La Description de Paris 1434: Medieval French text with English translation (Textes Vernaculaires Du Moyen Age) (Textes Vernaculaires Du Moyen Age, 14) (English and Middle French Edition) 9782503554969, 2503554962

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GUILLEBERT DE METS DESCRIPTION DE LA VILLE DE PARIS 1434

Volume 14

TEXTES VERNACULAIRES DU MOYEN AGE Collection dirigée par Stephen Morrison À une époque où les médiévistes, toutes disciplines confondues, se tournent de plus en plus vers les sources en langues vernaculaires, Brepols publie une nouvelle série textes vernaculaires du moyen age, destinée a répondre aux besoins des chercheurs, confirmés ou débutants dans ce domaine. Le principal but (mais non le seul) de sa création est la publication de textes qui, jusqu’ici, n’ont jamais bénéficié d’un traitement éditorial et qui, par conséquent demeurent inconnus ou mal connus de la communauté scientifique. Parmi les premiers volumes figurent des vies des saints en ancien et moyen-français ainsi que des textes scientifiques en français et en anglais. D’autres volumes sont en préparation active. At a time when medievalists of all disciplines are increasingly recognising the importance of source material written in the major European vernaculars, Brepols publishes a new series textes vernaculaires du moyen age, designed to meet the needs of a wide range of researchers working in this field. Central to its conception, though not exclusively so, is the place given to the publication of texts which have never hitherto benefited from editorial activity, and which remain unknown or imperfectly known to the academic community. The inaugural volumes include lives of saints in old and middle French, as well as scientific treatises in both French and English. Further volumes are in active preparation. Collection dirigée par / General editor: Stephen Morrison (Centre d’Etudes Supérieures de Civilisation Médiévale, Université de Poitiers)

Comité scientifique / Advisory Board Alexandra Barratt (Université de Waikato, Nouvelle Zélande), Daron Burrows (Université d'Oxford, Royaume-Uni), Vittoria Corazza (Université de Turin, Italie), Irma Taavitsainen (Université de Helsinki, Finlande), Alessandro Vitale-Brovarone (Université de Turin, Italie), Annette Volfing (Université d’Oxford)

Guillebert de Mets Description de la ville de Paris 1434 Medieval French text with English translation

Text, translation, and notes by Evelyn Mullally

F

© 2015, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.

ISBN 978-2-503-55496-9 D/2015/0095/98 Printed on acid-free paper

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 7 The Work��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 7 The Author��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 10 Guillebert’s Sources������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 17 The Editions������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 23 The Manuscripts������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 25 Script�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 27 Punctuation �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 28 Binding���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 28 Language������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 28 Phonology������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 29 Nouns�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 29 Adjectives�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 30 Verbs���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 30 Orthography�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 31 Vocabulary������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 31 Patronage������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 32 The Administration of medieval Paris ��������������������������������������������������������������� 33 The Churches����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 34 The University of Paris������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 36 The Streets����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 39 Five ‘Grands Bourgeois’����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 43 GUILLEBERT DE METS: DESCRIPTION DE LA VILLE DE PARIS 1434������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 51 Text and rejected readings����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 52 Translation��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 53 Notes to the translation������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 110 Bibliography ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 167 Index���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 173

INTRODUCTION

The Work Medieval Paris is undoubtedly a well-documented city. There are numerous incidental mentions in various narrative sources and in the records of diverse documents in the Archives nationales and elsewhere;1 there are however only three medieval works devoted to a description of the French capital. All three were last edited in 1867 by Le Roux de Lincy and L. M. Tisserand in their great work on medieval historians of Paris.2 As it happens, these three texts have no connection with one another. The earliest, written in Latin prose, dates from 1323. In that year the theologian Jean de Jandun, defender of Aristotelianism in the University of Paris, retired from Paris to Senlis, possibly because his orthodoxy was suspect. A correspondent mocked his retreat from the capital, so he responded by writing in praise of his new provincial home. He was then attacked by another writer who claimed that Paris was incomparably superior to Senlis. Jean responded to this by asserting that this new correspondent had only written vague generalities about the capital and that he, Jean, would now write a worthy description of Paris. The title of Jean’s work, Tractatus de laudibus Parisius (Treatise on the praises of Paris) is significant. Like both subsequent medieval descriptions of Paris, his text does not set out to be a neutral or carefully balanced account of the capital. Instead, he follows the conventions of the genre by composing the praises of the city.3 As an academic, he starts with the University: his first part devotes a chapter to each of the four faculties. He evokes Arts in the rue de Fouarre, Theology in the peaceful rue de Sorbonne, Law in the Clos Bruneau and Medicine in an unnamed location. Apothecaries, he says, live on and around the Petit Pont. In the second part he describes churches, notably Notre-Dame and the Sainte-Chapelle. He continues with the Palais de la Cité, containing the Grande Salle with its statues of French kings and its famous marble table, and the hall where the Parlement is held. He then turns to the Halles where luxury goods are sold and regrets that he

1 See Nouvelle histoire de Paris, 6 vols, Paris: Hachette, 1970–. The relevant medieval volumes are: vol 6: Jacques Bouchard, De la fin du siège de 885–886 à la mort de Philippe Auguste (2nd ed. 1997); vol 3: Raymond Cazelles, De la fin du règne de Philippe Auguste à la mort de Charles V, 1223–1380 (1972); vol 4: Jean Favier, Paris au XVe siècle, 1380–1500 (1974). 2  Le Roux de Lincy & Tisserand, Paris et ses historiens aux XIVe et XVe siècles. Paris, 1867. 3  J. K. Hyde, ‘Medieval descriptions of cities’. He surveys pre-Renaissance literary descriptions of mainly Italian cities but includes Jean de Jandun at pp. 332–33.

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Introduction

does not know the Latin for many of them. He mentions briefly the great number of splendid town houses belonging to aristocrats and prelates. He passes then to craftsmen: image-makers, armourers, bakers of the famous Paris bread, workers in metal, particularly precious metals, who operate mainly on the Grand Pont, and finally the men working in the book trade – parchment workers, writers, illuminators and binders. He provides a flattering description of Parisians themselves, including the beauty and elegance of Parisian women. He then notes the importance of the Seine as a mode of transport, followed by the various foodstuffs available, praise of the moderate climate and a final general eulogy of the city. After some criticisms of his correspondent’s logic, he concludes with renewed praise of the town of Senlis. There is a long gap between Jean’s work and the other two medieval descriptions. Setting aside the second for the moment, the third and last was composed in Latin verse in 1451. The Italian author’s name is Antonius Astesanus in Latin, Antonio d’Asti in the vernacular. Born in 1412, Antonio taught Latin language and literature in the town of Asti and made an important French acquaintance: in 1440 Charles d’Orléans (a prisoner in England since his capture at the battle of Agincourt in 1415) was finally liberated and he attempted to reclaim the county of Asti which he had inherited through his mother Valentina Visconti. Antonio became his first secretary and followed his master back to France. In 1451 he composed the third book of his Heroic Epistles in the form of a Latin poem mainly devoted to praise of the city of Paris and dedicated it to Count Jean d’Angoulême, nephew of Charles d’Orléans. Antonio notes the bridges of Paris, so built up that he did not realize at first that he was crossing a river. His description of the Galerie marchande of the Palais of the Cité, recalls Jean de Jandun’s description of the Halles: superb textiles, objects in precious metals, jewels, a wide variety of books, games and even dolls. He mentions a fabulous serpent whose remains hang on the walls of the Palais of the Cité. He then moves on to the Bastille, the churches, and the Sainte-Chapelle with its precious relics and reliquaries. He specifies numerous relics of the Passion such as the lance of Longinus, but also the foot and claw of a gigantic creature supposedly vanquished by Godefroy de Bouillon. He admires the beauty and antiquity of Notre-Dame, picking out specially the sculpted and painted scenes of the Old and New Testaments and the gigantic statue of St Christopher. Not surprisingly he also admires the chapel of the duke of Orléans in the church of the Celestines with its beautiful art works. He notes the Hôtel-Dieu, the University with its numerous colleges which make it possible for poor young men to study there. Parisian labourers are the best in the world. Above all, there is such a crowd of inhabitants that he could never cross the Grand Pont where the goldsmiths work without meeting a white horse or a black monk and often both of them. The elegant young women are attractive enough

Introduction

9

to seduce Priam or Nestor himself. He then moves on to describe Vincennes and other places in France. The second description of Paris was completed some fourteen years before Antonio’s and is the object of the present edition. This is the Description de la ville de Paris composed in French prose and completed in 1434 by another outsider, the Flemish writer Guillebert De Mets. Once again, it is a description of the city focussed on praise. Guillebert’s text, however, is much more precise and ambitious than the other two extant descriptions. He divides his work into two parts, one historical, one topographical. The first part deals with the history of Paris from earliest times and slips from it through its kings into French national history. This part has been largely ignored by commentators, partly because it is mostly legend, partly because it is compiled from the works of other authors. Nevertheless, it throws light on the beliefs and traditions about Paris in the fifteenth century. The second part of the description is original: it is a topographical account of the city, concluding with a chapter wholly devoted to detailing its many excellences. While all these descriptions follow the conventions of the genre in that they are uniformly laudatory, Paris, at least in the fourteenth century, really did have a reputation for learning, power, wealth, luxury and beautiful women. In the 1390s the poet Eustache Deschamps had noted that foreign notables came as tourists to Paris and ends a ballade with the simple refrain ‘Rien ne se puet comparer a Paris’ (Nothing can be compared to Paris).4 Curiously, the prestige of Paris does not seem to have suffered through the civil war period of the Hundred Years War or even from the English occupation which did not end until 1436. The features that Guillebert singles out for admiration are of particular interest since so many of them have vanished. Everything he admired about the interior of Notre-Dame has gone, everything he praised about the Sainte-Chapelle is no longer to be seen. As for the church of the Celestines, not only its art works, but the very trace of the church itself has vanished. Not surprisingly, the mansions of the Grands Bourgeois are gone, but his descriptions give us some notion of what life for the very rich would have been like in early fifteenth-century Paris. If the city was at the height of its beauty and prestige in the late fourteenth century, by the time Guillebert was writing in 1434 the experience of life in Paris had become very grim for many and was still very grim in 1451 when Antonio was composing his poem. All these descriptive writers are, however, focussing on buildings and institutions rather than on everyday life. When we turn to an account of day-to-day events, the picture looks very different. The best-known account of life in Paris in the early fifteenth century is contained in the Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris, the traditional but misleading title of an occasional record 4 Deschamps, Œuvres complètes, I, 301–3.

10

Introduction

kept by a diarist who was almost certainly not a bourgeois but a canon of NotreDame and also a member of the University of Paris.5 This diarist notes many of the important national events which took place in Paris between 1405 and 1449. Although he does record some instances of public rejoicing, the overall impression we are left with is one of strife and suffering—shortages, high prices, epidemics, natural disasters and civil disturbances. Life for ordinary Parisians at this time seems to have been a matter of recurring anxiety, poverty, hunger, sickness and violence. It is a sharp contrast to the idealizing descriptions we have mentioned so far. All are true: they simply show Paris from different perspectives. The ‘Bourgeois’ describes few buildings but keeps a running record of newsworthy events. News, then as now, tends to focus on the dark side. Good news is no news. Guillebert shows no interest in current politics; indeed he even fails to mention the murder in 1418 of his former patron, Duke John the Fearless. He confines himself to the history of the French capital, or rather to its legendary glories, and gives us precious details of its contemporary topography. Charles V (1364–1380) had been a great builder and rebuilder, as his work on the Palais de la Cité, the new Louvre and the new Hôtel Saint-Paul all testify.6 Other great building projects had also taken place in this period of prosperity. The political disasters that followed on the madness of young Charles VI did not at once adversely affect the buildings of the previous reign. Even in the bleak aftermath of the Hundred Years War the poet François Villon (1431–1462?) was still living in a physically recognizable Paris, hearing the bell of the Sorbonne and moralizing with black humour in the Cemetery of the Innocents.7 Guillebert, looking back at the year 1400 ‘when Paris was in its flower’ must have been forced to recognize in 1434 that life under the English occupation cannot have been happy for most Parisians although the city itself need not have greatly changed and in any case he was probably writing his description from a safe distance in Flanders. The Author The identity of the author is even now a subject of error. In 1867 Le Roux de Lincy, the previous editor of the text, interpreted the author’s name as Guillebert de Metz, and assumed therefore that he came from the town of Metz in eastern France. This misapprehension was corrected in 1912 by Victor Fris, who discovered that our author was not French at all but Flemish, that his name is correctly written ‘de Mets’ meaning ‘the mason’.8 As the ‘de’ of his name is an article rather 5  Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris, ed. Colette Beaune. 6  Françoise Autrand, ‘Les bâtiments du roi’ in Charles V, 751–778. 7  Lais, l. 276; Testament, ll. 1728–59. 8  V. Fris. ‘Guillebert de Mets’.

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than a preposition, I have followed the example of N. Grévy-Pons and styled him Guillebert De Mets.9 Fris also discovered that some of Guillebert’s activities were recorded in Flemish archives. In recent years, further information about him has been published by Sophie Somers in a substantial article and yet more details have been discovered by Dominique Vanwijnberghe and Erik Verroken.10 What we now know about him can be summarized as follows. Guillebert De Mets was born c. 1390 in Geraardsbergen, an east Flanders town on the river Dender about 34 km south-west of Brussels. Shortly before his birth, Flanders had come under French rule. Charles V of France had created his brother Philip the Bold the first duke of Burgundy. Philip then married Margaret, heiress of Louis of Hale, count of Flanders, and he duly inherited this region on the death of his father-in-law in 1384. Philip’s son, Duke John the Fearless, was to have a direct influence on Guillebert’s life as was John’s own son, the immensely powerful third duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good. The Flemish town of Geraardsbergen already had a long history. Back in 1088 Baldwin VI, count of Flanders, bought the town from Gerard, a local lord, hence the name Geraardsbergen, or Gerard’s Mount. In French it is known simply as Grammont or the Great Mount (the mount today, now known as De Muur, is a famous challenge to competitive cyclists). Baldwin granted a notable charter of privileges to Geraardsbergen, and ensured its importance by transferring to it in 1088 the relics of St Adrian, a Roman soldier martyred in the fourth century, patron saint of butchers and also popularly invoked against the plague. The abbey of St Adrian, on the outskirts of the town, was still a significant focus of pilgrimage in Guillebert’s time. Today only some eighteenth-century ruins remain. In 1381 Geraardsbergen was attacked by Walter IV of Enghien. Legend has it that the townspeople threw food over the ramparts to give the impression that they had plenty of supplies left to withstand a siege. An event is still organized in the town’s annual carnival to commemorate this heroic gesture. Unfortunately, the actual siege ended in defeat. Walter’s troops sacked the town, destroyed much of it and killed many of its inhabitants. In 1399 Philip the Bold rebuilt it, thereby consolidating the relations of the town with the dukes of Burgundy. This is the world Guillebert grew up in. We know nothing for certain about his family background. His family name De Mets, is an abbreviation of De Metsere, meaning ‘The Mason’, so the English equivalent of his name would be Gilbert Mason. Mets, variously written Mets, Metse, Maets, was a common name in Flanders. It is likely that Guillebert received his early education at the abbey of St Adrian, where Liévin Vrancx, from a rich family of butchers, was its 9  N. Grevy-Pons. ‘Jean de Montreuil et Guillebert De Mets’. 10  S. Somers. ‘The Varied Occupations of a Burgundian Scribe’; D. Vanwijnsberghe and E. Verroken, ‘Les Maîtres de Guillebert de Mets’ in Miniatures flamandes 148–151.

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Introduction

twenty-seventh abbot from 1379 to 1399. St Adrian, as we have seen, was the patron saint of butchers. Furthermore, a certain Claus Mets, who rented a butcher’s stall in Geraardsbergen in 1397, may possibly have been Guillebert’s father. One Adriaen de Mets, an alderman in Geraardsbergen in 1443–4 may have been his brother as may Jan de Mets, referred to in 1411–12 as the ‘garde des joyaux’ of John the Fearless, the future employer of Guillebert. Unfortunately, given that De Mets was a very common name and no specific reference discovered so far links any of these three men to our author, we have no definite evidence about any of his family connections. Nor do we know what took Guillebert to Paris. It is possible that he went there to study and he does refer to major university figures such as Jean Gerson, Eustache de Pavilly and other lesser known scholars. However, no trace of him has yet been found in the university archives. It is likely that he went there shortly before 1407, the date he gives to the purely descriptive part of his text. He would then have been about seventeen. It is impossible to determine how long he stayed in Paris or how often he went back as no evidence of his presence there survives outside his text, which was written and no doubt revised at different periods. The earliest event he mentions is the ceremonial entry of Isabella of Bavaria which took place in 1389 before he was even born. The next is 1400 ‘quant la ville estoit dans sa fleur’ [when the town was in its flower]. He may have written that phrase nostalgically in 1434, the date at which he completed his description and when Paris was far from flourishing. He was probably in Paris in 1411–14 or perhaps shortly after, as he notes that the royal treasurer Bureau de Dampmartin took the translator Laurent de Premierfait into his home, a gesture Laurent himself records and which occurred at this time.11 At the end of his Description Guillebert mentions a terrible epidemic that devastated Paris and he notes its date, 1418. A little earlier, he records that there was new building on the Pont Notre-Dame in 1422 ‘when this description was made’. He was certainly not in Paris continuously from 1407 to 1422 as he is recorded back in Geraardsbergen in 1413 and 1420. Nevertheless, it was probably in Paris that he trained as a copyist, as he shows himself well acquainted with the world of Parisian scribes in the last chapter of his Description, noting how many of them joined the service of the great nobles of their time. It was presumably through his own copying skills that he became known to the dukes of Burgundy, who were not only powerful political figures but also great bibliophiles. He can hardly have had any connection with Philip the Bold, who died in 1404, but he certainly did with the second duke, John the Fearless.

11  See below the Introductory Note on Five Grands Bourgeois.

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Our first evidence for him is as a copyist working for Duke John. It is contained in the colophon of a manuscript now in The Hague, written c. 1410: Cy fine lucidaire – lequel livre de sidrac & lucidaire est escript de la main guillebert de mets libraire de mons[eigneur] le duc jehan de bourgoingne.12 [Here ends the Elucidarium. This book of Sidrac and the Elucidarium is written in the hand of Guillebert De Mets, ‘libraire’ of my lord Duke John of Burgundy].

The anonymous Livre de Sidrac le philosophe was a popular encyclopedic work in question-and-answer format, which drew on the Elucidarium of Honorius of Autun and other works. The colophon proves that at some point after 1404 Guillebert had entered the service of John the Fearless. It is not clear exactly what the office of ‘libraire’ entailed, though we know that Guillebert was later involved in different aspects of the book trade. His connection with the dukes of Burgundy continued after the assassination of John the Fearless in 1419. John had commissioned a copy, completed in 1418, of a translation of the Decameron, which had been composed by Laurent de Premierfait when staying with his rich bourgeois patron Bureau de Dampmartin between 1411 and 1414. This copy figures in the Burgundian library inventory made in 1420 after John’s death.13 His son, Philip the Good, was also a great bibliophile and it was almost certainly he who commissioned Guillebert to make another copy of this translation in the early 1430s, as it is duly entered in the 1467–69 library inventory made after Philip’s death.14 Guillebert probably used the earlier copy as a model for his own work. There is a reference to Guillebert at fol. 4v at the end of the table of contents: explicit la table du transcripvain guillebert de mets hoste de lescu de france a gramont. [Here ends the table of contents by the copyist Guillebert De Mets, host of the Ecu de France in Geraardsbergen]. Being host of an inn would also have facilitated Guillebert’s involvement in the network of the world of art, specifically the art of book illumination, such a major part of Flemish culture in the fifteenth century. At this period Flemish artists were involved in a great deal of book illumination, much of it indeed specifically illustrating Paris itself. The unique copy of the Description de la ville de Paris is in the same manuscript as an important illustration of another text, the Epistre Othea by Christine de Pizan. This is a full-page picture centring on Dame 12  The Hague, Koninglijke Bibliotheek MS 133 A 2, fol. 211. 13  It is listed in G. Doutrepont, Inventaire de la librairie des ducs de Bourgogne (1420) no. 238. This copy is now in the Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal. lat. 1989. The 1467–69 inventory is now in Lille, in the Archives départementales du Nord, B 3501/123.745 bis, ff. 37r-100r (nos 1–858), 2v-3r (nos 859–880). 14  Guillebert’s copy of Laurent’s translation is now in Paris, in the Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, MS 5070.

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Introduction

Justice. The artist’s name is unknown but his style re-appears in another work, also featuring the name Guillebert De Mets. This is the copy mentioned above of the French translation of the Decameron which Guillebert made in the early 1430s. In this case there are a hundred miniatures so it is clear that there is a high level of production involved. As no artist’s name has been attached to this work, its producer was long ago given the conventional name of ‘the Master of Guillebert De Mets’.15 As Fris notes, the indications to the artist are given in Flemish rather than in French, so he was evidently a fellow native of Flanders. Today, however, it is accepted that up to three different artists worked on this Decameron and a whole group of stylistically linked illuminators is now involved who worked between c. 1415 and c. 1450 in a style showing Parisian influence.16 Their art is to be found in a corpus of about forty manuscripts, some from the Tournai area, but most centred on Ghent. Guillebert had numerous links with Ghent, and an important connection with the dukes of Burgundy. He was evidently familiar with both Paris and Flanders. Apart, therefore, from his link to a group of artists, Guillebert may well have helped to influence the art of his time. In his Description de la ville de Paris, however, the only artists he mentions are the ‘trois frères enlumineurs’ (the famous Limburg brothers who worked for John, duke of Berry, uncle of John the Fearless) whereas he mentions numerous Parisian scribes and their patrons. It is paradoxical that while Guillebert’s claim to fame is his description of Paris there is no surviving evidence of any kind about any aspect of his life in the French capital, nothing about the people he knew, the houses where he stayed, what he did, even why he went there. He must have made a number of journeys between Paris and Flanders although each was a considerable undertaking since Geraardsbergen is roughly 250 km from Paris. On the other hand, his life in Flanders is surprisingly well documented. He is first noted back in his native town in 1413, employed as a messenger on municipal business to Ghent. However, as there is no mention of him in the Geraardsbergen archives between 1413 and 1419, it is likely that he spent this time in Paris. On 10 September 1419 his patron, Duke John the Fearless, was assassinated. It may not be coincidental that Guillebert had certainly left Paris by a few months later. On 16  January 1420 he was back in Geraardsbergen where he married Mergriete, daughter of Adrien de Lompere, an alderman in Geraardsbergen from 1397 to 1418. From 1420 onwards, Guillebert was himself involved in the public life of his home town. He is recorded as an alderman almost every year from 1420/21 to 1435/36 (it is possible that he was back in Paris in 1422 as he mentions 15  F. Winkler, Studien zur Geschichte der Niederländischen Miniaturmalerei (1915), 314. 16  D. Vanwijnsberghe and E. Verroken, ‘Les Maîtres de Guillebert de Mets’ in Miniatures flamandes, 148–151.

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15

new building work that took place on the Pont Notre-Dame in that year). In an annuity he took out in 1423–24 he is described as being ‘about thirty-three’ which is how we know his approximate date of birth. In 1428 he had charge of the temporal interests of the Holy Ghost Table in the church of St Bartholomew in Geraardsbergen and was a sworn councillor. Meanwhile, he was still working as a copyist. In 1423–24 he was paid for various kinds of copying work for the town, probably in his capacity as alderman. But also, at some date in the 1420s, Guillebert carried out work on two literary manuscripts, each illustrated by anonymous artists belonging to the group now styled ‘Masters of Guillebert De Mets’. One was a copy of the Roman de Mélusine by Coudrette for which Guillebert probably co-ordinated the illustrations. This was a project for an unknown patron, though this manuscript was later in the collection of Philip of Cleves-Ravenstein, great-nephew of Philip the Good.17 The other was a two-volume copy of St Augustine’s City of God in the French translation by Raoul de Presles.18 The client for this copy was Gui Guilbaut, a rich and important administrator and counsellor, in the service of the first three dukes of Burgundy one after another. His arms appear in vol. 1, fol. 3. The illuminations are by one of the artists who illustrated Guillebert’s transcript of the Decameron. Gui Guilbaut visited Geraardsbergen in June 1429 when he made a pilgrimage to the abbey of St Adrian. He came back to Geraardsbergen at the end of 1433 when he was presented with several jars of wine by Guillebert’s neighbour, Jan Meester. It is more than probable that Guillebert met him there on one or both of those occasions. The particular importance of this copy is that it is the one used by Guillebert for the historical section of his Description. In the spring of 1430 there was a popular uprising in Geraardsbergen against a proposal to increase the indirect taxes on beer in order to ensure payment of a charge levied on the town by the duke of Burgundy. Guillebert played an important part in the affair. At the end of April 1430 he was sent to Ghent for six days as a representative of the law for negotiations with the Council of Flanders. Ghent helped to suppress the rebellion. In June of that year Guillebert was appointed receiver of Geraardsbergen for one year. This was an important post, involving the reorganization of the municipal finances. It was particularly important on this occasion because of the uprising. Normally two receivers were appointed but the fact that only one was appointed at that critical occasion and that that one was Guillebert indicates the high level of his position in the town by that time. Other 17 D. Vanwijnsberghe and E. Verroken, ‘Coudrette, Roman de Mélusine’ in Miniatures flamandes, 158–159. 18  S. Somers, La Librairie des ducs de Bourgogne, Vol. 1,  6–73; D. Vanwijnsberghe and E. Verroken, ‘Saint Augustin, Cité de Dieu, traduction française et commentaire de Raoul de Presles’ in Miniatures flamandes 161–2.

16

Introduction

happier occasions confirm this. In the same month, on 20 June 1430, he was delegated to attend the wedding in Ghent of Quentine, daughter of the burgomaster Lodewijck van den Hole. Two days later, he attended another Ghent wedding, that of Kerstinen Vierendeels, niece of the pensionary Zegheren Worms. In the 1420s Guillebert had acquired property on the market place of Geraardsbergen. It was probably around 1430 when he acquired the ‘Ecu de France’, or ‘Den Scilt van Vranckerike’ an inn located in the Peinstraat, now called the Vredestraat. It evidently had a significant function in his professional involvement in the book trade as an inn was an obvious meeting place for the interchange of ideas and commissions. Prestigious guests stayed there, such as Thierry le Roy, employed in the administration of Philip the Good. Guillebert was paid 42 shillings for lodging Andries of Douai, procurator-general of Flanders. One Heynric de Haec, receiver of Our Lady’s Hospital, lodged there from November 1431 to August 1432. The annual banquet after the auditing of the town accounts was also held at the Ecu de France. By this time Guillebert was not only a copyist and translator but also a book agent for Duke Philip the Good. This last information comes from the ducal accounts for 1432 as follows: A Guilbert de Mets demeurant a Grammont, pour deux livres que monseigneur a fait prendre et acheter de lui, l'un nommé la Somme le Roy et l'autre Sydrac, 63 l[ivres] 12 s[ols] de 40 gr. [To Guillebert De Mets, dwelling in Geraardsbergen, for two books which my lord had obtained by him and bought from him, one called La Somme de Roy and the other Sidrac: 63 livres, 12 sous of 40 gr.]19

Neither of these manuscripts has been traced. The Sidrac mentioned here is evidently different from the one Guillebert copied for Philip’s father, John the Fearless, back in c. 1410. Guillebert also worked as a translator for Philip the Good. On 28 January 1433 Arnequin de Courtrai (Kortrijk), the duke’s messenger, was paid for transporting two interesting items to Guillebert De Mets ‘demourant a Grammont’. One was ‘certaines lettres closes’ from Gui Guilbaut, the Duke’s counsellor who had commissioned the copy of the City of God. The other was ‘ung grant livre de papier’ belonging to the duke, for Guillebert to translate into French. To date, no further information is available about either item. The translation commission was delivered just a year before Guillebert composed his only known work. When he wrote that his Description was ‘transcrit 19  Chambre des Comptes, now doc. B1942, fol. 178v in the Archives départmentales du Nord in Lille.

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17

et extrait’ in 1434 he was giving us almost the final date that we have for him. He is last recorded as an alderman in January 1436 but in 1439 the Ecu de France is described in the past tense as having belonged to Guillebert De Mets, so that the probability is that he died in the interval, at the conclusion of a varied career as a professional copyist, a translator, a compiler, an innkeeper and a book agent for the duke of Burgundy. Guillebert’s Sources The first part of Guillebert’s text, the historical section dated 1434, was in fact the last part to be composed. The second part of his text must in fact have been written first. This is the topographical section which describes, as he tells us, the Paris of 1407. It thus appears to be his description of the city as he found it when, as a young man of seventeen or so, he first arrived in Paris. It was evidently a description he kept and revised as, in the final 1434 version we have of his text, he dates some Paris events in this section to 1418 and to 1422. What appears to have prompted the final and expanded 1434 version is a task he was professionally engaged on in the early 1430s, when he made a copy of an important theological work for Guy Guilbaut, counsellor of Philip the Good. Back in 1371 Charles V had requested his friend and counsellor Raoul de Presles, a celebrated theologian and scholar, to make him a French translation of St Augustine’s City of God, a task Raoul duly completed in 1375. The translation was immensely successful: over fifty manuscripts of it still survive, plus a number of fragments. The magnificent presentation copy has recently been re-edited.20 This is also the copy Le Roux de Lincy used as a base, supplemented by reference to fifteen other manuscripts now in the Bibliothèque nationale, three in the Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, one in the Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève, and the two early printed editions: Abbeville 1486 and Paris 1531.21 However, he was unaware of the specific copy Guillebert made for Guy Guilbaut, which is now in the Royal Library in Brussels.22 For his Description de la ville de Paris, Guillebert copied passages from his own transcript of Raoul’s translation. But it is not St Augustine’s work that provides Guillebert with his source, but Raoul’s digressions from it. In transcribing The City of God, Book 5, Chapter 25 (Ms KBR 9005, fol. 227r, col. a), Guillebert would have come across Raoul’s incidental essay on Paris. St Augustine had been discussing the death of the emperor Gratian. To this, Raoul de Presles adds that Bernard Gui, in his catalogue 20  Bertrand, Olivier. La Cité de Dieu de saint Augustin traduite par Raoul de Presles. Edition du manuscrit BnF 22912. Nouvelle Bibliothèque du Moyen Age. Paris: Honoré Champion, 2013. 21  Le Roux de Lincy, Paris et ses historiens, 96–98. 22  See below, Introductory Note on Manuscripts.

18

Introduction

of popes and emperors, had asserted that Gratian was murdered by leaders of the Parisii. From this event, Raoul concludes that there were already leaders in Paris in the time of Gratian’s father, the emperor Valentinian (reigned 364–375) and he is led on from this to consider the early inhabitants of Paris and the origin of the French: et par ce il semble que ou temps de Vallentinien eust ja a Paris ducz et gouverneurs; et pour ce que nous sommes a l’orine des François et du temps de la fondation de Paris et aussi des ducz et des roys qui premierement y habiterent, nous en parlerons un pou, selon ce que nous en avons peu veoir et sentir par les croniqueurs qui en ont parlé et traitié ceste matiere, si comme Helinant [And by this it appears that in the time of Valentinian there were already leaders and governors in Paris and, as we have arrived at the origin of the French and the founding of Paris and of the leaders and kings who first lived there, we shall talk about it a little, following what we have been able to see and understand from the chroniclers who have spoken and treated of this matter, such as Helinant]

So Raoul follows on with an account of the founding of Paris. The words in italics above correspond exactly with the opening words of Guillebert’s text. Raoul thus provides Guillebert with a historical description to complement his own topographical record. He even adds some detail on the origin of a number of Paris street names, which must have prompted Guillebert to recall his own topographical work and perhaps it was this that gave him the idea of combining Raoul’s history with his own topography. The first four chapters of Guillebert’s text are in fact an almost word-for-word copy of Raoul’s digression (MS KBR 9005, fols 227ra-228rb) but when Raoul concludes his account of the legendary Pharamond (supposedly c. 370–427) by asserting that it was in his time that the Salic Law was passed and refers us back to his treatment of the subject in Book 3, Chapter 21, Guillebert duly turns back to the place indicated and composes his own Chapter 5, Cy parlerons de la loi salique by selecting passages from his model (fols. 125rb-125va; 125ra; 125ra-125rb). For Chapters 6–11 he returns to Raoul’s digression (fols 228rb-230v). The following five chapters, 12–16 inclusive, are based on a very different work. This is A toute la Chevalerie composed by Jean de Montreuil between 1409 and 1413 and thus clearly later than the section of Guillebert’s description dated 1407.23 Jean is now perhaps best remembered for his part in the Débat du Roman de la Rose, as one of the opponents of Christine de Pizan. A copy of the Débat is indeed one of the texts Guillebert transcribed into the manuscript of his Description de 23  Grévy Pons, ‘Jean de Montreuil et Guillebert De Mets’, 569–87.

Introduction

19

la ville de Paris, so he was certainly well acquainted with Jean’s work. A toute la Chevalerie is essentially an appeal to the nobility of France to oust the English from their country and Jean uses the past glories of the French to help make his case. This is the historical aspect that Guillebert borrows. Furthermore, one of the manuscripts of this text has been in the library of the dukes of Burgundy since 1420, so Guillebert could well have consulted it there.24 Guillebert covers much the same ground as Jean and significantly he copies the error made by Jean who claims that Philip Augustus left a legacy to the church of St John of Jerusalem rather than to King John of Jerusalem. Guillebert returns to Raoul for Chapters 17 and 18, this time to the prologue of Raoul’s translation (fols 3v; 3v-4r), a long address to Charles V, reminding the king of the glorious traditions of the French monarchy. Guillebert simply changes the second person to the third. The persons of narration he uses can be misleading. He never makes any reference to himself beyond the initial rubric. When, in Chapters 12–16, he writes ‘je treuve’ and so on, he is simply copying directly from Jean. When, in Chapter 17, he writes ‘de ce me croy’ he is simply copying directly from Raoul. Chapter 19 is Guillebert’s own listing of the twelve peers of France as they were in his time. With Chapter 20 we begin the second part of the text, Guillebert’s personal description of the city of Paris, though even this is not entirely his own, as we shall see. With regard to the historical material Guillebert borrows from Raoul de Presles, it is essentially based on the foundation myth of the kingdom of France.25 Virgil had immortalized the founding of Rome by Aeneas and his companions who had fled there in exile after the fall of Troy. On this prestigious model Merovingian chroniclers imagined a similar Trojan origin for France and the Franks. France was not alone in claiming a noble Trojan origin. In his passage on St Denis, Raoul de Presles accepts in passing the Trojan origin claimed by Britain, citing Geoffrey of Monmouth’s evocation of Brutus, an invented grandson of Aeneas, who supposedly conquered Britain and gave it his name. Geoffrey is in fact elaborating a briefer account given in the ninth century by Nennius in his Historia Britonum, showing that the desire to glorify the present by linking it with the heroic and celebrated past of Troy was not confined to the French. Nevertheless, tracing a Trojan origin for the Franks was not without its complications for medieval French chroniclers, as the two basic sources did not tell exactly the same story. In c. 660 Fredegar in his Historia Francorum had introduced the mythical figure of Francio, nephew of Aeneas, who founded a kingdom 24  Grévy Pons, art. cit. p. 574; Doutrepont, Inventaire, no. 245, pp. 167–170, now shelf-marked Brussels, KBR 10306–07. The author is not mentioned, which may explain why Guillebert does not acknowledge him 25  Colette Beaune, Naissance de la nation France, 15–54.

20

Introduction

between the Rhine and the Danube. He is described as conquering the Alani and gaining the name of Frank, meaning fierce. The Liber Historiae Francorum of 727 has a different version. It names the leader as Antenor who with his followers founds the city of Sicambria on the Danube. They also defeat the Alani and thus gain an exemption for ten years of the tribute to the Romans, at the end of which they refuse to resume paying it and retreat to Germania. Frank here is given the meaning ‘free of tribute’. Neither Francio nor Antenor is entirely satisfactory for Guillebert. Francio is later presented in the Grandes Chroniques de France as the son of Hector and cousin of Turcus, thereby connecting the French to the royal house of Troy. Unfortunately no such family connection is attested in any ancient text. Antenor, mentioned by Homer but developed by Virgil, is better established. The medieval version of the story of Troy portrays him as one of the men who fails to alert his fellow Trojans to the danger of the wooden horse. This unfortunately gives him the character of a traitor and moreover one who has no connection with the royal family of Troy and offers no help in explaining the name of France. Both versions are however preserved by medieval chroniclers. Vincent of Beauvais in his Miroir historial combines the two. Following the chronicle of Rigord, an important piece is added: Duke Ybor leaves Sicambria and settles in Gaul with a large number of followers who establish themselves in the region around Paris in the ninth century bc. There is a long gap to be filled between the fall of Troy in the twelfth century bc and the combat with the Alani in the fourth century ad in the reign of the emperor Valentinian, but the assumption is that the time was spent in Sicambria. Many chroniclers, in the face of these variants, either attempted to combine them or simply refused to choose and say ‘some say this, some say that’. This is the response of Raoul de Presles and following him Guillebert. It explains why Guillebert was to repeat or contradict himself in his early chapters, particularly with regard to the departure of the future Franks from Sicambria. The assumption underlying the Trojan origin of the Franks is that Gaul, when they migrated there, was an unpeopled desert. However, Caesar’s account of his Gallic wars provided evidence to the contrary and Raoul indeed introduces into his account a description of the Gallic Druids and their form of government, based on Book 6 of De bello gallico. The Gauls thus have to be combined with the Trojans. In 1500 the ingenious Jean Lemaire de Belges was to make the Gauls the ancestors of the Trojans themselves. Later still the Gauls supersede the Trojans entirely until, after the Revolution, the French can come to speak no longer of Trojans but of ‘nos ancêtres les Gaulois’. In the Middle Ages, however, the prestige of France required another historic element which neither the Trojans nor the Gauls could supply. France after all

Introduction

21

was proud to be known as the eldest daughter of the Church. Clovis, famously baptized by St Remigius, reputedly in 496, is the first in line of the most Christian kings, so all the pious legends attached to him cast a glow over French kingship, which had been fortified more recently by King Louis IX (reigned 1226–1270) who combined royalty with sanctity. Hence Raoul takes care, in the translation he made for the pious Charles V, to retell three important traditions: firstly, that of the Holy Spirit in the guise of a dove who brought the phial of sacred chrism to St Remigius for the baptism of Clovis at Reims, secondly, that of the angel who promises victory to Clovis if he changes the device on his shield to three fleur-delis in honour of the Trinity, and thirdly, the sacred vision granted to Constantine which prompted Charlemagne to raise for the first time the royal battle standard, the Oriflamme of the abbey of Saint-Denis.26 It was also appropriate for Raoul to confirm that Charles V was the rightful heir to this most Christian monarchy and for him therefore to re-summarize the French interpretation of the Salic law in order to justify the Valois dynasty against the claims of English monarchs to the French throne in the Hundred Years War. Guillebert is not concerned with establishing the historical accuracy of either of these sources. He is not even interested in bringing their accounts up to date. They are of use to him only as prestigious names which provide a colour of history to assert the excellence and antiquity of the French capital and thus to support his own work in praise of the city of Paris. A rather different issue arises regarding his sources for the second or topographical section of his work. Along with the significant public buildings of the city, Guillebert lists the streets: first those of the Cité, then the Left Bank, then the Right Bank. But Guillebert was not the first or the only medieval writer to make a list of the streets of Paris. On an administrative level, the Rôle de la Taille of 1292 (a tax register) had already recorded the names of the Paris streets.27 On a literary level, one Guillot de Paris had composed (c. 1300) a rhyming list known as the Dit des rues de Paris.28 Even though both these sources date from over a hundred years before Guillebert, most street names had remained unchanged. In the Cité Guillebert points out that the sequence of streets made it easy to walk from one to the next. Guillot had described all the streets of Paris in the framework of a walk, though in the order Left Bank, Cité, Right Bank. There is no proof that Guillebert had access to Guillot’s Dit, but he certainly used a fairly close imitation of it, a point which has not yet been appreciated. This 26  For the history of these legends and their use by Raoul and others at this period, see M. Bloch, Les Rois thaumaturges, 224–236. 27  H. Géraud, Paris sous Philippe le Bel, 613–622. The Tax Roll of 1292 is actually a codex rather than a roll. 28  The unique MS of Guillot (BnF fonds fr. 24432, fols. 257va-261vb) is edited by C. Nicolas.

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Introduction

is a text which survives in the British Library and which we may call the London Dit. Here the walk is given an amusing narrative framework: the anonymous author describes himself as newly arrived in Paris and losing his wife at a crossroads. He tracks her up and down every street in the city, pausing from time to time to rest and refresh himself, but in the end he abandons the search in disgust. Like Guillot, he composes his list in rhyming octosyllabic couplets and follows the order Left Bank, Cité, Right Bank. It has often been remarked that Guillebert makes a number of errors in the names of the streets he lists, but when his mistakes are compared with those of the London Dit, an interesting pattern emerges. In several instances where Guillot has the correct version of a street name, Guillebert and the author of the London Dit share an identical error. This occurs notably in the following cases: Guillot

London Dit

Guillebert

Amandiers

Lavendiers

Lavendiers

Gallande

Calandre

Colandre

Gervese Lorens

Saint Lorens

Saint Lorens

Herengerie

Haubergerie

Haubergerie

Raoul l’Avenier

Raoul l’Asnier

Raoul l’Asnier

Quains de Pontis

Cave de Pontis

Cave de Ponthis

Osteriche

Haulteriche

Hauteriche

d’Averon

d’Aveignon

d’Avignon

Fevre

Feuerre

Feurre

Trefilliere

Tresseillie

Tresseillie

Renaut le Fevre

Robert le Fevre

Robert le Fevre

It is clear therefore that Guillebert was copying from the London Dit. The single known copy of this text is now in the British Library’s Cotton Collection, MS Cotton Vitellius E x. This is a paper manuscript now composed of 272 folios. It is a miscellany of historical, literary and political items in various hands and languages and of various dates. Fol. 2v has the name John Stow, indicating that Sir Robert Cotton (1571–1631) obtained this manuscript from John Stow (1525– 1605), author of A Survey of London, first published in 1598. The manuscript was first catalogued by Thomas Smith in his Catalogus Librorum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecanae Cottonianae, Oxford, 1696). Smith listed a miscellany of 34 texts, the first two of which are in French. The first he lists as a Histoire de Loys, Duc

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d’Orleans […] ab anno 1407 ad annum 1424. This item has subsequently been identified as the Mémoires de Pierre de Fénin, ed. Emile Dupont, Publications pour la Société de France, Paris, 1837, and it runs in fact up to 1427 (See also the British Library online catalogue of archives and manuscripts). The second item is our poem. The whole manuscript was badly damaged in the Ashburnham House fire of 1731. All four sides of it were destroyed, so that all the folios are now single leaves in the shape of a central oval. The remains have been conserved and are in a new binding of 1962. By a fortunate coincidence, the text of our poem was written in single columns in the centre of the page and so only some bottom of the page text has been lost. The author is anonymous but his language, unlike Guillebert’s, has no Wallonisms. The streets Guillebert calls Cochonnerie, Perchée and Petit Muche, the author of the Dit calls Cossonnerie, Percié and Petit Muce. The poem is written in very faded brown ink in a large hand quite different from the first item. The text of this Dit was edited by H. Géraud in Paris sous Philippe le Bel (1837), Appendix, pp. 567–612. It was written, as Géraud states, in a hand of the early fifteenth century. In fact, as Guillebert uses it for the part of his text that he dates to 1407, it appears to have been written at the very beginning of the 1400s. How Guillebert came to know and use it remains a mystery. The Editions The first modern mention of Guillebert’s text was made in 1844–5 by Alfred Bonnardot in a series of short notices in the Bulletin de l’Alliance des Arts mainly devoted to the sixteenth-century historian of Paris, Gilles Corrozet.29 The text was first edited by A. J. V. Le Roux de Lincy under the title Description de la ville de Paris au XVe siècle par Guillebert de Metz and published in Paris by Auguste Aubry in 1855. Some years later, in collaboration with L. M. Tisserand, Le Roux de Lincy re-edited the text in a vast volume entitled Paris et ses historiens aux XIVe et XVe siècles. It was published by the Imprimerie impériale in 1867, at the height of Baron Haussmann’s modernization of Paris. Along with Guillebert’s text, this edition includes the other two medieval descriptions Paris composed, as we have seen, by Jean de Jandun in 1323 and Antonio d’Asti in 1451. Neither of these Latin works has since been re-edited.

29  The very first mention is by Bonnardot in a letter to the editor of the Bulletin de l’Alliance des Arts, 25 Dec. 1844, p. 206, in which he already calls the author Guillebert de Metz and states that the work runs to 30 chapters, two errors copied by Le Roux de Lincy. Bonnardot’s observations in the Bulletin are in Vol 13,  844–5, issues 13,  5,  8 and 21. He later published a short work summarizing his findings: Etudes sur Gilles Corrozet et sur deux anciens ouvrages relatifs à l'Histoire de la ville de Paris (Paris, 1848). Corrozet does not appear to have used Guillebert’s work.

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Introduction

The Le Roux de Lincy-Tisserand edition of Guillebert’s work has no bibliography and lacks many precise references, but it is accompanied by extensive notes, appendices, illustrations, associated texts and a great deal of information about the post-medieval history of numerous buildings. It is a mine of information and a monument of exhaustive if prolix scholarship. They studied the work of previous historians of Paris, notably the Antiquitez et Singularitez de la ville de Paris of Gilles Corrozet (first published 1550), the Theatre des Antiquitez de la Ville de Paris by the Benedictine Jacques du Breul (1612), the Histoire et recherches des antiquités de la ville de Paris by Henri Sauval (1623–76) in 3 volumes published posthumously in 1724; also abbé Jean Lebeuf ’s Histoire de la ville et de tout le diocèse de Paris (15 volumes, 1754–1758), Jaillot’s Recherches critiques, historiques et topographiques sur la ville de Paris (6 volumes, 1772–1775), Hercule Géraud’s Paris sous Philippe le Bel (1837), the first volume of Adolphe Berty’s Topographie historique du vieux Paris (1866–67) and numerous documentary sources. Nevertheless, a century and a half of subsequent research has inevitably superseded a good deal of this editorial work. Paris itself has greatly changed since 1867. Much new light has been shed on Guillebert’s identity and reference to more recent publications on specific areas makes it possible now to present his text much more concisely. Reference to older sources has been made much easier by the ongoing publication of relevant works online. The history of individual buildings and locations are also being constantly updated online. Modern scholars have also obviously contributed substantially on various aspects of Paris history. The 1867 editors were principally concerned with the light Guillebert could throw on the history of Paris and they deployed immense erudition in pursuing their objective. The present edition, on the other hand, focusses on the author, his intentions, his sources and his text and what is needed to understand them. Guillebert divided his work simply by using rubricated headings. Le Roux de Lincy edited these as numbered chapter headings which I have kept for convenience of cross-reference. Every opening has the text on the left with any rejected manuscript readings at the foot of the page. As Guillebert’s French, though simple, is not always clear, on the right there is a facing page translation with footnote references to the explanatory notes. In order to comply with the conventions of Modern English, the innumerable uses of the conjunction ‘et’ have been simplified. Many have been varied to ‘also’ and ‘furthermore’ and many more simply omitted. Editorial additions are given in square brackets. When medieval names are given their modern equivalents, they are presented in modern form. Thus ‘saint Andry des Ars’ becomes ‘Saint-André-des-Arts’, the ‘rue sainte Genevieve’ becomes the ‘rue Sainte-Geneviève’ in the translation and the notes. Bibliographical references in the notes are indicated as concisely as possible. Full references are provided in the bibliography.

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A small plan of Paris in the fifteenth century has been added to orientate the reader. To identify the precise location of all the monuments, churches, colleges, mansions, bridges and streets mentioned by Guillebert, reference should be made to the reconstructed 1380 plan produced by the CNRS30 which can be compared with any well-indexed modern plan of Paris. A three-dimensional sense of the Ile de la Cité c. 1527 can be obtained from seeing the model made by Theodore Hoffbauer, on display in Salle 8 of the Musée de Carnavalet. Many medieval artists, mainly illuminators of manuscripts, illustrated various aspects of Paris in their time. Some fifty of these examples, which show many of the buildings and places mentioned by Guillebert, are reproduced with accompanying notes in my Guide de Paris au Moyen Age.31 The Manuscripts The single copy of Guillebert’s Description de la ville de Paris survives as the last item in a manuscript now in Brussels: MS 9559–64 of the Bibliothèque royale de Belgique. A particular point of interest is that this manuscript was written by Guillebert himself who, as we have seen, had worked as a professional scribe. It is in fact his last known production. The five surviving manuscripts currently attributed to him are: c. 1410. The Hague: Koninklijke Bibliotheek, MS 133 A 2. Fol. 211 (colophon): Cy fine Lucidaire–lequel livre de Sidrac et Lucidaire est escript de la main Guillebert de Mets, libraire de Mons. le duc Jehan de Bourgogne.32 c. 1420–30. Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, fonds fr. MS 12575. Coudrette, Roman de Mélusine.33 c. 1420–1434. Brussels: Bibliothèque royale, second volume of MSS 9005–9006. St Augustine, De Civitate Dei, translated into French by Raoul de Presles.34

30  Leuridan, Jacqueline & Jacques-Albert Mallet. Paris vers la fin du XIVe siècle: Plan restitué du Paris en 1380. CNRS Editions. Paris, 1991,  999. 31  Mullally, Evelyn. Guide de Paris au Moyen Age. Biro & Cohen Editeurs/ Editions du Patrimoine, Centre des Monuments Nationaux. Paris. 2011. 32  Dated by Somers, ‘The Varied Occupations of a Burgundian Scribe’, 1231. 33  Dated on the basis of the art work by D. Vanrijnsberghe & E. Verroken ‘Coudrette, Roman de Mélusine’ in Miniatures flamandes 158–159. ‘L’analyse paléographique du Roman de Mélusine montre en effet qu’il s’agit vraisemblablement d’un autographe de Guillebert.’ 34  KBR MS 9006. Made for Gui Guilbaut, an important councillor in the service of the dukes of Burgundy. D. Vanrijnsberghe & E. Verroken date it to 1430–1435 in ‘Saint Augustin, Cité de Dieu, traduction française et commentaire de Raoul de Presles’ in Miniatures flamandes, 161–3, but it must have been written by 1434 as Guillebert uses it in his Description. The hand is definitely that of Guillebert as can been seen from the illustration on p. 163. As the authors say: ‘On reconnaît bien l’écriture assurée, pleine d’élan et de fougue que nous font connaître des œuvres autographes telles que le Décameron […] ou le recueil de Bruxelles.’

