suffer it to cum to ffull spryngynge nor growynge. Sum sede is sawe vpon good londe, wele tylled and sesonde, and þat ʒeldethe an[e]58 hundyrffolde the seede.’ The discipulls off Criste vndurstode not this parabyll and þan Criste expownyd it vnto them in this wyse: ‘The sede þat is sawe it is gostly the vertuous worde off God. So þat parte off sede þat is sawe ny by the weye trode with man or beste or byrdys bere it awey, it signyffyethe syche men þat here the worde off God qwhan it is preched and tawghʒt, bot qwhan þei have herde it, the devyll by sotyll suggestion revythe and takethe aweye the verry beleve off the worde off God ffrom theyr hertys, þat syche thyngis as thei have herde preched and tawghʒt thei xulde not beleve ne werke theyrafftur to the saluacion off theyr sawles. Ffor by the byrdys is vndurstonde the dule that noyethe manys sawle. Ffor lyche as the byrdys fflye beselee abowte the goode sede qwhan it is caste vpon the goode erthe, [[f. 46v]] ryghʒt so the dule wachethe and wakythe the hertys off true Cristen men to take awey the beleveffe off holy wordys off true doctrine þat is tawghʒt and preched. That parte off sede þat ffallethe vpon the stonys, it signyffiethe syche men and women þat been diligent \and/59 atandawnt and ffull gladde to here þe worde off God and abhorre the synnes and vices þat þei have hadde in custum, vepynge ffor heyr synnes and in purpos then to fforsake heyr synnes and do goode dedys. Bot anon as thei behelde ony thyngys þat is desyrous or concupisibyll to the syghʒt, thei fforgete Goddys worde and returne to þeir synnes vsed beffore tyme and customyd. Thys seede is sawe vpon the herde stone and it hathe noo rotys ne moyster, ffor qwhen it xulde cum to the ffull spryngynge off gode werkys it dryethe aweye. The seede þat is sawe amongys brereys, bremles and thykk thornes and wasted 56  destroy it] distroyet. 57  superscr., sh. 58  ane] and. 59  superscr., sh.

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with wykked wedys, it signyffyethe syche men ande women þat pacientlye here the worde off Godde, bot neuer the lesse thei wyll not sese off heyre synne bot ʒeff them to vnleffull lustys off lothely lycherye and concupicence off the fflesche. So qwhen they xulde cum to the ffrute off good lyffynge and ryghʒtwesnes, þei be strangulde and ouergoone with the breres and vices off vnclennes. The goode sede þat is sawen on goode londe þat proffytythe and bryngethe fforthe plentiffusly, is vnderstonde syche men and women þat with good wyll, herte and affeccione devowtlye here the worde off God and perfforme it and brynge fforthe ffrute in parffite pacience to Goddys plesawnce. Ffor thei þat here the worde off God and doe [[f. 47r]] theyrafftur be blyssyd off God, Luc 11. Qwhen owre suffereyn Lorde God preched vpon a tyme vnto the pepull, ane holy woman seyd to Cryste with lowde voices: Beatus venter qui te portavi, et vbera que suxisti. Doctours seyn this womanis name was Marcella, the seruaunt off Martha, þat seyde þise wordys to Criste, ‘Blyssyd be þat holye wombe þat bare the and the blyssyd breestis þat ʒaffe þe sowke’. Than owre Lorde seyde, Quinimmo beati qui audiunt verbum Dei et custodiunt illud. ‘More rather be þei blyssyd þat here the worde off God and doe therafftur.’ Therffore it is necessarye þat euery man consider wele and reuerentlye receyve the substanciall seed, the worde off God, þat hee mey brynge fforthe the ffeyr ffrute off vertuous werkys and vndurstond qwhat scripture seythe off synners þat wyl not besee them ner labour to brynge fforthe the ffeyr fflorychynge ffrute off good werkys, Terram inffructuosam et spinosam. O homines reprobos et peccatores, iustus iudex in die judicii maladicet et in ignem eternum mittet, quibus dicet, ‘Ite maledicti in ignem eternum qui preparatus est diabolo et angelis eius’. That vnthryffty soyele and vngracius grownde þat is to sey wreches and synners þat brynge not fforthe no goode corn off gode werkes bot thornes, brymbylls and baren breres off synnes and cursudnes, þat londe at the dredffull dey off doome owre suffereyne Lorde xall curse and commyt it to euerlastynge ffyre seynge thus: ‘Goo ʒe cursyd into euerlastynge ffyre ordeynyd to the dule and hys seruauntys’. And contrarye þat good Lorde and ryghʒtffull juge xall doe to thoo men þat grownde them in vertu and bryng fforthe the ffeyre ffrute off goode werkys. Them owre Lorde xall blys, qwhen he xall sey thyse wordys, Venite benedicti patris mei, percipite vobis regnum, et cetera. ‘Cum ʒe my blyssyd chylder and take ʒour rewarde, the blysse off heven, ffrom þe begynynge off, et cetera.

Quires 4 and 5 [ff. 32r–59v]

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[32] Dominica in Quinquagesima

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[[f. 47v]] We rede in the gospell off Sent Luce, Luce 18, that qwhen owre soffereyn Lorde Criste Ihesu went tawarde the citee off Iherico, ther satt a blynde man besyde the wey askynge almes. Qwhan he herde gret multitude off pepull cummyng, beselye he axed and enquered qwhat myʒt þat be and thei seyde þat Ihesus off Naʒarethe xulde passe fforthe bye. And anoon he cried with lowde voyce, Ihesu, ffili Dauit, Miserere mei, ‘Ihesu, the son off Dauit, have mercy on me’. So thei þat went befforre bad hym be still. He wold not cese bot beselee cried ‘Ihesu, the son off Dauid, have mercy on me’. Thane owre soffereyn Lorde Criste Ihesu stode still and comawndyd þat the blynde man xulde be broghʒt to hym. And þan Crist axyd hym: ‘Þat woldyst þu þat I do to the’. To qwhom he seyd, Domine vt videam, ‘Lorde, þat I mey see’. Than owre merciffull saveour seyd vnto hym, Respice, quia ffides tua te saluum ffecit; ‘See and beholde, ffor thi ffeythe hathe saved the’. Anoone thys pore blynde man, by the myghʒt and the power off God, had clere syghʒt and ffoloed Cryste magneffyyng hys good grace. Than the pepull þat ffoloed, beheldynge this grete meracull, thei gaff lawde and praysynge to God. This is the litterall cense off a parte off the gospell off this dey. Gostly by thys pore blynde man is vndurstond mankynde þat was cast owte off paradyse ffor the syn off Adam. Ffor mankynde was made so blynde60 ffor hys syn in brekynge off the precept off God, þat he myghʒt not se the clernes off hevenly lyghʒt bot worthye to suffer blyndnes off endles dampnacion. Bot Almyʒty God, by hys good grace and mercy, hathe made mankynde þat was bothe pore and blynde to se clerlye by hys precious passion, qwhan he sched hys precious hertys blode to make mankynde to see and ryche to be inheretour to the kyngdam off blys. Wele mey he then be callyd a blynd man [[f. 48r]] þat cannot ner wyll not ryse ffrom syn and behelde and se the clernes off euerlastynge lyghʒt qwhan owre Lorde seythe Respice, ‘se or beholde’. Ffirst, se wysely within the thyne awne vnclennes in lyffynge. Se warly benethe the hell sinffull sawles receyvyng. Se above the besely God cheffe justice all this worlde demynge. And se discretly all abowte the Godis mercy man redely receyvynge. I seyde ffirste se wiselee within the thine awne vnclennes in lyffynge. Experiens schewethe þat yff a man had within hym ane eddyr or a serpent, or wer inffecte with ony dedlye venum, no dowte off euery wyseman wolde not cese vnto he61 \ wer/62 voyed þeroff and dilivyrde off that venum dedlye. Bot qwhat man or woman þat be in dedly synne, he hathe venum within hym most dedly ffor it sleethe the

60  blynde] /kynde\ blynde, canc. sh. 61  he] he/r\, canc. sh. 62  superscr.

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sawle þat mey not dye, it is immortall. And syn mey [be]63 callyd a venum most hevy and ponderous, ffor als sone as it is in a man or a woman, it sufferethe hym not to goo one ffote to heven warde bot euer downwarde to hys dampnacion. Ffor thys venemous byrdyn syn was so hevy þat qwhan Luciffer had synned in heven, heven myʒt not holde hym ner erthe myʒt kepe hym, bot sodenly ffell downe to the dungeon off hell. Than mey synne wele be callyd a venum moste dedly and moste hevy. Therffore se wyselee within thee thyne awne vnclennes in lyffynge þat the rather þu mey be clensyd and purged off syn. Dedly syn is þat venemous and dedly dragon þat Ysaye, the holy proffytt, spekethe off, Ysaie 13, Repleta est domus draconibus. ‘The howse’, þat is to sey off manys sawle, ‘is repleched and acummerde with dragons’, qwyche is vndurstonde the vij dedly synnes. The ffirste dragon is pride. Se yff þu hast bee prowde64 off goodys naturall as a byrthe, off [[f. 48v]] kynred, bewtee, strenthe, wyt or wysdam, er be prowde off temperall goodys, off clothyng, howsynge, golde, siluer, catell, habour possessions or ony godys þat God have goffe the, or ellys be prowde off goodys, off grace or off ffortune or off vertu, good name, good fame, worchepis off offycis or ony odyr thyngis þat God hathe sent thee and not thankyd hym as is thy due to doo with all circumstance off pride. The secunde dragon is envye þat manis sawle is acumbyrd withall, the dules doghʒtur ffor it ffoloethe the condicion off hyr ffadyr. Comunly a ffadur xall luffe þat chylde þat is lyche hym in body and condicion. Ryʒt soo the dule, ffadur off envye, thoo men and women þat be invious he lovythe them. Owre Lorde God wyttenesithe in the gospell, Vos ex diabolo patre estis; et eius desideria perfficitis, Ioh.8. Thyse wordys Criste seyde to the invious Jewes and to all envious men and women: ‘ʒe becum off þe dule your ffadur and hys desires ʒe perfforme and doo’. Invye is in wyll, in worde and dede. It is a grete hertely soroo to ane invious man to here off anodyr manys wele ffare, joye or ffelicite and aʒenwarde it is ane hertely joye to here off hys evyll ffare, soroo and aduersite. Invious in worde thoroo disclawnderynge and bacbytynge, seyynge werse behende hym than he wolde do befforne hym. Invious in dede thoroo extorcion, wrongys, oppressionys and odyr invious werkys þat a man ymagenethe in hynderynge off hys evyncristen. The iijde dragon is wrathe, þat is qwhan a man is owte off charite. Off this dragon cummyth myche venum, chydyngys, schamffull wordes, lesyngys, sclawnderynge, vengawnce axynge, bodely [[f. 49r]] or gostely scornnyng, s­ trivynge, fflitynge, ffyghʒtynge and offt tymes manys slawghʒt, blasfemyng off the name off God with grete othes swerynge.

63  mey be] mey; is HR. 64  prowde] prownde.

Quires 4 and 5 [ff. 32r–59v]

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The iiijte dragon is covetyse thoroo gyle or disceyte, wrongffully to take aweye anodyr manys gode or vnleffully withhelde it or ellys desyre to be stronger, yongar, ffeyrer, wyser and rycher þan God hathe ordeynyd. The vte dragon is slawthe, slawe to do goode dedys, slawe to Goddys servys, slawe to ffullffyll the gode sterynge off the Holy Goste, not redy to worschep ne thanke God ffor hys precious passyon þat he sufferde ffor mankynde, bot offt in chyrche iangullynge or slepynge, slawe to fforʒeve and slawe to lerne the lawes off God. The vjte dragon is glotonye in takynge off metys and drynkis the more qwher as he myʒt be servyd with the lesse or doe anye surfett, eerly or late, hastely or gredely, qwher thoroo he is the werse disposyd to serve God or doe good dedys. The vijte dragon, þat manys sawle is acommurde with, is lycheree. Qwheroff cummythe myche venum as ffornicacion, advowttree, inceste, sodom, lecherous in handelynge, hereynge seynge, in kyssynge, spekynge with redy concente and the dede doynge and odyr many moo. Therffore, yff þu wyll be delyvyrde off thys seven dedlye65 dragons, þu must clense the by the sacrament off conffession off mowthe, contricion off herte and satisfaccion in dede and se wysely within thee thyne awne vnclennes in lyvynge as I seyde affore. I seyde also þu must se warlye benethe the hell synffull sawles receyvynge. In hell is ffyre þat mey not be qwhenchyd. Sent Iohn the Euaungeliste seythe ‘Yff it wer possibyll þat all the water in the see myʒt ouerfflawe hell, it xulde not qwenche þat ffyre’. [[f. 49v]] Ther is also intollerabyll colde, ffor ‘yff it were possibull’, quod Sent John, ‘þat ane hyll all on ffyre brennande were caste into þat colde, in the turnynge off ane nye þat brennand hyll xulde be turnyd into yse and yculls and ffresynge ffroste’. Ther is stynke and ther is all derkenes. Ther is schame euerlastynge ffor theyr synnes. Ther is horribull syghʒt off dules, dragons, wormes and serpentys to turment them. Ther is syghʒynge and sorowynge, wepynge and weylynge, hideous cryynge, grugeynge and murnynge, hungur and thryste irremediable with gnagynge off tethe withowte ende. Ther is also euerlastynge dethe, off qwyche spekythe Sent Gregor, 9° moralium. ‘Thei þat been in hell’, quod Sent Gregur, ‘thei be dyynge and neuer xall be ded’. Ther is endynge and noon ende, ffor þat dethe is all wey lyffande ande endynge is all weye begynnynge. Ffor thei þat been in hell xall desyre to dye and dethe xall fflee ffrom them, Desiderabunt homines mori, et mors ffugiet ab eis, Apoc. 4. Ffor it ffarethe by them þat been in hell as it doethe by schep þat pasture. Ffor howe so be it þat þei ete the gresse to the grownde, ʒit the rotys abyde styll redye to growe aʒen. Thus it ffarethe by them þat been in hell, all wey thei been dyynge and neuer xall be dede, sicut oues in infferno positi sunt mors depascet eos. As 65  dedlye] ddedlye.

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schep þat pasture on thee gresse, the rotes growynge aʒen, so pasturethe the dethe þat been in hell and neuer have ende. Qwherffore seythe the Wyseman, Memorare nouissima tua et in eternum non peccabis, ‘Have þu mynde off thine endynge dey and þu xalte not syn.’ Sent Barnarde in a sermonde þat he makythe, he seythe thus, ‘How so be it þat I had als myche wysdam as euer had Salamon [[f. 50r]] and als myche bewte as hadde Absolon and als myche strenthe and myght as euer had Sampson, qwhat xulde it aveyle me or proffytt qwhan my body xall be govyn to wormys mete and my sawle to be turment with the dule in hell withowte ende?’ A penis infferni libera me, Domine, ‘Lorde, ffor thi grete mercy, delivyr vs ffrom the peynffull preson off hell’. I seyde also the iijde, se above the beselye God as cheffe justicie all thys worlde demynge. At the dredffull dey of dome, Crist, cheffe iustice, xall sytt in hys maieste to deeme all thys worlde befforne hym. On hys ryghʒt honde xall stande66 all the holy cumpeny off hevenly spirytys, holy patriarchys, proffyttis with all the blissyd nowmbyr off postillys, martyrs, conffessores and virgines. Befforne þat gracious maieste off owre Lorde xall stande all the pepull, men and women in the worlde, full evyll adred and abasched qwher God xall schewe hys ryghʒtwesnes withowte mercy. That xall be a dey off turbull, tribulacion and distres, a dey off veniawnce, wykked and wrechednes and dey off wreche, off weylynge and off bitternes. Sent Gregore seythe heven, erthe, eyer, ffire and water, son and moone xall accuse and apeche sinffull man. Heven xall sey ‘I have ʒoven to the lighʒt off the sun, off the moone and off the sterres to þi cowmfforthe and solas’. The eyer xall sey ‘I have ʒove to þe man byrdys and ffowles off thee eyer to þi servys’. The water xall seye ‘I have ʒove to the man diuerse kyndis off ffysches to þi ffedynge’. The erthe xall sey ‘I have ʒove to the man brede, [[f. 50v]] wyne and beestys with all maner off ffrutys to thy reffreschynge’. ‘O’, seythe Sent Gregor, ‘howe dredffull xall bee þat dey off doome to all thos \þat/67 xall be dampynd!’ Above hym xall be God hys juge to ʒeve redye sentence aʒense hym. Benethe hym xall be hell, redye to receyve hym. On the ryghʒt syde xall be heyr awne synnes to accuse them. Vpon the lefft syde xall be inffenyte dules to drawe them to euerlastynge peyne. Within fforthe heyr awen consciens xall gruge and ffrete them and withowte fforthe xall be all the worlde brennynge all on ffyre. Thys xall be a dredffull dey off doome and it xall be a ryghʒtffull doome, ffor it xall neuer be revoked. Offull and soroffull xall be þat dey off dome vnto them þat xall be dampnyd perpetually, to qwhom God xall sey thise wrothffull wordys, Ite maledicti in ignem 66  stande] stande /on hys ryghʒt hande\, canc. sh. 67  supersc.

Quires 4 and 5 [ff. 32r–59v]

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eternum. ‘Goo, ʒe cursyd, into euerlastynge ffyre ordeynyd to the dule and hys aungell’, Mt. 24. O, ffull blyssyd xall tho men bee, þat xall be worthee to here the begynnynge off God þat dey seyynge to them þat xall be saved, Venite benedicti Patris mei, percipite vobis regnum et cetera. ‘Cum ʒe, blissyd childerne off my Ffadur, take ʒe the kyngdam off heven þat is ordenyd to yowe seytʒ þe begynnynge off the worlde’, Mt. 24. Late vs than preye with Holy Chyrche and sey, In die iudicij libera nos Domine. ‘O, þu merciffull Lorde, deliuer vs and helpe in þe dredffull deye off doome.’ Take ffrom vs, merciffull68 Ffadur in heven, þat dredffull dey off dampnacion and grawnt vs the perpetuall purchase off blysse boghʒt vnto man with thi precious blode. I seyde laste and make ane ende þat þu arte blynde be synne and desyre gostlye syghʒt by grace. See discretly all abowte the Goddis endeles mercy synffull sawles receyvynge. Above the is [[f. 51r]] Goddys mercy, Domine in celo misericordia tua, vsque ad nubes. Benethe the is Goddys mercy, Misericordia Domini est super me, et eripuit animam meam ex infferno infferiori. ‘Cristis endeles mercy, þat is grete above, hathe dilivyrde my sawle ffrom the peyne off hell benethe me’. Cristis mercy xall goe beffor me, Misericordia eius preueniet me. Cristis mercy xall ffolooe me, Misericordia Domini subsequetur me. Cristis mercy is all abowte me, Misericordia eius circumdedit me. So that merciffull Lorde neuer denyethe hys mercy to them þat desyre it and doe þerafftur. Thus than we xall pray Almyʒty God off hys inffenyte mercy to ʒeve vs off hys plenteffull grace, þat we mey se gostlye within vs owre awne vnclennes in lyffynge þat we have doe and offendyd God sen thys tyme xij monethys in wyll, concent, worde, thoghʒt or dede. Grawnt vs also, good Lorde, to se and gostlye to drede and kepe vs ffrome the peynes off hell synffull sawles reseyvynge and to behelde gostly God as a cheffe justice all this worlde demynge. Thoroo the qwyche syghʒt and gostly drede we mey have contricion ffor owre trespas and so to satysfye ffor owre synnes, þat we mey be worthee to receyve Goddis endles mercy, qwyche graunt vs þat mercyffull Lorde þat dyed ffor mercy vnto man. Amen.

68  merciffull] þat merciffull.

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[33] In die Cinerum et in Capite Ieiunij

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[[51r]] Worchypull ffrendys, ʒe xall ffast on Wednusdeye as the commendabyll constitucion off holy ffaders off Holy Chyrche hathe ordenyd. It is called caput ieiunij, the principall and the begynnynge off that holy ffaste þat our soffereyne saveour Criste Ihesu haloed in hys manhode qwhan he ffastyd xl deys and xl nyghʒtys, ʒiffynge vs exawmpull to doe the same to make vs worthye and abell in clennes off lyffe, to welcum þat goode Lorde into owre sawles, receyvynge hys precious body on Ester deye. This ffaste is called also dies cinericius, Pulver Vednusdeye or ellys Asche Wednusdeye, ffor þat deye euery man off goode condicions xulde dispose hym to cum to God and Holy Chyrche mekely to take the haloed asches in signe to token off grete mekenes. Ffor that þe mynysters off Holy Cherche exorte and styrre men to mekenes qwhen thei leyd the halowed asches vpon theyr hedys seynge thus, Memento homo quod cineris es et in cinerem reuerteris. ‘Remembyr þu man þat þu art bot erthe and to the erthe þu xalte turne aʒen’. Þis mekenes remembyrde with amendyng off owre synffull lyffynge xall cawse Allmyʒty God to have mercy on vs, qwhan we mekele call to hym ffor grace. Ffigure off þis I ffynde, Joel 3°, that the holy prophet Ionas had in comawnment off God þat he xulde goo to the cyte off Ninivee and preche as owre Lorde comawndyd hym. So this prophet went into þis cyte a deys iurney, ffor the cyte was iijm deys longe qwher he preched, seynge thus: ‘Ffawrtye deys afftur thys, the grete cite off Ninive xall be destroyed ffor syn’. This worde com to the knawlage off the kynge and anoone he voyed hys ryall clothynge and dyd vpon hym ane [sak clothe],69 set hym downe vpon the erthe in the asches and mekely he cryed to God ffor mercy, comawndynge euery man and woman off the citee xuld doe the same. And he badde þat all the bestys þei xulde be restreynyd ffrom gresse ffedynge and water, þat þei xulde in theyr kynd crye to God ffor help, and þat euery man and woman xulde ffaste and fforsake heyr synffull lyffynge. Then owre mercyffull saveour Crist Ihesu behelde [[f. 52r]] the mekenes off hys pepull and the amendynge off theyre lyffynge. He withdrowʒ the hande off hys vengeaunce and schewde mercy vnto them, and so preservyd hys pepull ffrom peryschyng and dampnacion and saved þat citee ffrom conffusion. Late vs then with lawnes off herte howmbyll vs þat dey to Allmyʒty God, þat we mey have grace, mercy and fforgiffnes off owre synnes. Also þat Wednusdey with the iij deys ffoloynge be called thee clensynge deys, þat we xulde þat dey with the iij deys ffolowynge purge and clense owre sawles ffrom all ffylthe off dedlye syn þat we have doo sen Esterne dey70 with conffession

69  sak clothe] H. 70  \beforn/, superscr., dh.

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off mowthe, contricion off herte and satisfaccion in dede, as I rede off a synffull man in cronicull in Gestis Romanorum. Ther was in Rome a mercyffull emprour and he off hys good grauntyd by proclamacion yff so wer þat any man had trespast aʒen the lawe worthy to be dede, yff the seyd man þat had trespast cud seye iij true wordys befforne hys jugement wer goffyn, he xulde be saved ffrom dethe. So not longe afftur þis, ther was take ane owtelawe, a stronge theffe, and broghʒt beffore the emperour, qwyche owtelawe axid by the vertu off the emperour proclamacion, to qwhom þe emperour seyde: ‘It is not vnknawen to the what mye proclamacion was and comawndment. Sey nowe iij truthes or ellys þu xalte dye’. Then he seyde: ‘I knawlage vnto yowe my Lorde and to all þat here be present þat I have been ane opyn theffe and a breker off your lawes all þis xij monethys. I sey also and lete yowe to wete þat I am sorye þat I am here nowe. And [[f. 52v]] the iijde truthe is I sey plenly yff I wer onys hense I wolde no more cum here’. ‘Thyse be iij truthes and all true’, quod the emprowre, ‘I suppose verrely’. And soo he was dimyssyd and pardonde and was euer ware afftur þat he xulde not offende the lawe. By thys merciffull emperour is vndurstond owre mercyffull saveour Crist Ihesu þat wyl not the dethe off a synner bot rather the lyffe and amende hym. Also be it þat, þu þat arte a synner and breke Goddys lawes, ʒyt þis merciffull emperour Criste wyll þat þu sey iij truthes and þu xalt not be dampnyd to endles dethe ffor thyne offence. Thyse iij truthes be conffession, contricion and satisffaccion. Ffirst, sey as this owtlaue dyd, ‘I knawlage to the my Lorde God, emperour off blys, þat I have be a synner and broke thi preceptis and thye lawes sen this time xij monethes’. And reherse to thee preste – þat is Goddys mynyster and the meane betwyx God and thy71 sawle – off pride, envy, wrathe, covetyse, glotonye, slawthe and licheree with all the circumstance off synne. And þis is the ffirst truthe þat xall brynge þe to thy saluacion, qwyche is conffession off mowthe. The ijde truthe is þu muste sey and knawlage to Godde with a contrite herte seynge, as the owtlawe seyde, ‘þat I am sorye þat I am here as a synner’. And so be repentaunt ffor thi syn and þat is contricion off hert. And the iijde to accuse thiselffe with anodyr truthe and sey ‘Yff I wer onys hense purged and clensyd off all my synnes, I wolde no more turne aʒen to my synne’. And þat is satisffaccion. Qwherffore, euery man and woman must nowe cum to Holy Chyrche þis holy tyme off Lente, qwyche tyme is nowe acceptabyll to God, þat thoroo owre conffession and hertyly contricion and with owre merytory dedys to make satisffaccion þat afftur the wrechednes, et cetera.

