Outrigger Canoes of Bali and Madura, Indonesia (BERNICE PAUAHI BISHOP MUSEUM SPECIAL PUBLICATION) [1 ed.] 093089720X, 9780930897208

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Outrigger Canoes of Bali and Madura^ Indonesia ADRIAN HORRIDGE

Bishop Museum Special Publication 77

BISHOP MUSEUM PRESS Honolulu, 1987

W. Donald Duckworth, Director, Bishop Museum

JoAnn M. Tenorio, Director, Bishop Museum Press Henry Bennett, Editor/Manager Keith K. Leber, Assistant Editor Shirley L. Samuelson, Copy Editor Jane G. Taylor, Editorial Assistant

® 1987 by Bishop Museum, Honolulu AU rights reserved Printed in the United States of America

@ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials/ ANSI Z39.48-1984.

Printed by Arcata Graphics, Kingsport, Tennessee

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Book design by Kenneth Miyamoto

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Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 86-73058 ISBN 0-930897-20-X ISSN 0067-6179

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Contents

Introduction Acknowledgments

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R

A

ix xiii 1

Part 1. Balinese Canoes

BALINESE FISHING VILLAGES

3

Sanur

3

Benoa

4

Kuta

4

Jimbaran

4

Kusamba

4

Nusa Penida

5

Air Kuning

6

Gilimanuk

i

BALINESE CANOES

8

Records of Balinese Canoes

11

Sampan Johnson {Sampan Yamaha)

18

Large Outriggers

19

Jukung Gede

21

The Balinese Jukung Rig

23

PARTS OF BALINESE CANOES

29

The 5-Part Canoe

29

The Hull

30

Gunwales

31

Split Stempiece

33

[ Vi ]

CONTENTS

Internal Supports

38

Outrigger Structures

42

Outrigger Booms

42

Bayungan

Cedik

43 43

Outrigger Floats

46

Rudder Supports

47

The Rudder and Tiller

48

Splashboards

'

48

Bows

49

Stem

50

CANOE DESIGN

51

CANOE TYPES RELATED TO THE BALINESE JUKUNG

53

Air Kuning

53

Sasak Canoes

57

BUILDING A JUKUNG

58

The System of Proportions

61

Details of Jukung Building

63

BALINESE CANOE CEREMONIES

66

Felling the Tree

67

The Kawinan Ceremony

68

The Oton Ceremony

69

The Cycle of Ceremonies

69

The Petik Laui Ceremony

70

Wider Aspects of Canoe Lore

72

LESSONS FROM THE BALINESE JUKUNG Part 2. Madurese and East Javanese Canoes

73

77

HISTORICAL ACCOUNT

77

THE MADURESE JUKUNG

gI

The Madurese Jukung Rig

§2

CONTENTS

Records of Madurese Rigs BUILDING A MADURESE JUKUNG

[ vii ]

87 91

The Hull

92

Gunwales

93

Forked Stems

94

Crosspieces

95

Outrigger Booms

97

100;

Lashings Rudder Supports

102

Sailrests

105

MADURESE JUKUNG TYPES

110

The Jukung Polangan of Sepulu

110

The Jukung Pangope-an of Pasean

110

Perahu Polangan at Salompeng

111

The Bawean Jukung and the Tiga Roda

111,

BOATBUILDING CEREMONIES IN MADURA

111

CANOE TYPES NOT RELATED TO THE MADURESE JUKUNG

116

Rajekwesi, Southeast Java

116

Sumba Canoes

120

Sunda Strait Canoe of 1780

123

Five Models at Leiden

125

The Perahu Katir Qi Northeast Java

128

THE MADURESE EXPANSION Part 3. The Evolution of Pacific Canoe Rigs

136 139

EARLY MIGRATIONS

139

PREVIOUS IDEAS ABOUT RIGS

141

Haddon and Hornell

141

Bowen and Needham

I47

Doran

150

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CONTENTS

A NEW SYNTHESIS

154

The First 55,000 years

154

The Austronesian Expansion

156

CONCLUSION

A Prototype of Pacific Rigs

160

161

Glossary

165

Literature Cited

169

Index

173

t

Introduction

The double-outrigger canoes of Indonesia have been of interest to tourists for most of this century, but little has been written about them. The traditional designs have apparently remained relatively unchanged for centuries, except during the last few decades. Recently, renewed interest from the island peoples who make and sail these canoes, from other Indonesians with a concern for their cultural heritage, and from tourists, anthropologists, and historians has come to focus on these vessels. Now there is an urgent need for documentation before these canoes undergo further change. Outrigger canoes are complex, hand-carved objects of wood that have come down to us from the past, in some respects comparable to windmills or farm wagons. The archaeological record in Europe shows that, in general, all such objects were developed about 2,000 to 5,000 years ago, and usually not earlier. Whether this is true for the outrigger canoes of the peoples that colonized the Pacific about 3,000 to 5,000 years ago can perhaps be inferred from a compara­ tive study of recent canoes, of which this account is a part. Unfortunately, for the Pacific, no archaeological material exists. Where did these canoes come from? How are they related to outrigger canoes in other parts of the Pacific? What are their uses? How is their structure siuted to the engineering design require­ ments and to the available building materials? How do building and operating canoes, selling fish, and a fisherman’s status fit into the local social systems? To deal with these aspects of the outrigger canoe in the numerous cultures of Indonesia means that we face a lengthy interdisciplinary study that leads into many subjects. Besides canoe construction, performance, and history, the study encompasses two topics, canoe vocabulary and canoe ceremonies, that are not obvious at first approach. As an amateur in all these disciplines, I followed leads of all kinds, seeking relationships and letting the subject develop as the

INTRODUCTION

data emerged. My methods were rather different from those of economists, boat architects, or anthropologists who concentrate for years on one topic in a single culture. Almost all of the following account has been taken from my own observations in fishing villages and from what I have learned by talking to fishermen and canoe builders. As I worked, the story of the 5-part canoe as a married couple, and the deep significance of the Madurese rig, became the themes that run through the entire book. At the same time, large gaps in our knowledge relating to sailing performance of canoes and rigs, data on fish stocks, social and nutritional impor­ tance of fishing, and problems of modernization have become obvious, and a great deal of disinterested fact-finding is needed on these topics. Unless stated to the contrary, all the illustrations have been made from 1975 to 1985 from working canoes. Local terms for parts of canoes are usually in the local dialect in standard, modern Indone­ sian orthography, but sometimes one unwittingly accepts a Malay word as dialect. These words have all been collected from the local people; most of them are not in dictionaries. This book, springing purely from curiosity and a spirit of adventure, could not have been written before the widespread teaching of the Bahasa Indonesia language in primary schools throughout Indonesia from 1956 onwards. About 1918 James Hornell travelled by Dutch steamship to Surabaya and Bali. He photographed canoes at the main ports, including Banjuwangi on the Straits of Bali and Buleleng on the north coast of Bali. Hornell also studied canoe models and accounts by other travellers, but he was unable to collect data directly from Madurese or Balinese fishermen because at that time they spoke only their own lan­ guages. Horhell published his relatively limited observations on Indonesian canoes in 1920, the same year that A.C. Haddon published a summary of museum models and descriptions of Indonesian canoes from the available literature. These 2 works, neither of them based on detailed fieldwork, are almost all that has been available in English for the past 60 years. In 1932 the Dutch ethnologist Christiaan Nooteboom published an extensive account of Indonesian canoes in Dutch, but he drew almost all his data from museum models and references in the literature. Later, but before 1940, Nooteboom published his own observations on traditional boats at Ende, East Flores, and on the west coast of Sulawesi. In his field observations he relied upon educated local men who spoke Dutch. Again, little information was obtained from the fishermen and boatbuilders themselves.

INTRODUCTION

Two other factors have hampered the study of the double­ outrigger canoe. First, the work of the anthropologists themselves has been set in a framework that involves the detailed study of a single culture, which the specialist absorbs for several years. He may know little about neighboring cultures or the wider scene. Second, few scholars (and even fewer administrators who might encourage the work) are interested in fishing villages or maritime matters, and almost none are inclined to consider stresses and strains, available building materials, or the design of boats and outrigger canoes in relation to wind, fishing methods, or numbers of crew. Further, maritime museums are concerned primarily with the ships of their own cultures, and ethnology museums have no experts on maritime affairs. Specialists in Indonesia are rarely interested in the sea. As a result, the canoes themselves have been neglected by generations of researchers. There has been no system­ atic field study, and there have been no studies at all of the ceremonies and beliefs that pertain to Indonesian canoes. If there is a modern interest in outrigger canoes, it is concerned with fisheriesdevelopment schemes, which often involve nothing more than the introduction of outboard motors with no concern for the conse­ quences. Yet, for the hundreds of thousands of impoverished fishermen in Indonesia, their dependents, and the fish-processing industries, the outrigger canoes are clearly a matter of life and death, besides being their principal source of income. The tradi­ tional fishing techniques constitute, in fact, a huge reservoir of knowledge about inexpensive ways of winning protein from the sea. The outrigger canoes also have their place in the system of beliefs derived from an ancient animistic religion that has many features in common with religious beliefs in other cultures of the Austronesian family. The Low Balinese and Madurese languages are more akin to Polynesian than they are to any of the languages of Asia, and it turns out that the canoe construction, basic rig, and associated ceremonies and beliefs are also related to those of the Pacific Basin, not to those of Asia. Compare Malinowski’s (1922) account of the building and ceremonies of the Kula canoes of a Melanesian society with Best’s (1925) account of these matters in the Maori culture, with Firth’s (1967) description for the Polynesian outlier island Tikopia, and with the following account for the Balinese, and it becomes obvious that we are dealing with a few of the branches of a large family tree. Sufficient is known of the canoes of Madagascar and Hawai‘i to bring them into the scheme also. Again, the animistic belief systems of Indonesia and the Pacific relating to other aspects of life are more

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xii ]

INTRODUCTION

closely related to each other than they are to those of Asia today. Finally, a word on the work entitled Canoes of the Pacific by Haddon and Hornell, published in 1936-1938. This monumental summary of almost all early accounts and early models is the primary repository of facts on Pacific canoes. From my point of view it has two limitations. First, it does not deal with Indonesia, nor with the limited amount of Dutch material; second, a great deal of new material has come recently from linguistics, archaeology, and detailed anthropological studies of belief systems in the western Pacific region. Also, Haddon and Hornell restrict themselves to rather narrow accounts of rigs and canoe structures of a great diversity of Pacific islands. The present study of outrigger canoes is deliberately intended to be an interdisciplinary study that attempts to reveal the interactions and causes that lie behind the canoe structures of 2 homogeneous cultural groups. Finally, on a matter to which I return in the final section of this work, Haddon and Hornell relied on the twin arguments that diffusion of technology is much commoner than its independent discovery, and that the oldest designs are those that have diffused farthest. After analysis of the evidence, I conclude that this philosophy led to error in the case of Pacific outrigger canoes, partly because indigenous discoveries of rigs and canoe designs actually made possible the farthest excur­ sions of the Pacific peoples, thus invalidating the diffusionist principle.

Acknowledgments

The initial impetus for this survey of canoes sprang from an introduction to the maritime cultures of central and eastern Indone­ sia when I was for 3 months chief scientist on the U.S. research ship Alpha Helix with a base at Banda, in the Moluccas; this was followed by a marine biological expedition organized by the Lembaga Oseanologi Nasional of Indonesia. I am much obliged to the Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia (LIPI) for organiza­ tional support. Since those expeditions I have had many opportuni­ ties to visit fishing villages in many parts of Indonesia, to study models and photographs in the museums of the Netherlands, Berlin, Jakarta, London, and Salem, Massachussetts, and to use excellent hbraries in Canberra, Australia. At the Australian Nation­ al University I am also indebted to numerous specialists from related disciplines that impinge on this study and to travellers with first-hand experience. Particular friends whom I would like to thank are Dr J.B. Ave of the Museum of Ethnology, Leiden, Netherlands, Professors James Fox and_Derek Freeman of the Australian National University, Bagus Igusti Raka of Kuta, Bali, Wayan Puger and the late Ua Wa Lusin of Benoa, Bali, Dr C. Gut, Brian Kaiser, Philippe Pdtiniaut, Paul Piollet, and numerous students and young travellers who have discussed these matters with enthusiasm over the past 10 years. None of this work has been financed with any grant from any agency, but I thank many poor fishermen for their hospitality and patience towards a complete outsider who made clumsy efforts to understand some of the most vital parts of their way of life. ' Adrian Horridge Australian National University Canberra 1986

Map 1. Bali and Lombok.

Part 1

Balinese Canoes Although the colorful outrigger canoes of south Bali are, of all the canoes in the world, the most often admired and photographed, no account of them is currently available for tourists, anthropolo­ gists, sailing enthusiasts, or for the Balinese themselves. All these diverse groups are my audience. In Bali, as in Java, however, matters concerning the sea, fishermen, traditional boats, and the maritime communities are not recognized as culturally significant. Instead, attention is directed inland to the temple ceremonies, to tourism, and to the development of agricultural communities and industries. It is important to record this wealth of material culture and specialized knowledge in the fishing villages before it disap­ pears as a result of modern influences. Balinese canoes are particularly splendid.examples of engineer­ ing, with some details that have beeif'preserved in a relatively ancient form. They play an important part in the traditional fishing industry, which has been little influenced by the outside world. These canoes demonstrate the seaworthiness of boats built using ancient techniques and natural materials that were available to all the Austronesian maritime communities and that were often spread to new islands by the sailors themselves. The compromises evident in their design are the same as those faced by the primitive men who first built outrigger canoes, and Indonesia was probably the center of the expansion of both the outrigger canoes and the whole culture that they carried. In Bali the outrigger canoes (Fig. 1) illustrate yet another aspect of that island’s rich artistic genius. They have become an art form, and associated with them we find ceremonies that are tinged with

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BALINESE CANOES

Fig. i.Jukungpelasan from Benoa, Bali. The man has just released the lower sheet so that the sail flaps downwind as he comes to shore.

BALINESE FISHING VILLAGES

the Balinese style of Hinduism. These canoe ceremonies were not brought over with the written Hindu culture that came from India to Java. As shown by the wide distribution of similar ceremonies, they are part of the much wider and older tradition of the Austronesian-speaking peoples who used outrigger canoes to spread first southwards through Indonesia, then eastwards to Hawai‘i, Easter Island, and New Zealand at the limits of the tropical Pacific, and to Madagascar across the Indian Ocean. We can be thankful that the relatively late incursion of Western values into south Bali since the Dutch took over in 1906, together with the insignificance of the fishing canoes in modern national development programs, have preserved the outrigger canoes as practically untouched museum pieces. Today this ancient tradition is being rapidly eroded by the introduction of outboard motors, sawed planks, plastics, and modern paints, and by overfishing and competition by motor boats. For many reasons, therefore, it is now time to document these canoes.

Balinese Fishing Villages The attraction of Bali lies in the placid setting of a dignified and talented people against the bright green and gold background of their fruitful rice culture. To the Balinese, culture means written learning, arts, myths, costume, music, dance, painting, metalwork, carving, and elaborate ceremonies, learned by heart for the delight of the gods. The sea is considered to be basically evil, and being at the lowest level of society, the fishermen supposedly would do anything to improve themselves. But in exploring the fishing villages one finds that they thrive steadily, producing fish year after year; families continue to fish for generations, and there is immense pride in the boats and in the residual hunting prowess of the men. Most of the information on canoes has come from the following places, all of which are marked on Map 1.

Sanur Near the Bali Beach Hotel are double-outrigger canoes for tourists to hire. These canoes are the trolling canoes, called jukung, of the Kusamba or Serangan styles, usually sailed by men from

[ 3 ]

BALINESE FISHING VILLAGES

Nusa Penida. The style changes at about this point on the coast, with the oval splashboard on the bows to the south, and the square box on the bows to the north.

Benoa Benoa is an old port; canoes and small boats are built here, and often boats from distant parts of Indonesia can be found in the harbor. To reach Benoa, take the local transport, a bemOf to Ujung Benoa, then the ferry to Tanjung Benoa. Alternatively there is a road from the direction of Nusa Dua.

Kuta In 1975 there were 60 outrigger canoes at Kuta, in 1986 only 30. Kuta and Legian are no longer fishing villages, but people who remember those days are still there.

Jimbaran To the south of the International Airport is a long, wide bay, which for centuries has been used as a safe anchorage. Strolling among the canoes along the head of the beach beneath the luaru trees, one can easily imagine life in a traditional maritime Austrone­ sian village (Fig. 2). A row of thatched boathouses (bangsal) are filled with hulls of canoes; other canoes ready for the sea lie beneath the trees. In 1982 there were 672 fishing canoes at Jimbaran: 40 jukung pemelasan (= j. pelasan) with jaws (Fig. 33), 171 with split tail (Fig. 34b) but no jaws (;. potungalan), 256 with neither jaws nor split tail (/. perut\ and 205 sampans for outboard motors. Many of them are single outriggers (/'. pemencaran) for use with the throwing net {pencar in Balinese). Few of the canoes are used except during February to April when small fish similar to sprats (JemuruK) come into the bay by the millions to breed in the shallow water. At that lime every man is out with his single outrigger and throwing net, returning every hour with his canoe full of fish (Fig. 3)', all of which are taken by truck to a cannery in East Java.

Kusamba The black volcanic beaches beyond Kusamba are the homes of most of the trolling canoes that catch tuna in the Lombok Straits. There are hundreds of canoes along this coast, and many are built

BALINESE FISHING VILLAGES

Fig. 2. Outrigger canoes and canoe houses on the fishing beach at Jimbaran, Bali, showing the intensity of the fishing effort, the atmosphere of the pastsir culture, and the lack of modern technology (except for nylon nets and outboard motors).

here for sale at Ampenan in Lombok. Also at Kusamba one can find the big jukungs (J. gede) that bring loads of cattle, fish, and copra from Nusa Penida, returning with household goods from Bali.

Nusa Penida The best way to reach this island in the Lombok Straits is to go by the regular ferry from the beach at Kusamba, or charter a canoe. You will have to take a bicycle to see anything on Nusa within the day. Large numbers of canoes can be found on the northern beaches (Fig. 4) but the people live inland.

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BALINESE FISHING VILLAGES

Fig. 3. During the season of sprats (Umuruh), the men fish with throwing nets (pencar), filling their canoes with fish a dozen times in a day. As soon as the fisherman touches land, his wife takes chaise of the fish. Traditionally, children waiting with buckets beg fish to sell for pocket money.

Air Kuning This is a Muslim fishing village on the south coast of western Bali, near the Straits of Bali. To reach it, Hirn off the main road at Tegal Cantring. There are 200 jukungs of a unique type on the beach. Similar styles can be found nearby at Yeh Kuning and Prancak, which is an estuary with boats on its west side.

BALINESE FISHING VILLAGES

Gilimanuk Near the ferry terminal one can find jukungs like those at Air Kuning and others that resemble Javanese canoes. Here, and at Banjuwangi, the fishing canoes now have the Balinese Jukung Rig (Fig. 1, 8). At this place the small canoes with curved keel are for handline fishing; larger ones (as in the lower part of Fig. 35) with long, straight hull, jaws, and tail are for large nets, handled by 4 men, and fast, long canoes with curved keel are for trolling. In this area all outrigger booms are straight, as in the old Javanese style.

Fig. 4. Trolling jukungs on the beach on the north coast of Nusa Penida, Straits of Lombok. The village lies inland. Outrigger floats and most of the sails have been stored under shelters beneath the trees.

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BALINESE CANOES

Balinese Canoes The distinctive feature of the Balinese canoe, recognized in 1920 by Hornell, is that the outrigger booms across the hull are extended to meet the floats by a graceful, curving connector piece (^cedik), which is spliced and bound to look like a continuation of the boom. At the cosmopolitan ports of Banjuwangi and Buleleng, and along the north coast of Bali, are other types with elbowed outrigger connec­ tors that, to my eye, clearly show an influence from the Buginese who have migrated from Ujung Pandang (Makassar) in Sulawesi. In my opinion Hornell (1920) was mistaken in accepting them as Balinese when he encountered them in Bali. In 1920 the outrigger booms were straight. The upwardly curving outrigger booms have spread progressively from Madura, and there are strong indications that they reached and were further developed in south Bali only during this century.

Fig. 5. Bows of sampan jaring (dugout canoes without outriggers) on the north coast of Bali: a, at Buleleng in 1906, from a drawing by Nieuwenkamp (1926); b, at Lovina Beach in 1982. Both are designs based on imported 19th century European art.

BALINESE CANOES

To identify a canoe as Balinese, one should also look at the rudder support, which is only on the left side in Bah but on both sides in most other islands. Details of the sailrest, mast support, bow and stern shapes, and decoration are also distinctive but less easily defined. Even the details of lashings, knots, and the way that the outrigger floats are tied in place are locally distinct and usually all the same at any one village. Apart from the conservative nature of boatbuilders, there is no actual evidence that any of the details are more than 200 years old, but some could equally well be 2,000 years old. Nowadays the local people say that the canoes are traditional and of ancient design, but old photographs show that many changes have in fact occurred. The differences between localities are emphasized below, along with drawings to show the changes over time. Canoes without outriggers are common for purposes such as negotiating narrow channels, fishing in sheltered inlets, collecting cow fodder in mangrove swamps, and for use on rivers. Some are called sampans, and their straight hull is not that of the deep-bellied

Fig. 6. While the fisherman prepares his single outrigger canoe, his wife sprinkles his throwing net and the canoe with holy water purchased from a priest. This canoe has neither sail nor outboard motor and will not go far from shore. Jimbaran, Bali.

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BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 7. The most hazardous moment is crossing the surf. Note straight outrigger booms. Jimbaran, Bali.

sailing jukungs. On the north coast one still finds the long, dugout sampan jaring, which are used for hauling a long net in a circle around a shoal of fish by men with oars and for catching turtles. The bows of one drawn in 1906 and one seen in 1981 at Lovina Beach (north Bali) are decorated with similar carved and painted scroll patterns (Fig. 5). Tiny boats of canoe shape but built of planks do not occur in Bali but are common on the Straits of Madura, where they are called perahu jaten. Canoes with a single outrigger (jukung pemencaran') are used for fishing with the throwing net {pencar in Balinese, jala in Indone­ sian), for example on Benoa Bay and at Jimbaran (Fig. 6). Also, many of the big sampans with outboard motors have a single outrigger so that one side is free for handling the long drift nets and purse seines. On the north coast there are also single outriggers for specialized fishing. In Indonesia, single-outrigger canoes are always double outriggers that have the outrigger only on one side for convenience when fishing. It is misleading to place them in the same category as single-outrigger canoes of Melanesia, Micronesia, or Hawai‘i.

BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 8. Balinese model jukung from Serangan. Models, usually ‘4 to ’/is scale, are almost always relatively shorter and broader than the originals. Although a good model, this one has fewer seats than an actual canoe (Fig. 1).

Canoes with double outriggers are the most common, and all canoes for trolling for tuna and mackerel have them (Fig. 1, 7, 8). The double outrigger is the general-purpose 1- or 2-man fishing canoe. In the past there have been many larger versions for transporting heavy goods, and some can still be found (Fig. 15,16).

Records of Balinese Canoes Little information can be found on Balinese canoes even in the specialist literature. The comprehensive work of Haddon & Hor­ nell (1936-1938) on Pacific canoes extends westwards only to New

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BALINESE CANOES

le-outrigger transport with floats removed, from a drawing by Paris, ca 1836 at Banyuwangi on the Straits of Bah. The hull and outriggers are Bahnese, but the tripod mast suggests a Bugis owner. Note the matting IFong the J— Ue^and

Guinea. James Hornell, the great encyclopedist of the world’s primmve boats, published an account of the small boats of Indone­ sia in 1920, but in East Java and Bali he visited only the main Dutch ports^and did not consult the Dutch literature. The extensive book by Christiaan Nooteboom (1932) on the canoes of Indonesia is in Duteh and is mainly about models in Dutch museums, with little on Ball. ,

P- describes the Kuta jukung of 1848 as 3 meters ong, 30 centimeters broad, with long outrigger floats of bamboo

BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 10. A double-outrigger canoe from a sketch by Paris, ca. 1836, at Banyuwangi on the Straits of Bali. Note the straight outrigger booms with typical Balinese connectors to the floats, the mast, the shape of bows and stem, wholly internal outrigger boom supports, short outrigger floats, and lack of rudder supports and decoration.

attached by carved booms of wood. “To serve as a mast there is a high piece of bamboo which is fixed in a groove against the stem of the boat. The sail is three-cornered and meets a second bamboo coming from the prow.” No timber mast was mentioned, contra Haddon & Hornell (1938, p. 48). The fixing of the boom in the stem of the canoe suggests that the sail was held up by a prop, i.e., the Madurese Jukung Rig (Fig. 40, 83A). On landing at Benoa, Helms was taken to Kuta by a fisherman in a canoe with a single outrigger, but that would simply have been a small canoe for use with a throwing net in the bay. Three canoes sketched on the beach at Sanur on 14 September 1906 had jaws, but the upper jaw was not raised (Fig. llb,d,f)Only one had an upper and lower jaw of any length, but all had the face of a monster on the bow. It was a historic day for these 3 canoes when the Dutch forces landed to suppress the Kingdom of Badung, for within an hour of being sketched all 3 were chopped up to fuel the army field kitchens. They were dugouts with grooved support bars (called supit at Jimbaran) for outrigger booms, which were held down to a transverse bar (sendang) that passed through the sides of the hull (Fig. 1 If), exactly as in the modern ones at Jimbaran and quite unlike those at Sanur now. The style that is now almost universal along the Bali east coast from Padang Bay to Benoa, with wide open jaws {macapah style.

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[ 14 ]

BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 11. Earlier shapes of the bows of Balinese canoes: a, Kusamba, 1900, from photo by A. de Witt; b, d, f, Sanur, 1906, from a drawing by Nieuwenkamp; c, Sanur, 1930; e, a modem example from northeast Bali; g, Lombok, 1904, from a drawing by Nieuwenkamp; h, modem jukungperut at Suwung; i, modem design at Jimbaran, only 1 known example.

Fig. 8), is certainly modern, and we can provide a history for this monster. Many authors over the years have commented on what Nooteboom (1952) called '‘proues bifides,” c.g., Haddon & Hornell (1936-1938, Vol. 2, p. 177) on canoes of the Aua Islands, Bismarck Archipelago, and Nooteboom (1932, photos 54, 56) on those of Palawan and Talaud. A harbor transport at Surabaya (Paris 18411843, folio 328) had jaw-shaped bows but looked as if it had been built by Chinese. None of the old illustrations of genuine Javanese

BALINESE CANOES

canoes had bifid bows; most of them had simple upturned ends, like those of A.D. 1600 that were copied from one Dutch book to another (Horridge 1981, fig. 1). At Air Kuning in west Bali there are still jawed bows (Fig. 35) similar to those illustrated 150 years ago by Paris at Banjuwangi (Fig. 9, 10). The idea of the jaws may have come with wandering Bajau from the north. Several canoe types from north Borneo (e.g., Horridge 1981, fig. 4), some canoes of Sulu in the last century, and notably the Moro vinta from the southern Philippines (Hornell 1920, fig. 10, 14) had this general shape, but they do not resemble the earliest recorded Balinese jaws in detail. A canoe on Lombok (Fig. 12) drawn in 1904 by Nieuwenkamp ‘ (1926) is entirely Balinese in style but was labelled as Buginese in the author’s own handwriting (he made other errors as well). It has jaws of a curious style at both ends, but in other details the canoe could be modern. One of the 3 canoes drawn by the same author on the beach at Sanur in 1906 has jaws and a single tooth (Fig. lid), but not the fierce exuberance that we see today. Nieuwenkamp also sketched 2 jukungs on Lombok in 1906 with one jaw horizontal and

Fig. 12. Balinese canoe on Lombok from a drawing by Nieuwenkamp in 1904. Note rudder fitting (inset on right), straight outrigger booms, short floats, mast height, box-shaped bows, sailrest, and connector attachment to float; all are Balinese in style but not as found today.

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BALINESE CANOES

W n\

ni 1918 near Kusamba, BaU; both by Nleuwenk^p. Note the gunwales extending beyond the dugout portion hoM^g d°own^:lXts

the other sticking straight up (Fig. 13), but these are the sterns and he did not show the bows. A Balinese type of canoe on Lombok

(Hornell 1920, fig. 22). The trolling fishermen of east Bali, all Hindus, see

BALINESE CANOES

the likeness of the head of .their god Gajah-mina in these primitive faces with huge jaws. Gajah-mina, half elephant and half fish, found a natural phce on the bows of the jukung, but the representations of Gajah-mina in stone that guard the beach entrance of a temple at Sanur are rather different in shape. From the 1920s and 1930s there are numerous examples with the upwardly curving jaws (Fig. llc,g) but of a cruder form than those seen today at Jimbaran (Fig. 33). These examples were photo­ graphed on Kusamba beach by A. de Witt as early as 1906 (Institute Tropen, Amsterdam; photo 620.121, No. 146) and on Covarrubias (1937, photos 3,4). A model at Leiden (2410/63) donated in 1939 (Fig. 76) has a bifid bow and stern of a more modern shape. That model has a typical Balinese hull, rudder support, and mast, but an old style of straight outrigger boom, solid wood floats, and unusual connector pieces between the two. In Bali today those with the best memories say that the modem type of canoe with large jaws was introduced about 1940, to Sanur before Benoa, and that it spread southwards along the coast. Nowadays most of the Balinese jukungs on the Straits of Lombok have long, straight jaws, and the jukung makers build them that way because the owners prefer that design. My best informant in Benoa was not aware that the style ever occurred elsewhere; to him It was simply the easiest design to sell. He said that originally the jukungs jukung perut with a monster’s head at the bows or H' Nieuwenkamp’s drawing of 1906 In 1940 at Benoa there were still some canoes with are now found only at Jimbaran (Fig. 33, cf. Fig. 11c). ® If one sits down with a Balinese jukuiig builder and draws canoe bows of the Madurese type for him, he recognizes the fishtail design 2 lobes as in Fig. 10, and the scroll design on the bows as very old. The fishtail is no longer made in Bali, but the canoe builders say that it could have developed into the modern jaws, although there is no evidence that this occurred. The scroll finish of bows ^d stern (Fi^g. llh) is clearly remembered and is still made at Kusamba, where it is called jukung palong palong-, this design is common in the backwaters of Benoa Bay (at Suwung), where the canoe is called In 1940 there were still a few canoes at Benoa of the style shown in Fig. Hd with a dragon’s head, 1 tooth on the lower ,aw and a fin (.cungkil or cungir} standing on the top of the tail. Some of the old designs may still survive in out-of-the-way places, as they do at Air Kuning (Fig. 35). A monster’s head with jaws on the bows is an easily understood recurring theme echoing

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BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 14. On the left is a sampan built on a dugout hull. Thwarts have been laid across, then plank sides and a stempost have been added. On the right is a jukung with a flat board standing on edge aft of the outrigger boom, a typical fitting for an outboard motor.

the dragon boats of Southeast Asia and the naga, the mythical dragon known throughout Indonesia.

Sampan Johnson (or Sampan Yamaha) The recent availability of the outboard motor, often from foreign aid programs, has led to the modification of existing jukungs and the building of suitable hulls. To adapt and enlarge an original canoe, a stempost in front of the bows and a square stern are added; then thwarts are placed across the original hull as supports for planks that are fixed by dowels along each side, more or less parallel on the 2 sides (Fig. 14). The rest of the enlarged hull is filled in with small boards and a splashboard is added. The result is a deep and heavy canoe without outriggers, which would cause too much drag. At Jimbaran, where these sampans designed for outboard motors are abimdant, there are all stages between modified dugout jukungs and sampans built entirely of planks, many with a single outrigger and a few rigged for sail. As the price of petrol rose to over US$0.30 a liter in 1983, the fishermen at Jimbaran stayed closer inshore or

BALINESE CANOES

used sail. They also face increased competition from large motor­ ized fishing boats (rnayang hulls) from Muncar, Java. The jukung fishing communities, once employing large numbers of fishermen, are in a depressed economic situation and often cannot afford to service their outboard motors. At Benoa there are now canoes, probably having spread south­ wards along the coasts, with the long boxlike hull of a sampan and the rig of a jukung, and with relatively small outriggers and a fitting for an outboard motor. This design is a response to the high cost of petrol, in that the sail is used wherever possible but there is extra buoyancy for the motor. Sailing performance downwind is excel­ lent, but such canoes are not as effective as a jukung against the wind. In Benoa in 1983 many fishermen had a juktmg and a sampan as a response to the economic situation. Today these Benoa sampans for fishing all have a split stem see Fig. 22, 32), and they have been given a kawinan ceremony as for a jukung in the old style (see below).