26

Introduction

c. 1430–1434. Paris: Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, MS 5070. Le Decameron, translated by Laurent de Premierfait. Fol. D v: Explicit la table du transcrivain Guillebert de Mets hoste de l’Escu de France a Gramont.35 1434. Brussels: Bibliothèque royale, MS  9559–64. Fol. 118r (incipit): La Description de la ville de Paris et de l’excellence du royaume de France transcript et extrait de plusieurs aucteurs par Guillebert de Mets l’an mil IIIIc et XXXIIII. Guillebert’s manuscript of his own text is described in detail in the most recent catalogue of the library of the dukes of Burgundy36. It is a manuscript with a remarkably well-documented history as it is first noted, numbered 933, in the inventory of the Burgundian library made in 1467–69 after the death of Philip the Good.37 It was still recorded in the library of the dukes of Burgundy in 1793, but the following year it was seized by the French Republic (along with the rest of the Burgundian library) and stored in the church of the Cordeliers in Paris before being handed over to the Bibliothèque nationale on 21 April 1796. It remained in Paris during the Napoleonic period but in 1815 it was restored to the Bibliothèque royale in Brussels where it remains.38 The manuscript contains six items, all with a Paris connection through the subject or the supposed author. It is composed as follows: fols. 1–5 Table of contents r fols. 6–74 Christine de Pizan, L’Epistre d’Othea. At the end of this text, Guillebert states that ‘Allegorie est aucune signification figuree selon saint Augustin en la Cité Dieu.’ His copy of St Augustine’s text must have been recently in his mind. fols. 74v-75v Blank fols. 76r-96v Martin de Braga, De quattuor virtutibus cardinalibus [ou] Formula honestae vitae, translated into French by Jean Courtecuisse. On fol. 76r Guillebert claims erroneously that it was translated by Laurent de

35  D. Muzerette dates it to some time between1430 and1440 in ‘Boccace, Décameron, traduction de Laurent de Premierfait’ Miniatures flamandes, 151–3, but as Guillebert is last heard of in 1435, it was most probably made before then. 36  La librairie des ducs de Bourgogne, collection dirigée par B. Bousmanne, T. van Hamelryck et C. van Hoorebeeck, 3 vols (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006). The relevant parts are in vol. 1, ‘Historique de la Bibliothèque de Bourgogne’ pp. 13–34 and vol. 3, pp. 118–124, description of MS 9559–64 by Jacques Charles Lemaire. 37  The inventory is now in Lille, in the Archives départementales du Nord, B 3501/123.745 bis, ff. 37r100r (nos 1–858), 2v-3r (nos 859–880). 38  The adventures and misadventures of the Burgundian library over the centuries are described by Marie-Pierre Laffitte. ‘Cadeaux, spoliations, achats’ in Miniatures flamandes, 55–65. See also Eric Hicks, Le Débat sur le Roman de la Rose, lxxiv-lxxvi.  

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Premierfait (whom he mentions in his own text) and dedicated to Duke John of Berry. fols. 97–109v Christine de Pizan, Jean de Montreuil and Gontier Col, Le Débat sur le Roman de la Rose. Jean de Montreuil is one of the sources of Guillebert’s historical section. fols. 110r-115r Albertano da Brescia De arte loquendi et tacendi, translated into French verse by ‘ung clerc de grant auctorité a Paris’ and dated 1407. fols. 116r-117v Anon. Des cinq lettres du nom de Paris compilé par ung notable clerc normant l'an de grace mil quatre cens et sept. J. C. Lemaire suggests, but without support, that the author may be a Norman called Munier or else Eustache Deschamps. Dated 1407. fols. 118r-142v Guillebert De Mets, Description de la ville de Paris et de l’excellence du royaume. Dated 1434. The manuscript is on parchment, its folios averaging 331 × 235 mm.39 It is made up of 19 quires or gatherings, now totalling 144 folios. The first two gatherings are of four folios, the remaining 17 are each of eight. The folio now numbered 1 is preceded by a blank folio with an earlier numbering 6 erased. The new fol. 1 begins ‘cy commence la table de ce livre’. The new fol. 6r, with former numbering 7 erased, contains a large picture of Dame Justice, and the following rubric underneath: ‘Cy commence lespitre othea’. The paragraph underneath the picture of Dame Justice begins ‘Othea selon grec puet estre pris pour sagesce de femme’. The back of this leaf, fol 6v, contains two columns from a different copy of the Othea text, evidently misplaced. The facing page, fol. 7r, is blank. These two facing pages were previously glued together to conceal the error. The modern foliation continues to 144v. The last two folios have been ruled but are blank. Script Guillebert’s clear professional script is written in long lines, 29 to 32 per page, the writing space averaging 198 × 132 mm. He writes in brown ink in the ‘bâtarde flamande’ script associated with the court of Burgundy and frequently adds ornate rubrics. The manuscript also has initials in burnished gold, their backgrounds painted in pink and blue with ivy leaves and fine white line decoration. The marginal decoration is of pink and blue flowers and gold ivy leaves.

39  The following description is a slightly updated version of the detailed account given by J. C. Lemaire in La Librairie des ducs de Bourgogne. See above, note 5.

28

Introduction

Punctuation For punctuation, Guillebert makes use of the single or double virgula suspensiva.40 The single virgula, written like the modern forward slash, is generally, but not consistently, used as the equivalent of the modern comma. The double virgula is used for a longer pause, roughly the equivalent of the modern full stop or to indicate the end of a passage. After numbers, always given in Roman numerals, Guillebert uses a mid-point full stop as in xlˑ He is careful to keep his script within the ruled written space and avoids encroaching on the right-hand margin. Although he uses few abbreviations, these are generally found at the end of the line to avoid trespassing on the margin. When he chooses to divide a word at the end of a line, he always does so in strict accordance with the still current French rules for syllable division. An interesting feature of his punctuation is the stroke, slanting slightly upward, that he uses as a hyphen. On one occasion (fol. 138r) he uses it to join two words as we might hyphenate them today: haute-riche. Binding The original binding is long lost, but in the Napoleonic period the volume was rebound with an imperial crowned N. When it was returned to Belgium in 1853, it was rebound again, this time in fawn tree calf with gilding including the Belgian arms.41 The current binding is signed M. Marchoul on the inside back cover and dated 1976. The spine binding of the nineteenth-century cover has been salvaged and glued in place beside the 1976 signature. The shelf-mark 9559–64 is stamped in gold on the lower spine and a damaged coat of arms with a crowned lion rampant appears under the title: epitre d’othea le livre de seneque des quatre vertus. The new cover is of thick black leather with metal clasps, corners and studs. Two new unmarked folios have been bound in as front and rear flyleaves. Language The language of Guillebert’s Description is of particular interest as he is both the author and scribe of the work and he also gives it its date. A native of Flanders, his mother tongue would have been Flemish. In his copy of the Decameron, the notes 40  M. Parkes, Pause and Effect, 307: ‘Virgula suspensiva / Used to mark the briefest pause or hesitation in a text. Usually it indicates the end of a comma (q.v.), but in some 14th-, 15th- and 16th- century copies it could be used for all pauses except the final one. The double form // was used as a direction for a paraph (q.v.), and for a final pause.’ 41  Le Roux de Lincy, Paris et ses historiens, 129.

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for the artist are given in Flemish.42 Nevertheless, he would have learnt French at an early age as French was the language of the Flemish abbeys until the fourteenth century.43 He would have used it during his time in Paris and in his dealings with the dukes of Burgundy. He was indeed commissioned to make a translation into French for Philip the Good in 1432.44 By 1434, French had evolved to a point close to the modern language. The Old French case system had all but disappeared. Guillebert makes no distinction between nominative and accusative, using nul or nulz for example for either. The only archaic feature that is still consistently preserved by him is the verb form il treuve for il trouve which indeed survived into the seventeenth century. He borrows from Raoul de Presles the old feminine adjective viez in Viez Place, but elsewhere always uses vieille. As Le Roux de Lincy notes (p. 141), where Raoul uses the older form Diex, Guillebert uses Dieux. In Part 1, copied from Raoul, there are a few examples of the plural subject pronoun il for ils: 118r: il appellerent; 118v: il n’attendirent mie; 122r: qu’ils se gardassent bien que il le poursuivissent; 124r: il se rendoient; 125v: qu’il avoient. Phonology Guillebert’s language has few dialectical features but its phonology is coloured with Wallonisms. Cimetière is once written chimetiere, when Guillebert is quoting from his own copy of the Cité de Dieu. This feature occurs much more frequently in his own composition in Part II, and most frequently there towards the end of the text. It occurs notably in proper names, such as Duchie (for Dussy), Alenchon, Eschoches, Luchembourc, rue Perchée for Perché, but also in words such as saussiches, pourchelet, granche, adreschier and the phrase liches pour campier instead of lices pour champier. Mercier is always merchier. He even writes cochonnerie in error for cossonnerie. Nouns The gender of nouns is often unexpected and often fluctuates. Masculine for feminine occurs at 137r: ung estude; feminine for masculine at 129v: miracles si grandes et appertes; 133v: toute jour; 133r: la prieuré and 139v: la preoré. Sometimes both genders are given for same word: 139r: le cimetiere and 123r: la cimitiere; 129v: une petite ampulle and (on the same page) ce saint ampulle. Sometimes there is even a combination of genders for the same word; 125r: sacrifices communs et publiques; 42  Fris, ‘Guillebert de Mets’, 360. 43 Marchello-Nizia, Histoire de la langue français aux XIVe et XVe siècles, 40. 44  Somers, ‘The Varied Occupations of a Burgundian scribe’, 1237–8.

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Introduction

126v: nulz grans batailles; 140v: tout une chaucee. For the word gens he follows modern practice in making agreement feminine before the noun and masculine after it: 118v celles gens; 124r certaines gens, but 122r gens grans et puissans; 125v gens convaincus d’aucune mauvestie. However, he uses the curious form unes gens twice (118r, 124r) possibly to indicate that a plurality of individuals is understood. ‘Paris’ itself is consistently feminine. Adjectives At this period, some adjectives are still epicene (Marchello-Nizia, 100–106). Guillebert still uses grant for the feminine of grand, with only two exceptions, both in Part 1:  29v: miracles grandes et appertes and 130v: flambe a merveilles grande. Only one epicene form occurs for tel: 128r: telz manieres and none for quel. There are no examples of epicene fort as Guillebert always uses forte for the feminine. Epicene adjectives in –al occur at 119r: la plus principal ville du royaume (but 124r: generations principales); 123v: lettres royaux; 131v: les banieres royaux. Forms in –el occur at 137v: continuelment; 141r: assiduelment and again at 141v: assiduelment. There are no examples in –il; Examples in –ef are at 124v: une tres grief paine; 137r: briefment. Examples in –ant are 137v: d’avenant contenance; 141v: de plaisant rethorique et eloquence. There are no examples in –ent. Verbs Present As noted above, Guillebert consistently uses the older form [je, il] treuve for trouve. Preterite The final -t of the third person singular does not exist, as in fu; mouru; party; offry; perdy; yssi; estendy; rendy; oingny; vainqui. He writes [il] vist when copying Raoul’s text (fol. 229rb) but [il] vit when copying this copy into his own text (fol. 123v), but he always writes mist, mistrent in his own text, never mit, mirent. On the other hand, he copies conquirent (118v) from Raoul (MS 9005 fol. 227a) but changes Jean’s conquirent (Grevy-Pons 578) to the older form conquistrent (126v). Past participles There is considerable inconsistency in the agreement of past participles. As Nyrop notes: ‘Il régnait dans la vieille langue une grande liberté concernant l’accord des participes… On constate aussi, même chez les prosateurs, des accords tout à fait

Introduction

31

fautifs.’45 In numerous cases where we would expect a feminine agreement, the past participle remains masculine: 118r la description… transcript et extrait; 123v quant l'eglise de Saint Magloire…fu transporté; 129v fleurs de liz… envoyés; 131r ceste baniere… l'ont acoustumé a prendre ses successeurs; 132r laquele description est devisé en V parties; 133v Si y furent commenciés encore V maisons; grans lames attaciés; 135r maisons appellés charniers; 136r la sont entailliés de pierre les ymages; 136v la porte est entaillié de art; 137r les parois estoient couvers de pieres; Autres chambres richement adoubez entailliés et parés; 140v une croix entaillié de pierres; une maisoncelle dessus appellé tegurion.

Guillebert’s usage is notably inconsistent. At 134r above, he writes: la sont entailliés de pierre les ymages, but follows it with une ymage de Nostre Dame entaillee de pierre. Orthography As is common in Middle French there is considerable inconsistency of spelling. Guillebert writes indifferently procession and pourcession, demeure and demoure, seignorie and seigneurie; colombes and coulombes; Chastallet, Chastelet, Chastellet. Nouns ending in d or t lose the final consonant in the plural: les sains, les prelas, les Lombars, les enseignmens, etc. There is an error at 122v copied from his text of Raoul: Les chiens mort for mors. As is common in this pre-Renaissance period, many words are given a Latinized spelling, intended to indicate their etymology: transcript, fundation, admené, adviserent, subgés, sçeust, etc. Vaissellemente, rather than vaissellement is very rare. Vocabulary Guillebert has a few unusual words: Oxal, a jubé or rood screen. As Fris notes, oxal is a Flemish word.46 Fiertre, from Latin feretrum, a reliquary. Tegurion. The form tugurium means ‘hut’ in classical Latin but is glossed as ‘ciborium’ in Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Scriptorum Rerum Merovingicarum. Vol. 4 (1902), 688. ‘Ciborium’ usually means a liturgical vessel, but it also has the architectural meaning of a canopy supported by columns, usually placed over an altar. 45  Nyrop, ‘Grammaire historique’, VI, 256. 46  Fris, ‘Guillebert de Mets’, 360.

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Introduction

Oeilles. In association with combs this otherwise unattested word evidently means ‘mirrors’. Among the ivory artefacts conserved in various medieval collections, mirror cases (valves de miroir) are the small secular carved ivory objects that feature most strongly. In his poem on Paris of 1323 Jean de Jandun lists discriminalia quoque eburnea pro capillis, specula pro oculis which Le Roux de Lincy translates as des peignes d’ivoire pour les cheveux, des miroirs pour se regarder (51); G. Fagniez also translates specula pro oculis as miroirs.47 It would appear therefore that ‘oeille’ derives from ‘ocula’ with the sense of ‘looking glass.’ Tragedie. An early example of this word, evidently meaning something quite different from the theatrical meaning it has in the modern language. If the otherwise unknown Bacon played chansons and tragedies, it is possible that the words denotes some kind of ballad with a tragic ending. Vaissellemente. Guillebert uses this unusual form to denote sets of liturgical vessels. Patronage Guillebert’s Description is, as we have seen, the sixth and final item in a manuscript in which all the entries have some connection with Paris. The first and principal item is the Epistre Othea by Christine de Pizan, written c. 1400, a didactic work on the education of young men and still evidently in demand in 1434. Her text is prefaced by the large illustration of Dame Justice, a key item in the history of Flemish illumination. It is followed by a copy of the letters involved in the famous quarrel of the Romance of the Rose. The manuscript, which runs to 144 folios, is beautifully presented and was presumably either written to order or written in the hope of reward from a patron. Guillebert must therefore have supposed that his description of Paris was of more than purely personal interest. However, we have no indication as to the person he may have had in mind as a patron. The obvious candidate is his patron Philip the Good. As the manuscript subsequently figures in the inventory of Philip’s library, made in 1467–69 shortly after his death, it would appear that Philip was either given it or that he acquired it for himself. Yet it is hard to imagine why Philip should have been interested in Guillebert’s copy of Raoul’s historical section, all of it designed to glorify the French monarchy. It is true that Philip was the great-nephew of Charles V but in 1434, when Guillebert was writing, Philip was still an ally of the English against his own second cousin, King Charles VII. It has been noted that Guillebert omits hostile mention of the English when he borrows from Jean de Montreuil, possibly

47  Fagniez, ‘Essai sur l’organisation de l’industrie à Paris’, 6–7.

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in deference to Philip, who only abandoned the Anglo-Burgundian alliance a year later when he signed the Treaty of Arras in 1435. It was quite appropriate for Raoul de Presles, writing for Charles V, to confirm that Charles was the rightful heir to this most Christian monarchy and for him therefore to re-summarize the French interpretation of the Salic law in order to justify the Valois dynasty against the English claims to the throne of France. Guillebert goes out of his way to devote a whole chapter to copying Raoul’s text on the matter, Although Henry V of England had imposed his infant son on the French throne, and had him crowned Henry VI of France in 1431 in opposition to Charles VII, Guillebert makes no reference to this. Just as curious as his emphasis on the Salic Law is Guillebert’s emphasis on the Oriflamme. It was perfectly understandable that Raoul de Presles should remind Charles V of the historic and monarchical value of the royal battle standard. Raoul died in fact just before its last triumphant appearance at the French victory at Roosebeke in 1382. But Guillebert must have known that the Oriflamme was carried and lost, possibly captured, at the catastrophic defeat of Agincourt in 1415. Guillebert in fact omits all reference to French national history in the fifteenth century. Is it possible that the manuscript and the description of Paris were destined hopefully for a member of the royal family? Unfortunately Guillebert’s only known connections are Burgundian. Philip’s library contained numerous duplicates, so he may well have been interested in acquiring yet another copy of Christine de Pizan’s Epitre d’Othea. It is also possible that his particular interest in this manuscript may have been in the artwork. Or, as a well-known bibliophile, he might simply have been given the manuscript as a gift. In any case it was still in his possession at his death in 1467. The Administration of medieval Paris Guillebert is aware of the different heads of administration in medieval Paris, though his main preoccupation is with the buildings. The Ile de la Cité was the centre of power, secular power in the Palais at the west end of the island, ecclesiastical power in Notre-Dame at the east end. However, power was evolving in the early fifteenth century. Although the Palais de la Cité was still used as a royal residence, Charles V had moved the main royal residence to the Hôtel Saint-Paul on the Right Bank and the Palais was establishing itself as essentially the centre of legal administration, a function which it retains today under the title of the Palais de Justice. The bishop of Paris had his own court, the For-l’Evèque, as he headed a substantial clerical administration. All students, for example, were automatically in minor clerical orders, with consequent legal privileges.

34

Introduction

As regards the lay administration of the city, Guillebert notes that the Châtelet was where the Provost of Paris held court. He was the king’s representative in the city, in charge of the numerous prisons of the Châtelet and present at the execution of criminals.48 Commercial interests were regulated by the Provost of Merchants, who presided with the échevins (aldermen) and as Guillebert puts it they ‘made the law’ of urban commerce in the Hôtel de Ville. Education is only mentioned in the context of the university, for which see the Note below. Healthcare was entirely in the hands of the clergy and of charitable lay men and women. The principal hospital was the Hôtel-Dieu, immediately to the south of Notre-Dame as it was in the direct responsibility of the bishop. Hôtel, or hostel/ostel as Guillebert writes it, has numerous meanings at this period, all stemming from Latin hospitalem, itself based on hospes, a host or guest. The Hôtel-Dieu and the Hôtel de Ville still keep their names in modern Paris. Besides the hostels of the kings and nobles, the ‘grands bourgeois’ and the great prelates, there were numerous other hostels for the sick or needy which might variously be translated according to their function as hospitals, hospices, homes or even hostels in the modern sense. Another famous institution mentioned by Guillebert was the Quinze-Vingts, a home for three hundred blind men, founded by St Louis c. 1260. The name survives for the modern eye hospital, though the building has moved to another site in Paris. Different types of care home are mentioned in passing: refuges for poor women, for widows, for foundlings, temporary lodgings for pilgrims and hospitals for some of the terrible diseases that afflicted medieval life such as ergotism and leprosy. Yet although he praises the philanthropy of Nicolas Flamel, Guillebert is more generally impressed by evidence of skilled workmanship and by sheer size such as that of Notre-Dame. Even the size of human disasters impresses him, as he begins his final chapter on the general excellences of Paris by exaggerating the number of beggars in the city and ends it by exaggerating the number of victims of the epidemic of plague in 1418. The Churches Guillebert’s Paris was filled with churches and they are the first item he describes in each section. A fifteenth-century panoramic miniature of Paris seen from the south shows a forest of spires.49 They bear witness not only to the piety of medieval Parisians, which was certainly significant, but also to the social life of the city. Parisians were closely involved in the life of their parish and often made bequests 48  A manuscript of Froissart shows the Provost of Paris present at the execution on the Carreau des Halles of the robber Amerigot Marcel (see Mullally, pp. 90–91). 49 Mullally, Guide, 92–93.

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to their parish church. A notable case was that of the Dampmartins (family of the Grand Bourgeois Bureau de Dampmartin) who left substantial bequests to their parish of Saint-Jacques-de-la-Boucherie. Along with the parish churches Guillebert also mentions ‘colleges’ on the Right Bank. These had no connection with the University but were in fact collegiate churches, that is, foundations where the daily office of worship was maintained by a college of canons who had no parish responsibilities. In a collegiate church, as in a cathedral, choir stalls in facing rows accommodated the canons. The lay congregation occupied a separate area in the body of the church. The medieval character of the Ile de la Cité was eroded over the years, not only by the loss of its dense network of streets under Haussmann, but also by the loss of its numerous parish churches. A great number disappeared in the eighteenth century, particularly around the time of the Revolution. As Guillebert tells us, there were no fewer than fifteen of them in his time. None now remains. Elsewhere in Paris a fair number of churches survive, but those in continuous use have naturally changed with the architectural evolution of the times. The history of many is complex and may extend back to the earliest years of the Middle Ages. The foundation tradition may be largely or wholly legendary. The building’s status may have changed over the years, perhaps developing from small chapel to parish church. The variety of places of worship was considerable, from chapels in private houses, such as the ones Guillebert mentions in the mansions of the Grands Bourgeois Jacques Dussy and Miles Baillet, to the chapels of the numerous religious houses, to the royal chapel, the Sainte-Chapelle, to the cathedral of Notre-Dame itself. But even a great and well-documented church such as Notre-Dame presented in some respects a very different appearance to Guillebert than it does to us. Naturally he emphasizes its size. Still today its size is impressive. For Guillebert it would have been even more striking. A mid-fifteenth-century miniature shows it towering over the low buildings that cluster round it.50 The interior however would have looked very different. The sculpted images around the choir depicting scenes from the Acts of the Apostles and from the life of Joseph (Genesis 36–50) disappeared when Louis XIV had alterations made to the choir in 1699–1714. The chapel with the sculptures of the history of Job is also long gone. A colossal statue of St Christopher, twenty-eight feet high, stood on the immediate right as one entered from the great west front of the cathedral. It was pulled down in 1785. Naturally, Guillebert mentions the splendour of the high altar and important relics: the heads of the Apostle Philip and of St Marcel, fifth-century bishop of Paris. All the relics were destroyed at the Revolution. 50 Mullally, Guide, 66–67.

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Introduction

In the Sainte-Chapelle, he makes no mention of the marvellous construction or the spectacular stained glass. He notes only the precious relics, such as the Crown of Thorns (for which indeed Louis IX had the chapel built). He evidently finds nothing jarring in the additional presence of a supposedly natural wonder: the great foot of a ‘griffon’, a marvel that survived into the seventeenth century. When he takes us northwards out of the city to the great basilica of Saint-Denis, the order of noteworthy items he mentions in its interior is significant: he starts with the relics of St Denis and his companions in their magnificent reliquaries and follows with the later acquisition of precious relics, notably of the Passion, and only then reminds us of the presence of the tombs of kings and princes and the ritual of raising the royal battle standard, the Oriflamme. Guillebert’s description is our only source for certain artworks in another church with royal connections, which has now vanished without trace. This is the church of the Celestines which stood where now the quai des Célestins intersects the boulevard Henri IV (Paris 4e). It was founded by Charles V who gave the Order part of the gardens of his Hôtel Saint-Paul. His younger son Louis d’Orléans built a personal chapel in it. According to Guillebert, it contained a celebrated fresco of Heaven and Hell and a beautiful image of the Virgin, neither of them attested elsewhere. The University of Paris Guillebert devotes almost all of his Chapter 23 to the University, taking us into what he calls ‘the high part of the city where the schools of the University are’ (as distinct from the lower part, the Right Bank, known simply as ‘La Ville’). In fact the entire Left Bank of Paris was known in the Middle Ages simply as l'Université.51 The origins of the university were not however on the Left Bank but in the Cité, in the cathedral schools attached to Notre-Dame which were under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Paris. In the early twelfth century the fame of William of Champeaux attracted many scholars to the Paris school, notably Peter Abelard. William later set up his school at the Abbey of Saint-Victor on the Left Bank. When Abelard returned to Paris he also set up his school on the Left Bank, but on the slope called the Montagne-Sainte-Geneviève leading to the famous abbey of that name, located where the Panthéon now stands (Paris 5e). Numerous other schools sprang up over the twelfth century. The university did not have a founder as such. The Latin term universitas simply meant a body of people with collective aims, in this case the body of masters and students. It

51  There is a concise account of the origins and evolution of the University of Paris in the first volume of André Tuilier’s Histoire de l'Université de Paris et de la Sorbonne.

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was however recognized by Philip Augustus in 1200 and by Pope Innocent III in 1215. In the course of the thirteenth century different groups acquired the seals that gave them an independent legal existence and so the faculties developed. As we shall see, Guillebert does not use the word faculty: he simply lists the ‘escoles’. In 1323 Jean de Jandun, being an academic, gave pride of place in his description of Paris to the university, to which he attributed the formal title of stadium (see Introductory Note on The Work). By Guillebert’s time it was still essentially a corporation of masters and scholars. There were no official University buildings. The faculties, however, continued to have their dedicated places of instruction. Jean had begun by evoking the teaching of Arts ‘in vico vocato Straminum’. Guillebert calls this street la rue ‘du Feurre, ou l’en list des ars’. This was the famous rue du Fouarre or Straw Street, where the Arts students squatted on straw to listen to lectures. Only a small fragment of the street now retains the name (Paris 5e). The higher faculties evoked by Jean were still teaching in the same locations in Guillebert’s time. The highest faculty was theology and its debates took place in the rue de la Sorbonne. Louis IX had founded the Collège de Sorbonne for the express purpose of offering board and lodgings to sixteen students of theology. The study of Canon Law, based on the Decretum of Gratian and various Decretals (subsequent papal decrees) took place in the Clos de Bruneau (or Brunel), now the rue Jean de Beauvais (Paris 5e). It was originally a vineyard (like the Clos Garlande) and was transferred to the Law faculty from the Abbey of Sainte-Geneviève. Though Guillebert mentions a noted physician and a surgeon in Chapter 30, he does not say where either medicine or surgery was taught. There were no buildings devoted exclusively to university administration. Guillebert tells us that the church of the Mathurins was where the Rector, the head of the university, heard cases and where all general meetings of the university were held. Members of the order of the Trinitarians were called Mathurins in northern France because they had their headquarters in the Convent of the Mathurins on the rue Saint-Jacques in the centre of the university area. All that remains of the church of the Mathurins now is half an arcade at 7 rue de Cluny, Paris 5e. Guillebert has a further mention of the Mathurins in Chapter 27. A significant presence in the medieval university from 1217 was provided by the religious orders, especially the Mendicants, and Guillebert duly notes, immediately after the Mathurins, the four main orders: Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustinians and Carmelites, all of whom had colleges on the Left Bank: the Dominicans were on the rue Saint-Jacques, which gave them name of Jacobins, the Franciscans were on what is now the rue de l’Ecole-de-Médecine, where the cords they still wear as belts made them known as Cordeliers, the Augustinians were on the quai des Grands-Augustins and the Carmelites on the place Maubert. The Cistercians or Bernardins had a college on what is now the rue Poissy, the

38

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Premonstratensians occupied the corner between the rue de l’Ecole de Médecine and the rue Hautefeuille, and there were three Benedictine colleges which each depended from a different Benedictine abbey: the Collège de Cluny, which was on the place de la Sorbonne, the Collège de Saint-Denis, between the rue Dauphine and the quay, and the Collège de Marmoutier on the rue Saint-Jacques. Nevertheless Guillebert gives first place in his chapter to the abbey of SainteGeneviève.52 The abbot had jurisdiction of high, middle and low justice. Cases were heard in his court. The University Chancery, where official University documents were produced, was located there. The University Chancellor was a canon of the abbey. The church was of such high rank that no cleric could enter it, he claims, except wearing the habit of the order. The Abbey had the right to confer degrees in Arts. He then lists the medieval colleges. He had already mentioned the oldest college, the Collège des Dix-Huit which, like the cathedral schools, was located in the Cité. In the middle of the twelfth century an Englishman, Joscius of London, on his way back from Jerusalem, visited the Paris hospital, the Hôtel-Dieu. The hospital was situated beside the bishop’s palace as it was under the episcopal jurisdiction. Joscius saw that, as part of the charitable work of the hospital, a room had long been set aside for the lodging of poor students. He bought the location for £52 and set it up formally in 1180 as a college, giving board and lodging to eighteen students in return for certain pious duties. The college was later incorporated into the Sorbonne under Richelieu. The Paris colleges listed by Guillebert were not primarily teaching institutions. Like their counterparts in Oxford and Cambridge they were originally charitable foundations, boarding houses founded for the benefit of poor students. The typical founder was a bishop who set up a supervised house in Paris for a handful of students from his diocese, but major secular figures also founded colleges, such as Louis IX who founded the Sorbonne and Queen Jeanne of Navarre who founded the college of that name. All the university colleges were on the Left Bank. The buildings Guillebert describes as colleges on the Right Bank were in fact collegiate churches (see above, note on Churches). In 1563 the independent Jesuit Collège de Clermont opened on the rue SaintJacques to a hostile response by the University. The Collège de Clermont was renamed Louis-le-Grand in honour of Louis XIV but the Jesuits were finally expelled by the University in 1763 and after many vicissitudes the college became the present Lycée Louis-le-Grand. In the 1760s and 1770s twenty of the colleges mentioned by Guillebert were incorporated into Louis-le-Grand: Arras, Autun, 52  C. Rollet-Echalier. L’Abbaye de Sainte-Geneviève. She does not mention the custom of obliging visiting clerics to assume the habit of the order, but notes (p. 33 that by the second half of the fourteenth century there were ‘désordres du fait de l’arrogance des chanoines.’

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Ave Maria, Bayeux, Beauvais-Dormans, Bons-Enfants-Saint-Victor, Bourgogne, Cambrai, Cholets, Dainville, Les Dix-Huit, Justice, Laon, Maître-Gervais, Mignon-Grandcourt, Narbonne, Presles, Reims, Tours, des Trésoriers. The Streets Streets and their names are central to medieval as to modern urban life.53 A large part of Guillebert’s Description consists of lists of street names, although the only streets he deals with are within the city walls. When he mentions the suburbs outside the twelve city gates in Chapters 28 and 29 he omits any reference to suburban streets. The city walls are an extremely important part of Paris history. In 1186, in preparation for leaving his capital to go on crusade, Philip Augustus ordered the city to be protected by a rampart. The project was not completed until the 1220s, but it had a major impact on the development of Paris. The south side of the city, known simply in the Middle Ages as L'Université did not expand, but the north side on the right bank, La Ville, expanded substantially in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Charles V had a new and more extensive rampart built under the direction of the provost of Paris Hugues Aubriot which was completed under Charles VI. Guillebert includes streets within the new rampart, though not a great number. Some Paris streets were named very early. Many of the streets listed by Guillebert had already been recorded in the London Dit of c. 1400, in Guillot’s Dit des rues de Paris of c. 1300 and/or in the Rôle de la Taille (the tax register) of 1292.54 This means that many of the street names of 1434 date back at least to the thirteenth century. Guillebert’s lists are not arranged alphabetically but by the sequence one would follow to visit them all on foot. Starting at the Petit Pont, he zig-zags through the Cité to the Grand Pont. This was the normal route, given the uncertain status of other bridges. On the Left Bank he begins at the south end of the Petit Pont, makes a circular route in a roughly anti-clockwise direction either side of the rue SaintJacques, ending back at the Petit Pont. On the Right Bank, he starts at the Grand Pont, makes a circular clockwise route as far north as the Temple and ends back at the Grand Pont. The direction of his route sometimes makes it possible to clarify errors or obscurities from other sources once the immediate location is ascertained. Names translated into Latin in documentary sources can also provide clues. The origin of the street names varies. A street might be known by an important building in it, such as a church, a college or a noble mansion. A prominent local resident might give his or her name to a street, perhaps through a conspicuous dwelling, though the reason for their fame may now be lost. Who, for instance, was 53  Le Guay, Jean-Pierre documents the situation in France in La rue au Moyen-Age. 54  The Tax Roll of 1292 and the London Dit are edited by Hercule Géraud in his Paris sous Philippe le Bel. Guillot’s poem, Le Dit des Rues de Paris, is edited by C. Nicholas.

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Ameline Boileau? Who was Jean Pain Mollet or Frogier l’Asnier? A public utility such as a market, a well or a bath-house could give its name to a street. Occasionally a natural feature may provide a name, as in the rue des Rosiers, the rue Hautefeuille, the rue des Petits Champs, or an attribute, such as the rue Pavée. Before houses were numbered, an inn or the house of a merchant or an artisan frequently had a sign hanging outside which gave its name to the whole street, such as the rue de la Harpe. The most interesting street names are those derived from the occupation or occupations carried out in them and this is where Guillebert’s lists are most valuable. Nevertheless, we are soon put on our guard. In his listing of streets in the Cité Guillebert mentions, for example, the rue de la Ganterie, but with no further evidence we cannot be sure that gloves were still being made there in Guillebert’s time. A little further on he tacitly alerts us to this difficulty when he lists the rue de ‘la Peletterie, ou l’en fait les chalis’: the street of the fur trade, where bed frames are made. The fur traders had left this street by Guillebert’s time and were replaced by a different occupation, though the name of the street had not changed to reflect the new employment. We are on surer ground when he names a street with the addition that specific articles are made there or are sold there or that specific artisans live there. However, his phrase ‘ou demeurent les…’ is not entirely unambiguous. The workers in question certainly ply their trade there and they probably, though not certainly, live there too, over the shop. Guillebert makes a point of remarking that the doublet tailors of the rue des Lombards work at the front of the premises and the merchants live at the back. Guillebert mentions hardly any occupations on the Left Bank, but this is natural enough as the south side of the city was entirely devoted to education rather than business. One occupation he names is nevertheless extremely surprising: the rue des Englois ‘ou les bons couteliers demeurent’. The Englishmen of the title were probably those of the ‘nation des Anglais’, one of the divisions of the medieval university with no connection to local tradesmen. Guillebert is alone in testifying to the occupation of the street in his time, so we do not know why the best cutlers had chosen to ply their trade in the heart of the university. The other occupation, however, is just what we would expect: the book trade. He lists both the rue ‘des Notaires et Escripvains’ and the rue ‘des Parcheminiers’, probably now the single site of the rue de la Parcheminerie which links the rue Saint-Jacques to the rue de la Harpe. The related businesses of producing parchment and copying texts undoubtedly spread beyond this single area. In Chapter 30, Guillebert asserts that there were 60,000 copyists in Paris, and while many would have been engaged on the Right Bank and in any case his statistics are quite unreliable, nevertheless Guillebert would have had a serious interest in his fellow professionals. When he crosses to the Right Bank, he takes us into a different world. The north side of the city was known simply as ‘la Ville’ and, unlike the Left Bank, had

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expanded enormously in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries to the point where it was considered essential to build a new city rampart to protect it. Guillebert crosses the Grand Pont and is immediately in a busy world of commerce around the Grand Châtelet. The sheer number of streets makes a bewildering list, but as similar trades were often grouped in the same street, the topography of business Paris in the fifteenth century would have been much less confusing to its inhabitants. Guillebert notes the rue de la Saunerie (the Salt House) where sausages were sold, then the rue de l’Ecole Saint-Germain, where wood was sold; wood played a vital role in medieval life, both as fuel and, as we shall see further on, as building material. He then mentions the rue de la Tableterie, literally the street where small carved items such as tablets were made. Here, however, we move into an important new area. As we saw with Jean de Jandun’s description, Paris was already famous in the early fourteenth century as a centre of the luxury trade. A particular luxury was items carved in ivory.55 All great collections of medieval ivory in museums today contain numerous items produced in Paris, mainly in the fourteenth century. Paris was the capital of ivory carving as early as the second half of the twelfth century and Guillebert is our only source for the information that the rue de la Tableterie was the centre of production. It is true that ivory carving declined in the late fourteenth century, probably due to a fall in the supply of elephant tusks, but the rue de la Tableterie was evidently still in business in 1407. By far the most important part of production was for religious and devotional objects and images, so it is curious that Guillebert confines himself to listing secular toilet items such as combs and mirror cases. He also mentions actual tablets: tiny ivory tablets bound together to form a luxury notebook were hung from the belt in leather cases. Two fine examples survive in Belgium: one in the Royal Library in Brussels (MS IV 1278) and the other in the Municipal Museum in Namur.56 After the ivory, we go back to basics: Guillebert does not need to describe what goes on in the rue des Lavandières: washerwomen were among the poorestpaid workers. We then return to luxury: drapers lived at the Porte Saint-Honoré; these producers (and especially vendors) of high quality textiles belonged to the richest guild in Paris. Nearby we have mercers, who dealt principally in luxury accessories such as belts and purses, living in the rue du Fuerre. Poultry sellers sold their wares in the rue de la Cossonnerie and the long rue Saint-Denis was the base for spice merchants, apothecaries and saddlers. On the parallel rue Saint-Martin, brass workers operated, and close by a very different training took place: in the rue des Menestrels, schools for minstrels were held. Back to the luxury trades: the rue de Quincampoix was where goldsmiths lived; they famously plied their trade on

55  For a survey of the ivory trade in France, see R. Koechlin, Les Ivoires gothiques français. 56  B. Bousmanne. ‘A propos d’un carnet à écrire en ivoire’.

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the Grand Pont as Guillebert points out in Chapter 22. In the rue de la Courroirie are the men who worked on diamonds and other precious stones. In his final chapter Guillebert is alone in recording the fame of Herman the polisher of diamonds. This is also the street where the Grand Bourgeois Bureau de Dammartin lived. Guillebert then gives us another detail of the lives of the tailors who made pourpoints, the doublets or padded jackets originally worn under armour: in the rue des Lombards, doublets were made at the front of the shop and the merchants lived in the back. Next, the rue de Marivaux where the nail makers and wire sellers lived. Then the rue de la Heaumerie where, appropriately, armour was made. Also appropriately, milk was sold in the rue de la Pierre au Lait. We then enter a street with an occupation close to Guillebert’s heart: the rue lès l’Eglise Saint-Jacques, the street that ran alongside the church of Saint-Jacques de la Boucherie, also known as the rue des Ecrivains, where the copyists operated. The rue de la Voirrie where glass was made. Then more basic trades: in the rue du Cimetière, joiners who made coffers and chests. The rue de la Mortellerie, or Masons’ Street, was called by Guillot the street where dyers lived; by Guillebert’s time the trade had reverted to something closer to the building trade: the ‘merrin’ they sold was wood not for fuel but for building. The hay sold in the rue Saint-Jean-en-Grève and the oats sold in the rue de la Vennerie refer obviously to the omnipresence of horses for transport in the city. Next to last is the rue de d’Ecorcherie, where animals are skinned and where it is not surprising to find shoemakers at work. But just before them is the rue des Commanderesses, or ‘recommanderesses’. These were women who hired out servant boys and chambermaids, though in later centuries recommanderesses appear to have specialized in procuring wetnurses. This employment office would seem to have existed for a very long time as Guillot already mentions it. Women who found themselves without any regular employment often resorted to prostitution. In the thirteenth century Louis IX had attempted to suppress prostitution and when his efforts failed sought to control the practice to some degree by confining it within certain streets and times. Guillebert mentions several locations active in his time starting with Glatigny ‘where the fillettes are’ in the Cité, near the present rue de la Colombe. Unlike Guillot, he makes no reference to prostitution on the Left Bank, but on the Right Bank he notes ‘femmes de legiere vie’ in the Bourc l’Abbé, Beaubourg where there were ‘fillettes’, Baillehou where there were ‘pluseurs galloises’, la Cour Robert where there were ‘femmes de joie’. Names such as ‘filles de joie’ are charming and picturesque, but the reality was often grim indeed, especially when the women and/or their pimps were convicted of criminal activity such as theft.57

57  P. Champion, Splendeurs et misères, Ch. V.

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Street names in all sources are frequently garbled and this not surprising as they were passed on by word of mouth and not standardized in writing by municipal decree. They could only be recorded by memorizing them as there were no name signs put up on the streets until the eighteenth century. Such oral tradition could also mean that the same street was known simultaneously by different names. Sauval, for example, gives numerous alternative names for many streets and parts of streets.58 Some names are given different meanings in different sources at different dates; some remain hopelessly obscure. The street network developed over the centuries and it is not always possible to equate street names given by Guillebert with a modern location. The development of the rue de Rivoli is particularly striking. Several of the streets mentioned by Guillebert were eliminated by the construction of this long elegant arcaded street which extends for three kilometres parallel to the river. In terms of modern Metro stops, the first part, which opened in 1800–35, ran from Concorde to the Hôtel de Ville, but the later development of the 1850s continued the street to Saint-Paul. Some of the streets Guillebert lists have retained their medieval name and can easily be located through a well-indexed map of Paris today. Naturally their appearance will have greatly changed. A medieval street may now survive only as a fragment of its original length, such as the rue de la Harpe, or be reduced to the status of a mere cul-de-sac. Some have been completely swallowed up by a new boulevard or intersection. Nevertheless, a careful consultation of the 1380 map59 combined with reference to a well-indexed plan of Paris today will give a reasonably close localization. Five ‘Grands Bourgeois’ In his listing of streets in the vicinity of the Châtelet, Guillebert records the location of the mansions belonging to five prominent Parisians, not major aristocrats but rich and important burghers, so rich and so important that he calls them petiz royetaux, ‘little kinglets’.60 The first of the five grands bourgeois mentioned by Guillebert in Chapters 24 and 25 is Bureau Dampmartin. The others are Dino Rapondi, Jacques Dussy, Guillemin Sanguin and Miles Baillet. All these ‘kinglets’ were from established families, so none of them was wholly self-made. All inherited not just wealth but the position that produced the wealth: all worked and made their fortunes in the royal service, mainly in the Chambre des Comptes, the court of accounts, the 58 Sauval, Histoire, I, passim. 59  See the plan of Paris in 1380 produced by the CNRS. 60  For a study of major Paris houses of the Middle Ages, including the mansions belonging to these five men, see V. Weiss, La Demeure médiévale à Paris. Bureau Dampmartin is noted at 62–63; Miles Baillet, 26; Guillaume Sanguin, 145–6; Dino Rapondi, 129–130; Jacques Dussy, 65.

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French equivalent of the English royal exchequer, which gave ample opportunities for building up a personal fortune. Many were changeurs, money changers, rich bankers in effect. One, Sanguin, actually acquired letters of nobility; Bureau de Dampmartin had his noble status restored in 1409. In the period of civil strife following the assassination in 1407 of the king’s brother Louis d’Orléans by the king’s nephew John the Fearless these Grands Bourgeois found themselves either on the royalist Armagnac side or on the side of the duke of Burgundy, sometimes suffering the inevitable repercussions when their side was at a disadvantage. However, even in this phase of the Hundred Years War, so hard for France in general and the common people of Paris in particular, it was possible for fortunes to be made and kept. All these rich bourgeois had conspicuous and luxurious lifestyles. They were suppliers of luxury goods to the nobility. Art was still patronized by men like the duke of Berry. We do not know if these bourgeois patronized art in their turn, though Jacques Dussy had art decorating his house and Bureau de Dampmartin personally supported two humanist scholars. Bureau Dampmartin was one of the richest men in early fifteenth-century Paris. His ‘bel ostel’ was located in the rue de la Courroirie; the site is contained in what is now the angle between 20 rue Quincampoix and 4 impasse Saint-Fiacre, Paris 4e. Like his father Simon Dampmartin, Bureau was a goldsmith and money changer who supplied luxury items to the household of the duke of Orléans. He was appointed royal treasurer in May 1411 and received 1000 francs from the king in April 1412. He was among those condemned in 1412 for contributing to the excesses of the court. In 1415 he alerted the royalist party to a Burgundian plot and is last heard of in July 1416. Bureau’s protégé Laurent de Premierfait (c. 1365–1418) is mentioned again by Guillebert as a prominent Paris poet in Chapter 30.61 In fact Laurent despised the rather outworn conventions of contemporary French poetry. He was a Latin scholar and had associations with other early humanists such as Gontier Col and Jean de Montreuil, both of whom feature in the manuscript of Guillebert’s Description. In May 1411 he began work in the house of Bureau de Dampmartin on a translation of the Decameron. As he knew no Italian, the text was first translated into Latin by Antonio d’Arezzo (a version now lost) and then into French by Laurent. He completed the translation on 15 June 1414 and dedicated it to the duke of Berry. Bureau may have continued to act as his patron as in 1416 he commissioned Laurent to complete his unfinished translation of the De Amicitia. Dino Rapondi (1350–1416) came from a family who were bankers from Lucca and who opened a branch in Paris in the fourteenth century.62 Dino established relations with Philip the Bold and the Rapondis became the bankers of the dukes

61  Famiglietti, ‘Laurent de Premierfait’. 62 Lambert, The City, the Dukes and their Banker.

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of Burgundy. They also supplied some of the luxury items for the ceremonial entry of Isabel of Bavaria in 1389. Dino’s splendid house in the rue de la Vieille Monnoie occupied the site of what is today nos 2–4 boulevard de Sebastopol, Paris 4e. At its sale in 1442 the property included not only four gables on the street, but a great doorway, various exits and entrances, a cellar, a wine-cellar, a well, a kitchen, a stable, halls, chambers, galleries, drains and latrines.63 Jacques Dussy’s name is spelt Duchie by Guillebert, no doubt under Walloon influence. Other versions are Douchi and Ducy. It was originally d’Ussy from the Ussy commune in Calvados (Normandy). Jacques was very probably the son of Jean de Douci, ‘clerc du roi en la Chambre des Comptes’, who in 1356 owned a house in the rue Frogier l’Asnier, now the rue Geoffroy- l’Asnier, Paris 4e. Jacques Dussy appears to have succeeded his father in the Chambre des Comptes, ending as a conseiller du roi and maître lai de la Chambre des Comptes. His death took place shortly before 12 November 1412. He was obviously a prominent figure in society as, like Bureau de Dampmartin and Guillaume Sanguin, he was a member of the Cour Amoureuse de Charles VI, a literary society set up in 1400/1401 by the king’s uncles, Philip the Bold, duke of Burgundy, and Louis de Bourbon.64 In 1399 Jacques owned three houses on the east side of the rue des Prouvelles/ Prouvaires (called after the priests of the nearby church of Saint-Eustache). Jacques’ properties stood in what is now the allée Jules Supervielle, the continuation of the modern rue des Prouvaires, Paris ler. Evidently this group of houses was demolished to make way for the magnificent mansion described by Guillebert which must have been built at some time between 1399 and c. 1407 when Guillebert would have seen it. Guillebert’s description of the house owned by Jacques Dussy sheds a unique light on the lifestyle of a very rich Parisian bourgeois c. 1407. Every detail is illuminating. The outer door was wonderfully carved which indicates that Dussy was not averse to making a public display of his wealth. The courtyard it gave on to contained peacocks and other such birds. They were not only a prestigious display: they might also figure on the menu of a luxurious banquet. The first room entered would appear to be some sort of antechamber where there were wall hangings to admire. There is no information about the various pictures. The moralizing writings may have been associated with the pictures, like the verses underneath the frescoes of the Danse Macabre. Another room was filled with all the musical instruments of the period: the medieval harp, a hand-held instrument which could be set on the lap, the portative organ, the vielle (a precursor of the

63  Mirot, ‘L’Hôtel de Dine Raponde’. 64  Bozzolo &Loyau, La Cour amoureuse dite de Charles VI, I, 69.

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violin), the gittern (a precursor of the lute) and the psaltery (of the same group as the zither). Master Jacques could, we are told, play them all. A games room was equipped for playing chess and the medieval form of backgammon and numerous other games left unspecified. Guillebert particularly admires the beautiful chapel or, more precisely, he is impressed by the ingenious device of the moveable bookstands. The study is clearly designed to impress as the walls were covered with precious stones and sweet-smelling spices. It sounds like a room for receiving particularly honoured guests rather than a place for private reading. A room full of various kinds of fur is not so surprising: apart from their practical use in unheated houses, luxury garments were frequently edged with fur for decorative purposes. He then mentions many other rooms, recording the furnishings for the first time: ingeniously carved beds, rich bed-linen and carpets with orphreys. Guillebert then describes the most astonishing room in the house: Dussy’s private armoury. Here there were a great number of crossbows, the ancient ones painted with beautiful designs, but also battle flags, banners and pennants, short or Burgundian bows (unlike the English long bows), pole arms such as pikes, faussards and planchons, battle axes, iron and lead maces, shields of different types and all sorts of military apparatus, even a type of canon. Guillebert’s delight in ingenious devices is expressed in his description of a wonderful type of window fitted with a kind of hollow helmet which enabled those within to see and speak to those outside without danger. Finally, on the top floor was a square room with windows to look out on the city from all sides. It was equipped with a pulley, evidently a medieval dumbwaiter, to bring up wine and food. As a very last touch, on the pinnacles of the house were beautiful golden figures. Guillebert adds a personal detail: this Master Jacques, he assures us, was a fine man of good behaviour and repute. His servants were well disciplined and trained and he kept a master carpenter who worked continually on the house. For all the information he gives us, Guillebert has made many tantalizing omissions. How did a young man like him come to visit this eminent personage? Was he taken to this house by a patron and if so by whom? Why is there no mention of any woman? Where did all those well-trained servants live and work? Where would meals have been served? The square room sounds like a space only for private parties. What was the purpose of the private armoury? Was it a hobby or did he really anticipate an attack? Paris in the early fifteenth century could certainly be violent. We have only to remember the murder of Louis d’Orléans on 23 November 1407. Guillemin Sanguin was the son of another Guillaume or Guillemin Sanguin, who had been a changeur under Charles V. Guillaume the younger inherited the trade and was also a ‘bourgeois de Paris’. In 1400 Guillemin was granted letters of nobility from Charles VI including the right to bear arms but he also continued his

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profitable business. He had passed into the service, including the military service, of John the Fearless by 1412 and remained loyal to the dukes of Burgundy. He sold a valuable ruby and other items to John the Fearless and also received emoluments from him in money and property. For his part, he lent considerable sums to the duke. He was compromised in the 1415 Burgundian plot against the monarchy in which Bureau de Dammartin had helped to save the royal family. He was condemned to banishment but there is no evidence that this sentence was carried out: Guillaume was probably protected by the Burgundian supporters and would have emerged from prison into public life in any case in 1418 when John the Fearless regained the upper hand. John’s assassination in 1419 did not reduce Guillemin’s fortunes: in 1420, the new duke, Philip the Good, appointed him as one of a trio to present an important message to Charles VI in the Paris Parlement. They informed the king that Duke Philip would meet him at Troyes to sign the treaty that would disinherit Charles’s son in favour of his son-in-law, Henry V of England. In July 1429 the Anglo-Burgundian party appointed him Provost of the Merchants in recompense for his loyal service to the Burgundians. However, he then had to face the attack on Paris made in September 1429 by Joan of Arc and was still in this post when he was required to swear allegiance to the very young Henry VI. Guillaume then appears to have retired into private life, though he continued to supply princely clients with luxury items and made good marriages for his two illegitimate children. He died on 14 February 1442. As a parishioner of Saint-Merri, he was buried in the church of the Holy Innocents in the chapel he had founded with his brother Jean. His house with its numerous locks was located at what is now 34, rue des Bourdonnais, Paris Ier. Miles Baillet was the son of Jean Baillet and grandson of Henri Baillet, a treasurer of France under Philippe de Valois. Jean Baillet was named trésorier général des finances of the future Charles V in 1347 and would no doubt have continued in his service had he not been murdered in 1358 by a changeur, Perrin Marc. Miles himself rose to become tresorier du roi under Charles VI. His house was at what is now 36 rue de la Verrerie (Paris IVe). He was married to Denise Boucher but died childless before 1421. As can be seen, the five great mansions mentioned by Guillebert were all located not far from the Châtelet in what is now Paris Ier and Paris IVe. All these men lived in the densely populated centre of the capital rather than in the expanding suburbs, though some had properties outside Paris.

