Tra lyra e aulos. Tradizioni musicali e generi poetici 9788862278256, 886227825X

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A

CURA

DI

ANGELO

LUIGI

BRAVI,

MERIANI,

LIANA

GIOVANNA

14.

PISA

: ROMA

MMXVI

LOMIENTO, PACE

QUADERNI «RIVISTA

DI E

DELLA

CULTURA

CLASSICA

MEDIOEVALE»

Collana diretta da Liana Lomiento 14.

IRA

LYRA

E AULOS

TRADIZIONI

MUSICALI

E GENERI

A

CURA

DI

ANGELO

LUIGI

POETICI

BRAVI,

MERIANI,

PISA FABRIZIO

LIANA

GIOVANNA

LOMIENTO, PACE

: ROMA SERRA MMXVI

EDITORE

Pubblicato con un contributo del PRIN 2010/11 Agoni poetico-musicali nella Grecia antica Dipartimento di Scienze della Comunicazione e Discipline Umanistiche Università di Urbino Carlo Bo. A norma del codice civile italiano, è vietata la riproduzione, totale o parziale (compresi estratti, ecc.), di questa pubblicazione in qualsiasi forma e versione (comprese bozze, ecc.), originale o derivata, e con qualsiasi mezzo a stampa o internet (compresi siti web personali e istituzionali, academia.edu, ecc.), elettronico, digitale, meccanico, per mezzo di fotocopie, pdf, microfilm, film, scanner o altro, senza il permesso scritto della casa editrice. Under Italian civil law this publication cannot be reproduced, wholly or in part (included offprints, etc.) , in any form (included proofs, etc.) , original or derived, or by any means: print, internet (included personal and institutional web sites, academia.edu, ete.), electronic, digital, mechanical, including photocopy, pdf, microfilm, film, scanner or any other medium, without permission in writing from the publisher. *

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Urrici DI Pisa: Via Santa Bibbiana 28, I 56127 Pisa, tel. +39 050542332, fax +39 050574888, [email protected] UFFICI DI Roma: Via Carlo Emanuele I 48, I 00185 Roma, tel. +39 0670493456, fax +39 0670476605, [email protected] *

ISBN 978-88-6227-825-6 E-ISBN 978-88-6227-826-3

SOMMARIO Liana

LomIENTO,

ANGELO

PERFORMANCE

MERIANI, Premessa

MUSICALE

E

GENERI

POETICI

ANDREW BARKER, Plutarch, Quaestiones convivales, 7046470566: The Host and the Musician Luca BETTARINI, Non solo syrinx: /a presenza dell’aulos e degli strumenti a corda nella tradizione della poesia bucolica CLAUDE CALAME, Generi poetici e circostanze della performance musicale: una rete di poesia melica? MARIELLA DE Simone, Gli strumenti musicali della lirica arcaica greco-orientale: svalutazione e riattivazione di paradigmi sonori e pratiche performative

15

29

SERENA FERRANDO, La performance citarodica e aulodica nel banchetto funebre locrese di v1 sec. a.C. EceERT POHLMANN, 77e Hymnus on the Holy Trinity from Oxyrhynchos (POxy 1786) and its Environments ANTONIETTA Provenza, Sirene nell’Ade. L’aulo, la lira e il lutto KAMILA WyrsLUCHA, Cano versus lego. A characteristic of some Augustan poetic genres in connection to the manner of their perfor-

mance

103

119

AMIR YERUCHAM, Bakchai

Music and Cult Foundation

in Euripides 138

LYRA

STEFAN

HAGEL,

An invention worth fifty cows: Evidence for

supra-regionality in tortoise shell lyre construction AnprAs KÁnpÁrTI, Lhamyras’ Song Contest and the Muse Figures CLAUDINA Romero MayorGa, Mercury with lyre: a new interpretation of a Mithraic sculpture found in Hispania

157

167 199

AULOS

Napia

BaLTIERI,

Aul0s e ‘Nuova’ Danza.

Melanippide PMG 758 e Teleste PMG 80;

Una rilettura di 209

ὃ

SOMMARIO

ADELAIDE lPowGowt, Avena e pide (fr. 758 Page/ Campbell) e Page/ Campbell) SYLVAIN PERROT, «A Lydian lyre serve me»: the Anonymous

l'aulos nel Marsia di Melanipnell’Argo di Teleste (fr. 805 a-c 233 pipe and the Lydian tunes of the Aulodia (POxy xv, 1795) and

the Genre of Aulody

246 TRADIZIONI

MUSICALI

Tosca Lyncu, Why are only the Dorian and Phrygian Harmonial accepted in Plato’s Kallipolis? Lyre vs. Aulos

267

Joan SiLva Barris, No Linos-song in Achilles’ shield

285

ANDREA

TESSIER, La colometria di Pindaro e il περὶ μέτρων

del Vat. Gr. 896: notitia editionis partim principis TRA LYRA E AULOS:

LETTURE

FILOSOFICHE

SEBASTIAN F. Mono Tornese, Lyra and aulos in the Neoplatonic allegorical interpretation of myths

TRA LYRA E AULOS:

297

LA TRADIZIONE

307

ICONOGRAFICA

THEODOR E. ULIERIU-RostAs, Dionysiac strings? Towards an iconographic reassessment of late y" and early 4 Century Athenian

perceptions of mousiké ALEXANDRA auloi

GOULAKI-VourYRA,

Indice dei passi citati

327 Singing to the lyra or the 355

391

PREMESSA [3s raccolti in questo volume costituiscono la versione riveduta e molto ampliata dei contributi presentati il 5 e 6 set-

tembre 2014 a Urbino, in occasione del vir Annual Meeting di MOIsA — International Society for the Study of Greek and Roman Music and ist Cultural Heritage, a conclusione della Scuola Estiva di Metrica e Ritmica Greca organizzata ogni anno presso l'Ateneo intitolato a Carlo Bo.

Il tema prescelto intendeva promuovere una comune riflessione sui tratti che specificamente caratterizzano le diverse tradizioni musicali aulodica, citarodica, lirica, e sul loro diverso combinarsi con

i generi poetici propri del patrimonio letterario greco e romano. Sarebbe stato un tema caro a Bruno Gentili, che per molti decenni insegnò a Urbino, dedicando lavoro e inestinguibile passione alla definizione dei generi poctici attraverso lo studio delle occasioni

esecutive, della committenza e del pubblico, e attraverso gli aspetti performativi, metrico-ritmici, orchestici e, in generale, musicali. Nel quadro di questo spiccato interesse, e nel momento di piena maturità della sua ricerca, egli aveva organizzato a Urbino memorabili incontri, quali Oralitd: cultura, letteratura, discorso (1980), La musica greca antica (1985), La colometria antica dei testi poetici greci (1997). L'idea sottesa era — come sempre — quella di ricordare che ogni “poesia”

proveniente dalla Grecia antica era stata all’origine vero e proprio canto, e come tale essa andrebbe ogni volta — anche da noi, dalla nostra distanza storica e socio-culturale — percepita e interpretata. La tradizione della poesia romana — pur nella sua diversità rispetto alla tradizione greca — mostra la propria sensibilità a tale aspetto nel suo

continuo e preciso riferirsi alla musica che si sposa al verso. Il risultato di questo nuovo incontro urbinate, che piace collocare a continuazione ideale del solco già tracciato da Gentili, è alto, come sarà possibile verificare scorrendo i numerosi contributi che il volume contiene. Un ruolo di primo piano vi gioca -- com’era negli auspici — l’in-

dagine che s'incentra sulla relazione tra i differenti generi poetici e la performance musicale loro propria. I contributi che animano

questa sezione sono nove. In essi sono studiati aspetti controversi

10

PREMESSA

di certa musica «da simposio» (A. Barker), gli aspetti performativi ed enunciativi della poesia arcaica in quanto determinanti le forme poetiche (C. Calame), il percorso, non affatto lineare, dell’accompagnamento strumentale dai generi poetici arcaici fino alla Nuova Musica (M. De Simone), la musica del banchetto funebre (S. Ferrando) e del shrenos (A. Provenza), la funzione della musica nella liturgia dei culti di fondazione (A. Yerucham), la musica che accompagna il canto bucolico di età ellenistica (L. Bettarini) e, an-

cora, la musica che caratterizza quello che forse si configura come «l’ultimo esempio di musica greca antica», ovvero l’Inno cristiano alla Santa Trinità (E. Póhlmann); infine la rappresentazione dei diversi generi della poesia per musica nei pocti di età augustea (K. Wyslucha). Tre interventi s'incentrano sulla /yra. S. Hagel si sofferma sulla sua articolazione tecnica, prendendo spunto dai resti ritrovati a Locri in una tomba datata al v sec. a.C.; A. Kárpáti dedica la sua ricerca all’interpretazione delle piccole statuette presenti su vasi di v sec. a.C. che raffigurano l'agone del mitico citarodo Tamiri

con le Muse; Claudina Romero Mayorga suggerisce un'interpretazione nuova della scultura di Mercurio con la /yra conservato ora nel Museo Nacional de Arte Romano, Mérida (MNar inv. n. CHooo89), nell'ambito del culto orientale mitraico. Gli studi specifici sull'aulodia sono, di nuovo, tre. N. Baltieri e A. Fongoni affrontano, seguendo percorsi assai diversi, l'analisi e l’interpretazione dei frammenti di Melanippide (PMG 758) e di

Teleste (PMG 805), la prima concentrandosi sugli aspetti orchestici potenzialmente impliciti nel canto, l’altra sugli aspetti mitografici. S. Perrot porta all’attenzione di tutti l’interessante testo di un pa-

piro contenente un non comune esempio di canto aulodico, e tenta di ricostruirne il rituale descritto e il contesto della performance aulodica, solitamente connessa dalle fonti greche con il canto funebre. La sezione intitolata "Tradizioni musicali" raccoglie i contributi

di T. Lynch, che ancora una volta riesamina il significato della selezione platonica delle due harmoniai dorica e frigia per lo Stato ideale, nella prospettiva nuova degli aspetti tecnico-musicali propri di ciascuna; di J. Silva Barris, che riprendendo un'interpretazione già antica di //. 18, 570, si oppone all’interpretazione, dive-

nuta vulgata nel xix e xx secolo, secondo la quale in quel verso si statebbe alludendo al tradizionale “Canto di Lino”; di A. Tessier,

PREMESSA

11

che, presentandone una nuova edizione, illustra le particolarità di un antico trattato sulla forma metrica dei canti di Pindaro. La lettura neoplatonica del binomio /yra/aulos è ampiamente

spiegata nelle sue implicazioni etiche e allegoriche da S. Moro Tornese. Chiude il volume la sezione archeologica, con i contributi di T. Ulieriu-Rostás, che analizza dal punto di vista quantitativo e qualitativo l’iconografia vascolare che, dalla fine del v sec. a.C. al

principio del rv sec. a.C., associa la /yra tipo chelys e il barbitos a contesti dionisiaci. È una combinazione scarsamente sospettabile,

a giudicare sulla sola base dei testi letterari, che tuttavia emerge con una certa chiarezza dall'evidenza dell’arte figurativa. Il contributo conclusivo è un’ampia rassegna, sapientemente commentata

da A. Goulaki-Voutyra, delle raffigurazioni relative all’accompagnamento musicale del canto, con una particolare attenzione agli strumenti a corda e ai gesti che più comunemente sono ritratti in associazione con la performance canora o strumentale. Come si vede, la raccolta include un considerevole numero di apporti innovativi, e una ricca serie di filoni d'indagine. Tutti arrecano un importante contributo alla ricostruzione dell’antico paesaggio sonoro e musicale, visto per sé e studiato nella sua contestualità sociale e funzionale. Ci auguriamo che -- stimolate anche da questo volume — ulteriori ricerche siano svolte in futuro nella stessa direzione. Desideriamo ringraziare tutti i membri di MOISA, società internazionale che in prima linea si adopera per l’approfondimento scientifico della nostra conoscenza della musica nel mondo antico,

e tutti i colleghi che partecipano ogni anno con grande impegno alle attività della Scuola Estiva di Metrica e Ritmica greca. Dalla solidale, auspicata collaborazione di tutti (musicologi e metricisti, archeologi, storici della musica antica, storici della letteratura antica, filologi classici) sono scaturiti un incontro appassionante e, riteniamo, la composizione di un importante capitolo della storia della musica antica. Liana LoMriEwTO (Universita di Urbino) ANGELO MERIANI (Università di Salerno)

PERFORMANCE E

GENERI

MUSICALE POETICI

PLUTARCH, QUAESTIONES

CONVIVALES,

704C4-705B6: THE

HOST

AND

ANDREW

THE

MUSICIAN

BARKER

ABSTRACT

The fifth section in Book vii of Plutarch's Quaestiones convivales falls into three parts: a description of a musician's performance at a symposium (a performance of which the author vehemently disapproves); a short speech by Callistratus, the host, in defense of music of that sort; and

finally a longer speech by Plutarch’s brother Lamprias, criticizing this kind of music on moral grounds, most of which are familiar from other sources. In this paper I offer some remarks about the pictures that

Plutarch paints of two of these characters, Callistratus and the anonymous musician, and I suggest that there are interesting parallels between the two portraits he presents.’ Keryworps: sophists.

bad music, symposium, Plutarch, Pythian festival, auletes,

INTRODUCTION

T

HIS quaestio has the heading: Ὅτι δεῖ μάλιστα τὰς διὰ τῆς κακομουσίας ἡδονὰς φυλάττεσθαι, καὶ πῶς φυλαχτέον, «That one should be on one's guard especially against the pleasures that come from bad music, and how to do so»; and these are indeed the topics of its third part, the speech of Lamprias (705b7-706e10). (We should not of course interpret the expression καχομουσία,

‘bad music’, as a reference to music whose composition or performance is technically incompetent; it designates music that is ‘degenerate’ or ‘morally corrupting’). The first two parts, with which this paper is concerned, can be construed as preparing us * The paper I presented at the Moisa conference in Urbino cannot appear in this volume, since I had already promised to publish it elsewhere. But Professot Lomiento very kindly suggested that I might contribute a short article on some other aspect of the passage, as it were a footnote to my Urbino paper, on a topic which that paper had not (or not fully) addressed. This is the result.

16

ANDREW

BARKER

for Lamprias’ exposition of his moralizing theme, by presenting

an example of the kind of musical performance which he will denounce, and then a speech in which such music is defended, facing him with an argument and a conclusion which he must attempt to refute. These parts of the passage are very unusual. Greek writers from Plato onwards often attack ‘bad’ music on moral grounds, but extensive descriptions of its performance and arguments in its defense are extremely rare, and 704c4-705b6 would deserve close attention even if that were its only interesting feature. But it is not;

there is much to be learned also from the way in which Plutarch has chosen to present it. His depiction of the performance and his report of the defense speech are not straightforwardly objective or

evaluatively neutral. He uses several different strategies to make it clear that he disapproves of such music as much as does Lamprias. Occasionally he resorts to explicit expressions of disapproval, but throughout the passage there are other strategies implicitly at

work too, creating their effects more subtly and unobtrusively, and these together cian and occasion,

are well worth exploring. Some of them can be brought by examining Plutarch's characterizations of the musiof the speaker, Callistratus, who is also the host on this and the ways in which these characterizations converge.

(704c4) Ἐν Πυϑίοις Καλλίστρατος, τῶν ᾿Αμφικτυόνων ἐπιμελητής, αὐλῳδόν τινα πολίτην καὶ φίλον ὑστερήσαντα (7) τῆς ἀπογραφῆς τοῦ μὲν ἀγῶνος siple κατὰ τὸν νόμον, ἑστιῶν δ’ ἡμᾶς παρήγαγεν εἰς τὸ συμπόσιον ἐσϑῆτι xal στεφάνοις, ὥσπερ ἐν ἀγῶνι, μετὰ τοῦ χοροῦ xexocumμένον ἐχπρεπῷῶς. καὶ νὴ Δία κομψὸν ἦν ἀκρόαμα τὸ πρῶ(d) vov: ἔπειτα διασείσας καὶ διακωδωνίσας τὸ συμπόσιον, ὡς ἠσθάνετο τοὺς πολλοὺς

ἐγκεχλικότας

καὶ παρέχοντας

ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς 6 τι βούλοιτο χρῆσϑαι καὶ καταυλεῖν xal ἀκολασταίνειν, ἀποκαλυψάμενος παντάπασιν ἐπεδείξατο τὴν μουσικὴν παντὸς οἴνου μᾶλλον μεϑύσκουσαν τοὺς (J) ὅπως ἔτυχεν καὶ ἀνέδην αὐτῆς ἐμφορουμένους: οὐδὲ γὰρ χαταχειμένοις ἔτι βοᾶν ἐξήρκει καὶ χροτεῖν, ἀλλὰ τελευτῶντες ἀνεπήδων

οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ συνεκινοῦντο

κινήσεις

ἀνελευϑέρους, πρεπούσας δὲ τοῖς κρούμασιν ἐχείνοις καὶ τοῖς μέλεσιν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐπαύσαντο

καὶ κατάστασιν

αὖϑις (10)

(e) ὥσπερ ἐκ μανίας ὁ πότος ἐλάμβανεν, ἐβούλετο μὲν ὁ Λαμπρίας εἰπεῖν τι καὶ παρρησιάσασϑαι πρὸς τοὺς νέους" ὀρρωδοῦντι δ᾽ ὅμως αὐτῷ μὴ λίαν ἀηδὴς γένηται καὶ λυπηpic, αὐτὸς ὁ Καλλίστρατος ὥσπερ ἐνδόσιμον παρέσχε τοιαῦτά τινα διαλεχϑείς (5)

THE

HOST

AND

THE

MUSICIAN

17

“᾿Αχρασίας μέν᾽ ἔφη "xat αὐτὸς ἀπολύω τὸ quATxoov x«i φιλοθϑέαμον: οὐ μὴν ᾿Αριστοξένῳ γε συμφέρομαι παντάπασι, ταύταις μόναις φάσκοντι ταῖς ἡδοναῖς τὸ ᾿καλῶς᾽ ἐπιλέγεσϑαι" καὶ γὰρ ὄψα καλὰ καὶ υύρα καλοῦσι καὶ καλῶς γεγονέναι λέγουσιν δειπνή- (10) σαντες ἡδέως καὶ πολυτελῶς. Soxet δέ μοι μηδ᾽ ᾿Αριστοτέλης

αἰτίᾳ

(f) δικαίᾳ τὰς περὶ ϑέαν καὶ ἀκρόασιν εὐπαϑείας ἀπολύειν ἀκρασίας, ὡς μόνας ἀνθρωπικὰς

οὔσας, ταῖς δ᾽ ἄλλαις

χαὶ τὰ ϑηρία φύσιν ἔχοντα χρῆσϑαι καὶ κοινωνεῖν. ὁρῶμεν γὰρ ὅτι καὶ μουσικῇ πολλὰ χηλεῖται τῶν ἀλόγων, ὥσπερ ἔλαφοι σύριγξιν, ἵπποις δὲ μιγνυμέναις ἐπαυλεῖται ( 7) νόμος, ὃν ἱππόϑορον ὀνομάζουσιν: ὁ δὲ Πίνδαρός φησι κεκινῆσϑαι πρὸς δὴν ἁλίου δελφῖνος ὑπόκρισιν" | (7) (705a) τὸν μὲν ἀκύμονος ἐν πόντου πελάγει αὐλῶν ἐκίνησ᾽ ἐρατὸν μέλος" ὀρχούμενοι δὲ τοὺς ὦὥτους αἱροῦσι, χαίροντας τῇ ὄψει xat (2) υιμητικῶς ἅμα δεῦρο x&xctos τοὺς ὥμους συνδιαφέροντας. οὐδὲν οὖν ὁρῶ τὰς τοιαύτας ἡδονὰς ἴδιον ἐχούσας,

«T» ὅτι

μόναι τῆς ψυχῆς εἰσιν, αἱ δ᾽ ἄλλαι τοῦ σώματος καὶ περὶ (7) τὸ σῶμα καταλήγουσιν: μέλος δὲ xal ῥυθμὸς καὶ ὄρχησις καὶ GI) παραμειψάμεναι τὴν αἴσϑησιν ἐν τῷ χαίροντι τῆς ψυχῆς ἀπερείδονται τὸ ἐπιτερπὲς καὶ γαργαλίζον. ὅϑεν οὐδεμία τῶν τοιούτων ἡδονῶν ἀπόχκρυφός ἐστιν οὐδὲ σκότους δεομένη καὶ τῶν τοίχων “περιϑεόντων᾽, ὡς (10) (b) οἱ Κυρηναϊκοὶ λέγουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ στάδια ταύταις καὶ θέατρα ποιεῖται, xal τὸ μετὰ πολλῶν ϑεάσασϑαί τι καὶ ἀκοῦσαι ἐπιτερπέστερόν ἐστι xal σεμνότερον, οὐκ ἀκρασίας δήπου καὶ ἡδυπαϑείας ἀλλ᾽ ἐλευϑερίου διατριβῆς καὶ ἀστείας μάρτυρας ἡμῶν ὅτι πλείστους λαμ- (7) Bavévtwy.’ [704c4]

In the course

of the Pythia, Callistratus, the president of the

Amphyctyons, prevented an aulode -- a citizen and a friend — from registering for the contest, in compliance with the regulations, because he was late. But when he entertained us to dinner, he brought him to the symposium, splendidly decked out, along with the χορός, in the costume and wreath he would have worn in a contest. And what we heard at first was indeed most impressive. [d] But then, when he'd taken the

measure of the symposium and sounded it out, seeing that most of those present had yielded to pleasure and would let him play whatever he

liked, casting spells on them with his piping and indulging his licentious tastes, he completely unmasked himself [or ‘stripped off] and performed music far more capable than any wine of intoxicating people who drink

it up carelessly and without restraint. They weren't even satisfied with

18

ANDREW

BARKER

chanting and clapping while they reclined; in the end most of them leaped up and danced together with movements quite unfit for free men, though perfectly suited to those instrumental sounds and tunes. When they'd finished, and the drink had brought them back to calm, [e] as if from a fit of madness, Lamprias wanted to say something and speak his mind to the young men; but since he was worried that he would be too stern and harsh, Callistratus himself provided a prelude, as it were, in

roughly the following words. «I too believe that the love of things heard and seen is exempt from akrasia; but I don't altogether agree with Aristoxenus, when he asserts that it is only these pleasures that are called Aa/ai. For people call foods

and perfumes k4/a, and say that things have gone k4/55 when they have dined enjoyably and sumptuously. Nor do I think that Aristotle exempted enjoyment of things seen and heard from akrasia [f] for the right reason, that is, on the grounds that they are specific to humans, whereas creatures with the nature of wild beasts also experience and share in

the others. For we see that music also enchants many of the irrational animals, as for instance deer are enchanted by Panpipes; and people play the pipe-tune they call the Aippothoros nomos to mating mares. And Pindar

says that “the dolphin of the sea answers" in response to song, the dolphin [705a] “which the lovely melody of 44/0 arouses in the wave-less

open sea". People catch owls by dancing, as they delight in the sight and imitate it by moving their shoulders back and forth in time with it. So I don't see anything peculiar in pleasures of these sorts, except that

they are pleasures of the soul, while the others are pleasures of the body and come to an end in the body. But melody and rhythm and dance and song travel past sense-perception and deposit delightful titillation in the part of the soul that experiences pleasure. Hence no pleasure of

this sort is secret and needs the cover of darkness and of walls *running around’ it, as [b] the Cyrenaics say. On the contrary, stadia and theatres are built for them, and watching and listening to something in company with many people is more enjoyable and honourable; and thus we have a great many witnesses to the fact that it is not akrasia and self-indulgence, but a pastime fit for people who are free and civilised». 1.

THE

Hosr

Callistratus was the son of Leon (705b10), a wealthy citizen of Delphi; and the scene of action in our passage is his house in Delphi,

either during or shortly after the festival of the Pythia. Plutarch tells us (704c4-5) that on this occasion Callistratus was ἐπιμελητὴς or ‘president’ of the Delphic Amphictyons, and was therefore in charge of the conduct of the festival. It is clear that this is not an

invention but a historical fact; like many others who appear in

THE

HOST

AND

THE

MUSICIAN

19

Plutarch's Moralia, Callistratus is a real person, and he did hold

the office which the author attributes to him. Plutarch again mentions his tenure of this office at De defectu oraculorum, 41021-2, in the phrase ὀλίγον δὲ πρὸ Πυϑίων τῶν ἐπὶ Καλλιστράτου «τοῦ» καϑ' ἡμᾶς, «a short time before the Pythia held under our contemporary Callistratus»;' and Callistratus delivers another speech at Quaest. conv. 669£7-670e2, where once again his contribution is answered by Lamprias (670€3-671c2).? We should not of course automatically conclude that the whole Plutarchan passage is a factual record; almost certainly it is not. But we can have some confidence that the people whose actions and conversations it depicts would have recognized it as a plausible account, both of their own characters and opinions, and of an event which may actually have occurred in a form not unlike the one it describes.’ At the beginning of the passage, Plutarch has evidently taken

some trouble to present Callistratus in a favourable light. In the first place, his role as ἐπιμελητής of the Ampictyons guarantees that he is a prosperous and well respected citizen. Secondly — and

more importantly, if we are trying to form an estimate of his character — his actions show that he took the responsibilities of this office seriously, and did not allow his personal feelings and relationships to affect his decisions. He disqualified a certain mu-

sician from competing at the festival, as the rules of the Pythia * There are grounds for dating the occasion to the reign of Domitian, though we cannot be sure of the precise date. For details see FRANGOIS LEFEVRE,

L'Ampbictionie pyléo-delphique, Athens, Ecole francaise d’Athènes, 1998, p. 307; PIERRE SANCHEZ, L’Ampbhictionie des Pyles et de Delphes, Stuttgart, Steiner, 2001, DD- 438-439, 529-530. I am grateful to Prof. Robert Parker for providing these references. SVEN-TAGE TEODORSSON, A Commentary on Plutarch’s Table Talks, it, Goteborg, Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis, 1996, pp. 65-66, notes that «the office of ἐπιμελητής could be held by more than one person at a time», but that in the context of the Pythia «presumably one of them was eponymous»; and Plutarch’s expression in Mor., De def. or. almost certainly indicates that Callistratus was eponymous on this occasion. * It is possible, though not certain, that he is the same person who is desctibed as ‘Callistratus the sophist’ at Mor., Quaest. conv., 667d1, in a passage reporting a conversation at a lavish entertainment which this sophist provided

at Aedepsus in Euboea (667c1-669e3). ? On the question whether Plutarch's portraits of his characters and accounts of their conversations are factually true, matters, sce FRANCES B. TrrcHENER, The Role tiones convivales, in Syszposion and Philanthropia in Ferreira, Delfim Ferreira Leo, Manuel Tróster, Universidade di Coimbra, 2010, pp. 395-401.

and the extent to which it of Reality in Plutarch’s QuaesPlutarch, ed. by José Ribeiro Paula Barata Dias, Coimbra,

20

ANDREW

BARKER

required (κατὰ τὸν νόμον), because he was late in registering for

the contest; and he took this action even though the musician was a fellow-citizen and a friend of his (πολίτην καὶ φίλον) (704c5-6).' Thirdly, however, he remained loyal to his friend, making up for his inevitable disappointment at missing the competition by

bringing him to perform, instead, for the guests at his symposium (704c7). Finally, he also shows his generous hospitality by inviting Plutarch and others to dine with him (ἑστιῶν δὲ ἡμᾶς, 704c7), where the participle ἑστιῶν points to something more lavish than an ordinary meal. So far, then, we have heard nothing but good about Callis-

tratus, and the next reference to him, after the description of the musician's performance, can also be construed in a positive spirit. Lamprias thinks that the performance, and the audience's rapturous reactions to it, were morally abominable; he wants to reprimand the younger guests, in particular, for the appalling lack of decorum they had shown by leaping up and making disgrace-

ful movements in response to the music (ἀνεπήδων oi πόλλοι xai συνεκινοῦντο κινήσεις ἀνελευϑέρους, 704d8-9), but restrains himself because he does not wish to appear too disagrecably stern (7o4e14). At this juncture Callistratus comes to the rescue, and provides

Lamprias with a ‘pretext’ for his intervention (ὥσπερ ἐνδόσιμον παρέσχε,

70464) by making

a short speech

of his own,

in which

he argues that there is no harm in music of the sort they have heard, or in the act of enjoying it to the full. The point is that when Callistratus’ speech his own views, not as a within the framework of elevated symposium (as

is over, Lamprias will be able to present direct reproof to the other guests, but the normal conventions of a culturally repeatedly portrayed by Greek writers

from Plato onwards), in which a first speech is regularly followed by a second, made by a different speaker and expressing a different

opinion. We might therefore interpret Callistratus’ behaviour as an act of kindness, intended to give Lamprias the opportunity he

needs. Alternatively we might take it as another sign of his loyalty to his friend the musician; or again we might understand it as an * For evidence that the rule disqualifying competitors who were late in registering was applied strictly at Olympia, see MicHaeL B. PoLIAKOFF Combat Sports in the Ancient World, New Haven-London, Yale University Press, 1987, pp. 19-20. It seems likely that it was applied equally strictly in the context of the Pythia.

THE

HOST

AND

THE

MUSICIAN

21

attempt to reassure his guests (who might by now have been feel-

ing a little ashamed of themselves) that there was nothing wrong about the way they had behaved.' But this pleasing portrait of Callistratus is undermined by the contents of his speech (704e6-705b6), not because its conclusions are unpalatable (as indeed they are, or at least they would seem so to listeners steeped in Platonist doctrines), but because its reasoning is unsatisfactory and its strategy is devious, perhaps even dis-

honest. Lamprias, in the sequel, has no difficulty in demonstrating its inadequacy.

Callistratus is apparently intent on showing

that

the unrestricted enjoyment of things we see or hear can never lead us into the vice of ἀκρασία, that is, of succumbing to the temptation of indulging in pleasures that we know we should avoid. But he begins with a patently irrelevant display of erudition which

occupies more than half his speech, disputing views put forward by Aristoxenus and by Aristotle which have no bearing on the matter at issue. In addition to its irrelevance, his treatment of Aristoxenus (704€7-11), whom he reports as saying that the plea-

sure of things seen or heard are the only ones to which the adjective καλός can be applied,’ is based on a crass and presumably deliberate misinterpretation of the statement; and his treatment of Aristotle (704€11-705a3) is even more seriously flawed. First, he

attributes to Aristotle the view for which he is arguing himself, that the pleasures of sight and hearing are exempt from ἀκρασία. But the passages in Aristotle's two treatises on ethics to which he is apparently referring (EN, 1117b-1118b and E, 1230b-1231a) say nothing about ἀκρασία; the relevant statements in those passages are concerned with a different vice, that of ἀκολαστία.’ Secondly, * Geert Roskam, Educating the young ... over wine? Plutarch, Calvenus Taurus and Favorinus as convivial teachers, in Symposion and Philantbropia, cit., pp. 369-383: 377, represents Callistratus’ intervention as «adding fuel to the fire»; but this seems to me to miss the point. ? Aristox., fr. 74 Wehrli; cf. fr. 73. 3 This point is noted by Francis HENRY SANDBACH, Plutarch and Aristo#e, «Illinois Classical Studies», vir, 1982, pp. 207-232: 220, noting also that ἀκρασία is mentioned in similar contexts at [Arist.], Pr., 28, 2 and 28, 7. He concludes that Plutarch may not have had direct access to Aristotle's ethical treatises; but his grounds for this suggestion are weak. In general, his article is a valuable though perhaps over-cautious survey of Plutarch's treatment of Aristotle; on this issue in the Quaest. conv. in particular, see KATERINA OIKONOMOPOULOU, Peripatetic Knowledge in the Table Talk, in The Philosopher®s Banquet, ed. by Frieda Klotz, Katerina Oikonomopoulou, Oxford, Oxford

22

ANDREW

BARKER

he disputes Aristotle's way of justifying his exemption of the plea-

sure of things seen and heard from this vice — which turns on the thesis that they are peculiar to human beings, and are not among the forms of discrimination which we share with other animals — without pointing out that in other texts Aristotle says explicitly that some non-human animals take pleasure in music (see e.g. Po/., 1341a15-17). More irresponsibly still, Callistratus conceals the fact that two of the examples he uses to prove his point about animals are borrowed directly from Aristotle himself (on owls, HA, 597b21-9; on deer, FLA, 611b26-31). There is another crucial flaw in Callistratus’ allusions to Aristot-

le. He passes over in silence the fact that while Aristotle says that the enjoyment of sights and sounds cannot amount to ἀκολαστία, he adds that these pleasures can nevertheless lure us into another kind of failing, that of ἀδολεσχία (here meaning a culpable indulgence in trivialities, EN, 1117b35), and that we must distinguish

between enjoying them in the way we should, óc δεῖ, and enjoying them too much or too little, καϑ᾽ ὑπερβολὴν καὶ ἔλλειψιν (1118a5-

9). Thus even if we overlook the distinction between Callistratus' ἀκρασία and Aristotle's ἀκολαστία, and grant that they agree in saying that the pleasures of sight and hearing are immune

from

this particular vice, it will evidently not follow that we are entitled to pursue these pleasures without restraint. We might accept that Callistratus has proved his point, and that those who delight

in sights and sounds cannot therefore be accused of ἀκρασία, but this will by no means be enough to show that indiscriminate indulgence in such delights (as displayed by the audience at the symposium) is always ethically acceptable. But in fact Callistratus has proved nothing. He has stated his

opinion that the enjoyment of things seen and heard, especially music, cannot involve axeacta; he has disputed Aristotle's explanation of this putative these pleasures, presumably to though he does

fact; and he now makes a further assertion — that unlike others, penetrate to the soul — which we are treat as the basis of his own way of explaining it, not explicitly say so (705a3-8). None of this has any

University Press, 2011, pp. 105-130. Roporro Lopes, The Ornipresence of Dhilosophy in Plutarch’s Quaestiones convivales, in Sygposion and Philanthropia, cit., pp. 415-424: 419, points out that Plutarch's frequent allusions to Aristotle’s scientific doctrines do not show that he accepted them: «for the most part these “quotations” are used either to get a discussion started [...] or, less frequently, they are simply refuted».

THE

HOST

AND

THE

MUSICIAN

23

tendency to show that his thesis is true, and neither does the remaining part of his speech (705a9-b6). Here he points out, correctly,

that people who take pleasure in such things do not feel the need to conceal their behaviour from others as if they were ashamed of it; on the contrary, they build public theatres and stadia where they can enjoy music and spectacles in company with large numbers of

others. He asserts in addition that watching and listening to something together with others is not only more enjoyable but also σεμ-

νότερον, ‘more honourable’ or ‘more worthy of respect’ than doing so alone (705b2-3), but he gives us no reason to agree with him; and he concludes by saying that he can therefore call on a great many

witnesses in support of his view. But as Greek philosophers of every sort never tire of telling us, the fact that many people believe

something has no bearing on whether or not it is truc. Callistratus’ speech, then, would have convinced nobody capa-

ble of thinking clearly. His criticisms of Aristotle are based on a very selective treatment of his writings; they draw, surreptitious-

ly, on statements taken from Aristotle himself; and in any case they have no bearing on the point at issue. The remainder of his

speech is mere rhetoric. In short, if he is indeed the person whom Plutarch describes elsewhere as *Callistratus the sophist’ (see p. 19, note 2 above), he has thoroughly earned the description. Perhaps

he was really a ‘sophist’ in the sense that the term had acquired in the time of Plutarch (the ‘Second Sophistic’), when it referred

primarily to intellectuals for whom rhetoric was the essential vehicle for the transmission of ideas. Many of them were highly respected, and for most people the designation ‘sophist’ no longer

had the negative connotations that Plato's critiques of fifth-century sophists had given it. But Plutarch has put into Callistratus' mouth a speech which clearly carries the stamp of the forms of sophistry that Plato attacked, and — as a Platonist himself — he must have intended to imply that the speech's facade of reasoning

is illusory and that the speaker is not to be trusted. The favourable impression of Callistratus that we gained at the beginning of the passage has crumbled into dust. 2.

THE

MUSICIAN

Let us now consider the musician. Plutarch does not name him; but he tells us at the beginning of the passage that he was a friend

24

ANDREW

BARKER

and fellow-citizen of Callistratus, implying that he was a citizen of

Delphi. He was evidently a well-respected performer, since he had been expected to compete at the Pythian festival, as we have seen, and this was not an arena for second-rate musicians. But the passage leaves us in some doubt as to what kind of musician he was.

There are two main problems. First, according to the text transmitted in the mss., he was an au/oidos (704c5), that is, a singer who performed to an accompaniment played on the 44/0 by a second musician; but in the account of his performance that follows there is no reference to singing, and no suggestion of the presence of a second performer. It seems clear, in fact, that he is not an az/oidos

but an a4/etes, and that what he presented was a solo performance on the a4loi. We cannot tell whether the misleading designation at 70465 is a slip by a copyist or by Plutarch himself, but in either

case it must be wrong. The second difficulty comes in the description of the musician's appearance, when Callistratus introduces him to the symposium. The text, as printed in modern editions, is as follows: ἑστιῶν δ᾽ ἡμᾶς παρήγαγεν εἰς τὸ συμπόσιον ἐσθῆτι καὶ στεφάνοις, ὥσπερ ἐν ἀγῶνι, μετὰ τοῦ χοροῦ κεκοσμημένον ἐκπρεπῶς. But when he [Callistratus] entertained us to dinner, he brought him to

the symposium splendidly decked out, along with the chorus, in the costume and wreath he would have worn in a contest (704c7-9).

The problem here is the allusion to a chorus. If it is a group of singers or dancers who normally perform with the aulete, they seem to have no place in this narrative; there is nothing to sug-

gest that the aulete's disqualification from the Pythia involved also the disqualification of a chorus; the chorus is not mentioned again in the passage; and it plays no part in the subsequent performance. We would also expect the figure at the centre of this

moralising story to have been a competitor in the most prestigious of the Pythian competitions, which was for solo auletes in whose performances no chorus was involved. So why does Plutarch mention a chorus here? There seem to be two ways in which

we

might

resolve the

puzzle. According to the first, the noun χορός in this passage does not refer to a body of musical performers, but (as quite often elsewhere) simply to a group of people in the retinue of some prominent individual, his admirers and followers (see e.g. Pl., Prz.,

THE

HOST

AND

THE

MUSICIAN

25

315a-b). This seems perfectly possible; in the paper I presented

at the Moisa conference I tried to develop its implications, but I shall not do so here. The alternative explanation involves a minor change in the punctuation of the text. If we remove the comma printed after the word ἀγῶνι in 704c8, and place it after the word χοροῦ instead, the sentence will read as follows: ἑστιῶν δ᾽ ἡμᾶς παρήγαγεν εἰς τὸ συμπόσιον ἐσθῆτι καὶ στεφάνοις, ὥσπερ ἐν ἀγῶνι μετὰ τοῦ χοροῦ, κεκοσμημένον ἐκπρεπῶς.

In this form it acquires a significantly different sense: But when he [Callistratus] entertained us to dinner, he brought him to

the symposium splendidly decked out in the costume and wreath he would have worn, along with the chorus, in a contest.

On this reading, there is no suggestion that the chorus has been brought to the symposium, and the problem posed by its apparent presence simply evaporates. It is still implied, of course, that this particular aulete regularly performed as the accompanist to a chorus, which would not have been possible in the Pythian contest for

solo auletes, but that is not a valid objection to this interpretation. Distinguished auletes often performed as accompanists, and perhaps this unnamed performer was well known in Delphi for his appearances in this role. I am now inclined to think that this second

hypothesis is probably correct, though it is impossible to be sure. We can now put these preliminary problems behind us. The musician is an aulete, and whichever

of the two interpretations

we choose, no chorus is involved in his performance at the symposium. As a potential competitor at the Pythia he is certainly a

performer at the pinnacle of his profession, and apart from the fact that he was too late to register with the festival's authorities, there is nothing explicitly to his discredit in the opening lines of

the passage. The picture of him presented the sentence I have quoted is evidently designed to convey

the visual splendour

of

his professional persona, and at least on the face of it, Plutarch's comment on the first part of his performance expresses genuine approval: xai νὴ Δία κομψὸν ἦν ἀκρόαμα τὸ πρῶτον, «and indeed what we heard was most impressive, at first» (704c9-d1). In view of what follows, we may assume that both the music and the man-

ner in which it was played were sober and dignified, innocent of any exaggerated emotional or theatrical effects; perhaps what the

26

ANDREW

BARKER

aulete presented was a ‘classic’ from an earlier period, performed with a respectful restraint that Plutarch thought suited to its musical content and pedigree.

But we now discover that something else has been going on during this part of the performance. Plutarch describes the musician as διασείσας xai διακωδωνίσας τὸ συμπόσιον, a phrase which

is badly mistranslated in the Loeb edition as «shaking the hall and filling it with resounding noise».' For one thing, τὸ συμπόσιον cannot refer to the room or building where the action takes place;

it refers to the company

assembled at the symposium;

and for

another, the translation does not preserve the aorist tense of the

participles. But these are minor matters. Much more importantly, this translation ignores the fact that the verb διασείειν regularly refers to ‘sifting’ such things as seeds to remove impurities, and

διακωδωνίζειν refers to the practice of making a coin ‘ring’ to check whether it is genuine. Both verbs are concerned with testing or assessing something, and in Plutarch's metaphorical use of them here they tell us that the musician has been covertly assessing his audience's reactions while he was playing.*

There is nothing disreputable or peculiar about that in itself, of course; musical soloists and other performers almost always try to

keep in touch with the way their audience is responding to them. But in this case the aulete's purpose in doing so is not what we would expect: ὡς ἠσθάνετο

τοὺς πολλοὺς

ἐγκεχλικότας

καὶ παρέχοντας

ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς

6 τι

βούλοιτο χρῆσϑαι καὶ καταυλεῖν καὶ ἀχκολασταίνειν, ἀποκαλυψάμενος παντάπασιν ἐπεδείξατο τὴν μουσικὴν παντὸς οἴνου μᾶλλον μεϑύσχκουσαν τοὺς ὅπως ἔτυχεν καὶ ἀνέδην αὐτῆς ἐμφορουμένους. * Plutarch, Moralia 1x, translated by Edwin L. Minar ]r., Francis H. Sandbach, W. C. Helmbold, Cambridge (Mass.)-London, Harvard University Press, 1961, p. 43. SVEN-TAGE TEODORSSON, A Commentary on Plutarch’s Table Talks, cit., 111, p. 66, notes the inadequacy of the Loeb version and translates διακωδωνίσας τὸ συμπόσιον as «put the party to the test under the stress of intense music». Though this evidently goes beyond the direct sense of the Greek, it conveys the meaning suggested by some ancient sources, which derive the expression from the practice of ringing a bell in the presence of fighting quails or horses, to test their mettle. See EM., 273, 47, which also offers a derivation from another practice, whereby people went round the guard-posts at night, ringing a bell which the guards were required to answer, to check that they were awake; this explanation is also found in a scholium to Ar., Av., 842. * Compare the behaviour attributed to the rhapsode Ion at Pl., Jos, 535e.

THE

When

HOST

AND

THE

MUSICIAN

27

he saw that most of those present had yielded to pleasure and

would let him play whatever he liked, casting spells on them with his piping and indulging his licentious tastes, he completely unmasked himself and performed music far more capable than any wine of intoxicating people who drink it up carelessly and without restraint (704d2-6).

The phrase ἀποκαλυψάμενος παντάπασιν, which I have translated

as «he completely unmasked himself», could be more graphically rendered as «he stripped himself naked»; he realised that the audience

was

so enraptured

by his performance

that he could

safely reveal his true character, and could launch upon music so emotionally arousing and lacking in restraint that it would banish every trace of respectable decorum. And indeed it did. οὐδὲ Y&p καταχειμένοις ἔτι βοᾶν ἐξήρκει καὶ κροτεῖν, ἀλλὰ τελευτῶντες ἀνεπήδων οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ συνεκινοῦντο κινήσεις ἀνελευϑέρους, πρεπούσας δὲ

τοῖς κρούμασιν ἐκείνοις καὶ τοῖς μέλεσιν. They

[the participants

in the

symposium]

weren't

even

satisfied with

chanting and clapping while they reclined; in the end most of them leaped up and danced together with movements quite unfit for free men, though perfectly suited to Zbose instrumental sounds and tunes (704d6-10).

To Plutarch and his brother Lamprias, all this was profoundly shocking. Not only was the performance they had witnessed degenerate and disreputable in its own right; it had also driven its audience into a state of disgraceful emotional abandon, and

reckless behaviour «quite unfit for free men». From a moral point of view, such stuff is appallingly dangerous. No doubt most of the guests were having the time of their lives, but in order to appreciate the strategy of the passage as a whole, we must try to read it through the eyes of its author. What we can now see is that Plutarch has been hinting at the *dark side' of the musician right from the beginning. The musician's unreliability is shown

in his failure to register for the contest on time. His friendship with Callistratus, once we have uncovered the latter's slippery sophistical tendencies, can no longer be treated as any sort of recommendation. His splendid costume is no more than trivial decoration, giving no clue to the character of what it conceals; according to the emperor Julian, such finery will impress no one

except children, and adults with the mentality of children.' Even i Jul, Or., 1, 5, 7.

28

ANDREW

BARKER

the statement that the first part of his performance was a κομψὸν

ἀκρόαμα

(704c9) is less complimentary

than it looks, since the

adjective κομψός is commonly used to refer to superficially impressive but lacks real substance. cance of Plutarch's unusual word-order in that πρῶτον placed right at the end, is well brought

something that is And the signifisentence, with τὸ out by the Loeb

translator's punctuation: «And for a fact it was a fine performance to hear — at first». We are immediately directed to the regrettable sequel. 3.

CONCLUSIONS

The parallel between Plutarch's representations of Callistratus and the musician is striking. In both cases he begins by depicting them in ways which we might think entirely favourable, and it is only

as we read on that we begin to sce that our first impressions of them were misleading. This arrangement of the narration is a temporally sequential counterpart of the relation between the men's attractive and respectable appearance and the disreputable reality

that lies beneath it. Callistratus entertains his guests lavishly, and seeks to sustain the persona of an honourable and admirable mem-

ber of the civic elite; but he also tries to entice the company into a system of false and corrupting beliefs, through a speech which purports to be built on serious learning and reasoning, but which

in fact is no more than empty rhetoric. Similarly, the aulete presents himself as a fine figure who deserves respect and applause,

and gains his audience's confidence with his impeccable performance of good music; but he goes on to exploit the emotionally

arousing resources of his art to expel reason from their minds and lead them astray, at the risk of great damage to their souls. Callistratus is not only a sophist in the sense given to that term in his own time, but also shows the discreditable characteristics that Plato had so vigorously attacked in sophists of an earlier period. Plutarch's construction of the parallel between him and the musician suggests that he is trying to portray the latter as a kind of sophist too, in the same discreditable sense, one whose *musical sophistry’ works by equally non-rational means and leads to the same destructive results.

NON

SOLO

JYRINX: LA PRESENZA

DELL’AULOS E DEGLI STRUMENTI A

CORDA

NELLA

TRADIZIONE

DELLA

POESIA

BUCOLICA

Luca

BETTARINI ABSTRACT

While Theocritus in his poems seems to know, beyond the syrinx, only a single pipe aulos, in the post-Theocritean bucolic poetry came into use

other wind instruments and some stringed instruments too. By reviewing all of these occurrences, the present study tries to reconstruct the history of musical instruments in this literary genre. Kerworps:

bucolic poetry, aulos, stringed instruments.

C

HE l’a4/os sia, dopo la syrinx, lo strumento più in uso nei contesti bucolici è fuori di dubbio: essi appaiono infatti di frequente citati insieme, ad es. in /d., 5, 4 sgg., e danno talora vita a una sorta di concerto pastorale, come nel caso di /d., 6, 42 sgg. Ma quanti e quali tipi di 24/05 conosce la poesia bucolica? Se infatti la syrinx non sembra avere altre comuni denominazioni e appare formata, almeno nella prima età ellenistica, da un numero variabile di canne tutte però rigorosamente di uguale lunghezza,‘ * Come evidenziato già da ANDREW SYDENHAM Farrar Gow, The Σῦριγξ Technopacgnium, « JPh», XXXII, 1913, pp. 128-138: 135 sg., la forma triangolare della syrinx, quella cioè con canne di lunghezza diversa, si affianca a quella rettangolare solo a partire dal 11 sec. a.C. e verisimilmente per influsso romano (cf. Verg., buc., 2, 36 sg.: est mili disparibus septem compacta cicutis / fistula). Questa è una delle ragioni che induce a escludere la paternità teocritea della Syrinx (47 Gallavotti), il zecbuopaignion che deve la sua ragion d'essere proprio alla possibilità di richiamare, grosso modo, la forma di una syrinx triangolare in virtù della differente lunghezza dei versi che lo compongono: sul problema vedi ANDREW SYDENHAM Farrar Gow, The Συῦριγξ, cit., p. 125 e BRUNA ManiLENA PaLumBo Stracca, La dedica di “Paride Simichida’ (Sytinx, A.P.

xv 21 = XLVII Gallavotti) : aspetti metaletterari di un carmen figuratum, in L’epigramma greco: problemi e prospettive. Atti del Congresso della Consulta universitaria del greco, Milano 21 ottobre 2005, a cura di Giuseppe Lozza, Stefano Martinelli Tempesta, Milano, Cisalpino-Istituto Editoriale Universitario, 2007 (« Quaderni di Acme», 91), p. 120 sg. Quanto al numero delle canne, lo spurio Z4. 8 cita (v. 21) una syrinx ἐννεάφωνος, ma le raffigurazioni offrono esempi che vanno dalle

20

LUCA

BETTARINI

la situazione per l’a4/os è ben diversa. Nella nomenclatura, al classico αὐλός si affiancano i βόμβυκες, indirettamente attestati nel

nome parlante di Bombica nell’/d. 10, il δῶναξ' e il πλαγίαυλος, citati l'uno di seguito all'altro in 74., 20, 28 sg.; il plurale δόνακες torna pure in uno degli epigrammi

attribuiti a Teocrito

(ep., 2

Gallavotti). Che non si tratti di semplici sinonimi è confermato in parte dalle stesse denominazioni — è il caso evidente di πλαγίαυλος —, in parte dai contesti in cui tali strumenti vengono menzionati, come vedremo. Per tentare di mettere ordine alle testimonianze, conviene anzitutto distinguere quelle del Teocrito autentico dalle altre. Un primo dato rilevante a mio avviso è che 1᾿εὑρετῆς della poesia bucolica usi solo αὐλός al singolare, sia in /4., 5, 6 sg., dove Comata rinfaccia a Lacone di non aver mai posseduto una syrinx ma solo un αὐλός di paglia ([...] τί δ᾽ οὐκέτι σὺν Κορύδωνι / ἀρκεῖ τοι καλάμας αὐλὸν ποππύσδεν ἔχοντι), sia in 7d., 6, 43, dove Dafni e Dameta, alla fine

delle rispettive esibizioni canore, si scambiano una syrinx e un aulos (xò μὲν τῷ σύριγγ᾽, ὁ δὲ τῷ καλὸν αὐλὸν Edmxev3): in entrambi i casi, secondo la plausibile ipotesi esegetica di Gow,4 recepita successiva-

quattro alle dodici canne, anche se il tipo più diffuso era a sette (vedi ANDREW SYDENHAM Farrar Gow, 77e Σῦριγξ, cit., p. 134). * Le varianti δῶναξ e δοῦναξ (quest'ultima attestata più volte negli epigrammisti, vedi ad es. AP, 6, 296; 7, 702 € 504) rispetto al più comune δόναξ sono tradizionalmente ritenute iperdialettismi di origine poetica (vedi Hyaumar FRISK, Griechisches Etymologisches Worterbuch, Heidelberg, Carl Winter Universititsverlag, 1960-1972, s.v. δόναξ e PIERRE CHANTRAINE, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque, Paris, Kliencksieck, 1968-1980, s.v. δόναξ; WILHELM SCHULZE, Quaestiones epicae, Gitersloh, Bertelsmann, 1892, p. 205 pensava ad allungamento metrico), ma la vecchia idea di A. NEHRING, Grech. τίταξ, τιτήνη und ein vorgriechisches -k Suffix, « Glotta», xiv, 1925, p. 181, che ipotizzava un'origine pregreca del termine per via dell'oscura etimologia e della suffissazione in -aé, è stata di recente riproposta da RoBERT BEEKES, Etymological Dictionary of Greek. With the assistance of Lucien van Beek, Leiden-Boston, Brill, 2010, s.v. δόναξ, che attribuisce la presenza delle varianti proprio a tale origine. * «Non ti contenti più di zufolare, in compagnia di Coridone, con un piffero di paglia?» (trad. di Bruna Marilena Palumbo Stracca, Teocrito. Idilli e epigrammi, Milano, Rizzoli, 1993, p. 125). 3 «E Puno all’altro donò la zampogna, e n'ebbe in dono un bell'aulo» (trad. di Bruna Marilena Palumbo Stracca, Teocrito, cit., p. 149). ^ ANDREW SYDENHAM Farrar Gow, Theocritus, 1-11, edited with translation and commentary, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 19527, comm.

ad 5, 7.

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mente da Beckby' e Hunter,” è probabile che col singolare Teocrito alluda non al classico 24/05 a due canne, bensì allo strumento noto da Ateneo (4, 184a) come σῦριγξ μονοκάλαμος. Si tratta di uno strumento costituito di un tubo singolo, di canna o di paglia, privo

di ancia ma provvisto di fori per inserire le dita e modulare così il suono: uno strumento in sostanza molto semplice, che sarebbe quindi adattissimo al mondo altrettanto semplice dei pastori e non a caso verrebbe considerato inferiore alla σῦριγξ vera e propria in /4., 5, 7.5 Ora, se questa identificazione è corretta, ne deriva che anche

sul versante degli strumenti musicali Teocrito è stato ben attento ai Realien bucolici. Una conferma indiretta di questo stato di cose mi pare potersi

avete dal fatto che in un solo caso il Siracusano ricorre al plurale αὐλοί, in un contesto che é sostanzialmente extra-bucolico, anzi completamente astratto rispetto alla rude concretezza pastorale: nell’/d. 10 infatti Buceo, bracciante innamorato, vorrebbe essere

ricco al punto da poter dedicare ad Afrodite due statue in oro raffiguranti sé e la bella suonatrice di 44/05 Bombica

(v. 33 sg.),

la quale verrebbe in tal caso effigiata con in mano una rosa o un pomo, simboli d'amore, e gli αὐλοί, cioé la forma pià comune e più nobile dello strumento, più nobile certamente rispetto alla σῦριγξ uovox&Axuoc del mondo pastorale: χρύσεοι ἀμφότεροί x’ ἀνεκείμεθϑα τᾷ ᾿Αφροδίτᾳ / τὼς αὐλὼς μὲν ἔχοισα καὶ ἣ ῥόδον 1) υᾶλον τύ [...].*

La condizione sociale di Bombica

è incerta: forse, nota Gow?

seguito da Hunter,^ di Polibota non è una figlia ma una schiava, come pare suggerito dal fatto che suona l'au/os per accompagnare i lavori agricoli (v. 15 sg.: & Πολυβώτα, / ἃ πρᾶν ἀμάντεσσι

* HERMANN ΒΕΟΚΒΥ, Die griechischen. Bukoliker. Theokrit - Moschos - Bion, Meisenheim am Glam, Hain, 1975 («Beitrige zur klassischen Philologie», 49), comm. ad 5, 7. ? RicHARD HuntER, Theocritus. A Selection. Idylls 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 10, 11 and 13, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999, comm. ad 6, 43. 3 Una puntuale trattazione sulla σῦριγξ μονοκάλαμος è in ALBERT A. HoWARD, The αὐλός or tibia, «HSCPh», 1v, 1893, p. 18 sgg. ^ «Ad Afrodite entrambi saremmo dedicati in oro, tu con l'aulo e una rosa o un pomo [...]» (trad. di Bruna Marilena Palumbo Stracca, Teocrito, cit., p. 201). i ANDREW SYDENHAM Farrar Gow, Theocritus, cit., comm. ad 10, 15 sgg. 6 RicHarD Hunter, Theocritus, cit., comm. ad 10, 15 sg.

32

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Ἱπποκίωνι

ποταύλει᾽).

BETTARINI

Non

è facile nemmeno

determinare

con esattezza che tipo di strumento sia quello da cui deriva il suo nome:^ sembra essere un tipo di 424/05 dal suono grave, che è citato di norma al plurale βόμβυκες, fatto che induce a pensare a

un tradizionale au/os doppio.? Questo indizio è però troppo fragile per poter concludere che abbiamo sicuramente a che fare con una suonatrice di au/os doppio, sia perché il suo potrebbe essere un nome esornativo, sia soprattutto perché il termine βόμβυκες designa anche, genericamente, le canne dell’au/os+ e Bombica potrebbe quindi aver ricevuto il suo nome dall’assimilazione alla singola canna del suo strumento, dato che le canne rappresentano

il corpo principale di uno strumento a fiato.’ Al tempo stesso però bisogna tenere presente che la figura di Bombica, donna e forse schiava che svolge una specifica funzione di suonatrice di a/os, non è equiparabile a nessuno degli abituali protagonisti dei carmi teocritei e proprio questa sua diversa condizione può far pensare a uno statuto diverso della sua attività, eventualmente esercitata con specifiche modalità. Ciò significa che non si può escludere che * «La figlia di Polibota, quella che l’altro giorno da Ippocione suonava l'aulo per i mietitori» (trad. di Bruna Marilena Palumbo Stracca, Teocrito, cit.,

Ρ- 199).

* Sugli antroponimi derivati da nomi di strumenti musicali vedi ANDREW SYDENHAM Farrar Gow, Theocritus, cit., comm. ad 10, 26. 3 Che il suono dei βόμβυκες fosse profondo è suggerito dal fatto che il termine indica al singolare la nota più grave della scala musicale in Arist., Metaph., 1093b3: ne deriva, secondo ANDREW BARKER, Greek Musical Writings 1. The Musician and His Art, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1984, p. 187, nota 4, che il bombyx aulos sia «a deep-toned version of the instrument», che sarebbe ricordato da Polluce, 4, 82 (e cfr. anche Plu., Mor., Quaest. conv., 7, 8, 7134 e [Arist.], Aud., 800b25). La citazione più antica dei βόμβυκες è in Eschilo (fr. 57, 3 Radt), in connessione con titi orgiastici cui fa riferimento anche Polluce (4, 82) quando cita lo stesso strumento. ^ Infatti in Polluce, 4, 7o il plurale βόμβυκες sembra identificare proprio le canne dell'ases e questa identificazione è comunemente ammessa, vedi ad es. — oltre che ANDREW BARKER, Greek Musical Writings, cit., p. 187, nota 4 — Giovanni Comorti, La musica nella cultura greca e romana, Torino, EDT, 1991°, p. 72 e THomas J. MATHIESEN, Apollo’s Lyre: Greek Music and Music Theory in Antiquity and the Middle Ages, Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 1999, pp. 184-186, secondo cui il termine βόμβυκες designerebbe più precisamente il resonatore, donde l'uso metonimico di βόμβυκες per αὐλοί. i Significativamente RicHarD HUNTER, Theocritus, cit., comm. ad 10, 34 ritiene che gli αὐλοί messi in mano a Bombica nel gruppo statuario immaginato da Buceo siano forse strumento di maggior pregio rispetto a quello realmente suonato dalla flautista, per il quale invece rinvia proprio a Jd. 6, 42 sg.

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Bombica ricorresse a un più professionale 44/05 doppio anziché alla semplice σῦριγξ μονοκάλαμος

suonata da Lacone nell’/d. 5 e

scambiata tra Dafni e Dameta nell’/d. 6: se così fosse, gli αὐλοί del gruppo statuario immaginato da Buceo andrebbero considerati reali e non più astratti, ma resterebbero pur sempre uno strumento meno bucolico, lontano dai più genuini Realien campestri.

Fin qui il Teocrito autentico. Il quadro cambia sensibilmente nell’/d. 20, comunemente considerato spurio: ai v. 28 sg. il giovane pastore rifiutato da Eunica, ragazza di città, si vanta di saper suonare non solo la σῦριγξ, ma anche l'a3A6c, il δῷῶναξ c il πλαγίαυλος: ἁδὺ δέ μοι τὸ μέλισμα, καὶ ἣν σύριγγι μελίσδω xiv αὐλῷ

λαλέω, xij» Savant,

κἣν πλαγιαύλῳ.ἢ

Nel suo commento Gow? nota che il πλαγίαυλος non è strumento teocriteo e suggerisce di identificare il δῶναξ, al singolare, con la σῦριγξ μονοκάλαμος, proponendo per αὐλός la corrispondenza con

la forma di aulos più elaborata, provvista di ance e imboccatura.? Di recente Fantuzzi ha giustamente parlato, riguardo la minuta descrizione del proprio talento musicale da parte del giovane pastore

innamorato, di aggiornamento dei Realien bucolici, rilevando una ripresa e al tempo stesso una contrapposizione al breve accenno fatto da Teocrito

alle improbabili doti musicali del Ciclope che,

ugualmente vittima d'amore, si vanta in /4., 11, 38 sg. di poter συρίσδεν [...] &st8ov.* τ «Soave è la mia musica, sia che suoni la zampogna / oppure suoni il piffero o lo zufolo o il flauto traverso» (trad. di Bruna Marilena Palumbo Stracca, Zeocrito, cit., p. 323). 2 ANDREW SYDENHAM Farrar Gow, Theocritus, cit., comm. ad locum. 3 Diversamente da Gow, ONoFRIO Vox, Carmi di Teocrito e dei poeti bucolici greci minori, Torino, UTET, 1997, p. 284, nota 6 ritiene che, come il πλαγίαυλος, anche il δῶναξ possa essere strumento estraneo al Teocrito autentico, sebbene ipotizzi che possa corrispondere alla σῦριγξ μονοκάλαμος. In realtà, come ha chiarito di recente Brron Harries, The Drama of Pastoral in Nonnus and Colluthus, in Greek and Latin Pastoral, edited by Marco Fantuzzi and Theodore Papanghelis, Leiden, Brill, 2006, p. 518 e nota 11, il termine 3óva£, cosi come il consimile κάλαμος, puó essere usato in riferimento a differenti tipi di strumenti a canna: come in questo passo pseudoteocriteo, αὐλοί e δόνακες vengono distinti anche in Imerio (54, 1 = 215 Colonna), mentre sembrano sovrapporsi come sinonimi di σῦριγξ nell’Epitafio di Bione (37, 51-54 Gallavotti). ^ Vedi Marco Fantuzzi, The Importance of Being boukolos. Ps. Theocr. 20, in Pastoral Palimpsest. Essays on the reception of Theocritus and Vergil, edited by Michael Paschalis, Heraklion, Heraklion University Press, 2007 («Rethymnon

34

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Si evidenzia quindi in questo /d. 20 un allontanamento deciso dal codice bucolico teocriteo, che appare violato non solo per via

dell’inserimento di uno strumento estraneo quale il πλαγίαυλος, ma, se si accetta l’interpretazione di Gow, anche in virtù delle scelte lessicali, cioè per la sostituzione di δῶναξ

ad αὐλός nell’accezio-

ne di σῦριγξ μονοκάλαμος, indotta evidentemente dalla menzione

dell’adAéc vero e proprio, quest'ultimo, in ragione di quanto sopra argomentato sugli αὐλοί di Bombica, non è detto costituisca una novità rispetto a Teocrito, ma va sottolineato che qui è un pastore che afferma di saperlo suonare, circostanza che determina comunque una distanza dall’/d. 10. Del resto, una vera e propria consacrazione dell’au/os quale strumento bucolico si registra nell'ep. 2 Gallavotti: qui Dafni, di cui si dice che intoni con la σῦριγξ dei bei canti, dedica a Pan vari oggetti, tra cui (v. 3) i τρητοὶ δόνακες, cioè le «canne forate»: Δάφνις ὁ λευκόχρως, ὁ καλᾷ σύριγγι μελίσδων βουκολικοὺς

ὕμνους,

ἄνθετο

Πανὶ

τάδε,

τοὺς τρητοὺς δόνακας, τὸ λαγωβόλον, ὀξὺν ἄκοντα, νεβρίδα, τὰν πήραν, &ἡ mox! ἐμαλοφόρει.᾽

Rileva acutamente Gow che le «canne forate» non possono essere quelle della σῦριγξ, perché le canne di quest'ultima non erano fo-

rate e venivano anzi riempite di cera a diversa altezza per ottenere suoni diversi (cfr. 74. 8, 21 sg.), perciò non può che trattarsi delle Classical Studies», 3), p. 19 sg., secondo cui il modello diretto dell’autore dell’/4. 20 può essere Bione, sia per la tematica bucolico-erotica, sia per l'uso del raro μελίσδω / μελίζω (per cui cfr. Bion, fr. 9, 10 Gallavotti), sia appunto per il ricorso a più moderni Realien pastorali, tra cui spicca il πλαγίαυλος, che ha forse proprio in Bion, fr. 10, 6-8 Gallavotti la sua più antica attestazione (su questo passo vedi /xfra). * «Dafni dalla pelle candida, quello che con la bella zampogna intona / canti bucolici, ha dedicato questi oggetti a Pan: / le canne forate, il bastone per le lepri, un giavellotto aguzzo / una pelle di cerbiatto e la bisaccia, nella quale un tempo portava mele» (trad. di Bruna Marilena Palumbo Stracca, Teocrito, cit., p. 473). L'epigramma, come rileva GIANFRANCO Acosti, Sulle immagini bucoliche nell'ebiaramma greco tardoantico, in La lierre et la statue. La nature et son espace littéraire dans l’épigramme gréco-latine tardive, textes réunis et présentés par Florence Garambois-Vasquez et Daniel Vallat, Saint-Étienne, Publications de l’Université de Saint-Étienne, 2013, p. 248, è stato scopertamente imitato da Eratostene Scolastico (AP, 6, 78), ma vale forse la pena notare come Eratostene sia stato, sul piano linguistico, più vicino a Teocrito dell’autore dell’epigramma modello, in virtù dell’adozione del timbro vocalico dorico severior proprio nell’incipit del componimento: τὼς τρητὼς δόνακας.

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canne di un 44/05 doppio, quello suonato con l'ausilio di ance e φορβειά. A mio avviso, il dato saliente in questo epigramma è

che a Dafni, il rappresentante per eccellenza della poesia bucolica, viene attribuito Paulos doppio come oggetto peculiare, e per di più

tale oggetto viene fatto consacrare da Dafni a Pan, dio bucolico per eccellenza: è difficile perciò negare che dall’autore del nostro

epigramma l'az/os doppio è ormai considerato strumento bucolico pleno iure, e in tal senso la sua dedica a Pan può esserne considerata, come accennavo sopra, una sorta di consacrazione, che è per noi letteraria non meno che religiosa. L’aulos a due canne è inoltre esplicitamente menzionato anche

nell’ep. 5 Gallavotti, quello del cosiddetto concertino bucolico: Adj; ποτὶ τἂν Νυμφᾶν διδύμοις αὐλοῖσιν ἀεῖσαι ἁδύ τί μοι; κἠγὼ πακτίδ᾽ ἀειράμενος ἀρξεῦμαί τι κρέκειν, ὁ δὲ βουκόλος ἄμμιγα ϑέλξει Δάφνις, κηροδέτῳ πνεύματι μελπόμενος ἐγγὺς δὲ στάντες

λασίας

Πᾶνα τὸν αἰγιβάταν

δρυὸς ἄντρου

ὄπισϑεν

ὀρφανίσωμες ὕπνου.

Un ignoto personaggio che parla in prima persona si dice pronto a prendere la πακτίς

(v. 2) e invita un altrettanto ignoto perso-

naggio a suonare i δίδυμοι αὐλοί (v. 1), cioè Paulos doppio, mentre Dafni suonerà la σῦριγξ, qui artisticamente definita κηρόδετον πνεῦμα

(v. 4). Ma in questo epigramma, più che l'az/os doppio,

lo strumento che, per cosi dire, ‘stona’ fortemente è proprio la πηχτίς, che sembra alludere inequivocabilmente a uno strumento a corde, qualunque esso sia:* siamo cosi passati all'altra questione che intende analizzare questo studio, cioé la presenza degli strumenti a corda nella poesia bucolica.

In effetti, mentre nel Teocrito autentico manca qualsiasi riferimento agli strumenti a corda,? nella poesia bucolica post-teocritea e, più ' «Vuoi, per le Ninfe, con il doppio aulo suonare / per me una dolce canzone? Anch'io prenderò la pettide / e inizierò a suonare, e insieme a noi

Dafni, / il bovaro, col soffio delle canne cerate ci delizierà. / Stando vicino alla quercia frondosa, dietro l'antro, / priveremo del suo sonno Pan, l'assaltatore delle capre» (trad. di Bruna Marilena Palumbo Stracca, Teocrito, cit., p. 477). ? Come strumento a corde πηκτίς può indicare un’arpa, una lira o un liuto: a riguardo si veda ΜΑΚΤΙΝ LicurrigLD West, When Is A Harp A Panpipe? The Meanings of πηκτίς, «CQ», XLVII, 1997, pp. 48-53. 3 Solo al v. 101 delle Talisie (74., 7) Simichida menziona la φόρμιγξ, ma, come rilevato già da Laura Rossi, The Epigrams Ascribed to Theocritus: A Method of

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in generale, nella produzione di argomento pastorale, qualche riferi-

mento ai cordofoni è presente, e la critica non ha mancato di segnalarlo: Arland' ha infatti richiamato sia il fr. 10 Gallavotti di Bione, dove il piccolo Eros (vv. 6-8) viene istruito da un bovaro sull'origine

divina di diversi strumenti musicali tra cui figurano — oltre Ἰ᾿ αὐλός e il πλαγίαυλος — la χέλυς e la κίϑαρις (su questi versi vedi infra), sia un passo delle Mezazzorfosi di Nicandro (= Ant. Lib., 22) in cui Cerambo,

personaggio bucolico figlio di una Ninfa, è considerato inventore al tempo stesso di syrinx e lira; Reed’ ha inoltre ricordato un passo di Longo Sofista (3, 23) in cui Dafni spiega a Cloe come la ninfa Eco ricevette dalle Muse un’educazione musicale completa, comprendente non solo il συρίζειν e Ἰ᾿ αὐλεῖν, ma anche τὰ πρὸς λύραν e τὰ πρὸς

χκιϑάραν. Si tratta certamente di occorrenze sporadiche che, se non sono dovute ai limiti della nostra documentazione, inducono a sup-

porre che la presenza degli strumenti a corda in età post-teocritea non fosse considerata realmente congeniale ai temi bucolici: come

conferma indiretta può forse valere il fatto che nella tradizione della poesia bucolica latina i cordofoni risultano completamente assenti. In rapporto al nostro epigramma e all'interpretazione di myxtic sono state proposte due ben diverse soluzioni: quella classica, avanzata nel 1830 da Wüstemann,? ripresa poi da White^ e, più recentemente, da Vox! e Rossi, è che qui in realtà πηκτίς non sia altro che un sinonimo di σῦριγξ, secondo un uso che è ben testimoniato a partire dall’età imperiale? e forse già nella tarda età ellenistica, se si accetta la datazione alta del papiro bucolico Vindob. Rainer 29801, in cui effettivamente i due termini sono sinonimi:* all’origiApproach, Leuven, Hakkert, 2001, («Hellenistica Groningana», 5), p. 174, all’interno di un contesto decisamente non bucolico, legato ad Apollo. * WERNER

ARLAND, Nachtheokritische Bukolik bis an die Schwelle der lateinischen

Bukolik, diss., Leipzig, 1937, pp. 75-78. ? JoserH D. REED, Bion of Smyrna: The Fragments and the Adonis, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1997, p. 166. 3 Ernestus Fripericus WOÜsTEMANN, Theocriti reliquiae, Gothae et Erfordiae, Henning, 1830, p. 405, nota 2. ^ HEATHER WHITE, Studies in Theocritus and Other Hellenistic Poets, Amsterdam/Uithoorn, Gieben, 1979, p. 47 sg. > ONorRIO Vox, Carmi di Teocrito, cit., p. 396, nota 15. 6 Laura Rossi, The Epigrams Ascribed to "Theocritus, cit., p. 172 sg. 7 Si veda ad es. Nonn., D., 1, 389, AP, 9, 586, 5 (Cometa l’archivista), AP/., 225, 4 (Arabio Scolastico) e AP/., 244, 6 (Agatia); non manca un’occorrenza epigrafica in un epigramma di Iv-v sec. d.C. da Egina (7G, Iv, 53). * L’ampio dibattito sulla datazione di questo testo è riassunto in Hans

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37

ne dello slittamento di significato ci sarebbe, secondo una brillante proposta esegetica di West,' l’uso teocriteo del verbo πηγνύναι per indicare la costruzione della σῦριγξ (/d., 4, 28), uso che ritorna poi nella pseudoteocritea Syrinx (47, 7 Gallavotti). Non meno nutrita è però la schiera di coloro che nell'epigramma teocriteo accredita-

no per πηκτίς il significato originario di strumento a corda, e tra questi lo stesso Gow,* West (nel lavoro sopra citato), Bernsdorff? e da ultimo Raimondi,* la quale sottolinea che ricorrere a strumenti di diversa natura aumenta l'efficacia del concerto mentre, se due esecutori suonassero lo stesso strumento (maxtis e σῦριγξ), verrebbe sminuita la celebre abilità di Dafni come suonatore di σῦριγξ, abilità che invece l'autore dell'epigramma mette in rilievo con la posizione incipitaria del nome al v. 4 e anche in virtù del fatto che

si tratta dell'unico personaggio non anonimo. Α mio modo di vedere non vi sono argomenti dirimenti né in un senso né nell'altro: alle ragioni addotte da Raimondi si puó ad es. aggiungere che la sorprendente presenza di un cordofono si giu-

stificherebbe anche in virtù del contesto — non meno sorprendente — dell'epigramma, in cui si realizza il rovesciamento (che si direbbe manieristico) del ruolo di Pan da assaltatore ad assaltato, con voluto richiamo e altrettanto voluta opposizione all’/d. 1 di Teocrito, in cui si menziona (vv. 15-18) il pericolo di destare Pan quando si gode il suo riposo pomeridiano: uno strumento eccezionale dunque potrebbe essere adatto a una situazione altrettanto eccezionale. Ciononostante, nulla vieta di supporre che il concerto avvenga con due syringes e un aulos, e si tratterebbe di un concerto non meno

riuscito di quello ipotizzabile con un cordofono, proprio in virtù del contesto bucolico. La posizione di Dafni peraltro risalterebbe BERNSDORFF, Das Fragmentum Bucolicum Vindobonense (P. Vindob. Rainer 29801). Einleitung, Text und Kommentar, Gottingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1999 («Hypomnemata», 123), pp. 28-41, che non ne esclude l’attribuzione a Bione seguendo l'ipotesi di CARLO GaLLAvOTTI, 2} papiro bucolico viennese e la poesia di Bione, «RFIC», XIX, 1941, pp. 233-258: altre attribuzioni proposte sono state quelle a Euforione e Nicandro. * Martin LicHtFIELD West, When Is A Harp A Panpipe?, cit., p. 53 sg. ^ ANDREW SYDENHAM Farrar Gow, Theocritus, cit., comm. ad locum: la linea di Gow è ritenuta probabile (ma non sicura) da Byron Harriss, 77e Drama of Pastoral in Nonnus and Collutbus, in Greek and Latin Pastoral, cit., p. 520. 3 Hans BERNSDORFF, Das Fragmentum Bucolicum Vindobonense, cit., p. 88. ^ VALENTINA RAIMONDI, maxtida ... vt κρέκειν ἡ A.P. 9,433, 2-3, «QUCC», 1.8., LXVI, 2000, pp. 133-148: 136.

28

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BETTARINI

anche in questo caso, e anzi potrebbe essere ulteriormente posta in rilievo dal fatto che i due esecutori utilizzano lo stesso strumento: si evidenzia infatti una netta opposizione tra la professione di modestia fatta dall'anonimo io nel suonare il suo strumento (v. 3 ἀρξεῦμαί vt χρέκειν) e l'elogio del bovaro che con la sua syrinx è in grado di ammaliare (v. 3 ϑέλξει). E l'uso di πηκτίς col significato di σῦριγξ potrebbe essere agevolmente ricondotto a un gusto

di variatio, proprio come la parafrasi xnoddetov

πνεῦμα' di due

versi dopo: manieristicamente, l'autore dell'epigramma potrebbe aver voluto dimostrare le sue doti poetiche evitando per ben due volte nel giro di tre versi di nominare la σῦριγξ col suo nome comune.* Ma nonostante l’incertezza interpretativa, è comunque lecito affermare che l'eventuale presenza di uno strumento a cor-

da nell'epigramma *teocriteo' non andrebbe considerata una violazione intollerabile del codice bucolico, bensì ne segnerebbe solo diversamente il confine, così come la χέλυς e la κίϑαρις di Bione o

gli altri strumenti a fiato che — si è visto — sono stati inseriti nelle loro composizioni dagli imitatori di Teocrito benché sconosciuti al modello: in ultima analisi, la direzione è sempre la stessa, quella

del progressivo allontanamento dai Realien bucolici, così cari al Siracusano, con la conseguente creazione di una poesia di maniera. Per concludere, vorrei brevemente illustrare il rapporto stretto tra πλαγίαυλος e mondo pastorale post-teocriteo. Questo strumento, che richiederebbe una lunga trattazione, è assimilabile al moder-

no flauto traverso: è ricordato nelle fonti letterarie solo a partire dall’età ellenistica, ma non se ne hanno tracce da contesti archeo-

logici o artistici del mondo greco, mentre attestazioni certe in tal senso vengono dall'Etruria e dal mondo romano, a partire dal 1 sec. a.C.;? nel 1 sec. a.C. tuttavia compare già in un epigramma di Filodemo (AP, 11, 34, 5 = 13 GP = 6 * Che ANDREW

SYDENHAM

Farrar

Sider). Ai nostri fini è particoGow,

Theocritus, cit., comm.

ad locum

ritiene giustamente «oddly dithyrambic». ^ VALENTINA RAIMONDI, παχτίδα, cit, p. 145 rileva anche, dopo ampia rassegna di passi, che nella poesia epigrammatica il verbo κρέκω (presente al v. 3 dell'epigramma ‘teocriteo’) è usato di preferenza in rapporto a strumenti a corda o a performances con cordofoni, aggiungendo (p. 146 sg.) che il verbo ἀείρω (v. 2) è più appropriato in irezra con strumenti a corda che con quelli a fiato; ma neanche questi mi sembrano argomenti decisivi per la questione: xpéxstv è infatti in uso pure con strumenti a fiato (le occorrenze sono ricordate da VALENTINA RAIMONDI, ivi, p. 144), mentre l’abbinamento di ἀείρω a myxtic potrebbe essere dovuto a un ‘trascinamento’ dalla valenza semantica originaria di πηκτίς, qualunque fosse il cordofono che designava. 3 Si veda ANDREW BARKER, Greek Musical Writings, cit., p. 264, nota 20.

NON

SOLO

SYRINX

39

larmente interessante il fatto che il mAxytavaoc, secondo l'opinione prevalente negli studi, non sia altro che una particolare forma di σῦριγξ μονοκάλαμος, cioè uno strumento senza ancia,' come suggeriscono le stesse fonti antiche,” sebbene non sia da escludere la possibilità che ne fosse in uso anche una tipologia pià elaborata, fornita di un'ancia collocata in un'imboccatura (un piccolo tubo) inserita trasversalmente nella canna.? Già la natura di strumento privo di ancia basterebbe a spiegare la presenza del πλαγίαυλος nei contesti

bucolici, ma davvero rivelatore in tal senso appare a mio avviso il già ricordato fr. 10, 6-8 Gallavotti di Bione in cui, all’interno di una lista di εὑρεταί divini di diversi strumenti musicali, l'invenzione del πλαγίαυλος € attribuita a Pan: [...] τὸν Ἔρωτα

δίδασχον

/ ὡς εὗρε

πλαγίαυλον

ὁ Πάν, ὡς αὐλὸν

᾿Αϑάνα,

/ ὡς χέλυν “Eoudov, κίϑαριν ὡς ἁδὺς ᾿Απόλλων.ἡ

Il dato di rilievo è che tutte le altre attribuzioni sono ampiamente tradizionali — ad Atena l'invenzione dell’au/os, a Ermete della lira, ad Apollo della cetra — mentre l'associazione tra Pan e πλαγίαυλος si registra solo qui perché per Plinio il Vecchio VA, 7, 204) è Mida l’inventore del mAaytavaoc, per Giuba (PGrH 275 F 16 ap. Ath., 4, 1750) è Osiride;? per di più, l'associazione di Bione è sorprendente perché Pan è tradizionalmente indicato come inventore della σῦριγξ. È dunque palese a mio parere l’intento del poeta di legittimare all’interno del sistema musicale bucolico il πλαγίαυλος, sia perché ne fa uno strumento di Pan, quindi al pari della σῦριγξ, * Vedi ad es. ANDREW BARKER, ibidem, e MARTIN LICHTFIELD WEST, Ancient Greek Music, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1992, p. 113. * In EM, 480, 1 viene definita σῦριγξ μονοκάλαμος la ἴυγξ, termine altrimenti noto come nome di uccello (vedi ad es. il secondo idillio di Teocrito), un uccello che, secondo Ael., NA, 6, 19, è in grado di riprodurre il suono dell’adàòc πλάγιος. ? Sulla possibilità di un πλαγίαυλος fornito di ancia vedi MARTIN LICHTFIELD West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., p. 93 e KATHLEEN SCHLESINGER, The Greek

Aulos, London, Methuen, 1939, p. 79. ^ «istruivo Eros / su come Pan inventò il flauto traverso, Atena l'aulo, Ermete la lira, il dolce Apollo la cetra». (traduzione mia). i Giuba aggiunge che il πλαγίαυλος è detto φῶτιγξ, anche se Nicomaco (Harm., 243, 16) li distingue, pur raggruppandoli assieme: la φῶτιγξ è considerata in Ateneo (4, 1756, 182d-e) strumento di origine egizia, fatto di legno di loto, mentre per Polluce (4, 74) è di origine libica; Esichio (o 1135 Hansen - Cunningham), infine, considera φῶτιγξ designazione, al tempo stesso, di un

tipo di aulos (qualificato come ζφλογιός7), della syrinx e di un tipo di salpinx.

40

LUCA

BETTARINI

sia perché tale attribuzione è posta sullo stesso piano di altre largamente tradizionali. Che questa legittimazione abbia avuto successo

€ abbondantemente confermato dalla produzione posteriore di argomento pastorale: infatti il πλαγίαυλος, oltre a essere ricordato come strumento bucolico da Eliodoro (/1e., 5, 14, 2) e da Luciano (V 2, 5), che addirittura ne menziona il suono come termine di paragone del frusciare del vento tra gli alberi delle isole dei beati, é menzionato due volte da Longo Sofista in modo a mio avviso davvero significativo, poiché in un caso (1, 4, 3) è un'offerta di antichi pastori dentro un ninfeo insieme a σύριγγες e κάλαμοι, in un altro (4, 26, 2) è di nuovo un'offerta, insieme alla σῦριγξ, da parte di Dafni a Pan.* In questo secondo passo appare evidente che — proprio come nell'epigramma ‘teocriteo’ sopra analizzato, in cui Dafni, labile suonatore di σῦριγξ, dedicava a Pan l'az/or doppio - la dedica del πλαγίαυλος insieme alla σῦριγξ riveste una valenza specifica, quella di riconoscergli ormai piena legittimità nel sistema degli strumenti musicali del mondo pastorale. E questo

processo di legittimazione, che sembra essere giunto a conclusione con Longo, ebbe indubbiamente in Bione una tappa importante, benché non sia possibile affermare se sia stato proprio il poeta di Smirne a introdurre per primo il πλαγίαυλος nella produzione bucolica. : *Avéxervto δὲ καὶ γαυλοὶ καὶ αὐλοὶ πλάγιοι καὶ σύριγγες καὶ κάλαμοι, πρεσβυτέρων ποιμένων ἀναϑήματα («Dalle pareti pendevano mastelli, flauti obliqui, siringhe e zufoli, offerte votive di antichi pastori». Trad. di Alberto Borgogno, Romanzi greci. Caritone d’ Afrodisia, Senofonte Efesio, Longo Sofista, To-

rino, UTET, 2005, p. 529). È difficile dire cosa si intenda qui esattamente con κάλαμοι (forse delle σύριγγες μονοκάλαμοι 9): sulla problematica identificazione di κάλαμος in riferimento a strumenti musicali vedi supra, p. 33, nota 3. ? Ἐνταῦϑα ὁ Δάφνις συναθροίσας πάντα τὰ ποιμενικὰ κτήματα διένειμεν ἀναθήματα τοῖς ϑεοῖς" τῷ Διονύσῳ μὲν ἀνέϑηκε τὴν πήραν καὶ τὸ δέρμα, τῷ Πανὶ τὴν σύριγγα καὶ τὸν πλάγιον αὐλόν [...]; («Fu allora che Dafni raccolse i suoi oggetti da pastore e li offri agli dei come doni votivi: a Dioniso consacró la bisaccia e la pelle, a Pan la siringa e il flauto obliquo [...]». Trad. di Alberto Borgogno, Romanzi greci, cit., p. 677).

GENERI DELLA UNA

POETICI

E CIRCOSTANZE

PERFORMANCE RETE

DI

MUSICALE:

POESIA

CLAUDE

MELICA?"

CALAME

ABSTRACT

The notion light of the sense of the Gentili, on content of

of performance is central if you intend to get back, in the concepts of ‘performative’ and pragmatic, in the linguistic two terms, to one of the arguments put forward by Bruno the different forms of melic poetry. Both the form as the these ritual poems, danced and typically sung by a choir

with the musical accompaniment of the lyre, are adapted by the poet to their particular conditions of enunciation. It is what we would like

to demonstrate through a comparative study that will follow the poetic transformations of the heroic figure of Helen in Alcman’s, Alcaeus’ and Stesichorus’ poems.

Sappho's,

Keryworbs: melic poetry, poetic genres, performance, pragmatic, Helen.

Come si vede, differenziazioni tra elegia e giambo sussistono solo sul piano dei modi dell’intonazione ritmica, adeguati agli scopi immediati della performance. Se volgiamo lo sguardo alla poesia ‘lirica’, ci troviamo di fronte ad una dinamica dei diversi generi melici, operante piuttosto a livello pragmatico che non sul piano della struttura apparente del dettato e della sua organizzazione interna. Il canto si qualificava in rapporto alle diverse circostanze della vita sociale e al tipo di esecuzione vocale

e strumentale richiesta da ogni singola occasione. S. sarà senza dubbio riconosciuta in queste parole una citazione tratta da uno dei capitoli più significativi di Poesia e Pubblico di Bruno Gentili.' In merito alla questione delle forme poetiche,

molto varie, che appartengono al vasto genere del mé/os è essenziale l'introduzione del concetto di ‘performance’. * La traduzione italiana dal francese è a cura di Giampaolo Galvani. * Bruno GENTILI, Poesia e pubblico nella Grecia antica. Da Omero al v. secolo, Bari-Roma, Laterza, 19953, p. 48.

42

CLAUDE

1.

PERFORMANCE

E

CALAME

FORME

POETICHE

DEL

MELOS

Ricordiamo, a mo’ di preludio, che il concetto di ‘performance’ è di origine statunitense. Esso è legato alla attività teatrale e accademica di Richard Schechner. Animatore del ‘performance group’, il regista e professore non è stato solamente il creatore del ‘Perfor-

ming garage” a New York; egli ha anche introdotto nelle università americane i ‘performance studies’, con una definizione molto

ampia del concetto di performance. Intesa come ‘showing doing’, la performance torna a designare, a sottolineare e a indicare l’azione in corso.' Si deve all’antropologo inglese Victor W. Turner l’aver

adattato un concetto molto ampio allo studio della pratica rituale: attraverso l’espressione verbale e del corpo, la performance si pone in relazione con la realizzazione di un processo nel quadro di una messa in scena ritualizzata del dramma sociale. La nozione di performance ha così trovato una pertinenza particolare nell’ambito del teatro, tanto sul piano teorico quanto sul piano pratico. In questo modo essa si rivela particolarmente operativa nell’ambito di quella poesia d’azione che è la poesia melica. ‘Tradizionalmente collocati

sotto l’ingannevole ‘etichetta’ della ‘litica’, i poemi melici non sono solamente l’oggetto di una perforzzance, come rileva Bruno Gentili; essi non impegnano solamente la voce e il corpo in una rappresentazione, spesso collettiva, di sé per mezzo di un’esecuzione musicale e ritualizzata. I canti melici sono caratterizzati anche da atti performativi nel senso linguistico del termine; si tratta di atti linguistici all’interno dei quali i ‘performers’ (cantanti e ballerini, giovani e fanciulle) descrivono, per mezzo dell’io poetico e in modo autoreferenziale, l’attività di canto e danza in cui essi o

esse sono impegnati. Poemi ‘lirici? come vorrebbe la definizione enciclopedica di tale aggettivo? A dire il vero, se i poemi ‘lirici’ greci si distinguono dalle forme di poesia narrativa per la ricorrente presenza di forme

verbali e pronominali in 70, essi, in ogni caso, non esprimono direttamente i sentimenti intimi del poeta. In combinazione con versi che indicano l’azione cantata, queste forme enunciative rinviano * RICHARD SCHECHNER, Performance Studies. An Introduction, New York-London, Routledge, 2006”, pp. 27-32. ? Victor Tunwzn, Prom Ritual to Theatre. The Human Seriousness of Play, New York, pay Publications, 1982, pp. 12-19.

UNA

RETE

DI

POESIA

MELICA?

43

al io / noi di chi esegue il poema e all’hic e¢ nunc della sua performance. Essi si iscrivono nella grande categoria del melos. Attraverso

tali intermediari enunciativi di tipo performativo, questi poemi cantati rinviano alla pragmatica melica di un'azione sociale, rituale e culturale. Nelle sue differenti forme dai confini molto plastici, il mélos greco realizza, nella performance vocale e musicale collettiva,

i valori politici e religiosi di una specifica comunità civica, come Sparta, Mitilene, Samo, e più tardi Atene.'

Certamente, a partire dall’//iade, alcuni di questi poemi corrispondono a forme identificate da una ‘etichetta’ generica. È questo il caso del peana, del ditirambo, dell'imeneo o del #réros, e

perfino del zézzos citarodico. La loro designazione ‘indigena’ rinvia a circostanze di enunciazione ritualizzate: invocazione cultuale ad Apollo, canto per Dioniso, cerimonia di matrimonio, rituale funebre. Così, nella Grecia antica come in molte altre culture

tradizionali, i generi poetici non rappresentano

forme ideali o

naturali; essi mostrano di corrispondere a un insieme non tanto di regole, ma di regolarità che presentano ‘aria di famiglia’. Al di là delle variazioni relative a ogni attualizzazione verbale, queste regolarità rientrano sia nella convenzione linguistica e poetica, sia nella convenzione sociale e culturale: creazioni verbali e poetiche obbedienti a regole implicite in combinazione con situazioni enun-

ciative reiterate, nella ‘modulazione di genere’, in rapporto a un dato tessuto socio-discorsivo e culturale iscritto nella dinamica di una storia.’ La nozione di performance è dunque centrale se si intende torna* Per la dimensione pragmatica dei poemi melici si veda BRUNo GENTILI, Die pragmatischen Aspekte der archaischen griechischen Dichtung, «A&A», 36, 1990, pp. 1-17. In merito ai malintesi causati dalla designazione dei poemi melici come ‘lirici’, cfr. CLAUDE CALAME, La pogsie lyrique grecque, un genre inexistant?, «Littérature», Cx1, 1998, pp. 87-110 (ripubblicato in IDEM, Sentiers transversaux. Entre pottiques grecques et politiques contemporaines, études réunies par David Bouvier, Martin Steinrück et Pierre Voelke, Grenoble, Jéróme Million, 2008, pp. 85-106). ? Si vedano a questo proposito le conclusioni dello studio di JEAN-MARIE SCHAEFFER, QOu’est-ce qu'un genre littéraire?, Paris, Seuil, 1987, pp. 164-180 («conventions régulatrices et non pas constituantes», p. 171) e le affermazioni di JEAN-MIcHEL ADAM, Les textes: types et prototypes. Récit, description, argumentation, explication et dialogue, Paris, A. Colin, 20113, pp. 11-43, in merito ai differenti livelli su cui si fonda la ‘tipologizzazione’ dei testi. Si vedano, inoltre, le osservazioni aggiuntive di CLauDE CALAME, La poésie lyrique, cit.,

pp. 87-89.

44

CLAUDE

CALAME

re, alla luce del concetto di 'performativo' nel senso linguistico del termine, su differenti forme to il contenuto modo corale e

una delle tesi difese da Bruno Gentili, relativa alle assunte dalla poesia melica. Tanto la forma quandi questi poemi, cantati e danzati generalmente in con l’accompagnamento musicale della lira, sono

adattati dal poeta alle loro condizioni di enunciazione particolari. Aggiungerei che nel numero di queste circostanze, bisogna tener conto non solo del contesto rituale e istituzionale della performance melica, ma anche del contesto culturale più ampio, all'interno di una congiuntura storica, politica e religiosa particolare per ogni singola città. 2.

UNA

RETE

DI

POESIA

CANTATA

E

RITUALE

Ora, la straordinaria produzione melica che contraddistingue lo sviluppo delle comunità civiche greche tra vir e vi secolo a.C. offre una situazione paradossale. Da una parte, a dispetto delle enormi lacune della nostra tradizione, si percepisce l’estrema varieta delle forme e dei contenuti dei poemi appartenenti al z/os in

corrispondenza con circostanze di enunciazione ritualizzate molte differenti. D'altra parte, si rileva una certa costanza nella dizione dei canti melici, tanto dal punto di vista della forma metrica quanto da quello del linguaggio formulare, con le variazioni dialettali che impongono le tradizioni locali.

Queste variazioni sono in genere interpretate nei termini di una dialettica tra tradizione panellenica e tradizioni epicoriche. Mi sembra preferibile pensare a questo complesso gioco di costanti e di varianti, dipendente tanto dal parametro geografico quanto

da quello temporale, in termini di rete. Questo non per analogia con la dipendenza da internet delle nostre attuali relazioni comunicative e sociali, ma a motivo della sorprendente mobilità dei poeti dell’epoca preclassica e della straordinaria circolazione dei

loro poemi: Terpandro di Lesbo e Alcmane di Sardi a Sparta, Anacreonte di Teo a Samo e ad Atene, Ibico a Samo etc.' Lo scopo è quello di presentare della riflessione proposta in occasione di un morsa. Con il titolo di Moisa Epichorios, tale

di Reggio anch'esso qui la seconda parte precedente incontro incontro aveva per

* Si vedano a questo proposito i diversi contributi contenuti in Wanderings Poets in Ancient Greek Culture: Travel, Locality and Pan-Hellenism, edited by Richard Hunter, Ian Rutherford, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2009.

UNA

RETE

DI

POESIA

MELICA?

45

tema: Musica regionale e regioni musicali nell'antica Grecia.' In un intervento intitolato Traditions locales de la poésie érotique grecque: rituels musicaux d Sparte et ἃ Lesbos au vi siècle, sostenevo che ciò che resta delle forme meliche della poesia che mette in scena Eros e Afrodite sembra essere caratterizzato da una serie di tratti condivi-

si: una lingua erotica comune, che può essere illustrata attraverso il ruolo dato allo sguardo come veicolo del desiderio erotico; una &oiné erotica anche dal punto di vista enunciativo e pragmatico (ricorrenza di enunciati in dedite, per esempio); un colore dialettale comune insieme ad adattamenti epicorici; una tradizione metrica e ritmica divisa in due ‘branches’, dorica ed colica. 3.

MESSE

IN

SCENA

MELICHE

DELLA

FIGURA

DI

ELENA

Ma che ne è del punto di vista dell'episodio narrativo che regolarmente si inserisce, in quanto argomento discorsivo, all'interno

di quel canto d'azione che è la poesia melica? In rapporto con le circostanze istituzionali e sociali d'enunciazione del poema to di una performance musicale, che ne è di questi racconti identifichiamo come miti e che i Greci consideravano come arkhaia o patréia, azioni eroiche appartenenti a un passato e fondatore?*

oggetche noi palaid, antico

Prendiamo l'esempio della figura e della storia di Elena. Insieme ad Achille, i Cypria individuano nella bella eroina spartana una delle due cause della guerra di Troia, affinché si compia la volontà di Zeus. Nell'7/iade, ricordiamo, Elena è in successione accusata da Era, da Atena, dai vecchi troiani e da Achille stesso di essere

all’origine della guerra condotta dai Greci sotto le mura di Troia: l’eroina stessa, peraltro, non manca di autoaccusatsi.? Per quel che 1 Ravenna, 1-3 ottobre 2009. ? Sulla mancanza di pertinenza del nostro concetto standard di ‘mito’ per designare gli arkbaia greci, cfr. CLAUDE CALAME, Mythe et histoire dans l'Antiquité grecque. La narration symbolique d'une colonie, Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 20017, pp. 19-76. 3 Cypria, fr. 1 Bernabé. //., 2, 160-161 (Era); 2, 176-178 (Atena); 3, 156-160 (i vecchi troiani); 9, 338-341; 19, 324-325 (Achille); 3, 172-176 (Elena stessa). Sulla figura di Elena come ‘causa’ della guerra di Troia cfr. Maurizio BETTINI, CarLo BRILLANTE, // mito di Elena. Immagini e racconti dalla Grecia a oggi, Torino, Einaudi, 2002, pp. 76-106 e CLAUDE CALAME, The Abduction of Helen and the Greek Poetic Tradition: Politics, Reinterpretations and Controversies, in Antike Mythen. Medien, Transformationen und Konstruktionen, hrsg. von Ueli Dill, Christine Walde Berlin-New York, W. de Gruyter, 2009, pp. 645-661.

46

CLAUDE

CALAME

riguarda la poesia melica, essa è rappresentata, in particolare, in un poema di Alcmane, in un poema di Saffo, in due poemi di Alceo,

e nella palinodia di Stesicoro, resa famosa dal Fedro di Platone. Rimandando la trattazione dettagliata a un'altra occasione, mi limito qui a ricordare il contesto di queste differenti apparizioni

poetiche della bella Elena nei poemi melici. - Nel poema tradizionalmente classificato come ‘primo partenio’, le fanciulle che cantano i versi composti da Alcmane menzionano

gli onori che esse rendono a una dea. Questa è menzionata attraverso due qualificazioni: Orthria (v. 61), Adztis (v. 87), dea del Mattino, dea dell’Alba. Si tratta senza dubbio di Elena, che a Sparta è

l'oggetto di un duplice culto. Essa era venerata al Platanistas, presso il Dromos, come fanciulla, e a Terapne, divinizzata, era onorata come una donna adulta a fianco del suo sposo Menclao.' Inoltre, nel canto laconico della Lisistrata di Aristofane, l'eroina è rappresentata come una corega che ispira rispetto. La funzione che le è attribuita corrisponde, dunque, a quella che la corega del partenio porta nel suo nome: Agesicora. Inoltre, in corrispondenza con la sua duplice figura di eroina e divinità, un bel racconto tramandato da Erodoto narra di come Elena, in qualità di dea, consenta a una

giovane fanciulla priva di grazia di diventare la bella sposa del re Aristone.?

- Nel famoso poema contenente la definizione della cosa più bella come ‘cid che si ama’, Saffo presenta Elena come l'esempio stesso della bellezza umana. Suscitando il desiderio amoroso, ella stessa è sconvolta dal potere di Afrodite. È così che la bella eroina

abbandona lo sposo, la figlia, i cari genitori, per recarsi a Troia (dove si riunisce a Paride): Elena come oggetto e soggetto di desiderio.’ 1 Cfr. Paus., 3, 14, 8; 15, 2-3; Theoc., 18, 28-48. Si veda CLAUDE CALAME, Les cheurs de jeunes filles en Gréce archasque 1. Morphologie, fonction religieuse et sociale, Roma, Edizioni dell'Ateneo, 1977, pp. 333-350 (= ΙΡΕΜ, Cloruses of Young Women in Ancient Greece. Their Morphology, Religious Role, and Social Functions, transl. by Derek Collins e Janice Orion, Lanham-Boulder-New York-Oxford, Rowman & Littlefield, 20017, pp. 191-202). ? Ar., Lys., 1296-1315. L’aneddoto è raccontato da Erodoto, 6, 61, 1-62 c riassunto da Pausania, 3, 7, 7. 3 Sapph., fr. 16 Voigt. Si vedano l'interpretazione di questo poema che ho proposto in CLAUDE CALAME, Masques d’autorité. Fiction et pragmatique dans la poésie grecque. antique, Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 2005, pp. 107-130, e le letture offerte da ANTON BiznL, "Ich aber (sage), das Schinste ist, was einer liebt". Eine pragmatische Deutung von Sappho Fr. 16 LP/V, «QUCC», Citt, 2003, pp. 91-124:

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- Hlena é anche rappresentata in due poemi di Alceo. Uno oppone

al matrimonio

felice di Peleo

e Teti la rovina

di Troia.

Causa della distruzione della città: Elena! Nella manipolazione del criterio di ‘genere’, l'eroina è contrapposta ad Achille, l'eroe nato da un'unione armoniosa. L'altro poema attribuisce a Elena le conseguenze distruttive della guerra di Troia. Presa dalla follia

amorosa l'eroina aveva abbondonato i figli e lo sposo.' Prima di tornare, in un'altra occasione, sull'innesto enunciativo e pragmatico dell'episodio epico del rapimento di Elena in differenti

forme di poesia melica, si osserva che la trama stessa puó essere modellata da diversi poeti a seconda delle finalità del canto che mette in scena la bella eroina, in relazione con una pragmatica e con circostanze di enunciazione ritualizzate molto varie. 4.

TRADIZIONI

LOCALI,

D?ENUNCIAZIONE

E

CIRCOSTANZE PRAGMATICA

L'utilizzazione argomentativa e pragmatica della figura di Elena

nella poesia spartana da un lato e in quella di Lesbo dall'altro, ci spinge a confrontarci, dunque, con la questione della plasticità della tradizione eroica greca che è stata denominata ‘mito’ e

che corrisponde per i Greci, come già messo in luce, agli arkhaia e ai palaid delle loro storie leggendarie.

In maniera puramente

operativa e con riferimento specifico alla Grecia, un ‘mito’ corrisponde

a un’azione

narrativa

eroica i cui protagonisti,

vicini

agli dei, hanno i propri nomi iscritti nella tradizione epica che ne assicura la reputazione e la trasmissione. Ma questa azione narrativa di ordine finzionale (e non fittizio), caricata dei valori di una cultura, non ha una propria esistenza se non all’interno delle differenti forme poetiche — e più tardi discorsive —, che le conferiscono la sua ragion d'essere d'ordine pragmatico e la sua efficacia discorsiva tanto all’interno di un contesto di enunciazio101-123 e RunY BLONDELL, Refractions of Homer’s Helen in Archaic Lyric, « Ajph», CXXXI, 2010, pp. 349-391: 377-386. 1 Alc., frr. 42 e 283 Voigt;

cfr. ANNE

P.

Burnett,

Three Archaic Poets.

Archilochus, Alcacus, Sappho, London, Duckworth, 1983, pp. 190-198; 185-190 € Rusy BLONDELL, Refractions, cit., pp. 351-359. Si veda anche Ibyc., fr. S 151 Page-Davies. ? Si veda Elena e il canto rituale: “mito” e performance poetica nella Grecia arcaica (una prospettiva antropologica), «QUCC», CXV, 2015, DD. 19-33.