Large Outriggers Until the end of the last century, a common coastal trading vessel throughout Indonesia was a small prahu with double outriggers. The Dutch called them vlerkprauw, and Hornell (1920) called them outrigger coasters. In Sulawesi and the Moluccas they can be traced back to now-extinct large planked boats {kora kora} with outriggers; these boats could carry up to 300 fighting men at the paddles (Horridge 1981, fig. 3). In the 19th century some of the large Javanese fishing boats (^)erahu payang) had unusually wide outrig­ gers to allow space for the net inside-the outrigger floats. The houseboats of the sea gypsies {Bajau) in the Sulu Islands were similar. They were 13-16 meters long, had houses built on them, and never left their anchorages, forming floating villages in remote bays (Sopher 1977, p. 209). These large outriggers all had basically 1 design, with differences in detail according to district.

The depth and beam are increased by the addition of washstrakes. The bigger boats have an outboard platform fitted on each side, extending as far as a distance equal to or even exceeding the width of the dug-out hull proper, which is narrow and deep—40 inches in one of 30 feet length. In some this is a light, split bamboo platform with low sides, in others it is a permanent and substantial structure made of planking with fairly high sides supporting a penthouse roof of atap thatching. (Hornell 1920, p. 95)

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BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 15. Outrigger transport boat called blandong, from Lombok; from a photo by Dr. Neeb taken during the Lombok campaign about 1894. The rig, stern, hull shape, and rudder supports are Makassarese; the outrigger booms are Balinese. There is a single, long, fixed mast and a tilted, rectangular (Makassarese) sail on a halyard. Similar boats still occur at Ampenan, Lombok.

This description fits many old illustrations (Fig. 15). Early 19th century designs, e.g., of the Ambon orembai (Hornell 1946, plate 32), were similar, and outrigger prahus (Horridge 1986, plate 31) of the same general design but with the elbowed Makassarese outrig­ ger connectors still sail today from the island of Polu*e in the Flores Sea (Horridge 1986, plate 31). The Balinese name for an outrigger trader (Hornell 1946, plate 41B) was arumbah. These large outrig­ ger prahus became inconvenient as harbors and jetties replaced the open beach for loading cargo, and most had disappeared by 1940. The same trend made it profitable to use larger boats as hull designs improved, and the lambOi a western cutter, or small tramp steamers (often Chinese owned) took the trade. The outrigger coaster still

BALINESE CANOES

survives in many places where open beaches are used, for example at Ampenan on the east coast of Lombok, and the Mandar people of west Sulawesi still operate their own large double outriggers for fast, long-distance transport of live turtles (Horridge 1981, plate 9).

Jukung Cede To transport heavy goods, double-outrigger dugout canoes are made in the Balinese style from particularly large trees, built up with a 2nd line of side planks, and often provided with flat, wide gunwales (Fig. 16-18). Sometimes called bidak, they are used regularly for bringing cows, fish, or copra from Nusa Penida to Kusamba, where they are frequently found unloading on the open beach in the mornings. Across the Straits of Lombok these boats carry up to 6 small cows, which are made to jump into the sea by twisting their tails. The;w/ewng gede (gede = big) is a dugout with a plank (jerupe^ see

Fig. 16. The technique of lashing to a sendang in the construction of a modern jukung gede on Nusa Penida. Two planks on each side are fixed to the internal transverse vertical planks (dolos).

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BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 17. Stem structures of a jukung gede at Kusamba, showing the massive outrigger boom.

below) added in the usual way (Fig. 22). Then crosspieces called dolos are fitted in vertically (Fig. 16, 17) and a 2nd plank (jerambah) is added along the sides, with the dolos supporting it inside. The planks are fixed edge to edge by internal dowels and prevented from coming loose by lashing down the dolos to a sendang, which runs through the dugout hull (cf. Fig. 16,17, 22). Compared to the 5-part canoe (Fig. 22) this is a further stage in building a boat upon

Fig. 18. Jukung gede. Scale drawing of side view, section, and outrigger booms. Bows to the left.

BALINESE CANOES

the foundation of a dugout hull; it is quite different in shape from the outrigger transports in the previous section.

The Balinese Jukung Rig Superficially simple but in fact highly sophisticated, the Balinese canoe rig is the end product of several developments—but from what origin? In Bali the canoes have a single triangular sail, which is held between 2 booms (Fig. 19). This sail, which I call a 2-boom triangular sail, is supported in the Balinese rig by suspending the upper boom in front of its point of balance by a fixed rope from the top of a short, stubby mast. The tack of the sail, where the 2 booms meet, is held down in the simplest Balinese rig by jamming it in the bows of the canoe. The only control ropes nowadays are the sheet to the lower boom and (equally important) the sheet to the upper boom, which acts as a backstay as well as a control rope or upper sheet (but see Fig. 19). Most of jukung pelasan at Kusamba and Benoa now also have the tack position adjustable by a rope {tali sinko) leading from the tack on each side through a hole and back to the steersman (Fig. 20). The operation of the rig depends on the fact that the sail moves by rotation of the lower boom around the mast and by tilting of the upper boom with the top of the mast as a fixed point. The upper boom (j)embau or bau} is fixed at the tack to the lower boom (penggiling') by rope, but at Kusamba a better design is to pivot the two on a hardwood pin {kelengan) that projects from the bau (Fig. 20). The sail can also be tightened separately by hitching the end of the lacing to another peg on the bau. Five ways of handling the sail can be distinguished for the Western reader who is familiar only witlTa- sailing dinghy, where the jib and mainsail can only be pulled in or let out on the single sheet. (1) Beating into the wind. To sail close to the wind in a jukung, the lower sheet is pulled in and downwards so that the sail is pulled tight and down, with its center of action well aft. The rudder pushed well down acts as a lee board. The sail is held tight by the springiness of the upper boom, while the upper sheet is loose. With a tali sinkOi as in Fig. 20, to sail close to the wind one first lets the tack rise by slackening off until the angle of the upper boom will just allow the sail to be sheeted in, at which point it almost touches the cedik (Fig. 21a). The Benoa rig with the sliding groove {kukul)^ as in Fig. 31, holds the sail and upper boom {bau) more firmly on

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BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 19. The Balinese Jukung Rig of 1984 (above) and an earlier version from a drawing made at Kusamba in 1906 by Nieuwenkamp (below), perhaps with some confusion. The tie between the tack and the mast in the lower picture is probably only to set up the sail for drying.

BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 20. Rig at Kusamba showing details around the mast. Note the rope (tali sinko) running through an eye at each side of the mast to control the position of the tack, the twisted rope (fiengikaf) to support the mast, and the remains of an offering tied to the upper jaw.

the midline and gives a better performance at the cost of greater strain on the entire rig, especially on the bau. In both types of rig, the rope to the upper boom is trimmed according to the force of the wind, in that it loosens the leech (the free edge of the sail) and controls the curve of ±e sail. (2) Downwind. To ease off the wind and then to go downwind, the lower sheet is let out and the sail rises, being free to pivot at the

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BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 21. The Balinese Jukung Rig, with upper boom drawn solid black and the lower boom a pair of lines: a, into the wind; b, downwind; c, d, top views of "a” and “b”; e, working upwind by wearing, first turning downwind and then passing the sail across the bows to the other side. In this case the sail changes from starboard to port side.

BALINESE CANOES

masthead. Then the upper sjieet is slackened. The further the sail is let out, the more it rises, until it lies transversely across the boat in front of the mast with both booms high in the air (Fig. 21). Then the tack ropes (Fig. 20) are pulled tight to prevent the sail from swinging. In the Benoa style, the kukul lets the ban slide to a vertical position, and it prevents the ban from swinging from side to side (Fig. 19, 21, 31). Then the rope to the upper boom is trimmed to take some load. With a strong wind following, both sheets are essential to hold the sail. (3) Lifting. By hauling in the upper sheet and easing off the lower sheet, the sail can be adjusted until it is almost horizontal, sp that it lifts the boat and the boom cannot swing. This is a useful manoeuvre for coming into a beach over surf and for getting home in a rising wind and sea. (4) Closing the sail. On some jukungs, mostly jukung gede, the sail can be closed by pulling on a rope (called pengeripan in south Bali) that runs over the upper boom and back to the lower boom (Fig. 8, 19). Most trolling jukungs do not bother with this control, as they do not stop at sea. (5) Changing tack. Finally, to change to the other tack when going into a strong wind, the lower sheet is slackened until the sail flaps loosely downwind. The canoe is then turned downwind and the turn is continued until the sail has gone right around the front of the mast to the other side (Fig. 2Id). The sheet is passed around the forward side of the mast, and when it is pulled in on the other side, the sail begins to draw on the other tack. In a gentle breeze, up to about 20 knots, it is quicker to turn into the wind and hurriedly paddle the boat round, keeping the sheet slack until the sail begins to pull on the other tack. The disad^ntage of this method is that the boom is now on the wrong side of the mast, and the boom will break if the sail is pulling strongly, especially if one bears away and sails with squalls on the beam. One convenience of the rig is that as the sail is let out, the center of pull moves forward, and the canoe of its own accord turns downwind; conversely, when the sail is pulled in, the boat turns into the wind. This rig is to some extent self-steering, therefore, on the correct point in relation to the wind. Another feature is that the sail rises as the canoe turns downwind, so that the tack slides freely in the hollow of the hull before the mast. Since the beginning of this century there has been a rectangular box to act as a slide on the bows (Fig. 11, 12), but recently at Benoa and Serangan, probably

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BALINESE CANOES

since 1930, a wooden or bamboo chute (called the kukul) has been fitted in this space in the bows (Fig. 31). The end of the upper boom slides in this chute so that it is always kept amidships and is unable to swing or chafe on the side of the hull. The result is that the upper edge of the sail may change its angle to the horizontal, but it always lies above the midline of ±e canoe (Fig. 21). At Benoa ±is chute for the tack is made from a piece of thick bamboo. At Serangan and Sanur it is often square and made of boards. Elsewhere it is sometimes omitted. At Benoa the jukung makers said that the chute is a recent improvement. It certainly appears that the primitive Madurese method of holding the tack under a little crossbar inside the bows has been progressively modified. This bar is still found on the Benoa canoes even if they have the chute. At Benoa it is called the penunggekan, the Madurese name is panyoco'an. At Jimbaran similar bars (petek) across the inside of each end of ±e canoe are used as carrying handles (Fig. 33, 34). Balinese jukung sails are relatively small and cut very full. A jukung of 6 meters (internal measurement) has a sail leech (the loose, aft edge) of 4.5 meters maximum. The length along the upper boom is 1.5 times the leech, and along the lower boom is 1 hand less than along the upper boom. When the wind is strong the fishermen take a smaller sail but don’t bother to change sails at sea. Unlike Madurese jukungs, the Balinese jukungs have no rope with which to close the sail. In a squall they let the sheet fly loose. The origin of the Balinese Jukung Rig is obscure but something can be surmised. In an account quoted earher, Helms indicated that in 1840 the Madurese Jukung Rig was used in south Bali, but perhaps not exclusively. An illustration by Paris (1841-1843) shows the stubby mast at Surabaya. Paintings by J. Thomas Baines (artist to Capt. A.C. Gregory on the N. Australia Expedition, 1856-1857) show short, stubby masts at Surabaya (inset to Fig. 41), but at Banyuwangi in 1856 Baines drew a Balinese rig on one outrigger canoe and a Madurese rig on another. The general trend in Madura during the 20th century has been towards the fixed mast. There are 2 antagonistic factors: Madurese fishermen coming to Bali would bring the Madurese rig, without mast, while the copying of Western and Javanese rigs would introduce the fixed mast. The Javanese double-outrigger canoe traditionally had a long, single, fixed mast, with a tilted rectangular sail for hght wind, but a triangular sail suspended lower on the mast in stronger winds (Fig. 67).

PARTS OF BALINESE CANOES

Parts of Balinese Canoes The 5-Part Canoe In common with the canoes of Madura, Hawai‘i, the Comores Islands near Madagascar, and of many intervening regions within the vast range of the Austronesian outrigger canoes throughout the Pacific, the Balinese jukung is basically a 5-part canoe (Fig. 22). This is “a canoe in which a board (gunwale, washstrake) is ‘fixed* on edge along each side of a dugout underbody to give greater freeboard, and in which both the head and the stern are finished off by the addition of an end piece” (Haddon & Hornell 1938, p. 5). If we infer its age from its distribution from Madagascar to Hawai'i, the 5-part canoe must be at least 4,000 years old. These canoes can have any of the Austronesian rigs, depending on the region. Presumably they were originally sewn together (see Fig. 86), and stitches later gave way to dowels in the Indonesian region at about the time that metal tools became available. A widely distributed and ancient characteristic of the 5-part canoe is the way that the fittings are attached to the dugout base, and the use of a shaped tree fork as a split stem at each end. Often, beautifully carved endpieces combine the prow or fin with a “wing” that meets the side plank on each side. In islands near Madagascar,

Fig. 22. The 5-part canoe and 3 ways of holding it together in compression, a, 1 and 4, split stem; 2 and 3, gunwales, strakes, or side planks; 5, dugout base, b, c, d, outrigger boom lashings: b, a bar jammed below lugs; c, a rib or spreader attached to lugs; d, a bar through the hull (modern).

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PARTS OF BALINESE CANOES

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in Hawai‘ij and in many places between, these Y-shaped endpieces are shaped and thinned to be as light as possible. There are also signs of a different tradition, commoner in eastern Indonesia and Melanesia, with a transverse prow board closing the end of the canoe (Fig. 9), sometimes combined with the split stem. When the dugout base is hollowed out in the traditional Austro­ nesian design, projecting lugs {buku} are left at appropriate places for holding down various designs of short, transverse bars, flexible ribs, or other forms of spreader within the canoe. The simplest use of these lugs is to hold down the bar to which the outrigger boom is lashed (Fig. 22b). Similar projecting lugs, with holes bored through for lashings, provide the internal attachment for ribs or thwarts when the canoe base is built up with a plank (Fig. 22c) or when planks are sewn together to build a stitched and lashed boat (Horridge 1982). Like the outrigger, the internal lugs are character­ istic of Austronesian canoes, but in many places in Indonesia, including Bali and Madura, they have almost disappeared, to be replaced by a bar straight through the hull (Fig. 22d) In Bali the jukung is a 5-part canoe, plus accessories that are not limited to Bali. Its Balinese character is revealed in the details of the joints, rig, sail and rudder supports, decoration, and shape.

The Hull The base of the hull in Bali is a single trunk of the belalu tree (Albizzia falcata Backer), which is hollowed out by a specialist who is not necessarily the canoe maker. Albizzia falcata is a rapidly growing leguminous tree that was spread throughout Indonesia from Ambon by the Dutch. It is soft and rots easily. An equally poor but cheap alternative is kayu ganggangan {Gyrocarpus jacquinii Gaertn. and Tetrameles nudiflora R.Br.). In fact, they are the worst possible timbers for water resistance and have come into use because of their low price, lightness, and availability. As a result, the canoes must be hauled up the beach and dried out when not in use. Two of the 4 jukung builders that I questioned on this point took delivery of newly felled logs and hollowed them out themselves; the other 2 had the preliminary work done where the tree was felled. The hollowing tools are an axe and an ordinary curved steel adze (penyoncong) made by the village smiths from the leaf springs of trucks. The rough work is done with a big axe {kande) and a large, 2-handed adze {banci); the outside is finished with a small, flat steel

PARTS OF BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 23. Scale diagram jukung pelasan of Benoa or Serangan: a, side view; b, c, d, sections at the outrigger booms and amidships; e, plan. Lashings have been omitted.

adze (patil). The hollow inside is usually, about 6 meters long (Fig. 23). Frequently I was told that it was' 3 fathoms and 3 hands, a fathom being the width of the outstretched arms of the jukung builder. The limiting factor in making the hull as thin and light as possible, besides strength and durability, is the necessity to fix the planks along the sides with wooden pegs. The sides are 3.5 centimeters thick, while the bottom is 8 centimeters thick, which is carefully measured by using a stick as a depth gauge. Gxinwales. Long, curved boards (^enimbUi tembo^ or jerupe) of good hardwood cut about 3 centimeters thick with a saw are fitted to the edge of the dugout hull. The attachment of this single plank is by exactly the same method used when a plank is added to a

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PARTS OF BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 24. Fitting a plank by the ancient method, a, The rough edges are held together by dowels, but the gap is not tightly closed. Then a tool, b, c, with a spike at a fixed ^stance from a lip is run along the lower edge, making a scratch on the new plank (dashed line) parallel to the lower edge. The wood below this line is cut away to make a perfect fit. b and c. The tool in its wooden and metal versions.

larger boat. The standing edge is bored nowadays with a brace and bit, with holes 1 centimeter diameter and 1 hand apart. For some centuries in the past the tool was a curved chisel. The positions of these holes are then marked off on the edge of the plank, which is similarly bored out. Hardwood dowels (see below) are then knocked gently into the holes in the hull; the plank is fitted on them, and partially hammered home, leaving an open crack between the 2 pieces. A tool with a sharp point is then run along the edge of the hull, making a mark on the plank at a constant distance from the edge of the hull (Fig. 24). By cutting the plank down to this mark after taking out the dowels, it is made to fit exactly along the line of the dugout hull, where it is held by the dowels. This subtle method of fitting the planks exactly depends on the use of the dowels. It was rarely used in Western boatbuilding. The dowels are then replaced and the plank is hammered home, sometimes, in the old style, with a strip of paperbark {Melaleuca leucadendron L. = cajeput, gelam^ or kayu putih) pressed between the edges. The dowels inside are then cross-locked in place with split bamboo or hardwood pins {kancing). A 2nd side-plank at Kampong Seseh was called alis-alis, which is a name for a Madurese type of boat. The plank is 1 centimeter thinner than the side of the dugout, so that a narrow step runs round the inside of the canoe. This step supports the transverse flat pieces {dolos) that are later fitted inside as supports for the gunwales (Fig. 25-29, 31). The hardwood dowels used in boatbuilding have for centuries been made of Caesalpinia sappan L. {kayu sappang) or Mimusops elengi L. {kayu tanjung). These timbers are traded for this purpose.

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BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 25. Canoe sterns of Bali in section, side view: a, Nusa Penida; b, Benoa; c, Kusamba; d, Jimbaran.

Another timber used locally for dowels {kayu pa-ang) is a species of Acacia. Split stempiece. The spht or wingod^tempiece (pacuk-pacuk or

sewar at Benoa; tebeng at Jimbaran; kanti at Sanur) fits at each end of the hull in the gap beyond the gunwales (Fig. 25, 32). The split stem is a solid piece of timber from a fork of a belalu tree, which is easily cut to shape even though the grain is twisted at the fork. The piece is cut so that it has a flat wing on each side of the canoe, reaching to the gunwale. The 3rd part of the fork is thinned and shaped to form the end of the canoe (Fig. 26). The split stem is one of the features of 5-part canoes that has not given way to a better design; the tree forks are otherwise unusable, but they make admirable boat ends. The same design is found in many other cultures in Indonesia, on the Mandar sande (where it is called tobo) and on the Madurese jukungs (there called sankel). It sometimes occurs (but not universally) in the traditional precontact canoes of the Pacific. In Tahiti, the ihu va'a was up to 2 meters long and 0.5 meter wide (Ellis 1831, Vol. 1, p. 156). Most of the Mon

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PARTS OF BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 26. Fittings in the bows of a jukurtg pelasan at Serangan, with oval lebeng and the eyeholes for the tali sinko.

canoes of the islands near New Guinea had thinly carved, delicately shaped winged stems (called pdkopakon in the Bismarck Archipel­ ago). In the same Austronesian tradition, the outrigger canoes of the Comores Islands near Madagascar, of the Maoris of New Zealand, and of many Melanesian islands have carefully carved split stems.

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BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 27. Stern fittings in a jukung pelasan of Kusamba, with a fitting added for an outboard motor (always on the starboard side). The seat has been lifted out to show the lashings below.

The Split stem is also familiar to students of early Western boats as a strong way of closing the ends. Among early Scandinavian boats, a long tradition can'be documented, from the Als boat of about 300 B.C. to the sophisticated winged stems of the Skuldelev wrecks of A.D. 1000. Whether there is any connection between the

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PARTS OF BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 28. Stern fittings of a lightly built jukung pelasan of Benoa, with the rudder hitched up.

winged stems of Indonesian canoes and those of European boats at a similar stage of development, as Hornell (1946) among others suggested, will probably never be known. We would need a series of lucky finds of Bronze Age lake and river boats across Asia to demonstrate a convincing relationship. Most likely, the split or winged stem was an obvious solution that evolved more than once among Neolithic peoples who built up the sides of their dugout canoes by sewing on planks or mats. In Bali the winged stem is regarded as essential at the bows (Fig. 32), but in cheap or small canoes the stern is frequently formed of

parts of

BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 29. Stern fittings of a jukung pelasan of Nusa Penida.

short pieces of belalu timber of any convenient shape. The winged stem in the bows is considered to be the crotch of the boat and here, deep in a hole, the ceremonial objects are placed during the kawinan ceremony. In Bali, a canoe without a proper split stem and

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PARTS OF BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 30. The rudder in place. The karei pemanci is nowadays often of rubber. The pemanci is a lever with fulcrum on the bayungan and only 1 hand is needed to put the rudder in place. Should the rudder strike a reef, no great damage is done.

the ceremony that goes with it (see below) would be called merely a sampan. With few exceptions a jukung should be defined as a 5part canoe with these essentials, while a sampan is any other type of dugout introduced to that particular area.

Internal Supports In the Bahnese canoe there are 3 types of transverse support; none of these are primitive or particularly old, as indicated by their modern design and their restriction to Bali only. There are transverse boards, like seats, on the hull between ±e gunwales, transverse boards placed vertically between the gunwales, and round bars that run right through the sides of the hull. There is also a thick, flat board (thwart) into which the mast fits, and a similar sohd thwart holding the rudder supports (Fig. 30). Fishtail joints (Fig. 31), where they occur at the ends of these pieces, are of Western origin. Telgatan are flat boards arranged like seats, often adjacent to the dolos (Fig. 8,28). They are let into the edges of the dugout hull with

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BALINESE CANOES

dovetail (or fishtail) joints and are flush with the ledge that runs round the inside of the gunwales. They serve as supports for a flat deck of split bamboo, which can be unrolled over them. Seats in Jimbaran canoes are called tungkoh. Dolos are the 4 or 5 transverse boards arranged with their flat sides vertical between the gunwales of the 2 sides (Fig. 8, 27, 28). They give a boxlike appearance to the inside of the canoe and hold the sides rigid. By making the dolos much larger and building upon the gunwales with another layer of planks, the largest hulls are built into cargo boats and cow carriers (Fig. 16, 18). The layang-layang is the flat board with a square hole that takes the mast (Fig. 26, 31). It rests on, or is let into, the solid dugout hull, projecting a few centimeters over each side. The outrigger boom rests on it in front of the mast. Two square holes in the layang-layang let through the lashings that hold down the outrigger boom. A strong rope support on either side of the mast is attached to the outrigger boom and twisted tight (Fig. 31, 36). A sophisti-

Fig. 31. Bows of Sijukung pelasan at Benoa. The tack end of the upper boom {bau} slides freely in the chute {kukul) so that a control rope {tali sinko) is not required.

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PARTS OF BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 32. A new split stem for an old jukung. The laughter was the result of a joke about the new crotch for an old boat.

cated balance offerees takes place through the layang-layang. When the wind blows hard on the sail, the leeward outrigger float is pushed down into the water. The mast and the outrigger boom therefore put approximately equal but opposite loads on the layanglayang, so that the load on the mast is conveyed to the outrigger boom with little effect on the hull. The loading through the stay with the Madurese Jukung Rig is quite different because there is no layang-layang, nor any mast. The penyankilang is the thick, flat board across the hull beneath the aft outrigger boom (Fig. 25, 30) with a square hole in it behind the boom for the rudder-support post. Exactly as for the layanglayangi there are 2 square holes for the lashings that hold down the boom. The penyankilang projects over the left side more than the right to make room for the rudder fitting (Fig. 8, 23). Sendang are round bars that run right through the dugout hull (Fig. 25-29). Their ends can be seen on the outside (but they are not fixed with a peg on the outside, as in Madura). There is one sendang beneath the layang-layang and another below the panyankilang to take the strong lashings that hold down the outrigger booms

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BALINESE CANOES

(Fig. 29). Frequently one finds a sendang beneath each dolos, with a pair of lashings that go through the dolos to hold it down on the dugout hull (Fig. 16). Occasionally one finds canoes with the sendang fitted into slots, cut on the inner side of the hull, or under projecting lugs (Fig. 22, 51), which was the old method of holding down the internal structures in canoes throughout Indonesia. The modern sendang that runs through the hull (Fig. 22) is seen nowadays in all of the canoe-building cultures that were strongly influenced by Western colonists, but it is a poor design because the sendang moves under the varied stresses and lets water into the joint where it passes through the side of the hull. The hull then rots at that point and cannot easily be repaired. The old design (Fig. 22, 51), without external holes, was harder to make but was superior. Ribs are not traditional in 5-part canoes. A U-shaped rib or a curved spreader was frequently encountered in canoes over a wide area of Southeast Asia and the Pacific, and especially in planked boats. Several functionally different systems can be distinguished. Many traditional plank-built boats in Island Southeast Asia had flexible ribs lashed down to lugs protruding from the solid wood of the inner hull (Fig. 22). Essentially, the rib in that design is the internal piece in tension that puts the outside skin of the boat into compression, which must be overcome before the planks begin to separate (Horridge 1978, 1982, and 1986, fig. 9). Another tradi­ tional use of the rib as a shaping element or spreader was in sewn canoes assembled from several planks, where they are short pieces that transfer forces. Some are illustrated by Haddon & Hornell (1936-1938) and by Holmes (1981) in Pacific canoes. An almost Polynesian example survived into the 20th century on Enggano Island (South Sumatra) in Indonesia. A 3rd design that preceded Western contact was to have ribs that support bulwarks dividing the boat into compartments. This is probably a late (post 5th century) influence, and possibly the design of Javanese fishing boats, which are divided into fish holds or compartments (called petak), has been derived from mainland Asia in the last millenium. In all of the above styles, the rib was shaped to fit the inside of the hull, which had already been put together by sewing or with dowels. Quite different are the stiff ribs and floors, which appear to be recent copies from Western boats. Traditionally, all Austronesian canoes and boats were regularly dismantled and reassembled’. They had flexible ribs, many trans­ verse bars or thwarts, and a design that made dismantling possible. They had no thick, stiff ribs and they could not be caulked. Cracks,

[ 41

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PARTS OF BALINESE CANOES

[ 42 ]

leaks, and stitching holes were plugged with brittle resins or hardening mixtures of pounded putty nut {Parinarium glaberrimum Hassk.)? boiled vegetable oils, and lime. With this background, one can look inside the Balinese canoes with critical eyes and sometimes find a single rib {tabang beK) amidships. This is, however, only a support for a removable partition; it is made of several pieces of wood scarfed together and is of no great structural importance. The partition is to enclose the fish. On the other hand, the Mandar people in Sulawesi started to use ribs to hold the gunwales in place in their canoes {sande} at least 60 years ago. In their modern canoes the ribs hook over the outrigger booms, but the canoes can no longer be dismantled quickly. Instead, every part is regularly painted.

Outrigger Structures

i I I I

Outrigger booms. Indonesian canoes of each district have different and characteristic outrigger structures. The primary dis­ tinguishing feature of a modern south Balinese canoe of Benoa or Kusamba is the upwardly curved outrigger booms {bayungan\ fore and aft, to which downwardly curved connector pieces (cedik') are fixed by a scarf joint and a wooden peg (Fig. 8, 17, 28, 37). Hornell (1920) described 3 types of Balinese outriggers based on a brief visit to Banjuwangi in East Java and to Buleleng, the Dutch port on the north coast of Bali. His 1st type was as described here, except that the outrigger booms were then straight, not upwardly curved as they are now. In all the pre-1925 photographs that I have seen of canoes of east or south Bali, the bayungan was almost straight (Fig. 9, 10, 12, 13, 15), as it is in most Indonesian outrigger canoes. By about 1930 the upward curve was evident in east Bali, as can be seen in the jukut^ mulut at Sanur in photograph 5 in the book by Covarrubias (1937). In East Java and Madura, however, the outrigger booms showed strong double curves (Fig. 48a) even before the end of the last century. Nineteenth century models from East Java in Dutch museums often have strongly curved or double­ curved outrigger booms; some are illustrated by Nooteboom (1932, Fig. 48a). The Balinese fishermen of the Lombok Straits have either evolved their own strongly curved bayungan style during the 20th century because they were obliged to fish in rougher weather, or perhaps they have been influenced by migrant fishermen who moved eastwards from Java and Madura.

*

PARTS OF BALINESE CANOES

Bayungan. This is the central, upwardly curving piece of the outrigger boom. It has no holes drilled through it that might weaken it but is simply laid on the flat thwart and lashed down to the sendang by the tali bayungan (Fig. 25, 27, 29, 37). Fore and aft booms are fastened in the same way. Before about 1920 in south Bali, the lashing was of rattan, which is water resistant and flexible but not extensible, therefore behaving like wire. Nowadays, cheap plastic rope twisted from crudely drawn colored nylon or terylene is almost universal. Wire is not a good substitute, as it causes the wood to rot. When a canoe is not in use the lashings can be taken off and the^ outrigger booms stored under a shelter, or under the roof at home; otherwise they rot in the combination of sunshine and moisture, especially in the wet season. This is done at Jimbaran, where outrigger booms are thin, but on the east coast the booms are much thicker and well painted, so they are often left in place all season. The outrigger booms must withstand loads equal to the weight of the canoe and its contents. When they become brittle and weakened by decay they must be replaced; a broken outrigger boom is a serious accident in a rough sea, almost certainly resulting in the loss of the canoe. Usually booms are protected from sun and rain by mats of plaited coconut fronds (atap) when the canoes are drawn up on the beach.