Plan du Paris médiéval (XVe siècle), réalisé avec l’aimable concours de la Queen’s University de Belfast et publié dans Evelyn Mullally, Guide de Paris au Moyen Âge (Paris : Biro & Cohen éditeurs – Éditions du patrimoine, 2011), reproduit avec permission

Brussel, KBR, ms. 9559-64, fol.118r

GUILLEBERT DE METS DESCRIPTION DE LA VILLE DE PARIS 1434

TEXT AND REJECTED READINGS

[La Description de Paris Chapitre 1 Des François et de la fundation de Paris Chapitre 2 Du nom français Chapitre 3 Du nom de Paris Chapitre 4 Des premiers rois de France Chapitre 5 Cy parlerons de la loi salique Chapitre 6 Du second roi Clodio Chapitre 7 De Julius Cesar Chapitre 8 L’interpretation des noms des rues de Paris Chapitre 9 D’ung chastel que Julius Cesar fist a Saint Mor des Fossez Chapitre 10 Des gens nommez Druides Chapitre 11 De saint Denis Chapitre 12 Des anciens ffrançois Chapitre 13 Du roy Clovis et du royaume d’Austrasie Chapitre 14 Du roy Clotaire et Dagobert Chapitre 15 D’aucuns fais Charlemaine en brief Chapitre 16 Du roy Philippe le Conquerant et de son filz Loys de Montpancier Chapitre 17 De l’excellence du royaume de France Chapitre 18 De l’oriflambe Chapitre 19 S’ensuivent les douze pers de France Chapitre 20 La premiere est de la Cité Chapitre 21 Du Palais Chapitre 22 Des Pons Chapitre 23 En la haulte partie de la ville ou les escoles sont Chapitre 24 En la basse partie de la ville deça les pons Chapitre 25 L’ostel de maistre Jaques Duchie en la rue de Prouvelles Chapitre 26 Les rues de la basse partie de la ville Chapitre 27 Les murs Chapitre 28 Des portes, et premierement de la haulte partie de la ville  Chapitre 29 Des portes de la basse partie de la ville Chapitre 30 La quinte partie en laquele est devisé en general de l’excellence de la ville]

TRANSLATION

[The Description of Paris1 Chapter 1 The Franks and the foundation of Paris Chapter 2 The Frankish name Chapter 3 The name of Paris Chapter 4 The first kings of France Chapter 5 Here we will speak of the Salic Law Chapter 6 Chlodio, the second king Chapter 7 Julius Caesar Chapter 8 The meaning of the names of the Paris streets Chapter 9 A castle which Julius Caesar built in Saint-Maur-des-Fossés Chapter 10 The people called Druids Chapter 11 Saint Denis Chapter 12 The ancient Franks Chapter 13 King Clovis and the kingdom of Austrasia Chapter 14 King Chlothar and Dagobert Chapter 15 Some feats of Charlemagne in brief Chapter 16 King Philip the conqueror and his son Louis de Montpensier Chapter 17 The excellence of the kingdom of France Chapter 18 The Oriflamme Chapter 19 Here follow the twelve peers of France Chapter 20 The Cité Chapter 21 The Palace Chapter 22 The bridges Chapter 23 In the high part of the town where the schools are Chapter 24 In the low part of the town, beyond the bridges Chapter 25 The house of Master Jacques Dussy in the rue des Prouvaires Chapter 26 The streets of the lower part of the town Chapter 27 The walls Chapter 28 The gates, starting with the high part of the town Chapter 29 The gates of the lower part of the town Chapter 30 The fifth part, in which the excellence of the town is described in general]

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[118r] La Description de la ville de Paris et de l’excellence du royaume de France, transcript et extrait de pluseurs aucteurs par Guillebert De Mets, l’an mil iiijc & xxxiiij.a [1] Des François et de la fundation de Paris et aussi des ducs et roys qui premierement y habiterent deviserons cy ung petit, selon ce que nous avons peu veoir et sentir par les croniqueurs qui en ont parlé et traitié ceste matiere, si comme Helinant, Bernardus Guidonis, Guillermus Armoricanus, maistre Hue de Saint Victor et celui qui fist la division du monde qui se commence In exordio rerum (lequel croniqua comme Vincent et dit moult de choses singulieres et ne se voult nommer), Huguo Floriocensis et Orose en son Ormeste et pluseurs autres qui en ont parlé diversement et en diverses manieres. Les ungs treuvent que aprés la destruction de Troyes Antenor se party avec xij mille de ses gens et xij nefz et vint jusques en Pannonie qui au jour d’uy est appellee Hongrie. La es palus ou marés qui se appelloient Meotides ediffierent une cité laquele il appellerent Sicambre, la ou est a present une cité appellee Bude, et y demourerent longuement et multiplierent en grans gens. Or avint que ou temps de Valentinien unes gens que l’en appelloit les Allains qui estoient venus de Saxonne se rebellerent contre les Rommains ; lesquels estoient diz Allains d’un fleuve qui se appelle Lanus aussi comme les Allemans sont diz d’un autre fleuve qui est appellé Lemannus ; et comme Valentinien qui lors estoit empereur [118v] veist que il n’y povoit mettre remede et sceust celles gens, que Antenor avoit amenez et qui la s’estoient logiez, estre fors, puissans et hardis, et autreffois avoient resisté contre les Rommains combien que ilz feussent lors leurs tributaires, il leur offry a relaschier leur treu par x ans mais que ilz voulsissent mettre ces Allains en l’obeissance des Rommains ; lesquelz lui accorderent et le firent et pour ce orent remission par x ans de leur treuage mais, les x ans passez, ilz refuserent a paier le treu ; et pour ce les Rommains s’appareillerent pour leur faire guerre et les François mistrent paine a eulx deffendre et resister et assemblerent ensemble, a grant dommage toutesvoies des François que a pou que ilz ne reçurent grant perte si comme Sigibert en sa cronique raconte. Autres croniques dient qu’il n’attendirent mie Valentinien mais s’en partirent et vindrent selon le Rin en Germanie et aprés s’en vindrent vers Cambray et vers Tournay et les prindrent et de la en France et la conquirent.

  Guillebert rubricates his title as far as this.

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[PART ONE] The description of the city of Paris and of the excellence of the kingdom of France transcribed and extracted from several authors by Guillebert De Mets in the year 1434. [1] The Franks2 and the foundation of Paris and we shall give some account also of the dukes and kings who first lived there, according to what we have been able to see and understand through the chroniclers who have spoken and treated of this matter, [chroniclers] such as: Helinand, Bernard Gui, William the Breton, Master Hugh of St Victor and the man who composed the division of the world which begins In exordio rerum (he wrote a chronicle like Vincent and said many singular things but did not give his name); also Hugh of Fleury and Orosius in his Hormesta and many others who have spoken variously and in various manners.3 Some of them state that after the destruction of Troy, Antenor left with twelve thousand of his men and twelve ships and came as far as Pannonia, which today is called Hungary. There, in the bogs and marshes called Meotides they built a city they called Sicambria where there is now a city called Buda; and they lived there a long time and increased greatly in numbers.4 Now it happened that in the time of Valentinian a people called the Alani, who had come from Saxony, rebelled against the Romans. They were called Alani after a river that was called Lanus, just as the Alemanni are called after another river called Lemannus.5 Valentinian, who was emperor at that time, saw that he could not deal with this himself and [as] he knew that the people whom Antenor had brought and who had settled there were strong, powerful and bold and that they also had in the past resisted the Romans, although at that time they paid them tribute, he offered them a release of their tribute for ten years provided that they would subdue these Alani to the obedience of Rome. They agreed and did so, and were released from their tribute for ten years but when the ten years were up they refused to pay the tribute again. For this reason the Romans prepared to make war on them and the Franks strove to defend themselves and resist and they joined battle, which nevertheless inflicted great casualties on the Franks who suffered major losses as Sigebert tells in his chronicle.6 According to other chronicles they did not wait for Valentinian but departed and went along the Rhine into Germany and afterwards they headed for Cambrai and Tournai and captured them and from there entered France and conquered it.

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[2] Du nom françois De ceste matiere parle Hue de Saint Victor qui dit que aucuns d’eulx furent diz François d’un duc appellé Francio qui estoit ung homme tres puissant en batailles. Il a autres oppinions pluseurs sur la maniere de venir en Hongrie et de leur departement aussi et quelx chemins ilz tindrent et queles terres ilz habiterent. Et pour ce que, si comme [119r] nous avons dit, ceste matiere chiet en iij poins : l’un de la naissance des premiers François desquelx descendirent les premiers roys de France, le second des premiers rois françois et comment ilz emprindrent premierement a avoir seigneurie et en quelx lieux, et le tiers quant la ville de Paris fu premierement edifiee qui est le chief et la plus principal ville du royaume de France, nous en dirons aussi comme il s’ensuit. Prins et retenu pour repeté ce que nous avons devant dit : maistre Hue de Saint Victor en sa cronique et cellui qui fist les croniques de la division du monde en son livre qui s’appelle In exordio rerum racontent de l’orine des François en ceste maniere, et encores cellui qui fist celle cronique In exordio rerum dit qu’il en a de lui une plus parfaite que Hue de Saint Victor et raconte que Francio filz de Hector qui fu filz de Priant et Turcus qui fu filz de Troilus qui semblablement fu filz de Priant, roy de Troies, aprés la destruction d’icelle ville de Troies s’enfuirent et eschapperent a tres grant multitude de gens d’armes. Et aussi s’en partirent Helenus ung adevineur lequel estoit aussi filz de Priant et Enee le filz d’Anchises, et que cel Helenus a tout mille ijc hommes vint en Grece et y fist pluseurs chasteaulx, villes et citez et y demoura, lui et sa posterité. Et Enee s’en vint en Ytalie et espousa la fille du roy Latin et desconfist Turnus qui estoit roy des Rutiliens. [119v] Et Francio et Turcus se deviserent en deux parties dont les ungs suivirent Francio, les autres Turcus, et en firent chacune partie leur duc, c’est assavoir les ungs de Francio et les autres de Turcus. Turcus vint en Scite ou Sithe et y demoura et habita et pour ce sont ilz diz Turs de Turcus, et Francio s’en vint en Hongrie ou il ediffia la cite de Sicambre de costé les palus ou marés Meotides dont nous avons parlé dessus, et fu ou temps de David. Et quant il y ot demouré environ iic et xxx ans, le peuple qu’il avoit admené crut par tele maniere que il n’y avoit pas assez lieu pour eulx habiter, si s’en partirent environ xxij mil hommes pour querir lieu convenable ou ilz peussent habiter. Passerent Germanie et le Rin et vindrent jusques sur la riviere de Sainne et adviserent le lieu ou a present est Paris, et pour ce que ilz le virent bel et delictable, gras et plentureux et bien assiz pour y habiter, ilz firent une cité laquele ilz appellerent Lutesse a luto, c’est a dire pour la gresse du pays. Et fu ediffiee celle cité ou temps de Amasie roy de Juda et de Jeroboam, roy d’Israel, viiic et xxx ans

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[2] The Frankish name Hugh of St Victor deals with this question and says that some of them were called Franks after a leader called Francio, who was a man very powerful in battle.7 There are many other opinions about the manner of their coming to Hungary and also of their departure and what route they took and what lands they lived in. And so, as we have said, the matter falls under three headings: the first, the origin of the first Franks from whom the first kings of France descended, the second, the first kings of France and how they undertook to dominate and in what places, and the third, when the city of Paris was first built, which is the chief and principal city of the kingdom of France. We will also deal with this as follows: To repeat what we have said before, both Master Hugh of St Victor in his chronicle, and the man who composed the chronicles of the division of the world in his book which is called In exordio rerum, tell of the origin of the Franks in this manner. Furthermore, the author of the chronicle In exordio rerum says that he has a more accurate origin than Hugh of St Victor: he says that Francio, son of Hector (who was son of Priam) along with Turcus (who was the son of Troilus who was also the son of Priam king of Troy), after the destruction of the said city of Troy, fled and escaped with a great multitude of men at arms.8 Helenus (a diviner, who was also a son of Priam) left as well and Aeneas, son of Anchises; this Helenus with 1,200 men went to Greece and built there many castles, towns and cities and remained there with his posterity. Aeneas arrived in Italy and married the daughter of the king Latinus and defeated Turnus, who was king of the Rutilians. Francio and Turcus divided into two parties, some followed Francio and some Turcus; and each group chose its leader, that is to say one group made Francio its leader and the other made Turcus its leader. Turcus went to Scythia and remained there to live and this is why these people are called Turks after Turcus; Francio went to Hungary where he built the city of Sicambria beside the Meotides marshes or bogs which we have already mentioned; this was in the time of David. When they had remained there about 230 years, the population he had brought with him increased to such an extent that there was not enough space for them to live in. So, about 22,000 men left to seek a suitable place to settle in. They crossed Germany and the Rhine and they came as far as the river Seine and they saw the place which at present is called Paris, and because they saw that it was beautiful and delightful, fertile and luxuriant, well placed to live in, they made a city which they called Lutetia from lutum because of the mud of the land.9 This city was built in the time of Amaziah, king of Judah, and of Jeroboam, king of Israel, 830 years before the Incarnation of our Lord.10 They called themselves

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avant l’Incarnation Nostre Seigneur. Et s’appellerent Parisiens, ou pour Paris le filz Priant ou de parisia en grec qui vaut autant comme hardiesce en latin. [3] Du nom de Paris Guillermus Armoricanus en sa cronique qu’il fist de Philippe le Hardy, dit autrement Dieudonné, laquele est appellee Philipica, quant a ce qu’ilz se nommerent Parisiens, il dit en ung ver que les Francz qui vindrent a Lutesse s’appellerent [120r] Parisiens, lequel nom signifioit qu’ilz estoient hardiz, et sont les vers telz : Et se parisios nomine franci quod sonat audaces, et cetera. Si fait il quant a celle premiere venue des Troyens a Paris, car il recite et dit que aprés ce que ilz orent ediffié celle cité de Sicambre, comme ils feussent creuz a merveilles grans gens, ung leur duc ou chevetaine appellé Ybor avec xxi mille de gens s’en vint querir pays pour habiter et ala tant que il arriva ou lieu ou a present est Paris. Et pour ce que, comme dit est, le pays lui sembla gras, ediffia la cité de Lutece qui a present est appellee Paris; lequel de son nom l’appella Lutece pour la cause dessus dicte. Et aussi ediffierent pluseurs villes pour habiter a l’environ de Paris comme appendances que ilz appellerent de ce nom, si comme Rueil en Parisi qui fu chastel royal et chief de chastelerie, Cormeilles, Louvres, Roissi, qui toutes furent nommees en Parisi et villes Parisie. Toutes lesqueles retiennent encores ce nom. La demourerent et habiterent paisiblement jusques a ce que les autres se partirent de Sicambre par la force de l’empereur Valentinien qui leur fist guerre pour ce ilz ne vouloient paier le truage aux Rommains et amerent mieulx a eulx en partir que demourer soubz le treuage. Et demourerent ces gens de Ybor a Lutece et es parties d’environ avant que les autres François y venissent, mil ijc iiijxx et dix ans ou environ, [120v] c’est assavoir viijc et xxx ans avant l’Incarnation et le remenant aprés l’Incarnation. La maniere du departement fu que ilz se partirent soubz le gouvernement de iij ducz, c’est assavoir Suno, Gerebaudus et Marconius ; s’en vindrent en Germanie sur la riviere du Rin et subjuguerent les Alemans, les Turingues, les Belges, les Saxons et les Lorrains, prindrent Coulongne et gasterent et pluseurs autres villes et demourerent en une partie d’Alemaigne qui pour eulx a a nom encores Franconia. Et celle cronique nous avons veue et leue et est moult notable et moult singuliere. [4] Des premiers rois de France Aucunes croniques dient que Suno, Genebaudus et Marconius demorerent en Germanie sans passer le Rin et que la mesmes en Germanie fu fait Pharamundus, filz de Marcomus, roy des François et que aprés ce que Marconius et Suno furent mors le peuple voult avoir roy aussi comme les autres pays et eslurent a roy ce

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Parisians, either after Paris, son of Priam, or from parisia in Greek, which is the same as boldness in Latin.11 [3] The name of Paris William the Breton, in the chronicle he wrote about Philip the Bold (otherwise named Dieudonné) which is called Philipica, regarding the reason why they called themselves Parisians, says in one place that the Franks who came to Lutetia called themselves Parisians [as] this name signified that they were bold; and here are the lines: Et se Parisios nomine Franci quod sonat audaces, et cetera.12 He says this concerning the first arrival of the Trojans to Paris. He states and asserts that after they had built that city of Sicambria, because they had increased in size to an enormously great people, a leader or captain of theirs called Ybor with 21,000 men went to look for a land to settle in. He travelled until he arrived at the place now called Paris and because, as is said, the land seemed fertile, he built the city of Lutetia, which at present is called Paris, which he called Lutetia for the reason mentioned above. They also built many towns to live in around Paris as dependencies which they called by names such as Reuil en Parisis which was a royal castle and chief fortress, Cormeilles, Louvres, Roissy, which were all named in Parisi and Parisian towns; they all still retain this name.13 There they dwelt and lived peacefully until the others left Sicambria because of the aggression of the Emperor Valentinian who made war on them because they would not pay the tribute to the Romans and they preferred to leave rather than remain under tribute. Ybor’s men remained in Lutetia and in the places round about for 1290 years or thereabouts before the other Franks arrived, that is to say 830 years before the Incarnation and the remainder after the Incarnation. The manner of the departure was that they divided themselves under the government of three leaders, that is to say Sunno, Genobaud and Marcomer.14 They went to Germany on the river Rhine and subjugated the Alemanni, the Thuringii, the Belgae, the Saxones and the Lotharingi, captured Cologne and laid waste many other towns and remained in a part of Germany that is still called Franconia after them. We have seen and read this chronicle and it is very notable and very singular. [4] The first kings of France According to some chronicles Sunno, Genobaud and Marcomer remained in Germany without passing the Rhine and that there in Germany Pharamond, son of Marcomer, was made king of the Franks as, after Marcomer and Sunno had died, the people wanted to have a king like other countries so they elected

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Pharamundus, filz de Marconius, lequel fu constitué roy en Germanie ou temps de Honorius l’empereur ou ixe an de son empire, iiijc et xx ans aprés la nativité de Nostre Seigneur et regna environ xj ans sans passer Germanie. [5] Cy parlerons de la loy salique Laquele fu dicte salica lex pour ce que les gens du pays estoient noble peuple comme il appert, car ceulx qui firent celle loy furent ceulx qui firent premierement et ordonnerent les loix de France, et furent a ce ordonnez et esleuz des [121r] barons de France ou de ceulx de qui les François descendirent, c’est assavoir que fille ne succederoit a royaume ne autres grans seignories aians gouvernement de la chose publique afin que mieulx et plus puissemment feust defendue la chose publique par les masles que par les femelles. A ce s’acordent Thomas Valensis et Franciscus de Moranis, lequel Franciscus soult a l’objection que l’en pourroit faire des filles de Saphat dont la Bible parle Numerorum xxvije. Et dit que royaume n’est pas heredité mais est dignité regardant toute l’administration de la chose publique. Ceste loy recommande Gellius ou xxije livre De noctibus acticis disant quele chose est plus prouffitable que ce que femme ne succede pas a heredité. Saint Gregoire ou xxxve chapitre de ses Morales dit que l’usage de la vie ancienne n’estoit point que les femmes heritassent avec les masles pour ce que si comme il dit que la seurté de la loy qui a acoustumé tousjours de garder la forte chose et non tenir compte des foibles, si s’estudia plus a mettre avant et a sentir plus les aigres choses que les benignes. C’est a dire que les hommes qui sont plus habiles a defendre que les femmes, qui sont moles et fresles de leur nature, tenissent les heritages. [6] Du second roy Clodio Aprés regna Clodio son filz, ce fu ou temps de Theodosius le Second, et fu le premier roy de France qui passa le Rin et qui transporta de ça de Rin le royaume des François qui par avant avoit esté en Germanie. Et conquist Cambray et [121v] Tournay. Aprés lui vint Meroveus aprés la nativité Nostre Seigneur iiijc xlix ans. En son temps commença la renommee des François et des roys de France. Et fu si vaillant et si puissant en son temps que les François furent appellez Merovei pour sa vaillance. Il commença a regner ou temps de Theodosius le Juenne ou xxve an de son empire, environ iiijc l ans aprés l’advenement de Nostre Seigneur, si comme toutes ces choses Bernardus Guidonis met en sa cronique. Or est il voir que quant les François qui s’estoient partis de Sicambre s’en vindrent a Lutece, ilz leur vouldrent faire guerre mais quant ilz sceurent que

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Pharamond king, the son of Marcomer. He was made king in Germany in the ninth year of the reign of the Emperor Honorius, 420 years after the birth of our Lord and he reigned for about eleven years without leaving Germany.15 [5] Here we will speak of the Salic Law16 It was called Salica Lex because the people of the country were a noble people as it appears, for those who made this law were those who first made and ordered the laws of France and were appointed and chosen for this from the barons of France, or from those from whom the Franks descended: it says that a daughter should not succeed to a kingdom nor to any other great lordships having government of the public good because the public good would be better and more powerfully defended by males than by females. Thomas Waleys and Francis of Mayronnes are in agreement with this; Francis replied to the objection which could be made concerning the daughters of Zelophehad who are mentioned in the Bible in Chapter 27 of the Book of Numbers. He says that a kingdom is not an inheritance but its function is, as it concerns all the administration of the public good.17 Gellius supports this law in the twenty-second book of De Noctibus atticis, saying that it is more advantageous that a woman should not succeed by inheritance.18 St Gregory, in the thirty-fifth chapter of his Morales, said that the custom of ancient life was not at all that women should inherit as well as males because, as he says, of upholding law which has always been accustomed to be on the side of the strong and to take no account of the weak, and been intent on emphasizing and feeling harsh matters rather than benign ones, which is to say that men should hold the inheritances as they are better at defending than women who are tender and frail of their nature.19 [6] Chlodio, the second king His son Chlodio reigned afterwards; this was in the time of Theodosius the Second.20 Chlodio was the first king of France who crossed the Rhine and transported from beyond the Rhine the kingdom of the Franks which had been formerly in Germany, and he conquered Cambrai and Tournai. After him came Merovech, 449 years after the birth of Our Lord. In his time the fame of the Franks and the kings of France began. And he was so valiant and so powerful in his time that the Franks were called Merovei on account of his valour; he began to reign in the time of Theodosius the younger in the twenty-fifth year of his reign about 450 years after the coming of Our Lord, according to all Bernard Gui puts in his chronicle.21 Now it is true that when the Franks who had left Sicambria came to Lutetia, they [the Franks of Paris] wanted to make war on them, but when they realized

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c’estoient ceulz que Ybor y avoit amenez et que c’estoit tout ung peuple, ilz s’entrefirent grant feste et demourerent ensemble paisiblement soubz ung roy et soubz une seignorie, et la ville qui avoit nom Lutece ilz appellerent Paris disant que c’estoit lait nom et ort que Lutece. A l’oppinion quia parle de Francio et de Turcus s’acorde Valdericus, evesque de Dol, en sa cronique qu’il fist du passage d’oultre mer ou tiers livre qui dit que les Turcs tiennent que eulx et les François sont tout ung peuple et partis d’ung pays et que nulz n’est digne d’estre chevalier s’il n’est François ou Turc. [7] De Julius Cesar Encores pour demonstrer de Paris l’ancienneté et comment elle est fondee d’ancienneté, il se treuve ou vje livre de Julius Celsus De Bello Gallico, duquel Julius Cesar fist partie, que quant ce Julius vint en France de par les Rommains, Paris estoit habitee de [122r] gens grans et puissans qui s’appelloient Parisiens et tenoient la cité seulement, laquele estoit si forte pour lors et estoit telement fermee d’iaue que lui mesmes tesmoigne que l’en n’y povoit passer. Or est tout aterri par gravois, fiens et autres ordures que l’en y a depuis getté. Il fu longuement devant, car les Parisiens qui estoient environ Paris et jusques a Melun, avoient une tele coustume que tantost comme guerre leur sourdoit ilz venoient tous a Paris a secours pour estre plus fors et ne leur chaloit du remenant. Or avint que, si comme il faisoit siege devant Paris et que tous les Parisiens s’i estoient retrais et vuidié tout le remenant, il s’avisa de prendre Melun et le print de fait, et par ce fu seigneur de la riviere et povoit venir assaillir de quelque part que il lui plaisoit. Quant il ot esté longtemps devant sans riens faire il fist semblant que il se partist et de lever son siege et s’en ala droit a Ville Juyve qui a droit parler est appellee Ville Julyne pour le corps saint de celle sainte qui y repose. Et comme ung appellé Camilogenus qui estoit de Rouen auquel, combien qu’il fust tres ancien, estoit baillé pour sa vaillance tout le gouvernement des gens d’armes, leur deist que ce n’estoit que faintise et qu’ilz se gardassent bien que il ne le poursuivissent. Ilz ne le vouldrent croire mais alerent aprés et l’atendirent et tantost ses gens qu’il avoit laissié en embuche vindrent et les enclorent et y ot grant desconfiture. Et ce fu la cause qui pour lors les fist [122v] estre tributaires des Rommains. Car onques homme n’y entra ne ne la prinst par force. Dont il fist le Palais de Termes qui estoit ainsi appellé pour ce que la se paioient les trehuz aux termes qui estoient ordonnez ; et adont les gens commencierent a ediffier maisons a l’environ de ce chastel et a eulx logier et commença ceste partie   MS 9559-64 quil

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that it was they [the Franks of Sicambria] that Ybor had brought there and that they were one single people, they made a great feast for one another and lived together peaceably under one king and one lordship. The town which was called Lutetia they called Paris, saying that Lutetia was an ugly and unpleasant name. Baldric, Bishop of Dol, agrees with the opinion about Francio and Turcus in the third book of the chronicle he wrote about the overseas campaign, which says that the Franks are all one people and come from one country and that no-one is worthy of being a knight if he is not a Frank or a Turk.22 [7] Julius Caesar Once again, to prove the antiquity of Paris and that it was founded in ancient times, it is noted in the sixth book of De Bello Gallico by Julius Celsus part of it by Julius Caesar,23 that when Julius invaded France on behalf of the Romans, Paris was inhabited by a great and powerful people who were called Parisians24 and they held the city alone which was so strong for those times and was so fortified by water that he himself testifies that the water could not be crossed. Now it is all filled up with gravel, excrement and other filth which has since been thrown into it. He laid siege to it for a long time, for the Parisians who were in the environs of Paris and as far away as Melun had a custom that as soon as war was declared against them they all came to Paris to be safer and cared nothing about those left behind. Now it happened that as he was laying siege to Paris when all the Parisians had taken refuge inside it and abandoned everywhere else, he decided to take Melun and did indeed capture it and through this he was master of the river and could come and attack from any direction he liked. When he had lain siege to Paris for a long time to no effect, he pretended to depart and to raise his siege and went straight to Villejuif, which to speak correctly is called Ville Julyne after the relic of that saint who lies there.25 A man called Camilogenus who was from Rouen, who had been given all the command of the men at arms on account of his valour although he was very old, said to them that this was only a pretext and that they should take care not to pursue him. They would not believe him but went after him and waited for him and soon men whom he had left in ambush came and surrounded them and they were soundly defeated. And this was why they became tributaries of the Romans although no man ever entered [Paris] or took it by force. Then he built the palace of the Thermes which was thus called because that was where the tributes were paid at the terms or periods which were then set down.26 Then the people began to put up houses around this castle and to live there. So this part began then to be first inhabited, but the other part of Paris, in the direction of Saint-Denis, was not inhabited for a long time, the part which

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lors a estre premierement habitee ne encore ne depuis longtemps ne fu l’autre partie de Paris devers Saint Denis laquele est a present la plus grant habitee, mais avoit par tout forés et grans bois et y faisoit l’en moult d’omicides. [8] L’interpretation des noms des rues de Paris Le marchié des bestes estoit par de ça la rue aux Bourdonnois ou lieu que l’en dit le siege au Deschargeur et encores l’appelle l’en la Viez Place aux Pourceaux ; et a la Croix du Triouer se trioient les bestes, et pour ce a proprement parler est elle appellee la Croix du Triouer pour les bestes que l’en y trioit.a Au carrefour Guillori estoit le pillori ou l’en coppoit les oreilles, et pour ce a proprement parler il est appellé le carrefour Guigne Oreille ; et la boucherie estoit ou elle est a present comme tout hors de la Cité et c’estoit raison ; et emprés ou Perin Gasselin estoit une place ou l’en gettoit les chiens mort qui s’appelloit la Fosse des Chiens et encores y a une ruelle qui ainsi est appellee. Depuis fu habitee et fermeeb Paris jusques au lieu que l’en dit a l’archet Saint Merry ou il appert encores le costé d’une porte ; et la fu la maison Bernart des Fossés ou Guillaume d’Orenge fu [123r] logié quant il desconfit Ysoré qui faisoit siege devant Paris. Ceste porte aloit tout droit sans tourner a la riviere ou lieu que l’en dit les Planches de Mibray, et la avoit ung pont de fust et s’adreçoit droit a Saint Denis de la Chartre et de la tout droit parmy la Cité s’adreçoit a l’autre pont que l’en dit Petit Pont ; et estoit ce lieu dit a proprement parler les Planches de Mibras, car c’estoit la moitié du bras de Sainne, et qui auroit une corde et la menast de la Porte Saint Martin jusques a la riviere, a la Juyerie, droit au petit pont de pierre abatu et de la jusques a la Porte Saint Jaques, elle yroit droit comme une ligne sans tourner ne ça ne la. Aprés l’en fist les chimetieres ou lieu ou est l’eglise des Innocens qui estoit lors tout hors et loing de la ville si comme l’en les faisoit anciennement car l’en faisoit et les boucheries et les cimetieres tout hors des citez pour les punaises et pour les corruptions eschiver. Pres de la cimitiere l’en commença a faire le marchié et l’appelloit l’en Champiaux pour ce que c’estoient tous champs et encores a ce lieu retenu le nom. Et pour raison du marchié y commencierent premierement les gens a faire loges petites et [b]ordesc comme firent les Bourguignons quant ilz vindrent premierement en Bourgoigne. Et puis petit a petit y edifierent maisons et y fist l’en hales pour vendre toutes manieres de denrees et ainsi crut la ville jusques a la Porte Saint Denis et la fu   MS 9559-64 and MS 9005 fol. 229ra both have tiroit;   MS 9559-64 formee c   MS 9005 229 rb a

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at present is the most densely populated, but there were great forests and great woods everywhere and many murders were committed there. [8] The meaning of the names of the Paris streets27 The cattle market was on the inner side of the rue aux Bourdonnais, in the locality called the Siège au Déchargeur, which is still called La Vieille Place aux Pourceaux; and at the Croix du Triouer the animals were sorted; and for this reason it is rightly called the Croix du Triouer on account of the animals that were sorted there. At the carrefour Guillori was the pillory where ears were cropped and for this reason it is rightly called the carrefour Guigne-Oreille and the slaughter house was where it is at present, quite outside the city as was appropriate. Nearby in the [rue] Perrin Gasselin was a place where dead dogs were thrown which was called the Fossé aux Chiens and there is still a lane with this name.28 Later on Paris was inhabited and fortified as far as the place which is called the little arch of Saint-Merri where the side of a gate can still be seen. This is where the house of Bernard des Fossés was, where William of Orange was lodged when he defeated Ysoré who was laying siege to Paris.29 This gate led, without turning, straight to the river to the place called the Planks of Mibray and there was a wooden bridge there and it went straight to Saint-Denis-de-la-Chartre and from there straight through the Cité to the other bridge called the Petit Pont and this place was rightly called the Planks of Mi Bras for it was half the arm of the Seine; and if anyone had a rope and was bringing it from the Porte Saint-Martin to the river, to the Jewry, straight to the little broken-down stone bridge and from there to the Porte SaintJacques it would go as straight as a line without turning in any direction.30 After that the cemeteries were made, in the place where the Church of the Innocents is now, which was then quite outside and far from the town as cemeteries were made in the past, for both cemeteries and slaughterhouses were made quite outside cities in order to avoid the bugs and putrefaction. Near the cemetery they started to make the market and it was called Champiaux because it was all fields and the place has still kept the name. Also, because of the market people first started to build little huts and hovels like the Burgundians made when they first came into Burgundy. And then, little by little, they built houses there and a covered market was made to sell all kinds of provisions and this enlarged the city as far as the Porte

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fermee et fu abatue la vieille muraille, [123v] et a present s’estent la ville jusques a la bastille Saint Denis. Qu’il soit vray il appert car quant l’eglise de Saint Magloire, laquele fu premierement en la Cité, fu transporté ou lieu ou elle est a present, elle fu edifiee aux champs, et se treuve encore que en la date des lettres royaux qui furent faites pour lors avoit et par escript : ‘donné en nostre eglise de Saint Magloire delez Champiaux pres de Paris.’ [9] D’ung chastel que Julius Cesar fist a Saint Mor des Fossez Encores se treuve il en la vie de saint Babolein, qui ou temps de Clodove fonda une abbaye a Saint Mor qui lors estoit appellez Les Fossez, que ou temps que Julius Cesar fu en France et qu’il l’ot ainsi comme toute conquise, il s’en vint de Senz a Melun et de la vers Paris ; par la riviere de [Sainne entra en la riviere de]a Marne pour aler conquerre la cité de Meaux et arriva au lieu ou est l’eglise de Saint Mor a present, et la demoura tout l’iver, ouquel temps d’iver les anciens se reposoient ne n’aloient en guerre jusques au printemps; il s’i loga et tout son ost pendant lequel temps. Pour ce qu’il vit le lieu si bel et la place forte tant pour la riviere comme pour la situation du lieu, il y fist faire ung chastel trop merveilleusement fort qui se fermoit des ij costez de la riviere de Marne et par de vers Paris de fors murs et de grans fossez et fu ce chastel appellé le Chastel des Begaux pour une maniere de gens ausquelx il bailla a le garder lesquelx estoient appellez Begaux. Ce chastel dura jusques au temps [124r] de Maximien appellé Herculeius qui fu envoié en France pour mettre a mort tous christiens et destruire toutes les eglises et y fu envoié par Dioclesien l’empereur lequel fu compaignon de son royaume. Ce Maximien Herculeius quant il vint en France trouva que Amant et Helien, ij christiens qui ne vouloient point estre subgés aux Rommains ne aourer les ydoles, pour resister a Maximien s’estoient mis a garant en ce chastel acompaigniés de pluseurs de ces Begaux. La vint Maximien et fist siege devant le chastel par longtemps et finablement le print et mist a mort tous les Begaux et autres christiens qu’il pot trouver et arrasa le chastel telement qu’il ne demoura que la place vuide. Des Begaux ainsi occis par ce Maximien et de Amant et de Helien et comment ilz furent vaincus legierement, parle Orose ou vije livre de son Ormeste ou xxxje chapitre. [10] Des gens nommez Druides Encore est il assavoir que en ce temps que Julius Cesar vint devant Paris et pour conquerre France, elle estoit gouvernee par certaines gens. Si comme dit   MS 9005 229 rb

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Saint-Denis. There it was fortified and the old rampart was knocked down and at present the town stretches as far as the Bastille Saint-Denis. It is clear that this is true because when the church of Saint-Magloire, which was first in the Cité, was transported to the place where it is now it was built in the fields. Furthermore it can be seen that in the dating of the royal letters for that occasion it was written: ‘Given in our church of Saint-Magloire, by the Champiaux near Paris.’31 [9] A castle which Julius Caesar built in Saint-Maur-des-Fossés It is also found in the life of St Babolein (who in the time of Clovis founded an abbey at Saint-Maur, then called Les Fossés) that in the time when Julius Caesar was in France and had in effect conquered it all, he went from Sens to Melun and from there proceeded towards Paris; from the river Seine he entered the river Marne in order to go and conquer the city of Meaux; he landed at the place where the church of Saint-Maur is at present and stayed there all winter as in winter time the ancients rested and did not go to war until spring. He lodged there with all his army during that time. Because he saw that the place was so fine and the location so strong, both because of the river and because of its situation, he had a wonderfully strong castle built there, which was fortified on two sides by the river Marne and, facing Paris, by strong walls and great ditches. This castle was called the Castle of the Bagaudae, because of a type of people called the Bagaudae he gave it to in order to guard it.32 This castle lasted until the time of Maximianus Herculius who was sent to France to put all Christians to death and to destroy all churches. He was sent there by the Emperor Diocletian who was the joint ruler of his kingdom. This Maximianus Herculius, when he came to France, found that Amandus and Aelianus, two Christians who refused to be subject to the Romans or worship idols had, in order to resist Maximianus, secured themselves in this castle in the company of several of these Bagaudae. Maximianus went there and laid siege to the castle for a long time and finally took it and put to death all the Bagaudae and all the Christians he could find; and he razed the castle so that there was nothing left but empty ground. Orosius, in the thirty-first chapter of the seventh book of his Hormesta, tells how the Bagaudae were thus killed by this Maximian and how Amandus and Aelianus were easily defeated.33 [10] The people called Druids It is also known that in that time when Julius Caesar laid siege to Paris to conquer France, the country was governed by a certain people.34 As Julius Celsus says

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Julius Celsus en son vje livre, il y avoit unes gens qui estoient appellez Druides et si y avoit chevaliers et si y estoit le peuple duquel l’en [ne]a faisoit conte car ilz estoient aussi comme serfz et quant ilz se veoient grevez ou appressez par aucun il se rendoient au plus fort. Les Druides estoient aussi comme les souverains evesques [124v] qui gouvernoient et temporel et espirituel, apprenoient aux enfans science et doctrine, cognoissoient de toutes manieres de causes et jugoient, feussent crimineles ou civilles, personneles ou reelles. Tous les ans assembloit tout le peuple devant eulx a certain jour en une montaigne consacree a Jupiter qui a present est appellee Mont Ja ou en latin Mons Jovis. La faisoient droit a chacun et s’il en y avoit aucuns qui ne voulsissent obeir a leurs decrés et tenir leurs jugemens, il lui estoit defendu a sacrefier ne recevoit l’en point ses sacrifices, qui estoit une tres grief paine a cellui a qui il estoit defendu. Tous le fuioient, ne ne parloient point a lui ne plus que a ung excommenié et se il se plaignoit d’aucun, l’en ne lui en faisoit point de droit. Ces Druides estoient quittes de tous trehuz, de tous ostz et de toutes chevaucees, ne ilz ne aloient en bataille pour quelconque neccessité et si estoient francs et quittes de toutes prestacions et redevances que les autres paioient, et pour celle cause pluseurs aloient a l’escolle et aprenoient. Entre tous les autres il en y avoit ung souverain qui avoit puissance sur tous les autres Druides et quant il estoit mort l’en eslisoit le plus souffisant aprés, et se il en y avoit pluseurs de pareil estat l’en en eslisoit par le conseil des autres Druides et aucunes fois se combatoit l’en pour avoir celle seigneurie selon ce qu’ilz estoient puissans. L’autre maniere de gens estoit de [125r] chevaliers et ceulx cy n’entendirent a riens que aux armes et a faire injure a leurs voisins ou rebouter ceulx qui leur faisoient injures ; et selon ce que chascun estoit plus riches et plus puissans il estoit plus garny de gens. Quant il esconvenoit armer, il esconvenoit que tous les juennes hommes se presentassent ensemble et se il en y avoit aucun qui demourast derriere ilz le faisoient morir de tres cruele mort. Ilz ne souffroient que leurs enfans venissent devant eulz jusques a ce que ilz feussent en cel eage que ils se peussent armer et disoient que c’estoit laide chose que ung enfant avant son eage s’apparust devant son pere. Ilz estoient merveilleusement enclins aux religions de leurs dieux et a leurs sacrifices, entre lesquelx ilz aouroient sur tous les autres Mercure et aprés Apolin, Mars, Jupiter et Minerve. Quant ilz estoient tormentez d’aucunes griefves maladies, ou en grant peril de leur corps en aucune bataille, ilz sacriffierent a leurs dieux hommes vifz, ou eulx mesmes venoient sacriffier, car leurs Druides leur avoient enseigné que pour racheter la vie d’un homme [l’en devoit donner aux dieux la

  MS 9005 229 va ne faisoit

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in his sixth book, there was a group of people called Druids composed of knights and also common people who were of no account because they were like serfs, and when they saw themselves burdened or oppressed by anyone they submitted to the stronger party. The Druids were also like supreme bishops who governed both spiritually and temporally, taught children knowledge and doctrine; had jurisdiction over all manner of causes and judged both civil and criminal cases, whether relating to personal or property matters. Every year all the people assembled before them on a certain day on a mountain sacred to Jupiter, which at present is called Montja or in Latin Mons Jovis. There they dispensed justice to all and if there was anyone who did not wish to obey their decrees and abide by their judgements, he was forbidden to sacrifice and his sacrifices were not accepted, which was a serious cause of distress to him to whom it was forbidden. Everyone fled him and did not speak to him, any more than to one who was excommunicated and if he brought a case against anyone, no justice was granted him. These Druids were dispensed from all tributes, from all campaigning and from all raiding. They did not go to battle for any emergency and they were free and released from all taxes and dues that the others paid and for this reason, many went to school and studied. Among all the others there was one supreme man who had power over all the other Druids. When he died the most suitable one was elected after him and if there were several of similar rank, he was elected by the council of the other Druids. Sometimes they fought to have this predominance, according to who was the most powerful. The other type of person was the knights and they only engaged in arms and harming their neighbours or repulsing those who had injured them and according as each was richer and more powerful he had a greater number of men. When it was necessary to take up arms, all the young men had to present themselves together and if there was anyone who hung back, they had him killed very cruelly. They did not permit their children to come before them until they were old enough to bear arms and said that it was a disgraceful thing that a child should appear before its father before he was adult. They were wonderfully devoted to the religions of their gods and their sacrifices, among whom they worshipped above all Mercury and after him Apollo, Mars, Jupiter and Minerva. When they were tormented with any grievous illnesses or in great peril of their lives in any battle, they sacrificed living men to their gods or they themselves came to sacrifice; for their Druids had taught them that to save the life of one man, the life of another man must be given to the gods

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vie d’un homme]a ou autrement ilz tenoient que le courroux des dieux n’estoit pas souffisamment appaisié. Ilz avoient autres sacrifices communs et publiques, c’est assavoir que ilz faisoient une tres grant ydole ou simulacre d’osiers et l’emplissoient de hommes vifz et puis boutoient le feu dedens et les [125v] ardoient et mettoient dedens communement larrons et robeurs et gens convaincus d’aucune mauvaistié ; et disoient que les dieux avoient ces sacrifices tres agreables et en estoient les dieux plus favorables a ceulx qui estoient ainsi condempnez et en tele maniere des innocens mesme. Ils faisoient aussi sacrifices des bestes que ilz avoient prinses. Moult de choses y a autres que dit encore ce Julius Celsus lesquelx nous laissons pour cause de briefté. Tant y a que le principal de leurs temples estoit ou maintenant est Montmartre, qui estoit lors appellé le Mont de Mercure pour ce que son temple y estoit. Le second estoit le temple de Apolin et estoit dit Court Dimenche, qui se dit en latin Curia Dominica et est oultre Pontoise ou lieu que l’en dit a present la mer d’Autye. Le tiers estoit Mont Jaoust qui estoit consacré a Jupiter ; et en tous ces iij se faisoient sacrifices par tele maniere que quant l’en faisoit sacrifice a Court Dimenche qui est ou milieu, l’en veoit des ij autres montaignes ce sacrifice. [11] De saint Denis A celle montaigne de Mercure fu envoié par Domicien Maxence et mené monseigneur saint Denis et ses compaignons pour faire sacrifice a Mercure en son temple qui la estoit et dont il appert encore de la vieille muraille, et pour ce qu’il ne le voult faire fu ramené lui et ses compaignons jusques au lieu ou est sa chappelle et la furent decollez ; et pour celle cause ce mont qui par avant avoit a nom le Mont de Mercure perdy son nom et fu appellé [126r] le Mont des Martirs, et encore est. Ce monseigneur saint Denis fonda a Paris iij eglises. La premiere, de la Trinité, c’est l’eglise ou est aouré a present saint Benoit, et y mist moynnes ; la seconde, Saint Estienne des Gries qui par corruption de nom est appellee Saint Estienne des Degrez, et y fist une petite chappelle ou il chantoit ; la tierce, Nostre Dame des Champs, en laquele eglise il demourroit et y fu prins ; et ces choses avons nous dit pour monstrer l’ancienne creation de Paris. Mais encores pour le monstrer plus clerement, Guillermus Monumetensis en sa cronique que l’en appelle le Brut dit que ou temps que Brutus se parti de Grece et que il queroit pays pour habiter il vint en Acquitaine dont Golfarius estoit roy qui estoit poitevin et aprés ce qu’il fu desconfit de Brutus il s’en vint en France   MS 9005 230 ra

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or otherwise they believed that that the anger of the gods was not sufficiently appeased. They had other public sacrifices in common, that is to say that they would make a great idol or figure of willows and fill it with living men and then set fire to it and burnt them and they generally put in thieves and robbers in it and people convicted of some crime. They said that the gods found these sacrifices very pleasing and that the gods were more favourable to those who were thus condemned and even innocent people likewise. They also made sacrifices of the animals they had caught. There are many other things that this Julius Celsus says which we omit for reasons of brevity. Nevertheless, their main temple was where Montmartre is now, which was then called the Mount of Mercury because his temple was there. The second was the temple of Apollo, and was called Courdimanche, which is called in Latin Curia Dominica and is beyond Pontoise in the place which is at present called the sea of Hautil.35 The third was called Montjavoult which was sacred to Jupiter.36 On all these three sacrifices were made so that when a sacrifice was made at Courdimanche, which is in the middle, this sacrifice was seen from the other two mountains. [11] Saint Denis37 To this Mount of Mercury my lord St Denis was sent and brought with his companions by Domitian Maxentius in order to make sacrifice to Mercury in his temple there, the old wall of which is still visible, and because he would not do it he and his companions were brought back to the place where his chapel is and there they were beheaded. For this reason this hill, which was formerly called the Mount of Mercury lost that name and was called the Mount of Martyrs, which it still has. My lord St Denis founded three churches in Paris: the first, the church of the Trinity where St Benedict is venerated and he placed monks in it; the second, St Etienne of the Greeks, called by corruption St Etienne of the Steps, in which he built a little chapel where he sang; the third, Notre-Dame-des-Champs, the church he lived in and was captured in.38 We have mentioned these things to show the antiquity of Paris. But also, to show it more clearly, Geoffrey of Monmouth in his chronicle called the Brut says that in the time when Brutus left Greece and when he was looking for a country to settle in, he went to Aquitaine where Goffar, a Poitevin, was king. After being defeated by Brutus, Goffar went to France to seek help

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pour querre secours et dit que lors en France avoit xij pers qui estoient pareilz en dignité, et dit que ce fu ou temps de Hely. Encores dit il oultre en ce mesmes livre que il y ot ung roy en France, ou temps de Ysaïe et d’Osee les prophetes, qui ot a nom Aganipus lequel ot espousé la fille du roy d’Engleterre appellé Leyr, lequel fu depuis bouté hors de son royaume d’Engleterre et vint a secours a Aganipus qui passa en Engleterre et a force d’armes le remist en son royaume. Par quoy l’en puet veoir que la cité de Paris fu fondee merveilleusement longtemps avant l’empereur Valentinien [126v]. [12] Des anciens ffrançois Es histoires et autres escriptures des Rommains et anciens escripvains latins et autres aucteurs est trouvé des proesces et chevaleries des François qui conquistrent avant l’advenement Nostre Seigneur longtemps, Lombardie, Romme, Puille, Calabre, la Terre de Labour, Affrique, Macedoine, Grece et grant partie d’Orient ; et fonderent oultre les mons pluseurs villes et chasteaux. Et dit Justin, ung tres notable historien, qu’il fu jadis tel temps que les roys d’Orient ne faisoient nulz grans batailles sans la puissance des François qui estoient partis bien iijc mille et espandus es parties de par de la. Et mesmes les seigneurs de Turquie et autres, quant les François leur orent aidié a recouvrer leurs terres et pays, ilz donnerent chois aux François d’en prendre tele portion quia leur plairoit. Or feray une maniere de somme de tous les plus especiaulx et haulx fais en armes et en conquestes que je treuve des anciens François pour abregier les liseurs de tant de croniques veoir et cerchier et que on les puist savoir promptement et de legier. Et se on me demande se tout est vray ce que reciteray je respons que pieça en semblable cas fu respondu par un clerc nomme Crispus : la verité en soit requise et imputee ou le contraire aux historiens et aucteurs desquelx j’ay loyaument tout extrait. [13] Du roy Clovis et du royaume d’Austrasie Par le contenu des croniques de Saint Denis je treuve [127r] que trois generations principales ont esté ça arriere des roys de France : la premiere des Merovees, la seconde de Pepin le pere Charlemaine, et la tierce de Hue Cappet. De la premiere yssi le fort roy Cloys premier roy crestien, qui aprés ce qu’il ot desconfit le roy d’Alemaigne en bataille et acquis Bourgoingne, il acreut et estendy le royaume de France jusques aux mons Pireneos qui sont l’entree d’Arragon et departent France des Espaignes.   MS 9559-64 quil

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and Geoffrey says that in France there were twelve peers equal in dignity and he says that it was in the time of Eli. He says further in the same book that there was a king in France in the time of the prophets Isaiah and Hosea who was called Aganippus, who had married the daughter of the king of England called Lear. Lear was later driven out of his kingdom of England and went for help to Aganippus who crossed over to England and by force of arms restored him to his throne. Through this it can be seen that the city of Paris was founded a very long time before the Emperor Valentinian.39 [12] The ancient Franks40 In the histories and other writings of the Romans and ancient Latin writers and other authors, are found the prowess and knightly deeds of the Franks who, long before the coming of Our Lord, conquered Lombardy, Rome, Apulia, Calabria, Liburia, Africa, Macedonia, Greece and a great part of the East and who founded beyond the mountains many towns and castles. And Justinus, a very notable historian, says that there was a time long ago when the kings of the East did not wage any great battle without the power of the Franks who numbered three thousand when they set out and were scattered in places here and there.41 And even the lords of Turkey and others, when the Franks had helped them recover their lands and countries, offered the Franks the option of taking whatever portion pleased them. Now I will make a kind of summary of all the most special and high feats of arms and conquests which I find of the ancient Franks, to save readers from seeking out and consulting so many chronicles and so that they may be known quickly and easily. And if I am asked if all I am recounting is true, I shall answer what a clerk called Crispus did some time ago in a similar case: let the truth or the contrary be attributed and imputed to the historians from whom I have faithfully extracted it all.42 [13] King Clovis and the kingdom of Austrasia Through the contents of the chronicles of Saint-Denis, I find that three principal dynasties have produced the kings of France: the first the Merovingians, the second from Pepin, father of Charlemagne, and the third Hugh Capet. From the first issued the strong king Clovis, the first Christian king who, after he had defeated the king of Germany in battle and acquired Burgundy, increased and extended the kingdom of France to the Pyrenean Mountains which are the entrance to Aragon and separate France from the [kingdoms of ] Spain.