71  thy] thy /go\, canc.

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[[f. 53r]] We rede in the gospell off this deye, Mt.4to, that owre sofferen Lorde Crist Ihesu was led off a spiritys into desert þat he xulde be tempte off a devyll. And qwhan afftur he had ffastyd xl deys and xl nyghʒtis the manhode hungered. Anoon was ther present the temptatour, enmye off man, the devyll, seynge to owre soffereyne Lorde, Si ffilius Dei es, dic vt lapides, et cetera. ‘Yff þu be verry Goddys sone sey, byd and comawnde that þise stones here be made loves and brede ffor manis sustenaunce.’ Owre Lorde pacientlye answerde thus, Non in solo pane, et cetera. ‘Manys ffode, sustenance and lyffynge is not all ony in brede bot in euery worde þat procedethe ffrom the mowthe off God.’ Than the dule toke vp owre Lorde God and set hym vpon ane hye pynacle off the tempull in the holye cyte, seynge thus: Si ffilius Dei es, mitte te deorsum. Scriptum est qui[a]72 angelis suis mandauit de te, et cetera. ‘Yff þu be Goddis son off lyff cum downe, ffor it is wrytun’, quod the devyll, ‘þat aungells have in commawndment þat þei xall kep the save and preserve the þat þu xuldes not harme thi ffote aʒen the stone’. Owre sofferen Lorde bothe God and man paciently seyde, Scriptum est non temptabis Dominum Deum tuum. ‘Yt is wretun’, quod owre Lorde, ‘þat þu xuldes not atempt nor aseye thi Lorde God’. Then efftsones the devyll toke vp owre Lorde God and sett hym vpon ane hy parte off ane hyll off a mervelous heghʒt and schewde all the kyngdams, riches and welthes off the worlde and theyr delectabyll joyes, seynge to hym on þis wyse: Hec omnia tibi dabo omni si procidens, et cetera. ‘Fall downe’, quod the dule, ‘and reuerens me and I xall ʒeve the to þi rewarde all þat þu seeste befforne the’. Than, owre soffereyn Lorde Godde [[f. 53v]] seyde, Vade Sathana, et cetera. Scriptum est Dominum Deum tuum, et cetera. ‘Voyed and goo hense þu Sathana, aduersarye to man; it is wretun þu xuldyst worchep and reverens þi Lorde God and be obeciaunt to hys only servys.’ Than, the dule lefft owre suffereyn Lorde God and vanesched awey. And fforthewythe, grete multitude off awngellys cam and mynystyrd to owre Lorde. This is the litterall sence off the gospell off thys dey. Bot nowe, lete vs returne to the begynnynge off the gospell and wete off qwhat spirit owre suffereyn Lord God was led into deserte. In truthe Sent Gregor, þat ffamous doctor, seythe withowte ffeyle it was the Holy Goste þat led owre soffereyn Lorde God into þat place, qwher the dule xuld ffynde to tempt hym. ʒit fferthermore manys reson merveleth þat owre suffereyn Lord, bothe God and man, qwhy þat he sufferde the devyll ffor to towche hym? Ffor it is seyd befforne the dule toke hym vp and sett hym vpon the pynnacull off the tempull and

72  quia] qui.

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efftsonys vpon the hyest parte off ane hy hyll. Than is thys question, qwhy owre soffereyn Lorde God wolde suffer that? Sent Gregor in hys omelyes answereth and seythe thus þat the devyll is cheffe cheventine and capteyne ffadur and ffowndur off all ffals schrewes, and all ffals wykked and cursed schrewes be membyrs off the dule. Suppose ʒe not þat Pilate, þat sentenciously seyd aʒense Criste ffor drede off the Iewes, þat he was not a membyr off the dule? Also Annas Cayphas and Herode and all syche ʒys plenly wer not they membyrs off the dule þat pursuede Crist to the dethe? The [[f. 54r]] knyhʒtis þat putt hym on the crosse and sluthe hym pleynly? Qwhat merveyle or wondur xuld a man have than þat permissione diuina, by the sufferaunce and pacyens off God, the devyll to towche hym. Qwhat he sufferde the dulys membyrs to leyn hondys vpon hym qwhen thei bonde hym, bete hym, bobate hym, scowrged hym, cruciffied hym and slowhe hym, ffor all this was done to schewe vs exawmpull off the perseueraunt paciens off owre Lorde. Qwhen þat we be vexed wrongffully off ony ffals cursyd and wykked schrewes þat be the devylls membyrs, we xulde drawe vs to the true doctrine off God and hys pacience and rather to be meved to paciens than to wengawnce. Beholde euery man in hymselffe qwhat the paciens and the sufferauns off God qwhan he sufferde many iniuriis and wrongis ffor vs in hys lyffe and in hys dethe. And beholde agenwarde howe impacient we bee yff anye man sey or doo aʒens vs, qwhen we be provoked to ony iniuries or wrongis – ether bodely or gostelee in owre73 [bodies]74 or in owre gode – all þat we mey or can. We wyll be venged on hym by comon lawe or sslawnder hym, dispice hym, bete hym, endyte hym, owtlawe hym, banne hym, curse hym and all syche. And yff we mey not have owre entent we wyll gyff hym a prowde [worde]75 with a grete threte, with bostis, crakes and lyes. This is off the dule bot not off God, ffor God paciently sufferethe, and all mansuetude and mekenes is in hym, plus si placeat. Paciens mey wele be assembled to pure and chose golde. It is to wete, as experiens schewethe, þat the best golde is preved and ffynyd by the ffyre. Bot as longe tyme as ony ruste or vnclennes is in it, euer it smokethe; and so longe is it not goode ne pure ne ffyned golde. Bot [[f. 54v]] qwhen it sesethe off smokynge, than it is verre pure golde, parffite to euery notabyll werke. Ryghʒt so gostely the paciens and the sufferaunce off a man or off a woman is preved in aduersite, as gold is by the ffyre. Bot qwhan it smokethe by grugyngys or bannyngys or cursyngys, þat is not verre pure golde off pacience ffor it is mellyd with ypocresye or vnclennes. Bot qwhen a man or a woman sufferethe with a quiete sawle aduersites ffor the

73  A word superscr., illeg. dh. 74  bodies] H, R. 75  worde] H, R.

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luff off God, than it is verre pure golde off paciens, qwhoys bryghʒtnes schewethe in the syghʒt off God, worthye to be putt to euerye notabyll werke. Ffigure off thys I ffynde wreten, Leuitico 31°, qwher Gode comawndyd ther xulde be made a candelstikke off the moste pure and ffineste golde, plyaunt and ductible above. This candelstike xulde have vij sokettys; vpon the vij sokettys xulde be sett vij golden laumpys; above the lawmpys vij spowtys rennynge oyle to serve the lyghʒt in the lawmpys. Moraliter, bye thys candylstike off pure and ffynest golde, ductible and plyaunt above, is vndurstonde a pacient man or woman, houmble, meke and obedient to God, wyche all weye off hys verry and \ parffite/76 paciens is plesede, qwyche wey þat he be smyte with the hamyr off aduersitee. He is not broke by wreche bryssynge hymself with grete othes nor blasfemynge the name off God, bot bonour bowynge plesauntly in aduersyte to the lawde, wyll and plesaunce off God, saynge and menynge as god wyll have it so myʒt it bee. The seven sokettys with the vij golden laumpys schy[n]ynge77 be vndurstonde vij virtues, þat is to sey, þe iij off the Trinyte and iiij cardinall vertues: ffeythe, [[f. 55r]] hope and charite, ryghʒtwesnes, wisdam, mesure and strenthe. The ffirst I seyde is ffeythe to beleve ffeythffullye in the sacramentys off the chyrche and xij articulls off the ffeythe. The ijde is hope, trustynge verrely afftur owre deservynge to cum to euerlastynge blys. The iijde is charite to God and to þine even Cristen. The 4te is ryghʒtwesnes ʒelde to euery man þat is his off righʒt to God worschep and to þine even Cristen doo nor sey no werse then þu woldyst thei dyd to thee. The vte is wysdam to knawe qwhat is gode and qwhat is yvyll, doe þat gode is and fflee ffrom ffoly and synne. The vjte is temperaunce or mesure in etynge, drynkynge, spekynge, seynge, herynge, smellynge, tastynge, handelynge, goynge and off all syche to the plesure off God. The vijte is strengthe to wytstonde vyse and wrychednes. Then xall thyse vij golden lampes schyne aʒeyne the vij ffowle and dedlye synnes. Ffor aʒens the ffowle syn off pride xall schyne the bryghʒt laumpe off humylite and mekenes. Aʒense cruell envy xall schyne the chose lampe off charyte. Aʒense vnlefull covetyse the bewtefeous lampe of pouerte. Aʒens wreched wrathe the cleere lampe off pacience. Aʒens slughye slawthe and ydyllnes the gracious

76  superscr. 77  schynynge] schyynge.

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lampe off besynes. Aʒens glotonye and exces the schynynge lampe off sobirnes. Aʒens the lothelye luste off lycheree þe luffynge lampe of chastite. Fforthermore, ther must be vij spowtes þat xall power and mynyster oyle into the lampes, qwyche is vndurstonde the vij ʒiftis off þe Holy Goste, thoroo qwyche by the plentefeous grace [[f. 55v]] of God mey so be inffused and mynysterde þat all goode werkes mey entyr and encrece in vs. Ffor lyche as a lampe schynythe not qwhen the oyle is powred owte, ryghʒt so withowte plentefeous [grace]78 off God, owre goode werkis proffit vs not. Qwherffore, þat the lyghʒt off sufferaunce and paciens in persecucions and aduersites be not qwhenched ne doo owte, Allmyʒtye God, Ffadyr off all mercyes, hee noryschet and cheryschet vs at all tymes with the sofft oyle of hys mercy plentiffeous and goode grace yff we wyll be hys ffeythfull ffoloers. Therffore, in as myche as we have be synners sen þis tyme xij monethis and offendyd the hye maieste off God thoroo owre mysgouernaunce and synffull lyffynge and deservyd dampnacion by the ryghʒtwesnes of God, late vs make owre recowrse to79 hys plentefeous mercye as dyd a aunshyent knyʒt þat we rede off in a cronykyll. Ther was a knyʒt vpon a tyme þat thoro hys negligens and deffawtes gretlye had offendyd the hynes off the emperour off Rome, ffor qwyche offence thee emperour yaff sentence be jugement þat he xuld be put vnto the dethe, hunge, drawe and quarterde. Qwhan þis knyʒt harde thys iugement and sentence off dethe with a myʒtye spirytt, thus he seyde to the emperour, ‘O, þu hye and myʒty prince, most soffereyn to vs vpon erthe not withstondynge þu haste yoffe sentence þat I xulde be put to thys dispytous dethe, befforne þi sentence and jugement yove I apeled and ʒit doo from thye sentence’. Then the emperour grettly mervelyd and seyde vnto hym thus, ‘To qwhom, syr knyʒt woldyst þu appele ffrom my sentence, sen no juge in erthe is above me’. ‘Fforsothe,’ quod the knyʒt, ‘it is necessarye and requisyte to euery emperour and kynge to have bothe [[f. 56r]] ryghʒtwesnes and mercye, and in as myche as I am dampyd by the jugement off ryghʒtwesnes, I apeyle to thee trone off thy mercye, qwyche is the hyer parte longyge to a prince and more off worschep’. ‘Than’, seyde þat mercyfull emperour to hym, ‘I wys syr knyʒt in as myche as þu haste apeyled to my mercye, mercye xall delyvyr thee and I revoke the sentence off dethe and graunte the lyffe and lym’. This mercifull emperour is owre suffereyne Lorde Ihesu Cryste, Cuius oculi sunt super timentes eum et in eis qui sperant super misericordia eius. The holy prophet David [seith]80 owre Lorde Criste Ihesu tenderly beheldeth all thoo men þat dredyd hys domes and þat trust in his mercye. Hereto acordethe the

78  grace] R. 79  to] to /vo\, canc. 80  seith] H, R.

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holy apostell Paule, Ad Titum 2, Non ex operibus iusticie, que ffecimus nos, sed secundum, et cetera. ‘We be not saved by the werkys off ryghʒtwesnes þat we have doe, bot owre soffereyn saveour by the plentefeous mercy off hys good grace he hathe made vs save ffrom the dolorous daunger off dedlye dampnacyon. Then sen the grete mercy off God is ffrelye grauntyd to them þat be worthye, cum then and declare your synffull lyffynge to God and Holy Chyrche, þat ʒe mey be worthye to have and receyve the endles mercy off owre blyssyd Lorde, qwyche graunt þat mercyfull juge þat dyed for mercy vnto man. Amen.

Quires 4 and 5 [ff. 32r–59v]

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Worchypull ffrendys, it is wretun in the gospell of this dey off Sent Mathewe þat owre soffereyn saveour Criste Ihesu went into the partyes off tyrye and Sydon. Ther went owte a woman of Canonee ffrom the endys off that cuntre, criynge and seynge to our merciffull Lord: [[f. 56v]] ‘have mercy on me, þu son off Dauit, ffor my doghʒtur is yvell vexid with a devyll’. To qwhom owre Lorde answerde no worde. Then the discipulls prayed hym seynge thus, Domine, dimitte eam, quia clamat post nos, ‘Lorde, gyffe hyr ane answere and lete hyr goo for sche criethe afftur vs.’ ‘I am not sent’, quod owre Lorde God, ‘bot vnto þoo schepe þat haue peryched off the howse off Israel’. ʒit þis woman wolde not cease bot com to owre Lorde and worchept hym, seynge thus, Domine, adiuua me. ‘O, þu Lorde þat arte mercyffull, helpe me.’ To qwhom he answerde, ‘it is not gode’, quod owre Lorde, ‘to take the brede off childere and thrawe to doggys and howndys’. ‘ʒis goode Lorde’, quod this woman, ‘ʒit the smale qwelpis be ffed with the crumys þat ffall ffrom the lordys tabyll’. Then owre Lorde off hys godenes seyde to hyr. ‘O, þu woman, thy ffeythe is grete, as þu wyll have it so be it’. And hyr doghʒtur was made hole the same owre. This is the litterall sence off the gospell off this dey, Mt. 15. In this gospell iij thyngis be considerde and to vndurstonde. Ffirst qwhat signyffiethe by this woman off Canonee, the secunde qwhat vndurstond by hyr doghʒtur þat was wexed with a dule and the iijde howe this doghʒtur was dilivyrde ffrom the dule. Ffirst, by thys woman of Canonee \is vndurstonde/81 euery synfull sawle. Ffor as longe as the sawle is inffecte with dedlye synne, so longe it is soget to the dule, ffor he ledethe it ffrome syn to syn qwher þat he wyll, as Sent Awstyne seythe vpon the glose: lyche as a man ledythe a beste qwhan he hathe hym tyed with a lyne or a cheene, ryghʒt so hathe the dule power ouer a synner. Then this woman off Canonee, synfful manys sawle, must goone owte ffrome the cuntres off synne ffor iiij cawses. Ffirst, ffor the grete bondage and thraldam off syn [[f. 57r]], Quia qui facit peccatum seruus est peccati, ffor ‘he þat doethe syn, he is bonde servawnt to syn’, Johannis 8 and Luce 4. The secunde cawse is ffor the povert off syn, ffor lyche as a theffe spoylethe and robbythe a man off his goodys, so syn spoylethe the sawle and makethe hym pore off the blys off heven and privethe hym off hys goodis naturall, as it is figured in the gospell off Sent Luce, de filio prodigo. Thirdlye, synfull manis sawle must goone from the cunctres off syn ffor the grete infirmite off syn, as it is figured, Reg.5, howe Naaman, þat ffowle lepyr, went 81  superscr.

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owte off the cunctre vnto the kynge off Israel to bee cured off hys infirmite. By this lepyr Naaman is vndurstonde euery synner þat horribele stynkethe in the syghʒt off God. He must goone owte ffrom the lothelye londe off dedlye syn and cum to the kyng off Israel, þat is to owre soffereyn Lorde God off blys, þat he mey cure hym off hys sekenes off dedlye syn. Ffor thise iij cawses must manys sely sawle goone owte ffrom the cunctre off syn. And not all onlye ffrom the cunctre off syn bot also ffrom the endys, þat is to sey ffrom the occacions off syn. As thus, occacion off glotonye and drunkunschep is offten goynge to the taverne or to the alehows and offte drynkynge. Occacion off wrathe and invye is fflytynge, chydynge, lyynge, disslawnderynge, bostynge, crakynge. Occasion off licheree is ydillnes, meetes and drynkes, sofft lyynge, suspecious persawnes and places hawntynge. Qwherffore, cownselythe vs the apostell, Ab omni specie mala, abstinete vos, ‘ffrome all maner brawnches off syn absteyne ʒowe’, 1 Thess. 5. So xall a man goo owte ffrom all maner of occacions off syn to lyff to the plesure off God. The secunde and the thyrde is to wete qwhat is [[f. 57v]] vndyrstonde by the doghʒtur þat was vexed with a dulee and howe sche was delyvyrde ffrom the dule. Thys woman off Canonee, synffull manys sawle, hathe a doghʒtur vexid with a devell. The doghʒtur is a corrupte and a deffiled consciens beynge redelye in synne. Wereffore, he þat wyll þat hys consciens be delivyrde ffrom the devyll and clene ffrom syn, he muste have iij vertues and condicions lyche to this woman of Canonee. Ffirst sche had stedffast beleve and verre ffeythe, qwyche ffeythe owre Lorde commendyd qwhen he seyd, O mulier, magna est ffides tua. ‘Woman thi ffeythe is grete’. Ffor had sche not hadde verry trust and ffeythe, schee wolde not so longe a soghʒt vpon hys goode grace. Ryghʒt so, must euery man be stedffast in beleve, Quia sine ffide, impossibile est placere Deo. ‘Withowte ffeythe and trustye beleve, meye no man be savyd and plese Godde’. The secunde, this woman of Canonee lefft not to crye and praye to owre Lorde with grete instauns ffor þe helthe off hyr doghʒtur, seynge: ‘Have þu mercy on me, son off Dauid’. Ffor qwhom the discipulls preyd to owre Lorde seynge, Dimitte eam, quia clamat post nos. ‘Goode Lorde, here this woman’ as hoo seye ‘and ʒyffe to hyr ane answere for sche criethe aftur vs’. Ryʒt so, in lyche wyse euerye man qwhos consciens is agrevyd with syn must cry ffor mercy to owre Lorde. This crye, prayer and instauns82 to owre [Lorde],83 it is the benygne voyes off clere conffession with devowte prayer and thankynge too Godde. The iijde, this woman off Canonee had grete mekenes qwhan sche callyd herselff a qwhelp ffor owre Lorde seyde, Non est bonum sumere panem, et cetera. ‘Yt

82  instauns] instau\a/ns, superscr., sh. 83  Lorde] H, R; om. Gg.

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is not gode ne leffull to take the brede of chylder and thrawe it to doggys and howndys.’ Behelde thys [[f. 58r]] womanys grete mekenes in hyr answer, Etiam, Domine, nam, et cetera. ‘ʒis þu merciffull Lorde the smale qwhelpys ete off the crummys þat ffall downe ffrom the Lordys tabyll’, as hoo seye ‘Lorde, it is truthe þat þu seyste, ffor that grete godnes þat þu hast disposed to the pepull off Israel I am not worthee to have. Bot ʒit, mercyfull Lorde, as the qwhelpis be ffed with the crummes þat fall ffrom the Lordis tabyll, so þu vowtest save off thy grete godenes to vs þat be bot qwhelpis to schewe and graunte vs a lityll crum off thy mercye’. Behold this grete mekenes off this woman cawsyd hyr to have hyr desyre qwhan owre Lorde seyde vnto hyr, Ffiat tibi sicut vis, ‘Be it to the as þu wylte have it’. Ande that same owre hyr doghʒtur was made hole. Ryghʒt so, euerye deffiled consciens off man, yff he desyre to be delyvyrde ffrom the vexacion off the dule, he muste have this grete vertu of mekenes as the prophet Dauit vytt[n]esethe,84 Humilitatus sum et liberauit me. ‘I have meked me to Allmyʒtye God and he hathe dilivyrde me ffrom the dules daunger.’ Mekenes also gyffethe grace, Deus superbis recistit humilibus autem dat gratiam. Owre Lorde God resistit and withstondethe prowde men, bot to meke ande lawlye he ʒevythe hys grace, Luce. Mekenes bryngethe man to blys, Qui se humiliat exaltabitur. ‘He þat mekethe hym and lawethe hym in erthe, he xall be inhawnsyd’ in euerlastynge blysse, qwyche graunt vs þat mercyffull Lorde þat ffastyd xl deys and xl nyghʒtys ffor mercye vnto man. Amen.

84  vyttnesethe] vyttesethe.

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30

Worchypull ffrendys, þat holy euaungelist Sent Luc in the gospell of þis deye, Luc xjmo, tellethe and rehersethe howe þat owre saveour Criste Ihesu voyeded and droffe owte a devyll ffrom a man, and yt was dom and myʒt nott [[f. 58v]] speke. Januens, þat ffamous doctor, vpon the same gospell seythe þat the dule is moste besye to tempte a man to syn in holy tyme of Lent. Qwherffore owre modyr gostlye, holy chyrche, cownselythe vs myʒtyly to wythstonde hys temptacion and to be ware off his incidijs, sotiltes, wyles and wrenches, by the gospell þat is red in holye chyrche the iijde Sonondey in the begynnynge off Lente. Ffor sum men the devyll temptythe bot he mey nott ouercum them, qwyche be goode men and parffite and wele disposed in vertu. Qwyche temptacion is ffigured by the temptacion off Criste qwhen the dule tempte hym in deserte and victoriously ouercom all temptacions off þe dule, as it [is]85 wrytun in the gospell off Sent Mathewe, the ffirste Sonondeye of Lentyn, Mt. 4to. Sum men the devyll temptythe and ouercum them and yvyll vexethe them, wyche be thei þat wyllffullye abyde stille in dedlye syn, wyche temptacion is ffigured by þe doghʒtur off the woman off Canonee, evyll vexyd wythe a dule in the gospell on sonondey þat was laste, Mt. 15°. Sum men the dule temptythe and ouercummythe them, bot ʒit by conffession and contricion the dule is eiecte and cast owte, qwyche temptacion is ffigured by the gospell off this dey, wher is seyde þat owre soffereyn saveour Crist Ihesu voyed and droffe owte a devyll off a man, and it was dom and myʒt not speke. Sum men the dule temptythe and ouercummythe them, bot ʒitte he is eiecte, voyed and caste owte by conffession, bott anon the devyll enterethe aʒen bee residiuacion and custum off syn and makethe hym werse then he was affore, qwyche temptacion is ffigured in the ende off the gospell off this deye, Cum inmundus spiritus, et cetera. Bot ffirste I aske this question what [[f. 59r]] is the cawse þat the dule was dom [that]86 Criste voyed owte ffrom the man? Effectiue, I answer and seye, ffor the dule in qwhom he inhabitethe hym he makethe hym dom. Qwherffore it is to wete þat God off hys godenes ʒaff to a man a tunge to iij offyce. Ffirst þat he xulde preyse his God with hys tunge, Ysaia 43, Populum istum formaui mihi laudem meam narrabit. ‘This pepull’, quod owre Lorde God, ‘I have made and fformed afftur my lykenes and similitude þat with hys tunge he xulde ʒiffe me lawde and praysynge’.

85  is] om. Gg; as the gospel makith mencion H, R. 86  that] H, R; the Gg.