Cedik, This is the connector piece between the outrigger boom and the float that could well be mistaken at first sight for a part of the boom. It is a piece of naturally curved hardwood connected to the boom by a lashing and a wooden peg^t a scarf joint. The proper timber for the cedik is Calophyllum inoptiyllum Linn, (camplung in Bali). Elsewhere in Indonesia the design of the connection between boom and float is a distinctive feature of each region and of each maritime language group, so much so that this detail identifies the origin of canoes and canoe models. Much has been written by Hornell, Nooteboom, and others supposing that the direct connec­ tion between boom and float is primitive, and about the variety of connector designs, but with no consideration of their function. To an engineer it seems obvious that the direct connection is the one most likely to survive (for a short time) in a rough sea. In fact, we find this form on the open ocean coasts (Fig. 70) and also in Hawai'i, where fishing canoes with direct connection of a single outrigger (Fig. 84) were able to cross high surf and immediately

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PARTS OF BALINESE CANOES

ascend a canoe ladder, up a steep, rocky shore (Holmes 1981). The direct connection has fewest weak points and is the least likely to work loose. Why, then, have a connector piece in the outrigger? Functional­ ly, there are 3 reasons: first, to bring the float down to the level of the sea so that the outrigger boom does not catch the water surface; second, to provide a flexible structure that will absorb the strain energy as the boat moves in the waves; and third, to allow adjustment of the float height relative to the hull. All 3 reasons merit further discussion. Where there is no connector piece, the outrigger boom is long and straight in areas where rough seas are never encountered. Lagoon and lake canoes, and canoes that never venture far out to sea, function adequately with a straight boom set low near the water to make a stable fishing platform. In many places where a connector piece is typical, e.g., in South Sulawesi, one can find small canoes for inshore work with a direct attachment. Where heavy seas are actually sailed, as in Hawaifi, the outrigger boom is curved so that it is well above the water. In East Java and Bali today, the curve of the outrigger boom has become an art form, lifting above the waves in a graceful curve. Old photographs from Bali show that until about 1935 the cedik was less curved, as still is the case at Jimbaran on the southwest coast. The picturesque high-curved arches are pleasing to the eye, but they enable fishermen to troll for tuna at speed for longer periods through rougher water as the competition for fish intensifies. That a flexible structure lashed together from short pieces of wood can be the preferred design may seem strange if one is used to structures made of steel tubing; in fact, when a structure must be light and resist shocks and shaking, some designs that are apparent­ ly not firm or well engineered, and that are also troublesome to make, turn out to the most resilient. Cloth, straw hats, leather shoes, baskets, chain armor, even human skin resist breakage for two reasons: the loads are distributed among many fibers or components, and forces that change suddenly are dissipated as friction between the parts. Gymnastics performed upon a hard wooden chair will soon loosen its joints and break it, but on a basket chair the gymnast will be exhausted before the chair collapses. When a structure receives a hard blow it will break unless the energy of the blow can be absorbed as heat energy in the structure, which is why composite materials such as wood, horn, bone, and

parts of

BALINESE CANOES

fiber glass do not shatter when hit. So, when an outrigger hits a reef or the beach on coming in to land, it is stronger if designed to absorb the blow. Melanesian outriggers, in particular, were built like basket chairs. Also, at sea the continual kinetic energy of the waves is dissipated if the outrigger is flexible, bending in many different ways. Much of the design of outriggers, especially the complex ones of Melanesia, makes sense in this light. In a sewn boat, especially, the whole structure absorbs the strain energy, and one can make the generalization that the invention of modern strong materials allows us to design more rigid structures with fewer components. / By adjustment of the cedik the float can be located so that if skims the water when the canoe is loaded to the customary depth. Some of the connector pieces in use elsewhere allow a rapid adjustment; in some canoes of Sulawesi it can be adjusted by tilting the elbow, in others by lengthening the sticks (Fig. 86, 88). Often, the more complicated the structure, the more obviously it is designed to be flexible in horizontal movement but rigid (though adjustable) in the vertical plane. Trolling canoes of Bali and Madura (Fig. 43, 45) do not require this adjustment because the loading is constant. The strength of the outrigger boom is another factor to consider. Old photographs show that the Madurese typically had thick aft outrigger booms on their large, seaworthy jukung payang. The thick, curved style spread with the Madurese to East Java and has come into Bali, perhaps under recent Madurese influence, since about 1930. But the canoes of Jimbaran on the southwest coast of Bali still have straight, thin outrigger booms on weak supports that look exactly like ^ose drawn 80 years ago at Sanur. The strength required of the outrigger is really determined by the buffeting that the boat receives in the surf. The actual static loads are relatively small at the float end of the outrigger, not exceeding the buoyancy of the float (about 20-30 kilograms). Similarly, the maximum load on the lashings of the boom can’t be more than the weight of the loaded canoe, and canoes are com­ monly carried by lifting the outrigger booms. However, the crucial test is in a rough sea on the north coast of Madura in the west monsoon, or in the Straits of Lombok when the wind is against the current. The men of Kusamba and Nusa Penida take no chances: their outrigger booms are designed to be 10 times as strong as the static loads would require.

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PARTS OF BALINESE CANOES

Outrigger floats {katir^ kate). The largest species of bamboo in Indonesia (belonging to the genus Gigantochloa\ which grows far inland in Bali and Java, is preferred for floats. The shiny outside layer of the bamboo must be scraped away with a knife, mainly to make it lighter and to remove the nodes to reduce resistance, but also to prevent cracking as a result of repeated wetting and uneven drying. Removing the shiny coat allows the inside to dry out more quickly. In Madura the floats are painted white as well as scraped, but the paint is not a waterproof coat; it is a water-permeable lime wash. To prevent cracking, fishermen at Benoa now bore a small hole in each segment during the first seasoning of the bamboo, and in 1984 I saw floats sprayed with an epoxy resin. The floats are always taken off jukungs that will not be used again on the same day to protect them from sun, rain, and even dew. These procedures are typical of the best kind of local technology that develops after long experience with natural materials. Such adaptations can then be introduced to other places where they may prove useful. The outsider who introduces new products such as paint or nails may well discover unexpected snags, such as rot. Ideally the 'float is slightly curved to ride over the water, but I have only once seen bamboo being bent by heat treatment. Bamboo can be bent in this way only at the nodes, and even then it is weakened. The float should be finished off with a diagonal cut at the front to streamline it. Often a block of wood is carved to fit in the end, but the traditional way is to sew a flat piece of wood to the end of the float. This is one of the few places in Indonesian canoes where a wooden part is still sewn, and it is the only one in Bali. Nowadays the float always projects far in front of the bows, but I have seen no old record of this detail. I have not discovered the formula for calculating the float length or the float position on the outrigger booms. My informants at Benoa tell me that there is no set measurement and that each man adjusts his own, although they all look similar. The extension of the float in front of the canoe prevents it from being blown stern over bow in a following wind, but I think it more significant as a control of the “weather helm.” (A sailing boat of any kind should preferably tend to turn into the wind if the wind suddenly blows harder. This feature is called “weather helm.”) If there is a gust, the float on the leeward side tends to dig into the water. If the float extends far forwards, it will then suddenly shift the center of lateral thrust far forwards, creating more weather helm. How far the floats protrude forwards may be more important than how much they are turned outwards.

parts of

BALINESE CANOES

In Balinese and Madurese canoes the outrigger floats are always farther apart forward than aft. The difference is about 9 centime­ ters, measured at the outrigger booms from one side to the other. From practical t^sts, Doran (1976) concluded that this feature increases the speed, but the reason eludes me, because the effect depends on how far the float protrudes forwards. As with the rigs, there are great opportunities for modern experimental trials. The pointed tip of the cedik fit§ into a hole bored in the float; the float is tied on by a rope {tali kralon) fixed al the scarf joint between the cedik and the boom. The rope is taken around the float, pulled tight, and is then spiralled back around the cediky over itself, until it again reaches the boom end, where it is tied (Fig. 8). All the ■' fishermen of the Straits of Lombok use this method, which allows the knot to be reached easily at sea. Elsewhere the float is usually bound under the end of the connector, thus keeping all the hollow internodes of the bamboo undamaged.

Rudder Supports The rudder is supported at 2 points on its shaft. The lower point is a rounded hollow {lobang) cut on the aft edge of the penyankilang on the port side of the canoe (Fig. 30). Balinese fishermen always hold the tiller in their left hand and the sheet in their right, irrespective of which tack they are on. Madurese fishermen have the rudder on the lee side. The upper end of the rudder stock is held against the side arm on the vertical rudder post (tunguati) that^i^s into a square hole in the petjyankilang (Fig. 30). To hold the rudder firmly in place while leaving it free to rotate, there is a flexible tie (karet petnanci", karet means “rubber”)- This is made of rubber or nylon nowadays but once was made from a plaited creeper. The karet goes aft of the rudder, then forward around the flat rudder support on the underside. A short stick attached to the loose end of the karet is then in a position to act as a lever, bearing on the front of the outrigger boom (Fig. 30). At the upper end of this stick (pemanci) is another rope, which comes into exactly the right position to bind the upper end of the rudder stock loosely to the arm {pemanpangan) of the tanguan. With local differences, a similar system is found all over Indonesia, but in Madura the lower rope is separate and the upper end of the rudder stock is held by a rope ring (Fig. 59).

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PARTS OF BALINESE CANOES

The Rudder and Tiller The large rudder blade, all of which lies behind the shaft, is an old design that can be found in boats of Indonesian maritime communities, such as Aru, Tanimbar, Kei, and some of the Moluccas, besides Bali. Rudders of this shape may look Portu­ guese, but similar ones can be found on boats figured on the Dong S’on drums dated about 500 B.C., which may be seen in the Museum Pusat, Jakarta (Horridge 1978, fig. 2). These bronze instruments were carried through the Java and Flores seas as far as the eastern Moluccas from the coast of Vietnam by early traders or raiders using the monsoons. There is such a dnim in the Pura Panataran Sasih in Pedjeng, Bali, and it is considered by some Balinese to be one of the ear pendants of the moon. The Balinese jukung rudder is usually cut from 2 pieces of wood attached internally by dowels. One piece makes the stock and a part of the blade, and the other forms the rest of the blade. The Balinese jukung rudder is surprisingly large and heavy for the size of the boat, but it acts like a stern leeboard, greatly assisting passage into the wind. In contrast, the Madurese rudder is symmetrical and shaped almost like a long, triangular leaf, with the base of the triangle at the bottom (Fig. 43). Madurese fishermen usually carry two, but they use one at a time on the lee side. Again, this rudder type acts as a stern leeboard. The Sulawesi prahu rudder is also different: it is almost an oar, and it is only suitable for boats in which the load can be taken off the rudder by adjustment of the sails. The word for rudder in both Bali and Madura is pancer^ a term not widely used elsewhere and an interesting point in common. In the Austronesian languages of the region, pancer means “tap root” or, “common stock in inheritance,” something like the English word “stem.” Despite this suggestion that the rudder stock is the axis of the boat, I have found no explicit significance given to it in Bali or Madura. A special ceremony when the rudder is first placed in its prepared socket is found in a different tradition on the island of Polu‘e. The usual word for rudder in Indonesia is kemudi^ but the widespread Austronesian root is mZ:, which is sometimes still heard in Madura. The tiller (called katik pancer in Bali) is just a stick thrust into a hole in the rudder stock.

Splashboards Projecting over the sides of the hull and fastened down to the gunwales by wooden pegs is a flat, smooth board that deflects the

PARTS OF BALINESE CANOES

waves (Fig. 26, 29). In Bali this board is called the jerupe, which is the word for the side-plank in Madura (Fig. 54). There has been a confusion in the transfer of terms. At Benoa this splashboard is carried right around the bows as an oval rim {tebeng) made from a broad, curved plank (Fig. 31), a feature that is no more than 50 years old. North of the Bali Beach Hotel the hundreds of fishing canoes along the Kusamba coast have a square, boxlike splashboard called the tapal (Fig. 20), which has a history of at least 90 years as determined from old photographs. Canoes on Nusa Penida follow the Kusamba style at the bows and usually do not have the splashboard along the sides; even at Benoa it is a variable feature. At Air Kuning the square box on the bows is called the toming (Fig. 37).

Bows At Benoa there are 2 types of bows, with or without jaws. The ones with large, gaping jaws (jukung mulut or jukung bungut) have an almost horizontal lower jaw (jagut) and, at a 45-degree angle to it, a long upper jaw (pacuk) (Fig. 8). Where the pacuk meets the tebeng is a lump of wood forming the nostril (jungur). Often there is a single tooth or a tongue in the moilth. Above the meeting point of the jaws is an eye. The jaws are entirely ornamental; they are weak pieces of timber fixed in place with wooden dowels. The older type of canoe (jukung perut) at Benoa has only a curved, upturned prow at the bows and no face; some are still in use for fishing within the bay. All the tuna-trolling canoes are now jukung mulut in form, but a jukung used .for trolling is called a jukung pelasan (lasa = string). Old photographs show another type with upper and lower jaw curling upwards (Fig. 1 Ic) rather like the jukung pelasan at Jimbaran (Fig. 33), and in 1906 Nieuwenkamp drew 3 with different types of faces on the beach at Sanur (Fig. llb,d,f). The jaw style of canoe bows apparently came from the Sulu area to the north, together with the Madurese type of outrigger boom and the names for the outrigger structures. The word pacuk in Balinese is comparable to the west Sulawesi word pacung for the stem of a canoe. The Moro vinta and fishing canoes of the Minahasa (north Sulawesi) traditionally had elaborately curved jaws (Hornell 1920). Most of the se^oM^-style canoes of East Java had the flat, 2lobed, leaflike prows typical of the Madurese jukungs (Fig. 10, 4347). Many of the Madurese prahus called antokan or peraku jabar had bows shaped like upturned jaws (Horridge 1986, plate 13).

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/

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PARTS OF BALINESE CANOES

Fig. 33. Bow styles at Jimbaran. The lower one is a jukungpotungalan', the other 2 are jukung pelasan.

Even more elaborate jawlike structures, sometimes several meters long, can be found in old pictures and models of canoe types from Borneo and the Moluccas. These features repeatedly occur in Indonesia, but gaping jaws on the canoe bows were rare among the cultures that spread over the Pacific and were forgotten, perhaps, as they sailed beyond the distribution of the crocodile.

Stern The Benoa jukungs for trolling, as opposed to line fishing or netting, have a vertical, flat sternpost sticking up like a tail {ekorj. It seems to be only symbolic, being simply a piece of carved wood attached with wooden pegs. Often the tail is decorated in hright colors. I once asked why a picture of Hanuman, the Prince of the

CANOE DESIGN

Monkeys, was painted there. I was' told a story in which a prince of Bali fighting against Lombok was attacked by a monster in the Straits of Lombok. The monster pulled at his boat and would not release it. Brave men tried to spear the monster, others tried to catch it in nets, and even the prince slashed at its tentacles with his magic kris. Finally, when the situation became desperate, Hanuman appeared and dived down into the depths of the sea, where he fought the monster alone and drove it away. Hanuman scares away sea monsters, and therefore a jukung is safer with his picture on it. The simple stern of the jukung perut has many variants; that at Jimbaran (Fig. 34) is especially elegant. As usual in the Balinese tradition, the tail of the canoe is often higher than the prow. The design on the jukung pelasan at Jimbaran has a high stern with a useful bar {gemi) projecting forward. As a man launches his canoe alone through the surf, he hooks up the rudder by laying the tiller along the gemij then, once over the waves, he jumps aboard and drops the rudder into place.

Canoe Design Although the Balinese jukungs are plainly in the widespread early Austronesian tradition, being 5-part outrigger canoes with 2-boom triangular sails, lashed outrigger booms, and nonadjustible connec­ tors to the outrigger floats, their details almost all reveal recent improvements made by skilled carpenters for the fishermen’s convenience and safety. When they are compared with canoes of Madura, and especially with the wide range of traditional designs in the Pacific, it can be readily seen that the canoes of the Lombok Straits are not primitive in detail. As we look back at the history of the Balinese canoes, however, we find that many of the design principles were already present 100 years ago and could be very old. Jukungs of Jimbaran are more like the old styles that can still be traced along the south coast of Java (Fig. 67, 71) and Sumba (Fig. 70). Progressive changes in other details have occurred on the east coast of Bali, spreading southwards in the past century to meet the need for competitive fishing canoes. The seaworthiness of these canoes was demonstrated by Philippe Petiniaud, who sailed a jukung 3,000 kilometers from Benoa to Darwin against the east monsoon, taking 5 months, with a Balinese fisherman named I Made Monoh.

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CANOE DESIGN

Fig. 34. Stern styles at Jimbaran: a, jukung potungalan-, b, jukung pelasan-, c, lashing to the supif, d, alternative stern shape.

Another set of questions relates to the appropriateness of the outrigger canoe design in relation to its use and to the physical properties of the available materials. To some extent this is a circular argument, in that the canoes would not exist if they were not effective. Also, in all technology that developed slowly from Neolithic into medieval times, we find a range ofclever inventions that exploit superbly the natural materials of which they are made and the ecological situation in which they are used, and that allow

CANOE TYPES RELATED TO THE BALINESE JUKUNG

for limitations such as the strength of a lone fisherman. Examples, such as leather shoes, butter-making techniques, and desert tents of camel hair, are numerous. Modern technology too often ignores the necessary ramifications of every detail of a new design. One can study the Balinese jukung for hours with these thoughts in mind, but some things one has to be told. The outriggers provide a stable fishing platform, the rudder attachment can smash against a reef without damage, the outrigger boom lashings are designed mainly to withstand fatigue fracture, and the rig is designed to be,operated by 1 hand; the boat has to manage itself while the sole occupant concentrates all his attention on getting aboard a large tuna, because that is the whole point of the enormous physical effort involved in building and maintaining these canoes.

Canoe Types Related to the Balinese Jukung Air Kuning On the south coast of western Bali is a group of fishing villages that profit from the shoals of sprats in the shallow waters of the Straits of Bali. The most vigorous and numerous of the fishermen there are Muslims, who may once have been immigrants but now speak Balinese. The fishing canoes are most numerous at Air Kuning, between Yeh Kuning and Prancak, for all of which you turn off the main road at Tegalcankring. The country is rather dry, with irrigated coastal rice fields, numerous coconut palms, and miles of black-sand beaches. The canoes are all double-outrigger jukungs, used for trolling, netting, or line fishing. At Air Kuning there are about 200 of them, mostly of the type with upturned, sharp stem (called “female”), with a hull like a jukung perut of Benoa. A few (called “male”) have a huge tail fin and bows in the shape of a monster’s head with open jaws (Fig. 35). There are no signs of sampans or special canoes for outboard motors. Male and female jukungs are built with a split stem and go through a kawinan ceremony (see below). The rig is Balinese, and the tack end of the upper boom slides in a square box (toming') in the bows (Fig. 36). The hull shape is graceful, and the details of construction are

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CANOE TYPES RELATED TO THE BALINESE JUKUNG

Fig. 35. Female jukung without jaws, and male with jaws and tail fins at Air Kuning on the south coast of west Bali. Both male and female have the carving of a cow’s head on the sailrest. Note the outline of the split stem and stern.

CANOE TYPES RELATED TO THE BALINESE JUKUNG

Fig. 36. Bows of a jukung of Air Kutiing, with the box (taming) for the tack to move fore and aft, and with rapid-release bars (peliniang) that tighten the rope supporting the mast. The outrigger boom is a single, almost straight bar.

intermediate between Balinese and Javanese (Fig. 36). In the bows there is a transverse splashboard; along the gunwale is a sloping side-plank (j&rupe). The square mast is supported by a thick thwart (kabo kabOi a term not used in east Bali) and is held there by short, thick stays. Unlike those on the Straits of Lombok (Fig. 20), the stays at Air Kuning have a quick-release bar {pelintang) usually carved in the shape of a bird’s head on a long neck that contributes

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CANOE TYPES RELATED TO THE BALINESE JUKUNG

Fig. 37. Stem of a jukung of Air Kxining, with sailrest in the form of bull’s head.

leverage (Fig. 36). The outrigger booms are straight and are attached to the curved connector piece by a single peg and lashing. The stern outrigger boom is lashed down over the rudder support in one compact bundle with the rudder post and sailrest. AU the jukungs have a carved wooden bull’s head, with the straight horns acting as the sailrest (Fig. 37), placed high in the Javanese style (Fig. 67), quite unlike the other modern Balinese jukungs.

CANOE TYPES RELATED TO THE BALINESE JUKUNG

Sasak Canoes The island of Lombok, immediately to the east of Bali, is the home of the Sasaks, who speak a language of their own. There are 3 distinct styles of canoe on Lombok, one possibly indigenous, one imported from Bali, and one imported by the Buginese. The first is a long, thin dugout without a sail, but with internal lugs to which outrigger booms can be lashed. They are large canoes, similar to those seen in eastern Indonesia and Papua, where they are pro­ pelled by men standing at the paddles. I have seen them in numbers only on the south coast, notably at Kuta, Lombok. They appear to be part of an ancient tradition, but nothing is known of their history. The 2nd type (jukung) is a Balinese jukung pelasan still being imported from Bali but also now built in Lombok by Sasak carpenters. Some of the words for the canoe parts are similar to the Balinese names, but many are Sasak and a few have been transmit­ ted incorrectly from Balinese. For example, dolos in Lombok means the edge strip inside the gunwales, but in Bali it means the crosspieces that support the gunwales. Some of the features, such as the chute in which the boom end slides in the bows, are recently imported from Kusamba in Bali. When I inquired about ceremo­ nies, the canoe builders remembered that a small parcel used to be buried in the timber of the bows during construction, but this ceremony has been discontinued. Nevertheless the split stem survives. The hulls are of belalu wood as in Bali. The 3rd type (sampan) is a copy of a Buginese or small Makassarese double-outrigger canoe. It is not a 5-part canoe in that the split stem is replaced at both ends^by a pair of short, curved planks (sangkaujin) that meet at the midline as in a stemless boat (Horridge 1981, p. 57). The name is’probably significant in that these are planks that would have been “married” to the hull (kawin = married), but there is no memory of such a ceremony now. Both types of outrigger canoe along the west coast of Lombok are used by Sasak fishermen. At Ampenan there are almost no Buginese or Balinese fishermen despite the obvious introduction of the Balinese and Buginese canoe styles. The Balinese style is preferred for trolling for tuna in the Lombok Strait and the .sampan for handline or net fishing. Old Dutch records might show how and when these 2 types of outrigger canoe were introduced to the Sasak west coast fishing villages.

[ 57 )

[

58

BUILDING A JUKUNG

]

Fig. 38. Canoe building at Kusamba, Bali.

Building a Jukung Jukung builders {pande jukung} can be found wherever the canoes are numerous—at Padang Bay, behind the beach along the Ku­ samba Coast (Fig. 38^, and at Serangan, Benoa, Jimbaran, and Air Kuning. Canoe builders can be of any caste and regard themselves as carpenters, but a few are pasek, which means they are descended from families of craftsmen that have persisted since before the caste system was established about 400 years ago. Most builders of canoes, and men who repair them on the beach, know little of their history or ceremonies, or even the proper terminology for the parts. The common view is that a jukung, like any other complex article made by a craftsman, has a life-spirit of its own, but one not so well developed as in man. As for all Balinese events, work on a new canoe will only be started on certain days in the calendar; in all

BUILDING A JUKUNG

canoe-building yards there is a ceremony al the start of a new canoe and at the launch, at which the local temple custodian (manku) officiates. These include food offerings, sprinkling of holy water, and gifts from the new owner. There are no special rituals or offerings to protect the unfinished canoe against evil powers, no magic wood, and most canoe builders say nothing about auspicious knotholes or freeing the timber from spiders, as happens in Sulawesi. The jukung builders along the Kusamba Coast have the tree trunks delivered already roughly hollowed with a curved adze, as that must be done before the timber dries. Once hollowed, the trunk must be turned regularly and dried slowly for a month in an attempt to prevent cracking. In 1982 a belalu tree cost US$130 and the rough shaping US$65. The price for a fully equipped, first class new canoe at Padang Bay was US$500. In 1982 we bought an old second-hand canoe at Benoa for US$250 and were entertained with roast sucking pig as a bonus out of the seller’s profits. A jukung builder living adjacent to the beach at Padang Bay told me that he supported 7 children and a decent house by selling a new jukung every month. To do that he would need an income of US$50 to $100 per month. Quite different were the interviews with the late Ua Wa Lusin (Fig. 39) at Benoa. I was first taken to his house by my friend Philippe, whose renown for having sailed a jukung to Australia ensured that my questions were answered seriously. Lusin was a soft-spoken, frail-looking old man, who that day had returned at noon with 4 large tunas after 9 hours at sea in his own jukung. In the 1st interview we discussed almost nothing except names for parts of the jukung. He showed me how the shape of the curved bow splashboard {tebeng) and the slide for the upper boom (kukul) are peculiar to his own village (Fig. 31). Lusin, the maker of the best jukungs in Kampong Benoa, exuded the contemplative inner calm that comes as a result of practicing a brand of mysticism combining hardship, a simple diet, negation of strong desires, striving after perfection in his art of canoe building, acceptance of the cycle of days, and the lifelong contemplation of the many attributes of gods, men, and self that he considers are ultimately all one. At a later interview at his house, sipping coconut milk, I listened to his account. Before starting a new canoe he first went to inspect the growing trees, bargained for a suitable one when found, and discussed arrangements with the tree’s owner. The tree was felled by laborers

[ 59 ]

[ 60 ]

BUILDING A JUKUNG

Fig. 39. The late Ua Wa Lusin, the best pande jukung in south Bali.

BUILDING A JUKUNG

on a special day decided by the conjunction of the cycles in the Balinese calendar, preferably on Was besar, Paing, Kajang. He preferred the soft, light wood of the belalu tree (Alhizzia falcata} but also used red kayu suren {Cedrella swreni Burkill). Nowadays, he said, the owner cuts down the tree and keeps all the spare wood, which is sold for other jobs. Large trees are hard to find today in Bali, and the price of canoes has risen mainly on that account. In turn, the high value of the trunks now makes painting the canoes worthwhile, and at some places all the canoes are painted. Even when painted, however, the canoes are always drawn out of the water tp dry between fishing trips.

The System of Proportions Having established a rapport with Lusin at Benoa, I went deeper into the secrets of his art. The jukung is built on a system of numbers that gives the proportions of every part. The jukung pelasan {pelasan = trolling) must measure 3 fathoms {depa} and 3 hands {tapak} between the inside of the ends. The old unit of measurement in Balinese was the anggula, which was the breadth of a finger, taken as 1.75 centimeters. The height of an ideal man was 96 anggula. An agulak is the span of the thumb and forefinger of the carpenter, a common way to measure pieces of timber. These umts, derived from the canoe builder’s own body, are still used today, as they are in the construction of traditional Balinese houses. As a general rule throughout Indonesia, canoe lengths are measured on the inside of the hull. A fathom in Indonesia is 1.7 meters; in Bali, however, it is the span of the craftsman’s jDwn outstretched arms. The sides of the canoe are 3.5 centimeters thick and the bottom is 8 centimeters ±ick, measured with a stick at every place. The internal length of the hull is divided into 6 equal parts (usually marked by the positions of the sendang)^ and the front surface of the mast is placed Ve of the way from the inside edge of the bow to the stern (Fig. 23). Let this Ve part be x. The exact length of every other part is then calculated in terms of x. The length of the mast is 2x + 10 centimeters. The forward outrigger boom lies against the mast. The stern outrigger boom is x/2 from the inside end at the stern. The length of the front outrigger boom is equal to the distance between the 2 outrigger booms. Every length is fixed as a simple calculation from of the basic measure x, which was exactly 1 meter in a number of examples I measured. Ua Lusin was convinced that a Vz-centimeter change in the position of

[ 61

]

[ 62 )

BUILDING A JUKUNG

the mast makes, a difference in the speed. There is a special ceremony (jienyasapan) in some places when the hull is marked for the location of the mast. The Balinese believe that ideal proportions are represented in the human body. Therefore, an outrigger canoe, being a creation of its maker and having a soul of its own, must always be constructed with every dimension calculated according to a simple rule of numbers. As in the measurement of a man for clothes, the size of the outrigger booms (arms) and hull (chest, waist, and buttocks) is measured as the circumference at each place on the canoe, and ail are determined by ratios. In Bali the ideas of perfect ratios derive from ancient India and are preserved in the lontar texts, for example, in the Pancamahabhuta. Similar ideas of perfect propor­ tionality have repeatedly been used in European art and architec­ ture down to the present day, derived from the Pythagorean philosophy of ancient Greece; even Le Corbusier used the magic rectangle in his buildings. Possibly the concept is a legacy from Neolithic craftsmen, as the study of megaliths in Europe also suggests. In building a Bugis prahu in South Sulawesi, the traditional way to arrive at the general form of the ship is to take the length of the keel together with the 2 keel extensions (sambungan) and divide it into 13 equal parts; this gives the positions of the 12 ribs, following the analogy with the human body. The basic length for the prahu is then the length of the keel plus the extensions running smoothly into it, and all other measurements of the boat are simple deriva­ tives of this length. On the other hand, in boatbuilding around the Indian Ocean, the proportions are based on the length of the keel alone, but the keel ends at a sharp angle to the stem and stern posts, so it is an obvious baseline. In all Indonesian boatbuilding cultures, the master boatbuilder carries all proportions in his head, passed down through innumerable generations of apprentices (not neces­ sarily his own immediate family). The proportional system of boatbuilding is an ancient method that could have originated early in several cultures; if so, it was probably carried into Polynesia, persisting as the basic method of deciding the proportions of Pacific canoes. Unfortunately, informa­ tion on this topic was not collected from canoe builders in most Pacific cultures before the knowledge died out. Because they must have built effective canoes in different sizes, the early Austronesians probably had a concept of ratio and proportion. With a system based upon proportions, a convenient short length

building a jukung

is required in which to express'the other measurements. For a prahu it is the distance between ribs; for a dugout canoe, the distance from the inside bows to the mast; and for an Indian Ocean dhow, the length of the keel. It is convenient to be able to determine the lengths with a measuring stick. In fact, an appropri­ ate bamboo measuring stick with equally spaced nodes can often be found as a suitable standard length for any size of boat. In medieval Europe, ships were also built according to propor­ tions, which became extremely complex for the lines and timbers of a large ship. The proportions were set down in books by the beginning of the 17th century (Pepper 1981), when it was believed that perfect proportions could be achieved, but there was no understanding whatever of the hydrodynamics of the movement of a hull through the water. Unlike the Eastern boatbuilders, those in the West built an exact model that was thoroughly discussed before work commenced, but none of these early traditions included any notion of a shape based on experimental measurements of hydrody­ namic efficiency. Actual measurements of jukungs are not as consistent as theory suggests, because hull lengths differ and builders use different calculations. At Benoa the unit length from the inside edge of the bows to the mast varies from 72 centimeters for a small canoe to 100 cm for a large one, with many measuring 88 cm, but at Serangan 97 or 98 cm is common. Following the analogy with the asymmetry of the human body, the 2 sides should not be exactly the same. The bows outrigger boom is 187 to 195 cm on the starboard (right) side, measured to the midline, and always 4 or 5 cm longer on the left side. The aft outrigger boom is always 4 to.5 cm shorter than the bows outrigger, measured to the midline,'So the floats converge towards the stern by a total of about 9 cm. See the scale drawings for other measurements (Fig. 18, 23).