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Je ne parle mie de tous les roys de France car ce n’est pas mon propos, ne de leurs colateraux qui estoient roys d’Austrasie dont le principal siege estoit a Mes en Lorraine, qui estoit appellee es croniques l’ancienne France. Et s’estendoit icellui royaume d’Austrasie tout le long du Rin qu’ilz appellent la premiere ou la basse Alemaigne, et par de la comprenoit une partie de Honguerie jusques aux parties de Tharse, mais me restraindray a aucuns fais particuliers d’aucuns et du remanant soit recouru aux croniques qui plus en vouldra savoir. [14] Du roy Clotaire et Dagobert Le roy Clotaire dit le Grant et Dagobert son filz abattirent jadis si l’orgueil de Saxoigne et, comme dit l’istoire, gasterent telement la terre par feu et par occision qu’ilz n’y laisserent ung seul hoir masle qui fust plus long de l’espee au dit Clotaire. Et pareillement fist en Esclavonie le dit Dagobert qui fonda Saint Denis. Charles Martel desconfist en deux batailles certains tirans paiens qui vouloient seignorir et conquerre [127v] France, et estoient vijc mil hommes dont l’une bataille fu a Poitiers et l’autre d’encoste Nerbonne, esqueles il occist iijc iiijxx vjm mescreans. Si fist il pluseurs autres grans fais qui long seroient a raconter, et fu surnommé Martel pour ce qu’il portoit ung grand martel en bataille. Il conquist Alemaigne, Baviere, Saxoingne, Frise, Bourgoingne et Lions sur le Rosne. Pepin pere Charlemaine aprés pluseurs victoires passa les mons et fist son tributairea Hastulphe roy des Lombars. Rollant aussi fu merveilleux en armes et Olivier son compaignon. [15] D’aucuns fais Charlemaine en brief Je ne me vueil ja arrester de parler des fais que Charlemaine fist avant qu’il feust roy en sa juennesce. Je treuve par pluseurs aucteurs et escripvains notables que la premiere bataille qu’il fist puis que son pere mouru fu en Acquitaine contre le duc Gaiffer qu’il fist son homme et vassal. Puis passa les mons a la requeste de l’apostole Adrien et subjugua Desir le roy des Lombars qu’il envoia en exil, si rendy au pape et aux Rommains ce qu’il leur avoit osté et bailla le royaume a Pepin son filz qui le tint plus de xxx ans. Pareillement, disposa il et ordonna a sa voulenté de la duchié d’Aquillee qu’il conquist en ce mesme voiage, et les Venissiens aussi lesquelz il bailla a l’empereur de Constantinoble. Puis guerroia les Saxoins ou Sesnes qui fu la plus grieve guerre que les François eurent de ce temps, si dura par xxx annees, mais [128r] entre d’eux ne laissa mie a faire grans fais ailleurs ; et finablement furent iceulx Saxoins tous desconfis et soubzmis a Charlemaine.   MS 9559-64 tribulataire

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I do not speak of all the kings of France, for that is not my purpose, nor of their collaterals who were kings of Austrasia (whose principal seat is Metz in Lorraine) which was called Old France in the chronicles. This kingdom of Austrasia extended all along the Rhine which they call the first or low Germany and beyond there it included a part of Hungary as far as parts of Tharse.43 I will confine myself to some particular feats of some men. Anyone who wishes to know more should consult the chronicles. [14] King Chlothar and Dagobert King Chlothar, called the Great, and Dagobert his son brought low the pride of Saxony long ago and, as the history says, laid waste the land by fire and death so that they did not leave a single male heir taller than Chlothar’s sword. And the said Dagobert, the man who founded Saint-Denis, did the same in Slavonia. Charles Martel defeated in two battles certain pagan tyrants who wanted to dominate and conquer France, and there were 700,000 of them; one battle was at Poitiers and the other beside Narbonne in which he killed 386,000 infidels. He performed many other great feats which it would take long to relate and he was nicknamed Martel because he carried a great hammer in battle. He conquered Germany, Bavaria, Saxony, Frisia, Burgundy, and Lyon on the Rhone. Pepin, father of Charlemagne, after many victories crossed over the mountains and made Aistulf king of the Lombards his tributary. Roland also was marvellous in arms and Oliver his companion.44 [15] Some feats of Charlemagne in brief I do not wish to cease speaking of the feats Charlemagne performed in his youth before he was king. I find in many authors and notable writers that the first battle he fought, after his father died, was in Aquitaine, against Duke Waifar, whom he made his man and his vassal.45 Then he crossed the mountains at the request of Pope Adrian and subdued Desiderius, king of the Lombards, whom he sent into exile. He gave back to the pope and to the Romans what Desiderius had taken from them and gave the kingdom to his own son Pepin who held it for more than thirty years.46 Similarly, he ordered and disposed of the duchy of Aquileia at his will which he conquered on the same voyage; also the Venetians whom he gave to the emperor of Constantinople. Then he made war on the Saxons, which was the most grievous war the Franks had at that time and it lasted thirty years. In the meantime, he did not neglect to perform great feats elsewhere. Finally these Saxons were defeated and subjected to Charlemagne.47

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Derechief conquist Puille, Calabre et la Terre de Labour contre le duc Assegee & toute Ytalie. Puis conquist Baviere contre le duc Statille ; aprés, Esclavonie, Honguerie, Panonie, le royaume de Dace et Denemarche, Liege, Flandres, Haynau, Brabant, Guerles, Juliers, la haulte et la basse Bourgoingne, Prouvence, Savoie, Lorraine, Luchembourc, de Mes, de Thoul, de Verdun, de Treves, de Couloingne, de Maience, de Strabourc et pluseurs autres pays qui bonnement ne se pevent expliquier en françois comme Suaves, Sorabes, Abrodiciens et telz manieres de gens sans ceulx qui par son renom vindrent en son amistié. Puis conquist il toutes les Espaignes, mais il ot premierement nettoié le saint Sepulcre des paiens et osté les crestiens dea miserable servitute. Il augmenta et acrut tant son empire qu’il fist lais et dons en son testament sans nommer celles d’Espaigne a xxij arceveschiés et eglises metropolitaines comme Romme, Ravenne, Milan, Acquilee, Grace, Couloigne, Maience, Taillebourc, Treves, Besançon, Lyons, Vienne, Arle, Nerbonne, Ambrun, Tarentaise, Bordeaux, Sens, Tours, Bourges, Rains et Rouen, et en toutes les eglises suffragans. Et dit l’istoire que le roy des Escoches il ot si a voulenté et en son obeissance qu’ilz l’appelloient [128v] leur seigneur et eulz ses serviteurs et subgez, de quoy l’acteur dit qu’il en avoit pluseurs lettres et epistres. Maistre Guillaume de Laigny, historiograffe tres esprouvé, en parle en ceste maniere : ung compaignon d’armes a Charlemaine, dist il, appellé Guy, qui gardoit la marche d’Engleterre, y entra a grant puissance a qui toute Engleterre se rendy, et les armes des roys et des ducs qui s’estoient rendus inscrips les noms de chacun, presenta a Charlemaine et ainsi lors premierement fu conquise Engleterre des François. [16] Du roy Philippe le Conquerant et de son filz Loys de Montpancier Le roy Philippe Dieudonné, appellé par sa proesce le Conquerant, desconfist au pont de Bouvines l’empereur Othon d’Alemaigne et prist le conte Ferrant de Flandres, le conte Regnault de Bouloingne et autres jusques a xxx banieres ; et adjousta au royaume les contez de Vermendois, de Clermont, de Pontieu, d’Alençon, du Mans, de Tours, d’Angiers et de Poitiers, et fist fermer le bois de Vincennes et la ville de Paris. Si laissa en son testament a Saint Jehan de Jherusalem cm livres, aux Templiers centm livres, aux Hospitaliers cm livres, et a autres convens et pluseurs eglises fist grans lais et beaux dons. En ce temps le dit roy Philippe avoit envoié Loys son filz contre le roy Jehan d’Engleterre qu’il desconfist a la Roche Lemoine. Et tost aprés passa le dit Loys en Engleterre et fu receu de ceulx de Londres a grant reverence, et pluseurs [129r]   MS 9559-64 des miserable

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Then he conquered Apulia, Calabria and Liburia against Duke Areghis and all Italy.48 Then he conquered Bavaria from Duke Tassilo;49 later Slavonia, Hungary, Pannonia, the kingdom of Dacia and Denmark; Liège, Flanders, Hainaut, Brabant, Guelders, Juliers, upper and lower Burgundy, Provence, Savoy, Lorraine, Luxembourg, [the cities] of Metz, Toul, Verdun, Trier, Köln, Mainz, Strasburg, and many other countries which cannot be expressed properly in French, like [those of the] Swabians, Serbians, Allobroges, and such manner of people, not counting those who came to him as friends on account of his renown. Then he conquered all the [kingdoms of ] Spain, but he first cleansed the Holy Sepulchre of pagans and rescued the Christians from wretched slavery. He augmented and increased his empire to such an extent that he made legacies and gifts in his will, not counting those of Spain, to twenty-two archbishoprics and metropolitan churches such as Rome, Ravenna, Milan, L’Aquila, Graz, Cologne, Mainz, Salzburg, Trier, Besançon, Lyon, Vienne, Arles, Narbonne, Embrun, Tarentaise, Bordeaux, Sens, Tours, Bourges, Reims and Rouen and to all the suffragan churches. And the history says that he had the king of the Scots so to his will and in his obedience that the Scots called him their lord and themselves his servants and subjects. The author says that he had many letters and epistles on this subject. Master William of Nangis,50 a highly esteemed historiographer, speaks of him in this way: a companion in arms of Charlemagne, he said, called Guy, who guarded the frontier of England, invaded it with great force to which all England surrendered and he presented to Charlemagne the arms of the kings and dukes who had surrendered along with the names of each one and thus England was first conquered by the Franks. [16] King Philip the conqueror and his son Louis de Montpensier51 King Philip Dieudonné, called on account of his prowess the Conqueror, defeated at the bridge of Bouvines the Emperor Otto of Germany and captured Count Ferrant of Flanders, Count Renault of Boulogne and others up to thirty banners, and he added to the kingdom the counties of Vermandois, Clermont, Ponthieu, Alençon, Le Mans, Tours, Angers and Poitiers; also he had the wood of Vincennes walled and the city of Paris. Furthermore, he left in his will to St John of Jerusalem 100,000 livres, to the Templars 100,000 livres, to the Hospitallers 100,000 livres and to other convents and many churches he made great legacies and fine gifts.52 In that time the said King Philip sent Louis his son against King John of England whom he defeated at the Roche Lemoine. And soon afterwards the said Louis crossed over to England and was received by those of London with great

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autres citez se rendirent a lui pour ce qu’ilz veoient bien qu’ilz ne povoient resister a sa puissance ; et comme dit l’istoire presque tous les barons d’Engleterre lui firent feaulté et hommage et furent sur le point de deposer le roy Jehan et de intronisier le dit Loys, mais assez tost aprés le delaissierent. Et pour faire fin il me vient au devant ce que Tulles dit des François : qu’il fu jadis en leur povoir de sauver ou destruire l’empire de Romme. Et encore autre part dist il que les dieux avoient fait grant grace aux Ytaliens de mettre les mons entre eulx et les François pour tant qu’ilz ne les conqueissent legierement quant ilz vouldroient. Et Saluste dit aussi que les Rommains se combatoient a toutes autres nations pour leurs vertus monstrer et excercer mais quant ilz se combatoient aux François c’estoit pour eulx defendre et non mie par gloire. [17] De l’excellence du royaume de France Recite maistre Raoul de Praelles ou preambule qu’il fist au livre intitulé Civitate Dei lequel livre il translata de latin en françois pour et a la requeste du roy Charles vje de ce nom surnommé le Riche : premierement que le roy de France est le plus grant, le plus noble, le plus catholique et le plus puissant des crestiens ; secondement que c’est le plus digne roy, car avec ce que en leur baptesme soient enoings du saint cresme comme est ung chascun bon crestien, encore par excellence sont ilz roys consacrez [129v] et si dignement enoingt comme de la sainte liqueur qui par ung coulon, comme nous tenons fermement que ce fu le saint Esperit mis en celle forme, apporta du ciel en son bec en une petite ampulle ou fiole, et la mist veant tout le peuple en la main de monseigneur saint Remy lors arcevesque de Rains qui tantost en consacra les fons et en oingny le roy Clovis premier roy crestien. Et en ceste reverence et pour ce tres grant et tres noble mistere tous les roys de France qui depuis ont esté a leur premiere creation ont esté consacrez a Rains de la liqueur de ce saint ampulle. Si ne tiengne nulz que celle consecration soit sans tres grant digne et notable mistere, car par icelle ont les roys tele vertu et puissance qui leur est donnee et attribuee de Dieu qu’ilz font miracles si grandes et appertes qu’ilz garissent d’une tres horrible maladie qui s’appelle les escroelles, de laquele nul autre prince terrien ne puet garir fors lui. Item, les roys de France portent les trois fleurs de liz en signe de la benoite Trinité qui de Dieu par son angle furent envoyés au dit Clovis pour soy combattre contre le roy Caudat qui estoit venu a grant multitude de gens es parties de France et qui avoit fait, mis et ordonné son siege a Conflans Sainte Honorine dont combien que la bataille commencast en la valee fu elle finee en la montaigne, en laquele est a present la tour de Montjoie, et fu [130r] la pris premierement et nommé le cry en armes des roys de France, c’est assavoir ‘Montjoie saint Denis !’

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respect, and many other cities surrendered to him because they saw well that they could not resist his power. As the history says, almost all the barons of England did him fealty and homage and were on the point of deposing King John and enthroning King Louis, but soon afterwards they abandoned him.53 Finally, I am reminded of what Cicero says of the Franks, that it was long ago in their power to save or destroy the Roman Empire. In another place he said that the gods had done a great favour to the Italians by putting the mountains between them and the Franks, so that they would not conquer them easily when they wished. Sallust adds that the Romans fought all other nations to show and exercise their courage, but when they fought the Franks, it was in self-defence and not at all out of glory.54 [17] The excellence of the kingdom of France55 Master Raoul de Presles, in the preamble he wrote to the book entitled De Civitate Dei, a book he translated from Latin into French for and at the request of King Charles, fifth of that name,56 known as the Rich, relates the following: first of all that the king of France is the greatest, the noblest, the most Catholic and the most powerful of Christians; secondly, that he is the most worthy king, for besides that at their baptism they are anointed with holy chrism as is every good Christian, they also are consecrated kings excellently and worthily anointed with the holy liquor that a dove brought from heaven in a little ampulla or phial in his beak, a dove that we firmly believe was the Holy Spirit in that shape, and put it in the sight of all the people into the hand of Saint Remigius, then archbishop of Reims, who immediately consecrated the font with it and anointed King Clovis with it, the first Christian king.57 In reverence of this, and because of this very great and very noble mystery, all the kings of France who have lived since then have been consecrated at their accession at Reims with the liquor from this holy ampulla. And let no-one believe that this consecration is without a very great noble and notable mystery, for through it the kings have such power and might, which is given and attributed to them from God, that they perform miracles so great and manifest that they cure a very horrible malady which is called scrofula, which no other earthly prince but he can cure.58 Also the kings of France wear the three fleurs de lis as a symbol of the blessed Trinity, which were sent from God by his angel to the said Clovis to fight King Caudat.59 [This king] had come with a great multitude of men into parts of France and had made, set and ordered his siege at Conflans-Sainte-Honorine where, though the battle started in the valley, it was finished on the mountain on which is at present the tower of Montjoie; there was first used and named the war cry of the kings of France, that is to say Montjoie Saint-Denis!

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Et en la reverence de ceste victoire et de ce que ces armes Nostre Seigneur envoia du ciel par ung angle et demonstra a ung hermite qui se tenoit en icelle valee d’encoste une fontaine en ung hermitage, disant qu’il feist raser les armes des trois [croissans]a que Clovis portoit en son escu et feist mettre en ce lieu les trois fleurs de liz et en icelle se combatist et il auroit victoire contre le roy Caudat. Lequel hermite le revela a la femme Clovis, sainte Crotilde, qui repairoit souvent au dit hermitage et apportoit au saint hermite sa recreation, laquele les emporta et effaca les [croissans] et y mist les trois fleurs de liz. La fu fondé ung lieu de religieux qui fu et encores est appellé l’abbaye de Joie en val, en laquele l’escu de ces armes a esté par longtemps en reverence de ce. [18] De l’oriflambe Item, le seul roy de France porte singulierement l’oriflambe en bataille, c’est assavoir ung glaive tout doré ou est attachié une baniere vermeille laquele ilz ont acoustumé de venir prendre et querre en l’eglise de monseigneur saint Denis en grant solennité et devotion, car premierement la procession vient au devant du roy jusques a l’issue du cloistre, et aprés la pourcession sont attains les benois corps sains de monseigneur saint Denis et de ses compaignons et mis sur [130v] l’autel en grant reverence et aussi le corps saint monseigneur saint Loys. Puis est mise ceste baniere ployee desoubz les corporaulx ou est consacré le corps de Nostre Seigneur Jhesu Crist, lequel le roy recoit dignement aprés la celebration de la messe. Si fait cellui a qui le roy l’a esleu a baillier comme au plus vaillant preudomme et plus vaillant chevalier. Et ce fait, le baise le roy a la bouche et le lui baille et la le tient entre ses mains par grant reverence afin que les barons assistens le puissent baisier comme relique et chose digne, et en baillant pour le porter en grant reverence a l’onneur du roy et du royaume. En tele maniere le prist ce souverain protecteur et defenseur singulier de l’eglise monseigneur saint Charles, jadis empereur et roy de France, quant il ala a secours a l’empereur Constantin qui estoit empereur de Constantinoble, pour delivrer son pays des Zarrasins qui l’occupoient et aussi la terre sainte de Jherusalem ; et lequel empereur de Constantinoble le manda par la vision qu’il avoit veue devant son lit qui fu tele selon les anciennes histoires : c’est assavoir que devant icellui empereur aux piés de son lit il s’apparut ung chevalier armé de toutes armes et monté a cheval tenant une hante toute doree du bout de laquele hante yssoit flambe a merveilles grande.

  The space is left blank in the MS and also in MS 9005 fol. 3v; [croissans] is supplied from another MS of Raoul’s text: BNF MS 22912, fol. 3v.

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And in reverence of this victory [gained] through the arms that Our Lord sent from heaven with an angel who showed them to a hermit who lived in that valley in a hermitage by spring, saying that he [Clovis] should have the arms of three [crescents] erased that Clovis carried on his shield60 and replace them with the three fleurs de lis and that he should fight with that and he would have victory against King Caudat. The hermit revealed this to the wife of Clovis, Saint Clotilde, who often went to the said hermitage and brought the hermit his food and she took them away and effaced the crescents and put there the three fleurs de lis. A religious house was founded in that place which was and still is called the abbey of Joyenval, where the shield of these arms has long been revered because of this.61 [18] The Oriflamme Furthermore, only the king of France can carry the Oriflamme into battle; that is to say, a spear all gilded, to which is attached a scarlet banner, which they are accustomed to come for in the church of my lord St Denis in great solemnity and devotion.62 First of all the procession comes to meet the king as far as the exit from the cloister and after the procession the blessed relics of my lord St Denis and his companions are taken and put on the altar with great reverence and also the relic of my lord Saint Louis. Then this banner is folded and put under the corporals63 where the body of Our Lord Jesus Christ is consecrated, which the king receives worthily after the celebration of Mass. The same is done by the man the king has chosen to give it to as the most worthy man and most valiant knight. When this is done, the king kisses him on the mouth and gives it to him and there he holds it between his hands with great reverence, so that the barons present may kiss it as a relic and a treasured object, and gives it to be carried reverently to the honour of the king and the kingdom. In this manner my lord Saint Charles took it, as supreme protector and outstanding defender of the Church, long ago emperor and king of France, when he went to help the Emperor Constantine who was emperor of Constantinople in order to deliver his country from the Saracens who were occupying it and also the holy land of Jerusalem. This emperor of Constantinople sent him word about the vision which he had seen before his bed which was like this according to the ancient histories: that is to say that in front of that emperor at the foot of his bed, there appeared a fully armed knight mounted on a horse, holding a gilded shaft from the end of which lance issued a marvellously great flame.

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Si comme Constantin feust en grant perplexité de savoir quele [131r] signification c’estoit et que tele chose signifioit, ung angle s’apparut a lui qui lui dist que cellui qu’il avoit veu c’estoit cellui qui delivreroit le pays de Zarrasins. Si congneut Constantin par ce qu’il avoit veu que c’estoit le roy Charlemaine a present nommé monseigneur saint Charles. Et tantost le manda. Qui, entendu le mandement et la vision, tantost ala a Saint Denis et print la baniere vermeille en tele reverence comme vous m’avez oÿ raconter, mist la couronne sur l’autel et laissa le royaume de France en la protection de monseigneur saint Denis. Et ceste baniere ainsi reveremment prise et en tele devotion se party et ala a Constantinoble, si vainqui les Zarrasins et en delivra le pays. Et en ceste reverence, tant de la sainte vision comme de la noble victoire qu’il ot, l’ont aussi acoustumé a prendre ses successeurs roys de France et portent hante doree et pour ce est appellee oryflambe pour la flambe qui apparut au bout de la hante doree.a Si est la baniere vermeille en la remembrance du glorieux martir ou martirs monseigneur saint Denis et ses compaignons qui premiers apporta la foy en France pour laquele il et ses compaingnons furent martirisiés. Et doit estre attachee ceste baniere comme dit est a une hante doree pour avoir tousjours recordation et memoire d’icelle hauteb et noble vision de nostre foy et de leur glorieuse passion. [131v] Si ont tenu les anciens qu’elle ne doit point estre desployee sans tres grant neccessité. Et qui plus est, la victoire eue, qu’elle doit estre rapportee a grant devotion et reverence en l’eglise monseigneur saint Denis et rendue sur son autel en remembrance de la victoire ainsi comme fist Charlemaine. (L’oriflambe est une baniere vermeille a cinq frenges bordee de houpes de vert ; si doit estre portee plus haulte et pardessus les banieres royaux.)c De ce me croy car j’en ay veu deux de mon temps sur l’autel des glorieux martirs en chascune partie de l’autel une, et estoient enhantees de deux petites hantes d’argent dorees ou pendoient a chacune une baniere vermeille dont l’une estoit appellé la baniere Charlemaine, et se portoit par reverence par ung des officiers religieux a certaines processions. Et c’est ce que l’en appelle proprement l’oriflambe et dont elle vint de ce qui en peut estre venue a ma petite cognoissance. Item, ces choses denotent et signifient par vraie raison que par ce les roys de France doivent estre seulz principaulz protecteurs, champions et defenseurs de l’Eglise comme ont esté les roys anciens. Et ce tient le saint Siege de Romme qui a acoustumé a escripre aux roys de France singulierement en l’intitulation des lettres : ‘Au tres christien des princes.’ Et jusques cy descript maistre Raoul de Praelles, jadis advocat ou parlement de Paris.   Both MS 9559-64 and MS 9005 (fol. 4r) have flambe doree.   Both MS 9559-64 and MS 9005 (fol. 4r) have hante c   This sentence is inserted by Guillebert. a

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As Constantine was in great perplexity to know what meaning it had and what such a thing meant, an angel appeared to him who told him that the man he had seen was the man who would deliver the country from Saracens. Constantine realized by what he had seen that it was King Charlemagne, at present called my lord Saint Charles, and at once he sent word to him. He, having understood the message and the vision, went at once to Saint-Denis and took the scarlet banner with such reverence as you have heard me recount, placed the crown on the altar and left the kingdom of France in the protection of my lord St Denis. Having taken this banner thus reverently and with such devotion, he departed and went to Constantinople; and he vanquished the Saracens and delivered the country from them. With similar reverence both towards the holy vision and the noble victory he obtained, his successors the kings of France have thus been accustomed to take it and they carry the gilded shaft which is called the Oriflamme after the flame which appeared at the top of the gilded shaft.64 The banner is red in remembrance of the glorious martyr or martyrs, my lord St Denis and his companions, who first brought the faith to France, for which reason he and his companions were martyred. And this banner must be attached as it is said to a golden shaft, to have always a record and reminder of that high and noble vision of our faith and of their glorious passion. The ancients have held that it should not be deployed without great necessity. Furthermore, once the victory is obtained, it should be brought back with great devotion and reverence to the church of my lord St Denis and put back on the altar in remembrance of the victory, as Charlemagne did. (The Oriflamme is a scarlet banner with five fringes, ending with green tassels. It should be carried higher and above the royal banners.)65 Believe me in this for I have seen two in my time on the altar of the glorious martyrs, one on each side of the altar and they were set on small shafts of gilded silver from each of which hung a scarlet banner, one of them called the banner of Charlemagne and was carried reverently by one of the religious officers on certain processions. This is what is rightly called the Oriflamme and where it came from and this is as much as has come to my small understanding. Also, these things denote and signify by true reason that by this the kings of France should alone be the principal protectors, champions and defenders of the Church as were the ancient kings. The Holy See of Rome holds to this, which is accustomed to write to the kings of France personally at the head of letters: ‘To the most Christian of princes.’ Master Raoul de Presles, formerly advocate at the Parlement of Paris, relates up to this point.

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[19] S’ensuivent les douze pers de France Lingo[nes], Remy, Lau[dunum], Nor[mania], Aqui[tania], Burgundia sunt du[catus] No[viomum], Cath[launum], Belva[cum], Thol[osa], Campania, Flandria sunt com[itatus] [132r] Les ecclesiastes L’arcevesque de Rains L’evesque de Lengres L’evesque de Laon L’evesque de Noion L’evesque de Chaalons L’evesque de Beauvais

ducs contes

Les seculiers Le duc de Bourgoingne, doyen Le duc de Normandie Le duc d’Acquitaine Le conte de Flandres Le conte de Champaigne Le conte de Thoulouse

S’ensuit la description de la ville de Paris de l’an mil quatre cens et sept, laquele description est devisé en v parties : la premiere partie contient la moyenne partie appellee la Cité, entre deux bras du fleuve de Saine ; la seconde partie est de la haulte partie de la ville ou les escoles de l’université sont ; la tierce partie parle de la basse partie de la ville devers Saint Denis en France ; la quarte est des portes de toute la ville ; la ve partie devise en general de l’excellence de la ville. La premiere est de [20] La Cité La est l’eglise cathedrale de Nostre Dame qui par dedens a de long ijc piés et de large iiijxx piés ; si sont es trois premieres entrees xl colombes que on puet environner, [132v] aussi y a xx colombes dont il a a chascune une chappelle que on ne puet environner. Entour le cuer de l’eglise sont aussi autant de coulombes et de chappelles. La place qui est ou milieu de l’eglise, c’est entre le cuer et l’entree, contient autant d’espace comme de xij colombes et y a vj chappelles.

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[19] Here follow the twelve peers of France:66 Lingones, Remy, Landunum, Normania, Aquitania, Burgundia sunt ducatus Noviodunum, Cathalaunum, Belvacum, Tholosa, Campania, Flandria sunt comitatus The spiritual lords: The archbishop of Reims The bishop of Langres The bishop of Laon The bishop of Noyon The bishop of Chalons The bishop of Beauvais

[The first three are] dukes [The second three are] counts

The temporal lords: The duke of Burgundy, premier peer The duke of Normandy The duke of Aquitaine The count of Flanders The count of Champagne The count of Toulouse [PART TWO] There follows the description of the city of Paris in 1407, a description divided into five parts: the first part contains the middle area called the Cité, between two branches of the river Seine, the second part deals with the higher part of the city where the university schools are, the third part tells of the lower part of the city going towards Saint-Denis. The fourth part is about the gates of the whole city, the fifth part tells generally about the excellence of the city.67 The first part is about [20] The Cité In it is the cathedral church of Notre-Dame, which is 200 feet long inside and eighty feet wide. In the first three bays there are forty columns which one can walk around; there are also twenty columns each with a chapel which one cannot walk all around. Around the choir of the church there are the same number of columns and chapels. In the middle of the church, that is between the choir and the entrance, there is contained as much space as of twelve columns and there are six chapels.68

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Entour le cuer sont entailliés de pierre les fais des apostres et l’istoire de Joseph le patriarche de plaisant ouvrage, et maistre Pierre du Coingnet. A l’entree est l’image de saint Christofle de merveilleuse haulteur et noble ouvrage. En ceste eglise est le chief saint Philippe l’apostre et le chief saint Marcel evesque de Paris et diverses reliques pluseurs. La table du grant autel dessus et celle de desoubz sont d’argent dorez. Il y a deux clochiers ou il a autant de degrez comme il a de jours en l’an. En l’un est une cloche que l’en puet a paine par iiij· fois avironner les bras estendus. Il y a une chappelle de costé comme l’en va au chapitre de merveilleuse façon et y est la legende Job entaillee, et par dehors l’eglise sont belles ymages. Pres de l’eglise est le palais l’evesque d’un costé. La tient on les plais devant l’official de l’evesque et devant ses auditeurs. Aussi le maistre des testamens y tient sa court. D’autre costé demeurent les chanoines et y est la court de l’official et de l’archediacre. La dicte eglise de Nostre Dame est d’excellent ouvrage dedens et dehors. En la Cité sont xv eglises parroschiales, c’est assavoir de [133r] Saint Piere aux Beufs, de Saint Piere des Assis, de Saint Christofle, de Sainte Marie Magdaleine, de Sainte Marine, de Saint Denis de la Chartre ou Nostre Seigneur commeniaa saint Denis, de Saint Bertelemy, de Sainte Genevieve des Ardans, de Saint Simphorien, de Saint Landry, de Saint Germain le Vieil, de Sainte Croix, de Saint Jehan le Rond, de Saint Massias et de Saint Michiel ; en la Cité est le prieuré de Saint Eloy et le college nommé Dix Huit. [21] Du Palais Le palais royal dure des le Grant Pont ou est l’orologe jusques a Pont Neuf. La salle du palais a de long vjxx piés et de large l, puis il y a viij colombes. La est la table de marbre de ix pieces. La sont les ymages des roys qui ont regné en France. La sont procureurs de parlement et advocas. La sale des merchiers a de long iiijxx piés : la vent on divers joyaux d’or, d’argent, de pierres precieuses et autres. En la Sainte Chappelle est grant partie de la sainte Croix, de la sainte Couronne et autres benoites reliques a merveilles. Et y a ung grant pié d’un griffon. Au palais sont salles et chambres pour logier le roy et les douze pers. Si est de bel edifice a tours et ymages dedens et dehors et y a beau jardin. Au palais sont les seigneurs de Parlement ou les roys de France ont acoustumé de seoir en jugement. La sont les seigneurs des requestes qui ont cognoissance des causes [133v] des officiers du roy. La est la chambre des seigneurs des comptes, des tresoriers, des receveurs,   MS 9559-64 a commenia

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Around the choir are sculpted in stone the Acts of the Apostles and the history of Joseph the patriarch in pleasing work;69 also Master Pierre du Coignet.70 At the entrance is the image of St Christopher of marvellous height and noble work.71 In this church is the head of St Philip the apostle and the head of St Marcel, bishop of Paris, and various other relics. The table of the high altar above and below is of silver gilt. There are two towers in which there are as many steps as there are days in the year. There is a bell in one of them that one could barely encompass, even stretching out one’s arms four times. There is a side chapel on the way to the cloister of marvellous workmanship: the legend of Job is sculpted there and outside the church are beautiful sculptures.72 Close to the church is the bishop’s palace on one side: in it are heard the cases brought before the official of the bishop and before his auditors; the master of wills also holds court there. On the other side live the canons and there is the court of the official and the archdeacon. This church of Notre-Dame is of excellent workmanship within and without. In the Cité there are fifteen parish churches,73 that is to say Saint-Pierre-auxBoeufs,74 Saint-Pierre-des-Arsis,75 Saint-Christophe,76 Sainte-Marie-Madeleine,77 Sainte-Marine,78 Saint-Denis-de-la-Chartre where Our Lord gave communion to St Denis,79 Saint-Barthélemy,80 Sainte-Geneviève-des-Ardents,81 SaintSymphorien,82 Saint-Landry,83 Saint-Germain-le-Vieux,84 Sainte-Croix,85 SaintJean-le-Rond,86 Saint-Mathias87 and Saint-Michel.88 The priory of Saint-Eloi89 is in the Cité as is the College of the Dix-Huit.90 [21] The Palace The royal palace extends from the Grand Pont where the clock is, as far as the Pont Neuf. The hall of the palace is 120 feet long and fifty feet wide with eight columns; in it is the marble table of nine pieces. There also are the statues of the kings who have reigned in France.91 There are proctors in the Parlement and lawyers. The merchants’ hall is eighty feet long; in it are sold various jewels, works of gold and silver, precious stones and other things. In the Sainte-Chapelle there is a large piece of the Holy Cross, of the Holy Crown and other blessed relics in amazing numbers. There is also a big foot of a griffon.92 In the palace there are halls and chambers to lodge the king and the twelve peers. It is a fine edifice with towers and images inside and out and there is a beautiful garden there. In the palace are the lords of the Parlement where the kings of France are accustomed to sit in judgement. The lords of requests are there who have jurisdiction over the cases of the king’s officers. There also are the chamber

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du concierge et d’autres officiers. La est l’audience. Et devant le palais demeure ung pottier d’estain, bon ouvrier de merveilleux vaisseaux d’estain, et tenoit des rossignols qui chantoient en yver. Le grant hospital que le roy saint Loys fonda, dure des l’eglise Nostre Dame jusques a Petit Pont. Si a devant [l’] hospital en [la] rue Neufve, xxxvij manoirs avec une boucherie et place vuide devant la chappelle de l’ospital. [22] Des Pons Grant Pont a de l’un costé lxviij louages et de l’autre costé lxxij. La demeurent les changeurs d’un costé et orfevres d’autre costé. En l’an xiiijc et quant la ville estoit en sa fleur, passoient tant de gens toute jour sur ce pont que on y encontroit adez ung blanc moine ou ung blanc cheval. Pont Nostre Dame : la sont beaux manoirs ; si en y a lxiiij qui appartiennent a la ville et xviij qui sont a diverses personnes. Si y furent commenciés encore v maisons l’an xiiijc xxij que ceste description fu faite. Petit Pont est moult fort et est des le fondement de grans lames attaciés ensemble a fer et a plont. La est Petit Chastelet si espés de murs que on y menroit bien par dessus une charrette. Si sont dessus ces murs beaux jardins. La est une viz double, dont ceulx qui montent par une voie ne s’apparçoivent point des autres qui descendent par l’autre voie. Pont Neuf est bien maisonné. Les rues qui sont en la Cité s’ensuivent en tele maniere que on les pourroit aler qui vouldroit, c’est assavoir de [134r] Petit Pont a rue Neufve Nostre Dame, de la es rues des Coulons, de Saint Christofle, la ruelle du Parvis, le port l’Evesque, la grant rue Saint Christofle, Saint Pierre aux Beufs, Sainte Marine, de la Cocatris, la Confrarie, Champ Roussy, de la Pomme, de la Licorne, Marché Palus, la Juerie, la Petite Orberie, la rue des Fevres, la Galandre, la Ganterie, la Grant Orberie, la Barillerie, la Vieille Draperie, la Saveterie, Sainte Croix, Saint Lorens, de la Lanterne, des Marmousez, de la Colombe, le port Saint Landry, de la Cage, de l’Image, Glaitigny ou sonta les fillettes, Saint Denis de la Chartre, la Peletterie ou l’en fait les chalits, et d’illec a Grant Pont.

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of the lords of the accounts, of treasurers, or receivers, of the concierge and other officers. There is the audience chamber. In front of the palace is a tinsmith, a good workman of wonderful tin vessels, and he kept nightingales which sang in winter.93 The great hospital which King Louis the saint founded extends from the church of Notre-Dame as far as the Petit Pont.94 And there is in front of the hospital, in the rue Neuve, thirty-seven dwellings with a butchery and an open space in front of the hospital chapel. [22] The bridges The Grand Pont has sixty-eight stalls on one side and sixty-two on the other; the money changers are on one side and the goldsmiths on the other. In the year 1400 and when Paris was in its flower,95 so many people passed over this bridge every day that one always met either a white monk or a white horse. The Pont Notre-Dame: on it there are fine houses: sixty-four of them belong to the city and eighteen to different people. Five more houses were begun there in the year 1422 when this description was made. The Petit Pont is very strong; and is secured from its foundations with great bars of iron and lead. The Petit Châtelet is there; its walls are so thick that one could easily lead a cart along the top of them. On the top of these walls are beautiful gardens. There is a double spiral staircase there, so that people going up one staircase cannot see others going down the other stairs. The Pont Neuf is well filled with houses. The streets in the Cité follow one another in such a way that anyone could go from one to the next:96 that is to say from the Petit Pont to the rue NeuveNotre-Dame,97 from there into the rues des Coulons98 and Saint-Christophe,99 the lane of the Parvis,100 the port l’Evêque,101 the grand-rue Saint-Christophe,102 the streets of Saint-Pierre-aux-Boeufs,103 Sainte-Marine,104 of the Cocatrix,105 of the Confrérie,106 of Champ-Roussy [sic],107 of the Pomme,108 of the Licorne,109 MarchéPalus,110 of the Juiverie,111 the Petite Orberie,112 the Fèvres [sic],113 of the Calandre,114 the Ganterie,115 the Grande Orberie,116 the Barillerie,117 the Vieille Draperie,118 the Saveterie,119 Sainte-Croix,120 Saint-Lorens [sic],121 of the Lanterne,122 of the Marmousets,123 of the Colombe,124 the port Saint-Landry,125 of the Cage,126 of the Image,127 Glatigny (where the prostitutes are),128 Saint-Denis-de-la Chartre,129 the Pelleterie (where they make bed frames)130 and from there to the Grand Pont.

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[23] En la haulte partie de la ville ou les escoles sont L’eglise paroschiale de Sains Pierre et Pol que l’en dist de Sainte Genevieve ; item, de Saint Estienne, de Saint Severin, de Saint Cosme, de Saint Nicholas au Chardonneret, de Saint Hylaire et de Saint Benoit. L’abbaye de chanoines reguliers a Sainte Genevieve ou l’en tient les plais devant l’abbé des causes dont le pape se desmet, si y est la chancellerie de l’université et convient que le chancellier soit de l’ordre d’icelle abbaye, et a l’abbé haulte justice moyenne et basse ; aussi est l’eglise de tele prerogative que nul patriarche, arcevesque ne evesque n’y pevent entrer en leurs propres habis fors en l’abit de chanoine. Item il y a une crouste soubs la moyenne partie du cuer ou sont les sepulcres de sainte Genevieve [134v] et d’autres sains. Item en la tierce basse partie du cuer ou les chanoines chantent la est la tombe du roy Cloïs le premier crestien qui fonda celle eglise et de la royne sainte Crotilde s’espeuse. Au college des Bernardins est une eglise de moult bel et hault edifice, et y est une vis merveilleuse ou il a doubles degrez que ceulx qui montent ou descendent par l’un des degrés ne scevent riens des autres qui vont par les autres degrés. L’eglise des Matelins ou le recteur tient ses plais et le conse[r]vateur et l’official du chancelier ; aussi y tient on les congregations de toute l’université : les iiij ordres, c’est assavoir Jacopins, Cordeliers, Augustins et Carmes. Les colleges de Cardinal Lemoine, des Bons Enfans, de Beauvais, de Rains, de Saint Jehan ou les docteurs de decrés s’assemblent, de Cerbonne, de Navarre ou il a trois sciences de ars, de gramaire et de theologie ; cellui de Chollés, de Therouane, de l’Ave Maria, de Boncourt, de Laon, de Cligny, de Harecourt, des Tresoriers, de Nerbonne, de Dampvile, de Premonstré, de Bourgoingne, d’Authun, de Saint Gervais, de Tours, de Saint Estienne, de Saint Benoit, de Dennemarche, de Prelles, de Cambray, de Daimville, de Justice, d’Arras, de Baieux, de Mignon, de Lisieux, de maistre Gervais, de Bencourt, de Meremoustier, de Sainte Genevieve, de Saint Denis & autres. Item, moult de pedagoges a grant nombre d’escoliers. [135r] Item, lez Petit Pont vendoit on poulailles, eufs, venoisons et autres vivres et en la place Maubert le pain. Les murs de la ville sont moult fors et espés que on y menroit bien une charrette dessus. En l’isle Nostre Dame sont palais pour luitier et berseaux pour traire de l’arbaleste et de l’arc a main. Les rues commençans de Petit Pont en la rue de la Huchette  : Sacalie, Arondelle, la rue Pavee, de l’Abbé Saint Denis, Saint Germain, Saint Andry des Ars, Pompee, la Barre, aux Poitevins, la Serpent, la Plastriere, Haulte Fuelle, Champ Petit, du Paon, des Cordelles, de Harecourt, Piere Gasselin, de la Harpe, la grant rue Saint Severin, le carrefour Saint Jaques, des Notaires et Escripvains,

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[23] In the high part of the town where the schools are131 The parish church of Saints-Pierre-et-Paul, which is called Sainte-Geneviève;132 also [the churches] of Saint-Etienne,133 of Saint-Séverin,134 of Saint-Cosme,135 of Saint-Nicholas-au-Chardonneret,136 of Saint-Hilaire137 and of Saint-Benoît.138 The abbey of canons regular at Sainte-Geneviève, where cases are pleaded before the abbot which the pope does not deal with; the university chancery is there and it is fitting that the chancellor should belong to the order of that abbey. The abbot has high middle and low justice. Also, the church has a privilege such that no patriarch, archbishop, or bishop may enter in his own vestments, but only in the habit of a canon. Also, there is a crypt under the middle part of the choir, where the graves are of St Geneviève and other saints. Also in the third low part of the choir where the canons sing; there is the tomb of King Clovis, the first Christian [king] who founded this church, and of the queen St Clotilde his wife.139 At the college of the Bernardines is a church of very beautiful and high construction; and there is a marvellous spiral staircase in which there are double spiral stairs so that those who go up or down by one stairs know nothing of the others who go on the other.140 The church of the Mathurins where the Rector holds his pleas and the conservator141 and official of the chancellor.142 The congregations of the whole university meet here: the four orders, that is Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustinians, and Carmelites. The colleges143 of Cardinal Lemoine,144 of the Bons-Enfants,145 of Beauvais,146 of Reims,147 of Saint-Jean [sic], where the doctors of decrees assemble,148 of Sorbonne,149 of Navarre, in which there are three sciences: arts, grammar and theology,150 of Chollet,151 of Thérouanne [sic],152 of Ave-Maria,153 of Boncourt,154 of Laon,155 of Cluny,156 of Harcourt,157 of the Trésoriers,158 of Narbonne,159 of Dainville,160 of Prémontré,161 of Burgundy,162 of Autun,163 of Saint-Gervais [sic],164 of Tours,165 of Saint-Etienne [sic],166 of Saint-Benoît [sic],167 of Denmark,168 of Presles,169 of Cambrai,170 of Dainville [sic],171 of Justice,172 of Arras,173 of Bayeux,174 of Mignon,175 of Lisieux,176 of Maître-Gervais,177 of Boncourt [sic]178 of Marmoutier,179 of Sainte-Geneviève [sic],180 of Saint-Denis and others.181 Also, many teachers with a great number of scholars.182 Also, beside the Petit Pont poultry, eggs, venison, and other food items are sold and bread on the place Maubert. The walls of the town are very strong and thick, so that a cart could well be driven along the top of them. On the island of Notre-Dame are enclosures for wrestling in, and targets for cross-bow shooting and archery.183 Starting from the Petit Pont the streets are as follows:184 Huchette,185 Sacalie,186 Hirondelle,187 rue Pavée,188 of the Abbé-de-Saint-Denis,189 Saint-Germain,190 Saint-André-des-Arts,191 Pompée [sic],192 la Barre,193 of the Poitevins,194 la Serpente,195 la Plâtrière,196 Haute-Feuille,197 Champ Petit,198 of the Paon,199 of the Cordelles,200 of Harcourt,201 Pierre-Gasselin [sic],202 of the Harpe,203 the Great

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la ruellette Saint Severin, Bourc de Brie, des Parcheminiers, du Foing, Saint Mathurin, le Cloistre Saint Benoit, Cerbonne, de Cligny, de Thorel, de Porel, des Cordiers, des Jacobins, Saint Estienne des Grecs, de Loteraine, de l’Ospital, la Charterie, Saint Simphorien, de Maine, du duc de Bourgoingne, des Lavendiers, de Savoie, Saint Hilaire, de Judas, du Petit Four, le carrefour Saint Hilaire, Clos Brunel ou sont les escoles de decrés, Roseau, des Englois ou les bons couteliers demeurent, des Lavendieres, a Tournant, la grant rue Sainte Genevieve et la petite ruelette Saint Marcel, Clopin, Traversaine, des Mains, Saint Victor, de Versailles, du Bon Puis, d’Alixandre, Saint Nicolas, de Bievre, rue Perdue, la place Maubert, aux [135v] Deux Portes, la Colandre, des Ras, du Feurre ou l’en list des ars, Saint Julien, la Boucherie, la Poissonnerie.

[24] En la basse partie de la ville deça les pons Les eglises paroischiales de saint Jaques de la Boucherie, de Saint Eustace, de Saint Germain d’Aucerre, des Innocens, de Saint Marry, de Saint Sauveur, de Saint Honnoré ou est Nostre Dame de Vertus, de Saint Pol, de Saint Gervais, de Saint Jehan, de Saint Nicholas lez Saint Martin, de Saint Josse, de Saint Gille et de Saint Julien. L’abbaye de saint Magloire dont l’abbé a juridition temporele, les priorés de saint Martin, de la Trinité et du Temple qui est aux Hospitaliers, l’ostel des xvxx Aveugles, les Beghines, les Bons Enfans, la chappelle des bonnes femmes Haudry, les eglises de Saint Bon, de Sainte Avoye, de Saint Eloy, des religieuses appellees les Filles Dieu. Les colleges de Louvres, de Sainte Oportune, du Saint Sepulcre, de la Trinité, des Billettes,a de Sainte Croix, des Guillemins, de Sainte Katherine, des Celestiens, de Saint Anthoine le Petit, du Saint Esperit, et de Saint Jaques surnommé de l’Ospital que Charlemaine fonda, & autres. A Saint Anthoine est ung oxal de bois entaillié excellemment. A Sainte Kateline est le sepulcre Nostre Seigneur en tele forme comme il est en Jherusalem et si est en celle eglise l’image de Bertram Clakin tele comme il souloit estre en son vivant. Aux Celestins est paradis et enfer en painture avec autres pourtraitures de noble euvre en ung [136r] cuer a part. Item devant le cuer de l’eglise a ung autel est painte une ymage de Nostre Dame de souveraine maistrise.   MS 9559-64 billettettes

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Saint-Séverin,204 the carrefour Saint-Jacques,205 of the Notaires et Ecrivains,206 the lane of Saint-Séverin,207 Bourg-de-Brie,208 of the Parcheminiers,209 of the Foin,210 Saint-Mathurin,211 the Cloister of Saint-Benoît,212 Sorbonne,213 of Cluny,214 of Thorel [sic],215 of Porel [sic],216 of the Cordiers,217 of the Jacobins,218 Saint-Etiennedes-Grecs [sic],219 of Loteraine [sic],220 of the Hôpital,221 the Charterie,222 of SaintSymphorien,223 of Maine [sic],224 of the duc de Bourgogne,225 of the Lavendiers [sic],226 of Savoie,227 Saint-Hilaire,228 of Judas,229 of the Petit-Four,230 the carrefour Saint-Hilaire,231 Clos Brunel, where the schools of canon law are,232 Roseau,233 of the Anglais, where the good knife-makers live,234 of the Lavandières,235 at the Tournant,236 Great Sainte-Geneviève,237 the little lane of Saint-Marcel,238 Clopin,239 Traversaine,240 of the Mains [sic],241 Saint-Victor,242 of Versailles [sic],243 of the Bon Puits,244 of Alexandre,245 Saint-Nicholas,246 of Bièvre,247 rue Perdue,248 the place Maubert,249 of the Two Gates,250 the Colandre [sic],251 of the Rats,252 of the Fuerre, where Arts are read,253 Saint-Julien,254 the Boucherie [sic],255 the Poissonnerie.256 [24] In the low part of the town, beyond the bridges The parish churches of Saint-Jacques-de-la-Boucherie,257 of Saint-Eustache,258 of Saint-Germain-l’Auxerrois,259 of the Innocents,260 of Saint-Merri,261 of SaintSauveur,262 of Saint-Honoré in which is Notre-Dame de Vertus,263 of Saint-Paul,264 of Saint-Gervais,265 of Saint-Jean,266 of Saint-Nicholas lez Saint-Martin,267 of Saint-Josse,268 of Saint-Gille269 and of Saint-Julien.270 The abbey of Saint-Magloire, where the abbot has temporal jurisdiction,271 the priories of Saint-Martin,272 of the Trinity273 and of the Temple, which belongs to the Hospitallers,274 the home of the Quinze-Vingts Aveugles,275 the Béguines,276 the Bons-Enfants,277 the chapel of the Haudry nuns,278 the churches of SaintBon,279 of Sainte-Avoye,280 of Saint-Eloi,281 of the nuns called the Filles-Dieu.282 The colleges283 of Louvres,284 of Sainte-Opportune,285 of the Saint-Sépulchre,286 of the Trinité,287 of the Billettes,288 of Sainte-Croix,289 of the Guillemins,290 of SainteCatherine,291 of the Celestines,292 of Saint-Anthoine-le-Petit,293 of the Saint-Esprit,294 and Saint-Jacques-de-l’Hôpital, which Charlemagne founded,295 and others. At Saint-Antoine is a rood screen, excellently carved.296 At Sainte-Catherine is the sepulchre of Our Lord in the same shape as it is in Jerusalem, and there is also in this church the image of Bertrand du Guesclin, as he was in life.297 In the Celestines is painted paradise and hell besides other pictures of noble work in a choir apart. Also in front of the choir of the church there is an altar where is painted a supremely skilful image of Our Lady.298

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A l’eglise des Innocens est ung innocent entier enchasssé d’or et d’argent. La sont engigneusement entailliés de pierre les ymages des trois vifz et trois mors. La est ung cimitiere moult grant enclos de maisons appellés charniers. La ou les os des mors sont entassés, illec sont paintures notables de la dance macabre et autres avec escriptures pour esmouvoir les gens a devotion. L’une partie du cimetiere appartient a l’eglise des Innocens, l’autre partie est pour le grant hospital et la tierce partie est pour les eglises de Paris qui n’ont point de cimetiere. Item, en ce cimetiere est une tournelle en lieu d’un tombel ou il a une ymage de Nostre Dame entaillee de pierre moult bien faite ; de laquele tournelle l’en dist que ung homme fist faire sur sa sepulture pour ce qu’il s’estoit vanté en son vivant que les chiens ne pisseroient point sur son sepulcre. La tour et le chastel du Louvre ou il a logis pour le roy et les xij pers. Item la bastille Saint Anthoine qui est moult forte. Item l’ostel de Bourbon qui est de moult riche et plaisant ouvrage. Les hostels de Saint Pol ou le roy et la royne demouraient, de Petit Muche ou le daulphin demouroit, L’ostel de Cecille appartenans au roy de Jherusalem et de Cecille, L’ostel de Tournelles au duc d’Orleans, L’ostel d’Artois au duc de Bourgoingne, [136v] L’ostel du roy de Navarre, l’ostel de Flandres que le duc Jehan de Bourgoingne donna au duc Anthoine de Brabant, Les hostelz d’Alenchon, de Hollande, de Montagu, de Tournay, de Cliçon et pluseurs autres. Le Chastallet ou le prevost de Paris et ses auditeurs tiennent les plais, et la sont les prisons en merveilleux nombre. L’Ostel de la Ville en la place de Greve ou le prevost des marchans et les eschevins font loy. L’ostel appellé le Four l’Evesque ou l’en plaide des causes du temporel de la juridiction de l’evesque de Paris, c’est en la rue de l’Escole Saint Germain. Les halles des draps, de peleterie, de mercerie, de cuirs, de pain, de fruit et d’autres choses, contenans l’espace d’une ville de grandeur. Aux Halles lez le pillory est une fontaine ; en la rue Saint Denis deux, et en la rue Saint Martin deux. En Greve est l’estaple des vins, du bois, de charbons, de foing et autres marchandises en nefz. La sont les porteurs d’afeutrures et boteleurs de foing. Le bel hostel de Bureau Dampmartin en la Courarie ; lequel Bureau entre les autres choses de son estat tenoit ung poete de grant auctorité appellé maistre Lorens de Premierfait. L’ostel de Digne Responde en la Vieille Monnoie et autres pluseurs.