Quires 4 and 5 [ff. 32r–59v]

35

40

45

50

55

60

65

70

199

The secunde þat he xulde with hys tunge edeffye his even Cristene, Ysaia 50, Dedit mihi linguam eruditam vt sciam eum suscitare qui lapsus est verbo. ‘That good Lorde my maker’, quod Ysaye, ‘hathe ʒoffe me a tunge off wysdam to enfforme and edeffye and stere to goode hym þat is ffall to syn and wrechednes’. And the iijde God hath ʒoffe a man a tunge þat by schryfft off mowthe he xuld accuse hymselffe, Job 42, Idcirco me reprehendo, et ego penitenciam; et Iacobi 5°, Conffitemini alterutrum peccata vestra. Bot a synner vse not his tunge to thes three, and therffore be reson he is dom. Ffirst he praysethe not his God, ffor by hys cursed custum off syn and hys woffull werkes and by hys ffalse pryde he blasfemethe hys God and skornethe hym, Ecc° 5, Non est speciosa laus in ore peccatoris. Ther is noo speciall lawde to God in a synners tunge. The secunde, he þat is a synner, he edeffyethe not hys even Cristen bot rather disceyvythe. With hys ffals fflaterynge tunge, he bakbytethe and noyethe them bodelee and gostelee. Ianuens, þat ffamous doctor, spekethe off iij maners off tungis. One is Goddys tunge, anodyr is manys tunge and the iijde is the devylls tunge. Goddis tunge spekythe and remembyrthe þat partenethe to Goddis worschepe and helthe off sawle. Manys tunge spekythe [[f. 59v]] continuallye off the worlde and þat partenythe to the bodee, Qui de terra est de terra loquitur. Bot the devylls tunge is euer redye to slawnder euery good man and woman and neuer delytythe to sey wele, redy to all harletry and rebawdye, redye to lyes and leesyngys, euer redye to sawe discorde, diuision and discencion þat is his joye and ffelicite. Bot late euerye man be ware off the dules tunge, ffor the custum off syche ffals detractours laate or neuer thei wyl not amend nor fforsake þat ffals custum. I rede off a knyʒt þat had iij sonnes lernynge with a meyster in scolees. This knyʒt on a tyme sende ffor this meyster þat had tuycion and the gouernaunce off his sonnes and enquered afftur condicions and the dispocicion off them. The meyster answered and seyde ‘Fforsothe the oldeste is goode bot ffor one thynge: hee wyll offte stele his ffelowes thyngis. The secunde xall be a grete lychore and a vicious in lyffynge. Bot the ʒongeste is a lyer and a disslaunderere’. ‘Then’ seyde the knyʒt, ‘as ffor my oldest son þat is disposed to stele and brybe, I xall ʒyff hym ryches enowe. Ffor the secunde þat is disposed to incontinence and vicious lyffynge, I xall doe hym be maryed in haste. Bot the iijde son þat is a lyer and a slawnderere, I cannot amende bot hys tunge be cutte owte off his hede, Quia vir linguosus non dirigetur in terra. Qwherffore it is to drede a ffalse and disslawnderes tunge. Bot so wolde God we had amongis vs here as was in Rome. We rede þat Virgilius, þat grete poete, he dyd make a brasen hede euer gapynge with his mowthe havynge therin scharpe tethe…

EXPLANATORY NOTES

[1] 117/1 The genealogy of the three Maries may be encountered in a number of works including the following: Innocent III, In eadem in solemnitate in nativitate Domini, PL, vol.  217, col. 457C Beda Uenerabilis, In Lucae euangelium expositio, ed. D. Hurst, CCSL 120, lib.2, cap.6, l. 1372; PL 92, col. 399 A Iohannes Beleth, Summa de ecclesiasticis officiis, ed. H. Douteil, 1976, CCCM 41A, cap.157, l. 29 Fasciculus Morum, A Fourteenth-Century Preacher’s Handbook, ed. Siegfried Wenzel, The Pennsylvania State University: The Pennsylvania University Press, 1989, p. 238 John Mirk’s Festial, ed. S. Powell, EETS, 2 vols, Oxford University Press, 2009, vol. 1, p. 27, ll. 135–49 John Bromyard, Summa Praedicantium, Venice, 1586, vol. 2, chap.III, par.36 Christanus Campiliensis (Christanus de campo liliorum), ed. W. Zechmeister, CCCM 19B, 1992, pp. 543–79, l. 68 Speculum Sacerdotale, ‘Philip and Jacob’, ed. Edward H. Weatherly, London: EETS, 1936, chap. 35, pp. 143–46 Warminster MS Longleat 4, ‘Second Sunday after the Octave of Epiphany’, ff. 16v–19r Dublin Trinity College MS 241, ‘Easter Day sermon’, ff. 93v–96v; Ascension Day sermon, ff. 118–119v [2] [3] 117/9 These two stories, on the Roman emperor and the temple in Rome, may be encountered in a number of works including the following: Innocent III, In eadem in solemnitate in nativitate Domini, PL, vol. 217, col. 457C Fasciculus Morum, A Fourteenth-Century Preacher’s Handbook, ed. S. Wenzel, The Pennsylvania State University: The Pennsylvania University Press, 1989, p. 238 Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, ‘De natiuitate Domini’, ed. M.  G. Maggioni, p. 63, cap. vi John Mirk’s Festial, ‘Nativity of Christ’, ed. S. Powell, vol. 1, p. 27, ll. 135–49

202

Explanatory Notes

Both stories often went together in sermons for the Nativity of Christ, just as in Innocent III, Jacobus de Voragine or an Alphabet of Tales. They are recorded in Tubach under the reference 3518 for the first one and 4729 for the second. The Latin quotation Hic puer maior te est in Gg can be found in The Legenda Aurea and the Fasciculus Morum which points to these works as likely sources for Gg’s note. The statement that the devil is ignorant of the things to come is reminiscent of the Lucydarye: My chylde, of as moche as theyr nature is more spyrytuall than the nature of man, of as moche ben they the more subtyles and more sages, and knowen all thynges paste and present. But of thynges to come they know nothynge without it be by some coniectures as in defaulte of the moone, and of suche semblables. But of thoughtes of the man they know nothynge, but God all-onely. (The Late Middle English Lucydarye, ed. S. Morrison, Turnhout: Brepols, 2013, p. 7, ll. 82–86) [4] 118/21 This Apostles and Prophets creed starts on f. 1 and ends on f. 1v. The first four lines were copied on f. 1 between the story of the three Maries and that of the Roman Emperor, while the following eleven citations were copied down f. 1 after the story of the temple in Rome and finally, the last eight lines were taken down on f. 1v, now between a citation from Mt.18:7 and the story of Longinus which were added later as evidenced by the different shades of ink. The Apostles and Prophets Creed differs from the Nicene Creed in the Sarum Missal where the prophets are not cited: Credo in unum Deum, Patrem Omnipotentem, factorem cœli et terra, visibilium omnium et invisibilium. Et in unum Dominum Jesum Christum, Filium Dei unigenitum, et ex Patre natum ante omnia sæcula: Deum de Deo, Lumen de Lumine, Deum verum de Deo vero, Genitum non factum, consubstantialem Patri, per quem omnia facta sunt. Qui propter nos homines et propter nostram salutem descendit de cœlis, et incarnatus est de Spiritu Sancto ex Maria Virgine, Et homo factus est. Crucifixus etiam pro nobis sub Pontio Pilato, passus et sepultus est. Et resurrexit tertia die secundum scripturas, et ascendit in cœlum, sedet ad dexteram Patris, Et iterum venturus est cum gloria judicare vivos et mortuos, Cujus regni non erit finis. Et in Spiritum Sanctum Dominum et vivificantem, Qui ex Patre Filioque procedit, Qui cum Patre et Filio simul adoratur et conglorificatur, Qui locutus est per prophetas. Et unam sanctam Catholicam et Apostolicam Ecclesiam. Confiteor unum baptisma in remissionem peccatorum, et exspecto resurrectionem mortuorum, et vitam venturi sæculi. Amen.

Explanatory Notes

203

[5] 118/49 For a study of the character of Longinus see R.  J. Peebles, The Legend of Longinus in Ecclesiastical Tradition and in English Literature, Baltimore: J. H. Furst, 1911, p. 27. This note was probably taken from a sermon rather than a collection of exempla as suggested by the introductory lines Ffrendys, it is ffull necessarye qwhat werke þat anye man begyn þat he remembyr hym and thynke on hys God þat boghʒt hym and lyffte vpe hys honde and blysse hym. Ffor as I ffynde in scrypture þat Longius, þe blynde knyghʒt, qwhat tyme þat he put owre Lorde to þe herte, a paarte off þat blissyd bloode ffell into hys eyʒyn ande with þat he had hys syghʒt. Ande þan he turned ande beleved on the newe lawe. This is further confirmed by the biblical citation which was copied with the same ink at the top of the folio. l. 59: Longinus is said to have preached for thirty-eight years. A similar length of time is mentioned by a number of authors and works including Raban Maur, Vincent of Beauvais, Notker, the Gospel of Nicodemus: Rhabanus Maurus, Martyrologium, mensis 3, dies 15, linea 84, CCCM 44, ed. J. McCulloh, 1979: In Capadotia passio sancti Longini martyris, de quo in libello martyrii eius narratus quod aliquando militans sub centurione Romano in passione Domini latus eius cum lancea in cruce aperiret, et uiso terrae motu et signis quae fiebant, crediderit in Christum poenitentiam agens de operibus suis pristinis. Postea monachus factus per xxx et viii annos Christo militauit multos conuertens ad fidem Dei. Vincent of Beauvais, ‘De vulnere domini lateris’, Speculum Historiale, lib.vii, cap. xlvi, quoted by Rose Jeffries Peebles, p. 23: Ex gestis eius Protinus illuminatus in Christus credidit; Unde militie cedens instructus ab apostolis: in Cesarea Cappadocie xxxviii annis monachicam vitam duxit et in omni sanctitate permanens verbo et exemplo plurimos ad Christum conuertit. Notker, Balbuli S. Galli Monachi, ed. Migne, PL vol. 131, col. 1055, A: In Cappadocia sancti Longini martyris: qui cum in passione Domini lancea latus ejus aperuit, viso terraemotu et signis quae fiebant, credidit in Christum, poenitentiam agens de pristinis operibus, et per triginta et octo annos Christo militans, multosque ad fidem Dei convertens, ad extremum in Cappadocia sub Octavio praeside consummavit. The Gospel of Nicodemus, Gesta Salvatoris, from the codex Einsidlensis, ed. H. C. Kim, Toronto, Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1973, p. 21, vi: Ex Iudeis autem alius quidam exiliens rogat presidem ut uerbum diceret. Dicit preses, ‘Quid uis dicere’. Qui dixit: ‘Ego in xxxviii annos iacebam in lecto, et cotidie in periculo et in parturitione dolorum iacui. In the Legenda Aurea, Longinus is said to have preached twenty-eight years: Vnde renuntians militie et ab apostolis instructus in Caesarea Cappadocie uiginti octo

204

Explanatory Notes

annis monasticam uitam duxit et uerbo et exemplo plurimos ad Christum conuertit. Legenda Aurea, ‘De Sancto Longino’, ed. M. G. Maggioni, p. 307, cap. 47 [6] 119/74 MSS HR Gg’s version of this Easter day sermon is shorter than HR’s where a second part is developed. The resemblance between these versions ends after the exemplum of the host, edited p. 6, ll. 6–21. For HR’s version see S. Powell’s edition.1 119.75, in sacrament, superscript, dh 119.82, The reference clerkys…þei seyn in heyre bookys is too vague to be traced with accuracy especially as a great number of lapidaries would ascribe numerous virtues to crystal, and a number of sermon writers in their turn would resort to crystal for useful allegories. The author of a sermon for the Annunciation preserved in British Library MS Royal 18 B xxiii refers to De naturis Lapidum et Gemmmarum as his source when stating that þer-for þis vertewe (mekenes and lowlynesse) may well be likened to a cristall, of þe wiche I rede in libro De Naturis Lapidum et Gemmarum þat euery preciouse stone hath þe more vertewe ʒiff he be ioyned to a cristall. For and anny precious stonne haue lost is vertewe, ioyne hym to a cristall and it shall raþur get ys vertewe aʒeyn.2 In the notes to his edition, W. O. Ross suggests that the source could be manifold, such as “Peterborough Lapidary” or “Sloane Lapidary”. Again, some of the many virtues of crystal are given in John of Mandeville’s lapidary, Le cristal est blanc et refroidit l’homme, faites de cristal poudre et si la donnez à boire aux nourrices le lait en multipliera; touchez du crstal la pierre qui semble avoir perdu sa vertu, et elle la recouvrira si vous confessez le pêché par lequel la pierre a perdu sa vertu; puis portez-la derechef.3 120.87, awter cancelled dh, holy communion superscript dh 120.93, the reference to Alexander Neckam’s De naturis rerum is probably erroneous and could not be traced. In HR, the analogy of the goat slightly differs when the goat which is used to eating weeds would succumb if it did not have honey or some sweet food from time to time. In the same way a sinful man or woman would die for lack of contrition. It is worth noting that the position of ‘but/bot’changes the whole meaning. In Gg bot means necessarily whereas in H it means unless: For I fynde, secundum naturales, þat þere is a certeyn best called a gott

1 S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 255–60. 2  Ed. W. O. Ross, Middle English Sermons, EETS, 209 (NY, 1940,1987), p. 322. cf. Ross’s notes p. 379. 3  I. Del Sotto, Le lapidaire du quatorzième siècle, d’après le traité du Chevalier Jean de Mandeville (Vienne, 1862), p. 89.

Explanatory Notes

205

lyvith moste bi vnclene herbis, and sum tyme but if he ete hony or sum swete herbis, he shall dye, H, ed. S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 256, ll. 23–26 120.106, Peccavi tradens sanguinem justum, Mt, 27: 4 120., at the preste hys gostlye ffadur, cancelled dh, vnto God superscript dh 120.116, omitte in the margin, dh, referring to howselde 121.117, Bernard of Clairvaux is given as the source of the exemplum. However, tracing it proved unsuccessful. It may be related to Tubach’s 2683 – related to the Speculum Laicorum too – which in ThEMA refers to a sermon preserved in BnF lat. 1682 on the life of Saint Bernard: a monk who received the host unworthily and against Saint Bernard’s advice could not swallow it. He then threw himself at Saint Bernard’s feet, did penance and finally managed to swallow the host. S. Powell in her edition of HR (vol. 1, p. 491) has traced this exemplum in John Felton’s sermon for Easter Day (Brit. Lib. Add. MS 22572, f. 113v), where Bernard himself says ‘Iudicet Deus inter me et te’. 121.126, Iudicet Dominus inter te et me, Gen, 16:5; 1 Reg, 24:13; 1 Reg, 24:16 121.129, take cancelled, dh, doothe superscript, dh 121.132, cf. Lc, 5:1–8 121.145 vnto God superscript, dh 121.147, et eritis odio omnibus propter nomen meum: qui autem perseveraverit usque in finem, hic salvus erit, Mt, 10:22 121.149 a sentence, now largely illegible superscript, dh. Possibly a translation of Mt 10:22 [7] 122/150 This note is very likely to be an outline of sermon on the theme Nisi granum frumenti cadens a terram mortuum fuerit (Io, 12:24) often chosen for sermons on the Passion of Christ where the colours of the grain, red and white refer to Christ’s blood and flesh. The citations which follow were possibly part of the same sermon. The first two quotations from Gregory were taken down folio 3r and the citation of Seneca down folio 2v. 122.167, not traced, possibly related to Petrus Damiani, Sermones, Sermo 54, l. 171, CCCM 57 (ed. I. Lucchesi, 1983): Semetipsum morti ultroneum trader, quam uoluntates proprias et carnis desideria refrenare? 122.169, Gregorius Magnus, Moralia in Iob, SL 143, lib. 8, par. 24, l. 5: Anima ergo suspendium eligit ut ossa moriantur, quia dum mentis intentio ad alta se subleuat, omnem in se fortitudinem uitae exterioris necat.

206

Explanatory Notes

122.171, citation not traced, possibly related to Minicius Felix, Octavius, CPL 0037, LLA 475, cap. 37, par. 9–10, p. 35: dives es, fortunae male creditor et magno viatico breve vitae iter non instruitur, sed oneratur. […] nobilitate generosus es, parentes tuos laudas? Omnen tamen pari, sorte nascimur, sola vitute distinguimur. [8] 122/173 MSS HR This is an incomplete version of the sermon for Lent 1 preserved in quire 5, ff. 53–56 and edited pp. 102–08. There is one hand throughout but there are three different shades of ink. The sermon is largely dependent on Jacobus de Voragine’s sermones dominicales for the same day, and the Distinctiones, chap. Paciencia, as evidenced by S. Powell.4 [9] 124/217 The beginning of this exemplum was copied on f. 5v but the end is on f. 5r. Down f. 5v, the scribe gave this indication: verte ffolium et ibi inuenies conclusion[em]. Recorded in Tubach 2730. The original source is the Latin Gesta Romanorum.5 The Latin verses cited on f. 5v derive from it too. The English verses are unique and recorded in DIMEV 931, IMEV/ NIMEV 568 For similar stories about a woman who kills the child she has had with her son, see An Alphabet of Tales, ed. Mary McLeod Banks, chap. 320, p. 220; Jacques de Vitry, The exempla or illustrative Stories from the Sermones Vulgares of Jacques de Vitry, ed. Th. Crane, chap. 263; Nicole de Bozon, Contes moralisés, ed. T. Smith & P. Meyer, chap. 112. For similar exempla about letters of blood washed away by confession, see Fasciculus Morum, ed. S. Wenzel, p. 496, l. 73–86; Siegfried Wenzel indicates other related stories preserved in the following: John Bromyard, Summa Praedicantium, Confessio, ed. A.  Ritius, chap. VI.58, vol.  1, p.  127; Thomas Brinton’s sermons 65, 86, 88, ed. Sister M. Aquinas Devlin, vol. 2; Ross, Middle English Sermons, pp. 216–17, John Mirk, Festial, ed. S. Powell, n°68, pp. 249–52 124.227 owre lady with v Aves and owre ladye, canc. dh, God superscript, dh. 124.241, owre Lady canc. dh; only mediator Ihesu Criste supscript, dh

4 S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 419–22. 5  Gesta Romanorum, ed. H. Oesterley, chap. 13, p. 291 (Berlin, 1842).

Explanatory Notes

207

[10] 125/242 This is probably a condensed version of the story of St Dunstan’s mother as it is found in the South English Legendary, De sancto Donstano, ed. C. D’Evelyn and A. J. Mill, pp. 204–05, ll. 1–20. In the Festial, John Mirk included this story in a sermon for the Purification of the Virgin – ed. S. Powell, p. 58, ll. 115–25, vol. 1 – hence departing from the Legenda Aurea. However, Gg’s note is unlikely to have been drawn directly from either the South English Legendary or the Festial. Neither does it derive from a collection of exempla but rather from a sermon as suggested by the the last lines: “And þan all the pepull went to hyre to ffeche lyghʒt, the qwyche was acordynge to the seeynge off owre Lorde, gaudeo magis super vno peccatore penitenciam agente etc. Et alibi non veni vocare justos sed peccatores ad penitenciam. Amen” [12] [13] 15/9–20 Both notes – on the letters of Ihesus and the law at the court of King Arthur – seem linked, not only because the second starts with Item, but especially because they both end with Cum spiritus deuocionis et aqua contricionis et sanguis in memoria sue pascionis. Although the sources of these notes have not been traced, the scribe refers to an exemplum at least for the first one. Interestingly enough, The Repertorium of Middlle English Prose Sermons6 does not record any exempla dealing with King Arthur, which could suggest that it was not very popular among Middle English sermon writers. And yet, Tubach’s Index Exemplorum records an exemplum7 in Cesarius of Heisterbach8 telling how, during his sermon, an abbot rouses the sleeping monks by the mere mention of the story of King Arthur. Gg’s note and Cesarius’ exemplum thus show that preaching could sometimes require adding entertaining material to written sermons. The same resort to King Arthur may be found in a sermon by Thomas Spofford for the Annunciation and Passion Sunday preserved in MS Harley 2268: I fynde wrytyn þat þere was law and ordinaunce emang þe knythtys of þe Rounde Tabyll of kyng Arthurow, bot qwat thorow byttyr passion and pyne for owre sake in þis batell, armyd with owre manhede, he was slayn and owre herytage restoryd

6  A Repertorium of Middle English Prose Sermons, V. O’Mara & S. Paul (Turnhout, 2007). 7 N°360. 8  Caesarii Heisterbacencis Monachi ordinis Cisterciensis Dialogus Miraculorum, ed. J.  Strange, 2  vols (Cologne, 1851).

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Explanatory Notes

and recoueryd agayn, sayng þe haly apostyll, Christus semel pro peccatis nostris mortuus est, prima Petri 3.9 Just as in Gg, the allusion is brief and its source is not mentioned. The audience would be familiar with such stories and no further indication needed. Indeed, stories about King Arthur were very popular as shown by this extract from the Paston Letters: And as for the Duke’s court, as of lord’s, ladies, and gentlewomen, knights, squires, and gentlemen, I heard never of none like to it save King Arthur’s court.10 Interestingly enough, again, The Repertorium records only two sermons alluding to King Arthur, the aforementioned sermon by Thomas Spofford in MS Harley 2268 and a sermon for the Annunciation preserved in MS Royal 18 B xxiii.11 In the latter too the allusion is but very brief. At first sight, this could suggest that sermon writers would rather not resort to the figure of King Arthur. However, the note in Gg would tend to prove otherwise, as most of the notes preserved in quire one were taken down to accommodate sermons and could be traced in famous works. 15.20, worde cancelled, dh. Given the words superscript, the amended sentence could be allmyʒty God Christ swet when he went towarde his passion in his agonie [14] 15/23–16/12 This exemplum of the three philosophers was entitled of wordly love, of riches and of prayours in a different hand. A close version of this exemplum may be found in a Procession sermon – possibly by Thomas Spofford – preserved in BL MS Harley 226812 – and where love is replaced by friendship. Interestingly enough, the Latin lines that go along in Gg are very close to those found in MS Harley 2268, except that in the latter they are interwoven in the main narrative: And þerfore to þe fryst of þe clerkys, þe qwylk held þat frenchep was þe best mene, he gaf a rose, saying onto hym on þis wyse, Rosa cito decressit, ‘þe rose fatys in a day’. To þe secunde, þat held þat habundauns of godys of fortune was þe best mene to socour a man in hys tribulacion, þe god gaue a lelye wyth þese wordys, Lilium putrescit, ‘þe lily rotys sone awaye’. Vnto þe thyrd, þat held þat prayere was þe best mene to releue a man in noyse and tribulacion, he gaf a 9  ‘Four Middle English Sermons’, ed. Veronica O’Mara, Middle English Texts, 33, p.  95, ll.  661–65 (Heidelberg, 2002). 10  The Paston Letters, ed. Norman Davis (New York, 1963). 11  Middle English Sermons, ed. W. O. Ross, pp. 325–26, ll. 34–35, EETS, 209 (London 1940, rep. 1960). 12  V. O’Mara, ‘Four Middle-English Sermons’, p. 128, lines 138–46.

Explanatory Notes

209

braunche of a clene olyue tre saying apo þis wyse, Olyua semper virescit, ‘þe olyue is grene and lastys allway’.13 This exemplum seems to be unique although the principle of asking a wise man which thing is the best was common. In a story recorded in the Gesta Romanorum three wise men are asked which thing is the strongest. The first says wine, the second answers a woman and the third says a king.14 But the moral is very different as the three of them are right in their own way. The same image of the olive tree is used by the author of the Fasciculus Morum in the chapter entitled How Charity Fights against the Devil: an olive tree is offered as a token of charitable love for the olive tree never withers. The image of the rose can be found in an exemplum by Etienne of Bourbon15 where a wise man is asked five questions: what is a man? What is a man alike? How does a man behave? Where is a man? With whom is a man? To the second question the wise man answers a man is like a rose, bright when young and withered when old. [15] 16/16 Only the first lines of the exemplum – of the two cripples and the precious tree – were taken down and the scribe abbreviated his copy with the words ffabulam modo satis bene. Although the infirmities of the two cripples differ, the scribe probably recognized an exemplum by Etienne of Bourbon where a blind man and a cripple are asked to guard the king’s orchard but steal the fruits instead.16 No other trace of Gg’s variant has been found. [16] 16/24–17/5 Titled Grace before dyner by a later hand. This note reminds Christians of their duty towards God whom they often fail to thank for his goodness. The note itself may derive from a sermon although it is untraced

13  V. O’Mara, ‘Four Middle-English Sermons’, p. 128, ll. 128–46. 14  Gesta Romanorum, ed. H. Oesterley, n° 187, p. 591. 15  Stephanus de Borbone, Tractatus de diversis materiis praedicabilibus. Prologus, Liber Primus, De dono timoris, ed. J.  Berlioz & J.  L. Eichenlaub, CCCM, 124, (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002); cf.  Tubach, Index exemplorum n°4025. 16  Stephanus de Borbone, Tractatus, de diversis materiis praedicabilibus, Liber Primus, De dono timoris, ed. J. Berlioz & J. L. Eichenlaub, CCCM, 124 (Turnhout: Brepols 2002); cf. Tubach, Index exemplorum n°687.