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ne istituzionale, quanto all'interno di una particolare congiuntura storico-culturale.' Nel partenio di Alcmane, Elena é la figura divina che designa una duplice epiclesi e che appare alla terza persona. Ma questa figura rinvia a un insieme di culti in cui Elena, sia come fanciulla (al Platanistas) sia come giovane sposa (a Terapne), gioca un ruolo centrale. Senza dubbio l'eroina deve alla sua duplice origine, da Zeus e da Tindaro, il re fondatore di Sparta, la sua collocazione nel pantheon lacedemone; qui essa assume alcune funzioni e un

campo d'azione che, tra l'amore e la guerra, si sovrappongono in parte a quelli di Afrodite. La performance di questo poema d’elogio

erotico e corale, indirettamente consacrato a Elena, poteva coincidere, dunque, con una delle numerose manifestazioni musicali che caratterizzavano la grande festa delle Hyakinthia. In occasione di questa celebrazione i nuovi iniziati, maschi e femmine, erano presentati alla comunità spartana. Proprio alle Giacinzie un frammento di un commentario ellenistico collega l’attività di Alcmane come ‘maestro dei cori della patria’. In questa allusione alla ‘funzione-autore’ del poeta originario della Lidia come (cho-

ro-)diddskalos, il commentatore si premura di precisare che questi gruppi corali erano formati da fanciulle e da efebi della città.” D'altra parte, un frammento appartenente allo stesso papiro commenta due gruppi di versi di Alcmane. Nel primo, che costituisce probabilmente l’incipit del poema, i Tindaridi sono associati a un gruppo corale delle Démainai, secondo la denominazione

di una delle tre tribù di Sparta, e a un corego di nome Agesidamo, ‘amato dagli dei’ e figlio glorioso di Damotimo. L'altro frammento poetico menziona coreghi ‘nobili e pieni di fascino”,

giovani senza barba. Della medesima età, essi intrattengono un certo rapporto con il zo; corale e di conseguenza con le coreute, da identificare, forse, con le Démainai} Al di là della cerimonia 1 Una tesi, questa, che ho già sviluppato in numerosi studi, in particolare, in CLAUDE CALAME, Reit béroique et pratique religieuse: le passé pottique des cités grecques classiques, « Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales», Lx1, 2006, pp. 527-551. 2 Alcm., fr. 10 (2) Page-Davies = test. 5 Calame. Sul rapporto con le Giacinzie e sulla ‘funzione-autore’ di Alcmane si veda CLAuDE CALAME, Les cheurs, cit., pp. 322-323, 393-394 € 399 (= IDEM, The Choruses, cit., pp. 184-185, 226-227 € 230). Più di recente, sullo svolgimento delle Iacintie, si veda NicorAs RICHER, La religion des Spartiates. Croyances et cultes dans l'Antiquité, Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 2012, pp. 343-382. 3 Alcm., fr. 10 (δ) Page-Davies = fr. 82a-b Calame. La complessa questione

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cultuale alla quale erano destinati, tali canti, composti e ‘insegnati’ da Alcmane, poggiano, dal punto di vista della loro enunciazione

e della loro esecuzione rituale, sulle strutture familiari e politiche della città: adolescenti, maschi e femmine, membri di famiglie appartenenti a una delle tribù della polis e a una delle dba? di cui

essa era costituita, quando non si tratti di rappresentanti di una delle due famiglie reali che regnavano sulla città. Quest'ultimo aspetto è attestato in un terzo frammento, appartenente a un altro commentario ellenistico, a proposito della menzione, all’interno

di un poema di Alcmane, di un tale Polidoro e probabilmente di sua sorella Timasimbrota, rispettivamente figlio e figlia di un re Agiade o Euripontide.' Quanto a Saffo, se si eccettuano gli epitalami (ovvero gli imenei) che erano destinati a una esecuzione corale in occasione di uno

dei momenti chiave della cerimonia del matrimonio, i poemi quali quello del &dlliston (fr. 16 Voigt) o quelli detti ‘della memoria’ cantano la bellezza di una giovane fanciulla che ha lasciato ció che per prudenza si chiamerà ‘il gruppo di Saffo”. Le informazioni che il redattore della notizia biografica su Saffo ha senza dubbio desunto dai poemi stessi prendono in considerazione le relazioni privilegiate tra la poctessa e le tre ‘care compagne’ Attis, Telesippa e Megara. Con il tempo la relazione erotica che l’io poetico tesse con queste giovani fanciulle, i cui nomi, come quello di Anatto-

ria, rinviano a figure di bellezza e a rapporti amorosi esemplari, è divenuta una aiskbrà philia (una turpe amicizia). Ma la notizia

del lessico bizantino aggiunge ai nomi di queste tre compagne di Saffo altri nomi di giovani fanciulle: sono quelli di tre allieve (mathétriai), provenienti rispettivamente da Mileto, da Colofone e da Salamina (di Cipro). del coro delle Dzizainai è affrontata in CLAUDE CALAME, Les cheurs, cit., pp. 115-117, 274-276 € 382-383 (= IbEM, The Choruses, cit., pp. 58-60, 154-156 e 219220). Per un’analisi dettagliata di questi due frammenti cfr. CLAUDE CALAME, Aleman.

Introduction,

texte critique,

témoignages,

traduction

et commentaire,

Roma,

Edizioni dell’Ateneo, 1983, pp. 454-461. 1 Alcm., fr. 5.2, col. 1 et 11, 1-22 Page-Davies = fr. 80 Calame; cfr. CLAUDE CALAME, Akman, cit., pp. 430-437. Si veda ancora Alcm., fr. 11 Page-Davies = 24 Calame. Quest'ultimo frammento di hypémnéma commenta alcuni versi lacunosi che parlano di parthtnoi e che, a tal proposito, sembrano associare a un coro di Dimani un gruppo corale di Pitanidi (ovvero dell'obZ spartana di Pitane): cfr. CLAUDE CALAME, Aleman, cit., pp. 387-392. 2 Suda, s.v. Sappho (Σ 107 Adler) = test. 2 Campbell. Sulla designazione delle

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Un frammento papiraceo di un altro commentario ellenistico ha portato una palese conferma all'ipotesi delineata da alcune infor-

mazioni riguardanti la composizione del ‘circolo’ di Saffo. In un passo che commenta alcuni versi in cui erano menzionate Afrodite e le Muse, Saffo è presentata come colei che «educa alla serenità

le migliori tra le fanciulle non solo delle famiglie locali, ma anche della Ionia».' Il carattere rituale della dizione di poemi quali forse PZnno a Afrodite (fr. 1) e certamente il frammento detto ‘dell’ostracon’ (fr. 2), consentono di formulare l'ipotesi che alcuni dei

canti composti da Saffo fossero destinati a una performance rituale all’interno di santuari durante le cerimonie religiose:

culti con-

sacrati in particolare ad Afrodite, la dea del desiderio erotico. Il gruppo poetico e cultuale animato da Saffo era dunque composto da fanciulle, appartenenti alle famiglie aristocratiche di Lesbo e della vicina Lidia, che soggiornavano sull’isola presso la poctessa. Qui esse beneficiavano, attraverso il canto, la musica e la danza nella celebrazione rituale, di una forma di educazione iniziatica al fascino erotico della bellezza femminile e alla maturità culturale che conduceva la donna di buona famiglia al matrimonio. Ma anche una divinità che protegge la maturità femminile come Era poteva essere la dedicataria dei poemi strofici di Saffo, in par-

ticolare di quelli contenuti nel primo libro dell'edizione alessandrina della sua opera. È ciò che attestano i versi molto frammentari

di una composizione destinata a una cerimonia che si svolgeva senza dubbio nel santuario panlesbico di Messon. Situato non lontano da Mitilene e dedicato a Zeus protettore dei supplici, a Era di Eolo e a Dionisio Remélios, questo santuario extraurbano

è evocato anche in due poemi d'Alceo. Nel primo, composto in strofi alcaiche, le tre divinità sono evocate nel momento della loro installazione fondatrice all’interno di questo «vasto santuario comune, ben visibile» (ezdeilon témenos méga xtinon); poi, esse sono invocate per aiutare i compagni di chi canta il poema, legati attraverso giuramento, a uscire dall'esilio e a vendicarsi del tiranno Pittaco che regnava su Mitilene. Nel secondo, in un ritmo costi-

tuito da gliconei, a proposito dell'esilio all'interno dello stesso fanciulle e delle donne evocate nella poesia di Saffo si veda CLAUDE CALAME, Les noms de la femme dans les poèmes de Sappho: traits érotiques, statuts sociaux et rebrésentalions genrées, « Eugesta», 111, 2013, pp. 6-24, (http://eugesta.recherche.

univ-lille3.fr/revue/numeros/numeto-3-2013/). 1 Sapph., fr. 214 B, fr. 1 Campbell (= fr. S 261 A, fr. 1 Page).

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santuario, la persona cantans evoca i concorsi di bellezza che qui si svolgevano, tra le donne di Lesbo *dal peplo elegante’. Peraltro, una recentissima integrazione papiracea mostra che la performance

del poema di Saffo, in cui sono invocate Era e le altre due divinità onorate

nel santuario

'panlesbico'

di Messon,

è associata a una

celebrazione cultuale.' Ancora a Era sono indirizzate le preghiere (indirette) menzionate nel nuovo poema che mette in scena i due fratelli della poetessa di Lesbo, Carasso e Larico.*

Se dal punto di vista della loro dizione lessicale, dialettale e ritmica il poema di Saffo e i due di Alceo si ricollegano alla medesima tradizione di poesia melica propria di Lesbo, essi si distinguono

fortemente per le loro condizioni di enunciazione. Senza dubbio si può attribuire a una differenza di ‘genere’ il fatto che il poema di Saffo sia indirizzato principalmente a Era, mentre il primo poema

di Alceo invochi primariamente Zeus. Ma al di là di questa distinzione di carattere enunciativo, tutto porta a credere che il poema di Saffo avesse per occasione il rituale che includeva i concorsi di bellezza femminile che Alceo menziona nel secondo poema citato.’ In contrasto, le composizioni di Alceo fanno allusione a differenti

lutti politici all’interno di famiglie aristocratiche per la spartizione del potere in una Mitilene alternativamente dominata da figure di tiranni, quali quella del denigrato Pittaco. Poesia rituale e cultuale, da una parte, al servizio del completamento della bellezza femminile attraverso l’educazione musicale e la cultura del desiderio erotico; poesia di lotta politica, d’altra 1 Sapph., fr. 17 Voigt, commentato in CLAUDE CALAME, Referential Fiction and Poetic Ritual: Towards a Pragmatics of Myth (Sappho 17 and Bacchylides 13), «TiC», 1, 2009, pp. 1-17. Si fara ormai riferimento al nuovo testo pubblicato e commentato da SIMON Burris, JEFFREY ΕἸΒΗ, Dirk OBBINK, New Fragments of Book 1 of Sappho, «zPE», CLXXXIX, 2014, pp. 1-28: 10; 19-22, che associa all'in-

vocazione a Era il termine Zeorzé. Cfr. Alc., frr. 129; 130 B, 17-40 Voigt, con il commento di WorrcAwc RósLEn, Dichtung und Gruppe. Eine Untersuchung zu den Bedingungen und zur historischen Funktion früher griechischer Lyrik am Beispiel Alkaios, München, Fink, 1980, pp. 222-285 per quanto riguarda l'impatto e le implicazioni civiche di questi due poemi. Il ruolo politico di questo santuario ‘panlesbico’ è stato riesaminato da ANNE P. Burnett, Three Archaic Poets, cit., pp. 157-163; si veda, ora, lo studio di STEFANO CACIAGLI, // temenos di Messon: une stesso contesto per Alceo e Saffo, «Lexis», XXVIII, 2010, pp. 227-256. 2 P. Obbink 1; si veda l'edizione e il commento del papiro di provenienza sconosciuta in Dirk OBBINK, Two New Poems by Sappho, «zPE», CLXXXIX, 2014, pp. 32-49: 32-45. 3 Si veda adesso la studio di CAMILLO NERI, Una festa auspicata (Sappb. fr. 17 V. et P. GC. inv. 105fr. 26 rr. 9-28), «Eikasmos», xxv, 2014, pp. 11-23.

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parte, destinata in generale a gruppi politici di Pe/afro? riuniti nel simposio.' ΑἹ di là della prospettiva delle relazioni sociali legate al genere sessuale che, tanto sul piano del contenuto che dell'orien-

tamento enunciativo e valutativo cosi come su quello della pragmatica, separa nettamente la poesia di Saffo da quella di Alceo, i versi dei due poeti coevi dipendono dal medesimo contesto sociale e politico. All'interno delle composizioni di entrambi si trovano in effetti allusioni alle stesse famiglie aristocratiche e agli stessi conflitti politici. E, ad esempio, il caso del clan dei discendenti di Cleanatte, al quale appartiene il tiranno Mirsilo: allusione al loro

esilio in un poema della memoria di Saffo, forse dedicato a sua figlia Kleis; poesia di biasimo rivolta contro Mirsilo, Melancro e i Cleanattidi, nella poesia di Alceo.* 5.

CONCLUSIONI:

IDENTITA

ELLENICHE

IN

RETE

Analogamente alla reinterpretazione argomentativa del racconto eroico, illustrata attraverso il trattamento differenziato del ‘mito’ di Elena, sono senza dubbio le circostanze di enunciazione che de-

terminano, segnatamente in base al criterio del ‘genere’, la forma poetica con la sua configurazione semantica e con il suo quadro enunciativo. Le circostanze di enunciazione includono il quadro rituale della performance musicale, il suo contesto istituzionale, la congiuntura storica, civica e politica e, infine, la costellazione culturale di riferimento ideologico. Ora, chi parla di costellazione culturale, parla anche di una tradizione poetica che poggia su istituzioni sociali e religiose. Durante il periodo ‘arcaico’ la tradizione poetica della lingua greca non offre ancora quell’unità che essa presenterà nel IV sec., con la straordinaria diffusione del paradigma ateniese. In com-

penso, la circolazione culturale è intensa all’interno di tutte quelle città che

sono

orientate

verso

la divisione

del potere

politico.

1 Sulla composizione e sulla funzione delle eerie alle quali erano in genere destinati i poemi di Alceo si veda WoLFGANG RósLER, Dichtung und Gruppe, cit. Si veda anche l'analisi dettagliata di StEFANO CaciAGLI, Poeti e Società. Comunicazione poetica e formazioni sociali nella Lesbo del νι vx secolo a.C., Amsterdam, Hakkert, 2011, pp. 88-96 e 207-212. ? Sapph., fr. 98 (b) Voigt (cfr. anche i frr. 99 e 155 Voigt e 214 B, fr. 2 Campbell = fr. S 261 A, fr. 2 Page) da confrontare con Alc., test. 1 Campbell (= Str., 13, 2, 3) e i frr. 112, 23 Voigt. A questo proposito si veda l'esaustivo studio di StEFANO CACIAGLI, Poeti e Società, cit., pp. 206-216.

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Questa circolazione è particolarmente evidente nell'ambito della musica, fondamento dell'educazione delle fanciulle e dei ragazzi:

il risultato è una lingua poetica comune e un patrimonio narrativo condiviso, in particolare attorno alla saga della guerra di Troia.

Essa appare come un'impresa epica che coinvolge la maggior parte delle città della Grecia “finzionale’ dei tempi eroici. La stessa osservazione può essere fatta all’interno dei diversi ambiti dell’anthropopoiésis di lingua e cultura greca: per la politica le forme istituzionali che contribuiscono a distribuire il potere tra

un numero più o meno ristretto di cittadini, secondo modalità molto differenti e mutevoli; per la religione, un sistema politeista caratterizzato da una straordinaria profusione, dove la procedura delle epiclesi e l'associazione di figure eroiche permettono di *modalizzare’ pressoché all'infinito una costellazione aperta di figure

divine con le pratiche rituali e sacrificali che il loro culto richiede; per le arti delle Muse, forme di poesia che poggiano su una lingua poctica, su una dizione formulare, su forme ritmiche e su modi melodici che condividono tratti comuni, mostrando al tempo stesso una serie di variazioni locali, in rapporto alla creatività artistica dei singoli poeti. Queste variazioni sono particolarmente sensibili nelle numerose forme di poesia rituale appartenenti al grande ge-

nere del zlos. La necessità di rispondere alle circostanze politiche e religiose fortemente caratterizzate in senso locale ed istituzionale conferisce alla poesia, che per troppo tempo abbiamo definito *lirica’, il suo carattere rituale e pragmatico. Da ciò dipendono, in

termini meno di generi che di forme poetiche, le variazioni dialettali, metriche, enunciative, mitologiche citate. Si deve a Erodoto l’aver fornito una definizione e una datazione al concetto indigeno di He/lénikén. Solo a conclusione della battaglia di Salamina, di fronte ai timori degli Spartani di vedere i vincitori venire a patti con l’invasore persiano, gli Ateniesi

avrebbero espresso una prima coscienza della grecità. Nell’urgenza di far fronte comune ai mezzo di un’origine e e di sacrifici comuni in condivisi, in relazione morali comuni, fondati

barbari, l’identità ellenica si definisce per una lingua comuni, per mezzo di templi relazione agli dei, per mezzo di costumi ai mortali; pratiche religiose e attitudini su un «sangue e su una lingua unici».

τ Cfr. Hdt., 8, 144, 1-2. Su questo passo, ormai ben commentato si veda, ad esempio, RosaLIND THomas, Ethnicity, Genelaogy, and Hellenism in Herodo-

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di questa presa di coscienza, che appartiene senza dubbio al dell’‘etico’ (ec), ma nel quadro dell’ *emico* (emic), prima presa di coscienza soprattutto ateniese, in ragione del concon i Persiani, tutta la tradizione panellenica non potrà che

apparire come una ricostruzione erudita, dipendente dalle nostre categorie ‘etiche’. Senza dubbio tradizione panellenica, ma non prima del v sec. e fondata, di fatto, su un panellenismo decisamente atenocentrico! È questo il motivo per cui, piuttosto che un'ipotetica dialettica tra tradizione panellenica e tradizioni epicoriche, è opportuno

ripensare le pratiche poetiche greche del periodo preclassico in termini di rete nell'ambito e le forme narrative vi si interattiva, in forme che permettere l’adattamento e

delle arti delle Muse: le forme poetiche trasmettono incrociandosi in maniera sono sempre abbastanza plastiche per soprattutto la creatività locali, in rela-

zione alla congiuntura politica, sociale e religiosa della comunità civica interessata. Con le loro finalità economiche

e culturali, la

circolazione di poeti quali Stesicoro e Anacreonte o la diffusione dei poemi di Pindaro in tutto il bacino della lingua e della cultura greche ne sono gli indizi più probanti. La questione dei generi come forme poetiche che presentano regolarità di ordine tanto

linguistico, quanto istituzionale deve essere ripensata nel quadro di creazioni poetiche in un tessuto di relazioni politiche, religiose e culturali interattive. Prima del v secolo, lasciamo dunque i concetti di ‘panellenico’ e di 'epicorico' al loro paradigma erudito. A questi concetti si

preferirà, per ciò che concerne l'arte delle Muse, l'idea di una ‘rete greca di poesia musicale’ o di un ‘song and performance culture network’. Forma composita, la tragedia attica, come manifestazione della poesia rituale, ne è uno dei risultati. Per concludere con Elena, e ben prima della tragedia che Euripide ha dedicato all’eroina, richiamiamo la ‘palinodia’ del poeta melico Stesicoro di cui Socrate cita tre versi nel Fedro, per giustificare la sua propria palinodia su Eros: tus, in Ancient Perceptions of Greek Ethnicity, a cura di Irad Malkin, Cambridge (Mass.)-London, Harvard University Press, 2001, pp. 213-233. Un’abbondante bibliografia si trova in Davip AsHERI, ALDO CorcELLA, Erodoto. Le storie. Libro viu: La vittoria di Temistocle, Milano, Arnoldo Mondadori Editore, «Fondazione Lorenzo Valla», 2003, pp. 361-363.

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Non è vero quel racconto (/égos) Non Non

salisti nelle solide navi venisti alle torri di Troia.'

Questi sarebbero i versi che, secondo Socrate, il poeta della Magna Grecia, ispirato dalle Muse, avrebbe composto in un nuovo

poema per discolpare la bella eroina: solo l'e£do/oz di Elena sarebbe stato presente a Troia, motivo di una guerra vana.* Indice della

plasticità poetica dei miti greci, indice delle possibilità di adattamento creativo alle differenti circostanze della performance, indice della variazione all'interno della pragmatica melica, tanto pià che un commentario ellenistico fa riferimento non ad una, ma a due

palinodie composte da Stesicoro sul rapimento di Elena e sulle sue conseguenze. In tutti e due i casi il poeta invoca la Musa divina

che ispira il suo canto.’ * Trad. di P. Pucci. ? Stesich., fr. 192 Page-Davies, citato da Pl., Phdr., 243a. 3 Stesich., fr. 193 Page-Davies; su questo ulteriore uso melico ed erotico della figura di Elena si veda il mio commento in CLAUDE CALAME, Ou’estce que la mythologie grecque?, Paris, Gallimard, 2015, pp. 258-263, con di nuovo (ulteriori) numerosi riferimenti bibliografici tra i quali lo studio di FABIENNE

BLAISE, Les deux (?) Hélène de Stésichore, in Laurent Dubois (ed.), Poésie et Lyrique antiques, Lille, Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 1995, pp. 28-40. Si veda anche, nel dettaglio, Norman Austin, Helen of Troy and Her Shameles Phantom, Ithaca-London, Cornell University Press, 1994, pp. 90-117.

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ABSTRACT

Among

musical instruments associated with the archaic orientalizing

poets pektis) krotala could

(especially Sappho, Alcaeus and Anacreon) harps (above all the and bdrbitos are especially quoted, and the Sapphic mention of is of particular interest. Even mdgadis is mentioned, but the name refer, if not to a harp, to a particular practice that involves the

simultaneous execution of the melody in the high register. Such instruments and practices, from about the first half of the fifth century, will undergo a process of devaluation and marginalization (perhaps linked to the rejection of extreme sounds, both high and low-pitched), up to fall into disuse. But the New Music, in the late fifth century, will reactivate sonoric paradigms typical of the archaic Greek East, in opposition to the

prevailing model of Doric music. Such reactivation partly contradicts the strong opposition between New Music (that is depicted as responsible of a total break with the past) and ancient music (in which all was simplicity and order) that is explicit in the historical descriptions of the pseudo-plutarchean De musica: ancient music was not uniformly simple and sober, but consisted of different traditions which involved different

sonoric qualities and practices. Keryworbs: musical instruments, archaic greek lyric, orientalizing musical pattern, marginalization, reactivation.

LE

concezione della storia intesa come progressivo sviluppo dei

saperi, caratteristica di un'idea del tempo lineare e rettilinea, ha improntato la conoscenza e lo studio del passato almeno fino alle illusioni della storia positivistica, e ancora oggi permane nelle ricostruzioni e nei ‘racconti’ che rappresentano lo sviluppo culturale e tecnico quale progressivo avanzamento a partire

dalle scoperte già realizzate. L'ambito della musica, considerata

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sensoriale/estetica ma an-

che in quella culturale e sociale, non è estraneo a chi alimenta un'idea di cultura come ‘progressiva’ e costante acquisizione:

fino alla prima metà del secolo scorso tutta la musica d'arte occidentale, anche nelle sue manifestazioni sperimentali e avanguardiste, è stata definita secondo una linea di continuità e progresso, «che é presente al tempo stesso nella coscienza del compositore e in quella dello storico della musica».'

Proprio questa idea ‘storica’ di progresso è stata annoverata tra i concetti-cardine che differenziano la riflessione dei moderni da quella degli antichi, i quali, a causa della tendenza a idealizzare

il passato e a sottolineare la decadenza del presente, «avrebbero elaborato una concezione ciclica del tempo, vietandosi cosi di accedere allidea di un cammino progressivo dell'umanità verso forme di vita migliore e di superiore civilta».* Non pochi studiosi,

tuttavia, hanno evidenziato come tracce di un'idea di sviluppo e di ‘evoluzione’ delle arti e delle scienze siano già reperibili nel pensiero degli antichi, secondo 1 quali la stessa civiltà sarebbe il prodotto di una serie di innovazioni ‘tecniche’, che nei racconti mitici sono attribuite a figure divine o semidivine.? Tale concezione si sviluppa e si diffonde soprattutto a partire dalle Guerre Persiane, da quando, in particolare ad Atene, il concetto di civiltà e di progresso diventa funzionale alla creazione di un'identità ellenica definita per opposizione rispetto all'alterità del barbaro incivile. Nella riflessione degli antichi, prima ancora che in quella dei moderni, questa prospettiva culturale e ideologica si estende

ugualmente all'ambito della musica. Ma nell'indagine storica sulla μουσική,

sviluppatasi

a partire

presentazioni improntate

almeno

dall'età

classica,

le rap-

a una concezione lineare e progressi-

* ANDREA Lanza, // secondo Novecento, Torino, EDT, 19917 («Storia della musica», 12), p. 26. ? Cinzia SUSANNA BearzoT, L'idea di progresso nel mondo greco, «Rivista della Scuola superiore dell'Economia e delle Finanze», 4, 2007, pp. 1-10: 1 (al contributo rinvio per un’analisi specifica sui diversi orientamenti degli studiosi in relazione all’esistenza nella riflessione greca, a partire dall’età arcaica fino all’ellenismo, di una concezione progressiva della storia). 3 Il mito greco conosce diverse figure di dei ed eroi ‘civilizzatori’ (tra i quali Dioniso, Demetra, Eracle e Prometeo sono forse i più emblematici), che portano innovazione e progresso laddove prima c'era barbarie e inciviltà (cfr. Cinzia SUSANNA ΒΕΑΚΖΟΊ, L'idea di progresso nel mondo greco, cit., p. 3, con fonti e la bibliografia precedente).

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va, applicate a momenti storicamente specifici, si sovrappongono all'idealizzazione e alla valorizzazione del ‘buon tempo antico":

nel trattato pseudo-plutarcheo De Musica, il cui racconto storico è fatto risalire all’elaborazione di autori di v-1v sec.,' Vaoyata μουσικὴ è diacronicamente inserita in un «processo di riuso e di

combinazione di elementi più antichi, da cui emergono via via forme nuove e più complesse».* Tale processo, la cui definizione è attribuita soprattutto a Glauco di Reggio e Eraclide Pontico, rispecchia una concezione 'imitativa' e ‘progressiva’ della storia musicale arcaica, intesa come graduale sviluppo e arricchimento del patrimonio ritmico-melodico preesistente.? A interromperlo, a partire dalla metà del v sec. a.C., sarebbero gli esponenti della cosiddetta ‘Nuova Musica?,4 ritenuti protagonisti di una netta rottura con il passato e collocati fuori dalla linea evolutiva e uniforme tracciata per i compositori della musica arcaica. La definizione della ‘Nuova Musica’, intessuta delle accuse di 1 In particolare a Glauco di Reggio, Eraclide Pontico e Aristosseno di Taranto. Su Glauco di Reggio fonte del De musica cfr. GEORGE LEONARD Huxuzv, Glaukos of Rhegion, «GRBS», IX, 1968, pp. 47-54; sulla presenza nel trattato delle teorie metriche di Eraclide Pontico cfr. ANTONIETTA GostoLi, Le teorie metriche di Eraclide Pontico nel « De musica» dello Ps. Plutarco, in Strutture formali dei « Moralia» di Plutarco (Atti del 111 Convegno plutarcheo, Palermo, 3-5 maggio 1989), a cura di Gennaro D'Ippolito, Italo Gallo, Napoli, M. D'Auria, 1991 («Collectanea»), pp. 435-443; sul materiale aristossenico utilizzato dallo pseudo-Plutarco cfr. ANGELO MERIANI, Sulla musica greca antica: studi e ricerche, Napoli, Guida, 2003, pp. 49-81. 2 Marco EncoLzs, La musica che non c'è più...» la poesia greca arcaica nel De musica pseudo-plutarcheo, in Il sapere musicale e i suoi contesti da Teofrasto a Claudio Tolemeo, a cura di Daniela Castaldo, Donatella Restani, Cristina Tassi, Ravenna, Longo, 2009, pp. 145-169: 161. 3 Su tale concezione ho già avuto modo di indagare, a proposito degli elementi innovativi individuati dall'autore del De musica nello stile compositivo degli antichi, in MariELLA DE Simone, Dalla musica antica alla ‘nuova’: innovazioni e riprese nel racconto storico del De musica pseudo-plutarcheo, « QUCC», xcix, 2011, pp. 83-96. 4 Non è questa la sede per un’analisi anche solo sommaria del fenomeno; pertanto, alla bibliografia che ho già segnalato in MARIELLA DE SIMONE, Aristoph., Pl. 290-501: lo sperimentalismo musicale di Filosseno, in Aspetti del mondo classico» lettura ed interpretazione dei testi. Seminari in collaborazione con PA.I.C.C. — sede di Salerno, Napoli, Arte Tipografica Editrice, 2006 («Quaderni del Dipartimento di scienze dell’antichità, Università degli studi di Salerno», 31), pp. 61-80: 66, nota 18, mi limito ad aggiungere Eric Csapo, The Politics of the New

Music, in Music and the Muses.

The Culture of ‘Mousikè’ in the Classical Athenian

City, edited by Penelope Murrary, Press, 2004, pp. 207-248.

Peter Wilson, Oxford,

Oxford

University

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edonismo e di virtuosismo estremo, manifesta un'idea negativa di

innovazione, ritenuta responsabile di un irreversibile degrado etico; quella della ‘musica antica’, più complessa, risponde agli ideali di sobrietà e misura, e oscilla tra il rispetto delle regole sancite dalla tradizione e la spinta ad un’evoluzione costante ed uniforme, che non perde mai di vista il paradigma virtuoso dello stile nobile e austero.!

La possibilità di verificare la veridicità di una tale ricostruzione storica è ostacolata, per i moderni studiosi, dalla totale mancanza di materiale sonoro, oltre che dalla scarsità, brevità, difficoltà

interpretativa dei frammenti superstiti dell'antica e della nuova υουσική. Ciò però non significa che si debbano accogliere in maniera acritica le ricostruzioni che della musica del passato si ricavano dalle fonti storiografiche e trattatistiche, per lo più viziate da intenti polemici e attente a rappresentare un’arcaicità musicale la cui linea evolutiva risulti univoca, coerente e progressiva, che funzioni da autentico ‘polo di opposizione’ rispetto al modello

eccessivo e artificioso dei ‘nuovi’ musicisti.^ D'altra parte l'analisi dei frammenti superstiti della lirica arcaica — e in particolare di quella, per lo più monodica, sviluppatasi tra vir e vr sec. sulle coste greche d'Asia Minore — sembra evidenziare, in accordo con le fonti indirette, contraddizioni significative rispetto al pa-

radigma

progressivo,

lineare e uniforme

tracciato dalle fonti

posteriori. Contraddizioni che riguardano, anzitutto, l'armamentario organologico associato a questo genere di lirica, le cui

linee di sviluppo appaiono tutt’altro che lineari e progressive, e documentano una realtà articolata che contempla forme plurali 1 In questo senso è indicativa, perché contrappone esplicitamente l'innovazione musicale degli antichi e quella dei moderni, la rappresentazione che si ricava da De mus., 12, 1135C-D: «l'innovazione di Terpandro fu la prima a introdurre nella musica uno stile nobile; [...] Pure Alcmane e Stesicoro apportarono delle innovazioni, e anche queste non si discostarono dallo stile nobile. Cresso, Timoteo, Filosseno e i compositori di questo tempo furono invece davvero insopportabili per la loro smania di novità, tesi com'erano alla ricerca di quello che ora viene definito stile popolare e ad effetto: l'impiego di poche corde, la semplicità e la dignità erano, in effetti, caratteri peculiari della musica antica» (trad. in Plutarco. Moralia τι. L'educazione dei ragazzi. De musica, a cuta di Giuliano Pisani, Leo Citelli, Pordenone, Biblioteca dell'immagine, 1990 («Il soggetto & la scienza», 9); vedi anche De mus., 18, 1137B. ? Eric Csapo, The Politics of the New Music, cit., p. 237; cfr. anche MARIELLA DE Simone, Dalla musica antica alla ‘nuova’: innovazioni e riprese nel racconto storico del De musica pseudo-plutarcheo, cit., pp. 84-85.

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di espressione tonale e/o timbrica, le quali non tutte rispondono

al modello arcaico dell’austerità e del rigore. È una storia, quella degli strumenti connessi alla lirica ‘orientalizzante’, che procede per slittamenti, riconfigurazioni e interruzioni, e provare a ripercorrerla brevemente puó aiutare a riconoscere e a meglio valutare le distorsioni interpretative operate nelle successive narrazioni storiografiche. Tra gli esemplari organologici associati ai poeti arcaici ‘orientalizzanti', o esplicitamente menzionati nei frammenti lirici superstiti, i cordofoni prevalgono per la quantità delle attestazioni, e si

caratterizzano per la significativa varietà delle tipologie citate. Un frammento di Alceo (70 V.), che fa riferimento a un contesto dichiaratamente simposiale, restituisce la prima attestazione superstite del termine B&oBrcoc (nella variante colica βάρμος), appellativo che

identificherebbe una lira a guscio dai bracci lunghi e ricurvi.' Euforione, in un frammento citato da Ateneo, afferma che anche Saffo e Anacreonte avrebbero menzionato il βάρομος o βάρβιτος.᾽ Le fonti letterarie e iconografiche, d'altra parte, documentano concordemente l'associazione del cordofono con i poeti arcaici orientalizzanti, non solo con Saffo, Alceo e Anacreonte, ma anche con il lesbio

Terpandro.? Topico, in particolare, è il legame con Anacreonte,* e il ritratto che si ricava da un epigramma attribuito a Simonide, * Tale identificazione è data comunemente per acquisita, anche se non esistono raffigurazioni dello strumento provviste di iscrizione identificativa. Sulla

questione cfr. Jane McINntTosH

Snyper,

The Barbitos in the Classical Period,

«CJ», LXVII, 1972, DD. 331-340: 334, nota 15; MARTHA Maas, JANE McINTOSH SNYDER, Stringed instruments of ancient Greece, New Haven-London, Yale University Press, 1989, p. 39. ? Cfr. Ath., 4, 182f. ? L'associazione con Terpandro è documentata anzitutto da Pi, fr. 125 S.-M., apud Ath., 14, 635d-e, cui dedico una specifica analisi in MARIELLA DE Simone, La lira asiatica di Apollo. Interazioni musicali tra la Grecia antica e il Mediterraneo Orientale, Pisa, ETS, c.d.s., pat. 11 2, 2. Una disamina delle testimonianze letterarie dove lo strumento è associato all’Oriente è offerta

da Jane McIntosH Snyper, The Barbitos in the Classical Period, cit., pp. 333334; per le fonti archeologiche (tra le quali è di particolare interesse il noto cratere del pittore di Brygos, dove Alceo, identificato da un'iscrizione, è raffigurato in compagnia di Saffo mentre tiene in mano il cordofono) vedi ManTHA Maas, JANE McINTOSH SNYDER, Stringed instruments of ancient Greece, cit., pp. 113-121. ^ Cfr. Critias, fr. 8 D.-K.; Neanth., FGrH 84 F 5. Vedi anche le frequenti occorrenze di βάρβιτος nella raccolta di carmi nota con il nome di Araereontee (tutte citate da ANNA DI Gicuio, Strumenti delle muse. Lineamenti di organologia greca, Bari, Levante, 2000, p. 143).

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dove il cantore è rappresentato nell'Ade mentre esegue i suoi carmi accompagnandosi con lo strumento (AP, 7, 25), è complementare all'immagine che ne offre l’iconografia specifica: nel gruppo dei vasi attici cosiddetti ‘anacreontei’ il poeta, talora identificato dall’iscrizione ANAKREON, è raffigurato con in mano il βάρβιτος e con indosso l'abbigliamento che identifica lo sfarzo ionico.' Ma il cordofono maggiormente citato nei frammenti lirici ‘orientalizzanti’ è uno strumento denominato πηκτίς πακτίς,

concorde-

mente identificato con un'arpa policorde.* Due occorrenze in Saffo (delle quali una è integrata), una in Alceo e due in Anacreonte costituiscono il cospicuo corpus di attestazioni arcaiche,’ tanto più

significative in quanto le più antiche evidenze iconografiche, dove compaiono tipologie di arpe la cui specifica identificazione rimane

tutt'ora incerta, non antecedono il tardo v sec.^ Ma l’importanza delle occorrenze lirico-arcaiche di πηκτίς deriva, oltre che dalla datazione alta, dagli specifici contesti in cui il termine è inserito: i qualificativi attribuiti al cordofono, rimarcandone la bellezza e la dolcezza del suono (la pettide è ἀδυμελές in Saffo -- lo si ricava da un paragone di cui il primo termine è ignoto —, καλὴ ed ἐρόεσσα in Anacreonte?) ne documentano lo statuto elevato, e l’uso performativo, evidentemente sistematico presso i poeti anatolici, è

rivendicato dagli stessi (da Anacreonte, e probabilmente anche da Saffo$) quale peculiare ingrediente del loro fare poetico.

Anche della μάγαδις, menzionata in un contesto presumibilmente simposiale, Anacreonte rivendica l'uso esprimendosi in prima 1 Sui vasi ‘Anacreontei’, e sulla loro relazione con la scena di Agatone contenuta nelle Teswoforiazuse di Aristofane (vv. 159-172), il lavoro di riferimento rimane JANE McINTOSH SNYDER, Aristophanes’ Agathon as Anacreon, «Hermes», CII, 1974, pp. 242-246. ? Cfr. ad es. Martin LircHereLD West, Ancient Greek Music, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1992, p. 72. > Sapph., frr. 22 (nel testo si legge solo ..]|xvtv, ma l'integrazione proposta pet le prime due lettere appare assai probabile) e 156 V.; Alc., fr. 36 V.; Anact., PMG 373 e 386. 4 Cfr. MARTHA Maas, JANE McINTOSH SNYDER, Siringed instruments of ancient Greece, cit., pp. 151-154. 5 Vedi, rispettivamente, Sapph., fr. 155 V.; Anacr., PMG 386 e 373. 6 La rivendicazione è esplicita in Anacreonte, e associa l'uso della πηκτίς al paradigma dell’edonistica ἁβροσύνη (νῦν δ᾽ ἁβρῶς ἐρόεσσαν ψάλλω πηκτίδα τῇ φίλῃ κωμάζων {παιδὶ Bot, PMG 373); quella di Saffo, invece, è resa incerta dal testo mutilo, ma λάβοισα (v. 10) potrebbe avere come oggetto proprio πακτίν (fr. 22 V).

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persona. L'associazione con il verbo ψάλλω, unita all'indicazione delle εἴκοσι χορδαῖσι, rende il termine ugualmente riferibile ad un'arpa policorde. D'altronde, come apprendiamo da Ath., 14, 636b, il teorico Aristosseno identifica μάγαδις e πηχτίς. Ma dopo il fondamentale contributo di Barker,’ che offre della questione

un'approfondita analisi, gli studiosi sono orientati a dubitare che il sostantivo sia identificativo di una specifica tipologia di cordofono, e lo considerano piuttosto l'appellativo ‘generico’ attribuito a varie categorie di strumenti (in genere arpe, ma anche lire e addirittura strumenti a fiato), purché impiegate nella cosiddetta pratica ‘dei suoni ἀντίφθογγοι᾽, che consiste, ricaviamo dal confronto delle testimonianze, nell’esecuzione simultanea della melodia all'acuto.? Pur non essendovi certezze sulla reale valenza di μάγαδις in epoca anteriore al tardo v sec.,4 non è escluso che il frammento anacreonteo possa alludere a questo speciale tipo di ‘performance’ (magari realizzata con un’arpa a venti corde), la cui sistematica associazione con la Lidia, attestata a partire da Pindaro,? garantisce

il legame con il ‘milicu’ orientalizzante. Le attestazioni degli appellativi riferibili a cordofoni sono completate dalle incerte occorrenze alcaiche dei vocaboli omerici κίϑαρις͵ κιϑαρίζειν (frr. 38B, 3 e 41, 15 V.) e da quelle saffiche dei termini λύρα e χέλυς: il primo è utilizzato ora nella forma evAvpay in associazione al dio Apollo (fr. 44, 33 V.) ora quale sostantivo connesso ad un’incerta divinità femminile (fr. 103, 12 V.); il secondo, nella forma colica χελύνναν, è qualificato con Pomerico λιγύραν (‘dalla limpida voce’, fr. 58 V.), ovvero, in forma di vocativo, è fatto oggetto di un probabile invito a dare inizio al canto (ma l’esegesi è resa incerta dal testo mutilo, fr. 118 1 PMG

374: ψάλλω δ᾽ εἴκοσι / χορδαῖσι

μάγαδιν ἔχων, / Ὦ

Λεύκασπι, σὺ δ᾽

Nea. ^ ANDREW BARKER, Che cos'era la ‘Magadis’?, in La musica in Grecia, a cura di Bruno Gentili, Roberto Pretagostini, Roma, Laterza, 1988, pp. 96-107. 3 L’insieme delle testimonianze, nelle quali è attestato il coinvolgimento performativo di strumenti cordofoni (arpe, κιϑάρα) e aerofoni (αὐλός), è ricavabile dall'ampia discussione che Ateneo dedica all’argomento (14, 634c-638a). ^ Lo stesso ANDREW BARKER, Che cos'era la ‘Magadis’?, cit., pp. 103-105, non esclude per le occorrenze arcaiche un’interpretazione del termine quale appellativo di uno strumento specifico. 5 Pi., fr. 125 S.-M., apud Ath., 14, 635de, ma cfr. anche Ion., fr. 23 Snell, apud Ath., 14, 634c; S., fr. 412 Radt, apud Ath., 14, 635c; Diog. Ath., 7rGF 45 F 1, apud Ath., 14, 6364.

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V.). In realtà, a fronte del significato generico di λύρα, e dell'uso della χέλυς (il ‘guscio di tartaruga”) come risuonatore anche del βάρβιτος, nulla può garantire che non sia proprio il βάρβιτος lo strumento menzionato da Saffo. Tra le ulteriori tipologie organologiche citate dai poeti ‘orientalizzanti’, gli auli ‘con metà dei fori’ (ἡμίοποι), che Anacreonte associa ad un’esibizione orchestica (PMG 375), sono qualificati dalla fonte Ateneo come piccoli e inappropriati agli agoni,' e sono ben adatti a occasioni intime e raccolte. Certamente distante dalle

sonorità intime e simposiali, il frastuono dei rumorosi crotali (che si uniscono agli auli ‘dal dolce suono’, e che si mescolano ad un ulteriore strumento la cui identificazione è impedita dalla lacuna)? è associato da Saffo ad un contesto performativo pubblico e festoso, animato dal clamore dei canti di uomini, donne e fanciulle. Il carme, famosissimo (fr. 44 V.), è quello dedicato alle nozze di Ettore e Andromaca, e descrive il corteo festoso che attraversa la città. Qui è il frastuono che prevale: il suono intimo del βάρβιτος cede il passo allo strepito degli idiofoni, e a un ricco concerto di

voci e strumenti dove le infrazioni al linguaggio epico coinvolgono proprio quei dettagli, come i crotali o le essenze orientali (mirra, incenso, cassia), che potrebbero rinviare alla concretezza delle cerimonie lesbie.? Da questa breve rassegna, che per la natura stessa delle testi-

monianze non pretende di essere esaustiva, emergono almeno due elementi significativi in relazione al complesso di strumenti associati alla lirica greco-orientale: la tendenza all’innovazione, manifestata dall’attestazione di appellativi che non trovano riscontri nel corpus omerico ed epico-arcaico (come βάρμος͵ βάρομος, μάγαδις, xpótaAx),* e la varietà delle tipologie, particolarmente di quelle τ Ath., 4, 182a-b. 2 Sapph., fr. 44, 24-25 V.: αὖλος d' ἀδυ[μ]έλησ [ Tr? ὀνεμίγνυ[το / καὶ ψ[6] φοῖς κ]ροτάλ)[ ων. 3 Così ad es. CEciLIA Nonii, Tra epos ed elegia: il nuovo Archiloco, «Maia», LXI, 2009, pp. 229-249: 241. Per una diversa lettura cfr. CARLO PERNIGOTTI, Tempi del canto e pluralità di prospettive in Saffo, fr. 44 V., «zPE», 135, 2001, pp. 11-20: 18-20 e nota 43.

^ Di πηκτίς esiste invece un'occorrenza nel Margite, fr. 9, 15 West = 11, 15 Gostoli, POxy 3964 (ne debbo la segnalazione alla Prof.ssa Antonietta Gostoli, che qui ringrazio), che potrebbe anche antecedere quelle saffiche e alcaiche; sul problema della datazione del Margite cfr. Omero. Margite, introduzione, testimonianze, testo critico, traduzione e commento a cura di Antonietta Gostoli, Pisa-Roma, Serra, 2007 (« Testi e Commenti», 21), pp. 11-13.

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cordofone (anche se talune ‘coppie’ di appellativi, come πακτίς υάγαδις e βάρμος͵ χελύννα, potrebbero anche riferirsi al medesimo modello organologico). Nei contesti privati e simposiali prevale il suono intimo dei cordofoni ‘a solo’ (βάρβιτος, χέλυς, rectc), mentre in quelli pubblici e festivi ἃ ammesso il frastuono degli idiofoni, rafforzato dal simultaneo intervento di voci e di strumenti.

Un terzo elemento, oltremodo utile all’indagine, è invece recuperabile dal confronto con le testimonianze posteriori, e riguarda il graduale processo di ‘svalutazione’ cui andranno soggetti alcuni degli strumenti più tipici della fase greco-orientale, molti dei quali cadranno gradualmente in disuso. In generale, i processi di ‘svalutazione’ risultano dall’attivazione di meccanismi

di significativa valorizzazione identitaria, che si manifestano nella presa di distanza dall’elemento identificato come estraneo e incompatibile, del quale neutralizzano il ‘potere simbolico’ determinandone la limitazione d'uso e finanche la definitiva scomparsa.‘ È il caso del βάρβιτος e della πηκτίς, per i quali la svalutazione

coincide con l'affermarsi, a partire dal v sec., della nuova temperie isonomica che prevede la condanna dei simboli 46} ᾿ ἁβροσύνη, os-

sia di quell’insieme di pratiche e comportamenti, legati all’importazione di beni di prestigio, utilizzati dalle ‘éztes’ greco-asiatiche come strumento di differenziazione e auto-definizione.^ Associati

all'á8eoc)vr, sono anche quegli elementi e quelle pratiche musicali che, adottati in età arcaica

dai poeti

‘orientalizzanti’,

verranno

stigmatizzati dai fautori dell'austerità musicale quali identificativi di un Oriente sfarzoso e lascivo. Tra di essi, per l'immediata τ Cfr. MARGARET CHRISTINA MILLER, Athens and Persia in the Fifth Century B.C.. A study in Cultural Receptivity, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1997, pp. 248-249, che individua la ‘marginalisation’ tra i modelli di reazione ateniese agli apporti culturali di matrice orientale, e la considera un esempio di ‘dominazione simbolica’ legata ai contesti d'uso, ottenuta associando l'elemento allotrio «with the less powerful members of the social group» (p. 249). 2 Sull'ágoooóva, e sulla sua successiva condanna favorita dal diffondersi di un'ideologia ostile all’elemento elitario e orientalizzante, sono particolarmente utili le indagini di Mario Lomparpo, Habrosyne e habra μοὶ mondo greco arcaico, in Forme di contatto e processi di trasformazione nelle società antiche (OrienteOccidente). Atti del Convegno di Cortona, 24-30 Maggio 1981, École Francaise de Rome, n. 67, Pisa-Roma, Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, École Francaise de Rome, 1983, pp. 1077-1103; LesLie Kurxe, The Politics of ἁβροσύνη in Archaic Greece, «ClAnt», ΧΙ, 1992, pp. 91-120, e MARGARET CHRISTINA MILLER, Athens and Persia in the Fifth Century B.C., cit., pp. 243-258.

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significatività simbolica, gli strumenti sembrano occupare un posto di rilievo. Il βάρβιτος, in particolare, subisce un processo di svalutazione simbolica che induce progressivamente a relegarlo in

contesti considerati marginali. Se ancora Bacchilide, agli inizi del v secolo, rivendicava orgogliosamente l'uso del cordofono (20 B, 1-4; 20 C, 1-2), Aristofane, nella parodo delle Zesoforiaguse, lo inserisce tra gli accessori del costume effeminato di Agatone (v. 157), e la coeva iconografia vascolare documenta l'associazione dello strumento con la sfera femminile, la licenziosità del κῶμος e l'alte-

rità del corteggio dionisiaco.' Più o meno coevo alla svalutazione del βάρβιτος, lo screditamento delle arpe si sostanzia ugualmente nell’associazione con lintrattenimento simposiale/erotico e con

Palterità dell’edonismo femminile,* e trova un efficace argomento, oltre che nel rifiuto degli strumenti ‘policordi’ espresso dai fautori dell’austerità in musica,? nella sistematica connessione con

POriente lidio.^ L'esclusivo utilizzo in contesti marginali, che fa dell'arpa il simbolo delle effeminate sofisticatezze orientali, contrasta in modo stridente con lo statuto elevato che era attribuito alla πηχτίς dai poeti lirici arcaici, i cui qualificativi, abbiamo detto, ne rimarcavano la bellezza e la dolcezza del suono (ἀδυμελές, καλή, ἐρόεσσα). Ed è indicativo che Aristotele (Po/., 1341239-1341b1), appunto riferendosi alle πηκτίδες e ai βάρβιτοι, li qualifichi come strumenti ‘degli antichi’, lasciando intendere che a sui tempi, a causa della riprovazione che suscitavano, erano considerati un retaggio del passato. D'altra parte al tempo di Aristosseno anche la

μάγαδις, in quanto pratica che prevedeva in prevalenza l'utilizzo delle arpe, doveva essere caduta in disuso. Il fatto che Aristosseno identifichi μάγαδις e πηχτίς, e che la stessa fonte Ateneo si chieda 1 Le attestazioni iconografiche, che testimoniano ampiamente di tali associazioni, sono esaminate e discusse in MartTHA Maas, JANE McINTOSH SNYDER, Stringed instruments of ancient Greece, cit., pp. 113-121. ^ Cfr. ivi, pp. 151-155. 3 Cfr. PL, R., 399c; Arist., Po/., 13412, con MartHa Maas, JANE McINTOSH SNYDER, Stringed instruments of ancient Greece, cit., p. 149. 4 Sulle implicazioni ideologiche di tale connessione il lavoro di riferimento è JoHN FRANKLIN, “A Feast of Music’: The Greco-Lydian Musical Movement on the Assyrian Periphery, in Anatolian Interfaces: Hittites, Greeks and Their Neighbors, An

International Conference on Cross-Cultural Interaction Held at the Michael C. Carlos Museum, Emory University (September 17-19, 2004), edited by Billie Jean Collins, Mary Bachvarova, Ian Rutherford, Oxford, Oxbow Press, 2008, pp. 193-203: 197-198.

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a quale categoria organologica appartenga lo strumento cosi denominato (14, 6340), né riesca a trovare una risposta definitiva nelle fonti da lui stesso citate, è indicativo della scarsa dimestichezza degli autori più tardi con il significato specifico dell’appellativo arcaico. Non dissimile dallo screditamento delle arpe è la svalutazione che subiscono i crotali, che nel contesto festoso del carme saffico accompagnavano il canto solenne delle fanciulle. Gli ar-

gomenti, infatti, sono quelli canonici dell'zbos dissoluto e lascivo (Clem. Al. Paed., 2, 4, 40), della sonorità fragorosa e assordante (Apollod., 2, 5, 6) e dell'associazione con le donne e con i popoli stranieri (A., Ra., 1302-1308; | Antim.], AP, 9, 321, 1-4; [Mel.], AP, 5, 175, 7-8; [Rufin.], AP, 5, 19, 1-2; Str., 10, 3, 15; Clem. AL, Paed., 2, 4, 40; Strom., 1, 16, 76).'

Tra le cause della svalutazione degli strumenti collegati all’àBpoσύνη € stata additata la loro presunta origine orientale, che a partire dalle Guerre Persiane, con l'acuirsi del contrasto culturale tra identità ellenica e alterità barbarica, ne avrebbe determinato l'e-

sclusione dalle occasioni ufficiali di performance.* Ma l'impressione è che la qualificazione orientale rappresenti la conseguenza, non la causa dei fenomeni di differenziazione e marginalizzazione, e piuttosto che testimoniare di atavici processi di importazione di cui i Greci di v sec. sarebbero ancora consapevoli, costituisca essa stessa un efficace argomento di condanna, funzionale a rimarcare Pestraneità di specifici esemplari organologici, e di determinate qualità timbriche, dal paradigma della musica autenticamente ellenica. D'altra parte l'analisi comparata con i manufatti orientali non consente di dare per certa l'origine straniera degli strumenti associati al milieu orientalizzante: il βάρβιτος, al pari della χέλυς, è una lira a guscio, e come tale non trova antecendenti certi 1 Le testimonianze sui crotali sono riportate, tradotte e discusse in ANNA Di Giciio, Gli strumenti a percussione nella Grecia antica, Firenze, Le Cáriti, 2009, pp. 31-45. Com'è noto, anche Ἰ᾿ αὐλός (il cui rapporto con la lirica *orientalizzante’ non è esclusivo, essendo associato a diversi generi fin da epoca antica) andrà soggetto ad un processo di svalutazione a partire dalla prima età classica (cfr. ad es. RICHARD MARTIN, The Pipes Are Brawling: Conceptualizing

Musical Performance in Athens, in The Cultures Within Ancient Greek Culture: Contact, Conflict, Collaboration, edited by Carol Dougherty, Leslie ge, Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. 153-180), ma il suo contesti performativi ufficiali ed elevati, rimarrà costante nel 2 Cfr. ad es., in riferimento al βάρβιτος, Man THA Maas, SNYDER, Stringed instruments of ancient Greece, cit., p. 39.

Kurke, Cambridutilizzo, anche in corso dei secoli. JANE McINTOSH

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in area orientale. Anche le arpe attestate dall'iconografia, molte

delle quali chiuse a triangolo sui tre lati, mostrano significative differenze rispetto ai modelli orientali, per lo più aperti e dalle dimensioni imponenti.' A ragion veduta, quasi nessuno degli

esemplari organologici ellenici puó essere considerato l'esatta imitazione e riproduzione di paradigmi stranieri. Nella definizione delle tipologie egeo-elleniche prevalgono, quali risultanti dei contatti interculturali, i processi ‘intermedi’ di adattamento e ridefinizione, che dimostrano da un lato la persistenza e la capacità di

diffusione dei paradigmi orientali, dall'altro la vitalità culturale e la capacità dell'area egea di adattamento alle esigenze autoctone.*

Proprio come la rappresentazione di un'arcaicità musicale univoca e progressiva, la bipartizione ellenica tra strumenti autoctoni e stranieri (che ad esempio è implicita nella classificazione su base etnica proposta da Aristosseno, il cui elenco di strumenti allotri

è riproposto con qualche modifica da Fillide di Delo?) appare quindi strumentale, e manifesta il tentativo di marcare la distanza da determinati paradigmi sonori. Sulla base delle evidenze documentarie disponibili, l’identifica-

zione di questi paradigmi sonori non può che essere meramente ipotetica. Sappiamo, tuttavia, che l’estensione sonora delle arpe era piuttosto ampia, dato l'elevato numero di corde, e che la πηχτίς, nello specifico, è sistematicamente definita acuta dalle fonti antiche.* Sappiamo anche che le corde dello strumento identificato come βάρβιτος, essendo più lunghe di quelle della χέλυς λύρα,

producevano suoni più gravi. E che la pratica della μάγαδις, nella quale una fonte sonora ‘rispondeva?’ all’acuto alla melodia dell’altra, utilizzava un’estensione di suoni tanto ampia da comprendere due diversi registri, l'uno più acuto l’altro più grave. Potremmo

quindi dedurne che la musica arcaica ‘orientalizzante’ ammetteva e gradiva le sonorità estreme (acute o gravi che fossero). Succes1 Cfr. ad es. MarTHA Maas, JANE McINTOSH SNYDER, Stringed instruments of ancient Greece, cit., p. 153; MARTIN LiTtCcHFIELD West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., pp. 71-72. ? Per una disamina più approfondita della questione rinvio a MARIELLA DE Simone, La lira asiatica di Apollo. Interazioni musicali tra la Grecia antica e il Mediterraneo Orientale, cit., parte 1. 3 Cfr. Aristox., fr. 97 Wehrli; Phillis, fr. 3, vol. 1v Müller, apud Ath., 14, 636b. Vedi anche Str., 10, 3, 17. ^ Cfr. ad es. Pi., fr. 125 S.-M., apud Ath., 14, 635d-e; Telest., PMG 810, apud Ath., 14, 6262.

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sivamente, con la progressiva definizione di un'identità musicale basata sull'aurea norma della moderazione o ‘giusta misura’, gli ‘eccessi’ timbrici e sonori verranno stigmatizzati e osteggiati dai difensori dell’austerità in musica, che condanneranno esplicitamente gli strumenti in grado di produrli. Il risultato sarà un mutamento significativo che determinerà una serie di vincoli alle possibilità sonore e performative sperimentate nell’ambito della produzione lirico-arcaica, sulla quale graverà, peraltro, il severo giudizio di chi individua nella diffusione degli orientalia una pericolosa fonte di contaminazione e corruzione. Nasce, e si diffonde nei racconti

storici di ispirazione conservatrice, quella rappresentazione della musica antica che definisce un paradigma univoco, coerente e moderatamente progressivo, e che risponde pienamente agli ideali di sobrietà, misura e rigore propugnati dai fautori dell'aristocratica σωφροσύνη. Nulla di pià lontano, evidentemente, dal modello comunque innovativo, e definito dalla varietà di suoni e di timbri, della lirica arcaica greco-orientale.

Ma la dialettica tra tradizione e innovazione, ancora in piena epoca classica, continua a lasciare aperti spazi di iniziativa desti-

nati alla produzione di modelli alternativi a quelli dell’establishment culturale e politico. Saranno gli esponenti della cosiddetta ‘Nuova Musica’ a proporre paradigmi sonori contrari alle regole imposte dalla σωφροσύνη musicale. Le loro esecuzioni virtuosistiche, che incontrano il favore del pubblico ma sono osteggiate dall’intera classe degli intellettuali, si articolano su un registro tonale più ampio e più frazionato, che è ottenuto, tra l’altro, con l’aumento

del numero delle corde alla tradizionale lira eptatonica. Tra gli episodi che lo confermano vi è quello della censura spartana nei confronti del milesio Timoteo, accusato di aver inventato una lira a undici corde.' Peraltro, secondo il racconto di Artemone citato da Ateneo (14, 636e-f), Timoteo «usò il sistema della μάγαδις a molte corde», il che potrebbe significare, ipotizza Barker, che applicò alla lira un’accordatura tale, forse ottenuta con undici corde,

da rendere possibile quell’effetto performativo comunemente associato all'appellativo udyadic.? D'altra parte le insistite accuse di policordia e ποικιλία sonora indurrebbero a credere che i ‘nuovi? 1 All’avvenimento, sul quale vedi soprattutto Paus., 3, 12, 10 e Ath., 636e-f, fa riferimento lo stesso Timoteo nella famosa σφραγίς dei Persiani. 2 ANDREW BARKER, Che cos'era la ‘Magadis’?, cit., pp. 101-102.

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musicisti, al pari dei lirici della tradizione ‘orientalizzante’, ammettevano le sonorità ‘estreme’, e, con esse, quegli strumenti che

erano in grado di produrle. Alla luce di ciò non sembra casuale che il novatore Teleste menzioni nei suoi frammenti sia la μάγαδις (che anche in questo caso sarebbe da intendere quale pratica performativa: PMG 803, apud Ath., 14, 6372) sia i suoni acuti della πηχτίς (PMG 810, apud Ath., 14, 6262); che Gnesippo, ugualmente associato al ‘nuovo? stile, sia accusato di utilizzare le arpe lascive per comporre canti erotici per adulteri (Eup., fr. 148 K.-A., apud Ath., 14, 638e); e che Agatone, nella parodia che ne fa Aristofane nel prologo delle Zeszoforiazuse, sia rappresentato con in mano il βάρβιτος, e con indosso le vesti tipiche dei poeti ionici e *orientalizzanti’ (è lo stesso tragediografo, del resto, a indicare Alceo, Ibico e Anacreonte come modelli del suo fare poetico: vv. 159-163).'

In un’epoca in cui, come testimonia Aristotele, strumenti come le arpe e il βάρβιτος sono per lo più caduti in disuso, o vengo-

no relegati in contesti decisamente marginali, i ‘nuovi musicisti” potrebbero aver riattivato e riadattato paradigmi esecutivi precedenti al diffondersi delle istanze isonomiche e anti-orientali. Il

richiamo esplicito agli strumenti e al vestiario tipici ας] ἁβροσύνη arcaica si profilerebbe, in questo rispetto, come manifesta ‘scelta

di campo’, che implicherebbe la predilezione per quelle tradizioni musicali qualificate come particolarmente raffinate e complesse, la cui destinazione simposiale ne garantirebbe l'affinità con i ‘nuovi’ componimenti d’ispirazione edonistica. Al codice musicale dei difensori della σωφροσύνη, che privilegiano i modelli austeri, lineari e dorici,? gli innovatori, in realtà non insensibili a certe suggestio-

ni del passato, opporrebbero l'ispirazione edonistica, virtuosistica e ‘orientalizzante’ del loro stile compositivo. La ricostruzione storica della musica greca arcaica, restituita dal

De musica e attribuibile ad autori di v e Iv sec., è declinata per lo 1 Lo stesso canto intonato sulla scena da Agatone-personaggio (vv. 101-129), autentico specimen dei componimenti tipici del ‘nuovo’ stile, è caratterizzato da un ritmo prevalentemente ionico, e riproduce le sequenze più caratteristiche della lirica arcaica ‘orientalizzante’ (soprattutto anacreontea). Cfr. le analisi di LAETITIA PARKER, 77e songs of Aristophanes, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1997, pp. 398-405; COLIN AUSTIN, S. DoucGLAs Orsow, Aristophanes. Thesmophoriazusae, edited with introduction and commentary, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2004, pp. 88-89.

2 In PL, La., 188d la musica dorica, per le sue caratteristiche di nobiltà e semplicità, è considerata l’unica autenticamente greca.

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più al singolare, e tende a ridurre ad un unico paradigma (quello dello stile semplice, virtuoso e nobile) le differenti tradizioni e

persino le spinte moderatamente

innovative. Viziata da intenti

dichiaratamente polemici, essa è funzionale alla definizione in negativo del ‘nuovo’ stile di Timoteo e compagni, che gli eccessi e

gli arditi virtuosismi collocano al di fuori del modello nobile codificato dalla tradizione, all’interno del quale le innovazioni e gli specifici progressi sono comunque ricondotti ai principi inviolabili di dignità e rigore. Non conforme a questo paradigma univoco e progressivo, il racconto storico ricavabile dall’analisi delle testimonianze considerate restituisce una realtà più articolata e complessa: le tradizioni epico-citarodica e aulodica non esauriscono il panorama delle espressioni e degli stili musicali sviluppati e sperimentati nel corso dell’età arcaica.' E la tradizione lirica ‘orientalizzante', i cui peculiari aspetti performativi rimangono per lo più oscuri, contribuisce, per quel poco che è possibile ricostruire,

a tracciare un quadro dinamico variegato, arricchito da diversità specifiche che coinvolgono le tipologie organologiche, le pratiche

performative, le qualità sonore e timbriche. A voler considerare la parabola storica degli strumenti ad essa maggiormente associati, il modello dello sviluppo lineare e progressivo risulta contraddetto da processi di ‘svalutazione’ e ‘marginalizzazione’ sorretti anzitutto da motivazioni ideologiche: gli strumenti tipici dell'áBoocuvr,

privilegiati nelle performances arcaico-simposiali, sono rifiutati e denigrati con l'affermarsi di nuove istanze culturali, e con essi una ricchezza di suoni e timbri che doveva essere peculiare al paradigma musicale greco-asiatico. 1 Sulla tradizione della musica per αὐλός nel De musica cfr. ANDREW BARKER, Euterpe. Ricerche sulla musica greca e romana, a cura di Franca Perusino e Eleonora Rocconi, Pisa, ETS, 2002 («Testimonianze sulla cultura greca», 4), soprattutto le pp. 31-40; su quella epico-citarodica, associata anzitutto a Terpandro, cfr. Marco Encorzs, La citarodia arcaica nelle testimonianze degli autori ateniesi d'età classica. Ovvero: le insidie delle ricostruzioni storiche, in La musica nell’Impero Romano. Testimonianze teoriche e scoperte archeologiche. Atti del secondo convegno annuale di MOISA, Cremona, 30-31 ottobre 2006, a cura di Eleonora Rocconi, Pavia, Pavia University Press, 2010, pp. 125-137, che ugualmente mette in guardia dalle ricostruzioni storiche del De musica attribuibili ad autori come Glauco di Reggio ed Eraclide Pontico, i quali «non esitarono a caratterizzare l’attività poetica e musicale di Terpandro secondo un generale criterio di verosimiglianza, ma soprattutto in maniera conforme alla loro ricostruzione della storia dell’antica musica greca» (p. 134).

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Proprio questa ricchezza di suoni e timbri, cui rinvia l'esplicita

menzione di strumenti e stili tipicamente ‘orientalizzanti’, è significativamente richiamata dagli esponenti della “Nuova Musica’, i cui rapporti con l’antica sono probabilmente più complessi rispetto ad un’opposizione netta strumentalmente rimarcata.' Non solo il pro-

cesso di svalutazione, quindi, ma anche quelli di riappropriazione e riadattamento contribuiscono a smentire il paradigma linearmente progressivo implicito nei racconti antichi di storia della musica.

La dialettica tra tradizione e innovazione si intreccia, in questo racconto come in altri simili, con la polarità tra paradigma dominante e modelli divergenti, che ugualmente incide sullo sviluppo e l'evoluzione degli stili e delle forme di espressione, consegnando alla storia percorsi tortuosi, plurali e quasi mai regolari. 1 Ne è convinto anche ANDREW BARKER, Euterpe. Ricerche sulla musica greca e romana, cit., p. 59: « Credo che l’esistenza di un'età dell'oro musicale, con forme e pratiche stabilite e governate da leggi immutabili, alla quale seguì, dopo le guerre persiane, un’esplosione di cambiamenti casuali e senza regole, sia quasi interamente leggendaria».

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FERRANDO

ABSTRACT

The main aim of this article is to examine some important examples of

lyrai and auloi datable to the vith. century s.c., which were found in Locri. Hypotheses about the Performance are put worward, with attention to poetical forms such as skolia, enkomia, threnoi and epi&edeia and to the respective choices of harmonies and accompaniment. The poetical and

musical context in Locri at Xenocritus’ time is also analyzed, together with the contemporary religious rituals of mysteries in ceremonies of initiation and their influence on the development of the 44/05 on the /yra.

Some considerations are also made on the symbolic importance of the lyra and the aulos in the Afterworld. Keryworbs: /yra, aulos, funeral context, Locri, performance, musical and

educational background.

O

BIETTIVO

specifico di quest’articolo è studiare e motivare

gli eccezionali rinvenimenti di rea/ia musicali nella necropoli locrese di Contrada Lucifero,” per poter procedere ad alcune considerazioni ed ipotesi sul corrispondente contesto musicale e culturale della città in età arcaica. La polis di Locri Epizefirii è un’antica colonia greca, fondata da coloni provenienti dalla regione della Locride,? nella Grecia continentale, già nel vir sec. a.C. Locri ebbe un'importanza politica, culturale ed economica parti* Con Zyra. * La necropoli locrese di Contrada Lucifero si trova fuori dalle mura, nel loro tratto nord orientale, il più vicino al mare. Gli scavi, iniziati nel secolo scorso, sono stati condotti prima da Paolo Orsi, quindi da Alfonso De Franciscis e infine da Diego Elia. 3 Dibattuta resta la questione della fondazione di Locri, poiché discordanti sono già le fonti antiche. Secondo Strabone (6, 1, 7) la città sarebbe stata fondata dai Locresi del golfo di Crisa, guidati da Evante. Polibio (12, 5, 10) ritiene invece che i Locresi fondatori provenissero dalla Locride Opunzia, ovvero orientale.

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colarmente notevole nel contesto magnogreco,

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considerata anche

la sua posizione piuttosto fortunata sulla costa ionica, nell’attuale Calabria. Nella necropoli locrese di Contrada Lucifero, che mostra una buona continuità di utilizzo già dal vii sec. a.C. e per tutto il III sec. a.C., e che ha restituito finora corredi non eccessivamente sontuosi ma sicuramente interessanti e peculiari anche nella specificità del contesto sepolcrale magnogreco, è stata ritrovata una

grande quantità di strumenti musicali antichi, principalmente /yrai ed auloi, spesso in buono stato di conservazione. La situazione appare singolare. Non è del tutto infrequente, infatti, in contesti ellenici o ellenizzati, che a far parte del corredo funebre del defunto, di solito aristocratico e ben in vista nella

società, rientrino anche rea/ia musicali, ' ovvero oggetti sonori veri e propri, e non intesi come ex voto; tuttavia, il caso di Contrada Lucifero a Locri appare del tutto unico, poiché, almeno fino ad

oggi, in nessuna necropoli di città greca o magnogreca sono stati rinvenuti tanto numerosi strumenti musicali originali all'interno di contesti di sepoltura. Attualmente, infatti, ben quattordici tombe locresi di Contrada Lucifero hanno restituito oggetti sonori, che

mostrano analogie con similari rinvenimenti a Metaponto,* Poscidonia? e altri contesti significativi. Ed è questo locrese il più nutrito ritrovamento di strumenti musicali in contesto funerario in una medesima polis. Occorre dunque riflettere sul significato della peculiare situazione locrese. Intendendo trovare una giustificazione per la situazione atipica del * Cfr. Lucia Lepore, GZ strumenti musicali locresi tra iconografia e realia, in Caulonia tra Crotone e Locri. Atti del Convegno Internazionale, Firenze, 30 maggio-1 giugno 2007, 11, a cura di Lucia Lepore, Paola Turi, Firenze, University Press,

2010, Pp. 423-457.

2 Si pensi ad es. alla ‘tomba del musicista", della metà del v sec. a.C. ca., dove è stato deposto un uomo tra i quaranta e i cinquant’anni. Nella tomba sono stati trovati molti vasi da banchetto, che rimandano alla dimensione funeraria e religiosa del simposio. Sulla gamba sinistra del defunto era appoggiato un carapace di tartaruga di forma oblunga, forse una /yra. 3 La tomba di maggiore interesse e singolarità nell’area archeologica pestana è certo la ‘tomba del tuffatore’, databile al 480 a.C. ca. L'iconografia simposiaca rappresentata sulle pareti della tomba richiama l'orizzonte colto delle élites intellettuali magnogreche, nutrite di raffinata cultura di matrice ellenizzante, per le quali sia la musica che il banchetto costituivano un momento essenziale di condivisione di valori sociali, politici e religiosi all’interno di un medesimo contesto d'appartenenza. I recumbenti sulle &/zai della ‘tomba del tuffatore’ tengono fra le mani e suonano sia la /yra che l’azlos (cfr. Fic. 2).

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"\

Fic. 1. Locri. Frammenti di guscio di tartaruga, cordiera e bischero rinvenuti nella tomba 1290 della necropoli di Contrada Lucifero (fine vi-inizio del v sec. a.C. ca.), con riproduzione grafica della lira e della

cordiera. L'immagine è tratta da ANGELA BELLIA, Strumenti musicali e 0ggetti sonori nell'Italia meridionale e in Sicilia ( vi-111 sec. a.C.), funzioni rituali e contesti, Lucca, Libreria musicale italiana, 2012, p. 72, fig. 75.

contesto funerario locrese, si potrebbe pensare che l’inserimento di strumenti musicali nel corredo funebre di defunti di ceto sociale elevato — solitamente individui adulti di sesso maschile, ma non

raramente anche giovani e adolescenti — sia da considerarsi come un gesto esibito di omaggio al morto, del quale, strumenti musicali raffinati come /yra ed aulos, andrebbero a ricordare per sempre l'appartenenza orgogliosa ad un'élite aristocratica locale fortemente ellenizzata e dai gusti culturali e musicali estremamente raffinati. La musica, infatti, sia in Grecia che in Magna Grecia, costituiva già in età arcaica parte integrante della paideia, ovvero del sistema educativo, di matrice ellenica, che era stato acquisito e spesso reinterpretato dal contesto indigeno, per il quale era sicuramente un vanto dalle forti connotazioni sociali esibire l'appartenenza ad un contesto culturale decisamente elegante. ‘Tuttavia quest’ipotesi, pure credibile, non sembra soddisfare completamente l'esigenza di una spiegazione più profonda e persuasiva dei ritrovamenti musicali all'interno dei corredi funebri

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di contrada Lucifero a Locri.' Ci si deve dunque interrogare sul valore e sul posto occupato dagli strumenti musicali, e in modo particolare dalla /yra e dall’au/os, in contesto locrese funerario arcaico. A tal fine, occorre ricordare brevemente quali fossero il ruolo e il valore riservati a /yra ed au/os all’interno delle celebrazioni funebri in età arcaica in Grecia e Magna Grecia. Senza voler procedere

in maniera troppo schematica e generica, o trascurare le evidenti e necessarie differenze diacroniche e diatopiche che di certo devono

aver interessato la storia culturale dei riti funebri in contesto greco e magnogreco nei diversi secoli, è importante ricordare come

il rito funerario greco abbia mantenuto nel tempo tre momenti fondamentali che qui si andranno sinteticamente a ripercorrere. Il giorno successivo alla morte, nell’ingresso della casa che il defunto aveva abitato in vita, dopo una serie di riti purificatori prescritti, si allestiva il letto funebre, sul quale si adagiava la salma. Il momento era chiamato prothesis,* ovvero esposizione del cadavere

all’omaggio di parenti e congiunti. In questo specifico momento, ovunque ma non a Locri, si svolgevano i lamenti e le manifestazioni di dolore,’ che potevano configurarsi come più spontanei 2007 * Si ricordi la tomba n. 1149, di vi-v sec. a.C. ca., che accoglieva il corpo di un giovane adolescente di circa quindici anni e dove è stata trovata una grande quantità di astragali e vasi a figure nere, oltre ad un carapace di tartaruga. Sul significato della presenza degli astragali nelle sepolture locresi e in generale nelle sepolture magnogreche, ancora si discute. È probabile che questo tipo di oggetto costituisca un richiamo ad una sfera religioso-apotropaica. Si ricordi anche la tomba n. 1290, di vi e v sec. a.C. ca., nella quale sono stati rinvenuti frammenti di una /yra e un bischero in osso, insieme ad una grande quantità di astragali, di molto superiore alla tomba precedente (105 rispetto ai 64 della sepoltura n. 1149). Accanto alla mano sinistra dello scheletro, sono state trovate parti di un 22/05 in osso. Vi sono stati rinvenuti inoltre vasi attici a figure nere con scene richiamanti la vita militare e la dimensione simposiaca. Si rimanda a tal proposito ad ANGELA BELLIA, // canto delle vergini locresi, la musica a Locri Epizefirii nelle fonti scritte e nella documentazione archeologica (secoli vi-111 a.C.), PisaRoma, Serra, 2012, p. 26. 2 A., Ra., 140; Hsch., s.0.; Suda., s.9.; Il, 18, 345-355. 3 Le iconografie vascolari e le rappresentazioni di pinakes aiutano a ricostruire i gesti rituali eseguiti durante la prothesis: gli uomini salutano il morto con il braccio destro sollevato, mentre la donna che guida il Zbresos alza le mani oppure talvolta tiene la testa del defunto fra le mani; tutti gli altri toccano la mano o il petto del morto con la mano destra. Cfr. A companion to Greek Art, u, a cura di Tyler Jo Smith, Dimitris Plantzos, Chichester, Wiley-Blackwell Publication, 2012, p. 489, fig. 24.4.

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Fic. 2. Poseidonia. Pareti musicali nell’ambito di un tratte da ANGELA BELLIA, ridionale e

FERRANDO

laterali della ‘tomba del tuffatore’ con scene simposio (480 a.C. ca.). Le immagini sono Strumenti musicali e oggetti sonori nell Italia mein Sicilia, cit., p. 57, fig. 6o.

o più organizzati Zbrezo;,' veri e propri lamenti lirici spesso accom-

pagnati dalla musica dell’au/os. Qualche tempo dopo, solitamente al terzo giorno dalla morte, avveniva la conduzione della salma al luogo della sepoltura o della pira. Questo momento, nel quale era previsto un corteo di parenti ed amici dai quali potevano essere continuati, in tutto il contesto greco tranne che a Locti, i goo; ed i

threnoi di compianto e lamento doloroso, più o meno accompagnati dalla musica dolente dell'az/es, terminava con la deposizione della salma nel luogo della sepoltura. Era questa l’ekphorà.? Strettamente contestuale, almeno un tempo, all’ekphorà era il terzo ed ultimo atto significativo del funerale greco, ovvero l’epideipnon, il banchetto funebre.i Anticamente, l’epideipnon seguiva immediatamente l’ekphorà * Si discute sul ruolo dell’elegia nel contesto funebre arcaico. In Suda., s.v., si specifica che il ¢brenos era cantato da uomini e donne insieme. 2 Suda., s.v. 3 Suda., s.v.; Il., 24, 801.

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ἐξ

Fic. 3. Locri. Contrada Lucifero. Tomba 730. Guscio di tartaruga, cordiera e laminette in ferro (v-rv a.C. ca.) L'immagine è tratta da ANGELA BELLIA, Struzzenti musicali e oggetti sonori nell'Italia meridionale e in Sicilia, cit., p. 79, fig. 80.

Fic. 4. Locri. Az/oi dalla tomba 1050 della necropoli di Contrada Lucifero (precedente al rv sec. a.C.) con riproduzione grafica. L'immagine è tratta da ANGELA BELLIA, Strumenti musicali e oggetti sonori nell Italia meridionale e in Sicilia, cit., p. 103, fig. 100.

e si svolgeva presso il sepolcro o la pira. I parenti e i congiunti tornavano a consumare cibo e acqua dopo l’astinenza prolungata giustificata dal lutto, che allora veniva dunque deposto e superato

grazie al ritorno alla vita normale, realizzato anche attraverso un

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riavvicinamento alle gioie terrene e gratificanti del banchetto. An-

che l’epideipnon era di solito accompagnato dalla musica dell'az/os. Ora, il contesto funebre locrese appare anche in questo caso del tutto originale. Secondo una notizia che si può trarre da Eraclide Lembo, sembra che l’antica costituzione di Zaleuco vietasse espres-

samente a Locri i lamenti funebri ed i compianti al momento della prothesis, ovvero nel contesto per il quale, invece, tutto il resto del mondo greco ed ellenizzato prevedeva la presenza di lamenti fu-

nebri accompagnati da musica.! A Locri la prozbesis doveva invece essere immersa in un silenzio totale e la musica e la lamentazione potevano

riprendere

dunque

soltanto al momento

dell’epideipron,

del banchetto in onore del morto, che, con il passare del tempo, in Grecia come a Locri, finì per non essere più svolto presso il luogo della sepoltura ma nella casa che era stata abitata in vita dal defunto. Che significato poteva avere dunque questa prozbesis silenziosa?

Sicuramente, si può pensare che l'antico legislatore Zaleuco avesse inteso in questo modo porre un freno alle esagerazioni nelle manifestazioni funebri, spesso troppo eccessive o rumorose, che certo

era dato vedere in alcune città: lo si può dedurre a partire da quelle fonti che parlano dei provvedimenti repressivi e moralizzatori di alcune leggi specifiche per ridurre il lusso o l’eccesso durante i funerali.^ Qui piuttosto si potrebbe pensare ad un silenzio che dica

rispetto nei confronti del defunto.

Una singolare e convincente

spiegazione di questa peculiarità del rito funebre locrese viene in

tal senso dallo studioso Feliciantonio Costabile,? secondo il quale il silenzio della prothesis locrese arcaica sarebbe motivato dalla neces-

sità di consentire all’anima del defunto la possibilità di ascoltare il canto del galletto di Persefone. Quando il galletto avesse cantato, l’anima del defunto avrebbe intrapreso il suo volo, accompagnata da singolari ed enormi galli alati ricchi di doni, per ritornare nella pace eterna del grembo della dea Persefone. Il silenzio avrebbe * Heraclid. Lemb., Polit., 30, 2. * Per la legislazione funeraria e in generale per la struttura del funerale greco, cfr. FLavia FRISONE, Tra linguaggio rituale e vita materiale, le leggi sul rituale funerario nel mondo greco, in Historie, Studi per Giuseppe Nenci, a cura di Salvatore Alessandri, Lecce, Congedo, 1994, pp. 183-210: 189. Si ricordano ad es. i provvedimenti contro le ekphorai polyteleis a Siracusa, di cui parla Diodoro Siculo

(11, 38, 2).

5 FELICIANTONIO CosTABILE, Z culti locresi, in I Greci in Occidente. Santuari della Magna Grecia in Calabria, a cura di Stefano De Caro ef alii, Napoli, Electa, 1996, pp. 22-25.

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dunque consentito all'anima del morto la possibilità di udire il canto del galletto, in contesto locrese e generalmente magnogreco dotato di valenze spiccatamente ctonie (basti pensare a certi bellissimi pinakes' dal Persephoneion della Mannella a Locri). La religiosità locrese, avverte Costabile, mostra alle sue origini un carattere piuttosto popolare, quindi non è escluso che il popolo di Locri avesse dato luogo a questa singolare ed eccezionale pratica devozionale in contesto funerario. Si deve immaginare dunque che a Locri esistesse

un grande ed evidente distacco tra il momento della prothesis, silenziosa e composta, e quello dell’epidezpnon, dove prevaleva invece la dimensione musicale della vitalità riacquisita e celebrata, della vita che tornava dopo il momento della riflessione silenziosa sulla morte. In questo specifico contesto di rinnovato vitalismo, potevano dunque essere eseguiti canti accompagnati dall'az/os, in particolare threnoi ed epikedeia. È Proclo nella sua Crestomazia® che racconta quali fossero i generi lirici deputati ad ogni specifico momento della vita culturale ellenica. In riferimento al contesto funebre, Proclo parla dei #renoi, ovvero dei canti di lamento, ed epikedeia, ovvero dei canti celebrativi. Già gli antichi sembrano non avere ben chiara e definita la distinzione tra Zbrenos ed epikedeion. Forse, essa sarebbe

da intendersi e individuarsi in una diversa lunghezza tra i due tipi di canto funebre. Al di là di definizioni che in questo contesto non sono necessarie, si può assumere come dimensione tipica dell'ep;kedeion quella encomiastica ed elogiativa, talvolta tesa all'eccesso. Quello che qui interessa è che sia ¢hrenoi che epikedeia fossero esclusivamente accompagnati dalla musica degli a4/0î, prevedessero armonie solitamente lidie o mixolidie e potessero essere accompagnati da

una danza grave e composta. Le soluzioni metriche adottate erano soprattutto sistemi di dattilo-cpitriti e logaedi. Il riferimento a shrenoi ed epikedeia accompagnati dalla musica grave e dolente degli auloi,? a Locri come nel resto del mondo ellenizzato, in contesto * MapeLEINE Mervrens-Horn, / pinakes di Locri. Immagini di feste e culti misterici dionisiaci nel santuario di Persefone, in Il rito segreto. Misteri in Grecia e a Roma, a cura di Angelo Bottini, Milano, Electa, 2005, pp. 49-67. ? Per la Crestomazia di Proclo, valga ALBERT SEVERYNS, Récherches sur la Chrestomathie de Proclos. Étude paléographique et critique, Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 1953, p. 368. 3 È naturale presupporre un’evoluzione nello sviluppo del ¢hrenos e dell’epicedio. Il lamento lirico, infatti, ha certamente origine popolare e dapprima aveva carattere amebeo: gli uomini incominciavano il canto, seguiti dalle donne che rispondevano e da un coro che concludeva il momento triadico con

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funebre, sembrerebbe giustificare pienamente la ricca presenza di auloi nelle sepolture locresi di Contrada Lucifero. Ma quale giustificazione cercare per la spesso contestuale presenza di /yrai? La /yra non è strumento di morti, ma di vivi: essa è l'emblema tipico dell’educazione maschile a Locri ed è lo strumento deputato ad accompagnare, in tutto il mondo greco ed ellenizzato, i canti del banchetto dei vivi, ovvero gli skolia, eseguiti dai recumbenti sulle klinai. Anche degli s&o//a ci parla principalmente Proclo nella sua Crestomazia. Quello che qui interessa evidenziare è che, come nel caso di Zbremoi ed epikedeia, anche gli skolia prevedevano di solito armonie lidie o mixolidie e prediligevano soluzioni metrico-liriche di dattilo-epitriti e logaedi. Dunque, per il banchetto dei vivi e dei morti, 1 Greci avevano scelto strumenti e canti diversi, ma in fondo accompagnati da una medesima melodia ed una medesima armonia. Possiamo cosi provare a spiegare il ritrovamento di /yrai nelle sepolture locresi di Contrada Lucifero: potrebbe essere questo un riferimento, anche di buon augurio per la vita oltre la morte del

defunto, alle gioie materiali del banchetto dei vivi, che in questo senso gli si augurerebbe di continuare anche nell’aldilà, durante il banchetto dei morti, in una dimensione eterna di bellezza e felicità materiale. In fondo, non sembra poi lontana la prospettiva che pare possedere la bella ‘tomba del tuffatore’ di Poseidonia, con le sue scene di banchetto. Ma quale posto occupavano /yra ed aulos all’interno della società locrese arcaica, al di là del contesto specifico del funerale di vi sec. a.C.? Sicuramente, Locri era una città dedita alla musica e alla bellezza, così come attesta Pindaro' nella sua decima? e undicesima? Olimpica, dove loda il popolo di Locri, amante del bello e della

cultura. Di Locri era poi originario Senocrito, musico e riformatore, da inquadrarsi in pieno vii sec. a.C. Di Senocrito di Locri non sappiamo molto,^ ma quanto si conosce appare, per il contesto qui

studiato, del tutto significativo. Per tradizione, egli è stato immauna sorta di ritornello. À Roma, a distanza di secoli, si sviluppó qualcosa di simile in contesto nuziale con gli antichi fescennini, ugualmente di carattere lirico e amebeo.

* MARCELLO GIGANTE, Pindaro quale testimone della civiltà letteraria e agonale di Locri Epizefirii, «Kleatchos», xx, Reggio Calabria, 1978, pp. 59-73. 2 Pi., O., 10, 119-123. 3 Pi., O., 11, 15-20. 4 Si veda a questo proposito Maria Grazia FILENI, Senocrilo di Locri e Pindaro, Roma, Edizioni dell'Ateneo, 1987, p. 13.

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ginato cieco come Omero,' segno, questo, di grande eccellenza spirituale. Egli trascorse buona parte della vita a Sparta, città nella quale dovette studiare a fondo la musica, la cultura e la società spartane. Ricco di tale esperienza, ritornò quindi a Locri in tarda età e qui diede luogo ad una vera e propria scuola musicale, colta

e raffinata, all’interno della quale realizzò un’importante riforma della musica. Senocrito, stando allo Pseudo-Plutarco’ del De musica € ad altre fonti,? appartiene alla cosiddetta δευτέρα κατάστασις,

ovvero alla seconda scuola musicale di Sparta. È noto per aver riformato il peana,* che avrebbe acquisito con lui, da un originario ed esclusivo valore divino, un significato ed un contesto anche e soprattutto eroico. In questo, Senocrito non sembra molto distante dal mitico riformatore Arione, che avrebbe rivoluzionato in tal senso il ditirambo. Altra fondamentale riforma senocritea sarebbe stata quella di favorire l'introduzione dell’au/os anche in contesti

e forme musicali un tempo esclusivamente legati ad un'esecuzione citarodica con /yra. Questa

è una notizia importante:

Senocrito

avrebbe in certo senso favorito l'inserimento di una religiosità ed una musicalità di ascendenza dionisiaca all'interno della musicalità apollinea tradizionale accompagnata dalla /yra. Peraltro, a Sparta

Senocrito aveva potuto constatare che esisteva una vera e propria ‘aulocrazia’: tutti i momenti della vita comune a Sparta erano infatti accompagnati dalla musica degli au/oi — e questo indigna non poco Aristotele, per il quale tale scelta culturale è discutibile; per Aristotele, l’a4/os non è strumento ‘etico’, poiché non induce alla paideia, ma piuttosto istiga le passioni, inducendo alla catarsi.’ Al 1 Arist., fr. 611, 60. 2 [Plu.], Mor., De mus., 9, 1134B-C. 3 Pi., fr. 140b; Pi., O., 10, 14-15; Sch. Vet., Pi., O., 10, 17k. 4 Che cosa fossero di preciso i componimenti per i quali Senocrito era famoso, non è dato sapere con esattezza. Le fonti lasciano incerti se si trattasse di peani o ditirambi. Cfr. Glauco di Reggio in [Plu.], Mor., De zzus., 10, 1134E. 5 Arist, Pol, 8, 1341218: οὔτε γὰρ αὐλοὺς εἰς παιδείαν ἀκτέον οὔτ᾽ ἄλλο τι τεχνικὸν ὄργανον, οἷον κιϑάραν κἂν εἴ τι τοιοῦτον ἕτερον ἔστιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσα ποιήσει τούτων ἀκροατὰς ἀγαϑοὺς 7, τῆς μουσικῆς παιδείας T, τῆς ἄλλης: ἔτι δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν ὁ αὐλὸς ἠθικὸν ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ὀργιαστικόν, ὥστε πρὸς τοὺς τοιούτους αὐτῷ καιροὺς χρηστέον ἐν οἷς ἡ ϑεωρία κάϑαρσιν μᾶλλον δύναται A μάϑησιν «La paideia non

deve ricomprendere né gli auloi né altri strumenti da virtuosi, come la kithara o altri strumenti affini, ma piuttosto quelli che saranno capaci di rendere i giovani ascoltatori dotati di senso e buon gusto, o per quanto riguarda l’educazione musicale o per qualsiasi altra cosa. Per di più Paulos non è uno strumento etico, ma, piuttosto, uno strumento che eccita la nostra parte passionale, che deve essere utilizzato soltanto in un certo tipo di contesti, ovvero quelli nei quali lo spettacolo si rivolge più alla catarsi che non all’educazione».

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di là delle letture ‘atenocentriche’ di Aristotele, è vero che a Sparta persino in guerra si andava accompagnati dalla musica degli auloi ed anche gli embateria di Tirteo avevano forma auletica. Il legame di Locri con Sparta è una realtà culturale, storica e politica.‘ La città magnogreca fu spesso alleata e vicina a Sparta in diversi momenti della sua storia e della sua vita politica. Dunque, non è fatto da trascurarsi che il contesto musicale spartano, ben cono-

sciuto da Senocrito e probabilmente da lui ‘importato’ a Locri alla sua scuola riformata, riconoscesse all’a4/os una certa superiorità sulla /yra. Come giustificare allora la contestuale presenza di /yrai

nelle sepolture locresi, che sembrano d'altra parte onorare l’a4/os di origine e cultura dorica offrendone una ricca testimonianza archeologica? Sicuramente, non si deve dimenticare che le colonie

magnogreche vivevano e si alimentavano di esperienze tratte dalla Grecia ma che altrettanto realisticamente provvedevano spesso a manifestare una vivacità ed un'autonomia di scelte culturali e soluzioni personali assolutamente originali. Originalità e tradizione sembra caratterizzare splendidamente il contesto culturale e dinamico della Magna Grecia in tutte le sue epoche ed in tutte le

sue più significative manifestazioni culturali. Questo significa che si può immaginare come, sia in contesto funebre che in contesto genericamente culturale, a Locri tendesse a prevalere, su modello spartano, la musica dell'az/os, ma non fosse trascurata, anche in contesto funebre e nei termini prima illustrati, la /yra. Tale realtà sociale e culturale sembrerebbero poter ragionevolmente attestare 1 realia musicali di Contrada Lucifero a Locri già in età arcaica.

Non si dimentichi poi che la figura di Senocrito è stata fondamentale per i futuri sviluppi della lirica corale non soltanto in contesto dorico e magnogreco ma in tutta la storia della cultura e della musica greca: si pensi ad Ibico, Alcmane, significativamente, allo stesso Pindaro.*

Stesicoro, ma anche,

* Cfr. FRANCEsCA BERLINZANI, La musica a Sparta in età classica. Paideia € strumenti musicali, in Aristonothos. Scritti per il Mediterraneo antico. Atti del seminario di Studi, Università Statale di Milano, y-6 maggio 2010, vili, a cura di Francesca Berlinzani, Trento, Tangram Edizioni scientifiche, 2013, pp. 203-245. 2 Pindaro riconoscerebbe a Senoctito anche l'invenzione di una particolare ‘armonia musicale locrese', della quale si hanno poche e incerte notizie. Si veda in proposito Maria GRAZIA FILENI, Senocrito di Locri e Pindaro, cit., pp. 35-55, dove si discute del problematico frammento pindarico 140b in Pindari carmina cum fragmentis, 11, a cura di Bruno Snell, Herwig Machler, Leipzig, Teubner, 19754 ANGELA BELLIA, // canto delle vergini locresi, cit., p. 83, riconduce all'am-

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Lyrai ed auloi sono altresì oggetti musicali dai profondi significati simbolici e religiosi. Nella religiosità locrese arcaica, /yra ed aulos occupano tuttavia due posti ben distinti e significativi, che

aiutano a capirne i valori simbolici profondi e che altrettanto sicuramente aiuteranno a leggere con più chiarezza il contesto dei ritrovamenti musicali arcaici della necropoli di Contrada Lucifero. L’aulos è uno strumento destinato ai riti collettivi femminili con-

nessi con il passaggio alla vita adulta, in particolare alla condizione di sposa nei riti matrimoniali. Suonatrici di 44/0s in terracotta provengono dai locresi Persephoneion della Mannella e santuario di Afrodite. Si ricordi che in contesto locrese Persefone ed Afrodite tendono a coincidere e sono spesso dotate entrambe di valenze ctonie ed iniziatiche legate al mondo della fecondità misteriosa e

originaria della madre terra. Interessante osservare che materiale votivo o religioso analogo proviene da contesti funebri greci di

matrice dorica: così è per il santuario di Artemide Orthia a Sparta e per altre po/eis, anche magnogreche, di matrice culturale spartana.' Ancora una volta, dunque, in contesto soprattutto dorico, lo strumento dell'az/os tende a prevalere sulla /yra e viene a collocarsi in una ritualità collettiva ed iniziatica di dimensione quasi esclusivamente femminile. La /yra nella religiosità arcaica locrese sembra

invece appartenere piuttosto ad un contesto quasi esclusivamente maschile ed eroico, connesso tuttavia comunque e nuovamente ad una complessa ed antica ritualità di passaggio alla vita adulta. Si

torna così a parlare anche in questo caso di uno strumento musicale connesso ai riti d’iniziazione, questa volta alla vita del guerriero e dell’uomo maturo, che rivestiva il suo posto di rilievo nella società greca arcaica. Molte sono le iconografie interessanti che possono essere qui richiamate. Si faccia riferimento, per esempio, a un vaso del ‘pittore degli Inferi” dove Orfeo, il mitico cantore,

offre la /yra al defunto, garantendo cosi la possibilità del viaggio bito dionisiaco la presenza di una suonatrice di 44/5 con abiti trasparenti e aderenti alla figura rinvenuta in un cortile a Centocamere, nello scavo locrese. * Si ricordino ad es. le figure di auleti provenienti dal santuario di Artemide Orthia a Sparta, databili al vir-vi sec. a.C. ca.; gli auloi in osso con iscrizioni, sempre dal santuario di Artemide Orthia a Sparta, databili al vir sec. a.C.; le effigi di auleti in piombo, le ceramiche provenienti da diverse località, raffiguranti uomini e donne che suonano l’azlos in contesto simposiaco e di komos. Per questi riferimenti, cfr. ANGELA BELLIA, 7] canto delle vergini locresi, cit., pp. 83-84.

84

SERENA

FERRANDO

nell'oltretomba per la sua anima. La /yra è dunque anche strumento di elevazione dell'anima ad una dimensione superiore.' Le stesse osservazioni possono essere fatte quando le fonti iconografiche riguardano i Dioscuri, Apollo o persino Dioniso, che sembrano i corrispondenti maschili, nel rito di passaggio, delle figure femminili di Persefone e Afrodite.? D'altra parte, si ricorderà che

la /yra possiede valenze allusive al mondo dei morti e al viaggio dell'anima nell’aldila anche nel contesto religioso e filosofico degli

ambienti pitagorici ed orfici. E poi occorrerà ricordare che proprio Orfeo,? il mitico cantore, viaggia sempre accompagnato dallo strumento della /yra, con la quale sa incantare e frenare anche le bestie pià feroci. L’orizzonte delle sepolture locresi arcaiche e dei loro reglia musicali appare dunque molto complesso. Si auspica che future ricerche in ambito archeologico, antropologico e musicologico possano confluire e contribuire insieme alla ricostruzione ed alla spiegazione di un mondo cosi complesso e affascinante. * Si vedano in merito CLAUDE CALAME, Pratiche orfiche della scrittura: itinerari iniziatici?, in Orfeo e le sue metamorfosi, a cura di Giulio Guidorizzi, Marxiano Melotti, Roma, Carocci, 2005, pp. 28-45; GIOVANNI PUGLIESE CARRATELLI, L'Orfismo in Magna Grecia, in Magna Grecia, Vita religiosa e cultura letteraria, filosofica e scientifica, 111, a cura di Giovanni Pugliese Carratelli, Milano, Bompiani, 1988, pp. 159-170. Domenico Musti, Le Jamine orfiche e la religiosità d'area locrese, «QUCC», XVI, 1, 1984, pp. 61-83; Libia Forti, ATTILIO Stazio, Vita

quotidiana dei Greci d'Ilalia, in Megale Hellas. Storia ὁ civiltà della Magna Grecia, a cura di Giovanni Pugliese Carratelli οἱ αἰ, Milano, Scheiwiller/Antica Madre,

1983, pp. 641-701. Sulla questione relativa all'iconografia delle suonatrici di /yra ed aulos nel trono di Boston e nel trono Ludovisi, si veda ANGELA BELLIA, 7/ canto delle vergini locresi, cit., pp. 161-166. 2 Si veda a proposito ANGELA BELLIA, 7] canto delle vergini locresi, cit., p. 50. 3 Si veda CorneLia IsLer-KERÉENYI, Orfeo nella ceramografia greca, « Mythos», 111, Caltanissetta, Sciascia, 2009, pp. 13-33.

IHE

ZYMNUS

ON

THE

HOLY

TRINITY

FROM OXYRHYNCHOS (POXY 1786) AND

ITS

ENVIRONMENTS

EGERT

PÓHLMANN

ABSTRACT

Among the last remains of greek poetry with musical notation we meet the first christian hymn with melody, a song on the Holy Trinity in anapaestic monometers, which was written at the end of the third century A.D.

(DAGM

no. 59). Until 1945 the Hymnus on the Holy Trinity from

Oxyrhynchos was considered to be the last witness of ancient greek music as well as the first testimony of christian hymnody. The attempts of the renowned Byzantinist Egon Wellesz and A. W. J. Hollemann to prove an oriental origin for the fragment were futile. Using parallels in

the kindred hymns of Synesius and Clement of Alexandria the gaps of the fragment can be bridged tentatively. The structure of the Hymnus is a clear example for the Free Form. Content and metrical evidence separate paragraphs, which are devoid of strophic structure. The Hymnus is a citharodic monody, the metre of which are anapaestic monometers, which were familiar in imperial times. The Hymnus was performed with the accompaniment of the cithara, perhaps in heterophonic style. Thus,

the Hymnus must be considered to be the last example of ancient greck music. Compared with this Hymnus the Ambrosian Hymns with their strict strophic structure are a fresh beginning of christian hymnody from roman roots. Keryworbs: oriental roots of the Hymnus on the Holy Trinity, text of the Hymnus, structure of the Hywnus, citharodic monody and the Hywnus, the metre of the Hymnus: anapaestic monometers, the performance of the Hymnus, the Hymnus on the Holy Trinity and Ambrosian Hymns.

MONG the last remains of greek poetry with musical notation we meet the first christian hymn with melody, a song on

the Holy Trinity in anapaestic monometers, which was written at the end of the third century A.D. or the beginning of the fourth (DAGM'

no. 59). It originates from Oxyrhynchus in Egypt and

* DAGM is the abbreviation used for EcERT PóHr MANN, MARTIN West, Documents of Ancient Greek Music, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 2001.

L.

86

EGERT

PÓHLMANN

is written on the reverse side of a the first half of the 5'* century a.d. by photos of high resolution in the ox.ac.uk/POxy; under nr. 1786). The

list of deliveries of grain of The papyrus can be studied internet (http://papyrology. hymn belongs to the end of

the same century. The editio princeps by Arthur S. Hunt und H. Stuart Jones appeared in 1922.' The contributions to the fragment were assembled by Hgert Póhlmann in 1970.* For a new edition of the fragment Martin L. West has collated the papyrus anew in 2001? (see PLATE 1-2). Charles H. Cosgrove has presented in 2011 a competent inquiry about this hymn, which after having summarized the research work of a century displays new aspects also.4 1. THe AN

Πυμνῦβ

ALLEGED

on

WITNESS

THE HoLy OF

TRINITY,

ORIENTAL

Music?

Until 1945 the Hywnus on the Holy Trinity from Oxyrhynchos was

considered to be the last witness of ancient greek music as well as the first testimony of christian hymnody. But then the renowned

Byzantinist Egon Wellesz opened a controversy,’ which lasted until 1992, as one can see in the thorough report in Cosgrove.‘ Wellesz tried to find in the Hymnus on the Holy Trinity a missing

link between congregational singing in the jewish synagogue and the early christian church (both of which are totally unknown to

us) on the one hand, the byzantine hymnody and the gregorian chant on the other hand. Therefore he denied the roots of the

Hymnus on the Holy Trinity in greek poetry and music.

Serious

* ArtHur S. Hunt, H. Stuart Jones, Christian Hymn with Musical Notation, in POxy, xv, London, 1922, pp. 21-25. In the sequel not the lines of the papyrus are quoted, but verses of a version in anapaestic monometers (see below p. 93). 2 Ecert POHLMANN, Denkméler Aligriechischer Musik, Nürnberg, Hans Carl, 1970 (= DAM), pp. 106-109, n. 38. 3 DAGM, pp. 190-194, n. 59. 4 CHarLEs H. Coscrove, An Ancient Christian Hymn with Musical Notation, Tübingen, Mohr-Siebeck, 2011 («Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum», 65). 5 Econ J. WeLLESZ, The Earliest Example of Christian Hymnody, «CQ», XXXIX, 1945, PP. 34-45. 6 CHARLES H. Coscnovz, An Ancient Christian Hymn, cit., pp. 1-11.

THE

HYMNUS

ON

THE

HOLY

TRINITY

FROM

OXYRHYNCHOS

87

opposition from Reginald P. Winnington-Ingram' did not deter Wellesz from repeating his opinions.” As the first Corpus of fragments of ancient greek music did not appear until 1970,? it was

cumbersome

earlier to gain command

of the material existing.

Otherwise Wellesz might have seen easily, that the peculiarities of the Hymnus on the Holy Trinity, for which he postulated oriental roots, have evident parallels in pagan fragments of greek music

in imperial times. Based on Wellesz’s opinions Aloysius W. J. Hollemann tried in vain to prove that the notorious hostility of the Fathers of the Church against pagan music and its instruments was directed against the fact that pagan music was ‘beat-music’, a music with steady rhythmical measure: «Christian authors did not keep it a

secret that their anathema's meant exactly the rhythms and the beat-instruments of the pagan music».^ The passages quoted (e.g. Arnob., Maz., 7, 32) however testify only to the understandable

criticism against certain instruments, the role of which in orgiastic cults is well known, as Wellesz has clearly seen: «Drums (τύμπαva), cymbals

(xeóv«Ax),

clappers

(κρόταλα), horns

(κέρατα),

and

flutes (αὐλοί) were the instruments mainly used in orgiastic rites.» Hollemann however wants to ascribe to the music of the early christian church already an aequalistic character, of which there

is no evidence before the Gregorian chant in the 10 century. He tries to prove this by a musical sign of the neumatic notation of the middle byzantine neumatic scripture, the so called toov (a

sign for repetition of the tone), which is defined in the so called Papadike,

a scolastic treatise of late byzantine times, as tone of

beginning, tone of lection and final tone: «᾿Αρχή, μέση, τέλος καὶ * REGINALD P. WINNINGTON-INGRAM, Fragments of Unknown Greek Tragic Texts with Musical Notation, «so», XXXI, 1955, pp. 29-87, esp. 75, 8o £., 84 fi, 86 f. 2 Econ J. WeLLESz, A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 19617, pp. 152-156. 5 EcERT POHLMANN, Denkmaler Aligriechischer Musik, cit. 4 ALoysius W. J. HoLLEMANN, The Oxyrrhynchos Papyrus 1786 and the Relationship between Ancient Greek and Early Christian Music, « Vigiliae Christianae», XVI, 1972, pp. 1-17; esp. 3; 9 f. 5 Econ J. WeLLESZ, A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography, cit., see pp. 78-97: The Pagan Background. 6 Econ J. WeLLEsz, A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnograply, cit., p. 288, n. 2.

88

EGERT

PÓHLMANN

σύστημα πάντων τῶν σημαδίων τῆς ψαλτικῆς τέχνης τὸ ἴσον ἐστί" ... λέγεται δὲ ἄφωνον οὐχ ὅτι φωνὴν οὐκ ἔχει, αλλ᾽ ὅτι ἀριϑμὸν φωνῆς οὐκ ἔχει. φωνεῖται μὲν, οὐ μετρεῖται δέ. διὰ μὲν οὖν πάσης τῆς ἰσότητος ψάλλεται τὸ ἴσον, διὰ δὲ πάσης τῆς ἀναβάσεως τὸ ὀλίγον,

καὶ διὰ δὲ πάσης τῆς καταβάσεως ὁ ἀπόστροφος». Hollemanns understanding of the Papadi&e is erroneous: «This definition, or paraphrase, makes it clear that the body of Christian

ecclesiastical music was “derhythmed”, denuded of rhythm».' The cumbersome definition of the tcov in the Papadike:«aorduov φωνῆς οὐκ ἔχει. φωνεῖται μέν, οὐ μετρεῖται» was already aptly explained by Wellesz: not the rhythmical value, as Hollemann thinks, but the intervallic value of the sign is measured by the neumes. This value, in the case of the ἴσον, the sign for repetition of the tone, is zero, in the case of the ὀλίγον and the ἁπόστροφος one tone upwatds and downwards respectively, and similarly in the cases of the other neumes.* If Hollemann’s opinion were correct, the fact that the Hywnus on the Holy Trinity was supplied by rhythmical

notation at all would be inexplicable. The explanation of Hollemann is far from being persuasive: the notation of the /Zyzmus on the Holy Trinity is supposed by him to be «a demonstration of the inadequacy, and at least as regards the rhythmical signs, of

the fundamental error of using the existing Greek notation for Christian music».?