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In the church of the Innocents there is a whole Innocent in a reliquary of gold and silver.299 In this place there is skilfully sculpted in stone the images of the three living and the three dead.300 There is a very large cemetery there surrounded by buildings called charnel-houses where the bones of the dead are piled up; there are notable paintings there of the Danse Macabre with writings to move people to devotion.301 One part of the cemetery belongs to the church of the Innocents, the other part is for the great hospital and the third part is for the churches of Paris which do not have a cemetery [of their own]. Also in this cemetery there is a tower in place of a tomb in which there is an image of Our Lady sculpted in stone, very well made. It is said of this tower that a man had it made over his burial place because he had boasted in his life that dogs would not piss on his grave.302 The tower and castle of the Louvre where there is lodging for the king and the twelve peers; also, the Bastille Saint-Antoine, which is very strong.303 Also the Hôtel de Bourbon, which is of very rich and pleasing work.304 The Hôtels of Saint-Paul, where the king and queen lived,305 [and] of the Petit-Muce, where the dauphin lived,306 the Hôtel de Sicile, belonging to the king of Jerusalem and Sicily307 the Hôtel des Tournelles [belonging] to the duke of Orléans,308 the Hôtel d’Artois, [belonging] to the duke of Burgundy,309 the Hôtel of the king of Navarre,310 the Hôtel of Flanders which Duke John of Burgundy gave to Duke Antoine of Brabant,311 the Hôtels of Alençon,312 of Holland,313 of Montague,314 of Tournai,315 of Clisson316 and many others. The Châtelet where the Provost of Paris and his auditors hold their pleas, and there are prisons there in extraordinary numbers.317 The Hôtel de Ville on the place de Grève where the Provost of the merchants and the aldermen make their laws.318 The house called the For l’Evèque where they hear the temporal pleas of the jurisdiction of the bishop of Paris. It is in the rue des Ecoles Saint Germain.319 The Halles of cloth, of furs, of mercery, of leathers, of bread, of fruit and of other things, containing a space as big as a town. In the Halles, near the pillory, there is one fountain, two on the rue Saint-Denis and two on the rue St Martin.320 On the Grève there is the trading place for wines, wood, hay and other commodities [that arrive] in boats. There are harness porters there and hay balers.321 The fine house of Bureau Dampmartin in the rue de la Courroirie. This Bureau, among other things of his estate, housed a poet of great authority, called Master Laurence de Premierfait.322 The house of Dino Rapondi in the old Mint323 and many others.

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[25] L’ostel de maistre Jaques Duchie en la rue de Prouvelles La porte duquel est entaillié de art merveilleux. En la court estoient paons et divers oyseaux a plaisance. La premiere salle est embellie de divers tableaux et escriptures d’enseignemens atachiés et [137r] pendus aux parois. Une autre salle raemplie de toutes manieres d’instrumens : harpes, orgues, vielles, guiternes, psalterions et autres, desquelz le dit maistre Jaques savoit jouer de tous. Une autre salle estoit garnie de jeux d’eschez, de tables et d’autres diverses manieres de jeux a grant nombre. Item une belle chappelle ou il avoit des pulpitres a mettre livres dessus de merveilleux art, lesquelx on faisoit venir a divers sieges loings et pres, a destre et a senestre. Item ung estude ou les parois estoient couvers de pieres precieuses et d’ispices de souefve oudeur. Item une chambre ou estoient foureures de pluseurs manieres. Item pluseurs autres chambres richement adoubez de lits, de tables engigneusement entailliés, et parés de riches draps et tapis a orfrais. Item en une autre chambre haulte estoient grant nombre d’arbalestes dont les anciens estoient pains a belles figures. La estoient estandars, banieres, pennons, arcs a main, picques, faussars, planchons, haches, guisarmes, mailles de fer et de plont, pavais, targes, escus, canons et autres engins avec plenté d’armeures, et briefment il y avoit aussi comme toutes manieres d’appareils de guerre. Item la estoit une fenestre faite de merveillable artifice par laquele on mettoit hors une teste de plates de fer creuse parmy laquele on regardoit et parloit a ceulx dehors se besoing estoit sans doubter le trait. Item par dessus tout l’ostel estoit une chambre carree ou estoient fenestres [137v] de tous costés pour regarder par dessus la ville, et quant on y mengoit on montoit et avaloit vins et viandes a une polie pour ce que trop hault eust esté a porter ; et par dessus les pignacles de l’ostel estoient belles ymages dorees. Cestui maistre Jaques Duchie estoit bel homme de honneste habit et moult notable, si tenoit serviteurs bien moriginés et instruis, d’avenant contenance, entre lesquelx estoit l’un maistre charpentier qui continuelment ouvroit a l’ostel. Grant foison de riches bourgois avoit et d’officiers que on appelloit petis royeteaux de grandeur. L’ostel de Guillemin Sanguin en la rue Bourbonnois d’excellent edifice, ou il a de sereures autant comme il a de jours en l’an. Les hostels des evesques et prelas en grant quantité, des seigneurs de parlement, des seigneurs de la Chambre des Comptes, des chevaliers, bourgois et divers officiers ; entre lesquelx estoit l’ostel de sire Mille Baillet en la Voirrie, qui estoit tresorier du roy, ouquel hostel estoit une chappelle ou l’en celebroit chascun jour l’office divin. Il y avoit salles, chambres et estudes em bas pour demourer en esté par terre, et en hault tout pareillement ou l’en habitoit en yver ; si y avoit de voirrieres autant qu’il a de jours en l’an. Avec ce, le dit sire Mille avoit hors Paris de trois costez de la ville ou ses heritages estoient, si grans hostelz a haulte court et basse

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[25] The house of Master Jacques Dussy in the rue des Prouvaires324 Its door is carved with marvellous art. In the courtyard were peacocks and various ornamental birds. The first room is embellished with various pictures with moral writings attached and hanging from the walls. Another room [was] full of all kinds of instruments: harps, organs, vielles, gitterns, psalteries, and others, and the said Master Jacques could play them all. Another room was furnished with games of chess, of backgammon and various other kinds of games in great numbers. Also a beautiful chapel where there were stands to put books on, skilfully made, which could be brought to various seats, near and far, right and left. Also a study where the walls were covered with precious stones and sweet-smelling spices. Also a chamber where there were furs of various kinds. Also many other chambers richly equipped with beds, tables skilfully carved and decorated with rich cloths and carpets with orphreys. Also in another high chamber were a great number of crossbows, the old ones painted with beautiful designs. There were battle flags, banners, pennons, short bows, pikes, faussards, planchons, battle axes, guisarmes, iron and lead maces, pavises, small shields, shields, canons and other machines with copious armour, and in short there were also all sorts of military apparatus. Also, there was a very cleverly constructed window through which you could pass a hollow head of iron plates to look through and speak to the people outside if necessary without fear of attack. Also, at the top of the house there was a square chamber where there were windows on all sides to look out over the town. And when one ate there, food and wine were sent up and down on a pulley, for it would have been too high to carry them up. And above the pinnacles of the house there were beautiful gilded figures. This Master Jacques Dussy was a fine man of honourable disposition and very notable; he kept well-disciplined and trained servants of pleasant manner; among them was a master carpenter, who worked continually on the building. There was a great abundance of rich bourgeois and of officers who were called little kinglets of grandeur. The house of Guillemin Sanguin in the rue Bourdonnois was excellently built; there were as many locks in it as there are days in the year.325 The houses of bishops and prelates in great quantity, of the lords of the Parlement, of the lords of the Chambre des Comptes, of the knights, bourgeois, and various officers. Among them was the house in the Verrerie of Sir Miles Baillet who was the king’s treasurer.326 There was a chapel in that house where the divine office was celebrated every day. There were rooms, chambers and studies downstairs to live in in the summer and the same upstairs to live in in the winter. And there were as many windows in it as there are days in the year. Along with this, Sir Miles had outside Paris on three sides of the town where his

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que ung grant prince se y logoit bien. Aussi pluseurs autres avoient des beaulx hostelz dehors. Entour Chastellet vendoit on sel, fruit et herbes, et aussi y faisoit on tout l’an chappeaux de diverses [138r] fleurs et verdeurs ; et devant Chastelet estoit la grant boucherie. Devant l’ostel de l’amiral, lez Saint Jehan, estoit une diverse grosse pierre de merveilleuse façon que l’en nomme le Pet au Deable. Et a la Porte Baudet vendoit on moult de vivres. [26] Les rues de la basse partie de la ville A commencier de sur Grant Pont a la Pierre au Poisson, de la a la rue de la Saunerie ou l’en vendoit les saussiches: la Mesguierie, l’Escole Saint Germain ou on vent le bois, la rue des Lavendieres, la rue de Jehan Lontier, de Berthin Poree, de Guibert, de Male Porole, Gosselin, la Haubergerie, la Tableterie, ou l’en faisoit pignes, oeilles, tables et autres ouvrages d’ivoire, la rue a Petis Soulers, le Cloistre Sainte Oportune, la Charonnerie, la Ferronnerie, de Baudouin Prenage, de Raoul l’Asnier, des Deschargeurs, la place aux Pourceaux, la rue des Bourdonnois, de Thibaut aux Dez, de Bethissi, de Jehan d’Orleans, de Tirechappe, la Cave de Ponthis, Gloriette, l’Arbre Sec, Cul de Bacon, la Fosse Saint Germain, le Trou Bernart, la Porte du Louvre, Haute Riche. A la Porte Saint Honnoré demeurent les drappiers, la rue d’Avignon, de Jehan Tison, la Crois du Thirouer, la rue de Neelle, du Piet, des Estuves, du Four, des Escus, du Chasteau, des Pironnes, A la Crois Neufve, la rue de Montmartre, du Prestre de Saint Eustace, la Tonnelerie, la Halle au Blé et toutes [138v] les halles : de draps, de pain, de farine, de vieilles robes et d’autres diverses choses ; la rue du Feurre ou demeurent les merchiers, la Cochonnerie ou l’en vent poullailles, rue des Prescheurs, de la Chanverie, a Maudestour, au Carrefour, de Jehan Pourchelet [sic], la Truanderie, de Jehan Vigne, de Nicholas Buee, de Mauconseil, de Saint Denis, ou demeurent espiciers, apoticaires et selliers, la rue aux Senez, Bourc l’Abbé ou estoient femmes de legiere vie, de Saint Martin ou demeurent les ouvriers d’arein, de Petis Champs, de Beaubourc ou avoit des fillettes, en cul de sac, de Grieffron l’Angevin, des Menestrels, ou l’en tient escoles des menestrels, des Estuves, la Tresseillie, de Bertrant qui dort, de Quiquempoit : la demeurent les orfevres, de Aubry le Bouchier, la Courarie ou demeurent les ouvriers de dyamans et autres perriers, de Amaury de Roussi, de Troussevache, de Guillaume Josse, des Lombars, ou l’en fait pourpoins devant et les marchans demeurent derriere, de Marivaus ou demeurent les clouetiers et vendeurs de fil, la Vieille Monnoie, la Heaumerie ou l’en fait armeures, la Saunerie, la rue de

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inheritances were, such great houses with high and low courts that a great prince could well lodge there. Many other men also had fine houses outside Paris. Around the Châtelet salt, fruit, and vegetables were sold, and also all year round wreaths of various flowers and greenery were made.327 And in front of the Châtelet was the great butchery. In front of the admiral’s house, beside Saint-Jean [-en-Grève], there was a bizarre great stone of an amazing shape which is called the Devil’s Fart.328 And at the Porte Baudet they sold many food items.329 [26] The streets of the lower part of the town Starting on the Grand Pont at the Pierre au Poisson330 [and going] from there to the rue de la Saunerie where sausages were sold,331 [are] the Mégisserie,332 the school of Saint-Germain where wood is sold,333 the rue des Lavandières;334 the rue Jehan Lointier,335 of Bertin Poirée,336 of Guibert [sic],337 of Male Parole,338 Gosselin [sic],339 the Haubergerie [sic],340 the Tableterie, where they made combs, mirrors, tablets and other items in ivory,341 the rue aux Petits Souliers,342 the Cloister of Sainte-Opportune,343 the Charonnerie,344 the Ferronnerie,345 of Baudouin Prenage,346 of Raoul l’Asnier [sic],347 of the Déchargeurs, the square of the Pourceaux, the rue aux Bourdonnais,348 of Thibaut aux Dez,349 of Béthisy,350 of Jehan d’Orléans,351 of Tirechappe,352 the Cave of Pontis [sic],353 Gloriette,354 the Arbre-Sec,355 Cul de Bacon,356 the Fosse Saint-Germain,357 the Trou Bernard,358 the Porte du Louvre,359 Haute Riche [sic].360 The drapers live at the Porte Saint-Honoré,361 the rue d’Avignon [sic],362 of Jehan Tison,363 the Croix du Tirouer,364 the rue de Neelle,365 of the Pet,366 of the Estuves,367 of the Four,368 of the Escus,369 of the Château,370 of the Pironnes [sic],371 at the Croix Neuve,372 the street of Montmartre,373 of the Prêtre de SaintEustache,374 the Tonnellerie,375 the Halle au Blé, and all the markets [for] textiles, bread, flour, old clothes, and various other things,376 the rue du Fuerre where the mercers live,377 the Cochonnerie [sic], where poultry is sold,378 of the Prêcheurs379 of the Chanvrerie,380 at Maudestour,381 the Carrefour,382 Jehan Pourchelet [sic],383 la Truanderie,384 of Jehan Bingne,385 of Nicholas Buee [sic],386 of Mauconseil,387 of Saint-Denis where grocers, apothecaries, and saddlers live,388 the rue aux Senez [sic],389 Bourc l’Abbé, there were women of loose life,390 the rue de Saint-Martin, where the brass workers live,391 of the Petits-Champs,392 of Beaubourg where there were young prostitutes,393 a street in a cul de sac,394 of Grieffron l’Angevin [sic],395 of the Menestrels,where they hold minstrel schools,396 of the Estuves,397 the Trefilliere [sic],398 of Bertaut Qui Dort,399 of Quincampoix where the goldsmiths live,400 Aubry le Boucher,401 the Courroirie where the workers of diamonds and other precious stones live;402 of Amaury de Roussi,403 of Troussevache,404 of Guillaume Josse,405 of the Lombards, where they make

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Jehan le Conte, la Fauconnerie, la Pierre au Lait ou l’en vendoit du lait, la rue lez l’Eglise Saint Jaques ou demeurent les escripvains, de Jehan Pain Molet, des Arsis, de Saint Bon, la Buffeterie, la Lamperie, des Bouveries, des Chevrotins, de l’Estable du Cloistre, de Baillehou ou demouroient pluseurs galloises, de Saint Marry, la Court Robert ou estoient femmes [139r] de joie, la Bou[c]lerie, de Simon le Franc, du Temple, des Estuves, des Blans Manteaux, de Perrenelle la Pastourelle, du Plastre, de Bon Puis, des Juges, la Bretonnerie, le carrefour du Temple, les rues des Jardins, du Tort, de la Poterie, le carrefour Guillory, de Jehan de l’Espine, de Gracien, de Jehan Malet, de Saint Jehan, la Tissanderie, la Voirrie ou l’en fait voirieres, du Chartron, du Franc Meurier, le Cimetiere Saint Jehan ou demeurent les ouvriers de cofres et huches, de Boutibourc, de Anquetin le Faucheur, du Temple, du Roy de Cecille, de Robert le Fevre, le Petit Muche, de Thiron, des Escoufles, la rue Perchee, des Rosiers, des Nonnains, de Jouier, de Frogier l’Asnier, la Mortelerie ou demeurent les marchans de merrin, de Ameline Boyleaue, de Garnier, du Cimetiere de Saint Gervais, de Fermanteaux, de Lompont, de la Rive, de Saint Jehan de Greve ou l’en vend le foing, la Vennerie ou l’en vent l’avoine, la Tacherie, la Rosiere, la rue des Commanderesses ou demeurent femmes qui louent varlés et chamberieres, aux Plances de Mybray, la place aux Veaux, de l’Angle, de l’Escorcherie ou demeurent les bouchiers, la Corduennerie ou l’en fait soulers, de la Grant Boucherie, de la Triperie, de la Poulaillerie.

Somme des rues de la basse partie de la ville : cent iiijxx et xiiij. Somme de toutes les rues de Paris : iijc et x. [27 Les murs] Aux deux boutz de la basse partie de la ville sur la riviere sont tres haulx et fors murs [139v] a grans tours, c’est assavoir au Louvre ou il sont a garites doubles, les ungs dedens devers la ville et les autres du costé dehors la ville, et aussi aux Celestins, lesquelz estora Hugues Aubriot, prevost de Paris. En l’isle Nostre Dame sont bersiaux a traire de l’arbaleste et de l’arc a main ; si y sont palis pour luitier. En la cousture Sainte Kateline sont liches pour campier.

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doublets at the front and the merchants live at the back,406 of Marivaux, where the nail makers and the wire sellers live,407 the Vieille Monnoie,408 the Heaumerie, where they make armour,409 the Saunerie [sic],410 the street of Jehan le Conte,411 the Fauconnerie,412 the Pierre au Lait where milk was sold,413 the street by the church of Saint-Jacques, where the copyists live,414 of Jehan Pain Mollet,415 of the Arcis,416 of Saint-Bon,417 the Buffeterie,418 the Lamperie,419 of the Bouveries, of the Chevrotins, of the Estable du Cloistre,420 of Baillehou where many courtesans live,421 of Saint-Merri,422 the Cour Robert where prostitutes lived,423 the Bou[c]lerie,424 of Simon le Franc,425 of the Temple,426 of the Estuves,427 of the Blancs Manteaux,428 of Perronnelle la Pastourelle,429 of the Plaster,430 of the Bon Puits, of the Juges [sic],431 the Bretonnerie,432 the carrefour du Temple,433 the streets of the Gardens,434 of the Tort,435 of the Poterie,436 the carrefour Guillori,437 the street of Jehan de l’Espine,438 of Gracien [sic],439 of Jehan Malet [sic],440 of Saint-Jean,441 the Tissanderie,442 the Voirie, where glass windows are made,443 of the Chartron,444 of the Franc Meurier,445 the cemetery of Saint-John, where the makers of coffers and boxes live,446 of Boutibourc,447 of Anquetil le Faucheur,448 of the Temple,449 of the roi de Sicile,450 of Robert Le Fèvre [sic],451 of the Petit Musc,452 of Thiron,453 of the Escoufles,454 la rue Percee,455 of the Rosiers,456 of the Nonnains,457 of Jouier [sic]458 of Frogier l’Asnier,459 the Mortellerie, where the timber merchants live,460 of Ameline Boyliaue,461 of Garnier,462 of the cemetery of Saint-Gervais,463 of Fermanteaux [sic],464 of Lompont,465 of the Rive [sic],466 of Saint-Jean-en-Grève where hay is sold,467 the Vennerie, where oats are sold,468 the rue de la Tacherie,469 the Rosiere [sic],470 the street of the Commanderesses, where women live who hire out men and women servants,471 of the Planks of Mibray,472 the place aux Veaux,473 of the Angle [sic],474 of the Ecorcherie where the butchers live,475 the Cordwainers, where shoes are made,476 of the Grande Boucherie,477 of the Triperie,478 of the Poulaillerie.479 Total of the streets of the lower part of the town: 194. Total of the all the streets of Paris: 310.480 [27 The walls]481 At both ends of the lower part of the town on the river are very high and strong walls with great towers; that is the Louvre where they have double fortifications, some inside towards the town and the others on the side facing away from the town. There are also [walls] at the Celestines, which Hugues Aubriot, provost of Paris, built.482 On the island of Notre-Dame there are targets for shooting with crossbows and hand bows and there are enclosures for wrestling. In the Couture Sainte-Catherine there are lists for combats.483

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[28] Des portes, et premierement de la haulte partie de la ville La Porte Saint Victor, au dehors de laquele est l’abbaye de Saint Victor pres de la ville ; et la est ung moult grant arbre de pommes de pin. La Porte Saint Marcel au dehors de laquele sont les eglises paroschiales de Saint Marcel, de Saint Medart et de Saint Ypolite. Item, y sont la chanonie de Saint Marcel et la preoré des Cordelieres. Item, y a forsbours moult grans comme se ce feust une ville a part. Sy y demouroient ouvriers de divers mestiers, especiaulment bouchiers, tainturiers, ouvriers de tombes et de lames, et autres. La Porte Saint Jacques ou il a forsbours ; si y est l’ospital de Saint Jaques de Hault Pas, et l’eglise Nostre Dame des Champs. La Porte d’Enfer que l’en appelle maintenant la Porte Saint Michiel ; la sont au dehors les Chartreux, et y est l’ostel appellé le pressoir de l’Ostel Dieu qui dure des laa dicte porte jusques aus dis Chartreux. [140r] La Porte Saint Germain; la sont fourbours ou demeurent moult de bouchiers ; la est l’abbaye de Saint Vincent que l’en dit presentement l’abbaye de Saint Germain des Prés, dont l’abbé a haulte justice, moyenne et basse. La Porte d’Orleans, emprés laquele est l’issue de Neelle ou est au dehors le pré appellé aux Clers. [29] Des portes de la basse partie de la ville La Porte Saint Anthoine au dehors  ; pres d’icelle est une abbaye de Nonnains appellé de Saint Anthoine. Aprés est la Granche aux Marchiers. Aprés l’ostel de Conflans. Item, le sejour du roy. Item, le pont de Charenton ou il a deux grosses tours, oultre lequel est l’eglise Nostre Dame de Mets, et d’autre part l’abbaye de Saint Mor des Fossez, esquelx deux lieux l’en fait moult de pelerinages. Item, a une lieue et demie pres de la dicte porte est le bois de Vincennes, lequel est enclos de moult haulx murs et est plus grant que la ville de Paris. Il y a ung chastel a xj grosses tours haulx comme clochiers ou il a une chanonie et logis pour le roy. En ce bois est une eglise d’une maniere de hermites appellés Bons Hommes. Item, d’un costé est ung bel hostel appellé Beauté. En ce bois ont acoustumé a estre toutes manieres de bestes sauvages. La Porte du Temple ou sont grans jardins. La Porte Saint Martin : la sont forbours ou est l’eglise parroschiale de Saint Lorens. A une lieue est Longheville et a trois lieues est [140v] Bourget et tout une chaucee.   MS 9559-64 la la

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[28] The gates, starting with the high part of the town484 The Porte Saint-Victor. Outside it is the abbey of Saint-Victor, close to the town, and there is a very large pine tree there.485 The Porte Saint-Marcel. Outside it are the parish churches of Saint-Marcel, Saint-Médard, Saint-Hippolyte, also the canonry of Saint-Marcel and the priory of the Poor Clares.486 There are extensive suburbs there like a separate town and workmen of various trades lived there, particularly butchers, dyers, makers of tombs and slabs and so on.487 The Porte Saint-Jacques. There are suburbs there, the hospital of SaintJacques-du-Haut-Pas and the church of Notre-Dame-des-Champs.488 The Porte d’Enfer, now called the Porte Saint-Michel. Outside it there are the Carthusians and the building called the Pressing House of the Hôtel-Dieu, which extends from the said gate to the said Carthusians.489 The Porte Saint-Germain. There are suburbs there where many butchers live. The abbey of Saint-Vincent is there, now called the abbey of Saint-Germain-desPrés. Its abbot has high, low and middle justice.490 The Porte d’Orléans, near the exit from the [Tour de] Nesle. Outside it is the meadow called the Pré aux Clercs.491 [29] The gates of the lower part of the town The Porte Saint-Antoine. Outside it is an abbey of nuns dedicated to St Anthony. Further on is the Grange aux Merciers, after that the house of Conflans, also the king’s residence, also the Charenton bridge where there are two big towers, beyond which is the church of Notre-Dame-de-Mesche. On the other side is the abbey of Saint-Maur-des-Fossés. Many pilgrimages are made to both these places.492 Also, a league and a half away from the said gate is the wood of Vincennes which is enclosed with very high walls and is bigger than the city of Paris. There is a castle with eleven big towers, as high as bell towers where there is a canonry and lodgings for the king. There is a church in that wood for a type of hermit called Bons-Hommes; also on one side is a fine house called Beauté. There are all sorts of wild animals in that wood.493 The Porte du Temple. There are big gardens there.494 The Porte Saint-Martin. There are suburbs there with the parish church of Saint-Laurent. A league away is Longueville and three leagues away is Le Bourget and a great road.495

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La Porte Saint Denis ; la sont forbours ou est l’eglise Saint Ladre. A une lieue est l’eglise appellee la Chappelle. Item, a deux lieues est l’abbaïe de Saint Denis, laquele est d’excellent edifice. La sont les corps de saint Denis et ses compaignons, saint Ruth et saint Eleuthere en grans riches fiertres. Si y est une maisoncelle dessus appellé tegurion, toute d’argent a riches pierres, laquele fist saint Eloy. Si fu au premier la couverture de l’eglise d’argent, mais puis pour une grant guerre fu descouverte et fu pour ce baillié a l’eglise ung des Sains Cloux, une partie de la Sainte Couronne, une partie de la Lance, une partie de la Sainte Croix, le suaire Nostre Seigneur, le destre bras saint Simeon, une chemise de Nostre Dame, et autres notables reliques. Illec sont moult de riches sepultures de roys et princes. La prent le roy l’oriflambe quant il va en guerre. C’est un gonfanon dont la hante est doree et la baniere vermeille a cinq frenges ou l’en met houpes de vert. Entre Paris et Saint Denis est la place du Lendit, et sur la rue sont pluseurs grans et notables croix entailliés de pierres a grans ymages, et sont sur le chemin en maniere de monjoies pour adreschier la voie. La Porte de Montmartre a demie lieue prés est le mont ou l’en prent la plastre dont l’en fait les maisons a Paris ; sur lequel mont est une abbaye de nonnains. Item, au pié du mont est l’eglise appellee des Martirs que sainte Genevieve fonda, ou saint Denis [141r] et ses compaignons furent decolez. La Porte Saint Honnoré ; la sont forbours ou est l’eglise appellee au Rolle. Item, a deux lieues est l’eglise Nostre Dame de Bouloingne la Petite, ou l’en fait moult de pelerinages. Illec prés est le pont Saint Clou aa deux fortes tours. [30] La quinte partie en laquele est devisé en general de l’excellence de la ville L’en souloit extimer a Paris plus de iiijm tavernes de vin, plus de iiijxx mil mendians, plus de lxm escripvains, item de escoliers et gens de mestier sans nombre. Item, la compaignie prelas et princes a Paris assiduelment conversans, les noblesces, les estas, les richesces et diverses merveilles, solennitez et nouvelletez ne pourroit nulz raconter parfaitement. L’en extimoit l’or l’argent et perrie estans aux reliques et vaissellemente des eglises de Paris valoir ung grant royaume. On mengoit a Paris chascune sepmaine, l’une parmy l’autre comptee, iijm moutons, ijc xl beufs, vc veaux, ijc pourceaux salez et iijc porceaux non salés. Item, on y vendoit chascun jour vijc tonneaux de vin, dont le roy avoit son iiije, sans le vin des escoliers et autres qui n’en paioient point comme les seigneurs et autres pluseurs qui le avoient sur leurs heritages.   aa

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The Porte Saint-Denis. There are suburbs there and the church of SaintLazare; a league further on is the church called the Chapelle.496 Also, two leagues further on is the abbey of Saint-Denis, which is of excellent construction. The remains are there of St Denis and his companions St Rusticus and St Eleutherius which lie in great rich reliquaries and there is a canopy over them called a tegurion, all of silver with precious stones, made by St Eligius.497 Originally the covering of the structure was of silver but then due to a great war it lost its roof and so the church was given one of the Holy Nails, part of the Crown of Thorns, part of the Lance, part of the Holy Cross, Our Lord’s Shroud, the right arm of St Simeon, a shift of Our Lady and other notable relics.498 There are many rich tombs of kings and princes there. It is there that the king takes the Oriflamme when he goes to war; it is a gonfanon, its shaft is gilded and its banner is scarlet with five fringes with green tassels.499 Between Paris and Saint-Denis is the place of the Lendit and on the road are many great and notable crosses sculpted in stone with great images; and they are on the road in the manner of Montjoies to show the way.500 The Porte Montmartre. Half a league away is the hill where they get the plaster that houses are made from in Paris. There is an abbey of nuns on this hill. Also, at the foot of the hill is the church called the church of the Martyrs, which St Geneviève founded, where St Denis and his companions were beheaded.501 The Porte Saint-Honoré. There are suburbs there with a church called Rolle.502 Also, two leagues away is the church of Notre-Dame-de-Boulogne-la-Petite, to which many pilgrimages are made. Nearby is the bridge of Saint-Cloud where there are two strong towers.503 [30] The Fifth Part, in which the excellence of the town is described in general It used to be reckoned that there were more than 4000 wine taverns in Paris, over 80,000 beggars, more than 60,000 copyists; also innumerable students and tradespeople.504 There was also the company of prelates and princes constantly gathering in Paris, the nobility, the estates, the riches and various marvels, the solemnities and novelties so that no-one could give a full account of them. It was reckoned that the gold, silver and precious stones in the reliquaries and [liturgical] vessels of the Paris churches were worth a great kingdom. Every week, 3000 sheep on average were eaten in Paris, 240 cattle, 500 calves, 200 salted and 300 unsalted pigs. Also, 700 barrels of wine were sold there every day, from which the king had his quarter; this did not include the students’ wine and the wine of other people who did not pay the tax, like the lords and many others who inherited [the dispensation].505

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Grant chose estoit de Paris quant maistre Eustace de Pavilly, maistre Jehan Jarçon, frere Jaques Legrant, le Maistre des Mathurins et autres docteurs et clers souloient preschier tant d’excellens sermons [141v] et du beau service divin qu’on y celebroit lors. Item, quant les roys de France, de Navarre et de Cecille, pluseurs ducs, contes, prelas et autres seigneurs notables frequentoient illec assiduelment. Item, quant y demouroient maistre Gille des Champs, souverain docteur en theologie, maistre Henry de Fontaines, astrologien, l’abbé du Mont Saint Michiel, docteur en droit canon, l’evesque du Puy en droit civil, maistre Thomas de Saint Pierre en medecine, maistre Gille Soubz le Four en cirurgie, et pluseurs excellens clers de plaisant rethorique et eloquence. Item, quant y conversoient maistre Lorent de Premierfait le poete, le theologien alemant qui jouoit sur la vielle, Guillemin Dancel et Perrin de Sens, souverains harpeurs, Cresecques, joueur a la rebebe, Clignemidy le bon corneur a la turelurette et aux fleutes, Bacon qui jouoit chançons sur la siphonie et tragedies. Item, Gobert le souverain escripvain qui composa l’art d’escripre et de taillier plumes et ses disciples qui par leur bien escripre furent retenus des princes, comme le juenne Flamel du duc de Berry, Sicart du roy Richart d’Engleterre, Guillemin du grant maistre de Rodes, Crespy du duc d’Orleans, Perrin de l’empereur Sigemundus de Romme et autres pluseurs. Item, pluseurs artificeux ouvriers comme Herman qui polioit dymans de diverses formes, Willelm l’orfevre, Andry qui ouvroit de laiton et de cuivre doré et argenté, le potier qui tenoit les rossignolz [142r] chantans en yver, les iij freres enlumineurs et autres d’engigneux mestiers. Item, Flamel l’aisné, escripvain qui faisoit tant d’aumosnes et hospitalitez et fist pluseurs maisons ou gens de mestiers demouroient en bas et du loyer qu’ilz paioient estoient soustenus povres laboureurs en hault. Item la belle sauniere, la belle bouchiere, la belle charpentiere et autres dames et damoiselles, la belle herbiere et celle qu’on clamoit la plus belle et celle qu’on appelloit belle simplement. Item, damoiselle Christine de Pizan, qui dictoit toutes manieres de doctrines et divers traitiés en latin et en françois. Item, le prince d’amours qui tenoit avec lui musiciens et galans qui toutes manieres de chançons, balades, rondeaux, virelais et autres dictiés amoureux savoient faire, et chanter et jouer en instrumens melodieusement. Longue et grant chose seroit de raconter des biens que on y usoit, mesmement quant si pou de chose comme estoit l’imposicion des chappeaux de roses et du cresson valoit au roy dix mil frans l’an. Il souloient venir solacier a Paris l’empereur de Grece, l’empereur de Romme et autres roys et princes de diverses parties du monde. Item au couronnement de la royne de France Ysabel de Baviere quant

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Paris was a great matter when Master Eustache of Pavilly,506 Master Jean Gerson,507 Brother Jacques Legrand,508 the Master of the Mathurins,509 and other doctors and clerics used to preach such excellent sermons; and the splendid divine service that was then celebrated there. Then too the kings of France, of Navarre and of Sicily, many dukes, counts, prelates and other notable lords constantly gathered there.510 This too was when Master Gilles Deschamps, pre-eminent doctor of theology, lived there,511 Master Henry des Fontaines, the astrologer,512 the Abbot of the MontSaint-Michel who was a doctor in canon law,513 the bishop of Le Puy, a doctor in civil law,514 Master Thomas of St Pierre in medicine,515 Master Gilles Sous le Four in surgery, and many excellent learned men of pleasing rhetoric and eloquence.516 Also, [this was the time when] the poet Master Laurent de Premierfait frequented Paris.517 [It was the time of ] the German theologian who played on the vielle; Guillemin Dancel and Perrin de Sens, the supreme harpers; Cresecques, who was a player of the rebeck; Clignemidy, the good player on the bagpipes and on the flutes; Bacon who played songs on the symphony and tragedies.518 Furthermore [there was] Gobert, the supreme scribe, who composed the Art of Writing and that of sharpening quills, and his disciples who were retained by princes because of their writing skills, such as the young Flamel by the Duke of Berry, Sicart by King Richard of England, Guillemin by the Grand Master of Rhodes, Crespy by the Duke of Orléans, Perrin by the Emperor Sigismund of Rome and many others.519 Also many skilful artificers, such as Herman, who polished diamonds in various shapes; Willelm the goldsmith; Andry, who worked on brass and on silverand gold-plated copper; the potter who kept nightingales which sang in winter; the three illuminator brothers and other skilled trades.520 Also Flamel the elder, a writer who gave so many alms and such hospitality and built many houses where the tradespeople lived downstairs and with the rent they paid, poor workmen were supported upstairs.521 Also the beautiful sausage-maker, the beautiful butcher, the beautiful woodworker and other ladies and damsels; the beautiful herb-seller and the one called the most beautiful and the one simply called ‘Beauty’.522 Also, damoiselle Christine de Pizan, who dictated all manner of edifying works and various treatises in Latin and in French.523 Also, the Prince of Love, who kept with him musicians and gallants, who could compose and sing all kinds of chansons, ballades, rondeaux, virelais and other love poems and play melodiously on instruments.524 It would be a long and wide-ranging undertaking to tell of all the goods which were in use there, particularly when such a small matter as the tax on wreaths of roses and cress was worth 10,000 francs to the king every year.525 The emperor of Greece, the emperor of Rome and other kings and princes of various parts of the world were accustomed to come and enjoy themselves in Paris.526 Also at the coronation of the

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elle vint premierement a Paris, si y vindrent avec elle plus de vjxx mil personnes a cheval que la royne paya. Item, l’an mil iiijc xviij en une mortalité morurent en l’Ostel [142v] Dieu lez Nostre Dame plus de xxxm personnes, comme il apparut en la Chambre des Comptes ou l’en livre les draps pour ensevelir. Cy fine la description de la ville de Paris

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queen of France, Isabel of Bavaria, when she first came to Paris, over 120,000 people on horseback came with her, paid for by the queen.527 Also in the year 1418, in one fatal epidemic, over 30,000 people died in the Hôtel- Dieu beside Notre-Dame,528 as it appeared in the Chambre des Comptes where shrouds are given out for burial.529 Here ends the Description of the city of Paris

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

All bibliographical references in the notes are presented as concisely as possible. The full forms are given in the Bibliography. 1. 2.

3.

4. 5.

6.

This table of chapters does not exist in the manuscript. It is added only for convenience of reference. ‘François’ is translated here as ‘Franks’ up to the end of the reign of Charlemagne. As we see in Chapter 16, Guillebert makes an abrupt transition from Charlemagne to the reign of Philip Augustus, from whose reign ‘François’ is translated as ‘French’. All the sources Guillebert names here are copied directly from Raoul de Presles. See the introductory note on Guillebert’s Sources. The chroniclers listed here are: Helinand of Froidmont, Cistercian compiler of a Chronicon (c. 1211‒1233); Bernard Gui, Dominican inquisitor and author of numerous works, notably the Flores Chronicorum, a universal history up to 1331; William the Breton, continuator of Rigord’s Gesta Philippi Augusti regis Francorum, completed 1224; Hugh of St Victor (c. 1130‒1140), theologian and author of a Chronica; the anonymous chronicler is John of St Victor, whose Memoralium historiarum includes a Tractatus de divisione regnorum of c. 1322 beginning In exordio rerum (see Bibliography under John of St Victor); Vincent of Beauvais, author of the Speculum Historiale (mid-thirteenth century), based on Helinand’s Chronicon; Hugh of Fleury, author of the Historia regum Francorum monasterii Sancti Dionysii (early twelfth century); Paulus Orosius, fifth-century author of the Historiarum Adversum Paganos Libri VII, known as the Hormesta. Guillebert’s immediate source, Raoul de Presles himself, is not mentioned until Chapter 17. For the legend of the Franks originating as Greeks fleeing from Troy and settling first on the marshy banks of what is now called the Sea of Azov, north of the Black Sea, see the introductory note on Guillebert’s Sources. The Alani or Alans did not come from Saxony, nor were they called after the river Lahn any more than the Alamanni were called after a river called Leman (that is the Rhône, which flows through Lake Leman). The Alani made incursions from the Middle East into the Roman provinces of the Danube and the Caucasus in the second and third centuries ad By the time of the Emperor Valentinian (321‒375) they were themselves overpowered by the Huns. See Sigebert of Gembloux Chronica, PL vol. 160, col. 60.

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

7. 8. 9.

10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

16.

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Hugh of St Victor’s Chronica does not appear to contain this reference. For recent bibliography, see J. Harrison, ‘The English Reception of Hugh of St Victor’s Chronicle’. Electronic British Library Journal, Article 1, 2002. John of St Victor, author of In exordio rerum, does indeed mention Francio and Turcus, long-established but legendary figures (Tractatus, 250‒253). See also introductory note on Guillebert’s Sources. Although the refugees from Troy would have lived long before the rise of Latin and Lutetia itself was a pre-Roman settlement, the Latin word lutum is cognate with the proto-Celtic *luta, also meaning mud or dirt. See R. Malasović, Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic. 2 Kings 14. These Old Testament kings lived in the eighth century bc, long before the earliest traces of Paris. The name Paris is in reality derived from a tribe called the Parisii, mentioned in fact further on at Chapter 7. The exact quotation is Et se Parisios dixerunt nomine Graeco/Quod sonat expositum nostris, Audacia, verbis. William the Breton, Philippidos, Bk 1, lines 93‒94 (Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton, II, 41). Reuil-en-Parisis, Cormeilles-en-Parisis, Louvres-en Parisis do all retain these names. Roissy, now the site of the Charles-de-Gaulle airport, was however known as Roissy-en-France. Gregory of Tours mentions the early Frankish leaders Genobaud, Marcomer and Sunno who invaded Germania (Gregory of Tours, History of the Franks, 120, 122). Pharamond (also spelt Faramond) was the legendary first king of the Franks. He would have lived c. 370‒427 and is first mentioned in the Liber Historiae Francorum of c. 727 (MGH, SS rer. Merov. II. Liber Historiae Francorum, ed. B. Krusch. Hanover, 1888, p. 244). Guillebert breaks off his transcription here to return to an earlier part of Raoul’s text. As Raoul tells us at this point, he has already dealt with the Salic law in his Book 3, Chapter 21 (fol. 124v). St Augustine argues that when Sallust speaks of the high moral standards of the time of Scipio Africanus, these standards were only high relative to the very low standards of other periods. He gives as an example of low moral standards the lex Voconia, against female inheritance. Raoul makes haste to add that this law only applied to private persons and not to kings. He follows with arguments in favour of the Salic Law which was an ancient law of the Salian Franks, whereby women were forbidden to inherit land. This was the law invoked by the French to deny English kings the right to inherit the kingdom of France through a direct female descendant rather than through an indirect male heir. The occasion arose in the early fourteenth century: Philip IV of

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17. 18. 19. 20.

21. 22.

23.

24. 25.

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France died in 1314 leaving three sons who each inherited the throne in succession but who all died without leaving a legitimate male heir. In 1328 their uncle succeeded as the first Valois king, Philip VI. However, Philip IV had also left a daughter, Isabel, who married Edward II of England and became the mother of Edward III, giving the English king a claim to the French throne and thus triggering the Hundred Years War. Thomas Waleys OP (fl. 1318‒1349) was an Oxford theologian. Francis of Mayronnes OFM (c.1280‒1328) was a French theologian and pupil of Duns Scotus. Aulus Gellius in Chapter 1 of Book 20 (not 22) of his Noctes Atticae (Attic Nights) refers to the Voconian law of ancient Rome which prohibited those owning large property from making a woman their heir. St Gregory in Book 35, Chapter 19 of his Moralia in Job does indeed say this, but he adds that Christianity has changed matters. Chlodio the Long-Haired (c.  393‒448), contemporary of Emperor Theodosius II (who reigned 408‒450), was the predecessor of Merovech and is considered as the founder of the Merovingian dynasty. He defeated the Romans and occupied what was to become France as far south as the Somme. In the second version of his Reges Francorum Bernard Gui did indeed list Chlodio as the second and Meroveus as the third Frankish king (A-M. Lammarrigue, ‘La rédaction d’un catalogue des rois de France’, 488). Baldric of Dol (c.1050‒1130) also known as Baldric of Bourgueil wrote a chronicle of the First Crusade, where there is a reference in Book 3 to the Franks being all one people. A new edition of this text has just appeared: The Historia Ierosolitana of Baldric of Bourgueil, ed. Stephen Biddlecombe, Cambridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2014. Julius Celsus wrote a commentary on De Bello Gallico in the seventh century. Caesar’s own text was often copied with it, so that the original is here considered as part of a joint composition. Caesar’s own account of the attack by his lieutenant Labienus on Lutetia c. 52 bc is described in De Bello Gallico, Book 7, Chapters 57‒59. The Parisii were a tribe who inhabited Lutetia and gave it their name. Villejuif is now in the southern suburbs of Paris. Although the parish church is dedicated to the mother-and-son martyrs Saint-Cyr-Sainte-Julitte, neither is buried there. Villejuif (the name has been spelt in a variety of ways) may derive its name from Villa Juveus, referring to its Gallo-Roman owner. Alternatively, it may come from Villa Gesedum, an ancient parish of Paris but it has no connection with Jews.

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26. The thermes are not of course the terms or periods at which the Parisii paid tribute to the Romans, but the thermes, the substantial Roman baths, the remains of which are still to be seen at the junction of the boulevards Saint-Germain and Saint-Michel, adjoining the Musée national du Moyen Age in the Hôtel de Cluny, Paris 5e. 27. Raoul’s digression on the meaning of Paris place-names may well have prompted Guillebert to compose his own work. 28. The cattle market also known as the Old Swine Square would have been between what is now the rue des Bourdonnais and the rue des Déchargeurs or the Unloaders’ Street, Paris 1er. The Croix du Triouer or Sorter’s Cross is also written Croix du Trahoir. It was at the junction of what is still the rue Saint-Honoré and the rue de l’Arbre-Sec, Paris 1er. The carrefour Guillori was at the junction of the avenue Victoria and the rue de la Coutellerie, Paris 4e. Its nickname Guigne-Oreille is not easy to interpret. The verb guignier derives from the Germanic winken and all its descendents are associated with eyes rather than ears. But guignier meaning to ‘eye’ someone or something became associated with the evil eye and ‘la guigne’ in modern French means ‘bad luck’. It is possible therefore that back in the fourteenth century ‘guigne-oreille’ meant ‘unlucky ear’. The Slaughter Houses cannot in fact have been very far from the city. The rue Perrin Gasselin was on the site of the rue de Rivoli as it approaches the rue Saint-Denis. The Dogs’ Pit or Houndsditch would have been outside an early rampart. 29. The ‘archet Saint-Merri’ was the northern toll-gate of a rampart pre-dating Philip Augustus. It was located on the rue Saint-Martin near what is now the rue du Cloître-Saint-Merri, Paris 4e. The house of Bernard des Fossés (Bernard of the Moats) figures in the chanson de geste Le Moniage Guillaume. The hero, William of Orange, has hastened to Paris to rescue King Louis (son of Charlemagne) from the pagan giant Isoré. He is refused entrance to Paris and lodges outside the walls in Bernard’s humble dwelling. It is curious that tradition has placed Bernard’s house on the north side of the city as the poem appears to locate it on the south. William has ridden up to Paris from the south and his host sets off towards the Petit Pont to buy food (Moniage, lines 5473‒5882). 30. The wooden bridge called the Planks of Mibray, altered to Mibras, does not derive from an arm of the Seine, but probably from bray, itself derived from medieval Latin braium, meaning mud, as noted in Du Cange. When the level of the Seine dropped in summer it would have been possible to cross on planks. In 1413 it was replaced by the wooden Pont Notre-Dame (see Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris, 58). Raoul’s observation, however, still holds good: following the direction of the original Roman cardo, a straight

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31.

32.

33.

34. 35. 36.

37.

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

line runs south from Saint-Merri, down the rue Saint-Martin, across the Pont Notre-Dame, down the rue de la Cité to the Petit Pont and so over to the rue Saint-Jacques. The church and cemetery of the Holy Innocents are attested in the twelfth century. The relics of St Magloire were brought to Paris from Brittany and put under the protection of Hugh Capet in 963. He placed them in the church of Saint-Barthélemy opposite the Grand-Salle of the Palace, re-dedicating the church to St Magloire and founding an associated Benedictine monastery. In 1138 Louis VII confirmed the move of the monastery of St Magloire to the small chapel of St George outside the city walls in the ‘Champiaux’. It became a powerful monastery and exercised jurisdiction over the nearby area as Guillebert notes in Chapter 24. St Babolein, a disciple of St Colombanus of Luxeuil, is noted as the first abbot of Saint-Maur-des-Fossés in 641 (Acta Sanctorum 26 June).There is no evidence that Julius Caesar ever made the journey described or ever built a castle in this location, though there may well have been a Roman settlement on the spot as it was known in the Middle Ages as Castrum Bagaudarum. The Bagaudae were peasant rebels, probably including Christians. The Bagaudae, led by Amandus and Aelianus, were defeated in 285‒6 by Maximians Herculius, the co-regent of Diocletian. The reference to them in Book 7 of the Hormesta of Orosius is to Chapter 25, not Chapter 31 (C. Jullian, ‘Castrum Bagaudarum: les origines de Saint-Maur-des-Fossés,’ 107‒117). Julius Caesar’s account of the Druids is in De Bello Gallico, Book 6, Chapters 13‒20. The ‘mer d’Autye’ lies just south of Courdimanche between the Seine and the Oise. It was formerly called Haute Isle, then the Montagne de l’Hautie, and is now known as the massif d’Hautil. The mention of a ‘sea’ is puzzling. Montjavoult (Oise) is a commune which lies on the road from Paris to Rouen. There is no evidence for Raoul’s assertion that Montmartre, Courdimanche and Monjavoult formed a trio of sacrificial sites for the Druids. The earliest reference to St Denis is by Gregory of Tours († 594) who states that he was a bishop of Paris martyred under the Decian persecution of 250‒251 (History of the Franks, 1, 30). His identity was later confused with that of Denis or Dionysius the Areopagite (Acts of the Apostles, 17.34) who in turn was confused with a mystical writer now known as the PseudoDionysius. The legend of St Denis and his companions places their martyrdom on the slopes of Montmartre in the location now called the Crypte du Martyrium, 11 rue Yvonne-le-Tac, Paris 18e. This is the traditional location

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

38.

39.

40. 41.

42.