210

Explanatory Notes

[17] 17/9–18/24 This note on the last supper is probably an extract from a sermon. [18] 129/1–134/210 MSS SRyRoss Mt, 22:47 Preserved in S (ff. 194–19) Ry (ff. 4ra-vb); Royal 18.B.xxiii (fragments in f. 62r & ff. 70–71, ed. Ross, pp. 29–35 & 59–61). Titled Post trinatem dominica 13 & 18. However, the ink is of a different shade suggesting that the title was added later, possibly by the same scribe. Note also the following comment in a different hand, The dughtie of seruantis towards ther lordis and master, which sums up the purpose of the sermon very well. 129.1, Diliges dominum Deum tuum, Mt, 22:37 129.7, Rewarde, superscript mede, dh 129.11, a word superscript and, illegible, dh 129.12, Qui servire regnare est, Augustine, De diligendo Dei, PL 40:850 129.14, Qui michi ministrat me sequatur; et vbi ego sum illi et minister meus erit. Io, 12:26 129.19, Transibit mundus cum concupicenciis suis. Ep. Io. I, 2:17 129.26, Qui ffacit peccatum seruus est peccati. Io, 8:34 130.41, Diliges Domiminum Deum tuum, Mt, 22: 37 130.61, Quia voluntas reputatus pro ffacto: possibly a misquotation from Bernard of Claivaux, Epistola de baptismo (77), ed. J. Leclercq & H. M. Rochais, Bernardi opera, vol. 7, par. 8, p. 191, l,17: Quid planius, quod voluntas pro facto reputetur, ubi factum excludit necessitas? 130.62, Ante Dei… voluntate: Gregorius Magnus, Homiliae in euangelia, Homilia 5, ed. R. Etaix, par.3, p. 35, l. 45, Ante Dei namque oculos numquam est uacua manus a munere, si arca cordis repleta bona uoluntate. 131.70, Timete dominun omnes sancti quiorium non est timentibus eum. Ps, 33:10 131.75, Servite domino in timore. Ps, 2:11 131.77, Si ego sum Deus ubi est timor meus, si ego sum Deus ubi est amor meus. Mal,1:6 131.85, Qui ipse prior dilexit nos et lauit nos a peccat-is nostris in sanguine suo. Apc,1:5 131.88, Diligentes me diligo. Pv, 8:17

Explanatory Notes

211

131.102, Ille respondes dixit: Diliges Dominum Deum tuum ex toto corde tuo, et ex tota anima tua, et ex omnibus vitutibus tuis, et ex omni mente tua: et proximum tuum sicut teipsum. Lc, 10:27 132.107, Beati mundo corde quoniam ipsi Deum videbunt. Mt., 5:8 132.113, Oculi mei semper ad dominum quoniam ipse euellet de laqueo pedes meos. Ps, 24:15 132.122, Anima mea liqueffacta est vt dilectus locutus est. Ct, 5:6 132.135, Hymn, often attributed to Gregory, sometimes to Alcuin; cf. H. A. Daniel, Thesaurus hymonologicus sive Hymnorum, canticorum, sequentiarum circa annum MD usitatarum, vol. 1, p. 176, (Halis, 1855) 133.151, Si hominibus placerem Cristi servus non essem. Gal, 1:10 133.164, Ignorancia non excusat: Augustinus Hipponensis, Sermones, sermo 251, PL 38, col. 1171, l. 7, iam quod faceres didicisti, ignorantia te non excusat, spiritus te non adiuuat: ergo periisti. 134.179, Quia ignorans ignorabitur: 1 Cor, 14:38, Si quis autem ignorat, ignorabitur. 134.179, In maliuolam animam non intrabit sapiencia, Sap, 1:4 134.180, the whole sentence ffor God hathe Ʒeven to yche man a free wyll ether to chees the goode God ethyre the yvell was partially cancelled by a different hand and words are superscript. The corrected sentence would have read Ffor God hathe Ʒiven yche man grace to [do?] goode [ether?] free wyll to doo yvell. 134.182, Qui creauit te sine te non justifficabit te sine te: Bonauentura, Breuiloquium, ed. P. P. Collegii a S. Bonauentura, pars.5, cap.3, l. 86: Verum est igitur quod dicit Augustinus quod qui creavit te sine te non iustificabit te sine te; Augustinus Hipponensis, Sermones, sermo 169, PL 38, col. 923, l. 17, Qui ergo fecit te sine te, non te iustificat sine te. 134.185, Sicut bona voluntas … omnis mali: Augustinus Hipponensis, De baptismo, ed. M. Petschenig, CSEL 51, lib.4, cap.7, par.10, p. 234, lin. 12: Porro sicut in beniuolentia bona uoluntas, sic in maliuolentia mala uoluntas est. 134.198, Omni tempore benedic Deum, Tob, 4:7 [19] pp. 135/1–139/165 MSS SRy 1 Pt, 4:7 Close versions of this sermon are preserved in S (ff.  196r–198r) and Ry (ff. 4vb-6rb). The occasion of the sermon is given in Ry as Rogations and the Sunday in the Octave of Ascension. In Gg, no occasion is given but the sermon was titled by a different hand Exhortacio ad audiedu verbum Dei, a title which sums up the purpose of the sermon very well.

212

Explanatory Notes

135.1, Estote prudentes et vigilate in oracionibus. 1 Ptr, 4:7 135.6, Nonne ex denario diurno conuenisti mecum. Mt., 20:13 135.12, Qui ex Deo est verba Dei audit propterea vos non auditis quia ex Deo non estis. Io, 8:47 135.17, Qui audit uerba mea, et custodit ea hic est qui diligit me. This misquotation from Mt, 7:24 may be derived from Arnobius Iunior, Liber ad Gregoriam in Palatio constitutam, cap.: 22, l. 10, ed. K. D. Daur, CCSL, 25A, 1992, pp. 191–244; Arnobius Iunior, Commentarii in Psalmos, Psalmus:17, l. 11& Psalmus 144, l. 26, ed. K. D. Daur, CCSL, 25, 1990; Arnobius Iunior, Praedistinatus, libri II–III, ed. F. Gori, CCSL, 25 B, 2000, pp. 57–126; Dydimus Alexandrinus secundum translationem quam fecit Hyeronimus, Liber de spiritu sancto, PL. 23, par. 16, col. 125, l. 10; Augustinus Hipponensis (pseudo) uel Pelagius (dubium), De uita christiana, PL. 40, cap. 9, col. 1038, l. 70; Casiodorus, Expositio sancti Pauli epistolae ad Romanos, PL 68, cap. 8, col. 67, l. 17; Ratherius Veronensis (Leodiensis siue Lobiensis), De contempt canonum, ed. F. Weigle, Die Briefe des Boschofs Rather von Verona, p. 80, l. 16, cf. Mt, 7:24 & Io, 14:23 135.20, At ille dixit: quippini beati qui audiunt verbum Dei et custodiunt illud. Lc,11:28 135.28, Estote prudentes et vigilate in oracionibus, 1 Ptr, 4:7 136.42, Sapiencia huius mundi stulticia est apud Deum. 1 Cor, 3:19 136.55, Subditi ergo estote Deo, resistite autem diabolo, et fugiet a vobis, Iac, 4:7 136.60, Exinde coepit Iesus praedicare et dicere paenitentiam agite adpropinquavit enim regnum caelorum. Mt, 4:17 136.66, Vigilate quia nescitis diem neque horam. Mt, 25:13 136.68, Propter quod dicit surge qui dormis et exsurge a mortuis et inluminabit tibi Christus. Eph., 5:14 137.73, humanum … perseuerare: Petrus Pictauiensis, Summa de confessione, Compilatio praeseus, ed. J. Longère, cap.46, l. 30: Verum si reus confiteatur peccata sed se nolle paenitere dicat et non posse abstinere, multipliciter eum sacerdos admoneat, terreat, ostendens quomodo Deus peccatores non solum in futuro sed etiam in praesenti puniat quia humanum est peccare, sed diabolicum est perseuerare. 137.80, Operari donec dies est venit eum nox quando nemo operari potest. Io, 9:4 31.29, Dum tempus habemus operemur bonum ad omnes. Gal, 6:10 32.6, Quia aduersarius vester diabolus tanquam leo rugiens circuit, quaerens quem deuoret: cui resistite fortes in fide. 1 Ptr, 5:8 137.92, Estote prudentes et vigilate, 1 Ptr, 4:7 137.98, Ego sum peregrinus et pauper sicut omnes patres mei. Ps, 38:13 138.12, Beati pauperes spiritu quoniam ipsorum est regnum caelorum. Mt, 5:3 138.115, Audite fratres mei dilectissimi nonne Deus elegit pauperes in hoc mundo divites in fide et heredes regni quod repromisit Deus diligentibus se. Iac, 2:5

Explanatory Notes

213

138.122, Si enim secundum carnem vixeritis moriemini si autem spiritu facta carnis mortificatis vivetis. Rom, 8:13 138.124, Sed castigo corpus meum et in servitutem redigo ne forte cum aliis praedicaverim ipse reprobus efficiar. 1 Cor, 9:27 138.127, sic nutrienda…non superbiat: Homiletica Vadstenensia ad religiosos et sacerdotes, pars I: Ad religiosos, sectio 3: sermones ad sorores de regula, 1. Anonymus: Sermo ad sorores (MS saec. XV, autographum), ed. M. Berggren, CCCM 229, pag.51, l. 351 138.132, Qui mille…corda: Thomas de Chobham, Summa de arte praedicanti, ed. F. Morenzoni, CCCM 82B, cap.6, l. 1911: Diabolus enim est serpens qui mille per meandros et fraudes flexuosas agitat quieta corda.; Prudentius, Liber Cathemerinon, Hymnus: 6, versus 137, ed. M. P. Cunningham, CCSL 126: Qui mille per meandros, fraudes que flexuosas, agitas quieta corda, discede, christus hic est. 138.139, Illi enim succedit nox sapientiam autem non vincit malitia, Sap, 7:30; adtingit enim a fine usque ad finem fortiter et disponit omnia suavit, Sap, 8:1 138.147, Induite vos arma Dei vt possitis stare aduersus insidias diaboli. Eph, 6:11 139.151, Vigilate et orate ut non intretis in temptationem spiritus promptus est caro autem infirma. Mt, 26:41 139.157, Petite vt gaudium vestrum sit plenum. Io, 16:24 139.166, Breviarium Ar Usum Insignis Ecclesiae Sarum, ‘Conceptio Beatae Mariae Virginis’, ad Matitutinas, Invitatorium 139.169, Propterea dico vobis omnia quaecumque orantes petitis credite quia accipietis et veniet vobis. Mc, 11:24 139.173, Confitemini ergo alterutrum peccata vestra et orate pro invicem ut salvemini multum enim valet deprecatio iusti adsidua. Iac, 5:16 [20] 140/1–143/144 MSS SRy Ps, 40:5 This sermon is also preserved in S (ff. 198r–200r) and Ry (ff. 6rb-8ra). It was titled Rogations by a different hand. 140.1, Ego dixi Domine miserere mei sana animam meam quoniam peccavi tibi, Ps,40:5 140.14, Primum quidem sermonem feci de omnibus o Theophile quae coepit Iesus facere et docere, Act, 1:1 140.15, Not traced. Cf. Augustinus Hipponensis, Contra Iulianum opus imperfectum, liber 2, par. 177, ed. M. Zelzer, CSEL 85, 1, p. 296, l. 1: Quod enim unus facit et ad alios dirigit, non uere hoc omnes fecisse dicuntur.

214

Explanatory Notes

140.18, Peccatori autem dixit Deus quare tu enarras iustitias meas et adsumis testamentum meum per os tuum, tu vero odisti disciplinam et proiecisti sermones meos retrorsum, Ps, 49:16–17 140.29, Lex Domini inmaculata convertens animas testimonium Domini fidele sapientiam praestans parvulis, Ps, 18:8 140.32, Qui habet somnium narret sompnium et qui habet sermonem meum loquatur sermonem meum vere quid paleis ad triticum dicit Dominus, Ier, 23:28 141.38, Quisquis ideo… se privat: Gregorius Magnus, Homiliae in euangelia, lib.1, Homilia 17, ed. R. Etaix, CCSL 141, par 7, page 12: Quisquis namque ideo praedicat, ut hic uel laudis uel muneris mercedem recipiat, aeterna procul dubio mercede se priuat 141.47, Ego dixi Domine miserere mei sana animam meam quoniam peccavi tibi, Ps, 40:5 141.54, Haec est autem vita aeterna vt cognoscant te solum verum Deum et quem misisti Iesum Christum, Io, 17:3 141.57, Per cognicionem… Dei: Alcherus Claraeuallensis (Pseudo-Augustine), De Spiritu et anima, PL 40, cap.52, Col. 818, l. 46: Si mulieres speculum suum, in quo facies iuspiciunt, cum amiserint, diligenter quaerunt et curiose tergunt a pulvere et a sorde: multo amplius speculum interioris hominis debemus et invenire et tergere et inspicere; ut in eo totam turpitudinem nostram valeamus deprehendere, et ita per cognitionem nostram ad cognitionem Dei pervenire. 142.73, Non est malagma apponere dum fferum est in vulnere: possibly Sicardus Cremonensis, Mitralis de officiis, ed. G. Sarbak & L. Weinrich, CCCM 228, lib. 5, cap. 1, p. 300, l. 161: Ad similitudinem corporum parat nobis medicamen animarum; quamdiu noxii sunt humores in corpore, inutile est nutritiua superaddere; quia non pura corpora quanto magis nutries, tanto magis ledes; et cum ferrum est in uulnere, non est malagma apponere; et sincerum est nisi uas, quodcumque infundis, accessit, et in maliuolam animam non introibit sapientia, quia non habitat in corpore subdito peccatis; See also Bernard of Clairvaux, Sentenciae, ed. J. Leclercq & H. M. Rochais, series 3, sent. 97, vol. 6, 2, p. 156, l. 6: Arundo itaque trahitur, cum peccatum deponitur; ferum in vulnere latet, quandiu voluntas peccandi remanet, qua manente non fit curatio Trahendum est igitur ferrum, voluntas relidendi tollenda; see also Elucidarium, ed. Y. Lefevre, L’Elucidarium et les lucidaires, pp. 432, 72 M: Sicut omnia medicamenta non valent ad sanandum vulnus, quamdiu ferrum fuerit infixum, nisi ferrum extrahatur, ita omnia benefacta non proderunt, nisi peccatum relinquatur.; see also Ratherius Veronensis, De contemptu canonum, ed. F. Weigle, thesaurus ratherii, Series A et B: Formae et Lemmata et Thesaurus Linguae Scriptorum Perumque Latino-Belgicorum Medii Aevi, p. 104, l. 28: Non modice nam me terret dum alibi lego quia sicut non proficit plagato medicine alicuius inpensio si adhuc ferrum in eo sit ita non prodest penitentia illius qui peccatum quod

Explanatory Notes

215

plangit non deserit ut balaam utique compunctio et esau consternatio prodit hoc idem quoque astipulante domino dum dicit. 142.78, Tunc dicet et his qui a sinistris erunt discedite a me maledicti in ignem aeternum qui paratus est diabolo et angelis eius. Mt, 25:41 142.85, tibi soli peccavi et malum coram te feci ut iustificeris in sermonibus tuis et vincas cum iudicaris. Ps., 50:6 142.97, viam mandatorum tuorum cucurri cum dilatasti cor meum. Ps., 118:32 142.100, and to the seyntys off heven] canc., dh 142.106, cum ergo facies elemosynam noli tuba canere ante te sicut hypocritae faciunt in synagogis et in vicis ut honorificentur ab hominibus amen dico vobis receperunt mercedem suam. Mt, 6:2; Mt, 6:5 143.112, Propterea dico vobis omnia quaecumque orentes petitis credite quia accipietis et veniet vobis. Mc, 11:24 143.121, et ecce offerebant ei paralyticum iacentem in lecto et videns Iesus fidem illorum dixit paralytico confide fili remittuntur tibi peccata tua. Mt., 9:2 143.136, Suavis Dominus universis et miserationes eius super omnia opera eius. Ps,144:9; Misericordia autem Domini ab aeterno et usque in aeternum super timentes eum et iustitia illius in filios filiorum. Ps, 102:17 [21] 144/1–148/166 MSS SRy Lc, 19:5 This sermon is preserved in S (ff. 200r–202r) and Ry (8ra-9vb). The occasion for which it was intended is unclear. However, it is ascribed to the first Sunday in Advent in Ry. There are emendations by a different hand throughout, but most of the superscript words and comments are illegible. 144.3, badde canc, dh, a word superscript, illegible, dh 144.3, Et dixit eis: Euntes in mundum universum praedicate Evangelium omni creaturae, Mc, 16:15 144.4, wandethe canc, dh, two words superscript, dh. First word goo, the second illegible. 144.6, yche canc, dh; eny superscript dh 144.6, Si quis venit ad vos, et hanc doctrinam non affert, nolite recipere eum in domum, nec Ave ei dixeritis, 2 Io, 1:10 145.42, God] several words superscript, dh, illegible 145.46, day] words now illegible, superscript, dh 145.50 taughʒt] words superscript, dh, illegible

216

Explanatory Notes

145.56, Et cum venisset ad locum suspiciens Iesus vidit illum et dixit ad eum Zacchee festinans descende quia hodie in domo tua oportet me manere. Lc, 19:5. 145.61, by thys] a word, now illegible, superscript, dh. S and Ry read Þis house as I sayde 145.63, An nescitis quoniam membra vestra, templum sunt Spiritus Sancti, qui in vobis est, quem habetis a Deo, et non estis vestri? 1 Cor, 6:19; Nescitis quia templum Dei estis, et Spiritus Dei habitat in vobis? Si quis autem templum Dei violaverit, disperdet illum Deus. Templum enim Dei sanctum est, quod estis vos. 1 Cor, 3:16–17 146.67, sothelye] a word, now illegible, superscript, dh 146.68, wete] catchword, qwhat thynge, in the right corner, sh 146.72, myspeye] a word, now illegible, superscript, dh 146.78, Lavamini, mundi estote; auferte malum cogitationum vestrarum ab oculis meis: quiescite agere perverse, Is, 1:16. 146.81, perversae enim cogitationes separant a Deo; probata autem virtus corripit insipientes. Sap., 1:3 146.91, blode] in sacrament superscript, dh 146.91, prayeste] words, now illegible, dh; wynne] words superscript, now illegible, dh 146.92, meede] rewarde superscript, dh 146.96, Pone, Domine, custodiam ori meo, et ostium circumstantiae labiis meis Ps, 140:3 146.96, Domine, libera animam meam a labiis iniquis et a lingua dolosa. Ps, 119:2 147.99, trecherus] a word, illegible, superscript, dh 147.99, Os tuum abundavit malitia, et lingua tua concinnabat dolos. Ps., 49:19 147.105, Qui reddet unicuique secundum opera ejus. Rom, 2:6 147.107, Probacio dileccionis est exhibicio operis, the source could be be Gregorius Magnus, Homiliae in euangelia, ed. R. Etaix, CC Sl, 141, 1999, lib 2, Hom. 30, par. 1, p. 256, l. 14: probatio ergo dilectionis exhibitio est operis. Hinc in epistola sua idem Iohannes dicit: “Qui dicit quia diligo Deum et mandata eius non custodit mendax est.” However, the quotation may be found in various works including among others Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermones de diuersiis (sermo 121, vol. 6, 1, p. 399, l. 6); John of Salisbury, Epistularianum Iohannes Sarisbierensis, Epistulae Iohannis et aliorum contemporeanorum (ep. 300, p. 702, l. 32) and in his Politicratus (ed. Webb, tom.1, lib. 5, chp. 3, p. 285, l. 2); Robertus Grosstete, Expositio in epistulam sancti Pauli ad Galatas (chap. 6, par. 13, l. 327); Thomas de Aquino, In III Sententiarum (distinction: 29, quaestio 1, art. 2, sed contra 1, l. 1)

Explanatory Notes

217

147.109, Et audivi vocem de caelo, dicentem mihi: Scribe: Beati mortui qui in Domino moriuntur. Amodo jam dicit Spiritus, ut requiescant a laboribus suis: opera enim illorum sequuntur illos. Apc, 14:13 147.114, areye] a word, illegible, superscript, dh 147.116, schryffte] a word, illegible, superscript, dh. A word was originally written between mowthe and than. It was subpuncted et possibly cancelled. Some other word, now illegible, superscript, dh 147.117, cardynall] principall superscript, dh 147.126, Utinam saperent, et intelligerent, ac novissima providerent, Dt., 32:29 147.131, In patientia vestra possidebitis animas vestras, Lc, 21:19. 148.133, Rogamus autem vos, fratres, corripite inquietos, consolamini pusillanimes, suscipite infirmos, patientes estote ad omnes, 1 Thes., 5:14. 148.142, Et coegerunt illum, dicentes: mane nobiscum, quoniam advesperascit, et inclinata est jam dies. Et intravit cum illis, Lc, 24:29 148.146, Vis autem scire o homo inanis quoniam fides sine operibus mortua est? Iac, 2:20 148.150, Ante omnia autem, mutuam in vobismetipsis caritatem continuam habentes: quia caritas operit multitudinem peccatorum, 1 Ptr, 4:8 148.154, Et nos cognovimus, et credidimus caritati, quam habet Deus in nobis. Deus caritas est: et qui manet in caritate, in Deo manet et Deus, in eo,1 Io, 4:16 148.158, Dominus interrogat justum et impium; qui autem diligit iniquitatem, odit animam suam, Ps, 10:6 [22] 149/1–154/199 MSS SRyB Io, 11:25 This sermon for a funeral is preserved in S (ff. 202r–204r), Ry (ff. 9vb-12ra) and B (ff. 107r–11r). In Ry, it is ascribed to the sixth Sunday after Pentecost. Alan Fletcher has shown that it is an English translation of a Latin sermon preserved in Hereford Cathedral Library, MS O.III.5 (f. 104v, col. a-106v, col.b).17 149.1, Dixit ei Jesus: ego sum resurrectio et vita, qui credit in me, etiam si mortuus fuerit, vivet, Io, 11:25 149.2, Several words superscript, meant to be inserted beween dede and the, dh. The first two words could be in synne, the remaining three are illegible. 149.4, for the grettenes off the peyne] canc. dh

17  Alan Fletcher, ‘A Hive of Industry or a Hornest’s Nest’, Preaching, Politics and Poetry in Late-Medieval England, Four Courts Press, Portland, 1998, pp. 126–27.

218

Explanatory Notes

149.10, ffor the grettenes off heyr peyne the qwyche] canc. dh 149.19, Fili, in mortuum produc lacrimas, et quasi dira passus incipe plorare: et secundum judicum contege corpus illius, et non despicias sepulturam illius, Ecl, 38:16. 149.29, Non demoreris in errore impiorum: ante mortem confitere: a mortuo, quasi nihil, perit confessio. Ecl, 17:26 150.37, Quamvis jeiunium prodest, mortuis ex deuocione ieiunantis elemosina parlus prodest, et cetera, not traced 150.48, Mortuus vivet, Io, 11:25 150.55, Omnes morimur, et quasi aquae dilabimur in terram, quae non revertuntur: nec vult Deus perire animam, sed retractat cogitans ne penitus pereat qui abjectus est, 2 reg, 14:14 150.64, In quacumque hora comederitis de ligno vite moriemini, possibly Iohannes Damascenus, secundum translationem quam fecit Burgundius Pisanus, De fide orthodoxa (Traditio certa orthodoxae fidei), ed. E. M. Buytaert (Franciscan Institute Publications, Text Series, vol. 8, 1955), cap. 25, p. 111, l. 96: Quacumque autem die comedetis ab eo, morte moriemini. 151.77, Elucidarium, ed. Yves Lefèvre, E. D. Brocard, Paris, 1954, pp. 440, 96.M: Ab amaritudine vel a morsu pomi vetiti, unde mors est orta. Sunt autem tres mortes: immatura infantum, acerba ut juvenum, naturalis ut senum. 151.89, (12) Nolumus autem vos ignorare fratres de dormientibus, ut non contristemini sicut et ceteri, qui spem non habent. (13) Si enim credimus quod Jesus mortuus est, et resurrexit: ita et Deus eos qui dormierunt per Jesum, adducet cum eo. 1 Thes, 4:12–13 151.97, Mortui enim estis, et vita vestra est abscondita cum Christo in Deo. Col, 3:3 151.104, Haec est autem voluntas Patris mei, qui misit me: ut omnis qui videt filium et credit in eum, habeat vitam aeternam, et ego resuscitabo eum in novissimo die, Io, 6:40; Sic enim Deus dilexit mundum, ut Filium suum unigenitum daret: ut omnis qui credit ineum, non pereat, sed habeat vitam aeternam, Io, 3:16 152.117, Si autem dixero impio: Morte morieris: et egerit poenitentiam a peccato suo, feceritque judicium et justitiam, Ez, 33:14 152.134, Tunc ait illis: Tristis est anima mea usque ad mortem: sustinete hic, et vigilate mecum, Mt, 26:38; et ait illis: Tristis est anima mea usque ad mortem: sustinete hic, et vigilate, Mc, 14:34 153.149, O mors, quam amara est memoria tua homini; pacem habenti in substantiis suis, Ecc, 41:1 153.155, O miser homo, quomodo disponis te in omni hora ad mortem, cogita tu miser et cetera, not traced 153.168, Et audivi vocem de caelo, dicentem mihi: Scribe: beati mortui qui in Domino moriuntur. Amodo jam dicit Spiritus, ut requiescant a laboribus suis: opera enim illorum sequuntur illos, Apoc 14:13

Explanatory Notes

219

153.177, Qui habet Filium, habet vitam: Qui non habet Filium, vitam non habet, 1 Io, 5:12 153.181, Stipendia enim peccati, mors. Gratia autem Dei, vita aeterna, in Christo Jesu Domino nostro, Rom, 6:23 154.183, Libera me, Domine, et pone me juxta te, et cujusvis manus pugnet contra me, Iob, 17:3 154.184, Mors peccatorum pessima; et qui oderunt justum delinquent, Ps, 33:22 [23] 155/1–157/103 This sermon is an abridged version of the Speculum Sacerdotale (SS) for All Hallows, although Gg’s exemplar was clearly not BL MS Add. 36791 (the only manuscript that preserves the SS). The SS and the Legenda Aurea (LA) are close, at least for the first part of the sermon, recalling that the origin of the feast is the consecration of a church: Under Emperor Phocas, Pope Bonifacius IV had the temple called Pantheon consecrated to Mary and all martyrs. Then, it was decided that a mass be celebrated in remembrance of all saints on 1 November. According to the SS this date was chosen by Bonefacius IV whereas the LA says it was by Pope Gregorius, the fourth pope after Bonifacius. The LA echoes Iohannes Beleth and Guillelmus Duranti Senior, notably. Then both the SS and the LA relate the story of the keeper of St Peter’s church, which is omitted in Gg. The second part of the sermon in the SS and Gg deals with All Souls Day and the reason why it was instituted on 2 November. It differs from the LA which omits the exemplum on the monk whose soul is ravished by an angel and taken to paradise and purgatory. This exemplum is very similar to that of the keeper of St Peter’s church and Gg’s scribe might have deemed it redundant to keep both. It is clear that Gg’ scribe or that of his exemplar was more concerned about the origin of All Souls Day than that of All Saints. This is suggested first by the afore-mentioned omission of the exemplum of the keeper of St Peter’s church, and second by the scribe’s confusion about the dates: The secunde deye off Novembyre we halowe the solempnyte off owre Lorde ande off all seyntys […]. It should clearly be the first of November and not the secunde. That the scribe was interested in All Souls day mainly is also clear from the lack of transition between the two parts the sermon is made of. He jumps from All Saints to All Souls as if both feasts were the same: The ordenawnce off this ffeste owre Lorde declarethe in this maner: þer was a munke at Rome […]. 155.2, Secunde day is obviously a mistake and should be first day 155.11, the Greek etymology is not given in BL MS 3679’s version of the Speculum Sacerdotale but it is preserved in the LA and in Guilelmus Duranti senior’s Rationale diuinorum officiorum, (libri I, viii), ed. A.  Davril/ T.  M.