In 1992, West has refuted the arguments of Wellesz in turn,* without having regard to Hollemann. Untenable is the opinion of Wellesz:

«Metrically

short

syllables

are often set to length-

ened notes») This is true only in verse 18 and 20 of the hymn, where the trinitarian formula «πατέρα χυϊὸν χἄγιον πνεῦμα» had to be accommodated. Besides, both lengthened a/phas keep the anceps-position at the end of the verse. As for the rest, the poet used the expedient of the crasis. The next formula «χράτος (καὶ) αἶνος [ἀεὶ καὶ δόξα ϑεῷ]» was accommodated to the meter by the * ALovsius W. J. HoLLEMANN, The Oxyrrhynchos Papyrus 1786, cit., p. 13. 2 Econ J. WeLLESZ, A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography, cit., pp. 284-292, esp. 290 f. 5 ALovsius W. J. HoLLEMANN, The Oxyrrhynchos Papyrus 1786, cit., p. 11. 4 MARTIN L. West, "Analecta Musica v, The Christian Hymn from Oxyrbynchus. Greek. Music or Syriac?, «zPE», XCII, 1992, pp. 47-54; teprint in MARTIN WEST, Hellenica 111, Oxford, University Press, 2013, pp. 236-244. i Econ J. WeLLESz, The Earliest Example of Christian Hymnody, cit., p. 41.

THE

HYMNUS

ON

THE

HOLY

TRINITY

FROM

OXYRHYNCHOS

89

poet eliminating the first καί and by replacing the usual εὐλογία by αἶνος. The hebraic ἀμήν is four times (verse 23; 28) scanned with long a/pha. But there are paralleles for it.’

By praising the Trinity and singing the Doxology the Hymnus comes to an end (verse 17-28). But its beginning is governed by

the command greek

of the ritual silence, which is proclaimed in old

lyric before

a liturgic action or the epiphany

of a god.

First examples appear already in the //iad.i West quotes contemporary parallels, Hymnus 1 and 2 of Synesius of Kyrene (born about 370, died before 415), which proclaim in either case before

the singing of the Hymnus

the favete linguis,+ and refers to the

prooemium (DAGM no. 26) of the Hymn to the Sun (DAGM

no.

27) of Mesomedes, which Synesius paraphrases with« εὐφαμεῖτο αἰϑὴο καὶ y&ü». The motive of favete linguis was so familiar that Aristophanes (Av., 778; 17., 39 ff.) and Lucian (ZZysm to the gout: Trag., 191-203) parodied it. The /Zyzmus on the Holy Trinity must

be considered as a witness of the alexandrian syncretism of greck tradition and early christianity, which West eventually exemplifies by the use of the homeric δωτήρ (verse 26). ὅ According to Wellesz, the oriental origin of the melody of the Hymnus on the Holy Trinity is attested by the unusual richness of

melisms? and by the use of formulas, which are allegedly unknown in ancient greek music.* Wellesz tries to derive these peculiarities via the psalmody of early christianity from the liturgy of the Syna-

gogue.? In contrast to this West points to the fact that the melodies of imperial times, which were already published in the first Corpus

of fragments of ancient greek music,'° display no less melisms than * MARTIN L. West, Hellenica 11, cit., p. 237. ^ MARTIN L. West, Rev. CHarLES H. Coscrove, An Ancient Christian Hymn, «GRMS», II, 2014, DD. 211-213: esp. 211, n. 1. 3 References in JoacHim GRUBER, Hans SrROHM, Synesios von Kyrene, Hynmen, eingeleitet, übersetzt und kommentiert, Heidelberg, Carl Winter,

1991, p. 143 f.

4 Synes., IIymm., 1, 72-85; 2, 28-43, see JOACHIM GRUBER, HANS STROHM, Synesios von Kyrene, cit., p. 185. 5 Synes., Hymn., 1, 72-75 = Mesomedes, DAGM, n. 26, 1 f. 6 Martin L. West, Hellenica un, cit., p. 240 f. 7 Econ J. WeLLESz, The Earliest Example of Christian Hymnody, cit., p. 43; Egon J. Wellesz, A History of Byzantine Music and Flymnography, cit., p. 156. è Ibidem, pp. 44 and 156. 9 Ibidem, pp. 45 and 156. ^ Ecert POHLMANN, Denkmaler Aligriechischer Musik, cit.

9o

EGERT

PÓHLMANN

the Hymnus on the Holy Trinity,’ that the melodic formulas in the

Hymnus on the Holy Trinity are matched by striking parallels in fragments of pagan music,’ and that songs of the early Synagogue by assumptions.^ The statement fo is typical of the Early Christian

the reconstruction of the liturgical Idelsohn? is based on wholly unsafe Wellesz «This kind of cantillation liturgical singing, derived from the

singing of the psalms in Jewish liturgy; it came down to us virtually unchanged, both in the practice of Jews in the Middle East and in the Eastern and Western Churches»? is based for christian melodies

on manuscripts with neumes after 1000 A.D., for hebraic melodies however on oral tradition no earlier than the 19 century. This way, Wellesz postulates a continuity, whic is unfounded. In 2011 Charles Cosgrove has dedicated an ample monography to the Hymnus on the Holy Trinity, which received a favourable review by West. In doing so Cosgrove has taken up all problems which have been hitherto scrutinized. Thus, he has multiplied in the chapter Interpretation of the Text (pp. 37-63) the references (pp. 38-47) for the motiv of the Ca// for Cosmic Stillness (verses 6-16). Even

in the Old Testament

he has found

references

(p. 44: Ha-

bakuk 2,20; Sacharia 88,17; Jesaia 41,1). The Septuaginta however translates the tion with the examined all ers, like West

respective passages in such a manner, that a connecHymnus on the Holy Trinity is excluded. After having hints to christian liturgical patterns Cosgrove consid(see above p. 88 £) the ZZygmnus on the Holy Trinity to

be a result of syncretism: «The Text of the Hymn reflects traditional Christian formulations along with language from the pagan Hellenistic tradition» (p. 62). In the chapter Musical Analysis (pp. 83-128) Cosgrove carries on the examination of formulas in the melody (pp. 92-102) which West

(see above p. 88 f.) already had begun. In doing so he highlights the variation of melodic formulas as special property of the Hywnus * Martin L. West, Hellenica 111, cit., p. 242. 2 Ibidem, p. 243 f. 3 ABRAHAM Z. IDELSOHN, Parallelen zwischen gregorianischen und hebraisch-orientalischen Gesangweisen, « ZEMW », 1v, 1921-1922, DD. 514-524. 4 MARTIN L. West, Hellenica 11, cit., p. 242 f. i Econ J. WeLLESz, The Earliest Example of Christian Hymnody, cit., p. 45; ABRAHAM Z. IDELSOHN, Parallelen, cit. 6 CnanLEs H. CosGrove, An Ancient Christian Hymn, cit.; MARTIN L. West, Rev. CHARLES H. Coscrove, An Ancient Christian Hymn, cit., pp. 211-213.

THE

HYMNUS

ON

THE

HOLY

TRINITY

FROM

OXYRHYNCHOS

ΟἹ

on the Holy Trinity. After that he compares the use of melisms in the

Hymnus on the Holy Trinity with the stock of ancient greek melodies, which has considerably grown from 1970 to 2001, thus displaying that the use of melisms in the ZZyznus on the Holy Trinity is by far

exceeded in some new findings." Consequently, the use of melisms is no longer a witness for oriental influences. There remains the peculiarity that the Hymnus on the Holy Trinity, even compared with the stock of melodies in DAGM (2001), falls

short in representing the accents of the text in the melody, a principle, which is obligatory in the musical fragments of hellenistic and imperial times (pp. 108-115: Melody and Verbal Accent),* a flaw which Cosgrove confirmed by statistical inquiries also. However,

he succeeded in five of nine cases to prove that the disregard of the accent is conditioned by the aim of the composer to repeat certain melodic formulas in order to increase their effect (p. 114). The four remaining flaws (φαεσφόρα, ποταμῶν, χάγιον, ἀμήν) might be reduced to two: ἀμήν (twice) is not greek; and ποταμῶν gives the circumflex properly the highest notes, but by a rising, not a falling melism. But all in all, there is no longer any reason to deny that the melody respects the accents of the greek text. New aspects are displayed in the chapter Social Setting (pp. 129-

156): Oxyrrhynchus, the prominent finding place of papyri 160 km in the south-west of Cairo, was the third largest town of hellenistic Egypt, where a christian minority, in spite of sporadic prosecu-

tions, could build churches. Pagan and christian literary papyri attest connections with Alexandria. Cosgrove tries to find a place in the life of the community (the $z/ im Leben) for a leaf of papyrus with a christian hymnus in such an environment. After having cautiously evaluated other possibilities he presents an attractive proposal: «A christian musician from Alexandria, when paying a

visit to Oxyrhynchus, lets a local musician have an hymnus from his stock, which is copied for the local congregation» (p. 145). The great number of papyri with musical notation found in Oxyrhynchus attests that there were in Oxyrhynchus many musicians able to read musical notation (p. 140). * E.g. DAGM, nn. 41; 47; 49; 57, but also n. 5o (= DAM, n. 30); n. 42 (* DAM, n. 39). 2 Word accent disregarded: ἠῶ, φαεσφόρα, ποταμῶν, πᾶσαι, ἡμῶν, χἅγιον, ἀμἦν, ἀγαθῶν, ἀμήν.

92

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PÓHLMANN

In an Appendix (Pitch Centers and Tonal Structures in Ancient Greek Melodies) Cosgrove searches in the musical fragments for tonal steps like the mese, which might have the function of a Tonika or Dominante (pp. 157-194). In hellenistic melodies the border tones of

the tetrachords of the respective key can in melodies from imperial times. Instead, is privileged by its frequency, by its use in by its function as initial or final tone. The

take this place, but not one or more tonal step repetitions of tones and melody of the Hymn on

the Holy Trinity integrates itself perfectly into this frame.' As it turns out, Cosgrove's extensive investigation leaves little to be desired. Only the chapters Questions touching the Reading (pp. 16-23), Genre and Form (pp. 66-68) and Performance (pp. 126-128) leave open questions, which perhaps can be answerered by comparing the FZygmus on the Holy Trinity with the beginnings of latin

hymnody, the Hymnus Ambrosianus. 2.

THe

ἸΈΧΤ

oF

THE

/Hrmnus

ON

THE

HOLY

TRINITY

The writer of the papyrus, having turned his leaf of papyrus by 90°, could write on the back of it parallel to the fibres of the pa-

pyrus. Thus, he had the possibility to write melodic lines of about 3o cm length without colometry, as it is familiar in the musical

fragments. Five lines are preserved. Lines 2 and 3 lack the left half, lines 4 and 5 are quite complete. The consensus about the readings and supplements of the readable passages of the Hymnus is displayed in DAGM (see PLATES 1 and 2), which is adopted by Cosgrove with marginal differences.? But

the great gaps at the beginning of the Hymnus are still disputed. Because of the kinship of the Hyznus on the Holy Trinity to the anapaestic hymns of Synesius (sce below, p. 93 f.) philologists made no scruple to borrow from him.Thus it is possible to bridge the last gaps, using in verse 9 the reading of Reinach «[o]ó τὰν ἠῶ», and not Hunt’s reading «[πρ|υτανήῳ». Doing so it is at best

possible to regain the general line of thought and the structure of the text, but of course never the original wording, as a version * CHARLES H. CoscnRovz, An Ancient Christian Hymn, cit., 2 DAGM, p. 192, n. 2; MARTIN L. West, Rev. CHARLEs An Ancient Christian Hymn, cit., p. 212, n. 2, against Cosgrove 5 Martin L. West, Rev. CHARLES H. Coscrove, An Hymn, cit., p. 211.

pp. 180, 194. H. CoscRovE, p. 13. Ancient Christian

THE

HYMNUS

ON

with

supplements

THE

HOLY

shows,

TRINITY

which

FROM

OXYRHYNCHOS

is presented

exempli gratia

93

(see

below p. 94). This version displays the text, just like Synesius in his Hymnus 1 and 2, as a chain of anapaestic monometers, which is articulated into paragraphs of variable length.' 3. THE

TrInITARIAN WITH

[Σὲ πάτερ κόσμων,] [πάτερ αἰώνων,] [μέλπωμεν] ὁμοῦ πᾶσαι τε ϑεοῦ

λόγιμοι δυνάμεις] [dala χ[όσμος ἔχει.,] [οὐ μὴν κελαδεῖ] [νύκτα ζαϑέην]

[o]ó τὰν ἠῶ. 10

=

t

— γάτω,

und? ἄστρα φαε-

σφόρα χ[ρω]ζέσ]ϑων, 15

ἐ[κ]λειπ[όντων] [διπαὶ πνοιῶν,] [πηγαὶ] ποταμῶν ῥοθίων πᾶσαι.

25

πνεῦμα, m

5/6

the father of eternity, we praise together with all of God's renowned powers.

Everything in the universe shall utter no sound neither in the holy night nor in the dawn. there be silence! nor let the gleaming stars shine with their colours;

let the rushing and all the springs of the roaring rivers. And while we sing the father the son and the holy spirit,

“--

let all the powers join in singing

χράτος

power, glory for ever and honour be to God,

αἶνος

amen, amen.

[ἀεὶ]

[καὶ δόξα ϑεῷ]

Sor [et] μόνῳ

1786)

Thee, the father of the universe,

πᾶσαι δυνάμεις ἐπιφωνούντων ἀμὴν ἀμήν.

πάντων ἀγαθῶν. ἀμὴν ἀμήν. 1-3.

(POxy

of the winds be still,

— iu — νούντων δ᾽ ἡμῶν [π]|ατέρα χυϊὸν χἄγιον 20

Monopy

SUPPLEMENTS

the only giver of all good things. amen,

atnen.

suppl. e.g. Póhlmann cl. Synes., Hyzz., 1 (3), 266 f., Clem. AL, Paed., 58. suppl. del Grande cl. Synes., Hyzn., 2 (4), 32; Se[.].[.]at...v[ Pap., West. * See below p. 94.

94.

EGERT

7/8 9 12/13 14/15 25

suppl. suppl. suppl. suppl. suppl.

Póhlmann cl. Synes., Hyzn., 2 (4), 6. Reinach. West. Póhlmann cl. Synes., Hyzz., 1 (3), 78-80. Pighi.

Translation: Andrew

Barker.

4. OF

PÓHLMANN

THE

THE

Hymnus

STRUCTURE ON

THE

HoLy

TRINITY

The preserved part of the Hymnus is divided by the content into five paragraphs of unequal length. Verses 10-16 expand the commandment of the favere linguis (see above, p. 89), which is proclaimed here during the praise of the Holy Trinity by the congregation in verses 17-20. Very close is Synesius with «ἐχέτω σιγὰ / κόσμου λαγόνας / ἱερευομένων / ἁγίων ὕμνων» (Fiymn., 1, 82-85) or «Γἃ σιγάτω͵ ἐπὶ σοῖς ὕμνοις» (FIymn., 2, 28 f.). In verses 21-28 the celestial powers join in by singing the doxology, which is framed by a twofold ἀμὴν ἀμήν, thus attesting the end of the hymnus.

It is important that this structure is corroborated by the metrics amd the musical notation. Verse 10 is acephalous. Its missing first syllable is replaced in the notation by the sign for a pause with the value of two shorts, the leimma, a rounded lambda with a dash. Verse 17 also is acephalous, carrying in the notation the leimma with dash. Verse 20 however is brachycatalectic, carrying at its end instead of the two missing long syllables the leimma with dash.

Winnington-Ingram has seen that at this place a leimma with the value of four shorts is required.'

The structure which is attested in the preserved part of the hymn (verses 10-28) transpires also in the verses 1-9: verses 1-5 announce the praise of god by the congregation and the celestial powers, verses 6-9 describe like verses 10-16 the ritual silence of the nature. This might be the beginning of the hymnus, as the

favete linguis has its natural place at the beginning of a prayer.”

* REGINALD P. WINNINGTON-INGRAM, Fragments of Unknown Greek Texts, cit., pp. 80 f., 84 f. 2 CHARLES H. Coscrove, An Ancient Christian Hymn, cit., p. 65 f.

Tragic

THE

HYMNUS

5.

ON

THE

SticHIc

HOLY

Form,

TRINITY

STropHIcC

FROM

Form,

OXYRHYNCHOS

Free

95

Form

Martin L. West has aptly described which structural types of me-

ter, rhythm and melody were possible in greek poetry and music.' The distinguishing mark of the Stichic form? is the continuous repetition of a basic meter and its modifications like in the homeric

hexameter. Examples from the musical fragments are the Hymns of Mesomedes (DAGM nos. 27/28), the Paean of Berlin (DAGM no. 50) and secondary compositions of spoken parts of dramatic pieces DAGM nos. 38-40, 42/43). The borderline between Stichic

form and Free form (see below) is fluid. Of the Strophic Form? there are to be distinguished two types: one in the dorian choral lyric, the other in the aeolic and ionic monody. In the dorian choral lyric every pairing of strophe and

antistrophe is an unique structure with own metrics and melody, which is never reused for another choral song. In the musical fragments there is the fragment of an antistrophe from a choral song of the Oreszes of Euripides (DAGM no. 2). The monody of the East however develops types of strophes

which may be reused for any given song, the shortest of which is the distichon. Familiar examples are stanzas of four lines like the sapphic, alcaeic and asclepiadeic stanza. In the musical fragments there is a stanza of three and two stanzas of four lines of the ionic type, the Prooemium to Calliope (DAGM no. 25), the Prooemium to the Muse (DAGM no. 24) and the Seikilos song (DAGM no. 23). Ambrosius reiterates this type with his metrum ambrosianum, a stanza of four lines of iambic dimeters with a fixed melody for cight stanzas.

There remains the Free Form,* the distinguishing mark of which is a sequence of paragraphs of unequal length, which are marked by the content and perhaps by metrics and melody. Music in the

Free Form began with the instrumental music of the 6^ century B.C. The aulos player Sacadas earned in Delphi in 586, 582 und

578 the first prize for his Pythikos Nomos, a solo piece of program music for aulos alone, which depicted in 5 paragraphs the battle

of Apollon with the dragon Python. The astrophic structure of * Martin

L. West,

Ancient Greek Music, Oxford,

Clarendon

Press, 1992,

pp. 208-217.

^ Ibidem, p. 208 f. ^ Ibidem, pp. 212-217.

5 Ibidem, pp. 209-212.

οὔ

EGERT

the Pyzbi&os Nomos paragraphs of the pander (1* half of An example of

PÓHLMANN

has a parallel in the vocal monody in the seven Kitharodikos Nomos, which is ascribed to Ter7°° century B.c.). the Kitharodikos Nomos are the Persae of Timo-

theus of Miletus (ca. 450-360). The Citharodic Monody was adopted

by Melanippides of Melos (2*4 half of 5 century B.c.) into the dithyrambus. From there it intruded into the music of the stage, as the monodies of the late Euripides and its parodies in Aristophanes show.' There are some examples of this category in the musical fragments (e.g. DAGM nos. 20/21, 38, 39). The Hymnus on the Holy Trinity from Oxyrrhynchos, the structure of which is evident alone by the leimma signs (see above p. 93), is also an example of the Free Form, a Citharodic Monody in

anapaestic monometers. Considering its form and structure the Trinitarian Monody, as we could call it now, squares well with the categories of old greek poetry. 6.

ANAPAESTIC

MONOMETERS

Anapaests are familiar in the pagan poetry of imperial times.* Seneca composes the bulk of his choruses as sequences of anapaestic dimeters, which are articulated by interspersed monometers.

Interesting is Agamemnon 310-407, where anapaestic dimeters alternate regularly with anapaestic monometers. Mesomedes of Crete,? the court poet of emperor Hadrian (113-193)^ and his successor, Antoninus Pius,’ wrote a series of poems in anapaests, and the

first greek pagan example of anapaestic monometers, the Fable of the Swan (GDK'" no. 10). In recognition of Mesomedes' merits * For the history of the Free Form’ until the monody see EcznT PóurMANN, Ancient Greek Poetry and the Development of Monody, and Aristophanes, Free Form and the Monody, in EGERT POHLMANN, Gegenwartige Vergangenheit,

Ausgewablte Kleine Schriften, hrsg. von Georg Heldmann, Berlin-NewYork, de Gruyter, 2009 («BzA», 262), pp. 245-257 and 258-271. ? ULRICH von WILAMOWwITZ-MOELLENDORFF, Griechische Verskunst, Berlin, Weidmann, 1921, pp. 366-375; Martin L. West, Greek Metre, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1982, pp. 169-173. 3 ULRICH von WiLamowrrz-MoELLENDORFF, Griechische Verskunsi, cit., pp. 595-607; GDK, τι, Mesomedes, nn. 1-13. Poems with notation: DAGM, nn. 24-31. 4 Suda s.v. Μεσομήδης; Hieronymus, Chron., PL, xxvii, p. 469, Ol. 230, 4. 5 SHA, Pius, 7, 8. 6 Apocrola, alternating with paroemiaci (MARTIN L. West, Greek Metre, cit.,

172 f£); GDK, n. 2,7-25; n. 5; nn. 6-9; nn. 11/12: 7 GDK

and GDK

τι are the abbreviations used for Ernst Heitsch (Hrsg),

THE

HYMNUS

ON

THE

HOLY

TRINITY

FROM

OXYRHYNCHOS

97

as a citharode Caracalla erected a cenotaph for him.' Anapaestic monometers appear also in greek ritual poetry,” as in a Pacan, which treats the birth of the twins of Leto. (GDK, LI). The first anapaestic monometers in greek christian poetry appear in the Hymnus on Christ (GDK, xLV no. 1); which is transmitted at

the end of the Paidagogos of Clemens of Alexandria (born ca. 150, died before 215). The hymnus exhibits the structure of the Free Form. After an introduction in four tripodies follow 62 anapaestic monometers, which are articulated as well by the content as by the metrics, namely by dimeter with catalexis (verses 10, 28, 32), in

four paragraphs. The second christian example of the Free Form is the Zrinitarian monody from Oxyrrhynchos

(DAGM

no. 59), 28

anapaestic monometers, which are articulated as well by the content as by the metrics and rhythmics, by catalexis and leimma in the notation, into four paragraphs (see above p. 93). Anapaestic monometers are used by Synesius also in his Hymnus 1 and 2.1

Joachim Gruber and Hans Strohm were the first to describe the structure of both these hymns thoroughly.’ Again we find evident paragraphs of unequal length, which are however not marked off by metrical means. If the hymns were sung, the melody was not transmitted. The Trinitarian Monody from Oxyrrhynchos however squares clearly with the metrical and musical tradition of the

greck pagan and christian poetry of imperial times. 7. THE

PERFORMANCE

ΟΕ POxy

1786

In his chapter upon the Performance of the Trinitarian Monody (pp. 166-168) Cosgrove aptly pointed to the fact that none of the posDie Griechischen Dichterfragmente der rümischen Kaiserzeit, Góottingen, Vandenhoeck-Ruprecht, 1961 (««Abh. Akad. Wiss. Gottingen Phil.Hist. Klasse», 3. Folge, Nr. 49) (GDK); and Ernst Heitsch (Hrsg), Die Griechischen Dichterfragmente der rimischen Kaiserzeit, vol. 11, Góttingen, 1964, Vandenhoeck-Ruprecht, 1964 («Abh. Akad. Wiss. Gottingen Phil.Hist. Klasse» 3. Folge, Nr. 58) (GDK,

11 8), with supplementa (S 41-64) to vol. 1. * D. C., 77, 13, 7: ὅτι «1H τε Μεσομήδει τῷ τοὺς κιϑαρῳδικοὺς νόμοὺς συγγρα'ψαντι χκενοτάφιον ἔχωσε, τῷ μὲν ὅτι καὶ κιϑαρῳδεῖν ἐμάνθανε. 2 ULRICH von WiLamowrTz-MoELLENDORFF, Griechische Verskunst, cit., p. 372; MARTIN. L. West, Greek Metre, cit., p. 170 f. 3 MARTIN. L. West, Greek Metre, cit., p. 171; CHARLES H. Coscrove, Ar Ancient Christian Hymn, cit., pp. 153-155. 4 JoACHIM GRUBER, Hans STROHM, Synesios von Kyrene, cit., p. 34 f. 5 Ibidem, pp. 136 f., 183.

98

EGERT

PÓHLMANN

sibilities of the performance of the piece discussed finds support in the text or in the environment of the early christian service

in Oxyrrynchus in the end of the 3% century. In particular, «ὑμνούντων 8’ ἡμῶν» (verse 16-17) does not attest congregational singing. Solo singing remains a possibility. None the less, «πᾶσαι δυνάμεις

ἐπιφωνούντων»

(verses

21 f.) is a hint

to responsorial

performance. On the other hand, the conception of the silence of the cosmos, the praise of the trinity by the congregation and the

singing of the doxology by celestial powers are parts of a coherent spiritual fiction (p. 126 f.).

However, the question of performance of POxy 1786 is already decided as soon as the fragment is classified with the species of the Citharodic Monody (see above, p. 96): the fragment is a solo piece with the accompaniment of the cithara, and not a congregational song. It is true that the melody begins one step lower than the

compass of the classical cithara. But the accompaniment need not have followed the melody in unison.' A heterophonic accompaniment is equally possible.* Some musical fragments attest that pagan and christian lyric poetry in Stichic form was sung in imperial times (see above, p. 95). The best examples are the poems of Mesomedes, of which four are transmitted with their melody (DAGM nos. 24/25, 27/28). Two of them use anapaestic apocrota (DAGM nos. 27/28). The metre and key of the setting of four more poems is attested (DAGM nos. 26, 29-31). Dio Cassius classified the monodies of Mesome-

des with Citharodic Nomoi.? This links Mesomedes with the Zrinitarian Monody, the verses 10-16 of which are nearly a paraphrase of Mesomedes DAGM no. 26. Another link leads from Mesomedes to Synesius. Quoting the Nemesis-Nomos (DAGM no. 28, 9-11) Synesius remarks that he sings it with the accompaniment of the lyre.* West has pointed to the fact that metres of Synesius reappear in Mesomedes’ poems, that both poets, just as the Trinitarian Monody, use the dorian literary dialect, and that there are echoes in * STEFAN HacEL, Ancient Greek Music, A New Technical History, Cambridge, University Press, 2010, p. 318. 2 CHARLES H. Coscrove, An Ancient Christian Hymn, cit., p. 128. 3 See p. 97, footnote 1; MARTIN L. WEST, Rev. CHARLES H. CosGrove, An Ancient Christian Hymn, cit., p. 240. 4 Synes., epist., 95, p. 69: περὶ ἧς [sc. Nemesis] πρὸς λύραν ddopev: λήϑουσα δὲ πὰρ πόδα βαίνεις γαυρούμενον αὐχένα κλίνεις͵ ὑπὸ πῆχυν del βιοτὰν κρατεῖς.

THE

HYMNUS

ON

THE

HOLY

TRINITY

FROM

OXYRHYNCHOS

99

wording.' Taking all together, it transpires that Mesomedes was a classic in citharodic performance in the 2™ century a.d. Synesius himself refers to his poems mostly as ὕμνοι alternating with μέλος.’ Sometimes he mentions the accompanying in-

strument, the Cithara^ or the Phorminx.’ But this is mere lyric convention, which proves nothing for the performance. But if Synesius

wants

to classify exactly

a new

species introduced

by

him, namely a hymnus on Christ in the meter of Telesilla of Argos (about 500 B.c.), he uses the professional Zerminus Νόμος: «Πρῶτος νόμον εὑρόμαν / ἐπὶ σοί, μάκαρ, ἅμβροτε / γόνε κύδιμε παρϑένου / Ἰησοῦ Σολυμήϊς, / νεοπαγέσιν ἁρμογαῖς / κρέξαι κιϑάρας μίτους» (Hymn. 6, 1-6).7 The use of ὕμνος side by side with νόμος by Synesius squares well with a system of lyric genres (εἴδη) in Plato,* which defines ὕμνος as εὐχὴ πρὸς θεούς. There follow θρῆνοι, Παίωνες

and

Διϑύραμβοι, genres defined like ὕμνος merely by their content (Pl., Lg., 700b1-5). Another class of genres, the νόμοι κιϑαρῳδικοί or αὐλῳδικοί (Pl. Lg., 700b$-6; d7-8), are defined by their musical form, the νόμος. Synesius evidently uses a familiar general term side by side with a professional term. 8.

TRINITARIAN

MonoDY

VERSUS

AMBROSIAN

HrMmnus

Anapaestic monometers in the Citharodic Monody are familiar in im-

perial times. Pagan and christian examples, an anonymous Pacan (GDK, LI) and the Fable of the swan of Mesomedes (GDK no. 10) on the pagan side, Clemens of Alexandria (GDK, xLV no. 1), the Trinitarian Monody (DAGM no. 59) and Hymn. 1 and 2 of Synesius (see above, p. 93) on the christian side, exhibit the same metrical technique. All the examples use the Free Forz which is marked by the content and perhaps by metrics and melody. A melody is * Martin

West, Hellenica un, cit., p. 240, n. 12.

* Hymn., 1 and 2 passim; 3, 56; 4, 5. 24; 5, 43« 76; 7, 473 9, 4: - 3,1 (ὑμνῶμεν)

7,50 (ὑμνοπολεύσω), 8, 3.12 (ὑμνῶ). 5 Synes., Hymn., 6, 9. 42; 7, 51; 9, 12. 51. 4 Synes., HMyzn., 6, 6; 7, 1 f. 52; 9, 13. 47. * Synes., FIymn., 9, 1. 71. $ JoacHim GRUBER, Hans Stroum, Synesios von Kyrene, cit., p. 232. 7 This claim to poetic priority in a new species is conventional. See e.g. Verg., ed., 6, 1 for Hor., carm., 3, 30, 13 f. * EGERT POHLMANN, Hymmnus, «MGG», 2. Auflage, Barenreiter, Kassel 1996, Sachteil 4, pp. 464-472, 505.

100

EGERT

PÓHLMANN

transmitted only for the Trinitarian Monody, which follows, however with some deviations, the musical prosody of the words (see above, p. 91). Thus the composition is intended for solo performance. There is no testimony for accompaniment, besides the fact that the Free Form is at home in solo pieces with instrumental accompaniment (see above, p. 95 f.). For the Trinitarian Monody we may suppose accompaniment by the cithara, but can say nothing about its role in the early christian service. It seems that this last

witness of old greek music in christian dress was a special case, which had no future.

The christian Hymnody in the Latin West followed another track, beginning with Hilarius, the bishop of Poitiers. Not the free form of the citharodic monody, but the strophic form, which was mediated by Catull and Horace to the roman lyric poetry, became the model for the christian Hymnody. This holds good also for the metrum ambrosianum consisting of iambic dimeters, which

Ambrosius, the bishop of Milan, had invented. Iambic dimeters were familiar in pagan poetry of imperial times also, where they were used only for stichic poetry for reading.' But Ambrosius, by joining four iambic dimeters to a strophe, of which eight

form a hymnus, falls back on a model of the roman classic, the Strophic Form with which he was familiar from Horace.This way he converted his model, a spoken metre, into a sung metre. As the transmitted melodies indicate, Ambrosius did not care for the accent of the latin text. Instead, he invented melodies which were repeated for every strophe and might be transferred to other texts also. This made it easy to learn hymns by hart. Thus, the Hymnus Ambrosianus is a new start from roman roots, which by superseeding all other attempts by its simplicity coined the conception of the hymnus of the western christian congregation for the centuries

to come. ! Ibidem, p. 470 f.

THE

HYMNUS

ON

THE

HOLY

TRINITY

101

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Plate 1: POxy 1786; DAGM

5 7R{

| West,”

nr. 59, p. 190 (with permission of Oxford University Press).

102

EGERT

PÓHLMANN

No. 59 PAP. OXY.

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δίωτ)δίρι) μόνῳ Hunt (1922), 24 E, (8605 eic αἰεὶ βασιλῆι θεῷ] Reinach (1922), 16, alvoc (862a τε θεῷ] Del Grande (1923), 174, [vov κεὶς αἰώνας, ἀμὴν ἀμὴν Wagner (1924), 208.

Plate 2: POxy 1786, DAGM

nr. 59, p. 191 (with permission of Oxford University Press).

SIRENE L'AULO,

LA

NELL'ADE. LIRA

ANTONIETTA

E IL

LUTTO

PROVENZA

ABSTRACT

Although music might seem to have nothing to do with death and the grief caused by it (to ban any music making from one's house is a distinctive feature of mourning), yet dirges (¢hreno?) bestow upon the deceased both praise and the possibility to be remembered, and soothe the

grief of his family and friends, and of the community as a whole. Thus the living accompany the soul of the dead in its descent to the Underworld by means of music, that seems to be the last connection with life. On a mythical-religious level, such an accompaniment is brought about by the Sirens, prayed by Helen so that they could join her in mourning the loss of the many warriors who have died because of her (E., Hel, 167-178). Helen performs a «lyre-less elegy» (185, ἄλυρος ἔλεγος), while the presence of the libyan az/os in previous verses (171) seems to suggest

that the 44/05 is much more suited to mourning than any other musical instrument.

A different idea of the Afterlife is linked to Orphism, according to which those who are initiated into the Mysteries live a blessed and happy life in the Underworld. Such beliefs stem from the myth of Orpheus, the lyre-player who defeats the Sirens in a competition of song in the Argonautic saga. The lyre assists the descent of the souls in the abode of Hades, introducing them into a new life. Krvwonps:

Sirens, Orpheus, lyre, 24/05, Underworld, Euripides, Helen.

EI fiti funebri dell'antica Grecia, la musica, nella forma corale del #renos,' risponde all'esigenza di ricordare il defunto, cele* Desidero ringraziare Liana Lomiento e Angelo Meriani, per la straordinaria opportunità di riflessione e condivisione. Le traduzioni nel corso del testo sono mie. * Sul lamento

funebre nella Grecia

antica si rinvia in generale

a EUGEN

Reiner, Die rituelle Totenklage der Griechen: nach den schrifilichen und bildlichen Quellen dargestell/, Stuttgart-Berlin, W. Kohlhammer, 1938; MARGARET ALEx100, The Ritual Lament in Greek Tradition, Lanham-Oxford, Rowman & Littlefield, 20022; Laura A. Swirt, The Hidden Chorus. Echoes of Genre in Tragic Lyric, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2010, pp. 298-322.

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brandone le funzioni assolte in vita e consentendogli di sopravvivere nel ricordo della comunità. Al tempo stesso, essa segna ritualmente

l'ingresso del defunto nell’Aldilà e contribuisce a consolare coloro che lo hanno conosciuto, inserendo il lutto nell’ordine degli eventi propri dell’esistenza umana. Threnoi sono intonati sia per uomini, sia, nella tradizione mitica, per eroi: esemplare è il caso della morte di Achille, del quale sono le Muse stesse a proclamare la gloria

nell’intonare per lui il lamento funebre,' mostrando la necessità — divinamente sancita? — di tributare anche ai morti la lode di cui si sono resi meritevoli. Nella scena finale dell’/ppolito di Euripide, Artemide afferma che sarà cura di vergini intonare canti per Ippolito (1428-1429, del δὲ μουσοποιὸς ἐς σὲ παρϑένων ἔσται μέριμνα). La dèa non si limita ad attribuire alle parthénoi di Trezene il compito di creare un canto che rappresenti un motivo di coesione per la comunità nella sofferenza comune (1462, κοινόν [...] ἄχος), ma assegna alle fanciulle un compito parallelo a quello delle Muse che intonano il lamento funebre per Achille.’ Lamentatrici mitiche, al tempo stesso accompagnatrici dei defunti nell Aldilà e consolatrici dei vivi che li commemorano, sono le Sirene:^ nell'estremo dolore della separazione, e nell'impossi' Pi, 5, 8, 56-58, ἀλλά οἱ παρά

τε πυ-ἡρὰν τάφον 9° Ἑλικώνιαι παρϑένοι / ote,

ἐπὶ ϑρῆνόν τε πολύφαμον ἔχεαν, ‘ma si posero presso il rogo e la tomba le vergini eliconie e versarono un lamento funebre che proclamava la sua gloria nel risuonare di molte voci”. Il poeta tebano fa riferimento alla tradizione epica relativa al funerale di Achille (cfr. Hom., Od., 24, 60-62, Μοῦσαι δ᾽ ἐννέα πᾶσαι ἀμειβόμεναι ὀπὶ καλῇ 3})}ὃᾧὃϑρήνεον: ἔνϑα κεν οὔ τιν’ ἀδάκρυτόν γ᾽ ἐνόησας / ᾿Αργείων: τοῖον γὰρ ὑπώρορε Μοῦσα λίγεια, ‘le nove Muse tutte, alternandosi con bella voce, intonavano il lamento funebre, e li non avresti veduto senza lacrime alcuno degli Argivi; tale fu la commozione destata dalla Musa dalla limpida voce’. Sui riti

funebri per Achille cfr. in part. JonatHAN S. Burgess, The Death and Afterlife of Achilles, Baltimore, John Hopkins University Press, 2009, pp. 98-106. * Nei versi successivi si afferma che ‘agli immortali parve giusto concedere ad un uomo valoroso, anche morto, gli inni delle dèe’ (59-61, ἔδοξ᾽ ἦρα καὶ ἀϑανάτοις, / ἐσλόν γε φῶτα καὶ φϑίμε- νον ὕμνοις Ded διδόμεν), cfr. anche 93-94, ὡς

σὺ

μὲν οὐδὲ ϑανὼν

ὄνομ᾽ ὥλεσας,

ἀλλά

tor

αἰεὶ

/ πάντας

ἐπ᾽ ἀνθρώπους

κλέος

ἔσσεται ἐσθλόν, ᾿Αχιλλεῦ, ‘così tu, Achille, non hai perduto la fama del tuo nome nemmeno da morto, ma sempre avrai nobile fama presso tutti gli uomini". 5 Cfr. al riguardo IsMENE Lapa-RicHarRDs, Reinscribing the Muse: Greek Drama and the Discourse of Inspired Creativity, in Cultivating the Muse: Struggles for Power and Inspiration in Classical Literature, a cura di Efrossini Spentzou, Dan Fowler, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2002, pp. 69-91: 80. 4 Le Sirene si configurano nell’immaginario greco come ‘Muse dell’Aldila’, secondo l’efficace definizione di Ernst BuscHor (Die Musen des Jenseits, München, F. Bruckmann, 1944).

SIRENE

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LIRA

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bilità di comprenderlo, esse appaiono come compagne di lamenti € compiono una sorta di prodigio apparentemente paradossale, rendendo *musicale persino la morte. In ambito diverso, nel mito di Orfeo e nella religione che da

lui prende nome, la musica diviene garante di una continuazione della vita oltre la morte fisica. Al suono della lira è infatti associata una potenza vivificante' che si manifesta anche nei recessi

di Ade, prefigurando per gli iniziati ai Misteri una vita beata nell'Oltretomba. MusiCA

E

MORTE.

LA

DIFFICOLTÀ

DEL

CONSOLARE

Suprema e splendida manifestazione di accordo e bellezza, la musica connota per i Greci la gioia della festa e della prosperità, mentre la sua assenza esprime efficacemente il dolore irrimediabile

della perdita causata dalla morte. Il teatro tragico appare particolarmente ricco di riferimenti all’inconciliabilità tra musica e lutto. Nell’ A/cesti di Euripide (343347), Admeto promette alla moglie, prossima a morire al suo posto, che dopo la sua dipartita, in segno di lutto, non terrà simposi nella sua casa, e non toccherà più il barbitos,> né potrà esaltarsi al risuonare dell’aulo libico.4 * Si pensi, ad esempio, al mito della costruzione dell'Acropoli di Alcatoo a Mègara, alla quale prese parte Apollo che, con la sua lira, rese un sasso inerte in grado di emettere suoni musicali, come se lo strumento gli avesse trasmesso il suo dono divino (cfr. AP, 16, 279; Paus., 1, 42, 2; Ovid., Met., 8, 14-19). Analogo appare il mito della costruzione dell’acropoli di Tebe, le cui pietre si assemblarono spontaneamente al suono della lira di Anfione (cfr. E., Anziop., fr. 223 Kannicht = 48 Kambitsis e, per una discussione complessiva delle fonti del mito, Maria RoccHI, Cadmo e Harmonia: un matrimonio problematico, Roma, L'Erma di Bretschneider, 1989 («Storia delle Religioni», 6), pp. 47-50). * 'Tale rappresentazione della musica trova efficace ed emblematica espressione nella Pifica 1 di Pindaro (1-24). 5 Cfr. anche 430-431. In 772g. Adesp., 405 Kannicht-Snell, Thanatos dice di se stesso che la Notte non l'ha generato come signore della lira (δεσπότης λύρας), profetessa (μάντις), o guaritore (ἰατρός); cfr. anche S., OC, 1222-1223 (ἄλυρος &yopoc [...] / ϑάνατος). La lira non suonata diviene anche nell’arte figurata simbolo di morte, come si nota, ad esempio, in un piatto corinzio (New York 06.1021.26, in MARTHA Maas, JANE McINTOsH SNYDER, Séringed Instruments of Ancient Greece, New Haven-London, Yale University Press, 1989, p. 50, fig. 146) nel quale lo strumento, raffigurato accanto al cantore morto, che è adagiato sul letto funebre, sembra contrapporre la morte alla vita proprio all'insegna della ‘musicalità’. 4 E, Ake, 345-347, οὐ γάρ ποτ’ οὔτ᾽ ἂν βαρβίτου ϑίγοιμ᾽ ἔτι / οὔτ’ ἂν φρέν’

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L'estraneità della musica al dolore della morte è espressa con disincanto dalla nutrice della Medea di Euripide (190-203), secondo la quale non esiste ‘ispirazione poetica né canto dalle molte corde

in grado di porre fine agli odiosi affanni, fra cui si manifestano terribili morti e rovine che abbattono le case’. Il piacere offerto dalle melodie è considerato pertanto inutile, poiché non arreca alcun conforto nel dolore. Questo aspetto è reso ancor più evidente nel teatro tragico attraverso il lessico della amousia, che rappresenta come ‘estraneo alla musica’ il dolore arrecato dalla morte, in particolare quando

essa è conseguente a sopraffazioni e violenze. L'uso di aggettivi quali dmousos, pardmousos, achéreutos, aphorminktos, dlyros, akitharis, ánaulos? esprime — spesso ossimoricamente — l'assenza di umanità insita nella violenza, in quanto la musica rappresenta una com-

ponente necessaria della vita sociale, scandendo i tempi della comunità attraverso riti collettivi e momenti di gioia privata. Nelle Fenice di Euripide, ad esempio, le sofferenze causate dalla guerra sono definite per opposizione rispetto alla gioia del convivio: Ares πολύμοχϑος (‘causa di molti affanni”) è preso (κατέχῃ) da sangue e morte, mentre è ‘discordante’ (785, xapXuoucoc)? rispetto alle

feste di Dioniso. Alla gioia dionisiaca che ispira le evoluzioni di cborof di giovani si sostituisce, in presenza del dio della guerra, un corteo privo del suono degli auli, che egli stesso guida (791, κῶμον ἀναυλότατον mpoyopevetc).* ἐξάραιμι πρὸς Λίβυν λακεῖν αὐλόν 108, nota 5). ' E., Med.,

195-198,

πολυχόρδοις 7] Oddic

στυγίους

(sull'aulo libico cfr. anche qui di seguito, p. δὲ

βροτῶν

παύειν, ἐξ ὧν ϑάνατοι

οὐδεὶς

7] δειναί

λύπας

/ ηὕρετο

τε τύχαι σφάλλουσι

μούσῃ

καὶ

δόμους.

? Cfr. ad es. E., Ale, 760; Ph., 807 (ἄμουσος); A., Οὖ., 467; E., ῥ., 784790 (παράμουσος); S., El, 1069; E., 7r., 121 (&yópsuvoc); A., Ex., 332 = 345 (ἀφόρμικτος); A., A., 790; S., OC, 123; 1222; E., Hel., 185; DP., 1028; Ak, 447 (&Xopoc); A., Supp., 681 (ἀκίϑαρις); E., Ph, 791; Alo., 343-347 (ἄναυλος).

3 Tale aggettivo si riscontra solo qui e in A., Ch., 467 (riferito al ‘colpo sanguinoso di Ate’ (ἄτας / αἱματόεσσα πλαγά), che si qualifica come privo di grazia, e quindi orrendo). 4 Il paradosso esprime vividamente lo snaturarsi della processione stessa, che celebra Ares nella violenza e nella strage. A questo ossimoro, Donald Mastronarde [cfr. DonaLD MastTRONARDE, Euripides. Phoenissae, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1994 (« Cambridge Classical Texts and Commentaries», 29], ad /., p. 137) accosta l'immagine del peana per i morti che Elena intende intonare nell'omonima tragedia euripidea (177, su cui cfr. qui di seguito, p. 107, nota 3 e p. 110).

SIRENE

NELL’ADE.

L’AULO,

LA

LIRA

Se, da un lato, la sfera della morte connessa guerra e quella della musica sembrano negarsi la possibilità di ricondurre la prima alle forme presenta un riscatto, offrendo consolazione ai

E

IL

LUTTO

107

con la violenza e la a vicenda, tuttavia del ¢hrenos' ne rapvivi, che onorano i

defunti nella consapevolezza dell'imprevedibilità delle umane sorti e dell’arbitrio degli dèi sulle vicende dei mortali. Esempio di questo aspetto è la tormentata esigenza di com-

pianto manifestata da Elena nella parodo amebeica dell'omonima tragedia euripidea (167-178). La donna, sconvolta per le stragi di cui é causa involontaria ed inconsapevole, e per le sventure della propria famiglia, desidera intonare ‘un peana per morti uccisi” (177-178, παιᾶνα / νέκυσιν ÓAouévotc),? e cerca come compagne

di lamenti le Sirene,^ straordinario prototipo di lamentatrici' in * Sul lamento funebre nelle tragedie cfr. NicoLe Loraux, La voce addolorata. Saggio sulla tragedia greca, Torino, Einaudi, (ed. or. La voix enducillée, Paris, Gallimard, 1999), 2001 («Piccola Biblioteca Einaudi. Saggistica letteraria e linguistica», 131), pp. 91-116; Casey Du£, The Captive Woman's Lament in Greek Tragedy, Austin, University of Texas Press, 2006, in part. pp. 1-56; LAURA A. Swirt, The Hidden Chorus, cit., pp. 322-366. 2. Un'analisi puntuale ed utile della parodo dell’Elena è CHARLEs W. WirLINK, The Parodos of Euripides" Helen (164-190), «CQ», XL, 1, 1990, pp. 77-99; I ossimoro del peana in contesti di sofferenza e morte (riguardo a cui si rinvia in part. a IAN RUTHERFORD, Pindar’s Pacans. A Reading of the Fragments with a Survey of the Genre, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2001, in part. pp. 48-50, 115-126) si riscontra anche altrove: cfr. E., 77., 578, (Andromaca) ‘perché gemi il peana per me? (τί παιᾶν᾽ ἐμὸν otevéCerc;), in senso ironico, come in Sch., ad /.; Ale., 423-424, in cui Admeto chiede al coro di stargli vicino e di intonare al dio degli Inferi un peana senza libagioni (πάρεστε καὶ μένοντες ἀντηχήσατε “παιᾶνα τῷ κάτωϑεν ἄσπονδον ϑεῷ. Il senso di tale canto sarebbe apotropaico, ovvero di contrasto rispetto al lutto ormai prossimo, secondo Laetitia Parker (cfr. Euripides. Alcestis. Edited with Introduction and Commentary by Laetitia P. E. Parker, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2007, ad /.), specie considerato che, in precedenza (221-222), il coro invocava Apollo Peana affinché provvedesse un rimedio ai mali di Admeto. Laura Swift (The Hidden Chorus, cit., p. 72) interpreta invece il riferimento al peana in senso ironico, visto il mancato esito delle preghiere del coro); A., Ch., 150-151, ‘intonando il peana del morto’ (παιᾶνα τοῦ ϑανόντος ἐξαυδωμένας). Alla natura ‘ibrida’ del peana di Elena (che si avvale di riferimenti celesti, ma di esecutrici infere), fa riferimento IAN RurtHERFORD, Apollo in Ivy: The Tragic Paean, « Arion», 111, 1, 1995, Dp. 112-135: 124. 4 Giovanni Cerri (cfr. GlovANNI CERRI, Dal canto citarodico al coro tragico: la Palinodia di Stesicoro, /Elena di Euripide e le Sirene, «Dioniso», Lv, 1984-1985, pp. 157-174) connette l'invocazione di Elena alle Sirene alla palinodia stesicorea, interpretando (pp. 161-162) come Sirena la ‘vergine dalle ali d’oro’ di Stesich., fr. 195 P. (= fr. 9o Davies-Finglass, χρυσόπτερε παρϑένε). 5 Le Sirene sono dette ϑρηνόλαλοι in un'iscrizione funeraria del 1 sec. d.C. (GVI, Band 1, Grab-Epigramme, n. 923).

τοῦ

ANTONIETTA

PROVENZA

quanto, secondo una lunga tradizione mitica — che ha inizio già

con Omero, dove appaiono come controparte infera delle Muse’ —, esse accompagnano nell’Ade le anime dei defunti,* e sono spesso rappresentate con strumenti musicali, incarnando la funzione di viatico per l'Oltretomba associata alla musica.? Se intonerà i suoi lamenti (165, γόον), accompagnandosi alle Sirene, esortate a portare con sé l’aulo libico (170-171, Λίβυν λωτόν)" o le syringhes, la * Sull'identificazione delle Sirene con le Muse cfr. in part. Luisa BREGLIA Purci Doria, Le sirene di Pitagora, in Forme di religiosità e tradizioni sapienziali in Magna Grecia, Atti del Convegno (Napoli, 14-15 dicembre 1993), a cura di Albio Cesare Cassio, Pietro Poccetti («AION (filol.)», xv1, 1994), Pisa-Roma, Istituti Editoriali e Poligrafici Internazionali, 1995, pp. 55-77: 71-74 2 Le Sirene proclamano le leggi di Ade in S., fr. 861 Radt [ϑροοῦντε τοὺς Ἅιδου νόμους. Cfr. al riguardo le osservazioni in Eva HorsrETTER, Sirenen im

archaischen und klassischen Griechenland, Wirzburg, Triltsch, 1990 («Beitrige zur Archáologie», 19), pp. 314-315 nota 161]. Sul legame delle Sirene odissiache con l’Ade cfr. GERALD K. GressetH, The Homeric Sirens, «TAPhA», CI, 1970, pp. 203-218.

3 Sul mito delle Sirene e la loro caratterizzazione nel mondo antico si vedano Eva HorsrETTER, Sirenen, cit., (sull'aspetto musicale e l'Ade cfr. in part. pp. 18-24); Eva HorsrETTER, in LIMC, viu/1, 1997, pp. 1093-1104, sub voce «Seirenes»; LOREDANA MANCINI, // rovinoso incanto. Storie di Sirene antiche, Bologna, il Mulino, 2005 («Antropologia del Mondo Antico», 2): sulla musica cfr. in part. pp. 23-47; Maurizio Bertini, Lurcr Spina, 7] mito delle Sirene. Immagini e racconti dalla Grecia a oggi, Torino, Einaudi, 2007 («Saggi», 881). 4 Cfr. nota 6 sull’espunzione di γόοις al verso 169. 5 Il termine λωτός fa riferimento al legno con cui lo strumento è costruito (cfr. Thphr., HP, 4, 3, 1-4, secondo cui l'albero da cui esso deriva cresce in Libia), e si trova talvolta anche da solo, ad indicare l'aulo per metonimia. Euripide è il primo a servirsene nel significato di aulo, e ciò avviene in contesti non esclusivamente funebri, mostrandone la versatilità (cfr. ad es. E., LA, 438; 1036 -- nel secondo caso con λίβυος — in cui tale strumento si riferisce all'accompagnamento di imenei). $ E., Hel., 167-178, πτεροφόροι νεάνιδες, / παρϑένοι Χϑονὸς κόραι, / Σειρῆνες, et" ἐμοῖς / μόλοιτ᾽ ἔχουσαι / Λίβυν λωτὸν 1j σύ- / ριγγας αἰλίνοις κακοῖς" / τοῖς ἐμοῖσι σύνοχα δάκρυα, / πάϑεσι πάϑεα, μέλεσι μέλεα, / μουσεῖα ϑρηνήμα-(σι ξυνῳδὰ πέμψειε / Φερσέφασσα φονία, χάριτας / tv! ἐπὶ δάκρυσι παρ᾽ ἐμέϑεν ὑπὸ / μέλαϑρα νύχια παιᾶνα / νέκυσιν ὀλομένοις λάβῃ (ed. Allan, fatta eccezione per πέμψειε al verso 174b, per cui seguo ANDREW L. Forp, ‘4 Song to Match my Song’: Lyric Doubling in Euripides’ Helen, in Allusion, Authority and Truth: Critical Perspectives on Greek Poetic and Rhetorical Praxis, a cura di Phillip Mitsis, Christos Tsagalis, Berlin-New York, de Gruyter, 2010 («Trends in Classics. Supplementary», 7), pp. 287, 289-290, che accetta la lezione tràdita), ‘giovani alate, vergini figlie della Terra, Sirene, possiate voi giungere ai miei funebri lamenti con aulo libio, o syringhes, le lacrime compagne alle mie lacrime, sofferenze alle sofferenze, canti ai canti; Persefone possa mandare cose musicali appropriate a sanguinosa morte, che si accordino a lamenti, affinché riceva da

SIRENE

NELL’ADE.

L’AULO,

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LIRA

E

IL

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109

protagonista potrà essere certa che questi giungano a Persefone,'

come offerta per gli Achei uccisi a Troia a causa sua. Come ha ben evidenziato Andrew Barker, il compianto per gli eroi morti a causa di Elena si configura nelle forme del lamento funebre rituale, la cui tradizione letteraria risale ai Poemi omerici:? alla protagonista spetta il ruolo delle parenti strette dei defunti, che

emettono i góo, mentre le Sirene rappresentano le lamentatrici professioniste, a cui è affidata l'esecuzione dei ¢hrénoz, ovvero delle forme musicali del lamento funebre.^ L'evocazione delle Sirene me in aggiunta a lacrime nei notturni recessi un peana per morti uccisi". Il testo è molto problematico: il Laurenziano presenta εἴϑ᾽ ἐμοῖς γόοις, probabilmente interpolando una glossa [appaiono convicenti le argomentazioni in CHARLES W. WILLINK, The Parodos of Euripides’ Helen (164-190), cit., pp. 86-87]; si legge inoltre nel manoscritto ἣ σύριγγας ἣ φόρμιγγας, ma l'espunzione degli strumenti a corda — appropriata sia per ragioni metriche, sia per il senso, visto che il lamento di Elena è ‘senza lira’ (185, ἄλυρον ἔλεγον) — risale a Triclinio, che di seguito corregge αἰαίνοις — frutto di una scorretta lettura della maiuscola -in αἰλίνοις (cfr. GUNTHER Zuntz, An Inquiry into the Transmission of the Plays of Euripides, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1965, pp. 43; 131. Su αἰλίνοις cfr. CHARLES W. WiLLINK, The Parodos of Euripide? Helen (164-190), cit., p. 88). Più oltre, μουσεῖα (1742) è stato inteso come odeion, ‘sala da concerto’ (cfr. ad es. Amy M. Darz, Euripides. Helen, Oxford, Oxford University Press 1967, ad 4.; CHARLES W. WiILLINK, The Parodos of Euripides’ Helen (164-190), cit., p. 89, che lo intende come nominativo, apposizione di Σειρῆνες; ANDREW L. Forp, ‘A Song to Match my Song’, cit., p. 287), ma può rivestire a mio parere più coerentemente, in tale contesto, il senso di ‘cose musicali’, come apposizione a δάκρυα, πάϑεα, μέλεα (cfr. anche ANDREW BARKER, Simbolismo musicale nell'Elena di Euripide, in Musica e generi letterari nella Grecia di età classica, Atti del 11 Congresso Consulta Universitaria Greco (Fisciano, 1 dicembre 2006), a cura di Paola Volpe Cacciatore, Napoli, Arte Tipografica, 2007 (« Quaderni del Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità. Università degli Studi di Salerno»,

33), PP. 7-22: 12. * Le Sirene si trovano con Persefone al momento del ratto da lei subito secondo la versione mitica che si riscontra in A. R., 4, 894-897; Ovid., Mez., 5, 552; Claud., rapt. Pros., 190. * Cfr. ANDREW BARKER, Simbolismo musicale nell'Hlena di Euripide, cit., pp.

12-14. 5 Cfr. Hom., //., 24, 720-723 (funerali di Ettore); Od., 24, 58-62 (riti funebri per Achille). 4 La definizione di géos e threnos è chiaramente trattata in EUGEN REINER, Die rituelle Totenklage der Griechen, cit., pp. 8-9; MARGARET ALEXIOU, The Ritual Lament in Greek Tradition’, cit., pp. 10-14, 102-103; LAURA A. Swirt, The Hidden Chorus, cit., pp. 298-310. Sul ruolo centrale delle donne nel rituale funebre cfr. HELENE P. Forzv, The Politics of Tragic Lamentation, in Tragedy, Comedy and the Polis, a cura di Alan H. Sommetstein, Bari, Levante, 1993 («Le Rane. Studi», 11), pp. 101-143 [ripreso in HELENE P. Forzv, Female Acts in Greek Tragedy,

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in tale ruolo — che fa di esse il ‘doppio’ di Elena,' in un dramma caratterizzato dalla molteplice presenza di tale aspetto — appare

particolarmente appropriata anche in considerazione della loro genealogia mitica, che le rende parenti di Teoclimeno e Teónoe, presso i quali Elena è ospite in Egitto." Le Sirene sono invocate da Elena perché l'assistano nell'onorare musicalmente quanti sono morti a causa sua, muovendo a lei verisimilmente sulle loro alij e attuando uno scambio di doni funerari con Persefone, che invierà ‘cose musicali appropriate a morte sanguinosa’ (174a-175, uovoeta [...] φόνια), ricevendo in cambio (χάριτας) da Elena, nella sua oscura dimora, un peana per i morti (177-178). La musicalità delle Sirene è evocata già nella loro prima apparizione, nell’Odissea (12, 39-54; 158-200). Esse sono dette dèe da Alcmane,^ ma la voce che emettono è connotata nell’Odissea

dall'aggettivo ϑεσπέσιος — ‘divino’, in associazione alla voce, o comunque a suoni’ —, non riferito a dèi, ma ad esseri in stretta relazione con essi, che assumono connotati sovrumani in virtü di

tale privilegio.^ L'attrazione esercitata dal loro canto è connotata Princeton-Oxford, Princeton University Press 2001 («Martin Classical Lectures. New Series»), pp. 19-56]; KAREN STEARS, Death Becomes Her: Gender and Athenian Death Ritual, in Lament: Studies in tbe Ancient Mediterranean and Beyond, a cura di Ann Suter, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2008, pp. 139-155 (già in The Sacred and the Feminine in Ancient Greece, a cura di Sue Blundell, Margaret Williamson, London-New York, Routledge, 1998, pp. 113-127). * Cfr. ANDREW L. Forp, “A Song to Match my Song’, cit., pp. 283-302. 2 Cfr. ANDREW BARKER, Simbolismo musicale nell'Elena di Euripide, cit., p. 9. 5 Al contrario, il Willink (cfr. CHARLES W. WiLLINK, The Parodos of Euripides? Helen (164-190), cit., p. 86) legge al verso 170 ὀμίλοιτ᾽ in luogo del tràdito υόλοιτ᾽, e ritiene che le Sirene debbano eseguire nell'Ade, dinanzi a Persefone, un lamento corrispondente a quello di Elena. 4 Cfr. Alcm., fr. 3 Calame, 96-98 (Parth. 1). Madre delle Sirene è Chthon, la Terra, in E., Hel., 168. 5 Cfr. Hom., Od., 12, 158-159, Σειρήνων [...] ϑεσπεσιάων / φϑόγγον. 6 Cfr. Maanir Karmio, Characterization of Sound in Early Greek Literature, Helsinki-Helsingfors, Societas Scientiarum Fennica, 1977 («Commentationes humanarum litterarum», 53), pp. 31; 57: nell’Odissea, ϑεσπέσιος connota suoni terrificanti, ma in questi versi il suo significato riguarda la piacevolezza della voce. Cfr. anche /G, Iv, r^, 130 (= fr. 936 PMG): il dio Pan, in un inno a lui dedicato, inciso su una stele ad Epidauro (per la datazione si veda PAuL Maas, Epidaurische Flymnen, Halle, Niemeyer, 1933 («Schriften der Kónigsberger Gelehrten Gesellschaft, ix. Jahr, geisteswissenschaftliche Klasse», v), p. 134, che colloca l'iscrizione nel Iv o all'inizio del 111 sec. a.C.), è detto ‘vanto della syrinx sonora’, che riversa ‘voce da Sirena, ispirata’ (εὐϑρόου σύριγγος εὔχο]ς, | ἔνϑεον

SIRENE

NELL’ADE.

L’AULO,

nei versi omerici dal verbo ϑέλγω,

LA

LIRA

E

che adombra

IL

LUTTO

111

la persuasione

nefasta indotta dal piacere, in grado di annullare la volontà. Come Circe riferisce a Odisseo, ‘le Sirene incantano (40, θέλγουσιν) tutti

gli uomini che giungono presso di loro’; chi si accosti ad esse ignaro (ἀϊδρείῃ) c ne ascolti la voce (φϑόγγος) non potrà più fare ritorno a casa e godere degli affetti familiari, poiché ‘le Sirene incantano con limpido canto’ (44, Σειρῆνες λιγυρῇ᾽ ϑέλγουσιν ἀοιδῇ). Il verbo ϑέλγω potrebbe anche mettersi in relazione con le sonorità acute del canto delle Sirene, riflesse a loro volta nell’aulo, strumento presente in diverse raffigurazioni connesse con l'episodio odissiaco.* Le Sirene odissiache sono sedute su un prato intor-

no al quale giacciono ossa di uomini che imputridiscono:? si può ipotizzare che i naviganti che si fermano presso di loro muoiano per inedia. Questo aspetto nefasto che caratterizza le Sirene odissiache sembra richiamare il loro legame con la morte, ma in esso

è adombrato un maleficio che risulta comunque

assente in altri

contesti, in cui esse accompagnano il defunto nell’Ade.

La simbologia funeraria delle Sirene risalta anche nell'iconografia: molte sono le steli funerarie in cui esse sono raffigurate a rilie-

vo o a tutto tondo, spesso con strumenti musicali.* Esse sono preσειρῆνα yen), esaltando l'incantesimo della voce delle Sirene, tale da catturare l'ascoltatore. * L’aggettivo λιγυρός, che definisce suoni chiari, acuti e penetranti, in grado di giungere lontano, come quelli della lira fra gli strumenti musicali (cfr. MaaRit KAIMIO, Characterization of Sound, cit., pp. 42-47, 108-109, 123, 231-233), connota anche il canto delle Muse (cfr. ad es. Hom., Od., 24, 6o, Μοῦσα λίγεια). 2 Cfr. MARCELLO Carastro, La cité des mages. Penser la magie en Gréce ancienne, Grenoble, Millon, 2006 («Horos»), pp. 101-140. 3 Questo macabro aspetto trova talvolta riscontro nell’iconografia: cfr. ad es. ODETTE TOUCHEFEU-MEYNIER, in LIMC, v1, 1992, p. 962, n. 159*, sub voce «Odysseus» = LonzbpANA MANCINI, 7 rovinoso incanto, cit., Cat. 16 (Londra, BM 1867.5-8.1354, affresco da Pompei risalente al 1 sec. a.C., in cui le Sirene suonano e cantano su rocce dove sono disseminati alcuni scheletri). 4 Cfr. LorEeDANA MANCINI, // rovinoso incanto, cit., pp. 26-27 e, pet l’iconografia, Eva HoFsTETTER, «Seirenes», cit., pp. 1101-1102. Tra gli esempi di Sirene funerarie ‘musicali’ di cui riferiscono le fonti letterarie (per una rassegna si rinvia a Eva HorsrTETTER, Sérenen, cit., pp. 26-28) è senza dubbio notevole per la crudele artificiosità la pira fatta erigere da Alessandro per l'amato Efestione, coronata da Sirene cave all’interno delle quali erano imprigionati dei cantori che intonavano il lamento funebre (D. S., 17, 115, 4, ἐπυκήδιος ϑρῆνος), mentre al di sotto ardeva verisimilmente il fuoco: in questo modo, come si può intuire, le voci inquietanti emesse dai prigionieri condannati a una morte atroce riproducevano, al fine di rendere la cerimonia ancor più solenne e straordinaria, i lamenti funebri delle Sirene.

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senti in scene di prdthesis del defunto,' ma anche in scene violente,

quali quelle relative alla morte di guerrieri,* e come Rourotréphoi di giovani defunti, a simboleggiare il loro passaggio nell'Ade.? Nella maggior parte delle raffigurazioni, le Sirene — rappresentate come uccelli con teste di donna, secondo lo schema iconografico che le caratterizza — hanno le bocche aperte come in atteggiamento cano-

ro, oppure hanno strumenti musicali,? sebbene nell’Odissea esse si limitino a cantare senza strumenti. Le Sirene raffigurate sono per lo più tre o ἀπε: nel primo caso, qualora vi siano anche strumenti musicali, una suona la lira o la cetra, una suona l'aulo, mentre la terza canta.’

Non è attestata una loro precipua associazione con l’aulo, ma le connotazioni luttuose di tale strumento sono a più riprese evidenziate nelle fonti: come evidenzia il coro, l’Elena euripidea intona

τ Cfr. ad es. Boston, Mus. of Fine Arts 27.246: pinax attico dipinto a figure nere con Sirena sotto la Aline, 625-610 a.C. ca., in Eva HorsTETTER, S$/renen, cit., p. 81 A 55; LoREDANA MANCINI, // rovinoso incanto, cit., Cat. 37. * Cfr. Eva HorsTETTER, «Seirenes», cit., pp. 1098-1099 nn. 70-71; LOREDANA MANCINI, // rovinoso incanto, cit., Cat. 39. 3 Cfr. Eva HorsTETTER, «Scirenes», cit., p. 1099, nn. 72-75.

4 Come si può riscontrare ad esempio su un aryballos corinzio databile al 560 a.C. ca. (Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 01.8100; cfr. Eva HorsTETTER, Srenen, cit., p. 58, K 90), in cui la nave di Odisseo, con l’eroe legato all'albero, è diretta verso un’isola sulla quale si trovano due Sirene, una delle quali ha la bocca aperta come nell’atto di cantare. 5 La testimonianza più antica di Sirena con strumento musicale sembra essere una statua in marmo proveniente dalle coste del Mar di Marmara (Copenhagen, Glypt. 2817, 550 a.C. ca., in Eva HorsTETTER, «Seirenes», cit., p.

1097, n. 37).

6 Per l’uso del duale (Hom., Od., 12, 167, Σειρήνοιϊν; 185, νωϊτέρην), sebbene discontinuo, l’episodio odissiaco farebbe pensare ad una coppia di Sirene. Sulla possibilità che le Sirene — spesso confrontate con le Muse -- siano di più (nove, come queste ultime, o anche undici), cfr. Ewen L. Bowie, Aleman’s First Partheneion and the Song the Sirens Sang, in Archaic and Classical Choral Song. Performance, Politics and Dissemination, a cura di Lucia Athanassaki, Ewen Bowie, Berlin-Boston, de Gruyter, 2011 (« Trends in Classics. Supplementary volumes», 10), pp. 33-66: 57-58. 7 Cfr. Apollod., Epit., 7, 18-19. Il motivo delle tre Sirene musiche permane anche nella cultura medievale, grazie alla mediazione di Isidoro di Siviglia (Aeym., 11, 3, 30). Questo schema figurativo si riscontra ad esempio su una oinochée attica a figure nere databile al 520-500 a.C. ca. (New York, Coll. Callimanopoulos; cfr. LoREDANA MANCINI, // rovinoso incanto, cit., p. 21, fig. 2 e Cat. 8; Eva HorsTETTER, Sirenen, cit., p. 100, A 139; ODETTE TOUCHEFEUMEYNIER, «Odysseus», cit., p. 962, n. 154).

SIRENE

NELL’ADE.

L’AULO,

LA

LIRA

E

IL

LUTTO

113

un ἄλυρος ἔλεγος (185), un «lamento senza lira»,! e la presenza dell’aulo libico nei versi precedenti (171) appare pertanto in corrispondenza con questo aspetto, presentando l’aulo stesso come lo

strumento più adatto al lamento funebre.* Plutarco, nelle Quaestiones Convivales (657a), sostiene che l’aulo, insieme con la ϑρηνῳδία, è

in grado di allontanare il dolore, muovendo le emozioni e suscitando il pianto.? La versatilità, la panarmonia criticata da Platone,* piegava l'aulo a molteplici esigenze: basti pensare all'evocazione della sua musica in due tragedie quali Zrachinie di Sofocle ed Eracle di Euripide, in cui, nelle parole dei cori, esso è accostato sia alle nozze, sia alla morte. Lo strumento, chiamato in causa mediante il sostantivo λωτός" dal coro insieme con la lira a sette corde per celebrare il ritorno a casa di Eracle secondo le modalità con cui si celebra gioiosamente Dioniso, ritorna nel prologo dell’Eracle eutipideo (11), quando Anfitrione, padre dell'eroe, ricorda le nozze di

Eracle con Megara, e sarà lo strumento tramite il quale il demone Lyssa infonderà in Eracle per volontà di Era il phobos che lo farà precipitare nella mania omicida. Nel caso dell’E/ena, pur nell’impossibilità di desumere prove concrete, non si può comunque escludere che il kommds della protagonista potesse essere accompagnato da un auleta presente sulla

scena,’ manifestando una significativa congruenza tra ciò che il * Su ἔλεγος cfr. MARIARITA ἔλεγον,

PATERLINI, A proposito di Eur. Hel. 183 ἄλυρον

«RCCM), XLIII, 2, 2001, pp. 185-194.

* Riguardo alla connotazione di situazioni luttuose e dolorose mediante l'aggettivo dlyros cft. sopra, p. 106 nota 2. La preminenza dell’aulo in contesti funerari è già evidenziata in EUGEN REINER, Die rituelle Totenklage der Griechen, cit., pp. 68-70. 5 ἡ ϑρηνῳδία καὶ ὁ ἐπικήδειος αὐλὸς ἐν ἀρχῇ πάϑος κινεῖ καὶ δάκρυον ἐκβάλλει, προάγων δὲ τὴν ψυχὴν εἰς οἶκτον οὕτω κατὰ μικρὸν ἐξαιρεῖ καὶ ἀναλίσκει τὸ λυπητικόν, «la trenodia e l'aulo epicedio in principio destano commozione e fanno scaturire il pianto, inducendo l'anima alla compassione, e cosi a poco a poco fanno si che venga rimosso e si consumi ció che provoca dolore». 4 Cfr. R., 399d1. 5 Cfr. p. 108 nota 5. $ S, Tr., 683-684, παρά ve χέλυος éxtatévou/ μολπὰν καὶ Λίβυν αὐλόν. Che Paulo sia strumento connesso con la gioia è evidente nel caso del Aomos dionisiaco (cfr. ad es. E., Pb, 791, cit. sopra, p. 106; al verso 787 della tragedia l'aulo é designato con λωτός). 7 Cfr. CHARLES W. WiLLINK, The Parodos of Euripides Helen (164-190), cit., p. 86 n. 44; NicoLe Loraux, La voce addolorata, cit., p. 101, «nella musica

che le è propria, quella dell'az/és, la tragedia sente una voce che piange». Andrew Barker (cfr. ANDREW BARKER, Simbolismo musicale nell'Elena di Euripide, cit., pp. 13, 16-17) sostiene che il tipo di musica che accompagnava i versi del

114

ANTONIETTA

pubblico

vedeva

ed ascoltava,

PROVENZA

e il desiderio

della stessa Elena.

L'auleta sulla scena, la cui presenza e attestata nelle raffigurazioni vascolari attiche, come è stato efficacemente sottolineato da Peter Wilson,' rappresenta al contempo un ‘mediatore’ tra il mondo della tragedia e quello ordinario, e un ‘portatore di alterità’, che sottolinea la metabolé del dramma stesso, l'introduzione della svolta

che porterà alla drammatica conclusione. La presenza di strumenti musicali nell'ambito del lutto non ri-

guarda tuttavia solo l'esecuzione del lamento, ma assume al tempo stesso rilevanza in relazione alla discesa del defunto nell'Ade. Tale

aspetto è attestato anche a livello materiale, nell'uso di porre auli nelle tombe al fine di placare gli spiriti irati dei defunti, ed evitare che essi causassero mali ai vivi.* Tale uso è rievocato, ad esempio, da Plutarco (Non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epicurum, 1104d), che

cita un verso tragico facente riferimento all'uso di seppellire αὐλοὶ Κρητικοί insieme con i defunti.’

In ambiente orfico, in particolare, alla musica viene esplicitamente riconosciuto il ruolo dei Beati. In questo caso si lira, che sembra porsi come fatti lo strumento di Orfeo, ORFEO,

di guida dell'anima nell'Oltretomba riscontra soprattutto la presenza della auspicio di sopravvivenza: essa è inla cui musica sconfigge la morte. LA

LIRA

E L’ADE

Le Sirene appaiono contrapposte nel mito alle Muse, ipostasi della funzione salvifica che conferisce a quanti le onorano il potere di

sconfiggere i pericoli e persino di sopravvivere, nel canto, oltre la morte fisica. Tale in un mito attestato che avrebbero osato bero state sconfitte,

contrapposizione assume l'aspetto dell'agone da Pausania (9, 34, 3) secondo cui le Sirene, imporre una gara musicale alle Muse, sarebe con le loro piume le Muse stesse avrebbero

kommos di Elena dovesse essere concitata, come suggeriscono sia la metrica, sia le ripetizioni, a significare il prorompere di un dolore senza precedenti. * Cfr. PETER. WiLsoN, The aulos in Athens, in Performance Culture and Athenian Democracy, a cura di Simon Goldhill, Robin Osborne, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999, pp. 58-95: 76-78. ? Cfr. WaLTER Bunkznr, The Orientalizing Revolution. Near Eastern Influence

on Greek Culture in the Early Archaic Age, Cambridge (Mass.)-London, Harvard University Press, 1992 («Revealing Antiquity», 5), p. 65. 3 Cfr. Trag. Adesp., 419 Kannicht-Snell, Κρητικοὺς αὐλοὺς ϑανοῦσι κῶλα ποικίλης νεβροῦ, «auli cretesi per defunti, membra di screziato cerbiatto».

SIRENE

approntato

NELL’ADE.

L’AULO,

per sé delle corone.'

LA

Orfeo,

LIRA

E

secondo

IL

LUTTO

115

una tradizione

figlio della musa Calliope e inventore della lira, riesce a salvare gli Argonauti? dalle insidie delle Sirene sopraffacendo il loro canto con i suoni della sua lira.^ Nel libro quarto delle Argonautiche di Apollonio Rodio (891-911), gli eroi sulla nave Argo stavano per attraccare all'isola delle Sirene “dalla limpida voce’ (892, λίγειαι),

attratti dall'incantesimo delle loro dolci melodie (893-894, ἡδείῃσι / ϑέλγουσαι μολπῇσιν), ma Orfeo, ‘tendendo nelle sue mani la lira bistonia, fece risuonare impetuosa la melodia di un agile canto, affinché le loro orecchie contemporanemante rimbombassero del

suono di una melodia travolgente. La lira riuscì a sopraffare lo strepito delle vergini" (906-909, Brotoviny ἐνὶ χερσὶν &xtc φόρμιγγα * Cfr. per le fonti CLaupio MELIADÒ, L'agone fatale fra Muse e Sirene, in Le Immagini nel Testo, il Testo nelle Immagini. Rapporti fra parola e visualità nella tradizione greco-latina, a cura di Luigi Belloni, Alice Bonandini, Giorgio leranó, Gabriella Moretti, Trento, Università degli Studi, Dipartimento di studi letterati, linguistici e filosofici, 2010 (« Labirinti», 128), pp. 397-408. 2 Cfr. Tim., Pers., 221-223, πρῶτος ποικιλόμουσος Ὀρ- φεὺς «χέλ-υν ἐτέκνωσεν 7 υἱὸς Καλλιόπα-ς, ‘per primo Orfeo, molto versato nella musica, figlio di Calliope, costruì la lira’ (per quanto ricostruita, la lezione uv non appare avventata); A. R., 1, 23-24; Apollod., 1, 3, 2 (14); Sch., Lyc., 831, 12-13. 3 Orfeo con la sua lira dà il ritmo dei movimenti ai rematori della nave Argo in E., Hyps., fr. 752g Kannicht. La più antica testimonianza su Orfeo come Argonauta è rappresentata da una metopa del Tesoro dei Sicioni a Delfi (570 a.C. ca.; cfr. MARIA-XENI Ganzzou, in LIMC vii/1, 1994, p. 57, n. 6, sub voce «Orpheus») in cui sono raffigurati due cantori suonatori di lira (accanto alla testa del cantore di sinistra si individuano tracce dell'iscrizione OP®AXY).

Su Orfeo nella saga argonautica cfr. ALESsANDRO IANNUCCI, 27 citaredo degli Argonauti. Orfeo e la poetica dell’incanto, in La favola di Orfeo. Letteratura, immagine, performance, a cura di Angela M. Andrisano, Paolo Fabbri, Ferrara, Unifepress,

2009, Pp. 11-22. 4 In ambito iconografico, Orfeo e le Sirene potrebbero essere identificati nella decorazione di una /é&yzIes attica a figure nere (Heidelberg. Antikenmuseum der Universitit, inv. 68/1, in Eva HorsTETTER, Sirenen, cit., p. 77, n. A 24; Eva HorsrETTER, «Seirenes», cit., p. 1099, n. 81; LOREDANA MANCINI, 7/ rovinoso incanto, cit., Cat. 38), databile al 590-580 a.C., in cui un musico con lira è rappresentato tra due Sirene) e in un gruppo statuario in terracotta del Paul Getty Museum di Malibu (inv. 76.AD.11), databile al 310 a.C. ca e di probabile provenienza tarentina, in cui un poeta seduto è affiancato da due Sirene in atteggiamento luttuoso (cfr. Eva HorsrETTER, Sirenen, cit., pp. 260-261, n. W 24, tav. 36; Eva HorsTETTER, «Seirenes», cit., p. 1101, n. 97; LOREDANA MANCINI, // rovinoso incanto, cit., Cat. 123): a favore si esprimono HILDEGUND GROPENGIESSER, Sanger und Sirenen. Versuch einer Deutung, «AA», 1977, pp. 582610: 602-610 (per il primo manufatto), e ANGELO BorriNI, PIER GIOVANNI Guzzo, Orfeo e le Sirene al Getty Museum, «Ostraka», τι, 1, 1993, pp. 43-52; contra LorEDANA MANCINI, // rovinoso incanto, cit., pp. 43-44 e nota 67.

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τανύσσας, / κραιπνὸν ἐυτροχάλοιο μέλος κανάχησεν ἀοιδῆς, / ὄφρ᾽ ἄμυδις χκλονέοντος ἐπιβρομέωνται ἀκουαί / xpeyuò: παρϑενίην δ᾽ ἐνοπὴν ἐβιήσατο φόρμιγξ). Mentre la nave si allontana, il canto delle Sirene diviene una voce indistinta (911, ταὶ 8’ ἄκριτον ἵεσαν αὐδήν).᾽ Secondo una tradizione mitica orfica in cui risalta la loro

appartenenza all'Ade, le Sirene, sconfitte, si suicidano gettandosi in mare,* cedendo al cantore che rappresenta le Muse in una sfida dalla quale proprio queste ultime riescono di nuovo vincitrici. Il canto di Orfeo resiste invece persino alla morte fisica: dopo la violenta uccisione del cantore per mano delle donne di Tracia, infatti, la testa mozzata continua a cantare.’ Alla luce del mito di Orfeo, e sull'onda della tradizione relativa ai Misteri orfici, sembrerebbe quindi che la musica della lira rappresenti il viatico

per l’Aldilà dei beati, iniziati ai Misteri, che otterranno un'altra vita nell’Ade. L’Orfismo rappresenta pertanto un’eccezione rispetto alla concezione dell’Oltretomba, e la simbologia della lira dà

vita ad una complessa rete di riferimenti alla potenza vitale della musica e persino alla continuità di un rapporto tra vivi e defunti.

Appare molto significativo al riguardo il titolo di un poema orfico denominato

Avea,

tramandato

unicamente

in uno

scolio

all Ezeide di Virgilio (6, 119) scoperto nel codice Parisinus lat. 7930 nel 1925. Il testo dello scolio fa riferimento a Varrone, il quale avrebbe asserito che ‘un libro di Orfeo sull’evocazione dell’anima si intitola Lyra’ (librum Orphei de vocanda anima Lyram nominari),

concludendo che ‘dicono che le anime non sono in grado di risalire senza la cetra’ (e? negantur animae sine cithara posse ascendere).* Lo scolio appare connesso con la pratica della necromanzia per

mezzo della lira,’ che traspare sullo sfondo del mito della discesa di Orfeo nell’Ade, ma potrebbe anche riferirsi alla musica delle sfere e all’ascesa dell'anima umana attraverso i circoli celesti ‘aiu-

* Cfr. anche Sch., A. R., 1, 23 = Herodor., FGrHis 31 F 42-43. * Cfr. Orph., A., 1270-1290. Il suicidio delle Sirene è indotto da Odisseo in Lyc., 712-716. 3 Cfr. Orph., T 1061 Bernabé = Orph., 115 Kern = Conon, ap. Phot., 186, 140b 2 (111 34 Henry = FGrHis 26 F 1, 45); Orph., T 1052 Bernabé = Orph., 118 Kern = Lucianus, 7z4., 11. 4 Cfr. Martin L. West, The Orphie Poems, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1983, p. 30. i Cfr. ARTHUR D. Nock, The /yra of Orpheus, «CR», XLI, 1927, pp. 169-171: 170.

SIRENE

NELL’ADE.

L’AULO,

LA

LIRA

E

IL

LUTTO

117

tata’ dalla musica della lira, simile alla musica propria dell'anima.' La soluzione offerta da Martin L. West,? secondo cui l’interpretazione alessandrina in chiave cosmologica si collega alla tradizione riguardante i misteri orfici in Magna Grecia — nei quali la lira era coinvolta come strumento per la ‘liberazione’ delle anime da-

gli orrori della morte? — lega insieme cosmologia e necromanzia, offrendo in tal modo un interessante punto di vista sull’evoluzione concettuale di pratiche arcaiche che godettero di un sostanziale revival in età ellenistica e romana. La lira, del resto, era di fatto usata dal gdes per l'evocazione degli spiriti dei defunti, * sebbene gli strumenti a percussione, in particolare i Zfzpara, fossero tipici

di questi rituali.’ Numerose sono le raffigurazioni vascolari di Orfeo suonatore di lira nelPAde, mentre la sua associazione con le Sirene? potrebbe rinviare alla sfida mitica in cui egli riesce vincitore, e alla supre-

mazia della lira, che guida il defunto nell’Oltretomba dei beati. Le Sirene, lamentatrici divine, sembrano pertanto porsi, in relazione ai versi dell E/eza, come controparte divina del coro umano; a loro, familiari ed amici del defunto chiedono di accompagnare

quest’ultimo con la dolcezza della musica, ultimo legame con la vita, nei recessi dell’Ade.

I Misteri

orfici rappresentano

invece

un superamento della morte: il cantore tracio seduce grazie alla * Cfr. Martin L. West, The Orphic Poems, cit., pp. 30-32. 2 The Orphic Poems, cit., pp. 32-33. 3 Su Misteri orfici ed escatologia in Magna Grecia cfr. ANTONIETTA PROVENZA, La morte di Pitagora e i culti delle Muse e di Demetra. Mousiké ed escatologia nelle comunità pitagoriche di Magna Grecia, «Hormos», n.s., v, 2013, pp. 53-68: 60-62. 4 Il termine γόης fa riferimento ad un praticante della magia che, specialmente in età tardo arcaica e classica, appare in misura dominante come uno specialista nel trattare con i defunti (cfr. SARAH I. Jounston, Restless Death. Encounters between the Living and the Dead in Ancient Greece, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1999, pp. 82-123). Si tratta di una parola di origine tracia derivante dalla stessa radice di γόος (cfr. WaLTER Burkert, ΓΟΗΣ. Zum griechischen Schamanismus, «RhM», Cv, 1962, pp. 36-55: 43) e del verbo γοάω. Riguardo all’uso del géos come canto magico nell’ambito di riti che possono essere caratterizzati come necromantici cfr. SARAH I. JOHNSTON, Resdless Dead, Cit, pp. 111-118; DANIEL OGDEN, Greek and Roman Necromancy, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2001, pp. 110-112). 5 Tali strumenti sono associati col culto delle divinità infere [cfr. C. BERARD, Anodoi. Essai sur Pimagerie des passages chtoniens, Roma, Institut Suisse de Rome, 1974 («Bibliotheca Helvetica Romana», 13), pp. 75-87]. $ Cfr. p. 115, nota 4.

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potenza della sua lira uomini ed animali,' e riesce ad addolcire persino le divinità dell’Oltretomba, persuadendole a restituirgli la

moglie Euridice.* La sua musica, che lo rende immortale poiché la sua testa continua a cantare,? si riverbera su quanti partecipano dei Misteri legati al suo nome, conferendo loro la possibilità di una vita nell'Oltretomba dei beati. * La più antica fonte al riguardo sembra essere un frammento di Simonide (274 Poltera = 567 PMG = 'Tz., H., 1, 309-310, p. 14 Kiessling), verisimilmente connesso con la saga argonautica (cfr. ManriN L. West, Odyssey and Argonautica, «CQ», LV, 1, 2005, pp. 39-64: 45-47), in cui si dice che gli uccelli si adunavano mentre Orfeo cantava, e i pesci affioravano in superficie). 2 Tale mito sembra prendere forma a partire dall’A/esti di Euripide (357362). Il Sizzposio di Platone (179d) rappresenta la fonte più antica sulla tragica conclusione della risalita di Euridice verso la vita. 3 Cfr. sopra, p. 116, nota 3.

CANO VERSUS LEGO. A CHARACTERISTIC OF SOME AUGUSTAN POETIC GENRES IN CONNECTION TO THE MANNER OF THEIR PERFORMANCE KAMILA

WYSLUCHA

ABSTRACT

In the Augustan period many Greek poetic genres were reestablished in the Latin apparel. However, the Roman imitators introduced manifold

innovations to the original form of the genres, the manner of performance being perhaps the most ostensible modification. These changes were mainly induced by the differences in the role and position of a poet in the Roman and Greek culture. Also the significance of music in the Roman up-bringing was considerably reduced in comparison to the popularity of the art in Classical Greece, which had a substantial influence on the relationship between poetry and music. Nevertheless,

the memory of their primeval modes of enactment thrived in the reinvented genres in the form of references which developed into quite specific imagery depicting in fact fanciful musical performance. In my paper I will endeavor to present and analyze the references to musical

enactment and its modes in the works of the Augustan poets. I will pay special attention to the characteristic of particular genres by means of musical metaphors. For instance, lyric was customarily portrayed as a genre sung to the instrumental accompaniment, while elegy, often contrasted with lyric in this respect, was represented as intended for laud

reading or unaccompanied recitation. ‘The divergence between the mode of performance suggested in the text and the actual execution contributed to the development of characteristic musical imagery which accompanied metapoetic depiction throughout the forthcoming

centuries. In

the paper the formation of this imagery as well as its most recognizable attributes, such as various musical instruments will be taken into focus.

The literary study will be based on the selection of citations extracted from the works of Vergil, Ovid, Horace and Propertius. Krevwonps: ancient music, performance, genre, Augustan poetry, elegy, lyric, epic, Ovid, Horace, Vergil.

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HE fole of performance as an integral component of poetry, in fact of any literary genre, was far more significant in

Antiquity than in later times when the transmission of literature took the form of chiefly written-read communication. And although by the Augustan period circulation of inscribed literary

works substantially exceeded oral transmission, the performance did not relinquish its crucial role in the cultural scene. The present paper will take into consideration two kinds of performance: live performance in front of a public and the image of musical performance rendered in the poetry of the Augustan era. These two distinct portrayals will be juxtaposed in order to bring out the importance of fictionalized poetical performance for the generic identity and characteristic. The first type of performance — the factual one, so to speak — refers to the ways poetry was actually

enacted in the period under consideration. Whereas the analysis will be carried out predominantly on literary material, be noted that literature is hardly a reliable witness to of performance, since the changes in the performative of poetry were scantily documented in literature itself

it has to the issues practices and it is

difficult to obtain the full picture with disregard of extra-literary sources. Hence, the reference to actual performance will mainly serve as a backdrop to the analysis of the image of performance represented in the Augustan poetry. This image bears on the socalled ‘fictionalized’ musical recital of poetry which was associated with almost each poetic genre and employed above all as their

distinguishing feature. The process of identification between a genre and a type of performance began in the Archaic Greece whence the majority of Augustan genres were derived. The traditional relationship binding poetic genres with a specific kind of performance was so profoundly established that even when performative practices underwent a transformation, the memory of the bond thrived in the shape of literary musical motifs accom-

panying genre characteristics. In the Augustan period writing and reading were already the domineering mode of transmission of poetry and started to penetrate the poetic imagery as a legitimate generic distinguisher.' For * On the role of writing as a social institution in the Augustan period see, THomAS HABINEK, The Politics of Latin Literature, Princeton, Princeton Universi-

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instance, the two most prominent genres associated with writing as one of the modes of their production in which the motifs of inscription emerge as a significant aspect of the generic definitions

are elegy and eclogue.' Nevertheless, the musical performance, usually imagined as singing to the accompaniment of a stringed instrument, was still customarily accepted as the most adequate

means of poetic presentation. The famous and at the same time most obvious example of which virumque cano. Vergil, by writing observes, deliberately misleading a tradition or convention, which prophetic nature rather than an

is the opening of Aeneid: arma that he sings, is not, as Lowrie his readers but conforming with rendered epic as an utterance of inscribed genre.* Furthermore, it

is probable that Vergil while writing cano had none musical performance on mind at all, since recitatio was the established form of public presentation of his day.? It should be immediately observed

that Aeneid was by no means basically an unmusical text, ill-suited to to no is

singing — on the contrary, as its later adaptations to music seem ascertain,^ it fulfilled all the requirements; there is, howevet, evidence of such adaptations in the period of its outset. This also relevant with regard to just about any poetic text: the fact

that it is fitted to singing does not actually imply that singing was its intentional mode of performance. Finally, the example of "Aeneid illustrates aptly the complexity

of issues concerned

with

performance comprising the three modes of poctic production: inscription as the basis of production fictionalized? as oral poetry taking the shape of improvised singing, intended, however, for

recitation as the actual mode of presentation, with reading lurking in the subtext as the more

effective means

of reaching

a wider

ty Press, 1998, pp. 103-121 and MicHèLE Lowrie, Writing, Performance and Authority in Augustan Rome, New York, Oxford University Press, 2009, pp. 64-212. ‘ On writing as a crucial aspect of Augustan bucolic see, BRIAN BREED, Pastoral Inscriptions. Reading and Writing Virgil’s Eclogues, London, Gerald Duckworth & Co., 2006. 2 MICHELE Lowrie, Writing, Performance and Authority in Augustan Rome, cit., pp. 1-2; 213. 3 On the recital of epic see, DonkA D. Markus, Performing the Book: The Recital of Epic in First-Century CLE. Rome, «ClAnt», xix, 1, 2000, pp. 138-179. 4 On various adaptations of Virgilian verses to music, see W. OLIVER StRUNK, Vergil in Music, «The Musical Quarterly», xvi, 4, 1930, pp. 482-497. 5 On fiction of poetic performance see, MICHELE Lowrie, Writing, Performance and Authority in Augustan Rome, cit., pp. 81-97.

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public. Of all these activities the process of fictionalization of performance is the most intriguing in terms of literary phenomenon and will be taken into focus in the present consideration.

It seems that the process of fictionalizing the performance begun at a relatively early stage of literary theory when the canon

of genres was being established. An important text in this respect is Aristotle's Poetics which associates genres with formal requirements such as metre or type of music.' In Poetics 1447b Aristotle observes that various kinds of poetry, such as dithyrambic and nomic, comedy and tragedy employ the same means of representation, namely, metre, music and tune, but differ in the manner of their employment. He goes on further to argue (1448b) that poetry in general sprang from the natural instinct for tune and rhythm, and when subsequent genres developed they used the same means in order to present divergent subject-matters — for instance, tragedy and comedy, although they bear considerable resemblance

from the formal point of view, stand on two ends in terms of style (14492) but epic and tragedy differ only in length and metre, while their theme is alike (1459b).* Apart from the subject, the

differences between the genres concern the manner of employing the means of representation, for instance, in quantity and frequency (1447b). Consequently, the subject, means of representation and

their manner of employment are ascribed to each genre by the way of appropriateness.’ In effect, specific mode of performance is appropriate to a corresponding genre.* However, along with the

evolution of literature, performative habits mutated, leaving theory far behind practice.’ The image of generic properties instilled by this torpid theory thrived in the common consciousness none-

theless, and repeatedly emerged in poetry, especially frequently * The mention of different media adhering to literary kinds can be found in S. J. Harrison, Generic Enrichment in Vergil and Horace, New York, Oxford University Press, 2007, p. 3. ? Cfr. S. J. HARRISON, Generic Enrichment in Vergil and Horace, cit., p. 3. 5 Harrison draws on the idea of appropriateness while discussing the genre theory, cfr. S. J. HARRISON, Generic Enrichment in Vergil and Horace, cit., p. 3. ^ What is interesting with regard to textuality is that Aristotle mentions reading as an equally legitimate manner of performance in Poetics 1462a. He even implies that the proper mode of epic recital is reading, while the dramatic performance of tragedy is accompanied by music. i According to Fowler, literary theory of antiquity was especially slow to follow changes, cfr. ALASTAIR FowLER, Kinds of literature : an introduction to the theory of genres and modes, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1982, p. 243.

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in genre-defining statements. A passage from Horace’s Ars poetica (vv. 73-87) confirms the reception of Aristotle's literary theory and provides an account of various genres and their means of representation, although less detailed than the Greek model but still interesting, especially with regard to one point. Res gestae regumque ducumque et tristia bella quo scribi possent numero, monstrauit Homerus. Versibus impariter iunctis querimonia primum, post etiam inclusa est uoti sententia compos; quis tamen exiguos elegos emiserit auctor,

grammatici certant et adhuc sub iudice lis est. Archilochum proprio rabies armauit iambo;

hunc socci cepere pedem grandesque coturni, alternis aptum sermonibus et popularis uincentem strepitus et natum rebus agendis.

Musa dedit fidibus diuos puerosque deorum et pugilem uictorem et equom certamine primum et iuuenum curas et libera uina referre. Discriptas seruare uices operumque colores cur ego, si nequeo ignoroque, poeta salutor?

In verses 83-85 Horace mentions lyric with its musical accompaniment and characteristic attributes which assume the role of generic signals: a Muse and a lyre. In the last verses of the quoted passage (vv. 86-87) Horace refers to the idea of appropriateness,

which is partly responsible for maintaining the conservative image of performance in literary theory. Paraphrasing his words, a poet

is obliged to recognize the established connection between the genres and subjects as well as the means of representation adduced in the preceding verses. The examples of potential mismatches follow the quoted passage. From among possible means of repre-

sentation, Horace chooses metre as the most characteristic generic indicator of all the genres with an exception of lyric where the

musical accompaniment takes the role of genre-defining manner of performance in the place of the metric variety which apparently escapes a concise characterization. Although far less representative

than metre, musical performance emerges as a significant generic attribute, despite the fact that musical accompaniment, as opposed to metre, was much more variable.' * In Ars, 202-219 Horace gives an example of the by-gone but ‘appropriate’ performative practices:

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How profoundly the mode of performance was associated with a given genre can be inferred on the basis of a passage from Ovidlan sphragis (trist., 4, 10, 41-58) which alludes to the most popular

Augustan genres along with their modes of enactment. saepe suas volucres legit mihi grandior aevo, quaeque necet serpens, quae iuvet herba, Macer. saepe suos solitus recitare Propertius ignes

iure sodalicii, quo mihi iunctus erat. Ponticus heroo, Bassus quoque clarus iambis dulcia convictus membra fuere mei. et tenuit nostras numerosus Horatius aures, dum ferit Ausonia carmina culta lyra.

Vergilium vidi tantum, nec avara Tibullo tempus amicitiae fata dedere meae. successor fuit hic tibi, Galle, Propertius illi; quartus ab his serie temporis ipse fui. utque ego maiores, sic me coluere minores,

notaque non tarde facta ‘Thalia mea est. carmina cum primum populo iuvenilia legi, barba resecta mihi bisve semelve fuit.

Whereas recitare is connected with Propertius! elegy, /egere relates

to the poetry of Macer as well as to Ovid's public reading of his first poetic efforts. Scholars generally agree that the manners of poetic performance evoked in this passage might coincide with the actual practice of the Augustan period with the only problem-

atic excerpt being the reference to Horace.’ Since it seems highly unlikely that Horace employed the traditional lyric performance in the enactment of his Odes, we must seek another explanation for such a depiction. In this respect I agree with Lowrie, who is Tibia non, ut nunc, orichalco uincta tubaeque aemula, sed tenuis simplexque foramine pauco adspirare et adesse choris erat utilis atque nondum spissa nimis complere sedilia flatu, quo sane populus numerabilis, utpote paruos, et frugi castusque uerecundusque coibat. In the further part of the passage he complains about the changes in the traditional performance, which is a common topos of referring to the performative past. * Lowrie mentions a few commentators who take this passage literally, cfr. MICHELE Lowrie, Writing, Performance and Authority in Augustan Rome, cit., p- 85.

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ready to perceive the allusion to Horatian lyric as compliant with the customary generic definition.' The portrayal of lyric as a ‘musical' genre is quite consistent with the image drawn in the quoted passage of Ars Poetica as well as with Horace’s

own

endeavors

to render lyric as musical as possible, thus it could be treated as a conscious allusion to the generic characteristic rather than a reliable statement accounting on the contemporary performative practices. For that reason, the whole Ovidian passage is quite mis-

leading, since it combines references to reality with conventional imagery reserved for poetic depictions aimed at characterizing a genre by its appropriate mode of performance.

Since poetic performance brought

up, it is worth

of the Augustan

sparing a moment

era has just been to consider what is

known on this subject and if literature provides us with a more detailed account of performative practices. Such a reflection will serve as a background for the analysis of the image of genre-related poetic production. Unfortunately, testimonies relating the instances of public performances of poetry are scarce and superficial. Therefore, where the sources are deficient, the results of hitherto conducted research will have to suffice. It appears that the most frequent mode of poctic production of the early Principate were recafiones? As a form of a pub-

lic performance they were popularized in Rome presumably in the middle of the first century BcE but reading aloud as a form of poetic delivery must have undoubtedly existed much earlier.+ According to evidence provided by Pliny, this specific mode of * My interpretation of this passage matches that of Lowrie’s, cfr. MICHELE Lowrie, Writing, Performance and Authority in Augustan Rome, cit., p. 85. * On the creation of Horace's lyric persona, see MICHELE LowrIE, Writing, Performance and Authority in Augustan Rome, cit., pp. 61-97 and ANASTASIA-ERASMIA Peponi, Fantasizing Lyric: Horace, Epistles 1.19, in Horace and Greek. Lyric Poetry, ed. Michael Paschalis, Crete, Rethymon, 2002, pp. 19-45. 5 On recitationes as poetic recitals see, DonkA D. MARKUS, Performing the Book, cit., p. 139 and FLORENCE Dupont, Recitatio and the reorganization of the space of public discourse, in The Roman Cultural Revolution, eds. Thomas Habinek, Alessandro Schiesaro, Cambridge University Press, 1997, p. 45. From among poetic genres Dupont singles out epic and lyric as performed in the way of recitatio. 4 Markus reports after Seneca that recitatio was popularized in Rome after 38 B.C. but admits, that it must have been known earlier as well, Donxa D. Markus, Performing the Book, cit., p. 139. As has already been mentioned, Aristotle refers to a kind of epic recitatio in Poetics 14622.

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performance pertained to a whole spectrum of genres (epist., 7, 17); it seems, however, that epic was most frequently associated with it.' As it is argued by Markus, the association between epic and recitatio was a result of exiguous performative connotations

of this genre imposed by the lack of performative context.^ As a matter of fact, epic became estranged from its original performative

context,

which

used to be its indispensable feature and

guaranteed its eminent status on the socio-cultural scene, to such a degree, that epic recital recoiled from comparisons with performative arts, especially theatre.? This actually, might be a sign of an interesting correlation between suitability to performance and style of a genre: the greater style — the greater appropriateness

for simple performance, i.e. reading, recitation. For instance, epic was often classified as poetry of higher style, genus grande, to use rhetoric terms.^ And as such, it was considered too solemn to be

associated with playful performance. On the other hand, bucolic, regarded a lesser kind of poetry, reverberated with performance both in metaphoric layer and presumably real life as well.’ In general, the dependence of suitability for performance on adherence to a specific style appears to exist not only on the level of actual performance but also on the level of poetic imagery. It has to be noted, however, that the hierarchy of genres with reference to styles was by no means specific, nonetheless, a general feeling of high and low mode persisted. Naturally, comedy and tragedy as

inherently dramatic genres have to be excluded from the reflection on the associations between style and performance. We have insufficient literary evidence which would help us to determine whether the most celebrated piece of Augustan epic was indeed recited or performed in some other way. Juvenal's * Cfr. Donka D. Markus, Performing the Book, cit., p. 139. 2 Cfr. Donka D. Markus, Performing the Book, cit., p. 140. 5 Cfr. DonKA D. Markus, Performing the Book, cit., pp. 140-141. ^ Beginning from the neoteric movement, generations of poets refused to write ‘serious poetry’. This may indicate that there existed some kind of hierarchy among poetic genres. In this context the idea of the so called Rota Vergiliana, although deriving from much later literature, might shed some light on the hierarchy of genres. The explanation of this concept can be found in ALAISTER FowLER, Kinds of Literature: an introduction to the theory of genres and modes, New York, Harvard University Press, 1982, p. 240. $ Recusationes ate a good example of the division into ‘loftier’ and "lesser? poetic genres.

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reference to the performance of Aeneid during a dinner can hardly be regarded a reliable testimony to Augustan practice, not only because of its later date but also because cantare employed to denote the manner of delivery is simply ambiguous.' Iuv., 11, 180182: conditor Iliados cantabitur atque Maronis / altisoni dubiam facientia carmina palmam. / quid refert, tales uersus qua uoce legantur? As Allen observes,’ /egere and cantare, might be synonymous in this context, better still, cantare may be an equivalent of recitare, since Aeneid,

or at least some of its excerpts, were commonly studied and undoubtedly known by heart to many.? Not to mention, that recitare and /egere could also be used interchangeably. A passage from Ars Poetica (438-439) aptly illustrates this problem: Quintilio siquid recilares: «Corrige, sodes,/ hoc» aiebat «et hoc» We can imagine corrigere in a written-read context rather than extemporaneous. *

An interesting example of evidence concerning poetic recital can be found in Ovid's references to the performance of his Heroides. Trist., 2, 517-520: An genus hoc scripti faciunt sua pulpita tutum, 3} quodque licet, mimis scaena licere dedit? / Et mea sunt populo saltata poemata saepe, / saepe oculos etiam detinuere tuos.; Trist., 5, 7, 25-30: Carmina quod pleno saltari nostra theatro, / uersibus et plaudi seribis, amice, meis, / nil equidem feci (tu scis hoc ipse) theatris, / Musa nec in plausus ambitiosa mea est. Ars, 3, 343-346: Deve tribus libris, titulus quos signat "Amorum, / Elige, quod docili molliter ore legas: / Vel tibi composita cantetur Epistola voce: / Ignotum hoc aliis ille novavit opus. On the basis of these allusions, Cunningham argues that /Teroides were actually

sung and danced in the theatre which would be quite an unusual mode of performance with regard to fictional letters, although the

place of performance was by no means unaccustomed for poetic display. He interprets Ovid's words as evidence for adopting the * On different meanings of cantare, see Donka D. Markus, Performing the Book, cit., pp. 141-143; WALTER ALLEN, Ovid’s Cantare and Cicero's Cantores Euphorionis, «TAPhA», cii, 1972, pp. 1-14; THomas HABINEK, The World of Roman Song, from ritualized speech fo social order, Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005, pp. 61-64. 2 WALTER ALLEN, Ovid's Cantare and Cicero's Cantores Euphorionis, cit., p. 12. 3 On the degree of Aeneid’s popularity among Roman schoolboys, see STANLEY F. BoNNER, Education in Ancient Rome. From the Cato Elder to the Younger Pliny, New York, Routeledge, 1977, pp. 213-214. ^ Markus quotes this passage as an instance of recitatio, cfr. DONKA D. Markus, Performing the Book, cit., p. 154.