115

of the chapel founded by St Geneviève in honour of St Denis. The etymology of ‘Montmartre’ may be ‘Mons Marti’ as there may have been a temple to Mars as well as to Mercury in this area. Although the three churches Raoul attributes to St Denis were all very ancient (and have all now vanished), none had any proven connection with the saint, martyred in the third century. He did not found the church of Saint-Benoît-le-Bétourné, which was on the rue Saint-Jacques close to the Sorbonne, Paris 5e, nor did he found the Benedictine monastery there which was demolished in 1812. The church of Saint-Etienne-des-Grès stood at the south side of the junction of the rue Saint-Jacques and the rue Cujas, Paris 5e, and was demolished in 1792. Raoul is mistaken in supposing that the name should mean St Stephen of the Greeks rather than of the Steps as the Latin name was S. Stephanus de gradibus or de gressibus. The oratory of Notre-Dame-des-Champs was close to the site of the present church at 91, boulevard du Montparnasse, Paris 6e. Guillebert copies Raoul’s error Guillermus for Galfridus or Geoffrey. Geoffrey of Monmouth, in his Historia regum Britanniae, a text renamed Brut in numerous translations, does indeed relate in Book I that Brutus defeated Goffar, that Gaul was at this period ruled by ‘twelve kings of equal rank’ and claim that this was in the time of Eli. He further asserts in Book 2 that a Frankish king Aganippus married Cordelia, daughter of King Lear and that this was in the time of Isaiah (Geoffrey, trans. Thorpe, 66‒74; 82‒87). The absurd claim that kings existed in France in the time of such Old Testament figures proves nothing about the antiquity of Paris, which in any case Geoffrey does not mention. For Chapters 12‒16 Guillebert uses A toute la chevalerie by Jean de Montreuil. See introductory note on Guillebert’s Sources. Note that the ‘I’ of the narrative does not refer to Guillebert but is copied directly from Jean. ‘Justin’ is Marcus Junianus Justinus, author of the Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius. He does indeed claim that ‘The nation of the Gauls, however, was at that time so prolific, that they filled all Asia as with one swarm. The kings of the east then carried on no wars without a mercenary army of Gauls; nor, if they were driven from their thrones, did they seek protection with any other people than the Gauls. Such indeed was the terror of the Gallic name, and the unvaried good fortune of their arms, that princes thought they could neither maintain their power in security, nor recover it if lost, without the assistance of Gallic valour.’ Justinus, Philippic History, trans. J. Welby Watson, book 25, chapter 2. The reference to ‘un clerc nommé Crispus’ (Gaius Sallustius Crispus) is taken word for word from l. 65 of A toute la chevalerie although the quotation

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43.

44.

45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50.

51. 52.

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

does not exist in Sallust (Grévy-Pons, ‘Jean de Montreuil et Guillebert De Mets’, 579‒580 and Jean de Montreuil Opera, II, 136). Austrasia was the north-eastern part of the kingdom of the Merovingian Franks. It bordered on Thuringia to the east. Guillebert’s phrase ‘une partie de de Honguerie jusques aux parties de Tharse’ is changed from his source: Jean de Montreuil has ‘une partie de Hongrie jusques aux marches de Thiresche’ (Grevy-Pons, ‘Jean de Montreuil et Guillebert De Mets’, 581). Thiresche/Tharse has not been identified. Chlothar II, called Chlothar the Great, was a descendent of Clovis. His son Dagobert, founder of Saint-Denis, did indeed defeat King Samo of Slavonia in c. 630. Charles Martel defeated a Muslim army near Poitiers in 732 and was again victorious south of Narbonne in 737. His son Pepin the Short deposed the last successor of Dagobert and founded the Carolingian dynasty. Pepin was victorious over Aistulf king of Lombardy in 754. The legends of Roland and Oliver are placed in the reign of Pepin’s son Charlemagne. For the wars of Charlemagne see Einhard, trans. Lewis, 59‒72 and 180‒184. Desiderius (†c. 796), the successor of Aistulf, was defeated by Charlemagne in 774. He was the last king of the Lombards. The long-drawn-out war with the Saxons is described by Einhard, trans. Lewis, 61‒68. Duke Assegee is to be identified with Areghis (or Arechis) II of Benevento. See Einhard, trans. Lewis, 65. Tassilo III, duke of Bavaria (c. 741- c.796) was deposed in 788 and entered a monastery. Charlemagne is traditionally supposed to have exiled him with his son to the abbey of Jumièges in Normandy. Guillebert’s Laigny is an error for Nangis, as can be seen from the text of Jean de Montreuil that Guillebert is using (See N. Grévy Pons ‘Jean de Montreuil et Guillebert De Mets’, 584). Guillaume de Nangis was one of the monks of Saint-Denis, author and compiler of various national chronicles. The erroneous claim that a certain Guy conquered England on Charlemagne’s behalf is due to a confusion between Britain and Brittany in Guillaume’s chronicle for the year 799 in MS BN lat. 4917, fol. 172. Guy is Wido of Brittany. Einhard and the Grandes Chroniques de France correctly identify Brittany ( Jean de Montreuil Opera, II, 138). Guillebert makes an abrupt leap in time from Charlemagne (742‒814) to Philip Augustus (1165‒1223). In 1214 Philip Augustus defeated a coalition of forces led by Otto IV of Germany in the battle of Bouvines; Fernand of Flanders and Renaud of Boulogne were among the captives. Back in 1183 Philip Augustus had ordered a wall to be built around the hunting wood of Vincennes and in 1186

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

53.

54. 55.

56. 57.

58.

59.

60.

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he ordered a rampart to be constructed around Paris in preparation for his departure on crusade. This rampart was larger and far more important than any earlier walls. Saint John of Jerusalem is an error for King John of Jerusalem, copied from Jean de Montreuil. In 1215, English barons, headed by Geoffrey Fitz Geoffrey de Mandeville, asked Prince Louis (later Louis VIII) to rescue them from King John. Shortly before the battle of Bouvines, King John besieged the castle of La Roche-aux-Moines (Savennières, Département of Maine-et-Loire) but was forced to abandon it. Louis did indeed go to England, but the matter came to nothing because of John’s death in 1216. The references to Cicero and Sallust are erroneous. See Grévy-Pons, ‘Jean de Montreuil et Guillebert De Mets’, 579‒580 and Jean de Montreuil Opera, II,136. For Chapters 17 and 18, Guillebert returns to Raoul de Presles. See introductory note on Guillebert’s Sources. For the history of the legends used by Raoul and others at this period of the dove and the Holy Phial, the royal touch, the fleurs de lis and the Oriflamme, see M. Bloch, Les Rois thaumaturges, 224‒236. Guillebert writes Charles VI in error for Charles V. The legend of the dove and the Holy Phial, though widespread in medieval literature and art, is not recorded by Gregory of Tours in his account of the baptism of Clovis in 498. It is mentioned for the first time in 878 by Hincmar of Reims in his life of St Remigius, concerning the coronation of Charles the Bald in 840. For this legend and also the legends of the fleurs de lis and the Oriflamme, see M. Bloch, Les Rois thaumaturges, 224‒236. The belief in curing scrofula by the touch of a monarch was not in fact unique to the kings of France; it also existed in England. As late as 1712 Dr Johnson, as a small child, had his scrofula touched by Queen Anne. The last occurrence of the ritual in France was at the coronation of Charles X in 1825. Guillebert clearly writes Caudat in both his own text and in the copy he made of the text of Raoul de Presles. It may be a hostile allusion by Raoul to the enemy of the moment, the English, and the legend of the Anglicus Caudatus, the Englishman with a tail. The legendary pagan king is usually named Conflat, clearly derived from Conflans, now Conflans-SainteHonorine, itself named for the confluence of the Seine and the Oise, some 24 km north-west of Paris. ‘Trois…….’. Guillebert left this space blank. He also left it blank in the manuscript of Raoul that he had made for Gui Guibaut, the very manuscript that he uses to re-copy Raoul from. However, in another manuscript of Raoul

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63. 64. 65.

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(BNF MS 22912, cited by R. Bossuat in ‘Un poème latin sur l’origine des fleurs de lis’, ‘trois croissants’ appears and is certainly what Raoul meant. The Islamic symbol of the crescent was attributed anachronistically to early pagan enemies, though in the Songe du Vergier, contemporary with Raoul, the pre-Christian shield bears the curious symbol of three toads (see Bloch, Les Rois thaumaturges, 233). It is possible that Guillebert knew both traditions and remained undecided as to which to mention. The Premonstratensian abbey of Joyenval was founded c.1221 by Barthélemy de Roy in the valley of Mont de Joye or Montjoie (Département of Yvelines) where the little Romanesque church of Sainte-Clotilde-de-Chambourcy was believed to contain relics of St Clotilde, wife of Clovis. It was badly damaged by the forces of Edward III in 1346 during the Hundred Years War. The war cry ‘Montjoie!’ is mentioned several times in the Chanson de Roland (c.1100). The word does not derive from this location. It is a common compound in French place-names, probably derived from Frankish mund gawi (= protection [of ] land) and designated a pile of stones on a road, either a look-out point or an indication of direction. Tradition later associated the word montjoie with the hills from which pilgrims first saw the holy place of their destination, such as Jerusalem or Compostela. Famous montjoies were set up as stations on the burial route of St Louis to Saint-Denis. The earliest mention of the Oriflamme is in lines 3093‒5 of the Chanson de Roland (c.1100), where it is carried into battle by Geoffrey of Anjou. The earliest recorded historical use is by Louis VI in 1124 when embarking on a battle against the Emperor Henry V. It was lost in 1356 when Geoffroi de Charny was killed carrying it at the battle of Poitiers. Over the years the actual banner was evidently replaced as became necessary. It is not in fact mentioned in any battle in the reign of Charles V. In 1382, shortly after Raoul’s death, it was carried for the last time to a French victory at the battle of Roosebeke (see Froissart, Chronicles, trans. Brereton, p. 247). It was lost once more at the terrible defeat of Agincourt in 1415 and never again carried in battle. The fringes are presumably the fringed tails, which could range in number from three to eight. Guillebert repeats this description in Chapter 29. The corporal is the white linen cloth placed over the altar cloth but under the chalice. In the Middle Ages two corporals were used, the second to cover the mouth of the chalice. Guillebert erroneously repeats ‘flamme’ which does not make sense. The sentence in brackets does not appear in Raoul’s text. It was evidently composed by Guillebert who repeats it in Chapter 29.

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66. The twelve peers, or rather the twelve peerages, of France were not titles of nobility, but officers of the crown, supposedly representing the original electors of early Frankish rulers. They played a symbolic role in the coronation of kings. Here they are first listed in abbreviated Latin by hierarchy of title: the six dukes are those of Langres, Reims, Laon, Normandy, Aquitaine and Burgundy, followed by the six counts of Noyon, Chalons, Beauvais, Toulouse, Champagne and Flanders. The twelve peers are then arranged in French first by spiritual and then by temporal power: the archbishop of Reims, the bishop of Langres and the bishop of Laon (equivalent to dukes), then the bishop of Noyon, the bishop of Chalons and the bishop of Beauvais (equivalent to counts). 67. Although Guillebert dates this section 1407, he makes allusions to matters which he dates to 1418 and to 1422. To localize in today’s Paris all the places mentioned by Guillebert, it is helpful to have at hand the CNRS map of Paris in 1380 and an indexed copy of a plan of modern Paris to compare it with. Guillebert describes the three medieval divisions of Paris in this order: the Island of the Cité, the University (all the Left Bank, which Guillebert calls the High Part) and the Ville (all the Right Bank which Guillebert calls the Lower Part). Within these sections he generally deals first with churches, then with other prominent buildings, then with streets. 68. All Guillebert’s measurements of Notre-Dame are grossly inferior to the reality. Nevertheless, his purpose is evidently to impress on the reader the size of the cathedral, vastly more massive than any other place of worship in Paris. There are indeed forty free-standing columns in the nave and numerous engaged columns framing the side chapels. 69. The sculptures around the choir, including the Acts of the Apostles and the Old Testament Joseph, disappeared under Louis XIV. In fulfilment of a vow of thanksgiving made by his father, Louis had the choir remodelled in the taste of his time by Robert de Cotte in 1708‒1725. The cathedral was damaged during the Revolution and a programme of restoration to a Gothic appearance was started in 1845 under Lassus and Viollet-le-Duc. Some of the stained glass was destroyed in World War II and in 1991 the current programme of maintenance and restoration was begun. 70. Pierre du Coignet: the reference is to a grotesque head carved on one of the pillars of the choir. Originally called Pierre du Cugnet, perhaps alluding to the corner it was placed in, it was renamed in derision after the king’s lawyer, Pierre de Cugnières, who defended the royal authority in 1329 against the encroachments of ecclesiastical courts. Clerical interests were successfully defended against him by the bishop of Autun and by Pierre Roger, bishop of Arras, later archbishop of Sens, later still Pope Clement VI. Hostile images

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72.

73.

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of the defeated lawyer also figure in other churches of the diocese of Sens, notably in the cathedral (Sauval, Histoire, III, 224; Bloch, ‘Les vicissitudes d’une statue équestre’, 135). The colossal statue of St Christopher was erected in 1413 by Antoine des Essarts. According to E. Gourdon (Eglises de Paris, 10): ‘On voyait autrefois, à droite en entrant dans l’église, une statue colossale représentant saint Christophe. En face de cette statue on lisait ces mots, gravés sur une colonne que supportait un homme à genoux: “C’est la représentation de noble homme, Messire Antoine des Essarts Chevalier, jadis sieur de Thierre et de Glatigny au val de Galice, conseiller et chambellan du roy notre sire Charles VI de ce nom, lequel chevalier fit faire cette grande image et remembrance de monsieur St Christophe, en l’an 1413. Priez Dieu pour son âme.”’ Antoine des Essarts was the brother of the more famous Pierre des Essarts, the provost of Paris who was condemned to death on trumped-up charges during the Cabochien revolt and who was executed on 1 July 1413. The Bourgeois de Paris describes the event (Journal, 60‒61). Was the statue erected before or after 1 July? Was there any connection between the commissioning of the statue and the execution of Pierre? We do not know but in any case the statue stood there for centuries. Sauval (Histoire, I, 371) states that ‘La figure de St Christophe est le plus grand colosse du royaume. Il a environ vingt pieds de haut. L’attitude en est très-belle mais les jambes sont un peu trop roides & trop aigues.’ As late as 1773‒1777 Diderot, on p. 38 of his Paradoxe sur le Comédien, compared the literary stature of Shakespeare to the ‘saint Christophe de Notre-Dame’ though he described the statue itself as a ‘colosse informe, grossièrement sculpté.’ Gourdon simply records that it was twenty-eight feet high. It was, he says, ‘abattue en 1785’ but gives no reason for its destruction. The cathedral also contained relics of the Apostle Philip and of St Marcel, fifth-century bishop of Paris, and other relics, all destroyed at the Revolution. The number of steps to the bell towers, ‘as many as there are days in the year’, is simply intended to indicate a large number, as the phrase recurs twice again later in the text. All fifteen parish churches of the Cité were long established. Several were on sites that were in use from the early Christianization of France. All were disaffected and then demolished in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Many gave their names to the streets they stood in. Saint-Pierre-aux-Boeufs stood in the street of the same name on the site of what today is 19, rue d’Arcole, Paris 4e. Its date of origin is unknown, but it was mentioned by 1136.The name possibly associates it with a local cattle market as the heads of two cows were sculpted on the façade. It was

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75.

76.

77.

78.

79.

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demolished in 1837 to make way for the rue d’Arcole, but the doorway was saved and transported to the façade of the church of Saint-Séverin, Paris 5e, where it still exists. Saint-Pierre-des-Assis. Assis or Arcis is from low Latin arcisterium, meaning a monastery and its associated buildings. Founded in 926, it became a parish church in 1130 and was redeveloped many times over the centuries. It depended on the nearby monastery of Saint-Eloi. It stood on the north side of the rue de la Vieille Draperie on the site of the present rue de Lutèce and was demolished in 1797. Saint-Christophe was on the parvis of Notre-Dame. Originally the chapel of a hospital for the poor, the sick, foreigners and those passing through, it was dedicated to the patron saint of travellers. It was raised to parish status in the twelfth century. It was demolished in 1747 to extend the parvis in front of Notre-Dame. Sainte-Marie-Madeleine stood at the corner of the rue de la Vieille Draperie and the rue de la Juiverie. It was built in 1183 on the site of a synagogue transformed into a church, following the general orders of Philip Augustus, according to William the Breton. It was demolished in 1794. Sainte-Marine abutted the cloister of Notre-Dame: it was built in the early Middle Ages, became the parish church of the bishop’s staff, including the ecclesiastical courts. Close to Saint-Pierre-aux-Boeufs, it stood at what is now 15, rue d’Arcole, Paris 4e. It was demolished in 1866. Saint-Denis-de-la-Chartre. The ‘chartre’ or prison of the title may have originated in its location near the ancient prison of Glaucin. The church had a long prison association with the legend of St Denis, patron of France. According to legend the saint, on his way to being martyred at the foot of Montmartre, was imprisoned in the Ile in the crypt of this church. When he broke the consecrated host during Mass, Our Lord appeared to him and gave him communion Himself. The church, certainly associated with early devotion to St Denis, was located in the rue de la Lanterne, at the corner of what is now the rue de la Cité and the quai de Corse. It was demolished in 1810 to make way for the new Hôtel-Dieu. Saint-Barthélemy was in its time the most important church in the Cité after Notre-Dame. The parish church of the Palace, it faced the Grande Salle. It was repaired and extended many times. It was demolished in 1858 for the construction of the boulevard du Palace. The Tribunal de Commerce now occupies the site. Sainte-Geneviève-des-Ardents was formerly known as Saint-Geneviève-la Petite. The most famous miracle attributed to the patroness of Paris took place in 1129‒30. Many victims of an epidemic of the feu ardent (ergotism)

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84.

85. 86.

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were cured merely by touching her reliquary, which was brought down from the Abbey of Sainte-Geneviève to Notre-Dame for the purpose. The miracle was celebrated both in Notre-Dame and in this tiny church close by. It was demolished in 1747 to extend the Foundling Hospital but its site is commemorated on a flagstone on the parvis of Notre-Dame. Saint-Symphorien, a tiny church just across the narrow rue du Haut-Moulin from Saint-Denis-de-la-Chartre and like it founded on the site of the Glaucin prison. In the nineteenth century it was swallowed up in the successive developments of the Belle Jardiniere, which itself was forced in 1864 to move over to the Right Bank to make room for the new Hôtel-Dieu. Saint-Landry in the street of the same name. The church was in the angle of what is today the rue d’Arcole and the quai des Fleurs. Saint Landericus was a seventh-century bishop of Paris who built the first city hospital, the Hôtel-Dieu. He dedicated it to St Christopher, hence the numerous references to this saint in this area. The church was demolished in 1792. Saint-Germain-le-Vieux stood in the angle between the rue de la Calandre and the rue du Marché Palu. It existed already in the eleventh century when it was used as a refuge from Norman attacks by the monks of St Germaindes-Prés. It was the baptistery of Notre-Dame, superseding Saint-Jean-leRond. It was demolished after 1796. Sainte-Croix. A tiny building situated in a street of the same name in the angle between the rue de la Vieille Draperie and the rue de la Lanterne, on the site of what is now the rue de la Cité. It was mostly demolished in 1797. Saint-Jean-le-Rond was originally a circular baptistery separate from the church. Located on the north side of Notre-Dame, its façade was aligned with the west end of the cathedral and almost touched it. It was the parish church of the lay occupants of the cloister. When it was demolished in 1748 its functions were taken over by the church of Saint-Denis-du-Pas, another ancient church but not one mentioned by Guillebert. It was outside the east end of Notre-Dame, in what is now the square Jean XXIII and was demolished in its turn in 1813. Saint-Massias (or Martial, also Macial) in the rue de Fèves, parallel to the rue de la Juiverie, today rue de la Cité but on the Palace side. In 632 St Eloi or Eligius, minister of King Dagobert, founded a monastery in this area dedicated to St Martial. In the course of a twelfth-century reform, the monastery became a priory and its church was cut in half: the nave became the priory church of Saint-Eloi and the choir became the parish church of Saint-Martial which was demolished in 1722. Saint-Michel was on the Palace side of the rue de la Barillerie, near the Sainte-Chapelle. Philip Augustus was baptised there in 1165. In 1385 Charles

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89. 90. 91.

92.

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VI joined it to the Treasury of the Sainte-Chapelle. It was demolished in 1782 when the street was widened. Priory of Saint-Eloi. See above for Saint-Massias. It was demolished in 1863 during the construction of the boulevard du Palais. Its façade was re-erected on the church of Notre-Dame-des-Blancs-Manteaux, Paris 4e. For the Collège des Dix-Huit see the introductory note on the University of Paris. The Grand-Salle of the Palace was begun in the reign of Philip the Fair (1285‒1314) and completed after his death. It was an immense hall built of two naves on different heights. The pillars of the upper section were ornamented with statues of the kings of France, starting with the legendary Pharamond. The immense marble table was used for ceremonial occasions. Guillebert is our only source for the information that it was composed of nine pieces. The Grand-Salle burnt down in 1618 and the upper nave with all the statues was destroyed. The lower part, now known as the Salle d’Armes, survives in what is now called the Conciergerie. There is a concise illustrated account of the Palace in Monique Delon, La Conciergerie: Palais de la Cité. For Guillebert, the most noteworthy aspect of the Sainte-Chapelle is not the architecture or the stained glass, but the relics and the curiosities. Louis IX did indeed have the chapel built precisely as a shrine for the Crown of Thorns. The Crown now kept in Notre-Dame and venerated there on Good Friday may be the relic obtained by St Louis, though it is not officially authenticated by the Church. The foot of the supposed griffin was typical of the natural curiosities valued in the Middle Ages and later. The griffin (also spelt griffon and gryphon) was a fabulous beast with the head of an eagle and the body of a lion, which figures in many coats of arms and medieval bestiaries. According to Sauval, ‘Avant que le feu prît à la Sainte-Chapelle [presumably the fire of 1630], le pied de Griffon prétendu qui tenoit à la voûte, devait être un pied d’Elan ou de quelque autre monstre connu des Naturalistes’ (the foot of a supposed Griffin which hung from the roof, must have been the foot of an Eland or some other monster known to naturalists) (Histoire, III, 55). The origins of the Palace go back to the earliest occupation of the Ile. Until the middle of the fourteenth century it was the royal headquarters. However, after Charles V (reigned 1364‒1380) moved his main residence to the Saint-Paul area on the Right Bank, the Palace became progressively the headquarters of the legal system, a role it still retains. It still extends from the Grand Pont (site of the present Pont au Change) to the Pont Neuf

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98. 99. 100. 101.

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(also called Pont Saint-Michel). The ingeniously contrived nightingale is mentioned again in Chapter 30. The Hotel-Dieu was in fact founded by St Landry in 651, but was rebuilt by Maurice de Sully in the twelfth century and extensively enlarged by St Louis in the thirteenth. For centuries it was located immediately to the south of Notre-Dame as it was under the authority of the bishop. In 1877 it was moved to the other side of the parvis of Notre-Dame under Haussmann. Guillebert tacitly acknowledges that by 1434 Paris was no longer ‘in its flower.’ Paris had indeed flourished in the reign of Charles V and in the early years of Charles VI, but the madness of the young king, which afflicted him periodically from 1393, and his recurring ‘absences’ from public events created a power vacuum which sowed the seeds of the disastrous civil war. See the introductory note on The Streets and how to follow them. The dense network of streets in the Ile de la Cité did not wholly disappear until the urbanization works of Baron Haussmann. In the Middle Ages, the parvis in front of Notre-Dame was very small as was general for cathedrals. The parvis under Haussmann became a vast space to allow spectators to appreciate the monumental qualities of the cathedral. All the tiny streets around it mentioned by Guillebert disappeared. In his time, the normal route from the Left Bank to the Right zig-zagged through the Ile from the Petit Pont in the south to the Grant Pont on the north side. The most important street in it was what is now the rue de la Cité, which cuts through from north to south. In Guillebert’s time the northern part of it was called the rue de la Lanterne, then the rue de la Juerie (or Juiverie), and the southern part the rue du Marché Palu. Many of the streets here were naturally called after the churches in them, all listed above, which have all disappeared. Three ports gave their names to streets, recalling the importance of the river traffic on the Seine. Crossing the Petit Pont (now the location of the Pont au Double) and leaving the Hôtel-Dieu (the hospital) on your right, the street just past it leading to the cathedral was the rue Neuve Notre Dame. It was far from ‘new’ in Guillebert’s time as it already has this name in the 1292 Tax Roll. The tiny rue des Coulons (that is, of the pigeons) was parallel to the rue Neuve Notre Dame. The rue Saint Christophe in question here is probably the lane by the church of that name. The ruelle du Parvis was the lane leading to the Parvis, the open space in front of Notre-Dame. In the Middle Ages it was very considerably smaller than now. The port l’Evêque was the Bishop’s port and evidence of his importance.

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102. The grand-rue Saint Christophe led to the Parvis. 103. The rue Saint Pierre aux Bœufs was called after the church of the same name, listed above. 104. The rue Sainte Marine was called after the church of the same name, listed above. 105. The rue de la Cocatris was not called after the beast of bestiaries and heraldic symbols, but after a family who owned property here. Cocatrix, by extension a dragon, is a pageant surname, attributed to one who carried a symbolic dragon. 106. The rue de la Confrérie was called after the ‘Grande Confrérie Notre Dame aux prêtres et aux bourgeois’ which met in the church of Sainte- MarieMadeleine, mentioned above. See C. Vincent, Les Confréries médiévales, 199‒200, who lists nineteen such confraternities in Paris. The Bourgeois de Paris has numerous references to them, often with political implications. 107. The rue Champ Roussy is an error partially copied from the London Dit, which has Chaux Roussy. The name does not appear in the 1292 Tax Roll. It is called la rue en Charouï in Guillot. 108. The rue de la Pomme (also called rue des Trois Canettes) took its name from a house sign of an apple. 109. The rue de la Licorne took its name from a house sign of a unicorn which hung here in 1397 according to Sauval (Histoire, I, 146).  110. The rue du Marché Palu was literally the street of the marshy market. 111. The rue de la Juerie (or Juiverie) was an ancient Jewish quarter where the synagogue was replaced in the twelfth century by the church of SainteMarie- Madeleine, listed above. 112. The rue de la Petite Orberie. This was a smaller market for herbs and green vegetables. The Grande Orberie is listed further on. 113. The rue des Fèvres, which appears to refer to fabri or smiths, but is correctly called rue des Fèves or Bean Street in Guillot and the London Dit. 114. The rue de la Galandre (or Calandre) was the street where large cloths were smoothed on rollers or calenders. Sauval notes that towards the middle of this street hung a damaged sign on which this great machine was painted (Histoire, I, 121.) 115. The rue de la Ganterie was already the glovers’ street in the Tax Roll of 1292. 116. The rue de la Grant Orberie, the street of the large vegetable market.  117. The rue de la Barillerie, already so called in the 1292 Tax Roll, the street where barrels were made. 118. The rue de la Vieille Draperie was part of the old Jewish quarter. It is called simply the Draperie in Guillot and the 1292 Tax Roll.

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119. The rue de la Saveterie was where old shoes were sold. It was also known as the rue Saint Eloi. 120. The rue de Sainte Croix was by the church of that name. 121. The rue Saint Lorens; Guillebert copies this error from the London Dit but Guillot gives the correct name: rue Gervais Laurent. 122. The rue de la Lanterne was named from a house sign of a lantern. 123. The rue des Marmousets, called after a house with grotesque figures on it. 124. The rue de la Colombe was so called from a house sign of a dove. It is the only medieval street name still surviving in the Cité. 125. The rue du port Saint Landry near the church of that name. 126. The rue de la Cage is not known elsewhere by that name, but it may correspond to the rue du Chevet Saint Landry. 127. The rue de l’Image may be same as the rue de l’Image Sainte Kateline in the 1292 Tax Roll or may be another name for the rue Saint Landry. 128. The rue de Glatigny, near the Cloister of Notre-Dame, already noted for prostitution in Guillot. 129. The rue Saint Denis de la Chartre ran by the church of that name, listed above. 130. The rue de la Pelleterie, the street of the furriers. Four pelletiers are mentioned here in the 1292 Tax Roll (Gérard, Paris sous Philippe le Bel, 139) but bed-frames were being made there in Guillebert’s time. 131. ‘The high part of the city where the schools are’ is the Left Bank where the university was. See the introductory note on the University of Paris. Guillebert rarely uses the word ‘université’, though in the Middle Ages the entire south side of the city was known as the ‘Université’ as that was where the university meetings were held and the colleges were located. 132. The parish church of Saints Pierre et Paul was a very early foundation where St Geneviève herself worshipped and it soon also acquired her name. It became the abbey church of Sainte-Geneviève which over the centuries fell into disrepair. It was demolished in 1808, the only surviving element being the tower now called the Tour Clovis in the rue Clovis, Paris 5e. Louis XV had a massive new church built to replace it, but it was completed in 1790 when the Assemblée constituante nationale ordered it to be turned into a secular mausoleum. Today it is the Panthéon. The only trace of its original purpose is in the frescoes of Puvis de Chavannes which portray St Geneviève in post-medieval fashion as a shepherdess. 133. The parish church of Saint-Etienne, more fully Saint-Etienne-du-Mont, was built after 1222 to accommodate the overflow from Sainte-Geneviève. It was enlarged in 1328. The church we see now is the one rebuilt in 1492.

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134. The church of Saint-Séverin is in the rue Saint-Séverin, Paris 5e. There was a Romanesque church here in the eleventh century. It was rebuilt in Gothic style in 1347 on a larger scale. It was rebuilt again in late Gothic style in 1489 after Guillebert’s time. 135. The chapel of Saint-Côme-Saint-Damien was dedicated to the martyr twins Cosmas and Damian, patron saints of surgeons. It was built in the thirteenth century and belonged to the Franciscans. It stood in the angle of what is now the rue Racine and the rue de l’Ecole-de-Médecine, Paris 6e. It was ceded to the university in 1345 and became the headquarters of the confraternity of surgeons. It was suppressed in 1790 and demolished in 1836. 136. The church of Saint-Nicolas-du-Chardonnet (or Chardonneret) was built in the thirteenth century and rebuilt in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It stands at 23 rue des Bernardins, Paris 5e. 137. The church of Saint-Hilaire was an oratory in the twelfth century, raised to parish status c. 1200. It was suppressed in 1790 and is now replaced by 2, rue Valette, Paris 5e. 138. Saint-Benoît-le-Bétourné was on the rue Saint-Jacques, at what is now the back of the Sorbonne. Originally dedicated to the ‘benoît Sire Dieu’ (the blessed Lord God), the name became ‘saint Benoît’ (St Benedict). The church was erroneously oriented towards the west instead of east toward the Holy Land and became known as Saint-Benoît-le-Bétourné (the misturned). It was renamed again in the fifteenth century: the London Dit calls the associated street the rue du Cloître-Saint-Benoît-le-Bien-Tourné. Guillaume de Villon, guardian of François the future poet, was a chaplain there. The church was demolished in 1854 to make way for the new building of the Sorbonne. 139. For the Abbey of Sainte-Geneviève, see the introductory note on the University of Paris. 140. In the early thirteenth century, the Cistercians founded a Paris college for their order, called after St Bernard of Clairvaux. Stephen of Lexington developed a large site between the rue Saint-Victor and the river which was completed c. 1253. Alphonse of France, brother of St Louis, was an important patron, funding maintenance for several students. The church seen by Guillebert was begun in 1338. The College was confiscated in 1790 and razed in the 1870s to make way for the development of the boulevard Saint-Germain. The restored remains of the College and church of the Bernardines now house the Académie catholique de France at 18‒24 rue de Poissy, Paris 5e. 141. The conservator privilegii was in charge of any papal privileges which had been granted.

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142. Mathurins was the name given in northern France to the order of the Trinitarians as they had their headquarters in the Convent of the Mathurins on the rue Saint-Jacques in the centre of the university area. As Guillebert notes, the rector did indeed hold assemblies there and it was the location of university meetings. All that remains of the church of the Mathurins now is half an arcade at 7 rue de Cluny, Paris 5e. Guillebert has a further mention of the Mathurins in Chapter 27. 143. For the Paris colleges, see the introductory note on the University of Paris. The location of the colleges is shown in the CNRS plan of 1380 Paris; the modern equivalents are indicated below in brackets. Most were in what is now Paris 5e, but some in Paris 6e. Many were later incorporated into what is now the Lycée Louis-le-Grand. 144. The Collège du Cardinal-Lemoine (located on a large site between the rues Saint-Victor and Cardinal-Lemoine, Paris 5e, near the church of SaintNicolas-du-Chardonnet) was founded in the early fourteenth century by the papal legate, Cardinal Jean Lemoine (1250‒1313), for poor masters and scholars studying in Paris in the Maison du Chardonnet. 145. The Collège des Bons-Enfants-Saint-Victor (at the corner of the rue SaintVictor and the rue des Ecoles, near the medieval Porte Saint-Victor) was founded in the thirteenth century as a home for poor boys who presumably, like their counterparts on the Right Bank, begged for their bread. 146. The Collège de Dormans-Beauvais near the Clos Bruneau in what is now the rue Jean de Beauvais was founded in 1370 by Jean de Dormans, bishop of Beauvais, for poor scholars from the dioceses of Reims and Soissons. 147. The Collège de Reims (in the rue de Reims, now the rue de Valette) was founded by Guy de Roye, archbishop of Reims (1340‒1409). It was replaced in 1460 by the Collège Sainte-Barbe, now the Bibliothèque Sainte-Barbe. 148. The Collège Saint-Jean is an erroneous repetition: the Collège de DormansBeauvais was also known by this name. Guillebert is however correct in saying that it was where canon lawyers assembled. 149. The Collège de Sorbonne (in what is now the rue de Sorbonne) was founded by Robert de Sorbon in 1257 for poor masters and scholars in theology. It was greatly enlarged by Richelieu in the seventeenth century. See A. Tuilier, Histoire de l’Université de Paris et de la Sorbonne. 150. The Collège de Navarre (located at the junction of the rues de la MontagneSainte-Geneviève and Descartes) was founded in 1305 by Jeanne de Navarre, queen of Philip the Fair, to teach grammar, arts and theology. It was the richest and most prestigious college in medieval Paris. Among the many famous men who attended it were Jean Gerson, Jean de Montrueil and

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151. 152.

153.

154. 155.

156.

157.

158. 159.

160.

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Pierre d’Ailly. In 1456 it was robbed by François Villon and his associates. It was finally demolished 1811‒1836 and replaced by the Ecole Polytechnique. The Collège des Cholets (at 4 rue Cujas) was founded in 1295 from the estate of Cardinal Jean Cholet for sixteen theology students from Beauvais and Amiens. No Collège de Thérouanne is known to exist: Guillebert probably meant the Collège de Tournai, founded for poor students from the bishopric of Thérouanne; it adjoined the Collège de Boncourt, itself mentioned here just after the Collège de l’Ave Maria. The tiny Collège de l’Ave-Maria (at 47 rue de la Montagne-SainteGeneviève) was founded in 1339 by Jean de Hubant, president of the Chambre des Enquêtes, for six students from Hubant in the province of the Nivernais. The statutes of the college, illustrated with sketches of student occupations and obligations, still survive. See A. Gabriel, Student Life in Ave Maria College. The Collège de Tournai and the Collège de Boncourt (a corruption of the founder’s name, Pierre de Bécoud) were both founded in 1353 and both later incorporated into the Collège de Navarre. The Collège de Laon was founded in 1314 jointly with the Collège de Presles by Guy de Laon and Raoul de Presles (father of the translator of the City of God) for students from their respective places of origin, but the colleges separated in 1324. The Collège de Laon was in the Clos Bruneau and the Collège de Presles in the rue des Carmes. The Collège de Cluny, not to be confused with the Hôtel de Cluny, occupied the block between the place de la Sorbonne, the rue Cujas, the rue Cousin and the boulevard Saint-Michel; it was founded in 1261 by Yves de Cluny, abbot of the famous Benedictine abbey, for members of his order. The Collège d’Harcourt was founded in 1280 by Raoul d’Harcourt, canon of Paris and counsellor of Philip the Fair, for poor students from Normandy studying arts and theology. It stood on the site of the present Lycée SaintLouis at 44 boulevard Saint-Michel. The Collège des Trésoriers between the rue de la Harpe and the rue SaintSéverin was founded in 1268 by Guillaume de Saône for students in arts and theology from the Pays de Caux area of Normandy. The Collège de Narbonne (located near the junction of the rue de la Harpe and the boulevard Saint-Michel) was founded in 1317 by Bernard de Farges, archbishop of Narbonne, for nine students from his diocese. Pierre Roger (1291‒1352), later Pope Clement VI, studied there. The Collège de Dainville (located between the rue Pierre Sarrazin and the rue de l’Ecole-de-Médecine) was founded by the Dainville family and the

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161. 162. 163.

164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173. 174.

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bishop of Paris in 1380 for twelve students from the dioceses of Noyon and Arras. The Collège des Prémontrés (located between the rue Pierre Sarrazin and the rue Hautefeuille) was founded by the Premonstratensians in the midthirteenth century for students of their order. The Collège de Bourgogne was founded in 1329 by the executors of Jeanne de Bourgogne, queen of Philip the Tall, for twenty poor students from Burgundy. It stood on the site of what is now the Ecole de Médecine. The Collège d’Autun (situated at the corner of the rue Saint-André-desArts and the rue de l’Hirondelle) was founded for fifteen scholars by Pierre Bertrand, bishop of Autun, in 1337; he was the declared enemy of the royal lawyer Pierre de Cugnieres, who was commemorated in a grotesque carving in Notre-Dame. See note 70 for Pierre du Coignet. The Collège de Saint-Gervais is an error by Guillebert for the Collège du Maître-Gervais, which he lists further on. The Collège de Tours in the rue Serpente was founded by Etienne de Bourgueil archbishop of Tours in 1334 for poor students from his diocese. The Collège de Saint-Etienne appears to be an erroneous reference to a collegiate church of that name. The Collège de Saint-Benoît also appears to be an erroneous reference to a collegiate church of that name. The Collège de Danemark on the rue de la Montagne-Sainte-Geneviève was founded in the twelfth century but moved in 1430 to the rue Galande. The Collège de Presles was a joint foundation with the Collège de Laon as noted above. The Collège de Cambrai in the rue des Carmes was founded in 1348 by Guillaume d’Auxonne, bishop of Cambrai. The Collège de Dainville has already been mentioned above. See note 160. The Collège de Justice, located between the rue de l’Ecole de Médecine and the boulevard Saint-Michel, was founded in 1354 by Jean de Justice, canon of Paris, for eight students from Bayeux and four from Rouen. The Collège d’Arras in the rue Saint-Victor was founded before 1332 by Nicolas le Canderlier abbot of Saint-Vaast of Arras for poor students from the diocese of Arras. The College de Bayeux, founded in 1309 by Guillaume Bonet, bishop of Bayeux, for poor scholars from Le Mans and Angers, not to be confused with the Collège de Maître-Gervais, also sometimes known as the Collège de Bayeux.

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175. The Collège de Mignon, at the corner of rues Mignon and Serpente, was founded in 1343 by Jean Mignon, archdeacon of Blois, and Maître des Comptes in Paris, for twelve students from among his relations. 176. The Collège de Lisieux on the rue Soufflot near the place du Panthéon, was founded in 1336 by Guy de Harcourt, bishop of Lisieux; he bequeathed a total of 1,100 livres parisis for the education, board and lodging of twentyfour poor Arts students. 177. The Collège du Maître-Gervais at the intersection of the rue de Boutebrie and the boulevard Saint-Germain was founded in 1370 by Maître Gervais Chrétien, canon of Tours, for poor students from his home diocese of Bayeux; according to Christine de Pizan, he was the physician of Charles V. 178. The Collège de Boncourt was already listed earlier. See note 154. 179. The Collège de Marmoutier on the rue Saint-Jacques at the level of the Lycée Louis-le-Grand, was founded in 1329 by Geoffroy du Plessis, a secretary of Charles V, along with the adjoining Collège du Plessis; the Collège de Marmoutier was intended for students from the Benedictine abbey of Marmoutier (Indre-et-Loire). 180. The great Abbey of Sainte-Geneviève on the site of the present Panthéon was not indeed a college, but had played an important part in the life of the university since the time of Abelard. 181. The Collège de Saint-Denis was located on a site between the rue Dauphine and the quai Saint-Augustin. It was founded in the thirteenth century by Matthieu de Vendôme, abbot of Saint-Denis, for students from his abbey. 182. Although the colleges were numerous, they accounted for comparatively few students. In Chapter 30 Guillaume mentions the ‘escoliers […] sans nombre’. The vast majority of students lived in private accommodation. 183. See note to Chapter 27 on shooting practice. 184. For the treatment of streets, see the introductory note on The Streets. Guillebert follows a roughly clockwise route. Most of the streets named below were in what is now Paris 5e, though some are in Paris 6e. Where applicable, names are given their modern spelling in these notes 185. The rue de la Huchette is still so called. Sauval says that it was called the rue de Laas (after a vineyard) as late as 1227, and that its later name was taken from a house sign. It was long famous in his time as the street of the rôtisseurs (Histoire, I, 142‒143). 186. The rue Sacalie is now rue Xavier Privas. 187. The rue de l’Arondelle or de l’Hirondelle is still so called. It probably took its name from a house sign of a swallow. Sauval (Histoire, I, 141) cites a Sorbonne cartulary dating the street name to 1222.

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188. The rue Pavée joined the rue Saint-André-des-Arts to the quai des Augustins. It is now called rue Séguier. Sauval says that in 1434 it was also called the rue Pavée d’Andouilles (Histoire, I, 111). It was possibly so called because it was paved not with sausages but with the irregular cobbles known as andouilles; cf. the rue Pavée d’Andouilles in the commune of Saint-Gengouxle-National in the Département of Saône-et-Loire. 189. The rue de l’Abbé Saint-Denis, now the rue des Grands-Augustins, was called after Abbot Matthieu de Vendôme, founder of the Collège de SaintDenis, noted above. 190. The rue Saint Germain led towards the church of Saint-Germain-des-Prés. It is now part of the rue Saint-André-des-Arts. 191. The rue Saint-André-des-Arts, which still exists, was called after the church of Saint-André, built in 1179 and demolished 1807. 192. The rue Pompée is an error for the rue Poupée, given thus in the 1292 Tax Roll, in Guillot and in the London Dit. It formerly linked the rue Hautefeuille to the rue de la Harpe. It disappeared in 1862 when the rue Saint-Séverin was extended westward. 193. The rue de la Barre now forms the west part of the rue Hautefeuille. It was called after Jean de la Barre, a medieval lawyer. It was also called rue du Chevet-Saint-André from its location. 194. The rue des Poitevins still exists in part under this name, Paris 6e. It links the rue Danton to the rue de Hautefeuille. 195. The rue Serpente still exists, though no longer serpentine. Sauval mentions an Hôtel de la Serpente (Histoire, I, 162). It may at some stage have had a sign of a mermaid. 196. The rue de la Plâtrière is a reminder that the ‘plaster of Paris’, quarried in Montmartre, was an important building material. This street was the continuation westwards of the rue Serpente. 197. The rue Hautefeuille still exists in part under this name. 198. The rue Champ-Petit was in part on the site of the rue Mignon. 199. The rue du Paon was called after a house sign of a peacock. It led from the rue de l’Ecole-de-Médecine to the rue du Jardinet and was suppressed by the development of the boulevard Saint-Germain. 200. The rue des Cordelles was where the Cordeliers or Franciscans had their monastery. It is now rue de l’Ecole-de-Médecine, Paris 6e. 201. The rue d’Harcourt was called after Raoul d’Harcourt, founder of the college of that name, noted above. It was also called the rue Saint Cosme. 202. The rue Pierre-Gasselin is Guillebert’s own error for the rue Pierre-Sarrasin. He is confusing it with a rue Perrin-Gasselin on the Right Bank, which he

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had already copied from Raoul de Presles. Pierre Sarrasin owned houses here in the thirteenth century. 203. The rue de la Harpe, called after a house sign of a harp, was much longer than it is now: it continued south along the direction of what became the boulevard Saint-Michel. 204. The grand rue Saint-Severin by the church of that name was in fact very small. 205. The carrefour Saint-Jacques was the intersection between the rues Galande, Saint-Severin and Saint-Julien-le-Pauvre. 206. The rue des Notaires et Ecrivains is called simply rue des Ecrivains in the 1292 Tax Roll, in Guillot and in the London Dit. Guillebert is alone in mentioning the notaries, but as a professional scribe he must have been aware of their activities in this area. The street is now called the rue de la Parcheminerie. What Guillebert calls the rue des Parcheminiers probably formed part of it. 207. The ruelette Saint-Severin passed in front of the church of that name. 208. The rue Bourc de Brie was a distortion of the original name ‘rue d’Erembourg de Brie’, so called from a ‘bourgeoise de Paris’ (Sauval, Histoire, I, 115). 209. For the rue des Parcheminiers see the note on the rue des Notaires et Ecrivains above. 210. The rue du Foin was absorbed by the construction the boulevard SaintGermain. Another rue du Foin is mentioned on the Right Bank. As horses were the main means of transport, vendors of food for them were essential. 211. The rue Saint-Mathurin was the name given to a section of the rue Saint-Jacques. 212. The rue du Cloître Saint Benoît, the cloister of Saint Benoît le Bétourné, was behind the church. 213. The rue de Sorbonne still remains. 214. The rue de Cluny was part of what is now the rue Victor-Cousin. 215. The rue de Thorel is Guillebert’s own error for what Guillot calls the rue au Corbel, possibly a street with a house sign of a crow. It would have been near the rue de Cluny and the rue des Poirées (see below). 216. The rue de Porel is a general error for the rue des Poirées, meaning leeks or in general vegetables suitable for stewing together in what was called pottage. It is now the rue Toullier. 217. The rue des Cordiers or Hemp-weavers was on the south side of what are now the buildings of the Sorbonne. 218. The rue des Jacobins was called after the Dominicans who were known as Jacobins as they had a chapel here dedicated to St James. It is now the western part of the rue Cujas.

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219. The rue Saint-Etienne-des-Grecs is an error for rue Saint-Etienne-des Grez. The street was called after the church of that name which stood at the south side of the junction of the rue Saint-Jacques and the rue Cujas, Paris 5e, and was demolished in 1792. Guillebert copied this error from Raoul de Presles who, as we saw in Chapter 11, believed that the name should mean St Stephen of the Greeks rather than of the Steps although the Latin name was S. Stephanus de gradibus or de gressibus. This is the southernmost street Guillebert mentions. It is now the east end of the rue Cujas. 220. The rue de Loteraine is Guillebert’s error for what Guillot and the London Dit call the rue de l’Oseraie. It ran from the rue Saint-Jacques between the Collège du Plessis and the Collège de Cambrai. There must once have been a willow bed here. 221. The rue de l’Hôpital ran alongside the Commanderie de l’Hospital SaintJean-de-Jerusalem, the property already owned by the Knights Hospitaller before they acquired the Temple following the dissolution of the Templars. It covered part of the rue des Ecoles between the rue Saint-Jacques and the rue Jean de Beauvais. 222. The rue de la Charterie, now the impasse Chartière, was called after Emmeline la Charretiere who gave two houses to the Collège des Bons Enfants d’Arras in 1234. 223. The rue Saint-Symphorien was called after a tiny church close to the rue Saint-Etienne-des-Grez. 224. The rue de Maine, copied from the London Dit, has not been identified. Guillot calls it the rue du Moine. It was probably the rue de Reims, which joined the rue du duc de Bourgogne. 225. The rue du duc de Bourgogne was called after a mansion belonging to a duke of Burgundy. 226. The rue des Lavendiers is an error copied from the London Dit for the street called the rue des Alemandiers in the 1292 Tax Roll and the rue des Amandiers by Guillot. It is now the rue Laplace. 227. The rue de Savoie, also called the rue des Sept Voies, is now the rue de Valette. 228. The rue Saint-Hilaire ran by the church of that name. It is now the rue Lanneau. 229. The rue de Judas was off the rue de la Montagne-Sainte-Geneviève. It was probably a hostile reference to Jews living there. It is now called the passage du Clos-Bruneau. 230. The rue du Petit-Four is now the rue du Four, Paris 6e. It took its name from the four banal or communal oven of the Abbey of Saint-Germain.

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231. Le carrefour Saint-Hilaire was at the west end of the street of this name where it intersected with the Clos Bruneau. 232. The Clos Brunel, later the rue du Clos-Bruneau. It was, as Guillebert says, where the schools of canon law were. It is now the rue Jean de Beauvais. 233. The rue du Roseau has not been identified. The London Dit has Roseaux. 234. The rue de Englois, now the rue des Anglais, was called after the English nation at the university or possibly where Englishmen lived during the occupation of Paris. The reference to the good knife-makers is unique to Guillebert. 235. The rue des Lavendières was a tiny street parallel to the rue des Anglais. It was absorbed by the place Maubert and the boulevard Saint-Germain. 236. The rue a Tournant has not been identified. 237. The Grant Rue Sainte Geneviève, now the rue de la Montagne-SainteGeneviève, was an important street leading up to the great abbey. It existed already in the twelfth century. 238. The ruelette Saint-Marcel is probably the street now called the rue SaintEtienne-du-Mont. It was also called the rue du Moustier. 239. The rue Clopin has been absorbed by the Ecole Polytechnique. 240. The rue Traversaine ran along the west side of the Collège de Navarre. 241. The rue des Mains is Guillebert’s error for what Guillot and the 1292 Tax Roll both call the rue des Murs. It ran at right angles to the rue Traversaine just inside the city walls. 242. The rue Saint-Victor was called after the celebrated abbey; the name dates back to the twelfth century. Part of the street still exists under this name and part has been absorbed by the rue Monge. 243. The rue de Versailles is Guillebert’s own error for rue de Verseilles, the name of an old Paris family. It linked the rue Traversaine to the rue Saint-Victor. 244. The rue du Bon Puits was called after a public well. It ran between the rue de Verseilles and the rue Alexandre. 245. The rue Alexandre, more fully Alexandre l’Anglais, was also called the rue du Paon after a house sign of a peacock. It ran parallel to the rue de Verseilles on the north side. 246. The rue Saint-Nicolas was called after the church of Saint-Nicolas-duChardonnet. It has been absorbed by the rue Monge. 247. The rue de Bièvre still exists. It was called after a small canal leading from the river Bièvre into the Seine. 248. The rue Perdue is now called rue du Maître-Albert, after Albert the Great. 249. The place Maubert, which still exists, was called either after Aubert, the second abbot of Sainte-Geneviève or after Albert the Great.