220

Explanatory Notes

Thibodeau/B. G. Guyot, 2000, CCCM, 140B, lib. 7, cap. 34, par.1, l. 3: Cum singular ydola Romanorum Rome templum habere non possent, Romani unum templum omnibus fecerunt, quod dictum est Pantheon a pan quod est totum et theos quod est deus. 155.20, in the LA and Iohannes Beleth Pope Gregorius, fourth after Bonifacius, instituted the feast on the 1 November: Ideo Gregorius minor, qui quartus fuit eorum, qui eodem nomine uocati fuerunt, hec duo festa transtulit et ea in kalendis Nouembris […], Iohannes Beleth, Summa de ecclesiasticis officiis, ed. H. Duteil, 1976, CCCM, 41 A, cap. 127, l. 13 156.24, here the Speculum Sacerdotale records the exemplum of the keeper of St Peter’s church also preserved in the LA, but omitted in Gg. 156.38, a passage is missing in Gg, probably due to eyeskip, as shown by this extract from the Speculum Sacerdotale: The queene, he said, þat þou seest is blessed Marie with all virgins that haþ suffred marterdom for oure [helpe]. And for these beþ many of hem that haþ no propour feste but the feste that Cristen men worschepeþ and kepeþ in the honoure of al halowen, þerfore they do þonke now the kynge that ʒeueþ hem syche worschep […], ed. E. H. Weatherly, EETS, London, 1936, p. 222, l. 3–8 [24] 158/1–60/79 This sermon for a wedding ceremony is preserved in no other manuscript. The address, most worchippull soffereyns, may indicate that it was composed for a particular audience as suggested by G. R. Owst in Preaching in Medieval England (CUP, 1926, p. 233). It may have been preached verbatim. 158.5, Erunt inquit duo in carne tua, Gn, 2: 24 158.17, Dixit quoque Dominus Deus: Non est bonum esse hominem solum: faciamus ei adjutorium simile sibi, Gn 2:18 158.22, Immisit ergo Dominus Deus soporem in Adam: cumque obdormisset, tulit unam de costis ejus, et replevit carnem pro ea, Gn, 2:21 158.28, Dixitque Adam: Hoc nunc os ex ossibus meis, et caro de carne mea: haec vocabitur Virago, quoniam de viro sumpta est, Gn, 2:23 159.36, A  similar idea is developed in the Lucydarye and its source the French Second Lucidaire. It is worth noting that there is no parallel in the Latin Elucidarium: My chylde, yf the woman had be made of the hyghest party of the man, she had ben to proude and sholde haue mystaken the man. And yf she had ben made of the moost lowest partye of the man, the man sholde haue to moche dyspraysed her. Wherfore she was fourmed of the myddle to thende that þe man her helde for his company, ed. S. Morrison, The Late Middle English Lucydarye, p. 9, ll. 120–26

Explanatory Notes

221

159.45, Benedixitque illis Deus, et ait: Crescite et multiplicamini, et replete terram, et subjicite eam, et dominamini piscibus maris, et volatilibus caeli, et universis animantibus, quae moventur super terram, Gn, 1: 28 159.60, Estote ergo vos perfecti, sicut et pater vester caelistis perfectus est, Mt, 5:48 160.79, Quod ergo Deus conjunxit, homo non separet, Mt, 19:6; Mc, 10:9 [25] In Solemniʒacione matrimonij – 161/1–163/72 This sermon for a wedding is preserved in Gg only. There are a great number of notes by a different hand, superscript and illegible for the most part. 161.1, Most worchippull ffrendys] godde Christen people, superscript, dh 161.6, sequence, supercript, illeg, dh 161.7, sequence, superscript, illeg, dh 161.8, sequence, superscript, illeg, dh 161.9, Propter hoc dimittet homo patrem, et matrem, ad adhaerit uxori suae, et erunt duo in carne una, Mt, 19:5 161.9, sequence, superscript, illeg, dh 161.12, Et creavit Deus hominem ad imaginem suam: ad imaginem Dei creavit illum, masculum et feminam creavit eos, Gn, 1:27 161.13, Adam, superscript, dh 161.14, Laudent nomen Domini.Quia ipse dixit, et facta sunt; ipse mandavit, et creata sunt, Ps, 148:5 161.18, Benedixitque illis Deus, et ait: Crescite et multiplicamini, et replete terram, et subjicite eam, et dominamini piscibus maris, et volatilibus caeli, et universis animantibus, quae moventur super terram, Gn, 1:28 161.24, Dixitque Adam: Hoc nunc os ex ossibus meis, et caro de carne mea: haec vocabitur Virago, quoniam de viro sumpta est, Gen, 2:23 161.25, reference not traced 162.35, weddyd] subpuncted dh, maryd, superscript, dh 162.49, weddyd] subpuncted dh, maryd, superscript, dh 162.60, messe] subpuncted dh, communion, superscript, dh 162.64, bothe] a word superscript, possibly the, dh 163.72, chargys… behestys] chargys, subpuncted, dh; and communion, superscript, dh

222

Explanatory Notes

[26] 164/1–168/167 MS HRG22add For HR see S. Powell.18 The main source is the Fasciculus Morum and the outline of the first Sermons et Themata which travel with the Fasciculus Morum in a number of manuscripts, as evidenced by S. Powell (A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 311–34) 164.3, As pointed out by S. Powell, this passage can help date the sermon to the early 1470s when Edward was forced to flee to escape Warwick (S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, 311–12). Note that R and Gi are more evasive with as oftyn tymes haþ ben sene in dyvers remys, R 164.12, Et habet in vestimento et in femore suo scriptum: Rex regum et Dominus dominantium, Apoc, 19:16 164.19, Dicite filiae Sion: Ecce rex tuus venit tibi mansuetus, sedens super asinam, et pullum filium subjugalis, Mt, 21:5 165.42, Dicens: Pater, si vis, transfer calicem istum a me: verumtamen non mea voluntas, sed tua fiat, Lc, 22:42 165.46, Et descendit cum eis, et venit Nazareth: et erat subditus illis. Et mater ejus conservabat omnia verba haec in corde suo, Lc, 2:51 165.51, dependent on the Fasciculus Morum, cf. S. Wenzel p. 68 165.53: Surgam, et ibo ad patrem meum, et dicam ei: Pater, peccavi in caelum, et coram te: jam non sum dignus vocari filius tuus: fac me sicut unum de mercenariis tuis, Lc, 15:18–21 165.56, Facsiculus Morum, S. Wenzel, p. 68; This passage refers to Petrus de Ravensis: Quare tantam gloriam tanta turpitudine commutasti? Sed: cito proferte stolam primam, et induite illum. Videtis quia delicta non uidet uis amoris; tardam misericordiam pater nescit; delicta qui discutit, prodit, Petrus Chrysologus, Collectio sermonum, SL 24, sermo 3, l. 82 165.59–168.160, the whole passage from turpitudinem to the worlde is missing in H due to the loss of two folios. 165.65, Dixit autem pater ad servos suos: Cito proferte stolam primam, et induite, et date annulum in manum ejus, et calceamenta in pedes ejus, Lc, 15:22 166.71, Pater, peccavi in te, non sum dingus vocari filius tuus, Lc, 15–19 166.80–86, As evidenced by S. Powell the image of the hawk is dependant on chapter 3, part 6 of the Facsiculus Morum. See S. Wenzel, p. 634 166.98, Quia vocavi, et renuistis; extendi manum meam, et non fuit qui aspiceret, Prov, 1:24. Unlike Gg, HR preserve the entire quotation and add material derived from chapter 7 of the Fasciculus Morum, dealing with the image of the 18 S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 116–26.

Explanatory Notes

223

repenting child and forgiving father, as identified by S. Powell (A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 323; cf. S. Wenzel, p. 70): Vocaui et renuistis.” “Expandi manus meas et non erat qui aspiceret. ‘I haue spred abrode my handys vpon þe crosse and no man taked hede vpon my payn.’ Þerfore lat vs do as childre doo þat be vndir gouernaunce and discrete chastysyng. Whan þei haue offendyd þe fadire and displesyd hym, suche goode and dredefull childre, perseyvyng þat þei haue done amysse, þei take þe rode and goo to þe fadire and fal to hys fote, axing forʒeuenes and submittyng hem to betyng at þe faderys wille. Than þe fadire of hys child will haue pety and forʒeve hym hys trespass and offence and take hym to mercy. So it ys oure mercyfull fadire in heven. Whan he perseyveþ we knowlege owre offence and synnys, be contrite and sory þerfore, and be in will to amend vs and forsake our synnys, þat merciful Lorde doþe away þe payne þat we haue deseruyd or els so aswagyþ hys ire þat it deryþ vs lytyl or noʒt. For he is so mercyfull þat, yf we will be contrite and mekely aske mercy and forʒeuenes, he will forʒeue vs oure offence and reseyve vs to grace. RG22add (ed. S. Powell, A Critical Edition, pp. 122–23, ll. 132–35) 167.126, Quique terrigenae et filii hominum, simul in unum dives et pauper, Ps, 48:3 167.128, Et verbum caro factum est, et habitavit in nobis: et vidimus gloriam ejus, gloriam quasi unigeniti a Patre plenium gratiae et veritatis, Io, 1:14 167.140, these lines derive from the Fasciculus Morum, part VII dealing with the virtue of chastity. As shown by S. Powell (A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 329). The reference to the agnus castus in the Fasciculus is from Albertus Magnus, De vegetalibus, lib. 6, cap. V, De proprietatibus arboris, quae agnus castus vocatur (ed. Meyer & Jenssen, Berlin, 1867, pp. 349–50. See S. Powell for fruther consideration on both Albertus Magnus and the plant called agnus castus (S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 329–31); see Wenzel, p. 702 168.151, S. Powell has shown that this quotation was from the version of the Fasciculus Morum preserved in Oxford, Bodl. Lib. MS Bodley 332, f. 140, col.a. For further detail see S. Powell (A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 333) 168.160, Excita, Domine, corda nostra ad praearandas Unigeniti tui vias: ut, per eius adventum, purificatis tibi mentibus servire mereamur: Qui tecum, Oratio, second Sunday in Advent

224

Explanatory Notes

[27] 169/1–172/122 MSS HROLG22 For HR see S. Powell’s edition.19 For OLG22 see S. Morrison’s edition.20 The main source is the chapter Incarnacio from Jacobus de Voragine’s Distinctiones, as evidenced by S. Powell. 169.1–8, As noted by S. Powell (A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 354), this passage derives from Isidore of Seville’s Liber de ecclesisticis officiis, lib.1, cap. 26, De Natali Domini, PL 83, col. 762: Postquam enim inuidia diabuli parens ille primus spe seductus inani cecidit, confestim exul et perditus in omni genere suo radicem malitiae et peccati transduxit, crescebat que in malum uehementius omne genus mortalium, diffusis ubique sceleribus et, quod est nequius omnium, cultibus idolorum. Volens ergo deus terminare peccatum consuluit uerbo, lege, prophetis, signis, plagis, prodigiis: sed cum nec sic quidem errores suos ammonitus agnosceret mundus, misit deus filium suum ut carne indueretur, et hominibus appareret, et peccatores sanaret. 169.9, Beth. Plorans ploravit in nocte, et lacrimae ejus in maxillis ejus: non est qui consoletur eam, e omnibus caris ejus; omnes amici ejus spreverunt eam, et facti sunt ei inimici, Lam, 1:2 169.30, Pater omnium planetarum, S. Powell (A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 357) identified the source of this passage as the chapter Incarnacio from Jacobus de Voragine’s Distinctiones, cf. MS Bod. 332, fol. 53v, col. a-b 170.48, Omnia per ipsum facta sunt: et sine ipso factum est nihil, quod factum est, Io, 1:3; cf. chapter Incarnacio from Jacobus de Voragine’s Distinctiones as noted by S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 357 170.50, Sol illuminans per omnia respexit, et gloria Domini plenum est opus ejus, Ecc, 42:16 170.51–54, Owre soffereyn Lorde… plenteffusly] the passage was expanded as such in the O group: That is to sey: ‘þe sonne of ryʒtwisnes lyʒtenyng all þing, and þe werke of hym is full of his glorie.’ Moreover, seynt Iohn rehersithe in þe gospell and seythe: Vita erat lux hominum; ‘The lyffe was the lyʒte of man.’ Et lux in tenebris lucet, et tenebre eam non comprehenderunt; ‘And þe lyʒte schynethe in derkenes, and derkenessis comprehendyd not it.’ As who seythe, þu þat art in þe derkenes of synne, þu mayst not þen resceyue the lyʒt of grace that God of his goodness hathe ordende to all mankynde. Erat lux vera, que illuminat omnem hominem venientem in hunc mundum; ‘There was a very lyʒt the whiche lyʒtnethe every man þat commethe into þis worlde.’ So þus I haue prevyd that owre soueren sauiour Criste Ihesu, be his blissed natiuite, haþe lyʒtned vs withe his good grace, the whiche is to vs a comfortabyll

19 S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 142–48. 20 S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, pp. 27–33.

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225

werke. Wherfore I may conclude and veryfye þat in Cristis blissed byrthe good werkys be schewyd plentowsly (ed. S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, pp. 29–30) 171.80, Non liberaretur humanum genus, nisi sermo dei dignaretur esse humanus, Augustinus Hipponensis, Sermones, sermo 174, ed. PL 38, col. 940, l. 27 171.93, Oblivioni datus sum, tamquam mortuus a corde. Factus sum tamquam vas perditum, Ps, 30:13 171.100, Sol in aspect annuntians in exitu, vas admirabile, opus Exclesi, Ecc, 43:2 172.109, Cum autem benignitas et humanitas apparuit Salvatoris nostri Dei, non ex operibus justiciae, quae fecimus nos, sed secundum suam misericordiam salvos nos fecit par lavacrum regenerationis et renovationis Spiritus Sancti, Tit, 3:4–5 [28] 173/1–174/54 MSS HROLG22 For HR see S. Powell’s edition.21 For OLG22 see S. Morrison’s edition.22 The main source of this sermon is the Legenda Aurea, as indicated in line 1, I ffynde in Legenda sanctorum. The version in Gg is shorter than that in HR, itself much shorter than in OLG22. However, Susan Powell suggests that the exemplar used by the OLG22’s scribe was closer to Gg than HR. 173.1, The source is the Legenda Aurea: Circumcisionis diem quator celebrem faciunt et sollempnem; primum est octaua natiuitatis, secundum impositio noui et salutiferi nominis, tertium effusio sanguinis, quartum signaculum circumcisionis. (ed. G. P. Maggioni, p. 120, cap. xiii) 173.5, In HROLG22, the four causes are introduced whereas Gg seems to be following the Legenda Aurea more faithfully: incarnacion] The second cause if for Criste name was yeve þat day. The third cause is for Cristes blessid blode þat he bled bi effusion. The iiij cause is for þe holy token of Cristes circumcision; I say þe first cause is we must haue þe holy fest of New Yere in reuerence and worship for it is þe viij day of Cristes blessid birth and incarnacion, and a grete reson whi. H (S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 149) 173.9, In OLG22, the causes why each of the eight days of the octave should be worshiped are developed as thus: saluacion] But þen þese viij dayes of Cristis byrthe owʒte every good christen man and woman to haue in reverence and in remembraunce as þus. The firste dat owʒte every man and woman to haue in mynde of what fylthe and corrupcion þat he or sche is comyn of, and of what abhomynabyll mater that we ar conceyvid of. Firste, take hede to þi nose þi nosethrels, þine eeris

21 S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 149–53. 22 S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, pp. 33–39.

226

Explanatory Notes

and oþer ornamentis of þi body þat owʒte not to be rehersid, for it is to odius a mater for to þinke vpon; and how þu art but muke and dong, as Seynt Barnard rehersithe full pleyne, saccus stercorum [e]t esca vermium. ‘Thu art no more’, he seythe, ‘but as it were a sakful of dong or wormes mete.’ The second [day, L] of þine vtas is for to þinke [on] how grevosly þi modyr was peyned with þe in tyme of þi byrthe, in so moche þat it is an hyʒe myrakyll that sche or the childe is skaped þe peynes of dethe. And therefore seythe Criste in þe gospel, Mathei Quinto decimo: qui maledixerit patri vel matri, morte moriatur; ‘He that cursithe fader or moder, he schall dye be dethes’; Þat is to sey, he schall be sure of everlasting dampnacion. The iiid is to þinke one how febyll and how wrechid þu art borne, where as all bestis and every thing [of kynde] can helpe hymselfe, saue only mankynde. And as a flowre þu schalt fade awey, as Iob rehersithe and seythe: homo natus de muliere brevi viuens tempore; ‘Man is born of a woman lyvyng but a schort tyme’. And therefore seythe our Lorde God: Nisi conuersi fueritis, et efficamini sicut paruuli, non intrabitis in regnum celorum; ‘No but ʒe be turned and made as lytil chylder, ʒe schall not entyr into þe kyngdome of hevens.’ The fowrte is to þinke on how moche drede and perrell þat þu lyviste in whyle þu art in þis present lyfe. For evermore, where ever þu goste, þu hyeste faste towarde þine endyng day, and euer [de]t[he] suethe þe. And þe fende is euer aʒenst the, to trape the and to bryng þe in to synne. And how sone þu schalt pas owte of þis worlde no man can tell, saue God only. And therefore seythe Salamon: Memorare nouissima [tua], et in eternum non peccabis. ‘Haue mynde on þine endyng day and þu schalt neuer synne’. The v is to þinke one how peynefull and drefull that dethe is when he commethe. Firste in [a] schorte tyme, he makethe hym to stynke that all hys beste frendys ben full besy to put hym in to the erthe and so hyde hym there. And therefore seythe Salamon: Timenti Deum bene sit in nouissimo; that is to sey: ‘He that dredythe God, it schall be well to hym in his laste day’. The vjth is to þinke on how sorowfull and how grevos it is what tyme þat the body and þe sowle schall departe, and the sowle gretly afreyde with fendis in þe departyng fro þe body. And that rehersithe a notabyll doctor and seythe: Sola visio demonum exsuperat omne genus tormentorum; ‘Only the syʒte of fendis passithe all oþer tormentis in kynde’. The vij owʒte to be had euer in remembraunce, how dredefull is þe iugement that the sowle schall com to. For this is certen, he schall departe into the wey of euelastyng dampnacion or ells into þe wey of euerlastyng saluacion. For as Seynt Paule testifyethe and seythe: Omnes vos manifestari oportet a[n]t[e] tribunal domini nostril Ihesu Christi etc. ‘All ʒe schall be schewyd opynly before þe c[e]te of the dome of owre Lord Ihesu Criste. And every man schall tell forthe his proper werkis of his body as thowʒe he wrote them, whether they be good or ivyll.’ So these seven dayes, þat is to sey, þese vij maner of remembraunce, scholde cawse þe hastily to be circumcised from synne in þe viij day. That is to sey, he scholde cause to cut awey frome hym the luste of his flesshe and all wordly vanite. Figure of these viij dayes we haue full pleyne in þe gospell of

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227

þis fest of þe circumcision, Luce secondo, where he seythe þus: Postquam consummati [sunt] dies octo, ut circumsideretur puer. ‘After viij dayes were endyd, þat þe childe scholde be circumcised’. O, (ed. S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, pp. 34–36, ll. 15–76) 173.12, Secundum est impositio noui et salutiferi nominis. Hodie enim impositum est ei nomen nouum quod os domini nominauit, Legenda Aurea, (ed. G. P. Maggioni, p. 121, cao. xiii) 173.14, HR give more details on the three names of Jesus and derived from the Legend Aurea: The euaungelist Sent Luce… quia secundum canones] First he was callid and named þe son of God. And þis name was conveniently yove vnto hym, as witnessith Hilarius in Libro de Trinitate, where he seith þus: We know wele þat oure souereyn Savioure is Goddes son bi þe testimony and witnes of þe fadir of heven, affermyng and saying, Hic est filius meus dilectus. ‘þis is my welle beloued son.” We knowe wele also bi preching of þe holy apostelis, by þe bileve of holy men, bi his blessid birth, bi his precius passion, bi his resurreccion and his marvelus ascencion. Wherfore, it foloweth þat he [is] rightfull callid Goddes son. The second name was, he was called Christus, þat is to say, vnctus as moch to say as ‘anoynted’, quia ipse fuit vnctus oleo leticie, for as þe prophete sayth, he was anoynted with þe soft oyle of gladnes. Bi þis anoyntor is vndirstond þat he was prophete, prest and kyng, for thes iij wer anoyntyd by þe custome of þe law and none oþer bot prophetys, prestys and kyngys. For Criste was prophete in doctrine and lernyng, he was preste in reconsilyng and kinge in rewarding and yeving. Of þis name Criste we be called Cristen man. Vnde Augustinus Cristianus iusticie bonita[ti]s, paciencie, integratis, prudencie, castitatis, innociencie, humilitatis et nomen pietatis. Hec ille. The thrid name of oure souereyn savioure was callid Ihesus, þat is to say, savioure, and þis name is of grete vertu. Petrus de Revenna vpon þis text, vocabis nomen eius Ihesum, he seith þus, hoc est nomem quid dedit cecis visum, surdis auditum, claudis cursum, mutis sermonem, vitam mortuis, quia potestate[m] diaboli de obcessis corporibus virtus huis nominis effugauit. This holi and excellent name Ihesu gafe clere sight to þe blynde, redy hering to þe def, right goyng to þe crokid and lame, redy speche to þe dombe, restorid life to þe dede men, and chacid and voyded oute þe develles powere from men þat wer vexid with feendes and wicked spirites. This name also Ihesus is of grete excellent reuerence and worship…, H (ed. S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 150–51, ll. 26–61) 173.27, The third cause follows the Legenda Aurea: Tertium est effusio sanguinis Christi; hodie enim sanguinem suum primo pro nobis effundere incepit qui ipsum postmodum pluries effundere uoluit. Quinque enim uicibus sanguinem suum pro nobis effudit. Primo in circumcisione, et hec effusio fuit nostre redemptionis initium. Secundo in oratione, et hec ostendit nostre redemptionis desiderium. Tertio in flagellatione, et hec fuit nostre redemptionis meritum quia liuore eius sanati sumus. Quarto in crucifixione, et hec fuit nostre redemptionis pretium; tunc enim que non

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rapuit exsoluit. Quinto in lateris apertione, et hec fuit nostre redemptionis sacramentum; inde enim exiuit sanguis et aqua, quod figurauit nos per aquam baptismi debere mundari; qui quidem baptismus habiturus erat efficaciam a sanguine Christi. (ed. G. P. Maggioni, p. 124, cap. xiii) 174.47, The fourth cause follows the Legenda Aurea: Quartum et ultimum est signaculum circumcisionis, quod quidem Christus hodie accipere dignatus est. Voluit autem circumcidi dominus propter multas rationes. (ed. G. P. Maggioni, 124, cap. xiii) [29] 175/1–177/71 OLG22 For OLG22 see S. Morrison’s edition.23 This sermon is omitted in HR, most probably because of their common source, the Legenda Aurea. See pp. 48–50 of this edition for connections between Gg’s text and HR’s. 176.38, Ibant Magi quam viderant, stellam sequentes praeviam, lumen requirunt lumine, Deum fatentur munere, Hymn for the Epiphany. In OLG22 this hymn is tanslated and explained: Thre kyngis went folowyng þe sterre, the whiche ster went be þem. They sowʒte lyʒte’, þat is to sey, owre Lorde Ihesu Criste, the whiche lyʒtenethe bothe aungels and men withe the lyʒt of the ster; ‘þei knolechid God withe there ʒiftis.’ Þat is to vndyrstonde, everychone of hem offyrd golde, encence and myr in tokening þat owre Lord Ihesu Criste is God and man and Kyng od Kyngis. (ed. S. Morrison, DSC, p. 41, ll. 52–57) 176.43, Et ecce vox de caelis dicens: Hic est filius meus dilectus, in quo mihi complacui, Mt. 3:17 176.50, Lavacra puri gurgitis coelestis Agnus attigit, peccata quae non detulit, nos abluendo sustulit, Hymn for the Epiphany. In OLG22 this hymn is commented upon: The heuenly lombe Criste Ihesu hathe sufferde þe grete peyne for owre synnes, the whiche synne he neuer dyd ne neuer myʒte do, be þe plentefull schedyng of his pure blood þat past and was powryd owte, and ranne frome the fyve woundys and other placis of hys pure and blyssed body for oure lufe, wherby we were wasschyd and made clene frome endles dampnacion. (ed. S. Morrison, DSC, p. 42, ll. 74–79) 176.58, novum genus potentiae! Aqua rubescunt hydriae; vinumque jussa fundere, mundavit jussa originem, Hymn for the Epiphany. In OLG22 this hymn is translated: Owre Lord Ihesu Criste schewed a new maner of his powere: þe water of the potis waxyd red, þat is to sey, they turned to wynne; þer [þe] water chawngid his

23 S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, pp. 39–43.

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begynnyng when Criste commawndyd the water to turne to wynne. (ed. S. Morrison, DSC, p. 42, ll. 91–94) [30] 178/1–180/192 HRG22add For HRG22add see S. Powell.24 The main source of this sermon, as indicated by S. Powell, could be common to a Latin sermon for the same day preserved in Brit. Libr. MS 21253, ff. 37v–41r.25 The versions in HR differ very little from that of Gg. G22 add which follows HR for half of the sermon, then continues with the revised version of the Festial sermon for the same day, cf. S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 370) 178.13, Dicunt ei: Quia nemo nos conduxit. Dicit illis: Ite et vos in vineam meam, Mt, 20:7 178.19, Dicens: Hi novissimi una hora fecerunt, et pares illos nobis fecisti, qui portavimus pondus diei, et aestus, Mt, 20:12 179.39, De vinea Sodomorum, vinea eorum, et de suburbanis Gomorrhae: uva eorum, uva fellis, et botri amarissimi, Dt, 32:32 179.44, Vineam de Aegypto transtulisti, et ejecisti gentes, et plantasti eam, Ps, 79:9 179.57, parffite charyte] with þe perfite pale of þe xij articles of the faith, nayled with vij principall virtues contrary to þe vij deadly synnes, and vndirpynned with þe (vij R G22add, om. H) dedis of mercy, HRG22add (ed. S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 157–58, ll. 85–88). 179.63, Ego quasi vitis fructificavi suavitatem odoris: et flores mei fructus honoris et honestatis. Ego mater pulchrae dilectionis, et timoris, et agnitionis, et sanctae spei. In me gratia omnis viae et veritatis: in me omnis spes vitae et virtutis, Ecl, 24:23–25 180.73, Ego sum vitis, vos palmites: qui manet in me, et ego in eo, hic fert fructum multum, quia sine me nihil potestis facere, Io, 15:5 180.80 mercy] mercy, and so he yevith to euery man and woman aftir þeire deseruyng what tyme þat euere þei aske foryevenes. This precious vine, Criste Ihesu, yeveth redily mercy and grauntith pardon and grace bothe to yonge and olde, riche, pore, as well þei þat cum first as þei þat cum last, and þei þat cum last as þei þat cum first, et sic erunt nouissimi primi et primi nouissimi, HRG22add (ed. S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 159, ll. 120–26) 180.81, called the blysse of heven, and] likened to a jd þat þe tru laborere schall haue for his reward, for by þis peny is vnderstond þe blisse of God in heven. For as a

24 S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 154–60. 25 S. Powell, A critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 370–79.