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Heroides to «a new kind of theatrical performance» resembling in many

ways

a mime.' Whether

they were originally intended

for this type of production is another question. Contrary to Cunningham's beliefs, it seems highly unlikely that Ovid planned his epistles for the stage, as he himself wrote sl equidem feci (tu seis hoc ipse) theatris (Irist., passage that in Ovid’s venue accommodating but also recitationes of even not clear that the

5, 7, 27). Nevertheless, we learn from this time theatre might have been a customary poetic recitals, not only common dramas various kinds of verse.* Furthermore, it is quoted passages refer to Heroides. What is,

however, quite apparent, is that some Ovidian poems were indeed publicly presented in a more dramatized way than a simple recitazio

- the fact, which bears witness to their popularity rather than the original intension for a specific kind of enactment. Although ‘the new kind of performance’, to which Cunningham

refers, was most likely introduced in the first century B.c., similar modes of dramatized poetic production existed much earlier, as Livy attests in a passage recounting the performance of drama-

tized satire dating back to the times from before the Punic wars.? Since there is no evidence, either internal or external, regarding the enactment of Augustan satire, the connection with this early mode

of performance

cannot be possibly traced in the later re-

working of the genre, which only indicates that the links between a genre and its actual performance were frail indeed. * Cunningham refers to a dramatized performance, which combined singing, dancing and instrumental music. This performative practice is believed to have been introduced to Rome by Pylades and Bathyllus around 22 B.c., cfr. Maurice P. CunNINGHAM, The Novelty of Ovid’s Heroides, « CPh», xLIv, 2,

1949, PP. 100, 103.

* Ovid suggests that theatre is also a good place to pick up songs, which implies that it housed recitals of truly different kind, cfr. Ars, 3, 315-318: Res est

blanda canor: discant cantare puellae: / Pro facie mullis vox sua lena fuit. / Et modo marmoreis referant audila theatris, / Ei modo Niliacis carmina lusa modis. 3 Livy presents the performances of early satura by Livius Andronicus as the beginning of Roman theatre, cfr. Liv., 7, 2, 6, 8: Sine carmine ullo, sine imitandorum carminum actu ludiones ex Etruria acciti, ad tibicinis modos saltantes, baud indecoros

motus more Tusco dabant; Liuius post aliquot annis, qui ab saturis ausus est primus argumento fabulam serere, idem scilicet — id quod omnes tum errant — suorum carminum actor, dicilur, cum saepius revocatus vocem obtudisset, venia petita puerum ad canendum ante tibicinem cum statuisset, canticum egisse aliquanto magis vigente motu quia nibil vocis usus impediebat. Cfr. GinTHER WILLE, Musica Romana. Die Bedeutung der Musik im Leben der Romer, Amsterdam, Schippers, 1967, p. 159; THomMas HABINEK, The World of Roman Song, cit., p. 116.

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‘fictionalized’ mode

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129

was

on the contrary

firmly identified with certain genres. This is relevant even with regard to the least performative of them, namely, the epic. Although allusions to the circumstance of poetic or musical recitals are scarce in the Aeneid, these existent shed some light on the appropriate performative context of an epic song. Close to the end of the first book

we witness a feast held by Dido in the honor of Aeneas during which the hero is asked to narrate the events of his journey. This

is preceded by a performance of a bard - Iopas (Aen., 1, 740-746): Cithara crinitus Iopas personat aurata, docuit quem maximus Atlas. Hic canit errantem lunam solisque labores;

unde hominum genus et pecudes; unde imber et ignes; Arcturum pluviasque Hyadas geminosque Triones; quid tantum Oceano properent se tinguere soles

hiberni, vel quae tardis mora noctibus oste. On the one hand, his epic recital! can be perceived as a represen-

tation of a common entertainment customary for convivia, on the other however, it can be interpreted in direct connection with the succeeding account of Aeneas’ adventures. Quite obviously, the genre of this account is epic, while its performative context — a

feast. The mode of its performance is apparently a simple narration exempt from any musical accompaniment. It seems, however, that a proper poetic recital — with its attributes: long-haired bard, a golden lyre — was placed in the close proximity of the

epic narrative not coincidentally. Apart from an explicit reference to Odyssey 1, 325 and 8, 499, which both contain descriptions of epic recitals given in similar mode and circumstances," the passage reminds of the original manner of epic enactment. At the same time, it can be wondered

why Aeneas' narrative is quite devoid

* It is difficult to determine what genre and subject lopas’ song bears reference to. It appears to be a philosophical reflection on the beginning of things. Conington compares it with parallel subjects of songs found in ec/., 6, 31 (song of Silenus) and georg., 2, 477 (song of Orpheus), cfr. JOHN CONINGTON, P. Vergili Maronis Opera. The works of Virgil, with a Commentary, London, Whittaket, 1876, ad loc. At any event, I choose to interpret it in close connection with

Aeneas’ account, despite the ambiguities concerned with the genre of lopas’ song. It should be noticed that in the parallel passages from Odyssey, the genre of sung verses is undoubtedly epic. 2 JoHN Conincton, P. Vergili Maronis Opera, cit., ad loc.

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of a performative characteristic and for what reason the hero could not perform his account in a traditional manner. It appears that the motives are multiple. First of all, in the parallel passages from Odyssey the songs are performed by some bards and not by Odysseus himself. Secondly, and perhaps more importantly,

due to a considerable amount of prejudice against performance as such,' a singing epic hero would have been hardly called for. Whereas the Greeks did not have any difficulty accepting the musical skills of Achilles, the Romans were prone to perceive any

display of sensitivity, training in the musical art included, as an offence to the much celebrated masculinity — the foundations of virtus Romana.» For that reason, the Roman culture came across to generations of scholars as barely musical in comparison with the Greek.’ Although such an impression is justified by the scantiness of references to music, it is quite deceptive. Despite being obliged

to follow the convention of representing his epic hero, Vergil did not entirely neglect the traditional mode of epic performance and its original context, preceding the epic narrative of Aeneas with a reference to its appropriate manner of enactment.

In the present paper I choose to disregard the representation of lyric recital in Horatian Odes, since this topic has already been

thoroughly analyzed.* It is sufficient to recall only a few passages, * Markus observes that recitatio was received in the social reality with rather negative feelings, cfr. Donka D. MARKUS, Performing the Book, cit., p. 140. * Two studies as especially significant with reference to the image of manhood in the Roman society; both of them analyse the role of virility in speech delivery: Maup W. GLEASON, Making Men. Sophists and Self-Presentation in Ancient Rome, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1995; ERIK GuNDERSON,

Staging Masculinity.

The Rhetoric of Performance in the Roman

World, Michigan,

Ann Arbor, 2000. Markus parallels the impact of masculinity on rhetoric performance to that in epic recital, cfr. DONKA D. MARKUS, Performing the Book, cit., p. 140. 3 The conviction that Romans were generally unmusical persisted for the better part of the twentieth century. It was frequently expressed in a meta-

phorical way, taking musical tastes of Aeneas and Achilles as a subject of comparison. The first edition of The Oxford Classical Dictionary discerned a connection between Aeneas’ lack of interest in music and the lack of musical talent of the Romans: « Unlike Achilles, Aeneas did not find his solace in music, and the nation he founded never acquired a passion for it», JAMES FREDERICK

MouwTFORD,

REGINALD

Pepys

WINNINGTON-INGRAM,

Art.

Music,

in The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 1949, p. 585. Cfr. GUNTHER WILLE, Musica Romana, cit., p. 514. 4 On the image of performance in Horatian lyric see, MICHELE Low£rIE,

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which directly refer to the performance of choral lyric, doubtlessly drawing on the Pindaric Oder. For the most part, Horace fictionalizes performance in his Oder in order to promote himself as a singing vates in the likeness of the Aeolian melic poets.' The semantic field of his lyric related to the musical performance is predominantly concerned with lyre and monody, occasionally turning to choral lyric, as in Ode 4, 6. However, in two instances Horace

resorts to Pindaric lyric as a source of his inspiration for musical imagery. The opening of Ode 1, 12, 1-3: Quem virum aut beroa lyra vel acri / tibia sumis celebrare, Clio? / Quem deum? plainly refers to the Second Olympian but enriches Pindaric instrumentarium with

a tibia, which does not strictly belong to the musical portrayal of Horatian lyric. Despite the fact, that the choice between tibia and lyre offered to the Muses can be easily identified as a variant of a popular hymnic topos,’ the intention behind enhancing Pindar's musical setting by a tibia is not clear and cannot be explained in

terms of providing circumstances for a choice. Most scholars agree that the instruments symbolize monody (lyre) and choral lyric (tibia), which seems to be a justified interpretation, even disregarding the fact that the distinction into these two kinds of lyric is far from obvious.? Horace might not have gone that much into details and simply brought up instruments associated with Pin-

daric poetry regardless of its kind. In that case, the choice between lyre and tibia would not be referring to any actual performative Writing, Performance and Authority in Augustan Rome, cit., pp. 63-122 and KAMILA WysLucHA, Horace, Romanae Fidicen Lyrae? Analysis of some musical metaphors found in Horace’s Carmina, «Greco-Latina Brunensia», XVIII, 1, 2013, pp. 199212. * On Horace’s lyric person imitating vales lyrici see, ALESSANDRO BARCHIE51, Carmina: Odes and Carmen Saeculare, in 77e Cambridge Companion to Horace, ed. Stephan Harrison, New York, Cambridge University Press, 2007, p. 146; ANASTASIA-ERASMIA PEPONI, Fantasizing Lyric, cit., p. 22. 2 On the motif of choice see R. G. M. Nispet, Marcaret HuBBARD, Commentary on Horace, Odes Book 1, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1999, ad Joc. 3 Such an interpretation is presented by R. G. M. Nispet, MARGARET Hussarp, Commentary on Horace, cit. ad loc., however, Lefkowitz claims that

the distinction between monody and choral lyric is quite artificial, cfr. MARY R. Lerxowitz, Who Sang Pindar’s Victory Odes?, « AJPh», CIX, 1, 1988, pp. 1-11, hence the identification between each ‘type’ of lyric and the instruments is difficult. On the other hand, Burnett is quite assured that Pindar's Odes were meant for a choral performance, cfr. ANNE BURNETT, Performing Pindar’s Odes, « CPh», LXXXIV, 4, 1989, pp. 283-293.

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practice, as both instruments could have taken part in both choral and 1-3: voce by

monodic performances. Tibia and cithara feature also Ode 3, 4, Descende caelo et dic age tibia / regina longum Calliope melos, / seu nunc mavis acuta / seu fidibus citharave Phoebi, which is influenced Pindar's first Pythian,' and, just as in the previous passage,

tibia supplements Pindar's original musical setting which included only lyre. As Fraenkel aptly points out, the difference between the image of performance drawn by Horace and Pindar is that Pindar refers to the existent, familiar context of musical practices, whereas Horace must necessarily imagine and imitate such a mode of performance in order to form a genetic allegiance with his Greek models.’ It is still debated whether his Carmen Saeculare was indeed

executed in the manner indicated in Ode 4, 6 and since the majority of voices rise against the literal interpretation, it appears that

Horace must even be deprived of this eventual chance of genuine recital.? It has to be thus concluded that the majority of performative contexts created by Horace in his Odes are fictionalized and belong to the imagery employed for the sake of establishing the generic identity. As has already been mentioned, the strong musi-

cal connotation of lyric thrived as its distinguishing feature even after lyre’s accompaniment had been discarded.* Hence, in the adduced passages Horace retains the memory of the performance by

imitating Pindar's allusions image he fails to be faithful tion, since his musical motifs connection with the lyric of

to musical setting, but in his fictional to the details of Pinadric instrumentaare chiefly aimed at forming a generic Pindar.

Horatian Odes are not the only texts of the Augustan period

containing allusions to the semantic field of lyric in which music adopts a role of a generic feature. An especially significant reflection on poetic genre involving lyric and clegy comes from Heroides 15. I will refrain from addressing here the problem of its authorship, assuming simply that this epistle was either written by Ovid or in the spirit of his poetry and therefore reflects the most

significant principles concerning generic characteristic widespread * Cfr. EpuARD

1957, p- 276.

FRAENKEL,

Horace,

New

York,

Oxford

University Press,

2 EpuarD FRAENKEL, Horace, cit., pp. 283-284. 5 On the performance of Carmen saeculare see, MICHELE LowRIE, Writing, Performance and Authority in Augustan Rome, cit., pp. 123-141. 4 Cfr. ANASTASIA-ERASMIA PEPONI, Fantasiging Lyric, cit., pp. 19-23.

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in the period.' Already at the beginning of the poem we encounter an imaginative juxtaposition of lyric and elegy (15, 5-8). Forsitan et quare mea sint alterna requiras carmina, cum lyricis sim magis apta modis: flendus amor meus est; elegiae flebile carmen;

non facit ad lacrimas barbitos ulla meas.

In the quoted passage the suggested mode of enactment of both the genres is naturally sung performance. The generic features of lyric (i.e. barbitos, here exceptionally in feminine gender,* which can be easily identified as a symbol of Sapphic poetry) are juxtaposed with signature aspects of elegiac content: amor and dolor, rather than with references to its performance.? In consequence of such a depiction, lyric emerges as a musical, performative genre while the enactment of elegy is far less accentuated. Nevertheless, it should be remembered that Heroides expressly display their epistolary form, in other words, the intentional manner of transmission could be termed: *written to be read'. Moreover, in the very first verses of the letter (/er., 15, 1-4: Ecquid, ut adspecta est studiosae littera dextrae, / Protinus est oculis cognita nostra tuis? /an, nisi legisses auctoris nomina Sapphus, / hoc breve nescires unde veniret opus?) we are

informed that Sappho is writing and that she already considers her elegiac effort a fully-fledged poetic work.* Under such circum* Cfr. Grecson Davis, From Lyric to Elegy: The Inscription of the Elegiac Subject in Heroides 15 (Sappho to Phaon), in Defining Genre and Gender in Latin Literature, a cura di William Scovil Anderson, Garth Tissol, William Wendell Batstone, New York, Peter Lang, 2005, p. 176; ALBERT R. Baca, Ovid’s Epistle from Sappho to Phaon (Heroides 15), «TAPhA», CII, 1971, pp. 29-38. * It was often believed that elegy derived from funeral lamentations. The supposedly mournful character of Sapphic lyric or her alleged authorship of elegies earned her the epithet querens in Horace’s Ode 2, 13, 24, probably in order to form a contrast with a more heroic lyric of Alceaus, civis Lesbius, personally preferred by Horace, cfr. FEDERICA BzssoNz, Saffo, la lirica, Pelegia: su Ovidio, Heroides 15, «MD», LI, 2003, pp. 211, 230. Also see GREGsoN Davis, From Lyric to Elegy, cit. p. 178. 5 Davis identifies dolor here with erotic lament, cfr. GREGsoN Davis, From Lyric to Elegy, cit. p. 178. 4 Cfr. LAUREL FuLKERSON, The Ovidian heroine as author: reading, writing, and community in the Heroides, New York, Cambridge University Press, 2005, p. 153. Although Jacobson wonders how breve opus of the fourth line can possibly apply to the longest composition of the Heroides, he accepts it as an allusion to the present work, Howarp Jacosson, Ovid’s Heroides, Princeton University Press, 1974, p. 287.

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stances, the impression of musical performance in the case of elegy

is simply deceptive, since only the mournful character of querela persists.' On the other hand, the image of lyric as a performed musical genre still endures in the ensuing depictions. And although not explicitly stated, the contrast between the intentional, ot fictional, so to speak, mode of performance of lyric and elegy

transpires as one of the main themes of this epistle. In the middle of her letter, Sappho recalls having shared her poetry with her lover (Her., 15, 41-45): Az mea cum legerem, sat iam formosa videbar:/

unam iurabas usque decere loqui / cantabam, memini (meminerunt omnia amantes) / oscula cantanti tu mihi rapta dabas. The two modes of enacting the verse mentioned in the passage appear to be exclusive from the point of view of practice; cantare plainly refers to the forsaken tradition as it was imagined in the times contemporary to

the letter, while /egere alludes to the kind of performance to which the actual author of the epistle might have been accustomed. This juxtaposition could be perhaps regarded as an intentional

contrasting of two distinct receptions of Sappho: the early lyric poetess

and the newly

established

elegist, both perceived from

the perspective of the Augustan era. Although it cannot be stated with certainty that the two modes of performance, cantare and legere, were firmly identified with the respective genres, it appears that the connection was more or less consciously formed. Close to

the end of the epistle, the contrastive treatment of elegy and lyric recurs again, in words referring to the initial phrase (won facit ad lacrimas barbitos ulla meas): (Her., 15, 197-202) non mihi respondent veteres in carmina vires;

plectra dolore tacent muta, dolore lyra est. Lesbides aequoreae, nupturaque nuptaque proles, Lesbides, Aeolia nomina dicta lyra, Lesbides, infamem quae me fecistis amatae, desinite ad citharas turba venire meas!

We find the terms by which lyric has been characterized quite familiar: Aeolia lyra, cithara, plectra. These musical names, often

embedded in the semantic field alluding to the performance of lyric, are evoked as a point of reference, a background which * Lowrie confirms that elegy was mainly perceived as a written genre, cfr. MICHELE Lowrie, Writing, Performance and Authority in Augustan Rome, cit., p. 196.

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can be juxtaposed with elegy, whose most significant attribute in the passage is dolor. The effect the dolor has on lyric makes the musical scenery subside: plectra dolore tacent, muta dolore lyra est. Sappho sets off from lyric but when she arrives at elegy, her poetry loses its musical quality. It is interesting to note that in this exceptional epistle, which stands out from other letters in the collection, musical imagery is employed as a significant differenti-

ating factor. Nevertheless, we cannot expect the differentiation to be consistently maintained throughout the entire letter. As Jacobson observes, Sappho, in verse 155 cantat amores and her elegy, is

often referred to as carzzen.? Hence it appears that the two modes of performance are excessively exploited in the confrontation of

lyric and elegy. The opposition of the genres, defined through the perspective of the musical imagety, carries a profound significance for the epistle, all the more that its primary focus might be the

reflection on the poetic genre and not disappointed love.’ As in the case of Horace’s lyric, the motifs of music participate in constructing the poetic persona of Sappho, although, unlike Horace, the poetess is torn between two genres. The delineation of lyric with musical terms serves only as a contrasting backdrop, which witnesses the transition of Sapphic poetry through various Augustan perceptions of archaic lyric until its identification with Roman elegy.* On reintroducing the issues of actual performance, we will certainly notice that the image of musical setting which emerges from Heroides 15 has little in common with the dramatized recital

envisaged by Cunningham. This only proves the independence of the actual from the appropriate, ‘fictionalized’ performance. It also indicates that the ‘internal’ evidence hardly ever bears witness to the intended manner of production. * Dolor as a source of querela could be identified as an equally important indication of elegy, cfr. FEDERICA BESSONE, Saffo, la lirica, l'elegia: su Ovidio, Heroides 17, cit., p. 211. * Jacobson does not take into focus the conflict of elegy and lyric on the ground of performance. He limits himself to pointing out that Sappho considers her letter a poetical work and supports his statement by indicating a connection between opus and the musical semantic field often employed to characterize a work of poetry, to which cantare and carmen certainly belong., cfr. Howanp Jacosson, Ovid’s Heroides, cit., p. 289. 3 Cfr. LAUREL FuLKERSON, The Ovidian heroine as author, cit., p. 153; FEDERIca Bessone, Saffo, la lirica, l'elegia: su Ovidio, Heroides 15, cit., p. 215. 4 Cfr. FEDERICA BessoNE, Saffo, la lirica, Pelegia: su Ovidio, Heroides 17, cit., p- 214.

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Elegy, in its turn is rarely linked with a clear image of performance. The impression that elegy emerges above all as ‘written? extends beyond Heroides 15. Such a perception may originate from the primeval link between elegy and the inscribed genre -- epigram. However, a question arises if the performance of elegy was ever associated with any kind of music or musical instrument in the examined period. The answer can be found in Ovid's 77iszia, 5, 1: Interea nostri quid agant, nisi triste, libelli?/ Tibia funeribus conuenit ista meis. In both of the quoted passages of this poem Ovid fore-

grounds his poetic program for the fifth book of Zristia, appointing his elegiac dolor as the main theme of his ensuing reflection. A striking parallel with Zeroides 15 takes the shape of designation of elegy as flebile carmen, which draws together these two compositions, despite the obvious dissimilarity in the reasons for the

‘mournful song’ — aer and also characteristic of most of ty to Heroides, and the term enhances the impression that

exile. An epistolary form, which is the Zristia, is yet another similarilibellum, which repeatedly appears, the inscription was the intentional

form of this text. Nevertheless, Ovid defies this impression of written-read transmission by connecting his flebile carmen with tib-

ia, a couple of verses later. The link between elegy and its original funerary context, where the elegiac dolor takes the form enia or querela, is hardly surprising and not altogether uncommon. And although tibia is a frequent attribute of this context, it rarely is an appropriate accompaniment of elegy, this being one of the only few instances. Tibia emerges here as an adequate accompaniment not only of funerals but also of dolor, especially desperate and

extreme one. The poetic performance in the Augustan period is torn between canere and Jegere, as ἃ metaphorical and actual manner of enactment. While /egere (and its variants, e.g. seribere and recitare) usually pertains to the contemporary performative practice, canere (cantare)

abides in the ‘fictional’ layer of poetic imagery, embodying the appropriate, constant generic definition in contrast to the variable fashions of poetic recitals, strongly dependent on the context

and circumstance of performance. The obvious exceptions from this rule are the instances of, on the one hand, actual dramatic/ musical settings of poetry performed in the theatre, whereas on the other — the establishment of reading as a legitimate mode

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of performance, penetrating into the metaphorical imagery and becoming a part of generic characteristic, as in the case of elegy.

The reinvention of many poetic genres which took place close to the end of the first century B.c. failed to resuscitate their modes of enactment, which demonstrates to what degree performative

practice relies on social and cultural context.

MUSIC AND CULT FOUNDATION IN EURIPIDES A2AKCHAI AMIR

YERUCHAM ABSTRACT

This article explores the interdependency that existed in ancient Greece between religious and musical practices. The intimate relationship be-

tween those two cultural fields is stressed through a reading of Euripides Bakchai as a testimony for the uses of music in acts of cult foundation and cult diffusion in Classical and Archaic Greece. The Bakebai, which

narrate the arriving of a new god, Dionysos, and his cult to Thebes, highlights the importance of Dionysian musical practices in the dialectic process of cult inauguration. The new God announce his arrival with music, musical are the means by which Dionysos and his entourage fights local resistance and his ultimate victory, too, becomes manifest through the embodiment of his particular mousike by the Theban citizens. Moreover, the narrative of the play also points to a large body of Greek myths featuring the archetypical motif of the *musician cult founder’ thus underlining an actual Greek practice of inaugurating new cults by the use of music. Krvwonps: cultic soundscape, Dionysos, Bakchai, Maenads, cult foundation, music in ritual.

n ancient Greek society religious practices coexisted, overlapped and were dependent on contemporary musical culture.

The relationship between music and religion is in fact more multidirectional and intimate than commonly acknowledged. The present article explores cases where musical practices directly influenced and shaped the cultic experience by presenting a reading of

Euripides Bakchai as a testimony for the uses of music in acts of cult foundation and cult diffusion in classical and archaic Greece. The foremost site in ancient Greece for the performance of music was the cultic sphere. The religious context offered many op-

portunities for public musical performances such as sacrifices, musical-competitions during festivals, processions, /e/e/aàj and many more. Moreover, the cultic stage was by far the most publicly visible arena for repetitive performances, and hence a likelier candi-

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date for the formation of a musical hub, or a musical melting-pot,

much more so than contesting arenas such as the exclusive symposium. Taking that into consideration, it is safe to assume that cultic musical performances had a greater influence on the entire field of Greek musical culture than any other musical venue, formulating, diffusing, and mediating sound-patterns, ideologies and cultural codes. The high social visibility of the religious stage, and

the fact that rituals and festivals were periodic and recurrent in nature, created mutual expectations from worshippers, musicians and even the Gods alike regarding the characteristics of musical expressions that relate to specific ritualistic instances. Those expec-

tations formed public tastes and ensured that each specific ritual will adhere to fixed sets of expressive musical practices which wete, in turn, perceived and preserved by the community as part of its sacred religious nomima. Music is treated here as an organized sound that is embedded in specific local social practices. To the sphere of any cult locality were attached not a single song or musical instrument, but

an assembly of behavioral, musical and listening modes -- complex codes of accepted music making, acoustic appreciation, and musical embodiment. Each Greek cult, each God or Goddess in their varied local manifestations, demanded a specific and coherent musical worship which I designate here as soundscape (Fic. 1). This term describes the various elements that directed, or-

dered, and took part in shaping the ritualistic musical experience of any specific ritual. The soundscape stands for the entire musical experiences of worship and thus includes all accepted musical expressions (such as sound-patterns, melodic conventions, rhythmic arrangements and accepted musical instruments) as well as some elements involved in the cultic musical performance that were not perceived as musical per se

(such as cult dances and their appropriate paraphernalia, designated venues for musical performances,

or the unique religious

ideologies and myths encoded in cultic songs). These various elements of the cultic experience were interdependent and were perceived by Greeks as a cultic whole, a coherent and structured cultic package. Moreover, this inclusive definition of the musical experience corresponds to Greek conceptions of the musical sphere, embedded as it was in the many facets constructing the notion of mousike.

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Attributes of

:

the

Cultic

performative

narrative

arena

Sound patterns

Ritual ideology

dances

Paraphernalia

Fic. 1. Elements of the cultic Soundscape.

The cultic soundscape was crucial in almost any form of ritual practice. Gods and heroes adhered to different sets of musical expressions and their followers had to appease them through the use of

their preferred music. For a ritual to be successful (for it to please the divinity) it had to be performed according to the guidelines of the local soundscape, thus following the accepted musical ideologies and conventions pertaining to the local cultic community\

divinity. Any deviation from accepted ritualistic norms and rules of conduct might cause a rejection of the ritual by the Gods, lea-

ding to a ritualistic failure. In this fashion, in order to remove the wrath of Apollo, and thus cure the plague the latter had brought in his rage upon the Achaeans campaigning on the shores of Troy, the Achaeans worshipped Apollo by using, specifically, his distinctive Apollonian soundscape.' The God was appeased throu-

gh paeanic songs and dances, his distinctive forms of mousiké, and not by other cultic musical forms such as dithyrambic choruses or enhoplitic dances. Those were saved for the ritual practices of different deities, and the lines separating those soundscapes were,

generally speaking, sharp and clear. Those cultic soundscapes were by no means fixed entities. Soundscapes used to compete against each other (a notion expressed, for | Hom., //., 1, 472-474.

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example, in the bitter agonistic exploits of Thamyris and Marsyas), emulated other Soundscapes and evolved according to performative

and social changes. Cultic nomima were often encoded in cultic Soundscapes. Thus the evolution of cult dictated, as a necessity, also changes in local musical repertoire and usage. The concept

of soundscape can therefore be utilized in various ways in order to further our understandings of the unique aspects of local Greek cults and to identify a range of networking connections linking various local cults.

As an example of the various ritual mechanisms relating to Greek cultic soundscapes, I would like to follow a peculiar thread in Greek myth, one that stresses the role of music in instances of cult foundation and cultic transfer. We have, in fact, a large body of Greek mythic narratives dealing specifically with instances of cultic foundations. Many of them points to the institution of musico-ritualistic Soundscapes during the very process of cult foundation and thus refer to the manner by which the different elements

constituting ancient mousiké were intertwined and converged in cultic performance. The Homeric Hymn to Apollo can serve as a straightforward example for this kind of mythic motif for it narrates how the God established his Delphic temple in a musical procession that included the singing of paeans, Cretan dances and music making.' We

are being told, in like manner, that Theseus founded the Delian Aphrodisia through choric dances, and the Amazons inaugurated the cult of Ephesian Artemis by organizing an enhoplitic dance around her altar.^ In Aristophanes’ Birds, the foundation of the

new city is attracting a long line of specialists, all hoping to sell various religious and civic to the founders of the new polis. In that list, the poet, trying to trade some new cultic songs (μέλη [...] κύκλιά [...] καὶ [...] παρϑένεια) (Ar., Av., 917-919) composed specifically for the bird-city, is second in line only to the ἱερεύς, the priest, who offered sacrifices of inauguration.? Those myths,

and many others, depicts the way by which new cults enounced themselves and were dependent on an array of acoustic phenomena. Cult practices,

as an extension,

seems

to have traveled to

! 5. Hom., b. Ap., 513-523. ? Theseus: Call, Ap., 300-315. Artemis: Call, Dian., 237-249. 3 Ar., Av., 904-959.

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the accompaniment of music and thus cult diffusion routes were acoustically marked by distinct cultic sowndmarks, musical instruments, dances and performative arenas. The role of cultic mousiké in instances

of cult foundation

is

elaborated in the greatest detail in Euripides’ Bakchai, a play which portrays the mythical foundation of the cult of Dionysos in Thebes

and thus demonstrates

accepted cultural assumptions

regarding the dependency of the divine sphere on its formative soundscape. "his play is a late work of Euripides, but, regarding its mythical and ritual elements it well precedes the date of its first performance in the Dionysian theatre.' It is largely accepted

nowadays that in his mythical depictions of Maenadic ritual practices, Euripides reflected actual cult practices and beliefs that were well known to himself as to his audience, even if the exact nature

and the precise historical context of those cult practices is still in dispute." Nevertheless, it is safe to assume that Euripides doesn’t portray here a concrete historical cult practice, but instead presents us with a kind of mythical interpretation of the Dionysian. Thus, we may presume that the Bakchai modifies actual cult practices to conform to the performative and dramatic goals of the play, by

highlighting several facets of Dionysiac ritual and downgrading others in order to achieve greater tragic impact. However, for our present purpose it is not vital to establish a concrete reality for a

given, historical, cult praxis. The importance of the Bakchai lies somewhere else: the play depicts in detail a mythical narrative of cult foundation, and thus gives us a rare glimpse into the accepted * The Bakchai was one of the last plays by Euripides, most likely composed at the court of Arkhelaus the Hellenized Macedonian king, see The Bacchae, ed. Eric R. Dodds, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1944, pp. xxxv-xxxvi. According to Dodds the Aakchai is the most archaic of Euripides’ plays in form, diction and style, Eric R. Dopps, Maenadism in the bacchae, «H'ThR», xxxii, 1940, p. xxxvi. sce also RICHARD SEAFORD, Dionysiac drama and the Dionysiac mysteries, «CQ», xxxi, 1981, pp. 269-271. * For a possible reconstruction of Maenadism in ancient Greek society, see Synnove Des Bouvniz, Euripides, bakkhai, and Maenadism, in Aspects of women in antiquity: Proceedings of the first nordic symposium on women’s lives in antiquity, goteborg, 12-15 june, 1997, eds. Lena Larsson Lovén, Agneta Strómberg, Jonsered, Astrém, 1998; JAN BREMMER, Greek Maenadism reconsidered, «zPE», LV, 1984; Eric R. Dopps, Maenadism in the bacchae, cit., passim; ALBERT HENRICHS, Greek. Maenadism from Olympias to Messalina, «HSCPh», LXXXII, 1978, pp. 132, 144; Ross S. KRAEMER, Ecstasy and possession: The attraction of women to the cult of Dionysus, «HThR», LXXII, 1979, pp. 59-80.

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categories of thought and practice associated with similar acts of foundation. The Bakchai narrates the return of Dionysos to his birthplace, Thebes, after establishing his cult in the lands of Asia Minor. The

God arrives in Thebes in order to reaffirm his divinity in front of the polis which had not been initiated yet to his Bakchic rites (vv. 41-3). In order to be recognized as a God, the polis needs to

be initiated into Dionysiac worship, a task the God is taking upon himself since he arrives in person to establish his cult in Thebes. His claim for godly status is contested by Pentheus, the King of

Thebes. The newly arrived cult encounters fierce local resistance and its foundation occurs in a highly violent and dialectic environment. Throughout the Bakchai, Thebes is being portrayed as a polis invaded, even besieged, by a foreign cult. As we shall see, this process is expressed by the intrusion of a foreign soundscape as

the new God, Dionysos, makes himself manifest explicitly through the utilization of his distinct musico-ritualistic The acceptance of Dionysos to the local depend on the establishment of cult practices nature of those cult practices is revealing, for

culture. pantheon seems to in his honor. The in the play they are

comprised mostly of musical elements. The ‘new’ God states this equation directly in his opening monologue: ἐς τήνδε πρώτην ἦλθον Ἑλλήνων πόλιν, τἀχεῖ χορεύσας

καὶ καταστήσας

ἐμὰς

τελετάς, ἵν᾽ εἴην ἐμφανὴς δαίμων βροτοῖς.

I come to this city first of the Greeks, after having there (i.e., in Asia)’ set them dancing and established my /e/z/ai so as to be a visible God for mankind" (E., Ba., 20-22).

We are being told that in Asia the God established his cult and his divinity through the kazastasis of specific musico-ritualistic practices, designated specifically as χορεία and τελεταί, choric dances and mystic rites. By that reasoning a God is truly a God only if

the local community honors him through his personal (and often musical) rites. The choice of cult practices is significant, for both χορεία and

τελεταί are well attested Dionysiac musical performative tradi* Asia in the play is used in the restricted sense cluding places such as Lydia, Phrygia, and Baktria * This quote and all subsequent English citations on RICHARD SEAFORD, Bacchae, Warminster, Aris

of western Asia Minor, in(E., Ba., vv. 13-17). from the Bakchai are based & Phillips, 1996.

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tions in Athens and throughout the Greek world. Both are explicitly musical cultic practices: Dithyrambic choruses thrived in Dionysiac festivals, and most, if not all /e/e/za7, featured dominant

musical elements.' Thus, to participate in music making in honor of the God equals worshiping him. Hence the linguistic relation between the cult of Dionysos and its musics: the verb βαχκχεύω encompass both meanings. Similarly, in the Bakchai Dionysos is

being called, simply, Dithyrambos (v. 526), and likewise, Bromios (v. 66), another epi&lesis of the God, indicates the roaring aural environment of his musical cult practices.*

Accordingly, the introduction of the new cult was carried out by musical agents using musical means: Dionysos is depicted as a chorus leader, a Aboregos, leading a musical entourage, the Maenads, which were considered a part of his θίασος (vv. 56, 115, 135), members of the religious personnel of the God. The female followers of Dionysos are thus depicted as cultic followers, the servants of the God (Διόνυσον θεραπεύει, v. 82), whose function is to perform his (mostly musical) rites.

The hostile Dionysian takeover launched against Thebes had the Maenads assume an instrumental the new cult practices. As most cities began, the cultic incursion with a siege. Dionysos, stressing

and active role in the insertion of ancient campaigns against fortified against the city of Pentheus started his role as a Kboregos, instructs his

Maenads to form a musical blockade around the royal palace of his adversary,

a move designed to appropriate Theban acoustic space: ἀλλ᾽, ὦ λιποῦσαι Τμῶλον, ἔρυμα Λυδίας, θίασος ἐμός, γυναΐκες ἃς Ex βαρβάρων ἐχόμισα παρέδρους καὶ ξυνεμπόρους ἐμοί, αἴρεσϑε τἀπιχώρι᾽ ἐν Φρυγῶν πόλει

* Dithyrambic choruses: BARBARA Kowarzic, PETER J. WiLson, The world of dithyramb, in Dithyramb in context, eds. Barbata Kowalzig, Peter J. Wilson, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2013; Davip PRITCHARD, K/eistbenes, participation, and the dithyrambic contests of Late Archaic and Classical Athens, «Phoenix», LVII, 2004; PETER WiLsoN, The Athenian institution of the khoregia: The chorus, the city and the stage, Cambridge-New York, Cambridge University Press, 2000, pp. 21-25. Musical elements of Greek mysteries: ALEx Harpiz, Muses and mystery, in Music and the muses: The culture of ‘mousike’ in the Classical Athenian city, eds. Penelope Murray, Peter Wilson, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2004. 2 For διϑύραμβος and βρόμιος, see also, Ath., 11, 465a; 4. Hom., b. Bacch., 56; Pi., fr. 75, 10; ft. 128c, 2-4; Philod. Scarph., 1-3. Βρόμιος, also as a signifier of the τύμπανον, in E., Ba., 156; AP, 6, 165, 5.

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τύμπανα, Ῥέας τε μητρὸς ἐμά 9" εὑρήματα, βασίλειά τ᾽ ἀμφὶ δώματ᾽ ἐλθοῦσαι τάδε κτυπεῖτε Πενϑέως, ὡς ὁρᾷ Κάδμου πόλις

my #biasos, women from whom among the barbarians I brought to be my

companions

in rest and in travel, raise up the drums

that are at

home in the city of the Phrygians, inventions of mother Rhea and of myself, and coming round this royal house of Pentheus, beat them, so that the city of Kadmos sees (vv. 55-61).

Dionysos

had the royal palace of Pentheus

surrounded

by the

members of his #iasos who performed loudly on the τύμπανα, forming a circle around the palace. Both actions, the reference to a circular formation of the ‘chorus’ and the use of percussions, were taken from Dionysiac traditional cultic soundscape. Circular χορεία wete the norm in Athenian Dionysian public rituals at the time of

writing of this play.' The τύμπανον had the same cultic roots, here it is even heralded as a construct of the Gods exclusively made for Maenadic use.* The properties of the soundscape, their continuity

and ever changing identification with Dionysiac rituals are related in art: the greater representations of Maenads, for instance, are depicted along some musical instrument for beating time.? The sounds of ‘foreign’ Phrygian drums, the invasion of an unfamiliar soundscape, is an instrument for the alienation of Theban acoustic space, a sonic weapon that disturbs and transgress normative urban auditory fabric. A new and foreign, eastern, even barbaric cult makes itself manifest through a correlating foreign, east* PaoLA CECCARELLI, Circular choruses and the dithyramb in the Hellenistic period, in Dithyramb in context, eds. Barbara Kowalzig, Peter J. Wilson, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2013, pp. 162-166; ARMAND D»'ANGOUR, How the dithyramb got its shape, «CQ», XLVII, 1997, passim. Circular Dithyrambic choruses in Thebes, in Peter Wilson, The politics of dance: Dithyrambic contest and social order in ancient Greece, in Sport and festival in the ancient Greek world, eds. David J. Phillips, David M. Pritchard, Wales, Classical Press of Wales, 2003, pp. 178-179. ? Tympanon in Dionysiac orgiastic cults in ANDREW BARKER, Greek musical writings, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1984, index s.v». ; The Bacchae, ed. Eric R. Dodds, cit, p. 68, v. 59; Joa HALDANE, Musical instruments in Greek worship, « G&R», XIII, 1966, pp. 105-106; MARTIN L. West, Ancient Greek music, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1992, p. 124. 3 Maenads are depicted mostly with Arotala. Tympana in fact is much more common in Athens of the fourth century than earlier, suggesting significant changes in the Dionysian local soundscape over time, see LiLLIAN B. LAWLER, The Maenads: A contribution to the study of the dance in ancient Greece, «MAAR», VI, 1927, pp. 107-108. Changes in Dionysian soundscapes also in ARMAND D> ANGouR, How the dithyramb got its shape, cit., passim.

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ern and barbaric soundscape: a new God requires new and distinct musical worship. The roaring effect of percussions in this scene is equated with the new God, Dionysos, known as Bromios, ‘the loud one’. Hence those musical practices function in the play as a strate-

gic mechanism in the sonic warfare that Dionysos launches on Thebes and its king, but also as a sign or signal for the Thebans (ὡς ὁρᾷ

Κάδμου πόλις. v. 61), an acoustic proclamation advertising the arrival of the new God and his unique cult practices. This use of music is not peculiar to the Bakchai. Before the age of print, television or

loudspeaker trucks, live musical performances served as the main instrument for the promotion of cultic and political ideologies, letting the music resound through the communal space, diffusing its inherent information and restricted only by the physical properties

of the acoustic phenomena itself. Thus, the public visibility of the Dionysiac cult seems to be dependent on its audibility, on the new ritualistic music that surrounds the King's palace and slowly but

surely extends its reach to include the whole of Thebes. Dionysiac musico-ritualistic practices serves yet another, more

direct and practical role in this religious struggle. They function as a missionary, even contagious, mechanism for the diffusion of the new cult: λέγουσι δ᾽ dg τις εἰσελήλυϑε ξένος, γόης ἐπῳδός Λυδίας ἀπὸ χϑονός

ὃς ἡμέρας τε χεὐφρόνας συγγίγνεται τελετὰς προτείνων εὐίους νεάνισι.

They say that there has arrived some stranger, ἃ sorcerer, an enchanter, from the Lydian land [...] who through days and nights mingles with young girls, holding out to them joyful ze/ezai (vv. 233-238). Here, Dionysos, under the guise of a Lydian itinerant religious specialist (γόης ἐπῳδός Λυδίας v. 234), gains local support in offering

‘joyful zeeza? to the women of Thebes. Those /ee/a were musical in nature, as is hinted by the use of the term ἐπῳδός, an enchanter practicing musical charms (ἐπῳδαί), for describing the initiator, the disguised God.* The music of those mystic rites is thus portrayed * Drums, specifically, as means for communicating coherent messages in otal societies, in JoHN F. CARRINGTON, Talking drums of Africa, London, Carey Kingsgate Press, 1949. 2 For the role of music in Dionysiac initiation rites, see ALEX HARDIE,

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as having the potentiality of magic, evoking and conjuring Theban women to bid the new God's cause. Through those musical means the newly arrived God puts the entire polis as if under a spell, forcing the locals to his worship, even if against their will.

The Dionysian infection of Thebes runs fast, spreading «like a fire» (ὥστε πῦρ ὑφάπτεται, v. 778). The Theban women fall under

the musical spell, assimilating the Bakchai and embodying Bakchic modes

of conduct

and belief. Caught

up in a state of religious

frenzy the women of Thebes start to take part in the musical ecstatic worship of Dionysos. First to assume Bakchic behavior and characteristics are the daughters of Kadmos: τοιγάρ νιν αὐτὰς ἐκ δόμων ὥιστρησ᾽ ἐγὼ μανίαις, ὄρος δ᾽ οἰκοῦσι παράκοποι φρενῶν. σκευὴν τ᾽ ἔχειν ἠνάγκασ᾽ ὀργίων ἐμῶν.

Istung them with frenzies from their homes, and they are dwelling in the mountain, their minds deranged. And I forced them to wear the trappings of my mysteries (vv. 32-34).

In their steps follows the rest of the Theban women, joining the royal household in the wild orgiastic rites on the mountains. In the lines cited above the servants of Dionysos are defined by their unique Bakchic attire (σκευὴ v. 34), comprised of the fawnskin, the /5yrsos and ivy. In the context of the Dionysiac cult

those cultic paraphernalia do not serve a mere decorative function. The Dionysiac livery are in fact a central part of Dionysiac cultic experience, serving the musical needs of the ritual. It is true that the Zbyrsos had symbolic meanings and purposes within the cultic sphere of Dionysos, but, in actual practice, it operated, simply, as

a down-to-earth percussion instrument for beating time.' Likewise, the fawnskin has its distinct performative role as the accepted ap-

parel of the Dionysiac dance. Hence, Teiresias and Kadmos dress up in the Dionysiac fawnskin in order to honor the God with dances (vv. 175-177). The #yrsos and fawnskin aren't the only musical accessories of the Dionysian cult: the toys of Dionysos the child in myth, the bull-roarer (ῥόμβος) and the spinning top (κῶνος) Muses and mystery, in Music and the muses: Athenian city, cit., pp. 18-21.

The culture of ‘mousike’ in the classical

* The #hyrsos was thought of as being capable of working ritualistic miracles, inflicting injuries or even causing madness. See The Bacchae, ed. Eric R. Dodds, cit., p. 78, n. 113.

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served in actual cult practice also an acoustic goal — their sounds

were regarded as inherent to the mystic revelries of the God.' The Dionysian paraphernalia are an integral part of the Dionysiac soundscape, necessary

accessories for the musico-ritualistic

worship of Dionysos, and thus aren't separable from the mainstay of Dionysiac musico-ritualistic cult practices. A servant of Dionysos, according to the chorus, «is he who, truly happy, knowing the initiations of the Gods

is pure in life and joins his soul to

the #iasos in the mountains performing Bakchic ritual with holy purifications, and correctly celebrating the mysteries of the great mother Kybele, and shaking the #yrsos up and down and crowned with ivy» (ὦ μάχαρ, ὅστις εὐδαίμων τελετὰς θεῶν / εἰδὼς βιοτὰν ἁγιστεύει / καὶ ϑιασεύεται ψυχὰν / ἐν ὄρεσσι βαχχεύων ὁσίοις καϑαρυοῖσιν, / τά τε ματρὸς μεγάλας / ὄργια Κυβέλας ϑεμιτεύων / ἀνὰ θύρσον τε τινάσσων / κισσῷ τε στεφανωϑεὶς / Διόνυσον θεραπεύει) (vv. 73-83). As follows, in order to become a true servant of the God, one needs to practice his divine musical rites to their fullest — according to the correct codes of musical-patterns, dances, musical instruments, performative arenas and apparel. Respectively, the

diffusion of the Dionysian cult in instances of cult transfer or foundation necessitates, in theory, the embodiment of the entire prerequisites of the Dionysian soundscape by the target community,

a complete and utter assimilation of Dionysiac dances, musics and cultic paraphernalia. Those musico-ritualistic

elements

were

intrinsic

to the

cultic

experience of Dionysos for in their very core, the musical cult practices offered the basic means to achieve the tempting goal of Dionysiac worship itself — a divine epiphany. «This God is a mantis», claims Teiresias, «For the Bakchic and the manic have much mantic power: for when the God enters abundantly into the body,

he makes the maddened speak the future» (μάντις 8’ 6 δαίμων ὅδε" τὸ γὰρ βαχχεύσιμον / καὶ TO μανιῶδες μαντικὴν πολλὴν ἔχει / ὅταν γὰρ 6 ϑεὸς ἐς τὸ σῶμ᾽ ἔλθῃ πολύς, 7 λέγειν τὸ μέλλον τοὺς μεμηνότας ποιεῖ) (vv. 298-301). Here, Dionysian cult is depicted as a musical initiation ceremony, which leads to temporary divine madness and

epiphany. Thus, Agaue became a full member of the #iasos, a σὐγχκωμος, (v. 1173), and one of the μακάριοι, the initiated ‘blessed’,

only after her initiation to Maenadic musics in the mountains, and * OLGA Levaniouk,

The Joys of Dionysos, «HSCPh», Cii, 2007, pp. 178-182.

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the subsequent slaying of her son Pentheus in a moment of divine

inspired state of altered consciousness. ‘The embodiment of Dionysiac musical practices leads to an assimilation between the God and his worshippers, a reunion born in sharing the same soundscape as the God, a kind of musical mimesis that transforms the uninitiated into a distinct servant of Dionysos.' Thus, music serves an import-

ant facet of cultic initiation, imbuing the worshiper in the cultic nomima through the embodiment of its soundscape. In the same manner, we can infer this process of musical epiphany to the macro level: the city of Thebes became Dionysiac only

after its citizens succumbed to the new musical rites, went through mass divine furor, lost its royal family and acknowledged the new

God through the establishment of Dionysian musical rituals. In a way, this reading of the Bakchai can relate to a wide range of musical purifications of entire city states.* The depiction of Dionysos fits well with figures such as Thaletas of Gortyna who «Using his mousike healed Sparta and delivered it from the plague that oppressed it» (διὰ μουσικῆς ἰάσασϑαι ἀπαλλάξαι τε τοῦ κατασχόντος λοιμοῦ τὴν Σπάρτην) (Ps.-Plu., Mor., De mus., 1146c = Pratinas, fr. 6, iii Page), or Epimenides, who likewise offered communal katharsis to the Athenians.’ the narrative of the Bakchai seems to

reflect common Greek notions of musical social powers, notably the socio-psychagogic effect of musical performances, the innate power of rhythm and melody to regulate collective social behaviot, thus embedding this play deeper yet in the characteristic traits of Greek musico-ritualistic culture.^ Here, that unique ritualistic * Dithyramb as involving a mimesis of Dionysos and an epiphany of the God, in SALvatoRE LAvECCHIA, Becoming like Dionysos: Ditbyramb and Dionysian initiation, in Dithyramb in context, eds. Barbara Kowalzig, Peter J. Wilson, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2013, pp. 59-75. This use of music in initiation cults is an almost universal human phenomenon, see GILBERT ROUGET, Music and trance: A theory of the relations between music and possession, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1985, pp. 46-62. 2 On the mystic initiation of a city-state, see RICHARD SEAFORD, Reciprocity and ritual: Homer and tragedy in the developing city-state, Oxford, Clarendon Press,

1994, pp- 82, 227.

3 For the purifications of Epimenides see Paus., 1, 14, 4; Plu., So/., 12. Also in WALTER BurKERT, The Orientalizing revolution: Near Eastern influence on Greek culture in the Early Archaic Age, Cambridge, (Mass.), Harvard University Press,

1992, pp. 60-63. On athartai (purifiers), see ROBERT PARKER, Miasma: Pollution and purification in early Greek religion, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1983, pp. 207-211. 4 On the social and ethical powers of music, first articulated by Damon

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power of music is being utilized in the process of cult foundation as a mechanism for imbuing the ‘foreign’ cult practices in the new cultic community.

The first major observation emanating from this musical reading of the Bakchai is the centrality of music in every cult practice. As has been shown, the musical practices weren't a stand-alone ot coincidental elements of the cult but part of a coherent cultic package, a soundscape, whose different components achieved their social and ethical baggage from their cultic uses in public per-

formances. We came to see that the cultic experience was being determined mostly by its accepted musical performative codes, so that in fact the cultic soundscape served as the main taxonomic

factor in distinguishing between different cultic spheres. To illustrate, let us observe the difference between the univer-

sality of sacrificial practices in contrast to the specificity of musical soundscapes. Whereas the sacrifice of an animal (whether a bull, a

ram or a sheep), used to be carried out in a very similar manner throughout the Greek world, in every cult locality this sacrifice

was accompanied by a distinctive performative environment, by a unique soundscape. Here, the slaying of Pentheus, often described as a sacrificial act by itself, is definitely occurring in a highly struc-

tured musical environment.' Musical practices were an integral part of every cult practice as they served both facets of every ritual, its /egomena, ‘things that are being uttered’, and its Dromena, ‘the things that are being done’. The cultic soundscapes dictated bodily

activities such as the singing and dancing of ritual songs, or the ceremonial costumes of those involved in the ritualistic dance, but also served as a source of cultic ideologies which were encoded of Oa, see Ropert W. WALLACE, Damon of oa: A music theorist ostracized?, in Music and the muses, eds. Penelope Murray, Peter Wilson, Oxford-New York, Oxford University Press, 2004. In contrast to Dionysos of the Aakchai, both Thaletas and Epimenides operated in the realm of Apollonian soundscape. Discussion of the curative powers of the Apollonian paeans in IAN RUTHERFORD, Pindar’s pacans: A reading of the fragments with a survey of the genre, Oxford-New York, Oxford University Press, 2001, pp. 15, 37. * The slaying of Pentheus as a sacrifice ritual in HELENE Forzv, Ritual irony: Poetry and sacrifice in Euripides, Ithaca-New York, Cornell University Press, 1985, pp. 210-211; ALBERT HENRICHS, Drama and Dromena: Bloodshed, violence, and sacrificial metaphor in Euripides, «HSCPh», €, 2000, pp. 187-188; RICHARD SEAFORD, The eleventh ode of Bacchylides: Hera, Artemis, and the absence of Dionysos, «JHS», CvILI, 1988, p. 134.

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in the cultic songs and mimetic performances of the worshiping

community. Hence the common association of healing features to the paeans of Apollo, or the eschatological overtones of Orphean musics. The music of cult was the main instrument for mediating

information regarding the origins of cult, the God's birth, his nature, and blessings. The narrative of the Bakchai itself is taken

from the Dionysian hymnic repertoire — a repertoire that served as an aide to cult education and memory.' The musico-ritualistic baggage of Dionysiac cult serves, therefore, as an aition of cult, pointing out the main ritualistic elements involved in worship-

ping Dionysos.

Purthermore, the soundscape would

also have a

substantial role in achieving the very goals of most rituals, such as the appeasement of a local Deity according to its unique musical

tastes, or for obtaining ritual powers, such as gaining an epiphany through the enactment of Dionysian music. The soundscape, as was revealed by establishing its centrality in acts of cult foundations, had an important role in molding

the Greek religious sphere, both ideologically and physically. In Ancient Greek society, the cultic identity (both that of the cult

as a cultural space, that of the local divinity or the identity of the cultic community itself) was encoded in musical worship. That

indigenous

cultic identity

was

contested,

augmented

and

mediated to the community of worshipers through the medium of public ritual performance, and through the manifold ways that the musico-religious culture serve as a focal point, mentally and physically, for the community. The soundscape actively thus operated in the creation and dissemination of religious identities. In the example of Euripides’ Bakchai we have seen that the newly-arrived cult of Dionysos was introduced to the Thebans through its trademarked musical practices, and simultaneously, the cultic community itself, the Maenads and Bakchants, were marked in the Theban religious sphere according to their unique musical role. Likewise, in order to accept Dionysos as a God, the Thebans first had to embody his musico-ritualistic cultic identity, sometimes even to a gruesome excess, such as in the tragic case

of Agaue. As we have seen, music served as a mean of converging and mediating cultic identities. Musical performance, in other * MARK L. Damen, ReBECCA A. RicHanps, ‘Sing the Dionysus’: Euripides’ ‘bacchae’ as dramatic hymn, «AJPh», CKXXILI, 2012, pp. 346-367.

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words, is being regarded here as a cultural middle-ground, a focal point that brings together different cultic communities through synchronized and reciprocal activities of song, dance and listen-

ing-practices, and in doing so, presents them with common and shared sets of ideologies and practices.

Secondly, and as a direct extension of the previous argument, I observe that musico-ritualistic practices were so inseparable from the basic Greek experience of the sacred, that acts of cult diffusion or cult foundation needed, as a prerequisite, to systematically lay out their distinctive cultic soundscapes. The importance of the inauguration of the cultic soundscape in acts of cult foundation emanated from its established centrality in the performance of rituals. Moreover, if the ritual had to follow specific sets of musico-ritualistic practices,

then any act of cult diffusion dictated the importation of its soundscape to the new cultic location. As an example, I outline such a process in the narrative of the Bakchai, where the imagined diffusion of Dionysian cult practices from Asia Minor to Thebes followed the introduction of musico-ritualistic practices and ideologies.

Inevitably, acts of cult foundation or cult transfer also called for an active involvement of musicians of some kind, often regarded as ritual experts, who took part in the inauguration process by

providing the new cult its musical nomima, its sacred soundscape. In most cases those Soundscapes were thought of as being a product of a musician cult founder, here Dionysos himself, an etiological reasoning that legitimized current musical practices by binding them to the very roots of the cult. For example, we can show that cult localities that were based on the Eleusinian model often claimed

ties to an ancient member of the Eumolpidai who set down, or rearranged, their sacred repertoire of cult music.! By the same token

Apollo acted as a musical cult founder in his Homeric Hymn, and mythical musicians such as Orpheus and Musaeus were regarded * Eumolpos as initiator of mystic rites: Apud Phot., sub voce Εὐμολπίδαι; Plut., Mor., De exil., 17; FELIX JACOBY, Das marmor parium, Berlin, Weidmann, 1904, n. 7. For Demeter Eleusinia cult in Argos: Paus., 1, 14, 2. Keleae: Paus., 2, 14, 1-2. Megalopolis: Paus., 8, 31, 7. Arkadian Phenea: Paus., 8, 15, 1. Messene: Paus., 4, 1, 5-9; 4, 14; 4, 27, 6. Ephesos: Hdt., 9, 97, 1; Strab., 14, 1, 3 = Pherecyd., FGrH 3 F 155. For a complete list of cults for Demeter Eleusinia in the Greek world, see HuGH BowpzN, Cults of Demeter Eleusinia and the transmission of religious ideas, in Greek and Roman networks in the Mediterranean, eds. lrad Malkin, Christy Constantakopoulou, Katerina Panagopoulou, London, Routledge, 2009, pp. 72-73.

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as founders of mystic rites and initiation cults across the Greek wotld.'

The interdependency of cult foundation and music transcends the realm of myth and can be discerned even in historical or semi-historical instances of cult foundation. Pindar narrates that in the foundation of Cyrene its oikistes, Battos, founded sacred

precincts for the Gods as well as sacred roads designated for Apollonian (musical) processions.* In like manner, the foundation (or re-foundation) of Messene in the fourth century called for the inauguration of specific cultic soundscape. According to Pausanias (4, 27, 6-7) the Messenians, while constructing their new temples,

worked to the sounds of music «but only from Boeotian and Argive flutes, and the tunes of Sakadas and Pronomos were brought into keen competition». The new Messenian soundscape featured direct political overtones because Sakadas and Pronomos were, respectively, Argive and Bocotian musicians, reflecting the fact that Messene owed its independence to the military intervention of Thebes and Argos. We have no explicit signs of this, but we can also postulate, due to the spatial and political relations of the Messenian soundscape, the existence of cultic ties between Messene, Thebes and Argos. An echo of this tendency is preserved also in the writings of Plato. Large parts of his Leges and Respublica, which can be regarded as a theoretical act of new polis foundation, deals, accordingly, with the role of music in the new political

regime he envisions, mostly as a means of ethical, civic and religious education.? Music, accordingly, was a prime feature in many instances of social and religious reforms as can be observed in the

Sykionian reforms of the tyrant Kleisthenes, in the Spartan activities of Lycurgus or in the Athenian acts of power consolidation by the Peisistratids, just to name a few more examples. * Moreover, the association of music and cult foundation has yet another profound significance, for this cultural trait was also well * Apollo: 4. Hom., b. Ap., 513-523. Orpheus: Apollod., 1, 3, 2; Diod., 1, 23, 2-8; E., Rb., 915; Paus. 2, 30, 2; 3, 13, 2; 3, 14, 5; Musaeus: E., RJ., 915; Paus., 1, 22, 7; 4, 1, 5; 4, 1, 7-8.

t

Pi,

P.,

5, 89-93.

5 For examples, see Lg., 653c-66oc, 664b-671a, 700a-7o1b, 798d-802e, 812b-e; R., 397-4022, 410a-412b, 423d-425a. 4 Kleisthenes of Sykion: Hdt., 5, 67-69. Lycurgus: Ath., 14, 635; Clem. Al., Strom., 1, 16, 78, 5; Plu., Agis, 3; Ibidem. Lye., 4. For the musical institutions of the Peisistratids, see ALAN H. SHapiro, Art and cult under the tyrants in Athens, Mainz, von Zabern, 1989, pp. 60-67.

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practiced in the kingdoms of the Near East. Bastern kings, such as King David among others, were known in their respective traditions as a clear cut representatives of the musician-founder type.' The many examples of eastern uses of musical practices in instances of cult foundations can thus shed light on the extent of

connectivity between the Greek world and its eastern counterparts in the Archaic Age, a discussion I leave to a future publication. * King David and the musical foundation of YHWH

2 Samuel, 6, 1-19; 1 Chronicles, 13; 15.

cult in Jerusalem, see

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LYRA

AN INVENTION WORTH FIFTY COWS: EVIDENCE FOR SUPRA-REGIONALITY IN TORTOISE SHELL LYRE CONSTRUCTION STEFAN

HAGEL

ABSTRACT

The

proposed

interpretation

of bone

parts from

a fifth-century

B.C.

grave at Locri as belonging to a lyre is investigated and corroborated. On the one hand, they allow to assess the yoke diameter, which is consistent with data from Mainland Greece; on the other, the supposed

tuning pin is shown to work very effectively when compared to other tuning devices, combining functionality with ease of manufacture. Krrwonps: lyre, lyra, tuning, music archaeology.

ib

her immensely useful survey of musical remains in the ar-

chaeology of southern Italy and Sicily, Angela Bellia draws attention to grave 754, dated to before 450 B.c., in the necropolis

of Contrada Lucifero, Locri, a burial especially noteworthy for including undoubtable fragments of an aulos, on the one hand, and, on the other, remains of a tortoiseshell as well as other pieces

plausibly interpreted as belonging to a lyre.‘ Though shells and string holders and even the wooden frame of arms and yoke are known from other finds,’ as are turning tuning pegs like those on

many modern string instruments, this was the first time two other minor objects of lyre construction may have been discovered. One of these, a bone piece that was probably fixed to the end of the

yoke, is purely decorative; from the matching piece on the other side of the yoke, only a small bit seems to have survived. The * ANGELA BELLia, Strumenti musicali e oggetti sonori nell’Italia meridionale e in Sicilia, vi-I11 sec. a.C. + funzioni rituali e contesti, Lucca, Libreria musicale italiana, 2012 («Aglaia», 4), pp. 72-74. ? For an overview cfr. also SrELIOs PSAROUDAKES, A Jyre from the cemetery of the Acharnian Gate, Athens, «Studies in Music Archaeology», v, OrientArchiologie, 2006, pp. 59-79.

158

STEFAN

HAGEL

other type of object is represented by a couple of bone pins with a

central neck, interpreted as the tuning device of the lyre. Notably, a similar object in worse condition was also found together with lyre fragments in grave 1290 of the In the following I will consider as well as inferences that may be eventually enable us to substantiate parts of an instrument. Pre-Hellenistic Greek lyre tuning cussed on the basis of iconography comparisons with the archaeology

same necropolis. the usability of those objects drawn from them, which will the proposed identification as devices have mostly been disand texts on the one hand, and of adjacent cultures and mod-

ern ethnological parallels on the other.' Iconography, especially when based largely on vase paintings of merely a few colours and

stroke widths, is of course an unreliable guide to fine technical details. Since different painters likely focused on different visual and/or mechanical aspects of organological minutiae, we must not rely on the belief that different-looking images produced by different painters or even by the same painter at different times represented different realities. Consequently modern scholars (with various degrees of iconographic positivism) would hardly agree

on the interpretation of most images. In my opinion, many if not most of the vase paintings are compatible

with more than one

tuning method, and hard archaeological evidence would therefore be more than welcome: once available, it might help to reduce possible options to those unambiguously attested materially on the one hand, and possible representations that obviously conflict with it on the other. I cannot however pretend that the evidence

discussed here will settle the matter, since the purpose of the items * Cfr. HELEN ROBERTS, Reconstructing the Greek tortoise-shell lyre, «World Atchaeology», a. XII, 3, 1981, pp. 303-312; EGERT POHLMANN, Eva TicHy, Zur Herkunft und Bedeutung von Κόλλοψ, in Serta Indogermanica. Festschrift fur Gunter Neumann zum 60. Geburtstag, herausgegeben von Johann Tischler, Innsbruck, Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universitat, 1982 («Innsbrucker Beitrage Zur Sprachwissenschaft», 40), pp. 287-315; ANNIE BéLIS, 4 propos de la construction de la lyre, «Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique», a. crx, 1, 1985, pp. 201-220: 217; MartHa Maas, JANE McINtosH Snyper, Stringed instruments of ancient Greece, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1989, p. 98; MARTIN L. West, Ancient Greek Music, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1992, pp. 61-62; MAURICE BrRNE, The invention of tuning peg and pin in the hellenistic age, in La pluridisciplinarité en Archéologie musicale, Paris, Les Editions de la MsH, 1994, ΡΡ. 59-61.

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is not established beyond doubt; nonetheless I think it may take us an important step forward. At any rate, instead of pegs that turned within holes in the yoke, the archaic and classical periods apparently preferred comparatively thin yokes, around which the strings were wound, embracing some material that adjusted friction and served as a lever. What

this material was has been a matter of speculation — partially from ancient times on.' In principle it may have consisted of layers of textile, threads or leather, perhaps plaited or woven together, and/ or a ‘pin’ of some hard material. It is exactly such pins that might

have come to light at Locri. If they are identified correctly, they would be the few survivors from sets of most probably seven, the

canonical number of lyre strings in both Greek art and literature of the time. Certainly their appearance in graves that included a

lyre is a strong argument for their belonging to it; but otherwise short pieces of bone with a central neck have been interpreted as buttons, an idea that we cannot easily dismiss in this case either. If they are tuning pins, the central neck would be the part where they touched the yoke (or whatever may have sat between them

and the yoke). Therefore we would need to know the diameter of the yoke in order to better assess the potential pins" practicability. Luckily the lyre of grave 754 sported those decorative end parts,

the like of which we rarely find in Attic painting.’ Again, their identity is not beyond all doubt, and we must for the moment assume that this is what they were. They were fitted over the yoke by means of a central hole and likely secured with the surviving

nail. Fic. 1 shows an arrangement that has been suggested.’ In * Cfr. Póhlmann's (Zur Herkunft und Bedeutung von Κόλλοψ, cit.) convincing argument that the scholiasts’ idea about Homeric tuning devices is based on speculative (and wrong) etymologising. ? However, yoke-end applications of the same white colour as the tuning pins are shown on the cup Delphi inv. 8140 (ANNIE Βέι,5, A propos de la construction de la lyre, cit., fig. 20; DANIEL PAQUETTE, L'nsirument de musique

dans la céramique de la Gréce antique: tudes d'organologie, Paris, Diffusion de Boccard, 1984 («Publications de La Bibliothèque Salomon Reinach», 4), fig. 1,2): the depicted instrument was perhaps quite similar to that from Locri. More prominent disks (?) are found on /jrei ibid., figs. L1; Lio; 1,27, and on a funny kind of bérbitos ibid., fig. B23. 5 ANGELA BELLIA, Strumenti musicali, cit., p. 75, fig. 77b. Note that my Fic. 1 and Fic. 2 use the schematic drawings given there 74 fig. 77a.B, not the more exact drawing of 77a.b, because the latter does not include a sketch of the bore.

160

STEFAN

HAGEL

this way, however, the diameter of the yoke would measure no more than about 9-9. mm, which appears to preclude a wooden

yoke for reasons of stability: firstly, because Fic.

1. Formerly

suggested

2L

application of

such a thin rod even of

hard

wood

would

de-

the yoke end decoration.

form, if not break, under the tension of the strings; secondly, because the openings cut

into the yoke in order to fit it over the arms would hardly leave enough wall material to withstand the combined rotational drag of the strings without

splitting (though

one might

reduce that

risk by tightly strapping the yoke at both sides of the arms). An entirely perished metal yoke, on the other hand, seems out of the question, given that the small metal nail has survived intact. The proposed reconstruction appears hardly satisfactory on aesthetical grounds as well, with the unmitigated step between ring and yoke. Also, though the nail may have prevented the item from

slipping off the yoke, on a perfectly straight yoke nothing would have inhibited it from moving further inside, at least under especially dry conditions, when the wood would shrink in respect to the bone.

For all these reasons, a reconstruction is to be preferred in which the main part of the yoke is flush with the narrower side of the decoration, entering it only by means of a socket, as shown in Fic. 2. This allows for a wider yoke diameter, fixes the end piece

securely in place, and looks much better as well (at least to me).' Since the reconstruction demands that the diameter of the yoke, at least at its outer visible end, is identical to that of the narrow

part of the end piece, we can take it directly from the latter. From the drawing to scale in Bellia’s book we thus infer a yoke * In principle, one might also consider reversing the end piece, so terminates in the narrower part. But I think the particular form of the which consists of a conical part and a thin ring, appears much better to form the end, just as Bellia took it to do, and as the images cited in above suggest as well.

that it ‘disk’, suited note 5

AN

INVENTION

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diameter of 17 mm. This, in turn, is exactly the diameter which Annie Bélis gives for

the single extant yoke, belonging

/jra to

the “Elgin lyre’ in the British Museum.' Two

instances do not make

Fic. 2. Flush yoke end decoration. reliable statistics, but it is at least noteworthy that two lyres of quite distant provenience,

one from Locri in Italy and one from Attica, share a measurement that is of considerable consequence for the construction and usage of the instrument. If not a quite unlikely coincidence, this may provide evidence for organological optimisation mediating between conflicting demands: on the one hand, the need for a

stable yoke that would not bend significantly during tuning; on the other, for an amount of friction that ensured that the strings would hold tight enough to maintain their grip on the yoke, while not becoming so tight that they would rather snap than

allow readjustment. In addition, the aesthetic ideal of a slender yoke may have played a role, as is suggested by the usage of pins instead of turning pegs. In Fic. 3 all the elements are assembled, drawn to the same

scale. Apart from the striking coincidence of diameters, it becomes evident that the inferred yoke fits very nicely into the central recession of the pin. Though we cannot be sure, it is clear that the shape of the pin does not suggest the presence of additional material beneath it: any such layers would decrease the external curvature and thus make the depth of the pin's recession useless. Most probably, therefore, the pin was meant to be bound imme-

diately to the yoke by means of the string. The string would initially be fastened to the pin by means of a loop, optimally one that contracts upon tension. In this way,

the slight expansion of the diameter of the pin towards its ends ensures that the loop does not come off when attaching the pin to the yoke. With the thicker and therefore less flexible strings used in the lower region, this may otherwise be a real issue: since a * ANNIE

BéLIS,

A propos de la construction de la lyre, cit., p. 213.

162

STEFAN

HAGEL

Locri pin |

Locri ring

Fic. 3. Locri ring, pin and Elgin yoke drawn to scale.

string needs first to be tied to the string holder at the bottom of the instrument before it is attached to the yoke, it may easily be stiff enough to push itself from a simple straight pin as soon as one lets go of its end for a moment. Notably, this detail of shape

is functional only on a tuning pin — on a button, it would merely be aesthetical. Bone recommends itself for its robustness as well as for the smooth polished surface one may achieve. However, similar pins may have been made of other materials, especially hard wood,

small pieces of which would not normally survive even under excellent conditions. Not having suitable pieces of bone available,

I have myself reproduced similar pins from maple on the lathe. These turned out to work better on both my /jra and my &hdra than any other tuning method I had experimented with. First of

all, they take up a smaller section of the yoke than the interwoven collars found in Africa up to the present day (cf. Fic. 4), allowing for a narrower spacing of the strings, as may also be suggested by the

typical inward curvature of /jra arms in contrast to typical African lyres with straight diverging arms as well as to ancient Near Eastern and Egyptian lyres with curved diverging arms. Secondly, a winding of strings embracing the Locri pins turns more easily around the yoke than do textile collars, thanks to the sufficient leverage provided on both sides. On the other hand, the Locri pins impart the required friction more easily than cylindrical or half-cylindri-

AN

INVENTION

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165

cal pins (Fic. 5), while being less prone to tilting: since the pin cannot easily tilt when the

curvature of the yoke is being pressed into its neck, the sideways-pulling force exerted by the string (which ultimately extends downwards from one side of the pin) is more directly

transformed tion,

Le.

into

Fic.

by textile collars (Ainnaru

reconstructed by the author).

fric-

friction

4. Tuning

be-

tween the yoke and the rims of the neck of the pin. Also, while straight

pins may inconvenience adjustment by slipping to 'favourite positions",

a

Locristyle

tuning

device, thanks to the localised nature of the pressure, is more for-

giving

towards

devia-

tions from a strictly cy-

Fic.

5. Tuning

by

half-cylindrical

pins

(round-based &Zbára by Scott Wallace).

lindrical yoke shape, as may result from slight warping as well as use-wear through frequent tuning or strings biting into the surface. The same holds true in comparison with concave ‘braces’, as are suggested by some iconog-

raphy which seems to show half-rings that fit over the yoke and terminate in projections acting as levers (cf. Fic. 6a),' even though, at first glance, these may appear particularly sophisticated. At

any rate, they are much more difficult to produce both because they cannot be turned on the lathe and because sufficiently large pieces of bone are rare and hard to work. If made of wood, on * Cf. eg. the Boston throne (e.g. ANNIE BéLIs, 4 propos de la construction de la lyre, cit., p. 213, fig. 8; DANIEL PAQUETTE, L'instrument de musique, cit., fig. L34) and ibidem, figs. C30; L26.

164

STEFAN

HAGEL

Fic. 6. Tuning by half-rings (&zbdra reconstructed by Stefan Hagel and Scott Wallace).

the other hand, however one takes the grain, the small items are likely to snap at one point or the other when greater forces are applied (cf. Fic. 6b). And they call for a nicely circular yoke to wotk at all. Given their efficacy as a tuning device, which I had repeatedly the opportunity to test in performance situations (cf. Fic. 7 and

Fic. 8), as well as their association with lyre remains, the identification of the discussed finds as tuning pins appears therefore

likely, though there is certainly room for doubt. With wound

strings

around such pins in crosswise fashion,' they appear very

similar to representations from the archaic and classical periods.* If the musical interpretation is correct, the pins combine a series of functional advantages with ease of production, since small

straight pieces of bone were readily available, while the rotational symmetry

of the artefact, suitable for the lathe, ensured high

productivity — a device of Mercurian ingenuity that would justly merit Apollo's applause.

* Cf. MartHa Maas, JANE McINTOSH SNYDER, Stringed instruments of ancient Greece, cit., pp. 98, 237, note 83. Tying the strings around the pins diagonally prevents the winding from touching the end of the string's vibrating patt, which may compromise the sound. * Cf. already the Corslet Olympia M394 from the late 7 cent. - probably erroneously displaying the front of the winding at the back of the instrument (Ecert POHLMANN, Gegenwartige Vergangenheit. Ausgewablte Kleine Schriften, herausgegeben von Georg Heldmann, Berlin-New York, de Gruyter, 2008, fig. 12; DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., fig. C3); on vases,

eg. Louvre Ca 482, accessed December 17, 2014, http://upload.wikimedia. org/wikipedia/commons/2/20/Muse_lyre Louvre_CA482.jpg; DAwiEL Pa-

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INVENTION

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165

Fic. 7. Tuning by Locri-style pins (/jra reconstructed by Stefan Hagel).

Fic. 8. Tuning by Locri-style pins: back and front side (&Zbra reconstructed by Stefan Hagel and Scott Wallace).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

AnnIE BéLIs, A propos de la construction de la lyre, «Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique», crx, I, 1985, pp. 201-220. doi:10.3406/bch.1985.1823. ANGELA BELLIA, Struzzenti musicali e oggetti sonori nell'Italia meridionale e in Sicilia, vi-111 sec. a.C.: funzioni rituali e contesti, Lucca, Libreria musicale italiana, 2012 («Aglaia», 4). QUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., fig. Cb7); Paris, Cabinet des Médailles 448 (ibidem, fig. L31); ibidem, fig. Cat.

166

STEFAN

HAGEL

Maurice Byrne, Lhe invention of tuning peg and pin in the hellenistic age, in La Pluridisciplinarité En Archéologie Musicale, édité par Catherine Homo-Lechner, Annie Bélis, Paris, Les Editions de la MsH, 1994, pp. 59-61. ManrHA Maas, JANE McIntosH SNYDER, Stringed instruments of ancient Greece, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1989. DanrEL PAQUETTE, L instrument de musique dans la céramique de la Grete antique: études d'organologie, Paris, Diffusion de Boccard, 1984 («Publi-

cations de La Bibliothèque Salomon Reinach», 4). Ecert POHLMANN, Gegenwartige Vergangenheit: Ausgewablte Kleine Schriften, Berlin-New York, de Gruyter, 2008. Ecrert POHLMANN, Eva TicHy, Zur Herkunft und Bedeutung von ΚόλAop, «Serta Indogermanica», xr, Innsbruck, Innsbrucker Beitrige Zur Sprachwissenschaft, 1982, pp. 287-315.

STELIOS

PsAROUDAKES, A Jyre from the cemetery of the Acharnian Gate,

Athens, «Studies in Music Archaeology», v, Orient-Archáologie, 2006,

PP- 59-79-

HeLen

RoBERTS,

Reconstructing the Greek tortoise-shell lyre, «World Ar-

chaeology», XII, III, 1981, pp. 303-12. doi:10.1080/00438243.1981.99798 os. Marrin L. West, Press, 1992.

Ancient

Greek

Music,

Oxford,

Oxford

University

THAMYRAS' SONG CONTEST AND THE MUSE FIGURES" ANDRÁS

KÁRPÁTI

ABSTRACT

This paper focuses on interpreting the interpretation of the small stat-

uettes which appear on vases in the fifth-century iconography of the song-contest between ‘Thamyras and the Muses. Starting with the scene on Polion's vase in Ferrara, and drawing on suggestions made by Carlo Brillante (1991) and accepted by Peter Wilson (2009) I argue for that ancient magic provides the ‘missing link’ between the Thamyras character in the fifth-century theatre and the Thamyras scenes with small statuettes on Attic red-figure vases. Magic in an agonistic or competitive context was well known to the Athenian audience, and theater was able to exploit this, since the fictional theatrical world always mapped onto the real world. The fragments of Sophocles’ Thamyras seem to confirm

this idea. The scene on Polion's Ferrara vase ‘transposes’ the mythical agon into a contemporary setting, and, at the same time, ‘profanes’ it by bringing it into the context of New Music’s &baroidia or kitharistiké. Iconographic marks of this ‘transposition’ can be noticed on the vase. Krvwonps:

Thamyras,

Muse

statuettes, music contest, ancient magic,

new music, greek theatre.

T

HAMYRAS, the Thracian itinerant poet, makes a single short appearance in the 7/44. He boasts about being able get the

better of the Muses in a musical contest. The ex? of a myth sometimes discloses, as it does here too, merely the fact that someone

outmatched someone, and it is only through the repeated retelling of the story that we get to learn how it happened. In this essay this ow will be discussed, influenced not only by repeated * An earlier version of this paper was published in Ax Olympos mellett. Magikus hagyomdnyok az ókori Mediterraneumban, 11, edited by Miklós Árpád Nagy, Budapest, Gondolat, 2013, pp. 230-259 (in Hungarian). I am indebted to Dr Árpád Miklós Nagy (head of the Collection of Classical Antiquities of the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest) for much valuable assistance. Realization of this study was supported by the Hungarian Scientific Research Fund (OTKA, project no. K83115).

168

ANDRÁS

KÁRPÁTI

retelling but also by the encounter of mageia and mousike in the 5" century. How did Thamyras not defeat the Muses or how did he

try to defeat them in a contest? The Thracian songster resurfaces again in Greek tragedies of ca 460 B.C., at a time when a flow of novel ideas and questions gave an impetus to the reshaping of the

musician-poet known from Homeric epics. As a starting point a vase painting reflecting the ‘polyphonic’ world of the late classical period will be examined, where the scene tells a new version of the old story. 1.

Museo

Nazionale

della Spina

(Ferrara)

houses

a red-figure

vo-

lute-krater (TAB. 1 T6).' The vase was painted in ca 420 B.C. by * Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Ferrara 3033 (T127), height: 57 cm, ARV? 11711,1685; CVA Ferrara 1, 07, PL. (1656) 12.1-5. Studies on Thamyras’ myth, music/instrument, iconography from the last 25 years which I refer to below include the following papers (non exhaustive list): CARLO BRILLANTE, Le Muse di Thamyris, «sco», XLI, 1991, pp. 429-453; ANNE QUEYREL, s.v. *Mousai’, in LIMC, v1, 1992, pp. 674-675; PaoLA CiLLo, La «cetra di Tamiri»: mito e realtà musicale, «AION (archeol)», xv, 1993, pp. 205-243; ANNE NERCESSIAN, σιν, ‘Thamyras’, in LIMC, vu, 1994, pp. 902-904; PAoLo Enrico ARIAS, La cetra spezzata (o la rabbia di Tamiri), in Modi e funzioni del racconto mitico nella ceramica greca, italiota ed etrusca dal vi al 1v. secolo a.C. Atti del Convegno internazionale, Raito di Vietri sul Mare, Auditorium di Villa Guariglia, 29/31 maggio 1994,

Salerno, Edizioni 10/17, 1995 («Atti dei convegni / Centro studi salernitani Raffacle Guariglia», 3), pp. 33-81; ANNIE BéLIS, La cithare de Thamyras, in La naissance de l'Optra, Euridice 1600-2000, sous la direction de Francoise Decroizette, Frangoise Graziani, Joel Heuillon, Paris-Budapest-Torino, L'Harmattan, 2001,

pp. 27-56; ANGELO MERIANI, // Thamyras di Sofocle, in Musica e generi letterari nella Grecia di età classica. Atti del 11 Congresso Consulta Universitaria Greco ( Fisciano, 1 dicembre 2006), a cura di Paola Volpe Cacciatore, Napoli, Arte Tipografica, 2007 («Università di Salerno. Quaderni del Dipartimento di Scienze dell'An-

tichità», 33), pp. 37-70; Mauro MenNICcHETTI, Thamyris, il cantore della politica cimoniana e il cratere di Polion a Ferrara, in Il greco, il barbaro e la ceramica attica. Immaginario del diverso, processi di scambio e autorappresentazione degli indigeni. Atti del convegno internazionale di studi 14-19 maggio 2001, Catania-Caltanissetta-Gela-Camarina-Vittoria-Siracusa, tv, a cura di Filippo Giudice, Rosalba Panvini, Roma, L’Erma di Bretschneider, 2007, pp. 107-122; PETER WILSON, Thamyris the Thradan: the Archetypal Wandering Poet? in Wandering Poets in Ancient Greek Culture. Travel, Locality and Pan-Hellenism, edited by Richard Hunter, lan Rutherford, Cambridge, cup, 2009, pp. 46-79; SUSANNA SARTI, Un esempio di competizione musicale nel mito in Grecia: Tamiri, in Poesia, musica e agoni nella Grecia antica. Atti del 1v convegno internazionale di morsa, Lecce, 28-30 ottobre 2010, a cura di Daniela Castaldo, Francesco G. Giannachi, Alessandra Manieri, Galatina, Congedo, 2012, «Rudiae. Ricerche sul mondo classico», XXII-XXIII, 2010-2011, pp. 219-

THAMYRAS?

SONG

CONTEST

AND

THE

MUSE

FIGURES

169

Polion, and side ‘B’ is decorated with the contest of Thamyras and the Muses.' The Thracian musician is playing an instrument (albeit not his own, to which I return later) in front of a sizeable audience: Apollo, Thamyras’ mother Argiope and the nine Muses. Apollo can be seen holding a lyra in his hand without playing it, next to

him there is a tall tripod. Thamyras is turned with his back against Apollo. He is the one playing his instrument, the sole concert kithara among the eight stringed instruments shown in this scene, with the kithara being a primary element in &zbarodia and kitharistike, the musical contests of public festivals. The concert kithara, the

ornamental cloak of the agonistes and his body posture evoking concentration, Apollo in his function of judge (and a tripod, discussed later) are all well-defined elements in the iconography of mousikos agon going back over a century.^ Based on several parallels, the altar, the rocks and the tree clearly identify the scene: the contest is taking place outdoors, perhaps in the sacred grove of the Muses,

on Mount Helicon.’ The depiction is extraordinary for a number of 240; ALEXANDER HEINEMANN, Performance and tbe Drinking Vessel: Looking for an Imagery of Dithyramb in the Time of the ‘New Music’, in Ditbyramb in Context, edited by Barbara Kowalzig, Peter Wilson, Oxford, oup, 2013, pp. 282-309: 294-300. For the textual sources of the myth, cf. the overview by SUSANNA Sarti, Un esempio di competizione musicale nel mito in Grecia, cit., pp. 219-220. : The neck frieze is decorated with a torch-race (lampadedromia), side ‘A’ with a symposion-version of the myth of the Return of Hephaistos. If the story of the sirens calling the Muses to a competition persuaded by Hera (Paus., 9, 34, 3) was already known in the 5^ century B.c. the figures of Hera and the siren fanning her can evoke the motive of a song contest. For the possible interrelations between the three depictions, see below, and see HEIDE FRONING, Dithyrambos und Vasenmalerei in Athen, Heidelberg, Triltsch, 1971, pp. 70-71, 8283, (Parrhasios?); on side ‘B’, see PaoLo Enrico ARIAS, La cetra spezzata (0 la rabbia di Tamiri), cit., p. 44 (Polygnotos?). On the theme of the Return of Hephaistos, see Guy HEDREEN, Sens in Attic Black- Figure Vase-Painting: Myth and Performance, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1992, pp. 13-30. ? See Haratini Korsipu, Die musischen Agone der Panathendean in archaischer und klassischer Zeit: Eine historisch-archdologische Untersuchung. München, Tuduv, 1991; H. ALAN SHapiro, Mousikoi Agones: Music and Poetry at the Panathenaia,

in Goddess and Polis: The Panathenaic Festival in Ancient Athens, edited by Jenifer Neils, Princeton, Princeton University Press, pp. 53-75. 3 Mount Helicon as a setting for song contests: see Paus., 9, 31, 3. For references to Muse shrines (Mouseia, which, however, are also later in date), see ALEX HarpIE, Muses and mysteries, in Music and the Muses. The Culture of Mousike in the Classical Athenian City, edited by Penelope Murray, Peter Wilson, Oxford, OUP, 2004, pp. 11-37: 14; PENELOPE Murray, 77e Muses and their Arts, ivi, pp.

365-389: 378-379.

170

ANDRÁS

KÁRPÁTI

reasons, but its most remarkable elements are the nine little floating figures above the altar, painted at a noticeable distance from it. (If they were not above the altar, it would go unnoticed that they are not propped up given that the base line between the earth and the

sky is not clearly demarcated. It is exactly their position above the altar that signals that they are detached from it.) As there are nine

figures, a plausible assumption is that these are small Muse figures. They are predominantly, although not unanimously, referred to by scholars as xoana, archaic statuettes symbolic of the sacred places associated with the Muses.* How did an ancient viewer in the 5" century B.c. interpret these

little Muse figures? In other words, even though the meaning of an object may have been lost with time, the contemporary viewer must have had a clear idea of how to interpret it, which was expected by the painter. The situation would be easier if we knew whether it was also customary to place statuettes of Muses made of clay, bronze or wood in sanctuaries devoted to the Muses, as it was to place archaic statuettes of other gods. However, the only known

large size Muse statues date from the 4" century B.c. or later.* That is to say, if one wants to gain a deeper knowledge of the meaning of * The first occurrence of xoanon that can be dated with certainty to the sth century is found in a fragment of the Sophoclean tragedy Thamyras (TGrF 238). Here, however, the meaning is not ‘archaic statue of a god’, but *musical instrument carved from wood’. In Euripides’ /7, of the twenty seven occurences of god’s effigy xoanon occurs only once, the rest being agalma or bretas. Since xoanon acquired the meaning of ‘archaic (small size) statue of a god’ only later, I use the term “Muse figure’ and reserve ‘idol’ for the kind of statue discussed below. On idols see WERNER OENBRINK, Das Bild im Bilde. Zur Darstellung von Gotterstatuen und Kultbildern auf griechischen Vasen, Frankfurt am Main-Bern, P. Lang, 1997, p. 21, note 8. On archaic xoana in general, see JAN Bouzex, Xoana, «OJA», XIX, 2000, pp. 109-113. On the question of x04na vs. daidala (discussing the sizes of xoama, of which there are mega xoana as well), see SARAH P. Morris, Daidalos and the Origins of Greek Art, Princeton, University Press, 1992, pp. 201, 243. On the meaning of the word, including its earliest recorded forms, see JEANETTE PAPADOPOULOS, Xoana e sphyrelate. Testimonianza delle fonti scritte, Roma, L’Erma di Bretschneider, 1980, pp. 1-9, with detailed overview of all the statues categorised as xoana. Her category of ‘Muses’ contains a single item: no. xLIV with reference to Paus., 8, 31, 5. The most detailed account on xeana is ALICE A. DONOHUE, Xoana and the Origins of Greek Scupture, Atlanta, Ga, Scholar Press, 1988. She proves (pp. 9-32) that the references to xoaa do not show 5" century wording. ? Representations of Muses dating from the 5? century B.c. are only known from depiction on vases. There are no known figurines or statues. Any mention of these is scarce: see ANNE QUEYREL, s.v. *Mousai', cit., pp. 674-675.

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Muse figures, a comparison must be made of these figures with the

iconographic depiction of the Muses, sacred places and god statues, and subsequently with the story of Thamyras and its depictions. 2.

By the 5? century B.c. the iconography of the Muses was consolidated' with two typical settings. One is the indoor setting with a Klismos, a diphros and a column, the other is outdoor under the sky with rocks, sometimes a tree, a plant and an animal. Irrespective of the subject depicted or the characters shown with the Muses, the typical setting is the outdoor one with rocks shaped in the

form of little heaps with white lines. The Muses usually sit on the rocks or lean on these, their relaxed body posture indicating that

they are fully concentrated on the music. That the rocks feature prominently as one of the attributes of the Muses is best supported by the fact that there are ‘mixed’ settings as well: rocks with a Klismos or column, as if the internal setting was ‘brought outside’ by the painter in an attempt to show that in spite of the requisites

of the indoor setting we are looking at a scene with the Muses.? It seems likely that in the scene on the Ferrara vase the primary function of the small figures is ποῦ to define the location (although

they may contribute to it) because other elements as the rocks, the tree, the altar and the rabbit are sufficient enough.’ The main instrument to indicate sacred places on vase painting is the altar. Its depiction, contrary to the statues of gods, is not far

from being realistic, but details are not the artist's main concern here, as the primary goal is for the viewer to understand that he is faced with a cultic place. If the altar is out in the open, a single tree signals it pars pro toto. The femenos (sacred precinct) and the topic of depiction (festive procession, supplication, requests for prophecy, etc.) are sometimes disambiguated by two further attributes: an architectural element or a statue of a god.‘ * ANNE QUEYREL, 5.Ψ. *Mousai', cit., pp. 659-660 (the number of Muses has no importance for the depiction, see Ibidem, pp. 657-661). ? Muses together with Pan are part of nature, cf. Ar., Av., 737-745, Ra., 229-230. On scenes where they are not only ‘supporting characters’, rocky places are more frequent, see LZMC, s.v. *Mousai', nos. 1-26, 77-100. 3 WERNER OENBRINK, Das Bild im Bilde, cit., p. 309: «a combination of space-specific function and foundations of content». ^ ANNELIESE Kossarz-DEISSMANN, Zur Zkonographie sakraler Statten in der

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We are a step closer to understanding the little Muse figures if we compare them to vase paintings showing statues of gods from

the last third of 5? century B.c. It is striking that the Muse figures on the scenes with Thamyras are very small in size. The sizes of archaic statues of gods depicted on vases are typically small ("kleines Idol, yet they are with no exception significantly bigger than those of the Muse figures. Even though statues of gods adopt

a rigid, unnatural posture and have gestures and facial expressions to match it, they are significantly more realistic than the doll-like symbolic Muse figures. This sets the Muse figures apart from the

ordinary depiction of archaic statues of gods known from this period. Their strikingly small size and shape is perhaps an indication of their function and a reminder of this to the viewer.’

The depiction of Muse figures is not an innovation of Polion's.? By 420 B.c., this motif in the iconography of *Ihamyras Muses' had already been used for more than three decades. ten representations of Thamyras and the Muses the small appear on five (see Fic. 2 and the table at the end of the The

earliest can be dated

to around

460

B.c.,

the

and the Of the figures paper).

latest to 410

B.c. Although a number of vase scenes are known which are set in the sacred grove of the Muses (amongst these are those that depict musician-poets, too), this kind of depiction of the Muses with the

figures are only used in the scenes of "Thamyras and the Muses?.4 antiken Bildkunst, in ThesCRA, 1v.1.b, 2005, pp. 364-365; WERNER

OENBRINK,

Das Bild im Bilde, cit., p. 327. * On the question of idols in general, see WERNER OENBRINK, Das Bild im Bilde, cit., pp. 19-22, 197-202, 303-325. For the list of «statuettenhaft kleine Idolen» from 430 B.C. see ibidem, p. 198, note 926. 2 The importance of the visuality of ¢heatron on the ‘picture within picture’ type depictions of gods is generally known, especially in case of mythological topics, see Monica DE CESARE, Le statue in immagine. Studi sulle raffigurazioni di statue nella pittura vascolare greca, Roma, L’Erma di Bretschneider, 1997, p. 40, with further references on the subject. Statues of gods were often seen on stage of comedies, tragedies and satyr-plays, and could even be made contact with by the players. Of the surviving plays, see A., Ch.; Ex., S., OC; E., Hipp.; IT; Ion, cf. SARAH P. Morris, Daidalos and the Origins of Greek Art, cit., pp. 217-218.

3 On Polion, with further references on the subject, see ANDRAS KARPATI, Satyr-Chorus with Thracian Kithara. Toward an Iconography of the Fifth-Century New Music Debate, «Phoenix», LXVI, 3-4, 2012, pp. 221-246. 4 See ANNE QUEYREL, s.v. ‘Mousai’, cit. and MONICA DE CESARE, Le statue in immagine, cit., p. 283.

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We can therefore reasonably assume that the Muse figures have a connection with the story itself, their function goes beyond defining the place: they take part in the construction of meaning in a way different to other additional props. The rocks, the tree, the altar, the instruments all pinpoint and define the scene from the outside in

relation to the concrete meaning and content of the scene, given that these attributes identify the same characters and places as well in scenes with various other themes. Here the Muse figures

contribute to the construction of meaning only within the story of Thamyras, at least based on the evidence of paintings spanning half a century.’

3. Before we proceed to examine depictions of the Thamyras-theme

predating and postdating Polion, let us return to the Homeric story. There is a short digression of only a few lines in the Catalogue of Ships in the //iad (2, 594-600). After a considerable list of geo-

graphical names, at the mention of Dorion, a place in Messenia, the author feels compelled to say something that must not escape one's attention. Needless to say, this must be done very quickly as he has to continue with the catalogue. Details of the story, pre-

sumably known to the audience, are left out. It is here that »e get acquainted with the story for the first time. This is Dorion, says Homer, where the Muses once met the Thracian Thamyris (this is the name we find in the epic, recorded as Thamyras only later) and put an end to his singing (aoide, meaning both singer and

song). Thamyras, on his way from Oichalia, proclaimed boastfully that he was going to be the winner, be it the Muses who were to sing. They flared up with anger, made him a cripple (peros),

stripped him of the divine power of song, and even made him forget how to play the kithara.* We will return to the text below,

but for now let it suffice to say that there zs a longer story behind this cursory summary, and it can be safely assumed that back then

the how of the story was known, too: how did Thamyris not beat * C£, however, the tipology (groups) in the Thamyras iconography given by SUSANNA SARTI, Un esempio di competizione musicale nel mito in Grecia, cit. 2 On Oichalia (‘città della hybris’) and on peros, see ANGELO MERIANI, // Thamyras di Sofocle, cit., pp. 39-42, with further references.

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ANDRÁS

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the Muses in their contest after all.' It is theoretically possible, of course, that the story is one of the many /ybris-stories in which the protagonist boasts about being able to outrival a god and for this he is punished. In other words the story behind the short digression in the Z//ad can be summarised as follows: Thamyris boasted of be-

ing a greater musician than the Muses, they overheard this and penalized him in return. There is, however, the verb kao there and,

given what we know of the agonistic nature of Greck culture from its ‘beginnings’, where there is z&ao there must be agon preceding

it." It is only through this that victories can be won or defeats be suffered and for a crime and its punishment to begin. Myths do know about fair play: if someone boasts about being able to outmatch a god in a contest, then they cannot be punished without trial on the account of merely boasting about it. Thamyris’ hybris

offends the gods by being in possession of a skill, knowledge, sophia? greater than theirs, thus this form of boasting is quite different from that of Niobe. That is to say, there are ‘earlier’ elements to

the story that we are not familiar with when Thamyris makes an appearance in literature. Homer, for some reason, does not share with us the knowledge of how the contest took place at the end of which Thamyris was made peros+ and lost his artistic skills. ! The archaic Greek literary agon is never clear on whether we are dealing with a victory or a defeat. MARK GRIFFITH, Contest and Contradiction in Early Greek Poetry, in Cabinet of the Muses: essays on classical and comparative literature in honour of Thomas G. Rosenmeyer, edited by Mark Griffith, Donald J. Mastronarde, Atlanta, Ga, Scholars Press, 1990, pp. 185-207: 191: «Remarkably seldom do we find unanimous decisions, fair and square defeats.» The Thamyras-agon is listed (no. 9) as one of the literary types of agon. * On the date of the Hesiodic fragments (frr. 59, 65 M-W), see RICHARD Hunter, The Hesiodic Cataloghe of Women, Cambridge, Cup, 2005, pp. 3-4. In the textual tradition, the motif of agon is explicit in Asklepiades of Tragilos (12 FGrH Fio), and in the Rhesos, cf. e.g. ANGELO MERIANI, // Thamyras di Sofocle, cit., p. 47; ΡΈΤΕΚ WiLson, Thamyris the Thracian, cit., p. 62. 3 Sophia (skill, ability, talent, taste, etc.) is the key element in poetic ager and achievement, see Marx GnirrrrH's (Contest and Contradiction in Early Greek Poetry, cit., pp. 189-190) excellent summary on the agonistic nature of archaic Greek poetry and the three forms of sophia that contribute to the content of

agon. 4 The word peros seems to indicate that the poet relies on the audience knowing how the hero was made peros. The word is already disputed in ancient commentaries. Aristonikos (Sch. vet., Z/., 2, 599) already mentions a similar sounding passage in Od., 8, 62-64 about the Muses and another songster Demodokos who was blinded. The Muse here both takes away and gives something in return. The αὐτάρ in /., 2, 599 arouses a similar expectation

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When the story resurfaces again in fifth century tragedy, then, by necessity, we must be introduced to the how as well. The retelling of Thamyras’ story on stage can only be achieved by re-enacting the song contest not just giving a verbal account of it. There are only a few fragments! remaining from Sophokles’ Thamyras, complemented by later anecdotes that together strength-

en the supposition that the instructive and dramatic agon was also played out on stage. Greek agon is at its best on stage, that is, if

the core of a story is the agon itself, it is highly unlikely that it was not reenacted on stage and the audience was only introduced

to it by later accounts.* (A murder, which cannot be seen on stage is not an agon.) 4.

Only a few lines survive from the text of Zhazyras, so the plot of the story remains

obscure,’ but the Muse

figures may be of

help in understanding how this agon in the #eatron evolved.* Of the ten scenes depicting "Thamyras and the Muses" the earliest is on a fragment of a red-figure hydria (Fic. 3, T1) by the Niobid

which goes fulfilled, cf. PETER WiLson, Thamyris the Thracian, cit., p. 50 and note 11, 60, note 58. On the Demodokos-Muse contest: Sch., Ov., 7b., 272. ‘ TrGF 4, "Testimonia, 234-238 (= F 2362-245) and incert. 849, 906. 2 Contra: HEIDE FRONING, Dithyrambos und Vasenmalerei in Athen, cit., pp.

76, 84. On Sophokles ‘Homeric’ choice of subjects see JoHN F. Davipson, Sophocles and the ‘Odyssey’, «Mnemosyne», XLVII, 1994, pp. 375-379 with references. On the agon in Greek tragedy see e.g. SIMON GOLDHILL, The language of tragedy: rhetoric and communication, in The Cambridge Companion to Greek Tragedy, edited by Pat E. Easterling, Cambridge, cup, 1997, pp. 127-150. 5 See Dana Sutton, The Lost Sophokles, New York, London, 1984, pp. 139141; ANGELO MERIANI, // Thamyras di Sofocle, cit., pp. 53-57; PETER WirsoN, Thamyris the Thracian, cit., 61-62. 4 According to the Vita Sopb., s, it was Sophokles himself who played the kithara and he may have been cast in Thamyras’ role as well (cf. Ath., 1, 206; Poll, 4, 141). It was a tradition that he was depicted holding a kithara in a painting in the Stoa Poikile built between 475-450 B.c. Robertson (in the note

referred by Lilian H. Jerrrey, The Battle of Oinoe in the Stoa Poikile: A Problem in Greek Art and History, «BSA», LX, 1965, p. 43, note 12 and Arias (PAOLO Enrico Arias, La cetra spezzata (o la rabbia di Tamiri), cit., pp. 44-45) suggest that the paintings in the Stoa were painted by Polygnotos. i For a (partial) overview see JoHN H. Oaxrzx, The Phiale Painter, Mainz, Zabern, 1990, p. 20, note 102, and PaoLo ENRICO ARIAS, La cetra spezzata (0

la rabbia di Tamiri), cit.

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ANDRÁS

Painter.'

B.C.

The

scene

on

KÁRPÁTI

the vessel that

can be

dated

to ca. 460

shows features that match those found in Polion's paint-

ing. Thamyras, here in Thracian clothes, is playing his instrument (yra) while sitting on a rock with a laurel wreath on his head,

the place identified by a little tree as well.* Five Muses are listening, next to them a significant looking three storey structure: an altar on which there is a small Ionic column with a tripod on it; these, according to Prange,? all emphasise the link between the

Muses and Apollo. We can already see three little herm-like Muse figures here, not in the proximity of the altar (as it is the case with Polion) but in the heads of Thamyras and suspended, just floating. being particularly small,

empty space of the depiction above the the Muse facing him. The figures are not Their heights seem to differ, one of them but this is uncertain as their lower part

is missing.^ In the scene by the Niobid Painter we can see neither Argiope nor Apollo. The depictions, however, cannot directly be linked to the tragedy by Sophokles given that they can be seen as independently reflecting on a recently re-emerging topic. While in the case of the Niobid Painter we can only surmise * Published by JEAN Mancap£, Une représentation précoce de Thamyras et les Muses dans la céramique attique è figures rouges, «RA», τι, 1982, pp. 223-229. * Little can be seen of the instrument. Arias, however, suggests that Thamyras is not playing his instrument but is rather in the act of making a vehement movement. However, the movement of the right arm belonging to the hand in touch with the instrument can be associated with the so-called ‘harp-mode’ of playing. Paquette brings up one of the Thamyras-vases by the Phiale Painter for this mode of playing («jeu des harpistes», DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique dans la céramique de la Grèce antique, Paris, de Boccard, 1984, p. 149, L19). 5 MarrHiAs ΡΚΑΝΟΕ, Der Niobidenmaler und seine Werkstatt, Frankfurt, Lang, 1989, pp. 81-82. He lists as parallels only the two hydrias by the Phiale Painter (T2-T3), the Oxford hydria (T5) and the neck-amphora in the Hermitage (T4), but does not mention Polion's scene. There are no Muse figures on the Hermitage vase, the depiction, however, is remarkable for the especially ornamental Thracian cloak, as well as for the bearded Thamyras (the only depiction of this kind on vases, cf., however, Thamyras bearded in the Underworld on the wall-painting by Polygnotos in the Delphian /esche of the Knidians, Paus., 10,

30, 8, cf. ANGELO MERIANI, 7/ Thamyras di Sofocle, cit., pp. 51-52; SUSANNA SARTI, Un esempio di competizione musicale nel mito in Grecia, cit., p. 222). MATTHIAS PRANGE, Der Niobidenmaler und scine Werkstatt, cit., p. 82 links this depiction of Thamyras also to Sophokles' play. 4 Of the five depictions of the Muses it is only in Polion's in which their height is identical. The fact that here there are only five (rather than nine) Muses and three Muse figures bears no importance on the matter.

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with a fair degree of certainty that the tragedy influenced the depiction, in the case of the two scenes by the Phiale Painter we

can be quite sure about a link with the 77azzyras play. In addition to the overlapping combined effects of the two depictions, the differences are meaningful as well. On the hydria in Naples (Fic. 4, T3) Thamyras is sitting on a rock with a lyra in his hand in a

Thracian cloak (a/opekis) and boots with a wreath on his head. An elderly female figure, Argiope, is approaching him with a laurel branch. In Oakley's view! the gesture is that of wreathing or of warning of an impending fall. To the right of Thamyras two Muses ate engaged in a dialogue, one of them holding an aulos, the other an archaic instrument, a cradle kithara. Above the head

of the poet-musician — as noted by Oakley - there are four ‘sticklike statuettes’. Oakley calls our attention to the fact that the four statuettes* are detached from the main composition, but fails to mention that the fourth is positioned slightly lower than the rest

of the statuettes and is almost standing on Thamyras’ head. The other three are not aligned either, in a way different to a similar scene by the Phiale Painter as seen on a Vatican hydria (Fic. 5, T2). In this one Thamyras is also sitting on a rock, with a lyra

in his hand, wearing Thracian garments with statuettes above his head. There are three of them here, however. Argiope is holding up a laurel branch with her right hand Similarly, there are two Muses. They are but Thamyras, and seem emotionally more gestures than they do in the other scene by

above her son's head. not facing each other, involved based of their the Phiale Painter. The

painter also accompanied this scene with inscriptions. The inscription above Thamyras head reads: OAM[Y]PA2, above Argiope's head: EYAION KAAO,? and above the Muses’: * JoHn H.

Oak ey, The Phiale Painter, cit., p. 21.