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250. The rue aux Deux Portes, already so called in the 1292 Tax Roll. It may have had a gate at either end for protection. Guillot, however, calls it the rue aux Trois Portes, which is its present name. 251. The rue de la Colandre is an error influenced by the form Calandre in the London Dit. It is the rue Galande, which still exists and which was called after Etienne de Garlande († 1150) who owned a clos or vineyard on which the preceding street and the two following were constructed. 252. The rue des Rats, called after a highly unusual house sign. It is now the rue de l’Hôtel-Colbert. 253. The rue du Fouarre is the famous Straw Street where the Arts students studied, sitting on straw. See the introductory note on the University of Paris. Only a tiny fragment survives. 254. The rue Saint-Julien, more fully the Saint-Julien-le-Pauvre, has kept its name. 255. The rue de la Boucherie is Guillebert’s own error for the rue de la Bûcherie. It was not a butchery, but the street leading to the port where logs (bûches) were unloaded. 256. The rue de la Poissonnerie was a fishery lane which ran down to the Seine. Guillebert then takes us over to the Right Bank. 257. The church of Saint-Jacques-de-la-Boucherie had been begun in the fourteenth century, replacing at least one older church. It was the parish church of the prosperous butchers of the area. The tower was not begun until 1508, and it is the only part of the church which still survives. It has recently been restored. 258. The church of Saint-Eustache mentioned by Guillebert was replaced by the present building in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 259. The church of Saint-Germain-d’Auxerre is now called Saint-Germainl’Auxerrois. An ancient church rebuilt many times over the centuries, it was the royal parish church when the French kings lived in the Louvre. 260. The church of the Saints-Innocents was built in the twelfth century and demolished in 1786. See notes 301 and 302 below for the famous cemetery. 261. The church of Saint-Merri we see today is a sixteenth-century rebuilding of the church mentioned by Guillebert. It was dedicated to Medericus, a ninth-century saint. 262. The church of Saint-Sauveur stood at the corner of the rue Saint-Sauveur, still so called, and the rue Saint-Denis. It was demolished at the Revolution. 263. The church of Saint-Honoré stood where the rue des Bons-Enfants joins the rue Saint-Honoré. It was demolished in 1790. The mention of Notre Dame des Vertus is a reference to a miracle which took place in Aubervilliers in 1336. When prayers were offered for rain during a drought, a statue of the

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Virgin wept and rain began to fall. The church known as Notre-Dame-desVertus was built there and became a place of pilgrimage. The confraternity of Notre Dame des Vertus was founded in the church of Saint-Honoré in Paris (Sauval, Histoire, III, 441). 264. The church of Saint-Paul mentioned by Guillebert was not the seventeenthcentury church of Saint-Paul-Saint-Louis which today faces on to the rue Saint-Antoine. The medieval church of Saint Paul, located between the rue Saint-Antoine and the rue Saint-Paul, became the royal parish church as it benefited from Charles V’s development of the Hotel Saint-Paul. The church was destroyed during and shortly after the Revolution. 265. The church of Saint-Gervais, or Saint-Gervais-Saint-Protais as it is now called, is a very ancient foundation, but it is evident from its seventeenthcentury façade that it is not the church that Guillebert would have seen. It was already being rebuilt in the late fifteenth century and shows styles of numerous periods since then. 266. The church of Saint-Jean, more completely Saint-Jean-en-Grève, was originally the external baptistery of Saint-Gervais, but was raised to the status of parish church in the thirteenth century. Jean Gerson, noted by Guillebert in Chapter 30, was a parish priest there. Demolished in 1791, the church stood on the site now occupied by the Hôtel de Ville. 267. The church of Saint-Nicolas-des-Champs is on the rue Saint-Martin. It was originally a chapel beside Saint-Martin-des-Champs, built to serve the religious needs of local people outside the abbey. It was already of parish church status in the twelfth century and has been rebuilt many times. 268. The tiny church of Saint-Josse was on the north-west angle between the rue Quincampoix and the rue Aubry-le-Boucher. It was demolished in 1791. 269. The church of Saint-Gilles, more fully Saint-Leu-et-Saint-Gilles, is dedicated to the saints Lupus and Aegidius. It faces on to the rue Saint-Denis and though its origins go back to the thirteenth century it was not made a parish church until 1617. It has undergone numerous changes over the centuries. 270. The church of Saint-Julien, more fully Saint-Julien-des-Ménétriers was on the west side of the rue Saint-Martin, near the intersection with what is now the rue Rambuteau. It originated in a chapel founded by minstrels in the fourteenth century which had an associated hostel for musicians passing through Paris. It was demolished at the Revolution. See also note 396 below for the rue des Menestrels. 271. The Abbey of Saint-Magloire was moved from the Ile. See note 31 to SaintBarthélemy in the Cité, Chapter 8. 272. The Priory of Saint-Martin, more fully Saint-Martin-des-Champs, stands in the street to which it has given its name: the rue Saint-Martin is on the site

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273.

274.

275.

276.

277.

278.

279. 280.

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of the Roman cardo. There was a very ancient basilica here which after many vicissitudes was incorporated into the powerful abbey of Cluny in 1079. It was dedicated to Saint Martin at a time when it really was ‘in the fields’. It was suppressed in 1790 and now houses the Musée des Arts et Métiers. The priory of the Trinity, more exactly the Hôpital de la Trinité, was founded in the early thirteenth century as a temporary hostel for pilgrims. It stood on the rue Saint-Denis where what is now the Passage de la Trinité gave access to it. A chapel was included on its extensive site. The priory of the Temple stood on the site of what is now the Mairie of the 3e arrondissement. The Temple itself, or rather the ‘enclos du Temple’ covered a substantial area, given to the Knights Templar c. 1170. After the dramatic dissolution of the Templars in 1312, the property was given to the Knights Hospitaller. During the Revolution the Temple became the prison of the royal family and in 1808 Napoleon ordered it to be destroyed in order to prevent it from becoming a focus of royalist pilgrimage. The hospital of the Quinze-Vingts still exists but it was moved in 1779 to its present location on the rue de Charenton, Paris 12e. It was founded in 1260 by St Louis as a home for 300 (Fifteen Score) blind men and contained a church dedicated to St Remi. It stood on the rue de Saint-Honoré (Berty, Topographie, I, 61‒70). The convent of the Béguines covered the site now enclosed by the rue du Fauconnier, the rue Charlemagne, the rue Saint-Paul and the rue de l’Ave Maria. It was founded by St Louis for women, mainly widows, who lived a religious life but did not take vows. It was suppressed in 1790. The Collège des Bons-Enfants-Saint-Honoré was a home founded in 1208 for thirteen poor scholars who were required to beg for their bread like Mendicants. It contained a chapel dedicated to St Clare and stood close to what is still the rue des Bons-Enfants. It was suppressed in 1790. The chapel of the Haudry nuns or Haudriettes was on the rue des Haudriettes. In the early fourteenth century the wife of Etienne Haudry, believing him dead, formed a group of pious widows. When Etienne returned safely from pilgrimage, he founded what became known as the Hospice des Haudriettes. The tiny church of Saint-Bon, dedicated to the seventh-century St Bonitus, stood at what is now 12, rue Saint-Bon. The church of Sainte-Avoye was close to the intersection of what is now the rue du Temple and the rue Rambuteau. The nearby passage Sainte-Avoye preserves the name.

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281. The chapel of Saint-Eloi was in the rue des Orfèvres. St Eloi (St Eligius) was the patron saint of goldsmiths and the chapel was also known as the chapelle des Orfèvres. 282. The church of the Filles-Dieu was the chapel dedicated to Mary Magdalen attached to a refuge for fallen women. The buildings stood on a large site giving on to the rue Saint-Denis at what is now the rue du Caire.The FillesDieu ran a hospital for poor women. It was demolished in 1790. 283. The following institutions which Guillebert calls colleges were not university colleges, but rather collegiate churches, that is churches in which the daily office of worship was maintained by a college of canons. A few were not even collegiate churches. None now survives. 284. The collegiate church of Louvres presumably refers to Saint Thomas du Louvre, a church founded in 1189 by Robert of Dreux and dedicated to St Thomas of Canterbury. It was fused with the neighbouring church of SaintNicolas-du-Louvre in 1739 and demolished in the nineteenth century. Part of the Louvre museum now covers the site. 285. The collegiate church of Sainte-Opportune was a very ancient foundation. In the ninth century the bishop of Sées in Normandy took refuge in Paris from the Vikings bringing with him relics of St Opportune, an eighthcentury Benedictine abbess. Louis II granted land on the Right Bank and a chapel there developed into an important collegiate church with a cloister. The present place and rue Sainte-Opportune are on the site of the cloister. The church was demolished in 1795. 286. The collegiate church of the Saint-Sepulchre was founded by Louis de Bourbon in 1325. It was intended to provide a hostel for pilgrims on their way to or from the Holy Land, but only the collegiate church was ever built. It stood on the land between the rue de la Cossonnerie, the boulevard Sebastopol, the rue Berger and the rue Saint-Denis. 287. The ‘college de la Trinité’ may be an erroneous repetition of the ‘hôpital de la Trinité’ mentioned above. There is no connection with the present Eglise de la Trinité which was built in the 1860s. 288. The church of the Billettes has a curious history. In 1290 a Jew called Jonathas was accused of having profaned a consecrated host here and executed. In 1295 a bourgeois of Paris called Regnier Flaming built an expiatory chapel here and in the fourteenth century the buildings were enlarged and occupied by the Hospitaliers de la Charité Notre Dame. In 1427 a cloister was added, which is still the only medieval cloister which survives in Paris. The church was rebuilt in the eighteenth century as a Lutheran place of worship. The cloister, at 24 rue des Archives, houses art exhibitions and concerts.

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289. The collegiate church of Sainte-Croix was on the rue Sainte-Croix-de-laBretonnerie. The buildings, including the house of the canons, stretched back along the rue des Jardins (now the rue des Archives) facing the Billettes. These canons established themselves here c. 1358 and got their name from the cross on their habits. 290. The church of the Guillemins or Guillemites was originally the church of the Servites, a mendicant order granted property here in 1258 by St Louis. The Servites were known as the Blancs Manteaux, because of a white mantle they wore over their habits. When they were replaced by the Guillemites the location kept the earlier name. The present church at 12 rue des BlancsManteaux dates from the seventeenth century and replaces the older building. 291. The collegiate church of Sainte-Catherine, more fully Sainte-Catherinedu-Val-des-Ecoliers, owed its origin to four Paris theologians who in 1201 retired from the university to a deserted valley in Champagne, where a congregation formed around them with a rule formally approved in 1219. They subsequently acquired property in Paris with help from Blanche of Castille, the Templars and some bourgeois donors. Two medieval plaques, now in the chapel of St Jean-Baptiste in the basilica of Saint-Denis, record that the church was built in fulfilment of the vow made by the royal sergents d’armes at the battle of Bouvines (1214) to build a chapel dedicated to St Catherine of Alexandria if the French were victorious. The church was given to the canons of the congregation of what became known as Sainte-Catherinedu-Val-des-Ecoliers. The monastery was on what is now the Marché-SainteCatherine, the actual church was on the rue d’Ormesson. North of the monastery the canons acquired a substantial area of land, mostly cultivated, known as the Couture (or Culture) Sainte-Catherine. The priory and the church were demolished in the eighteenth century. 292. The collegiate church of the Celestines stood at the corner of the rue de Sully and the rue du Petit-Musc. The order, founded in Italy by the future pope Celestine V, was supported by Charles V who gave them part of the jardins Saint-Paul beside his own residence of the Hôtel Saint-Paul. The doorway featured a statue of Pope Celestine flanked by statues of Charles V and his wife Jeanne de Bourbon (Aubin-Louis Millin, Antiquités nationales, I, article 3.) Charles’s nephew Louis d’Orléans built a chapel there which was soon filled with very numerous art works, some of which Guillebert describes further on. Louis himself was buried in it and there were many other princely tombs. Louis’ own tomb is now in the basilica-cathedral of Saint-Denis. The buildings were disaffected in the eighteenth century, the church finally demolished in 1847.

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293. The collegiate church of Saint-Antoine-le-Petit was so called to distinguish it from the greater abbey in the suburbs which Guillebert mentions in Chapter 29. This lesser foundation stood in between the rue Saint-Antoine and the rue du Roi-de-Sicile and contained a hospital for the mal des ardents (ergotism) also known as the mal Saint-Antoine as he was often invoked for a cure. It was suppressed in 1791 and sold in 1797. 294. The chapel of the Saint-Esprit stood on the north side of the Maison aux Piliers, the medieval Hôtel de Ville on the place de Grève. It belonged to a small orphanage, the Hospital du Saint-Esprit. It was suppressed in 1791 and later demolished for the extension of the Hôtel de Ville. 295. The collegiate church of Saint-Jacques, more fully Saint-Jacques-del’Hôpital stood at the corner of the rue Saint-Denis and what is now the rue Etienne-Marcel. It was not founded by Charlemagne but by a confraternity of pilgrims, supported by Philip the Fair, as a hostel for pilgrims going to or coming from St James of Compostela. Its chaplains later became canons. It was suppressed in 1790. 296. The collegiate church of Saint-Antoine-le-Petit—again. Guillebert goes back over this church to mention a detail of the interior. He singles out the finely carved jubé or rood screen to which he gives the Flemish name of oxal.  297. The collegiate church of Sainte-Catherine-du-Val-des- Ecoliers—again. Here again Guillebert goes back over this church to describe internal details. On the sepulchre there is more information in Le Theatre des Antiquitez de Paris by Jacques du Breul (1612), 882: ‘Dans le choeur a main senestre vers le Cloistre, on voit representee l’Annonciation de la Nativité du fils de Dieu, qu’un Ange fit a des pasteurs qui gardoit leurs troupeaux sur la cime d’une montagne. Et de l’autre costé, l’on voit comme une grotte sousterraine, dans laquelle est representé le sepulchre où le corps de nostre Sauveur fut mis & cet escrit est dessus. Ce sepulchre de Jesus fut faict l’an 1420 & depuis repaint l’an 1577. (In the choir, on the left side towards the cloister, can be seen a representation of the annunciation of the birth of the Son of God made by an angel to shepherds who were guarding their sheep on a mountain top. And on the other side there is as it were an underground cave where the body of our Saviour was placed and this writing is above it: This sepulchre of Jesus was made in 1420 and repainted in the year 1577). It would be interesting to know what model was used for the image of the Holy Sepulchre in the church of that name in Jerusalem. As for the image of Bertrand du Guesclin, it is probably to be identified with the life-like sculpture on his effigy, completed in 1397 by Thomas Privé and Robert Loisel. It is now in the basilica-cathedral of Saint-Denis (R. Vernier, The Flower of Chivalry, Appendix: The Gisants of du Guesclin, 215‒217).

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298. The collegiate church of the Celestines—again. Once more, Guillebert is now giving details of the interior. The beautiful image of Our Lady and the painting of heaven and hell are always cited in annotations to Villon’s Ballade pour prier Notre Dame. They are not known from any other source. 299. The Church of the Holy Innocents already existed in the twelfth century. ‘A whole Innocent in a gold and silver reliquary,’ was not one of the victims of King Herod but the child Richard allegedly killed by Jews in Pontoise in 1179. 300. Les Trois Vifs et les Trois Morts was a popular moralizing tale, in which three heedless young men meet three dead men who admonish them to be mindful of the inevitability of death. The earliest surviving literary versions by Baudouin de Condé and by Nicolas de Margival date from the late thirteenth century but it was also a very popular subject of art. The sculpture on the Church of the Holy Innocents was commissioned in 1408 by the duke of Berry (Stefan Glixelli, Les Cinq Poèmes des Trois Morts et des Trois Vifs. Paris: Honoré Champion, 1914. 41, 137‒138). The duke had the same subject re-used in his most famous manuscript, the Très Riches Heures du duc de Berry, as a bas-de-page illustration on f. 85v. 301. The fresco on the walls of the Cemetery of the Innocents is the earliest known painting of the Danse macabre. The Bourgeois de Paris records that the painting was begun in August 1424 and completed the following Lent (Journal, 220). Here representatives of every rank of society are drawn into a macabre dance by the grinning skeleton who shows them their future state. The hortatory verses underneath were probably composed by Jean Gerson (see Mullally, Guide, 52‒57). 302. There is no evidence for this story. The tower in question was probably a lantern tower. It is depicted in the mid-sixteenth-century view of the cemetery attributed to Jacob Grimmer, which is now in the Musée Carnavalet. As late as 1780, Charles-Louis Bernier made drawings of it when it still sheltered a statue of the Virgin (his drawings are reproduced online in Gallica). 303. Guillebert here moves from sacred to secular buildings, starting with the Louvre. It was built by Philip Augustus c.1190‒1202 as the main fortress at the west end of his northern rampart. Following the expansion of the city on the Right Bank, the new wider rampart of Charles V made it redundant as a fortress, but it was still a royal residence in Guillebert’s time. The eastern fortress of the Bastille is included by association. 304. There follows a list of thirteen royal and noble mansions. The history and location of many of them are studied by V. Weiss in La Demeure médiévale à Paris: Répertoire sélectif des principaux hôtels.

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

305.

306. 307.

308.

309.

310.

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The Hôtel de Bourbon was on a site acquired by the dukes of Bourbon in 1303. It adjoined the Louvre and overlooked the Seine. It was remodelled in the late fourteenth century by Louis II de Bourbon and was referred to in 1396 as the ‘grand ostel neuf ’. The duke of Bourbon gave it to the duke of Bedford in 1426 when Bedford was regent of France, but recovered it after the English were expelled from Paris in 1436 (Berty, Topographie, I, 33‒39; Weiss, Répertoire, 34‒35). The Hôtel de Saint-Paul. After the invasion of the Palace of the Cité in 1358, Charles V no longer wished to live in it. He acquired a number of properties in the Saint-Paul area of what is now Paris 4e and had his master mason Raymond du Temple set up a group of interconnected houses as a new royal mansion which he made his main residence (Le Roux de Lincy, Paris et ses Historiens, 194; Weiss, Répertoire, 143‒5). The Hôtel du Petit-Musc was located in the angle between the rue du PetitMusc and the rue Saint-Antoine, very close to the Hôtel Saint- Paul (Le Roux de Lincy, Paris et ses Historiens, 194; Weiss, Répertoire, 122‒3). The Hôtel de Sicile was owned by Charles d’Anjou, brother of Louis IX. Charles was king of Sicily by conquest in 1266 and king of Jerusalem by purchase in 1277. The entrance was on the rue du Roi-de-Sicile, Paris 4e.The building was demolished in 1850 for the construction of the rue Malher (Le Roux de Lincy, Paris et ses Historiens, 194‒195; Weiss, Répertoire, 135‒6). The Hôtel des Tournelles, rue de Turenne, Paris 4e, was given by the duke of Berry to Louis d’Orléans, at some time before Louis’ assassination in 1407. It passed later to Louis’ son, the poet Charles d’Orléans. The duke of Bedford occupied it during his regency (1422‒1435). The building was demolished in 1565. The site included the location of the first public square in Paris, the Place Royale, later renamed the Place des Vosges (Le Roux de Lincy, Paris et ses Historiens, 195; Weiss, Répertoire, 157‒159). The Hôtel d’Artois, known after the Middle Ages as the Hôtel de Bourgogne. Part of this building has been preserved at 20, rue Etienne-Marcel, Paris 2e, and is now known as the Tour Jean sans Peur. It passed to Duke Philip the Bold of Burgundy through his wife Margaret of Flanders (Le Roux de Lincy, Paris et ses Historiens, 195; Weiss, Répertoire, 37‒39). The Hôtel de Navarre, located between no. 2 rue de Braque and 49 rue des Archives, Paris 3e, opposite the Hôtel de Clisson. It was given by Charles VI to Count Amédée de Savoie. On the count’s death in 1391 it passed to Charles III, king of Navarre. It subsequently passed to Jacques d’Armagnac and became known as the Hôtel d’Armagnac (Le Roux de Lincy, Paris et ses Historiens, 195‒6; Weiss, Répertoire, 109).

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NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

311. The Hôtel de Flandre, was built in 1278 by Guy de Dampierre, count of Flanders. Its entrance was at 18‒46, rue Coquillière, Paris 1er. When his descendant Margaret of Flanders married Philip the Bold of Burgundy in 1369, the property passed into the hands of the dukes of Burgundy. John the Fearless gave it to his son Anthony of Brabant and when Mary of Burgundy married the Archduke of Austria in 1477, it passed out of the ownership of the dukes of Burgundy (Le Roux de Lincy, Paris et ses Historiens, 196; Weiss, Répertoire, 74‒5). 312. The Hôtel d’Alençon was located near the intersection of the rue du Louvre and the rue de Rivoli close to the Oratoire. Part of the original building was acquired by Pierre d’Alençon, fifth son of St Louis. In the early thirteenth century Enguerran de Marigny, chamberlain of Philip the Fair, acquired it and other contiguous sites and built the splendid mansion in which he was arrested in 1314. It was reported to be in poor condition in 1421 (Berty, Topographie, I, 89‒91; Weiss, Répertoire, 18‒19). 313. The Hôtel de Hollande. This mansion has not been identified. The name is probably a simple error on Guillebert’s part. 314. The Hôtel de Montaigu. Neither has this mansion been identified. Again, the name is probably an error on Guillebert’s part. 315. The Hôtel de Tournai. There was a Hôtel de Tournai on the Left Bank, belonging to the bishops of Tournai (Weiss, Répertoire, 156‒7). However, given that Guillebert is here dealing with the Right Bank, it is unlikely that this is the one he means. 316. The Hôtel de Clisson survives in part at 58, rue des Archives, Paris 3e, where its turrets are visible from the street (the building on this site later formed part of the Hôtel de Guise, later still of the Hôtel de Soubise which now houses the National Archives). A house here was acquired in 1371 by Nicolas Braque and by Olivier de Clisson four years later. After Clisson’s disgrace and departure in 1392, it was occupied by Charles de Navarre. It then passed to Clisson’s daughter Marguerite. It was confiscated during the English occupation but returned to the family later. In 1808 it was finally acquired by the state and is currently undergoing archaeological investigations (Le Roux de Lincy, Paris et ses Historiens, 197; Weiss, Répertoire, 50‒57). 317. Guillebert moves on to legal and civic matters. In the early Middle Ages the Grand Châtelet was a small fortress which protected the Right Bank at the head of the Grand Pont. It was so called in opposition to the Petit Châtelet at the head of the Petit Pont which fulfilled the same function for the Left Bank. Restored by Louis IX in1242‒45, the Grand Châtelet was the headquarters of the Provost of Paris, the king’s representative in the capital. As Guillebert notes, the Provost held court here and the building

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

318.

319. 320.

321.

322. 323. 324. 325. 326. 327.

328.

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was notorious for its numerous prisons. Its most famous inmate in 1462 was the poet François Villon. It was demolished in 1802‒10 and replaced with the present place du Châtelet. The Hôtel de Ville or Town Hall was on the site of the present building, though much smaller. In the fifteenth century it was called the Maison aux Piliers and was, as Guillebert says, the headquarters of the Provost of Merchants and the échevins or aldermen. The For l’Evêque (forum episcopi) or Bishop’s Forum, was the tribunal of episcopal jurisdiction. It stood on the south side of the rue des Ecoles SaintGermain, now the rue Saint-Germain-l’Auxerrois, facing the river. The Halles were a very ancient general marketplace, enlarged by Philip Augustus in 1183 who also added a shelter for merchants coming to Paris from outside. In the early fourteenth century Jean de Jandun celebrated the variety of goods on sale there. See the introductory note on The Work. The ‘mercery’ Guillebert mentions covered much more than mere haberdashery, it included luxury textiles such as silk and velvet and expensive accessories. In the nineteenth century the great cast-iron and glass constructions of Baltard sheltered only the sale of food and the Halles of the period were famously called the ‘Ventre de Paris’ by Zola. In 1971 they were dismantled, the food market moved to Rungis and the Forum des Halles was built as a general shopping centre. The place de Grève, the Strand, was roughly where the place de l’Hôtel de Ville is now. This is where the considerable river traffic brought goods. An illumination in the Bedford Benedictional shows timber for building piled up on it and the handles of a cart (see Mullally, 48‒49). Bureau Dampmartin. See the introductory note on Five Grands Bourgeois. Dino Rapondi. See the introductory note on Five Grands Bourgeois. Jacques Dussy. See the introductory note on Five Grands Bourgeois. Guillemin Sanguin. See the introductory note on Five Grands Bourgeois. Miles Baillet. See the introductory note on Five Grands Bourgeois. Wreaths of flowers and greenery were worn by both sexes in the Middle Ages. In Guillot’s poem the narrator pauses to make a wreath of violets (Guillot, l. 280). In the London Dit he pays cash for a similar wreath (Dit, ll. 251‒253). Guillot also mentions a woman making numerous wreaths of greenery in the rue de la Plâtrière (Guillot, ll. 25‒27). The illustration for the month of May in the Très riches heures du duc de Berry shows young noblemen and women wearing green and crowned with greenery. The ostel de l’amiral is not recorded elsewhere. If it refers to the house of an actual admiral, the office of Amiral de France was held c. 1407 by Renaud de Trie (1396‒1405), Pierre de Bréban (1405‒1408) and Jacques de Châtillon,

146

329. 330.

331. 332. 333. 334. 335. 336. 337. 338. 339. 340. 341. 342.

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

sire de Dampierre (1408‒1415). It is much more likely that Guillebert is referring to the house otherwise called the Hôtel du Pet au Diable (Weiss, Répertoire, 119‒21). The Devil’s Fart was the subject of an irreverent romance by Villon, ‘le roumant du Pet au Deable’ and of a student prank (Testament, l. 858; Champion, Villon, 58‒66). The porte Baudet, also called the porte Baudeer or Baudoyer, was on the site of a gate in a pre-Philip Augustus wall of the city. It corresponds roughly to the place Baudoyer, Paris 4e. As on the Left Bank, the direction of Guillebert’s tracing of the streets is roughly clockwise, starting at the Châtelet and moving west: the Pierre au Poisson was a street where fishmongers laid out their wares on slabs. It was under the present Théatre du Châtelet. The rue de la Saunerie was called after a salt warehouse. Salting was the main means of preserving meat in the Middle Ages. The Mesguierie or Mégisserie was the quay named after a tannery on this location, still known as the quai de la Mégisserie. It was also called the quai de la Saunerie, because of its proximity to the salt warehouse. The rue de l’Ecole Saint-Germain was called after the school of SaintGermain-l’Auxerrois. It was the quay which continued westward the quai de la Mégisserie (Berty, Topographie, I, 30‒33). The rue des Lavandières, the street of the washerwomen, cut north towards the Halles. Part of it still survives as the rue des Lavandières-Sainte-Opportune. The rue Jehan Lontier or Lointier is now called the rue Jean-Lantier. The rue Bertin-Poirée still exists; it occurs in the 1292 Tax Roll and even earlier and was presumably so called after an inhabitant. The rue Guibert is an error copied from the London Dit. It is correctly rue Guillaume Poree in Guillot and the 1292 Tax Roll. It was at right angles to the rue Bertin-Poirée but has now disappeared under the rue de Rivoli. The rue de Male Parole was parallel to the rue Guillaume Poree and has now also disappeared under the rue de Rivoli. The rue Gosselin is an error copied from the London Dit for the tiny rue Perrin-Gasselin, which also disappeared under the rue de Rivoli. The rue de la Haubergerie is an error copied from the London Dit for the rue de la Harengerie, where herrings were sold. It was roughly where the rue des Halles is now. The rue de la Tableterie. See the introductory note on The Streets. The rue aux Petits Souliers was called the rue aux Petis Soulers de Basenne in the 1292 Tax Roll. It was also known as the rue de l’Aiguillerie, which led from the rue Saint-Denis to Sainte-Opportune. It is now approximately the rue Courtalon.

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343. The cloister of Sainte-Opportune was on what is now the place SainteOpportune. The church was destroyed in 1792. 344. The rue de la Charonnerie where wheelwrights worked was part of the rue de la Ferronnerie. 345. The rue de la Ferronnerie took its name, which it has kept, from an ironworks. 346. The rue Baudouin Prenage is an inaccurate copy of the more correct version in the London Dit: Baudouin Prengaige. Baudouin Prend-Gage was evidently a pawnbroker. This street was very close to the following one. 347. The rue Raoul l’Asnier, the street of Raoul the Donkey Man, is an error copied from the London Dit for Raoul l’Avenier, Raoul the Oat-Merchant. It was approximately on the site of what is now the rue du Plat-d’Etain. 348. In Chapter 8 Guillebert had copied the remarks of Raoul de Presles on street names in this location. A fragment of the rue aux Déchargeurs still survives in Paris ler between the rue de Rivoli and the rue des Halles. The Déchargeurs of the name would have been unloading goods for the various markets of the Halles. The place aux Pourceaux, the Swine Square, was also used for dumping. The rue des Bourdonnais, which also still survives, was called in 1297 the rue Adam Bourdon and the rue Sire Guillaume Bourdon, and from 1300 the rue des Bourdonnois (Sauval, Histoire, II, 119). 349. The following streets are west of the former, going towards Saint-Germainl’Auxerrois, starting with the rue Thibaut-aux-Dés which was part of the rue des Bourdonnais. It is not known who Theobald with the Dice was, although the street name figures in the 1292 Tax Roll. 350. The rue de Béthisy led towards the rue des Fossés Saint-Germain. It was absorbed by the rue de Rivoli. 351. The rue Jehan d’Orléans corresponds to a rue Jehan (second name illegible) in the London Dit but is absent from Guillot. Géraud suggests that it may be identified with a rue Jehan le Goulier or Joelier, later a lane called the rue aux Trois Visages (Géraud, Paris sous Philippe le Bel, 574). 352. The rue Tirechappe was absorbed by the rue de Pont Neuf. It was probably called after the second-hand clothes dealers who pulled the capes of passersby to attract their attention. 353. The rue de la Cave de Pontis is an error copied from the London Dit for the rue du Comte de Ponthieu which was part of the rue de Béthisy. A count of Ponthieu had a house here. 354. The rue de Gloriette was called after a house owned here by Jean Baillet, father of Miles Baillet. See the introductory note on Five Grands Bourgeois. The street is now is now called rue Baillet. Sauval says that in 1297 it was called rue Dame Gloriette (Histoire, 1, 112).

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355. The rue de l’Arbre-Sec still exists. Sauval says that it took its name from an ancient sign which still existed in his time, 1623‒1676 (Histoire, I, 109). 356. The rue Cul de Bacon disappeared under the rue de Rivoli. 357. The rue de la Fosse (or des Fossés) Saint-Germain was the continuation to the west of the rue de Béthisy.  358. The rue du Trou Bernart was already called the Tro Bernart in the 1292 Tax Roll. Le Roux de Lincy (Paris et ses historiens, 285) refers to a Latinized version of the name as ‘truncus Bernardi’ but Bernard’s trunk hardly makes sense. It is more likely that the ‘trou’ refers to an establishment like the tavern of the Trou de la Pomme de Pin in the rue de la Juiverie and the Trou Perrette in the rue aux Fèves (P. Champion, Villon, 196‒197). It is now the place du Louvre. 359. The Porte du Louvre (Berty, Topographie, I, 20). 360. The rue Haute Riche is an error copied from the London Dit for the rue d’Autriche (Berty, Topographie, I, 7‒8). 361. The Porte Saint-Honoré was at the westward end of the Charles V rampart. 362. Guillebert turns here to go back down the rue Saint-Honoré. The rue d’Aveignon is an error copied from the London Dit for the rue d’Averon, now the rue Bailleul. 363. The rue Jean Tison still exists in a small part. The street is already mentioned in the 1292 Tax Roll and was called after a prominent bourgeois. 364. La Croix du Tirouer or Sorter’s Cross was, as Raoul de Presles had said, where cattle were sorted (Berty, Topographie, 1, 49‒50). 365. The rue de Neelle or Nesle, now the rue Coquillière, ran alongside the Hôtel de Nesle (not to be confused with the more famous Hôtel de Nesle on the Left Bank. For both, see Weiss, Répertoire, 32‒33). 366. The rue du Piet (du Pet in the London Dit) is perhaps an error for a rue d’Albret from the nearby Hôtel d’Albret (Weiss, 17). 367. The rue des Etuves contained one of the numerous Paris bathhouses. It is now called rue Sauval.  368. The rue du Four, now rue Vauvilliers, was called after the ‘four banal’ of the bishop. A lord’s communal oven could be as big as a house as we see from various surviving examples in France. 369. The rue des Ecus would have been called after a house sign of shields. Part of it survives as the place des Deux-Ecus. 370. The castle of the rue du Chasteau, more fully Chasteau Festu, was an ironic title for a worthless warehouse (Berty, Topographie, I, 49‒50). 371. The rue des Pironnes, (= goslings) which the London Dit calls Provez, is a hard to explain error for the rue des Prouvaires or Prouvelles which

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

372. 373. 374. 375. 376.

377. 378.

379. 380. 381. 382. 383. 384.

385. 386.

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Guillebert knew well as it was where the Grand Bourgeois Jacques Dussy lived. The rue de la Croix-Neuve was a lane which disappeared under the early development of the church of Saint-Eustache. The rue de Montmartre still exists. The rue du Prêtre-de-Saint-Eustache was probably a lane leading to the church. The rue de la Tonnellerie was the street which ran under the great pillars of the medieval Halles. It saw its last vestiges disappear under the new Halles of Victor Baltard in the 1850s, themselves demolished in 1971. The Halles comprised an extensive network of streets and stalls. The Halle au Blé (the Grain Exchange) and the markets for other items had their own gallery, many of which became streets with names that in some cases have survived such as the rue de la Lingerie and the rue de la Ferronnerie. The rue du Fuerre was one of the places where straw was sold. It is now the rue Berger. The rue de la Cochonnerie is an error for the rue de la Cossonnerie. It was not therefore where pigs were sold, but is a Picard or Walloon form of Cossonnerie (= where retailers sell) which is the form recorded by Guillot and the London Dit. The rue des Prescheurs is still the rue des Prêcheurs. The rue de la Chanvrerie, the street of the hemp works, was absorbed in 1844 into the rue Rambuteau. The rue a Maudestour (now Mondétour) derives from Mal Destour or evil detour. The rue au Carrefour: the intersection of the Grand and the Petite Truanderie (see below) was where taxes were paid on food coming to be sold in the Halles. The rue Jean Pourcelet has not been identified. It does not figure in the 1292 Tax Roll. Guillot gives the name Jehan Pinche Clou, the London Dit gives Pointeclerc. The rue de la Truanderie was a Crime Street or streets as there was a Grande and a Petite Truanderie. Remnants of streets with these names still exist though much of them disappeared under the development of the southern part of the rue de Turbigo. The tiny rue Jehan Vigne linked the Grande Truanderie to the Halles. It was probably called after Jehan Bingne, a thirteenth-century alderman of Paris. The rue Nicholas Buee is unknown. Guillebert may have miscopied from the form Nicolas Unce given in the London Dit but this Nicolas is also unknown. Guillot has Nicolas Arode and the Tax Roll of 1292 Nicolas

150

387. 388. 389.

390.

391. 392. 393. 394. 395. 396.

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

Arrode, referring to another thirteenth-century alderman. The street would have been close to the Halles, probably near the northern end of of what is now the rue Rambuteau. The rue Mauconseil: the street of Evil Counsel, still so called. It is close to the Tour Jean Sans Peur. The immensely long rue de Saint-Denis, still so called, leads to the great basilica of Saint-Denis. The rue au Senez is a puzzle as both Guillot and the London Dit correctly have the rue aux Oues still so called in 1422 (Sauval, Histoire, I,154). This Goose Street was where geese were roasted. The modern name has been changed from geese to bears as it is now the rue aux Ours. However, it still links the rue Saint-Denis to the rue Saint-Martin. The medieval rue du Bourg-l’Abbé ran north at right angles to the rue aux Oues/Ours, mentioned above, but the street now called the rue du Bourg l’Abbé runs parallel to it. Bourg here refers not to a town or even a ‘faux bourg’ or suburb, but to the type of agglomeration that grew up in the Middle Ages around a castle or a great abbey, here the abbey of SaintMagloire to the south. It is the northernmost street covered by Guillebert and the London Dit and is not mentioned by Guillot as it lay outside the city wall of Philip Augustus though within the later rampart of Charles V. The rue Saint-Martin still exists. It led towards the abbey of Saint-Martin, now the Musée des Arts et Métiers. The rue des Petits-Champs was not the present street of that name but the rue des Petits-Champs-Saint-Martin. It linked the rue Saint-Martin to the rue de Beaubourg. The rue de Beaubourg has kept its name. The rue ‘en cul de sac’. This phrase for a dead end which has survived in English is now called in French ‘une impasse’. The street in question is now called the Impasse Berthaud. The rue Grieffron l’Angevin is an error copied from the London Dit for the rue Geoffroy-l’Angevin which still exists between the rue Beaubourg and the rue du Temple. The rue des Ménestrels, also known as the rue des Jongleurs, linked the rue Saint-Martin to the rue Beaubourg. Part of it survives as the Impasse des Ménétriers on the opposite side of the rue Beaubourg to the rue Geoffroy-l’Angevin. In 1321 the Confrérie des Ménétriers, the earliest known confraternity of minstrels and jongleurs, was founded in Paris (see Luc Charles-Dominique, Les Ménéstrels, 52 and 303‒305). It is not known where the minstrels held their school, but the little church of Saint-Juliendes-Menetriers was a little further north on the rue Saint-Martin.

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397. The rue des Etuves was the location of another public baths and was already so named in the Tax Roll of 1292. 398. The rue de la Tresseillie is an error copied from the London Dit for Trefiliere. Guillot has Trefiliere and the 1292 Tax Roll has rue Eudebourc la Tresfiliere (the wire-maker). It is now the rue de Venise. 399. The rue Bertaut qui Dort gave on to the east side of the rue de Beaubourg. The name appears in the London Dit but not in Guillot or the 1292 Tax Roll. 400. The rue Quincampoix, variously spelt since the thirteenth century, was called after Nicolas de Kiquenpoit. 401. The rue Aubry-le-Boucher is still so called. Aubrey the butcher was evidently a prominent citizen in thirteenth-century Paris as the street already bears his name in the 1292 Tax Roll. 402. The rue de la Courroirie ran south from the rue Aubry-le-Boucher. This was where the Grand Bourgeois Bureau Dampmartin lived. 403. The rue de Amaury de Roissy was close to the above. It was called after a thirteenth-century property owner. 404. The rue Troussevache was already so called in the 1292 Tax Roll. It is now the part of the rue de La Reynie, Paris 4e. It may have been called after Eudes Troussevache, mentioned in a cartulary dated 12 May 1257 (Charles Lefeuve, Les Anciennes maisons à Paris sous Napoléon III, V, 15 under ‘La Reynie’). Another possibility is Oudard Troussevache, mentioned in the registers of the Temple in 1261 (Sauval, Histoire, I, 165). 405. The rue Guillaume Josse linked the rue Troussevache to the rue des Lombards. It is called the rue Guillaume Joce in the 1292 Tax Roll. The presence of the nearby church of Saint-Josse (demolished in 1791) is probably coincidental. Guillot calls it the rue Vin-le-Roy, a name it would owe to the presence of royal wine cellars here. It disappeared under the development of the boulevard Sébastopol. 406. The rue des Lombards is mentioned by the London Dit, but not by Guillot or the 1292 Tax Roll. Part of it still exists. 407. The rue de Marivaux is called by the other sources Marivaux Grant et Petit. The Grant Marivaux was parallel to the rue Saint-Martin, the Petit was at right angles to it. The approximate sites are now called the rue NicolasFlamel (after the philanthropist) and the rue Pernelle (after his wife). 408. The rue de la Vieille Monnaie was already called the ‘Old’ Mint in the Tax Roll of 1292. It was brought here by Louis IX but transferred to the Louvre area in the fourteenth century. This is the street where the Grand Bourgeois Dino Rapondi lived. It vanished completely under the development of the boulevard Sébastopol.

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409. The rue de la Heaumerie was absorbed by the rue de Rivoli. The helmetmakers had their confraternity at Saint-Jacques-de-la-Boucherie. 410. The rue de la Saunerie is a curious error as this street was not the location of a salting house. Guillot has Basennerie here and the London Dit has Bassannerie. ‘Basanerie’ is the preparation of sheepskin. 411. The rue Jean le Conte was already so called in the 1292 Tax Roll. It was close to the intersection of the rue de Rivoli and the boulevard Sébastopol. 412. The rue de la Fauconnerie was probably where the rue du Fauconnier is now in Paris 4e. In this location the 1292 Tax Roll, Guillot and the London Dit all have rue de la Savonnerie, the Soapworks. It was close to the church of Saint-Jacques-de-la-Boucherie. 413. The rue de la Pierre au Lait where milk was sold was already so called in the 1292 Tax Roll. It formed part of the rue lez l’Eglise Saint Jacques. 414. The rue lez l’Eglise Saint Jacques, the street that ran alongside the church of Saint-Jacques-de-la-Boucherie, was frequented by copyists who worked in stalls against the church. The street was therefore also known as the rue aux Ecrivains. 415. The rue Jean Pain Mollet was already so called in the 1292 Tax Roll, presumably after an inhabitant associated with some kind of luxury bread. It was absorbed into the rue de Rivoli. 416. The rue des Arsis, like the church of Saint-Pierre-des-Arsis in the Cité, derived its name from low Latin arcisterium meaning a monastery and its associated buildings. It is now the south end of the rue Saint-Martin. 417. The rue Saint-Bon still exists. It was called after a tiny chapel demolished during the Revolution. Guillebert turns back up north from here. 418. The rue de la Buffeterie was the street of the wine merchants. Bufetier is medieval French for a merchant of wine or vinegar. 419. The rue de Lamperie, mentioned by Guillot, appears to have linked the rue Saint-Denis to the rue de la Vieille Monnaie. 420. The rues des Bouveries, des Chevrotins, de l’Estable du Cloistre, refer to the cattle, goats and stables close to the cloister of the church of Saint-Merri. 421. The rue de Baillehou ran north from the east end of the church of Saint-Merri. 422. The rue Saint-Merri still exists. It runs along the north side of the church of this name. 423. The Cour Robert is called in Guillot and the 1292 Tax Roll the Cour Robert de Paris. It is now the rue du Renard. 424. Guillebert has erroneously dropped the ‘c’, which is present in all other sources. The rue de la Bouclerie was the street where buckles and bucklers were made.

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425. The rue Simon-le-Franc has kept its name. It was already so called in the 1292 Tax Roll and other early sources. 426. The rue du Temple indicates that Guillebert is going north again. 427. Guillebert has copied this ‘rue des Etuves’ from the London Dit but it has not been identified. 428. The rue des Blancs-Manteaux still exists. In 1258 St Louis donated land to a mendicant order here who wore white habits. 429. The rue de Perrenelle la Pastourelle, the street of Petronilla the Shepherdess. The London Dit has two streets: ‘Peronnelle et rue Pastourelle’. Guillot and the 1292 Tax Roll correctly have the single street ‘Perrenele/ Perronele de Saint Pol’. It linked the rue des Blancs Manteaux to the rue Sainte-Croixde-la-Bretonnerie. It is now the rue de Pecquay. 430. The rue du Plastre, already so called in the 1292 Tax Roll, was parallel to the rue des Blancs-Manteaux to the south. 431. The rue des Juges is a curious error for the street long called the rue des Singes, presumably from a house sign of monkeys. The name is illegible in the London Dit, but is clearly Singes in Guillot and the 1292 Tax Roll. It was parallel to the rue du Bon Puits. 432. The rue de la Bretonnerie, already also called by its present name, rue SainteCroix-de-la-Bretonnerie after the canons of Sainte-Croix were established there in the thirteenth century. 433. The carrefour du Temple was the intersection of the rue du Temple and the rue Sainte-Croix-de-la-Bretonnerie. 434. The rue des Jardins, now part of the rue des Archives, linked the rue SainteCroix-de-la-Bretonnerie to the rue de la Verrerie. It was also called the rue des Billettes. See above for the cloister of the Billettes, the last surviving medieval cloister in Paris. 435. The rue du Tort is another hard to explain error copied from the London Dit. In this context the street must be the medieval rue Barre du Bec, now that part of the rue du Temple between the junctions with the rue de la Verrerie and the rue Sainte-Croix-de-la-Bretonnerie. 436. The rue de la Poterie ran south from the rue de la Verrerie. It was swallowed up by the development of the rue de Rivoli. 437. The carrefour Guillori was already mentioned by Raoul de Presles. See note to Chapter 8. 438. The rue Jean de l’Espine ran south, almost in a line from the rue de la Poterie toward the place de Grève. It was called after a thirteenth-century inhabitant. It disappeared under the development of the rue de Rivoli and the place de l’Hôtel-de-Ville.

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439. The rue de Gracien is an error of transcription from the London Dit, which has correctly the rue de Gencien, also called the ruelle Gentien. It ran between the rue de la Verrerie and what is now the rue de Rivoli. There were a number of prominent members of the Gencien (or Gentien) family in Paris. Jean Gencien, for example, was provost of merchants 1331‒1332. The Bourgeois de Paris has a hostile reference to Pierre Gencien (p. 69), who was provost of merchants for a second term in 1413‒1415. 440. The rue Jehan Malet is another error of transcription from the London Dit, which has correctly rue Andry Malet, also spelt Andri Mallet. It was parallel to the rue Gencien on the west side. It is now covered by the department store BHV. 441. The rue Saint-Jean or Martroi-Saint-Jean was on the north side of the church of Saint-Jean-en-Grève. It disappeared under the development of the rue de Rivoli and the Hôtel de Ville. 442. The rue de la Tissanderie or Tixanderie was where the weavers lived or had lived. It was already an old street in 1292 as it was called the ‘Viez Tesseranderie’ in the Tax Roll. It too disappeared under the development of the rue de Rivoli and the Hôtel de Ville. 443. The rue de la Voirrie or Verrerie still exists. The Tax Roll of 1292 mentions several glass workers, including Master Raoul, the king’s glass worker, in the rue de la Verrerie. This is where the Grand Bourgeois Miles Baillet lived. 444. The rue du Chartron was the westernmost street which linked the rue de la Verrerie to the rue de la Tissanderie (now the rue de Rivoli). It is now called the rue des Mauvais-Garçons. 445. The rue du Franc Meurier or Mourier is now the rue de Moussy. 446. The rue du Cimetière Saint Jean, which Guillot and the London Dit both call the ‘old’ cemetery, was close to the church of Saint-Jean-en-Grève. It disappeared under the development of the Hôtel de Ville and the rue de Rivoli. 447. The rue de Boutibourc, or Bourc Tybout as the 1292 Tax Roll has it, was the street leading towards the ‘bourg’, the agglomeration outside the Philip Augustus rampart, where a man called Tibaud (Theobald) had property. It is now called rue de Bourg-Tibourg. For bourgs, see note 484 to Chapter 28. 448. The rue de Anquetin (or Anquetil) le Faucheur (the Reaper) is already mentioned in the 1292 Tax Roll. It ran south from the eastern part of the rue du Roi de Sicile between what is now the rue Bourg-Tibourg and the rue Vieille-du-Temple. 449. What Guillebert calls the rue du Temple was in fact already the rue Viez rue du Temple in the 1292 Tax Roll and is the rue Vieille-du-Temple today.

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450. The rue du Roi-de-Sicile, still so called, got its name from a house in it owned by Charles d’Anjou, brother of Louis IX. Charles was king of Sicily by conquest in 1266, king of Jerusalem by purchase in 1277. 451. The rue Robert le Fèvre is an error copied from the London Dit for the rue Renaud le Fèvre, at right angles to the rue du Roi-de-Sicile, just west of the rue Vieille-du-Temple. 452. The rue du Petit Muche is not to be confused with the rue du Petit Musc beside the Celestines. Guillot calls the Petit Muche rue de Pute y Muce, meaning the street where the prostitute lurks. 453. The rue Thiron, or Tiron, still exists in part. It took its name from a house in it belonging to abbots of Tiron in Thiron-Gardais (Eure-et Loir). It ran south from the rue du Roi-de-Sicile. 454. The rue des Escoufles is now called rue des Ecouffes, Paris 4e. Escoufle was medieval French for the kite. As a bird of prey, escoufle was slang for a pawnbroker. 455. The rue Perchée is a Walloon pronunciation for the rue Percée, which ran south through what is now the rue de Rivoli to near the junction with the rue François-Miron. 456. The rue des Rosiers was already mentioned in the 1292 Tax Roll and even earlier. The rose bushes would have been just inside the Philip Augustus wall. The street has long been a Jewish area. 457. The rue des Nonnains, more fully rue des Nonnains d’Yerres, was called after a house owned here by the abbey of Yerres (Essonne). The name was later changed to Hyères, and it is now known as the rue des Nonnains-d’Hyères. 458. The rue de Jouier is a copying error from the London Dit which correctly has ‘Jouy’. The rue de Jouy still exists (Paris 4e). 459. The rue de Frogier l’Asnier. Guillebert had already erroneously given the occupation of l’Asnier, the Donkey Man, to Raoul l’Avenier, the Oat Merchant. The street is now called rue Geoffroy-l’Asnier. 460. The rue de la Mortellerie was the headquarters of the morteliers, or mortarworkers, that is builders and plasterers. Guillebert says that it was still where the merchants of merrin or construction wood lived. It was conveniently close to the Grève, where heavy materials were unloaded. There is an illustration of this in the Bedford Benedictional (see Mullally, 48‒49). It is now the rue de l’Hôtel-de-Ville. 461. The rue de Ameline Boyleaue, also called Ermeline Boileau, was until recently the impasse Putigneux. It is now covered by the museum of the Mémorial de la Shoah, parallel to the allée des Justes, itself formerly part of the rue Grenier-sur-l’Eau.

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462. The rue de Garnier was already called Garnier desus l’Eaue in the 1292 Tax Roll and is now changed to rue Grenier-sur-l’Eau. There are still some interesting old houses here. Sauval claims that one Garnier granted some houses here to the Templars in 1241 (Histoire, I, 139). 463. The rue du Cimetière Saint-Gervais ran round the north side of the church of Saint-Gervais-Saint-Protais by an ancient cemetery. It is now part of the rue François-Miron, where nos 11 and 13 have been restored to their medieval appearance. 464. The rue de Fermanteaux is an error copied from the London Dit. No street of this name is known. In this place Guillot has l’Ourmetiau, a garbled reference to the Orme (elm) which stood in front of the the church of Saint-Gervais-Saint-Protais. 465. The rue de Lompont was known more fully as the rue aux Moines de Longpont, as they had a house in this street. The abbey of Longpont (Aisne) was an early Cistercian foundation. 466. The rue de la Rive has not been identified, at least under this name. It was probably a lane which ran down to the bank of the Seine. 467. The rue Saint Jean de Grève is probably the street also called the rue du Chevet Saint Jean and may be identified with what is now the rue des Barres. The hay would have been sold at the end nearest the place de Grève. 468. The rue de la Vennerie, also called the rue de l’Avoinerie was, as its name indicates, where oats were sold. It led from the east into the place de Grève and is now the part of the avenue Victoria leading toward the place de l’Hôtel-de-Ville. 469. The rue de la Tacherie, so called also by Guillot, was probably a rue de l’Atacherie, the street where ataches or clasps were made. The surviving part of it has kept the name. 470. The rue de la Rosiere has not been identified, if it existed. The London Dit has Rossiere. 471. The rue des Commanderesses was called after women who were also known as Recommanderesses. It corresponded to the present rue de la Coutellerie. 472. The rue aux Planches de Mibray ran down to the Seine from the south end of the rue Saint-Martin. For the name, see note 30 to Chapter 8. 473. La place aux Veaux, the Calves’ Square. Like all the following network of streets and lanes, it formed part of the area devoted to butchery which covered the space between the river and the rue de la Grande Boucherie (see below, note 477). 474. The rue de l’Angle has not been identified. The London Dit has the inexplicable rue de l’Irengne.