Details of Jukung Building The tree is felled in the wet season, when the wind is from the west; otherwise canoe builders believe the tree is infested by wood­ boring insects. The tree must be felled on a day that is a combination of Was in the 3-day sequence, which often determines market days in Austronesian societies, and Paing in the 5-day Balinese (wuku) calendar. Was is a day for starting something new, and Paing is a day when it is propitious to make a change. The way that actions are flxed in the Balinese calendar is not always so

[ 64 ]

BUILDING A JUKUNG

obvious, but every act is governed by it. There is a short ceremony to placate the spirit of the tree. The owner of the tree cuts it down and often arranges for it to be hollowed out to the correct length by local specialists. A large tree may make 2 jukungs. The hollowing (with a curved adze, penyoncong) is done by 5 men in 3 days (note the magic numbers). Canoe builders hollow the trunks them­ selves at Benoa, where Lusin maintained that the immediate hollowing of the trunk is done to make it easier to transport, but I ttok It is primarily to prevent cracking as it dries. Woodturners about to make a large bowl in other cultures similarly cut a rough shape while the sap is in the timber and finish it after seasoning. The tree, hollowed or not, is brought to the coast without a ceremony and is dried slowly for a month under a roof in the builder s yard. If the trunk is already hollowed out, the jukung builder (pande) can build a jukung in a month with a litUe help. The top of the tree should be towards the bows because the deepest part of the hull is at the stern. Lusin explained that the life of the jukung IS not a continuation of the life of the tree. The tree dies and the jukung develops a life as the pande puts his own care, effort, and spiritual strength {sakti) into it. Finally the full spirit of the jukung comes from the kawinan ceremony before it is launched (see p. 68). The conjunction of days on which work may begin is Tanggalan with Buda, Sukra, or Anggara. Jukung builders usually work in their own backyard. They also have a jukung for their own fishing because the professional fishermen in the village have contracted to sell all their fish to a town merchant and would make little cash by selling locally. Often one finds several half-finished canoes wailing for timber or, more commonly, for continued financing, while the jukung builder has to live on the fish he can catch for himself. The sides of a Balinese jukung are raised by a single plank fitted by its edge to the edge of the hollowed trunk and fixed in place by internal dowels, which are then cross-pegged by locking pins. On the finished boat this is not obvious. The dowel holes used to be made wi^ a curved chisel, now replaced by brace and bit. Still less obvious is ^e way the ends of the canoe are closed. One of the characteristics of the Madurese-Balinese tradition of jukung build­ ing is that a forked piece of Albizzia wood is carved as a split stem at both ends of the canoe. This piece of wood (called kanti at Sanur, pacuk al Benoa, and sankel in Madura) must be carved from a grown fork. The side plank is fitted exactly as I have described above (Fig. 24) and for the fitting of a plank upon the previous plank m the building of a Bugis prahu (Horridge 1979). Ua Wa Lusin was emphatic about the use of the correct type of

building a jukung

bamboo in each part of the rig. The upper boom must be selected from a strong, thick-walled bamboo with short internodes {santong boat) for the trolling jukungs of the Lombok Straits. On the big, cow-carrying jukungs the builders use an even larger species (petong godeg} with short internodes, which the Madurese use for the booms up to 60 feet long on their leti leti prahus. They also reinforce it with a batten {penikulan} of hardwood lashed above the bamboo with a rope, the tali sumpe. The larger the sail, the thicker the penikulan, which is 3 centimeters thick on a big jukung gede. For the lower boom they use 2-year-old pieces of a thinner, lighter, longinternode bamboo. The floats are of another bamboo {Gigantochloa} from Tabanan in Bali or one from Java (petong gatnbang) that has long internodes. The canoe builders learn from bamboo traders of the same special uses of these bamboos over a wide area beyond Bali. In Java, rafts of these big bamboos are floated down rivers in great numbers for sale. Floats on canoes last only about 2 years even when well cared for and removed from the canoe every day, and they cost US$15 each. Fishermen say that floats last longer if painted, but painting is unusual in Bali, though customary in Madura. The buoyancy of the floats depends on the diameter of the bamboo, so the position and exact length of each new set of floats must be adjusted according to their diameter, and the pande jukung has no rule of ratios for that. The fishermen in Benoa said that Ua Wa Lusin was the only pande who could make the 4 curved outrigger boom extensions {cedik} before the hull had been finished and balanced. The outrigger floats are 9-10 centimeters farther apart at the bows than at the stern; the exact amount is not fixed by tradition but is set by the owner to give him the minimum of strain on the tiller when on his customary track to^and from the fishing grounds, so it might vary with the season. The length of the floats, which extend beyond the bows to prevent the canoe from digging in its nose when sailing downwind, are also adjusted by the owner. The total span between the ends of the forward outrigger booms is the same as the distance between the fore and aft outrigger booms. Ua Wa Lusin explained that this (to him) significant symmetry was essential for the perfection of the jukung. Westerners would see it as a hindrance to the best performance, which would be found by sailing trials. The rig is also adjusted to the hull; nowadays there may be several sails of diflferent sizes for different wind strengths, but the sail is never changed at sea. At Benoa a standard jukung of 3 fathoms 3 hands inside length (up to 6 meters), i.e., 3 outstretched-

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BALINESE CANOE CEREMONIES

arm spans plus 3 hands (this is Lusin’s measure), has a sail of 4.5 meters maximum (this is now the sail tailor’s measure) in the leech, i.e., along the free edge that has no boom. The edge along the upper boom (pangbau) is V2 times the leech, and the edge along the lower boom (penggiling) is V2 times the leech less 10 centimeters. Every fishing village in Bali has a distinct sail shape. The sail is cut very full, but the exact curves on the edges are the work of the sail tailor, who will have detailed discussions with the owner on this point. Owners, sail tailors, and jukung makers in every fishing village have regular discussions about every detail of ±e canoes and their rig, and from time to time they all make small adjustments, either to make a real improvement or merely to copy the others. As I watched one day, a tailor sewed a hem along a line drawn on the cloth by an owner, but there was a good deal of argument and calculation, all based on “magic” numbers, before the line was in the right place. Every sail is identifiable by its unique color and pattern so that when the fisherman returns, his family can be at the beach. Every part of a jukung can be dismantled for repairs; most of the 600 canoes at Jimbaran Beach have the outrigger boopis and all the loose fittings disassembled. The best model canoes can also be dismantled in the same way. We are reminded of Malinowski’s (1922) description of how every Trobriand Islands canoe had to be dismantled and relashed with new vines, and every plank resewn with new creeper with the correct spells at every stage, before each Kula expedition could set out. Canoes are repaired by skilled and also by unskilled men along the coast. Most of the amateurs know little of the proper methods or even the names of the parts. They are often self-taught and simply do their best to copy what they see. Every part of the jukung can be replaced. Large holes in rotten hulls can be cleaned out with a chisel, filled with a new piece of timber and putty, then painted over. The putty always used to be lime mixed with boiled vegetable oil, but expanded polystyrene foam dissolved in benzene is now more popular. The latest development is to repair old jukung hulls with a patch of fiber glass or with a mixture of wood chips and epoxy resin. When painted over they look as good as new.

Balinese Canoe Ceremonies Much of the ancient Austronesian tradition has survived in Bali, although overlain by a thick veneer of Hindu practices, but the newcomer has no way to distinguish the ancient animism. Like all

[ 67 ]

BALINESE CANOE CEREMONIES

carefully made objects that are important in the lives of men, such as weapons, houses, and carvings, canoes are believed to have an intrinsic power originating from a spirit that lives within them. This power, called semangat in Malay, kasektin in Javanese, sumange in Bugis, and taksu in Balinese, ensures that the canoe is effec­ tive and swift, and that the owner can trust his life to his canoe. The spirit with this power therefore must be treated in the right way. Like other cultures in the Austronesian tradition, the Balinese have a deep belief in the cyclical nature of life and the world. The wuku calendar is consulted for auspicious days for every occasion, with attention to the conjunction of the names of the days in the 3-, 5-, and 7-day weeks. There are also important conjunctions of these days with the full moon and the new moon. Another aspect of the cyclical nature of life is the flow of generations. The son becomes the father and generates another son, and every child in Bali is considered to be the same person as an ancestor. This means, in our context, that changes in the design of canoes are not acknowledged; they are seen as the same canoes as those of last century, but rebuilt from different trees. Thus, questions to simple fishermen about historical changes often elicit strange answers; for example, a photograph of an old type may be identified as several centuries old. Another Malayo-Polynesian belief is that objects such as canoes must be made exactly in a specified way, which is passed down from father to son; change occurs only gradually. If a man should adjust the design of his fishing canoe and gain an advantage, it would be attributed to evil magic and he_would expect to have to repay the evil spirits in retribution later, possibly by drowning at sea. There are strong forces, therefore, ensuring that all canoes are the same within the village and strengthening the local view that the designs have always been the same.

Felling the Tree Before the tree for the canoe is felled, a brief ceremony is conducted to placate the spirit of the tree, with a food offering in the standard Balinese style on a little plaited dish, a few incense sticks, and a mumbled prayer. This is an animistic ceremony that has nothing to do with Hinduism, Similar but lengthier ceremonies are described by Malinowski (1922, p. 127) for the Trobriand Islands, by Best (1925, p. 11) for the Maori war canoes, and by

j

68 ] BALINESE CANOE

and all have ±e same purpose.

buaders of South Sulawesi

’

The Kawinan Ceremony (acara kawinan) ceremony (p««aZasparau) before the jukung is launched, the paudeyaAang cuts a deep hole into the twisted grain at

see Fig-22 (1 and 4) and Fig. 33], Into this hole the priest pushes a piece of white cloth containing a tiny piece of gold and a piece of Sliver, sometimes with fragments of up to 5 metals. Knowing the there would be a httle nee or iron in the cloth, but I have no idence of that m Bah. These items all have a strong symbolic value for good fortune, strength, and for giving the Indwelling sp rit a location m the canoe structure. Written on the cloth by th! P r' J "'Inch the canoe builder does^not understand. The hole is plugged with wood and smoothed over Ths acara f^awrnan is done on all canoes that deserve the nZe

the tach^"

Benoa) on some sampans. At Kampong Seseh a P"‘“'‘' “ bows for

The kawinan ceremony for a larger boat is conducted when the tempost IS attached by a mortice and tenon joint to the keel A

pushed into It before the tenon is inserted. The comparable South Sulawesi with

p. 12). The same ceremony for both iukunes and publicized, in Madura. The stel and e keel are married” in a ceremony with obvious reference to the "^i^-m ^P'P is /tttaa ( female hull. In Java the stempost is called the tffk > /"derstood in Bali), which comes from the 5 *e phallic organ of the god Siva a s^e'SnT”' 5-P^« canoe, which has basically single design from Hawai i to Madagascar. The 5-part canoe

I orriage

i

i* j ! ) ■’

dugout hull to a keek The keel ? s the original boat” {kale bisean in South Sulawesi). The unit of » measurement to calculate the proportions of a prahu is the keerplus ■

stem at each end. The keel extension is anatomically homologous to ;

BALINESE CANOE CEREMONIES

the split stem and is male, while the keel, like the dugout base, is female.

The Oton Ceremony When the finished jukung is first taken to the sea, there is a ceremony (mapinton) that in Bali is copied from one {oton) that takes place when a child is first allowed to walk on the ground. The new owner, flowers in his hair and followed by his wife with offerings on her head, leads a procession that carries the jukung to the sea. A marching gamelan orchestra accompanies them, and at the water’s / edge more offerings are made to the spirits of the waves. Exactly as a child, a jukung has a secret name, a source of strength that is never made public. The priest {pemanku) writes a dozen names on separate leaves of the lontar palm and the new owner chooses one that he does not reveal, whereupon the rest are burned. The ceremony follows the same procedure as for a child’s oton, with many references to future good fortune and long life. Finally the priest ties a lock of palm leaf or grass around the prow of the canoe, sprinkles it again with holy water, and all help carry it to the sea.

The Cycle of Ceremonies . A working canoe receives special attention every 15 days at the full moon (pumamd) and at the new moon {tilem). Offerings (canang) of food, fruits, and complicated patterns of plaited palm {cam) are brought to the jukung at the^beach. This ceremony corresponds to the rites every 15 days -at kajang-keliwon in the Balinese wuku calendar, which are conducted for the cleansing and protection of every house. One offering is placed on the prow of the canoe, another on the ground, and another is thrown into the sea. At special equinoctial ceremonies in March {upacara memalis) directed towards annual renewal, the men come to the beach dressed in their best, with white head-cloths, following a procession with a gamelan orchestra, and a special stand is erected on the beach on 4 tall posts facing the sea for the offerings to the gods. At Kuta 8 priests dance the baris (spear) dance; at Benoa pairs of girls dance the gabor on the beach. Normally these dances are seen only in the inner sanctuary at the odalan ceremony for some temples. Offerings to the ocean in Bali are timed not by the Balinese luuku calendar but by the lunar calendar, in which Hari Nyepi is the great festival

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BALINESE CANOE CEREMONIES

falling on the 1st new moon after the spring equinox. Three days before Hari Nyepi is Hari Malasti, or Hari Malis, when these processions from main temples to the sea occur. Some fishing villages make their own offerings to the ocean on the day of the previous new moon, which is tilem-kaulu in the lunar calendar, often on the day nyangluk in the Balinese calendar, but with differences between villages. These equinoctial ceremonies are not directed towards the canoes or the fishing; they may involve a ceremonial model prahu, which is loaded with offerings that represent the troubles of each family. The model is floated away at the end of the ceremony, carrying away disease and evil from the village. Every 210 days, at Hari Raya Galungan—a principal Balinese festival in the wuku calendar—the jukungs are cleaned, dressed on the beach with a man’s sarong and a woman’s selendang on their middles or round the mast, treated to offerings, and sprinkled with holy water. At all the temples by the sea, especially at fishing villages, offerings are made to Baruna, god of the sea, and to Wisnu, who presides over the element water. This is significant, as the other Balinese gods are mainly the 1,000 or so manifestations of Siwa, not Wisnu. There are no minor sea gods (deioi laut) in Bali, only ghosts (hantu laut), which occasionally give sailors a bad fright at sea; there are also evil influences from the sea that are kept out of every fishing village by a temple on its seaward side. As I questioned Ua Wa Lusin, the old pande jukungs and made my notes, I sensed that he felt my own magic. The ability to write, draw, and read, especially the classical languages and scripts, itself confers power (sakti) in the eyes of the Balinese. I was drawing the sakti out of him and locking it into my pages. Soon he was weary and we had to drink tea before he could begin again. Presently he discussed the details of the events that occur every 210 days, but the following is my own eyewitness account.

The Petik Laut Ceremony At Galungan and Kuningan, every 210 days (the product of the first 5 prime numbers: Ix2x3x5x7), offerings are placed on all objects and places of importance to the family; the attention to the fishing canoes is a significant aspect of this ceremony in fishing villages. The offerings for the jukungs are made in the afternoon of Hari Raya Galungan, which is a family get-together day. The women have been busy for days preparing offerings for this and

BALINESE CANOE CEREMONIES

other ceremonies. After the midday rest the man and his wife go to the beach, often with a little girl carrying a bowl for burning incense. The woman carries the offerings, but the man performs the ceremony, called petik laut. The jukungs belonging to one family are put side by side and one ceremony does for all. The piled food offering is transferred from the wife’s head to the ground under the stem of the largest jukung; the incense bowl is then placed beside it, close to the boat, and the sweet-smelling bark is lit. A folded sarong and selendang for the jukung is placed on the seat. At Jimbaran the sarong is sometimes wrapped over the boat. At Benoa the sarong may be wrapped around the mast, with a hat on the mast. At ) Jimbaran a jukung also had a white waistband (as worn by women) on the hull, but according to the owner the jukung was a band, neither male nor female. Then offerings are spread on the boat and on the ground (for the bhuta kala, or demons). One of these offerings consists of 5 tiny plates, the central one containing mixed colors of rice, the others black, white, yellow, and red rice. Plaited palm-leaf offerings are placed in the bottom of the jukung at the bows, stern, and on the seat. The bows of the jukung are cleaned with white (rice?) powder and then sprinkled liberally, first with seawater and then with holy water. Near the end of the ceremony at Jimbaran, but not at Benoa, the man knocks on the hull with a bundle of Chinese money to remind the spirit within that its job is to ensure prosperity. A decoration (^antung-gantungan} made by binding leaves of Pandanus at Benoa, but of young coconut palm at Jimbaran, is tied to the highest point of the bows, and a flower is added, as if in a man’s hair. At Benoa the jukungs have a round, plaited offering (punyungan) made from coconut palm leaves hang­ ing inside the bows and stern, but no incense or money. At Benoa the man and his wife pray to the boat as if it were a person, but not at Jimbaran. Ten days later, on the morning of Kuningan, the same ceremony (but with yellow rice only) is performed at 7 a.m., and every offering then must contain a fish. In the petik laut ceremony the jukung pelasan is treated as a combination of a man and a woman, and the stem is clearly the male part. jukung perut is treated as a woman. Many questions about the details of the ceremony were answered with “we do it as if the jukung were a person,” and this is obvious in the use of the sarong, selendang, and hat for dressing the boat. One man used the word “hermaphrodite” (band) for his jukung, calling the prow male and the hull female. Thus we have an explicit recognition of the kawinan ceremony in the petik laut ceremony at Galungan. The

[ 71 ]

[ 72 ]

BALINESE CANOE CEREMONIES

jukung combines the opposites of male and female, and like a spirit it takes of the food without consuming it. At Benoa, however, the family prays to the canoe as if to someone still living, i.e., with the hands held in front of the face, not upwards as if for a spirit. The sarong is later taken home and used again the next year for the same boat; a new jukung must have a new sarong, exactly as for a person. The ceremony is performed quickly by the man, acting indepen­ dently of the other families along the beach. Then the women return home with the food offerings while some of the men remain for a chat, sitting on a group of canoes. The men all said that tourists knew nothing of these ceremonies, which are often held after nightfall at Galungan and at dawn at Kuningan. In conclusion, the Balinese jukung ceremonies all reinforce the main theme. The 5-part canoe is a married couple, combining split stem and dugout hull as male and female in a consummated, magical union that attracts and holds the spirit of the canoe. This spirit is regularly paid respect in return for the safety of the owner.

Wider Aspects of Canoe Lore The extensive literature of Bali, written on books of lontar palm leaves, says nothing about the sea, canoes, or fishing; this reflects the general antipathy of Balinese and Javanese literary and court culture to all things nautical or, indeed, in any way related to physical work. Lontar books of the Vedas, the Brahmandapurana, and the Tuturs are written in Sanskrit, which only a priest (pedanda) can read. There are epics such as the Ramayana and poems written in Kawi, an artificial literary language invented for vernacular writing by Hindu gurus in Java 1,000 years ago using many Sanskrit words but Javanese grammar. Also there are poems and prose in Javanese and Balinese, and books of the law, histories, spells, and medical texts, but there is nothing on canoes or boatbuilding. Culture was circumscribed, and it included only those topics of interest to the cultured classes. Today the Balinese show a dehberate reserve towards publicity and commercial exploitation of their ceremonies, especially those connected with sacred objects or dances of the inner temple sanctuary. Both the baris dance, with spears, and the gabor dance, with pairs of girls with offerings, are performed on the beach at special places at Hari Melis, but they are certainly not publicized, and the participants pretend not to see casual visitors. A sharp distinction is made between sacred and secular art, and shows for tourists are definitely not a part of Balinese ceremonial life.

lessons from the

[ 73 ]

BALINESE JUKUNG

Perhaps as a consequence of deliberate secrecy, or more likely as a result of neglect of fishing villages, I have found no mention in any Western or Indonesian literature of ceremonies connected with the felling of trees for canoes or with the building of Philippine or Indonesian canoes (the oton ceremony), nor of the details of putting the life-spirit into the canoe, nor of the periodic dedication ceremonies for canoes. The extensive reviews by Week (1938) and Steinmann (1939) say nothing about these ceremonies. The topic was mentioned by Collins (1937), who encountered the Buginese ceremonies when he had a prahu built in South Sulawesi about 1935. The ceremonies for prahu building were recorded by Usman Pelly in 1975 in the same area, in a study upon which I partially based my own work (Horridge 1979). With this knowledge of ceremonies for larger boats, I asked the obvious leading questions every time I met a canoe builder, and slowly the story emerged. A canoe is given its life-spirit exactly as the larger boat, by implanta­ tion of gold, the magical symbol of semen, wrapped in a piece of white cloth and inserted in a hole in the deepest, firmest place in the most important joint. The split stem represents the human crotch. The result is a boat in which the male stempost is married to a female hull or keel, as explicitly recognized in all the ceremonies. In Madura the spells are Islamic; in Bali they are Hindu, but the Buginese ceremonies did not come from Hindu sources with the lontar texts. They are the same as in Sulawesi, which was never Hindu. The ceremony of kawinan, when the hull is impregnated with life, is pre-Hindu and probably Austronesian or older. The similarity to the extensive canoe-building rituals of the few Pacific cultures where these have been recorded (e.g., Malinowski 1922, Best 1925) show that we are dealing with ^fundamental feature of the Austronesian tradition, possibly once as widespread as the split stem and the 5-part canoe.

Lessons from the Balinese |ukung Almost all the details of the jukungs now seen at Sanur, Kusamba, and Benoa on Bali are the result of steady change over the past 50 years. Starring at the bows, we see that the long, thin jaws have evolved from shorter jaws and from bows like those of East Java (Fig. 9) that persist at Air Kuning (Fig. 35), with the distinction between the spht stem and the hull emphasized as a jaw (Fig. 23, 33). Among the Hindu Balinese there is some connection between

/

[ 74 ]

LESSONS FROM THE BALINESE JUKUNG

the maleness of the jawed canoes and their expected success in trolling for tuna, whereas jawed canoes have almost disappeared among the Muslims at Air Kuning. Everywhere the jukung perut, considered to be more female, is popular except for trolling. The outrigger booms with a double curve evolved from Madu­ rese models, having replaced the earlier straight style that was widespread a century ago along the entire island chain from Sumatra to Flores. The long, straight bamboo float, extending forwards beyond the bows, has replaced an earlier, shorter one of light timber. The rudder support has evolved from a branched stick, which still survives in Java, but the whole idea of ±e rudder­ support post, like the fixed mast, appears to have spread from the Indian Ocean in the past 2,000 years and is apparently not a basic component of the Austronesian tradition that spread throughout the Pacific. The arrangement of the 5-part canoe, the split stem, and the kawinan ceremonies that go with that structure are the main surviving Austronesian features of the hull in Bali. The rig is a highly derived version of the 2-boom triangular sail in which only the sail shape, lacing to the boom, and general management of the rig are basically Austronesian. The fixed mast and the various ways of holding the upper boom in the midline when sailing upwind are relatively modern. In particular, the short, stubby mast is a 19th century development from the fixed, long Javanese mast (Fig. 67), which carried a tilted rectangular sail in light wind and a triangular sail at half-mast in stronger winds. The seats, masts, splash-boards, and most of the vividly painted decorations are modem or are much modified by Western carpen­ try techniques. The bars through the hull, to which the thwarts and outrigger booms are lashed, are also a degenerate replacement of the internal lugs, which were traditionally used to hold down the superstructure on the dugout base. Balinese jukungs have clearly developed from an old design that included some features still seen in south Java, Sumba, and farther afield, with a strong new influence from the direction of Madura. This influence was possibly carried by Madurese fishermen who migrated long ago and set up villages on the coast of Bah, as still happens today on the north coast. But most of the details of Balinese canoes, including the rig, are now on a line of evolution away from the original Austronesian models. Only the basic features show that they are part of that tradition. The system of proportions and the ceremonies, however, give us another insight into canoe-building tradition and the Austronesian

LESSONS FROM THE BALINESE JUKUNG

animism that treated canoes as important in their own right. I refer the reader to accounts by Malinowski (1922) for Trobriand Island canoes, to Elsdon Best (1925) on Maori canoes, and to Holmes (1981) on those of Hawai‘i. What survives in Bali, all unrecognized by the tourists or by most Balinese, is a valuable remnant of the same Austronesian canoe tradition that has unfortunately disap­ peared without trace from most of the Pacific cultures.

[ 75 ]

113®

114°

113°

114° . Madura and the adjacent coast of East Java.

Part

2

Madurese and East Javanese Canoes For its variety of canoes and other boats, and for the strength and intensity of its fishing and sea-going culture, Madura is one of the most spectacular areas in Indonesia for the sailing enthusiast. Isolation and poverty have combined to preserve the traditional boat designs: hostility towards strangers has kept Madura isolated, and recent development programs have not favored Madura, which has remained a backwater. Compared to Java, Madura is dry and unproductive because it lacks volcanic soil and regular rainfall. Nevertheless, it is superbly rewarding to those interested in the history of sailing craft because of the preservation of its traditional boats. Most significantly, however, in design and especially rig­ ging, the Madurese outrigger canoes are related to the central Polynesian canoes of Fiji and Tonga, forcing us to reformulate our ideas about the origin of Polynesian canoes. A description of the Madurese jukung rig with this in mind is long overdue.

Historical Account The maritime tradition of the Madurese seems to have grown with the development of Surabaya as the main port of eastern Java during the expansion of the Dutch colonial system in the 18th and 19th centuries. Earlier, Gresik had been a port of the Mataram

[ 78 ]

HISTORICAL ACCOUNT

Fig. 40. The Madurese Jukung Rig in action at Tulanteng, South Madura. When the sail is pulled back (upper left), the jukung goes into the wind. When the sail is let out forward (upper right), the jukung goes downwind. As the jukungs race home in the mouth of an estuary (middle left and right), they turn downwind; the same boat is shown in different aspects. The forward extension of the outriggers ensures that the jukung is stable and fast when running downwind (lower left). When the sheet is released (lower right), the sail flies freely over the bows and stops pulling immediately.

HISTORICAL ACCOUNT

Empire for the Javanese spice trade, which was lost after A.D. 1600 when the Dutch occupied Banda and Ambon in the Moluccas and diverted the mace, nutmeg, and cloves directly to their own ships. The fall of Malacca to the Dutch in 1641 and transfer of the island trade to Makassar left the ports of East Java without revenue. The Sultan of Mataram therefore attempted to make his sultanate in East Java self-sufficient, but the towns along the north coast and the freedom-loving Madurese under the Sultan of Sumenep, who was an ally of the Dutch, revolted against their temperamentally different and still largely Hindu Javanese rulers. The coastal towns of Java progressively came under the control of the Dutch, who were granted monopolies on opium and cloth imports as early as 1680. From then on the Javanese lost the maritime trade and turned to agriculture. But the Dutch had too few ships, so the coastal Muslim traders (mainly from India) prospered and multiplied, spreading Islam wherever they went. From this time onwards, the poverty-stricken Madurese fishermen worked as crews for any trading ships that offered jobs, and possibly this is how they came to adopt Islam so thoroughly. With the rise in population of East Java towards the end of the 18th and in the early 19th century, Surabaya grew again in importance as an export-import center and was noted for trading ships called kroman\ these were built by Chinese but sailed by Madurese crews. The trading boats of today can easily be traced to the early 19th century, but their earlier history is vague. The small boats, now called lis-alis^ with keel projecting at both ends and a boxlike construction with flat ends, have a Chinese origin and are entirely different from the traditional Indonesian designs. The design came to the Surabaya region because the Dutch employed Chinese contractors to build cheap hulls. Larger trading versions, called kroman^ janggolan, and perahu jabar, have square bows and stern and paired stems; these boats look as if they were derived from junks of southern China, but they are made using Indonesian methods and are provided with Madurese rigs (Fig. 40) to suit their crews. Originally they had outriggers (Horridge 1981, fig. 35). The other type of hull now used in Madura and found on the leti leti., golekan^ and perahu jaring (Horridge 1981, color plates G, H, and fig. 16, respectively) looks as if it was originally a local copy of a Western hull that was built in Western-influenced shipyards in Surabaya or Gresik and given a Madurese rig. Old illustrations (Fig. 41) show that these developments began in the late 19th century, and it is possible that on Madura the Madurese built only canoes before that time.

I 79 ]

HISTORICAL ACCOUNT

Fig. 41. A Madurese trader of 1856, drawn from a painting by Thomas Baines at the Royal Geographical Society, London. The smaller boat on the left shows the stubby Madurese mast and the arrangement of the sail when going downwind.

The early “Madurese traders” were kroman that carried salt from the evaporating pans around Gresik and Kaliangat, returning from as far as Timor with cattle to feed the rapidly growing population of East Java. Through the 19th century a trade route was established along the north coasts of the entire line of islands from Batavia to Timor, spreading emigrant Madurese and their canoes and boats. That they used sails and rigging designs from the fishing villages of Madura indicates where they found their manpower. In general they were antagonistic towards their Bugis and Makassarese com­ petitors, and they sided with the Dutch against the Bugis pirates of Flores. This trading community survives today. Aboijt 500 large trading vessels, called leti leti, are owned by Madurese who now live close to the beautiful, secluded anchorages of the islands at the east end of Madura. Hundreds of these boats can be found in the harbor of , Kali Baru, to the east of Tanjung Priok, near Jakarta. They now

THE MADURESE JUKUNG

bring timber from sawmills in Kalimantan for house building in Java. One can also find them in every port along the north coast of the islands from Bangka to East Flores, with loads of cement, kerosene, and all kinds of household goods. Another Madurese trading center, operating with old trading vessels (golekan) with 2 triangular sails, is at Sepulu on the north coast of Madura. From here, all kinds of goods are carried to the islands of the Java Sea, especially Bawean and Masalembu. On the return trips tons of fish on ice are brought back for the markets of Surabaya. These Madurese boats are worth a book in their own right, but we must return to the canoes. /

The Madurese Jukung Only an illustration (Frontispiece) can convey the combination of art form, archaic image, and sophisticated design that is the Madurese jukung (Fig. 40, 44). We have no direct evidence that these canoes are an ancient type, but several lines of argument point that way. We can argue from the pronounced conservatism of their builders, who have made no changes for almost 2 centuries, as shown by old drawings and models, despite the modernization that has marked this period. We can argue from the internal evidence of the design itself, one that is so well adapted to fishing, to the materials available, and to conditions for getting to sea and home again across the surf that it must have evolved slowly; such a design, once perfected, would persistt Of course, it might have arrived on these beaches from elsewhere, but the canoe vocabulary appears to be Madurese. If the design was introduced, it must have arrived centuries ago, and this does not preclude a long history before that. Another argument is that the jukung is a typical 5-part canoe, a design that is known from Madagascar to Hawai‘i, and therefore is contemporary with the Austronesian expansion or even older. Certainly all Madurese fishermen and sailors have been wedded to their Madurese rig for a very long time. The Madurese jukung rig is similar to the Micronesian shunting rig and especially to the traditional rigs of Tongan double canoes; however, it could have evolved on rafts in Indonesia before canoes were invented. The Madurese jukungs of today preserve design features that could have been used by prehistoric mariners.

[ 81 ]

THE MADURESE JUKUNG

Fig. 42. About 10 men are needed to get ajukung payat^an out of the water. The

other boats are prahujaring.

The Madurese Jukung Rig On my first visit to Madura, the jukung ng took me by surprise, even more so when I found a rig derived from it on janggolan cargo boats of up to 200 tons. Much of interest can be said about this ng. First, there is no mast (Fig. 42-44). The triangular sail, with, a bamboo boom on its 2 long sides, is supported by a loose prop (the sokong or sokongan), which is set by a notch at its bottom end mto the top of the rudder support or, at Sepulu, upon a thwart (Hg. 45). The sokongan can be extended by 2 or 3 pieces of bamboo (sopafe) that fit together like tent poles (called sokul at Sepulu). The sokongan usually has a small, carved wooden saddle (caklat) fitted into its upper end to grip the upper boom, but at Salompeng the natural side branches of the bamboo are used, reinforced by a binding to hold the boom at various heights. The caklat can also be found on old Pacific rigs, such as those of Tonga. The sail would fall to leeward if it were not also supported by a strong stay (the tali tampiringan, or simply talian) to the windward outrigger boom. This stay runs to a deadeye {kenketel or kelkutel) on the outrigger boom, then back to a handy place near the steersman because it must be adjusted, especially when changing direction (Fig. 45, 46). There is usually a stay like this on both sides of the canoe, aft of the sail. ., The same rig is used on the Madurese boats without outriggers, but in these the rig is held up by strong stays that run to the ends of a beam lashed across the boat just in front of the mast, replacmg the

[ 83 ]

THE MADURESE JUKUNG

forward outrigger boom. This beam {tenjoran) is used even when there is a mast, but it is then Sometimes only on the windward side. Significantly, the Polynesian double canoes used a similar beam, presumably because they also evolved from double outriggers or rafts (Fig. 93). a

peneret

lajur

A penggiting

tali ruwes lenga lengan

' tali \ tampiringany pengeripan

kelat baraiungan

katik

Fig. 43. Model of a jukung payangan from Salompeng, ca. 1930 when all the hulls were decorated and the stern fins supported ornate decorations.

pancer

( 84 ]

THE MADURESE JUKUNG d

Fig. 44. Prows and sailrests of jukung payangan at Salompeng, Madura.

Fig. 45. Jukung polangan of Sepulu at sea, drawn from a photo by Paul PioUet.

Fig. 46. The Madurese Jukung Rig. To go on the other tack with a Madurese Jukung Rig it is necessary to turn downwind and allow the sail and sheet to go right around the bows, as seen from above in this diagram. The 3 center figures are side views at the positions indicated.