2. The fourth statuette of the Naple vase (cf. JoHn H. Oaxrzv,

The Phiale

Painter, cit., p. 20) remained unnoticed by others, see e.g., LuciLLa BURN, The Meidias Painter, Oxford, oup, 1987, p. 56; Hzibpg Εκονινο, Dithyrambos und Vasenmalerei in Athen, cit., p. 122, note 539; ANNE NERCESSIAN, s.v. "Thamyras’, cit., no. 3. 3 From the period between 460 and 440-430 B.C., we have thirteen Aalos inscriptions commemorating Euaion, five of them with a patronym: Εὐαίων καλὸς Αἰσχύλο. According to RaLF KRUMEICH («Ewuaion ist schon». Zur Rübmung eines seitgenüssicben Schauspielers auf attischen Symposiengefaffen, in Die Geburt des Theaters in der griechischen Antike, herausgegeben von Susanne Moraw, Eckehart Nólle, Mainz, Zabern, 2002, pp. 141-145: 141) only six of the thirteen scenes

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XOPONIKA.

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Euaion was Aischylos' son, a famous actor, a trage-

dian himself. The three inscriptions with their three levels of interpretation (mythological figure, celebrated actor, commemoration of a choregic victory) suggest that the scene commemorates and reminds one of a Thamyras performance in which Euaion played Argiope's part. In addition, the strong iconographic parallels are going back and forth in time, bringing the rest of the Thamy-

ras-depictions into context. Thus the reason for the integration of the small Muse figures (an element with decades of repeated presence)

into the Thamyras-iconography

may

be due

to their

presence in the ¢heatron as well.' (We must mention a single known specimen of the theme on punishment in the myth of Thamyras, the famous Oxford hydria, by a painter of the Polygnotos Group

on which the now blinded Thamyras throws away his instrument, the Thracian kithara, with a tragic gesture.?)

The real question, therefore, is how the small statuettes shown together with the ‘realistic? Muses should be interpreted. This question arose early on and would need answering even without the emphasis brought on later by the other four known depictions of muses. If the agon barely mentioned in the Z/iad had been put on stage can be related to theatre, two of them are dubious, so the Vatican hydria is among the remaining four which might have some connection with tragedy. * Cf. Heine Froninc, Dithyrambos und Vasenmalerei in Athen, cit., p. 76; LuciLLa Burn, The Meidias Painter, cit., p. 57; CARLO BRILLANTE, Le Muse di Thamyris, cit., p. 430. * On the interpretation of the inscriptions EUAION and CHORONIKA, as well as their connection with theatre, see Jouu H. Oakey, The Phiale Painter, cit, nn. 22, 122 (there seems to be a thin line on Argiope's face showing a mask). On EUAION KALOS-vases, see H. ALAN SHapiro, Kalos-Inscriblions with Patronymic, «zPE», LXVIII, 1987, pp. 107-118. On dating the vases and tragedies, see PaoLA CiLLo, La «cetra di Tamiri», cit., pp. 208-210; PAOLO ENRIco ARIAS, La cetra spezzata (o la rabbia di Tamiri), cit., 36-37; MAARIT KAIMIO, The Protagonist in Greek Tragedy, «Arctos», XX, 1993, pp. 19-33: 21-22; RALE KRUMEICH, «Zuaion ist schon», cit., 143-145. The vase inscription, according to Kaimio and Krumeich, may bei in connection with an actor agon attested by an epigraphic inscription dated to 449 B.c. On the connection between theatre and the Thamyras scenes, see also T. B. L. WzssrER, Monuments Illustrating Tragedy and Satyr Play London, Inst. of Class. Studies, 19677, («BICS», Suppl. 14), p. 152; PAoLo Enrico ARIAS, La cetra spezzata (0 la rabbia di Tamiri), cit., pp. 36-37 and 42-47; LuciLLa Burn, 77e Meidias Painter, cit., p. 56. PETER WiLson, Thamyris the Thracian, cit., pp. 60-61 dates Thamyras to the years close to 440 B.C., that is to a period some 20 years later (see p. 196, note 2 below).

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then it begs the question of how the contest was acted out. We have but a handful of lines based on the eleven fragments of Thamyras (IrGF 2362-245), some of them are a single line or a wotd with no hope of recreating the plot, furthermore, even that seems certain is uncertain.’

However, the only longer fragment (245) contributes considerably to our understanding. If somewhat cautiously but it allows for the reconstruction of the emotional account of one of the

participants of the play upon hearing Thamyras’ song and music. The fragment says: «[...] and I was seized by a compulsion to be mad for music (wousomanei), I went to the place of assembly (pozi eran), under the force of the lyre and the force of the measures (bypo nomon) with which Thamyras makes supreme music (#wousopoiei)».?

This force or power is not the mighty thelxis of Orpheus, Wilson warns, nor is wousomania today’s music frenzy or obsession, it is

more concrete than that: hearing Thamyras’ music the listener loses his mind and is forced to act. Although not unprecedented, calling poetic activity poiein was an innovation in the 5 century. Tragedians and composers of

choral songs use aoidos and words derived from it avoiding compounds with -poiein/poios, quite contrary to writers of comedy and sympotic lyric poetry. Songs are not ‘made’ in tragedies (all rules

have exceptions, as known from Euripides whose use of the word is often ironic). At the same time, the notion of ‘obsessed poet’ is not archaic either, its provenance can be traced to the 5 century. It co-evolves with the poiesis-aspect of poetry, and refers to the realm not covered by posesis as an art form. Let us now turn to the first part of Sophokles’ compound verb mousopoiei. Words with

mous- gain extreme popularity in this period as a metaphor for culture, lifestyle, thinking and educating in the framework of paideia.? * See, however, p. 175, note 3 above. 2 Text and translation by PETER WiLsow, Thamyris the Thracian, cit., p. 67: μουσομανεῖ δ᾽ ἐλήφϑην ἀνάγκαι, ποτὶ δ᾽ εἴραν ἔρχομαι δ᾽ ἔκ τε λύρας ἔκ τε νόμων o0c Θαμύρας περίαλλα μουσοποιεῖ, based on Lloyd-Jones’ emendation (Η. Lrovp-Jowzs, Notes on Fragments of Sophocles, «SIFC», XII, 1994, pp. 129-148: 135-136). The codices’ reading ποτὶ δειράν (with Blaydes’ emendation to ἔχομαι) make sense as well (‘grasped by the throat’), which made the speaker speechless, an alternative interpretation also given by Wilson. 5 See ANDREW Forp, The Origins of Criticism. Literary Culture and Poetic The-

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ANDRÁS

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In the Thamyras-fragment the observer gives us an account of

how he felt upon hearing Thamyras’ music: an external force or compulsion takes hold of him and forces him into an action or to go somewhere. Someone grasped by a power which makes him do or not do something that is contrary to his will is exactly cov-

ered by what the Greeks believed was due to magical acts, rites and powers.' Let us see if we can infer how the magical forces in Thamyras worked. The characters on stage, gods and heroes, may have acted driven by similar forces to those influencing ordinary people sitting in the audience. In the framework of the theatrical performance these

figures are sometimes ‘forced’ into actions or made those special forces that were not considered as such of ordinary living by the characters themselves but rised as such by later critics of ancient magic (from 20? century).

to call upon in the sphere were categoPlato into the

«Thamyras’ claim to defeat anyone in song, even the Muses, is the reductio ad absurdum of the agonistic mindset» writes Peter

Wilson.* The common attribute of Homeric and Hesiodic Muses, despite their differences on a number

the fact that the poet-musician

draws

of counts, is found in

everything from them:

initiation (talent), knowledge and words, as well as the capacity

to form them appropriately.’ That is to say, if the chorus was ory in Classical Greece, Princeton-Oxford, Princeton Univ. Press, 2002, pp. 131157, esp. pp. 137-139, on the mous-compounds in Euripides’ Supp., 180-181, 77., 1188-1189, Hipp., 1428; occurrences of the theme of the ‘Muses and paideia’ are listed in ANNE QUEYREL, s.v. *Mousai', cit., pp. 657-658.

* «An understanding of ‘magic’ as ‘ritual power"»: Magic and Ritual in the Ancient World, edited by Paul Mirecki, Marvin Meyer, Leiden-Boston-Kóln, Brill, 2002, p. ix. ἃ sentence is worth quoting from the preface to the 1995 volume edited by the same authors since it highlights the workings of the supposed magic force of Thamyras' song, as well as ‘the capacity for reception’ on the part of the audience as it transpires from their personal accounts: « The texts and traditions examined here claim to empower people, in ways similar to those commonly assigned to religious texts and traditions, by channeling, summoning, adjuring, realizing powers without and within.» Ancient Magic and Ritual Power, edited by Marvin Meyer, Paul Mirecki, Leiden-New York, Brill, 1995, p. 3. 2 PETER WiLsoN, Thamyris the Thracian, cit., p. 59. 3 See, for example, GeorcE B. WALSH, The Varieties of Enchaniment: Early Greck Views of the Nature and Function of Poetry, Chapell Hill, Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1984, pp. 22-36, and p. 174, note 3 above.

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made up of Muses in Zhazyras' or if only one Muse represented

them, it is unlikely that it would have remained unmentioned that everything in the realm of mousike that is accessible to man originates from them, and that the influence, strength and power

of mousike exist only due to them. It is difficult to imagine that this should have been left out of a play dealing with the contest between Thamyras and the Muses. The Muses cannot help someone play music who is attempting to challenge them and who scorns the power that is granted to him by their virtue from the

very beginning.

The Erinyes of Aischylos’ Eumenides are also

quite eloquent on the responsibilities and rights destined to them,

something that cannot be taken away from them since these have always been theirs and this is how it must remain. That is to say, if we take this conception

of the Muses

seriously, and there is

little doubt about whether in the 5" century B.c. the Homeric and Hesiodic Muses were living entities, then in order for the agon between Thamyras and the Muses to be staged, Thamyras must have made use of a power beyond the Muses or one that

paralysed them in his attempt to defeat. The story itself requires this.” If we listen to or read the binding spell, the Zyzos desmios of the

Erinyes, the question of whether Aischylos himself believed in the paralysing power of these is irrelevant as the summoning of this stage ritual was required by the mode of how the stoty was

performed.? We can be certain that the audience of the Eumenides * We know of a tragedy by Sophokles with the title Muses (Mousai). It is possible that we have here the same tragedy that later become famous as Thamyras. What is more, even the idea of a double chorus emerges, see ΡῈTER WiLsoN, Thamyris the Thracian, cit., note 75, with further references. The Choronika inscription on the hydria (Tz) by the Phiale Painter discussed above proves, according to PaoLA CiLLO, La «cetra di Tamiri», cit., p. 208, that it was the Muses who formed the chorus of Thamyras. 2 «Evil spirits, called daimones, alastores, and Erinyes, are well documented in Aeschylus’ Oresteia. It seems pointless to ask whether the dramatist himself believed in their existence: the story, as he told it, required them». GEORG Luck, Arcana Mundi. Magic and the Occult in the Greek and Roman World, Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 20067, p. 209. 3 On the the ritual power of the Dyzgzos desmios, see CHRISTOPHER FARAONE, Aischylus’ ὕμνος δέσμιος (Eum. 306) and the Attic Judicial Curse Tablets, «jus», Cv, 1985, pp. 150-154; Yopie Prins, The Power of the Speech Act: Aeschylus’ Furies and their Binding Song, « Arethusa», XXIV, 1991, pp. 177-95; ALBERT HENRICHS, ‘Why Should I Dance?’: Choral Self-Referentiality in Greek Tragedy, «Arion», 111, 1,1995, pp. 56-111: 64-65; PztER AcÓcs, Ldini az Erinyst, in Az Olympos mellett.

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in 458 B.c., only a few years after Sophokles’ Thamyras, considered in all likelihood the envisaged force of such practices familiar and acceptable, similarly to those summoned by the spells and dances seen and heard on stage of the Oresteia trilogy.' These were the decades when ‘irrational’ forces (on stage as well as in paintings) were made visible, such as Lyssa, the embodiment of frenzied rage with a protome of a dog on her head." (The personification in Lyssa” appearance is not the vital new element here, it is the nature of the representation.) It is possible, although not proveable, that Thamyras (given that he could not count on the help of the Muses and was thus

forced to look to other forces for help) performed a ritual during the theatrical agon from which a strength could be drawn that he hoped would be enough to make up for and at the same time counteract the influence of the Muses. It may have been a trick in which ‘substitute Muses’ had a role as well, as suggested by Carlo Brillante.? This presumed and probably strong theatrical effect is mirrored in the depictions by the small Muse figures. Based on the ever so slightly curved line along which the Muse figures are positioned in Polion's depictions, Brillante went so far as to suggest that Thamyras used his singing to animate the lifeless figures and

forced them to round dance. Indeed, it is not difficult to imagine a rotating wooden construction in the Dionysian theatre, but we are might be venturing too far with this as the curved line is only apparent on Polion's depictions, provided it has any meaning at all.4 Magikus hagyomdnyok az 6kori Mediterraneumban, Budapest, Gondolat, 2013, pp. 509-543: 532-543.

τι, ed. Miklés

Árpád

Nagy,

* Cf. CHRISTOPHER FARAONE, Aischylus' ὕμνος δέσμιος, cit., 152-154; ESTHER Erpinow, Oracles, Curses, & Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, Oxford, oup, 2007, p. 285, note 8, and p. 302, note 3; EADEM, Why Athenians Began to Curse?, in Debating the Athenian Cultural Revolution: Art, Literature, Philosophy, and Politics, 430-380 B.C., edited by Robin Osborne, Cambridge-New York, cup, 2007, pp. 4471: 54-55. 2 Red-figure bell krater, Boston MFA 00.346, Lykaon Painter, 450-440 B.C. ; Lyssa: Aischylos: Xantriai (and perhaps Toxotides); Euripides: Heracles; cf. Rarr KRUMEICH, «Euaion ist schén», cit., p. 142. 5 CARLO BrILLANTE, Le Muse di Thamyris, cit., p. 442. 4 In connection with the depictions by the Meidias Painter, Lucilla Burn warns us that the presence of the Muse figures alone does not warrant a connection with the theatre because obviously both the poet and the painter could independently use xeana in signposting an altar. At the same time, however, LuciLLA Burn, The Meidias Painter, cit., p. 57 says: «It is not clear that any of

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All this is worth putting into a wider context, which, in want

of a better term, can be referred to as Greek magic.' The hypothesis of the onstage performance

of Thamyras’

contest song and

the magic Muse figures must be verified in the contexts of both Greek drama and religion. «Looking for iconographic props (in understanding a depiction) and making sense of the world of ideas that we want to reconstruct are two different notions» — wrote Janos Gyórgy Szilágyi. The distance between communicating with Muse figures and communicating with #e Muses seems easily bridged given that there is a fine line between inanimate things

and the spirits personifying them in 5 century Greek thinking.’ Moreover, the boundary is blurred between what can be achieved by summoning the gods and by summoning magic powers.* The question is whether such a play could be staged in the The-

atre of Dionysos. It can nevertheless be confirmed that the chorus or one of the actors could sing a text which borrowed linguistic forms and content from magic. Magic speech acts are viewed as the main means for obtaining the help of the gods. Magical acts, too, are inextricably tied to speech and ritual actions.’ In addition to the hymnos desmios of the Eumenides (458 B.C.) we have the curse

of Aias in Sophokles’ Aias.° Christopher Faraone? has shown that the first onstage appearance of the ‘mythical foundation’ of the the Meidian scenes show influence of either Sophokles' Thamyras or a dithyramb. The xoana [...] suggest possible awareness of literary traditions». On the Meidias Painter and the Thamyras-dithyramb, see below. * Wilson thinks Brillante's idea is feasible, but he does not discuss it in detail: «The act befits a magic-man or mystic, and it is a challenging image of Thamyras the “suse-maker” indeed.» (PETER Wirsow, Thamyris the Thracian, cit., p. 73) Wilson does not expand on the idea of ‘magic-man’. 2 JANos GyOrcy SziLAcyi, Vul, Novara, Aliano, « Antik Tanulmányok», XLVIII, 2004, pp. 17-25: 24 (teferring to Mario Torelli). In Italian in 7 Piceni e P'Halia Medio- Adriatica. Atti del xxix Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici (Ascoli Piceno-Teramo-Celano-Ancona, 9-13 aprile 2000), Pisa-Roma, Istituti editoriali e poligrafici internazionali, 2003, pp. 285-289. 5 Hans Dieter Bzrz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, Chicago-London, The University of Chicago Press, 1986, p. 111, note 6. 4 DerEK CoLLins, Magic in the Ancient Greek World, Malden, ma, Blackwell, 2008, p. 31.

i Cf. DEREK CoLLIns, Magic in the Ancient Greek World, cit., p. 22 referring to Malinowski.

6 See JoHn G. Gacer, Curse Tablets and Binding Spells from the Ancient World, New York-Oxford, ou», 1992, pp. 248-249, with further references. 7 CHRISTOPHER FARAONE, ZÁAisebylus! ὕμνος δέσμιος, cit., pp. 152-154.

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homicide court so central to Athens shows a close (and linguis-

tically tangible) relation to those so-called agonistic curse tablets from the 5 century B.c. which were used by litigants to affect the outcome of a trial. On the one hand, curse tablets never aim to destroy the opponent, they merely disable them, and are always preventive, not aiming to avenge.' Thamyras’ only hope was to temporarily disable the Muses, though we also may suspect a

ritual to temporarily mute the opponent.^ On the other hand, the basic feature of curse tablets is the agonistic stance, the usual context of which is social rivalry. Curse tablets are usually divided into four groups based on their practical purpose: love charms/ erotic curses, spells against business rivals, judicial curses (against litigants) and circus curses (against racers, etc.).? Just as the song of the Erinyes could remind the audience of judicial curses, perhaps the first stage appearance of a possible *mythical foundation? of mousikos agon could also have evoked similar pre-contest mag-

ical spells, for which there are no data but fit perfectly into 5" century thinking.^ If we look at the anthropological essence of the agonistic magic formulae, which aimed at weakening the strength of the opponent

or temporarily paralysing them, we cannot ex-

clude the possibility that some oral forms of the Aatadesmoi may have been used by contestants in obtaining outstanding awards in

Greek festivals and the even more valued lifelong appreciation of * See CHRISTOPHER FARAONE, Aiscbylus ὕμνος δέσμιος, cit., p. 151; IDEM, The Agonstie Context of Early Greek Binding Spells, in Magika Hiera. Ancient Greek. Magic & Religion, edited by Christopher Faraone, Dirk Obbink, New York-Oxford, ou», 1991, pp. 3-32: 8; IDEM, Binding and Burying the Forces of

Evil: The Defensive Use of « Voodoo Dolls» in Ancient Greece, «CA», X, 1991, pp. 165-205, 207-220: 193; MattHEW W. Dickie, Magic and Magicians in the Greco-Roman World, London-New York, Routledge, 2001, p. 17. 2. CHRISTOPHER FARAONE, An Accusation of Magic in Classical Athens (Ar. Wasps 946-48), «TAPA», CXIX, 1989, pp. 149-160; cf. DEREK COLLINS, Magic in the Ancient Greek World, cit., p. 78. 3 On the agonistic context of Ratadesmoi, see CHRISTOPHER FARAONE, The Agonistie Context, cit., pp. 10-17: «against athletes and contestants in all similar events», the same group can be referred to as ‘theatrical’, see, for example, EsrHER Erpinow, Why Athenians Began to Curse, cit., p. 57. 4 We know of contest-related defixations, but only from later centuries. Although Oresteia predates the first known written Attic curse tablets for half a centuty, we have good reasons to suppose that an oral form of the binding curse similar to the one of the Erinyes was a known practice in 458 B.C. (cf. CHRISTOPHER FARAONE, ZÁAischylus" ὕμνος δέσμιος, cit., p. 153).

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the community. Competing and wanting to possess someone else's abilities and success derive from the same source.' The viewer of small statuettes of gods in the Thamyras- iconog-

raphy could be reminded not only of Muse figures, but of ‘voodoo’ dolls as well.* It bears no relevance whether Thamyras (in the hypothetical) agoz-act on the stage called upon the small Muse

statuettes of the ‘official’ religion or made use of the magic figures in establishing contact with 'supernatural forces given that dolls

were always endowed with magic powers in the Ancient World. The plea for help was either intended as a substitute for ‘inspiration by the Muses' or, in addition to this and in line with the use of the magic figures that were well-known to the audience, was also employed to paralyse the opponent in the contest or to wear down their strength by counterforce. * Envy (phibonos, cf., for example, S., 07, 382-388) is often associated with magic and accusations of magic, see, for example DEREK COLLINS, Magie in the Ancient Greek World, cit., p. 55, with references, MarrHEw W. DICKIE, Magic and Magicians in the Greco-Roman World, cit., pp. 27-38). In Pi., O., 1 we can see perhaps the first earliest defixations set in a clearly agonistic context. Pelops’ prayer to Poseidon (75-78) evokes an athletic or sheatrical setting of a contest when one opponent tries to alter or impede the other (cf. CHRISTOPHER FARAONE, The Agonistic Context, cit., p. 11). From the Classical and the Hellenic Period we have altogether four curse tablets that were used against stage opponents, three of them are Attic: RICHARD WUNSCH, Defixionum Tabellae Atticae Inscr. Gr., 111, Teil 3, Berlin, 1897, nos. 45, 33, 34, and the earliest from Sicily: Davip R. Jorpan, A Survey of Greek Defixiones Not Included in the Special Corpora, « GRBS», XXVI, 1985, pp. 151-197, no. 91. * The association is certainly exaggerated in this respect: the majority of the voodoo dolls have twisted limbs or limbs shackled from behind, their bodies pierced, their heads looking backward, although there exist a number of unharmed examples as well, see CHRISTOPHER FARAONE, The Agonistic Context, cit., p. 4 (for a detailed overview: DEREK CoLLins, Magie in the Ancient Greek World, cit., pp. 64-103; CHRISTOPHER FARAONE, Binding and Burying, cit. Similarly to statues of gods considered alive (and capable of movement, see SARAH P. Morris, Daidalos and the Origins of Greek Art, cit., pp. 215-237), their ‘antitheses’, the small voodoo dolls of magic rituals made of clay, wood, metal or wax were endowed with living properties as well. 5 See DEREK CoLLins, Magie in the Ancient Greek World, cit., pp. 95-97 and Monica DE CESARE, Le statue in immagine, cit., p. 107, note 119 (in connection with Brillante’s supposition on ‘dancing dolls’: if true, the depiction shows that the belief in the magic force of archaic idols underwent a shift in focus). PaoLo Enrico ARIAS, La cetra spexzata (0 la rabbia di Tamiri), cit., p. 43 warns that although the decoration of the volute-krater (T6) is heavily faded, the figures seem to have been painted with added greyish pink, the colour of the evanescent soul ('evanescenti psychai’) on red-figure in the 6 century p.c. The painter may have indicated that the small figures were animated by Thamyras (τετελεσμέναι / ἔμπνοι / ἔμψυχοι).

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In the song of the Erinyes or in the perhaps carliest literary agon-katedesmos, in Pelops’ prayer aimed at paralysing Oinomaos' weapon in Pindar, or Alias’ curse — and to this we may perhaps add Thamyras’ contest song -- it is pointless to ask whether it is stil] ‘official’ religion or magic it is closer to.' The question

is whether what the audience saw and heard was part of their experience, or to put it simply: were they shocked (and to what

extent) seeing Thamyras perform an unusual ritual using perhaps small Muse-dolls? (The great mythical duel in the western Once Upon a Time in the West by Sergio Leone would never have the

same effect if we were surprised to sce the two men firing guns at cach other in the movie.) Since the curse tablet, binding spells, curse prayer and songs were part of Greek thinking, the answer

is: no, the audience was not at a loss for words when they saw Thamyras invoke forces that were beyond the Muses or were used to substitute them. According to the communicational model of dramatic performance the audience actively constructs a fictional world or worlds on the basis of fictional utterances and then proceeds mapping between the fictional and the real.’ Thamyras had

to invoke an exceptional power in order to beat the Muses in a song contest. (For Wagner it will suffice that Walter von Stolzing sings audibly better than Beckmesser, but there is quite a way to

go until then. In Monteverdi's Orfeo Proserpina's spellbinding song (£i dorme, e la mia cetra) does not work through the means of being more beautiful or more perfect than the rest of the songs in the opera, but rather because we accept the convention that what

we hear as ‘simply’ beautiful (which is similar to the rest of the * SaRAH P. Morris, Daidalos and the Origins of Greek Art, cit., p. 220 points out that when Hekabe prays to Daedalos ot some of the gods for her arm, hand, hair and leg to be able to speak in her attempt to persuade Agamemnon (E., Hec., 836-340), she essentially cries out for magic-divine forces in the animation of lifeless objects. The ‘as if alive’ metaphor in art criticism is already present in Aischylos’ /sthmiastai satyr-drama (see SARAH P. Morris, Daidalos and the Origins of Greek Art, cit., pp. 217-220). ANDREW STEWART (Greek Sculpture. An Exploration, New Haven-London, Yale Univ. Press, 1990, pp. 141-142) discusses the question in connection with mimetic aesthetics; for references for Plato see: Pl., Men., 97d-e, Euthphr., 11c-e; the story of Zeuxis-Parrhasios is a reflection of this idea in painting dating to the 4 century s.c. (Plin., Naz.,

35, 64).

2 IAN RUFFELL, Audience and Emotion in the Reception of Greek Drama, in Performance, Iconography, Reception. Studies in Honour of Oliver Taplin, edited by Martin Revermann, Peter Wilson, Oxford, ou», 2008, pp. 37-58: 41.

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arias in this respect) Proserpina must have heard as incomparably

beautiful in the Underworld because she was under the spell of Orpheus’ song through apateia, goeteia and mageia. But Orpheus is

not an agonistes.) To summarise: the vase scene may remind us of an agon in which Thamyras called for the help of the little Muse figures at the pivotal point of the story. The pictures, howevet,

are never straightforward illustrations of the play, but rather rephrase a topic, which comes to the forefront of attention under the influence of the tragedy performances using its own tools and rules. It is possible that under its influence an element from the stage adaptation of the story was integrated into another medium, such as vase painting.'

s. What carlier tradition about Thamyris who is mentioned alongside such famed Thracian musicians as Musaios and Orpheus the Athenian audience might have known? Thamyris in the Iliad encounters the Muses on his way back from *oichalian Eurytos from Oichalia’ (Οἰχαλίηϑεν ἰόντα παρ᾽ Εὐρύτου Οἰχαλιῆος, L/., 2, 596).? When the poet pauses in the Catalogue of Ships and starts singing about Thamyris (παῦσαν ἀοιδῆς [...] αὐτὰρ ἀοιδὴν, 595, 597), it

seems as if the text itself has a memory of a song (with repetition of a magical

incantation)

which

brings

to mind

the repetitive

formulae of the invocation to the Muses at the beginning of the Catalogue (ὑμεῖς γὰρ deal ἐστε πάρεστέ te ἴστέ te πάντα [l., 2, * On the relation of depictions and theatre see JOHN RicHARD GREEN, On Seeing and Depicting the Theatre in Classical Athens, «GRBS», XXXII, 1991, pp. 1550: 28 and 41; Marcaret MILLER, Zn Strange Company: Persians in Early Attic Theatre Imagery, «MeditArch», xvi, 2004, pp. 165-172: 171; RALF KRUMEICH, « Euaion ist schon», cit., p. 145; OLIVER TAPLIN, Pots and Plays: Interactions between Tragedy and Greek Vase-painting of the Fourth Century Bn.C., Los Angeles, Getty Museum, 2007, pp. 22-26. ? For ancient commentaries, see ANGELO MERIANI, // Thamyras di Sofode, cit. pp. 37-51; PETER WiLson, Thamyris the Thracian, cit., pp. 47-56. For the connections of the Thamyras’ myth to Athens’ Thracian politics, see PAOLA CiLLO, La «cetra di Tamiri, cit., pp. 205-206, Mauro MENICHETTI, Thamyris, il cantore della politica cimoniana, cit., SUSANNA SARTI, Un esempio di competizione musicale nel mito in Grecia, cit., p. 221. For the ‘essential foreignness' of the Thracian musicians, see Fritz GRAF, SARAH Ings JOHNSTON, Ritual Texts for

the Afterlife. Orpheus and tbe Bacchic Gold Tablets, London-New York, Routledge, 2007, p. 168; cf. EprrH HaLL, Znventing the Barbarian: Greek Self-definition through Tragedy, Oxford, oup, 1989, pp. 102-138.

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485).' Who is this mysterious figure who we do not get to know much about from the epics, but whose name brings to mind a sort of archaic-sounding epode as well?* Thamyras is shrouded in

mystery, and not just in the //iad. The name itself is descriptive: thamyris in old Acolic meant a gathering at cultic junctions, similarly to that of Homer which meant perhaps a fixed place for fes-

tive assemblage (*homaros or *bomaris). Homer may thus stand for epic poetry connected to fixed places, Thamyris, by contrast, for itinerant prophetic epic poetry. And as we know of the Homeridai, by the same token there may have been [hamyridai as well, made more probable by the existence of the word s¢hamyriddonies from the Classical Period. Both groups may have consisted of ‘professional’ singers, and both proper names may be retro-invented.

According to Wilson? there may be an opposition of two, in many ways different, musical traditions behind the Thamyras'-enigma:

the hexameter epic with its limited melodic system made efforts to elide the competitive Aeolic kitharodic lyric based on a heptatonic

system of tuning, looking back on an almost equally long tradition. Thamyris may be the ‘missing inventor’ of this latter tradition, which is coeval with the epic tradition and thus may even

predate Terpander. Building on these scraps of obscure and less obscure information a figure or contour emerges of the legendary

poet-musician, who challenged and offended the Muses and their intimate confidant, Homer, and perhaps the whole tradition of the epic song. All this is underlined by the Thamyris-digression and

the proximity of the Invocation to the Muses sung in a peculiar mood. The question of the authenticity of the aforementioned points made does not even arise given that most of them are later constructs, obviously the products of fantasy. One should not look

for who this mythical Thamyras was, as they rather illustrate the light in which Greek culture attempted to reconstruct this otherwise construct of a person with palpable importance buried in the

shadows of the past. Therefore, in this case who may once have * Cf. Hes., 7%., 27-28, Od., 12, 189-191, ὁ. Cer., 227-230, and cf. CHRISTOPHER FARAONE, The Undercutter, the Woodcuiter, and Greek Demon Names Ending in -tomos (fom. Hymn to Dem 228-29), «AJP», CXXII, 2001, pp. 1-10: 1. * For a more detailed discussion of the following paragraph, see PETER Wilson, Thamyris the Thracian, cit., pp. 50-52. 3 PETER WILSON, Thamyris the Thracian, cit., p. 58.

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been the Thamyras of the lost myth, may exactly emerge from the nature and amount of rubble accumulated over time, with probably some of it hiding real gems

(though difficult to isolate). This is

illustrated right away: does the fact that memory has it Thamyras was the father of Homer himself tells us anything about this lost Thamyras character? Hopefully the answer is yes. 1. Thamyris was Homer's father. 2. Kitharodia was invented by Amphion, which represents the origin of all music and poetry. Immediately after him came Thamyris and Demodokos. 3. Thamyris invented Doric (!) barmonia.

4. Thamyris invented the orthios nomos. s. Apollon is the master of the bow and the lyre as well. Eurytos, with Thamyris on his way back from him, will ‘later’ challenge Apollo in archery who will kill him for this (Od., 8, 224-228), Thamyris defies

with his lyra the Muses who accompany Apollo.’ What in any case is worth suggesting (based on Wilson) although

impossible to prove, is that the emphatic mentioning of Oichalia (which

Ochalia is meant

here is irrelevant with regards to the

music of the epic spell") makes it clear that it is contrasted with a rival hexameter epic (perhaps in lyric metre?) Ozebalias halosis from the 7? century B.c., whose focus is Heracles, rather than Achilles. The mythical progenitor of this epic tradition is Thamyris and so it was the Muses who brought an end to this rival tradition. In other words, it is not enough for a poctic tradition to be old or

older, proper respect for the Muses is required for it to survive and be handed down to the next generations. How much of all this was known to the Athenian audience in the Theatre of Dionysos, 5*° century B.c. and what else may have

been present in their notion of Thamyras remains hidden before us. One thing was certainly clear to the Athenians through Eleu-

sis: Thamyras’ connection with the mysteries. This is remarkable * Sources: Certamen, 22 and "Tzetzes: Prol. Alleg. Il., 64; Heraclid. Pont., fr.

157 Wehrli (= [Plu.], Mor., De mus., 1132B]) ; Eust., Comm. ad Hl., 2, 594; gloss. in Herod., 1, 24. HENRY R. IMMERWAHR (More Book Rolls on Attie Vases, «AK», XVI, 1973, DD. 143-147: 146) associates the ‘innovating’ Thamyras with the only known Apulian Thamyras-depiction based on the large unusually shaped instrument (red-figure hydria, Palermo, Fondazione Mormino 385, Banco di Sicilia, ca. 350 B.C., [not mentioned by SUSANNA SARTI, Un esempio di competizione

musicale nel mito in Grecia, cit.]).

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for the fact that in one

(2562) the unknown Philammon,'

who

KÁRPÁTI

of the extant fragments

by

Sophokles

speaker tells us that Thamyras' father was established the mysteries of Lerna in Argolis,

his brother was Eumolpos, the founder of the Eleusinian Mysteries, Thamyris himself would have been the mythical mystagogue of Andania.* 6. So, in the end the main interest for us in Polion's depiction from ca 420 B.C. does not lie in the Muse figures, even though they appear here in their ‘total’ number, probably due to the large surface of

the volute-krater, in a very lifelike rendition. By this time the Muse figures had been part of the Thamyras-iconography for 35-40 years, as has been suggested, due to the early tragedy by Sophokles. The innovation here, or rather a topical theme of the 420s, was the transposition of the mythical agon of Thamyras and the Muses into the context of kitharodia and/or kitharistike and, through this, the ‘profaning’ of it. This was perhaps the painter’s reaction to the loud and politically charged musical battle of the kithara and aulos, to the new music of tragedy and dithyramb, to the musical innovations of the last decades of the 5“ century. My suggestion

is to interpret the scene of the musical contest by Polion in this context. A point must be emphasised here. If the Muse figures

may help us comprehend the persona of Thamyras in 460 B.C., shis Thamyras helps us understand that in 420 B.c. we are dealing with nothing less than the contemporary rehabilitation sician-poet shaped into a post hoc mythical forerunner innovation, violations and trespasses of norms. This, does not mean that the hero in Sophokles’ tragedy was character, in spite of his appearing as such in the Z//ad.

of a muof musical however, a negative

* Cf. Paus., 4, 33, 3; on a metope relief found in the treasury of the Sicyonians at Delphi (ca. 560 B.c.) we see Philammon (9) next to Orpheus, cf.

Fritz GRAF, SARAH ILES JOHNSTON, Ritual Texts for the Afterlife, cit., p. 166. 2 For Thamyras’ links to Oichalia, to Eurytos and to Andania, see PETER WiLson, Thamyris the Thracian, cit., pp. 53-54, with further sources and references. On clans as founders of mystery cults, and on the connection between Andania and mousike, see ALEX HARDIE, Muses and mysteries, cit., pp. 18-19. 5 Mauro MENICHETTI, Thamyris, il cantore della politica cimoniana, cit. (unknown to me when my first version of this paper was written) seems to point in the same direction as the argument that follows.

THAMYRAS?

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Let us look at those details of the Polion-depiction that point to the above-mentioned transposition. We should keep in mind, howevet, the agonistic figure of Thamyras with his rich and obscure meaning defined by violations of established norms. Polion tackles the musical instruments with meticulous care. He does not give, however, Thamyras δὲς own instrument, the hybrid

kithara, referred to as "Thracian' or “Thamyras’ kithara in modern scholarship since it often appears in the hand of Thracian singers.' The painter does not merely elevate (or rather relegate) Thamyras

to the ranks of the ‘ordinary’ contestants by giving him the standard instrument of the kitharodia but gives Thamyras’ instrument to one of the Muses. It serves as an emphasis that during 75i; contest Thamyras does not play his own instrument. The change of clothes gives further emphasis to this: this is the first depiction where Thamyras is not seen in Thracian garments." In all earlier scenes he is shown with his own characteristic Thracian instrument or with a common lyra but on each occasion ir Thracian garments. In addition, this is the only scene where Thamyras as a contestant is standing, as compared to the rest where he is sitting.? The message of the scene is perhaps tuned to the New Music

debate of the 5" century. To put it simply: ‘here is Thamyras, the extravagant foreign “magician” cast now in Greek garments, capable of mesmerising the audience even in our Athenian contests We cannot yet decide on whose side Polion stands in this musico-political issue: does he sympathise with those musicians who recklessly innovate and approves of this trend spreading to every aspect of music, or quite to the contrary, does he take a dim * On the ‘Thracian’ or ‘hybrid’ kithara of Thamyras see c.g. PAOLA CILLO, La «cetra di Tamiri», cit., pp. 222-242, ANNIE BéLIS, La cithare de Thamyras, cit., ANGELO MERIANI, // Thamyras di Sofocle, cit., p. 58, TimotHy Power, The Culture of Kitharédia, Cambridge, (Mass.)-London, Center for Hellenic Studies, 2010, pp. 47-50, ANDRAS KARPATI, Satyr-Chorus with Thracian Kithara, cit., p. 40 with further references. * Orpheus in non-Thracian garments before a predominantly Thracian audience: LIMC, s.v. Orpheus, nos. 84-85, 7-26. 5 Hzipz FronING, Dithyrambos und Vasenmalerei in Athen, cit., pp. 82-83 is sceptical on whether there can be a Sophoclean tragedy behind Polion's scene. She bases her argumentation on the dithyrambic context of the tripod and the fact that Thamyras obviously Jas to be cast in Thracian garments (given that dithyrambs were performed with no costumes), cf. JoHN H. Oaxrzv, The Phiale Painter, cit., pp. 20-22.

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view of all this? Ten years or so later, Thamyras is shown by the Meidias Painter and his Group as the par excellence charming youth with the Muses around him. The ‘Muse statuettes’ are still visible in the picture, but also present are the Erotes and Aphrodite, all

taking part in a peaceful picnic in a flowery garden, says Burn.' On paintings made around 410 B.c. (T8, and Fic. 6, Το) there is no sign of anything menacing.*

The “change of clothing and instrument’ in Polion's scene points towards

a new

Thamyras-persona.

Excepting

one, the Muses

are

shown as a tableau in nature, they are not looking at Thamyras, just at each other, their gestures are neutral, relaxed. Only one of them is establishing contact with the contestant, and she is closely observing Thamyras with her leg propped against a rock, her elbow resting on her knee. Not only is her posture non-aggressive, the elbow resting on her knee suggests a relaxed state of mind. The only emotionally involved character is Argiope, her gesture

interpreted by many as a sign of the outcome of the contest. Even Argiope does not turn towards Thamyras, she is observing the other figures. Her gesture can be interpreted as the reflection of her amazement upon seeing the figures, and is perhaps better read as shock rather than despair. This is the only emotionally charged

gesture in the scene. All this is in harmony with the interpretation given by Brillante, which I have suggested above, put here in a broader context by placing it into the sphere of magic. Polion's

scene is not about punishment. The motive of the contest presented as 5ybris followed by synoptic punishment is missing from

the scene and is thus foreshadowing, if ever so slightly, the characteristically idyllic nature scenes of the paintings by the Meidias Group (18-10). Peace, love and an air of positive atmosphere are more strongly present on the New York vase (T'9).? On the /e&anis fragment of Athens (T10), in line with the fashion of the late * LuciLLa Burn, The Meidias Painter, cit., p. 56. * According to LuciLLa Burn, 77e Meidias Painter, cit., p. 57, although the xoana show the place of the contest, the ‘feeling of contest’ is missing from it, and makes a short detour (p. 58) into whether the debate in music had any impact on the depiction. The answer is negative. According to HELLMUT SICHTERMANN (Griechische Vasen in Unteritalien aus der Sammlung Jatta in Ruvo, Tübingen, Wasmuth, 1966, pp. 22-23) the scene does not depict a contest. 3 There is something stiflingly mischievous about the depiction of Thamyras and Musiaos of the Meidias Painter (ANNE QUEYREL, s.v. Mousai’, cit., p. 678). The source of the erotic interpretation of the story: Apollod., 1, [17] 3, 3.

THAMYRAS?

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FIGURES

193

classical period, Thamyras is shown in a unique way in the company of Musaios, a beautiful and young Sophia (identified by the name inscription), with a Thracian kithara in his hand. Similarly

to Polion's depiction he is not wearing Thracian garments. He is cast in the idealised form of a Greek youth, just like Musaios on a hydria (T9), in the manner of the Meidias Painter or like Thamyras himself on the Ruvo lekythos (T8) by the Meidias Painter. In

these depictions there is no hybris, nor is there punishment, just a peaceful jam session.

It is difficult to say what lies behind the palpable change in the depiction of Thamyras. Was it the fierce debate on the musical scene itself as a topical issue of the period or was it influenced also by a public performance, which chose a new variant of the myth for its theme? This Thamyras may have served as a model for the proponents of one camp, whose innovative audacity was positive

even though it was met with demise in the myth. There is another myth on mousikos agon that runs parallel to this one. Melanippid-

es, one of the infamous musical innovators, with his dithyramb Marsyas and the most peculiar Marsyas-iconography of the 420s B.C. all show that the story of this musical satyros, the iconic anti-hero of the anti aulos ‘party’ who was beaten by Apollon, may

have received a fundamentally

different interpretation in these

years as well. It is possible that Polion's Thamyras-scene can also be related to a piece of the New Dithyramb which contributed

to the New Music debate. Froning’s* main argument in favour of the new dithyramb is based on the large size tripod painted in the upper register of the scene. This argument lost its edge with the * Cf. SUSANNA SARTI, Un esempio di competizione musicale nel mito in Grecia, cit., p. 221 and ‘11 Gruppo’, ALEXANDER HEINEMANN, Performance and the Drinking

Vessel, cit., pp. 298-300. BARBARA

PHILIPPAKI

(AIIOAA NOX

ΕΞΙΛΑΣΜΟΣ,

in Studies in Honour of T. B. L. Webster, 11, edited by John H. Betts, James Thomas Hooker, John Richard Green, Bristol, Bristol Classical Press, 1988, pp. 89-95), from a different perspective and with different conclusions, calls our attention to the fact that the depiction on the lekanis fragment gives a positive tone to the Thamyras-contest («gathering is to be considered a symphony dedicated to Apollo»), and suggests that Beazley’s dating can be modified to 430 B.C., that is to the years immediately preceding the Polion vase. PAoLo Enrico Arias, La cetra spezzata (o la rabbia di Tamiri), cit., p. 40 is of the opinion that a painting in Stoa Poikile represents a precursor to the scene on the lekanis fragment, just like in the case of the Polion vase. 2 Herve FronING, Dithyrambos und Vasenmalerei in Athen, cit., pp. 75-86.

194

ANDRÁS

KÁRPÁTI

publication of the painting by the Niobid Painter which shows a

tripod in the Thamyras-scene painted around 460 B.c.: there was

no new dithyramb yet. The tripod in the 5? century B.C. was not merely the choregic sign of the dithyramb-agon (that is, of votive offering), it could also refer to agon in general (votive prize). This is why Froning' denies the ‘simpler’ interpretation of the tripod on Polion's painting (contest in general vs dithyramb-contest)

because in this case the tripod would belong to Thamyras alone, whereas he ends up losing the contest. At the same time, howevet, the tripod can belong to Apollo and the Muses, or else its meaning could be more general or symbolic, and could even refer

ironically (subversively) in the context of New Music to the Muses winning the contest.’

It has been suggested in connection to the Return of Hephaistos on the other side of the vase and with the torch race scene on the neck frieze that its aim was to remind the viewer of a dithyramb performance at the Hephaisteia.? The Hephaistos-connection is relevant for another reason too: on the one hand, it could lend support to the ‘magical’ interpretation of the Muse figures and, on

the other, it could explain why the painter thought it important to keep this older motif. Moreover, it helps to understand the nature of Greek magic in that it reflects a vital element in the use of magic powers that aim to temporarily restrict the opponent:

* HEIDE FronING, Dithyrambos und Vasenmalerei in Athen, cit., p. 83. * LuciLLa Burn, The Meidias Painter, cit., pp. 55, 57 and PaoLo Enrico Arias, La cetra spezzata (o la rabbia di Tamiri), cit., p. 35 accept Froning’s suggestion. Let us retrace the development in brief: first, in 1971 Froning suggested there was a dithyramb behind it. Second, the vase by the Niobid Painter was published in 1982 with the tripod on it, which means it cannot be a dithyramb given that the 460s B.C. is too early a date (hence the question mark next to the dithyramb-theory). To follow, Arias, by supposing an early dithyramb in 1995, suggested that Froning's original idea be restored (with the question mark deleted this way). On the contexts of the tripod outside those of Delphi, see WERNER OENBRINK, Das Bild im Bilde, cit., p. 327, TONIO HòrscHER, IncrID Knauskopr, Kultinstrumente, in ThesCRA v.2.b, 2005, pp. 149-420: 412-413. The tripod as a votive prize of agon already appears in Hes., Op., 657 and //., 23, 702, see ANJA SAKOwsSKI, Darstellungen von Dreifuff&esseln in der griechischen Kunst bis zum Beginn der Klassischen Zeit, Frankfurt, P. Lang, 1997, pp. 22-23, with references pp. 82-106), HARATINI Korsipu, Die musischen Agone der Panathendean, cit., p. 74 (in the archaic period too), and notes 153, 154, 222). Nike and the tripod: LIMC, s.v. Nike, nos. 346, 347, 350, 350. 5 Heine FronING, Dithyrambos und Vasenmalerei in Athen, cit., p. 84.

THAMYRAS?

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THE

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105

gods cannot destroy, they can only paralyse each other for a lim-

ited time. In other words, the hidden motifs of magical binding (aphaneis desmoi, Paus., 1, 20, 3, Cft. 3, 17, 5; 3, 18, 16) may link the

depictions on the two sides of the vase together. The siren fanning Hera on side A perhaps brings to mind associations with one of the ‘automata’ servants of Hephaistos from the //iad that were brought into motion — similarly perhaps to the small Muses on Sophokles’ stage.' Therefore, one side of Polion's vase set in the context of Hephaisteia may be of help understanding the depiction not connected to Hephaistos on the other side. Even if a new Thamyras-dithyramb cannot be proved, there is evidence that there existed a completely different, let us say,

avant-guard, anti-version of the Thamyras myth. The ‘only’ snag being that it is only mentioned by a later source, and it cannot be dated.* According to this, Thamyras challenged the Muses and said that if he was to win, he would consider all nine Muses his

wives. And this is how it happened, Thamyras won and was now the master of all the Muses. There is a nice rhyme with the number nine involving Zeus, who conceived the nine Muses for nine amorous nights with Mnemosyne.? Although we do not know when this new (comedy or satyr-drama sounding) version of the story of Thamyras and the Muses was created, there is a reference | «Wunderwerk» (LIMC, s.v. Hera, no. 316); «una sirena meccanica» (JOHN Davipson BEAzLEY, Spina e la ceramica greca, in Spina e Etruria padana. Atti del primo Convegno di Studi etruschi, Ferrara 1957, Firenze, Olschki, 1959, pp. 47-57: 54), both of which are from the scene by Polion on the Ferrara vase. //., 18, 417-421 (automatic servants), 373-379 (automatic tripods). See CHRIsTOPHER FARAONE, Hephaestus the Magician and Near Eastern Parallels for Alcinous’ Watchdogs, «GRBS», XXVIII, 1987, pp. 257-280 on broad oriental parallels with Hephaistos’ magic features (animation of theriomorphic statues with prophylactic reasons, and katadesmoi). * ]t was suggested a long time ago that this subversive version of the myth was already given a voice in one of the satyr plays of Aischylos. A gloss in the codex Vat. gr. 909 had been regarded as a possible proof for a satyr drama with this topic by Aischylos. Grazia Mznno, Apollodoro, Asclepiade di Tragilo ed Eschilo in Schol. Eur. Rh. 916 E 922, «RFIC», CXXXIV, 2006, pp. 26-51, howevet, subjected this codex and the gloss in question to an examination with a Wood lamp. The illumination of the codex rerestored the syntax of the problematic sentence: the scholiast connects this version of the Thamyras-myth not to Aischylos, but to anonym ‘ones’ (nie?) who can thus not be dated: «some treated the story of Thamyris and [the Muses] [...]». 3 That is the “Thamyran’ ritual can also be conceived of in the context of love charms, cf., for example, Theoc., 2., Luc., Philops.

196

ANDRÁS

KÁRPÁTI

from the 5 century B.c. that may somehow connect Thamyras’ contest with the unwanted sexual adventures of the virgin Muses. A painter close to the Meidias Group provides the reference with a scene showing Aphrodite, Erotes and Thamyras from the same period. In Rhesos (919-925) the Muse complains that she became pregnant from the river god Strymon when she was on her way

to Mount Pangaion, the venue of the Thamyras-contest. Viewed from the Marsyas-parallel in the intellectual atmosphere of the New

Music debate there certainly is a place for an unorthodox

version in which Thamyras makes ‘his peace’ with the Muses.' The supposed Thymaras-transposition can be analysed as representing the two sides of the same debate, that of the musical Old Guard and the ‘new wave?.? * According to Heipe FRowiwG, Dithyrambos und Vasenmalerei in Athen cit., p. 77 the love motive may already have been present in the tragedy by Sophokles, with the rabbit as a reference to it. On the place of the rabbit in the larger context of Polygnotos' painting and on Polygnotan reminiscences in Polion's composition, see ROBERTSON’s note referred by LiLiAanN HAMILTON

Jerrrey, The Battle of Oinoe in the Stoa Poikile: A Problem in Greek Art and History, «BSA», LX, 1965, p. 43, note 12. TimotHy Power, The Culture of Kitharédia, cit., p. 47 calls attention to the close affiliation between strong sexuality and artistic arrogance. On the detailed analysis of the supposed homoerotic interpretation of the Thamyras-myth see CARLO BrILLANTE, Le Muse di Thamyris, cit., pp. 438-451. * According to PETER WirsoN, Thamyris the Thracian, cit., pp. 60-61, Sophokles himself wanted to make a contribution to the poetic-music debate with Thamyras and suggests the tragedy should be dated to 20 years later than the traditionally accepted date, i.e. to the 440s. His arguments are not convincing on the following reasons: (i) even if he is correct in saying that the account of Vita Sophoclea is too much in line with the story of Thamyras (the young Sophokles gave up acting after Thamyras), it does not follow that Sophokles was not young when he wrote Thamyras. It only means that Sophokles was either not a protagonistes at all, or if he was, it was a tradition only that shaped his biography and it cannot be proved that he abandoned this activity as a result of the Thamyras-performance; (ii) Euaion who played the part of Argiope and was celebrated with &a/os inscriptions may have been young in the 4408 (see RICHARD GREEN, Towards a reconstruction of performance style, in Greek and Roman Actors: Aspects of an Ancient Profession, edited by Pat Easterling, Edith Hall, Cambridge, cup, 2002, pp. 93-126: 96). Green's own words: «[i] t is difficult to know if Aeschylus’ son Euaion, as an actor in the 440s, was exceptionally young», and, what is more, in arguing for Euaion's age, Green has no objections in referring to Joun H. Oaxrzv, The Phiale Painter, cit., pp. 20-22, who actually dates Thamyras to around 460 p.c. For Wilson, dating the drama to 440 is conceptually important in order to link the play to the decades of the New Music. Even if we attach any importance to the fact that the bell-krater in Naples (Stg. 281) by the Lykaon Painter dated to 450-440

THAMYRAS?

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197

The Thamyras &itharodos tailored to the new dithyramb, who commits a sin of musical hybris but in the end makes peace with the Muses and loses himself in their love may be suitable for demonstrating what was sorely needed on the part of the conservative aristocracy: strengthening the old and noble tradition of kitharodia against the new ‘sinful’ aulos. By the same token, of course, a similar scenario may be set up by the opposite camp in which the mythical poet, much-maligned in the ‘new’ Thamyras story, is given a niche next to the contemporary poet of the kitharodia, limotheos. No conclusion can be reached based on Polion's vase and all this remains speculative. What we car say is that the buyer who looked at the vase in the context of the music debate must have beheld someone in the role of the new &itharo-

dia, someone who was famous from the stage, who challenged the Muses, was known for his Aybris and was also quite adept at using magical rituals. He beheld that particular Thamyras who was one of the three famed Thracian songsters.

Greek religion has a number of facets, three of these are the ‘Olympic’, the magic and the mysteries. A state of enthousiasmos characterises all three. This is a state of mind

when

a human

can get in touch with the divine with the help of mousike, for example. All three Thracian songsters are complex personalities with some of their traits drawn with a more prominent contour

line. Orpheus uses music to distract from fear of death, Musaios transports the happiness of the dwellers of the Olympic to

earth, Thamyras, by making us lose our power of will and also liberating us from it, transposes us into places never seen and translates us into someone else similarly to what kannabis does — kannabis is a one-word fragment (243) of Sophokles’ Thamyras. And, of course, all three Thracian musicians are ‘ours’, Greek -by being foreigners. B.C. shows a beardless youth with the name inscription Euaion playing the aulos, the possibility remains that Euaion did not play Argiope’s part on the premiere in around 460 B.C. but in a later performance (cf. « wiederaufgeführten Dramen», RALF KRUMEICH, «Fuaion ist schin», cit., p. 145). For the date of Sophokles's Thamyras, see the detailed argumentation by ANGELO ME-

RIANI, // Thamyras di Sofocle, cit., pp. 37-38 and 45-47.

198

ANDRÁS Shape

. Painter (date, B.C.)

KÁRPÁTI

. . Muses Collection

Muse figures (no)

‘Thamyras’ instrument, garment, other figures . and motifs

T1

hydria fragment

Niobid P. (ca 460)

Bordeaux, private

3

lyra, Thracian garment, altar, column, tripod

T2

hydria

Phiale P. (435)

Vatican 16549 ARV?

3.

Argiope, lyra, Thracian garment, name inscriptions

4

Argiope, lyra, Thracian garment

o

concert kithara, Thracian garment

o

Argiope, Thracian kithara (thrown),

1020,92 T5

hydria

Phiale P. (435)

Naples 81531 ARV

T4

neck amphora

Late manierist

St. Petersbourg

(430)

B 1638

1020,93

Ts

hydria

AR V? 1123,6 | PolygnotanOxford Group G291 (440-420)

ARV

Greek garment,

1061,152

setting

tragic

T6

volute krater

Polion (420)

Ferrara 3033 ARV? 117151

9

T7

squat lekythos

Shuwalow Basel BS462 P. (420-410)

o

‘Thracian kithara, Greek garment

T8

squat lekythos

Meidias P. Ruvo 1538 (410) ARV: 1314,16

o

Apollon, Aphrodite, Erotes, Thracian kithara, Greek garment, deer

To

hydria

Manner of New York Meidias P. 16.52 (410) ARV? 1321,1

3

Aphrodite, Erotes, Thracian kithara, Thracian garment (?)

Tio

lekanis fragment

Manner of Athens NM Meidias P. 19636 (410) Para 479,91bis

o

Apollon, Musaios, Thracian kithara, Greek garment, name inscriptions

4 (?)

X Apollon, Argiope, concert kithara, Greek garment, altar, tripod

TABLE 1. *Thamyras and the Muses’ scenes on Attic red-figure.

MERCURY A NEW OF

A

WITH

LYRE:

INTERPRETATION

MITHRAIC IN CLAUDINA

SCULPTURE

FOUND

HISPANIA ROMERO

MAYORGA

ABSTRACT

The finding of a Roman sculpture representing Mercury with lyre in the ancient city of Augusta Emerita (Spain), among

other pieces dedicated

to the Eastern deity Mithras, has drawn the attention to the importance of the mystery cult in the province. analysis of the sculpture, the study of the inscription as well as the myth of its creation might offer a new

of many scholars The iconographic found on the lyre interpretation of

the piece. Krrwonps:

A

Mercury, lyre, Mithras, Hispania, mystery cults.

the beginning of the 20 century, when Merida’s city coun-

cil, in Spain, decided to build a bullfighting arena in an area called Cerro de San Albín, no one expected to find a deposit of

marble statues and fragments from Roman times. According to some scholars, the inscriptions and the iconographic repertoire of the pieces recovered evidenced the existence of the Mithraic cult

in the area.' This paper will focus on one of the sculptures found in 1913, which represents Mercury with his lyre, now housed in the Museo Nacional de Arte Romano, Mérida (MNAR inv. n. CHooo89) [plate 1]. It is a sculpture in the round, made of white marble from Es-

* Juan RAMON MÉLIDA, Cultos emeritenses de Serapis y de Mithras, «Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia», LXIV, 1914, pp. 439-456:453; MAARTEN J. VERMASEREN, Corpus Inscriptionum et Monumentorum | Religionis Mithriacae, The Hague, Nijhoff, 1956, n. 780; AnTONIO Garcia v BELLIDO, Les religions

orientales dans { Espagne romaine, Leiden, Brill, 1967; JuLiAN Munoz

Garcia

Vaso, El culto de Mithra en Hispania: caracteres específicos, Madrid, unED, Tesis Inéditas, 1989; BEATRICE CAccrorri, Culti orientali in Spagna: alcune osservazioni iconografique, « Escultura Romana en Hispania», v, 2008, pp. 163-186: 174.

200

CLAUDINA

ROMERO

Fic

1.

MAYORGA

MERCURY

WITH

LYRE

201

tremoz quarry (Portugal)! and slightly smaller than the natural size (1.50xo.84xo.66m). Mercury, messenger of the gods, is seated on rocks with his lyre. The divinity is easily recognized by

the winged sandals, a frequent attribute in his iconography. The chlamys is spread over the rock formation, with a circular fibula on the left side. García y Bellido suggests that the technique is discrete and that it might belong to a lisipean circle.* When sitting, the god bends his right leg and leaves the left one slightly extended forward. Mercury rests his left arm on the rocks and he might have held in his right hand a caduceus, perhaps made of bronze. Although the head has suffered damage over time, we

can sce that it leans to the left, his mouth is slightly opened and his curly hair is styled with smooth touches of drill. Mercury is a rotund, portly figure; some researchers highlight the loose anatomical treatment.? His body is also carved from behind, unlike

the rocks that are just barely indicated. The sculpture corresponds to the iconographic model of *rest-

ing/scating Hermes’ as is also the Mercury in bronze found in Herculaneum (now preserved in the Museum of Naples). Cacciotti states that the figure would have been based on a previous model called Hermes Enagonios created around 338-335 B.C. She

does not rule out the possibility that, in the Hispanic sculpture, there could have been an animal in the left flank of the rocks. The base presents an abrupt flattening and three perforations, as if the marble had been lowered to add another piece.^ In Rome,

the iconography of the god inherited the Greek tradition and became more diversified: it was frequent to find beside Mercury a horse, bull, goat, tortoise and rooster. García y Bellido states the possibility that a sculptor named Demetrios, probably of eastern

provenance, could have been the author of Mercury.’ His name * Pinar LAPUENTE 67 alii, White marble sculptures from the National Museum of Roman Art ( Mérida) : sources of local and imported marbles, «European Journal of mineralogy», XXVI, 2, DD. 333-354. ^ ANTONIO Garcia y BeLLIDO, E/ culto a Mithras en la Peninsula Ibérica, «Boletín de la Real Academia de Historia», 122, 1948, pp. 283-349: 339. 5 ANTONIO Garcia v BELLIDO, El culto a Mithras en la Peninsula Ibérica, cit.,

Pp. 338. 4 cit., » cit.,

BEATRICE CacciortI, Culti orientali in Spagna: alcune osservazioni iconografique, p. 174. ANTONIO Garcia v BELLIDO, Les religions orientales dans l’Espagne romaine, p. 33.

202

CLAUDINA

ROMERO

MAYORGA

appears in the representation of the Dadophor found in Cerro San Albin (MNAR inv. n° CEoo655) which was also dedicated to Mithras. Several authors support the Greek origin of the model but do not decide on the location of the workshop.' We will focus our attention in the lyre situated by Mercury: according to ancient sources, the musical instrument was created

by the god in his childhood, when he was just a few days old.* He made it out of a tortoise he found just outside the cave of Maya,

his mother. He took it in, attached some strings of different thickness and was very pleased when he played it for the first time.

Apollo, who was angry with him for stealing his cattle, was also struck by the sweet music of the lyre, and asked Mercury to present him with the instrument. To seal the reconciliation between the two gods, Mercury acquired the oracular powers of Apollo, as well as he became the protector of the cattle and animals in the woods. The lyre of the sculpture consists of two tortoise shells, with two antelope horns connected by a bridge that simulates

bone, from where strings are attached. Although primitive lyre had three or seven strings, in this case we count up to ten. In

the convex surface of the tortoise shell reads the inscription that without mistake links the piece to the Mithraic cult: ANN - COL : CLXXX / INVICTO DEO MITRAE / SACR / G : ACCIVS HEDYCHRUS / PATER / A: L : P+ (Anno) Co oniae) CLXxx Invicto deo Mithrae saer( um) G(aius) Accius Hedychrus Pater animo) Hibens) b(osuiz))?

The inscription has allowed scholars to date the sculpture in the yeat 155 AD, as well as it informs of the presence of Gaius Accius

Hedychrus as the highest authority in the mithraic cult, the grade of Pater. His name also appears in other pieces found in Cerro San Albin, such as an altar dedicated by a frumentarius (MNAR inv. CEoo188); the sculpture of a dadophor (MNAR inv. n° CEoo655) * José Maria BLAZQUEZ, Religión y urbanismo en Emerita Augusta, «Archivo Espafiol de Arqueología», Lv, 145/6, 1982, pp. 89-106: 100; MANUEL BENDALA GALAN, Reflexiones sobre la iconografia mitraica de Mérida, in Homenaje a Sdenz de Buruaga, Badajoz, Institución Cultural Pedro de Valencia, 1982; Maria ANTONIA Francisco Casapo, El culto de Mithra en Hispania. Catdlogo de monumentos esculpidos e inscripciones, Granada, Universidad de Granada, 1989. 2 H. Hom., 4, 2; Apollod., 3, 113; Paus., 5, 14, 8; 8, 17,5; Philostr. Jun., 7z., 1 5 10. 5 JuAN RAMON MÉLIDA, Cultos emeritenses de Serapis y de Mithras, cit., p. 454.

MERCURY

WITH

LYRE

203

and the sculpture of Oceanus (MNAR inv. n^ CEooo8;). For this reason, researchers have regarded him as a key figure to study the development of the Mithras cult in the city.' Another possible

explanation could be that the votive offerings had to have his approval or were offered by the Pater of the community himself.’ According to ancient literary sources and some artistic representations, the Mysteries of Mithras had seven initiatory grades: Corax, Nymphus, Miles, Leo, Perses, Heliodromus and Pater; each one was guarded by a planetary divinity.» The god Mercury was the deity of the first degree of initiation, Corax, giving the images found in the mithraeum of Felicissimo in Ostia Antica: there, the mosaic floor corresponding to the Corax grade shows a bird (pos-

sibly a crow), a ritual vessel and caduceus. ^ The importance of this deity in the Mysteries of Mithras is supported by the discovery of almost twenty representations in Mithraic monuments, being the god of the Olympian pantheon more frequently found in this context and, in some communities, he is almost as important as Mithras.’ Clauss believes the phenomenon is even more noticeable in Germania and Gaul, since in these territories the cult was firmly

anchored in local worships. ° The detailed study of the monuments with representations of Mercury in Mithraic context has allowed us to understand the uniqueness

of the piece

from

Merida.

The

findings

show

* Juan RAMON MELIDA, Cultos emeritenses de Serapis y de Mithras, cit., p. 450; Maria ANTONIA Francisco CasADO, El culto de Mithra en Hispania. Catdlogo de monumentos esculpidos e inscripciones, cit., p. 37; JULIAN Munoz Garcia Vaso, El culto de Mithra en Hispania: caracteres específicos, cit., pp. 834-835; MANFRED CLauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras. The God and his mysteries, Edinburgh,

Edinburgh University Press, 2000, p. 138; BEATRICE CacciontI, Culti orientali in Spagna: alcune osservazioni iconografique, cit., p. 164. 2 MANFRED CLauss, Die sieben Grade des Mithras-Kulte, «zPE», LKXXII, 1990, pp. 185-189. 3 Hieron., Ep., 107, 2 4 Mitreo di Felicissimus, Ostia Antica Regio v, Insula rx, 1. 5 MAARTEN J. VERMASEREN, Corpus Inscriblionum et Monumentorum Religionis Mithriacae, cit., nn. 821; 1048; 1089; 1176; 1178; 1179; 1210; 1211; 1257; 1258; 1284; 1317; 1377; 1381; 1496; 1755; ELMAR SCHWERTHEIM, Die Denkmáler Orientalischer Gottheiten im Rimischen Deutschland, Leiden, Brill, 1974; VIVIENNE J. Waters, The cult of Mithras in the Roman Provinces of Gaul, Leiden, Brill, 1974; Petar SELEM, Les Religions Orientales Dans La Pannonie Romaine, Leiden, Brill, 1980; WOLFGANG SPICKERMANN, Religion in den germanischen Provinzen Roms, Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, 2001. $ MawrnED CLauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras. The God and his mysteries, cit., p. 158.

204

CLAUDINA

ROMERO

MAYORGA

that 77% of them are sculptures in the round, illustrating the importance given to the deity in the mystery cult. We also note a slight majority of the seated figures, especially in Germania

popular iconography. The chlamys and caduceus are the most common attributes of God, present in almost 70% of the representations and followed by sheep or goats (40%), the marsupius (38%) winged helmet (38%) the rooster (24%) and the tortoise (7%) in descending order. The dimensions of the Hispanic sculpture of Mercury as well as its treatment as an image in the round, deserve special attention,

as it may be indicative of the importance acquired this divinity in the Lusitanian mithraic community. We would also like to emphasize the fact that he is accompanied by the already created, which is a significant detail, as of Mercury found in mithraea always show the with the tortoise at the foot of god or on the

musical instrument the representations previous moment, rocks.

That is why we need to emphasize the fact that the votive inscription, which links the monument unequivocally to the Mithra-

ic cult, is in the shell of the tortoise itself (already transformed in a lyre). This detail might strengthen the initiatory nature of the

divinity, his role as an introducer of the teachings of Mithras to the neophyte. As ancient literary sources inform us, the discovery of the tortoise by Mercury was a fortuitous and unexpected event that occurred when he was just a baby. The mention of his

childhood might hint to the initial ignorance of his divine nature or a highlight of the god's own precocity. However, it could also be understood as a metaphor for those who are not initiated in the cult: a symbol of the ignorance that precedes the knowledge

acquired when in contact with Mithras. This theory is reinforced by the fact that Mercury found the tortoise outside the cave, i.e. in the field occupied by the not initiated in the cult. Although

this comparison may seem a bit forced, we must not forget that the tortoise appears in numerous

representations

of Mercury

in

Mithraic context, even as a symbol of the god himself in the altar found in the mithraeum 1 in Poetovio.! We would like to highlight another parallel: Maya's cave as a place of protection, a familiar environment, and the nature of Mithraic temples as spe* MAARTEN J. VERMASEREN, Mithriacae, cit., n. 1496.

Corpus Inscriblionum et Monumentorum Religionis

MERCURY

WITH

LYRE

205

lea, underground shrines restricted to the followers of Mithras, to those already initiated in the Mysteries.' We believe that the designation of Mercury as ruler of the first

initiatory degree reflects the traditional conception of the god as a protector of liminal areas: in this case, between the world of the Mysteries of Mithras and that of the uninitiated. Moreover,

we consider that the lyre in this case is not only an iconographic attribute of the god, but it could also be a reference to the music as a tool or medium that provides access to a range of knowledge. The lyre allowed Mercury to receive Apollo's teachings, to be initiated by the god into the oracular powers. This notion could also be applied to the mithraic cult, where music, symbolised in this case by the lyre, could have played an important role in the initi-

ation process. According to Celsus, there was an underlying music theory in worship of Mithras that would enable the neophyte to travel through the planets and stars.* This was based on the socalled doctrine of the harmony of the spheres, traditionally associated with the Pythagoreans. According to this, the seven notes of the musical scale were established in relation to the distances between the planets which correspond to musical intervals.? Por some authors, the lyre was conceived a symbol of the universe and

its celestial music. Theon of Smyrna, to illustrate the Pythagorean precepts of music, includes a fragment of Phainomena by Alex-

ander of Ephesus where we read: *They all spread the harmony according to the sounds / Of the seven-stringed lyre, at intervals over each other / Such siren harmonized Hermes, / son of Zeus / The lyre of seven tones, picture of the world formed by divine wisdom'.* Therefore, the chords and the harmony of the musical notes * MANFRED Crauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras. The God and his mysteries, cit., pp. 42-48; Porph., anzr., 6; Stat., Zbeb., 1, 719-720. 2 Orig., Cels., 6, 21-22; BEATRICE CacciontI, Culti orientali in Spagna: alcune osservazioni iconografique, cit., p. 174; MANFRED Crauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras. The God and his mysteries, cit., p. 166; REINHOLD MERKELBACH, Mithras, K6nigstein, Hain, 1984. 5 Plin., 227., 2,18,20; FRANCISCO MOLINA Moreno, Ouinteto bara dioses musicos en la mitologia griega, «Estudios Clásicos», XL, 113, 1998, pp. 7-36; WALTER Burkert, Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism, Harvard, Harvard University Press, 1972, pp. 350-355; JOSCELYN Gopwin, Harmony of the Spheres. A sourcebook of the Pythagorean Tradition in Music, Rochester, Vermont, Inner Traditions International, 1993, p. 4. 4 SH, 26.

206

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MAYORGA

would result in the order of the planetary deities governing the Roman week, which has been interpreted as a well-tempered sequence (Solis, Lunae, Martis, Mercurii, Iovis, Veneris, Saturni).' Celsus, while investigating the theory of the ascent and descent of the souls to the planets through a scale of materials and colours in the mithraic cult, believed that it might represent certain musical

patterns, but did not delve into it.* In case of developing this line of investigation, it would be necessary to revise those mithraic

monuments where planetary divinities are represented in the tauroctonies, the main icon of the cult. The sacrifice of the bull by Mithras is frequently accompanied by a pantheon of Greco-roman deities,? a fact that has been explained by some scholars as an allu-

sion to the concept of T'ime and life cycles.^ However, we believe that their presence could also refer to an itinerary, or a musical scale, that would facilitate the transit of souls through the stars. Roger Beck, nowadays one of the most important researchers in the field of the Mysteries of Mithras, states that the temples and their decoration conformed a sort of ‘map’ for the initiated, one which provided the means to travel to the plane of the spheres and the fixed stars. However, other scholars attribute Celsus words

to the influence of platonic doctrines in Roman mystery cults. In any case, we would like to revise the role of music in the Mithras cult which has been traditionally ignored over the past years. * REINHOLD MERKELBACH, MilDras, cit., p. 211. ^ REINHOLD MERKELBACH, Mithras, cit., p. 214. 5 MAARTEN ]. VERMASEREN, Corpus Inscriblionum et Monumentorum Religionis Mithriacae, cit., nn. 693; 966, 967; 1128; 1284; 1727; 2202; 2338; 4 MANFRED CLauss, The Roman Cult of Mitbras. The God and his mysteries, cit., pp. 158-167. i Rocer Beck, Planetary Gods and Planetary Orders in the Mysteries of Mithras, Leiden, Brill, 1988, pp. 73-84; RocER BECK, In the place of the Lion: Mithras in the lauroctony, in Studies in Mitbraism, Papers associated with the Mithraic Panel organized on the occasion of the xvi Congress of the International Association for History of Religions, Roma, 1990, Roma, L’Erma di Bretschneider, 1994, p. 29-50; ROGER Beck, The Religion of Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2007, pp. 16-26. 6 Ropert Turcan, Mitbras Platonicus: recherches sur Phelltnisation philosophique de Mithra, Leiden, Brill, 1975, pp. 26-51; 129-130; RoBERT Turcan, Salut mithriaque et sotériologie néoplatonicienne in La Soteriologia del culti orientali nell’Impero romano, Leiden, Brill, 1982, pp. 173-191.

AULOS

AULÓS E ‘NUOVA’ DANZA. UNA RILETTURA DI MELANIPPIDE PMG 758 E TELESTE PMG 805* NADIA

BALTIERI

ABSTRACT

The article examines the manners in which Melanippides’ Marsyas (PMG 758) and ‘Telestes’ Argo (PMG 805) were supposedly performed, identi-

fying evidences that suggest a renewed way of execution with respect to the traditional dithyrambic performance, both under musical and choreographic point of view. Therefore,

compositions

usually consid-

ered a proof of the musical changes of the late fifth century s.c. within the so-called New Music can also be considered an example of a ‘new’

dance characterized by an accentuation of the Dionysiac frenzy and by a strong tendence to act mimetic movements. Moreover, the rhythmic cadence of the steps could not follow the metric and rhythmic structure given by the words of the song but be in agreement with the virtuosistic music of the «πέσε. Kerworps:

dance, New Music, Telestes, Melanippides, Marsyas. 1.

MELANIPPIDE

E TELESTE

N

EL corso del v-1v sec. a.C. nell'ambito della cosiddetta Nuova Musica vennero operate modificazioni meliche che prevedevano la crescente prevaricazione della musica sull'elemento ver-

bale. Ció avrà certamente comportato contemporanee infrazioni anche sul versante orchestico. I virtuosismi vocali e melodici del nuovo ditirambo, che prevedevano complicate e tortuose variazioni armoniche, avranno probabilmente trovato riflesso, infatti,

in una danza irregolare, cui fa eco sul piano metrico-ritmico la sostituzione della consueta struttura triadica o antistrofica con il * Desidero ringraziare il Prof. A. Rodighiero che, durante la stesura di queste pagine, mi ha fornito preziosi consigli e suggerimenti. Un vivo ringraziamento vada anche alla Prof.ssa P. LeVen e a coloro che sono intervenuti durante la discussione per tutti gli interessanti spunti di riflessione che mi hanno fornito. Un ringraziamento particolare vada anche alla Fondation Hardt, presso la cui biblioteca ho potuto redigere queste pagine.

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libero fluire degli ἄσματα ἀπολελυμένα, i ‘canti sciolti’, in base alla definizione aristotelica (cfr. Arist., Rb., 1409a-b). Nell'ambito del genere ditirambico, versi non organizzati in una rigida

struttura metrica davano probabilmente maggiore spazio a movimenti individuali che, liberi dalla responsione, si presentavano in un continuo variare per assecondare il rapido e complesso fluire della musica. Le fonti antiche danno infatti testimonianza di una riflessione diffusa sul cambiamento del ruolo che rivestiva la danza nell’ambito della performance, cambiamento che avrebbe comportato in ogni caso una rottura degli schemi tradizionali del coro ciclico.*

Esemplificativi di tale tendenza sono due frammenti tramandati da Ateneo come testimonianza del dissidio tra strumenti a corde e strumenti a fiato che intervenne ad Atene nel corso del v secolo. Si tratta del Marsia di Melanippide (PMG 758) e dell’Argo di Teleste (PMG 805), nei quali è possibile forse individuare alcuni

indizi performativi.* * Per l'elemento della ‘circolarità’ che caratterizza il coro ditirambico, cft. ARMAND

D^ANcoun,

How the Dithyramb got its Shape, «CQ», LXVII, 1997, pp.

331-351. Lo studioso delinea l'evoluzione del ditirambo da canto processionale a coro ciclico, che nel corso del v sec. a.C. è pienamente affermato. Il passaggio sarebbe dovuto a Laso di Ermione (non ad Arione, come indica parte della tradizione) con il quale ha inizio il processo di spettacolarizzazione del ditirambo come evento ‘teatrale’ organizzato in agoni. Come nota Eric CsApo, The dolphins of Dionysus, in Poetry, theory, praxis. The social life of myth, word and

image in ancient Greece. Essays in bonour of William 7. Slater, edited by Margaret Christina Miller, Eric Csapo, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2003, pp. 8889, il carattere processionale che caratterizza il ditirambo delle origini non è in contrasto con l’idea della ‘circolarità’ come elemento dionisiaco archetipico. Anche nel corso delle processioni erano infatti eseguiti in ogni caso danze circolari attorno agli altari. * Relativamente al genere dei componimenti, è bene ricordare che sia Teleste sia Melanippide sono presentati prevalentemente come compositori di ditirambi. Per Melanippide, cfr. in particolare la testimonianza di Suda » 454 Adler, 5.0. Μελανιππίδης [...] ὅς ἐν τῇ τῶν διϑυράμβων μελοποιΐᾳ ἐκαινοτόμησε πλεῖστα. Per Teleste preziosa é la testimonianza di Diodoro Siculo (14, 16, 6) che cita il poeta come uno dei più illustri ditirambografi della sua epoca, accanto a poeti quali Filosseno, Cinesia e Timoteo. Il riferimento del lessico Suda (τ 265 Adler, s.v. Τελέστης) a Teleste come poeta comico (e la conseguente qualifica dell’ Argo come δρᾶμα) è da considerarsi un errore, determinato dalla confusione fra Teleste di Selinunte e l'omonimo poeta comico di Atene (cfr. a riguardo TimorHy Horpern, The Cyclops of Philoxenus, «CQ», XLIX, 2, 1999, p. 455). Per un inquadramento della vita e dell'opera di Teleste, cfr. FRANCESCA BERLINZANI, Teleste di Selinunte il ditirambografo, « Aristonothos», 11, 2008, pp. 109-126.

AULÓS

E

‘NUOVA?

DANZA

211

Prendiamo dapprima in considerazione il frammento di Teleste, di cui si riporta il testo cosi come compare nell'edizione di D. L. Page. (a) Τὸν σοφὸν σοφὰν λαβοῦσαν οὐκ ἐπέλπομαι νόωι δρυμοῖς ὀρείοις ὄργανον δίαν ᾿Αϑάναν δυσόφϑαλμον αἶσχος ἐκφοβηϑεῖσαν αὖϑις χερῶν ἐχβαλεῖν

νυμφαγενεῖ χειροκτύπωι φηρὶ Μαρσύαι “Agog: τί γάρ νιν εὐηράτοιο κάλλεος ὀξὺς ἔρως ἔτειρεν, ἂν παρϑενίαν ἄγαμον καὶ ἄπαιδ᾽ ἀπένειμε KAo90; (b) ἀλλὰ μάταν ἀχόρευτος ἅδε ματαιολόγων φάμα προσέπταϑ᾽ Ἑλλάδα μουσοπόλων σοφᾶς ἐπίφϑονον

4

2

βροτοῖς τέχνας ὄνειδος.

(ὦ ἂν συνεριϑοτάταν Βρομίωι παρέδωκε σεμνᾶς δαίμονος ἀερόεν πνεῦμ᾽ αἰολοπτέρυγον σὺν ἀγλαᾶν ὠχύτατι χειρῶν.

2

(a) 1-3 δίαν om. E 1 ὃν suspectum (2v coni. Schweigh., ἣν Stephanus): αὐλόν interpr. edd., vereor ut recte; fort. τὰν, mox σοφὰν σοφὸν (transp. Wilam.) 2 óptow; A, corr. Musurus 3 «99i; om. E éx yep. Bad. AE, transp. Wilam. 4 χοροιτύπωι coni. Wielandii censor lenensis (1798) denuoque Jacobs, χοροχτύπωι Meineke 5-6 vv. divisio incertissima — 5 οὐ yao E κάλλους E ἤγειρεν E sec. Peppink 6 & Schweighaeuser (ἄι γὰρ) denuoque Dobree (& περ): αιἰγὰρ A; v. om. È ἀγανὸν A, corr. Casaubon (E) 1 ἀναχορευτος AE, corr. Grotenfend 2 — πόλου E (6) 1 λέγει: dv Kaibel (λέγει τὰν iam Musurus): λεγεγαν A; 1-3 om. E συμεριὃ- A, corr. Hecker 2 &epóev Bergk: &ep9£v A atodo- ut vid. — πτερύγων A, corr. Hartung

Come

è noto, x

stando

ad Ateneo

616e-617f), il componimento

che ci trasmette

il passo

(14,

sarebbe un ditirambo composto in

risposta polemica al Marsia di Melanippide.' Quest'ultimo avreb* Cfr. tuttavia PAuLINE LEVEN, New Music and its Myths: Atheneus’ reading of the aulos revolution (Deipnosophistae 14, 6166-617f), «JHS», CXXX, 2010, pp. 3547. La studiosa dimostra in maniera convincente che la presentazione della pratica strumentale auletica della seconda metà del v sec. a.C., compiuta da Ateneo riportando i frammenti in questione come testimonianza dell’avvenuta supremazia della musica sul canto e del dibattito allora esistente su tale cambiamento musicale, è in realtà frutto di un montaggio letterario derivato dalle argomentazioni dell’ottavo libro della Politica di Aristotele. Appaiono tuttavia innegabili le forti convergenze esistenti tra i due frammenti sia a livello lessicale (cfr. iufra) sia a livello tematico. Nonostante la contestualizzazione storica

212

NADIA

BALTIERI

be denigrato lo strumento dell'aulo affermando che fu gettato da Atena per paura che le si sarebbe deformato il volto suonandolo.' Lo strumento sarebbe stato raccolto da Marsia, divenendo per lui motivo di gloria (cfr. 805a4 xAéoc). Teleste invece, rivendicando le virtà dello strumento e della musica auletica, sosteneva che il racconto del rifiuto dello strumento da parte della dea fosse una φάμα fatta divulgare per l’Ellade da poeti vaniloquenti (cfr. 805b12 ματαιολόγων [...] / uovconzóXov). Atena, dea della sapienza (cfr. 805a1 copay), si sarebbe infatti disfatta dell’aulo solo per donarlo a Bromio, il dio cui compete (cfr. 805c1 συνεριϑοτάταν Bpouiw

παρέδωκε). Teleste rifiuta dunque la versione del mito secondo il quale Atena si sarebbe voluta disfare dell'as/ós perché la rendeva brutta.* Della dea Atena è del resto sovente sottolineato anche altrove il

disinteresse per l'amore e in generale per il matrimonio, alla base dell'origine di una serie di miti connessi con la sua estraneità ad ogni pulsione erotica. Il motivo compare ad esempio nelle Troiane di Euripide (vv. 978-981) nelle parole di Ecuba, la quale, rivolgendosi a Elena, ricorda che la dea non ha mai provato desiderio per alcun uomo. Come è noto, Atena è inoltre qualificata mediante

l’epiteto Ilxodévoc,i impiegato anche dallo stesso Teleste insieme ad attributi quali ἄγαμος e ἄπαιδος (cfr. 8056). Per Teleste, il rifiuto dell'az/ós da parte della dea non può dunque essere motivato che l’autore dei Deipnosofisti fornisce di questi testi lirici sia frutto di invenzione, è inoltre necessario considerare che si tratta in ogni caso di composizioni elaborate nella seconda metà del v sec. a.C. da esponenti della cosiddetta ‘Nuova Musica’. Non è quindi irragionevole pensare che i caratteri stilistici e le modalità performative di questi frammenti siano da riconnettere a questo fenomeno. * Cfr. Melanipp. PMG 758 (ap. Ath. 14, 6166) & μὲν ᾿Αϑάνα / τὥργαν᾽ ἔρριψέν 9° ἱερᾶς ἀπὸ χειρὸς / cimé v'* ἔρρετ᾽ αἴσχεα, σώματι λύμα / Φἐμὲ δ᾽ &vorp κακότατι δίδωμι. * Cfr. anche Plu., Mor., de cobib. ira. 6, 456b8-10 ϑεασαμένην δὲ τοῦ προσώπου τὴν ὄψιν ἐν ποταμῷ τινι δυσχερᾶναι καὶ προέσϑαι τοὺς αὐλούς * καίτοι παραμυϑίαν ἡ τέχνη τῆς ἀμορφίας ἔχει τὴν ἐμμέλειαν ; Apollod. 1, 4, 2 ἀπέκτεινε δὲ ᾿Απόλλων καὶ τὸν Ὀλύμπου παῖδα Μαρσύαν. Οὗτος γὰρ εὑρῶν αὐλούς, οὗς ἔρριψεν ᾿Αϑηνᾷ διὰ τὸ τὴν ὄψιν αὐτῆς ποιεῖν ἄμορφον κτλ. con il commento di Paolo Scarpi, Apo/lodoro. I miti greci, a cura di Paolo Scarpi, traduzione di Maria Grazia Ciani, Milano, Mondadori, «Fondazione Lorenzo Valla», 1996, p. 440 per una lista degli autori che fanno riferimento al mito. 3 Cfr. Paus., 1, 24, 5-7; 5, 11, 10; 10, 34, 8; Plin., Na, 36, 4, 18; Plu., Per., 31, 2-4.

AULÓS

E ‘NUOVA?

DANZA

213

dal presunto interesse di Atena per il suo aspetto. Il rigetto dello strumento messo in scena da Melanippide è solitamente spiegato nell’ambito del discorso aristocratico che intervenne ad Atene a

partire dalla seconda metà del v sec. a.C. in relazione alla negazione di un valore educativo per la musica auletica.' Appare significativo, a riguardo, che Aristotele in un passo della Politica (1341b2-8),

in riferimento agli strumenti musicali che richiedono un’abilità professionale di tipo manuale (πάντα τὰ δεόμενα χειρουργικῆς ἐπιστήμης), a suo avviso da escludere nell’ambito dell’educazione dei fanciulli, faccia riferimento al rifiuto da parte di Atena delV’aulds. Lo Stagirita dichiara esplicitamente che la motivazione non deve essere ricercata nella bruttezza che lo strumento procura quando viene suonato, ma piuttosto nel fatto che lo studio dell'arte auletica non sortisce alcun effetto sull'intelligenza. L'au/ós, nota ulteriormente Aristotele (1341a21), non ha infatti valore paideutico

bensi ha funzione purificatrice, dato il suo effetto sostanzialmente orgiastico che induce alla follia, ed è dunque da riconnettere ai rituali dionisiaci.* La tradizione greca, infatti, conferendo un'origine frigia o co-

munque

orientale all'az/ós, attribuisce allo strumento la capacità

* Per una storia dell’attitudine nei confronti dell'au/és e del rigetto da parte delle élites aristocratiche, cfr. almeno JAMES McKinnmon, The rejection of the aulos, in Music and Civilization. Essays in Honor of Paul Henry Lang, edited by Edmond Strainchamps, Maria Rika Maniates, New York, Norton, 1984, DD. 203-214; PETER WiLson, The aulos in Athens, in Performance Culture and Athenian Democracy, edited by Simon Goldhill, Robert Osborne, Cambridge,

Cambridge University Press, 1999, pp. 63-68; IDEM, The sound of cultural conflict: Kritias and the culture of mousike in Athens, in The Cultures within Ancient Greek Culture. Contact, Conflict, Collaboration, edited by Carol Dougherty, Leslie Kurke, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. 181-206; RoBERT MARTIN, The Pipes Are Brawling. Conceptualizing Musical Performance in Athens, in The Cultures within Ancient Greek Culture, cit., pp. 160-161; Eric Csapo, The politics

of the New Music, in Music and the Muses. The Culture of Mousike in the Classical Athenian City, edited by Penelope Murray, Peter Wilson, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2004, pp. 216-229; FEDERICA CorDANO, La musica e la politica, ovvero gli «auloi» ad Atene, in Sviluppi recenti nell’antichistica, a cara di Violetta de Angelis, Milano, Cisalpino-Istituto Editoriale Universitario, 2004 (« Quaderni di Acme», 68), pp. 309-325; Lurci BatTEZZATO, The new music of the Trojan Women, «Lexis», XXIII, 2005, pp. 99-100. * Per un'indagine sugli effetti del suono dell’aulo sull’animo umano, cfr. ANTONIETTA PROVENZA, Tra incantamento e phobos. Alcuni esempi sugli effetti dell'aulos nei dialoghi di Platone e nella catarsi tragica, « Philomusica On-line», vir, 2, 2008, pp. 140-151.

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di turbare ed eccitare gli animi, facendo si che l'apprendimento dell'arte auletica sia considerato inadatto ad un uomo libero in quanto privo di ogni valenza educativa. Ne consegue la contrapposizione tra l'au/ós, di origine straniera, e la /yra che viene presentata come elemento autoctono. Non appare tuttavia ragionevole pensare che Melanippide, uno dei più illustri esponenti della Nuova Musica, abbia potuto raccontare nel suo Marsa la relazione tra Atena e l'aulo, strumento rappresentativo della nuova corrente musicale, per inquadrare il rigetto della dea nell'ambito dell'ideologia aristocratica secondo la quale lo strumento è privo di valori educativi. Appare invece piü plausibile che l'oggetto

del racconto del componimento, vale a dire l’agone musicale tra Apollo, suonatore di /yra, e Marsia, suonatore di aulo, costituisse un pretesto per l’esecuzione sulla scena dei rispettivi strumenti, offrendo l'occasione di mostrare il virtuosismo di entrambi.' Non dovrà essere dimenticato, del resto, il ruolo di innovatore rivestito da Melanippide nell’ambito della citarodia, considerando che, come ci testimonia il poeta comico Ferecrate (fr. 155 K.-A.), egli avrebbe reso più languida la musica ‘con dodici corde’, alludendo

probabilmente all’articolazione della musica in microtoni ottenuta attraverso l'aggiunta di più corde. La racconta in merito al rifiuto da parte di che in seguito sarebbe stato raccolto da Teleste è invece una falsa diceria che si è

storia Atena Marsia diffusa

che Melanippide dello strumento, (PMG 758), per nell’Ellade, come

è ricordato al v. 2 del fr. 805b (προσέπταϑ᾽ Ελλάδα): dobbiamo quindi pensare che, prima di divulgarsi in tutta la Grecia, si fosse originata in ambiente non greco, ad esempio in Frigia, considerata l'origine di Marsia* e dell’au/és. In base a fonti greche non attiche, * Cfr. ARMAND D’AnGour, The New Music-so what’s new?, in Rethinking Revolutions through ancient Greece, edited by Simon Goldhill, Robin Osborne, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2006, pp. 264-283. Si veda inoltre JAMES BoARDMAN, Some Altic Fragments: Pot, Plaque and Dithyramb, «JHS», UXXVI, 1956, pp. 18-25. Secondo lo studioso, il ditirambo di Melanippide avrebbe rappresentato Marsia che, sconfitto, avrebbe iniziato a suonare lo strumento dell’avversario, vale a dire la /yra, come confermano alcune testimonianze epigrafiche. * Cfr. a riguardo anche PETER WiLson, The aulos iz Athens, in Performance Culture and Abenian Democracy, cit., p. 68: «The second fragment explains that the traditional (now rejected) version was an import to Greece [...]. This was not the idle talk by neighbours, but *it flew to Hellas", evidently from outside it». Per la connessione di Marsia con la Frigia, cfr. Hdt., 7, 26 (il primo autore

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infatti, Atena è descritta come l'inventrice dell'arte auletica. Nella x11 Pitica di Pindaro (in particolare ai vv. 12-24), ad esempio, ad Atena non solo non è connesso il rifiuto dello strumento, ma è anche attribuita l'invenzione del nomos policefalo, da eseguirsi con lo strumento a fiato per imitare le grida della Gorgone uccisa da Perseo. «Nell'assegnare ad Atena il ruolo di πρῶτος εὑρετῆς della

tecnica auletica e del nomos policefalo, Pindaro potrebbe riferirsi a una tradizione locale beotica che riconosceva nella dea la maestra

di Apollo nell’arte dell’adAetv».' Ciò è deducibile da una testimonianza della poetessa Corinna ([Plu.], Mor., De mus. 14, 1136b = PMG 668) in base alla quale Apollo avrebbe imparato quest'arte dalla dea, che deve dunque essere considerata come colei che ha inventato lo strumento. Teleste, facendo dunque riferimento a questa tradizione beotica,^ potrebbe aver accolto la versione che

assegna l’invenzione dello strumento ad Atena. Significativo a riguardo è del resto lo stesso titolo del componimento, ovvero Argo, che risulterebbe strettamente connesso con il tema dell’in-

novazione tecnologica qualora nel componimento fosse ricordata l’invenzione della nave Argo.’ Non appare tuttavia totalmente da a narrare il mito della gara di Apollo e Marsia in occasione della descrizione dei territori frigi occupati dai Persiani) e X., Az., 1, 2, 8. * Bruno GENTILI, Le Pitiche, introduzione, testo critico e traduzione di Bruno Gentili, commento a cura di Paola Angeli Bernardini, Ettore Cingano, Bruno Gentili e Pietro Giannini, Milano, Mondadori, «Fondazione Lorenzo Valla», 1995, p. 310. * In questa regione l'aulo era molto diffuso e godeva di grande popolarità. Cfr. PauL RoescH, L’aulos et les aulites en Béotie, in Boiotika. Vortrdge vom y.

Internationalen Biotien-Kolloquium zu Ehren von Prof. Dr. Siegfried Lauffer. Institut fur Alte Geschichte Ludwig-Maximilians- Universitat Munchen, 13-17 Juni 1986, herausgegeben von Hartmut Beister, John Buckler, München, Editio Maris, 1989 («Münchener Arbeiten zur Alten Geschichte», 2), pp. 203-214. Per l'impiego delle canne provenienti dalla palude Copaide per la costruzione di au/vi, cfr. Donato Loscarzo, Pindaro e la canna auletica della palude Copaide, «QUCC», n. s. XXXIII, 1989, pp. 17-24. Appare del resto significativo ricordare che fu proprio da Tebe che provenivano alcuni auleti influenti nell'ambito della Nuova Musica, come ad esempio Pronomo, il primo che suonó tutte le armonie con un unico strumento (cfr. Paus., 9, 12, 5) e il tebano Diodoro che, secondo Polluce (4, 80), avrebbe rinnovato l'aulo rendendolo πολύτρητον (letteralmente ‘dai molti fori). Appare interessante constatare che il motivo del rifiuto dell’aulés da parte della dea maturato in Attica in ambiente aristocratico può anche trovare spiegazione in riferimento alle ostilità contro la Beozia. Cfr. a riguardo DANIELA CastaLpo, // Pantheon musicale. Iconografia nella ceramica attica tra vr e Iv secolo, Ravenna, Longo, 2000, p. 58. 3 Cfr. PauLINE LEVEN, The Many-Headed Muse. Tradition and Innovation in

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escludere che il componimento prevedesse il racconto di un mito connesso sia con il tema dell'invenzione di uno strumento, in questo caso da parte di Atena, sia con il potere della musica, come ad esempio la storia del mostro Argo. Il mito è infatti legato alla vicenda di Zeus ed Io che, trasformata in giovenca, fu posta sotto la custodia del mostro πανόπτης, ‘che tutto vede’. Zeus diede dunque l’incarico di liberare la ragazza a Hermes il quale riuscì ad uccidere Argo dopo averlo addormentato mediante la musica di uno strumento a fiato, vale a dire la syrizx.? Non è naturalmente possibile individuare con assoluta certezza, solo sulla base di un titolo, quale fosse il tema oggetto del canto. Qualora Teleste avesse raccontato nel suo ditirambo le vicende connesse con il mostruoso

guardiano di Io, la scelta sarebbe tuttavia estremamente significativa per una duplice ragione. In primo luogo risulterebbe considerevole il fatto per cui, come nel Marsa di Melanippide dove è portato sulla scena Apollo citaredo, anche nell’Argo di Teleste

sarebbe presente una figura mitica che ha un legame esplicito con l’uso di uno

strumento

a corde, vale a dire Hermes, l'inventore

della /yra stando al racconto dell’/nno omerico a Hermes.? Il rapporto Late Classical Greek Lyric Poetry, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2014, p. 111. La studiosa evidenzia inoltre la connessione del mito dell’invenzione dell’aulo con quello dell'invenzione della lira, raccontato nello pseudo-omerico Inno a Hermes, notando in entrambi i testi la sottolineatura che si tratta di una σοφὰ τέχνα. Per la possibile importanza di Hermes nel frammento di Teleste, cfr. infra. Significativa è l’esistenza di un dramma eschileo, probabilmente satiresco, intitolato Argo (cfr. 7rGF 111 F 20). Qualora l'invenzione della nave Argo e le imprese degli argonauti costituissero l'argomento anche del canto di Teleste, appare interessante constatare che tra gli eroi che parteciparono all’impresa è menzionato anche Orfeo, il mitico cantore trace che con la cetra era in grado di ammansire le fiere (cfr. A. R., 1, 23-34; cfr. inoltre 1, 569-579 dove il potere incantatore della musica della cetra è paragonato a quello della syrinx). * Così il mostro è chiamato in A., Supp., 304; E., Pb., 1115 e Ar., Fc, 8o. In Polluce (4, 141) il mostro è invece qualificato mediante l’aggettivo πολυόφϑαλμος. Cfr. inoltre [A.], Pr., 568 μυριωπόν, 677-678 πυκνοῖς / ὄσσοις. 2 Cfr. B., 19, 35-36 M. Cfr. anche [A.], Pr., 574-575 ὑπὸ δὲ κηρόπλαστος ὀτοβεῖ δόναξ / ἀχέτας ὑπνοδόταν νόμον. INel passo eschileo Io rievoca la scena durante la quale fu sottratta alla custodia del mostruoso guardiano Argo grazie al suono dello strumento a fiato. Per la vicenda di Io e Argo, cfr. inoltre A., Supp., 299-307 € 566-573. Sulla vicenda dell’uccisione del guardiano Argo dopo essere stato addormentato dalla musica di Hermes, cfr. anche Ov., Met., 1, 682-688, 713-721; Val. Fl, 4, 381-390. 3 Si considerino tuttavia i vv. 511-512 dell'inno, dove è ricordata l'invenzione da parte del dio anche della syrinx, solitamente suonata dal figlio Pan. Cfr. il commento ad loc. di ATHANASSIOS VERGADOS, The Homeric Hymn to Hermes.

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tra strumenti a corda e strumenti a fiato poteva dunque rivestire un ruolo significativo anche nel componimento di Teleste, per quanto non ci sia possibile stabilirne la portata né le modalità di esecuzione. In secondo luogo, la storia di Io e del suo guardia-

no Argo è un racconto che ben si adatta a un componimento di un genere letterario connesso con il culto di Dioniso, come ad

esempio un ditirambo. È noto, infatti, che il mito della figlia di Inaco è raccontato nel ditirambo 19, 15-36 M. di Bacchilide dove è inserito nell'ambito di una genealogia di Dioniso che fa di Io

una progenitrice della stirpe da cui discese anche Cadmo, padre di Semele e quindi nonno del dio Dioniso. Fonte del mito è anche l’Inaco, dramma satiresco di Sofocle dove, in 7rGF 1v F 269c, sembra essere descritta la scena dell’addormentamento del mostro per mezzo della musica della syrinx. Appare ragionevole pensare che la musica dell’aulo rivesta in ogni caso un ruolo estremamente

significativo in questo dramma satiresco di Sofocle. In uno scolio ad |A.], Pr., 574 è affermato che nel dramma «Sofocle porta Argo

sulla scena a cantare»! e H. Lloyd-Jones’ suggerisce che il dramma prevedesse una competizione musicale tra il canto di Argo e la musica di Hermes, che secondo il mito avrebbe suonato la syrinx addormentando il mostro. Nel già menzionato frammento 77GF IV F 269c, sembrano infatti essere presenti riferimenti al suonare da parte del dio. Al v. 7, qualcuno afferma di sentire la musica della syrinx e al v. 21 il dio è identificato con i rumori (ψοφήματα)

che produce. Non è da escludere che l’attore che impersonava il ruolo di Hermes suonasse realmente la syrinx sulla scena ma è forse

più probabile che in realtà imitasse solamente l’attività del suonare e che la musica dello strumento fosse resa mimeticamente attraverso l’aulo, che, impiegato nel dramma satiresco, è lo strumento

mimetico per eccellenza.? Introduction, Text and Commentary, Berlin-Boston, de Gruyter, 2013, p. 551: «its creation here functions as a reminder to Apollo (and the audiance) that Hermes’ nature has not changed: he is still capable of new inventions». Sull’invenzione dello strumento da parte del dio, cfr. anche Apollod., 3, 10, 2. ' Cfr. sch., [A.], Pr., 574a (p. 161 Herington): Σοφοκλῆς ἐν Ἰνάχῳ καὶ ἄδοντα αὐτὸν εἰσάγει. ^ HucH LLoyp-Jones, δοῤῥοοίος, Fragments, Cambridge (Mass.), Harvard University Press, 20037, pp. 115-116. 5 Cfr. TimotHy Power, Sophocles and music, in Brill's Companion to Sophocles, edited by Andreas Markantonatos, Leiden, Brill, 2012, pp. 283-304: 297.

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Le pitture vascolari testimoniano inoltre l’uso da parte di Hermes dello strumento a fiato in contesti legati più o meno esplicitamente al tiaso dionisiaco,' presentando il dio tra satiri mentre dà ritmo alla loro danza. Non appare del resto casuale che il frammento di Teleste, nono-

stante ribadisca la noncuranza da parte di Atena per il suo aspetto in quanto non interessata all'amore e al matrimonio, presenti un'accumulazione di immagini erotiche, come nota P. LeVen,’ quali i boschi montani al v. 805a, 1 (luogo prediletto per la caccia

amorosa di ninfe e di altre creature femminili), la qualifica di Marsia come colui che é «nato da ninfa» (805a, 4) e la menzione del «desiderio pungente d'amabile bellezza» (805a, 5). Tali immagini legate al desiderio amoroso, attribuiscono all'aulo una forte connotazione sessuale, inquadrando l’«ingegnoso strumento» (σοφὸν [...] ὄργανον) nell’ambito delloscenità, in sintonia con la licenziosità propria di un satiro appartenente al corteggio bacchico.? La connessione dell'az/ós con Dioniso è del resto sottolineata dallo stesso Teleste, quando viene fatto riferimento ad Atena che avreb* DANIELA CasrALDO, 7/ Pantheon musicale, cit., pp. 63-65. 2 PAULINE LEVEN, The Many-Headed Muse, cit., p. 108. 3 Si veda anche nel cosiddetto iporchema di Pratina (7rGF 4 F 3 = PMG 708), da alcuni ritenuto un dramma satiresco, la possibile interpretazione oscena dell’aulo come fallo, in sintonia con la licenziosità propria dei satiri che, insieme alle Naiadi, fanno parte del tiaso dionisiaco. Su tale interpretazione, cfr. almeno RoBerRT SEAFORD, The ‘Hyporchema’ of Pratinas, «Maia», XXIX-KXXx, 1977-1978, pp. 81-94: 84-85 che, sulla scia di HEATHCOTE WILLIAM GARROD, The Hyporcheme of Pratinas, «CR», XXXIV, 1920, pp. 129-136: 135, scorge in δέμας (v. 14) un’allusione al membro virile. Per una delincazione sintetica dell’argomento, cfr. ora CARL Suaw, Satyric Play. The Evolution of Greek Comedy and Satyr Drama, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2014, p. 48. Per la presenza di immagini di tipo amoroso nell’ambito di frammenti della Nuova Musica, cfr. anche Melanipp. PMG 757 dove vengono descritte le Danaidi. Apparentemente sprezzanti di occupazioni tipicamente femminili al punto che, come degli uomini, prendono posto nei sedili dei carri e si danno alla caccia, al contempo dilettano il loro animo alla ricerca di incenso (v. 5), che è strettamente collegato al culto di Afrodite, definendo in modo particolare la sfera femminile dell’amore e della seduzione erotica. Si consideri inoltre anche la composizione ditirambica Ciclope o Galatea, attribuita a Filosseno di Citera, nella quale il mostro omerico subisce una trasformazione in senso erotico-sentimentale, come già nel dramma satiresco Ciclope di Euripide: a riguardo, cfr. GiusEPPE MasTROMARCO, La degradazione del mostro. La maschera del Ciclope nella commedia

e nel dramma satiresco del quinto secolo a.C., in Tessere. Frammenti della commedia greca: studi e commenti, a cura di Anna Maria Belardinelli, Olimpia Impero, Giuseppe Mastromarco, Matteo Pellegrino, Pietro Totaro, Bari, Adriatica, 1998, DD- 9-42: 42, nota 86.

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be fatto dono dell'arte auletica a Bromio. «If the composition was a dithyramb, this reference to Dionysus would only reemphasize

the ritual connection of the genre, in an archaizing return to the Dionysiac roots of the genre that recent criticism has made a hallmark of the New Music».'