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peny is rounde withoute ende so is þe blisse of God in hevyn endeles þat euere schall endure, HRG22add, (ed. S. Powell, A Critical Edition, p. 159, ll. 127–31) 180.82, Et calix meus inebrians quam praeclarus est, Ps, 22:5 [31] 181/1–182/68 HROLG22 For HR see S. Powell26 and for OLG22 see S. Morrison27 Susan Powell suggested that the source might be a Latin one, although unidentified. 181.8, Exiit qui seminat, seminare semen suum. Et dum seminat, aliud cecidit secus viam, et conculcatum est, et volucres caeli comederunt illud. Et aliud cecidit supra petrum: et natum aruit, quia non habebat humorem. Et aliud cecidit inter spinas, et simul exortae spinae suffocaverunt illud. Et aliud cecidit in terram bonam: et ortum fecit fructum centuplum. Haec dicens clamabat: Qui habet aures audiendi, audiat, Lc, 8:5–8 182.46, Factum est autem, cum haec diceret: extollens vocem quaedam mulier de turba dixit illi: Beatus venter qui te portavit, et ubera quae suxisti, Lc, 11:27 182.50, At ille dixit: Quinimmo beati, qui audiunt verbum Dei et custodiunt illud, Lc, 11:28 182.55, although presented as a Biblical quotation, the first lines have not been traced. 182.57, Tunc dicet et his qui a sinistris erunt: Discedite a me maledicti in ignem aeternum, qui paratus est diabolo, et angelis ejus, Mt, 25:41 182.63, a long passage was added in HROLG22 between seruauntys and And contrarye, partly based on Jacobus de Voragine’s Distinctiones on penitentia, as identified by S. Powell (A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 380): For in þe dredefull day of dome euery man and woman shall answere and yelde his verdite of all þat he haþe done in his life beforn to þe high iuge, Allmyghti God. Vnde in Psalmo, testimonia tua credibilia facta sunt nimis. Eyens whom no synner may make excuse nor resistence. For as we se by experience þat when a wastur, an vnthrift or an vntrew man þat will borowe of a tavernere or of anoþer man of craft, he woll make a taile of such as he hath had and receyved, which taile is departid betwixt þem, or elles þe man of craft woll write þe dette in his boke. This vnthrusty wastoure or vntru man thinketh diceyve the tauerner or man of craft, for by his gode wyll when it commyth to a grete somme, he woll not paye it but make a iape þerof. But þe tauerner or man of craft

26 S. Powell, A Critical Edition., vol. 1, pp. 161–67. 27 S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, pp. 83–88.

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þinketh anoþer, þat he shall haue no more vnto he haue payde euery peny that is dew dette. So when þe owner seeth his tyme, he takis an accion ayens þe vntru man and throweth hym in preson, shewyng his tayle or wryting. So gostly a synner thenketh þat were wele with hym and God myght not se his synne, nor what wickedness \þat/ he did, but in acowntes of his reson he cannot deny it nor goo þerfro. For euery man whan he synneth he offendith God and maketh a tayle and a remembraunce bi þe tayle of his conscience, howe oft tymes, when, wher and with whom he hath offendid and synned, which God and all aungelles in heven with all creatures in erth shall testifye and bere wytnes, as it is [wryten] in þe boke of Goddes knowlage, as who say: þere may no þinge be vnknowe vnto hym. Crisostomus super Matheum, sic inquid, accusat peccatorem consciencia quam posuit, creator quem offendit, culpa quam commisit, diabolus cui seruiuit, scriptura cui transgressum fecit, creatura quam abusus est, tempus quo exspectatus est tot igitur testibus resistere peccatum non potest.’ ‘So many witnes’, quod Crisostomus ‘accuse synfull man þat it is impossible to withstonde it’. First it is his conscience shall accuse hym what he hath synned, second God whom he hathe offendid. His owne wrecchednes shall tell how he hath synned, the devell whom he hathe serued, holy writte to whom he trespassed, his making and shaping to þe resembleaunce of þe Trynyte shall accuse hym [which] formacion and shappe \þat/ he mysvsed, his tyme also þat he hath myspendid, quia omne tempus nobis impensum reddemus racionem quomodo si[t] expensum. Vnto all þese witnesses may no synner resiste nor withstonde. And also [be it] þat þe synners wolde excuse þem bi excusacions of synnes, Allmyghti God þat is rightfull iuge shall sey, hec cognita sunt apud me et signata in thesauris meis. ‘These synnes be do and regestered bifore me’, þat is to sey, to þat synner\s/ endeles dampnacion. So for confusion þe synner shall not [conne] nor answere, quia in Psalmo, muta fiant labia dolo[sa] et linguam ma[gnil]oquam. The lippes of disseyvabyll men, wicked and cursid, the tonge of disclaunderers and evyll speking be made dome. So loo, þis myschife and vengeaunce God shall shewe vnto synners þat woll not bryng forth þe fayre frute of gode werkis or þei passe oute of þis worlde. Therefore þei shall be commytted at þe day of dome to endles dampnacion, H (ed. S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 164–67, ll. 86–145) 182.66, Tunc dicet rex his qui a dextris ejus erunt: Venite benedicti Patris mei, possidete paratum vobis regnum a constitudine mundi, Mt, 25:34

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[32] 183/1–187/177 MSS: HRG22L For HR see S. Powell28 and for LG22 see S. Morrison29 The source has not been traced. O omits this sermon and L and G22 omit a whole passage dealing with doomsday and how the heven, earth, air, fire, water, sun and moon shall accuse the sinners. L and HR however adds material not found in Gg towards the end of the sermon and dealing with God’s mercy., although HR are fuller than LG22. 183.6, Et clamavit, dicens: Jesu, fili David, misere mei, Lc:18–38 183.10, dicens: Quid tibi vis faciam? At ille dixit: Domine, ut videam, Lc, 18:41 183.12, Et Jesus dixit illi: Respice, fides tua te salvum fecit, Lc, 18:42 184.44, Sed requiescent ibi bestiae, et replebuntur domus eorum draconibus, et habitabunt ibi struthiones, et pilosi stabunt ibi, Is, 13:21 184.53, The sin of pride is expanded in HRLG22 as such: But it is to wit þat if a man shulde be proude, one of þese iiij thynges shuld cause it – one is highnes of blode, the second for ryches of gode, the third for nobley or feawte, þe fourth for fayrnes or beawtye. But whoso wyll remembre and vnderstonde þe trewthe, he shall haue no cause to be proude but rather grete cause of mekenes. First, if þou be prowde of highness of blode, remembre what þat holy [man] Iob seyth, Putredini dixi, Pater meus es, mater me[a] et soror \mea/ vermibus. ‘My fader’, quod Iob, ‘is erth and vnclenennes, my modir is stynk and wrecchednes, and euery worme þat lyvith now is cum of as gode kynde as þou”. For þis cause, Antiochus, þat prowde kynge, for his presumpcion of highnes of his blode, God smote hym with þe hande of his vengeaunce þat so horrybly he stynkyd þat no man myght towche hym, so like a wrech he vanysshed and wastid to dethe, 2 Machabe[o]rum 9. If þou be proude of ricches of good, remembre what thow brought with the into þis worlde and what þou bere away with þe whan þou dyest, and þou shalt haue grete cause of mekenes. Thow broughtest with þe “wellaway” and weping song, hunger, colde, thirst and synne amonge with peyne: “wellaway and a clowte, all þis worlde come in and owte”. For þis cause Nabucodonosor was chaunged into anoþer kynde. Whan he had bilded þe citee of Babilon, he wende þat þere had be no kyng so worshipfull as he. And anon for his presumpcion God chastised hym so þat he was deposed of þe kingdam and cast oute from all mens conuersacion, and he had his dwellyng and habitacion with wilde bestis, and so ete hey, gresse and rotis as bestis vnto þe tyme þat he knowleged þat God was his Lorde and more worthy þan he, Danielis 4. If þou be prowd of nobley or fewtye, it is grete foly, for a mans life is but wynde þat bloweth for dethe, oure rialte

28 S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 168–81. 29 S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, pp. 89–97.

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all on trowthe: for when dethe is to þe dight, he woll not spare þe for thy myght. For þis cause Dauid þe kyng, whan he regnyd in his kingdam as a man moste myghty, for his pride God send a pestelence in his kyngdam þat in þre dayes and iij nyghtes were dede of \his/ peple with pestelence seventy thowsand men, 2 Regum 24. If þou be prowde of fayrenes or beawtye, it is no wisdam, for though þou be neuere so faire in skyn in þyn yovth, in þyn age with wormes stynkyng þi body shall ly, for þe erthe is þyne heritage. For þis cause Lucifere, þat was the fayrest aungell þat euere was in heven, [ fell downe into hell], Lucifere, þat is to sey, beryng light, for Lucifere presumptuously saide, “I shall stye and ascende and sett to be liche and egall in powere, worship and beawtye vnto þe Trinite, Isaie 14. But for his pride sodenly he fell down from heven into þe deppest pytte of hell. And he þat was þe fayrest aungell in heven is nowe þe fowlest devyll in hell. Wherefore, þou man þat art blynde with dedely syn, se now with[inne] þyne owen vnclennes in lyving. Leve and forsake þe syn of pride and be meke and lowe, and so shalt ouercom þe first dragon þat is þi sowle, H (ed. S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 171–73, ll. 74–132) 184.58, Vos ex patre diabolo estis: et desideria patris vestri vultis facere. Ille homicida erat ab initio, et in veritate non stebit: quia non est veritas in eo: cum loquitur mendacium, ex propriis loquitur, quia mendax est, et pater ejus, Io, 8:44 185.105, Et in diebus illis quaerent homines mortem, et non invenient eam: et desiderabunt mori, et fugiet mors ab eis, Apc, 9:6 185.109, Sicut oves in inferno positi sunt: mors depascet eos. Et dominabuntur eorum justi in matutino; et auxilium eorum veterascet in inferno a gloria eorum, Ps, 48:15 186.112, In omnibus operibus tuis memorare novissima tua, et in aeternum non peccabis, Ecl, 7:40 186.114, not traced in Saint Bernard’s work 186.130–187.147, Sent Gregory seythe…Mt.24: this passage is condensed as such in L, Seint Gregory seythe þat at þis dredeful day of dome, heven and erþe, eyer and all planettis schal stonde styll and cesse of þer worchyng, in token þat þey were all made for man and bycawse that man schall haue no more soche a worlde as now, L (ed. S. Morrison, DSC, p. 96, ll. 219–22) 186.146 Tunc dicet et his qui a sinistris erunt: Discedite a me maledicti in ignem aeternum, qui paratus est diabolo, et angelis ejus, Mt, 25:41 187.150, Tunc dicet rex his qui a dextris ejus erunt: Venite benedicti Patris mei, possidete paratum vobis regnum a constitutione mundi, Mt, 25:34 187.161–168: Above…ϸerafftur] this passage is expanded in HRLG22 as such: Seint Bernard seith, facilius est numerare stellas celi, pisces maris, folia nemorum quam misericordiam Dei certe estimare. ‘It is more esy and lightly and possible to nombir þe sterris of hevyn, þe fysshes of þe see and tell þe leves of euery tree þat groweth than trewly to estem or ymagyne þe mercy [of Go]. Quia secundum Psalmum,

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Miseraciones eius super omnia opea eius, for as Dauid seith, ‘the mercy of God is above all his werkes. And euery contrite hert and verrey repentaunt or penitent redily he receyvith and grauntith hym his gode grace, H (ed. S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 180, ll. 306–16 187.161, Quia magna est super caelos misericordia tua, et usque ad nubes veritas tua, Ps, 107:5 187.162, Quia misericordia tua magna est super me, et eruisti animam meam ex inferno inferiori, Ps, 85:13 187.165, Deus meus, misericordia ejus praeveniet me, Ps, 58:11 187.166, Et misericordia tua subsequetur me omnibus diebus vitae meae; et ut inhabitem in domo Domini, in longitudinem dierum, Ps, 22:6 187.166, Multa flagella peccatoris; sperantem autem in Domino misericordia circumdabit, Ps, 31:10 [33] 188/1–189/72 This sermon is not preserved as such in the other sister manuscripts. However, it seems very likely, as shown by S. Powell,30 that it served as a basis for the composition of two sermons for the same occasion in HROLG22D. The first one borrowed from Gg’s sermon down to the exemplum on three truths then continues with material borrowed from the Fasciculus Morum. The second sermon incorporates Gg’s exemplum to material also deriving from the Fasciculus Morum. To S. Powell it is clear that Gg preserves the original version later expanded in HROLG22 sermons. One should note that OLG22 preserve the second sermon only. For HR see S. Powell31 and for OLG22 see S. Morrison.32 188.12, S. Powell33 suggests that the origin might be Io, 34:15 188.16, the biblical reference is erroneous and ought to be Jonas, 3. The sister manuscripts have the right reference. 188.16–30, based on Jonas, 3:1–10 189.38–51, exemplum from the Latin Gesta romanorum, ed. H. Oesterley, chap. 58, under the title De confessione.

30 S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 389. 31 S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 182–87 and pp. 188–97. 32 S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, pp. 102–11. 33 S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 400.

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[34] 190/1–194/151 MSS: HR For HR see S. Powell.34 This is a fuller version of the Lent 1 sermon of ff. 3v–4. Susan Powell identified the main sources of this sermon as Jacobus de Voragine’s Sermones dominicales for the same day and the chapter Paciencia from Jacobus de Voragine’s Distinctiones. For further details see S. Powell.35 190.5, Et accedens tentator dixit ei: Si Filius Dei es, dic ut lapides isti panes fiant, Mt, 4:3 190.7, Qui respondens dixit: Scriptum est: Non in solo pane vivit homo, sed in omni verbo, quod procedit de ore Dei, Mt, 4:4 190.11, et dixit ei: Si Filius Dei es, mitte te deorsum. Scriptum est enim: Quia angelis suis mandavit de te, et in manibus tollent te, ne forte offendas ad lapidem pedem tuum, Mt, 4:6 190.15, Ait illi Jesus: Rursum scriptum est: Non tentabis Dominum Deum tuum, Mt, 4:7 190.20, Et dixit ei: Haec omnia tibi dabo, si cadens adoraveris me, Mt, 4:9 190.23, Tunc dicit ei Jesus: Vade Satana: Scriptum est enim: Dominum Deum tuum adorabis, et illi soli servies, Mt, 4:10 191.38–49, the sermon follows its main source, Jacobus de Vorgine’s Sermones dominicales, but is fuller and somehow closer to Gregory, Hom. XVI, PL 76, col. 1135 191.63–192.73, the whole discussion is based on the chapter Paciencia from Jacobus’s Distinctiones as evidenced by S.  Powell (A Critical Edition, vol.  1, pp. 422–24) 192.74, as noted by S. Powell, all the manuscripts read Leviticus whereas it is from Exodus xxxvii 193.124–139, this exemplum is recorded in Tubach, 3268 under the title ‘Mercy of emperor appealed to’, and may have been borrowed from Robert Holcot’s Convertimini 193.140, Ecce oculi Domini super metuentes eum: et in eis qui sperant super misericordia ejus, Ps, 32:18 194.144, Non ex operibus justitiae, quae fecimus nos, sed secundum suam misericordiam salvos nos fecit per lavacrum regenerationis et renovationis Spiritus Sancti…, Tit, 3:5

34 S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 198–205. 35 S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 418–24.

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Explanatory Notes

[35] 195/1–197.99 MSS: HROLDG22 For HR see S. Powell.36 For OLG22 see S. Morrison37 Mt, 15: 21–28 S. Powell has shown that this sermon is a translation of the Latin sermon for the same day preserved in British Library Additional MS 21253. Additional materials found in HROLG22D and not in Gg are borrowed from the Fasciculus Morum. 195.4, HROLG22D preserve the Latin quotation Mt, 15:22: Miserere mei, Domine fili Dauid; filia mea a demonio male vexatur. (O) 195.6, Qui non respondit ei verbum. Et accedentes discipuli ejus rogabant eum dicentes: Dimitte eam: quia clamat post nos, Mt, 15:23 195.10, At illa venit, et adoravit eum, dicens: Domine, adjuva me. [26] Qui respondens ait: Non est bonum sumere panem filiorum, et mittere canibus, Mt, 15: 25–26 195.11–12, HROLG22D preserve the Latin quotation Mt, 15:26: Qui respondens ait: Non est bonum sumere panem filiorum, et mittere canibus 195.14–15, HROLG22D preserve the Latin quotation Mt, 15:28 omitted in Gg: O mulier, magna est fides tua, fiat tibi sicur vis. HR read O mulier, magna est fides tua. 195.17–20, these lines announcing the three interpretations of the gospel to be exposed are omitted in HROLG22D although are found in the Latin original, from BL Add. MS 21253, as signalled by S. Powell: In isto euangelio 3a possunt considerari. Primum est, qui per istam milierem signatur que egressa esta finibus Tiry et Sidonis, que Chananea appellatur. 2m est, que eius filia que a demonio vexatur. 3m est videre quomodo filia liberatur (transcription S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 436) 195.33, both groups HR and OLG22D are fuller than Gg when adding the following lines aftur naturall: Be these menys þe devyll temptiþe moche pepyll. And tho that scholde be prowde of burthe, of bewtye, of strengthe, of wyt or of wysdom, to be prowde of eny of þese ʒiftis, it cawsithe þe synful sowlys to be pore, nedy and febyll of all grace tyll he cum to better state of good lyvyng, as it is fygurde, de filio prodigo, þat viciusly wastid all his gooddys be lecherus lyvyng (O, S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, p. 122); As of byrth, kynred, bewtee, strenght, wiit, and wisdam. All þese it maketh pore, ne dy and febyll, as it is well figurd, de filio prodigo, that viciously wasted all his goodis by lecherous lyving Luce, xv (HR, S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1

36 S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 215–22. 37 S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, pp. 120–27.

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p. 217). These details, however, are omitted in the Latin original to which Gg seems to be the closest. 196.36–41, these lines are expanded in OLG22D where contrition and confession are presented as the way to flee the country of sin: And if he wyll be hole he muste go owte of þe cuntre of dedely synne be confescion and contriscion, and so cum to þe kyng of Israell, þat is to sey, þe kyng of blys þe whiche is the connyngeste leche, for he helythe every synfull sowle of all infirmyte and diseses. For man is never so redy to schewe to þis blyssed Lorde þe sekenes of synne by þe mene of confescion and contriscion as he is redy to ʒife þe salue of his swete mercy and eternall saluacion (O, ed. S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, pp. 122–23). This expansion is unparalleled in the Latin original. 196.44–45, occasion of glotonye and drunkunschep…drynkynge: again this passage is expanded in the other manuscripts: in takyng of metis and drynkis excis, to erly or to late or to often; and to often goyng to þe taverne or ale howse wherby he myʒte be sufficyd withe lesse, wherethorow he fallythe into a surfet in so moche he or sche is the wors disposed to serue God or to do eny oþer good dede (O, ed. S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, p. 123) 196.48–50, Qwhereffore…Tess. 5: This passage is expanded as thus in OLG22D: Aʒenste al soche fowle lyvyng þe apostill Paule ʒevythe vs an holsom cowncell in þe pistil of þis day þus: Rogamus vos et obsecramus in Domino Ihesu; ‘We pray and beseche ʒow in þe Lord Ihesu þat as ʒe haue resceyvid of vs how it behovithe ʒow to go and plese God, so walke ʒe and dispose ʒow in vertu and grace of good lyvyng, and þerin þat ʒe increse more and more to þe plesure of God.’ Ab omni specie mala abstinete vos; ‘From all maner braunchis of synne, absteyne ʒow.’ For and ʒe will kepe ʒow from synne, þen muste not ʒe do soche þingis as longethe to synne. And so a man schall go owte from þe cuntre of synne vnto þe kyng of Israell, þat is to sey, þe kyng of blys þe whiche never dyd synne, ne no gyle was neuer fownde in hym, Qui non fecit peccatum, nec inuentus est dolus in ore eius. (O, S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, p. 123) 196.49, Ab omni specie mala abstinete vos, 1 Thes, 5:22 196.52–53, the secunde…dule: omitted in both groups HR and OLG22D 196.59, Tunc respondens Jesus, ait illi: O mulier, magna est fides tua: fiat tibi sicut vis. Et sanata est filia ejus ex illa hora, Mt, 15:28 196.62: Sine fide autem impossibile est placere Deo. Credere enim oportet accedentem ad Deum quia est, et inquirentibus se remunerator sit, Hbr, 11: 6 196.65–66, OLG22D give the Latin quotation: Domine, adiuua me, Mt, 15:25 196.66, Qui non respondit ei verbum. Et accedentes discipuli ejus rogabant eum dicentes: Dimitte eam: quia clamat post nos, Mt, 15:23 196.73, Qui respondes ait: Non est bonum sumere panem filiorum, et mittere canibus, Mt, 15:26

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Explanatory Notes

197.75, Ait illa dixit: Etiam Domine: nam et castelli edunt de micis quae cadunt de mensa dominorum suorum, Mt, 15:27; om. OLG22D 197.83, Tunc respondens Jesus, ait illi: O mulier, magna est fides tua: fiat tibi sicut vis. Et sanata est filia ejus ex illa hora, Mt, 15:28 197.87, Custodiens parvulos Dominus; humiliatus sum, et liberavit me, Ps, 114:6 197.89, Similiter adolescentes subditi estote senioribus. Omnes autem invicem humilitatem insinuate, quia Deus superbis resistit, humilibus autem dat gratiam, 1Ptr, 5:5 197.89, Resistit is probably a mistake for resisted and the result of the scribe’s oral memory who had just written the Latin resistit 197.91, Qui autem se exaltaverit, humiliabitur: et qui se humiliaverit, exaltabitur, Mt, 23:12 197.91–94, Mekenes…amen: The end of the sermon differs in HROLG22D where the three rewards of mekenes are exposed. This expansion is based on the Fasciculus Morum (S. Powell, A Critical Edition…, vol. 1, p. 441): […] then muste he haue þe grete vertu of mekenes, þe whiche this woman of Canane had aʒenst þe grete synne of pryde. For he that hathe þis grete vertu of mekenes, iij specyall rewardis ben grauntid to hym. The firste rewarde is he schall haue of his prayers his redy bone grawntid to hym. The secunde rewarde is he schall haue helpe and consolacion in hys disese. The therde rewarde is after þis present lyfe he schall haue in heven eternall habitacion. Firste rewarde is he schall haue his bone and prayer sone grauntyd to hym, as it is wreton, Ecclesiastici tricesimo quinto: Oracio humiliantis nubes penitrat; ‘The prayers of a meke sowle thryllethe þe skyes and clowdys and gothe into heven.’ Dauid the prophete seythe: Respexit Deus in oracionem humilium, et non spreuit precem eorum; ‘God beholdithe þe prayer of a meke man or woman and never dispised theyre prayers.’ For experiens schewithe þat a man enteriþe not at a lytill postron-ʒate but he bow downe þe more, ells he cannot enter; so in lyke wyse, þe prayer may not ascende witheowte a man meke hymselfe. Then it procedythe and passythe to the perfyte ioyes and into the presens of almyʒti God, quia qui se humiliat exaltabitur. Et Iacobi quarto: Humiliamini in conspectu Dei, et exaltabit vos; ‘Be meke and low in þe syʒte of God and he schall inhaunce ʒow in þe kyngdome of heven’, quia superbis resistit, humilibus dat graciam; ‘For God resystiþe prowde pepyll, and to meke pepyll he ʒevythe hys grace. The secunde rewarde to a meke man that is in trobyll or dysese, he schall haue consolacion. Experiens schewythe þe more that a tree be chargyd and planyssched withe frute, the more þe bowys inclynethe and bowythe dounwarde; so in lyke wyse a meke man and a low of hert, the more he mekythe hymselfe, þe more he incresithe in good werkis and grace. Vnde in psalmo: Humiliatus sum et liberauit me; ‘I haue mekyd me to God and he hathe delyverde me frome the dawnger of þe devyll.’ Iudit, octauo: Expectemus humiliter consolacionem eius; ‘Mekely and lowly let vs abyde the consolacion and comfort of God.’ The therde rewarde to a meke man I sey is that he schall haue eternall habitacion. The Wyse