[ 86 ]

THE MADURESE JUKUNG

The upper boom is of stronger, stiffer bamboo than the lower one, but both are qtiite flexible towards their ends so that they spill wind at every gust. The upper boom is stiffer than the lower so that at each gust the sail turns and lifts the boat, in part compensating for the buffeting of the wind. The 2 booms are tied together where they meet at the tack, which is tied or fits under a bar in the bows (Fig. 45). When going into the wind, the extension pieces are taken off the sokongan, the sail is pulled well down aft, and the rudder is always deep in the water, acting as a centerboard. The exact sail position relative to the center of drag, as in a modern windsurfer, keeps the boat pointing at about 45 degrees to the wind with scarcely any load on the helm. The performance depends on the cut of the sail. To ease off, the sheet to the lower boom is slackened, and as the sail is let out further on both upper and lower sheets, it swings forward until it stands upright across the boat (see inset to Fig. 41), pivoting on its tack in the bows and held by the pair of ropes (tali run-turun) from the upper boom. The boat now sails straight downwind. If the turn is continued and the lower sheet is allowed to fly loosely, the sail streams freely downwind and then comes round the bows onto the other tack (Fig. 46). This was called “wearing ship” when the manoeuvre was done on square-rigged European ships, which were put on the other tack in this way without the sails being blown back against the masts. The Indone­ sians call it batik (turn). Finally, the sail can be closed upwards by a rope that runs over the upper boom and back down to the lower boom (dashed line in Fig. 33). This upward furling was illustrated in 1773 in a drawing of the same rig on a Tongan tongiaki double canoe by William Hodges, artist to Captain Cook on his 2nd voyage (Haddon & Hornell, Vol. 1, fig. 192, p. 270). The upward furling is another fundamental difference from Western rigs. The subsequent development of the Madurese rig was to intro­ duce a fixed mast as an additional support for the upper boom (Fig. 41). The loose pole may be retained as well, in which case the upper boom can be lifted above the top of the mast, as is found in East Java (Horridge 1981, color plate E). The mast in the Balinese Jukung Rig, and on most Madurese rigs, is nowadays short, stubby, and close to the bows. Since the upper boom acts as a leverj the strain at the masthead must be several times that on the sheet, plus the weight of the sail. When there is a mast, the tack of the sail can still be fixed in the center of the bows, in which case the angle of the upper boom is fixed, as in the leti leti rig. Alternatively, the' tack is held down by a rope to a bar in the bows, and the angle of

THE MADURESE JUKUNG

the upper boom is adjusted by this rope, as in the rigs of the Balinese janggolan or jukung at Kusamba. On all these derived rigs the sail is never taken down at sea; instead it is furled upwards by a rope (mgrep, pengeripan, or setinggi) that runs over the upper boom and back down to the lower boom (Fig. 43).

Records of Madurese Rigs The oldest available record is a drawing on map 30 in the Atlas of the Great Elector published in 1664, presumably from a Dutch source. / The supporting prop {sohongan}^ the short stubby mast, and the tall mast with a halyard were all in use in the Straits of Madura in 1856, apparently much as they are today. This can be learned from paintings by Thomas Baines, who sailed with the North Australian Expedition (Captain A.C. Gregory) and whose pictures are now at the Royal Geographical Society, London. A painting in the tea room there, “Trading Proa in the Madura Strait” (Horridge 1986, frontispiece), shows a large transport boat with double outriggers (Fig. 41). Two triangular sails are each hoisted on separate masts, as in the modem Madurese golekan and janggolan, except that the masts were longer in 1856. A supporting pole stepped just aft of the deckhouse and a stay to the outrigger give the extra support needed to hold the mainsail. In the same picture is a small boat heading downwind with a short, stubby mast that supports a Madurese sail. Another painting there (No. 13), entitled “Near Passuruan on the Java Coast,” shows a typical mayang rig with tall mast, backstay, andang, and a rolled-up mat sail. In the background are 5 other boats, 3 of which have 2 Maduresc'sails that must be supported on short masts and all of which would need the supporting pole as well. Exactly the same can be said of Baines* drawing of a jukung at Banyuwangi; there is a stubby mast as seen today at Benoa, but another jukung has an inclined, loose pole supporting the upper boom. Two examples of Madurese rigs at Surabaya are shown by Paris (1841-1843, fig. 320, 328). The foresail has a fixed mast, but the mainsail has a support pole and a tack fixed in the bows (Fig. 47) like the rig in Fig. 45. Examples of Madurese rigs were described, and some illustrated, by Nooteboom (1932), often from incorrectly rigged models; therefore they must be detailed. Nooteboom shows a double-outrigger perahu jaten of Surabaya (photo 67; model Delft 351) with a triangular sail suspended from the top of a long mast.

[ 87 ]

[ 88

] THE MADURESE JUKUNG

France by a draftsman w,!o X?“

Sh?Tb-^ the bows (Fig ). This IS the Balinese yanggoZan rig (Horridge 1981, pl 18 19) In his next picture (Fig. 48g) Nooteboom shows a canoe without the south side of the Madura Strait Hendrick 1439). It has a triangular sail XT °° u from the bows for Sof 1*51) is of a butXId " that resembles the jukungs of south Madura, but the sail is supported on a long mast with a forestay. This has been corrected m Fig. 48b. Sometime in the past the model had been mcorrectly rigged by attaching the sokongan behind the

rh-

S^nJa

’

Fig. 48. Old records of fishing canoes of East Java showing the inadequate representation of rigs, outrigger designs, and hull shapes, a, From a poorly focused photograph taken at Pasir Putih (long. 113’50’E), northeastern Java, before 1930. The stays to the outrigger are not visible, and it is not clear how the ng was held up. Note outrigger booms in a smooth arch. The canoe was unattended with saU drying, not sailing (cf. Fig. 78-82). b, From model (Rotterdam 1461) of a 19th century sekong. c, A rectangular sail on a Balinese canoe, from a photograph by Hornell at Banyuwangi in 1918. d, From model (Delft 383) of a 19th century sekong. e, From model (Rotterdam 1405) of a sekong rigged without the supporting strut and stay, f, A jukung that has an additional support (findang} behind the mast, from a photograph taken at Banyuwangi. g, From model (Rotterdam 1439) of a sailing canoe of Pasuruan without outriggers but with a short mast, h, From model (Delft 351) of a perahu jaten from Surabaya; it is a mixture of styles of no particular district.

[

90

]

THE MADURESE JUKUNG

forward outrigger boom as a mast. It could never sail like that, and no doubt it has caused confusion among students of rigs. For example, Nieuwenkamp (1918, fig. 8) sketched that model. Nooteboom’s photo 72 (Fig. 48d) is a sekong model (Delft 383) that is correctly rigged with a sokongan^ and below it is photo 73 (Prins Hendrik 1405) of a jukung that has lost the sokongan and has had the upper boom of the sail incorrectly attached to the forward outrigger boom (Fig. 48e). Photo 75 is of a real sekong in Surabaya Harbor, of course correctly rigged. Photo 76 is a rough outrigger canoe with a short mast that I would identify as Balinese north­ coast style, and photo 79 is a fine outrigger canoe of Banjuwangi, Straits of Bali, with a short mast supported in the Javanese style by an andang (Fig. 48f). A photo of a large jukung at Batuhulu, East Java (photo 80), shows no mast; the next photo (81) is an outrigger canoe with a makeshift mast in 2 parts and a tilted rectangular sail, similar to the style of Rajekwesi, East Java (see below). Two model jukungs of Madurese style from the island of Bawean are also illustrated by Nooteboom (his photos 82 and 83), one with no mast, the other similar but with a single tall mast on which is balanced a rectangular sail, again similar to my example from Rajekwesi. Having seen how easily models can be incorrectly rigged when suddenly needed for an exhibit or before reaching the museum, I must stress that the evidence of masts and rigs can be accepted from models only after cross-reference to illustrations of full sized boats under sail. In any event, the models confirm the evidence from the early artists. In Madura, East Java, and Bali there are 3 old styles: (a) support pole and no mast (Fig. 41, 43, 47-49); (b) short, stubby mast with the tack of the sail fixed in the bows (Fig. 48f,g); and (c) long, single mast, sail raised on a pulley, with another rope from the tack to the bows (Fig. 41, 48h). The long mast takes a rectangular sail in light winds, but a lower triangular sail in strong winds (Fig. 67). In the same district are 3 other rigs with triangular sails, all obviously related to the 3 above. They are (d) the leti leti rig with the tack lashed in the bows and a strong unstayed mast but no support pole (this is the 20th century rig for large boats); (e) the Balinese Jukung Rig with the tack of the sail in a chute, where it slides as the angle of the sail is changed (again recent); and (f) the Madurese foresail (Fig. 83E), where the tack is fixed to an iron ring that slides along the bowsprit, copied from the Dutch North Sea design. All these rigs are distinguished from each other and illustrated in my works on the larger sailing craft (Horridge 1981, 1986).

building a MADURESE JUKUNG

Fig. 49. Madurese jukung fishing off Surabaya about 1900, from a sketch by Pritchett (1899). Most of the details are unchanged today, but not all are still found on one kind of jukung.

Building A Madurese Jukung Madurese jukung builders usually work just behind the beach. At Salompeng one finds them on the dunes under the trees. Nowadays builders order their tree trunks from Java, because the Madurese supplies of large trees are almost exhausted and the Javanese varieties are thought to be better. Teak for boats and accessories comes from Tuban in Java and also from the Kangean Islands.

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Fig. 50. A newly carved dugout hull for a jukung payangan^ as seen in the background, at Salompeng.

The Hull (petun^ tabu-en) The tree for the hull is hollowed on the boatbuilding site (Fig. 50). The large jukung payang of Ambunten and also the small ones around the coast are usually made of segun or segon (Albizzia falcata Backer), the same wood as the belalu of Bali. In Madura they use adzes and an axe to hollow the log. No special aura of craftsman­ ship, ceremony, or secret formulae pervade the scene as they do in

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Makassarese and Balinese boatyards, but the men are just as proud of their work. The hull rests on the beach on a lang-kalang, like a joiner’s trestle, or on a frame {blenter) that holds it above high-tide level.

Gunwales (jerupe) The sides of the hull are bored and long dowels of sappan wood (Caesalpinia sappan L.) are fitted into the holes (Fig. 51); then the side planks (jerupe on the south coast, toping on the north coast) are fitted at the time the split stempieces are added. The;>rupe is of any good marine timber, often of nyamplong {Calophyllum inophyllum L.). Exactly as was done in the precontact Philippine Islands

Fig. 51. Stages jn the construction of a Madurese jukung. The tube {kolong} that holds the outrigger booms has been put temporarily in place while the gunwale is being fitted. Note: a, the modern fishtail joints; b, the old method of jamming the sendang under the projecting lugs; and c, jukung hull about to have the gunwale added. Kampong Tulanteng, 1980.

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(Horridge 1982, p. 14), the dowels are cross-locked in place by wooden splints. The dowel within is located by a score mark on the outside, and a small hole is drilled right through the plank and dowel to lake the wooden nail (passa appun or badun). This method was formerly used also in the construction of Madurese prahus, which needed no ribs to hold the planks together. Splashboards (sangpesang at Sepulu, umbang umbang at Tampiru, penalar at Tulanteng) are not always found on Madurese canoes. Curiously, the word/erMpe is used for the side-plank in Madura but for the splashboards in Bali.

Forked Stems (sankel, sakang kayu) That the Madurese canoes are built with winged stems at either end (Fig. 51) in exactly the same way as the Bahnese canoes is not so much an indication that one influenced the other, or that Balinese fishermen migrated from Madura, but that the two are part of the same ancient, widespread canoe culture. The basic

Fig. 52. Modern Madurese types of stem attechments in section, side view: a, Salompeng; b, Pasean; c, Tulanteng; d, Sepulu.

BUILDING A MADURESE JUKUNG

structure of the 5-part canoe is a hull plus 2 sides plus 2 ends. At Tulanteng the word sakang meins “crotch” of both a man and a jukung (see kawinan ceremony for Balinese canoes). Often the forks for the ends of the canoe are cut from the same trees that provide the hull, but in Madura there is no taboo about timber, so that forks from other trees sometimes are used. Some are very large. I have seen many a sankel at Ambunten 3 meters long, with the fork at about half the length. They are hewed from the rough timber by adze and then fixed in place with many dowels .when thej^pe is added, so that all fits together. The strength of the extra length in the bows and stem all comes from the sankel^ not from the dowels that hold it. The dowels only prevent sheer strains and hold the sankel in position. The actual loads on the ends are borne primarily by the tight lashings that hold down the outrigger booms (Fig. 51-53). An essential part of the sophisticated design of these canoes is that the forked stem extends under the outrigger boom, while the upwardly curving ends of the canoe ensure that relatively short lashings are sufficient to bind everything down to the crossbar in the hull below (Fig. 52). This is another example of how the whole structure has evolved as a unit, and it links the split stem to the presence of the outrigger.

Crosspieces (senfang) Long ago the outrigger booms were held down by lashing them to bars or spreaders attached to prominent lugs (comb cleats) carved as an integral part of the hull (Fig. 14b). That general plan, though varied in detail, was the ancient method in most canoes in the Austronesian tradition. The lugs are called pepeiao in Hawai‘i, patnad in much of Melanesia, and commonly htiku in Indonesia. When lashed to a thwart or outrigger boom, the lugs are an ideal way of putting the edges of the planks of a boat into compression. Early Scandinavian boats also had comb cleats on their planks, and the early development of the Northern European boat with overlap­ ping planks (clinker-built) is partly the story of how bronze clenches made the wooden cleats unnecessary. In Europe after A.D. 500 and Indonesia after A.D. 1500, the spread of the saw also made it less convenient to fashion the wooden cleats as projections from the planks. In Bali, Madura, and Sulawesi, the “improved” technique is simply a bar 3-5 centimeters in diameter straight through the hull from one side to the other, with ends visible from the outside. In

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Fig. 53. Bow fittings of ajukung rajengam at Tulanteng, ready for sea.

Madura, locking pins of hardwood are often pushed transversely through the ends outside the hull. This is obviously a poorer design than jamming a bar under internal lugs because a bar straight through the hull causes a concentration of stress from which a crack can spread; the bar then continues to stress the crack until the hull splits. Moreover, the end of the bar wears the side of the hull, which soon leaks. If the bar itself breaks, the side of the hull is split open. The Madurese and Balinese get by with this poor design, which was certainly not tolerated in the traditional canoes. Another recent technique, learned from the Dutch, is to put a number of crosspieces like seats across the top of the side-plank; these are set into the gunwale by fishtail-shaped joints (Fig. 14a).

building a MADURESE JUKUNG

These thwarts are called polangan, and canoe styles are named ^ter them: jukung polangan (Fig. 45, 60) or perahu polangan (Fig. 63).

Outrigger Booms (forward = barajungan, aft = cef/l, katik)

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Here we must distinguish 3 main types of the Madurese jukungs because they differ in the design of the outrigger booms. The jukung payangan at Salompeng has the 2 sides of the booms separately lashed to the hull and at an angle to each other (Fig. 43, / 52a, 56-58, 72). Therefore forces on the outriggers are not carried through from one side to the other. AU the outrigger booms have a direct attachment to the float. The forward booms are of flexible bamboo and have a slingshot line to the bows (Fig. 43). The jukung ngope (jukung pangope-an) of the north coast, for example at Pasean and Pasongsongan, also has the fore and alt outrigger booms directly attached to the float (Fig. 61). They are separate on the 2 sides but have their ends inserted into 1 stout tube (kolong), which is lashed across the huU. They are therefore in Ime with each other and at right angles to the huU. The merits of this design will be discussed below. The south coast jukungs (of several kinds), the jukung ragengam of Tulanteng, and the sekong (Fig- 48b,d) of neighboring Java have the forward outrigger boom directly attached to the float and held in a tube fixed to the hull. The aft outrigger boom, however, curves upwards and is connected indirectly to the float by a 2nd piece (tongkil, tencil) descending almost at right angles from the first (Fig. 45, 48e, 49). This design can also be found on jukungs along the north coast of Madura, at Tampiru for example, and in East Java, Bawean, and some of the islands of the Sapudi and Kangean groups (Fig. 64). At Sepulu the aft boom is extended far out to the sides for pulling separate troUing lines (Fig. 45, 60). Except at Salompeng, the outrigger boom is fitted into the tube (kolong) and held there by a wooden pin (badeg), which ^runs directly through both tube and boom (Fig. 49, 52-54). The tube is cut from a log by boring out the center and is always bound at its ends with tight cords or wire to prevent splitting. The rather thin pin (Fig. 53-55) is not very strong. In fact, the pm is the fail-safe device that breaks first and saves the rest of the outrigger from being smashed in an accident. However, when questioned about the pin, the fishermen often say that it is a quick way to dismantle

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Fig. 54. Method of holding rudder supports at Tulanteng.

the outriggers when they put the canoe on its rack (blenter). They see this as more convenient than untying the lashings. Along the south coast, some of the white Jukung rajengam are stripped down fore and aft in this way after every fishing trip. With the stresses caused by the floats in mind, let’s take a brief look at these arrangements for fixing the outrigger boom. It is illuminating to consider at the same time the direct versus indirect attachment of the boom to the float. An indirect attachment lifts the boom above the waves, allows a vertical adjustment of the float, and distributes the load, in that the outrigger boom can now twist as well as bend; also, the indirect attachment avoids the difiicult task of making a correctly curved outrigger boom. The exact form of the indirect attachment varies from island to island (Haddon 1920; Nooteboom 1932) and in different parts of the Pacific (Haddon & Hornell 1938). For rough conditions, some cultures have found it necessary to have 3 booms (Philippines, Micronesia) or as many as 10 (Philippines, New Guinea). The direct attachment is more commonly found along the Indian Ocean coasts of the island chain, e.g., at Sumba (Fig. 70), and from Sumatra to Timor, or in rougher

BUILDING A MADURESE JUKUNG

water as at Salompeng (Fig. 43). Outrigger canoes best adapted for surf, rough seas, and difficult conditions, e.g., the wa‘a of Hawai‘i, always had a direct attachment of the timber float to a pair of nicely curved outrigger booms. For these canoes, “the unruly and unmer­ ciful sea dictated the primary design features common to all Hawaiian hulls in her capricious domain” (Holmes 1981, p. 70). The tube across the hull to hold the outrigger booms is another obvious convenience. The pin acts as a quick release, a fail-safe, and the tube is a friction piece that absorbs energy by working as

Fig. 55. Stem fittings of a jukung atTulanteng. The bamboo-slat covers have been removed to show the lashings of the outrigger boom.

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Fig. 56. View inside a jukung payangan towards the bows.

the swell moves the float. The pin is often loose, and the boom can then turn in the tube, releasing stresses as the outrigger works with the motion of the sea. The arrangement of the jukur^ payangan at Salompeng (Fig. 56) is the simplest for attaching both ends of the outrigger boom, but it is also adapted to the severest conditions, as in the Hawaiian design. On the jukung payangan most of the stresses at sea are taken by the aft outrigger boom because the forward boom is of flexible bamboo, which simply acts as a spacing element to hold the outrigger at the correct distance from the hull (Fig. 57).

Lashings Nowadays the lashings are of nylon, but not long ago they were of coconut coir, rattan, or twisted fiber (baru) from Hibiscus bark. Small baru trees are still common in Madurese coastal villages, and their fiber is still used as string. The maximum load on these

Fig. 57. Bow fittings of a jukung payangan at Salompeng. The sokongan is on the left.

lashings is never as much as the weight of the canoe with the men in it, as is clear if one thinks of a wave lifting the canoe hull by forcing an outrigger upwards. There is the primary load on the lashing, made by tightening it in the first place; in addition one can think of the canoe hull as hanging beneath the outrigger booms (Fig. 42, 56). The more turns of lashing, the less the load on each. Therefore

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we don’t have to think in terms of thousands of pounds per square inch being routinely absorbed, or of the dissipation of bursts of torque that could rip steel. The point is that the load is distributed among many strands. The design avoids concentrations of stress; there is no inside comer that can tear open, nor anything brittle that can crack. Moreover, wetting the vegetable fiber with seawater causes the lashing to tighten, and at each drying the loosened lashings can move to equalize the loads. The lashings are of paramount importance because if both outriggers break at sea, the boat probably will be lost. This seems to be the main reason for the separation between the booms of the 2 sides in the Madurese canoes. In all other double-outrigger canoes, the outrigger boom runs right across the boat. That puts greater loads on the lashings, and a fracture is more likely to be disastrous. Ceremonial lashings, special lashings for different types of canoes, and ceremonies conducted when the lashings were renewed were all notable features of Pacific, particularly Polynesian, soci­ eties. Malinowski (1922) for the Trobriands, Firth (1967) for Tikopia, and Holies (1981) for Hawai‘i all vividly describe the care, ceremonies, and significance of canoe lashings. The lashings of a Trobriand waga were solemnly renewed before every major voyage. The lashings had to be of a special creeper called wayugo^ and this word itself came to mean “canoe magic.” The other parts of the canoe could be tested, but there was always an element of uncertainty in the strength of the wayugo. The fancy lashings that held down the outrigger booms on Hawaiian canoes are illustrated by Holmes (1981); one of these, the pa'u-o-Lu‘ukia, was named after the decorative chastity belt of a princess. When the kahuna was making one of these special lashings, it was death for any unauthorized person to approach the canoe shed. None of this ancient ritual exists today in Madura so far as I know. Maybe the fisherman gives his lashings a special pat as he heads for home when a storm rises. Maybe there are special spells for canoe lashings still to be found in Bali or elsewhere; spells are more likely to have survived in places where animism still thrives, in Flores or farther east, but I have not found them.

Rudder Supports Each of the 4 main types of Madurese jukung has its own design of rudder support, and for each there seems to be a distinct vocabulary. The simplest and most attractive support, on the

BUILDING A MADURESE JUKUNG

Fig. 58. Stem fittings of a jukung payangan at Salompeng. Note the great thickness of the outrigger booms.

jukung payangan of Salompeng, has a bar (pengalang) shaped like a pair of buffalo horns set across the stern. A pair of vertical posts (sombi) are set in the center of the horns and joined at the top (Fig. 58, 59). The sombi is cut from a single piece pfwood. The pengalang is held down to the hull by 2 bars (called pamicek} that lie over it, and these are lashed to the sides of the hull. The whole structure is simple and strong but quickly detachable. The rudder support carries no sailrest; the latter is on the bows (Fig, 57). The smaller jukungs of the north coast are rougher and cruder. The transverse rudder support bar is a straight thwart (called bangkalang in Pasean and in Java). The vertical support (tungku) can be merely 2 bars of teak with a notch at the top, and there are the same 2 bars {kalek') that hold the structure down to the sides of the hull (Fig. 52b). A sail support is jammed into a square hole on one side. This design is neither strong, nor sophisticated, nor beautiful. The south coast jukungs have a much more rigid yet adjustable

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Fig. 59. The rudder fitting of a jukung payangan at Salompeng, looking forward. The rudder stock hangs on a rope ring and is held against the pengalang.

design (Fig. 49, 51, 52c, 53-55). The transverse bar (pengalang) is still recognizable as a stylized pair of buffalo horns, with a square hole on either side for the sailrest. The vertical part consists of 2 round pillars (tajuk) joined near the top. The subtle part of the design is the way that the structure is held down into the canoe. A bar (peklepek or tepek-kepet) on each side lies across the pengalang. Just in front of the pengalang, 2 vertical posts (keletek) reach down to the bottom of the canoe where they are rigidly fixed with a crosspeg on the underside of a crossbar (Fig. 52c, 54). At the top of these pillars is a transverse bar that hooks over the forward ends of the peklepek. Then aft of the pengalang, right in the angle of the hull, a short transverse bar lies across the peklepek and is lashed down (with the tali cenke) to a crossbar deep in the stern. Obviously, tightening the tali cenke exerts great leverage on the pengalang (Fig. 52c) and holds down the entire rudder support. This fancy mechanism is a rapid-release device. When the tired fisherman loosens the tali cenke, he can lift off the entire rudder support. When he returns to fit it in place, the lashing will compensate for small changes in the dimensions of the timber, but at the same time it is rigid, strong, and neat.

building a MADURESE JUKUNG

On Java the rudder support has long consisted of 1 or 2 vertical posts called tunggul (= post) orjantur, which is related ZQjantan (= male) and which also means “magic” in Java. This post is held in a fixed horizontal board (called bangkalang on jukungs, dapuran on prahus)j which projects a little on each side. A sailrest {sanggan or umpak) bearing a rack for a lamp is also fixed to the bangkalang (Fig. 69j 82). This arrangement is easily made but not so conve­ niently adjusted or seaworthy as the Madurese jukung designs. Madurese rudder supports, readily identified by the vertical double posts, are found wherever Madurese traders or itinerant fishermen have settled. One finds them in scattered settlements all down the chain of islands as far as Kupang in Timor. I have seen them in the Barat Daya Islands to the east, as far west as Bangka, and on the south coast of Java, and I have illustrated different types (Horridge 1981, fig. 14—17) in my book on the prahu. Local traditions are sufficiently strong for the boatbuilders of each village to keep the styles distinct and for the fishermen to insist on their own styles.

Sailrests Madurese and Javanese prahus usually have a stern sailrest, which is a centrally placed vertical post with a crosspiece at the top. The name sangg-an (in Java, sanggan) is a general word meaning “support.” The exact shape is distinctive for each fishing village or perhaps for each boatbuilding yard (see illustrations in Horridge 1981). At Bangkalan the sailrest is carved as a cockerel with closed wings, facing the starboard side. When ^aggerated, the cock’s back becomes an elegantly carved saddle-shaped support, as in East Java or Sepulu, Madura (Fig. 45, 60). On the Madura north coast the support may be no more than a flat board fixed across a vertical post (Fig. 61). Almost every style is different and uniquely decorated. On museum models the style of the sailrest is a clue to the district of origin, but old models can be compared accurately only with other material of the same age. As one travels eastwards from Java to the islands east of Madura, the sailrest designs gradually change. In Java a single, central, vertical pillar stands on the rudder support, with 2 side arms at head height. Above these the pole is continued for half a meter, where it is attached to a long bamboo {andang} that supports the mast. Further east one is more likely to find only a single side arm (lenga lengan) on the sailrest, which is commonly set on one side

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Fig. 60. Jnkung polangan al Sepulu: above, ready for sea; below, rudder fittings and decoration on the stern fin.

(Fig. 62). The local differences in sailrest, rudder supports, and stem- and sternposts, especially their decorations, are well known locally to every mariner, but even the fact that differences exist has hardly been mentioned in the hterature. On large Madurese boats like the leti-leti^ and even on small fishing boats, a plain sailrest with a post on each side and a bar across the top like a soccer goal (Fig. 63) always indicates Buginese or Mandar influence. Strong group preferences influence sailrest design. The double-outrigger canoes also have a sailrest. On most small jukungs of the north coast and on all those of the* south coast, it is a post stuck into one side of the rudder support thwart (Fig. 54) and

building a MADURESE JUKUNG

Fig. 61. Jukvng pangope-an at Pasean. This has both outrigger booms set witWn tubes at right angles to the huU, and the rudder support held under a bar, which is simply lashed down to the hull. Similar fishing canoes are distributed along the north coasts of Madura.

is called sanggan or ke sanke. K square hole is cut into the pengalang at each side, and the ke sanke can be placed on one side or the other (left side at Sepulu). The sailrest seems to be used mainly when the canoes are brought on shore between trips. On the north coast some of them are carved in the form of a bird’s head and neck, or with traditional or abstract patterns (Fig. 60, 61). Tht jukung payangan of Salompeng have a unique sailrest (Jengalengan) and lamp holder (Fig. 62). AboutiTneters long and carved in the shape of a fish with some resemblance to a hornbill (Fig. 44, 56, 57), it is fixed transversely across the hull in the bows. This fantastic animal carving appears to have no ■ history or myths attached to it. I have compared many photographs and found the details slightly different in the rehef carving on each, but in old pictures (Poortenaar 1930) and on a model built before 1940 (Fig. 43) the pattern of the lenga-lengan is similar to that found today. The lenga-lengan on the jukung polangan at Sepulu is a highly carved, short, straight bar across the bows, also acting as the pivot for the tack end of the upper boom (Fig. 45, 60). I have seen no museum models with this structure, nor any old photographs showing it, but similar sailrests on one side of the bows have long

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Fig. 62. Sailrests {lenga-lengan) at Salompeng (northeast Madura).

been a feature of Malay koleks from Trengganu, Malaysia. The function is to lift the entire forward end of the furled sail high out of the way when fishing. Wooden copies of buffalo horns on the bows as a sailrest (Fig. 53) were once more common than they are now, but they still survive at Kampong Tulanteng on the south coast (where they are called penkopeng or kopengan). A hundred years ago Pritchett (1899) sketched the bow horns on a jukung of Probolinggo (Fig. 49). The

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Fig. 63. Details of a perahu polangan at Salompeng. This is an interesting mixture of Madurese and Sulawesi designs to accommodate a fixed mast and ribs.

bow horns are continuations of an important bar that runs across the inside of the bows. This bar is fitted across the top of the hull far forward in all the Madurese jukungs (Fig. 60, 61), When the sail is raised, the tack end of the upper boom is jammed under this bar, which is called panyojo^an on the north coast and telapak^an on the south coast; it is the same as the penunggekan on the Balinese canoes.

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Madurese Jukung Types The fukung Polangan of Sepulu Besides being the main port for islands in the Java Sea, Sepulu has a large community of inshore fishermen who own medium­ sized, double-outrigger jukungs (jukung polangan} for trolling, line fishing, and netting. They are 1-man, general-purpose, fast fishing canoes (Fig. 45, 60). The name is taken from the term for the 4 or 5 thwarts, like seats, that are set into the sides of the hull with fishtail joints. Polangan is a general term meaning “support.” The hull is a 5-part canoe, with splendid gold-painted fretwork on the stem and stern; usually a cock is featured in the carving (Fig. 60). The forward outrigger booms are fitted at each side into a tube, which is lashed down as at Tulanteng (Fig. 51) and directly attached to the floats. The aft outrigger booms are fitted in the same way, but they are unique in having long extensions, used for keeping the fishing dines separate when trolling. The typically Madurese rudder support and the way in which it is held down are shown in Fig. 52 and 60. The sailrest is in the form of a cock standing on a post on the left side. The rig is a 2-boom triangular sail supported on an almost vertical prop that fits on a vertical pin on the central thwart. This prop has extension pieces that fit together like tentpoles, and an assortment of these extensions is often carried in the stern. The tack end of the main boom fits under a carved bar across the bows (Fig. 45, 60 top). The sail is very large for the size of the canoe (Fig. 45).

The Jukung Pangope-an of Pasean Every village along the north coast of Madura has its own style of jukung. That illustrated in Fig. 61 from Pasean has unusually solid rudder posts, a poorly fashioned sailrest, and the old-style tail fin. Also, the rudder-support bar is held down to the hull by 2 lashings on either side: these are simply run through holes in the hull (Fig. 52), an unseaworthy design. The name pangope-an is taken from the word ngope, which means the carrying of fish back from mayang fishing boats that remain far out at sea.

MADURESE JUKUNG TYPES

Perabu Polangan at Salompeng I include this example to show moderization in the hull design and Buginese or Makassarese influence on the Madurese. The name polangan means “having seats” and is used at many places for various types of canoes. The hull has 3 planks added at each side, making it almost a planked boat. To hold these planks, thick, stiff ribs have been added at the stern, bows, and by the mast (Fig. 63). The ends of the ribs hook over at the top, a detail that I have seen on Mandar boats. The mast is set rigidly in a strong thwart, and the sail is raised on a halyard; therefore the boat is called a perahu. The 2-boom triangular sail is typically Madurese; the forward outrigger booms are tied by a strong’rope (called a “slingshot” in English) to the stempost. In the example illustrated, the stern sailrest (Fig. 63) is the square goalpost design typical of South Sulawesi.

The Bawean Jukung and the Tiga Roda The outrigger canoe shown in Fig. 64 (overleaf) is from a community of Bawean fishermen living on the island of Billiton. The bend in the outrigger float is a detail also found on the islands to the east of Madura as far as the Kangean Islands. The union between the 2 pieces of bamboo at an angle is the occasion for a kawinan ceremony: this is an important joint that must not fail, and it is a place where one component fits inside the other. Two features that suggest outside influence are the raised horizontal bar on the rudder support (from Sulawesi) and the trapezoid sail (from the region west of Billiton where this sail shape is common). The aft outrigger boom has a slot cut in it to take the connector piece, exactly as in the double outriggers of islands near Madagascar. The tiga roda of Raas and the Kangean Islands is a similar canoe, with a bend in the floats and a large sail; it is especially designed for carrying fresh fish at maximum speed.