La stretta relazione con Dioniso potrebbe essere stata resa esplicita anche attraverso la performance, come è evidente dall’analisi di alcuni indizi. A tal fine, appare significativo l’utilizzo di un termine composto per il quale è possibile individuare più di una valenza dal punto di vista semantico, vale a dire il termine χειρόκτυπος attestato in Teleste in PMG 805a, 4, in riferimento a Marsia. L'aggettivo propriamente vale ‘che batte le mani’. Appare però necessario precisare che il significato attivo del termine è in realtà de-

terminato proprio dal senso che potrebbe assumere in Teleste, che registra l’unica attestazione del vocabolo.* Il significato passivo di ‘colpito dalla mano’, indicato dal LS, s.v. χειρόκτυπος è infatti

* PauLINE LEVEN, The Many-Headed Muse, cit., p. 112. 2 Appare plausibile pensare che il termine assuma significato attivo se si presume l’esistenza della variante parossitona χειροκτύπος. Ad uno studio delle attestazioni dei composti in -xturoc, è infatti emerso che quando questo elemento assume il significato di ‘battere’, sia in senso proprio sia traslato, il composto con valore passivo è proparossitono, mentre i termini parossitoni assumono valore attivo. A titolo esemplificativo si considerino le voci χιονόκτυπος, che significa ‘battuto dalla neve’, e μυδροκτύπος, propriamente ‘che batte il ferro’ o ancora στερνοχτύπος (‘che si batte il petto’, ‘fatto battendosi il petto”). Se invece l'elemento -xtumeg è connesso con il valore di ‘risuonare’ (in percentuale maggiore), i composti sono proparossitoni e assumono valore attivo, come ad esempio δορίκτυπος (‘risonante di lance’) o, con significato più strettamente musicale, ἐπτάκτυπος (‘a sette suoni’, o ‘a sette corde’). Ci si chiede pertanto se sia plausibile pensare che esistessero due voci del termine in

questione, vale a dire sia χειρόκτυπος, che significherebbe ‘colpito dalla mano’ oppure ‘che risuona con la mano’, sia χειροκτύπος, con il valore di ‘che batte le mani’. Per i termini composti in -xvuroc non sono attestate altre occorrenze di doppioni semantici a partire dal medesimo termine variato solo per la posizione dell’accento. Sono tuttavia registrati casi analoghi per altri tipi di composti. Si considerino ad esempio le seguenti coppie: καρατόμος (‘che taglia la testa’) 7 καράτομος (‘decapitato’); λαιμοτόμος (‘che recide la gola") / Λαιμότομος (‘dalla gola recisa’); vavorrépos (‘che spinge la nave") / vavotzopoc (‘attraversato da

navi); λιϑοβόλος (‘che lancia pietre") / λιϑόβολος (‘colpito da pietre"). È forse plausibile supporre che anche per l'aggettivo χειρόκτυπος impiegato da Teleste esistesse la variante parossitona con valore attivo. L’uso in caso dativo non rende tuttavia possibile inferire dal testo a quale delle due forme, qualora di fatto esistessero, il poeta intendesse alludere. L'ambiguità dell'espressione appare in ogni caso garantita.

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difficilmente spiegabile nel contesto del frammento,

nonostante

in Pausania sia fatta menzione di una variante del mito in base alla quale Atena avrebbe percosso il satiro per aver raccolto lo strumento che lei aveva buttato.' Anche se Melanippide avesse

raccontato la punizione inferta da Atena a Marsia nel suo Marsa, non appare ragionevole pensare che Teleste, qualora si riferisse polemicamente al componimento del ditirambografo, abbia potuto fare allusione a questo particolare momento del mito ricorrendo solamente a un aggettivo. In ogni caso, l'epiteto sembra presen-

tare più di una valenza dal punto di vista semantico. Evidentemente, l'elemento —xtunog può infatti essere contemporaneamente

associato sia all’idea di ‘battere’, in senso proprio? o connesso alla danza, sia al significato di ‘risuonare’, anche con valore strettamente musicale.? In relazione alla danza, a titolo esemplificativo si consideri nei Persiani di Timoteo (PMG 791) il riferimento al battere dei piedi in agili passi ai vv. 199-200 (σύμμετροι δ᾽ ἐπε- / κτύπεον ποδῶν / ,ὑψικρότοις yopetatc).4 Oltre ai colpi al suolo dei * Cfr. Paus., 1, 24, 1 ἐνταῦϑα ᾿Αϑηνᾶ πεποίηται τὸν Σιληνὸν

Μαρσύαν

παίουσα,

ὅτι δὴ τοὺς αὐλοὺς ἀνέλοιτο, ἐρρῖφϑαι σφᾶς τῆς ϑεοῦ βουλομένης. Pausania fa qui riferimento al gruppo di Atena e Marsia di Mirone presente nell'acropoli di Atene. Cfr. il commento di Luigi Beschi, Domenico Musti, Pausania. Guida della Grecia. 1, L. Attica, introduzione, testo e traduzione a cura di Domenico Musti, commento a cura di Luigi Beschi, Domenico Musti, Milano, Mondadori, «Fondazione Lorenzo Valla», 1982, p. 349. Per le varie proposte di correzione di παίουσα, cfr. il commento di JAMES GEORGE FRAZER, Pausanias’s Description of Greece, translated with commentary by J. G. Frazer, 1, London, Macmillan and Co., 1913, p. 564. Il gruppo scultoreo di Mirone é menzionato anche in Plin., MH, 34, 57-58 fecit [...] satyrum admirantem tibias. Secondo alcuni studiosi, il gruppo scultoreo mironiano sarebbe stato composto proprio in onore del Marsia di Melanippide. Cfr. in particolare JOHN BoARDMAN, Some Aîtic fragments: plot, plaque and dithyramb, cit., ed. Ellen Van Keer, The myth of Marsyas in ancient Greek art: musical and mythological iconography, « Music in Art», XXIX, 1-2, 2004, pp. 24-25. 2 In riferimento ai termini composti in -xtvroc, cft. supra p. 219, nota 2. 3 Si tratta di un valore attestato prevalentemente in relazione agli strumenti a corda. Cfr. tuttavia B., fr. 22, 75 M. χαλκεᾶν δ᾽ οὐκ ἔστι σαλπίγγων κτύπος, lon 77GF 19 F 39 ἔκτυπον ἄγων βαρὺν αὐλὸν τρέχοντι ῥυϑμῷ. Si consideri inoltre anche i significati del sinonimo κρούω che in ambito musicale, indicando inizialmente il ‘battere’ le corde della lira con il plettro, passò successivamente a denotare il ‘suonare’ di qualsiasi strumento. Sul significato di κρούω e sul suo campo semantico, cfr. approfonditamente ELEONORA RocconI, Le parole delle Muse. La formazione del lessico tecnico musicale nella Grecia antica, Roma, Quasar, 2003 («Seminari romani di cultura greca. Quaderni», 5), pp. 32-52. 4 Cfr. il commento ad oc. di Tiworuv Horpern, The fragments of Timotheus of

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piedi, anche i battiti delle mani erano del resto un elemento molto importante nelle esecuzioni coreografiche. L'uso dei palmi come accompagnamento ritmico durante il ballo é infatti presente in molte raffigurazioni vascolari già a partire dalla fine dell’viri e l’inizio del vir sec. a.C. ed è anche descritto nelle fonti letterarie, come ad esempio in Od., 8, 377-380.' La cosiddetta chetronomia, ovvero il ritmico movimento di mani e braccia, rivestiva del resto un ruolo significativo in molti tipi di danze, rendendo più

espressivo il contenuto verbale del canto. Essa poteva del resto comportare anche gestualità scomposte, corteggio satiresco, se Senofonte (Szzp., antitesi a una danza ordinata. Per tornare al frammento di Teleste, che l’attributo χειρόκτυπος costituisca

che ben si addicono a un 2, 19) vi fa riferimento in alcuni? ritengono dunque un riferimento al suonare

della mano del satiro in maniera per così dire amatoriale, in contrapposizione alla professionalità della dea nell’arte auletica, che comportava l'agilità e la rapidità dei movimenti delle dita (fr. 805c, 3 σὺν ἀγλαᾶν ὠχκύτατι χειρῶν, «con la velocità delle sue gloriose mani»). Non sembra tuttavia che χειροκτύπῳ possa alludere alla

mano inesperta nel suonare lo strumento, se si considerano le notevoli capacità musicali attribuite al satiro dalla tradizione, capacità a cui lo stesso testo di Teleste sembra far riferimento facendo Miletus, edited with an introduction and commentary, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2002, p. 227 che rimanda al frammento di Teleste in questione. Per l'uso del verbo κτυπέω in relazione al movimento dei piedi a ritmo di musica, cfr. anche Luc., Sa/., 10, 11-12 κτυπῶν τῷ ποδὶ in riferimento al flautista che, seduto in mezzo ai danzatori, batte il piede per tenere tempo. In riferimento a passi di danza, cfr. invece Luc., Salf., 2, 10 ποδῶν κτύπῳ e 68, 7 ποδῶν κτύπον. In relazione al rumore dei passi del coro, cfr. ad es. E., Or., 137 μηδ᾽ ἔστω κτύπος con il commento ad Joc. di Charles Willink, Euripides, Orestes, with introduction and commentary by Charles W. Willink, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1986, p. 199: «κτύπος is percussive noise, here of feet»; cfr. anche, nella serie di imperativi rivolti al coro affinché non faccia rumore, Or., 140 μὴ χκτυπεῖτε. Similmente cfr. E., HF, 1047-1048 μὴ κτυπεῖτε, μὴ βοᾶτε. Al contrario, Dioniso in E., Ba., 61 con κτυπεῖτε istruisce il coro ad entrare rumorosamente; in relazione alla danza nuziale, cfr. ZA, 438 ποδῶν ἔστω κτύπος. Da questi esempi si evince dunque che il verbo κτυπέω e il sostantivo κτύπος appaiono impiegati in relazione al rumore prodotto durante la danza. * Cfr. MARTIN West, Ancient Greek Music, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1984, D. 123. 2 Cfr. Poll., 2, 153 χειρονομῆσαι δὲ τὸ ταῖν χεροῖν ἐν ῥυθμῷ κινηθῆναι. 5 Enrico Livre, Telestesfr. doy (= 1). C. 2 Page, «RhM», cxvir, 1975, pp. 189-190.

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menzione del suo κλέος (fr. 805a, 4). Secondo Comotti,' appare più

probabile che il composto qualifichi Marsia nell'atto di battere le mani in segno di gioia per il regalo ricevuto dalla dea. Ai fini del senso da attribuire al composto, è però necessario considerare che

l’aggettivo potrebbe connotare Marsia sia in relazione al particolare momento descritto nel frammento, vale a dire in connessione con la reazione conseguente al presunto rigetto dell’au/ds da parte

della dea Atena, sia in riferimento alle caratteristiche proprie di Marsia in quanto satiro. In quest'ultimo caso l'aggettivo assume-

rebbe dunque il valore di epiteto esornativo, come lascerebbe del resto presumere la vicinanza con il composto νυμφαγενεῖ (fr. 805a, 4). In base a tali considerazioni, è possibile individuare tre spiegazioni. In primo luogo l'epiteto potrebbe essere impiegato per qualificare il satiro come colui «che fa risuonare nelle sue mani» l'az/ór della dea, anche se risulta improbabile un'allusione al suonare in

maniera amatoriale del satiro per le motivazioni già menzionate. Il riferimento al v. 3 del fr. 8o5c alla velocità del movimento delle mani potrebbe non costituire, del resto, un’allusione alla velocità delle dita propria di un suonatore professionista ma far riferimento piuttosto al modo rapido con il quale la dea, dopo aver inventato lo strumento musicale, avrebbe fatto dono dell’aulo e dell’arte

auletica al dio Dioniso.? A confermare tale interpretazione pare del resto l’uso dell'avverbio αὖθις al v. 3 del fr. 805a e in generale i reiterati riferimenti alle mani della dea quando è descritto il gesto del rigetto dello strumento (cfr. fr. 805a, 3 χερῶν ἐκβαλεῖν e anche Melanipp., fr. 758, 1 ἱερᾶς ἀπὸ χειρός). In secondo luogo l'aggetti-

vo χειρόκτυπος potrebbe qualificare Marsia come colui che ‘batte con le mani’, per una duplice ragione, vale a dire sia perché in quel momento è entusiasta per aver trovato l'au/ós^ sia perché, in * GIovaNNI

ΟΟΜΟΤΊΙ, Azena e gli auloi in un ditirambo di Teleste,

«QUCC», v,

1980, PP. 47-54.

2 Per la presentazione dei satiri come figli delle Ninfe, cfr. S., Zcbs., TrGF F 314, 41 νυμφογεννήτ e S., TrGF F 1130, 7 παῖδες δὲ νυμφῶν. Cfr. a riguardo REBECCA LAMMLE, Poetik des Satyrspiels, Heidelberg, Universititsverlag Winter Heidelberg, 2013, p. 168, nota 50. La studiosa rimanda anche a X., Smp., 5, 71...] ὅτι καὶ Natdec ϑεοὶ τοὺς Σειληνοὺς [...] τίκτουσιν [...]; Theopomp. Hist., FGrH 2b, 115 F 75c, 3 via Acl., V.H, 3, 18 νύμφης δὲ παῖς 6 ΣΙ|ε]ιληνὸς. 5 Per il medesimo costrutto per indicare la modalità dell'azione, cfr. Pi., N., 10, 48 σὺν ποδῶν χειρῶν τε νικᾶσαι σϑένει.

4 Appare tuttavia significativo ricordare che il battito delle mani, spesso sul

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quanto satiro, € trascinato dal ritmo della musica a un gran baccano, caratteristica propria del suo essere dionisiaco. Il battere delle mani da parte di Marsia potrebbe dunque rientrare nell'ambito

di una delle prerogative peculiari di un satiro, ovvero la danza. A riguardo sono da considerare le proposte di correzione del testo, vale a dire χοροκτύπῳ, in base alla congettura di Meineke, o χοροιτύπῳ che, denota colui ‘che batte forte il piede nella danza’. Forse non casualmente l'epiteto χοροιτύπος si trova impiegato da Pindaro nel fr. 156 Sn.-M., in relazione a Sileno che, come il satiro Marsia, appartiene al corteggio di Dioniso.' Il testo tràdito non è però da emendare qualora si consideri lo κτύπος χειρῶν di Marsia qui descritto come un riferimento alle movenze di braccia e mani eseguite durante la danza. Non appare infatti improbabile che du-

rante la performance ditirambica di Teleste un esecutore solista eseguisse dei movimenti di braccia e di mani che potevano ricordare la gestualità coreografica propria di un satiro qual é Marsia, vale a dire la sikinnis, tipica del coro del dramma satiresco ma assimilata nelle fonti alla ¢yrbasia ditirambica, dal momento che entrambe le danze erano estremamente vigorose e prive di controllo.* I movicapo o sul suolo, appare sovente menzionato in contesti luttuosi come segno di dolore. Come sostiene Jim Fitton, Greek Dance, «CQ», XXIII, 1973, pp. 254-274: 273, «Vase-paintings give evidence of clapping, stamping, and the rhythmical use of hands in the dirge». In ambito letterario, cfr. E., Al., 87; Andr., 1211; Ph., 1351; Tr., 1306. Cfr. anche E., Supp., 72-75. Per il battere con le mani al suolo, per evocare gli dei inferi o i morti, cfr. anche ὁ. Hom. Ap. 3,

332-340; Z., 9, 568 ed E., £/., 678. L'idea che si balli per la contentezza è tuttavia attestato nelle fonti. Cfr. Ar., P/., 288-289 βούλομαι χορεῦσαι / ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς: Ar., Pax, 324-325 ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς / οὐκ ἐμοῦ κινοῦντος αὐτὼ τὼ σκέλει χορεύετον. Si veda anche Phryn., fr. 9 K.-A. ἁνὴρ χορεύει καὶ τὰ τοῦ ϑεοῦ καλά. / βούλει Διοπείϑη μεταδράμω καὶ τύμπανα; Hdt., 1, 191 χορεύειν τε τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον καὶ ἐν εὐπαϑείῃσι εἶναι. Risulta comunque per lo meno singolare che qui Marsia batta le mani in segno di gioia consapevole. Appare forse più probabile che l'entusiasmo manifestato da Marsia per la musica dell'au/ós sia spiegabile come una reazione istintiva e quasi animalesca che caratterizza i satiri quando si trovano di fronte a una nuova invenzione. * Cfr. tuttavia anche //., 24, 261 χοροιτυπίῃσιν ἄριστοι. Similmente, cfr. Od., 8, 264 πέπληγον χορὸν ποσίν. 2 Sulla tendenza all'assimilazione della tyrbasia e della sikinnis, cfr. MARK GRIFFITH, Satyr-play, Ditbyramb and the Geopolitics of Dionysian Style in Fifth-Century Athens, in Ditbyramb in Context, edited by Barbara Kowalzig, Peter Wilson, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2013, pp. 257-281: 269. Lo studioso ricorda che Ateneo (14, 618c) testimonia l’esistenza di una melodia per 44/45 denominata σικιννοτύρβη e che nelle raffigurazioni attiche i satiri vengono chiamati “Tyrbas’ e ‘Dithyramphos’ (ARV? 698, 56; ARV? 835, fig. 14.3).

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menti delle braccia e delle mani costituivano infatti un elemento

fondamentale nella coreografia satiresca ed erano previsti in vari schemata, come vediamo anche nelle raffigurazioni di Satiri danzanti del tardo v sec., ad esempio nel famoso vaso di Pronomo. Si ricordi, ad esempio, lo σκοπός (la mano a solecchio), la χεὶρ σιμή

(la mano con il polso piegato all'infuori) e probabilmente anche lo schema denominato χεὶρ καταπρηνής, vale a dire con il palmo della mano rivolto a terra.' Movenze scomposte e rumorose facevano del resto parte del comportamento abituale dei satiri e in generale di creature del corteggio dionisiaco, che vengono descritte nelle

fonti mentre colpiscono il suolo con il tirso o battono la terra con salti e calci. L'entrata in scena dei satiri sulla scena era descritta,

ad esempio, come indisciplinata e chiassosa nel Cic/ope di Euripide (cfr. E., Cyc., 36 κρότος σικινίδων) e Polifemo definisce tali creature come esseri ‘indigesti’ per il suo stomaco a causa della vivacità che li caratterizza (cfr. Cye., 220-221). Similmente, il coro dei Cercatori di tracce di Sofocle afferma che la terra fremerà a furia di salti e calci (cfr. vv. 219-220 o[&e lov κτύ[π]|ον πέδορτον ἐξαναγκάσω 7 π[η]δήμασιν κραιπνοῖσι καὶ λακτίσμασιν).᾽ Prendendo in considerazione altre creature del corteggio dionisiaco, il coro delle

baccanti, nell'omonima tragedia euripidea, ricorda che le menadi muovono rapidi passi e saltano agilmente (cfr. v. 166 κῶλον ἄγει ταχύπουν σκιρτήμασι βάκχα) e Cadmo, entrando in scena addob-

* Per la sfrenata sikinnis, danza tipica del dramma satiresco, si veda almeno Vincenzo Festa, Sikinnis, «Memorie della Reale Accademia di Archeologia»,

III, 1918, pp. 37-74; Ervin Roos, Die fragiscbe Orchestik im Zerrbild der altattischen Kémodie, Lund, C. W. K. Gleerup, 1951, pp. 216-218; LILLIAN LAWLER, 77e Dance in Ancient Greece, Iowa City, University of Iowa Press, 1964, pp. 89-91, PIERRE VOELKE, Satyres danseurs, in IDEM, Un théatre de la marge. Aspects figuratifs et configurationnels du drame satyrique dans P Athénes classique, Bari, Levante, 2001, pp. 131-182; BERND SEIDENSTICKER, Dance in Satyr Play, in The Pronomos Vase and its Context, edited by Oliver Taplin, Rosie Wyles, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2010, pp. 213-230 e REBECCA LAMMLE, Poetik des Satyrspiels, cit., pp. 194-200. Per gli schemata menzionati (yelp καταπρηνής e χεὶρ σιμή), cft. rispettivamente LiLLIAN LAWLER, Flat hand in the Greek dance, «CO», XIX, 1942, pp. 58-60 e EADEM, A “snub-nosed” hand in the Greek dance, «CO», XX, 1943, pp. 70-72. * In relazione al verbo πηδάω come tipica espressione del movimento di danza propria dei cori comici e satireschi, cfr. ANTON BierL, Der Chor in der Alten Kémodie. Ritual und Performativitat (unter besonderer Berücksichtigung von Aristopha-

nes’ Thesmophoriazusen und der Phalloslieder fr. 851 PMG), Miinchen-Leipzig, K. G. Saut, 2001, p. 151, nota 118, pp. 232-233, nota 351.

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bato da baccante, afferma che non si stancherà di percuotere la terra con il tirso (v. 188 θύρσῳ xpotàv γῆν).

Allo stesso modo, per tornare al frammento di Teleste, per la danza satiresca di Marsia possono forse essere ragionevolmente ipotizzabili dei movimenti rumorosi, come dei battiti delle mani, eseguiti presumibilmente con dei colpi sul suolo oppure con le mani sollevate in alto, in accordo con l'importanza rivestita dalla cheironomia nella danza satiresca. Non è possibile naturalmente sa-

pere con assoluta certezza come fosse realmente eseguito il componimento di Teleste ma se l'epiteto χειρόκτυπος costituisse un rimando al battito delle mani sul suolo si evidenzierebbe anche sul piano esecutivo «the opposition between the loftiness of Athena [...] and the lowliness of Marsyas», come scrive P. LeVen.' Si consideri il v. 2 del fr. 8osc. L'immagine del soffio del suono prodotto dalla dea Atena che giunge fino al cielo viene descritta attra-

verso l'aggettivo αἰολοπτέρυγον, ovvero come dotato di ali variegate, rimandando sia alla poikilia,? ossia alla varietà e complessità dell’esecuzione musicale, sia alle immagini aeree amate dai nuovi ditirambografi.? Nell'ambito dell’ Argo di Teleste una possibile resa

mimetica di tale immagine, con il ballerino che imita il battito delle ali in volo verso il cielo, avrebbe potuto corrispondere, per contrasto, alla scena in cui è mimato il battito delle mani da parte dell'animalesco Marsia. In virtù di questa interpretazione, significativa diventa la menzione della danza compiuta da Teleste ai versi successivi (al fr. | PAULINE LEVEN, New Music and its Myths, cit., p. 37, nota 9. * Sul concetto di poikilia nell'ambito della Nuova Musica, cfr. almeno RoBERT WALLACE, Poikilia and the New Music at Athens, in Poikilia. Variazioni sul tema, a cura di Elisabetta Berardi, Francisco L. Lisi, Dina Micalella, Roma, Bonanno, 2009, pp. 201-214 e PAULINE LEVEN, The Colors of Sound: Poikilia and Its Aesthetic Contexts, «GRMS», 1, 2013, pp. 229-242. 3 È Cinesia stesso, ad esempio, a sottolineare la natura aerea della sua arte in Ar., Av., 1382-1385, 1387-1390. Sull'abbondanza di termini evocativi del mondo aereo nell'ambito della nuova cultura, sotto il cui influsso Aristofane pone la nuova ditirambografia, cfr. Aristofane, Gli Uccelli, a cura di Giuseppe Zanetto, introduzione e traduzione di Dario Del Corno, Milano, Mondadori, «Fondazione Lorenzo Valla», 1987, p. 290 ad 1372-1409. Sul epos cft. anche OLIMPIA ImperIO, La figura dell’intellettuale nella commedia greca, in Tessere. Frammenti della commedia greca, cit., pp. 43-130: 96 sgg. Nella parodia comica dei nuovi ditirambi tale immagini sembrano tuttavia funzionali a prendere in giro l’inconsistenza della loro poesia piuttosto che la presenza di immagini per così dire ‘aeree’ nei loro componimenti.

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805b, 1-2) quando definisce la storia del rigetto di Atena dell’aulds come una fama da considerare ἀχόρευτος. Il termine potrebbe colorarsi di valenze metaletterarie, individuando la diceria dei poeti

vaniloquenti come non adatta alla danza nel senso di dannosa alla choreia tradizionale. In questo contesto, l'aggettivo individua infat-

ti la diceria dei poeti vaniloquenti come non adatta alla tradizionale danza ditirambica, in conformità con l'uso platonico del termine ἀχόρευτος. Il filosofo nelle Leggi (654b) utilizza infatti l'epiteto per qualificare colui che, nell'ambito della formazione essenziale del cittadino, non è stato educato nel coro (ἀπαίδευτος) ed è dunque estraneo alla danza. Il termine in Teleste significherebbe ‘inadatto alla danza corale’.' L’aggettivo potrebbe quindi suggerire un tipo di esecuzione lesiva della tradizionale formazione ciclica del canto

ditirambico in quanto condotta da un professionista solista e non da un coro di cittadini. Ci si chiede a questo punto se nel ditirambo di Melanippide, a cui la tradizione attribuisce la soppressione del coro ciclico per

l’introduzione di lunghe parti a solo (ἀναβολαί) svincolate dalla responsione

strofica,* un esecutore solista avesse potuto mimare

anche i movimenti eseguiti da Atena mentre suonava lo strumento prima di gettarlo, come lascerebbe presumere un frammento di un dramma satiresco adespota (J7GF 11 F 381). In esso è infatti presentato un satiro che si rivolge ad Atena dicendole che non le si

addice quella figura, invitandola quindi a lasciar stare gli auli e a prendere in mano le armi.’ Nonostante il frammento sia stato tramandato da Plutarco in stretta connessione al racconto del rifiuto dell’aulo da parte di Atena a causa della bruttezza derivante dal gonfiare le gote per suonare lo strumento, l’utilizzo del termine schema in relazione al comportamento di Atena sembra piuttosto da riconnettere alle movenze scomposte della dea, presentando

il termine un preciso significato tecnico in relazione alla danza.* * Per la valenza del termine ἀχόρευτος nel frammento di Teleste, cfr. approfonditamente LEONARDO FIORENTINI, Modalità esecutive del nuovo ditirambo. Cinesia choroktonos in Strati. fr. 16 K.-A, «Annali Online di Ferrara - Lettere», II, 2009, Pp. 171-173. 2 Cfr. Arist., Rb., 1409a24-26, 1409b24-27. 5 Οὔτοι πρέπει τὸ σχῆμα. Τοὺς αὐλοὺς μέϑες / καὶ ϑὥπλα λάζευ καὶ γνάϑους εὐθημόνει. 4 Il termine, nel significato di ‘figura di danza’, è altamente impiegato nelle opere di Aristosseno dedicate alla danza. Cfr. Aristox., frr. 103-112 Wehrli. Sull'uso degli schemata nella danza, cfr. MARIA Luisa CATONI, La comunicazione

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Una versione del mito attribuisce infatti l’invenzione della vigorosa danza pirrica ad Atena' e in E., Jon, 210 l'uso dell'espressione γοργωπὸν πάλλουσαν ἴτυν per descrivere i movimenti compiuti da

Atena mentre uccide la Gorgone durante la Gigantomachia (episodio durante il quale inventerebbe l'aulo, cfr. infra) spiegherebbe Petimologia dell'epiteto Pallade come *colei che agita/si agita in movimenti

di danza’.* Non

è forse irragionevole pensare che a

danzare sulla scena durante l'esecuzione ditirambica di Melanippide fosse lo stesso auleta, figura capace, nella seconda metà del v

sec., di entusiasmare il pubblico con le movenze del suo corpo.? 2.

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Nei contesti performativi descritti, è chiaro in ogni caso che sia in Melanippide sia in Teleste l’aulo rivestiva un ruolo di assoluto x

rilievo, comportando evidentemente una mutazione nel rapporto delle componenti della mousiké, ossia il canto, la musica e la danza. Preziosa testimonianza del diverso ruolo assunto dal movimento

coreografico in relazione alla musica dell'az/ér (per quanto in riferimento a un’esecuzione probabilmente corale) è il cosiddetto iporchema di Pratina (77GF 1 Β 3 = PMG 708), come noto di genere* e di datazione incerti.’ Nella sua polemica contro la prevanon verbale nella Grecia antica. Gli schemata nella danza, nell'arte, nella vita, Torino, Bollati Boringhieri, 2008, in part. pp. 124-261. * Si veda PL, Cra., 406d-407a, Leg. 7, 790b e D. H., 7, 72, 7. Cfr. PAOLA CECCARELLI, La pirrica nell'antichità greco romana. Studi sulla danza armata, PisaRoma, Istituti Editoriali e Poligrafici Internazionali, 1998, pp. 27-29. 2 Ivi, p. 29, nota 14. 5 Iniziatore di questo tipo di esecuzione mimetica sembra essere stato l'auleta Pronomos, come informa Pausania (9, 12, 5-6) che ricorda la suggestione suscitata nel pubblico dalla sua esibizione, nella quale la musica era accompagnata da movimenti del corpo. Durante l'esecuzione del dititambo Seilla di Timoteo, ad esempio, sembra che l’auleta, per rendere più efficace la rappresentazione, si fosse messo a trascinare il corifeo (Arist., Po., 1461b30). 4 Moltissimo si è scritto sulla classificazione, litica o drammatica, dei versi di Pratina citati da Ateneo (14, 617c-f) sotto la definizione di iporchema. Molti studiosi argomentano infatti l'appartenenza a un dramma satiresco o a un ditirambo. Cfr. la vasta bibliografia raccolta da PAULINE LEVEN, The ManyHeaded Muse, cit., p. 85. 5 Il frammento risulta databile all’inizio del v sec. a.C. se si considera che, secondo il lessico Suda (x 2230 Adler , s». Πρατίνας = TrGF 4 T 1), Pratina avrebbe gareggiato con Eschilo e Cherilo nel 500-497 a.C. La datazione del frammento, che ben si inquadra nell’ambito della Nuova Musica con la sua polemica

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ricante intromissione dell'aulo rispetto al canto, Pratina definisce lo strumento «πα»ραμελορυϑμοβάταν (v. 13), ovvero ‘che procede a suo ritmo al di fuori della melodia’. La polemica espressa con questo aggettivo appare rivolta al complesso ritmo orchestico delle figure della danza eseguite al suono dello strumento, con riferimento cioè alla βάσις, il tempo forte dell’unità ritmica secondo la definizione aristossenica, cui rimanderebbe l'elemento -Batav del composto.' In altre parole, la virtuosistica musica dell’au/ds pote-

va non trovare corrispondenza nella struttura metrica del canto ma essere in accordo con la cadenza del movimento coreografico

che si deve adeguare al ritmo scandito dall'aulo, assunto a protagonista della perfomance, invece di essere accompagnato da esso. Per l'allusione alla varietà melodica e ritmica, si consideri l'uso

dell'aggettivo ποικιλόπτερος, riferito al canto al v. 5, che presenta lo stesso significato del termine αἰολοπτέρυξ attestato in Teleste. Il frammento di Pratina è del resto ricco di riferimenti autoreferenziali alla danza. Al v. 1, il coro esorta ad ascoltare il rumore

prodotto nell'ambito della performance, in relazione sia al canto sia al frastuono prodotto dai passi di danza, domandando ti τάδε tà χορεύματα; (‘che sono queste danze?"). Successivamente comanda allo strumento musicale di danzare per secondo (v. 5 ὕστερον χορευέτω). Nella sua polemica, chi esegue l’iporchema di Pratina invita infatti l'aulo personificato a danzare per secondo perché re è il canto: in un immaginario corteo in cui la regina (ossia [᾿ἀοιδὴ) precede e il servo danza dietro di lei (ὕστερον), l’aulo deve stare contro la prevaricante intromissione dell'aulo rispetto al canto del coro, è tuttavia problematica. In particolare BERNHARD ZIMMERMANN, Überlegungen zum sogenannten. Pratinasfragment, «MH», XLII, 1986, pp. 145-154, afferma che il frammento si debba attribuire a un poeta lirico attivo nella seconda metà del v sec. a.C., distinto dal satirografo, suo omonimo, vissuto a cavallo tra il vi e il v sec. a.C. Per i dettagli del dibattito circa la cronologia del frammento di Pratina, cfr. Lucia PRAUSCELLO, Zzpinician sounds. Pindar and musical innovation, in Reading the Victory Ode, edited by Peter Agócs, Chris Carey, Robert Rawles, Cambridge-New York, Cambridge University Press, 2012, p. 73, nota 89. * Cfr. ANDREW BARKER, Heterophonia and Poikilia. Accompaniments to Greek Melody, in Mousike. Metrica, ritmica musica greca in memoria di Giovanni Comotti, a cura di Bruno Gentili, Franca Perusino, Pisa-Roma, Istituti Editoriali e Poligrafici Internazionali, 1995, pp. 41-60: 55. Anche l'elemento ῥυθμός ha evidentemente valore tecnico, nell'accezione di ‘ritmo di danza’. Cfr. a riguardo Liana LomiENTO, Aesch. ‘ Cho.’ 794-799: festo e performance, «Lexis», xxiv, 2006, pp. 141-157: 145.

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dietro e non in testa.' Menziona esplicitamente, infine, movimenti

di braccia e di gambe al v. 15 (ἅδε σοι δεξιᾶς καὶ ποδὸς διαρριφά

).

Preziosa testimonianza del diverso ruolo assunto dalla danza in relazione all'accordo con il ritmo imposto dall'aulo e non con la struttura metrico-ritmica dettata dal canto, come avveniva un tempo, potrebbe del resto essere individuata anche per un altro esponente della Nuova Musica, vale a dire Agatone. Nella parodia del drammaturgo presente nelle 7esoforiaguse, il poeta invita infatti a celebrare Leto cantando con l'accompagnamento della cetra asiatica ‘in discorde accordo con il ritmo della danza’, se così deve essere inteso il nesso ποδὲ παράρυϑμ᾽ εὔρυϑμα al v. 121.* L'accresciuta

importanza della musica, in questo caso della κιθάρα, in relazione al canto, è indicata anche dalla definizione della cetra come ‘madre

degli inni” (v. 124), che capovolge l'immagine pindarica degli ‘inni signori della cetra’. Questo prevaricare della musica nell'ambito della performance deve aver trovato riflesso anche in sperimentazioni orchestiche, il cui ritmo coincide con quello dello strumento, senza tuttavia trovare accordo con la struttura metrica dettata dal canto. A ulteriore sostegno di quanto affermato, è possibile prendere * Per questa interpretazione dell’espressione di Pratina in relazione alla performance, cfr. PAOLO CipoLLa, Poeti minori del dramma satiresco. Testo critico, traduzione e commento, Amsterdam, Hakkert, 2003, p. 68. * Il termine πούς assume qui il significato di ‘passo di danza’, alludendo, di conseguenza, al ritmo che gli è proprio. Cfr. CoLin Austin, DOUGLAS Orson, Aristophanes, Thesmophoriazusae, edited with Introduction and Commentary, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2004, p. 120. Significativo il contributo di Maurizio SONNINO, Per ja ricostituzione di un corale dell’Eretteo di Euripide: “PapSorb” 2328 (= Eur. fr. 370 Kannicht), rr. y-10 ed Eur. “Erechth.” fr. 3694 Kannicht, «ZzPE», LKVI, 2008, pp. 9-21. Lo studioso nota che il passaggio di Aristofane allude a un passaggio dell'Erezee di Euripide, da cui Aristofane riprenderebbe il sintagma ᾿Ασιάδος / ποδὶ presente in 7rGF v, 1 F 369. Lo studioso integra con questo sintagma le rr. 8-9 del corale dell’Erezieo conservato in PapSorb 2328 (= TrGF v, 1 F 370) in cui viene descritto che i vecchi coreuti suonano con la &itharis asiatica un pezzo musicale eseguito a ritmo veloce (r. 9 τροχαλός) con suoni acuti che vanno dietro al passo di danza (rr. 8-9 κιϑάριδος βοαῖς o«o»v[róvotc ᾿Ασι]άδος [πο]δὶ / [...] ἑπομέναις). I vecchi ateniesi, in altre parole, cercano di seguire con la loro musica veloce il ritmo accelerato dei passi di danza delle giovani donne. Non è più dunque la parola del canto a predominare rispetto alla musica e alla danza (come raccomanda PI., R., 4002), ma è il λόγος a doversi adattare al πούς (ovvero il ritmo della danza) e al μέλος.

Cfr. ora anche Mauriz10 SONNINO, Euripidis Erechihei quae exstant, Firenze, Le Monnier, 2010, pp. 328-329. 3 Pi., O., 2, 1 ἀναξιφόρμιγγες ὕμνοι. Cfr. COLIN AUSTIN, DOUGLAS OLSON, Aristophanes, Thesmophoriazusae, cit., p. 96.

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in considerazione la parodia comica di un famoso ditirambografo, ovvero Cinesia. Come è noto, negli Uccelli Aristofane contestava al ditirambografo il suo piede ‘zoppo’ (xvAXóv, v. 1379), quasi a sottolineare che i balli delle sue opere sembrano eseguiti da persone dalle gambe storte;' nelle Rane il poeta è inoltre presentato come

compositore di pirriche, chiaramente non apprezzate da Aristofane se Dioniso esclama che immerso nel fiume di fango e sterco dovrebbe stare anche chi, tra i peccatori contro l’arte, abbia imparato τὴν πυρρίχην [...] τὴν Κινησίου (v. 153). Come si debba intendere questa espressione non è tuttavia facile da capire, per quanto sia plausibilmente da riconnettersi alle irregolarità coreografiche dei componimenti di Cinesia rispetto agli schemata tradizionali, come già individuato dalla critica.^ La pirrica, come noto, è una danza energica dal ritmo veloce che prevedeva rapidi movimenti ad

imitazione di quelli assunti dai soldati nelle loro azioni offensive e difensive, come ci descrive Platone (Lg., 8154), e poteva essere

eseguita sia da un artista solista sia da un coro. Per comprendere il verso aristofaneo, è necessario associare l'affermazione con un passo del Chirone di Ferecrate (fr. 155 K.-A.) in cui Cinesia è accusato dalla Musica stessa di averla oltraggiata, al punto che nei suoi

ditirambi ‘come negli scudi, sinistre sembrano le cose destre’ (v. 9). La creazione di danze pirriche potrebbe dunque essere un espe-

rimento innovativo da parte di Cinesia consistente nell'introduzione nel ditirambo di «scandalosi mimetismi»? che ricordavano le movenze compiute durante la pirrica, l'energica e veloce danza in armi, e che probabilmente erano eseguiti in assenza di responsione, se destra e sinistra rappresentano le direzioni del movimento * Seguendo LiLLian Lawer, Limewood Cinesias and the Dityrambie Dance, «TAPhA», LXXXI, 1950, pp. 82-88, è possibile pensare che Aristofane non prendesse di mira il fatto che Cinesia, stando alle fonti, sarebbe zoppo, ma alluda invece a particolari passi di danza eseguiti nell'ambito delle sue coteografie. 2 Per una sintesi delle varie posizioni, cfr. PAoLA CECCARELLI, La pirrica nell'antichità greco romana, cit., pp. 42-43. 3 L'espressione è stata usata in relazione alle coreografie di Cinesia da ANGELA ANDRISANO, E:mpusa, nome parlante di un mostro infernale (Aristoph. Ran. 268ss.), «Annali On line Ferrara - Lettere», 1, 2007, pp. 21-44: 34. Secondo la studiosa, la pirrica di Cinesia menzionata in Ar., Ra., 153 trova concretizzazione nell’esibizione di Empusa (vv. 273-305) che, nel proporre le trasformazioni di innocui animali domestici di sesso femminile, avrà parodiato le mostruosità mimetiche proposte durante le innovative corcografie del pocta.

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durante la strofe e l’antistrofe.' Sulla strada intrapresa da Fiorentini, a questo contesto di derisione comica di Cinesia sul versante orchestico potrebbe riferirsi anche l'epiteto χοροχτόνος attribuito al poeta da Strattide (fr. 16 K.-A.).* L'epiteto letteralmente significa ‘coricida’. Recuperando il senso generico di ‘danza’ nella prima parte del composto, è possibile però intendere l'attributo come

‘colui che deturpa la danza’, ovvero la danza eseguita dal coro nella maniera tradizionale.’ 3. QUALCHE

OSSERVAZIONE

CONCLUSIVA

Per concludere, è dunque possibile affermare che le testimonianze relative alla Nuova Musica suggeriscono un tipo di performan-

ce non corrispondente alle consuete modalità esecutive anche sul piano strettamente orchestico. Lo stesso frammento di Teleste, qualora le parole del canto fossero state rese mimeticamente nella

performance, potrebbe aver costituito un esempio di quel dinamismo giudicato inappropriato per l’ideale della χορεία ditirambica, sia per l’accentuazione del carattere dionisiaco e scomposto della danza sia per la libertà dei movimenti, eseguiti probabilmente da un artista solista. In questo modo, appare plausibile ipotizza-

re una rappresentazione estremamente mimetica sia dell'esagitata gestualità del satiro menzionata al v. 4 attraverso il composto χειρόχτυπος sia del soffio aereo della dea qualificato al v. 1 del fr. 8osc, come αἰολοπτέρυξ, in riferimento alla varietà ritmica della musica prodotta con l'aulo e, conseguentemente, della danza che lo strumento dovrebbe accompagnare. Alla luce dell’analisi condotta, non appare forse illecito pensare che il ruolo di assoluto rilievo rivestito dall'az/ós nell'ambito della Nuova Musica comportasse nel genere ditirambico un tipo di ese-

cuzione rinnovata rispetto alle modalità tradizionali anche sul piano strettamente orchestico. In particolare, come è delineato anche nei Problemata pseudo-aristotelici (19, 15), è evidente che nel nuovo * Cfr. DONATELLA RESTANI, // Chirone di Ferecrate e la ‘nuova’ musica greca, «Rivista italiana di musicologia», xii, 2, 1983, pp. 139-192: 150-152. ? Per un commento dei frammenti del Ciresia di Strattide, cfr. ANGELO

MERIANI, // Cinesia di Strattis (frr. 14-22 Kassel-Austin), in Seconda miscellanea filologica, a cura di Italo Gallo, Napoli, Arte Tipografica, 1995, pp. 21-45 e ora CHRISTIAN ORTH, Strattis. Die Fragmente. Ein Kommentar, Berlin, Verlag Antike, 2009, pp. 100-129. 3 Cfr. LEONARDO FIORENTINI, Le modalita esecutive del nuovo ditirambo, cit.

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ditirambo era presente da una parte un gusto per la gestualità fortemente mimetica e dall'altra una tendenza all'esecuzione

solistica e articolata in movimenti sfrenati con 1 quali il ballerino cercava di seguire il rapido ritmo della ‘nuova’ musica nei suoi continui passaggi slittanti. Arrivati a questo punto, si ritiene possibile ipotizzare che il frammento di Teleste prevedesse una danza solistica caratterizzata da un lato da una accentuazione della scom-

postezza tipicamente “dionisiaca’ e dall'altro dalla resa mimetica del battito delle mani di Marsia e del soffio alato della dea. Non

è inoltre improbabile che anche nel ditirambo Marsia di Melanippide i virtuosismi della musica dell’au/és avessero determinato dei movimenti cosi veloci e scomposti da dover essere eseguiti da un artista solista invece di essere compiuti da un coro, come era tradizione. Componimenti solitamente ritenuti testimonianza dei mutamenti musicali del tardo v sec. possono cosi essere considerati anche come esempio di una ‘nuova’ danza connotata da uno spiccato mimetismo in cui la cadenza ritmata dei passi poteva non trovare accordo con la struttura metrico-ritmica dettata dalle

parole del canto, ma seguire la musica virtuosistica dell'az/ós, divenuto ormai il protagonista della performance.

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FONGONI

ABSTRACT

From the analysis of Melanippides’ Marsyas and of Telestes’ Argo frag-

ments, which deal with the literary controversy between these dithyrambographers about the refusal of the 24/05 by the Goddess Athena, it seems that Melanippides, in this particular dithyramb, showed in &xbara instead of aulos, whereas Telestes to defend 44/05, modified the myth: Athena did not leave the instrument, as Melanippides said, but gave it to Dionysus, God of dithyramb. Keryworps: Athena, Marsyas, Melanippides, Telestes, New Dithyramb, aulos, Rithara.

N

EL libro xiv dei Deipnosofisti di Ateneo (616e-617a) si assiste a quella che dagli studiosi è stata considerata da sempre una polemica letteraria tra Melanippide e Teleste sul rifiuto dell’a4/os da parte della dea Atena.'

Melanippide di Melo e Teleste di Selinunte, insieme a Frinide di Mitilene, Timoteo di Mileto, Filosseno di Citera, furono i protagonisti di una dirompente stagione poctico-musicale, fiorita ad Atene nel v-1v sec. a.C., che va sotto il nome di ‘nuovo ditiram-

bo', caratterizzata dalla ricerca di nuove soluzioni espressive, come la mescolanza delle armonie tradizionali e dei generi musicali e * ArtHur PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE, Dithyramb, Tragedy and Comedy, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1966’ (second edition revised by Thomas. B. L. Webster), p.

52 sg.; Giuseppe AURELIO PrivitERA, // ditirambo fino al rv secolo, in Storia e civiltà dei Greci, 111 5, diretta da Ranuccio Bianchi Bandinelli, Milano, Bompiani,

1979, D. 323 sg.; GIOVANNI ComottI, Alena e gli aulói in un ditirambo di Teleste (fr. doy P.), «QUCC», n.s., v, 1980, pp. 47-54; BERNHARD ZIMMERMANN, Dithyrambos. Geschichte einer Gattung, Berlin, Verlag Antike, 20087, p. 128 sg.

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poetici.

A

Melanippide

FONGONI

le fonti attribuiscono

l'abolizione

della

struttura strofica nel ditirambo insieme all'introduzione di preludi, cioè assolo lirici astrofici (Arist., A7., 3, 1409b25) che influenzarono profondamente anche la tragedia, come dimostra la frequenza del canto solistico dell’attore nelle tragedie di Euripide. A questo sperimentalismo si ricollega il carattere molle e rilassato della sua musica e l'aumento del numero delle corde della cetra che il poeta comico Ferecrate gli rimproverava (fr. 155, 1 sgg. K.-A.).! Teleste, invece, è uno strenuo e convinto difensore delle arie frigie e lidie e dell’arte auletica.^ Nell’ Argo infatti esprime i propri dubbi sulla credibilità della versione corrente del mito, accettata da Me-

lanippide nel Marsia, secondo la quale Atena avrebbe gettato via da sé Vaulos, perché soffiare nelle canne le avrebbe deformato il volto. Lo strumento sarebbe stato raccolto dal satiro Marsia, come rappresentato dal gruppo scultoreo di Mirone conservato sull’ A-

cropoli di Atene, secondo l’ipotesi di Miller lo stesso descritto da Pausania (1, 24, 1) e incluso da Plinio nell'elenco delle opere attribuite all’artista (I, 34, 97).

Teleste precisa che Atena, essendo destinata a perpetua verginità, non avrebbe dato importanza al fattore estetico, mentre si * Vedi infra. ? Sul ‘nuovo ditirambo' vedi, tra gli altri, Gruseprpe AURELIO PRIVITERA, 7/ ditirambo fino al rv secolo, cit., pp. 311-325, in particolare p. 316 sg. (Melanippide); p. 323 sg. (Teleste); Giorgio IERANÒ, // ditirambo di Dioniso. Le testimonianze antiche, Pisa-Roma, Istituti Editoriali e Poligrafici Internazionali, 1997, pp. 205-232; BERNHARD ZIMMERMANN, Dithyrambos, cit., pp. 116-133; BARBARA KowaLzic, PETER WILSON (eds.), Dithyramb in Context, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2013, in part. pp. 211-309. 5 Kari O. MùLLER, Handbuch der Archéologie der Kunst, Breslau, Max, 1830, p. 371; Gzorc DALTROP, // gruppo mironiano di Atena e Marsia nei Musei Vaticani, Città del Vaticano, Tipografia Poliglotta Vaticana, 1980, p. 4. Diversamente Bruno SauER, Die Marsyasgruppe des Myron, « jDA1», XXIII, 1908, pp. 146-161, ritenne che i gruppi statuari fossero due: il primo comprendeva il Marsia Laterano e l’Atena di Francoforte, realizzati da Mirone e collocati sull’Acropoli di Atene; il secondo gruppo, realizzato da uno sconosciuto artista del Iv sec., includeva l'Atena raffigurata su alcune monete e una tipologia di satiro conosciuto da statuette bronzee rinvenute a Patrasso, attualmente al British Museum. Vedi anche JoHN BoARDMAN, Some Attic Fragments. Pot, Plaque, and Dithyramb, « jHs», LXXV1, 1956, pp. 18-25: 18-20; HEIDE FRONING, Dithyrambos

and Vasenmalerei in Athen, Würzburg, Triltsch, 1971 («Beitrige zur Archáologie», 2), p. 40 sgg.; ANNE H. Wes, The “Marsyas” of Myron: Old Problems and New Evidence (Pls. 30-31), « AJ A», LXXXIIL, 1979, pp. 214-219; Pausania. Guida della Grecia, libro 1: L’ Attica, introduzione a cura di Domenico Musti, commento a cura di Luigi Beschi e Domenico Musti, Milano, Mondadori, «Fondazione Lorenzo Valla», 1982, p. 348.

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sarebbe liberata dell’au/os soltanto per farne dono a Dioniso, il dio del ditirambo. L'elogio dell’auletica da parte di Teleste prosegue nell’Asclepio (Ath., 14, 617b = Telest., fr. 806 Page/Campbell), citato subito dopo, mentre la sezione si chiude con V’hyporchema di Pratina (Ath., 14, 617b-f - Pratin., fr. 708 Page/Campbell). Nella narrazione del mito che vede protagonisti Atena e l'az/os

si possono distinguere tre momenti fondamentali, successivamente legati tra loro, come documentato dalle fonti letterarie e iconografiche: 1) la scoperta dell'arte auletica da parte della dea Atena come narrato da Pindaro nella Pitica 12 (v. 7 sgg.). Il poeta, celebrando la vittoria di Mida d'Agrigento al concorso auletico-pitico, at-

tribuisce ad Atena la composizione del ποῖος policefalo, melodia con la quale imitava il lamento funebre scaturito dalle mascelle frenetiche di Euriale per la morte della Gorgone. La dea la trovò e trovatala ne fece dono agli uomini mortali e la chiamò ‘aria dalle molte teste’;'

2) lo strumento, una volta abbandonato da Atena dopo che ebbe visto l'aspetto deforme del suo volto rispecchiato sull’acqua di un fiume (Plu., Mor., De cobib. ira, 6, 456B), fu raccolto dal satiro Marsia, diventando cosi, attraverso la trasgressione del volere della dea, possesso di una specie caratterizzata da mancanza di decoro e

autocontrollo e, secondo le parole di Lissarague, da un movimento perpetuo, come se i satiri fossero incapaci di controllare il proprio corpo;*

3) Marsia sfida vinto la sfida con vivo (Hdt., 7, 26, Alle prime due se; alla terza una

Apollo in una gara musicale. Il dio, dopo aver il satiro, lo appende ad un albero e lo scortica 3; X., An., 1, 2, 8). fasi è attribuita dagli studiosi un'origine atenieprovenienza asiana.^

* Vedi Pindaro. Le Pitiche, introduzione, testo critico e traduzione di Bruno Gentili, commento a cura di Paola Angeli Bernardini, Ettore Cingano, Bruno Gentili e Pietro Giannini, Milano, Mondadori, «Fondazione Lorenzo Valla»,

1995, pp. 672-674.

? FRANGOIS LissARAGUE, On the Wildness of Satyrs, in Masks of Dionysus, edited by Thomas H. Carpenter, Christopher A. Faraone, Ithaca-London, Cornell University Press, 1993, p. 212. 5 Vedi MANUELA GiorDANO, G/i dei nel De musica, « QUCC», n.s., IC, 2011, pp. 59-71, in part. pp. 66-69. 4 Cfr. BERNADETTE LecLERCQ-NEvEU, Marsyas, le martyr de Paulos, « Metis», Iv, 1989, p. 252 sg.; FEDERICA CorDANO, La musica e la politica, ovvero

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Proprio la versione ateniese del mito è al centro dell'interesse e della riflessione degli studiosi che, in alcuni studi più recenti sulla fortuna dell’auletica ad Atene,' hanno inserito la polemica fra i due poeti nella condanna più generale che nella seconda metà del

v sec. investi l'az/os: il suo ruolo nell'educazione dei giovani aristocratici si indeboli notevolmente, come rappresentato emblematicamente da Alcibiade che, alla stregua della dea Atena, avrebbe rigettato lo strumento perché lo rendeva deforme. Nel dialogo pseudoplatonico A/cibiade 1 (106€) Socrate ricorda che Alcibiade, tra le materie di studio (imparare a leggere e a scrivere, a suonare la cetra e a fare la lotta), non aveva mai voluto inserire lo studio dell’aulos. Nella Vita di Alcibiade (2, 5-7) Plutarco, confermando quanto sostenuto nel dialogo pseudoplatonico, ricorda che Alcibiade si era sempre rifiutato, durante l'infanzia e l'adolescenza, di suonare l’au/os, considerandolo, a differenza della lira, uno stru-

mento indegno di un uomo libero, che deforma il viso di chi lo suona. L'az/os, inoltre, tenendo impegnata la bocca del suonatore, non gli consentiva di suonare e cantare allo stesso tempo; e per

Alcibiade la possibilità della comunicazione verbale non poteva essere sacrificata neppure ad un’arte nobile come la musica. Diceva infatti (2, 6): «Suonino dunque il flauto 1 ragazzi tebani che non sanno parlare; noi Ateniesi, come ci dicono i nostri padri, abbiamo Atena come fondatrice e Apollo come iniziatore della razza; di essi la prima buttò via il flauto, l’altro addirittura scorticò il flautista». Dall’analisi delle testimonianze emerge che la condanna dell’a4-

los fa un fenomeno quindi legato da una parte a motivi politici gli auloí ad Atene, in Sviluppi recenti nell’antichistica. Nuovi contributi, a cara di Violetta De Angelis, Milano, Cisalpino Istituto Editoriale Universitario, 2004

(«Quaderni di Acme», 68), pp. 309-325. * PETER WiLsoN, The aulos in Athens, in Performance Culture and Athenian Democracy, edited by Simon Goldhill, Robin Osborne, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999, pp. 58-95; RicHarD P. MARTIN, The Pipes are Brawling: Conceptualizing Musical Performance in Athens, in The Cultures within Ancient

Greek Culture. Contact, Conflict, Collaboration, edited by Carol Dougherty, Leslie Kurke, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. 153-180; RosERT W. WaLLace, An Early Fifth-Century Athenian Revolution in aulos Music, «HSCP», Οἵ, 2003, pp. 73-92; Eric Csapo, The Politics of the New Music è PETER WILSON, Athenian Strings, in Music and the Muses. The Culture of Mousike in the Classical Athenian City, edited by Penelope Murray, Peter Wilson, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2004, pp. 207-248 e 269-306.

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perché strumento associato tradizionalmente con la Beozia che a metà secolo ebbe relazioni conflittuali con Atene, dall'altra a fini paideutici, come si evince soprattutto nelle opere di Platone e di Aristotele. Platone nella Repubblica (3, 399c-e) bandisce 1°24/0s dalla città ideale perché strumento πολυχορδότατος e πανάρμονιος capace

di riprodurre, più degli altri strumenti, tutte le armonie, mentre accetta la lira e la cetra, come utili alla città, giudicando Apollo e gli strumenti di Apollo preferibili a Marsia e ai suoi strumenti.‘ Nel libro vini della Politica (1341a-b) Aristotele, nell'ambito del discorso contro l’uso educativo dell'az/os, sia per la sua vocazione

mimetica connessa al rapporto con l’armonia frigia, sia perché strumento banausico che richiede una pratica di tipo professionistico, accenna anche al mito di Atena inventrice dell’au/os. Dopo averlo trovato lo scagliò lontano da sé perché suonarlo le de-

turpava i lincamenti, ma anche perché, aggiunge Aristotele, lo studio dell’au/os non giova affatto alla mente, mentre ad Atena attribuiamo la scienza e l’arte. Inoltre il suo uso impedisce la parola, così come sostenuto anche da Alcibiade. Aristotele tuttavia non esclude l’au/os dalla musica eseguita da professionisti nella comunità, ma ne nega un ruolo positivo nell'educazione. All'indebolimento del ruolo dell’au/os a partire dalla metà del v sec. corrisponde un aumento di interesse per gli strumenti a corda come testimoniato dal Chirone (fr. 155 K.-A.) di Ferecrate e dal De musica (6, 1133b) pseudoplutarcheo.*

Pauline A. LeVen? ha sostenuto con convincenti argomentazioni e con un'ampia analisi delle fonti che Ateneo nel citare i passi di Melanippide,

Teleste e Pratina sul mito dell'az/os (14, 616¢-617f)

* Cfr. anche R., 3, 397a. Vedi ANTONIETTA GostTOLI, L’armonia frigia nei progetti politico-pedagogici di Platone e di Aristotele, 11: coribantismo e dionisismo, in Musica e generi letterari nella Grecia di età classica. Atti del 11 Congresso Consulta Universitaria Greco (Fisciano 1 dicembre 2006), a cara di Paola Volpe Cacciatore, Napoli, Arte Tipografica, 2007 («Quaderni del Dipartimento di Scienze dell'Antichità - Università degli Studi di Salerno», 33), pp. 23-36; LuiGi BarrEzzATO, The New Music of the Trojan Women, «Lexis», XXIII, 2005, pp.

73-104.

2 Altre

testimonianze

in Ropert

W.

WaLLace,

An

Early

Fifth-Century

Athenian Revolution, cit., p. 85 sgg. 3 PauLINE A. LEVEN, New Music and its Myths: Athenacus’ Reading of the aulos Revolution (Deipnosophistae 14. 616¢-617/), « JHS», CXXX, 2010, DD. 35-47; Eapem, The Many-Headed Muse. Tradition and Innovation in Late Classical Greek Lyric Poetry, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2014, pp. 83-86 e 105-112.

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volesse illustrare, per mezzo di esempi tratti da brani poetici di prima o di seconda mano, proprio quanto esposto da Aristotele

sull’auletica nel libro vri della Politica (1341a-1342b). È verisimile che Ateneo costruisca il suo discorso ad hoc come testimoniano i due verbi utilizzati διασύρω e ἀντικορύσσομαι ma, a mio avviso, lo fa per introdurre il punto di vista rispettivamente di Melanippide

e Teleste. Ritengo cioé che Ateneo non abbia potuto inventare dal nulla una polemica tra due poeti senza averne un riscontro reale.'

E mi sembra che siano proprio i frammenti dei due poeti nei loro contenuti, nei rapporti reciproci, contestualizzati nella storia del ‘nuovo ditirambo', a offrire una possibile chiave di lettura.

Sul testo tràdito dei due frammenti non c'é accordo tra gli studiosi che hanno proposto vari emendamenti ed interpretazioni, come si evince dall'apparato critico di Campbell.* Ath., 14, 616e-617a: περὶ μὲν γὰρ αὐλῶν ὁ μέν τις ἔφη τὸν Μελανιππίδην xaA&c ἐν τῷ Mapova διασύροντα τὴν αὐλητικὴν εἰρηκέναι περὶ τῆς ᾿Αϑηνᾶς (fr. 758 Page/ Campbell): ἃ μὲν ᾿Αϑάνα τῶὥργαν᾽ ἔρριψέν 9° ἱερᾶς ἀπὸ χειρὸς εἶπέ τ᾽ ἔρρετ᾽ αἴσχεα, σώματι λύμα Üupe 9^ ἐγὼ χαχκότατι δίδωμι. πρὸς

ὃν

ἀντιλέγων

ἄλλος

ἔφη:

ἀλλ᾽

e

6

γε

Σελινούντιος

Τελέστης

τῷ

Μελανιππίδῃ ἀντικορυσσόμενος ἐν ᾿Αργοῖ ἔφη: ὁ δὲ λόγος ἐστὶ περὶ τῆς ᾿Αϑηνᾶς" (fr. 805a-c Page/Campbell): (a)

Τὸν

σοφὸν σοφὰν λαβοῦσαν

οὐχ ἐπέλπομαι

νόῳ

δρυμοῖς ὀρείοις ὄργανον δίαν ᾿Αϑάναν δυσόφϑαλμον αἶσχος ἐκφοβηϑεῖσαν αὖϑις χερῶν ἐχβαλεῖν,

ς

νυμφαγενεῖ χειροκτύπῳ pupi Μαρσύᾳ xAéoc. τί γάρ νιν εὐηράτοιο χάλλεος ὀξὺς ἔρως ἔτειρεν, & παρϑενίαν ἄγαμον καὶ ἄπαιδ᾽ ἀπένειμε Κλω90;

* Così anche PETER WiLson, The aulos in Athens, in Performance Culture, cit., p. 62 sg. 2 Campbell riprende l'apparato di Denys L. Page, Poetae Melici Graeci, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1962, aggiornandolo. Vedi Greek Lyric v. The New School of Poetry and Anonymous Songs and Hymns, edited and translated by David A. Campbell, Cambridge-London, Harvard University Press, 1993, pp. 24 sg. e 126 sgg.

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τοῦ εἴδους διὰ τὴν nap9evtav:

ἑξῆς τέ φησι’

(b) ἀλλὰ μάταν ἀχόρευτος ἅδε ματαιολόγων φάμα προσέπταϑ᾽ Ἑλλάδα μουσοπόλων σοφᾶς ἐπίφϑονον y

lun va ; μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ ἐγκωμιάζων

(c)

βροτοῖς τέχνας ὄνειδος.

"V 34 τὴν αὐλητικὴν λέγει"

A ; ; ; » ἂν συνεριϑοτάταν Βρομίῳ παρέδωχε σεμνᾶς δαίμονος ἀερϑὲν πνεῦμ᾽ αἰολοπτέρυγον σὺν ἀγλαᾶν ὠχύτατι χειρῶν.

Riguardo agli 44/0 un ospite ricordò che quando Melanippide nel Marsia ridicolizzò molto bene la musica per az/os, disse di Atena:

«Atena gettò lo strumento via dalla santa mano e disse: “Via, vergogna, macchia per il mio aspetto; vi consegno alla malora!"».

E un altro gli replicò: «Ma Teleste di Selinunte, contraddicendo Melanippide, nell’ Argo disse riguardo ad Atena: a. “Non posso credere in cuor mio che la celeste Atena, la dea dell’ingegno, abbia trovato questo strumento ingegnoso nei boschi montani e per paura di indecorosa bruttezza l’abbia di nuovo gettato via dalle sue mani, così che divenne gloria per il ferino Marsia, figlio di ninfa, che tra le sue mani lo fa risuonare. Come poteva brama pungente d’amabile bellezza tormentare lei, cui Cloto assegnò verginità senza nozze e senza

figli?” Per la sua condizione di vergine non avrebbe dovuto temere di non essere bella d'aspetto. E continua: b. *Ma questa storia, incompatibile con la danza corale, di poeti che parlano a vanvera, si diffuse nell'Ellade, per i mortali odiosa umiliazione

di un’arte ingegnosa". Poi, lodando l’auletica, dice: c. “A Bromio la diede, fedelissima ancella, il soffio che si innalza in

volo con ali variegate della veneranda dea, con l’agilità delle sue gloriose mani”.

Pur condividendo l’idea di Pauline A. LeVen che l’intero passo sia una ripresa degli argomenti trattati da Aristotele nel libro viri della Politica, tuttavia da un’analisi linguistica e tematica dei due frammenti non mi sembra ci sia dubbio che Melanippide e Teleste stiano dialogando sullo stesso tema. Lo rivela chiaramente

la ripresa nel brano di Teleste di vocaboli presenti nel Marsia di Melanippide, che consentono di considerare il frammento dell’Argo una risposta a quanto appena accennato da Melanippide sulla

240

ADELAIDE

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vicenda mitica. Ad esempio all'espressione [...] ἀπὸ χειρὸς (v. 2) corrisponde χερῶν 3); ἃ ἱερᾶς [...] χειρὸς (v. 2), ἀγλαᾶν [...] (v. 3), δυσόφϑαλμον αἶσχος (a, 3); a σώματι

di Melanippide ἔρριψέν ἐκβαλεῖν di Teleste (a, χειρῶν (c, 3); a αἴσχεα λύμα (v. 3) © κακότατι

δίδωμι (v. 4), ἐπέφϑονον [...] ὄνειδος (b, 3). Si puó quindi procedere ad alcune osservazioni di carattere generale: - in entrambi i frammenti la tematica trattata investe l'aspetto

fisico, morale e poetico-musicale come ben sintetizzato dal termine atayos che, sebbene utilizzato in riferimento allo strumento, implica molteplici accezioni;? - in Melanippide l’a4/os è accusato da Atena di essere responsa-

bile di deformità, di distorsione da comportamenti appropriati; in Teleste lo strumento diventa, attraverso un gioco di parole, σοφός come la dea;

- in Melanippide il mito è soltanto accennato, con il riferimento al solo abbandono dell'az/os, ma il titolo Marsa con cui Ateneo lo introduce, lascia dedurre che il satiro fosse un personaggio dello stesso ditirambo;

- in Teleste Marsia è esplicitamente nominato e qualificato come esperto auleta; - la versione del mito riportata da Melanippide è attribuita da Teleste a «poeti che parlano a vanvera» con un diretto riferimento

quindi a qualche autore che quella versione del mito aveva narrato e che, nei frammenti tràditi, è rappresentato per noi dal solo Melanippide;

- in una graduale escalation, il frammento di Teleste nega la versione del mito narrata da Melanippide perché non ha motivo di esistere, rimodulandola: «Atena affidó l'arte ingegnosa dell'auletica a Bromio», cioé al dio del ditirambo.

Proprio su quest'ultimo punto vorrei concentrare la mia atten* Per un'analisi dei frammenti e dei relativi problemi testuali rinvio ai saggi di Enrico Livrea, Telestesfr. doy (= 1). C. 2 Page, «RhM», cxvii, 1975, pp. 189-190; Giovanni ComottI, Adena e gli aulói, cit., pp. 47-54; ANDREW BARKER, Greek Musical Writings 1. The Musician and his Art, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1984, p. 272 sg.; PAULINE A. LEVEN, New Music and its Myths, cit., pp. 35-47; PAULINE A. LEVEN, The Many-Headed Muse, cit., pp. 83-86. ? PETER WiLson, The aulos in Athens, in Performance Culture, cit., p. 64. Tale molteplice accezione riveste anche il termine κακότας ‘deformità’, ‘bruttezza’,

ma anche ‘onta’, ‘vergogna’ di v. 4. Vedi anche σώματι λύμα (v. 2).

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zione: se è vero che i miti furono «flexible friends» di scrittori e artisti, come li definisce Landels,' è pur vero che il cambiamento,

lPampliamento o la rimodulazione di una vicenda mitica riflette gli atteggiamenti, i contesti storici e culturali, le convinzioni di un gruppo sociale o di un singolo individuo.* Proprio questo ritengo sia accaduto nella polemica fra i due poeti, cioè probabilmente la variante del mito fu introdotta da un esponente della nuova corrente musicale, Teleste, per esprimere un punto di vista divergente rispetto a quello di Melanippide. Se all'interno della

vicenda mitica, nel passaggio da Atena inventrice dell'zz/os alla dea che respinge il medesimo si possono individuare motivi politici, sociali e paideutici, la variante del mito narrata da Teleste e rintracciabile finora solo nei suoi versi, mi sembra che renda la polemica un dialogo esclusivo tra i due poeti. Bisogna però individuare quale fu l'oggetto della contesa. Alcuni studiosi ri-

tengono che si tratti di una strenua difesa da parte di Teleste, nei termini

di una rivendicazione

dell'antichità e della nobiltà

dello strumento, del corretto uso dello strumento principe del ditirambo, l'az/os, contro quello spregiudicato da parte dei ditirambografi.? Proprio sulla base di questa testimonianza ste è visto da alcuni come un moderato all'interno della corrente, ma è difficile giungere a tali conclusioni per un

nuovi Telenuova autore

che viene ricordato dalle fonti sempre accanto ai maggiori innovatori musicali del tempo (D. H., Comp., 19; Plu., Alex., 8, 3). Più verisimilmente credo invece che la disputa sia da spiegare come una polemica letteraria, reale o fittizia, sull’uso dei due strumenti

che accompagnarono gli esperimenti della nuova corrente, l'azlos e la cetra, e che si influenzarono a vicenda provocando una mescolanza fra i generi poetici, come testimoniato dalle Leggi (3, 700a-701b) di Platone e dai Problemi dello Pseudoaristotele (19, * JoHN G. LANDELS, Music in Ancient Greece and Rome, London-New York, Routledge, 1999, p. 159. 2 Cfr. BERNADETTE LECLERCQ-NEvEu, Marsyas, cit., p. 253; RICHARD P. Martin, The Pipes are Brawling, cit., p. 158 sg. 5 ANDREW BARKER, Greek Musical Writings 1, cit., p. 93 sg.; PETER WILSON, The aulos in Athens, in Performance Culture, cit., p. 67; RoBERT W. WALLACE, An Early Fifth-Century Athenian Revolution, cit., p. 86 sg.; FRANCESCA BERLINZANI, Teleste di Selinunte il ditirambografo, «Aristonothos», 11, 2008, pp. 109140; ANDREW BARKER, Ancient Greek Writers on their Musical Past. Studies in Greek Musical Historiography, Pisa-Roma, Serra, 2014 («Syncrisis. Biblioteca di studi e ricerche sull’antichità classica», 1), p. 89 sgg.

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FONGONI

15). Platone accusa i poeti di nuova generazione di essere divenuti artefici di trasgressioni rispetto alle antiche norme che regolavano

la musica, mescolando i /brezo? agli inni e i peani ai ditirambi, imitando la musica del flauto con quella della cetra, confondendo tutto con tutto. L'autore dei Problemi musicali, discutendo l'evo-

luzione del genere nomico e di quello ditirambico, testimonia le influenze reciproche, motivo per il quale il zomos, da canto citarodico solistico diventò corale,' mentre il ditirambo da antico canto corale eseguito da cittadini non professionisti, abbandonando la forma strofica, si trasformò in un lungo assolo lirico con il quale il virtuoso metteva in mostra la sua capacità esecutiva.* I Problemi dello Pseudoaristotele testimoniano naturalmente la fase finale di

un processo il cui inizio si può ravvisare in un passo della Rezorica aristotelica (3, 1409b17 sgg.), in cui Democrito di Chio paragona le interminabili frasi degli oratori alle anabolai troppo lunghe di

Melanippide. Il poeta dunque diede ampio spazio nel ditirambo alle parti solistiche, probabilmente accompagnate dallo strumento a corda, così come sostenuto da Giovanni Comotti in un famoso articolo sull’anabole e il ditirambo, apparso nei «Quaderni Urbinati» del 1989.’

Lo studioso infatti, ripercorrendo il significato di anabole nelle fonti, a partire dai poemi omerici fino ai nuovi ditirambografi, in particolare Cinesia e Melanippide, giunge alla conclusione che l’anabole ditirambica era un preludio in versi liberi da responsione, era cantata da un solista e, fino alla metà del v sec., mantenne il suo carattere di presentazione del successivo canto corale.

Le innovazioni apportate dalla nuova scuola sarebbero consistite nell’averne ampliato le dimensioni, nell'averla liberata da ogni legame di argomento

con il canto corale, nell'aver utilizzato un

linguaggio particolarmente ricercato, fino al limite del virtuosismo linguistico e nell'aver usato l'accompagnamento con la cetra. Così le anabolai da preludi vocali e/o strumentali divennero

delle vere e proprie arie virtuosistiche. In questo senso dovrebbe quindi spiegarsi la polemica tra Melanippide e Teleste: il primo * ^ nel 5

Tale era considerato il zemos di Timoteo. Vedi Clem. Al., Strozz., 1, 16, 78. ANDREW BARKER, Greek Musical Writings 1, cit., p. 192, nota 16, individua brano un riferimento alle innovazioni di Melanippide. GrovannI Comorti, L’anabolé e ἡ} ditirambo, «QUCC», n.s., XXXI, 1989,

pp. 107-117; IDEM, La musica nella cultura greca e romana, Torino, EDT, 1991? («Storia della musica», 1 1), p. 73.

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avrebbe difeso l'ampliamento delle parti solistiche accompagnate dalla cetra nel ditirambo,' il secondo avrebbe sostenuto la preminenza del canto corale accompagnato dall'az/os nel rispetto della tradizione dionisiaca.^ Un'altra testimonianza a supporto di questa ipotesi è la poetica di Filosseno di Citera, considerato dalle fonti allievo diretto di Melanippide (Suda, s.v. Φιλόξενος = testim. 5 Fongoni): dal maestro apprese proprio l'uso delle monodie virtuosistiche nel ditirambo accompagnate dallo strumento a corda.? Un esempio è costituito dal Ciclope che, nell'omonimo ditirambo, entrava in scena con la cetra, come apprendiamo dalla parodia contenuta nel Pluto di Aristofane ai vv. 290-301 e dagli scolî ad /occ. (frr. 7-8 Fongoni). Questi ultimi, in particolare, in-

dividuano nell’onomatopea #reztanelo (vv. 290; 296) l'imitazione del suono dello strumento utilizzato dal Ciclope nel ditirambo filossenico.^ In un passo del De musica (30, 11422) è attribuita ad Aristofane (fr. dub. 953 K.-A. = testim. 33a Fongoni) la notizia

che Filosseno introdusse me/e nei cori ciclici, da interpretare probabilmente come brani lirici monodici e astrofici, verisimilmente accompagnati dallo strumento a corda, di cui si ha un esempio nella monodia virtuosistica del Ciclope per Galatea (fr. 9 Fongoni), caratterizzata da neologismi ed epiteti altisonanti nel pieno stile del nuovo ditirambo.? In un suggestivo articolo del 1956, * A Melanippide nel Chirone di Ferecrate (fr. 155, 1 sgg. K.-A.) è attribuita un'innovazione considerevole e cioè l'aumento del numero delle corde della kithara a dodici.

? Cfr. anche FrangGOIS Lassznnz, Plutarque. De la musique, Olten-Lausanne, Urs Graf-Verlag, 1954, p. 50 sgg. 5 Vedi ADELAIDE FonconI, Philoxeni Cytherii testimonia et fragmenta, Pisa-Roma, Serra, 2014 («Dithyrambographi Graeci», 1), pp. 15, 23 sgg. 4 Ivi, pp. 107-110. 5 ADELAIDE FoNGONI, /unovagioni ditirambiche e terminologia musicale nel Chirone di Ferecrate (Ps. Plut. Mus. 30, 1142a = Aristoph. fr. 913 K.- A. et Phereer. fr. 155, 26-28 K.-A.), in Il sapere musicale e i suoi contesti da Teofrasto a Claudio Tolemeo, a cura di Daniela Castaldo, Donatella Restani, Cristina Tassi, Ravenna, Longo, 2009, pp. 171-183; EADEM, Philoxeni Cytherii, cit., pp. 25-27, 110 sg. In altri contributi recenti su vari aspetti del ditirambo, è stato messo in evidenza che il più antico ditirambo corale introdotto da Arione a Corinto fu cantato con l'accompagnamento della cetra e che la performance del ditirambo e del nomos si confusero sempre più in età ellenistica. Vedi PAoLA CECCARELLI, Circular

Choruses and the Dithyramb in the Classical and Hellenistic Period: a Problem of Definition e JOHN C. FRANKLIN, ‘Songbenders of Circular Choruses’: Dithyramb and the ‘Demise of Music’, in Dithyramb in Context, cit., pp. 153-170, 213-236.

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John Boardman si era occupato del Marsz4 di Melanippide in relazione principalmente alle testimonianze iconografiche.' Oltre a vedere nel gruppo statuario di Mirone la rappresentazione di quanto narrato nel frammento del Marsa di Melanippide, e perfino un monumento commemorativo (la dedica per la vittoria commissionata dal poeta o dal corego), lo studioso ipotizzò che

quel ditirambo avesse ispirato una serie di scene su vasi attici contemporanei che mostrano il satiro sconfitto da Apollo suonare lo strumento del suo rivale piuttosto che essere scuoiato dal dio. La testimonianza principale è costituita, secondo Boardman, da

un vaso a figure rosse, un frammento del cratere di Copenhagen, gruppo di Polignoto, del 440 a.C. ca., raffigurante un satiro che suona uno strumento a corda, che precede nel komos Dioniso e che reca vicino alla testa la scritta AIOYPAM®OX.? Sulla base di tale ricostruzione il ditirambo di Melanippide non avrebbe sol-

tanto narrato la gara tra Apollo citarodo e il satiro, ma avrebbe incluso la &bara nella performance accanto all’aulos: Melanippide cioé avrebbe messo in scena una lotta tra i due strumenti che fini con la conversione di Marsia alla &i/ara. Anche Boardman legò le anabolai di Melanippide alla musica della &zara concludendo

che il poeta rappresentò il mito di Marsia per illustrare la lotta tra il vecchio stile, rappresentato dal ditirambo aulodico, e il nuovo, il ditirambo citarodico-anabolico dovuto alle sue innova-

zioni, con la figura dell'auleta Marsia trasformato in citarodo a simboleggiare il compromesso fra i due modi di realizzare poesia ditirambica. Di recente Power ha ripreso l'ipotesi di Boardman: il Marsia di Melanippide rappresenterebbe l’inizio di un antagonismo tra ditirambo e citarodia, il suo Marsia sarebbe un precursore del Ciclope citarodo di Filosseno di Citera.?

Si puó quindi concludere che, utilizzando la versione del mito del rigetto dell’au/os da parte di Atena, Melanippide, in quel parti* Una raccolta delle testimonianze iconografiche sul mito di Marsia a cura di Anne Weis, Marsyas 1, in LIMC, vi 1, pp. 366-368. * JOHN BoARDMAN, Some Attic Fragments, cit., pp. 18-20. Cfr. anche HENRI Mzrzozn, Les représentation dans la céramique attique du 1v' siécle, Paris, de Boccard, 1951 («Bibliothèques de l'Ecole francaise d'Athénes et de Rome -- Série Athènes», 172), p. 163; THomas B. L. WEBSTER, The Greek Chorus, London, Methuen & Co LTD, 1970, p. 132 sg. 5 Cfr. TimotHy Power, Kyk/ops kitharoidos: Dithyramb and Nomos in Play, in Dithyramb in Context, cit., pp. 237-256. Si veda anche SUSANNA SARTI, Gli strumenti musicali di Apollo, «Aton ‘archeol.’», xIV, 1992, pp. 95-104.

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colare ditirambo, volesse dare maggiore risalto all’uso della cetra

rispetto a quello dell’au/os e che ne sia nata una disputa letteraria, reale o fittizia, con Teleste che invece, per difendere e consolidare l’importanza dell’au/os, strumento tradizionalmente legato al genere ditirambico, modificò il mito: Atena non avrebbe abbandonato l’aulos, bensì lo avrebbe affidato a Dioniso, il dio del ditirambo, una sorta di passaggio di testimone dalla divinità ateniese al dio straniero, che aveva lo scopo di reinserire a pieno titolo uno strumento ostracizzato in quel particolare periodo storico nel tessuto sociale ateniese.

«A LYDIAN PIPE AND TUNES OF THE LYRE THE ANONYMOUS (POXY

AND

THE

XV,

GENRE

SYLVAIN

THE LYDIAN SERVE ME»: AULODIA 1795)

OF AULODY

PERROT

ABSTRACT

A fragmentary papyrus found in Oxyrhynchus contains a fragment of a metrical text (unfortunately without any musical notation), which is supposed to belong to the genre of aulody, because of the refrain «Play me a pipe tune». If this assumption is correct, it would be one of the

vety few fragments conserved for aulody. The metrical form has been discussed since the discovery, such as the astonishing acrostic form of the poem (the excerpt we have at our disposal goes from O to =).

Nevertheless, the text has not been exhaustively studied, especially in its aesthetical context. This paper focuses on the strophe A, which is fully

dedicated to music instruments: aulos and lyre, which are displayed in a certain way in the tomb of the poct, and tympana. It aims at understanding the ritual described and at replacing it into the context of aulodic performance, which is related by Greek sources to death songs. It is obvious that a new inquiry, based upon our knowledge of aulody and archaeological records of tombs of musicians, may bring a new light on this text that presents aulody between music, magic and death. KrrwonDs: papyrus, aulody, funerary music, death ritual, magic. HE

text

of the

so-called

‘Anonymous

Aulodia’

has

been

found on a papyrus, which is 22,3 cm high and 17,8 large, unearthed in Oxyrhynchus, in the Egyptian l'ayoum.' It seems to * ArtHuR 5. Hunt, in BERNARD P. GRENFELL, ARTHUR S. Hunt, POxy, xv, London, Egypt Exploration Society, 1922, n. 1795; JOHN UNDERSHELL PoweLL, Collectanea Alexandrina, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1925, pp. 199-200 (without fr. 1); GEorGius MANTEUFFEL, De opusculis Graecis Aegypti e papyris, ostracis lapidibusque collectis, Warsaw, Nakladem towarzystwa naukowego Warszawskiego, 1930, pp. 176-178; ERNEST DieHL, Anthologia Lyrica Graeca, II, Leipzig, Teubner, 19503, pp. 114-116 (without fr. 1); Denys L. Pacz, Se-

THE

ANONYMOUS

AULODIA

247

have been written in the first century A.D. and consists in several acrostic epigrams. These are not separate epigrams, for this is part of a whole strophic and alphabetic poem.' Unfortunately only seven strophes are fully or almost completely preserved, so that we

have at our disposal the strophes from the letter Theta to the Xi. Considering the rhythmical pattern,^ each strophe is made of four hexameters, in which the final foot always is an iambus instead of a spondee or a trochee. So there are μείουροι ἑξάμετροι. After the four hexameters there is a kind of refrain made of the two words αὔλει uot, which is a molossos. These two words are responsible

for the interpretation of the text as an aulodia. Since the first publication, scholars also used to describe the contents of the poem as sometimes moralistic, sometimes hedonistic. By doing so, they do not seem to pay enough attention to the unity of the poem and

consequently to the musical performance: one person is singing to the 44/05 and obviously complains about life. No one has un-

derlined the singularity of one strophe, the Lambda one, which is especially dealing with musical features. I would like to present here some new reflections on this strophe, which gives relevant clues to understand the general aim of the poem. Then purpose of this article is to ask the genre that the poem actually belongs

to. Indeed this is a kind of aulody, but we may underline the relationships between aulody and threnody, for the text is mainly lect Papyri, London-Cambridge MA, Heinemann-Harvard University Press, n. 125 (without fr. 1); Ernst HerrscH, Die griechischen Dichterfragmente der romischen Kaiserzeit, Gottingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1963-1964, vii; Theognis, edited by Douglas Young, Leipzig, Teubner, 19717, pp. 119-121; GENNARO TEDESCHI, YxdAca alfabetici, in Klaus Fabian, Ezio Pellizer, Gennaro Tedeschi (dir), OINHPA TEYXH. Studi triestini di poesia conviviale, Alessandria, Edizioni dell'Orso, 1991 («Culture Antiche. Studi e Testi» 3), pp. 235-269; GENNARO TEDESCHI, // valore della ricchezza, «Incontri triestini di filologia classica», 111, 2003-2004, pp. 21-55: 54 (without fr. 1). * FRANCISCA PoRDOMINGO, Vers une caractérisation des anthologies sur papyrus, in Akten des 23. Internationalen Papyrologen-Kongress, edited by Bernhardt Palme,

Vienna, VOAW, 2007, PP. 549-557: 553-554.

* PauL Maas, rec. a BERNARD P. GRENFELL, ARTHUR S. Hunt, POxy xv, «BphW», xLII, 1922, pp. 581-582; KARL FRIEDRICH W. SCHMIDT, tec. a. BERNARD P. GRENFELL, ARTHUR S. Hunt, POxy xv, «CGA», CLXXXVI, 1924, pp. 1-17: 10; ALBRECH DIHLE, Die Anfange der griechischen akzentuierenden Verskunst, «Hermes», LKXXII, 1954, pp. 182-199: 184; MAximo Brioso SANCHEZ, Aportaciones al problema de la metrica griega tardia, «Eclás», τικν, 1972, pp. 95-138: 105-106.

248

SYLVAIN

PERROT

dealing with death. Purthermore, this text has some affinities with few bucolic texts that mix love, death and magics. und? ἀδικεῖν φεῦγε φόνους εἰς δ᾽ ὀλίγον Αὔλει μοι. ides ἔαρ,

ζήτει, μηδ᾽ ἂν ἀδικῇ προσερίσῃς" καὶ φεῦγε μάχας, φεῖσαι δὲ διαφρονεῖν, πονέσεις, καὶ δεύτερον οὐ μεταμέλῃ. χειμῶνα, 9&poc: ταῦτ᾽ ἐστὶ διόλου"

ἥλιος αὐτὸς ἔδυ, καὶ νὺξ τὰ τεταγμέν᾽ ἀπέχει"

μὴ κοπία ζητεῖν πόϑεν ἥλιος 7j πόϑεν ὕδωρ, ἀλλὰ πόϑεν τὸ μύρον καὶ τοὺς στεφάνους ἀγοράσῃς. Αὔλει μοι. Κρήνας αὐτορύτους μέλιτος τρεῖς ἤϑελον ἔχειν, πέντε γαλακτορύτους, οἴνου δέκα, δώδεκα μύρου, καὶ δύο πηγαίων ὑδάτων, καὶ τρεῖς χιονέων" παῖδα κατὰ κρήνην καὶ παρϑένον ἤϑελον ἔχειν. Αὔλει μοι. Λύδιος αὐλὸς ἐμοὶ τὰ δὲ Λύδια παίγματα λύρας, καὶ Φρύγιος κάλαμος τὰ δὲ ταύρεα τύμπανα πονεῖ" ταῦτα ζῶν goat τ᾽ ἔραμαι, xat, ὅταν ἀποθάνω, αὐλὸν ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς ϑέτε μοι, παρὰ ποσσὶ δὲ λύραν. Αὔλει μοι. Μέτρα τίς ἂν πλούτου, τίς ἀνεύρατο μέτρα πενίας, 7| τίς ἐν ἀνθρώποις χρυσοῦ πάλιν εὕρατο μέτρον; νῦν γὰρ ὁ χρήματ᾽ ἔχων ἔτι πλείονα χρήματα ϑέλει, πλούσιος ὧν δ᾽ ὁ τάλας βασανίζεται

ὥσπερ ὁ πένης.

Αὔλει μοι. Νεχρὸν ἐάν 109° ἴδῃς καὶ μνήματα κωφὰ παράγῃς, κοινὸν ἔσοπτρον ὁρᾷς" ὁ ϑανὼν οὕτως προσεδόκα. ‘O χρόνος

ἐστὶ δάνος, τὸ ζῆν πιχρός ἐσϑ᾽ ὁ δανίσας,

κἂν τότ᾽ ἀπαιτῆσαί σε ϑέλῃ, κλαίων ἀποδιδοῖς. Αὔλει μοι. Ξέρξης ἦν βασιλεὺς ὁ λέγων AU πάντα μερίσαι, ὃς δυσὶ πηδαλίοις μόνος ἔσχισε Λήμνιον ὕδωρ. "O3Btog ἦν ὁ Μίδας, τρὶς δ᾽ ὄλβιος ἦν ὁ Κινύρας, ἀλλὰ τίς εἰς “AtSa ὀβολοῦ πλέον ἤλυϑεν ἔχων;

Αὔλει μοι.

Try not to injure, and if you are injured, do not retaliate; shun murders, and shun strife, avoid discord,

for a brief while shall you suffer, and later not repent. Pipe You The Toil

me see sun not

a tune. spring, winter, summer: these are universal. himself sets, and night holds the appointed places. to seek whence comes the sun or whence the water,

THE

ANONYMOUS

AULODIA

249

but whence you may buy myrrh and wreaths. Pipe me a tune.

I should like three welling founts of honey, five of milk, ten of wine, twelve of myrrh,

and two of spring water and three of snow; I should like at each fount a boy and a maid. Pipe me a tune.

A Lydian pipe and the Lydian tunes of the lyre, and a Phrygian reed and the bulls’ hide drums serve me. While I live, I love singing these tunes,’ and when I die,

put a pipe above my head and at my feet a lyre. Pipe me a tune. Who has found the limits of wealth, who the limits of poverty,

or who again has found the limit of gold among men? For now he who has money wishes for still more money, and the rich man, poor wretch, is tormented like the poor. Pipe me a tune. Whenever you see a corpse or pass by silent tombs,

you see a common mirror; so hoped the dead man. Time is a loan: he who lends life is harsh,

and when he wants to demand it back of you, in tears you will repay. Pipe me a tune.

Xerxes was a king who said that he shared all things of Zeus and he alone sailed over the water of Lemnos with but two boats. Rich was Midas, a thrice-rich was Cinyras,

but who went down to Hades with more than an obol? Pipe me a tune.’ 1.

THE

LAMBDA

STROPHE

The three traditional classes of instruments and three of the Hornbostel-Sachs’ ethnomusicological one are represented: the aerophones with the au/os and the reed pipe, the chordophones

with

the lyre and finally the membranophones with the tambourines. * My thanks to Andrew Barker and Stefan Hagel for discussing the exact translation of this excerpt, whose meaning is unclear through the syntax. According to Stefan Hagel, it could also mean « While I live, I love playing these instruments». 2 The translation is mine, but based upon three translations available in English: ARTHUR 5. Hunt, in BERNARD P. GRENFELL, ARTHUR S. HUNT, POxy, xv, cit., n. 1795; Denys L. PAGE, Select Papyri, cit., n. 125 (without fr. 1); JOHN GARRETT WINTER, Life and Letters in the Papyri, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1933, pp. 217-218.

250

SYLVAIN

PERROT

But we have to pay attention to the way they are displayed. First of all, the two aerophones are at the nominative form of the sub-

stantive, which is qualified with an ethnic adjective: Lydian and Phrygian. Each of them is to be found in the first part of the verse just before the penthemimere caesura. So the parallelism between them is obvious. Both ethnics should also be considered: both

describe at the same time time a micrasiatic origin and a harmony. In the first case, we may understand that this is the harmony played by the 44/05, but the geographical origin is also a possibil-

ity. At the contrary, it is sure that Phrygian is the geographical origin, because it refers to the Phrygian aulos, also called ἔλυμος αὐλός.᾿ But it is again a possible allusion to the harmony played. If

these are indications of the musical setting, the poet seems to insist rather on the Lydian harmony. Indeed, the chordophone mentioned is the lyre with its Lydian pieces. The poet surely wanted

to make the link between the 44/05 and the lyre, for he placed both in the first verse, on both sides of the caesura. Furthermore, we

notice the same parallelism as observed before between the lyre and the drum, both neutral forms introduced with τὰ δέ. So this beginning is very interesting by confronting this whole orchestra. We could be surprised that in an aulodia the other instruments than the a4/os seem to be also very important. So the borderline between both is not a hermetic one. But if we remember the tra-

ditional strike between Apollo and Marsyas, between lyre/kithara and az/os, we should look at the second verse, which is an allusion to the Phrygia of the satyr Marsyas. Moreover, it is obvious that the Phrygian reed pipe and the drums refer to the cult of the Great Goddess Cybele. The Phrygian aulos is typical for her cult:

it looks like a canonical aulos but one of the pipes is ended with a horn functioning as a bell. It is also more low-pitched. The word κάλαμος means that the instrument is said to be made of reed, a very natural material, meaning that there is not much handcraft in the making of the instrument. However, in this very one line, we are told about two materials for music instruments in Greek antiquity. Regarding the drum, it is made of bull skin, which is

not a frequent qualification of the Greek drums. We just have one parallel for this expression, in the work of Leontinos, quoted by the Geoponica, in a place where the treatise is dealing with the * ANNIE

BéLIs, L'aulos phrygien,

«Revue Archéologique», 1986, pp. 21-40.

THE

ANONYMOUS

AULODIA

251

hunting of a special bird. This bird is afraid when it hears the sound of £&ro/ala and of objects made of bull skin:' Περὶ κολοιῶν. Λεοντίνου. Κολοιοὺς ἀπελάσεις, ἐὰν ἕνα ϑηράσας χρεμάσῃς. οἱ γὰρ λοιποὶ ὁρῶντες aucov φεύξονται, νομίζοντες πάγας εἶναι ἐν τῷ κτήματι. κολοιοὺς δὲ ἔρχεσϑαι

καὶ πᾶν ὄρνεον κωλύσεις, ἐὰν ἐλλέβορον μέλανα οἴνῳ βρέξας μετὰ χκριϑῶν παραβάλῃς. Καλῶς δὲ ποιήσεις, εἰ πρὶν καϑίσαι αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν ἄρουραν, ψόφῳ τινὶ ἀπελάσεις. ἱκανὸς δὲ ὁ ἐκ τῶν κροτάλων χαὶ ἐκ τῆς ταυρείας ψόφος ἐκφοβῆσαι τούτους.

About jackdaws. Of Leontinos. You shall expel jackdaws if you hang up one of them you had hunted. Indeed, seeing it the others will fly away, thinking there are traps in the building. You shall prevent for coming jackdaws and all kinds of birds, if you wet black hellebore with wine and add it to barley grains. You shall make it good, if you expel them away by any noise before you let them take place in the fields. The noise coming from the &rofala and the bull-hide drum suits well to frighten them. The percussion noise of the &ro/a/a suits well the orchestration of Cybele's and Dionysos’ revels.^ Then we may wonder about the reality of bull skin, because oxhide seems to be more appropriate. But the allusion to the bull may be understood in that the priests of Cybele used to emasculate themselves and so denied their viril-

ity. Alluding to the bull refers to this question of virility, and we may imagine that the drums have been made of bull skin after the sactifice of such an animal. The sacrifice of a bull is well known

in Greece and will also be performed afterwards in Mithra's cult. It could also be a discrete allusion to the myth of Marsyas, who literally lost his skin. By consequence, the association of Phrygian aulos and of drum is not surprising if we consider that the cult of Cybele is behind this line. We may recall for this interpretation the

famous funerary stele of a Gallos,? a priest of Cybele, featuring the dead man with his traditional attributes, and among them we recognize the Phrygian au/os and the tympanon. But there is no lyre

and we are not told about the use of the lyre in such cults. We may infer that two main different circumstances are suggested here: the 1 Gp., 14, 25. 2 ANNIE BELIs, Musique et transe dans le cortége dionysiaque,

«Cahiers du GITA»,

IV, 1988, pp. 9-29.

5 GUNTER FLEISCHHAUER, Efrurien und Rom, Musikgeschichte in Bildern, 11/5, Leipzig, ves Deutscher Verlag für Musik, 1964, pp. 84-85.

252

SYLVAIN

PERROT

Lydian world and the Phrygian world. This is a point that should be explained later. If we think now

about the melodies, we can be sure that the

Lydian harmony is the most important one. We read the word twice in one line and in the second case this is a qualification of

the matyya, which means played scores. In the time where the poem is composed, probably at the beginning of the Roman Em-

pire, the system in use is the system with fifteen scales, and one of them is the Lydian one.' But we cannot be sure that this is not a literary fopos and the archaic Lydian harmony could be suggested in this context.”

According to the famous text of Plato, the ancient Lydian harmony, particularly high-pitched, suits well the funeral deplorations.’ Plato rejects it from the ideal city because it is good for

complaining. We do not know much about the pieces played in Lydian harmony but according to Plutarch, who is commenting Plato’s evidence, the nomos of Olympos, also called Epikedeion, was

played in Lydisti:* τοιγάρτοι Πλάτων ἐν τῷ τρίτῳ τῆς Πολιτείας δυσχεραίνει τῇ ικῇ τὴν γοῦν Λύδιον ἁρμονίαν παραιτεῖται, ἐπειδὴ ὀξεῖα Log πρὸς ϑρῆνον. ἢ καὶ τὴν πρώτην σύστασιν αὐτῆς φασι γενέσϑαι. Ὄλυμπον γὰρ πρῶτον ᾿Αριστόξενος ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ ἐπὶ τῷ Πύϑωνί φησιν ἐπικήδειον αὐλῆσαι Λυδιστί.

τοιαύτῃ μουσxal ἐπιτήδεϑρηνώδη τινὰ περὶ μουσικῆς

As a matter of fact, Plato in his third book of the Republic finds un-

bearable that kind of music. He intercedes for the Lydian harmony, in that it is high-pitched and suits well the threne. It is said that its first composition was in the form of threne. Aristoxenus, in his first book on

music? says that Olympos played on the au/os a funeral tune for Python in the Lydian harmony. This

information

is very

important,

because

first Olympos

is a

Phrygian, told to be a disciple of Marsyas and sometimes a man taking part to the revel of Cybele. Moreover, Olympos’ noz: is also

called Epikedeion, which means ‘related to the funeral’. All of those elements

could draw us to the conclusion that the singing poet

* Jacques

CHAILLEY,

La musique grecque antique, Paris, Les Belles Lettres,

1979, Pp. 82-101.

2 Aristid. Quint., 1, 89. 5 PL, R., 3, 3986. 5 Aristox., fr. 80 Wehrli.

4 Plu., Mor., De mus., 1136c.

THE

ANONYMOUS

AULODIA

253

might be a mythological figure, that is Olympos, or at least a poet

who is comparing himself end of the preserved text. are evoked: the Persia of King Midas is known for he is present here; but we

to Olympos. There is another clue in the In the Xi strophe two Asian countries Xerxes and the Phrygia of Midas. The his fortune and this is the reason why have to remind that he was asked to be

the judge of the musical competition between Apollo and Marsyas.

After having asked the harmony, we have to make some remarks on the rhythm. No rhythm is specifically described but we have at out disposal the rhythmical pattern of the poem. We have already said that the poem is written in particular hexameters, the uetovpor ἑξάμετροι, ‘curtailed, tapered’ hexameters. This is a dac-

tylic hexameter having its last foot an iamb or pyrrhic instead of a spondee or trochee. If we keep in mind the Aristoxenian theory

of rhythm, dactyle and iamb are not of the same rhythmical genre. The dactyle belongs to the equal genre (length of arsis = thesis) whereas the iamb belongs to the double genre (arsis = half of the thesis).' Therefore, the μείουρος ἑξάμετρος is characterized by a

υεταβολή, a change from one rhythmical genre to another one.” The effect is that we hear always at the end of the verse a series of three shorts, which is quite surprising. This is a kind of syncope.

The second rhythmical surprise is the refrain, a molossos, which belongs to the double genre like the iamb. In fact, if we also keep in mind the Aristoxenian theory of ἀγωγή, we may notice that the molossos is the same thing as the half iamb but twice slower. So the refrain is a kind of deceleration of the tempo. In that, the poem seems to be not so far way from the Epikedeion of Olympos. This piece should probably have had life and

death as a main theme, which are opposed in the third verse of our Lambda strophe. The opposition between life and death for the instruments does not correspond to a presence/absence distinction: the instruments are always present, but when the poet is

alive, they sing, whereas they keep silent when he dies. 2.

THE

FUNERAL

RITE

Τῆς second part of the strophe is devoted to a kind of funeral ritual expected by the poet after his death. There has never been * Aristox., Rhyth., 2, 29-33.

2 Aristid. Quint., 1, 19.

254

SYLVAIN

PERROT

any commentary of these last wishes of a poet. And yet they are precise and not common. The recent discoveries of musical in-

struments in graves should also enlighten this poetic putting in stage. We may compare the text with the archaeological evidence, especially the position of the instruments in the grave. The poet

wants the aulos to be placed above his head and the lyre under his feet. The main problem is to be sure of the archaeological context of the excavated graves. The most famous tomb that has been unearthed with both in-

struments is the Daphni tomb in Athens, the so-called tomb of the poet.' Indeed, the situation is near the one described by the poem. Thanks to the recent publication, we have an idea of the

organization of the grave. There are an 44/05 and a tortoise shell belonging to a lyre. But they are not displayed in the same way as the poet has chosen. Both instruments, and we have to recall there

was also a harp, have been found close to the hip. In this tomb it seems that musical instruments have been collected and deposed at the same place. In a newly excavated grave in Athens, a dead body has been found with a p/agiaulos,? that was also lying close to the hip of the corpse. Then there is no firm distinction between the up and the down.

In other graves, containing only one instrument each, we find situations closer to our poem, although it is never exactly the same. For the 44/05, the most interesting case is the tomb of an azlos player in Pydna.? The au/os has been found close to the mouth of the dead, as if he continued to play in the kingdom of Hades.

The pipe is not above the head, but it is in the same arca. The symbol should be different: the dead musician in Pydna could continue playing whereas in the hereafter the Egyptian does not want to play any more.* * EGERT POHLMANN, Excavation, Dating and Content of Two Tombs in Daphne, Odos Olgas 53, Athens 1, «GRMS», I, 2013, p. 15. 2 Oxya Δακουρά-Βογιατζόγλου, Eva povadixò εὐρημα: τάφος αὐλητρίδας στὴν Κοίλη, CANGEMION », XXIII, 2012, pp. 30-34. 3 Ολγα Μπάνου, 0 διαυλός της Hoóvac, in Apyata ελληνική τεχνολογία πρακτικά 10 συνέδριο, Thessaloniki, ETBA ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΤΙΚῸ TEXNOAOTIKO IAPYMA, 1997, DD. 519-524; STELIOS PsAaROUDAKES, The Azloi of Pydna, 2008 («Studien zur Musikarcháologie vi; « Orient-Archáologie», 22), pp. 197-216. 4 SrLvain Perrot, La musique antique et le disbaru: l'abport de l’archéologie funtraire dans la restitution de la musique antique,

«RAMAGE», XV, 2012, n.n.

THE

ANONYMOUS

AULODIA

255

At the same time the lyre is never by the feet of the dead. It

has been mainly found close to the knee of the skeleton. We have at our disposal four well documented graves, one in Athens' and three in Italy (Crotone, Paestum,’ Metapontum?^. It seems that this position corresponds to the place of the tortoise shell as if the

dead continued carrying his instrument by the arm or the cross, as we may see on the famous Pronomos’ crater in Naples.’ In conclusion, we can just assume that the ritual expected by the

Egyptian poet has not been seen anywhere else, at least according to out knowledge. So we have to question the meaning of such a ritual. The poet clearly wants the instruments to keep quiet, he does not want them to be close to the mouth or the hand. Is there

any hierarchy between both instruments? We cannot be sure at all. It is rather a kind of spatial organization, so that the dead is environed by the instruments, what the verse is reproducing with a chiasmus. We may make a suggestion. The 44/05 is associated with the air whereas the lyre is associated with the earth, because the tortoise is a reptile. We are told by Pausanias and Plutarch that the statue of Aphrodite in Elis had a tortoise at its feet, for

tortoise is a mute animal. The lyre that is not played any more comes back to the state of a mute animal. So the disposition of the instruments could reflect a certain vision of the musician and of the world: when a musician dies, his instruments become also dead bodies.

* STELIOS PsAROUDAKES, A Lyre from the Cemetery of the Acharnian Gate, in Musikarcbáologie im Kontext, Rahden, Leidorf, 2006 («Studien zur Musikarcháologie», v; «Orient-Archiologie», 20), pp. 59-79. 2 Ricerche nella chora meridionale di Crotone: prospezioni e scavi (1990-1991), in Kro-

ton e il suo territorio tra vie v secolo a.C., edited by Roberta Belli Pasqua, Roberto Spadea, Crotone, Comune

di Crotone, 2005, pp. 171-172, 178-179, 189-191, ps.

LXXII, LXXXII and LKXXIV. 5 MARINA

CIPRIANI, Morire a Poseidonia nel v secolo. Qualche riflessione a propo-

sito della necropoli meridionale, «Dialoghi di archeologia», 1, 1989, p. 87. 4 MARIANNE

PROHASZKA, Reflections from the dead: the metal finds from the Pan-

tanello necropolis at Metaponto, Stockholm, Astroms Paul Forlag, 1995 (« Studies in Mediterranean archaeology», 110), pp. 145-157, pl. 41; JOSEPH COLEMAN Carter, Jon HarL, Burial decriptions, in The Chora of Metaponto, vol. 1: The Necropoleis, edited by Joseph Coleman Carter, Austin vx, University of Texas Press, 1998, p. 371. 5 Museo Nazionale Archeologico di Napoli, H 3240: ARV? 1336.1 $ Plu., Mor., Con. Praec., 32, 142d; Paus., 6, 25, 1.

256

SYLVAIN

3. AULODY

PERROT

AND

THRENODY

After having studied in details the Lambda strophe, we may con-

sider it as a part of the whole text and examine the question of aulody. The Lambda strophe gives us clues about the performance that should not be underestimated: we are told about the musical activities of the dead, especially his relationships to the cult of Cy-

bele, and about the musical setting of the song, mainly in Lydian harmony, which suits perfectly funerary compositions. Indeed, when we look at the origins of the genre, it is obvious that aulody is related to death. By presenting the birth and the evolution of the nomos pythikos in Delphi, Pausanias explains that aulody was present at the early beginning of the contest' but has been banished very soon because the association of 44/05 and voice is not a nice feature, recalling funerary lamentations. Actually the nomos pythikos is expected to imitate the murder of the snake by

Apollo, especially its death:* 2.3 3.2 ; VETE" TP , τῆς δὲ τεσσαρακοστῆς ὀλυμπιάδος καὶ ὀγδόης, ἣν Γλαυκίας ὁ Κροτωνιάτης ἐνίκησε, ταύτης ἔτει τρίτῳ ἄϑλα ἔϑεσαν οἱ ᾿Αμφιχτύονες κιϑαρῳδίας μὲν Vou iE Lom ; ΝΕ TEM καϑὰ x«l ἐξ ἀρχῆς, προσέϑεσαν δὲ xal αὐλῳδίας ἀγώνισμα καὶ αὐλῶν" ἀνηγορεύϑησαν δὲ νικῶντες Κεφαλήν τε Μελάμπους κιϑαρῳδίᾳ καὶ αὐλῳ δὸς ᾿Αρκὰς Ἐχέμβροτος, Σακάδας δὲ ᾿Αργεῖος ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐλοῖς" (...) dev; x ; > iei d or ye ; : τέρᾳ δὲ πυϑιάδι οὐχ ἐπὶ ἄϑλοις ἐκάλεσαν ἔτι ἀγωνίζεσθαι, στεφανίτην δὲ 2

ia

τὸν

LA

ἀγῶνα

ἀπὸ

Y

,

τούτου

X97.