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Man seythe: Humilis spiritu recipiet misericordiam, Prouerbiorum; ‘A meke in spiryte schall haue ioye and blys everlasting.’ Vnde Augustinus: Si vis capere celsitudinem, cape humilitatem. If þu wilt take the to þis vertu of mekenes here in erthe, then schalt þu be made hyʒe in heven when þu schalt passe owte of this worlde. And so rehersithe owre sauiowre Ihesu Criste be his euangeliste, Mathei quarto: Sinite paruulos venire ad me, talium est regnum celorum; ‘Suffyr and lete smale and meke pepyll in spirite cum to me, for the kyngdome of heuen longethe to them of very ryʒte.’ There when we schall cum to that blys and precius place, then schall we see that merciful Lorde, owre sauiowre in his face as he is in owre nature ioyned to the Godhed withe his moste blissed moder Mary, and withe all þe seintis of that ioyfull place where owre sauiour Ihesu is reynyng over vs, very tru iustice, and where more ioye is þen tong can tell or hert can þinke. To þe whiche, et cetera (ed. S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, pp. 125–27, ll. 25–170) [36] pp. 198/1–199/72 HROLG22D For HR’s version of this sermon see S.  Powell38 and for OLG22D’s see S. Morrison.39 S. Powell40 has shown that this sermon bears a close resemblance to two sermons by John Felton for the third and fourth Sundays in Lent. She also remarks that John Felton’s sermons borrow from various sources but that is still may be the source used to compose Gg’s sermon. Most of what is left of this sermon in Gg can be paralleled in John Felton apart from the exemplum about a knight and his three sons and that of Virgil’s statue. In the sister manuscript Gg’s text was expanded with materials from the Fasciculus Morum as evidenced by S. Powell. 198.17, on Sonondey þat was last, may suggest that both sermons for Lent 2 and 3 originally travelled together and not by accident. It is less marked in the sister manuscripts which read as þe gospel of þe 2 Sondey of Lent rehersith (H, S. Powell, vol. 1, p. 224, l. 23–225, l. 1); as the gospell of þe secunde Sonday of Lent makethe mencion (O, S. Morrison, vol. 1, p. 128, ll. 21–22). 198.25, Cum autem immundus spiritus exierit ab homine, ambulat per loca arida, quaerens requiem, et non invedit, Mt, 12:43. The same citation is also also found earlier in Gg on f. 1v. In Gg and HR the citation is abridged while it is complete in OLG22D. In OLG22D, it is followed by its translation and the end of Mt, 11:24: ‘When an vnclene spyrite goþe owte of a man he wandrithe be dry placis’ and sekiþe reste, and he fyndythe none. And þen the devyll seythe: Reuertar 38 S. Poweel, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 223–32. 39 S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, pp. 127–36. 40 S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 444.

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in domum meam vnde exiui; ‘I schall turne aʒene into my howse frome whens I cam (S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, p. 128). 198.31, Populum istum formavi mihi, laudem meam narrabit, Is, 43:21 199.36, Dominus dedit mihi linguam eruditam, ut sciam sustentare eum qui lassus est verbo. Erigit mane, mane erigit mihi autem, ut audiam quasi magistrum, Is, 50:4 199.40, Idcirco ipse me reprehendo, et ago poenitentiam in favilla et cinere, Iob, 42:6 199.41, Confitemini ergo alterutrum peccata vestra, et orate pro invicem ut salvemini: multum enim valet deprecatio justi assidua, Iac, 5:16. In OLG22D, the citation is followed by Seynt Iames the apostell cowncelythe every man and woman to knolege and confesse hem of there synnes to God and to holy chyrche (S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, p. 129, ll. 60–61). 199.45, Non est speciosa laus in ore peccatoris, Ecclesiasticus, 15:9. In HROLG22D Gg’s text is expanded with material identified by S.  Powell (A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 448) as Chapter 3, division 3 from the Fasciculus Morum dealing with three forms of perjury and adding an exemplum about Hubertus de Burgo. OLG22D further add material to that found in HR: Suppose ye not that all ffalse lyers, detractours and all þat willfully and falsly forswere theym þat þey prayse Go with her tunge? And as for lyers, they breke Goddes precepte wher it is seide, ‘non dices falsum testimonium’ – thow shall not bere no fals witness. An as for detractoures and sclaunderers, it is expressed ageyns Goddes commaundement where it is sayde, non occides – thow shall no man slee, that is to sey, noþir bodily nor gostely, but do and say of þine evyn cristen as þou woldest he did to þe. And þei þat do contrarye be cursyd iiij tymes in þe yere by þe Grete Sentence. And [he] þat falsly and willfully forsweres hym on a boke or on eny oþir holy thinge, he dothe iij thynges. First, whan he leyith his hande therevpon, the devyll kepith hit in his warde vnto he be schrive, insomuch þat, whan he takityh mete or drynke or do any þinge with þat hande, he takith it with þe devylles hande, Pouerbiorum 6, Defixisti apud extraneum manum tuam; illaqueatus es[t] verbis ori tui et similiter captus proiis [sermonibus]. Second, he þat forswerith he forsakes þe holy words þat be conteynyd in þat holy boke and all þe suffrage of Holy Chirche, as messes and all gode dedis. The third, he þat forswerith hym wittingly and willfully he is aboute in all þat he may to do God testifye and bere fals witnes. Quia secundum Augustinum, “Iurare est Deum testem adducer.” And þat offence grevith more God þan dyd þe Iewis whan þei slough Criste and putte hym on þe crosse. Wherefore all such be accursed euery day and euery preste and clerk, saying þus, maledicti qui declinant a mandatis tuis” – cursed be þey þat breke þi lawes. But these be Goddes commaundementes, “Non assumes nomen Dei tui in vanum” et “Non dices falsum testimonium” – thow shall not take þi Goddes name in vayne no bere no fals witnes. But he þat is wilfully and

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falsly forsworn he dothe contrarye to þese ij – ergo excummunicatus est. And all such sweres be werse þen þe devell, for by the sufferaunce of God he is hardy and bolde to do all evyll. And thei be worse þan Iudas þat solde Criste for xxxti pens. But nowadays Criste is solde with grete othes for lesse than iij half-penyes amonges men of craftes. An if so be þat a man woll repreve þem þerefore, thei say, I may not elles sell my ware and caffere nor þei woll not beleve me but I swere.” But be ware of þat, for þei say ageuns consciens. I fynde written of a lumbart þat hight Hubertus de Burgo, þat was beryed in þe frerys prechours at London, þat had wyth ‘hym’ a squyere dwelling þat horribly wolde swere at euery worde þat he schulde speke by þe precious hert of God, bi his body, by his woundes, by his eyen and by euery parte of his blessyd body, þat it was horrible and hevy to here. At þe last he was sike, and as he lay, he sawe a fayre lady entering the chambre and bere a chylde in hir armys cruelly woundid on euery parte of his body. To whom þis sike man seyd, “O fayre lady, is not þat thi chylde? “þise, for sothe,” quod she. « Quis illum verberauit? » Who has so woundid hym? quod the sike man? « Thow, cursed tyraunt, with þi peruiries and horrible swering þus þou haste delacerate his blessed body. And he shall be thi iuge and rewarde the as þou haste deserued.” And with this þat fayre lady vanished away. Than he cryed and tolde openly þat he (had) seen and herd, and seide thus, “þe devell shall haue bothe my body and my soule.” And so withoute contrycion wreccchedly he dyed and was damned. (S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 225–28, l. 69–133). OLG22D add Therfor seythe the apostill Paule in þe pistyll of þis day þus: Estote imitators Dei, sicut filij karissimi, et cetera; ‘Be ʒe folowers of God, as my dere chylder’, and take not Goddys name in veyne. Vse non othes ne no maner of sweryng, ‘As moste derworthe sonnes of God, and walke ʒe in very luffe of ʒowre God.’ Sicut et Christus dilexit vos, ‘As Criste loved ʒow’ and gafe for ʒow his blod on þe cros and sufferde his moste precius passion, and with that made sacrifyce to þe Fader of heven for owre redempcion. (S. Morrison, DSC, vol. 1, p. 132, ll. 134–41) 199.53, Qui desursum venit, super omnes est. Qui est de terra, de terra est, et de terra loquitur. Qui de caelo venit, super omnes est, Io, 3:31 199.59–70, this exemplum is not recorded in Tubach but may very well be a variant of an exemplum by Jacques of Vitry recorded by Tubach under the reference 3102 and telling how a bishop wished his nephew was a debaucher rather than a lier, cf. J. A. Herbert, A Catalogue of the Romances in the Department of Manuscripts in the British Museum, vol. 3, p. 16 (London, 1910) 199.71–72, The exemplum about a man and his three sons is followed in HROLG22D by material borrowed from chapter 3, division 3 of the Fasciculus Morum, as identified by Susan Powell (A Critical Edition…, vol. 1, pp. 452–53): I rede in “Fasciculus Morum” þat vpon a tyme a false disclawnderere of his neighbours dyed soddenly withoute repentaunce and confession. And within iij nyghtes aftirward, dyuerse of his neighboures saw hym in an horrible likenes with a brennyng

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Explanatory Notes

tunge hanging from his movthe dovn to þe grounde, and continually [he] toke it vp into his movthe and þen put it owte ageyne. Then þei þat sawe þis dredefull sight charged hym bi þe virtue of Cristes passion to tell what he was. “I am suche a man”, quod he, “þat euere delyted in disclaundris, detraccions and backbytinges of myne even Cristen. And I am now þus troumentid and dampned withouten ende. For by þat parte þat a man synneth by he schall ne ponysshed.” (S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, p. 229, ll. 171–85). 199.72, Gg’s sermon ends abruptly in the middle of the sentence but the end of the sermon is preserved in the sister manuscripts where the text follows Felton’s sermon (cf. S. Powell, A Critical Edition, vol. 1, pp. 454–55)

GLOSSARY

The glossary comprises words and phrases the meaning of which may not be immediately clear to the reader either due to a shift in meaning or spelling, or simply due to obsolescence. Only forms attested in the text are given. With nouns, the headword is always singular unless they appear only in the plural in the text. With verbs, conjugated forms similar to the infinitive are not repeated, unless several spellings of the form are present. Half-bracketed letters are those which may or may not appear in the word in question. When the same orthographic form serves for different parts of speech, the order of presentation is noun, adjective, adverb, and preposition. When the same orthographic form serves two etymons, the latter have been distinguished by superscript numbers. Words beginning with ʒ follow g. Initial and vocalic y are listed under i. Words with initial and medial v are grouped together and placed before those displaying consonantal v. References are to page and line numbers. Abbreviations adj. adjective adv. adverb aux. auxiliary comp. comparative conj. conjunction det. determiner imp. imperative inf. infinitive mod. modal n. noun A Abasched v. pa. p. afraid 186/127 Abell, abyll adj. able 121/148, 188/6 Abowffe adv. above 128/301 Abrochyd v. pa. p. set on a pike 180/77 Acummerde v. pa. p. assailed, harassed 184/45 Adred adj. frightened 186/127 Advowttree, awowtree n. adultery 159/36, 185/84 Aeyer n. heir 167/110

pa. p. past participle pa. past pl. plural pr. present tense pr. p. present participle prep. preposition pron. pronoun sg. singular v. verb vbl. n. verbal noun Affore prep. before 127/301, 127/307, 131/80, 137/76 Agenwarde, aʒenwarde adv. once more 152/125, 184/62, 191/55 Agrevyd v. pa. p. grieved 196/69 Aʒeen adv. again 119/60, 120/108 Allwey/allweye adv. continuously 124/226, 126/277 Alther with the superl. of an adj. or adv. all the + comp. 152/124, 152/126, 152/127

244

Glossary

Anense, aʒen(s adv. against 123/188, 137/103, 150/69; following 140/12; towards 128/328 Anodur, anodyr, anodyre pron. another 152/117, 126/285, 145/60 Anone, anoon(e adv. immediately 136/64, 165/53, 183/13, 188/21 Areye v. inf. prepare, clean, 147/114; to get ready 168/164; areyde pa. p. arrayed, prepared 145/60 Assembled v. pa. p. likened 191/63 Assemylde pa. p. gathered 158/1; likened to 167/139 Assemlyd v. 3 sg. pa. liken 178/3; pa. p. likened to 158/161 Astate n. person of high rank or official status 126/282 Attamed v. pa. p. pierced, injured 180/77 Aunshyent adj. of a former time 193/122 Aveyle v. inf. benefit, profit 186/117; aveylethe 3 sg. pr. 139/174, 148/149 Awghʒt mod. ought 121/138 Awne adj. own 120/104, 130/55, 131/87 Awter n. altar 120/87, 120/88, 121/124 B Bakbytethe v. 3 sg. pr. slanders 199/47; Bakbytynge vbl. n. slandering 146/86 Begyled v. pa. p. deceived, beguiled 145/38 Behovethe, behovythe v. impers. 3 sg. pr. behoves 137/91, 144/31, 119/75, 119/77 Beleeffenge, beleve n. belief 119/76, 151/71, 151/103 Beleve n. means of subsistence 123/181 Berere n. bearer 119/84, 119/85 Betwene, betwyx(e, betwixt prep. between 121/127, 125/253, 158/4, 162/45 Bewte(e n. beauty 184/48, 186/115 Bewtefeous adj. beautiful 192/106 Bygkyd pa. p. built 117/14 Bylys n. bliss 126/279 Bobate v. 3 pl. pa. slapped 191/47 Bonour adj. obedient, humble 165/44, 192/83 Brasen adj. made of copper, bronze or brass 199/71 Bremles, brymbylls n. pl. brambles, briers 181/34, 182/60

Brennand, brennande, pr. p. burning 185/94, 185/95; brennyng(e pr. p. & ppl. adj. 156/52, 186/142 Breres, brereys n. pl. a prickly plant or bush 181/34, 182/39, 182/60 Bryghʒt adj. bright 119/83, 169/32 Bryghʒtness n. radiance 192/72 Bryssyng pr. p. injuring 192/82 Burde, boorde n. board 120/110, 121/118, 121/121 Buxum adj. obedient, humble 165/44 C Caroo n. care 124/226 Casure n. rupture 159/53 Cheeffe adj. preeminent, supreme, best 123/215 Cheene n. chain 195/25 Chees, v. see chese Chese v. inf. & 1 pl. pr. to choose 229/9, 129/11; chees inf. & 3 sg. pa. 134/180, 166/104 Cheventine n. leader, chieftain 191/39 Chydynge (pl. chyndyngys) vbl. n. quarreling 146/86, 184/68, 196/46 Comparyschon n. comparison 149/13 Conioynyn v. inf. to unite 161/3 Cownawnt n. agreement, contract 178/6 Crakes n. pl. bragging 191/60 Crakynge vbl. n. 196/47 Crature n. creature 133/165 Crum (pl. crumes, crummes, crummys) n. crumb 195/13, 197/80, 197/81 Cud, cudde mod. could 141/66, 170/71, 189/40 Cunctre (pl. cunctres), cuntre(e (pl. cuntres) n. country 175/25, 195/3, 195/26, 195/35, 196/37, 196/42 Cungered v. 1 sg. pa. conjure 119/65 Cunnynge adj. cunning 170/70, 171/75 Cursudnes n. wicked practice 182/61 Curteys adj. courteous 143/110 D Dampnabyll adj. damnable 143/124 Deffowlethe v. 3 sg. pr. desecrates, pollutes 146/67, 146/84, 146/88

Glossary

Delytes n. pl. delights 153/154 Delyteste 2 sg. pr. take pleasure 153/163; delytythe 3 sg. pr. 199/55; delytene v. 3 pl. pr. 153/152 Destrue v. inf. destroy 119/62; destrued pa. & pa. p. 119/64, 179/55; destrude pa. p. 128/326 Devell, devyl(l (pl. devylls), duell (pl. duellys), dule(e, duvell n. devil 196/55, 121/122, 117/13, 124/239, 196/53 Dyghʒt. v. inf. & 2 sg. pr. arrange, put in order 147/123, 148/138 Dysceruyst v. 2 sg. pr. deserve 133/159 Disclawnderynge, disslawnderynge vbl. n. slandering 184/64, 196/46 Dyshese n. disease 129/9 Dysposythe 1 sg. pr. having a disposition or inclination 126/277; Dysposyd 1 sg. pa. ordained, directed 151/86 Disslaunderere (pl.) n. slanderer 199/64, 199/69, see slawnder Disteynynge vbl. n. defiling 162/37 Doyst(e v. 2 sg. pr. do 132/111, 134/191 Doole n. pain, torment 180/85 Dowcet adj. pleasant to the taste, delicious 180/76 Dowe n. dove 176/46 Dowte (pl. dowtes) n. 150/65, 151/74 Dowtynge vbl. n. doubting 143/120 Dredyne v. 3 pl. pr. fear 143/139; dredyd 3 pl. pa. 193/143; dredynge pr. p. 152/134 Dreggys n. pl. dregs 180/85 Droffe v. 1 sg. pa. drove 198/3, 198/21 Ductible adj. malleable, ductile 192/76, 192/79 Duell, dwell inf. & 1 & 3 sg. pr. & imp. dwell, dwells, 138/126, 144/31, 145/60, 147/113, etc.; dwellethe 3 sg. pr. 141/68, 148/153; dwelle, dwellen 3 pl. pr. 138/126, 157/77 E Efflowed v. 3 pl. pa. pervaded 171/102 Efftsones, efftsonys adv. soon after, afterward 123/213, 178/9, 190/17, 191/36 Egall adj. equal 159/43, 178/26 Eyer n. air 121/125, 186/130, 186/132, 186/133

245

Eyere n. 1 ear 128/314 Eyere adv.2 before, earlier 154/197 Eyrlee adv. early 178/4 Elacion n. arrogance, inordinate self-esteem 164/28 Elyche, elyke adj. alike 127/299, 151/76 Endyte v. inf. indict, prosecute 191/58 Enioynyd pa. p. joined 151/74 Enowe adv. sufficiently 199/66 Ensawmpyll, ensawmpull, exawmpyll, exawmpull n. example 140/13, 149/22, 152/131, 191/49 F Ffebyll adj. poor in quality, humble 142/89, 143/109; weak 170/44 Ffecicyane n. physician 166/106 Ffeyle n. doubt 123/207, 166/75 Ffeyle v. inf. fail, prove wanting 143/112; 3 sg pr. lacks 136/45, grows feeble 138/129; ffeyled 3 pl. pa. lacked 176/54, 176/63 Ffende, ffeend, ffeende (pl. ffendys, ffeendys) n. devil, 129/5, 129/22, 129/25, 152/141, devilish creatures, 152/141, 155/17 Fferdffull adj. fearful 152/127 Fferdness n. fear, terror 152/140 Ffesterethe v. 3 sg. pr. festers 141/69 Ffyghʒt inf. fight 130/31, 138/148; ffyghʒtynge vbl. n. fighting 184/70 Ffynde v. inf. & 1 & 3 sg. pr. Find, finds 118/51, 123/209, 146/75, etc. Ffynder, ffownder, ffowndur n. founder 124/215, 129/28, 179/42, 191/39 Fflitynge, fflytynge vbl. n. quarrelling 184/69, 196/46 Ffoo n. foe 148/160 Fforsothe adv. truly, for sure 137/82, 193/133, 199/62 Fforgyffenes, fforʒeffnes, fforʒevenes n. forgiveness 142/84, 143/110, 166/76 Fforʒeve inf. forgive 185/78; Fforʒeven, fforʒoven, fforʒovyn, fforʒyffen pa. p. forgiven 124/241, 137/78, 143/122, 143/133, 152/143 Ffowndyn pa. p. found, shown 170/68 Ffreel, ffrele adj. weak 165/37, 167/138, 168/155

246

Glossary

Ffrelee adv. freely 130/58 Ffrelenes n. weakness 164/30 Ffreltee n. moral weakness 137/73 Ffro, ffrom(e, ffroo(m prep. from 120/87, 121/121, 123/182, etc. G Gaderde v. 3 sg. pa. gathered 175/12 Gaffiste cf. gyff Geyt n. goat 120/98 Gemelott n. javelin 180/78 Gyff(e, ʒeff, ʒeve, ʒyffe v. inf. & 1 & 2 sg & pl., imp. give 123/197, 130/55, 130/56, 130/58, 136/70, 143/111, 145/36, 182/36, 186/138, etc.; gyffyste 2 sg. pr. 178/20; gyffethe, 3 sg. pr. 120/88, 197/89; gyffythe, ʒevethe, ʒevythe, ʒewethe, ʒyffethe 3 sg. pr. 119/85, 120/92, 135/20, 147/119, 164/18, 165/50, 171/87, 197/91; ʒeven 3 pl. pr. & pa. p. 134/180, 157/78; gaffiste 2 sg. pa. 124/239; ʒaffe 3 sg. & pl. pa. gave 165/44, 180/79, goffyn, govyn pa. p. 124/239, 186/117, 189/41; gyffynge vbl. n. 140/31, 150/34 Gyle n. treachery, lie 185/72 Gyrdyll n. belt used for fastening clothes or for carrying weapons or purse 127/307 Gyrte n. belt used for fastening clothes or carrying weapons or purse 127/307 Gnagynge, gneystynge vbl. n. act of grinding the teeth together 154/190, 185/100 Goost(e n. Holy ~ Ghost 123/208, 134/190, 159/70 Grawntethe v. 3 sg. pr. grants 120/88 Gresse n. grass 185/107, 186/110, 188/24 Grue n. Greek 155/11 ʒ ʒeede v. 3 sg pa. went 144/12, 144/28, 145/33 ʒeff, ʒeve, ʒyffe, ʒevethe, ʒevythe, ʒewethe, ʒyffethe, ʒeven, ʒaffe cf. gyff ʒer(e (pl. ʒers, ʒeres, ʒerys) n. year 124/218, 125/257, 127/298, 173/3, 176/53, 176/61, etc. ʒerde n. yard 125/243

ʒyffte (pl. ʒyfftes) n. gift 134/194, 139/159, 141/41 ʒit(t(e, ʒyt(t conj. & adj. yet 119/58, 120/113, 120/109, 123/209, 156/50, 166/73, 185/107, etc. ʒoke n. yoke 162/31 H Halse v. inf. embrace 166/78 Halsynge adj. wide open, embracing 170/59 Hamyr n. hammer 192/81 Hand(e (pl. handys) honde (pl. hondys), n. hand 117/11, 118/50, 120/104, 124/225, 124/226, 126/264, 126/266, 179/48, etc. Handelynge vbl. n. act of touching with the hands, manipulating 185/85, 192/100 Harletry n. obscenity 199/55 Hedyr adv. hither 161/1 Heyghʒt n. hight 123/194 Heyr(e, theyr(e adj. their 117/13, 123/195, 127/299, 130/53, etc. Hyghʒt. v. 3 sg. pa. was called 155/15 Hylye adv. highly, extremely 121/139 Hyr(e pron. & poss. her 124/218, 124/221, 124/223, etc. Honowre (pl. honowres), onowre n. position of rank, honor 137/106, 155/18 Honowred v. 3 pl. pa. honored 155/31 Howselde pa. p. given the sacrament of Holy Communion 120/116 Howselynge vbl. n. the act of administering or receiving the Holy Communion 120/106 Hungur v. 3 sg. pr. be hungry 146/93; hungered, hungyrde 3 sg. pa. 122/176, 190/3 I Iangullynge vbl. n. chatting 185/78 Yculls n. pl. icicles 185/96 Inhawnsyd pa. p. elevated 197/92 Instauns n. insistence 196/65, request 196/70 Inughe adj. sufficient 148/139 Yowe pron. you 121/142, 121/143 , 121/146, etc. Yse n. ice 185/95

Glossary

Yvel(l, yvyll n. & adj.& adv. evil 133/162, 134/178, 192/97, 198/14, etc. K Kyndele adj. pleasing 151/78 kyndelye adv. & adj. by nature 149/13, 149/14 Knawe v. inf. & 3 sg & pl. pr. & 2 sg. & pl. imp. know 131/84, 131/85, 133/153, 135/10, 142/74, etc.; knawest(e, knawyst 2 sg. pr. 147/125, 153/158, 178/22; knawethe 3 sg. pr. 142/91, 144/23, 153/147 etc; knawynge pr. p. 141/50, 142/81, 142/85 Knawlage n. knowledge 117/13, 117/20, 158/28, 188/20, etc. Knytt inf. & pa. p. joined 151/74, 151/82, 158/24 Kun v. inf. & 2 pl.; pr. be able 133/171, 133/173; kanste v. 2 sg. pr. can 133/163 L Labour n. pain 137/95, 169/19; labowrs n. pl. hard work 133/141 Labour v. inf. & 3 pl. pr. strive 180/89, 182/55; labur v. inf. go on pilgrimage 124/220; laburde pa. p worked hard 178/21; laboryng pr. p. striving 159/54 Laton n. brass 120/85 Lawde n. praise 183/15, 192/84, 198/34, 199/45 Lawethe v. 3 sg. pr. humbles himself 197/92 Lawlye adv. humbly 197/90 Lawnes n. humility 188/30 Leche n. physician 141/66, 166/105, 170/70, etc. Leche-craffte n. medical treatment 141/59, 141/65 Lede n. lead 119/85 Leeff adj. dear, beloved 119/74 Leeffe v. 2 pl. pr. leave 153/166; lefft(e v. 3 sg. pa.1 left 123/202, 189/25; v. 3 sg. pa.2 ceased 196/64 Leese v. inf. lose 130/53 Leffull adj. true 179/67, lawful, 197/74 Lere v. inf. learn 133/170, 135/25

247

Lesyngys, leesyngys n. pl. lies 184/68, 199/56 Lychore n. lascivious person, fornicator 199/63 Lyff(e, liffe, lyffee n. life 123/186, 129/13, 130/36, 151/93, 151/96, etc. Lyff(e v. inf. & 2 sg. pr. live 129/9, 135/14, 138/122, etc.; lyffethe 3 sg. pr 120/98, 120/100; lyffon 3 pl. pr. 151/88; lyffande pr. p. lasting forever 185/103; lyffynge pr. p. living 125/258; lyffyd 3 sg. pa. 146/71; lyffynge, liffynge vbl. n. living, lifestyle 127/297, 127/299, 140/22, 162/39, etc. Lykyng(e(ys n. healthy condition 129/9; lust, 131/93; liking 142/94; affection, love 131/96, 131/97 Lykund(e pa. p. likened 126/269 Lyne n. rope 195/25 Luff(e n. love 126/269, 126/274, 130/45, etc. Luff(e v. inf. love 130/43, 130/52, etc.; luffe, luffeste 2 sg. pr. 131/84, 132/119, 132/125, 133/144, etc.; luff, luffethe 3 sg. pr. 135/14, 141/64, etc. M Manhode n. human condition, Christ’s body 122/175, 167/130, etc.; mankind 170/49 Marke, n. dark 137/85 Markenes n. darkness 154/191 Mawmentis(ys n. pl. idols, representations of a pagan deity 119/64, 119/65, 155/10 Medewe, mydewe, mydoo, mydowe n. meadow 156/55, 156/56, 156/66, 156/69, 157/81 Mekyll, mykell adj. & adv. much 119/84, 120/98, 127/289 Meene n. mesure, quantity 138/127, 148/137 Meene v. inf. mean 145/57 Meliorate pa. p. improved, increased 158/16 Mellyd pa. p. blended 191/70 Meyde(n n. maiden 117/17, 117/19, 169/13, 169/16, etc. Meydenhode n. virginity 168/152 Meyst(e aux. 2 sg. may 131/91, 131/95, 133/164, 133/165, etc.