Boatbuilding Ceremonies in Madura Whereas the Balinese build ceremony into every occasion, know every turn of the cycle of days, and seem conscious of every gesture, it is diflScult to extract anything comparable from the Madurese. I

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Fig. 64. Double-outrigger fishing canoe (locally called “Aanr”) of people from Bawean living on Pulau Billiton. The liga roda of the Kangean Islands also has each outrigger float made of 2 bamboos at a slight angle. The sail is a layar lanja on a single, fixed mast. The hull shape, outrigger booms, and rudder supports are Madurese style. These canoes are not sailed to Billiton or built there but are taken from Bawean on the steamer. From a photo by Paul Piollet.

believe this reticence arises from a tension between incompatible aspects of their philosophy. On the one hand the Madurese in general share with the Javanese the dislike of confrontation with the material world. To the knowledgeable Muslim (pribadi) especially, the technology of boatbuilding is not in itself important, but the activity of operating or building boats must be incorporated into a harmonious social scheme. Despite its practical importance, the manipulation of material things is at odds with their world view, i.e., materialism versus the spiritual life. The strength of natural materials and the way to catch a fish or avoid the dangers of the

boatbuilding ceremonies in MADURA

unfeeling sea are alien to a spiritual view of the world. The other tension is between Islam and the old behef that fortune can be influenced by the manipulation of symbols, i.e., Islam versus animism. I think that neither the sailors nor the boatbuilders in Madura want to talk about ceremonies or magical practices because such matters are incompatible with both their practical profession­ alism and their official religion. The influence of Islam has been responsible for the loss of most of the traditional ceremonies and even for the recent change from colored to plain white jukungs. With reference to eastern Madura, Poortenaar (1930) observed that the Madurese loved to adorn their ' vessels with fine woodcarving and bright coloring: black alternated with pure white and fierce vermilion, blue, and lacquer green. Little decoration can be found today. As animistic beliefs fade, ceremonies disappear. For example, at Tlontoradja in Madura a ceremonial feast called the rokat tase was held every year until 1977 and may still survive elsewhere. A rokat in Java, where it is now Hindu in content) is an ancient purification rite. The ceremony was held at the beginning of the fishing season, starting with the sabbath on a Thursday evening; it was directed at an Islamic figure, the Ruler of the Sea, but was recognized as pre-Islamic. The following account is from Jordaan (1978). In the opening ceremony the local leaders, including the Islamic priest (/Ctai), pray and recite the Koran. Then a communal meal is served. After a signal, which is the spilling of rice on the floor, the remainder of the evening is spent telling Islamic religious stories and singing hymns. On Friday a large model ship (^al-kapalan) is built of banana stems, with a bamboo mast decorated with roasted maize cobs. The boat is loaded with fruit, eggs, a chicken, rice gifts, a stuffed goatskin, and 2 dolls. Five plates carry white, yellow, red, black, and mixed rice arranged in a special pattern that relates directly to the compass directions, as in the comparable model prahu in the equinoctial ceremonies in Bali. Meanwhile, the men of the village race in their fishing boats from out at sea to be first to capture the head of a slaughtered cow stuck on a post on the beach. The winner has the head cooked for his crew. As in the spring equinoctial ceremonies in Bali and in the Passola ceremony in west Sumba, this ceremony is an annual renewal and cleansing; it is not connected with the jukungs. When the sacrificial model ship has been towed out to sea and left to drift away, a topeng play is performed all night. Topeng is the traditional puppetry (wayang) but with live, masked performers.

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and several times I have seen children at play with their own masks, dragon suit, and flutes in the north Madurese fishing villages. Similarly in Java, a ruwat {rokat') would nowadays include a wayang performance. The next day the beach is plowed and sowed with maize, a symbolic act to ensure a good crop of fish from the sea. This is the ananggala. There are also other festivities, such as a bull race (which is a famous and peculiarly Madurese custom) or animal fights. The details of this ceremony were explained by Jordaan (1978). For example, the 5 rice dishes are offerings to a person plus his 4 companions in life (the Balinese kanda empat). This Hindu belief still survives in Madura, where the 4 taretan kampat (Ariya, Sariya, Nuriya, and Jariya) represent the amniotic fluid, blood, umbilical cord, and placenta, just as they do (with different names) in Bali. In the Madurese ceremony for a child on its 40th day there is a ceremonial meal with the rice gifts of the same 5 colors. Also the boatbuilders of South Sulawesi have the same 5 dishes of rice at their ceremonies for starting and launching a prahu. The 5 dishes reappear in the Balinese petik laut ceremony for the jukungs at the festival of Galungan. The Hindu version of these beliefs, and the related 5 aspects of the world, as written in Balinese lontar texts (Pancamahabhuta}, is given by Week (1938, p. 52-67). Since Islam spread to Madura over the past few centuries, there must have been a progressive waning from Hindu practices, which themselves had been superimposed upon earlier Austronesian rituals. Even West­ ern cultures retain many similar half-beliefs from earlier times. At Kampong Tulanteng, and perhaps elsewhere in Madura, the kawinan ceremony is exactly like that for a Balinese jukung. A small piece of gold wrapped in a white cloth bearing a phrase from the Koran is placed in a hole in the split stem and covered, accompa­ nied by many muttered spells and prayers. In Madura I have always been met with blank stares in response to questions about boatbuilding taboos, the significance of knots in the wood, or choice of special materials, all of which are important in Bugis boatyards (Horridge 1979b). I have interpreted this as indicating that much of the boatbuilding industry in Madura has been recently imported, perhaps copied from Makassarese boat­ builders on the seaward side or absorbed from Chinese in the sampan building yards of Surabaya. We know that before about 1920 the mayang were not built on Madura but were purchased from Java, and the Madurese dialect includes little prahu terminol­

boatbuilding ceremonies in MADURA

ogy. Often one is given Makassarese names for boat parts in Madura for lack of a local word. Of course, this does not apply to their jukungs. A few taboos, however, are mentioned by Irawan (1981). Along the northeast coast he found that the keel had to be shaped in a certain way, and at several places there were taboos about the shaping of the timber of the nangka tree (Artocarpus, Jackfruit) used for the smaller parts of the prahu. Perhaps related to this is a taboo against taking nangka fruit or wood on board a fishing boat. When one prahu crashes into another, fisherman believe that the one that is hit must make a gift of fresh water to the other to show that all is forgiven; otherwise, bad luck will follow. Irawan also says that the^ side-planks (jerupe) of the jukungs are made of a timber with many knots (panganken) for good luck. In Madura the 1st of 3 ceremonial meals is held at the feawtnan, when the stem is added to the hull. The 2nd is held when the boat is handed over to the new owner. From that time on, the builder has no further responsibility. The final ceremony (rokat peraku) is at the launching. Sugar cane and a banana stem with fruit are tied to the mast, and plates of sweets and colored rice are placed in the boat, which is decorated with bright cloth. Then the boat is pulled and carried to the sea, where it is pushed out to drift by itself. If it floats back to shore, aU is well. You can be sure they choose a calm evening with an onshore breeze. At Salompeng, where the great white jukung payangan lie on the beach, fishermen pretend not to understand when asked about ceremonies for the canoes; however, when asked about a communal meal for the men, they agree that on holy days the crew of each canoe has a special meal together and that a larger ceremony is held when the boat is launched each nevf^eason, or when there is a change in the crew. Also, at the launching of a new boat a ceremonial meal is provided for the builders, the owners, and the crew. These celebrations, and the animal decorations ca^ed on the boats, are now regarded as carryovers from ancient Hindu tradi­ tions, and they are still tolerated so long as they are consecrated by readings from the Koran and by spells written by the Islamic priest (Kiai) in Arabic script. Among other prahu builders in Madura, for example those who build perahujaring on Pulau Sapudi and others building leti-leti on Gili Genteng, traces of the kawinan ceremony can be found. My own feeling is that although the adherence to the old ceremonies has been weakened by Islam in Madura, nevertheless a good deal stiU

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goes on that is not admitted to strangers. Unless one knows exactly what questions to ask, one is told nothing; the more one knows, the more the fishermen are likely to tell. I believe that these ceremonies are ancient because they are the same for Madurese and Balinese canoes and Sulawesi prahus. The kaioinan ceremony is also closely linked to the structure of the 5-part canoe, which has the same distribution as the Austronesians.

Canoe Types Not Related to the Madurese Jukung The traditional outrigger canoes of Java, distinct from those of Madura or Sulawesi, fit into a type that can still be found along the whole line of islands from the Sunda Straits to Flores. I will describe modern ones from South Sumba and Rajekwesi at the east end of the south coast of Java and 18th century ones from the Sunda Straits. The old Balinese outrigger canoes were also of this original southern type, which is characterized by a pair of long, straight outrigger booms attached to the floats by short connectors (cedik} that bend through almost a right angle (Fig. 71). Other non­ Madurese features are the long, fixed mast and the use of a tilted rectangular sail in light winds, the aft sailrest made from a forked branch, the rope that holds down the tack of the sail to the bows (tali sinko), and the long, single, curved rudder-support post. Study of these details one by one in the illustrations (Fig. 67 and 71) will quickly show the contrasts with Madurese styles. The conclusion to be drawn from these contrasts, combined with other background information, is that originally (perhaps 2,000 years ago) there were Javanese-type canoes throughout the island chain, and that the Madurese type came from the north. Since that time the fixed mast and the tilted rectangular sail spread from mainland Asia, perhaps with the earliest traders and Hindu missionaries, into Java, Bali, and even beyond Timor; however, these features did not spread into Madura, where presumably the Madurese were as xenophobic then as they are today.

Rajekwesi, Southeast Java Meru Betiri National Park in southeast Java has one of the few remaining beaches in Indonesia where protected sea turtles come ashore to lay their eggs. Near the guest house at Rajekwesi, just

CANOE TYPES NOT RELATED TO THE MADURESE JUKUNG

inside the park, are 60 jukung pancing, all with double outriggers (Fig. 65-69). Until recently these canoes were built locally, but they are now built outside the park at places where trees may be felled. These jukungs are 5-part canoes with straight outrigger booms, a tall mast fixed in a thwart, and a tall Javanese sailrest near the rudder support, which is on the left and is also Javanese in style. The floats are of bamboo; the float connector piece is a simple,

Fig. 65. Double-outrigger canoe at Rajekwesi, southeast Java, with tilted rectan­ gular sail pivoted at the top of the mast.

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Fig. 66. A fisherman returning from the sea at Rajekwesi, southeast Java. His triangular sail is rolled up; his dry tobacco and matches are in the bamboo box suspended on the mast support. This canoe is the right size for 1 man to handle.

short, curved branch of warn. There is a split stem and sternpiece (sakang). The edges are raised by a narrow gunwale. The appear­ ance is similar to the canoe drawn by John Webber, Captain Cook’s artist, at the Straits of Sunda in 1770. The rig of the Rajekwesi canoes explains the curious rig drawn by Webber at the west end of Java. In light wind (Fig. 65, 67 left), a tilted rectangular sail {layar lanja) is hoisted on the mast by a halyard and held at the correct angle by a tack downhaul (asi asi). The peak of the sail stands high above the mast (Fig. 67). In stronger wind, a 2-boom triangular sail {layar satu) is fixed halfway up the mast: it is lifted by hand by 1 man and fixed in a shng (Fig. 68). These canoes at Rajekwesi are probably the best surviving examples of a traditional Javanese 5part outrigger canoe. The vocabulary of canoe parts is mainly Javanese. Details adopted from the Asiatic mainland in the past 2,000 years include the lateral rudder support, the trapezoid sail,

CANOE TYPES NOT RELATED TO THE MADURESE JUKUNG

Fie 67. The 2 rigs of the Javanese fishing canoes at Rajekwesi, southeastern Java. On the left is the tilted rectangular sail {layar tanja) for light winds. On the right is the triangular sail {layar sudu} for stronger winds.

and, more recently perhaps, the single mast in a thwart, but old Dutch drawings of about A.D. 1600 show essentially similar jukungs in west Java (Horridge 1981, fig. 1). Considering the slow rate of change of this canoe type on the Javanese south coast, it may be at least 1,000 years old. I found no signs of canoe ceremonies at Rajekwesi. When the bows have an additional piece of wood to make a simple jaw, without eyes, the canoe is considered to be male; canoes without jaws are female. Behind the bows is a transverse splashboard. The outrigger booms rest on a carved arch of wood; its lashings run over another piece of timber as a pad (Fig. 69). The lower bar (sinki) for the lashing is held down in a groove cut into a thicker part of the hull. The narrow strake (telip) along each gunwale sometimes has an additional splashboard (julupe) added over it. The sailrest and the attachment of the rudder (Fig. 69) are typically Javanese. Often transverse partitions (tatapaii) in the hull hold the fish, like the

petaks in a Javanese mayang.

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Fig. 68. Getting out through the surf. The 2-booin triangular sail is fixed halfway up the mast. Rajekwesi, southeast Java.

Sumba Canoes Old accounts give the impression that the people of Sumba are not maritime. Certainly there is no evidence of boats or even fishing canoes of a special local style. The coasts of Sumba were frequently raided by Bugis slave hunters from Pulau Ende, and the local prahus are Ende or Bugis designs. Therefore, at a remote village in south Sumba I was pleased to find canoes that could represent a primitive, widespread style related to those of Java. The village is on a hilltop about 3 km west of Wanokata on the south coast and is inaccessible by road. On the beach below the village are a few

CANOE TYPES NOT RELATED TO THE MADURESE JUKUNG

boathouses with about 30 double-outrigger canoes and a few larger

boats. ... J The outrigger canoes are dugouts with some primitive and some modern features. They have outrigger floats of light timber from the small maritime tree Hibiscus tiliaceus (baru), primitive ribs (as in the Nias Islands), and straight outrigger booms, which are badly positioned (Fig. 70). There is no split stem or sternpiece, only a pair of short, curved pieces of timber that meet each other at each end of the hull, as in the stemless boats of Flores (Horridge 1981, p.

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Fig. 69. Bows (left) and stern (right) details of the Javanese outrigger canoes al Rajekwesi, southeastern Java, with local names for parts.

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Fig. 70. Double-outrigger fishing canoe of southern Sumba with Dutch spritsail rig (Zayar Ende) and local names for parts.

56). The larger boats are held together by lashing the outrigger booms to projecting lugs (tambuku) carved in situ within the hull. The Sumba vocabulary of canoe parts contains numerous words that appear to be Austronesian in origin: boat = tena, sail = Vurl or lerOf outrigger boom = rawa, float = nini-vi, mast = lamanga, rudder = m/:, paddle = bohiy and tiller = wihin ka uli. The rig is a copy of the spritsail rig that the Dutch introduced

CANOE TYPES NOT RELATED TO THE MADURESE JUKUNG

into Ende 100 years ago. A long, single mast pivots freely in a thwart. The sail, with its 2 spars, is fixed to the detachable mast, or alternatively is raised by a halyard with a pulley on a fixed mast. A long, diagonal spar is slung loosely on the mast about half a meter from the hull; below it the 2nd spar acts as a lower boom (Fig. 70). The sail is loosefooted, i.e., not laced to the boom. Neither the spars, halyard, nor upper and lower sheets have distinctive tradi­

tional names. , . Although these canoes have some modern features, such as me mast support and the rig, they are apparently of an old style that can be traced all along the Indian Ocean coast of Java and Nusa Tenggara (especially Flores). An example from Rajekwesi m south­ east Java is described in detail above. Another from Zandbaai oiy the south coast of Java was ijlustrated by Van Kampen (1922, p. 27) with long, straight outrigger booms, a long, straight, feed mast, and the same outrigger connector (cedife) as at Ra)ekwesi. An interesting detail of the south Sumba canoes is that bamboo is used for the modem spritsail rig but the floats are of timber in the anrient style. The change from timber to bamboo for outrigger floats, leading to the development of diverse connector pieces, could only occur in Indonesia. foUowing the introduction of large bamboos by man, and south Sumba has few suitable locahties for the giant bamboos, which grow in a wet mountain climate.

Sunda Strait Canoe of 1780

At the end of Captain James Cook’s 3rd and fatal voyage, his artist, John Webber, brought home a sketch of a double-outtigger canoe seen near Krakatoa in 1780 (Fig.71). It is menuoned here as an example of what I am calUng the' Javanese traditional style of small double-outrigger fishing canoe. Abundant modern examples survive, but not along the north coast of East Java, where the fishing villages and canoe styles have been influenced by Madurese

immigrants. . , , , The hull is slightly upturned at each end, and the long mast is set in a thwart that is not part of the fixture for the forward outrigger boom; the outrigger booms are both straight, and they termmate m a curved connector piece. The floats do not project in front of the bows. These are distinctive features of this Javanese style. The rig that Webber portrayed is certainly not a seaworthy arrangement (Fig. 71). He has a 2-boom triangular sail at the top of

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Fig. 71. Drawing based on a canoe sketch made in 1780 by Captain Cook’s artist Webber in the Sunda Strait.

a long mast. The rigs at Rajekwesi now explain Webber’s bizarre rig, in which the triangular sail had been pushed up the mast out of the way. When sailing, the triangular sail is normally lower and the full height of the mast is required only for the tilted rectangular sail (Fig. 67). This Javanese outrigger canoe is truly the fusion of 2 traditions. The tilted rectangular sail, the quarter rudder, and the fixed mast apparently spread from the Indian Ocean with the first traders into Indonesia, or they were brought into Indonesia from the Indian Ocean by early Austronesian traders. The 5-part canoe, the double outriggers lashed down to internal, projecting, carved lugs, and the 2-boom triangular sail were much older Austronesian inventions that can be traced all the way to Hawai‘i and that have been preserved and elaborated on by the Madurese.

CANOE TYPES NOT RELATED TO THE MADURESE JUKUNG

Five Models at Leiden The Volkenkundig Museum in Leiden, Netherlands, has 3 examples of Madurese jukungs that show that the major design features, and even the fine details described from canoes still in use, are at least 150 years old. The first, a model canoe hull (Leiden 351/3), has now lost the outriggers, rigging, prow, and rudder, but what remains is quite a good representation of a jukung payangan (Fig. 72). The origin^ complete model is shown by Nooteboom (1932, photo 74). The hull is well shaped, on a slight curve, with flat pieces at each end, as are stiirfound on canoes at Salompeng. A sailrest lies across the bows, with its larger end on the right side of the hull. Behind it is the* let into the sides of the dugout. The sailrest is lashed down to a bar below. Both fore and aft outrigger booms are separate on the 2 sides and are set at an angle to each other, exactly as in the modern jukung payangan of Salompeng (Fig. 43). Each is lushed down to a bar below, which can be seen on the outside of the hull. The rudder-support thwart is not so much curved as to resemble buff'alo horns, and it carries twin rudder-support posts joined at the top. It is held in place by 2 pieces of wood lashed to a bar below, not to the edge of the hull (contrast Fig. 52 and 59 with Fig. 72). The 2nd model (Leiden 370/1994) is also little more than a hull that has lost its outriggers and rigging, but it shows the rudder supports in great detail (Fig. 73). As is now typical for most of Madura, the aft outrigger booms fit into a transverse tube lashed down at right angles to the hull. The rudder support is clearly Madurese but is unlike any system still in use, in that the 2 pieces

Fig 72. All that remains of this model (Leiden 351/3) from Madura is a hull with some fittings. The bows are broken but the stern is carved in a pattern ^most identical to that of jukung payangan of Salompeng. This model is at least 100 and perhaps 150 years old.

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Fig. 73. The rudder fittings of a Madurese model (Leiden 370/1994) more than 100 and possibly 150 years old. This has a transverse tube (kolong) that supports the outrigger booms, exactly as found today.

that hold it down also form a cradle for the outrigger boom. To see this detail, compare Fig. 52, 54, and 81 with Fig. 73; maybe the modelmaker was not accurate. The 3rd model (Leiden 370/2001) also resembles a jukung payangan of Salompeng in many details (Fig. 74). The 4 outrigger booms are separate on each side, the rudder support is rather crude but typically Madurese, and the rig is like the modern style at Sepulu (Fig. 45); the designs of the stern and prow are also like many seen today. The significant point is that these 3 models at Leiden were added to that collection in 1885 from older collections already in Holland, possibly dating from 1840 to 1850. Exact statements about changes in canoe design over that period are impossible because we do not know the villages of origin or dates of the models. They are certainly within the limits of variation to be found in Madura today, confirming the conclusion from old drawings (Fig. 47, 49) that change in Madurese canoes has been negligible over the last 150 years, a period of rapid change in other aspects of Madurese culture.

CANOE TYPES NOT RELATED TO THE MADURESE JUKUNG

Fig. 74. A relatively complete model (Leiden 370/2001) with the Madurese Jukung Rig and with fittings typical of the central north coast of Madura today. This model dates from before 1885, possibly as early as 1830.

Two other models at Leiden can readily be identified as Balinese in contrast to the Madurese models. Enough has been said for the difference to be apparent. Leiden model 370/1985 (Fig. 75) is catalogued as originating in East Java, and indeed, this could be true if the canoes of East Java in 1840-1860 were more like those that persist today in Bali and Rajekwesi in southeast Java, i.e., away from the Madurese influence. The details worthy of examination

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Fig. 75. A model (Leiden 370/1985) dating from 1850 to 1885 and labelled as originating in East Java, but with some Balinese details. Compare the transverse prow-board with that foimd at Air Kuning (Fig. 36).

are the connectors from outrigger boom to float (cedik), the thwarts (dolos), the transverse board across the bows (cf. Fig. 36), and the rudder support. All are basically Balinese but also could have been Javanese at that time. Leiden model 2410/63 is catalogued as Balinese and is relatively modern (ca. 1930). Most of the detail (Fig. 76) shows that it cannot be a copy of a south Bali jukung. Probably it originated on the north coast of Bali when Dutch influence there had already modifled the styles, a result of immigrants from Madura, Bawean, Kangean, and Sulawesi who were attracted to Buleleng by the Dutch colony. The timber outrigger floats and the method of atuchment to the outrigger boom are not in the traditional style of Bali or Java. Today the canoe styles along the north coast of Bali are confused by mixture of these cultural groups, a situation that has probably held for at least a century and a reason for leaving them until the main traditional canoe types are clearly distinguished and described.

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The Perahu Katir of Northeast Java Along the north coast of East Java from Surabaya eastwards there is a partially Westernized version of the double-outrigger jukung that the fishermen recognize as distinct by calling it perahu

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CANOE TYPES NOT RELATED TO THE MADURESE JUKUNG

Fig. 76. A model (Leiden 2410/63) catalogued as Balinese, donated in 1939.

katir. Basically it is an East Javanese jukung with a Western mast and sail (Fig. 77-79). To change direction the sail is tacked through the eye of the wind, unlike Indonesian rigs. The hull is a 5-part canoe with a pointed stempost mounted on the split stem {sakang). The split stem is recognized as the male part, the hull as the female part. A long splashboard is mounted at an angle at the top of the decorated side-plank (both pieces are called jerupe). At the stern, the rudder support (bangkalang) is held down by a pair of bars (^eklepek} as in the Madurese designs, and on the left side it supports a sailrest carv^'fn the form of a cock (Fig. 80: p. 133). The rig does not require a forward sailrest. At Pasir Putih a flower is painted on each side of the stem. The outrigger booms are unusual in form. Both fore and aft they are made in 2 halves, curving up and down again in a high arch on each side. Both booms are directly attached to the bamboo floats. The 2 halves of each outrigger boom are spliced together where they meet over the hull in a joint that looks as if it was learned from the Dutch, and both are lashed down together to the bar beneath (Fig. 81, 82: p. 134-35). The mast stands upon a footblock {samulesung} carved to fit the inside of the hull. Above this is a cradle for the mast, fixed on the edge of the hull between the gunwales (Fig. 81). The rig design is entirely Western and looks it. The rake of the mast is adjusted by

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'*>'

ou^ee.ooms.^e^“:tS^;:^-^Z;^tSX^X^-

CANOE TYPES NOT RELATED TO THE MADURESE JUKUNG

Fig. 78. Perahu katir at Pasir Puiih, East Java. This is a Javanese seaside resort and these canoes are for hire, but the local fishing canoes are similar.

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Fig. 79. Peraku kaiir at Pasir Putih, East Java. This rig can tack through the eye of the wind and is derived from a Western rig with fixed mast learned from the Dutch.

packing blocks into the central slot, which is an essential part of the rig. Without these blocks it would be impossible to adjust the mast so that the center of action of the sails is near the center of resistance of the hull, whatever the direction of the wind. In contrast, in all the traditional Austronesian rigs the boat is trimmed and the load is

CANOE TYPES NOT RELATED TO THE MADURESE JUKUNG

Fig. 80. Perahu katir of Pasir Putih, northeastern Java, with fixed mast and stays to the end of the outrigger booms. The sail is raised on a halyard with a pulley at the masthead.

taken off the rudder by tilting the sail fore and aft, as in the modern windsurfer. The sail of the perahu katir, hoisted up the mast by a halyard that runs through a masthead pulley, is held to the mast by loose diagonal lacing (Fig. 78, 79). This rig also has been adopted elsewhere, notably on the Mandar sande in west Sulawesi, on the harbor canoes of Ujung Pandang, and on the Sulu parao. Doran (1981, frontispiece) shows examples on which the pulley is just visible. Another development from the 2-boom triangular sail, seen on the outriggers of Cebu Province (southern Philippines) (Horridge 1986, fig. 24), is to raise the triangular sail on a spar, hke the modern Micronesian rig (Fig. 88) but without the abihty to shunt. The perahu katir rig could only have been developed when sailcloth

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Fig. 81. Detail of bows oiperahu katir of Pasir Putih, with names for parts.

became available. Old accounts include no examples of mat sails attached by lacing to a fixed mast and unsupported by an upper boom. The 4 strong stays (tali tampiringan) are also a modem development not found in the traditional designs; in fact, stays are inconvenient with traditional rigs. The perahu katir at Pasir Putih have caused some confusion in the literature. Two photographs taken at least 50 years ago and published by Nooteboom (1932, photos 69,70) were used by Doran (1981) as evidence of a Polynesian rig (Hornell’s Oceanic Spritsail) in Java. Doran gave the same name. Oceanic Spritsail, to the canoe rigs of eastern Polynesia, Pasir Putih, and Sulu, whereas I see them as having their own independent histories, and the last 2 as independent copies of Western styles. At Pasir Putih we find the Madurese Jukung Rig replaced by a Western triangular tacking sail that is hoisted up a mast on a

CANOE TYPES NOT RELATED TO THE MADURESE JUKUNG

Fig. 82. Details of stem of perahu katir of Pasir Putih, with names for parts.

halyard, with loose lacing around the mast and fixed, long stays for support. The sail is usually left up because it is inconvenient to raise and lower it. As discussed further in Part 3, the Pasir Putih rig has misled Doran and others, and it is not related at all to any traditional Austronesian style.

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THE MADURESE EXPANSION

The Madurese Expansion Deeply ingrained in the Balinese is a fear and hatred of the sea. Also, the Balinese are loath to wander. The Madurese are quite the opposite. For generations the Madurese have been leaving Madura. They have colonized the entire coast of East Java and have spread among the islands of the Java Sea and set up colonies even on the south coast of Java. It is a penance for the Balinese to leave home; for the Madurese it is often a necessity. Either they are unable to make a living in Madura or, more often, they flee. For generations the Madurese have had a reputation for murder. They murder for the honor of their women, for vengeance, or for wounded pride; they murder cheats and liars; they murder almost ritually with a grass-cutting sickle. For this reason, any man in trouble would attempt to flee and find a new life on another island. In general, even the nearby Javanese fear to go to Madura. Men from Madura were employed^ by the Dutch as armed watchmen for houses in Java. The Madurese were also willing mercenaries, helping the Dutch esublish their colonial empire. The wandering habit could also have sprung from the traditional Madurese method of fishing. The large jukungs stayed at sea for weeks, while the fish were sold daily to smaller, faster jukungs that often came from a different village or even from a different island. Fish from Kangean Island was brought to the richer markets of north Bali throughout the Dutch period, just as fish from Bawean is now brought to Java and from Masalembu to Sepulu. The Bawean islanders also migrate widely. Over the past centuries there has been a steady movement of Madurese fishermen to the coast of Bali, bringing their canoe styles with them, and the Balinese maritime tradition probably originated in Madura. That theory would explain why the canoes are not regarded as part of the classical Balinese culture and hold no place in official Balinese religious or cultural life. In fact, anyone whose livelihood depends on the sea is regarded as insignificant in Bali, as any newcomer would be. This theory would also explain similarities in canoe construction, in the vocabulary for canoe parts, and in fishing methods. The progressive spread eastwards of the curved outrigger boom may have the same explanation. The Balinese language also has few words for seafoods, and Balinese cookery does not feature the range of fish, molluscs, crustaceans, and fish

the MADURESE EXPANSION

sauces that are available in Indonesia. The Balinese are estranged from the sea. With more difficulty .one can take the view that Madurese and Balinese maritime traditions are both derived from a common Malayo-Polynesian pasisir culture, which was once much more widespread, and that they are simply regional representatives from a common Austronesian ancestry.

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Drifting wrecks

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Prehistoric rafts

900 AD

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1500 BC

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Map 3. Prehistoric migrations across the Pacific Ocean. Early man moved into Australia, perhaps by raft, more than 50,0 years ago, and simi­ lar men must have long occupied the Indonesian Archipelago at that time. Of the later arrivals from Asia we have clear-cut information only about the latest ones, who carried the Austronesian languages and Lapita pottery. The migration route to America via the northern current, used over a long period but sporadically, is suggested by a variety of evidence. Some contact between Polynesia and South America, in both di­ rections, is also indicated by scattered evidence (Riley 1971).

Part 3

Evolution of Pacific Canoe Rigs Early Migrations In the period when people speaking the Indo-European languages were moving westwards into Europe, a migration of comparable magnitude was moving eastwards from Asia towards Polynesia, eventually populating the Pacific. Originating in Southeast Asia, these migrants were a maritime people who brought with them the Austronesian family of languages out of southern China 4,000 to 5,000 years ago (Bellwood 1978). The people who use 5-part outrigger canoes have almost the same distribution as the Austrone­ sian family of languages, but in some border regions, for reasons that are readily explained, the parallel is not exact. On the coast of India and in parts of Halmahera (Moluccas) the characteristic canoes are there, but the people now speak the local languages. The Austronesians spread to Taiwan, the Philippines, and Indonesia at least 4,000 to 5,000 years ago. A few cultural and linguistic signs of them remain in mainland Southeast Asia. As these migrants spread out to the south and especially eastwards through Indonesia, the linguistic evidence suggests that over a period of about 2,000 years they developed or assimilated a tropical agriculture^nd a canoe culture of some complexity. They must also have brought with them or absorbed a complex system of ceremo­ nies and beliefs and a wide range of useful tropical plants. As far as New Britain they found that the islands had already been occupied

EARLY MIGRATIONS

for a very long period by darker people, speaking other languages and related to Papuan or even earlier Australoid people resembling the Australian Aborigines. The pottery of the immigrants was made with a flat wooden beater that consolidated the pot around a stone held inside, without the use of a wheel and with sand in the clay to resist temperature shock. As we look at word roots in languages eastwards from the Indonesian Archipelago into the Pacific, we see a loss of their early Asian material culture, notably the grain crops (millet and rice), weaving, and writing (Blust 1976). An examina­ tion of late Neolithic villages in China, e.g., the middle Yang-Shao culture, reveals the stage of development that they left behind (Cheng Te-k’un 1959, p. 75). In this culture the walls of round and square houses are marked by post holes, and they had jar burial, spindle whorls, numerous types of polished stone tools, beautiful painted pottery, and crops of millet. Later most Polynesians replaced pottery with carved wooden bowls, but they retained the art forms that also persisted in Shang bronzes of China as late as 1500 B.C. By 2500 B.C. these immigrants and colonizers had spread as far as Fiji. We can speculate that they came in a long stream rather than a single wave, and that they found a developing system of tropical agriculture and boat technology already established in the Philippine and Indonesian archipelagos. The hypothesis of existing agriculture I base upon the long periods required for the develop­ ment of a complex, interrelated set of agricultural practices else­ where in the world. As for the canoe technology, I base my' conclusion on the complete lack of relationships between Austrone­ sian and historical Chinese boat technology, which is remarkable considering the Austronesian origin and subsequent proximity over long periods. The Austronesians colonized the Philippines, Indone­ sia, and finally the Pacific via the north of New Guinea, but not Australia. Besides the 5-part outrigger canoe, the boats used by these successful colonizers probably included sewn-planked boats. I base this conclusion upon the continuity of sewn-planked boats from Asia into the Pacific as far as eastern Polynesia. Archaeological evidence of long-distance voyaging, which requires stores of food on board as well as fire, domestic animals, and children, does not appear until about 1500 B.C., the date of the leap eastwards to Fiji and beyond. Even that could perhaps have been done with rafts, but all the evidence suggests that the people who became the Polynesians used large double canoes. Their names for parts of double canoes and outrigger canoes show many similarities.