29

κατεστήσαντο:

e

xal

CA

αὐλῳδίαν

LA

9

«-τό-»τε

8L

M

κατέλυσαν,

καταγνόντες οὐχ εἶναι τὸ ἄκουσμα εὔφημον: ἡ γὰρ αὐλῳδία μέλη τε ἦν αὐλῶν τὰ σκυϑρωπότατα καὶ ἐλεγεῖα [ϑρῆνοι] προσαδόμενα τοῖς αὐλοῖς. μαρτυρεῖ δέ μοι xal τοῦ Ἐχεμβρότου τὸ ἀνάϑημα, τρίπους χαλκοῦς ἀνατεϑεὶςτῷ Ἡρακλεῖ τῷ ἐν Θήβαις" ἐπίγραμμα δὲ ὁ τρίπους εἶχεν" Ἐχέμβροτος ᾿Αρχὰς ϑῆκε τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ νικήσας τόδ᾽ ἄγαλμ᾽ ᾿Αμφικτυόνων ἐν ἀέϑλοις, Ἕλλησι

δ᾽ ἀείδων μέλεα καὶ ἐλέγους.

κατὰ τοῦτο μὲν τῆς αὐλῳδίας ἐπαύσϑη τὸ ἀγώνισμα:

In the 54 year of the 48 Olympiad (586 B.c.), won by Glaukias of Crotona, the Amphictyons established prizes for citharody as they did from the beginning, but they added a contest of aulody

and auletic. Were proclaimed winners Melampous from Cephal* About aulodic contests, see Maria FREDERIKA Vos, Azlodie and Auletic Contests, in Enthousiasmos: Essays on Greek and Related Pottery Presented to J. M. Hemelrijk, Amsterdam, Brijder, 1986, pp. 121-130. 2 Paus., 10, 7, 4-6.

THE

ANONYMOUS

AULODIA

257

lenia in the citharody, Echembrotos of Arcady in the aulody and Sakadas of Argos in the auletic (...). At the second Pythiad (582

B.C.), they no longer called to contest for prizes but established the contest with a crown for victory. And they banished aulody,

because according to them its sound was not an uttering sound of good omen. Indeed, the aulody was the saddest melodies and

elegies sung to the sound of auloi. In my opinion it is attested by the votive offering of Echembrotos, a bronze tripod dedicated to Herakles in his Theban sanctuary. The tripod had got

this epigram: Echembrotos of Arcady dedicated to Herakles This pleasant gift after having won in the contests of the Amphictyons And sung for the Greeks melodies and elegies. In this way the contest of aulody was dropped. It is a fact that the poem on this papyrus is sometimes moralistic and sometimes hedonistic. It obviously has connections with the perception of death by ancient philosophers belonging to the Stoa or the Garden: it is typical for the Stoician memento mori and the Epicurian carpe diez. Both have in common the organization of life related to upcoming death. Seikilos’ epitaph can be read in this perspective.' Therefore, this poem is first speaking about death, what suits perfectly to aulody. It is also true that az/os and lyre are welcome in the symposium and the reference to the wine in the Kappa strophe has let scholars think the song was performed in a symposium.^ Moreover there are erotic elements that belong to this hedonistic atmosphere. But death is close, so that we should speak more precisely of a song of love and death. The funerary rites were particularly accompanied with au/os in

the Greek religion, as shown e.g. by a black figure cantharos preserved in the Cabinet des Médailles in Paris.’ We are also told

about the ϑρηναυλής, that is the aulos player specialized in funerals. He belonged to the lower class of musicians. One ϑρηναυλής * EcerT POHLMANN, MARTIN L. West, Documents of Ancient Greek Music, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2001, n. 23. ^ FRANCESCA PoRDOMINGO, Las aulodias de POxy 1795 y el simposio, in Kalon Theama. Estudios de Filologia Cldsica e Indoeuropeo dedicados a F. Romero Cruz, edited by Vicente Bécares, Maria Pilar Fernández Alvarez, Emiliano Fernández Vallina, Salamanca, Universidad de Salamanca, 1999, pp. 181-196. 5 Paris, Cabinet des Médailles inv. 355.

258

SYLVAIN

PERROT

is known in Egypt, in a list of musicians preserved on a papyrus owned by the Archaeological Society of Athens.' “Bepevix(ideg) ἐπιτ(ηρήσεως)

(δραχμὰς)

Αἰγί(ιαλοῦ) (δραχμὰς)

(hand xn

Ἥρων

2)

[ γέρων

-ca.?-

μῶρος

ἀσκαύλ(ης)

ϑρηναύλ(ης) ἐπιτ(ηρήσεως)

ις.

Berenekidos son of Aigialos ---moros, threnaules, with a loan of 28 drachms Heron the Older, askaules, with a loan of 16 drachms.

Which instruments did the funeral au/os players use? According to the sources, the 44/05 played in such circumstances has got various names, rarely attested. First we find the αὐλός mevOrxd¢* and the

αὐλός ἐπικήδειος. For the latter, a description given by Plutarch is very useful to understand the effect on the auditory.? But the most interesting testimony is a scholia to Aeschylus’ Persae4 explaining that the funerary au/oi are the auloi Mariandynoi : πρὸ τοῦ σοῦ φϑόγγου πέμψω αὐτὸς ἰαχὴν πολύδακρυν διὰ τὴν κακοφάτιδα βοὴν τῆς σῆς ὑποστροφῆς. εἶτα ἑρμηνεύων τὸ ἰαχὴν πολύδακρύν φησιν ἰὰν καὶ φωνὴν κακὸν μέλος ἔχουσαν ϑρηνητῆρος Μαριανδυνοῦ ὡς τῶν Μαριανδυνῶν ϑρηνῳδῶν ὄντων. καὶ αὐλοὶ δέ τινες λέγονται Μαριανδυνοὶ ἐπιτηςδειότητα ἔχοντες πρὸς ϑρήνους. τινὲς δέ φασιν ὅτι πρὸ τοῦ φϑόγγου xat τῆς ἀγγελίας τοῦ σοῦ νόστου ἣ πρὸ τῆς ϑρηνῳδίας τῆς περὶ σοῦ μελλούσης

γενέσϑαι ϑρηνήσω αὐτός.

Before your sound I personally will shout a shriek full of tears

because of the ill-omened cry of your wheeling round. Then, explaining the ‘shriek full of tears’, he says: a shriek and a voice having the bad melody of the mourner Mariandynos, as if they were Mariandynoi mourners. And a certain type of az/oi is called Mariandynos because they have an ability to accompany threnes. Some people say: before the sound and the announcement of your return or before the threnody that is going to arrive to you, I shall personally sing my threne.

The Mariandynioi, a Bithynian people, related to Adonis’ cult, are specialized in threnody. Furthermore, Mariandynos, son of Tityos, is said to have developed threnetic aulody and to have taught it to

Hyagnis, Marsyas’ father. Once again, Phrygia is close: ! P. Athen. 43, 5, 13. See also Μαρία Τερζιδου, H μουσική ζωή στὴν ελληνορωμαική Acyunvó μέσα από τὴ μαρτυρία vov παπύρων, Thessaloniki, Εκδοτικός Otxoz Αδελφών Κυριακιδὴ A.E., 2013, pp. 389-390. 2 Artem., 1, 56. 5 Plu., Mor., Quaest. conv., 6572. 4 Sch., Aesch., Pers., 937. 5 Eust, Commentarium in Dionysii periegetae orbis descriptionem, 791, 35.

THE

ANONYMOUS

AULODIA

259

Διὸ x«i Αἰσχύλος φησὶ, βόα τὸ Μύσιον, ἤγουν ϑρήνει. Μυϑεύεται δὲ παῖς Τιτίου ὁ Μαριανδυνὸς, ὃς τὴν ὀδυρτικὴν αὐλῳδίαν ηὔξησε, καὶ ἐδίδαξε τὸν Μαρσύου τοῦ αὐλητοῦ πατέρα, ἐξ od καὶ Μαριανδυνοὶ αὐλοὶ ἐπιτήδειοι 2

+

>

2

τοῖς ϑρηνοῦσιν.

Οὗτος

κυνηγετῶν,

φασὶν, ἀπώλετο, xal οἱ Μαριανδυνοὶ

ἐν

ἀκμῇ ϑέρους ἐθρήνουν αὐτόν.

That is why Aeschylus also says sing the Mysian song, that is sing the threne. According to the myth, Tityos’ son Mariandynos, who increased the complaining aulody, also taught Marsyas’ fa-

ther (Hyagnis), and from his name come also the Mariandynoi auloi that are appropriate for the ones who sing threne. This man is said to have perished by hunting and the Mariandynoi sing the threne for him at the mid-summer. In Roman times, it seems that cerau/ae in Latin means clearly

threnaulai* and that is a kind of missing link between funerary auloi and Phrygian auloi, because players of Phrygian au/os are also called Aeraulai or kerautolai. Κεραυλός means aulos with horn.

According to Hesychius: «ἐγκεραύλης:»" ὁ τοῖς Φρυγίοις αὐλῶν. Eyer γὰρ ὁ ἀριστερὸς προσκείμενον χέρας «ἐγκεραυλῆσαι»" τὸ αὐτό: προσκειμένου γὰρ κέρατος τῷ αὐλῷ ἦδον. ὅϑεν χαὶ è «ἐγχεραύλης»

Enkeraules: the one playing Phrygian a4/oi. Indeed, the left roar has a horn that is added.

Ekeraulesai: the same. Indeed, they sung after having added the horn to the aulos. From this verb the substantive enxkeraules.

According to Pollux, the term should be very ancient:* e

ἡ δ᾽ ὕλη τῶν αὐλῶν κάλαμος T) χαλκὸς ἢ λωτὸς T) πύξος T, κέρας 7, ὀστοῦν ἐλάφου, ἢ δάφνης τῆς χαμαιζήλου κλάδος τὴν ἐντεριώνην ἀφῃρημένος. ὁ δὲ

τοῖς αὐλοῖς χρώμενος αὐλητὴς καὶ χεραύλης κατὰ τὸν ᾿Αρχίλοχον (frg 172 Β), τριηραύλης, αὐλητρίς.

The material of au/oi is reed, bronze, lotus-wood, box-wood, horn ot deer-bone, or a branch of the low-growing laurel (dwarf laurel), whose interior had been taken away. The one using au/oi is an auletes, ot a keraules according to Archilochus, a ¢rieraules or an auletris.

Finally, Lydus explains that the Roman cornicines look like Greek * Corn., ND,

5.

2 Poll., 4, 71.

260

SYLVAIN

PERROT

Reraulai.' And in a text of Lucius Annaeus Cornutus, the Aeraulia is associated to the sound of /yzpara and cymbala, by imitation with the noise of the storm. Τῆς δὲ «Ῥέας» κατὰ τὴν παραδεδειγμένην ῥύσιν εἰδοποιουμένης εἰκότως ἤδη καὶ τὴν τῶν ὄμβρων αἰτίαν ἀνατιϑέντες αὐτῇ, ὅτι ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ μετὰ βροντῶν xat ἀστραπῶν συμβαίνει γίνεσϑαι, καὶ ταύτην παρεισήγαγον τυμπάνοις καὶ κυμβάλοις καὶ χεραυλίαις καὶ λαμπαδηφορίαις χαίρουσαν.

*Rhea', reasonably enough, is portrayed according to the flow she

represents. ΤῸ her is ascribed the cause of rain storms; and because it usually happens that storms are accompanied by thunder

and lightening, it became a custom that Rhea rejoices in drums and cymbals, the playing of horned az/o;, and torch-lit processions. In Lucian's Podagra,* the choir sings a song describing the musi-

cal cult of Cybele. The main instrument is the keraulos Phrygios, but there is something else very interesting: Phrygian people make the o/olugè, the traditional lamentation of death and Lydian people are screaming. So Phrygian and Lydian people are once again associated in a performance worshipping Cybele but also related to death, namely the death of Attis. ᾿Ανὰ Δίνδυμον Κυβήβης Φρύγες ἔνϑεον ὀλολυγὴν ἁπαλῷ τελοῦσιν

Ἄττῃ,

καὶ πρὸς μέλος κεραύλου Φρυγίου xat? ὄρεα Τμώλου κῶμον βοῶσι Λυδοί: παραπλῆγες ἀμφὶ ῥόπτροις κελαδοῦσι Κρητὶ ῥυθμῷ νόμον εὐὰν Κορύβαντες. κλάζει δὲ βριϑὺ σάλπιγξ Ἄρει χρέχουσα ϑούρῳ πολεμηΐαν ἀστήν.

On Dindymus, Cybebe's mount, Phrygians raise their frenzied cries To tender Attis as his due.

To the note of the Phrygian horn Along the slopes of Tmolus high Lydians shout their revelling song, * Lyd., Mag.,

? Lucianus,

70: κορνίκινες, κεραῦλαι.

774g., 30-42.

THE

ANONYMOUS

AULODIA

261

And Corybants on tambourines Madly drum with Cretan beat Their Bacchanalian strain so wild. Trumpets ring their heavy note To please the lusty War-god's ear, Sending out shrill battle cry. Let's go back to our papyrus and its find spot. It comes from a

very hellenized part of Egypt and we do know that the cult of Cybele came till Egypt, thanks to a cymbal with the inscription «To the Great Goddess».' Our poet seems to be a devote of Cybele, to Asiatic cults. We know that these cults were extremely popular because of the relationships between life and death, and this is not so far away from magic rituals. We may wonder whether our papyrus has some relationships with magics. The refrain sounds

like a magical formula and we may think of the representation of magicians in the bucolic genre. Theocritus! famous idyll The Spell puts in stage two women who are making magic so that the

beloved comes back:* νῦν ϑυσῶ τὰ πίτυρα. τὺ δ’, Ἄρτεμι, καὶ τὸν ἐν Ἅιδα κινήσαις ἀδάμαντα x«i εἴ τί περ ἀσφαλὲς ἄλλο Θεστυλί, ταὶ κύνες ἄμμιν ἀνὰ πτόλιν MOVOVTAL’ & ϑεὸς ἐν τριόδοισι

τὸ χαλκέον ὡς τάχος ἄχει.

Turi, ἕλκε τὺ τῆνον ἐμὸν ποτὶ δῶμα τὸν ἄνδρα. Avide σιγῇ μὲν πόντος, σιγῶντι δ᾽ ἀῆται" & δ᾽ ἐμὰ οὐ σιγῇ στέρνων ἔντοσϑεν ἀνία, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τήνῳ πᾶσα καταίϑομαι ὅς με τάλαιναν ἀντὶ γυναικὸς ἔϑηκε κακὰν καὶ ἀπάρϑενον ἦμεν. Turi, ἕλκε τὺ τῆνον ἐμὸν ποτὶ δῶμα τὸν ἄνδρα. ὡς τοῦτον τὸν κηρὸν ἐγὼ σὺν δαίμονι τάχω, ὡς τάκοιϑ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἔρωτος ὁ Μύνδιος αὐτίκα Δέλφις. YAS δινεῖθ᾽ ὅδε ῥόμβος ὁ χάλκεος ἐξ ᾿Αφροδίτας,

ὡς τῆνος δινοῖτο x09" ἁμετέραισι ϑύραισιν. Turi, ἕλκε τὺ τῆνον ἐμὸν ποτὶ δῶμα τὸν ἄνδρα. Now to the flames with the bran. O Artemis,

as thou movest the adamant that is at the door of Death, so mayst thou move all else that is unmovable.

Hark, Thestylis, where the dogs howl in the town. * ELLEN HickMANN, Cymbales et crotales dans l Egypte ancienne, « Annales du service des antiquités de l'Egypte», XLI, 1949, pp. 451-545: 461-462. 2 Theoc., 2, 28-42.

262

SYLVAIN

PERROT

Sure the Goddess is at the cross-roads. Quick, beat the pan.

Wryneck, wryneck, draw him hither. Lo there! Now wave is still and wind is still, though never still the pain that is in my breast; for I am all afire for him, afire alas! for him that hath made me no wife and left me to my shame no maid. Wryneck, wryneck, draw him hither. As this puppet melts for me before Hecat,

so melt with love, e'en so speedily, Delphis of Myndus. And as this wheel of brass turns by grace of Aphrodite, so turn he and turn again before my threshold. Wryneck, wryneck, draw him hither. In Vergils Bucolics the shepherds play “bia to call the beloved

back:' Maenalus argutumque nemus pinusque loquentis semper habet, semper pastorum ille audit amores Panaque, qui primus calamos non passus inertis. incipe Maenalios mecum, mea tibia, uersus.

Maenalus has ever tuneful groves and speaking pines; ever does he listen to shepherds’ loves and to Pan, who first awoke the idle reeds.

Begin, with me, my pipe, a song of Maenalus!

Those two texts are of strophic composition with a refrain. The sound of instruments (percussion and wind instruments) is supposed to help the pray to be heard by gods.

To conclude, I hope I have thrown some new light on this bad known poem, which is yet very relevant to question the relationships between lyre and 44/05, and especially the genre of aulody

and its links with funeral songs. The question remains: how can we comment upon the presence of lyre and az/os, especially close

to Phrygian ka/azzos and bull skin drums? If we keep in mind the hypothesis according to which Olympus is the figure of the poet,

three instruments are explained. But what to do with the lyre, because Olympus is not said to have played on it? I would like to suggest that here the lyre is a metonymy for the musical genre,

because this song belongs to lyric poetry. Although Olympus is not a lyre player, he is a mythological and historical figure as well, considered by Greeks as one of the first great poets. Dut we should not forget that the poem is a performance and it ought * Verg., ed., 8, 22-25 and 52-61.

THE

ANONYMOUS

AULODIA

263

to be oral and the audience could hear some phonic effects. And there is an obvious phonic play between Lydian and lyre in the poem, because of the repetition of the sound [ly]. This suits well

the Lambda strophe. And we may notice that both letters are also present in the name of Olympos.

TRADIZIONI

MUSICALI

WHY

ARE

ONLY

PHRYGIAN IN

THE

DORIAN

ZARMONIAI

PLATO'S LYRE

AND

ACCEPTED

KALLIPOLIS? VS.

Tosca

AULOS LYNCH

ABSTRACT

The aim of this paper is to reconsider the reasons behind Plato’s selection of specific harmoniai in his ideal city from a technical point

of view, focussing on the musical structures that we can reconstruct on the basis of Aristides Quintilianus! testimony and contextualising them in the musical discourse of Republic 3 and 4. By comparing and contrasting the structures of the armoniai chosen for the education of children (Dorian and Phrygian) with those of the ‘rejected’ modes (the lamenting Mixolydian and Syntonolydian and the sympotic Iastian and ‘loose’ Lydian), I will show that only the former are compatible with the standard framework of a 5"-century lyre harmonia, while the latter suggest auletic contexts. In the light of this structural difference, Plato's choice to abandon the aulos in favour of stringed instruments seems to be perfectly coherent with his harmonic selection. Moreover, a close examination of the literary strategy employed at &., 3, 399c-e shows that Plato was perfectly aware of the unusual nature of this divorce between the aulos and the Phygian harmonia. By means of comic and to some extent paradoxical musical characterisations of the aulos, the author draws attention precisely to the subversive move he just proposed, in order to impress in his readers’ mind the peculiar nature of the soundscape of the

ideal city: while both the Dorian and the Phrygian modes will resound in Kallipolis, the aulos is not going to be a part of its musical world. Keryworps:

Plato's harmoniai, lyre, aulos, musical education, ethos.

A

is well-known, Plato's selection of specific harmoniai for the children of his ideal city has been regarded as a controversial issue since its early days. Aristotle already formulated some radical criticisms against the musical selection presented in the Republic, culminating in a famous statement that reads as follows: ὁ δ᾽ ἐν τῇ Πολιτεία Σωκράτης οὐ καλῶς τὴν φρυγιστὶ μόνην καταλείπει μετὰ τῆς δωριστί, καὶ ταῦτα ἀποδοκιμάσας τῶν ὀργάνων τὸν αὐλόν. ἔχει

268

TOSCA

LYNCH

γὰρ τὴν αὐτὴν δύναμιν ἡ φρυγιστὶ τῶν ἁρμονιῶν ἥνπερ αὐλὸς £v τοῖς ὀργάνοις ἄμφω γὰρ ὀργιαστικὰ καὶ παϑητικά.

(Arist., Pol., 1342a32-b3) But Socrates, in the Republic, does not do well in accepting only the Phrygian harmonia along with the Dorian, and all this while he rejects the aulos among the instruments. In fact, among the harmoniai, the Phrygian has the same power as the aulos in relation to the instruments: both lead to ecstasy and intense emotions.'

Aristotle's critique, however, does not seem entirely justified. In fact, as we will see in detail in this essay, a close examination of the musical structures and cultural implications of the harmoniai discussed in the Republic shows that perhaps Plato’s Socrates was not as naive and superficial in his musical selection as Aristotle seems to suggest.*

Of course, reconstructing the ἁρμονίαι Plato refers to in Book 3 of the Republic is far from an easy task, given the absence of contemporary harmonic treatises or complete musical composi-

tions showing these modes in musical notation. Nevertheless, we are lucky to have received a description of the ancient ἁρμονίαι which, if not exact, is still «quite acceptable», to use Andrew Barker’s words.’ This account is preserved in a famous passage ‘ All translations are mine, unless otherwise noted. 2 An interesting interpretation has been recently advanced

by Antonietta

Gostoli, who argues that the presence of the Phrygian Jerzenmia in Kallipolis is consistent with Plato's generally positive depiction of enthusiastic rites: see ANTONIETTA GosroLr, L'armonia frigia nei progetti politico-pedagogici di Platone e Aristotele, in Mousiké. Metrica, ritmica e musica greca in memoria di Giovanni Comotti, a cura di Bruno Gentili, Franca Perusino, Pisa-Roma, Istituti editoriali e poligrafici internazionali, 1995, pp. 133-144, and ANTONIETTA GostoLI, L’armonia frigia nei progetti politico-pedagogici di Platone e di Aristotele, 11: coribantismo e dionisismo, in Musica e generi letterari nella Grecia di età classica, a cura di Paola Volpe Cacciatore, Napoli, Arte Tipografica, 2007, pp. 23-36. For a different but unconvincing view, cf. WARREN D. ANDERSON, Ethos and Education in Greek Music: The Evidence of Poetry and Philosophy, Cambridge (Mass.), Harvard University Press, 1966. With regard to Aristotle’s criticisms of Plato, it has long been recognised that Aristotle often provides incomplete or partial accounts of his master's theories and this is especially true in the case of the Republic: cf. FRANZ SUSEMIHL, Rospert Drew Hicks, The Politics of Aristotle, London, Macmillan, 1894, pp. 32-33, and JuLiA ANNAS, An Introduction to Plato’s Republic, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1981, p. 188, and MARIO VEGETTI, La

critica aristotelica alla Repubblica nel secondo libro della Politica, il Timeo e fe Leggi, in Platone. La Repubblica, Libro 5, traduzione e commento a cura di Mario Vegetti, Napoli, Bibliopolis, 2000, pp. 439-452. 5 Cf. ANDREW BARKER, Psicomusicologia nella Grecia antica, Napoli, Guida,

THE

DORIAN

AND

PHRYGIAN

HARMONIAI

IN

KALLIPOLIS

269

from Book 1 of Aristides Quintilianus' De Musica, where the author examines the modes «used by people of distant antiquity» and provides not only a verbal description of the modes' in question but also a musical diagram that claims to transcribe, for the sake of clarity, the ἁρμονίαι mentioned in the Republic.’ And, as we will see, admitting Aristides Quintilianus testimony as a guide to our interpretation of Plato's text will prove to be extremely productive. 1.

PLATO'S AND

‘REJECTED’? SYMPOTIC

MODES:

LAMENTING

HARMONIAI

Following the order presented at Republic 3, 398-400, we will start

our analysis from the modes that Socrates and Glaucon regard as unsuitable for the educational needs of the children of the ideal city, due to their undesirable ethical effects. The first category to be rejected comprises the so-called ‘mournful’ modes (θρηνώδεις ἁρμονίαι), which Glaucon identifies with the Mixolydian and tense

Lydian. Let us have a closer look at the musical structure that Aristides Quintilianus associates with the Mixolydian ἁρμονία: 2005, p. 69, commenting on Aristides Quintilianus’ discussion of the ancient modes: «penso tuttavia che siamo autorizzati a considerarla come una descrizione abbastanza accettabile delle ἁρμονίαι studiate da Damone e introdotte da Platone nel Lachete e nella Repubblica». Cf. also ANDREW BARKER, Greek Musical Writings v: The Musician and His Art, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1984, p. 167, ΙΡΕΜ, The Science of Harmonics in Classical Greece, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007, pp. 48-51, and Tosca LYNCH, ‘Training the soul in excellence’: musical theory and practice in Plato’s dialogues, between ethics and aesthetics, PhD Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013, pp. 12-23, where the issues related to the reliability of Aristides Quintilianus are discussed in detail. * The modern concept of ‘mode’ can help us in understanding the Greek idea of ἁρμονία: differently from modern tonalities, it does not involve a series of pitches but establishes a set of intervals in which the musical space of each composition is organised. In addition, each ἁρμονία was culturally associated with preferred tonal ranges, which may have been more suitable for specific instruments, and typical melodic patterns; these secondary associations contributed to create the ‘musical colour’ of each ἁρμονία, as well as its distinct mood. Cf. ANDREW BARKER, Greek Musical Writings 1, cit., pp. 163-168. 2 Aristid. Quint., 1, 9 (p. 18, 5-19, 7 W.-L): γίνονται δὲ καὶ ἄλλαι τετραχορδικαὶ διαιρέσεις, αἷς καὶ of πάνυ παλαιότατοι πρὸς τὰς ἁρμονίας κέχρηνται. [...] σαφηνείας δὲ ἕνεκεν καὶ διάγραμμα τῶν συστημάτων ὑπογεγράφϑω. τούτων δὴ καὶ ὁ ϑεῖος Πλάτων ἐν τῇ Πολιτείᾳ μνημονεύει λέγων ϑρηνώδεις μὲν εἶναι τήν τε υμξολυδιστὶ καὶ τὴν συντονολυδιστί, συμποτικὰς δὲ καὶ λίαν ἀνειμένας τήν τε ἰαστὶ καὶ λυδιστί.

270

TOSCA Vocal notation

Instrumental notation

LYNCH

RY

©

(ΡΠ

Z

= TUT

F

Co2

EC

; t= quartertone higher!

Intervals

qgqqttqgq

3

First of all let us focus on the extreme notes of this scale, an aspect

that we know played a relevant role in establishing the overall harmoniousness of a mode in ancient Greek music, together with

the structural distribution of the sounds within each system.‘ Here the extreme notes form an interval of an octave, which was regarded by the Greeks as the «most beautiful of concords», with

the sounds standing to each other in the simplest possible ratio (2:1). However, except for the octave that separates the highest and lowest notes, the intervallic structure of this ἁρμονία looks

very irregular. In fact, while the six lower intervals are disposed in conjunct motion and form a continuous sequence that embraces * Aristid. Quint., 2, 14 (p. 80, 23 ff. W.-L): Ἐοίκασι γάρ, ὡς ἔφην, αἱ μὲν ἁρμονίαι τοῖς πλεονάζουσι διαστήμασιν ἣ τοῖς περιέχουσι φϑόγγοις, οὗτοι δὲ τοῖς τῆς ψυχῆς κινήμασί τε καὶ παϑήμασιν («As I was saying, the harmoniai resemble either the intervals that are most common in them or the notes that bound them; and these, in turn, resemble the movements and emotions of the soul»). The correlation between the structure of musical scales and their ethical effects

is hinted at also in Ps.-Arist., Pr., 19, 27 (919b32-34: αὕτη [sei]. ἡ τῆς μουσιρκἧς κίνησις] δὲ ἔχει ὁμοιότητα ἔν τε τοῖς ῥυθμοῖς καὶ ἐν τῇ τῶν φϑόγγων τάξει τῶν ὀξέων καὶ βαρέων), while Ps.-Arist., Pr., 19, 44, underlines the crucial role played by the extreme notes of a harmonia, together with mese, in determining the harmoniousness of a lyre tuning. On the relation between Aristides’ testimony and early Greek scales, cf. Martin L. West, The Singing of Homer and the Modes of Early Greek Music, « Journal of Hellenic Studies», Cr, 1981, pp. 113129, MARTIN L. West, Ancient Greek Music, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1992, pp. 172-184, and REGINALD P. WINNINGTON-INGRAM, Mode in Ancient Greek Music, Amsterdam, Hakkert, 1968. On the importance of the intervals of fourths, fifths and octaves in ancient modes, see STEFAN HAGEL, Ancient Greek Music: a New Technical History, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2010, pp. 219-224. 2. Ps.-Arist., Pr., 19, 35a, 920a28-31: Aca τί ἡ διὰ πασῶν καλλίστη συμφωνία; 1 ὅτι ἐν ὅλοις ὅροις οἱ ταύτης λόγοι εἰσίν, οἱ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων οὐκ ἐν ὅλοις; ἐπεὶ γὰρ διπλασία ἡ νήτη τῆς ὑπάτης, οἵα ἡ νήτη δύο, ἡ ὑπάτη ἕν, καὶ ola ἡ ὑπάτη δύο, ἣ νήτη τέσσαρα, καὶ ἀεὶ οὕτως. On the similarity between the octave and the unison, cf. Ps.-Arist., Pr., 19, 14; on the superiority of the octave in comparison with the unison and other concords, cf. Ps.-Arist. Pr., 19, 39a; 19, 16; 19, 18.

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two and a half tones (q-q-t-t-q-q), the highest half of the octave is

covered by one wide interval, a tritone, which is characteristically dissonant and introduces an unexpected jump from the middle register of this mode to its highest note. Interestingly, a passage from Book 19 of the pseudo-Aristotelian Problems tells us that the presence of musical contrasts is typical of performances expressing intense pain and grief, suggesting that the structural imbalance of the Mixolydian mode may indeed be related to its ethical function: παϑητικὸν γὰρ τὸ ἀνωμαλὲς x«i ἐν μεγέϑει τύχης 7, λύπης. τὸ δὲ ὁμαλὲς ἔλαττον γοῶδες."

(Ps.-Arist., Pr., 19, 6, 918a11-12)

What is characterised by irregularity is emotional and is found in extreme calamity or grief, while evenness is less mournful.

In addition, many sources indicate that the high tritone played a

crucial role as a hallmark of the Mixolydian mode. First of all, this interval appears in the same position (i.c. in relation to the highest note) both in the Eratoclean Mixolydian harmonia (B B+ c e e+ £ a b)* and in the corresponding Mixolydian Aristoxenian /ezo: (B cdefg a b). Secondly, an Aristoxenian passage of the pseudo-Plutarchean De Musica (1136c-d) tells us that the odd intervallic configuration of this harmonia spurred significant debate regarding

how it should be interpreted in structural terms and, specifically, about how the tritone should be divided into tetrachords.4

Leaving the technical details of this question aside, what is relevant for our present purposes is that, for this debate to make sense, we must assume that the higher tritone was perceived and

perhaps employed in performance? as a unitary entity. Again, this * Cf. Lg., 7, 800d, where Plato employs the adjective γοῶδες in relation to mournful Jarzzniai that bring the listeners to tears. 2 Cf. Aristid. Quint., 1, 8 (p. 15, 9-20 W.-L), with MARTIN L. WEST, Ancient Greek Music, cit., p. 227; ANDREW BARKER, Greek Musical Writings 2: Harmonic and Acoustic Theory, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1989, p. 16, where the Eratoclean harmoniai are defined as «rationalised but recognisable versions of their older counterparts», and ANDREW BARKER, The Science of Harmonics,

cit., pp. 43-55-

5 Cf. MARTIN L. West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., p. 230. 4 Cf. Ps.-Plu., Mor., De mus., 1136d7-e2, with ANDREW BARKER, The Science of Harmonics, cit., pp. 49-50. 5 Cf. Ps.-Plu., Mor., De mus., 1134f, where, referring to Olympus’ music and the origin of the enharmonic genus, the author says that the melody reached

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feature tallies very well with the ethical characteristics that Plato associates with the Mixolydian mode, 1.6. representing mimetically lamentations (θρῆνοι) and mourning scenes (óSupuot): it is pretty easy to imagine how such a dissonant and acute interval would suit well a musical representation of high pitched cries of despair. Significantly this correlation between high pitches and the sounds uttered by weeping people is attested in several passages of Book 11 of the pseudo-Aristotelian Problems,’ while in Book 19 we are told that acute sounds were perceived as particu-

larly moving and stimulating.* The cultural appropriateness of the Mixolydian mode for threnodic performances is openly confirmed by the pseudo-Plutarch, who describes the Mixolydian harmonia as emotional (παθητικὴ)

and, therefore, particularly suitable for tragedies (τραγῳδίαις &ouóCouca).? In addition, he tells us that Plato rejected this mode exactly because of its high pitch and its lamenting nature (ὀξεῖα καὶ ἐπιτήδειος πρὸς ϑρῆνον), a depiction that he supports by stating, on

the authority of Aristoxenus, that this mode was employed for the very first time by Olympus in his auletic lament for the Python.* frequently the diatonic parbypate (f), starting alternatively from paramese (6) and from mese (a), therefore attesting the use of undivided tritones in auletic performances. The same hypothesis on the use of undivided tritones in aulos music is presented in STEFAN HaGEL, Ancient Greek Music, cit., p. 394: «The Mixolydian stands out for its extremely large interval up to its highest note. [...] If the pipe is elongated to a fifth below the lowest note, the highest one can be played by overblowing, with all finger holes closed». On the presence of tritones in the Greek musical fragments, cf. MARTIN L. West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., pp. 206-207. * Cf. Ps.-Arist., Pr., 11, 13; 11, 15 and 11, so. 2 Ps.-Arist., Pr., 19, 49, 922b31-32: ἐπεὶ δὲ è μὲν βαρὺς φϑόγγος μαλακὸς xal ἠρεμαῖός ἐστιν, ὁ δὲ ὀξὺς κινητικός. 3 Ps.-Plu., Mor., De mus., 1136d. Cf. Plu., Mor., De recta rat. aud., 46b2-7, Procl, # R., 1, 63, 29-1, 64, 10. Tragedies often employed the enharmonic genus, as attested in Pap. Hib. 13.1.3-4, Aristox. apud Ps.-Plu., Mor., De mus., 1137d-c; ps.-Psell., 7rag., 5. On the use of undivided tritones and the enharmonic genus in aulos music, cf. note 5, p. 271. 4 Ps.-Plu., Mor., De mus., 1136c2-6: τὴν γοῦν Λύδιον ἁρμονίαν παραιτεῖται (scil. Πλάτων), ἐπειδὴ ὀξεῖα καὶ ἐπιτήδειος πρὸς ϑρῆνον. fj καὶ τὴν πρώτην σύστασιν αὐτῆς φασι ϑρηνώδη τινὰ γενέσϑαι. Ὄλυμπον γὰρ πρῶτον ᾿Αριστόξενος ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ περὶ μουσικῆς ἐπὶ τῷ Πύϑωνί φησιν ἐπικήδειον αὐλῆσαι Λυδιστί. Cf. also sch. vet., PL, Min., 318b3, which confirms the correlation between the aulos and the Mixolydian mode, Ath., 174f-175a and sch. vet., E., Or., 176, which comments on the high register of auletic laments. The central role played by ali in musical laments is attested also in Pi., P, 12.18-21; in Plu., Mor., De E apud

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So, all these testimonies point to the fact that the Platonic association of this mode with laments reflects a well-established cultural pattern, but there is more: all the contexts mentioned in these passages in relation to the Mixolydian mode imply or explic-

itly state that the music in question is 44/os music. Keeping this in mind, let us move on to Aristides’ Syntonolydian mode, the second ‘threnodic’ harzzonia mentioned by Plato: Vocal notation

RY

CM

Instrumental notation.

[L1

CT

3 Intervals

—

m

eje

qq

EO

.

:$ = quarierione higher!

dt

The first notable characteristic of this ἁρμονία is that it compre-

hends a narrow range of sounds, spanning an interval of a minor sixth, which in ancient Greek musical thought was regarded as

a dissonant interval.‘ The inner intervallic organisation of this mode comprehends two quartertones followed by a ditone and a minor third, an irregular sequence that seems pretty difficult to interpret in structural terms. However, it appears less puzzling in comparison with another early mode, the Spondeion, which was a typically auletic harmonia:*

$= quartertone higher’

Intervals

st

dotca

Delph., 394b-c, the mournful nature of the aulos is explicitly opposed to that of the lyre, described as being inappropriate for wailing (εωκυτοῖσιν οὐ λύρα φίλα). * Cf. Aristox., Harm., 72, 3-6 Da Rios; Cleonid., 187, 15-19; Theon, De Math. Plat., 48, 16-49, s. Cf. STEFAN HAGEL, Ancient Greek Music, cit., p. 230 on the rare occurrence of this interval, and p. 409, note 102. 2 Cf. Ps.-Plu., Mor., De mus., 1135a-b, 1137b-d, D. H., Dem., 22, S.E., M., 6, 8, Iamb., VP, 112, 7. According to ANDREW BARKER, Greek Musical Writings 1, cit., pp. 255-257, there were two different varieties of spondeia, a ‘standard’ and a ‘tense’ one, differing in the highest interval (respectively a semitone and % tone). For a different interpretation, see STEFAN HAGEL, Ancient Greek Music, cit., pp. 397-412, esp. p. 405, note 91. Cf. also MARTIN L. WEST, Ancient Greck Music, cit., pp. 173-175 and 206.

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Given the striking structural similarities between the Spondeion scale and the Syntonolydian harmonia, we can hypothesise that the latter too was associated primarily with aulos music.' Several textual sources support this hypothesis, recording a strong correlation between the aulos and the Lydian scales;* for instance, a

famous fragment by Telestes describes Olympus, «the Phrygian king of the well-breathing, sacred au/oi», as the «first who fitted together the Lydian nomos, nimble rival of the Dorian muse».? In

conclusion our evidence seems to indicate that, similarly to the Mixolydian

mode,

also Plato's

Syntonolydian harmonia was pri-

marily associated with aulos music. Now let us move on to the ‘sympotic’ harmoniai identified by Glaucon and Socrates. Unfortunately in this case we can examine

only the structure of the Iastian/Ionian mode provided by Aristides, since the scale he associates with the ancient ‘loose Lydian’ harmonia

is generally

and

rightly

regarded

as spurious.+ None-

theless we still have some relevant information on the general nature of the archaic ‘loose’ Lydian mode, as a passage from the pseudo-Plutarchean De Musica tells us that it was indeed opposite in character to the Mixolydian mode

and similar to the Ionian.’

So let us examine the structure of the Ionian harmonia reported by Aristides Quintilianus:

* Cf. STEFAN HaGEL, Ancient Greek Music, cit., pp. 395-396. * For identification of Aristides’ Syntonolydian with the later Lydian sonos, cf. STEFAN HaGEL, Ancient Greek Music, cit., pp. 34-35. 3 PMG 806 = Ath., 617b: ἣ Φρύγα καλλιπνόων αὐλῶν ἱερῶν βασιλῆα, / Λυδὸν ὃς ἥρμοσε πρῶτος / Δωρίδος ἀντίπαλον μούσης νόμον αἰόλον, ὀμφᾷ / πνεύματος εὔπτερον αὔραν ἀμφιπλέκων καλάμοις. This association is attested by many other sources: cf. Teles, PMG 810 = Ath., 625e-626a, lon 7rGF 19F39 = Ath., 184f185a, Clem. AL, Strozz., 1, 16, 76, 4 (περί τε μουσικὴν "Ὄλυμπος ὁ Μυσὸς τὴν Λύδιον ἁρμονίαν ἐφιλοτέχνησεν), Crat. apud Ath., 638f. 4 Differently from all of the other ancient Jarzmniai reported by Aristides, the scale reported as the ‘loose’ Lydian mode reproduces exactly the regularized Eratoclean Lydian scale: cf. REGINALD P. WINNINGTON-INGRAM, Mode in Ancient Greek Music, cit., pp. 24-25, ANDREW BARKER, The Science of Harmonies, cit., p. 51, note 24, STEFAN HageL, Ancient Greek Music, cit., pp. 392-393. 5 Ps.-Plu., Mor., De mus., 1136c1-7: ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τὴν Ἐπανειμένην Λυδιστί, ἥπερ ἐναντία τῇ Μιξολυδιστί, παραπλησίαν οὖσαν τῇ Ἰάδι, ὑπὸ Δάμωνος εὑρῆσϑαί

φασι τοῦ ᾿Αϑηναίου («But they say also that the ‘Relaxed’ Lydian, which is opposite in character to the Mixolydian and akin to the Ionian, was discovered by Damon the Athenian»).

THE

DORIAN

AND

PHRYGIAN

Vocal notation

RY

Insirumental notation

TLT

HARMONIAI

CM

I

CI

«

IN

KALLIPOLIS

275

4uet ἐξ quartertone higher.

Intervals

ququdbat

In brief, this mode is characterised by a dissonant interval between

the highest and lowest notes, while its internal intervallic organisation is very similar to that of the auletic and lamenting Syntonolydian

mode.' At first sight this similarity seems odd, as we know that the Ionian harmonia is discarded in the Republic because of its association with the practice and display of excessive indulgence in pleasures

within symposia: how could such a difference in ethos characterise two harmoniai that, structurally speaking, are so similar? What differentiated them, apart from playing techniques and styles? Heraclides Ponticus provides us with some helpful remarks to unravel this problem. In particular, in a passage preserved by Athenaeus, he confirms the Platonic association between the Iastian harmonia and symposia, specifying that the Ionian poet Pythermus of Teos employed this ‘voluptuous’ mode to compose his drink-

ing-songs.* In addition, Athenaeus tells us that these s&o//a mele used low-pitched, ‘slack’ notes? — a piece of information which again corresponds perfectly to Plato's characterisation of the sympotic harmoniai as ‘loose’ (χαλαραΐ) and ‘soft’? (uadraxat),+ as well as to * As suggested by ANDREW BARKER, The Science of Harmonics, cit., p. 51, the structure of this mode may be interpreted as two conjunct tetrachords, respectively the standard enharmonic tetrachord e-6+-f-4 and a much less standard a-c-d. 2 Ath., 625c1-5: tà δὲ τῶν νῦν Ἰώνων AON τρυφερώτερα καὶ πολὺ παραλλάττον τὸ τῆς ἁρμονίας ἦϑος. φασὶ δὲ Πύϑερμον τὸν Τήιον ἐν τῷ γένει τῆς ἁρμονίας τούτῳ ποιῆσαι σκολιὰ μέλη, καὶ διὰ τὸ εἶναι τὸν ποιητὴν Ἰωνικὸν Ἰαστὶ κληϑῆναι τὴν ἁρμονίαν («But nowadays the character of the Ionians is much more luxurious and the [original] character of the harmonia changed greatly. They say that Pythermus of Teos composed drinking songs in this latter type of harmonia, and since the poet is Ionian they called the mode Iastian»). 3 Ath., 694a4-6: σκόλια δὲ καλοῦνται οὐ κατὰ τὸν τῆς μελοποιίας τρόπον ὅτι σκολιὸς ἦν -- λέγουσιν γὰρ τὰ ἐν ταῖς ἀνειμέναις εἶναι σκολιά [...] («Drinking

songs are called skola not because of the style of the melodic composition -- for they say that s&o/ja are composed in ‘relaxed’ modes [...]»). 4 Plato and Athenaeus employ different terms to define the ‘looseness’ of the sympotic ἁρμονίαι, as the former uses the term χαλαρά and the second the term

276

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Pratinas’ depiction of the Iastian Muse as ‘relaxed’ (avetuévy).' So, out sources concord in suggesting that one of the main differences

between lamenting and ‘relaxed’ modes was their pitch, as laments employed often high and penetrating sounds while sympotic songs

preferred lower registers." But what instruments could produce such characteristically low notes? On the one hand, this requirement is consistent with the use of the tall lyre called barbitos, allegedly invented by the Ionian poet

Anacreon? and very popular in Classical symposia.^ This instrument had a range approximately one fifth lower than ‘ordinary’ lyres,? so both its cultural role and its pitch register would fit the

picture outlined by Plato. In addition, as shown in detail by Hagel, this correlation between the Iastian/Ionian mode and lower pitches is supported by the late evidence for Iastian musical pieces. However, according to him, this evidence is not to be associated with the barbitos but rather reflects «a special association of the Iastian key with some aulos types of the Roman era», such as the

Pompeii pipes." Of course we know that the aulos too played a central role in the sympotic practices of Classical Athens, to the ἀνειμένη. But R., 3, 410€1-3, shows how Plato employed these two terms almost as synonyms: talking about the effects of music, Socrates states that an exclusive use of music (not counterbalanced by any physical training) would make the soul too ‘loose’ (ἀνεϑέντος) and ‘softer than necessary’ (μαλακώτερον εἴη τοῦ δέοντος), the same connection established between the adjectives characterising the sympotic ἁρμονίαι at R., 3, 398c9-10 (μαλακαΐ and χαλαραί). Cf. as well R., 8, §7324-7, where ‘sympotic’ pleasures are described as ἀνειμέναι. In general on these technical terms, see ELEONORA Rocconi, Le parole delle Muse: la formazione del lessico tecnico musicale nella Grecia antica, Roma, Quasar, 2003, pp. 15-21. * Pratin., PMG 712a. 2. Cf. also Ps.-Arist., Pr., 11, 13; 11, 15; 11, 50, which correlate laughter with low-pitched sounds and relaxation, as opposed to high-pitched and tense laments.

5 PMG 472: Νεάνθης ὁ Κυζικηνὸς ἐν a “Ὥρων εὕρημα εἶναι "Avaxpéovvoc τὸ βάρβιτον. 4 On the use of the Jarbites to accompany sympotic songs, cf. Ath., 6ood-e, E., Ale, 345-347, Plu., Mor., Quaest. Conv., 629c-d, 321a. Cf. also Arist., Pol., 1340a39-b1. On the relation between the

λέγει

[...]

Critias apad Phot., Bibl., darbitos and

the hedonistic character of sympotic music, cf. TimotHy PowER, lon of Chios and the politics of Polychordia, in The World of Ion of Chios, edited by Victoria Jennings, Andreas Katsaros, Leiden, Brill, 2007, 5 STEFAN HaGEL, Ancient Greek Music, cit., $ STEFAN HaGEL, Ancient Greek Music, cit., 7 STEFAN HaGEL, Ancient Greek Music, cit.,

pp. 179-205, esp. 194-199. p. 229, note 11. pp. 228-229 and 356-361. p. 360.

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HARMONIAI

extent that female aulos-players became

IN

KALLIPOLIS

277

a symbol of such gath-

erings for many classical authors, including Plato.’ And certainly there

are remarkable

structural

similarities between

the Ionian

mode

and the auletic harmoniai we have already examined, the

Spondeion and Syntonolydian, which may lead us to conclude that the

connection between this ‘ancient’ mode and the aulos is significant on many levels, including the strictly technical one. However, in my view, these two interpretative options should not necessarily be regarded as alternative to each other, as a passage from Euripides’ A/cestis clearly indicates: in order to express his refusal of the joys of life, symbolised here by the symposium, at vv. 345-347 Admetus states that he will never touch a barbitos ot cry to the aulos again, presenting these two instruments side by

side as hallmarks of his ideal symposium.* 2.

THE

HARMONIAI THE DORIAN

ACCEPTED IN KALLIPOLIS: AND THE PHRYGIAN

The combined evidence we have examined so far shows that Plato's approach with regard to the ‘rejected armenia? is coherent

not only with his cultural environment but also with the specific choice to ‘ban’ the aulos from his ideal city, since all of them seem to have strong musical associations with this instrument. But what

about the two modes that are allowed in the ideal city, the Dorian and the Phyrgian? Here we are presented with a very different picture. Let us examine the Dorian mode first, which is selected in the Republic to

represent appropriately the actions of brave characters? and was * On female aulos-players in ancient Greek symposia, cf. ELEONoRA RocConi, Women Players in Ancient Greece. The Context of Symposia and the Socio-Cultural Position of psaltriai and auletrides in the Classical World, in Musikarchéologie im Kontext / Music-Archaeology in Context: archaeological semantics, historical implications, socio-cultural connotations, herausgegeben von Ellen Hickmann, Arns Adje Both, Ricardo Eichmann, Rahden, Leidorf, 2006, pp. 335-344. On Plato’s use of the character of the auletris, cf. Tosca Lyncu, Training the soul in excellence,

cit., pp. 183-194 and Eapem, The seductive voice of the aulos in Plato’s Symposium: from the dismissal of the αὐλητρίς to Alcibiades’ praise of δοογαϊθε- αὐλητής, in Antonio

Baldassarre and Tatjana Markovic (eds.), Musical Culture in Words and Images, Hollitzer Wissenschaftsveriag, Vienna, forthcoming (2016). 2 E., Alc., 345-347: οὐ γάρ ποτ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἂν βαρβίτου ϑίγοιμ᾽ ἔτι / οὔτ᾽ ἂν φρέν᾽ ἐξάραιμι πρὸς Λίβυν λακεῖν / αὐλόν - σὺ γάρ μου τέρψιν ἐξείλου βίου. 3 For the ‘manly’ character of this ῥαγγηομία, cf. R., 3,399a-b; but see also Ps.-Plu., Mor., De mus., 1136f on the flexibility of the Dorian harmonia, which

278

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more generally regarded as the fundamental model of all Greek barmoniai ;' Vocal notation

(@)CPN

|

ZEA

©

Instrumental notation (F) COD


the Homeric scholia include both λίνον as subject and as di-

> the Homeric scholia include both λίνον as subject and as di-

rect object

rect object

> many non-poetical ancient sources, apart from Homeric commentaries, affirm that λίνον

> in preserved ancient poetry, λίνον does not appear elsewhere

can mean lyre-string, and that in primitive times lyre-strings were

with the meaning ‘lyre-string’, and the use of flax for lyre-strings is not archaeologically attested

made of flax > no connection in ancient texts between Linos (as a song or as

a mythical character) and grape harvesting » no

connection

in ancient texts

between Linos-song and wine > no clear connection

in ancient

texts between the mythical character Linos and wine

> among the more than a hundred passages which refer to Linos or to the Linos-song, just one

instance

in Pollux

connects

the Linos-song to agriculture » with λίνον as direct object, there is a strong contradiction between the explicitly joyful context and the traditional sadness of the Linos-song » with λίνον as direct object, the nature of the musical perfor-

mance is ambiguous and/or not vety coherent with the verbal context, while, with λίνον as sub-

ject, the musical no ambiguity

scene presents

> Pollux connects the Linos-song to agriculture (but not to grape

harvesting)

NO

LINOS-SONG

IN

ACHILLES?

SHIELD

Against λίνον as direct object

Against λίνον as subject

+ for λίνον as subject

+ for λίνον as direct object

>

comparison

with

the

appear-

ance of other song names in the Iliad and the Odyssey: unlike our Tliadic λίνος, all of them are wellknown and described with words which cohere with their usual content and context of use > all appearances of ὑπό... ἀείδω (with ὑπό as adverb or as verbal tmesis) in Archaic and Classical texts contain an explicit subject in the same sentence > no appearance of ὑπό.... ἀείδω (with ὑπό as adverb or as verbal tmesis) in Archaic and Classical

texts contains a direct object > in Homer and Hesiod, a personal form of the verbs κιϑαρίζω or φορμίζω never appears coordi-

nated and sharing the syntactical subject with a personal form of a verb related to the activity or singing; the construction ‘participle + personal form? is preferred > tradition in translations and commentaries of the Iliad from

Antiquity until the 19^ century > Athenaeus! reading of the pas-

sage » the syntax of the two descriptions of the sound of a lyre that can be found in one of the Ηοmeric Hymns

to Hermes

is very

similar to the syntax of the interpretation that considers λίνον

as

the subject » a perfectly matching parallel in the Odyssey

29j

296

JOAN

SILVA

BARRIS

As the comparison between the two columns

shows, it seems

more difficult to accept the possibility that in //., 18, 570 we should

understand λίνον as a direct object with the meaning *Linos-song', than to accept the option of reading λίνον as subject, with the

meaning ‘lyre-string’ or even ‘flax’. In consequence, if we are not willing to accept Aivov as lyre-string because this meaning is not attested elsewhere in ancient poetry, and we are not willing to

accept it as ‘flax’ because the use of this material for lyre-strings is not archaeologically attested, we will see ourselves compelled to find a new subject for the sentence, i.e. a substitute for Atvov. In any case, it seems clear that there's no Linos-song in our passage.

LA E IL

COLOMETRIA

IIEPI

NOTITIA

METPON

DI

DEL

EDITIONIS ANDREA

PINDARO VAT.

PARTIM

GR.

896:

PRINCIPIS

TESSIER

ABSTRACT

The anonymous treatise de metris contained in the first quires of the ms. Vat. gr. 896 is taken into account, with reference to the provisional and unsatisfactory text printed by H.-Ch. Günther (1998). A specimen of a planned new critical edition is offered.

I

codice Vaticano greco 896, un manufatto per cui le filigra-

ne indicano una datazione a cavallo della metà, se non entro il terzo quarto del xiv sec.,' contiene ai ff. 5-18 e 20-23, mutilo

dell’inizio e di un'altra porzione verso la sua fine, un trattatello de meris (d'ora innanzi 7.

V.) che presenta una sorpren-

dente singolarità nell'esemplificazione offerta ai metri descritti e analizzati: esso infatti offre prevalentemente exemp/a tratti dalle Olimpiche di Pindaro. Genericamente descritto dallo Schreiner nel relativo catalogo come Anonymi commentarii in Hephaestionis

enchiridium, cum scholiis in marginibus, «which it is definitely not», questo testo deve la sua prima corretta identificazione al compianto Ole Langwitz Smith (sua Vanagnorisis appena riportata), in un contributo apparso solo quattro anni dopo il catalogo Vaticano.? L'uso, quantunque ben più limitato, di materiale illustrativo tratto da Pindaro si riscontra peraltro, com'é ben noto, in un testo analogo, il cosiddetto Tractatus Harleianus (I. H.), * Codices Vaticani Graeci. Codices 867-932 rec. Petrus Schreiner, in Bibliotheca Vaticana 1988, pp. 72-76: 75. Schreiner vi isola infatti per la porzione qui in esame sim. M.-T. 6810, sive. M.-T. 3681 (ca. 1339): HANS-CHRISTIAN GUNTHER (Ein neuer metrischer Traktat und das Studium der Pindarischen Metrik in der Philologie der Palaiologenzeit, Leiden, Brill, 1998 [« Mnemosyne, Supplementband», 180]), che giudica tali identificazioni «nicht alle korrekt», vi identifica invece (p. 204,

ad I.) sim. M.-T. ‘Konj-Cheval’ 2421/2 (1352/87), che sarà più prudente esplicitare, rispettivamente, in 2421 (1352) c 2422 (1387). 7 OLE Lanewirz SmitH, Tridiniana u, «CIM», 218-219.

xri,

1992, pp. 187-229:

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edito da Th. Gaisford nel 1855 dal solo eponimo ms. Londinese Harleianus 5636, e riproposto una trentina d'anni dopo da W. Studemund sulla base di recensio più ampia, ma comunque non

antecedente il xv sec.' Naturalmente le citazioni pindariche non costituiscono la totalità degli exezp/a nel 7.

V., che utilizza in

una limitata percentuale versi drammatici o lirici in genere comuni anche ad Efestione e al 7. H. Smith segnalava poi la peculiarità delle note marginali nel ms.

Vaticano,

dovute ad altra mano

parallels from

little known

e contenenti «quotations

Euridipes

plays

such

and

as Andromache

and Troades» e, fatto a suo dire ancor più singolare, una citazione dalle Baccanti, precisamente di v. 1186 («which play today is extant in the MS P only»). L’ipotesi che lo studioso danese cautamente avanzava (e che giustificava quindi l’attenzione rivolta al trattato

proprio in un suo Zriclinianum), è che tali additamenta fossero «autograph additions by Triclinius himself», databili tuttavia subito dopo le primitive («rough-hewn») note metriche tentate nel Laur.

32, 2, nell’ambito quindi del primo acerbo lavoro critico del filologo bizantino sul testo euripideo collocabile nel secondo decennio del xiv sec.* Si avrebbe dunque, entro tale ipotesi, un lavoro ‘speculare’ (per quanto antecedente) a quello presente nell’odierno Marc. Gr. 483, dove il dotto di età paleologa si fa ricopiare un vero e proprio corpus di trattati e scolii metrici poi da lui medesi-

mo postillati nei margini. Non consta tuttavia che l’identificazione della mano tricliniana sia stata poi accettata, né essa pare a noi oggi ancora sostenibile. In relazione a questa ipotesi un fatto pare comunque imporsi in maniera chiara: il testo pindarico utilizzato negli exempla «weist

keine der metrischen Verbesserungen auf, die für die triklinische * Studemund respinse subito la suggestione di Westphal, che il 7. H. fosse proprio opera di Triclinio, quantunque l'uso dei segni per la κοινὴ συλλαβή, che il bizantino rivendica come sua invenzione, lo pongono comunque a valle della sua opera (vedi Hans-CHRISTIAN GUNTHER, Ein neuer metrischer Traktat, cit., p. 2). 2 L'argomento implicitamente addotto da Smith, ossia la presenza di un verso dell'Euripide ‘alfabetico’ -- com'è noto, le Baccanti sono ‘alfabetiche’ di fatto, cioè per tradizione, ma non per ordine — quale criterio per una datazione post Triclinium del trattatello, è tuttavia assai pericoloso: basti pensare a quanto magistralmente argomentato da ENRICO MAGNELLI, Un nuovo indizio (e alcune precisazioni) sui drammi ‘alfabetici’ di Euripide a Bisanzio tra x1 e x11 secolo, «Prometheus», XXIX, 2003, pp. 193-212.

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Handschriften des vierzehnten Jahrhunderts charakteristisch sind», ma si lascia piuttosto avvicinare alla precedente ekdosis moscopulea.' Malauguratamente l'edizione del testo vaticano annunciata allora da Smith, con le previste cure congiunte di Panagiotis A. Agapitos, non vide mai la luce, anche per l'immatura scomparsa dello studioso danese. Possiamo invece oggi leggerlo in un suo assai singolare abrégé dovuto a Hans-Christian Günther,^ e anch'esso comparso entro il decennio dal catalogo di Schreiner.

Secondo G. la genesi del 7. V. si lascerebbe invece porre in un periodo di un cinquantennio posteriore a quello proposto da S., € precisamente in area costantinopolitana ma solo dopo il ritorno di Triclinio a Tessalonica: il trattatello, assieme agli Scolii metrici anonimi ala triade euripidea Hec. Or. Ph. contenuti nel ms. Parma, Bibl. Palatina, Fondo Parmense 154,? rappresenterebbe «ein Produkt des dritten Viertel des 14. Jhs. entstanden in einem von moschopuleischer Gelehrsamkeit bestimmten Ambiente in Konstantinopel». Costituirebbe cioé «ein Zeugnis für ein Wiederaufle-

ben metrischer Studien» nella capitale dell'impero. * Tutta questa costellazione di ipotesi si situa secondo G. internamente a una sorta di itinerario per i ‘movements of Demetrius

Triclinius’ (se è lecito parafrasare qui E. Lobel a proposito di Michele Suliardos), che vedrebbe il dotto bizantino trattenersi nella capitale solo sino alla seconda decade del xiv sec., ritornando poi a Tessalonica per esemplarvi le grandi edizioni dei tragici ‘a responsione restituita' Tale spostamento avrebbe comportato a

dire di G. uno iato nella cultura filologica tra i due centri, iato per cui egli perviene alla recisa affermazione che «there is no evidence that Triclinius’ final editions were known in the capital until the

turn of the 14° and 15" century». * Hans-CHRISTIAN GUNTHER, Ein neuer metrischer Traktat, cit., pp. 170-171. Si ricorderà che, nella ricostruzione di JEAN IRIGOIN (disteire du texte de Pindare, Paris, C. Klincksieck, 1952 [«Etudes et Commentaires», 13], pp. 271-272) «l'édition de Moschopoulos n'a jamais contenu que les Olympiques». 2 Haws-CunisTIAN GUNTHER, Ein neuer metrischer Traktat, cit. 3 Scholia metrica anonyma in Euripidis Hecubam, Orestem, Phoenissas, ed. Ole Langwitz Smith, Copenhagen, Museum Tusculanum, 1977 («Opuscula Graecolatina», 10). 4 Hans-CHRISTIAN GUNTHER, Ein neuer metrischer Traktat, cit., p. 60.

5 Ivi, pp. 171-173. 6 Hans-CHRISTIAN

GUNTHER,

The Manuscripts and the

Transmission

of the

300

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I progressi nella ricerca hanno purtroppo dimostrato che le circostanze ipotizzate da Günther a contorno di questa datazione

tarda sono altrettanto insostenibili del quadro in cui si inseriva quella alta di Smith: dopo gli studi recenti di Daniele Bianconi sappiamo infatti con certezza che manoscritti tricliniani, pur non autografi ma dell’importanza del Parisinus Gr. 2711, contenente proprio l’eptade sofoclea nella sua edizione finale, erano in realtà esemplati proprio a Costantinopoli.' Bianconi accetta a sostegno l’analogia paleografica, già prospettata da Smith,? del Parisinus con mss. collegati a Niceforo Gregora («sembra lecito pertanto sup-

porre che questo manoscritto sia stato allestito proprio nel eu della biblioteca di Cora al tempo in cui vi fu attivo Gregora»), e avanza l’ipotesi che nello stesso torno di tempo esso vi fosse compresente con il celeberrimo euripideo P (che appunto lo scriba

del Parisinus postillerebbe) e con la sua fonte, nel quadro di «un rinnovato interesse per la poesia classica» nel monastero.? Dobbiamo quindi, con buoni argomenti, rinunciare tanto all'i-

potesi di Smith che a quella di Günther, e l'inquadramento più propriamente culturale del 7. V/. pare per ora destinato a rimanere non meglio precisabile, pur non discostandosi verisimilmente molto dai dati cronologici suggeriti dalle filigrane del suo contenitore. Ma veniamo ora più in dettaglio al testo proposto da Günther, che quello qui annunciato ed esemplificato vorrebbe meglio precisare e integrare. Nel Vorwort (p. ix) G. comunica di essersi imbat-

tuto nel 7. V. indipendentemente da Smith, optando in un primo momento, venuto a conoscenza dell'altrui progetto editoriale, per la pubblicazione e lo studio dei soli exezzp/a pindarici, salvo poi ritornare su questa scelta alla scomparsa dello S., per offrire anche 1 veri € propri testi trattatistici («die einleitenden Texte»): il lettore trova infatti nel suo contributo prima (pp. 88-166) gli exezzpía tratti dalle odi di Pindaro (terminali di ogni singolo wetron nel 7. V.) e solo in un'appendice (pp. 189-194) il testo cui essi vengono adibiti. Paleologan Scholia on the Euripidean

Triad, Stuttgart,

Steiner,

1995

(«Hermes

Finzelschriften», 68), p. 117. * DANIELE

BrancoNI,

Tessalonica nell'età dei Paleologi. Le pratiche intellettuali

nel riflesso della cultura scritta, Paris, Centre d’études byzantines, néo-helléniques et sud-est europeéennes, École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, 2005 («Dossiers Byzantins», 5). ? OLE Lancowirz SMITH, Tricliniana II, cit., 211-214, 217 € 220. 5 DANIELE BIANCONI, Tessalonica, cit., pp. 172-174.

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301

Chi scrive ha avuto modo di rendere di pubblico dominio le problematiche dei due testi proposti da G.,' che oltretutto non fornisce un'edizione né degli exemp/a non pindarici né delle interessanti annotazioni marginali. Si coglie quindi la presente occasione per annunciare — non vi potrebbe essere sede migliore di

un convegno MOISA - un già ben avviato progetto di edizione del 7. V. nella sua interezza, che aprirà una nuova collana di edi-

zioni critiche in Trieste presso le benemerite Edizioni Universitarie Triestine, nel quadro di un progetto globalmente denominato

*Graeca Tergestina’ e articolato in subcollane di storia, letteratura e filologia greca. Si anticipa nella presente occasione una breve porzione del testo Vaticano con gli exempla e le note marginali (sinora inedite) relativi, per la precisione l'esordio e la intera sezione περὶ ἐαμβικοῦ

[le addizioni tra quadra riportano le letture di Günther da cui per motivi evidenti ci si discosterà nell'edizione]. Va aggiunto che, cosi come fatto peraltro lodevolmente dallo stesso G., grafia, punteggiatura e accenti riproducono con la massima precisione possibile quelli tipici di età paleologa esibiti dal Vat. Gr. 896:* (f. δὴ... T εἰσὶ καὶ ἕτερα μέτρα τὰ λεγόμενα μίξεις κατ᾽ ἀντιπάϑειαν, ὅταν ἐν μέτρω τινὶ τεϑῶσι πόδες ἀντιπαϑοῦντες" οἷον ἐν μὲν τῷ χοριαμβικῷ μέτρω, ἣ τῷ ἀντισπαστικῷ, τεϑῶσι παίωνες [παιῶνες G.] È) ἰωνικοὶ" ἐν δὲ τούτοις, τεϑῶσι ἕτεροι ἐξ ἐχείνων: Y» s. ; anne ; ἜΝ Domi. ioi + εἰσὶ καὶ ἕτερα μέτρα ἀσυνάρτητα λεγόμενα: ὁπόταν δύο κῶλα ἐξ ἄλλου “ΕΝ ; x ; 334 Ly καὶ ἄλλου μέτρου, μὴ δυνάμενα ἀλλήλοις, συναρτηϑῆναι μηδὲ ἔνωσιν

lam z ἘΝ ; [ἐνῶσιν 6]. ἔχειν, ἀντὶ ἑνὸς παραλαμβάνηται

; στίχου

; [στίχον ΟἹ]:

T περὶ μέτρου lauBrxod ~ 3 ; So Ada ] A A ; A T τοῦ ἰαμβικου μέτρου, τὸ μὲν, ἐστὶν, ἰαμβικὸν xadapóv τρίμετρον᾽ τὸ ἔχον τὸν πρῶτον πόδα, τὸν τρίτον, καὶ τὸν πέμπτον, ἢ ἴαμβον È σπονδεῖον᾽

τοὺς

τὸν τέταρτον καὶ

τὸν

τέταρτον

χώραις,

der

χρῶνται

οἱ

κειμένους 3| χορεῖον

τὸν

ποιηταὶ:

πόδας," τὸν xal xal

ἐν ταῖς περιτταῖς

perperam

ἴαμβον’

ἀνάπαιστον:

δεύτερον

χειμένους

χώραις"

τὸν δὲ δεύτερον

[τοὺς κειμένους ἐν ταῖς περιτταῖς χώραις"

τοὺς

duplicat G.],

δὲ τὸ

ἕκτον, ἔχον

τοὺς

κειμένους

ἢ

ἴαμβον,

τοὺς

ἐν

ἐν

ταῖς

T, πυρρίχιον. ταῖς

xal

τὸν δὲ δεύτερον ἀρτίαις

τὸ

δὲ,

περιτταῖς

ὃ

χώραις

mor πρῶτον τρίτον χαὶ πέμπτον, ἢ ἴαμβον, τρίβραχυν λεγόμενον, ἢ σπονδεῖον, T, δάκτυλον, 7) δὲ

τέταρτον,

ἐν

volg

τοὺς

ἀρτίαις

ἀπὸ

χώραις

βραχείας

χειμένους

ἀρχομένους

πόδας,

πόδας

ot

[ἦτοι

* Rec. di HANs-CuHRISTIAN GÜNTHER, Fin neuer metrischer Traktat, cit., «ἘΠkasmos», X, 1999, pp. 401-412. 2 Grazie a David Speranzi.

302

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πόδας omiltit G.]| Toc ἣ ἴαμβον, ἢ yopstov: 7, ἀνάπαιστον᾽ τὸν δὲ ἕχτον, ὅτε [ὃς G.] ἐστὶν ὁ στίχος τρίμετρος ἀκατάληκτος, ἦτοι ἔχον πόδας ἕξ |

(sv)** wate ἐ-ς«λ»λειπεῖς! wfrce πλεονάζοντας, ἔχει ἴαμβον 7 πυρρίχιον᾽ εἰ δὲ καταληχτιχός

uev ἔστιν

ἐστιν

ὁ στίχος,

τουτέστιν

ὑστερεῖται

μιᾶς συλλαβῆς,

[μέν ἐστιν G.] ὁ πέμπτος ποῦς ἴαμβος, γίνεται

συλλαβῆς τοῦ ς΄ [¢ G.] ποδὸς, ποῦς, γίνεται παλιμβάχχειος"-

ἀμφίβραχυς

εἰ δὲ

εἰ

μετὰ τῆς μιᾶς

σπονδεῖος

ὁ πέμπτος

+ εἰσὶ καὶ τετράμετρα ἰαμβικὰ ἀκατάληκτα: ἦτοι ἔχοντα πόδας ὀχτὼ" καὶ χαταληκτικὰ τὰ λειπόμενα μιᾶς συλλαβῆςἔστι καὶ δίμετρον xataAnatixòv: τὸ λεγόμενον xal ἡμιάμβειον [ἡμιαμβεῖον GJ]: καὶ ἑφϑημιμερὲς: ὅπερ ἔχει πόδας τρεῖς καὶ μίαν συλλαβὴν, ἣ paxpdv, ἣ βραχεῖαν: ἀδιάφορος γὰρ ἡ τελευταία [τελευταῖα G.] συλλαβὴ ἐν παντὶ μέτρω καὶ κώλω, καὶ κόμματι" καὶ στίχω᾽ τοῦτο τὸ ἑφϑημιμερὲς ἰαμβικὸν, λέγεται ἀναχρεόντειον [ἀνακρεοντεῖον G.]: ὡς τὸ, ὁ μὲν ϑέλων μάχεσϑαι" πάρεστι ydo, μαχέσϑω: (Anacr., PMG 429, 1 sq.) γίνεται ἀνακρεόντειον [ἀναχρεοντεῖον G.], x«i ἐξ ἀναπαίστου ἰάμβων xal συλλαβῆς" ὡς εἶναι τὸ πᾶν ἑφϑημιμερὲς" ὡς τὸ, ént γῆς ἔτ᾽

καὶ

δύο

[ἐτ᾽ ἐνδιάων'

ποϑέων πόλον ποτ᾽ nodx: (fragm. mel. anon.)

: ; Le er ~ A TP uy ϑαυμάσης δὲ ὅτι εἰσὶν αἱ τελευταῖαι συλλαβαὶ μακραί: εἴπομεν [εἴπωμεν G.] γὰρ ἀδιάφορον εἶναι ἀεὶ τὴν «τε»λευταίαν [tAeutalay G.] συλλαβὴν. ἐν δὲ [om. G.] τῷ, πινδάρω εὗρον λεγόμενον ἀναχρεόντειον [ἀνακρεοντεῖον G.], τὸ ἰαμβικὸν δίμετρον ἀκατάληκτον: ὡς τὸ,

καί που τι καὶ βροτῶν φρένας" (Pl, O., 1, 28) ἐν δὲ τῷ ἠφαιστίωνι, ἀναχ «ρε-»όντειον, τὰ δύο κῶλα ἐφϑημιμερῆ : ἔστι καὶ μονόμετρον ἰαμβικὸν ὑπερκατάληκτον ἦτοι πλεονάζ«ουσαν» ἔχον , ; x : ΜΝ ; ‘ ~ υἱαν

[πλεονάζον

ἔχομενον

G.] συλλαβὴν

τοῦ

οἰκείου

μέτρου

καὶ

χαλεῖται

πενϑημιμερὲς: ἔστι δὲ πενθημιμερὲς, τὸ ἔχον δύο πόδας καὶ συλλαβὴν utav: ἐν [οὐ G.] παντὶ δὲ μέτρω τὸ δίμετρον χαταληχτικὸν, otov οἱ τρεῖς ἥμισυ πόδες, λέγεται ἐφϑημιμερὲς: καὶ τὸ μονόμετρον ὑπερκατάληκτον, οἷον οἱ δύο ἥμισυ πόδες, λέγεται πενθημιμερὲς :σημειωτέον δὲ ὅτι ἔστιν [ἐστὶν G.] ἐν τοῖς ἀκαταλήκτοις τριμέτροις ἐνίοτε | (6r)

ὅ ἕκτος

ποῦς

καὶ

vpoyoiog:

ἢ

καὶ

σπονδεῖος"

καλεῖται

δὲ

τοῦτο

τὸ μέτρον χωλὸν [χῶλον G.| διαφέρει τοῦ ὀρθοῦ μέτρου, ὅτι ἐκεῖνο μὲν, ἔχει τὸν c' πόδα [τὸν στίχον πόδα G.] πυρρίχιον ἣ ἴαμβον: τὸ δὲ χωλὸν [ἰχῶλον G.], ἔχει τοῦτον, σπονδεῖον ἢ τροχαῖον- τοῦτο δέ φασι εὕρημα εἶναι ἱππώναχτος᾽

τινὲς δὲ ἀνανίου:-

QI ΑΝ y ; A o) S3 A τοῦ δὲ ἰαμβικοῦ μέτρου, εἴδη τέσσαρα“ τὸ κυρίως ἰαμβικὸν" ἣ τὸ τραγικὸν"

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303

τὸ xopixòv: καὶ τὸ σατυρικὸν: xal κυρίως ἰαμβικὸν μέν ἐστι, τὸ ἐξ ἰάμβων συγκείμενον: τραγικὸν δὲ, τὸ ἐξ ἰάμβων καὶ σπονδείων ἐνίοτε xat ae ts ; x ^ ; ; ; ἐξ ἑνὸς τρισυλλάβου:

κωμικὸν,

σατυρικὸν δὲ, τὸ μέσον καὶ τρισυλλάβων:-

τὸ ἐκ πλειόνων

τραγικοῦ

καὶ

τρισυλλάβων

xoutxoU:

ἦτοι

συγκείμενον:

τὸ ἐκ δισυλλάβων

* hic in mg. dx. et usque ad finem folii 5", deinde in mg. sup. et sx. folii ;" add. V*: + παρὰ

δὲ

τοῖς

μελοποιοῖς,

εὑρίσκεται

ὁ τέταρτος

ποῦς

καὶ

σπονδεῖος"

ἔτι

τὲ

καὶ ἐν τοῖς χοροῖς τῶν τραγικῶν τίϑεται καὶ δεύτερος ποῦς σπονδεῖος: οὐ γὰρ δεῖ πάντως τὴν δευτέραν χώραν ἰαμβικὴν ἔχειν ἐν τοῖς κώλοις καὶ κόμμασιν: [...] πλεονάζη τοὺς ἰάμβους τῶν σπονδείων' εὑρίσκεται ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις μέτροις ἰαμβικοῖς καὶ προκελευσματικὸς: ἀλλὰ δὴ καὶ ὁ πρῶτος ποῦς, ἀμφίμακρος. ἔτι τὲ εὑρίσκονται ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις χοροῖς τῶν τρ[α]γικῶν] στίχοι δακτυλικοὶ ἔχοντες καὶ ἴαμβον: ὅπερ ὀνομάζεται [...] (5) [..] ἐσταλμένον ἐγράφη: διὰ τοῦτο ἐχρῶντο καὶ ταῖς δύο συλλαβαῖς ἤτοι τῇ De καὶ τῇ ot A TH ev, ἀντὶ μιᾶς μακρᾶς. ὡς ἐν τῷ τῆς ἀνδρομάχης τοῦ ᾿εὐριπέδου] στίχω TH: oye.

ῥῦσαί

με

πρὸς

Seay εἰ δὲ

μὴ “ρανούμεϑα

(E., Andr.,

575)

ἐνταῦϑα

γὰρ

τὸ

de

x«t. [τὸ wv] ἀντὶ μιᾶς μακρᾶς λαμβάνονται" x«i ἔστι τὸ πρὸς ϑεῶν, σπονδεῖος:εὑρίσκονται ἐν τοῖς ποιηταῖς τοῖς [...] μέτρω ἰαμβικῶ “χρωμένοις, X«L ἐλεγεῖα, ὡς τὸ τοῦ εὐριπίδου ἐν ἀνδρομάχη ἠγάγετ᾽ εὐναίαν εἰς θαλάμους ἑλέναν (ove fi. ina mutato E., Andr., 104) ** in medio folio 5v et deinceps in mg. inf. add. V?: + δεῖ εἰδέναι σε καὶ τοῦτο: ἔνϑα εἰσὶ σύμφωνα δύο, γίνεται ἀποβολὴ τοῦ ἐνὸς διὰ τὸ βέτρον. óc ἐν vàὃ δράματι τοῦ εὐριπίδου, τῷὦ ὀνομαζομένο τροάδες: στίχος: xa ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ δράματι: στίχος: PS ὦ τῶν χαλκεχέων τρώων: (E., Tr., 142) ἀποβάλλει γὰρ τὸ γ εἰς τὸ χαλκεγχέων" καὶ ἐν τῶ τῇ ἀνδρομάχη [sic] δράματι τοῦ εὐριπίδου:

στίχος:

χεκορυ[ϑήμένον

èξὐμοφίας"

(E., Andr., 279):

ἀποβάλλει

γὰρ

τὸ

o

εἰς τὸ εὐμορφίας διὰ τὸ μέτρον. t ἐλειπεῖς

V corr. G.

5 Corrigendum videtur quod in libro Nomenclator metricus graecus et latinus. 1. A-D, Hildesheim 2006, p. 80 5. v. ἀνακρεόντειον adfirmatur, ubi ἐνδιάν exscribitur et ἀνακρεοντεῖον libro ms. V (quod autem revera G. in editione sua codice male nisus scripsit) tribuitur. * &vax[...]óvvscov V: ἀνα[κρε]οντεῖον suppl. G., sed pe tantum supplendum et accentus corrigendus videtur.

TRA

LYRA

LETTURE

E AULOS:

FILOSOFICHE

LYRA IN

THE

AND

AULOS

NEOPLATONIC

INTERPRETATION SEBASTIAN

F.

Moro

ALLEGORICAL OF

MYTHS

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ABSTRACT

This article studies different Neoplatonic views on the opposition and

complementarity between /yra and aulos in the context of the allegorical interpretation of myths. The symbolism of the musical instruments is related to the contrast between the Apollonian, anagogic music (a music that liberates the soul from attachment to the passions) and another kind

of music (connected to Marsyas) which is tied to the world of generation and the phenomenal illusions of the particular self. This imitative music is attached to the sensible world and oriented towards competitiveness and the achievement of egotistic results, proper to the dualism of *mine" and *yours". However, the Neoplatonists present also a more

positive interpretation of the music of Marsyas and the Phrygian harmonies in the context of Dionysian mysticism. This kind of music and its dynamic character serves as a catalyst for turning the soul towards divine inspiration. Kryworps: Neoplatonism, music, allegory, symbolism, Apollonian and Dionysian.

[res to study different Neoplatonic views on the opposition between /yra and aulos in the context of the allegorical interpretation of myths. The symbolism of the musical instruments

is related to the contrast between the Apollonian anagogic music (a music that liberates the soul from attachment to the passions) and another kind of music (connected to Marsyas) which is tied to the world of generation (genesis) and the phenomenal illusions

of the particular self or ‘ego’. This imitative music is attached to the sensible world and oriented towards competitiveness and the achievement of egotistic results, proper to the dualism of ‘mine’ and ‘yours’.' * Olympiodorus characterizes the world of becoming and the opposition be-

tween mine and yours in the context of the level of virtues which correspond

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However, music is able to go beyond imitation' and offers a ‘space’ beyond oppositions and shows at the same time a coordination or complementariness between Marsyas and Apollo, and at a higher level, between the Dionysian and the Apollonian.

Proclus says that the most divine part of ourselves, «the intellect in us is Dionysian and a true statue of Dionysus.» (ir Cra.,133, Ρ. 77, 24). However, this inner essence is torn apart by falsehood and our passions, which depend on the world of becoming. In the Orphic myth, the Titans distracted Dionysus with a mirror and

toys, tore him into seven pieces and devoured him.^ Zeus struck the Titans with his thunderbolt and all human beings were created from their ashes (which contained the Dionysian element as well). Athena rescued the heart of Dionysus, carrying him back to his original home, to his father Zeus, where the god was reintegrated. In other version, Apollo collected the pieces and carried them to the life within a world where greatest separation takes place: «Finally, the soul lives by ethical and physical virtues, symbolized by the reign of Dionysus; hence he is torn to pieces, because these virtues do not imply each other; and the Titans chew his flesh, mastication standing for the extreme division, because Dionysus is the patron of this world, where extreme division prevails because of ‘mine’ and ‘thine’. In the Titans who tear him to pieces, the 7 (‘something’) denotes the particular, for the universal form is broken up in genesis, and Dionysus is the monad of the Titans.» (Olymp., /& Phd., 1,5,7; trans. by Leendert Gerrit Westerink, The Greek Commentaries on Plato’s Phaedo: Olympiodorus, Westbury, Prometheus Trust, 20097, p. 44). Olympiodorus and other Neoplatonists arranged virtues according to different levels; the highest are the theurgic, followed by contemplative and purificatory virtues, while lower levels include: political (civic or constitutional) virtues and the two more derived degrees of virtue mentioned here, which correspond to a world more removed from Unity. * Cf. Procl, ir R., 1, 60, 6-13. For Proclus, an art based on mimesis (imitation, representation) is a kind of art that stays attached to the world of manifestation; music «prefers to snatch itself out (anbarpazein) of copies in order to ascend towards the divine models of harmony and rhythm for all in this world». However, even mimesis can lead to the archetypes, if it is accompanied by a proper ‘allegorical’ interpretation, because visible realities ‘imitate’ their invisible models, and the soul can ascend from the veils towards the interior causes of manifestation (Cf. Procl., Zvst., 209 and im Ti., τι, 246, 4-9). 2 Cf. O. KERN, Orphicorum Fragmenta, Berlin, Weidmann, 1922, p. 210. See Rene van den Berg’s explanation of Proclus! Hymn to Athena, in ROBERT VAN DEN Bzno, Proclus’ Hymns: Essays, Translations, Commentary, Leiden, Brill, 2001, p. 288. Cf. Procl., i Ti., 2, 197, 15-30; II, 28, 1; cf., also in Prm., 808; in Ti., τι, 145, 18 ff. See also, Fritz GRAF, SARAH ILEs JoHNSTON, Ritual Texts for the

Afterlife: Orpheus and the Bacchic Gold Tablets, London-New York, Routledge, 2007, p. 78.

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to Delphi. For Proclus (i 77., 11, 197, 15-30), this symbolizes the

harmonization of the seven portions in the cosmic musical scale of the World-Soul, depicted in the 77zaeus. Apollo, is cause of unity and leads multiplicity up to the One and his musical activity symbolizes the harmonization of the whole

cosmos into a single unity. This harmonization is also represented with the chorus of the Muses established around the god.' Proclus

explains that «All the Apollonian series depends on the demiurgic hegemony

(direction/leadership) of Zeus» (in Cra., 15, p. 5, 23-24

Pasq.). The coordination between the activity of Apollo and that of Zeus, as the demiurgic Intellect (cf. in Cra., 174, p. 99, 30), en-

tails that Apollo provides unification at a level which has suffered multiplication. Zeus corresponds to the paradigmatic aim towards which Apollo's concentrating and mediating/anagogic power is directed: this is manifested as music, medicine, prophecy, etc.* Dionysus in turn, being another kind of Intellect, more imma-

nent and specific, provides us with the particular intellect, symbolized with the gift of wine (Procl, in Cra., 180). Marsyas, as a Satyr or Silenus of the retinue of Dionysus, pres-

ents on one side, the externalizing aspect of multiplicity and generation (with its confusion/seduction/division), and on the other

side, the direction towards the inner heart of Dionysus and his inspiration expressed by the immediacy of the power of sound. * Proclus expands his depiction of Apollo's activity at iz Cra., 176, p. 101, 20: «From the supercelestial order above he sows all the cosmos with channels and the rays of light from Zeus; for his ‘darts’ symbolize his rays of light. That he is God of music demonstrates that Apollo is cause of all harmony, both invisible and visible, through his directive powers, by which with Mnemosyne and Zeus he engenders the Muses, and he cooperates in organizing the perceptible universe with his demiurgic powers, which the sons of the theurgists call ‘hands’, since indeed the activity of harmony is dependent upon the motion of the hands». (transl. by Brian Duvick, Proclus. On Plato Cratylus, London, Duckworth, 2007). 2 Cf. Procl., # Cra., 174, pp. 99, 8 ff. Pasq.: «The power of medicine eliminates the disparate aspect of illnesses, and bestows the gift of unitary health. For health is symmetry and accords with nature, whereas what is variegated is unnatural. And again, the power of prophecy, in revealing the simplicity of truth, destroys the variety of falsehood. And that of archery, as it destroys everything errant and beastly, and gives control to discipline and refinement, cleaves to unity and dissolves the disordered nature which is carried into multiplicity. And as for music, through rhythm and harmony it instils a bond, friendship, and unity in the universe, and everything opposite to these it removes» (transl. by Brian Duvick).

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One version of the myth

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(Pl, Euthd., 285c-d) says that Marsyas

was converted into a “wineskin”. This reference to Marsyas in the Euthydemus (cf. also Smp. 2152) can be interpreted in terms of the relationship between the ‘inner’ and the ‘outer’ man (cf. R.,

9, 5892). When

Marsyas

is skinned,

Apollo

reveals

the inner

essence/

space of the satyr, which becomes filled up with divine inspiration. This corresponds to Dante's interpretation of the myth in his invocation to Apollo at the beginning of the Paradiso (1,13-21).* The allegorical interpretation explains the mythical figures as tendencies that compete within the human soul; one is a titanic descending tendency, which corresponds to ‘extreme division’ (at the lowest level of the Dionysian manifestation and identified with Dionysus’ opponents; cf. Olymp., ir Phd., 1, 5, 10) and another is

a tendency towards the Heavens, the anagogic power of Apollonian music. Marsyas, in his confusion, identifies himself with the negative tendency of egotism, but because he is a musician and loves music, he can be saved by this love, if he recognizes that the origin of music resides above/beyond the limited ego.

The context of the Apollonian maxim ‘know thyself, which invites the soul to pursue a path of self-transformation towards the universal Self, together with the Platonic account of divine

inspiration, gives us a clue to examine in depth the meaning of the myth.’ Accordingly, the cruelty of the punishment of Marsyas * See Mary

M. McCanz, Protean Socrates: Mythical Figures in the Euthydemus,

in Ancient Philosophy of the Self, edited by Pauliina Remes, Juha Sihvola, New York, Springer, 2008, p. 109 ff. (especially pp. 111 and 114). On the notion of ‘inner man’ in Platonism see PAULIINA REMES, Jmwardness and Infinity of Self: From Plotinus to Augustine, in the same volume, p. 155 ff. 2 The influence of this Platonic conception of ‘inspiration’ and ‘enthusiastic music’ can also be seen in Neoplatonic Renaissance philosophers and artists such as Marsilio Ficino, Pico della Mirandola, Raphael and Michelangelo. See

Rosert HoLLANDER, Marsyas as figura Dantis: Paradiso 1.20 (http://www. princeton.edu/--dante/ebdsa/hollandero42710.html; accessed August/2014). Cf. Epcar Winp, Pagan Mysteries in the Renaissance, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1958, chapter The Flaying of Marsyas. Raphael situated his painting of the musical contest between Apollo and Marsyas on the side of the representation of inspired poetry in the Stanza della Segnatura. 5 Cf. Plu., Mor., De E apud Delphos, 392A, where Plutarch interprets the ‘E’ catved on stone at the Temple of Apollo as meaning «Thou art», which is the reply to the question about self-knowledge proposed by the God. Instead of asserting the ‘ego’, the true answer is to identify oneself with the univer-

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should be understood in terms of one of the aspects of Apollo, namely his destructive/transformative power, represented especially with the ‘arrow’ and the ‘sunray’ as having a kathartic/

cosmogonic influence over the world. What is it that is destroyed? The false ego, its attachments and its illusions are destroyed, when the passional ego-centric man is burned up and the ‘inner man’ is

liberated from the skin of the external man. The name of Apollo means the negation of multiplicity, A-pollon [4 - not; pollen - many].' Apollo identified with the One, corresponds to a mystical silence and Aesychia (inner peace), where duality and all oppositions are transcended. However, according to Proclus, Apollo's activity, is mainly manifested at a level in

which Unity has already been broken or polarized. Therefore, he is a god of Music and Medicine, a god that produces the recovery of unity and harmonization within the realm of multiplicity. Then, this aspect of non-multiplicity means concordia discors ot

coincidentia oppositorum. Therefore the cohesive activity of Apollo is double: 1) firstly, it is the re-integration related to a middle/intermediary stage or to a centre of unification (concentration towards a hégemonikon, ot cosmic leading potency, residing at the Omphalos = symbolized by the Sun, the musical note zzesé as hégemonikon of the melody, and the Dorian scale as hesychastic); 2) secondly it supposes an ‘anagogic’ dimension, which corresponds to the vertical

ascent of the soul through levels (the harmony of the spheres) and the axial unification of those multiple levels, thanks to the medi-

ation of music. The lyre is Apollonian and represents the pure, dry, luminous regions of ether and a spiritual harmonization of duality. The inscription on the Tempietto delle Muse at the Palazzo

Ducale in Urbino, mentions the Kithara as the instrument proper to the purest space of ether: «Whoever you are, be glad and pure

for the Muses and skilled on the lyre, for purity alone is here».* On the other hand, Marsyas' a4/os represents human and cosmic sal source of narrative voice Aristotle and Leiden, Brill,

the Self. Cf. FREDERIC M. SCHROEDER, The final metamorphosis, in the prologue of Apuleius’ Golden Ass, in Reading Ancient Texts: Neoplatonism, edited by Suzannne Stern-Gillet, Kevin Corrigan, 2007.

* Cf. Plot., 5, 5, De Iside οἱ Osiride, 2 See JoscELYN MI, Phanes Press,

6; Plu., Mor., De E apud Delphos, 393C, 394A, 388F (cf. also 381 and Clem. AL, Strom., 1, 164. Gopwin, The Pagan Dream of the Renaissance, Grand Rapids, 2002, chapter v: Private Microcosms.

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duality, because he plays a double-reed/double pipe instrument, which, according to Aristides Quintilianus (2, 18, 90, 10 ff.), corresponds to the element ‘air’ (or humid air) and the lowest humid and obscure regions of the universe.‘ Neoplatonists, following the Orphic and Pythagorean tradition, considered music as an essentially contemplative art and a vehicle

for returning to the celestial levels of reality, which are hidden from the senses. In Platonism, there is also a contrast between

the philosopher and the sophist. The philosopher makes an effort to integrate harmoniously the faculties of perception and action around the Intellect as intuitive and contemplative faculty. The Sophists, on the contrary, were engaged in a search for power within the visible world and at the same time claimed to be guides

of souls, but for Plato, they were mere politicians using psychagégia, which is a kind of incantation that offers false promises, — like that of the Sirens -, especially connected to a materialistic/utilitarian view of the world.

The au/os is in a sense the instrument of that theatrical and political psychagégia, which aims to flatter the popular majority in hopes of gaining personal power, but not interested in real education ot guidance.

This corresponds

to the sophistic manipulation

of

art, for the sake of the politicians’ own private profit, by offering panem et circenses. * Marsyas’ aulos, represents duality and water as the element of generation, also identified with the horns of the Moon and the Zodiacal sign of Cancer,

from where the soul descends into the world. Accordingly, the @4/5, corresponds to the descending cosmic direction (the path of the Sun from Cancer to Capricorn). Capricorn corresponds to Kronos (or Saturn, representing the Intellect, for Plotinus) and the feast of the Saturnalia represents a new life for the soul and a hope of liberation in the ascending path of the Sun in the year. The Gate of Cancer, corresponds to the octopus as enemy of the dolphin (salvific animal sacred to Apollo, this symbolism can be seen in representations of Apollo's Tripod). The dolphin represents the direction towards the Gate of Capricorn, and the laps in the chariot-races were marked by dolphin-counters (and also egg lap counters symbolizing re-birth or Castor and Pollux) at the Circus Maximus in Rome, which represent spiritual victories over the obstacles in the interior path of the soul. The Universe has two Gates (mentioned by Numenius, Porphyry, Proclus and Macrobius) and the lyre/kithara has two ‘horns’ and they are successfully unified by the mediation of harmony. Proclus (Chr., 320a Bekker) also refers to different etymologies of the word 'dithyramb' and one of them is related to the cave where Dionysos was raised in Nysa, which had two doors (ὦ - two and Zbyra = door).

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The sophistic au/etic appeals to the passions and in Platonism, corresponds to ‘political’ bewilderment. That perplexity is a reflection of a wider, macrocosmic confusion, and for that reason the music of the 24/05 symbolizes too, the cosmic ‘illusion’, proper to the #orybos (Pl., 17., 42c) that initially produced the passions of the soul, represented with the image of a tumultuous/clamorous ‘sea’, source of the materialistic approach to reality. For Proclus (ir R., 1, 17, 4 fF), the image of the sea is connected to the clamorous and multiple way of life (thorubédés kai poikilé 266), also depicted as representing the sophistic life of «multiple heads» (1, 17, 19),

in opposition to a pure region of ether where the soul founds the inner contemplative peace of the philosophical life (1, 17, 22).' In this context, the sound of the 44/0s is depicted as tumultuous and noisy (noise, confusion = shorybos), in contrast to the sound of the

lyre, which is an instrument related to the ether and conducive to inner peace.

The Sophists wanted to charm and bewilder their audiences by auditory means, like the Sirens. In Plato's Symposium (215b), Alcibiades says that Socrates, the Silenos, is an 44/6 like Marsyas, but instead of using a musical instrument, he enchants his audience with auletic words. Certainly for the Platonists, there is a great difference between Socrates and the Sophists, but they both used similar methods. For Proclus (ir A/c., 229-233), the difference resides in the fact that Socrates can be compared to a Hermetic guide who offers true education. Socratic (and Platonic) education is founded upon disinterested love (and a love for the inner man and essence of Alcibiades, cf. Procl., in Alc., 25, 4; 37, 1; 108, 25; 157, 10 and 251, 12), while Sophistic flattery exploits the ambitions and self-conceit of the ‘exterior’ Alcibiades, for reasons of self-in-

terest. Proclus emphasizes the fact that inner Hermetic education and self-knowledge are connected to music and lyre playing (in Ale, 195 fF). He also says that Socrates’ voice can be compared to the ‘ In this passage, Proclus is commenting on the place/time setting of the Republic: ascending from the Piracus to Athens and between the Bendidea and the Panathenaea festivals. The former has a Thracian character (the Thracian Bendis) and is connected to the sea-port, while the latter represents for Proclus the life of the return towards the self and the Intellect, proper to Athena

(contemplative life).

314

voice of the in this case, be identified and leading

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good genius that guides the soul of Alcibiades. Thus, the powerful auditory enchantment of the voice can with divine inspiration, awakening noble aspirations to self-transformation. The Sophists are like magi-

cians or illusionists (goétai, cf. Pl., Sph., 234c-235a) and their magic is connected to mimesis, because they are fake politicians and create false imitations of truth (cf. also P/t., 3030). Socrates is also a magician in this sense (goés), but he uses magic,

not to create error and illusion in the soul, but in order to purify the soul of them and to put it in contact with the source of a higher ‘magic’ based upon the ‘sympathy’ of the whole cosmos, which resides in Love, the cosmic Magician. This was a central notion

for Ficino, who followed Plato’s depiction of Eros as «magician, wizard and sophist» (see Swp., 203d and Ficino’s commentary ad loc.). The world is a work of love and a work of art (démiourgia and diacosmésis). Nevertheless, its beautiful harmony would have the effect of a magical or sophistic ‘illusion’ if it were not seen in relation to its higher causes, as a creation of unifying Love (it

is ‘illusory’ because as a work of art has a derived nature). Love is a sophist because his eloquent works of beauty ‘persuade’ us; however this kind of ‘erotic magic’ is a liberating one. The Soc-

ratic task is to use the same loving energy to look at the veil of illusions without being entangled in its ‘relative’ nature, by using

the magic of speech and music (and loving attraction) to make a journey towards the ‘absolute’ and intangible source of harmony through the ladder of reality (whose connection and continuity

is also created thanks to affinity and attractive sympathy). The Sophists are false guides in that task because they want to stay

entangled within the world of illusions, in their egotistic chase of power and aggressive pursuit of control over others and over the world. Conversely, for the Platonists, the Muses, are goddesses who really guide the souls in their ‘sea journey’. They defeated the Sirens in a musical contest, and crowned their heads with the Sirens’ feathers (see Procl., im R., 2, 238, 21-239, 14). For this reason,

the Muses are able to transfer an ‘anagogic’ power to the living energy present within the manifested world, represented with the

‘feathers’ and the ‘wings’, by re-directing the sensible manifestation towards the Apollonian spiritual centre of reality (because the

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Sirens also correspond to *musical notes or strings' and audible sound).' For the uneducated soul, an art that exploits and excites the emotions with poikilia, using polychordic and polyharmonious instruments (cf. Pl., R., 399d) and modulating scales (an art for arts’ sake and employed for psychagégia) does not play a positive role within the educative and therapeutic path of the philosophical life.* The rejection of the 44/05 by the goddess Athena means for

the Neoplatonists that it is not suited for philosophy, especially in its educative and therapeutic stages.

This view portrays Marsyas’ music and the az/os in a negative way and indicates the reasons for the rejection of the az/os in the context of Platonic education.?

Proclus and Olympiodorus, in their commentaries on the A/cibiades 1 (cf. Procl., in Alc., 197, 17 ff. and Olymp., in Alc., 65, 20 ff., especially 66, 9-10), justify the rejection of the a4/os in the context of an educational programme understood as a preparation of the irrational part of the soul, especially with the assistance of music, in order to make it again receptive to reason. The Neoplatonists follow Aristotle in saying that the au/os prevents the employment * For the connection between Sirens and musical notes see MARTIN L. West, Ancient Greek Music, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1992, p. 224 and note 38, p. 234.

2 There is a negative sense of poikilia (‘variety’) manifested in a multiplicity of perceptible qualities separated from a unifying principle. At the same time, for the Neoplatonists, poikiliz and sensible qualities are in fact connected to their Intelligible paradigms (or Forms); for example, in Plotinus (6, 1, 6, 3-8), poikilia corresponds also to the «richness and diversity of a world which is none the less all one, held together in the unity of life» (A. HiLary ARMSTRONG, Plotinus on the Origin and Place of Beauty in Thought about the World, in Neoplatonism and Contemporary Thought: Part Two, edited by R. Baine Harris, Albany, State University of New York Press, 2002, p. 220). The Intelligible unity of life is manifested also at the level of the Dionysian immanent life, coordinated with the mediating and anagogic Apollonian spiritual power, which re-connects everything with the transcendent principle of Unity around the ‘heart’ of the dismembered Dionysus. For this reason the denial of multiplicity does not mean rejection of the manifested world and the beauty of its multiple qualities, because those qualities depend on the overflow of the richness and Poikilia of Intelligible life and its source in the First Principle as well. 3 See PL, R., 399d-e, [PL], Al. 1, 106e and Plu., Ak., 2, 5-7, where Alcibiades, as a schoolboy, chooses the /yra and rejects the aulos; Arist., Pol., 8, 1341a-1342b, and Aristides Quintilianus! negative account of the amos, in 2, 17-19. The episode concerning Alcibiades’ education is also mentioned in [PL], Ale. 1, τούς, where Aitharizein is preferred over aulein.

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of Jogos (both speech and other manifestations of reason).' Proclus (ir. Ale., 198, 1) says that the 24/05, with its moving power (Kinétikos) and is tumultuous quality (Zborubódér), is not suitable for

education and its aim of awakening the /ogos and leading the soul from agitation to harmony and tranquility (Aésychia). Aristotle criticizes Plato for making Socrates say that he accepts

the Phrygian scale but rejects the 24/05, when both have the same power over the soul. However, Proclus tries to reconcile Plato and

Aristotle and concludes that Socrates/Plato accepted the Phrygian mode in the context of &a/barfic/ritual music (such as the dithyramb) and in the divine mysteries." Even though the az/os is Kinétikds — and therefore not suitable for an agitated soul that needs education —, that same dynamic power is suitable if the educated person

has become, for instance, a cold rationalist (identifying /ogos — or dianoia — with the highest faculty and understanding science as the only access to reality, accompanied by an externalized and utilitarian world-view), which is another form of egotism (more civilized). In this case, the 44/05 and the Phrygian scale are recommendable as enthusiastic remedies, used to stimulate the soul's discursive reason (dianoia) towards divine reality (Procl., zz Alc., 198, 5-6). Proclus follows Plato's more positive view of Marsyas (the au/os and Phrygian scale) in the Symposium, 215c, which reappears in the [Platonic] Adnos, 318b. According to Proclus, Plato is not a ratio-

nalist philosopher and for that reason he does not reject the Phrygian mode. The whole search/love for knowledge (philosophia) involves a wider search/love for the transcendence of the Good ot the Absolute, which inspires «those who are in need of the gods» ([Pl.], Mzz., 318b7). The passage in the Minos imitates the Symposium, 215c5, where Alcibiades depicts the already mentioned ecstatic effect of Socrates” speech, comparing Socrates! voice with Marsyas’ aulos. Plato uses the word &azechestbai which means divine possession in the context of enthousiasmos (Arist., Pol., 8, 1340211 and 134227; cf. Procl., in R., 1, 61, 25).

True inner peace is Apollonian, but it is also Dionysian, because * Cf. Olymp., ir Phd., 64b3-4 (3, 10, 1). 2 On Proclus? reconciliation of Plato's and Aristotle’s views on music see ANNE D. R. SHEPPARD, Studies on the sth and 6th Essays of Proclus! Commentary on the Republic, Gittingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1980 (« Hypomnemata», 61), p. 113 ff.

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inspiration reaches the whole being of the soul with its immanent life, making it necessary to reconnect all the derived multiplicity again with its transcendent/spiritual principles. Inspiration, as Beethoven expressed in the Ninth Symphony (with the words of Schiller’s Ode to Joy), is related to the intoxication of a spark of divine fire (Feuertrunken), which being re-kindled, energizes the whole soul in its ascent to the divine source «above the canopy of stars». This particular harmonization of the Apollonian and the

Dionysian is an Orphic theme, of which Plato and the Neoplatonists were very much aware. As we have seen, the immediacy of the sound of the 44/0s produces (like Socrates’ voice) an inspiration that in a sense transcends reason. The az/os is a Barbarian/foreign, instrument, and when one

listens to a foreign language one might hear the sound but fail to perceive its Jogos. This on the one hand, entails a danger: the

danger of what Plato calls the “barbarian mud’ in which the eye of the soul is plunged (using an Orphic metaphor), which needs the anagogic power (dialektiké methodos) of Apollonian self-knowledge, philosophy and music, with the assistance of the hermetic sciences (liberal arts) that rekindle and nourish the /ogos of the soul (cf. Pl., R., 533c-d). But on the other hand, there is another danger; that of

idolizing the relative and the self-divinization of human ‘reason’, closed to the Apollonian transcendence and the Absolute. As Iamblichus claims, the nomina barbara or ritual names of the gods and utterances (voces mysticae), have a qualitative energy,

which depends on the vibratory nature of sound, and which is lost if one translates them.’ From this point of view, even Greek

philosophy is a ‘noise of discourses’, which can only achieve rational demonstrations. On the other hand, sacred, theurgic sounds (phénai) accomplish an active transformation, which is deeper than rationality (cf. Corp. Herm., 16, 2, 2). Iamblichus, as a Neo-Py-

thagorean, tries to harmonize the Apollonian and the Dionysian, according to which, science, reason and knowledge have also a spiritual/artistic counterpart. He rejects both the rationalism of Aristotelianism and the sophistic abuse of reason (used to achieve

the sophist's own egotistic aims). * See lamb., Myst., 7, 5, 257-259, Orac. Chald., 150 and GREGORY SHAW, Theurgy and the Soul, the Neoplatonism of lamblichus, University Park, pa, Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995, pp. 181-182.

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Neoplatonic philosophy is an application of accurate thought, combined at the same time with an intuitive openness toward the ‘mysteric’ dimension of reality. In this context, the Neoplatonists

value the au/os and the dythiramb, if one orientates their energy towards Apollonian ideals. There is an interior aspect of ignorance and confusion, which is barbarian in a negative sense - the barbarian warriors whose hearts are softened and pacified when they listen to the civilizing music of Orpheus’ Lyra:

«his playing and singing won over the Greeks, changed the hearts of barbarians and tamed wild beasts» (Ps. Callisth., 1, 42, 6, 7 = Kern, test.144).'