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475. The rue de l’Ecorcherie was where the butchers lived. It was called after the skinners who worked there. 476. The rue de la Corduennerie was the street of the Cordwainers, the leather workers who made shoes there, conveniently close to the Ecorcherie. 477. The rue de la Grande Boucherie linked the rue Saint-Martin to the rue Saint-Denis south of the church of Saint-Jacques-de-la-Boucherie. 478. The rue de la Triperie was where offal was sold. It was already so called in the 1292 Tax Roll. 479. The rue de la Poulaillerie, also named in the 1292 Tax Roll, was not the only place where poultry was sold. Guillebert has already mentioned poultryselling in the rue de la Cossonnerie and at the Petit-Pont. 480. Guillebert’s figures are copied from the London Dit, which in turn are copied from Guillot. The two poems also give the Cité thirty-six streets and the Left Bank eighty streets, making up the total of 310 streets. In fact these numbers are exaggerated. As can be seen from the text, the total amounts to fewer than 260. 481. This section has no rubricated title in the manuscript. Following Bonnardot, Le Roux de Lincy (Paris et ses historiens, 220) simply created an extra chapter here, which I have retained for convenience of continuous cross-reference. 482. Hugues Aubriot was Provost of Paris under Charles V and organized the work of building the new rampart on the Right Bank. 483. Guillebert repeats the information he had given us above in Chapter 23 about wrestling and target practice on the Ile Notre-Dame. This island, later called the Ile Saint-Louis, was not built on in the Middle Ages. Here he adds that there were lists (palisades making an enclosure for jousts) near the convent of Saint-Catherine-du-Val-des-Ecoliers. The convent church was demolished in 1784 and replaced by a market. The site is now called the place du Marché-Sainte-Catherine, Paris 4e. The ‘couture’ or cultivated area where the lists were located was to the north-west of the convent. 484. Guillebert lists twelve gates in the city walls, six on the Left Bank and six on the Right. Under Philip Augustus, the first medieval rampart had been erected between 1186 and c.1215. As the Right Bank of the city expanded considerably in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, a larger rampart was built on the Right Bank under Charles V. All the medieval gates were remodelled at various times but were finally demolished under Louis XIV. However, as Guillebert makes clear, normal Parisian life extended far outside the walls. For suburbs, Guillebert writes indifferently forsbours, forbours or fourbours. The etymology is from Latin foris burgum, outside the town. Forsbourg was later altered to fauxbourg or faubourg. The Parisian suburbs were already extensive in the fifteenth century.

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485. The Porte Saint-Victor. The abbey of Saint-Victor was founded in 1108 as a hermitage by William of Champeaux and was outside the city walls in the Middle Ages. It was famous as a theological and philosophical centre, illustrated by names such as Hugh, Richard and John of St Victor. It stood near the present Jardin des Plantes. It was demolished in 1811. 486. The Porte Saint-Marcel, previously known as the Porte Bordelle. Guillebert calls the first parish church Saint-Marcel in error for Saint-Martin, the parish church demolished in 1806. Further on he correctly mentions the canonry, the collegiate church of Saint-Marcel which was on what is now the boulevard Saint-Marcel, near the carrefour des Gobelins. Its foundation goes back to a chapel founded at the tomb of St Marcel (360‒436), bishop of Paris. It was demolished in 1804. The current parish church of Saint-Médard at 141 rue Mouffetard goes back to the fifteenth century. The church of SaintHippolyte was demolished during the Revolution; it was under what is now the boulevard Arago. The priory of the Poor Clares was founded by Margaret of Provence, widow of Louis IX, in 1285. The grounds extended to the Seine. Vestiges of the convent building are visible at the rue de Julienne, Paris 13e. 487. Noisy, dirty and unhygienic trades were generally carried out outside the city walls. 488. The Porte Saint-Jacques. The hospital of Saint-Jacques-du-Haut-Pas goes back to c. 1180 when it was founded by Hospitallers of Saint James who came from a place near Lucca called Altopascio or High Pass, hence Haut Pas. Much modified over the centuries, its church still stands at the corner of the rue Saint-Jacques and the rue de l’Abbé de l’Epée, Paris 6e. NotreDame-des-Champs has already been mentioned (by Raoul de Presles as copied by Guillebert) in Chapter 11 as the place traditionally but erroneously believed to be where St Denis was arrested. 489. The Porte d’Enfer/Porte Saint-Michel. The origin of the name ‘Porte d’Enfer’ has not been established. Outside this gate to the south-west was the extensive domain of the Château de Vauvert, which was granted by Louis IX to the Carthusians. The monastery and its lands were destroyed shortly after the Revolution. The south of the Luxembourg Gardens now covers part of the site. The Hôtel-Dieu did indeed have a grape pressing-house in the location Guillebert mentions as well as a farm where presumably the grapes were grown. 490. Saint Germain, bishop of Paris, did indeed dedicate a church on this site to Saint Vincent of Saragossa. It was re-dedicated to Saint Germain himself at his death in 576. Throughout the Middle Ages the great Benedictine abbey was outside the city walls, though it had a wall of its own as can be seen in the pietà commissioned by the abbey in c. 1500 (Mullally, 108‒109).

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Saint-Germain-des-Prés with its single surviving Romanesque tower is the oldest church in central Paris. 491. The Porte d’Orléans, called after a house owned by the dukes of Orléans, was more generally known as the Porte de Buci, on the site of the modern rue de Buci, Paris 6e. The Pré aux Clercs was located to the south of SaintGermain-des-Prés. Part of it was acquired by the monastery to facilitate the building of a rampart (as noted above) in exchange for granting another part to the university. The ‘clercs’ were the students. 492. The Porte Saint-Antoine. In 1204 a small hermitage for women was turned into a Cistercian abbey for nuns, dedicated to St Anthony. The abbess was known as the ‘Dame du Faubourg’. Under the patronage of Louis IX the abbey became large and powerful. It was transformed into a hospital at the Revolution. The Hôpital Saint-Antoine still stands at 184, rue du Faubourg Saint-Antoine, Paris 12e. The Grange aux Merciers was originally a building where the mercers sold their goods. It was acquired by the duke of Berry in 1398 and some political conferences were held there. It stood on what is now the rue de Nicolaï, Paris 12e. Conflans-l’Archevêque is a district of Charenton-le-Pont (Val de Marne). The ‘ostel’ or its successor was eventually bought in 1672 by François de Harlay, Archbishop of Paris, but destroyed at the Revolution. The king’s residence here was, according to the abbé Lebeuf, actually known as ‘Le séjour du roi’. The bridge at Charenton was fortified, hence the ‘big towers’. The chapel of Notre-Dame-de-Mesche, built in the fourteenth century, was served by the canons of Saint-Germain-l’Auxerrois. The Bourgeois de Paris records that in 1412 the people of Paris processed, praying for peace, to various pilgrimage sites around the capital, including Le Mesche (Journal, 51). The chapel finally disappeared in 1910. The abbey of Saint-Maur-des-Fossés, founded in the seventh century, was located at the entrance to a peninsula formed by a loop of the river Marne which runs around a rocky outcrop. This was also the site of the Castrum Bagaudarum (see note to Chapter 9). In the ninth century the monks of Saint-Maur-deGlanfeuil moved here with the relics of St Maurus. As he was often invoked against rheumatism, gout and epilepsy the abbey became a focus of pilgrimage for those seeking relief from these illnesses. The abbey was replaced by a château in the sixteenth century. It was demolished during the Revolution. 493. The Bois de Vincennes to the east of Paris was originally a very extensive hunting forest. Louis VII built a hunting lodge in it c. 1150. As we saw in Chapter 16, it was walled by Philip Augustus in 1183, three years before he walled the city of Paris itself. A castle was built on the site of the hunting lodge and extensively redeveloped by Charles V in the fourteenth century. Some of his apartments in the great castle keep are still to be seen. Of the

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eleven towers Guillebert mentions, nine are shown in the hunting scene illustrating the month of December in the Très Riches Heures du duc de Berry. The canons served the Sainte-Chapelle which Charles had begun building in 1379 in imitation of the Sainte-Chapelle of Paris which is about 7km away to the west. The church of the order of the Bons Hommes de Grandmont was built in the thirteenth century by Louis IX. The Château de Beauté, on the site of the commune of Nogent-sur-Marne, was built by Charles V in the fourteenth century and he died there in 1380. It was given by Charles VII in 1444 to his mistress Agnès Sorel, who thus became the ‘dame de Beauté’. There were certainly wild animals in the wood of Vincennes: wolves were recorded in Paris itself in 1423 (Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris, 202). 494. The Porte du Temple. The gardens outside this gate were market gardens and the area was known as La Courtille. All the marshy east side of Paris north of the Porte Saint-Antoine outside the walls was devoted to market gardening and some areas inside them, such as the Couture (Culture) Sainte-Catherine. 495. The Porte Saint-Martin. A church of Saint-Laurent in Paris is twice mentioned by Gregory of Tours in the sixth century (History of the Franks, 339, 353). A church was built in the late twelfth century on the site, redeveloped in the fifteenth and still stands, after many modifications, at 68, boulevard de Magenta, Paris 10e. Longueville, a league away, is the appropriate but otherwise unattested name Guillebert gives to the long-drawn-out village of La Villette which stretched out along either side of the road to Flanders, originally a Roman road. This ‘chaussée’ or carriageway is now called the Route nationale 2. The boulevard de la Villette of today is in Paris 10e. Further along the road to Flanders is Le Bourget, known today as a commercial airport, but in Guillebert’s time it was a farming village. 496. The Porte Saint-Denis was also known as the Porte royale because the king passed through it on his return from being crowned at Reims and again in the opposite direction for his burial at Saint-Denis. Saint-Lazare was a leper hospital enclosed with grounds which existed in 1110 in the reign of Louis V. It stood west of the rue Saint-Denis continuation, across the road from Saint-Laurent on a site now covered by the Gare du Nord. The church called ‘La Chapelle’ is now known as the church of ‘Saint-Denys-de-la-Chapelle’, at 52, rue de Torcy, Paris 18e, just off the rue de la Chapelle. The earliest chapel on the site is attributed to St Geneviève. The present building dates from 1204 with later modifications. 497. The Abbey, now the basilica-cathedral of Saint-Denis, was founded by Dagobert c. 630 on the site of the chapel St Geneviève had built c. 475 on the traditional burial place of St Denis. At Dagobert’s request St Eligius (588‒660), a trained goldsmith, made a magnificent reliquary for St Denis and

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his companion martyrs. The construction is recorded by St Ouen of Rouen, a contemporary and biographer of Eligius: ‘Praeterea, Eligius fabricavit et mausoleum sancti martiris Dionysii Parisius civitate, et tugurium super ipsum marmorem miro opere de auro et gemmis.’ (Furthermore, Eligius made a mausoleum for the holy martyr Denis in the city of Paris, and a marble canopy over it with wonderful work of gold and precious stones.) (MGH SS rer. Merov. IV, Vitae Eligii episcopi Novomagensis, liber I, ed. B. Krusch. Hanover & Leipzig, 1902, 688). For ‘tegurion/tugurium’ see the introductory note on Guillebert’s Language. The work of Eligius has long vanished and what Guillebert saw was probably the magnificent monument erected by Suger in the twelfth century (Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of St-Denis, 105). 498. The relics Guillebert describes were still largely in place in the following century. An inventory made in 1505 notes that behind the high altar was a monument containing the relics of Saint Denis and his companion martyrs Rusticus and Eleutherius in silver reliquaries. Over the monument was a wooden tabernacle in the form of a church, decorated all over with precious metals and stones. This was probably the edifice constructed by Suger which was studded with precious stones and which supported three reliquaries for the three martyrs. Guillebert presumes that it was the original work of St Eligius. Today, at the rear of what is now styled the ‘autel des corps saints’ are displayed three reliquaries of gilded metal dated 1817, containing relics of the three martyrs, supposedly saved from the Revolution. They stand under a fourteenth-century baldaquin and on top of a nineteenth-century stone altar, replacing the one built by Suger. The inventory of 1505 also records the presence of a Nail from Our Lord’s Cross, a crown called the Holy Crown and a relic of the arm of St Simeon in a gold reliquary and other very numerous relics (see H. Omont, Inventaires, 26‒27). Furthermore, a much earlier text asserts that it was Dagobert who covered with silver the apse under which the martyrs were buried and that it was his son Clovis II who gave away the silver to the poor in a time of famine rather than war (MGH: SS rer. Merov. II, Gesta Dagoberti I regis Francorum, ed. B. Krusch, Hanover, 1888, 406, 423). The most precious gifts to Saint-Denis before Suger’s time were made by Charles the Bald (823‒877). 499. The 1505 inventory (see previous note) also records the presence of an ancient silk standard wrapped around a pole plated in gilded copper with a long tip which the clerics said was the Oriflamme. For the Oriflamme, see note to Chapter 18. A replica dated 1914 is now on display. 500. The Lendit was a great summer fair opened by the bishop of Paris in a solemn liturgical ceremony but held on land belonging to the abbey of Saint-Denis roughly on the site of the present Stade de France. Montjoies

162

501.

502.

503.

504.

505. 506.

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

were markers on a road, sometimes mere piles of stones. Celebrated ones were erected on the route taking Louis IX’s body for burial at Saint-Denis. See note to Joyenval, Chapter 17. The Porte Montmartre led to the gypsum quarries of Montmartre which were still a source of ‘plaster of Paris’ in the nineteenth century. As plaster walls are not load-bearing, the frame of the houses would have been built of wood. The abbey of nuns was a Benedictine house founded by Louis VI in 1133‒1134. The building and grounds covered 13 hectares. The chapel founded by St Geneviève on the site of the martyrdom of St Denis and his companions is believed to have been in what is now called the Crypte du Martyrium at 11 rue Yvonne-le-Tac, Paris 18e. The Porte Saint-Honoré is most famous as the site of Joan of Arc’s unsuccessful attack on Paris in 1429. It was the last of the medieval gates to be demolished, in 1733. The present church of Saint-Philippe-du-Roule at 154 rue du Faubourg-Saint-Honoré was built in the eighteenth century on the site of a chapel dedicated to the apostles Philip and James. This chapel, founded by Mint workers in the thirteenth century, served as a leper hospital. The Church of Notre Dame de Boulogne la Petite had a connection with Boulogne-sur-Mer where, according to legend, a miraculous statue of the Virgin came ashore in the time of St Omer (seventh century). The statue became such a great focus of pilgrimage that in the early fourteenth century Philip IV and Philip V founded a short version of the journey nearer the capital on the site of the present church of Notre-Dame-de-Boulogne-Billancourt at 2, rue de Verdun (Hauts-de-Seine). The bridge of Saint-Cloud was fortified and Guillebert specifies two big towers. The Bourgeois de Paris states that in 1411 the captain surrendered the bridge to the royalists (Journal, 40). Guillebert’s figures are far from reliable statistically as there was no way of obtaining them accurately in his period. What is more surprising is that in the opening of the very chapter expressly devoted to the excellence of the city, he should include these vast numbers of beggars. It can only be that the huge size of any category of inhabitant adds to the scale and thus the impressiveness of Paris. In the same way the very last sentence of this chapter records an epidemic that killed many thousand Parisians and required a vast number of shrouds. Among the aides or taxes due to the king was the quatrième, that is, one fourth of the retail price of a commodity. Eustache de Pavilly was a Carmelite theologian from the University of Paris who played a part in the revolt of the Cabochiens. He made an eloquent speech at a huge public meeting on 13 February 1413 (Autrand, Charles VI, 480‒500).

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

163

507. Jean Gerson (1363‒1429) studied under Gilles Deschamps and Pierre d’Ailly at the Collège de Navarre; he was appointed Chancellor of the University of Paris at the age of 32; was a canon of Notre-Dame and the parish priest of Saint-Jean-en-Grève. He was a prominent theologian during the Great Schism and was adviser to the Council of Constance. A prolific writer, he was on the side of Christine de Pizan in the quarrel of the Romance of the Rose. 508. Jacques Legrand OSA (c.1360-c.1425) was an Augustinian preacher. His eloquence was praised by Jean de Montreuil who listened to him preach for six hours one Good Friday. There is a hostile reference to him by the Bourgeois de Paris (43‒44). In 1405 Legrand fearlessly denounced the queen’s extravagance in a time of want and was the author of a famous text, the Sophilogium, parts of it translated as Le Livre de Bonnes Moeurs (Roth, ‘Jacques Legrand OSA’). 509. The Master of the Mathurins was identified by Le Roux de Lincy (Paris et ses historiens, 406) and C. Beaune (Bourgeois de Paris, 36) as Renaud de la Marche, but was more probably the controversial pro-Burgundian preacher Etienne de Menil-Fouchard who died in 1418 (Moreau-Rendu, Les Captifs libérés, 82‒85). 510. Charles VI (reigned 1380‒1422) was the last king of France to live in Paris. Charles VII his successor moved to the Loire. Charles III of Navarre, son of Charles the Bad, reigned 1387‒1425; Martin III of Sicily (reigned 1395‒1409) was the last of the House of Barcelona. 511. Gilles des Champs (c.1350‒1413) was involved in the theological controversies of the Schism. He studied at the Collège de Navarre under Pierre d’Ailly; Jean Gerson in turn studied under Gilles des Champs. 512. The astrologer Henry des Fontaines does not appear in Simon de Phares’ Recueuil des astrologues (see Index and II, 225‒6) which is not especially surprising as many of the men Simon includes are mentioned in no other source. 513. Pierre le Roy, Benedictine abbot of Mont-Saint-Michel from 1386 till his death in 1410, taught canon law in the Clos Bruneau in Paris and was also involved in the theological controversies of the Schism. 514. The Bishop of Le Puy may have been Pierre d’Ailly (1351‒1420), a leading theologian with Gerson at the Council of Constance (1414‒1418). He was bishop of Le Puy in 1395. Le Roux de Lincy suggests that the bishop Guillebert refers to may have been Pierre d’Ailly’s successor, Hélie de l’Estrange, bishop 1398‒1418 (Paris et ses historiens, 401). 515. Thomas de Saint-Pierre (†1420), physician and canon, was involved in university disputes in 1409 (Du Boulay, Historia, V, 194). 516. Gilles Sous le Four eloquently defended to the university the rights of surgeons against barbers and charlatans in 1390 (Quesnay, Histoire […] de la chirurgie, 164‒170). 517. For Laurent de Premierfait, see the introductory note on Five Grands Bourgeois.

164

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518. Compare the instruments played by Jacques Dussy in Chapter 25. Vielle: a precursor of the violin. Harp: the medieval harp was a hand-held instrument much smaller than the modern concert harp and could be set on the lap. Rebebe: the rebec. The form of the word given by Guillebert is actually closer to the Arab form ‘rebab’, the stringed instrument which was the predecessor of the rebec and is still in use in the Arab world. Turelurette: the turelure was a bagpipe. Siphonie: the ‘symphony’ was the name given to the ancestor of the hurdy-gurdy. Tragedies: an early use of the term, clearly not drama. If Bacon played chansons and tragedies, the latter may possibly have been narrative songs with a tragic ending, like various old ballads.None of these musicians is known from any other source. The German theologian is memorable not for theology but for musical performance. It is even possible that his name rather than his nationality was ‘Alemant’. Cresceques is an unusual name, found mainly in Picardy. Robinet de Cresceques was lord of Long or Longpré on the Somme. It was in the path of Henry V’s army when he was on his way to Agincourt in 1415. Clygnemidy is evidently a nickname. In his Dictionnaire gascon-français (Landes) the abbé Vincent Foix recorded the Gascon phrase cligne-mijourn (= cligne-midi) meaning squint-eyed. 519. Nothing more is known either of Gobert or of any of his pupil scribes. The reference to the ‘young’ Flamel is a puzzle, as it is made in distinction from Nicolas Flamel the elder, mentioned below. The implication is that ‘young Flamel’ was the son although Nicolas is not known to have had children.The princes who employed the services of these scribes are naturally well documented: the duke of Berry (1340‒1415), the great art patron and bibliophile, King Richard II of England (1367‒1400), the Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund (1368/9‒1437), Louis, duke of Orléans (1372‒1407), the Grand Master of the Knights Hospitaller in Rhodes, presumably Philibert de Naillac (Grand Master 1396‒1421). 520. Charles V, his brothers, sons and nephews were considerable patrons of the luxury trades. The three brother illuminators are of course the famous Limburg brothers, patronized by John, duke of Berry, and most famous for their illuminations of the Très Riches Heures du duc de Berry. The names of the other craftsmen noted here are not recorded elsewhere. As Guillebert had already mentioned, goldsmiths were established on the Grand Pont. Their work, both sacred and secular, was highly developed and included work on precious stones. Herman the diamond polisher, who may well have been German like his name, would have ground and polished diamonds in a ‘point cut’, the technique used before the introduction of the polishing wheel in 1479. He probably operated in the rue de la Courroirie because, as Guillebert mentioned in Chapter 26, this is where workers in

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

521.

522. 523.

524.

525.

165

diamonds and precious stones used to work. It was also the street where the Grand Bourgeois Bureau de Dampmartin lived. The nightingale, already mentioned by Guillebert in Chapter 21, is presumably an early automaton. Guillebert explains that Nicolas Flamel was a prosperous copyist and a considerable philanthropist. He rented out the ground floor of his properties as shops and with the income subsidized the lodgings of poor labourers on the upper floors. One of his houses still exists at 51 rue de Montmorency, Paris 3e. The inscription carved along the lintel of the ground floor reads:‘Nous hommes et femmes laboureurs demourans ou porche de ceste maison qui fut faite an l’an de grace mil quatre cens et sept somes tenus chascuns en droit soy dire tous les jours une patrenostre et un ave maria en priant dieu que sa grace face pardon aus povres pescheurs trespassez amen’ (We, labouring men and women, living in the lodgings of this house which was built in the year of grace 1407, are each obliged to recite every day one Our Father and one Hail Mary asking God’s grace for the forgiveness of poor dead sinners. Amen). This list of beautiful women is always referred to in connection with Villon’s poem Regrets de la Belle Heaumiere and her advice to young women to make the most of their short-lived good looks. An early work of Christine’s, the Epitre d’Othea, is the first and principal text in the unique manuscript containing Guillebert’s Description. Guillebert assumes that she did not physically write her own works, but dictated them, as was common practice. However, there is no evidence that she ever wrote works in Latin. Given the current level of interest in her life and work, it is curious to see Le Roux de Lincy describe her in 1867 as ‘un sujet épuisé’ (Paris et ses historiens, 415). The ‘Prince of Love’ was the appointed head of a Puy d’Amours, of which the most famous at the period was the ‘Cour Amoureuse dite de Charles VI’, a literary association with chivalrous aspirations, whose members were forbidden to compose any verse to the dishonour of ladies. Three of the Grands Bourgeois mentioned by Guillebert were members: Guillaume Sanguin, Bureau de Dampmartin and Jacques Dussy, and also two scholars whose work he knew, Jean de Montreuil and Gontier Col (for a detailed account of the Cour’s aims, activities and membership, see Bozzolo and Loyau, Cour amoureuse, I ). For wreaths of flowers, see note to Chapter 25. The reference to taxation is puzzling. In c. 1268 Etienne Boileau, provost of Paris under Louis IX, produced a Livre des Métiers containing all the regulations for Paris trades. Chapeliers de fleurs, or wreath-makers, were specifically dispensed from the various taxes that could be levied on tradespeople. They were subject only to a fine of 5 sols tournois if they infringed rules for working hours (Livre

166

526.

527.

528.

529.

NOTES TO THE TRANSLATION

des Metiers,198‒199). As there were 20 sols to a livre, 40,000 fines would need to have been collected every year to make up 10,000 livres and even then all the money would not go to the king. The emperor of Greece is presumably the Byzantine Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos (reigned 1391‒1425). The emperor of Rome is probably the Holy Roman Emperor Charles IV, uncle of Charles V of France whom he visited shortly before his death in 1378. The poet Deschamps, writing at the end of the fourteenth century, also celebrates Paris as a pleasure resort appreciated by foreigners (Deschamps, Oeuvres complètes, I, 301‒302). Isabel of Bavaria, who married Charles VI in 1385, did not in fact make her ceremonial entry into Paris for her coronation until 1389. Nor did she pay for this memorable spectacle, which Froissart describes in detail at the start of Book 4 of his chronicles (Froissart, Chronicles, trans. Brereton, 351‒360; Autrand, Charles VI, Ch. 13 ‘La fête de la reine,’ 228‒40). It is striking that Guillebert still found it worthy of record decades later. The devastating outbreak of plague in 1418 would seem to be a curious item to include in a chapter listing the various excellences of Paris, but no doubt, as for the 80,000 beggars mentioned at the start, the scale of the disaster indicates for him the great size of the population and hence the grandeur and importance of the city. The Bourgeois de Paris (Journal, 133‒134) puts the number of victims at 50,000, even higher than Guillebert. However, C. Jéhanno has shown that the recorded number of deaths in the Hôtel-Dieu for the whole of 1418 was in fact only 5,317 (Sustenter les pauvres malades, 170‒175). Le Roux de Lincy is surely correct in suggesting (Paris et ses Historiens, 236) that this mention of the Chambre des Comptes is an error as it would be incredible that the Royal Exchequer should have issued thousands of shrouds. He suggests the correction ‘Chambre aux Coetes’, used in Félibien, Histoire de la Ville de Paris, IV, Preuves et Pièces Justificatives, 617, where the entry for 22 March 1501 mentions ‘dames de la Chambre aux Coetes’. C. Jéhanno (Sustenter les pauvres maladies, 170‒175) confirms this suggestion, noting that the Hôtel-Dieu, had substantial resources of linen with a ‘Chambre aux Coultes ou poullerie’, meaning a store for bed linen and a pulley for stretching linen on to smooth and dry it.

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INDEX1

References are to page numbers in the translation and notes. Abbé de Saint-Denis, rue de l’, 91, 134 Abelard, Peter, 36, 131 Agincourt, 8, 33, 118 Albertano da Brescia, 27 Alemandiers/Amandiers (?) [MS Lavendiers], rue des, 93, 134 Alexandre [l’Anglais], rue d’, 93, 135 Amaury de Roussi/Roissy, rue, 99, 151 Ameline Boileau, rue, 40, 101, 155 Andry (metal worker), 107 Andry Malet [MS Jehan Malet], rue, 101, 154 Anglais, rue des, 93, 135 Angle (?), rue de l’, 101, 156 Anquetil le Faucheur, rue d’,101, 154 Antonio d’Asti, 8–9, 23 Arbre-Sec, rue de l’, 99, 113, 148 Arcis/Arsis, rue des, 101, 151 Aubriot, Hugues, 39, 101, 157 Aubry le Boucher, rue, 99, 151 Augustinians, 37, 91 Aulus Gellius, 61, 112 Autriche, [MS Haute Riche], rue d’, 99, 148 Averon, [MS Aveignon], rue d’, 99, 148 Bacon (musician), 32, 107 Bagaudae, 67, 114 Baillehou, rue de, 42, 101, 152 Baillet, Miles, 35, 43, 47, 97, 145, 147, 154 Baldric of Dol, 63, 112 Baldwin VI, count of Flanders, 11 Barillerie, rue de la, 89, 125 Barre, rue de la, 91, 132

Bastille, 8, 95, 142 Baudouin Pren[g]age, rue, 99, 17 Beaubourg, rue de, 42, 99, 150 Béguines, 93, 138 Benedictines, 24, 38, 114, 115, 129, 131, 158, 162, 163 Bernard Gui, 17, 55, 61, 110, 112 Bertaut/Bertrand Qui Dort, rue, 99, 151 Bertin-Poirée, rue, 99, 146 Béthisy, rue de, 99, 147 Bièvre, rue du, 93, 135 Billettes, collegiate church of the, 93, 139 Blancs Manteaux, rue des, 101, 153 Bon Puits, rue du, 93, 101, 135 Bouclerie, rue de la, 101, 152 Bourc l’Abbé, 42, 99 Bourdonnais, rue des, 47, 65, 97, 99, 113, 147 Bourg-de-Brie, rue, 93, 133 Bourgeois de Paris, Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris, 9–10, 113, 120, 125, 142, 154 159, 160, 162, 163, 165 Boutibourc, rue de, 101, 154 Bouveries, rue des, 101, 152 Bouvines, battle of, 77, 116, 117, 140 Bûcherie [MS Boucherie], rue de la, 93, 136 Buffeterie, rue de la, 101, 152 Bureau de Dampmartin, 12, 13, 35, 42, 4344, 45, 47, 95, 145, 151, 165 Cage, rue de la, 89, 126 Calandre [MS Galandre], rue de la, 89, 125

1  References are to page numbers in the translation and notes.

174

Index

Carmelites, 37, 91, 162 Celestines, 8, 9, 36, 93,101, 140, 142 Celestines, collegiate church of the, 8, 9, 36, 93, 140, 142 Chambre des Comptes, 43, 44, 45, 97, 109 Champ Petit, rue du, 91, 132 Champ Roussy (?), rue, 89, 125 Chanson de Roland, Le, 75, 116, 118 Chanvrerie, rue de la, 99, 149 Charlemagne, 21, 73, 75, 77, 83, 93, 110, 113, 116, 141 Charles d’Orléans, 8, 143 Charles Martel, 75, 116 Charles V, 10, 11, 17, 19, 21, 33, 36, 39, 46, 47, 79, 124, 131, 140, 143, 159–60, 164 Charles VI, 10, 39, 45, 46, 120, 123, 124, 143, 163, 165, 166 Charles VII, 32, 33, 160 Charonnerie, rue de la, 93, 134 Chartron, rue du, 101, 154 Château, rue du, 99, 149 Châtelet (Le Grand), 34, 41, 43, 47, 95, 99, 144, 145, 146 Châtelet (Le Petit), 89, 144 Chevrotins, rue des, 101, 152 Christine de Pizan, 13, 18, 26, 27, 32, 33, 107, 131, 163, 165 Cimetière Saint-Jean, rue du, 42, 101, 154 Clignemidy (musician), 107 Cloître-Saint-Benoît, rue du, 93, 127, 133 Cloître-Sainte-Opportune, rue du, 99, 139, 147 Clopin, rue, 93, 135 Clos Brunel (Bruneau), rue du, 7, 93, 129, 135, 163 Clovis, 21, 67, 73, 79, 81, 91, 116, 117 Cluny, rue de, 37, 93, 133 Cocatris, rue de la, 89, 125 Col, Gontier, 27, 44, 165 Collège d’Autun, 38, 91, 130 Collège d’Harcourt, 91, 129

Collège de Bayeux, 39, 91, 130 Collège de Boncourt, 91, 129, 131 Collège de Bourgogne, 39, 91, 130 Collège de Cambrai, 39, 91, 130 Collège de Cholets, 39, 91, 129 Collège de Clermont ( Jesuits), 38 Collège de Cluny, 38, 91, 129 Collège de Dainville, 39, 91, 129, 130 Collège de Dormans-Beauvais, 39, 91, 128 Collège de Justice, 39, 91, 130 Collège de l’Ave Maria, 39, 91, 129 Collège de la Sorbonne, 10, 37, 38, 91 Collège de Laon, 39, 91, 129 Collège de Marmoutier, 38, 91, 131 Collège de Mignon-Grandcourt, 39, 91, 131 Collège de Narbonne, 39, 91, 129 Collège de Navarre, 38, 91, 128, 129, 163 Collège de Reims, 39, 91, 128 Collège de Saint-Denis, 38, 91, 131 Collège de Tournai [MS Thérouanne], 91, 129 Collège de Tours, 39, 91, 128 Collège des Bernardins, 37, 91, 127 Collège des Bons-Enfants-SaintHonoré, 93, 138 Collège des Bons-Enfants-SaintVictor, 39, 91, 128 Collège des Dix-Huit, 38, 39, 87 Collège des Prémontrés, 38, 91, 130 Collège des Trésoriers, 39, 91, 129 Collège du Cardinal-Lemoine, 91, 128 Collège du Maître-Gervais, 39, 91, 130, 131 Colombe, rue de la, 42, 89, 126 Commanderesses, rue des, 42, 101, 156 Comte de Ponthieu [MS Cave de Pontis], rue du, 99, 147 Confrérie, rue de la, 89, 135 Constantine, emperor, 21, 81, 83 Corbel [MS de Thorel], rue au, 93, 133

Index

Cordelles, rue des, 91, 132 Cordiers, rue des, 93, 133 Cordouanniers, rue des, 101, 157 Cossonnerie [MS Cochonnerie], rue de la, 99, 149 Coudrette, Roman de Mélusine, 15, 25 Coulons, rue des, 89, 113, 124 Cour Robert, la, 42, 101, 152 Courroirie, rue de la, 42, 44, 95, 99, 151, 164, Courtecuisse, Jean, 26 Cresecques (musician), 107 Crespin (scribe), 107 Croix du Tirouer, 65, 99, 113, 148 Croix Neuve, rue, 99, 149 Dagobert, 75, 116, 122, 160, 161 Danse Macabre, 45, 95, 142 Decameron (French translation), 13, 14, 15, 25, 26, 28, 44, 171 Déchargeurs, rue des, 65, 99, 113, 147 Deux Portes, rue des, 93, 136 Devil’s Fart, 99, 146 Diderot, 120 Dominicans ( Jacobins), 37, 91, 110, 133, 145, 149, 16, 165 Duc de Bourgogne, rue du, 93, 134 Dussy, Jacques, 35, 43–46, 97, 145, 149, 164, 165 Ecoles-Saint-Germain, rue des, 41, 95, 99 145, 146 Ecorcherie, rue de l’, 42, 101, 157 Ecus, rue des, 99, 148 Eglise Saint-Jacques, rue lès l’,42, 101, 152 Essarts, Antoine des, 120 Essarts, Pierre des, 120 Etable du Cloître, rue de l’, 101 Etuves, rue des, 99, 101, 148, 151 Eustache de Pavilly, 12, 107, 162 Eustache Deschamps, 9, 27, 166 Fauconnerie, rue de la, 101, 152 Ferronnerie, rue de la, 99, 147

175

Fèves [MS Fevres], 89, 125 Filles-Dieu nuns, chapel of, 93, 139 Flamel the younger, 107, 164 Flamel, Nicolas, 34, 107, 164, 165 Foin, rue du, 93, 133 For l’Evêque, 33, 95, 145 Fosse-Saint-Germain, rue de la, 99, 148 Fouarre/Fuerre, rue du, 7, 37, 93, 136 Four (Right Bank), rue du, 99, 148 Franc Meurier, rue du, 101, 154 Francis of Mayronnes, 61, 112 Franciscans (Cordeliers), 37, 91, 127, 132 Frogier l’Asnier, rue, 40, 45, 101, 155 Fuerre (Right Bank), rue du, 41, 99, 149 Galande [MS Colandre], rue de, 93, 136 Ganterie, rue de la, 40, 89, 125 Gencien [MS Gracien], rue, 101, 154 Geoffrey of Monmouth, 19, 71, 115 Geoffroy l’Angevin [MS Grieffron l’Angevin], rue, 99, Gerson, Jean, 12, 107, 128, 137, 142, 163 Gervais Laurent [MS Saint Lorens], rue, 89, 126 Gilles Deschamps, 107, 163 Gilles Sous-le-Four (surgeon), 107, 163 Glatigny, rue de, 42, 89, 126 Gloriette, rue de, 99, 147 Gobert (scribe), 107 Goldsmiths, 8, 41, 44, 89, 99, 107, 139, 160, 164 Grande Boucherie, rue de la, 101, 157 Grande Orberie, rue de la, 89, 125 Gregory of Tours, 110, 113, 116, 159 Grève, place de, 95, 141, 145, 155, 156 Guilbaut, Gui, 15, 16, 17, 25n34 Guillaume de Nangis, 77, 116 Guillaume Josse, rue, 99, 151 Guillaume Poree [MS Guibert], rue, 99, 146 Guillemin (scribe), 107 Guillemin Dancel (musician), 107

176

Index

Guillemins, collegiate church of the, 93, 140 Guillori, carrefour, 65, 101, 113, 153 Guillot de Paris, 21–22, 39, 42, 125, 126, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 145,146, 147, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 257, 169 Halles, les, 7, 8, 95, 99, 145, 149 Harcourt, rue d’, 91, 132 Harengerie [MS Haubergerie], rue de la, 99, 146 Harpe, rue de la, 40, 43, 91, 91, 133 Haudry nuns, chapel of the, 93, 138 Haussmann, Baron, 23, 35, 124 Hautefeuille, rue, 40, 91, 130, 132 Heaumerie, rue de la, 42, 101, 152 Helinand of Froidmont, 18, 55, 110 Henri des Fontaines (astrologer), 107 Henry V, 33. 47 Henry VI, 33, 47 Herman (diamond polisher), 42, 107 Hincmar of Reims, 117 Honorius of Autun, 13 Hôpital, rue de l’, 93, 134 Hôtel d’Alençon, 95, 144 Hôtel d’Artois, 95, 143 Hôtel de Bourbon, 95, 143 Hôtel de Clisson, 95, 144 Hôtel de Flandres, 95, 144 Hôtel de Hollande, 95, 144 Hôtel de Montaigu, 95, 144 Hôtel de Sicile, 95, 143 Hôtel de Tournai, 95, 144 Hôtel de Ville, 34, 43, 95, 137, 141, 145 Hôtel des Tournelles, 95, 143 Hôtel du Petit-Musc, 95, 143 Hôtel of the kings of Navarre, 95, 143 Hôtel Saint-Paul, 10, 33, 36, 95, 137, 140, 143 Hôtel-Dieu, 8, 34, 38, 103, 109, 121, 122, 124, 158, 166 Huchette, rue de la, 91, 131

Hugh Capet, 73, 114 Hugh of Fleury, 55, 110 Hugh of St Victor, 55, 57, 109, 110 Hundred Years War, 9, 10, 21, 44, 112, 118 Ile Notre-Dame (Ile Saint-Louis), 91, 101, 157 Image, rue de l’, 89, 126 Innocent III, pope, 37 Innocents, church and cemetery of the, 10, 47, 65, 93, 95, 114, 136, 142 Isabel of Bavaria, 12, 45, 109, 166 Jacobins, rue des, 93, 133 Jardins, rue des, 101, 153 Jean de Jandun, 7, 8, 23, 32, 37, 41, 145 Jean de Montreuil, 18–19, 27, 32, 44, 115–17, 163, 165 Jeanne de Navarre, 38 Jehan d’Orléans, rue, 99, 147 Jehan de l’Espine, rue, 101, 153 Jehan le Conte, rue, 101, 152 Jehan Lointier, rue, 99, 146 Jehan Pain Mollet, rue, 40, 101, 154 Jehan Pourchelet (?), rue, 99, 149 Jehan Tison, rue, 99, 148 Jehan Vigne, rue, 99, 149 Joan of Arc, 47, 162 John of St Victor (In exordio rerum), 55, 57, 110, 111 John the Fearless, second duke of Burgundy, 10, 11, 12, 13 14, 16, 25, 44, 47, 95, 144 John, duke of Berry, 14, 27, 44, 107, 142, 143, 145, 159, 160, 164 Joscius of London, 38 Joyenval, abbey of, 81, 118, 162 Judas, rue de, 93, 134 Juerie ( Juiverie), rue de la, 89, 125 Julius Caesar, 20, 63, 67, 112, 114 Justinus, 73, 115 Lamperie, rue de la, 101, 152 Lanterne, rue de la, 89, 121, 124, 126

Index

Laurent de Premierfait, 12, 13, 26–27, 44, 95, 107, 163 Lavandières (Left Bank), rue des, 93, 135 Lavandières (Right Bank), rue des, 41, 99, 146 Legrand, Jacques, 107, 163 Lemaire de Belges, Jean, 20 Licorne, rue de la, 89, 125 Limburg brothers (illuminators), 14, 107, 164 Lombards, rue des, 40, 42, 99, 151 London Dit, 22, 39, 125–27, 132–36, 145–57 Louis d’Orléans, 8, 23, 36, 44, 46, 140, 143, 164 Louis de Bourbon, 45, 139, 143 Louis II, le Pieux, 113 Louis V, 160 Louis VI, 118, 162 Louis VII, 114, 159 Louis VIII, 77, 79, 117 Louis IX (St Louis), 21, 34, 36, 37, 38, 42, 81, 89, 81, 89, 118, 123, 124, 138, 140, 144, 151, 153, 158, 159, 160, 162 Louis XIV, 35, 38, 119, 157 Louis XV, 126 Louvre, 10, 95, 101, 136, 139, 142, 151 Louvres, collegiate church of, 93, 139 Lycée Louis-le-Grand, 38, 128, 129 Maine (?), rue du, 93, 134 Male Parole, rue de, 99, 146 Marché Palu, rue du, 89, 124, 125 Marivaux, rue de, 42, 101, 151 Marmousets, rue des, 89, 126 Martin de Braga, 26 Martroi Saint-Jean, rue du, 101, 154 Mathurins, 37, 107, 128, 163 Maubert, place, 37, 91, 93, 135 Mauconseil, rue de, 99, 130 Maudestour, rue au, 99, 149 Mégisserie, rue de la, 99, 146 Ménestrels, rue des, 41, 89, 99, 150

177

Moniage Guillaume, Le, 113 Montmartre, rue, 99, 149 Mortellerie, rue de la, 42, 101, 155 Neelle, rue de, 99, 148 Nicholas Buee (?), rue de, 99, 149 Notaires et Ecrivains, rue des, 40, 93, 133 Notre-Dame, cathedral of, 7, 8, 9, 33, 34, 35, 36, 85, 87, 119, 120, 122, 123 Notre-Dame de Boulogne-la-Petite, church of, 105, 162 Notre-Dame de Mesche, church of, 103, 159 Notre-Dame des Champs, church of, 71, 103, 115, 158 Notre-Dame-des-Blancs-Manteaux, church of, 123 Notre-Dame-des-Vertus, church of, 93, 136 Oriflamme, the, 21, 33, 36, 81–83, 85, 105, 117, 118, 161 Orosius, Paulus, 55, 67, 110, 114 Oseraie [MS Loteraine], rue de l’, 93, 134 Palais de la Cité, 7, 8, 10, 33, 87 Paon, rue du, 91, 134 Parcheminiers, rue des, 40, 93, 133 Parlement, 7, 47, 83, 87, 97, 123, 143 Parvis de Notre-Dame, ruelle du, 89, 124 Pavée, rue, 40, 91, 132 Pelleterie, rue de la, 89, 126 Pepin the Short, 73, 75, 116 Perdue, rue, 93, 135 Peronnelle la Pastourelle, rue, 101, 153 Perrin de Sens (musician), 107 Perrin Gasselin, 65, 91, 99, 113, 146 [MS Gosselin] Petite Orberie, rue de la, 89, 125 Petit-Four, rue du, 93, 134 Petits-Champs, rue des, 40, 99, 150 Petits-Souliers, rue des, 99, 146 Philip Augustus, 19, 37, 39, 110, 113, 116, 121, 122, 142, 145, 150, 157, 159

178

Index

Philip IV (the Fair), 23, 111, 112, 123, 128, 129, 141, 144, 162 Philip V (the Tall), 130, 162 Philip VI (de Valois), 47, 112 Philip the Bold, first duke of Burgundy, 11, 12, 45, 59, 143, 144 Philip the Good, third duke of Burgundy, 11, 13, 15, 16, 17, 26, 29, 32, 33, 47 Pierre au Lait, rue de la, 42, 101, 152 Pierre au Poisson, 99, 146 Pierre de Cugnières, 119, 130 Piet (?), rue du, 99, 132 Pillory, 65, 95 Planches de Mibray, 65, 113 Planches de Mibray, rue des, 101, 156 Plâtre, rue du, 101, 153 Plâtrière, rue de la, 91, 132, 145 Poirées [MS de Porel], rue des, 93, 133 Poissonnerie, rue de la, 93, 136 Poitevins, rue des, 91, 132 Pomme, rue de la, 89, 125 Poterie, rue de la, 101, 153 Poulaillerie, rue de la, 101, 157 Poupée [MS Pompee], rue, 91, 132 Pourceaux, place aux, 65, 99, 147 Prêcheurs, rue des, 99, 149 Premonstratensians, 37–38, 118, 130 Prêtre de Saint-Eustache, rue du, 99, 149 Prouvaires, rue des, 45, 97, 99 [MS Pironnes], 148 Quincampoix, rue, 41, 44, 99, 151 Quinze-Vingts, 34, 93, 138 Raoul de Presles, 15, 17–21, 25, 29–33, 79, 83, 110, 111, 113, 114, 115, 117, 118, 133, 134, 147, 148, 153 Raoul l’Avenier [MS Raoul l’Asnier], rue, 99, 147 Rapondi, Dino, 43, 44–45, 95, 145, 151 Rats, rue des, 93, 136

Renaud le Fèvre [MS Robert le Fèvre], rue, 101, 155 Richelieu, Cardinal, 38, 128 Rivoli, rue de, 43 Roi de Sicile, rue du, 101, 155 Romance of the Rose, 18, 27, 32 Roseau (?), rue du, 93, 135 Rosière (?) rue de la, 101, 156 Rosiers, rue des, 40, 101, 155 Sacalie, rue, 91, 131 Saint-André-des Arts, rue, 91, 132 Saint-Antoine-le-Petit, collegiate church of, 93, 141 Saint-Barthélemy, church of, 87, 114, 121, 137 Saint-Benoît-le-Bétourné, church of, 71, 91, 115, 127 Saint-Bon, church of, 93, 138 Saint-Bon, rue, 101, 152 Saint-Christophe, church of, 87, 121, 122 Saint-Christophe, grand-rue, 89, 125 Saint-Christophe, rue, 89, 124 Saint-Côme-Saint-Damien, church of, 91, 127 Saint-Denis, rue, 41, 95, 99, 150 Saint-Denis-de-la-Chartre, church of, 65, 87, 121 Sainte-Avoye, church of, 93, 138 Sainte-Catherine, collegiate church of, 93, 140, 141, 157 Sainte-Chapelle, 7, 8, 9, 35, 36, 87, 122, 123 Sainte-Croix, church of, 87, 122, 153 Sainte-Croix, collegiate church of, 93, 140 Sainte-Geneviève des Ardents, church of, 87, 121 Sainte-Geneviève, abbey of, 36, 37, 38, 91, 122, 126, 127, 131, 135 Sainte-Geneviève, grand-rue, 93, 135 Saint-Eloi, church of, 93, 93, 121, 139 Saint-Eloi, priory of, 87, 122, 123

Index

Saint-Etienne-des-Grès [MS Grecs], rue, 93, 134 Sainte-Marie-Madeleine, church of, 87, 121, 125 Sainte-Marine, church of, 87, 121 Sainte-Marine, rue, 89, 125 Sainte-Opportune, collegiate church of, 93, 139, 147 Saint-Esprit, collegiate church of the, 93, 141 Saint-Etienne-des-Grès, church of, 93, 115, 134 Saint-Etienne-du Mont, church of, 91, 126 Saint-Eustache, church of, 45, 93, 136, 149 Saint-Germain, rue, 91, 132 Saint-Germain-l’Auxerrois, church of, 93, 136, 159 Saint-Germain-le-Vieux, church of, 87, 122 Saint-Gervais, church of, 93, 137, 156 Saint-Gervais, cimetière, 101, 156 Saint-Gilles, church of, 93, 137 Saint-Hilaire, carrefour, 93, 135 Saint-Hilaire, church of, 91, 137 Saint-Hilaire, rue, 93, 134 Saint-Honoré, church of, 93, 136, 137 Saint-Jacques, carrefour, 91, 93 Saint-Jacques-de-l’Hôpital, collegiate church of, 93, 141 Saint-Jacques-de-la Boucherie, church of, 42, 93, 136, 152 Saint-Jean-de-Grève, rue, 42, 101, 156 Saint-Jean-en-Grève, church of, 93, 99, 137, 154, 163 Saint-Jean-le-Rond, church of, 87, 122 Saint-Josse, church of, 93, 137, 151 Saint-Julien des Ménétriers, church of, 93, 137, 150 Saint-Julien, rue, 93, 136 Saint-Landry, church of, 87, 122

179

Saint-Magloire, abbey church of, 67, 93, 113, 114, 137, 150 Saint-Marcel, ruellette, 93, 135 Saint-Martin, rue, 41, 95, 99, 150 Saint-Martin-des-Champs, priory of, 93, 137 Saint-Massias (Martial), church of, 87, 122 Saint-Mathurin, rue, 93, 133 Saint-Merri, church of, 93, 136 Saint-Merri, rue, 101, 152 Saint-Michel, church of, 87, 122 Saint-Nicolas, rue, 93, 135 Saint-Nicolas-du-Chardonnet, church of, 91, 127 Saint-Nicolas-lez-Saint-Martin, church of, 93, 137 Saint-Paul, church of, 93, 137 Saint-Pierre-aux-Bœufs, church of, 87, 120 Saint-Pierre-des-Assis, church of, 87, 121 Saint-Sauveur, church of, 93, 136 Saint-Sépulchre, collegiate church of, 93, 139 Saint-Séverin, church of, 91, 121, 127 Saint-Séverin, grand-rue, 93, 133 Saint-Séverin, ruellette, 91, 133 Saint-Symphorien, church of, 87, 122 Saint-Symphorien, rue, 93, 134 Saint-Victor, rue, 93, 135 St Augustine, City of God, 15, 17, 25, 26, 111 St Babolein, 67, 114 St Denis, 19, 36, 71, 81, 83, 87, 105, 114, 115, 121, 160, 161, 162 St Eligius (Eloi), 122, 105, 139, 160–61 St Geneviève, 91, 105, 115, 126, 160, 162 St Germain of Paris, 158 St Gregory the Great, 61, 111 St Remigius (Remi), 21, 79, 117 Salic Law, 18, 21, 33, 61, 111–12 Sanguin, Guillemin, 43–47, 97, 145, 165

180

Index

Saunerie, rue de la, 41, 99, 146 Saveterie, rue de la, 89, 126 Savoie, rue de, 93, 134 Senez (?), rue aux, 99, 150 Serpente, rue de la, 91, 131 Sicart (scribe), 107 Sigebert of Gembloux, 55, 110 Simon le Franc, rue, 101, 153 Singes [MS Juges], rue des, 101, 153 Sorbonne, rue de la, 7, 37, 93, 133 Stow, John, 22

Tournant (?), rue au, 93, 135 Traversaine, rue, 93, 135 Tréfilière [MS Tresseillie], rue de la, 99, 151 Trinity, collegiate church of the, 93, 138, 139 Trinity, priory of the, 93, 138 Triperie, rue de la, 101, 157 Trou Bernard, rue du, 99, 148 Troussevache, rue, 99, 151 Truanderie, rue de la, 99, 149

Tableterie, rue de la, 41, 99, 146 Tacherie, rue de la, 101, 156 Tax Roll (1292), 21, 39, 124–26, 132–36, 146–49, 151–57 Temple, 39, 134, 138, 151 Temple, carrefour du, 101, 153 Temple, rue du, 101, 153, 154 Thibaut-aux-Dés, rue, 99, 147 Thomas de Saint-Pierre (doctor of medicine), 107, 163 Thomas Waleys, 61, 112 Tirechappe, rue, 99, 147 Tissanderie, rue de la, 101, 154 Tonnellerie, rue de la, 99, 149 Tort (?), rue du, 101, 153

Veaux, la place aux, 101, 156 Vennerie, rue de la, 42, 101, 156 Verseilles [MS Versailles], rue de, 93, 135 Vieille Draperie, rue de la, 89, 121, 125 Vieille Monnoie, rue de la, 45, 101, 151 Villon, François, 10, 127, 129, 142, 145, 146, 165 Vincent of Beauvais, 20, 55, 110 Virgil, 19, 20 Voirrie, rue de la, 42, 101, 154 Vrancz, Liévin, 11 Walter IV of Enghien, 11 Wilhelm (goldsmith), 107 William of Champeaux, 36, 158 William the Breton, 55, 59, 110, 111, 121