PREVIOUS IDEAS ABOUT RIGS

Previous Ideas About Rigs Haddon and Hornell The great collector of data on traditional boats worldwide, James Hornell, writing with A.C. Haddon, published in 1936-1938 such a comprehensive account of Pacific canoes that one need go no further except to question details of their factual survey; neverthe­ less, their interpretation has long been out of date. Haddon and Hornell esublished the names and distributions of the main types of Malayo-Polynesian rigs. Besides the Melanesian Square Sail, Fig. 83M (set between 2 vertical “masts” and of doubtful affinity to anything else), these authors identified 2 main types of Pacific rigs. (1) The Oceanic Spritsail, of which they found 3 main types in Oceania: (a) The Simple or Primitive Oceanic Spritsail. A triangular mat sail with 2 booms, one of which is held in an upright position to act as a mast. Although Haddon and Hornell did not make the necessary distinction, this sail can be stepped in a notch and held with stays (my Polynesian Oceanic Spritsail; Fig. 83F,G, 84, 85), or inserted loosely in a hole in a thwart without stays (my Unisail, Fig. 83H), or the mast fixed in a thwart and the sail raised on a halyard and pulley (Western Leg-of-Mutton Sail, Fig. 83Z^). These 3 support systems deserve separate names because the stress patterns and handling are totally different. They also must be clearly distinguished in discussions of sail affinities. (b) Crab-Claw Spritsail, with 1 vertical spar stepped in a notch and held with stays and the other spaPcurved as in Fig. 83G. The Hawaiian Rig is an example (Fig. 84). (c) Boomsprit Sail, as in (b) above, but the 2nd spar has a sharp comer as in Fig. 83J. The Tahitian Rig is an example (Fig. 85). (2) Oceanic Lateen Sails, of which Haddon and Hornell list 3 varieties: (a) Protolateen (Fig. 83C,D). A 2-boom triangular sail that hangs from a stubby mast. Haddon and Hornell regarded this as primitive, but, on the contrary, I think that none of the primitive rigs of the Austronesian migrants had a mast fixed in a thwart. (b) Primitive Oceanic Lateen (Fig. 83A). A 2-boom triangular sail pivoted on the tack end of the upper boom and supported by a

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Fig. 83. Sail types mentioned in the text, with arrows suggesting relationships. In each case the ^t name given is the preferred title, because it relates to place or shape and not to theoretical relationships. Sails A-M are Malayo-Polynesian sails, appropriate for canoes (except E). Sails A-J are 2-boom triangular sails. A, Madurese Jukung Rig; Primitive Oceanic Lateen (Haddon and Hornell); Protolateen (Horridge); Crane Sprit (Doran). Adapted for raft or outrigger canoes without pulley. Postulated here as primitive. The sail rotates about its point and does not tack. B, Old Micronesian Rig; Crane Sprit (Doran). Protolateen; True Oceanic Lateen (Haddon and Hornell). The upper lx)oni hangs on a rope. C, Madurese Mast Rig; Protolateen (Haddon and Hornell). Hung on fixed mast; known to be recently adopted in several places. D, Balinese Jukung Rig, Leti Led Rig, or Madurese Fixed Triangular Sail. The upper boom is fixed at the masthead and held rigidly by various devices at the tack. • E, Ej, Madurese Foresail in 2 positions, going downwind and tacking. The tack travels on a ring, which slides on the bowsprit; the upper boom is supported on a mast. Late 18th century copy of a Dutch bowsprit rig.

PREVIOUS IDEAS ABOUT RIGS

temporary prop, which has often been called a mast, thereby causing much confusion. In the 1st edition of my book on the prahu (Horridge 1981), I called this rig Protolateen, causing further confusion with (2a) above. Here and in the 2nd edition of the prahu book, I call this the Madurese Jukung Rig (see Fig. 43-47 and Horridge 1981, color pl. D). It is similar to the old Micronesian Single-Outrigger Rig (Fig. 86, 87) and to some Polynesian rigs (Fig. 92, 93). Doran (1981) would call all of these the Crane Sprit Rig. The modern Micronesian rig has a fixed mast (Fig. 88). F, Polynesian Oceanic Rig; Simple Oceanic Spritsail (Haddon and Hornell); Oceanic Spritsail (Bowen, Doran). Main boom stands on a notch and is supported by stays. G, As in F but going downwind. Marquesan Claw (Lewis). H, Unisail, small enough to be supported by upper boom thrust through a hole in thwart; can tack. Classed by Doran as an Oceanic Spritsail (F). I, I|, Two-boomed triangular sail on mast, in 2 positions, on and off the wind. Similar to C and derivable either from B or F. I2, New Guinea Crab-Claw; Crab-Claw Spritsail (Bowen). J, Hawai'i Rig; Society Island Spritsail (Bowen); Boom Spritsail (Haddon and Hornell); Oceanic Spritsail (Doran, Holmes). K, Two-boom Trapezoid Sail on mast, a common Malay/Java type possibly derived from I and Austronesian in origin. L, Indian Ocean Double Spritsail. Square sail with 2 loose sprits. This is the Proto-Oceanic Spritsail (Bowen) of Ceylon, Arabia, and Madagascar; of unknown origin. Suitable for rafts or small canoes with or without outrigger, possibly a recent adaptation for hauling a trawl downwind. M, Melanesian Spritsail, of unknown origin. Suitable for rafts or small canoes with or without outrigger, possibly a primitive type. Sails N-T are Indo-Arab sails, suitable for boats without outriggers, and are raised with a pulley on a fixed mast. The sail rotates about the masthead and usually does not tack. N, Square Sail on tripod mast, with or without lower boom; perhaps originated on rafts and reed boats in Egypt, Sumeria, or Indus Valley. O, Tilted Rectangular Sail on tripod*mast (Zqyor tanja). Probably an early introduction from Southeast Asia to Indonesia and Philippines by earliest traders. P, Tilted Elliptical Sail on single mast. Eastern New Guinea; origin unknown. Q, Tilted Rectangular Sail (Java) or Trapezoidal Sail (Coromandel Coast) on single mast. Same as K but different origin. R, Comores Lugsail (not sewn to lower boom). S, Indian Ocean Loose-footed Lugsail; Trapezoid Lateen. T, Arab or Mediterranean Triangular Lateen. Sails U-Z are Western sails on a fixed single mast, with stays. Except for U, these rigs tack. Often they have a fork at the pivot of the lower boom. U, Square Sail; ancient Egypt, Mediterranean. V, Lugsail, initially without lower boom. W, Spritsail. Postulated as Western, initially without lower boom. X, Loose-footed Spritsail. Ende rig. Postulated as Western in origin. Y, Gaff Sail, English-American; 19th century in Indonesia. Yj, Gaff Sail, Dutch. Z, Gunter Lug (layar node), of English origin in Indonesia. Zi, Bermuda Rig or Leg-of-Mutton Sail with fixed mast, unlike H.

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PREVIOUS IDEAS ABOUT RIGS

Fig. 84. The Polynesian Oceanic Sprit Rig in one classical form, the Hawaiian Single-Outrigger Rig (above). The sail is sewn to 2 booms, the main one of which stands on a block or a notch near the forward outrigger boom and is held up by stays. Below, the 5-part canoe separated into its parts (after Holmes 1981).

c) True Oceanic Lateen. This is the previous rig but with a rope instead of a fork at the head of the prop (Fig. 83B). In several places the recent development of the True from the Primitive Oceanic Lateen (Fig. 83Aj 89) can be traced within historical times. It is not clear to me whether Haddon and Hornell distinguish this rig from those with a fixed stayed mast, as in the Modern

PREVIOUS IDEAS ABOUT RIGS

Fig. 85. Another classical form of the Polynesian Oceanic Sprit Rig. The Tahitian Rig frpm an illustration by Captain Cook’s artist Parkinson.

Micronesian Rig (Fig. 83, 88), which has a 2-boom triangular sail raised on a fixed mast by a halyard and pulley. The sequence suggested by Haddon and Hornell is that the earliest migrants into the Pacific via Micronesia took with them the Simple (= Primitive) Oceanic Spritsail (Fig. 83F,G), which evolved into the Protolateen (Fig. 83C,D) and from that into the various Oceanic Lateens (Fig. 83A,B). In contrast, I propose that the Madurese Jukung Rig (Fig. 83A) evolved early in the Indonesian

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PREVIOUS IDEAS ABOUT RIGS

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Kg. 86. Mic^nesian single

canoe, as indicated by the stitching.

region, perhaps on rafts before the Austronesians ^rived. Also, I wfuld call ty^s F, G, and J (Fig. 83) Polynesian Oceanic Sails if the rig is stepped on a notch, but Unisails if the mast rotates freely in a thwart (Fig. 83H) and Leg-of-Mutton Sails if the sail (with or XXcing) is hoisted up a fixed mast on a halyard. Traditional Pacific rigs do not have a pulley at the masthead. In their own words, Haddon and Hornell avoid making definite pronouncements” on relationships between the above types of rigs^ ^observe, however, from their text that they made every effort to Ld relationships in accordance with the diffusionist philosophy of Lir times, notably that everything evolved from

that the stages in the evolutionary process could be inferred from

PREVIOUS IDEAS ABOUT RIGS

Fie 87 The Micronesian methods of shunting into rhe wind with reversal of rhe 2 ends of a single-outrigger canoe, keeping the outrigger float on Ae The wind is toward the top of rhe page; the canoe enters from the left in each case. In the 1st method (above) the canoe turns across the wind as the ends are reversed, in the 2nd method (below) the canoe is brought up m the wind and then turns.

inspection of the distributions of contemporary regional types. To my mind, they failed to reach sound conclusions because they relied only on distributions, with little confirmatory evidence from other sources. As a result, nowadays we have to sift their factual descriptions from their theories.

Bowen and Needham Others took the same data and followed the Haddon and Hornell classification into types, but they boldly postulated other Ration­ ships without additional evidence. Throughout the 1st half of this century the philosophy of anthropologists was basically diffusionist. Their research produced a family tree of the contemporary rigs, as

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PREVIOUS IDEAS ABOUT RIGS

if they spread out from a comnion center. The most comprehensive of these authors, Bowen (1953, 1959), came to the following conclusions. (1) The Square Sail (Fig. 83N,U) was invented once in ancient Egypt about 3100 B.C., and all other sail types evolved from it (Bowen 1953, p. 81, 82). (2) The Oceanic Spritsail of Haddon and Hornell (Fig. 83F,G) and similar 2-boomed triangular sails (Fig. 83G,I,J, 90) evolved from a Proto-Oceanic Spritsail (Fig. 83L), which in turn had evolved from an early Indian version of the Square Sail (Fig. 83N) (Bowen 1953, p. 87). (3) The Primitive Lateen Rig of Haddon and Hornell for double canoes and single outriggers (Fig. 83A), with a prop but no mast, is equivalent to Hornell’s Protolateen Rig in which the upper boom is hung from the end of a prop (Fig. 83B) or later from a mast (Fig.

PREVIOUS IDEAS ABOUT RIGS

Fig. 89. A raft of the Gambier Islands, probably Mangareva, after a drawing from Beechey (1831). The original picture had 20 men on the raft but lacked details of control ropes and steering paddle.

Fig. 90. A single outrigger of Mangareva, with 2-boomed triangular sail held by stays.

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83C). Bowen (1953, p. 96) calls them all Oceanic Lateens. As stated above, I regard the differences as significant and the first 2 to be derived from early raft rigs or from the Madurese Jukung Rig (which is on double-outrigger canoes: Fig. 43-47). (4) Hornell’s Primitive Lateen, my Madurese Jukung Rig (Fig. 83A), was carried far to the east from Indonesia and drove a wedge between the other rigs in the central Pacific. I propose that these 4 conclusions of Bowen’s cannot be sus­ tained, and that the Austronesians had several rigs, probably developed on rafts long before any sign of the square sail came from the Indian Ocean. In particular, I believe the Madurese Jukung Rig to be primitive and suggest that the rigs of Polynesia, especially Tahiti, Hawai‘i, and New Zealand, simply developed later (perhaps in Polynesia) but travelled farther. These theories of Bowen, together with much else, were ac­ cepted by Needham (1971), whose summary (in his table 72, p. 606) became the standard textbook account of Eastern rig relation­ ships for a decade. Needham’s ancestral rig was the Square Sail (Fig. 83N), which he supposed had spread eastwards from Egypt to become the Tilted Rectangular Sail of Indonesia (Fig. 830) and the Indian Ocean Bifid Spritsail (Fig. 83L). From the last mentioned he postulated the evolution of all the various triangular sails of the Pacific. In his words, “There seems really little historical difficulty in beheving that all lateens originated from the canted square sail” (Needham 1961, p. 612). He was quite wrong, in that the triangular sails must have been invented or assimilated by Austronesians in Island Southeast Asia before the square sail arrived. In fact, Bowen’s theories have been downright misleading. There is no reason to assume that all rigs evolved from a single one that later diversified. The most satisfactory conclusion from all the data is that the Polynesians had left for the Pacific with excellent rigs before the square sail, fixed mast, and quarter rudder spread eastwards through the Malacca Straits.

Doran A new approach has been expressed by Ben Finney in his introduction to Doran (1981): Now that linguistic and archaeological advances enable us to begin to' sketch with some confidence the probable migratory routes of the Austronesians, the study of their canoes can be freed from the service of

prehistory. Instead, the findings of prehistory, together with those on canoe performance and seaworthiness, can be used to fabricate a new synthesis on where the first sea-going canoes originated and on the sequence of development and diffusion of subsequent canoe types.

This is a fine intention, but in fact Doran made inferences based on the distribution of existing types just as the others had done before him. He simply moved his line of Polynesian colonization south­ wards to coincide with the chain of newly discovered archaeological sites yielding Lapita pottery. Haddon & Hornell (1938, p. 55) considered that “There can be no doubt that when the Proto­ Polynesians entered the Polynesian area from Micronesia...their vessels were rigged with simple triangular spritsails.” Archaeologi­ cal evidence, however, shows that the Polynesians first travelled relatively recently past the Solomons, Fiji, and Samoa, and that southern Micronesia was colonized from the south. On the basis of distribution maps of recent canoes, Doran (1981) concluded that double outriggers are the most recent type and are derived from the others, and that double canoes are the most ancient and were sailed from Asia. On the contrary, it seems more reasonable to conclude that only the final perfection of the double canoe made possible the eastward movement of the Lapita pottery people past the Solomon Islands about 3,500 years ago. Rafts would also have carried the migration, as shown by Eric de Bisschop (1959), but not so effectively. Doran’s arguments, however, are worthy of a detailed examina­ tion. His classification of rigs is as follows. (1) Double-sprit Sail (Fig. 83L), with 2 vertical props and stays to the outrigger, which stretch an almost square sail; best known from Sri Lanka. Doran thinks this'could be primitive or a later adaption to shiuiting with a single outrigger. I support the latter explanation, with a comment that the rig is also a response to the availability of strong cloth sails for relatively small single-outrigger canoes adapted to fishing. These are not boats or rigs for long­ distance voyaging. They are sturdy fishing platforms for hauling a heavy prawn trawl downwind. (2) Common Spritsail (Fig. 83W,X). This rig has a mast upon which is pivoted a sprit at an angle, supporting a rectangular sail as in the 17th century Dutch spritsail or an English Thames barge. The distribution is scattered and includes China, the Philippines, and Indonesia. This rig was certainly introduced independently to many places by Western colonists, and I don’t know of a single case that can be shown to be indigenous.

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(3) Oceanic Sprit (Fig. 83F,G,I,J). Doran lumps these forms with my Unisail (Fig. 83H) but, as I have said, I find that a prop on a notch is different from a nontilting mast set either fixed or pivoting in a thwart. Further discussion will be found below. (4) Crane Spritsail (Fig. 83A,B). This is a 2-boom triangular sail that is supported by a loose prop to the upper boom. Doran rightly rejects the term “lateen” (which is appropriate for sails west of Malacca), but he suggests that this type is a specialized form of the Oceanic Spritsail. He follows Bowen in supposing that this rig spread rather late from Indonesia to Polynesia and says that “presumed relicts of the crane sprit are found in East Java.” On the contrary, I think this rig is an archetype of the Austronesian expansion because with it a mat sail is properly supported between 2 booms, a large mat sail can be pushed up without a pulley, and because this rig is suitable for rafts, double outriggers, double canoes, and single outriggers. (5) Boomed Lugsails of various kinds, including the Tilted Rectangular Sail ( Fig. 83O,P,Q,R,S). Doran considers that these spread later from'Asia, and I agree. All of the above authors classified existing rigs into types and then attempted to derive one from another. Let us look clearly at this approach. The difficulty is that a particular name can apply to rigs that look alike but may not be related at all. Once the same name is given to the rigs of several different places, they are then easily assumed to be related. The example of the Oceanic Spritsail will suffice. Doran (1981, fig. 44) gives the distribution of the Oceanic Spritsail (my Polynesian Oceanic Spritsail, Fig. 83-85), but he adds scattered records in Indonesia and Sulu. Doran s example from Sulu appears to me to be a Western Leg-of-Mutton Sail for several reasons. First, in that region from the 16th century onwards there is abundant evidence of tilted rectangular sails but none of continuity from early Autronesian triangular sails that presumably were once there. Doran provides no old records of triangular Sulu sails. We know that the fishing canoes both north (Spoehr 1980) and south (Nooteboom 1940) of Sulu recently changed from tilted rectangular to Western rigs, with leg-of-mutton mainsail, diagonal lacing, and halyard. We can see the pulley at the masthead in Doran’s frontispiece. Doran’s example of an Oceanic Spritsail al Makassar is a model that looks as if it had been wrongly rigged in Holland. One of his East Java examples is an incorrectly rigged double outrigger; the other is a prdhu katir (Fig. 80) of Pasir Putih in East Java, which has

PREVIOUS IDEAS ABOUT RIGS

a mast held in an adjustable tabernacle. This tacking rig has fixed stays, a halyard, and a masthead pulley, and it is Dutch in origin, as I discovered during my own recent field work (Fig. 77—82). Doran (1981) adds 2 examples from the New Hebrides and Mawata (New Guinea), both from Haddon and Hornell. These have small trian­ gular sails between 2 poles that are kept in position by stays (or sheets?), apparently on small craft where the rig could easily be erected by 1 man. When one examines Doran’s “relict” examples, they are clearly not all of the same kind, but one name has been applied to all because they fit one definition of an Oceanic Spritsail. Doran (1981, p. 80) can then infer that “what are likely to be relicts of earlier use of the Oceanic Sprit are found in the central New Hebrides and scattered locations in islands westward to Indonesia.” When his actual examples are studied, however, the conclusion is found to be invahd, as it depends on inadequate definitions; the actual situation is much more complicated, with each example having a history of its own. These details show the problems that arise when recent sail types are classified on the basis of superficial appearance and when a theory of their relationships is then derived from the distributions of these subjective classes. The lumping of rigs into classes also makes one forget the functional significance of their differences. Coupled with the diffusionist principle that the oldest has diffused farthest, the argument leads to nonsense. The same objections apply to Doran’s conclusions that double canoes developed in Asia. Scattered examples of double canoes can be found between Asia and Polynesia, but one of Doran’s Indonesian examples was a car ferry consisting of a platform on dugout canoes (tambangan), which technically fell within his definition. A-i;eview by Lewis (1978) serves only to highlight the problems; However, rather than criticize in detail the theories of Haddon and Hornell, Bowen, Needham, and Doran, which are those that stand today, I propose to set out my own interpretation, with more reliance on other types of evidence. Ignoring for the moment the argument based on distribution, we can see that the functional reason for the appearance of the Oceanic Spritsail in Polynesia was its ability to tack, which could be crucial for fishermen returning to a small oceanic island. Similarly, the double canoe was clearly a functional response to the need for dry transport over considerable distances, and although there were scattered double canoes on mainland Asia, this is not evidence for a single continuous tradition from Asia to Tahiti.

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A NEW SYNTHESIS

A New Synthesis The First 55,000 Years Let us try to work out, not only from the hints provided by surviving canoes but from all data, the history of the earliest outrigger canoes. First, we know that early man travelled across water to Austraha at least 50,000 and perhaps 100,000 years ago. Some of the early Homo sapiens to cross between the Sunda Shelf off Asia and the Sahul Shelf off Australia and New Guinea were relatively advanced, with skeletons and skulls similar to their contemporaries in China; others were closer to Homo erectus (Thorne 1980). Stone adzes with ground edges first appeared in Australia (and also in Japan) about 20,000 years ago, so the inhabitants before that would not have been able to make a dugout canoe. But stone tools far older than that are known from Java. People on mainland Asia had stone tools, but not very sharp ones, 300,000 years ago, so they reached Australia rather late. One convenient form of water transport would have been by bamboo rafts, which could be readily assembled in Island Southeast Asia and which would be capable of carrying people. The significance of the bamboo raft, steered by adjustable centerboards, was appreciat­ ed by Eric de Bisschop, who sailed one against the wind from Tahiti a^ost to Chile in 6 months (de Bisschop 1959). The present distribution of large bamboo species has been strongly influenced by man (Holttum 1954), and the largest species on the islands have perhaps all been carried by man from Southeast Asia. Bamboo rafts up to 40 meters long can carry a sail, and the monsoons would blow adventurers either towards Australia in November-April or to­ wards Asia in May-October. There must have been about 60,000 years of human rafting experience, with plenty of time for rigs and dugouts to develop in the Indonesian region. The stone tool industry and many useful plants would travel also. Therefore much of the tropical island agriculture and expertise with canoes and rigs could have evolved long before the Proto-Austronesians began to extend their range. Let us imagine what kind of rig a sensible raft captain living in, say, Sulawesi 30,000 years ago would have had. Anyone clever enough to build a raft could by that time have had a plaited mat for a sail, and plaited sennit or rattan lashings. One problem would be to raise a large sail and then control it. A careful consideration of

A NEW SYNTHESIS

the possibilities reveals that the best rigs without a pulley are those in which a heavy sail can be pushed up on the end of a loose pole, which is then set in a notch at its foot and stabilized with 1 or more stays. A fixed mast held in a thwart is out of the question for sails of matting unless they are small. So, looking at Fig. 83, we see that the Madurese Jukung Rig (A), the Indian Ocean Double-Sprit Sail (L), and some forms of the 2-boom triangular sail supported on a notch (e.g., F,G,J) would be possible. Therefore these are the rigs that I regard as ancestral. A rectangular sail, as in (M) or even (U), would also be possible if the mast could be pushed up and set on a notch. For a small bamboo raft, a small mast that is either fixed in a thwarj or free to rotate in a hole in a thwart would be suitable, but the stress pattern with a mast in a thwart is quite different from that with a prop set on a notch. It seems probable that by the time dugout canoes were being sailed in Indonesia, perhaps 20,000 years ago, the basic Austronesian rigs (Fig. 83A,B,F,G,J,L,M) had been experimented with, and that several of them were known simulta­ neously by some cultural groups. The type shown in Fig 83H remains problematical for a large sail, but the Madurese Jukung Rig (Fig. 83A) is certainly appropriate for a large raft or a double canoe with a large sail (Fig. 91). In the Austronesian rigs the sail can be tilted fore and aft, as in a modern windsurfer, to set the direction relative to the wind, and that is another reason why the fixed mast is a totally different concept. The Austronesian rigs are compatible with the use of the centerboard for steering (de Bisschop 1959) and the lack of a fixed rudder. A rafting community that put a log along the centerline under their raft would almost have a double-outrigger canoe. By hollow­ ing out a log and putting a bamboo raft over it, they would have a double-outrigger canoe by another route. These steps would be taken easily. Over millenia a bamboo raft, with or without a log underneath to act as a keel, is an ideal platform for experimenting with rigs and centerboards, and the rigs developed for a raft are exactly those that would be suitable for a double-outrigger canoe. The transition from the raft to the double-outrigger canoe would require a thorough knowledge of the stresses on the outriggers and how to hold them to the hull, but no new knowledge of rigs. A period of about 20,000 years in the Indonesian region is then available for the development of the internal lugs and lashings needed for fixing the outriggers on to a dugout canoe, and for the transfer of raft rigs to outrigger-canoe rigs. So far as I am aware, the pre-Austronesian component has not been proposed in previous reviews.

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A NEW SYNTHESIS

156 ]

Fig. 91. A raft for Neolithic voyaging, vehicle for development of early rigs, and possible drift transport from Asia to America. The hull is copied from a model of a Taiwanese bamboo raft. The rig is the Madurese Jukung Rig, postulated to be the basic Pacific rig, using the 2-boom triangular sail. The inset shows the balance of forces. The pull of the sail, composed of forward thrust (F) and sideways force (S), must be in line with the center of the net drag (R), which is composed of lateral resistance (L) and total drag forces (D). Clearly the angle to the wind is adjusted by the use of the leeboards (B). Something like this must be postulated to account for the sudden appearance of pottery on the coast of Ecuador in 3200 B.C. (Meggers et al. 1965).

The Austronesian Expansion We then move into a period when the coastal Papuans and Australoids were replaced by the technically more advanced early Austronesian speakers. To survive, the original inhabitants, who could not compete at sea, were obliged to move to the uplands. On

A NEW SYNTHESIS

all coasts in the monsoon belts, regular arrivals of new settlers would have been the custom. Progressively more and more Austro­ nesian speakers arrived, took over, further developed the canoe technology and the agriculture from existing groups, and pushed inland and onwards to new islands. Towards the end of this period, about 5,000 to 3,500 years ago, we can suppose that the canoe technology was advanced enough for Eastern Austronesians (future Polynesians) who had adopted it to venture farther over open water. Groups of migrant traders, who have been tracked by their Lapita pottery (Bellwood 1978), trav­ elled eastwards from the Solomon Islands and could be considered as Polynesians after 1000 B.C. To venture long distances against the wind, carrying tubers and plants in soil, they must by this time have perfected or taken over large, dry double canoes (Fig. 92, 93). The superiority of the double canoe over rafts was demonstrated by Eric de Bisschop, who sailed the Kaimiloa from Hawai‘i to Cannes, France. Rafts, in contrast, tend to break up in a major storm. We can infer that the migrants had profited from a long experience of agriculture, navigation, and boats. There is no reason why they could not have known about various rigs and canoe types. A separate migration northwards into Micronesia took with it the technology of the single outrigger, with a rig for reversing end to end (shunting)(Fig. 68). A 3rd, much later migration was west­ wards across the Indian Ocean from Indonesia to Madagascar about A.D. 400, presumably not by double canoes because there is no sign of them there. Possibly this migration was partly a by-product of Indonesian trade using large ships. These movements led to the isolation of the separate branches of the Austronesian-speaking peoples, perhaps in small numbers at first, each with a limited number of canoe styles and rigs. Many of these distinct canoe styles have persisted into recent times, and we know that boatbuilders and sailors are extremely conservative in their choice of designs. The long-distance colonization of the Pacific and the Indian Ocean islands is sufficiently recent for us to accept that the Polynesian canoe styles and rigs seen at first contact by Westerners (and which are now all in museums) bear some resemblance to those that made the first major colonizations. Meanwhile, in Indonesia and the Philippines, even the pre-Austronesian styles like the raft and simple dugout have persisted (Nishimura 1925); in addition, new designs have appeared for functional reasons mainly concerned with local warfare and fishing methods. The early colonizations of the Austronesians lie within the 27 °C

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A NEW SYNTHESIS

Fig. 92. A Tongan longiaki sighted by the Tasman Expedition in 1642.

A NEW SYNTHESIS

Fig. 93. From a drawing of a Tongan double canoe by Hodges, artist on Captain Cook’s 2nd voyage in 1775. Note the horizontal boom to which the stays are attached, replacing the outrigger boom.

(80 °F) surface-water winter isotherm, which also corresponds to the distribution of the rafts and outrigger canoes. (The western Indian Ocean is colder in July.) Subsequent extension of the Polynesian migrations to Hawai‘i and New Zealand still kept within the area where coral reefs are found, and coral is also limited by water temperature, although Hawai‘i and the northern tip of New Zealand have poor coral development. Polynesian agriculture was also limited by temperature. At the broadest causal level, therefore, surface-water temperature limited Malayo-Polynesian spread and presumably kept them away from the American coasts, which have cold currents (but see Riley 1971). In a sense, their temperature­ sensitive agriculture and their exposed canoe design set the limits on the voyages of the Polynesians.

(

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CONCLUSION

Conclusion Various techniques crucial for movement by sea could have been developed within Island Southeast Asia over a very long period before Austronesian-speaking people arrived. Food from marine life was abundant; the lifestyle along the littoral was healthy; the people had rafts; they raised the sides of dugout canoes by mars; they understood the sewing of planks; and they must have invented outriggers and possibly double canoes. This gave them a variety of boats and rigs. The annually reversing currents and monsoon winds could bring whole communities island hopping by raft, or later by canoe, from the Sunda Shelf to the New Guinea coastline, even as far as Tasmania. To the east they travelled as far as New Britain, maybe to Fiji. In the Indonesian region, as indicated by the general ^stribution of canoe characters, the early occupants could have invented the 2-boom triangular sail, the 5-part canoe, the internal lugs and flexible ribs to pull the planks together, and the outrigger. There had been plenty of opportunity with rafts to perfect the 4 or 5 basic rigs later used for single or double outriggers or double canoes. Like the modern windsurfer sail, the triangular sail could be tilted and rotated, putting httle load on the steering paddle; this detail explains why the fixed rudder was never invented. I cannot believe that men could be so imimaginative as to know only 1 type of canoe or rig in each cultural group, although at any given village the canoes would probably all be identical, as they are today. These earlier inhabitants, possibly some of them Austronesian speaking, were progressively overrun and displaced by later Aus­ tronesian speakers from the north who brought new technningy Although the newcomers had a superior technology, they had much to learn during their transition from a land-based cereal culture (Chen Te-k’un 1959) to a maritime tropical one (Blust 1976). The newcomers filled the coastal regions and pushed ever outwards. Movement and trade stimulated new canoe designs and adoption of new plant varieties. Trade in crop plants itself generated hybrids, which they carried with theifi to Polynesia,, e.g., taro, sugarcane, yams, and bananas. The Polynesian open-ocean voyages were launched less than 4,000 years ago. The delay may be explained simply by the disrance over which the future Polynesians had to spread, together with further technical advances and seaworthiness required, notably for

CONCLUSION

carrying fire, water, food, and family at sea, for repairing the boat, and for navigation; also needed were better materials for sail and rope, better fishing gear and stitching, resin sealant, and dry storage space for salt-sensitive shoots and tubers. Even so, no Polynesians went beyond the warm surface water; at this time none had metal or the pulley, the rectangular sail, the fixed mast and halyard for a large sail, or the quarter rudder. With existing rigs, the need for these inventions did not arise. Because Polynesian canoes diversified over a short period of about 1,000 years after these voyages, their builders were not actually conservative in detail, but some features were remarkably constant over huge distances. As with language, there has been constant change within natural limitations. I believe that the canoe­ building ceremonies, taboos, and apprenticeships preserved for several millenia a good technical solution once it was found but did not inhibit functional adjustments to local conditions. By this I mean that the large double canoes and single outriggers, with a large platform raised above the waves, and the major types of rigs were not changed fundamentally between the early migrations and the period of European discovery, but that small fishing canoes were rapidly adapted to local conditions and fishing methods. In Indonesia, for example, the single outrigger is no more than a double outrigger cut down for use with the throwing net, and the modern double outrigger is a fishing canoe for 1 man to handle while trolling, or to carry the lures and nets for specialized fishing methods. These functional adaptations cannot be used as evidence for sweeping generalizations about all Austronesian single- and double-outrigger canoes.