248

Glossary

Meyster n. master 166/84, 171/73, 179/41, etc. Mycher n. petty thief, suspicious character 179/38 Myʒt aux. might 121/127, 155/32, 156/63, etc. Myʒt n. power 117/18, 171/107, 176/166 Myʒti, myʒty(e adj. supreme 158/30; powerful, 165/45, 193/128; rich, strong 193/128 Modur(e, moder, modyr n. mother 124/219, 158/24, 161/10, 165/46, 167/123, 167/125, 175/22, 179/69, etc. Monysched v. 1 sg. pa. admonished 175/24 Murede v. pa. p. walled 156/56 N Neghʒtboro, neghʒbour, neghʒtburgh(e n. neighbour 132/105, 145/41, 145/45, 147/120, 148/155, 148/157, 151/102 Noghʒt n. nothing 129/21, 129/24, 131/96, etc. Noghʒt, noght adv. not 133/150, 134/182, 135/15, 144/15, 151/75, etc. Noye, noyens n. trouble 144/20, 147/129 Noye v. inf. suffer 170/56; noyethe 3 sg. pr. persecutes, causes harm or trouble 181/20, 199/48 O Obecyant, obeciaunt adj. obedient 123/201, 190/25 Odyr(e, other adj. & pron other 121/128, 129/17, 130/33, 139/165, 149/33, etc. Odyrwyse adv. otherwise 133/153 Omelyes, omelyse n. pl. homilies 123/214, 191/38, 130/62 Onowre cf. honowre P Pale n. fence, protection 153/170 Partenethe, partenythe v. 3 sg. pr. appertains, relates 199/51, 199/53 Pees n. peace 130/37, 131/66, 131/67, 162/41, etc. Pete, pite(e, pyte(e n. pity 124/228, 142/90, 149/18, 166/88, 170/65, etc.

Perschyd v. 3 sg pa. pierced 180/78; perchyd, peryschyd pa. p. 174/42, 166/79 Peryche, perysche v. inf. perish 151/73, 151/107; peryschythe 3 sg pr. 149/30; peryschyng pr. p. 188/29; peryched, peryschyste pa. p. 145/48, 195/9 Pystell, pistyll, pystoll n. epistle 133/151, 138/115, 144/6, 172/110 Plenteffull adj. abundant 187/170 Plentefeous, plenteffuss, plentiffeous, plentyffus adj. abundant 172/115, 193/112, 193/114, 193/118, etc. Plenteffusly, plentiffusly adv. abundantly, greatly 169/26, 170/54, 171/107, 171/102, 182/41, etc. Plyaunt adj. flexible, capable of bending itself or being bent 192/75, 192/79 Ponysched pa. p. punished 119/80 Postyll n. apostle 138/147, 140/14 Precordiall adj. close to the heart 162/45 Presumyd v. 3 sg. pa. took for granted, assumed 117/9 Procedethe v. 3 sg. pr. comes, emanates (from God) 123/182, 190/9 Pulver Vednusdeye n. Ash Wednesday 188/7 Purched pa. p. cleansed, purified 171/104, 174/45 Pyche n. wood tar 121/122 Pynched pa. p. tormented 150/57 Q Qwelp (pl. qwhelpis, qwhelpys) n. small or young dog 195/13, 196/73, 197/76, 197/79, 197/81 Qwherbye conj. whereby 131/83, 133/150 Qwhedur conj. whether 134/181, 147/106, 151/76 Qwhyle n. an unspecified amount of time 126/174; the qwhyle, qwhylyst(e, qwhylys, the qwhylys, qwyle, the qwyle conj. while 136/59, 137/81, 137/83, 138/126, 156/58, 156/62, etc. Qwyche pron. which 125/257, 158/27, 159/54, etc.; adj. which 120/98, 125/244, etc.

Glossary

Qwyke n. the living 149/8 Qwyk adj. alive 130/36 Qwyke v. revive, invigorate 181/7 R Rebawdye n. ribaldry 199/55 Recheleshed n. recklessness 133/162 Recure v. inf. ~to regain health 170/69; cure, restore to physical health 170/71 Rennethe v. 3 sg. pr. runs 144/24; rennynge pr. p. running, flowing 144/28, 171/101, 192/77 Repleched pa. p. filled 184/45 Resnable, resnabyll adj. wise, capable of reasoning 130/49, 144/6 Reyles n. pl. rails 179/54 Reyse v. inf. rise 151/93; reysed pa. p. 151/87 Reseyvoore, reseyvour n. receiver 120/89, 120/93 Revythe v. 3 sg. pr. revives 181/17 Ryall adj. royal 158/13, 188/21 Rulare n. ruler 117/9 S Saciate pa. p. satiated 176/65 Salue n. medicine, remedy 141/60, 141/61, 142/75 Sawle (pl. sawles) n. soul 120/87, 120/92, 120/100, 121/140, etc. Scape v. 3 sg. pr. escape, flee 153/180 Schewe v. inf. & 2 sg. pr. show 142/99, 142/103, 142/104, 152/142, etc.; schewethe, schewythe 3 sg. pr. 142/88, 149/7, 164/3, 164/4, etc.; schewen 3 pl. pr. 147/106; schewyng pr. p. 147/108; schewde pa. & pa. p. 117/11, 117/18, 156/67, 171/109, etc.; schewed pa. & pa. p. 119/58, 123/194, 164/10, 166/100, etc.; schewyd pa. & pa. p. 164/22, 166/90, 168/158, etc. Schryve (þe) v. 2 sg imp. confess (yourself ) 149/29; schreve, schreven, schrevyn pa. p. confessed 120/105, 121/119, 121/145 Schryfft(e n. confession to priest 120/101, 120/107, 136/58, 142/107, etc.

249

Schrewes n. pl. evil creatures 123/216, 191/39, 191/40, 191/50 Schulde(e aux. 2 sg & 3 sg & pl. should 123/208, 129/9, 137/104, 141/65, etc.; schuldest, schuldyst 2 sg 131/109, 132/106 Sekur, sykur adj. secure, strong 141/51, 143/140 Sely(e adj. virtuous 148/148, 196/42 Sen conj. & prep. since 126/271, 151/74, 151/84, 153/158, etc. Sethen, sythen adv. if 129/8, 135/33, 150/66, 152/113; as a consequence 151/83 Syche adj. such 121/130, 123/211, 128/312, 130/65, etc. Syketh v. 3 sg sighs, moans 132/121 Skornethe v. 3 sg pr. scorns 199/44; skornyng pr.p. 146/85 Slakyd pa. p. relieved 170/46 Slawnderere (pl. slawnderers) disslaunderer n. slanderer 179/37, 199/64, 199/67 Slawnder, sslawnder v. inf. slander, insult 191/58, 199/54; disslawnderyng vbl. n. 196/46 Slawthe n. sloth 185/75, 189/60, 192/107 Slawthffull adj. slothful 179/36 Sleethe v. 3 sg. pr. kills 183/34; sluthe 3 pl. pa. 191/44 Slughye adj. indolent 192/107 Socour n. support, comfort 158/19 Socour v. inf. help 149/33 Soget(t adj. obedient, submissive 165/46, 195/22 Sokettys n. pl. part of a candelstick into which a lamp or candle fits 192/76, 192/86 Soffereyn(e, suffereyn (pl. soffereyns) n. sovereign 122/173, 122/177, 123/208, 164/2, 165/39, 171/97, etc. Soyele n. soil 182/58 Somyr n. summer 167/141 Sonondey(e n. Sunday 125/263, 198/8, 198/17 Sore, soore n. (pl. sores) wound 141/60, 141/61, 141/62, 141/63, 142/74, 142/89 Soore adj. painful 142/93

250

Glossary

Sore, soore adv. with envy 127/291; in great quantity 127/291, 127/293; very much 132/121; painfully 130/54 full ~ very much 146/93, 157/96 Soree, sorye adj. sorry, repentant 124/219, 136/58, 189/48, 189/64 Soroo, sorow(e n. sorrow, regret 124/230, 132/130, 133/159, 138/135, etc. Soroo, v. inf. feel sorrow 154/189, sorowe, sorows v. 2 sg. pr. Lament 133/154, 133/156; Sorooynge, sorowynge vbl. n.. lament 142/75, 185/98 Sotelte, soteltee, sotelty, sotiltes (pl.) n. guile, trickery 165/37, 166/103, 167/136, 198/7 Sothelye adv. truly 130/64, 140/34, 142/106, 146/67, etc. Sotyll adj. deceitful, cunning 179/58, 181/17 Sowke n. breast feed 182/49 Sowndyng v. pr. p. sounding 128/314, 128/315 Spowtes, spowtys n. pl. spouts 192/77, 193/110 Sprong v. 3 sg pa. sprang 124/222 Sterethe v. 3 sg. pr. exhorts 131/87 Strewed pa. p. arranged 147/116 Surfett n. overindulgence in food or drink 185/81 Sustenance, sustenaunce, sustenawnce n. food 122/179, 123/181, 176/63, 190/7, 190/8 T Thawe, thawffe adv. though 119/81, 120/112, 130/48, 150/68, etc. Thewes n.pl. moral qualities 144/25 Thyne, thine adj. your 134/184, 136/50, 136/53, 138/118, 183/30, 186/113, etc. Thoro(o prep. through 124/218, 124/241, 130/32, 131/73, etc. Thraldam n. bondage, servitude 195/28 Todyr(e, todur pron. & adj. other, 126/259, 137/78, 138/142, 143/124, 143/133, 152/144, etc. Togedur(e, togedyr(e adv. together 138/126, 139/169, 152/120, 155/13, 157/76, 160/73, 162/40, etc.

Tomawroo n. tomorrow 153/148 Towche, towchyn v. inf. touch 123/211, 190/34, 191/46 Traveyle n. hard work 129/24 Traveylde v. 3 sg. pa. worked hard 178/21 Trawe v. inf. & 1 pl. pr. believe, have trust in 151/92, 151/100, 152/114 Trawthe n. truth 123/206, 133/149, 164/6 Turbyll, turbull n. trouble 180/85, 186/128 Turbylde pa. p. troubled 175/11 V Vnbuxumnes n. disobedience 150/52 Vnleffull adj. unlawful 164/30, 182/37, 185/73, 192/106 Vnleffully adv. illegally 185/73 Vnmyghʒtye adj. powerless 130/48; incapable 130/59 Vnworthe(e adj. unworthy 121/137, 144/22 Vnworthelye, vnworthelee adv. unworthily 119/80, 121/130, 121/140 Veniawnce, veniawnge n. vengeance 121/129, 153/153, 186/128 Vexacion n. torment 197/86 Vexed, vexid, vexyd pa. p. tormented, possessed 191/50, 195/5, 196/53, 196/54, 198/16, etc. Vexethe v. 3 sg pr. torments 198/14 Vowtsave v. inf. permit 174/49; vowtest save 2 sg. pr. 197/80 Voyde v. inf. & imp. go away 123/200, 155/17 W Wareynge vbl. n. swearing, cursing 146/86 Waxethe v. 3 sg pr. grows 131/98, 153/170 Weende, wende inf. & imp. & 3 sg. pr. go, goes 136/45, 136/46, 137/108, 142/79, etc.; wendethe 3 sg. pr. 153/176 Weylynge vbl. n. crying, wailing 154/190, 185/99, 186/129 Werke (pl. werkes, werkis, werkys) n. action, activity 169/26, 193/113, 193/115, 194/145, 199/44, etc.; work 133/141, etc. Werkyng vbl. n. action 162/32, 162/36, 162/42 Wesche v. 3 sg. pr. cleanses 131/87

Glossary

Wete, wyte v. inf. & 2 pl. pr. know, note 133/162, 145/65, 147/114, 163/62, etc.; wote 3 sg. & 2 pl. pr. 129/19, 153/146; wyste 3 sg. pa. knew, understood 146/169 Wykudnes n. wickedness 120/88, 120/115, 148/159 Wykked, wykkyd, wykkud adj. 121/143, 132/117, 145/51, 152/111, 178/26, 182/35, 186/129, etc. Wyles n. pl. deceitful ways 165/36, 198/7 Wyntur n. pl. winter 119/59, 150/62 Wyste cf. wete Wyte cf. wete Withstonde v. imp. resist 136/55; withstondethe 3 sg. pr. 197/90; not withstondynge prep. notwithstanding 120/106, 120/107, 193/129, etc. Wyttenes n. sg. & pl. witness 138/139, 140/31, 152/109, etc.

251

Wyttenes, wyttenesithe, wyttensythe v. 3 sg. pr. testifies, bears witness 152/113, 153/167, 173/14, 176/61, 180/73, 184/58, etc. Woffull adj. deplorable 199/43 Wrenches n. pl. deceitful tricks, wiles 164/27, 198/7 Wrytun v. pa. p. written 175/4, 190/13, 198/12, etc. Wrothffull adj. wrathful 186/146 X Xall aux. shall 119/63, 119/80, 123/197, 124/230, etc.; xalt(e 2 sg. 125/247, 130/43, 130/59, 131/80, 189/55, etc. Xuld(e aux. should 189/41, 189/51, 190/2, 190/32, etc.; xuldes, xuldest(e 2 sg. 123/191, 131/89, 132/131, 190/14, 190/16, etc.; xulden 1 pl. 143/120

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

A Alpheus 117/5 Anna 117/1, 117/2, 117/3 Annas Cayphas 191/42 Archdecline 176/54 Austyne (St Augustine of Hippo), Austine, Awstyne 150/57, 167/129, 171/81, 195/23, 134/182, 134/184, 149/11, 150/62, 152/117, 152/132, 153/169 B Boneffas 155/15, 155/16 C Canonee 195/3, 195/18, 195/21, 195/26, 196/54, 196/58, 196/64, 196/72, 198/16 Cleophas 117/2, 117/3 Crisostom 153/164 D Damascene 150/63 Dauid, Dauit 118/23, 123/185, 137/97, 142/96, 146/96, 171/93, 179/46, 183/6, 183/8, 195/4, 196/66, 197/87 E Elye 150/61 Eliʒabeth 117/7 Emeria 117/7 Ennoke 150/61 F Ffoca 155/15 G Gregor(e, Gregorye, Gregorius (St) 122/167, 122/169, 123/207, 123/214, 130/62, 149/17, 150/36, 185/101, 186/130, 186/137, 190/30, 191/38

H Herode 175/6, 175/11, 175/16, 175/19, 175/24, 191/42 I Ianuens/is ( Jacobus de Voragine) 176/61, 199/48 Ioachym 117/1, 117/2 Ioseph 117/4, 117/5 Israel 175/16, 195/9, 196/37, 196/40, 197/78 L Longius 118/51, 119/56, 119/60, 119/64, 180/77 Lucydarye 151/77 Luciffer 184/38 M Maria (Virgin) 117/1, 117/4, 175/22 Maria Cleophe 117/2, 117/5 Maria Salome 117/4, 117/6 N Naaman 195/36, 196/38 O Octavianus 117/9 P Panteon, pantheon 155/8, 155/11, 155/13 Paul(e (St) 171/109, 172/118, 194/144 Pilate, Pilato 118/29, 191/40 R Rome 117/9, 117/14, 124/220, 155/8, 157/86, 189/38, 193/125, 199/70 S Salomeus, Salomon 117/3, 134/179, 136/54

254

Index of Proper Names

Sawter Booke 131/70, 132/113, 140/18, 140/28, 141/48, 146/96, 147/126 Senec(a 122/171, 153/160 Sybylla 117/11 Sydon 195/2

T Tyrye 195/2 V Virgilius 199/71

INDEX OF BIBLICAL QUOTATIONS

Genesis 1:1 118/21 1:27 161/12 1:28 159/45, 161/18 2:18 158/17 2:21 158/22 2:23 158/28, 161/24 2:24 158/5 Deuteronomy 32:29 147/126 32:32 179/39 2 Kings 14:14 150/55 Tobit 4:20 134/98 Job 17:3 154/183 42:6 199/40 Psalms 2:7 118/23 2:11 131/75 10:6 148/158 18/8 140/29 22:5 180/182 22:6 187/166 24:15 132/113 30:13 171/93 31:10 187/166 32:18 193/140 33:10 131/75 33:22 154/184 38:13 137/98 40:5 140/1, 141/47 48:3 167/126 48:15 185/109 49:16 140/18

49:19 147/99 50:6 142/85 58:11 187/165 79:9 179/44 85:13 187/162 102:17 143/136 107:5 187/161 114:6 197/87 118:32 142/97 119:2 146/96 140:3 146/96 144:9 143/136 148:5 161/14 Proverbs 1:24 166/98 8:17 131/88 Song of songs 5:6 132/122 Wisdom 1:3 146/83 1:4 134/179 7:30 138/139 8:1 138/139 Ecclesiasticus 7:40 186/112 15:9 199/45 17:26 149/29 24:23–25 179/63 38:16 149/19 41:1 153/149 42:16 170/50 43:2 171/100 Isaiah 1:16 146/78 7/14 118/26 13:21 184/44

256

Index of Biblical Quotations

43:21 198/31 50:4 199/36 Jeremiah 21:8 118/45 23:28 140/32 Lamentations 1:2 169/9 Ezechiel 33:14 152/119 Daniel 9:26 118/27 Hosea 13:14 118/30 Joel 3:12 118/35 Amos 9:6 118/32 Jonah 3:1–10 188/16 Haggai 2:6 118/37 Zechariah 9:13 118/43 Malachi 1:6 131/77 2:16 118/41 Matthew 3:17 176/43 4:3 190/5 4:4 190/7 4:6 191/11 4:7 190/15 4:9 190/20 4:10 190/23

4:17 136/60 5:3 138/12 5:8 132/107 5:48 159/60 6:2 142/106 6:5 142/106 7:24 135/17 9:2 143/121 10:22 121/147 12:43 198/25 13:43 118/40 15:23 195/6, 195/66 15:25–26 195/10, 195/65 15:26 195/11, 196/73 15:27 197/75 15:28 195/14, 196/59, 197/83 18:7 118/47 19:3 160/79 19:5 161/8 20:7 178/13 20:12 178/19 20:13 135/6 21:5 164/19 22:37 129/7, 130/41 23/12 197/91 25:13 135/6 25:34 182/66, 187/150 25:41 142/78, 182/57, 186/146 26:38 152/134 26:41 139/141 27:4 120/106 Mark 11:24 139/169, 143/112 14:34 152/134 16:15 143/3 Luke 2:51 165/46 3:22 152/134 5:1–8 121/132 8:5–8 181/8 10:27 131/102 11:27 182/46 11:28 135/20, 182/50 15:18–21 165/53

Index of Biblical Quotations

15:19–21 166/71 15:22 165/65 18:31–43 183/12 18:38 183/6 18:41 183/10 19:15 144/1, 145/56 21:19 147/131 22:42 165/42 24:29 148/142 John 1:3 170/48 1:14 167/128 3:16 151/104 3:31 199/53 6:40 151/104 8:34 130/41 8:44 184/48 8:47 135/12 9:4 137/80 11:25 149/1, 150/48 14:23 135/17 15:5 180/73 16:24 130/157 17:3 141/54 Acts 1:1 140/14 Romans 2:6 147/105 6:23 153/181 8:13 138/122 1 Corinthians 3:16–17 145/63 3:19 136/42 6:19 145/63 9:27 138/124 11:27 145/64 14:38 133/171 Galatians 1:10 133/151 6:10 137/83

Ephesians 5:14 138/168 6:11 138/147 Colossians 3:3 151/97 1 Thessalonians 4:12–13 151/89 5:14 148/133 5:22 196/49 Titus 3:4–5 172/109 3:5 194/1 Hebrews 11:6 196/62 James 2:5 138/115 2:20 148/146 4:7 136/55 5:16 139/173, 199/41 1 Peter 4:7 135/1, 135/38, 137/92 4:8 148/150 5:5 197/89 5:8 137/82 1 John 2:17 129/19 4:16 148/15 5:12 153/177 2 John 1:10 144/6 Apocalypse 1:5 131/85 9:6 154/87, 185/105 14:13 147/109, 153/168 19:16 164/12

257

INDEX OF NON-BIBLICAL QUOTATIONS

Albert the Great, De vegetalibus 167/140 Alcher of Clairvaux, De spiritu et anima 141/57 Augustine, De baptismo 134/182 De diligendo Dei 129/12 Sermones, sermo 251 133/164 Sermones, sermo 169 134/182 Sermones, sermo 174 171/80 Bernard, Epistola de Baptismo 130/61 Sentenciae 142/73 Elucidarium 151/77 Gregory, Moralia in Iob 122/169 Homilia in evangelia 130/62, 140/38, 147/107 Homiletica Vadstenensia ad religiosos et sacerdotes 138/127 Isidore of Seville, Liber ecclesiasticis officiis, 169/1 Peter Chrysologus, Collectio sermonum 165/56 Peter of Poitiers, Summa de confessione 137/73 Jacobus de Voragine, Distinctiones 169/30 Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda aurea 173/1 John Damascene, De fide orthodoxa 150/64 Thomas of Chabham, Summa de arte praedicanti 138/132

INDEX OF EXEMPLA

Arthur, 125/262 Candle, 125/242; cf. South English Legendary, 204/1–205/20; Festial, 58, vol. 1 Father and three sons, 199/59; cf. Tubach 3102 Letters of Blood, 124/217; cf. Tubach 2730; DIMEV 931; IMEV/NIMEV 568 Longinus, 118/49 Merciful emperor, 189/38-51; cf. Gesta Romanorum chap. 58 Merciful emperor, 193/124-139; cf. Tubach 3268 Monk in sleep taken to purgatory by angel, 155/24; cf. Speculum Sacerdotale p. 222 Octavian and Sybil, 117/9 Ost, 120/117; cf. Tubach 2683 Temple in Rome, 117/13 Three philosophers, 126/248; cf. Tubach 4025; cf. BL MS Harley 2268, ed. V. O’Mara, Four Middle-English Sermons, p. 128 Two cripples and precious tree, 126/261; cf. Tubach 687