A Prototype of Pacific Rigs The interesting question is whether the Madurese Jukung Rig is a surviving prototype of some or all of the varied Malayo-Polynesian rigs of Island Southeast Asia and the Pacific. The question brings together several lines of thought. The 1st objective is to establish that the 2-boom triangular sail was invented in Island Southeast Asia. The only argument not based on distributions of recent rigs is that the early Polynesian voyagers in the Pacific carried large numbers of people, with domestic animals and plants that would not tolerate long immersion in seawater. The seaworthiness required, when considered in relation to the craft available, suggests that east of the Solomon

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CONCLUSION

Islands, the Polynesians must have used large double canoes that could be readily steered on long journeys, sometimes against the prevailing winds. The sail materials available to them were mats woven of palm fiber, rushes, or sedges, but the Polynesians had no pulley with which to raise a heavy sail. Therefore they used a rig that could be pushed up by one of its booms or by a separate pole. Two distinct Pacific rigs meet this criterion. The traditional rig of Hawai^i and Tahiti was a 2-boom triangular sail standing on its point, with 1 boom standing on a notch and supported by stays. This rig tacked into the wind. The other was the traditional rig of Tonga and Fiji, with a 2-boom triangular sail that was pushed up by an independent pole and prevented from falling over by ropes to a horizontal bar pushed out to the side. The former was the Oceanic Spritsail and the latter the Primitive Oceanic Lateen of Haddon & Hornell (1936-1938), who showed the distribution around Fiji and Tonga. These rigs are known from the illustrations of Captain Cook s artists, Hodges, Parkinson, and Webber, and from other artists, many of them conveniently reproduced in 1 volume by Dodd (1972). These 2 rigs had 2 important features; the sail could be raised by pushing it up, and once up it could be tilted fore and aft as well as rotated on its point by adjusting the ropes. Exactly as in the operation of a modern windsurfer, the fore and aft tilt controls the direction of the craft relative to the wind, taking the load off the steering oar. Invention of the rudder was unnecessary. All of the Pacific rigs had these properties, whereas the fixed mast, the square sail raised on a halyard, and all Western rigs require a rudder and are totally different in concept. Modern copies of Pacific canoes usually have a triangular sail raised on a fixed mast, and the triangular sail of Pasir Putih described above is also a Western rig with fixed mast and halyard. There continues to be considerable confusion in the literature on this topic. From the ^stribution maps we can argue either that the Oceanic Sprit Rig originally spread eastwards across the Pacific with the double canoe and was followed by the Oceanic Lateen, or more likely, that the Oceanic Lateen spread to Fiji, where the Oceanic Sprit I^g was invented, with the latter continuing to Tahiti and Hawai‘i. In either case it is reasonable to suppose that the Madurese Jukung Rig is a remnant left in Indonesia of the prototype rig of the Fijian and Tongan double canoes. AU of our knowledge is consistent with the view that the Polynesians who moved out into the Pacific about 4,000 years ago

CONCLUSION

had no knowledge of the tilted rectangidar sail, the fixed mast, the pulley, or the quarter rudder lashed to a rudder support. All of these features are limited to the western Pacific and appear to have spread from the Indian Ocean with the first traders who arrived in Indonesia about 2,000 years ago. The people who became the Polynesians had departed eastwards about 2,000 years before these ideas spread into Island Southeast Asia. Although the 2-boom triangular sail was therefore an indige­ nous invention, and one to which we give a minimum age of 4,000 years, we cannot put a maximum age on it. This is because the Austronesians migrating from the Asiatic mainland and moving out into the Pacific may well have picked up along the way an extensive maritime culture that was already in Indonesia, based on outrigger canoes together with various rigs and a range of cultivated tropical plants.

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Glossary Dialect terms defined below are shown in

bold italics.

Adze: Man’s earliest chopping tool with blade of stone or metal at right angles to the line of handle, in contrast to the axe. Andang (Javanese): Horizontal bar behind the mast on Javanese fishing boats

(Fig. 48f). Austronesians: People who speak one of the Austronesian family of languages, including people of Madagascar, Indonesia (except for Papuan languages), Philippines, Micronesia, Melanesia, Polynesia, and a small remnant on the Asiatic mainland, e.g., Chams of Vietnam. Bajau (Indonesian): Originally boat-dwelling wanderers, who lived in isolated bays and survived by fishing and trading. They now have their own villages scattered over Indonesia in remote places, sometimes associated with

migrant Bugis (Sopher 1977). Band (Balinese): Homosexual, neuter, or transvestite man, usually having a recognized place in Austronesian society as a medium or priest. Baris (Balinese): A group of warrior dances for males with helmet and spear or shield. The minimum number of participants is 8. Bemo (Indonesian): A small truck with seats in back for 10 passengers. Boom: A spar that supports a sail at its top or bottom or both. Also, the outrigger booms are the tranverse bars that attach the outrigger floats to the huU. Bulkhead; Vertical transverse partition across the hull. Canoe: A loose term usually implying a long, thin boat with parallel sides, not decked, and suitable for paddling by hand. Cam (Balinese); Offering placed on the ground to placate demons. Caulk: To force vegetable fibers, which later swell when wet, between the plains of a boat that is already built. Caulking was not traditional for Austronesian boat repair; instead, the hull was reassembled. Copra: Dried white flesh of the coconut, from which oil is pressed. Deadeye: A wooden block encircled by one rope and pierced by another, without a pulley. Dong S’on drum: Bronze drums carried into Indonesia from Thailand or Vietnam ca. 2,000-2,500 years ago. Fishtail (=Dovetail) joint: A wedge-shaped mortise and tenon joint. Five-part canoe: Canoe consisting of a hollow dugout base, with sidepieces (strakes) and endpieces (split stems). Footblock: Block of wood under the mast to distribute the load. Fore-and-aft rig: A sail that can be sheeted in to act as an airfoil and take the boat in a windward direction. Difficult to define in discussions of 2-boom

triangular sails.

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GLOSSARY

Gabor (Balinese): Ritual dance by pairs of girls who present offerings. Gamelan (Java-Balinese): Balinese percussion and flute orchestra. Gunwale: Piece of wood forming the side of a boat. Island Southeast Asia: Includes Indonesia, the Philippines, and Taiwan. Jukung (Java-Madura-Balinese): A boat, the term applied to particular designs in different places. From Madura to Lombok a jukung is a 5-part outrigger canoe made in the traditional way. A supplementary name shows the use. Kawi (Javanese): Old Javanese literary language for drama and writings in books on lontar palm leaves. Kawinan (Indonesian): Marriage. Two principal pieces of wood are “married” together in boatbuilding. Kawinan ceremonies also occur when the main beam of a house is spliced from 2 parts. Lacing: The rope that holds the edge of a sail to a boom or to the mast. Lambo: Common name for an Indonesian prahu with fore-and-aft rig and hull shape influenced by Western designs. Lt^ar lanja (Indonesian): Tilted rectangular sail (Fig. 83O,P,Q,R,S). Lee: The downwind side. Leeboard: A flat board pushed vertically into the water below a raft or boat, usually on the lee side, to prevent lateral drift and to assist steering. Leech: The free aft edge of the sail. Malayo-Polynesian: Approximately the same as Austronesian plus Malays of mainland Asia^ Mantra (Hindu): Formalized Hindu religious phrase, usually from a holy book. Mast: Pole attached to the boat, usually held in a hole in a thwart or between blocks and often supported by shrouds (=stays). See Prop. Mayang (Javanese): The Javanese or Madurese broad fishing boat, staying far out in the Java Sea while other boats carry home the fish. Monsoon: Steady wind from May to October eastwards in the Java and Flores seas, reversing from December to March. Neolithic: As metal tools were introduced into Indonesia only after about 500 B.C., I consider the Neolithic period as extending into historical times, especially in remote places; but Java, Madura, and Bali have had access to iron tools for more than 1,000 years. Outrider: A stabilizer extending from the side of a canoe. Consists of 2 transverse outrigger booms and a float. Outrigger boom: The transverse bars that attach the outrigger floats to the hull. Paperbark: Melaleuca (cajeput) tree. Pasisir: Origin from pasir (=beach), sist (=side). An adjective for the prolific, healthy, protein-rich life along the shoreline. Pencar (Balinese): Throwing net for shoals of surface-feeding fish. Prahu; An English word meaning an Indonesian boat (plural, prahus). Old versions are “proa” and “prau.” The Bahasa Indcmesia word perahu is usually followed by a qualifying word that refers to use or construction. Each Suku (q.v.) has its own dialect words for boat. Prop: As distinct from a mast, a prop is pivoted on its point and can tilt forwards or aft and alter the trim of the sail. Quarter rudder: Rudder set in a fitting on either or both sides of the stem. Rattan: Split stems of forest plants (mainly climbing palms) used for bindings. Sampan (English; Indonesian): Anything from a dugout tree trunk to a large barge carrying cargo in harbor but usually meaning one boat type at any given place. Often a nontraditional boat introduced from elsewhere.

glossary

Sarong (Indonesian): Cotton cloth skirt worn by men and women. Scarf; Joint in which 2 pieces of wood overlap end to end without mcrease m thickness. Selendang: Cloth worn over the shoulder by a woman to hold a baby. Sheet: Rope for controlling the sail. Often there are 2 sheets, one attached to each

boom of a 2-boom triangular sail. Shroud: Rope or wire supporting a prop or mast laterally. Spar: A long piece of wood or bamboo anywhere in the rig. Split stem = winged stem: Carved fork of wood that closes the end of a canoe. Spritsail: Sail supported by a sprit (=spar). Spritsail now has so many meanings that it has lost its usefulness in a discussion of Eastern rigs. Stay: Rope or wire supporting a prop or mast. Stem: The piece of timber at the bows of a boat; sometimes meaning also the corresponding piece in a sharp stern. Sttku (Indonesian): A cultural group within Indonesia, usually with its own language, e.g., Bajau, Bugis, Madurese. Tack: The lower forecomer of a sail, at the meeting point of the 2 booms m the Austronesian triangular sail. Thwart: Beam placed crosswise inside boat to support sides, hold up a mast, or provide an attachment for a rudder. Trolling: Towing a line with a colored or shiny lure to catch fast-swimming

predatory fish. Two-boom triangular sail: A descriptive term with no overtones of history or function. The 2 booms meet at the tack. Want (Baru): Strictly, the Austronesian root word for Hibiscus tiliaceus, a small tree of the shoreline, or similar trees. String (also called baru) is made from fiber of the bark of the twigs. Wayang (Java-Balinese): Puppet show, of several distinct types; wt^ang kultt uses leather cutouts to make shadows on a sheet.

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Literature Cited

Beechey, F.W. 1831. Narrative of a voyage to the Pacific and Beering’s Straits

(1825-1828). 2 vols. London. Bellwood, P. 1978. Man’s conquest of the Pacific. Collins, Auckland. Best, E. 1925. The Maori canoe. Dominion Mus. Bull. 7. Wellington, New Zealand. Bisschop, E. de. 1959. Tahiti nui. McDowell, Obolensky, New York. Blust, R. 1976. Austronesian culture history: Some linguistic inferences and their relation to the archaeological record. World Archaeol. 8: 19-43. Bowen, R. Le Baron. 1953. Eastern sail affinities. Am. Neptune 13: 81-117,

. 1959. The origins of fore-and-aft rigs. Am. Neptune 19: 155-99, 274-306. Cheng Te-K’un. 1959. Archaeology in China. Vol. 1. Prehistoric China. Heffer, Cambridge, U.K. Collins, G.E.P. 1937. Makassar sailing. Jonathan Cape, London. Covarrubias, M. 1937. Island of Bali. Knopf, New York. Reprinted 1972, 1981, Oxford Univ. Press in Asia, Singapore. Dodd, E. 1972. Polynesian seafaring. Nautical Publ. Co., Lymington, U.K. Doran, E. 1972. Wa, vinta and trimaran. J. Polynesian Soc. 76: 223-30. . 1976. Parallelism of outrigger floats. Amat. Yacht Res. Soc. J. 83B: 18-22. . 1981. Wangka: Austronesian canoe origins. Texas A & M Umv. Press, College Station, Tex. Ellis, W. 1831. Polynesian researches. Peter Jackson, London. Firth, R. 1967. The work of the gods in Tikopia. London Sch. Econ. Monogr. 1 and 2. (1st ed., 1940.) Haddon, A.C. 1920. The outriggers of Indonesian canoes. J. R. Anthropol. Inst. 50: 69-134. Haddon, A.C. & J. HorneU. 1936-1938. Canoes of Oceania. Bishop Mus. Spec. Publ. 27, 28,29. Reprinted 1975 (as 1 vol.). Bishop Mus. Press, Honolulu,

Hawai'i. Helms, L.V. 1882. Pioneering in the Far East. W.H. Allen, London. Holmes, T. 1981. The Hawaiian canoe. Editions Limited, P.O. Box 869, Hanalei,

Kaua’i, Hawai‘i. Holttum, R.E. 1954. Plant life in Malaya. Longman Green Co., London. Hornell, J. 1920. The outrigger canoes of Indonesia. Rep. 2. Madras Fish. Bull.

12: 43-114. « „ . 1946, Water transport. Cambridge Univ. Press. Reprinted 1970, David and Charles, London.

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Horridge, G.A. 1978. The design of planked boats of the Moluccas. Monogr. 38. Natl. Maritime Mus., Greenwich, London. 1979a. The lambo or prahu bot: A Western ship in an Eastern setting. Monogr. 39. Natl. Maritime Mus., Greenwich, London. . 1979b. The Konjo boatbuilders and the Bugis prahus of South Sulawesi. Monogr. 40. Natl. Maritime Mus., Greenwich, London. , 1981. The prahu: Traditional sailing boat of Indonesia. Oxford Univ. Press in Asia, Kuala Lumpur. (2nd ed., 1985.) . 1982. The lashed-lug boat of the Eastern Archipelagoes. Monogr. 54. Nad. Maritime Mus., Greenwich, London. ---------- 1986. Sailing craft of Indonesia. Oxford Univ. Press in Asia, Singapore. Irawan, Bambang. 1981. Perahu tradisional Madura. Benda Koleksi Mus. Sumenep. Dept. Pendidikan dan Kubudayaan. IKIP, Malang, Indonesia. Jennings, J.D., ed. 1979. The prehistory of Polynesia. Harvard Univ. Press and ANU Press, Canberra, Australia. Jordaan, R.E. 1978. A Madurese Rokat Tase. Bui. Proyek Penelitian Madura. IKIP, Malang, Indonesia. Vol. 2, No. 2: 20-28. Jordaan, R.E & A. Niehof. 1981. Aspects of fishing in Patondu, a village on the north coast of Madura. Rev. Indonesian & Malay Affairs.. 14. No. 1: 81-111. Lewis, D. 1978. The Pacific navigators’ debt to the ancient seafarers of Asia. p. 46-66. In: N. Gunson, ed., The changing Pacific. Essay in honour of H.E. Maude. Oxford Univ. Press, Melbourne. Malinowski, B. 1922. Argonauts of the western Pacific. Dutton and Co., New York. Meggers, B.J., C. Evans & E. Estrada. 1965. Early formative period of coastal Ecuador: The Valdivia and Machalilla phases. Smithson. Contrib. Anthropol. Vol. 1. Needham J. 1971. Civil engineering and nautics. In: Science and civiEzation in China. Vol. 4, Pt. 3, Cambridge Univ. Press. Nieuwenkamp, W.O.J. 1926. Vaartuigen in Tropisch Nederland. Nederlandsch Indie, oud en nieuw. Vol. 11 in 4 parts: 105-11, 145-55, 172-77, 208-12. Nishimura, S. 1925. Ancient rafts of Japan. Publ. Soc. Naval Archit., Tokyo. Nooteboom, C. 1932. Die Boomstamkano in Indonesie. Brill, Leiden. -------- . 1940. Vaartuigen van Mandat. Tijdsch. Indische Taal, Land, Volkenkunde 80: 22-23. . 1952. Trois problfemes d’ethologie maritime. Publ. Prins Hendrik Muse­ um, Rotterdam. Paris, F.E. 1841-1843. Essai sur la construction navale des peuples ExtfaEurop6ens. Arthus Bertrand, Paris. Pelly, U. 1975. Ara, dengan perahu Bugisnya. Pusat Latihan Penelitian. Ilmu Ilmu Sosial. Univ. Hasanuddin, Sulawesi. Pepper, J.V. 1981. Harriot’s MS on shipbuilding and rigging, p. 204-16. In: D. Howse, ed., 500 years of nautical science 1400-1900. Natl. Maritime Mus., Greenwich, London. Poortenaar, J. 1930. An artist m the tropics. Sampson Low, Marston & Co., London. Pritchett, R.T. 1899. Pen and pencil sketches of shipping and craft all round the world. Edward Arnold, London.

literature cited

Riley, C.L., ed. 1971. Man across the sea. Problems of pre-Columbian contacts. Univ. Texas Press, Austin. Sonher D.E. 1977. The sea nomads. Publ. Singapore National Museum. Spoehr’ A. 1980. Protein from the sea. Technological change m Phihppme capture fisheries. Ethnol. Monogr. 3, Univ. Pittsburg. . Thome, A.G. 1980. The longest length: Human evolution m S.E. Asia and the settlement of AustraUa. p. 35-43. In: J.J. Fox, ed., Indonesia-Australian perspectives. Australian Natl. Univ. Press. Steinmann, A. 1939. Das Kultische Schiff in Indonesien. Habihuuons^^ft Erlangen der venia legendi an der Universitat Zurich. Ref GB/OB-26. Week, W. 1938. Heilkunde und Volkstum auf Bali. Reprmted 1976, Bap. Bah and Intermasa, Jakarta.

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Index Words from local languages and Latin names of plants are in italics. The pronunciation of the letter e is indicated in the index as follows: i is pronounced like a in English made, but shorter; i like e in English pef, i like a in English sofa. Otherwise, spelling is standard modem Indonesian. The local words for parts of canoes, all collected from fishermen and canoe builders, are often used in a limited area and sometimes are restricted to a single vilbge. Page numbers in boldface indicate illustrations. Additional terms may be found in the Glossary, which is not indexed here.

Adze, 30, 73 Air Kuning, xiv, 6, 53, 54-56 Albizzia falcata, 30, 61, 92 AmpSnan, xiv, 57 Ananggala, 114 Andang 90, 105 Animistic beliefs, 113 Anocarpus, 115 Austronesian tradition, 73, 139, 156, 157, 160 Austronesians, 140, 156

Badig, 97, 98 Badun, 94 Baines, Thomas, 28, 87 Bajau, 19 Bali, map of, xiv Balinese canoe, 1, 8, 29; bows of, 14; stem of, 33, 52 Bamboo, 46, 65, 123, 154 Bamboo raft, 154, 156 Band, 30, 154 Bangkalang, 103, 105, 129 Bangsal, 4, 5, Banyuwangi, 7,13 Barajungan, 97 Baru, 100 Bau, 23, 39 Baw6an, 111 Bc^ungan, 22, 43 Bilalu tree, 30, 61 Benoa, 4; bows at, 33 Bidak, 21 Blandong, 20

Bldttir, 93, 98 Boat, stemless, 121 Boom (see Outrigger boom) Bowen, R., 147 Bows, 34, 50, 96, 101; of Balinese canoes, 14; at Benoa, 39; bifid, 14, 15; horns on, 96, 103; at Jimbaran, 50; of jukung, 34, 96,101. See also Jaws. Buku, 30, 95 Caesalpinia sappan, 32, 93 Caklat, Calendar, Balinese Wuku, 63, (>7, 69 Calophyllum inop^llum, 43, 93 Campho^, 43 CuRcng, 69 Canoe: construction of, 29, 32,-33, 58, 91, 92, 93; cost of, 59; double, 83, 86, 140, 153, 158, 159; double-outrigger, 11, 112, 144, 151; 5-part, 29, 74, 94, 110, 117, 129, 144, 146, 160; lake, 44; launching, 69, 115; length of, 61; old records of, 14, 91, 125; repair of, 66; single-outrig­ ger, 9, 10, 146, 148, 157; wi±out outrig­ gers, 9. See also under spedfic regions and place names. Canoe ceremonies (see Ceremonies) Canoe culture, xi, 139 Canoe design, 41, 44, 51, 61, 67, 95, 98, 126, 160; importance of flexibility in, 44, 45 Canoe lore, 72 Caulk, 41 Cidik, 8, 11, 23, 43, 45, 123

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INDEX

174 ]

Cedrella sureni, 61 Ceremonies, canoe, 9, 59, 66, 72, 73, 111, 115; equinoctial, 69; Hindu influences on, 68, 114; kawinan, 57, 68, 74, 111, 114; launching, 69, 115; oton, 69; peiik laut, 70 Cetik, 97, 98 Comb cleats, 95 Connector piece, 8, 43, 44, 98 Construction (see Canoe, construction of; Proportions and ratios) Copra, 165 Coral reef, 159 Covarrubias, M., 17 Crosspieces, 38, 95 Crotch, 37, 40, 73, 95 Cungiry 17 Cungkil, 17 Dapuran, 105 Design (see Canoe design) Do/os, 22, 32, 39 Dong S’on drums, 48 Doran, E., 133, 150 Double canoe (see Canoe, double) Double outrigger (see Outrigger, double) Dowel, 31, 95 Ekor, 50

Fail-safe device, 97 Festival days: Hari Malasti, 70\ Han Nyipi, 69', Hari Raya Galimgany 70 Fishing villages, Balinese, 3, 5 Fishtail joint, 38, 39, 93, 96 Five-part canoe (see Canoe, 5-part) Float, outrigger, 46, 47, 65, 107, 127, 130; attachment for, 13, 15, 98, 129; indirect attachment of, 43, 44, 98; limber for, 128 Foresail, Madurese, 90, 142 (Fig. 83E) Forked stem (see Stem, split) Galungart, 70 Gambier Islands, 149 Gajah-mina, 17 Gemiy 51 Gigamockloa, 46, 65 Gilimanuk, xiv, 7 Golikany 79 Gunwale, 31, 38, 93 Gyrocarpus jacquiniiy 30

Haddon, H., xii, 141 Halyard and pulley, 133,152

Hanionany Prince of the Monkeys, 50 Hawaiian canoe, 142 (Fig. 83J), 144 Hibisaa tiliaceus (barn), 100, 121 Hodges, W., 68 Hornell, J., xii, 141 Hull, 18, 22, 30, 31, 41, 58, 92; sewn, 146 Hydrodynamic efficiency, 63

Jala, 10 Janggolan, 79, 88 Janlan, 105 Janiur, 105 Javanese canoe, 116, 119-21, 123, 124, 128 Jaws on canoe bows, 7, 12, 14, 15, 17, 31, 50, 53, 54, 73, 112, 127; macapab style, 11, 13 Jerambahy 21 J^piy 21, 31, 49, 55, 93, 115, 129 Jimbaran, xiv, 4, 5, 6; bows at, 50; stems at, 52 Jukung: Bawean, 111, 112; building of, 58, 63, 91; definition of, 38; at Lombok, 15, 16, 57; Madurese, 81, 110; male and fe­ male, 53, 54; measurements of, 61, 63; model of Balinese, II; rig for, 23, 24-^ 26; sailing of, 23, 26, 78, 85; secret name of Balinese, 69; spirit of, 64; stem of, 16, 52, 94; of 1836, 88 Jukung gSd^y 5, 21, 22 Jukung muluiy 42, 49 Jukimg ngopi, 97, 110 Jukung palong palongy 17 Jukung pancit^y 117-21 Jukung pangopi-an, 97, 107, 110 Jukung payangany 2, 82-84, 92, 97, 100, 101, 103, 104, 106-09, 112, 115, 11721, 125 Jukung pllasan, 4, 31, 36, 49, 50, 51, 52, 57, 71 Jukut^ pimllasan (= j. pHasan}y 4 Jukung pStnincaran, 10 Jukung pirul, 4, 17, 49, 71 Jukung palangany 84, 106, 107, 110 Juku}^ potungalan, 4, 50, 52 Jukung rajbngamy 96, 98, 99

Kabo kabo, 55 Kajang-kiliwony 69 KaU bisiauy 68 Kalik, 103 Kali Bam, 80 Kancingy 32 Kanda empat, 114 Kandiy 30 Kandy 33, 64

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INDEX

Karit pSmanci, 38, 47 KaU, 46 Katik, 97 Kadr, 112 ASawirtan ceremony (see Ceremonies, kawinan) Kt^u ganggangan, 30 ATayu pa-ang, 33 Kayu sappang, 32 ACajiH sur^, 61 Afayu tanjung, 32 KSlat, 2^ KSlingan, 23 KelSiek, 94, 104 KilkutSl, i2 Kentudi, 48 Ke sanke, 107 Kolek, 108 Kolong, 93, 97, 98, 125, 126 Kopengan, 108 Kora kora, 19 Kroman, 79 Kukul, 23, 27, 28, 39 Kuntn^an, 7fi, 72 Kusamba, xiv, 4 Kuta, xiv, 4 > Lambo, 20 Z,aRg-J^a/aRg, 93 Lapita pottery, 138, 157 Lashing, 100, 102; load on, 43, 101 Lf^ar^-layang, 34, 39 Layor tndi, 122, 142 (Fig. 83X) Layo’’ nad^, 142 (Fig. 83Z) Layar satu, 118 Layar sudu, 119 Layar lanja, 118, 119, 142 (Fig. 83O,Q) Leeboard, 48 Limuruh, 4, 6 Linga lingan, 84, 105, 107, 108 Lid lid, 79, 90, 142 (Fig. 83D) Lingga, 68 Lis~alis, 79 Lobang, 47 Lombok, 15; map of, xiv Lug, 95, 160; Gunter, 142 (Fig. 83Z); in­ ternal, 160 Lugsail, 142 (Fig. 83R, 83V), 152; boomed, 152; Indian Ocean loose-footed, 142 (Fig. 83S) Madura, map of, 76 Madurese canoe, 77 Madurese expansion, 136 Madurese trader, 80

Malacca, 79 Mast, 25, 74, 88, 111, 116, 118, 129, 141, 154; fixed, 116 Mataram, xiv, 79 Mgrip, 87 Migrations, Pacific, 136, 138, 139 Mimusops elengi, 32 Model: of Balinese jukung, 11; of jukungs at Leiden, 125-29; of sekong, 88,- 89 (Fig. 48d,e); of ship, 113 Monsoon, 154 Moro vinta, 15 Nangka (jackfruit) tree, 115 Needham, J., 147, 150 Ngopi, 110 Nieuwenkamp, W., 15 Nooteboom, C., 12, 88, 89 Nusa Penida, 5, 7, 21; map of, xiv Nyamplong, 93

Oton ceremony, 69 Outboard motor, xi, 18 Outrigger, 42; double, 11,112, 144, 151; Micronesian single, 146; single, 9, 10, 144, 146 Outrigger boom, 8, 10, 12, 42, 45, 74, 95, 97, 103, 123, 116; straight, 10, 43, 117, 118, 122, 124 Outrigger coaster, 12, 19, 20 Outrigger float {see Float, outrigger) Pacuk, 19, 33, 49, 64 Pakopakon, 34 Pal-kapal-an, 113 Pamicik, 94, 103 Panc^j 48 Pandapta, 71 Pandi jukung, 58, 60 Pangankin, 115 ** Par^ojo‘an, 109 Paperbark, 32 Parao, 133 Parinarium glaberrimum, 42 Pasean, 76,110 Pasik, 58 Pasir Putih, 76,131-35 Pasisir culture, 5, 137 Passa appun, 94 Padl, 31 Piklipik, 94, 98, 104, 129 Pilintang, 55 PSmand, 38, 47 PSmbau, 23 Pincar, 4, 10

175

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INDEX

176 1

PSngalang, 103, 107 Pingiripant 24, 87 Penggiling, 23 PSngikat, 24, 25 Pgnikulan, 65 31 Pinkopit^, 108 Pinunggikan, 28, 34 PSnyankilang, 40, M PSnyoncong, 30 Pirahu> 111, 162 PSrahu jabar, 79 PSraku jaring, 79, 82 Pgrabu jatSn, 10, 87, 89 (Fig. 48h) pgrahu katir, 112, 128, 130-35, 152 Pirahu payang, 19 Pirahu polangan, 101, 109, 111 Pitak, 41 Pitik, 2i Pgiik laut ceremony, 70 Pitong gambang, 65 Piiong godig, 65 92 Polangan, 97, 110 Polu*6, 20 Polynesians, 150, 157 Pottery, 140; Lapita, 138, 157 Prehistoric migrations, map of, 138 Pribadi, 112 Prop, supporting sail, 110, 143 Proportions and ratios, in canoe construc­ tion, 61-63 Prow-board, 12, 128 Pulau End&, 120 Pulley, 133, 145, 154, 162 Putty nut, 42 Quick-release bar, 55

Raft, 149, 151; bamboo, 154, 156; Mangareva, 149 Rajfckwfesi, xiv, 116, 117-21 Rapid-release device, 104 Rattan, 43 Ribs, flexible, 41, 109 Rice, use of in ceremonies, 71, 114 Rig: ancestral, 139, 141, 154, 156, 161; an­ gles of, 26; Balinese Janggolan, 88; Bali­ nese Jukung, 2, 23, 100; Bermuda, 142 (Fig. 83Z); crane sprit, 142 (Fig. 83A), 143, 145; Endfe, 122, 142 (Fig. 83X); Hawai ‘i, 142 (Fig. 83J), 144; Javanese, 119; Jukung, 23, 24-26; Kusamba, 25; leti-kti, 90,142 (Fig. 83D); Madurese,

78, 82, 86, 87, 90, 142 (Fig. 83A), 145, 154; Madurese Jukung, frontispiece, 78, 82, 85, 88, 106, 127, 150, 155, 156; Madurese mast, 142 (Fig. 83C); Micro­ nesian, 143, 146, 147; Micronesian mast, 148; old Micronesian, 142 (Fig. 83B), 146; Pacific prototype, 156, 161; Pasir Putih, 132, 133; Polynesian Oceanic, 142 (Fig. 83F), 144, 145; prototype of Pacif­ ic, 142 (Fig. 83A), 161; Rajekwfesi, 117, 118, 120, 124; spritsail, 122; Tahitian, 141, 145; Western, 129 Rokai, 113 Rudder, and tiller, 48, 162; fitting, 16, 32, 38, 126; quarter, 116; support, 47, 74, 102-05; horns on support, 98, 103, 104 Rutoat, 113

Sahul Shelf, 154 Sail: Arab, 142 (Fig. 83T); Austronesian, 142 (Fig. 83A-J), 152; Balinese jukung, 24, 28; boomsprit, 141; crab-claw, 141, 142 (Fig. 831); double-sprit, 151; gaff, 142 (Fig. 83Y); Indian Ocean, 150; Indo-Arab, 142 (Fig. 83N-T); lateen, 142 (Fig. 83T); leg-of-mutton, 141, 142 (Fig. 83Z); Marquesan claw, 142 (Fig. 83G); mat, 154; materials used for, 154, 162; measurements of, 66; Melanesian square, 141,142 (Fig. 83M); New Guin­ ea crab-claw, 142 (Fig. 831); oceanic la­ teen, 141,142 (Fig. 83A), 144; oceanic sprit, 148; primitive lateen, 148; protolatecn, 141,142 (Fig. 83C,D), 143; rela­ tionships, 142 (Fig 83), 153; square, 142 (Fig. 83N,U), 148, 150; ucking, 131, 132, 134, 153; tilted rectangular, 116, 118, 119, 124, 150; trapezoid, 111, 118, 142 (Fig, 83Q); triangular, 23, 24, 74, 85, 134, 142, 161; two-boom trapezoid, 119, 142 (Fig. 83K); two-boom triangu­ lar, 23, 74, 110, 120, 123, 141, 142 (Fig. 83A-J), 160. See also Layer; Spritsail Sailrest, 15, 56, 84, 105, 107, 108, 129; cock on, 16, 106, 110, 129, 135; horns on, 56 Sakang lu^, 94, 118 Sakti, 64 Salompeng, 76, 111 Sambungan, 62 Sampan, 18, 38, 57 Sampan jaring, 8, 10 Sampan Johnson, 11, 18

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INDEX

Sampan Yamaha, 11, 18 Samulisung, 129 Sandi, 33, 42, 133 Sangg-an, IOS Sanggan, 105, 107 Sangkawin, Sangpisang, 94 SonA^Z, 33, 64, 94 Samong bant, 65 Sanur, xiv, 3, 13 Sappan (Brazilwood), 32, 93 Sasak canoes, 57 Saw. 95 Scandinavian boats, 35 Slgtm (,=sSg