But ignorance can be civilized too, as when Plato connects the pursuit of strength and power with mere brute force (even manifested in a more subtle way, as persuasion), proper to the sophis-

tic/civilized way of life, which is based on the active pursuit of political power. In Grg., 5o6b (cf. 4896), Plato compares Callicles,

the Sophist, with Zethus and Socrates, the philosopher, with Amphion. Callicles believes in the natural right of the stronger to seek

power and pleasure for themselves, while Socrates proposes the Apollonian/philosophical path of self-examination. The comparison is based on the contrast between the twin legendary brothers: the practical herdsman Zethus (active/strong athlete) against his musical brother Amphion (contemplative/poet), whose music at

the end is stronger than the brute force of Zethus, because the walls of the city/culture and civilization depend on the Lyre of Amphion's and its Cosmic model (seven strings/seven gates of Thebes/the number 7 devoted to Apollo, seven planets, etc.). The Neoplatonists presented a marriage between philosophical method and the glimpse of inspiring wisdom that awakens the interior life, which combines the immediacy of primordial sound (essentially connected to the nature of the soul) and a re-directing

process (in a cyclical turn or epistrophé, both anagogic/ascending and concentrating) that orientates the soul towards the source of divine sound and Logos present in the depths of its heart.

In this scheme, the Apollonian is intermediary, both understood as middle between

the extremes

and also as centre

(within the

* Quoted by WiLLiAMm KEITH CHAMBERS GUTHRIE, Orpheus and Greek Religion: a study of the Orphic Movement, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1993,

p. 40.

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circle of manifestation): the omphalos of peace and cohesion represented in the cardinal centre of the musical me/os (the Dorian/ hesychastic mode and the mesé string or note as hégemonikon of the melody). The warmness of the ‘heart’? of Dionysian enzbousiasmos and inspiration, present within the soul, needs, at the same time, the re-awakening and re-orientation provided by the mediation of Apollo's art. For Proclus, the ‘hands’ of Apollo symbolize the mediation of skill, art and harmony (ir Cra., 176, p. 101, 25).' Accord-

ingly, the divine Lyra is a guiding/salvific companion that opens the way of return for the soul symbolized by Orpheus (returning not from the underworld to this world, but from this world to the celestial/divine origin of the soul - Euridice). There is a scholium on Virgil’s Aeneid, in connection to Orpheus’ attempt to recover

Euridice from the underworld that contains the following reference to the lyre and the kithara: But some say that Orpheus' lyre had seven strings corresponding to the seven circles of heaven. Varro says there was an Orphic book about summoning the soul, called the Lyre. It is said that souls need the cithara in order to ascend (transl. Martin L. West).?

The Lyre is like the arrow of Apollo, the solar ray that pierces * This symbolism could be compared to that of the ‘solar’ spider (the /ycosa tarantula, ot wolf spider) In general the web of the spider and its centre connected to the vibrations of the whole web, symbolizes the solar rays and cosmic sympathy. 2 Cf. MARTIN L. West, The Orphie Poems, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1983, p- 3o and Francisco MoriNA Moreno, Non-musical notes on the Orphic ‘Lyra’ (OF 417), in Tracing Orpheus. Studies of Orphic Fragments in honour of Alberto Bernabé, edited by Miguel Herrero de Jáuregui e alii, Berlin-Boston, de Gruyter, 2011, pp. 147-151. Molina Moreno interprets literally the myth of Orpheus, as if it meant that Orpheus’ aim was only to help Euridice with his lyre-playing in her return to the earth (as the place of the living). However, if the myth has any sense at all, it should be interpreted allegorically, as the Neoplatonists did, representing the ascent of the soul (soul = Euridice, cf. Boeth., Cons. Phil., 3, 12), not to the surface of the earth, but to the higher, celestial levels of being above the visible heaven. The rationalist interpretation presented by the modern scholarly study of myth concludes that that kind of interpretation can only be «Pythagorean and Platonic» but not Orphic (denying any allegorical/ metaphysical meaning to the Orphic myths). Nevertheless, the Pythagoreans and Plato could be transmitting the genuine interpretation of the Orphic mysteries, and scholars cannot establish the contrary, because of the unwritten character of these mysteric doctrines.

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the soul’s confusion and humid obscurity and attaches it again to the chord or string that makes possible the way out from the Labyrinth (Ariadne's thread). The Apollonian mediation is also

represented by means of animal symbolism: we can see that the constellations of the Lyra, the Swan, the Arrow and the Dolphin,

all belong to the same region in the sky, near the Milky Way (the Summer Triangle).

The dolphin, summoned by Arion's kithara, saves him from the sea of genesis and gives him the opportunity of spiritual re-birth.

The hyperborean swans carry the Muses in Martianus Capella depiction of the Harmony of the Spheres. These swan-chariots can also be seen in the frontispiece of Practica Musicae by Pranchino

Gaffurio, where Apollo appears with his lyre and the serpent Python (= monochord/string) at his feet.' The dolphin sacred to Apollo is the enemy of the sea-monster (octopus or dragon).* The dolphin is also related to Delphi and

the inner peace proper to the Apollonian omphalos, and the direction towards the metaphysical centre of reality. On the contrary, the descending path of the Sun (from the zodiacal Gate at Cancer) represents the gradual attachment/seduction of the soul following

a descending tendency, towards the periphery of manifestation and the watery realm of genesis, which corresponds to the serpent Python? However, the Serpent can represent also the continuity

of reality and the substantial aspect of the vibration that maintains the different levels joined together (for that reason it is conquered and subordinated to Apollo, the principle of Universal Harmony). The winding neck of the swan has the same symbolic meaning, and consequently the swan represents the serpentine vibration * This representation is studied by JAMES Haar, The Frontispiece of Gafori’s Practica Musicae (1496), «Renaissance Quarterly», xxvi, 1, 1974, pp. 7-22 and Epcar Wiwp, Pagan Mysteries in the Renaissance, cit., pp. 46-47, 50, 112-113. We know that Gafori had read the Timaeus and Ficino's Commentary on this dialogue. Cf. Gary TomLInson, Music in Renaissance Magic, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1993, p. 89. 2 The azlos is connected to the moon, the watery regions and Cancer is the astrological house of the Moon; while the lyre is connected to the dolphin (Capricorn), the swan, and to the path of the souls in the Milky Way. 3 In different cultures, such as Hinduism, the positive aspect of the female serpent, representing the energy of Life or the Sakti is more clearly stated. See ALAIN DaANiÉLOU, The Myths and Gods of India, Rochester, Inner Traditions, 1991, p. 253. The Greck view presents a dualistic conception where the serpent almost always appears as a negative principle or dragon.

LYRA

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that connects different separated levels, and in its close connection

with the harp or the lyre, the swan becomes a ship or a vehicle. Both the swan and the swimming dolphin are animals that represent the salvific power of the Hyperborean Apollo.

The lyre and the harp are instruments connected to aquatic birds (the swan, intermediary but unaffected, sliding serenely on the surface of the waters) between the two worlds. The swan-lyre represents the Universal Logos/Pneuma and also the Luminous Ether, manifested at an intermediary-subtle world, between gross

material manifestation and spiritual higher levels. The music of the Apollonian lyre is therefore a vehicle that carries the soul, like a ship in the water, a swimming or flying swan' or like asks the help like a swan of the ship.

the dolphin that saves Arion (Hdt., 1, 23, 24), who of the dolphin playing the Orthios Nomos, and sings (Plu., Mor., Sept.Sap.Conv., 161B-162B) at the stern The dolphin saves Arion from the watery level of

* Cf. the swan-boat of Wagner's Lohengrin or the swan-boat of Galadriel (and Bárendil) in Tolkien’s Lord of Rings. Musical instruments can include animal symbolism in their forms or represent a vehicle or vessel, like the lyres of Ur, for example. Although I am not aware of any Greek or Roman instrument designed with the shape of a vehicle, it is relevant to notice that lyres and harps sometimes carry representations of birds, especially Apolline swans (see e.g. the Cycladic statuette at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New Yotk, n. 47.100.1). Apollo’s or Venus’ chariot pulled by swans can be connected to this symbolism. Cf. Mart. Cap., De Nupt., 1, 27-29, pp. 19-20 Dick, where swans carry the Muses to their place in the planetary scale of the harmony of the spheres. 2 All these aspects correspond to a music dedicated to Apollo; as Proclus says, the zomos is a calm and orderly composition proper to the Apollonian manner. Procl, Chr., 320b12-30 (Bekker) quoted in THomas J. MATHIESEN, Apollos’ Lyre, Greek Music and Music Theory in Antiquity and the Middle Ages, Lincoln, ΝΕ, University of Nebraska Press, 1999, p. 62 (cf. p. 6s on the orthios nomos). It is interesting to notice that Arion, is credited to be the inventor of the Dithyramb, especially designed as a choral, cyclic, dance-song (Procl.,

Chr., 320225-33 and 320b12-15 and 21-23). Cf. THomas J. MATHIESEN, Apollos’ Lyre, Greek Music and Music Theory in Antiquity and the Middle Ages, cit., pp. 7475. Plato alludes to the story of Arion in &., 453d, where Socrates says: « Then we, too, must swim and try to escape out of the sea of argument in the hope that either some dolphin will take us on its back or some other desperate res-

cue» (transl. Paul Shorey, Plato. The Republic, with an English translation by P. S., London, 1, Heinemann-Cambridge (Mass), Harvard University Press, 1946, (« The Loeb Classical Library»)). The «sea of argument» is proper to the Sophists’ way of arguing, more interested in charming the soul with egotistic arguments that in finding the common truth (cf. Pl., Prz., 3382).

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existence and the troubles derived from his pursuit of material wealth (making money with his art and attachment to goods = khrémata). He arrives at Taenarum

myth of Orpheus)

(a place connected with the

and is reborn and saved from the tumult/

noise (¢horybos) of the sea of manifestation (cycle of generation)

and the reality which become separated from its ordering/harmonizing causes. As we have seen, Marsyas

can represent the confusion of the

divided and material world, whose ego is inflated with the humid air of vanity. But one can use that same continuous energy of the music of Marsyas and the immediacy of sound (proper to the au/os) and subordinate it to the lyre and the divine models of

harmony, who belong to the Intellect and the Intelligible world, where Apollo and the Muses create their celestial music. Apollonian and Hermetic arts or disciplines (including lyre-playing, connected to both gods: Apollo and Hermes) are the vehicles

for inspiration and the corresponding transformation of the person. The visual and sonorous symbols and images of art, which correspond to the intermediary faculty of imagination (phantasia) are not mere imitations, or should not be, if they intend to free the soul from the illusory aspect of those images and copies. Consequently, the allegorical interpretation of art has the aim of stirring within the soul the aspiration to look for a deeper

meaning hidden in the various visible-audible manifestations, now understood according to their enigmatic value. Imitation maintains the human soul within the boundaries of the perceptible world, while the inspired art of Apollo and the Muses is depicted in the

following terms by Proclus: The higher kind of life corresponds to this [higher] kind of music and Plato separates it from poetics, because poetics is proper to imitation,

and this kind of music cannot follow an imitative life staying at this level with copies; but music prefers to snatch itself out (anharpazein) of

copies in order to ascend towards the divine models of harmony and rhythm for all in this world (zz R., 1, 6o, 6-13). '

Other kinds of music are also imitative, such as the auletic Pythian Nomos. In order to ascend from copies to the divine models, * My translation following Proclus. Commentaire sur la République, traduction et notes par André Marie Jean Festugiére, 1, Paris, Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, 1970 (« Bibliothèque des textes philosophiques»), p. 77.

LYRA

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the soul must follow an educative and therapeutic programme, in which the music of the kithara and the lyra dedicated to Apollo

and Hermes have a predominant role. As we have seen, in Proclus’ Commentary on the First Alcibiades, Hermes plays the role of the good genius and guide of souls. Socrates also plays this role and helps Alcibiades to find the real inner man, the true self, in contrast to the terrestrial man. In this context, Socrates, who himself looks like Marsyas (as Alcibiades says in the Symposium),

is the one who reveals the illusory character of the sophistic life and the political pursuit of external materialistic values, as a false path for the soul of Alcibiades. In this light, Socrates, represents the ‘protreptic’ value of Platonic philosophy and music, expressed in his concern that Alcibiades should turn towards the inner spiritual values instead of political ambition. In Plato’s Syzzposium, two

mythological characters represent the value of the interior life: Silenus and Marsyas (Marsyas is depicted sometimes as a Satyr, sometimes as a Silenus). Alcibiades compared Socrates to a Silenus who has an interior full of beautiful images of Hermes and other gods. This corresponds to the more positive interpretation of the

myth of the opposition between Marsyas and Apollo. As we have argued

earlier in the text, Marsyas

represents the possibility of

emptying oneself from all vanities and becoming a clear receptacle of divine inspiration and celestial light, represented with wine (Plato's Euthydemus) or with the clear waters of the river into

which Marsyas was transformed in other versions of the myth, while abandoning the exterior self (the skin).

The wine represents Dionysian life, inspiration and enthusiasm. But since Marsyas is defeated by Apollo, the Dionysian aspect is

put into coordination with the Apollonian, which is the transcendent In like goes

source of inspiration his Commentary on the a musical instrument, on to explain what

for the poet. Alcibiades, after stating that the soul is the lyre invented by Hermes, Proclus he calls the Hermetic (Hermaic) disci-

plines, which comprise gymnastics, music, and the mathematical sciences and dialectics as the last stage of the educative process: The mathematical sciences and dialectics awake

and elevate our reason;

for the eye of the soul, which is asleep and obstructed, because of many other occupations, under the influence of them is re-ignited and returns towards itself and to self-knowledge. With these sciences our /ggos is

324

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nourished and through them ascends towards the Intellect, as Socrates says here. (Procl., iz Alc., 195-196). Apollonian music in coordination with philosophy represents the

crowning stage of music, art and science in the Neoplatonic view of education: We say that philosophy is the highest mousiké, as if you wanted to call that music that is most uplifting with love (¢rétikétaté) the ‘science of love’ (erétiké). This music harmonizes not a lyre, but the soul itself, with the most beautiful of all harmonies (La., 188d3), through which the soul is able to put in order (Aosmein) all human things and celebrate

the divine in a perfect way, imitating the Musagetes, who on one side celebrates his Father with intellective hymns and on the other keeps the whole

world together

(syneche?) with indissoluble

bonds,

‘moving

together’ all things, as Socrates says in the Cratylus (405c6)."

The mind, disciplined with the Liberal Arts, does not stay attached to the surface of the visible images and sounds, but tries to find a meaning behind them (Ayponoia). This can be particularly noticed in the design of the Palazzo Ducale in Urbino and especially of the Studiolo of Duke Federico da Montefeltro (which can be compared also to the twin Studiolo in the palace of Gubbio). These spaces, together with the Tempietto of the Muses represent the Renaissance ideal of integral education based on the Liberal

Arts and Platonic Philosophy, with its intellectual richness and its openness to inspiration. * My translation based on Proclus. Sur le premier Alcibiade de Platon, texte établi et traduit par Alain-Philippe Segonds, Paris, Les belles lettres, 1985-1986. 2 The most beautiful of harmonies mentioned here corresponds to the Dorian mode, the mode of the Zerycbia of the soul who has found the centre or Apollonian omphalos of reality. Proclus (# Ti., 2, 234, 1) also says that the World of the Soul is according to Plato's Tiwaeus tuned to the Dorian scale and its peculiar nature and power is represented with the interval between the paramesé and mesé of the cosmic scale.

LA

TRA LYRA TRADIZIONE

E AULOS: ICONOGRAFICA

DIONYSIAC STRINGS? TOWARDS AN ICONOGRAPHIC REASSESSMENT OF LATE 57! AND EARLY 47! CENTURY ATHENIAN PERCEPTIONS OF MOUSIKE THEODOR

E.

ULIERIU-ROSTAS

ABSTRACT

This paper puts forward a qualitative and quantitative analysis of the iconography of chelys-lyres and barbitoi associated with satyrs and Dionysos in late 5? and early 4^ century Attic vase-painting, in an attempt to confront independent visual evidence with the textually-driven narratives on musical hierarchies

and polemics

in Classical Athens.

The

author identifies a coherent lineage of vase-painters which introduce the lyre in the semantics of Dionysiac iconography in the late 5'^ and early 4° century B.C., escaping the musical polarizations associated with the critics of New

Music

— thus illuminating

a largely invisible segment

within the Athenian society in a time of political and socio-cultural turmoil. Kryworps: Athens, New Music, Attic vase-painting, iconography, Dionysos, satyr, chelys-lyre, barbitos, visual semiotics. 1.

TEXT,

IMAGE,

AND

IN

New

THE

MUSICAL MusIc

HIERARCHIES ERA

S INCE the mid-19? century, scholarly approaches to the Greek culture of mousiké have been persistently shaped by the po-

lemic and polarizing discourses on musical instruments, ehe and

innovation already documented in late 5^ century melic and dramatic material, and codified in the musical imperatives of Plato’s

Republic and Aristotle’s Politics. As such, Classical scholarship and its wider cultural milieu have tended to extrapolate particular elements of this discourse, transforming them in broad cultural permanencies. This is certainly the case of the often-cited /yra/kithara vs. aulos opposition, brought under scrutiny at the 7 annual con-

ference of the MorsA Society. Read in the shadow of Nietzsche’s Apollonian/Dionysian dichotomy or other questionable schema-

228

THEODOR

E.

ULIERIU-ROSTÁS

tizations, this /opos was once projected well beyond its context of origin and real cultural posterity, transforming two omnipresent musical instruments in abstracted cultural antonyms.' Recent stud-

ies have been more consistent in tracing back this polarisation to the socio-cultural and political tensions which

animated late 5*

and early 4? century Athenian society — tensions translated, as far as Greek mousiké is concerned, in the so-called ‘New Music’ and its contrasting contemporary reception.^ Thus contextualised, * T would like to express my gratitude to Liana Lomiento and the organizing committee of the MorsA vii conference for having given me the opportunity to present and publish this study; to my thesis advisors, Zoe Petre and Claude Calame, for their continuous support of my research; to Iulian Birzescu, Jorg Gebauer, Alexandra lon, Bettina Kreuzer, Francois Lissarrague, Katia Mannino, Donatella Restani, Stefan Schmidt, Matei Stoean, Domenico Pancucci, Marie-Christine Villanueva-Puig, Katerina Volioti for their crucial help with bibliography; to Angela Bellia, Ines Bialas, Francesca Hickin, George Kav-

vadias, Alessandra Villone for their assistance in obtaining the reproduction rights for the vases illustrated here; to Polyxeni Adam-Veleni, Xavier Aquilué, Alicja Egbert, Lucio De Matteis, Florent Heintz, Ursula Kastner, Milena Mancini, Rick Novakovich, Maurizio Sannibale, Joachim Stollhoff, Arne Thomsen, Abigail Walker, for having kindly supplied me with study photos required by this study. This research benefited from a scholarship granted by the French School in Athens (École Frangaise d'Athénes) in 2015. Last but not least, I would like to acknowledge the instrumental role played by the Beazley Archive pottery database in the articulation of this study. The Nietzschean heritage in modern approaches to Greek music would

certainly

deserve

a full-length

discussion

elsewhere.

As

far as the az/os-

lyra opposition is concerned, the problem has been aptly tackled by JAMES McKinnon, The Rejection of the Aulos in Classical Greece, in Music and Civilization: Essays in Honor of Paul Henry Lang, ed. by Edmond Edmond Strainchamps, Maria Rika Maniates, Christopher Hatch, New York, W. W. Norton, 1984, pp. 203-214, followed by RicHARD P. MARTIN, The Pipes are Brawling, in The Cultures within Ancient Greek Culture: Contact, Conflict, Collaboration, ed. Carol Dougherty, Leslie Kurke, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. 153-155; and, rather confusedly, by Maria Rika MANIATES, Marsyas Agonistes, «Current Musicology», LXIX, 2000, pp. 137-139; see as well the remarks of PETER WirsoN, Athenian Strings, in Music and the Muses. The Culture of the Mousike in the Classical Athenian City, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2004, Pp. 273-274 on ‘sub-Nietzschean thinking. A survey of the Nietzschean

heritage in the late 19/early zo? century bibliography would include, inter alios, HERMANN ABERT, Die Lebre vom Ethos in der Griechischen Musik, Leipzig, Breitkopf & Hirtel, 1899, pp. 64-65; SALOMON REINACH, Marsyas, «Revue archéologique», ΧΙΧ, 1912, p. 393; Max WEGNER, Das Musikleben der Griechen, Berlin, De Gruyter, 1949, p. 19. For a related type of broad ethnicist/cultural schematisation, JACQUES CHAILLEY, La musique grecque antique, Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 1979, pp. 9-10. See also p. 329, n. 2. 2 The profusion of recent papers on the New Music does not allow for

DIONYSIAC

STRINGS?

329

the /yra-aulos opposition finds its place within a larger, specifically Athenian repertoire of ideological themes and stereotypes put to use against musical innovators.' However, this framework does

not necessarily provide us with answers regarding the inception, permanency, or sheer social relevance of such musical hierarchies in Athens (let alone the wider Greek oz&oumene) — nor does it automatically do away with the classical scholar's inherited assumptions.^ Archaeological discoveries such as the recently-published musician's tomb from Dafni, with its rich inventory of musical

instruments and writing tools, open a narrow window to a musical landscape which does not always fit our frameworks built upon textual sources.? Such questions of social impact and visibility outline the limits

of our literary evidence, and they would largely remain unanswerable in the absence of other coherent groups of sources. However, the substantial corpus of Attic painted pottery covered a large and diverse social spectrum -- far larger, in any case, than Plato's po-

tential audiences -, therefore offering us at the very least a valid ‘control group’ for our textually-driven narratives. Secondly, they

may well reflect phenomena which, for one reason or another, have escaped the range of our surviving textual sources, thus providing

an autonomous basis for historical inference. Such interpretative exhaustivity in a footnote anymore. À minimal bibliography for the problems discussed here would include PErER Wirsow, The aulos in Athens, in Performance Culture and Athenian Democracy, ed. Simon Goldhill, Robin Osborne, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, pp. 58-95; RicHARD P. MARTIN, The Pipes are Brawling, cit., pp. 153-180; PETER WiLson, The Sound of Cultural Conflict. Kritias and the Culture of Mousike in Athens, cit., pp. 181-206; PETER Wilson, Athenian Strings, cit., pp. 269-306; Eric Csapo, The Economics, Poetics, Politics, Metaphysics and Ethics of the ‘New Music’, in Music and Cultural Politics in Greek and Chinese Societies, vol. 1: Greek Antiquity, ed. Dimitrios Yatromanolakis, Cambridge (Mass.) & London, Harvard University Press, 2011, pp. 65-131. * For this ideological repertoire, see the excellent summary of Eric Csapo, The Economics, Poetics, cit., pp. 89-108. * For instance, Nietzschean overtones remain theoretically compatible with the binary oppositions favoured by structuralism: ¢.g., with regard to the aulos, BERNADETTE LECLERCQ-NEvEu, Marsyas, le martyre de l'aulos, « Métis», v, 1989, pp. 251-268. On the iconographic side, a rigid understanding of Apollonian and Dionysiac visual traits permeates the arguments of ANNE QUEYREL, Senes apolliniennes et dionysiaques du Peintre de Pothos, «BCH», CVILI, 1984, 123-159. 3 To spare the space of a long footnote, I refer the reader to the first three volumes of Greek and Roman Musical Studies, 2013-2015; each of them include contributions on the Dafni tombs.

330

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E.

ULIERIU-ROSTÁS

ambitions raise questions of method; I have argued elsewhere for a more active use of Beazleyan connoisseurship alongside recent trends in visual semiotics and pragmatics, in the attempt to articu-

late a fine-grained evaluation of convention and particularity within short time spans and the limited output of a painter's workshop. Steering clear of any simplified understanding of the little-known

mechanics which governed the circulation and consumption of Attic painted pottery, one may reasonably assume that widespread visual conventions tend to reflect generally accepted or dominant cultural

values and interests in the Athenian society, while atypical or isolated features within the output of certain Attic workshops might target distinct group identities, interests or functions.' Theatrical and agonistic iconography, together with other images suspected to reflect the content of (lost) plays and melic poems

have long represented the main working stock of researchers attempting to connect visual evidence to our knowledge of Classical Athenian mousiké. Recent research has largely distanced itself from

such reconstructionist naivetés, making way for a contextualized understanding of the vase as a socially functional object by itself.’ As Alexander Heinemann rightly concludes his search for echoes of the New Dithyramb in Attic vase-painting, «the musical feats

referred to by the vessels’ figural decoration eventually merge with yet another performance, that of making sense of the images».? In the traditional perspective mentioned above, an obvious starting

point for an inquiry into musical hierarchies and the aulos vs. lyra * (THEODOR ULIERIU-RostAs, Music and socio-cultural identity in Attic vase-painting: prolegomena to future research (Pi 1), «Music in Art», xxxvull/1-2, 2013, pp. 9-26, with further references; on the distribution of Attic pottery, add notably: ATHENA TSINGARIDA, Dipier Viviers, Pottery Markets in the Ancient Greek World (8 -1" centuries m.c.). Proceedings of the International Symposium held at the Université libre de Bruxelles, 19-21 June 2008, Bruxelles, CReA-Patrimoine, 2013. ? Recent contributions on the reflection of the New Music era in Attic vase-painting include PErER WiLson, Athenian Strings, cit., pp. 284-287; ERIC Csapo, The Context of Choregic Dedications, in The Pronomos Vase and its Context, ed. Oliver Taplin, Rosie Wyles, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2010, pp. 79130; ANDRAS KARPATI, A satyr-chorus with Thracian kithara: toward an iconography of the fifth-century New Music Debate, «Phoenix», Lxv1/3-4, 2012, pp. 221-246; ALEXANDER HEINEMANN, Performance and the Drinking Vessel: Looking for an Imagery of Dithyramb in the time of the ‘New Music’, in Dithyramb in Context, ed. Barbara Kowalzig, Peter Wilson, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2013, pp. 282-309, 283 n. 7 for a concise positivist bibliography. 5 ALEXANDER HEINEMANN, Performance and the Drinking Vessel, cit., p. 309.

DIONYSIAC

STRINGS?

331

topos would be the iconography of the Athena-Marsyas-Apollo narratives, documented on Attic pottery from about 450 B.C. to

the second half of the 4? century B.c. However, given a meagre textual corpus and a problematic visual dossier, such an approach is open to circular reasoning and speculation in the absence of a wider understanding of the Attic Dionysiac iconography. This paper will take a different path, although genealogically linked to the puzzling images of Marsyas playing stringed instruments: that of a systematic analysis of chordophone instruments depicted in the substantial and largely formulaic repertoire of Dionysiac scenes. Do such contexts, the undeniable realm of the 44/05,

suggest any kind of hierarchy, complementarity or opposition in relation to chordophones? Are they interchangeable or, on the contrary, treated distinctly? Moreover, are there any significant diachronic changes in the frequency or manner of figuration of chor-

dophones, which might outline a shift in their cultural perception -- related or not to the Athenian late 5? century musical polemics?

To be sure, this is only a first contribution within a much larger research project, which aims to cover the entire late Archaic and Classical range of relevant images. The present paper will focus

primarily on the late 5^ and early 4? century s.c. depictions of Dionysos and satyrs playing the lyre or visually associated with it. In order to grasp the full significance of these observations within

the Attic vase-painting tradition, the scope of the paper will include a somewhat shorter comparative analysis of the occurrences

of the barbitos in similar contexts, as well as synthetic excurses in late archaic and early classical iconography.* 2.

DIONYSOS IN

Dionysos’

appearances

ÁTTIC

with

AND

CHORDOPHONES

VASE-PAINTING

musical

instruments

are altogether

rare in Attic vase-painting and, as far as our surviving evidence 11 deliberately leave aside for a future stage of this research maenads

and

nymphs, which raise a different range of interpretative questions related to personification, assimilation with the Muses etc. Maenads in Attic vase-painting have been studied by SUSANNE Moraw, Die Manade in der Attischen Vasenmalerei des 6. und y. Jahrhunderts v. Chr.: Rezeptionsasthetische Analyse eines antiken Weiblichkeitsentwurfs, Mainz, P. von Zabern, 1998; MARIE-CHRISTINE VILLANuEVA-Puic, Ménades: Recherches sur la genése iconographique du thiase féminin. de Dionysos des origines à la fin de la période arcbatque, Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 2009.

332

THEODOR

E.

ULIERIU-ROSTÁS

goes, marked by a considerable hiatus in the second and third quarters of the 5“ century.‘ In black-figure, the god does not seem to be represented at all playing an instrument; sympotic musicality

is nonetheless connoted on two related series of early 5 century vases. An unattributed kylix in Melbourne and an amphora by the Painter of Vatican G29 represent Dionysos as a reclined symposiast with a lyre besides him, in an open field overrun with grapevine and, on the latter, served by a satyr.? Three highly similar lekythoi of the Class of Athens 581.1i, attributed to the Kalinderu Group, localize the reclining Dionysos in (or at the entrance of) a cave;

a crudely

painted

object

should be arguably

identified

as a suspended lyre.? In red-figure vase-painting, the pioneering Andokides Painter depicts Dionysos playing the kithara, between two

small-proportioned

satyrs and

a female figure:

an intrigu-

* Approaches to the iconography of Dionysos playing musical instruments: DowaATELLA RESTANI, Dionysos tra aulos e kithara: un percorso di iconografia musicale, in Dionysos, Mito e Mistero: Atti del convegno internazionale, Comacchio 3-y novembre 1969, ed. Fede Berti, Ferrara, Liberty House, pp. 379-395; FRANGOIS LissARRAGUE, Dionysos Mousicos: une note, in Trent'anni di ricerche musicologiche, eds. Patrizia Dalla Vecchia, Donatella Restani, Roma, Torre d’Orfeo, 1996, pp.

355-361; DANIELA CasTALDO, // Pantheon musicale. Iconografia nella ceramic attica tra vi e v secolo, Ravenna, Longo, 2000, pp. 157-161; DANIELA CAsTALDO, Dionysos and the Music: Notes on the Musical Iconography, « Journal of Intercultural and Interdisciplinary Archaeology», 1, 2003. At the moment of writing this paper, I did not have access to the recent monograph of CoRNELIA IsLER-KERÉNY:, Dionysos in Classical Athens. An Understanding through Images, Leiden, Brill, 2014. 2 University of Melbourne, Ian Potter Museum of Art MUV59, BA 4506;

PETER Connor, HEATHER JACKSON, «4 catalogue of Greek vases in the collection of the Ian Potter Museum of Art, Melbourne, University of Melbourne, 2000, pp. 124-7, cat. 43; DANIELA CAsTALDO, // Pantheon musicale, cit., pp. 159, 290 cat. 172 (‘Arlesheim, coll. priv.’). London, market (Charles Ede), BA 6270; Charles Fide: Pottery from Athens, 1, London, 1972, cat. 3. 3 Athens, Kerameikos Archaeological Museum, BA 9023384; URsuLA KniccGE, Kerameikos. Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen, vol. 9. Der Sidbiigel, Berlin, de Gruyter, 1976, pl. 29; MARIE-CHRISTINE VILLANUEVA-Puic, Un Dionysos pour les moris è Athines è la fin de P’archaisme: a propos des léeythes attiques à. figures noires trouvés è Athénes en context funtraire, in ATHENA TSINGARIDA, DIDIER Viviers, Pottery Markets in the Ancient Greek World, cit., p. 221. Vienna, University 739.14, ABV 504.16, BA 305468. Jerusalem, Israel Museum P195, ABV 493.103, BA 303618. My thanks go to Katerina Volioti for her feedback on the reading of these objects as lyres. For a discussion of the images of Dionysos as a symposiast in Attic black-figure vase painting, see FÁTIMA Diez-PLATAS, The Symposiast Dionysos: A God like Ourselves, in Redefining Dionysos, ed. Alberto Bernabé e a/., Berlin-Boston, de Gruyter, 2013, pp. 504-525.

DIONYSIAC

STRINGS?

333

ing hapax in Attic iconography.' Finally, on a well-known kylix attributed to the Brygos Painter, the god plays the barbitos and wears a long, unbelted chiton.* Both elements put the divine figure in relation with the so-called Anakreontic revelers documented on Attic vases since the 530s and well down to the 460s B.c., but the connotation of this relation remains debatable: is Dionysos assimilated to a historical “Lydianising’ subculture, an aspect of the late-archaic aristocratic habrosyné, or rather the Anakreontic

komasts should be understood in the first place as a projection of Dionysos’ figure in a transgressive form of sympotic behaviour?

In any case, the Anakreontic link places the image in question in the semantic field of the symposion, although more obliquely than the earlier black-figure cup. Some ὅο or 70 years later, Dionysos reappears in the surviving red-figure corpus in its young

and beardless

aspect -- an inno-

vation of the last half of the 5“ century, probably introduced in vase-painting by the Dinos Painter — as part of a recurrent visual * Orvieto, Museu Civico, coll. Faina 64; ARV? 3.5, BA 200005: Andokides Painter, ca. 520-510 B.C.; FRANGOIS LissARRAGUE, Dionysos Mousicos, cit., pp.

355-356; DANIELA

CasrALDO, ἢ Pantheon musicale, cit., pp. 159, 261, 290, cat.

171. The presence of the instrument in the Dionysiac realm echoes a substantial series of kithara-playing satyrs in late archaic black-figure painting. On this, see DANIELA CastaLDO, // Pantheon musicale, cit., pp. 111-122; SHERAMY D. Bunpricx, Music and Image in Classical Athens, New York, Cambridge University Press, 2005, p. 108; Guy HEDREEN, Myths of Ritual in Athenian Vase-Paint-

ings of Silens, in The Origins of Theater in Ancient Greece and Beyond: From Ritual to Drama, ed. Eric Csapo, Margaret Miller, Cambridge-New York, Cambridge University Press, 2007, pp. 164-169; ANDRAs KARPATI, A satyr-chorus with Thracian kithara, cit., pp. 224-226; FRANGOIS LISSARRAGUE, La cité des satyres. Une anthropologie Indique (Athénes, vit-1v sidcle avant J.-C.), Paris, EHESS, 2013, PP. 152-159. 2 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Cabinet des Médailles 576, ARV? 371.14, BA 203913: ca. 480 B.C.. FRANGOIS LissARRAGUE, FRANGOISE FRONTISI-DUCROUX, From Ambiguity to Ambivalence: A Dionysiac Excursion through the ‘Anakreontic’ Vases, in Before sexuality. The construction of Erotic Experience in the Ancient Greek World, eds. David M. Halperin, John J. Winckler, Froma 1. Zeitlin, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1990, pp. 230-232; Francois LissARRAGUE, Dionysos Mousicos, cit., pp. 356-7; THomas H. CARPENTER, Dionysian Imagery in Fifth-Century Athens, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1997, p. 83; DANIELA CasTALDO, 7] Pantheon musicale, cit., pp. 160, 290 cat. 174; SHERAMY D. BunDRICK, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., p. 107. 3 The matter is further embroiled by the problem of transvestitism. For a bibliographic summary, see THEODOR ULIERIU-RostAs, Music and socio-cultural identity in Attic vase-painting, cit., 23-24, n. 31-32.

334

THEODOR

E.

ULIERIU-ROSTÁS

scheme which depicts him inebriated, sometimes holding a lyre and supported by a secondary figure, usually Ariadne.' This group stands at the centre of the grand Dionysiac komos on the Pronomos krater in Naples, responding to the static epiphany of the couple amid the theatrical cast on the other side of the vase.* The musical accompaniment of the Aomos is provided by a satyr-aulete and a small winged figure with kymbala; the latter is left unlabelled, but its close correspondent on the ‘theatrical side’ of the crater is identified as IMEPOX, thus connoting the erotic nature of the couple. This three-fipure group reappears, in almost the same arrangement, on a slightly later cup attributed to the Meleager Painter — only that here both Ariadne and Eros/Himeros hold tympana (Fic. 3). Three other vases play with several reconfigurations within the same basic scheme. A fragment of a monumental

volute-krater excavated in Samothrace depicts a youthful figure, lyre in hand (in playing position), supported this time by a rather overwhelmed young satyr, entering what has to be the /ezenos of

Dionysos, marked by the columns of a temple and votive masks.^ However, if the current reconstruction of the vase is correct, the god is also figured reclined on a &/iné in the centre of the image,

so one will either have to concede to the juxtaposition of two Dionysoi on the same side of the vase, or attribute another iden* On the emergence of this young Dionysos in relation with the east pediment of the Parthenon, see THomas H. Carpenter, Dionysian Imagery in Fifth-Century Athens, cit., p. 85-103, esp. 98-100 for the Dinos Painter. * Napoli, Museo Archeologico Nazionale H3240; ARV? 1336.1 and 1704, BA 217500: Pronomos Painter, ca. 400 B.C.. For the Pronomos vase in general, sce the monograph The Pronomos Vase and its Context, cit., monograph with detailed illustrations and further references. 3 London, British Museum E129; ARV? 1414.89, BA 218007: Meleager Paintet, ca. 390 B.C.. LIMC s.v. «Dionysos» 720; FRANGOIS LissARRAGUE, Dionysos Mousicos, cit., pp. 357-8; DANIELA CasrALDO, 7] Pantheon musicale, cit., pp. 262 and 290, cat. 173; LuciLLa Burn, The Contexts of the Production and Distribution of Athenian Painted Pottery around 400 B.C., in The Pronomos Vase and its Context, cit., p. 19. For the Meleager Painter, see the monographs of FRANCESCA CurRτι, La bottega del Pittore di Meleagro, Roma, Giorgio Bretschneider, 2001 and KLEOPATRA KATHARIOU, To εἐργαστήριο vou ζωγράφου tou Μελεάγρου καὶ ἢ ἐποχή tov, Thessaloniki, University Studio Press, 2002. 4 Samothrace 65.041A-D + 71.1007, 1011 & 1018; full publication in ANASTASIA N. Dinsmoor, Red-Figure Pottery from Samothrace, «Hesperia», LXI, 4, 1992, pp. 506-514, pl. 119-120: Near the Pronomos Painter, ca. 400 B.c.. LIMC σιν, «Dionysos» 843; Eric Csapo, The Context of Choregic Dedications, cit., pp. 114-115 with further references.

DIONYSIAC

STRINGS?

555

tity to our reveller. Stylistically and thematically, the crater stands near to the Pronomos vase, but amalgamates nunc and the Dionysiac realm proper in the leaving more space for (intended) visual play of the figures.' The other two images in this

on more

the theatrical hic e same composition, around the identity series bring us back

solid ground. A calyx-crater in Bologna,

once again

situated stylistically ‘near the Pronomos Painter’, depicts Ariadne holding the lyre for the drunk god, accompanied this time by two erotes playing the aulos and ¢ymwpanon; the musical spectrum of the &ozos is completed by a second tympanistria.* Finally, this last configuration appears on a roughly contemporary lekanis in the manner of the Meidias Painter, among a numerous Admos includ-

ing a winged figure with Zyzpanon and maenads with krotala and, once again, a Zyzpanon.? From the same Meidian workshop comes the atypical image of a young Dionysos reclined on the ground, holding a sprouting thyrsos, with a lyre at his side.* In this sequence of late 5? and early 4° century images, we have

seen that auloi, &ymbala, tympana and other Dionysiac paraphernalia are largely interchangeable and, if the economy of the image requires it, facultative; on the contrary, the lyre represents the invariable musical reference of the images, but none of them shows the god playing it, with the debatable exception of the Samothrace crater. It has been reasonably argued that such images translate

the sympotic ritual in the Dionysiac realm, with Dionysos playing the role of the drunken komast carried back home, the lyre having

* Anastasia N. Dinsmoor, Red-Figures Pottery from Samothrace, cit., p. 512 distinguishes between the actual god (reclined) and the ‘actor-musician’ playing Dionysos (the reveller), while Eric Csapo, The Context of Choregic Dedications, cit., p. 115 ponders between equating the reveller with Charinos the poet/ choregos on the Pronomos vase, or with the god /ou£ court. Other commentators assume that the reclining Dionysos is part of the other side of the krater. * Bologna, Museo Civico Archeologico P304; IAN McPHEE, JA Vase Painters of the Late y^ Century 8.c., diss. University of Cincinnati, 1973, p. 261: near the Pronomos Painter, ca. 390-80 B.c. DANIELA CasrALDo, 7/ Pantheon

musicale, cit., 9o, 108 and 272-273, cat. 51. 5 Ferrara, Museo Archeologico Nazionale T. 162A, BA 19154: ca. 410-400 B.C. CVA Ferrara, Museo Nazionale 1, p. 13, fig. 29.4-5; RESTANI, Dionysos fra

aulos e kithara, cit., p. 383 and 395, fig. 10. 4 Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Meidias Painter, ca. 410-400; ΡΙ. 49.6-9.

Museum 1V1785, BA 9031332: manner of the CVA Wien, Kunsthistorisches Museum 5, p. 80-81,

326

THEODOR

E.

ULIERIU-ROSTÁS

been played during the proper drinking-party.' More ambitious narrative

readings

have

long

attempted

to connect

these komoi

to the specific moment of the marriage of Dionysos and Ariadne in Naxos, after her abandonment by Theseus.^ In this line of thought, Donatella Restani has suggested that the lyre might in

fact be a vestige of the earlier iconography of Theseus holding a lyre, as the leader and accompanist of the dance performed by the boys and girls escaped from the Labyrinth.’ If that is so, then none of its original semantics related to the choregia is verified by

the Dionysiac sequence. On the whole, while erotic overtones are clearly present in our images, the nuptial argument does not seem to me entirely compelling, as no clear reference to the Attic

iconography of marriage properly speaking is discernible whatsoever: for instance, torches are common

in Dionysiac komoi, and

winged personifications of erotic desire (Eros, Pothos, Himeros) are represented among Dionysos' suite elsewhere, in the absence

* FRANGOIS LissARRAGUE, Dionysos Mousicos, cit., pp. 358-359; DANIELA CasTALDO, ἢ Pantheon musicale, cit., p. 160, who envisages a narrative sequence of the ideal Dionysiac symposion progressing from the scene on the Dinos Painter’s name vase (see below, $3) to the Ramos and the dances of his shiasos. 2 Interpretation first advanced by ARNOLD von Satis, Zur Neapler Satyrspielvase, «JDA1», XXV, 1910, 126-147, esp. 126-137, linked to a painting representing Ariadne sleeping, Theseus setting off, and Dionysos coming to carry off Ariadne (Διόνυσος ἥκων ἐς τῆς ᾿Αριάδνης τὴν ἁρπαγήν) described by Paus. 1.20.3 in the temple of Dionysos Eleuthereus; the description of the painting suits best, as ARNOLD von SaLis, Zur Neapler Satyrspielvase, cit., pp. 137-138 observes, the Cadmos Paintet’s crater in Syracuse, Museo Archeologico Regionale 17427, ARV? 1184.4, BA 215692, now with the commentary of MICHALIs Tiverios, The Cadmus Painter and his Time, in Avvixóv .. .Képapov. Veder Greco a Camarina dal principe di Biscari ai nostri giorni, vol. 11, ed. Giada Giudice, Giuseppe S. Chiarello, Catania, Ediarch, 2010, pp. 161-165 and 172, with further reference. The hierogamic interpretation has been notably followed by HENRI MeTZGER, Les représentations dans la céramique attique du 1v^ siéele, Paris, de Boccard, 1951, 115-117; Guy HeDREEN, Myths of Ritual in Athenian Vase-Paintings of Silens, cit., pp. 176-177. See also the following note and the marital happy-endings of satyr plays, brought up by Marx GRIFFITH, Satyr Play and Tragedy, Face to Face, cit. pp. 53-4. 5 Restani, Dionysos tra aulos e kithara, cit., pp. 382-383: «un passaggio di connotazioni mitiche, e quindi anche musicali, da Teseo a Dionysos». For Theseus’ choros, see CLAUDE CALAME, Choruses of Young Women in Ancient Greece: Their Morphology, Religious Role, and Social Function, Lanham, Rowman

& Littlefield, 1997, pp. 53-58 and Thésee et l'imaginaire atbénien. Légende et culte en Gréce classique (2^9 ed.), Lausanne, Payot, 1996, pp. 118-120.

DIONYSIAC

STRINGS?

337

of a female partner.' A generic sympotic interpretation,

on the

other hand, does not force the sense of the image and remains congruous with the visual record of Dionysos’ pose. However, any conclusion is premature before opening a larger perspective on the presence of chordophones in late 5* century Dionysiac ico-

nography - let us then bring in the satyrs. 3.

SATYRS,

CHELYS-LYRES

AND

BARBITOI

When passing from Dionysos’ musical appearances to the performances of his satyric retinue, one is struck at first sight by some clear differences in quantity: for the Late Archaic period alone, we know more than twenty vases depicting satyr barbitos-players (as compared to the single image of Dionysos on the Brygos Painter's cup) and some thirty occurrences of satyr lyre-players (vs. five de-

pictions of Dionysos as a ‘monoposiast’ with a lyre besides him). In the limited space of this paper, such numbers require a sensible change of perspective, without sacrificing analytic acumen or

falling in the trap of quantitative simplifications. I shall therefore attempt to combine a broad chronological and statistic review of

the two envisaged musical dossiers with a much closer look at our main points of interest, late 5^ and early 4^ century vases, before discussing what these results tell us in terms of changing visual and musical trends.* * For an overview of the Attic iconography of marriage, see JoHN H. OAKLEY, REBECCA H. Siwos, The Wedding in Ancient Athens, Madison, The University of Wisconsin Press, 1993 — esp. pp. 30-33, where it is pointed out that mock-abduction gestures might have been part of the wedding ritual and were echoed in mythical scenes; however, pace Von Salis, the semi-abandoned Dionysos in the arms of Ariadne is by no means an abductor. For Eros, Pothos and Himeros as followers/servants of Dionysos, see for instance Ruvo, Museo Jatta 1093, ARV? 1184.1, BA 215689: Kadmos Painter, ca. 410-400, with the commentaries of Harvey ALAN SHAPIRO, Personifications in Ancient Greek Art, Kilchberg-Zürich, Akanthus, 1993, pp. 119 and 122. 2 The limits of this paper do not allow the inclusion of a checklist of all the vases in the corpus summarised here, let alone detailed bibliographical notes. With the reader’s permission, I defer the full publication of these references to an extended follow-up of the present study. The absolute figures presented in the tables (figs. 1-2) reflect an exhaustive survey of the Beazley archive pottery database as of December 2014 and are open to minor revisions, but changes which might alter the overall results are unlikely. Unfortunately, the use of the Beazley database for statistics is mined by terminological imprecision: the classifications of each musical instrument are mine. The vases are counted, not the

338

THEODOR

Images

E.

ULIERIU-ROSTÁS

of satyrs playing the che/ys-lyre and the barbitos appear

almost concomitantly in Attic black-figure vase painting in the last quarter of the 6° century B.c., the Euphiletos Painter possibly qualifying as the first to depict both instruments in the

hands of satyrs.' In the first quarter of the 5? century, satyrs with lyres and barbitoi are depicted in the output of several productive

black-figure workshops, but dominant are the low-quality vases of the so-called Haimonian workshop, whose activity continued well into the 460s; the contexts in which they appear are highly simi-

lar, generic and seemingly devoid of specific narrative references, but diverse: satyr lyre/barbitos players may entertain a seating or riding Dionysos, accompany dancing maenads, take part or lead processions alongside satyr-az/e/ai etc. In red-figure, satyr barbitos

players make their appearance before the turn of the century and are notably included, in addition to generic contexts similar to those mentioned above, in images of Hephaestus’ return to the Olympos -- an association passed down to the Group of Polygnotos, through three generations of vase-painters.?

The statistics presented in Fic. 1 and 2 reveal a striking phaenomenon with regard to the distribution of the two visual elements in the early 5 century black-figure and red-figure series respectively: on the whole, satyr lyre-players outnumber significantly barbitos-players (31:16, Fic. 1), and the difference is even more satyrs. Some chronological simplifications were necessary for this overview: hence, works of the Haimonian workshop roughly dated ca. 480-460 B.c. have been counted as belonging to the early 5^ century, those of the Beldam group, ca. 470-50 B.C. to the mid-5" century; a lower dating of the former would give a slightly smoother curve to the ‘statistical boom’ of chelys-lyres in the graph. * E.g. Tampa, Museum of Art 1986.027, ABV 323.21, BA 301707: Dionysos on mule, accompanied by a satyr with lyre on one side, one with £arbifos on the other side. Cf. DANIELA CasrALDO, 7/ Pantheon musicale, cit., p. go: «la lyra sembra sostituirsi al barbitos senza determinare un sostanziale cambiamento di significato». * More or less developed summaries of the iconography of satyrs playing the chelys-lyre and barbitos include LIMC s.v. «Silenoi» 99-104; MARTHA Maas, JANE McINTOsH SNYDER, Stringed Instruments of Ancient Greece, New Haven-London, Yale University Press, 1989, pp. 113-114; DANIELA CASTALDO, Il Pantheon musicale, cit., pp. 87-89, 105-106; PIERRE VOELKE, Un thddtre de la marge. Aspects figuratifs et configurationnels du drame satyrique dans Athénes classique, Bari, Levante, 2001, pp. 97-103; SHERAMY D. Bunpricx, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., p. 22; Francois LISSARRAGUE, La οἶδέ des satyres, cit., pp.

152-159.

DIONYSIAC

STRINGS?

339

35 30 5 25 4 20 5 15 4 10 4

54 0

Late 6th c. | Early 5th c. | Mid 5th c. | Late 5th c. | Early 4th c.

chelys-lyres 77 barbitoi

(ca.530-500)

|(ca. 500-470)

|(ca. 470-440) (ca. 440-400) | (ca. 400-370)

3

31

3

6

5

7

16

20

24

2

chelys-lyres =" barbitoi

Fic. 1. Total known occurrences of satyrs playing lyres and barbitoi in Attic black and red-figure vase painting, ca. 525-375 B.C.

conspicuous if we consider only black-figure (31:6). In red-figure,

however, not a single depiction of a satyr lyre-player is known until after the mid-century (Fic. 2)! At least one aspect related to the specifics of the vase-painting should be taken into consideration before looking for a broader cultural explanation: the crude style of some of the hands within the Haimonian workshop leaves little

place for distinguishing chelys-lyres from barbitoi, while kitharai seem to play a limited role in these painters’ concise visual rep-

ertoire, even when it comes to highly popular and conventional associations such as the chariot « kithara scenes.' This fact raises the question whether Haimonian ‘lyres’ should not be read more broadly, at least on coarser vessels, as polysemous, flexible signi-

fiers for 'stringed instruments’, thus adding a new touch to the significance of their statistical high point.” * For this composition, see for instance HARVEY ALAN SHariRO, Art and Cult under the Tyrants in Athens, Mainz, Philipp von Zabern, 1989, 54-56; DANIELA CastaLDO, // Pantheon musicale, cit., pp. 18-20. 2 Up to this moment, I have encountered only one Haimonian vase which features both the generic lyre (exterior, sympotic scene) and a recognizable barbitos (satyr, tondo): Athens, National Archaeological Museum, Thorikos

340

THEODOR

E.

ULIERIU-ROSTÁS

30 25 4 20 4 15 4 10 4

5 4 0

Late 6th c. | Early 5th c. | Mid 5th c. | Late 5th c. | Early 4th c.

(ca.530-500) |(ca. 500-470) (ca. 470-440) |(ca. 440-400) |(ca. 400-370) chelys-lyres 77 barbitoi

0

0

0

6

5

1

10

20

24

2

chelys-lyres "~~ barbitoi

Fic. 2. Total known occurrences of satyrs playing lyres and barbitoi in Attic red-figure vase painting, ca. 525-375 B.C.

In red-figure vase-painting, as far as our evidence goes, satyrs with lyres in proper Dionysiac contexts are altogether absent until about 430-420 B.C. (Fic. 2).' Sometime around this point, they excavation TC73.51, BA 7735; THANAssIs CHELIOTIS, A Haimonian Kylix from Tower Compound 1, in Thorikos 1970/1, rapport préliminaire sur les septiéme et buitióme campagnes de fouilles, ed. Paule Spitaels ef 4/., Gand, Comité des fouilles belges en Gréce, 1978, 130-153. Further studies are definitely required in this humbler area of Greek musical iconography. * For different reasons, I leave out of my red-figure corpus two vases, of which at least one may seem to contradict this assertion. (1) An added red-figure chous in Amsterdam, Allard Pierson Museum 2954, BA 1342, part of an isolated and rarely discussed series, depicts a satyric Aomos with a torchbearer and a lyre-player; the figures are painted en silhouette and belong, from a technical point of view, to the black-figure tradition. JoHN RicHarD GREEN, A series of added red-figure choes, «AA», 1970, 4, ΡΡ. 475-484 (479 cat. 31 and 486, fig. 13 for the vase in question) has argued accordingly for an attribution to the late Haimonian workshop or following, ca. 460-450 B.C.; (2) a red-figure cup attributed to the Kodros painter, ca. 430-420 B.C., in Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum GR2.1977, BA 10254, LIMC s.v. «Silenoi» 88; AMALIA AVRAMIDOU, The Codrus Painter. Iconography and Reception of Athenian Vases in the Age of Perides, Madison, The University of Wisconsin Press, 2011, pp. 55-56, 92, cat. 54 with further reference: a human youth is accompanied by a satyr-paidagogos with a lyre, and six other satyrs, all holding objects related to the world of

DIONYSIAC

STRINGS?

341

Fic. 3. Stemless cup attributed to the Meleager Painter, ca. 400-380 B.C.

London, British Museum E 129. O Trustees of the British Museum. suddenly enter the repertoire of the Dinos Painter, the youngest acknowledged member of the Group of Polygnotos and one of the influential painters working in the last quarter of the 5" century, as we shall see — no less than six pieces attributed to him

feature the lyre in Dionysiac contexts.' The most famous of these is his namepiece, the Berlin dinos (Fic. 4).* In the logical centre ephebes. This is what Francois LIssARRAGUE, La cé des satyres, cit., pp. 204-210 defines as a «satyre bourgeois», satyric figures brought out of the Dionysiac fringes, into the realm of human (and urban) behaviour. The interest of this paper lies in the representations of the first, rather than the visual operations at work in this humorous disguising. * For the Dinos Painter, see MARTIN

RoBERTSON,

The Art of Vase-Painting

in Classical Athens, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1992, pp. 242-247; Susan B. MarHESON, Polygnotos and Vase Painting in Classical Athens, Madison, The University of Wisconsin Press, 1995, pp. 147-160. * Berlin, Antikensammlungen 2402; ARV? 1152.3; BA 215255; ANGELIKA

342

THEODOR

E.

ULIERIU-ROSTÁS

Fic. 4. Dinos, namepiece of the Dinos Painter, ca. 430-400 B.c. Berlin, Antikensammlung F 2402. © Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin - Preussischer Kulturbesitz.

of the image, a satyr plays the lyre for Dionysos, who is reclined on a A/iné; neither of them sings, but the direct eye contact links them both to the musical performance. Sitting on the couch, at the god’s feet, the satyr does not assume the canonical position of a reclined symposiast, but rather that of a hierarchically inferior entertainer, as hefairai ate sometimes depicted.' The circular frieze of the dinos is skilfully conceived so as to inspire an atmosphere of static serenity as long as Dionysos and the lyre-player are kept in the centre of the viewer’s gaze; once the vase is turned to the

right, the image assumes the dynamic, unidirectional aspect of a komos lead by an elderly (pappo) silenos and comprising an aulete SCHONE-DENKINGER,

CVA

Berlin, Antikensammlung 11, pp. 65-67, pl. 67-69;

Susan B. MaTtHESON, Polygnotos and Vase Painting in Classical Athens, cit., pp. 152-155 and 381, cat. D3; THomas H. CARPENTER, Dionysian Imagery in Fifth-Century Aihens, cit., p. 86 and 98-99; DANIELA CasrALDo, I Pantheon musicale, cit., p. 280, cat. 102. * Cf. for instance Athens, National Archaeological Museum BA 216953: Eretria Painter, ca. 420-400 B.C.

15308, ARV‘,

DIONYSIAC

STRINGS?

345

and a dancing satyr with ¢ymwpanon. No angle allows the viewer to see both groups simultaneously, and it would seem that the noisy

procession is voluntarily dissociated from the lyre-player. However, an important analogy discovered in Acharnai suggests that

this contrast has more to do with different types of performance, rather than a univocal static/calm vs. dynamic/processional polarization.' Other vases of the Dinos

Painter reorganize

the elements

of

the image along the same lines, maintaining the lyre-player and occasionally labelling some figures among Dionysos' retinue, thus allowing us to better grasp its semantics. On a calyx-krater in Vienna, the lyre-player is depicted tuning his instrument, while the god's attention is diverged by his retinue; among the labelled figures we find EIPHNH (peace), OIIOPA and OINANOH (fruit/ season of ripeness and grapebloom), a winged IMEPOX and the satyrs HAYOINOX (sweet-wine) and KQMO2; the latter is, sig-

nificantly — although counterintuitively — standing still." Here too, orgiastic agitation is relegated to the other side of the krater, although the continuity of the two aspects is humorously empha-

sized by the impeding assault of a satyr on the maenad oinantbe. Such peaceful scenes of 'dionysian bliss', as Thomas Carpenter put it, although less rich than the two described above, are accompanied by a satyr’s lyre music on a bell-krater in Berlin and, apparently, on a still unpublished pelike in Athens, where Dionysos doesn't even appear anymore, and the audience is reduced

* Dinos attributed to the Dinos Painter, discovered in Acharnai in 2007 and presented by Maria PLATONOS-GIOTA, Δίνος tov ζωγράφου xou Alvov από τις Ayapvéc, 100 Συμπόσιο lotapiac xat Λαογραφίας Αττικής (20.10.2011): Dionysos and a male symposiast (probably Herakles) are depicted in the centre of a similar composition. There, however, the processional pattern is broken, and Dionysos’ retinue flanks the two symposiasts; musical entertainment is provided by a satyr-aulete seated farther away from the A/inai, a standing Zympanisiria and a dancing satyr. In the economy of the image, the seated aulete echoes the role of the Berlin lyre-player, but his performance is connected to the dance, rather than to Dionysos himself. See also Fic. 7, discussed below. ? Wien, Kunsthistoriches Museum 1024; ARV’ 1152.8, BA 215261; CVA Wien, Kunsthistorisches Museum 3, pp. 11-12, pl. 105. Susan B. MATHESON, Polygnotos and Vase Painting in Classical Athens, cit., p. 384, cat. D9; DANIELA CasTALDO, // Pantheon musicale, cit., p. 107, n. 154; THoMAs H. CARPENTER, Dionysian Imagery in Fifth-Century Athens, cit., p. 100, who aptly compares the image with the encomium of Dionysos and Peace in E., Ba., 417-423.

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Fic. 5. Pelike attributed to the Dinos Painter, ca. 430-400 B.C., detail.

National Archaeological Museum,

Athens, inv. no. 26236 (photogra-

pher:

Ministry

St.

Stournaras)

©

Hellenic

of Culture

Archaeological Receipts Fund.

and

Sports /

DIONYSIAC

STRINGS?

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Fic. 6. Bell-krater attributed to the Dinos Painter, ca. 430-400 B.c. Napoli, Museo Archeologico Nazionale 82547. Su concessione del Ministero dei Beni e delle Attività Culturali e del Turismo - Soprintendenza per i

Beni Archeologici di Napoli.

to another satyr and two maenads (Fic. 5).' A slightly different scenario seems to be represented on a bell-krater in Naples (Fic. 6): the lyre-player, this time labelled as ΚΩΜΟΣ, sits as in the previous cases, his left hand stopping the strings of the instrument, looking up at a standing Dionysos, the latter accompanied by a maenad and another satyr holding a torch.” The semantic ‘ Berlin, Antikensammlung P2645, ARV? 1154.31, BA 215284; ANGELIKA SCHONE-DENKINGER, CVA Berlin, Antikensammlung 11, cit., pp. 46-7, pl. 42-

43; DANIELA

CasrALDO, // Pantheon musicale, cit., p. 289-290, cat. 170 (who

identifies the seated figure as Apollo). Athens, National Archaeological Muscum 26236, ARV? 1155.39, BA 215293; Susan B. ΜΑΤΉΕΒΟΝ, Polygnotos and Vase Painting in Classical Athens, cit., p. 389, cat. D44; scheduled for publication in George Kavvapias, CVA Greece, National Archaeological Museum, Attic Red-Figure Pelikae (forthcoming). I take the opportunity to thank again G. Kavvadias for giving his agreement for the publication of the detail included here (Fic. 5). * Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale H2369; ARV? 1154.29; BA 215282.

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gap between the satyr's static pose and the associated processional

reference may suggest some sort of micronarrative, perhaps along the lines of Dionysos urging him to resume the komos his name’ — but interferences with the iconography are also worth considering.! Last but not least, another in Naples (Fic. 7) shows that it would be misguided

and ‘prove of Marsyas bell-krater to lock the

Dinos Painter's Dionysiac lyre in the semantic domain of repose and eirene, as some of the previous images might suggest: here, a

satyr lyre-player leads a proper &ozos including a tympanistria maenad and a dancing satyr, assuming the role ascribed to the a4/os elsewhere in the painter's output.* In the final decades of the 5 century B.c., only one other paint-

er puts a lyre in a satyr's hands, and the context has been hinted above: Marsyas faces Apollo and a few concerned Muses on a bell-krater attributed to the Pothos Painter in Heidelberg. No

*dionysian bliss’ is implied here, to be sure, and the semantics of the musical instrument should be read within the narrative framework of Marsyas and the Pothos Painter's production — a point to which I shall soon return.’ Susan B. MATHESON, Polygnotos and 386, cat. D30. For the satyr labeled MANN, Satyr- und Mánadennamen auf Vases in the J. Paul Getty Museum»,

Vase Painting in Classical Athens, cit., p. KOMOX, ANNELIESE Kossatz-DEISSVasenbildern des Getty Museums, «Greek v, 1991, p. 158 s.v. «Komos» 7.

* On satyr ‘names’ and such contrasts with the visual content, see FRANGOIS LISsARRAGUE, La cité des satyres, cit., pp. 39-52, esp. 44 («un certain décalage entre le nom [...] et la figure méme de ce satyre») and my rather sketchy THEODOR ULIERIU-RostAs, Noms fonctionnels et représentation dans l’iconographie aliique des satyres. Essai de modélisation, in Name and naming. Proceedings of the International Conference on Onomastics, 1". Edition: Multiethnic Connections in Anthoponymy, ed. Oliviu Felecan, Cluj, Mega, 2011, pp. 633-640. On the other hand, the composition of the scene bears a striking resemblance to the contemporary images of Marsyas playing the aulos or the lyre in front of Apollo; e.g. the bell-krater in Oxford, Ashmolean Museum G138.30 and 46, ARV? 1154.28, BA 215281; CVA Oxford 1, pl. 50, 22-23; LIMC s.v». «Mousa, Mousai» 105, fragmentary, but attributed to the Dinos Painter -- and below, the bell-krater of the Pothos Painter in Heidelberg. In fact, these interferences may well have been the reason why the Dinos Painter labelled Dionysos on this vase, unlike in the previous cases. * Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale H3113; ARV? 1154.38; BA 215291. Real Museo Borbonico, vol. 111, Napoli, Stamperia Reale, 1827, pl. 29; SUSAN B. MaruzsoNw, Polygnotos and Vase Painting in Classical Athens, cit., p. 389, cat. D42. Compare especially with the procession on the Berlin Dinos, fig. 4 and p-

341, nota

2.

3 Heidelberg, Universititsmuseum B195, ARV? 1189.19, BA 215753, LIMC s.v. « Marsyas» 1, 44 = «Mousa, Mousai» 107; ANNE QUEYREL, Scénes apollini-

DIONYSIAC

STRINGS?

347

Fic. 7. Bell-krater attributed to the Dinos Painter, ca. 430-400 B.C. Napoli, Museo Archeologico Nazionale 82543. Su concessione del Ministero dei Beni e delle Attività Culturali e del Turismo - Soprintendenza per i

Beni Archeologici di Napoli. By the early 4? century B.c., several vessels show that the Dinos Painter's satyr lyre players, seemingly isolated in the landscape of late 5? century vase-painting, had entered the repertoire of a group of related painters: the Meleager Painter, the Erbach

Painter, as well as the slightly older Millin Painter.' Let us take a ennes ct dionysiaques du Peintre de Pothos, cit., 126-7 and 137; ALEXANDER HEINEMANN, Performance and the Drinking Vessel, cit., pp. 295-296. JoHN BOARDMAN, Some Attic Fragments: Pot, Plaque, Dithyramb, «jHs», LKXVI, 1956, 18-20 has published a calyx-krater fragment attributed to the Kleophon Painter, ex-coll. Herbert Cahn and Leatham, ARV? 1144.16, BA 215156 with Athena and a gtey-haired Marsyas reconstructed as playing a lyre, but the evidence for this seems inconclusive. As stated at the beginning of the paper, I leave out of this discussion the depictions of Marsyas playing the kithara. * Τὸ the vases discussed below, add the following: Ancona, Museo Archeologico Nazionale 3362, ARV? 1402.13, BA 250158 and Ferrara, Museo Archeologico Nazionale T. 306 AVPB, ARV? 1402.13, BA 250157 (n.v.): Millin Painter, ca. 410-370 B.C. Sarajevo, National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina 416;

248

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Se

o

Sicilia:

=

Fic. 8. Bell-krater attributed to the Meleager Painter, ca. 400-380 B.C. Private collection. © Christie's Images Limited [2014].

closer look at one these works. A hitherto unpublished bell-krater attributed to the Meleager Painter, 2014 in London, depicts an older, amidst a peaceful assembly of satyrs in the Dinos Painter's work (Fic.

auctioned in the autumn of gray-haired satyr performing and maenads, much like those 8).' The satyr's instrument is

particularly intriguing, as it diverges in several respects from the generic chelys-lyre seen elsewhere: the general proportions of the instrument and the prominent disk(s) fitted at the end of the yoke recall a &ithara, while the visible segmentation of the arms stands

somewhere between barbitoi and kitharai. As far as yoke-disks are concerned, they appear only on generic ‘concert’ ki#harai and some Thracian Aitharai in Attic iconography prior to the end of the 5*

century; by the first decades of the 4

century, one encounters

occurrences of chelys-lyres (FIG. 9) and barbitoi fitted with similar

clements — but aside from this detail, their overall aspect remains BA 9287;

CVA Sarajevo, Musée National de la République Socialiste de Bosnie-Her-

zegovine, p. 50, pl. 47: Meleager Painter. * London, Christie's 1.10.2014, p. 56, cat. 83, ex-French then Gudea Gallery (1994), BA 9030874.

collection

(1980s),

DIONYSIAC

STRINGS?

349

Fic. 9. Bell-krater attributed to the Erbach Painter, ca. 400-380 B.C. London, British Museum F 77. © Trustees of the British Museum.

unchanged, which is not the case here.' To my knowledge then, this is a visual bapax. Does it reflect an actual early 4^ century

innovation in design, either functional or decorative? Or is this rather a visual construct, an ‘artistic licence" made to give the satyr's lyre a more imposing, quasi-kitharistic aspect, without going against the rustic references of the landscape? Any categorical

answer would be premature at this point, but this case highlights * For these disks fitted at the end of the yoke and their purported function,

see inter alios DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique dans la céramique de la Gréce antique. Études d’organologie, Paris, De Boccard, 1984, 97-98 (‘molettes’); THomas J. MATHIESEN, Apollo’s Lyre: Greek Music and Music Theory in Antiquity and the Middle Ages, Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 1999, pp. 262264 (‘handels’); JOHN G. LANDELS, Music in Ancient Greece and Rome, London,

Routledge, 1999, p. 54 (‘discs’). A cylindrical element discovered with a lyre in a tomb at Lokroi Epizephyrioi, dated to the 2"* quarter of the 5^ century B.C., seems to represent a less prominent fitting of the same type; see LUCIA Lepore, Gli strumenti musicali locresi tra iconografia e realia, in Caulonia tra Crotone e Locri. Atti del convegno internazionale, Firenze, 30 maggio-1 giugno 2007, Firenze, Firenze University Press, 2010, pp. 435, fig. 30.15b, 436 and 438; cf. p. 426, fig. 30.4 fot a local Lokrian depiction of a lyre with disks. I owe this reference to Stefan Hagel.

350

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the innovative ambience surrounding satyr lyre-players in Attic vase-painting. For the barbitos, the picture couldn't have been more different (Fic. 2). After a substantial presence in the works of late mannerist painters and the Group of Polygnotos, the instrument seems

to witness a fast decline in the last two decades of the 5" century and is hardly ever depicted by the beginning of the 4° century, not only in satyric hands, but in the Attic iconography on the whole.' Aristotle's historical excursus on past musical fashions and musical paideia in Athens implies a synchronism between the demise of the barbitos and the purported rejection of the aulos

by the Athenians (i.e. the emergence of critical positions against professionalized and innovative au/etiké), which takes us broadly back to the last third of the 5 century, a date which obviously concurs with the iconographic evidence.* At a first look on our statistics regarding satyr-musicians (Fic. 2), the appearance of

lyre-players and the decline of the barbitos seem two complementary vectors of the same phenomenon, as though lyres were just supplanting barbitoi in analogous visual contexts. However, the picture is not that simple. Firstly, the number of occurrences of

the new satyr lyre-player remains far inferior to the sizeable corpus of earlier barbitos players, but that may still have to do with

the diminished production of the Attic workshops at the end of the Peloponnesian War, or just and more importantly, generic to the workshop of the Dinos century, and are nowhere to be

archaeological accident. Secondly, satyr lyre-players remain confined painter until about the turn of the found juxtaposed or equated with

* For the barbitos in general, see MARTHA Maas, JANE McINTOSH SNYDER, Stringed Instruments of Ancient Greece, cit., pp. 113-128 (esp. 127 for the iconographic decline); Martin L. West, Ancient Greek Music, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1992, pp. 57-9; JOHN G. LAaNDELS, Music in Ancient Greece and Rome, cit., pp. 66-67; SHERAMY D. BunpricKx, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., pp. 21-26. The barbitos is associated with satyrs in E., Cye., 37-40, with the commentary of PIERRE VOELKE, Un thédtre de la marge, cit., pp. 99-100. 2 Arist., Pol, 8, 6, 13, 1341a-b, where the darbitos is mentioned in a list of musical instruments of the ancients (πολλὰ τῶν ὀργάνων τῶν ἀρχαίων) introduced before or soon after the Persian Wars, together with the au/os, but eventually dismissed on account of their uselessness in the pursuit of virtue. ANDREW BARKER, Greek Musical Writings, vol. 1, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1984, p. 178 notices that the barbitos is the only instrument in the list not

envisaged by Plato’s charges of polychordia.

DIONYSIAC

STRINGS?

351

barbitos-players. All this suggests some sort of workshop bias or

semantical incompatibility, rather than the interchangeability seen on earlier black-figure vases.' In this respect, the Kadmos painter's often reproduced calyx-krater in the Hermitage, showing Apollo and Dionysos shak-

ing hands in what should be understood as Dionysos's annual arrival at Delphi represents a useful comparatum for our lyre-players.* The musical identity of the Dionysiac shiasos is defined there by an aulete, a barbitos player, both satyrs, and a maenad Zympanistria. No viewer could mistake the barbitos for Apollo's lyre here, and

the painter seems to avoid any semantical interferences. Some two decades later, the Erbach Painter depicts a comparable rencontre between the two gods (Frc. 9). It would seem that Apollo is en-

joying the hospitality of the #ias0s here, being offered wine, trays with food and music by an altar — only cian have chelys-lyres face-down, the satyr

in a less readily identifiable landscape marked that both Apollo and Dionysos' satyr-musithis time, and while Apollo's instrument lies is ready to play...) Taken out of context, the

image could be understood as a ‘contamination’ of the ¢hiasos with apollonian aesthetics — but the red-figure series followed down to this point rather warrants the opposite reading: here, the lyre is just as much at home in Dionysos’ realm and unites the musical and cultic experiences connoted by the two gods.‘ * As mentioned above (note 49), Marsyas plays the lyre on one of the Pothos Painter's bell-kraters, but in his series of formulaic shiasoi, the only chordophone included is the barbitos. Cf. Vatican, Museo Gregoriano Etrusco 17893, ARV? 1189.8, BA 215742; ANNE QUEYREL, Scénes apolliniennes et dionysiaques du Peintre de Pothos, cit., pp. 133-134, cat. 18 and Paris, Cabinet des Médailles 426, ARV? 1189.17, BA 215751. 2 St. Petersburg, Hermitage St 1807/028, ARV? 1185.7, BA 215695: ca. 410400. For the Delphic setting, see ERIKA Simon, Festivals of Attica: An Archacological Commentary, Madison, The University of Wisconsin Press, 1983, pp. 89-90 and Guy HEDREEN, Capturing Troy: The Narrative Functions of Landscape in Archaic and Early Classical Greek Art, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 2001, pp. 69-80. For the musical aspect, DAnIELA CASTALDO, // Pantheon

musicale, cit., p. 153 and 289, cat. 165. 3 London, British Museum F77, ARV? 1418.5, BA 260004: ca. 400-380 B.C.; LIMC s.v. « Apollon» 768c and the following note. 4 Pace DANIELA CASTALDO, // Pantheon musicale, cit., p. 154: «fatto proprio lo strumento di Apollo, l’ibrido compagno di Dioniso allieta la scena suonando una musica apollinea che, diffondendosi tra i personaggi del tiaso, li rende calmi e tranquilli». On tranquility in Dionysiac scenes, see above the discussion on the vases of the Dinos Painter.

352

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TOWARDS

WORKSHOPS,

E.

ULIERIU-ROSTÁS

THE

CUSTOMERS

BIGGER AND

PICTURE:

MUSICAL

CHANGE

At the end of this concise visual itinerary, I think it is safe to say that we have isolated a coherent and restricted lineage of Athenian vase-painters beginning with the Dinos Painter in the last quarter of the 5? century and continuing with his pupils and stylistic descendants in the early 4? century: the Pronomos painter and his circle, the Meleager painter and the Erbach painter, who were responsible for the development (or adaptation from other media) of significant

changes in the musical articulation of the Dionysiac realm. Some of the visual elements brought in discussion may not be evenly distributed among the extant production of its members, but remain both

particular and compatible with the others. They include the Dinos painter's satyr lyre-players (taken over by the Meleager and Erbach

painters), complementary to the total absence of barbitoi, and the recurrent image of Dionysos as a drunken komast with lyre (Pronomos and Meleager painters); in less words, a highly particular interest in exploring the semantics of the che/ys-lyre as a Dionysiac instrument. In a broader perspective, these features are contiguous with the development of the youthful aspect of Dionysos, probably

introduced by the Dinos Painter under the influence of the sculptures on the east pediment of the Parthenon, and with the agonistic and theatrical iconography of the Pronomos Painter's circle, once again deeply rooted in Dionysiac aetiologies. Developed at the height of the New Music polemic, just as the

Apollo-Marsyas narrative was reaching its peak of popularity in Attic vase-painting, these signature-features go very much against the musical polarizations known from textual sources — and, all

the more so, against the heritage of the Apollonian/Dionysian dichotomy. To begin with, the very connection of satyrs with the polysemous lyre stands at an unfrequented semantic crossroad:

one direction may lead the viewer to sympotic references, others to potentially subversive associations.' In this respect, it may be * Satyrs and lyres have an equivocal relationship in contemporary Athenian literary sources, leaving aside Marsyas' saga. In Sophocles’ /chneutai, the satyrs are at first frightened by the sounds of the newly-invented lyre, then they intermediate its transfer of Apollo. See PreRrRE VOELKE, Un théétre de la marge, cit., pp. 58-59 and 127-128, as well as the remarks of FRANGOIS LISSARRAGUE,

DIONYSIAC

STRINGS?

555

significant to recall here the important observations of Susana Sarti regarding the ascent of the lyre as the dominant musical in-

strument in the iconography of Apollo, a phenomenon discernible from around 450 B.c., which announces the polarizations of the New Music etra.' That is to say that the Dinos Painter's satyrs play

for Dionysos and his 7biasos an instrument which was perceived more than ever in mainstream Attic iconography as Apollo's. Secondly, lyres are included in contexts normally (and increasingly,

given the decline of the barbitos) connected with 44/05 music; some of the images discussed above are characterised by a certain tranquillity which has been read as a sign of musical ‘apollinisation’, but others relate the lyre to the Dionysiac Aomos tout court, either

by adjoining inscriptions or explicit representation. Rather than sacrifice the coherency of this corpus for an easy fit within tradi-

tional categories,

I would argue that this is solid evidence for a

visual trend which disregarded conventional perceptions of musi-

cal appropriateness and ezbos in late 5 and early 4? century B.c. Athens, as much as we know them. For whom do these images speak, then?

Some

of the visual

operations seen at work here might recall, from a broad cultural standpoint, the phenomena associated (and criticized) within the New Music scene, and particularly in the interactions between

dithyramb and kitharodic nomos: the reconfiguration of traditional performance categories, paralleled by unorthodox semantics.* Philoxenos' Polyphemos, as a liminal, sub-human figure transformed into a kitharode, is an example particularly well suited to analogies with satyrs, and it has been cited before in relation to the images of Marsyas playing the kithara on two vessels of the Kadmos Painter. However, there is nothing explicitly subLa cité des satyres, cit., p. 153 on the paroemiographic tradition. The tortoise that was to become the first chelys-lyre in the Homeric Hymn to Hermes is greeted by the god as a companion of dance and feast (χοροιτύπε δαιτὸς &xvator, V. 31, cf. 55-56). * SUSANNA SARTI, Gli strumenti musicali di Apollo, « AION», XIV, 1992, 101. 2 Dithyramb and wozzos: TimorHy Power, The Culture of Kitharoidia, Washington p.c., Center for Hellenic Studies, 2010, pp. 500-507 and the following note; semantics of the New Music: Eric Csapo, The Economics [...] of the ‘New Music’, cit., pp. 86-89. 3 PETER WiLson, Athenian Strings, in Music and the Muses, cit., pp. 286-287; TimotHy Power, Kyklops Kitharoidos. Dithyramb and Nomos in Play, in Dithyramb in Context, cit., 238-256.

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versive or polemic on the vases analysed in this paper; as we have seen, their semantics play on inclusiveness, blissful Dionysiac

eirené, abundance and xenia, and music is only an element of this microcosm. As such, these images could be more appropriately described as not taking sides: they project representations of archetypal musical performances outside the framework of the New Music polemic altogether. Is this a symptom of musical change? Probably, but the black-figure precedents surveyed above also raise the question of continuity between these (ascertained) visual and (inferred) musical changes and the less polarized musical conventions of the late archaic period.

In the end, if these preliminary results are correct, this coherent series of vases illuminates the deeper and less visible dynamics of the Athenian culture of mousiké at a time of socio-cultural tensions, the one we tend to forget behind the rhetoric of new stars and ‘old guards'. After all, not every Athenian had to choose, as

Plato and Plutarch’s Alcibiades would have imposed, between Apollo’s and Marsyas’ instruments.

SINGING TO THE LYRA OR THE AULOI ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

ABSTRACT

The accompaniment of the singing in Ancient Greek music is closely related to the playing practice and the capacities

of the instruments.

Visual evidence for musical scenes and musical instruments especially on vase paintings of the classical period may include details of playing technique that are connected to the accompaniment of the human voice. This paper tries to bring together and discuss some of the playing gestures depicted mostly on representations of stringed instruments, which illustrate their accompanying role in several scenes; they are therefore connected to the problem of the simultaneous playing of stringed instruments and of winds in association with song or instrumental performance. Kerworps: lyra, aulos, musical performance, iconography.

« AN

Greek lyrical texts, both archaic and classical, were composed to be sung accompanied by an instrument in front of an audience».' The prevalence of poetry, song and voice versus instrumental music in Ancient Greece is a well-known topos.

The most eloquent visualization of this aspect of Greek music is the depiction of the citharode in archaic and classical vase paintings, as a reflection of Apollo, the god of music: the musician usually stands close-mouthed carrying the kithara on his left side,

the left hand is held straight against the strings, the right holding the plectrum is sweeping

across them.^ This archetypical image

* ΟἼΟΝΑΝΝΙ ΟΟΜΟΤΊΙ, Music in Greek and Roman Culture (Transl. Rosaria V. Munson). Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989, p. 6. Cf. also

Eric Csapo, The Politics of the New Music in Music and the Muses: The Culture of Musike in the Classical Athenian City, edited by Penelope Murray, Peter Wilson, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2004, p. 219. TiMorHy Power, 77e Culture of Kitharoidia, Washington, Center for Hellenic Studies, 2010, p. 116. 2 See the red figure amphora by the Andokides Painter, ca 530-520 B.c. Paris, Louvre G1. ARV? 3.4. Para 320. Add’147. SHERAMY D. BuNDRICK, Music

and Image in Classical Athens, Cambridge-New York a.o., Cambridge University Press, 2005, p. 162, fig. 96. On citharodes see PETER WirsoN, Athenian Strings,

256

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

of the citharode, like an ideogram of his identity, was generally interpreted to illustrate the moment immediately after the instrument has been played, as if the musician has completed striking with a vigorous sweep.' In this stylized type of representation it

is not easy to distinguish whether the player is a citharode or a citharist (instrumentalist).

In many vase paintings of the late archaic and early classical period singing is indicated when the citharode's head is bent backward, mouth often half open as the citharode depicted by the Berlin Painter (Fic. 1).* Sometimes the sweeping across the strings with the right hand holding the plectrum sweeps the op-

posite direction, from outside towards the player, as if the forearm has been raised after a strong sweep, highlighting a spectacular finale (corona-end), likely depicted on a red figure amphora by the Dikaios Painter ca 500 B.c. (Fic. 2).? The same gesture is also attested on satyrs in black^ and red? figure vases, but they mostly in Music and the Muses, cit., edited by Penelope Murray, Peter Wilson, pp. 277-

278. TimorHy Power,

The Culture of Kitharoidia, cit.

* MARTIN L. West, Ancient Greek Music, Oxford, Clarendon Press; New York, Oxford University Press, 1992, pp. 64-70. MartHa Maas, JANE MacINTOSH SNYDER, Stringed Instruments of Ancient Greece, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1989, pp. 63-64 and 92-94. TimotHy Power, The Culture of Kitharoidia, cit., pp. 122-124. 2 See the red figure amphora, ca 490 B.c. New York, Metropolitan Museum, Fletcher Fund, 1956 (56.171.38). ARV? 197.3. Add? 190. MartHa Maas, Jane MaclIwTOsH SnyDER, Stringed Instruments, cit., p. 76, fig. 13. Cf. a red figure amphora also by the Berlin Painter ca 480 B.c. Montpellier, Société Archéologique, 130. ARV? 197.10. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L'instrument de musique

dans la cframique de la Gréce antique. Études d'organologie, Paris, Difusion de Boccard, 1984, p. 85, pl. IVB. For further examples see Haritini Korsipou, Die musischen Agone der Panathenden in archaischer und klassischer Zeit, Munich, Tu-

duv, 1991. ALEXANDRA GouLaxi-Vourira, Nike auf musikalischen Darstellungen der klassischen. Zeit, in Musikalische Ikonographie, eds. Harald Heckmann, Monika Holl, Hanz Joachim Marx, Laaber, Laaber Verlag, 1994, pp. 83-101. 3 London, British Museum, E254. ARV? 31.3. CVA London, Br. Mus. 3, 111 Ic.3, pl. 2.2. Jdl, 102, 1987, p. 113, fig. 35. 4 Cf. column krater by the Acheloos Painter, 525-550 B.c. Gotha, Schlossmuseum ZV2476. ABV 384.24. Para 168. CVA Gotha 1, pp. 46-47, pl. 38.1-2. 5 Cf. calyx krater by the Kleophrades Painter, (Return of Hephaistos to Olympus), ca 500-490 B.C., Cambridge, ma, Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Harvard University Art Museums, 1960.236. ARV? 185.31. MARTHA Maas, JANE MaclIwTOsH SNYDER, Stringed Instruments, cit., p. 129, fig. 2. LIMC vin, pl. 762 sub voce « Silenoi» 103. SHERAMY D. Bunpricx, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., pp. 110-111, figs. 64-65. A similar gesture to the satyrs citharodes

SINGING

TO

THE

LYRA

OR

THE

AULOI

357

seem to characterize the passionate singing of comasts.'

Though it has to be stressed that Greek vase paintings are not photographic

documents

as they follow pictorial conventions and the general sty-

listic development

of Greek

art. Poses and gestures of musicians, conventional or not, reflect, however, aspects from

a real practice which we have to decode, building very carefally on the painter’s effort to present a technical detail.* The

vase

paintings,

espe-

cially from the early classical period onwards, contain many details about the playFic. 1. ing practice of the kithara and other stringed instruments that are connected to the accompaniment of the voice. During the fifth century B.C. music was not

only developed rapidly towards new techniques (cf. New Music)? makes a young musician in a fragment of a cup by Onesimos, Florence, 4B6. ARV? 325.79. CVA Firenze 1, 111.5, pl. 4.6-7.

ca joo B.C.

* Cf. red figure stamnos by the Kleophon Painter, ca 440-30 B.C. Copenhagen, 2693. ARV? 1144.8. Para 455. CVA 1, 74-77, figs. 26-33, pls. 56.3, 57-1-4, 58.1-2. Susan B. MATHESON, Polygnotos and Vase Painting in classical Athens, Madison, Wis., University of Wisconsin, 1995, p. 144, pl. 128. Cf. also the singing of two comasts on a red figure cup by the Foundry Painter, ca 480 B.C. Toledo, Museum of Art 1964.126. ART? 402.12 bis. Para 370. Add 234. SHERAMY D. Bunpricx, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., pp. 23, 55, figs. 11 and 52. Cf. also the same gesture by a youth singing, haed bending forward, on a red figure oinochoe by the Tarquinia Painter, 470-460 B.C. Würzburg H4937, ARV? 871.95. Para 426. CVA Wiirzburg 2, pp. 26-28, figs. 14.1, pls. 18.1-2, 19.1-4. ? Researchers on recent approaches used to be more conscious of these constrictions when using iconographic evidence. Cf. SHERAMY D. BUNDRICK, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., pp. 2-9. TimorHy Power, The Culture of Kitharoidia, cit., p. 124. 5 About New Music see Martin L. West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., pp. 44-45, 63, 356-372 and 382-383. Eric Csapo, The Politics of the New Music, cit.,

258

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

9

E

ND

Fic.

but also great painters — not vase istic’ approach to the established which included a more detailed affected perhaps the depiction of

vy

2.

painters — created a more ‘realrepertoire of depicted subjects, capture of everyday life.' This the citharode's gestures, which

were richly illustrated with a variant of hand movements on vase paintings of the fifth and forth century B.c., providing an insight to the playing of this ‘technikon’ instrument (Aris., Po/., 13412, 15-18).? LEFT

PALM

FINGERS

EVEN:

DAMPING

POSITION

The wrist of the kithara player's left hand was wrapped with a sup-

porting cloth band allowing the fingers only restricted movements. Most depictions of the left palm behind the strings show the fingers pp. 207-248. TimorHy

Power,

The Culture of Kitharoidia, cit., pp. 82-90, 500-

507, 516-549. * About Greek painting see among others MARTIN ROBERTSON, Greek Painting, Geneva, Skira, 1959. 2 On ‘technicon’ see MARTIN L. West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., p. 54. PETER Wilson, Athenian Strings, cit., p. 272.

SINGING

TO

THE

LYRA

OR

THE

AULOI

359

held even' or touching the strings with the fingertips (Fic. 3)^ or slightly bent (arched).’ This is generally associated with a damping

position of the left hand as it restrained the vibration of the strings, or at least some of the strings.* This position is used by all kinds of

stringed instruments, barbitos, lyre or the so-called cradle kithara. LEFT

PALM

EVEN,

THUMB

BENT

INSIDE

Apollo in the common citharode type on archaic black figure vases is shown repeatedly with his left thumb bent inside across

the palm, as satyrs on numerous vase paintings especially by Antimenes Painter (520-10 B.C.) (FIG. 4).? This gesture appears later * Cf. examples on notes 2 and 5 (above) and on a black figure amphora by the Leagros Group, ca 510 B.c. London British Museum B206. ABV 369.120. CVA Brit. Mus. 4, 11 He.3, pl. 46.1. Guy MicHaEgL HEDREEN, Sens in Attie Black Figure Vase Painting: Myth and Performance, Ann Arbor, μι, University of Michigan Press, 1992, pl. 21. Cf. also the satyroi holding barbitos on a red figure amphora (of panathaenaic shape) by the Berlin Painter, ca 490 B.C. Munich, Antikensammlung [52 (2311). ARV”? 197.9, 1633. Add’ 190. JOHN BEAzLEY, Der Berliner Maler, Berlin, Heinrich Keller, 1930, pl. 6. CVA Munich 4, 24, pls. 193.1-2, 195.1-2. * Cf. seated comast singing to barbitos on a red figure cup by Makron, ca 490 B.C. Bochum, Ruhr Universitit, $1103. Norsert Kuniscu, Erlauterungen zur griechischen Vasenmalerei. so Hauptwerke der Sammlung antiker Vasen der Rubr-Universitat Bochum, Cologne, Béhlau Verlag, 1966, pp. 148-152. Jdem, Makron. Forschungen zur antiken Keramik, Kerameus vol. 10, Mainz, Zabern, 1997, n. 26, pl. 15.26. 3 Cf. Orpheus on the red figure amphora by the Orpheus Painter, ca 440 B.C. Berlin, 3172. ARV” 1103.1. Add? 327. SHERAMY D. BunDpRICK, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., p. 122, fig. 74. See also Apollo in a fragment of an Apulian calyx krater by the Painter of the Birth of Dionysus, ca 410-400 B.C. Amsterdam, Allard Pierson Museum, 2579. RVAp 1, 36 n. 10, pl. 9 (26). JEAN CHARBONNEAUX, MARTIN RoLAND, FRANGOIS VILLARD, Classical Greek Art, 480-330 B.C., London, Thames & Hudson, 1972, p. 311, fig. 361. ARTHUR DALE TRENDALL, Early South Italian Vase-Painting, Mainz, Zabern, 1974, pl. 32. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L instrument de musique, cit., pp. 156, n. L17. See also a muse with phorminx on a white lekythos by the Achilles Painter, ca 440 B.C. Oxford, Ashmolean Museum 266 (1889.1016). ARV? 1000.195, 1563. Add’ 313.

Joun Oaxrzv, The Achilles Painter, Mainz, Zabern, 1997, pl. 137 c-d. MARTHA Maas, JANE MACINTOSH SNYDER, Siringed Instruments, cit., p. 158, fig. 5. 4 For these finger positions see MARTIN L. West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., p. 66. TimorHy Power, The Culture of Kitharoidia, cit., p. 123, note 292. 5 See a black figure amphora by Antimenes Painter, Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, 1965.116. ABV 273.111. CVA Oxford 3, pp. 3, 4, pls. 9, 10. More examples in JOHANNES Burow, Antimenesmaler, Mainz, Zabern, 1989, figs. 41, 91, 92, 99, 116, 117, 121, 136, 143. Cf. a fragment of a calyx krater depicting a procession by Exekias, 530-520 B.C. Athen, Agora Museum AP1044. ABV

26ο

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

v

»

;

or

m

Lil

K

a

FAS, Fic. 3.

on images of citharodes, lyre players or barbitos players, whether singing (Fic. 5)‘ or not? and in a few cases without the musician 145.19. LIMC τι, pl. 257 sub voce «Apollon» 832. Cf. also a late archaic olpe. New York, Metropolitan Museum 06.1021.47. ABV 667. Add 148 (Ephiletos Kalos). LIMC VI, pl. 388, sub voce « Mousai» 31b. * Cf. a seated singing comast on a red figure cup by Epiktetos, ca 510 B.C. London, British Museum E357. ARV? 72.17, 1623. Para 328. Add’ 167. JEAN CHARBONNEAUX, MARTIN ROLAND, FRANGOIS VILLARD, Gréce archaique (620480 avant J.-C.), Paris, Gallimard, 1971, p. 318, fig. 345. See also the singing citharode on a red figure amphora by the Pan Painter, ca 460 B.c. New York, Metropolitan Museum 20245. ARV? 552.30. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., pp. 122-123, n. (30. 2 Cf. seated youth playing the lyre on the side of the marble throne in Boston (470-450 B.C.). Mary B. Comstock, ConNELIUS C. VERMULE, Sculpiure in stone: the Greek, Roman and Etruscan collections of the Museum of Fine Arts Boston, Boston, The Museum, 1976, pp. 20-21, fig. 30. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instru-

SINGING

TO

THE

LYRA

OR

THE

AULOI

361

Fic. 4.

playing the instrument.' It is not easy then to distinguish if the thumb in this position was pressing, touching or rather remained inactive against the strings. The latter is perhaps suggested more

on an Attic marble relief from the 4 century B.c., where Apollo seated, holds a kithara without playing, his right hand with the plectrum down the side (Fic. 6).? LEFT In another

HAND FINGERS BENT (CROOKED) NO PLAYING ACTION

left hand position that appears

-

quite often on vase

paintings of the classical times the fingers are bent, held crooked, meni de musique, cit., p. 164, note L34. Cf. also Orpheus in a red figure column krater by the Naples Painter, ca 450 B.c. Hamburg, Museum für Kunst und Gewiirbe, 1968.79. ARV? 1097.21ter. Add’ 328. SHERAMY D. BunDRICK, Music

and Image in Classical Athens, cit., p. 123, fig. 75. * Cf. an Anacreontic comast singing and carrying without playing the barbitos on a red figure lekythos, Galerie Pubze, Catalogue 8, 1989, n. 111. See also a seated woman with a barbitos looking back towards a male figure on a red figure hydria by the Nausicaa Painter, ca 450-425 B.C. Havana, Musco National de Bellas artes, 166. ARV? 1110.45. * Marble cylindrical altar or basis. Athens, NM 1731, ca 350-340 B.C. Found near the basis of the twelve Gods in Athens. LIMC τι, pl. 261, sub voce « Apollon» 867.

362

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

FIG.

5.

or sometimes the thumb is outside close to the strings.' This position almost never seems to be connected with playing (Fic. 7);* on

the contrary it always appears when the instrument remains mute. * Red figure pelike by the Syleus Painter, 480-470 B.C. Paris, St. Niarchos Collection Àos9. ARV? 250.18. LIMC τι, pl. 191 sub voce «Apollo» 84. For the gesture fingers and thumb crooked (as in the fist) behind the strings, see Apollo holding a kithara on a red figure amphora by the Providence Painter, ca 500-475 B.C. Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of Design. ARV? 635.1. CVA USA 2, p. 26, pl. 18. Diana M. BurrRow, Aie Vases Painting in New En-

gland Collections, Cambridge, (Mass.), Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University, 1972, pp. 84-85, n. 4o.

* Cf. singing musician without playing on a red figure cup by Douris (ca 500 B.C.), once Küsnacht, Hirschmann Collection, 32. DIANA M. Burrron-OLIVER, Douris: A Master-Painter of Athenian Red-Figure Vases, Mainz, Zabern, 1995, D. 72, pl. 2.4. Cf. similarly a red figure cup by Macron (ca 490 B.C.), Hildesheim, Rómer Pelizius Museum, 4685. ARV? 475.260. Add 246. NonBERT Kuniscu, Makron., cit., pl. 124, n. 361.

SINGING

TO

THE

LYRA

OR

THE

AULOI

363

This is more than evident in the barbitos carried downwatds by a comast on a cup

by

the

Antiphon

Painter,’

or when comasts are shown carrying only the instrument?

or satyrs in a similar pose, ot even reclining symposiasts with barbitos drinking without playing (Fic. 8).4 Purthermore, a frontal seated young woman with her left

fingers crooked simply holds the barbitos with her right elbow leaning on the back of the klismos.’ This finger position is also connected with

ua

Fic. 6.

not playing gods-musicians, as in the scene of the introduction of Hercules to Olympus (Fic. 9), where Apollo who was behind

Zeus holds without playing his kithara,° or Nike on a red figure krater is supporting the kithara with he right hand under the

* Red figure cup by the Antiphon Painter, ca 480 B.c. Florence, 3920. ARV? 341.86. Add 219. CVA Florence 3, 111.1, 12, 13, pls. 96.1-3, 116.17. DANIEL

PAQUETTE,

L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 185, n. Bzo.

2 Red figure cup by the Antiphon Painter, ca 480 B.C. Orvieto, Mus, Civico 452(585). ARV? 339.51. Add? 218. CVA Umbria, Musei Communali 1, 111.1.C, 11,1.}) 10, pl. 6.1-3. Cf. also a red figure oinochoe by the Tarquinia Painter, 470-460 n.c. Würzburg, H4937. ARV? 871.95. Para 426. JOHN BOARDMAN, Athenian Red Figure Vases, the Archaie Period, London, Thames & Hudson, 1975, fig. 74. CVA Wuürzburg 2, pp. 26-28, figs. 14-16, pls. 18, 19. 3 Cf. satyr with barbitos on a black figure amphora by the Leagros Group, ca 510 B.C. London British Museum B206, note 15 (above). 4 Cf. a frontal aulos player on a red figure cup by the Ashby Painter, ca 500 B.C. London, British Museum E64. ARV? 455.9, 1654. Add 243. CVA Brit. Mus. 9, pp. 22-24, figs. 3A, 5B, pls. 12, 13. Cf. also a similar scene on a red figure cup by the Elpinikos Painter, 500-490 B.c. Manchester City Art Gallery & Museum, Aa 24. ARV? 119.2, 1576. Add 175. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 177, n. Bs. 5 Red figure stamnos by the Menelaos Painter, ca 450 B.c. Leipzig, Antikenmuseum 166. ARV? 1077.4, 1078. Add 326. $ Red figure column krater by the Bologna 228 Painter, 460-450 B.c. Bologna, Museo Civico, 228. ARV? 511.3. CVA Bologna 1, 111.1. C.18, 19, pls. 41-43.

364.

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

FIG. 7.

soundbox and her left fingers bent behind the strings,‘ or Apollo seated with a lyre, left hand crooked outside the chelys on the white cup in Delphi.’ It is difficult to decide if the left fingers and thumb were slightly curled round the strings or behind them; this position should perhaps be read as following that of the straight palm (damping), changing the action of the players’ hand. LEFT

HAND

FINGERS PULL WITHOUT

(PLUCK?) SINGING

SOME

STRINGS

—

One or two fingers of the left hand are sometimes bent forward and look as if they hold or pull rather than pluck some strings, whereas no action was combined towards the strings by * Red figure volute krater by the Bologna 228 Painter. Ferrara, Museo Nazionale di Spina 2667 (1.436). ARV? 511.2. FEDE BERTI, DONATELLA RESTANI (eds.), Lo Specchio della musica: Iconografia musicale nella ceramica attica di Spina, Bologna, Nuova Alpha, 1988, p. 71. CVA Ferrara 1,05, pl. 8.3-4. 2 Unattributed white ground cup, ca 480-470 B.C. Delphi, Archaeological Museum, 8140. SHERAMY D. BunpriIcKk, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., p. 16, fig. 16. See also the seated muse holding a lyre on the white ground pyxis by the Hesiod Painter, ca 460-450 B.C. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts,

SINGING

TO

THE

LYRA

Fic.

OR

THE

AULOI

365

8.

the right hand with plectrum. In some examples such as on a red figure cup by the London Painter the player does not sing like the seated Apollo with his lyre and phiale (Fic. 10).' He seems to pull a string with his left third finger, a gesture which is also used by a citharode mounting a podium without playing or singing as

yet? or by a standing muse holding a lyre before Apollo while she pulls a string with her left index finger (Fic. 11). This gesture apparently illustrates the musician checking his instrument before tuning or starting to play it. 98.887. ARV? 774.1. Add’ 287. SHERAMY Classical Athens, cit., pp. 42-43, fig. 27.

D.

BunpRICK,

Music and Image in

* Cf. the seated Apollo with lyre and phiale on a red figure cup by the London Painter, ca 475-450 B.C. London, British Museum E80. Add’ 815.1. DANIEL

PAQUETTE,

L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 103.

* Red figure amphora of panathenaic type by the Nausicaa Painter, 450-425 B.C. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 96.719. LIMC 11, pl. 203 sub voce « Apollon» 783. 3 Red figure hydria by the Shuvalov Painter, ca 430-420 B.C. Paris, Cabinet des Médailles 448. ARV? 1209.59. Add 346. ADRIENNE Lezzi-HAFTER, Der

Schuwalow-Maler, Mainz, Zabern, 1976, pl. 93. LIMC vi, pl. 389, sub voce « Mousa, Mousai» 41d. See on an oinochoe by the same painter in Basel Market a similar muse next to Apollo: ADRIENNE LEzzi-HAFTER, Der Schuwalow-Maler, cit, p. 99, pl. 180 (S 61 bis). Cf. also a costumed citharode (Apollo?) on an Apulian red figure fragment of a bell krater by the Adolphseck Painter, ca 380370 B.C. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, 61.112. RVAp 1, 72, n. 52. MICHAEL 1. Papcert ET ALII, Vase Painting in Italy. Red-Figure and Related Works in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Boston, The Museum of Fine Arts, 1993, p. 71, fig. 14.

366

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

LEFT

HAND

PULL +

FINGERS

STRINGS SINGING

Musicians pulling strings with their left fingers are occasionally depicted singing like the frontal openmouthed satyr on a red figure column krater in Bonn (Fic. 12),' though singing is not always clearly indicated.* West and other scholars claim that the fingers of the

left hand plucked out the melodic line keeping pace with the voice, while the plectrum was never used to strike individual notes. It (the plectrum) was restricted to strumming mainly when the voice paused; accordingly the citharode

did not sing when he played with the plectrum.? * Bonn, Akademisches Museum, 72. ARV? 584.21, 1660. Add’ 263 (Early Mannerist, 480-460 B.c.). CVA Bonn 1, 20 pl. 18.1-5. It is difficult to decide about the exact gesture here: it seems to be pulling rather than plucking or picking. Cf. also the comast by the Kleophon Painter (ca 440-430 B.C.) in Copenhagen (note 8 above) and the citharode on a red figure stamnos by the Deepdene Painter, 475-450 B.c. Brunswick (ΜῈ), Bowdoin College A3093. ARV? 499.14. CVA Brussels, Musées Royaux 3, 111.1.D.7, pls. 13.1, 14.5. * Cf. a young victorious citharode between two Nike on a red figure stamnos by the Polygnotos Group, ca. 450-40 B.C. Florence 4006. ARV? 1062.1. Para 446. Add 323. CVA Firenze 2, 111.1, 52, pls. 48.6, 56.3-4. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L'instrument de musique, cit., pp. 108-9, Co. Cf. also a seated satyr with lyre opposite to Dionysos on a red figure dinos by the Dinos Painter, ca 430 B.C. Berlin, Antikensammlung F2402. ARV? 1152.3. CVA Berlin, Antikensammlung, pp. 11, 65-7, figs. 1.1-2 Beilage 14.2, pls. 67-9. ADOLF FURTWANGLER, Die Sammlung Sabouroff: Kunsidenkmáler aus Griechenland, Berlin, A. Asher & G., 1883-1887, pls. 56-57. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 169, n. L43. Cf. also a seated youth with lyre in a symposion scene on a red figure Attic oinochoe, by a Boetian Painter, ca 420-410 B.C. Private Collection. CVA Würzburg 2, pl. 16-18. Martin von Wagner Museum der Universitat Würzburg. Mythen und Menschen. Griechische Vasen&unst aus einer deutschen Privatsammlung, edited by Giintner Gudrun, Mainz, Zabern, 1997, pp. 138-9, n. 38. 3 MARTIN L. West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., pp. 66-68. Differently TIm-

SINGING

TO

THE

LYRA

FIG. LEFT

HAND

FINGERS

PLECTRUM

PULL

STRIKES

OR

THE

AULOI

367

10. STRINGS STRINGS

+ +

RIGHT

WITH

SINGING

There are, however, a few depictions featuring the musician vo-

calizing while applying the plectrum directly to a string. On a red figure skyphos by the Brygos Painter (Fic. 13) the head of a comast bent backward makes it obvious that he is singing with his plectrum on the strings.' The singing comast on the inner side of orHy Power, The Culture of Kitharoidia, cit., DERSON, Music and Musicians in Ancient Greece, Kpovetv to strike, the striking of a string with with fingers: TimotHy Power, The Culture of

pp. 122-123. WARREN D. ANIthaca, NY 1994, p. 176. About the plectrum. Ῥάλλειν, to pluck Kitharoidia, cit., p. 126.

* Paris, Louvre G156. ARV? 380.172, 1649. Simon, Erika und Aufnahmen von Max und ALBERT HIirMER, Die griechischen Vasen, Munich, Hitmer, 1976, pls. 151-153. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L'nstrument de musique, cit., p. 185, n. Bat.

268

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

EM.

"e

?

a

Ns

e

DA H

a red figure cup by Epiktetos plucks and strikes the strings of his barbitos with both hands (Fic. 14).' Winnington-Ingram rightly suggests, I think, that this is the way the citharode accompanied his singing or someone else's singing, i.e., striking the individual

notes of the vocal musical line with the plectrum.* A controversial case is the singing citharode on a red figure amphora by the Brygos painter. He is depicted holding his left palm fingertips to the strings while striking the middle string of the

kithara with the plectrum (Fic. 15).? The string is clearly bending Cf. also an Anacreontic comast with a barbiton on a fragmentary column krater by the Pig Painter, 470-460 B.c. Cleveland Art Museum, 26.549. ARV? 563.9. Add 260. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 180, n. B13. SHERAMY D. BunpriIcKk, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., pp. 84, 86, fig. 53. C£. also Apollo striking the outer string of his kithara, his left hand even thumb inside behind the strings on a Lucanian oinochoe near the Post-Amycan Group, 400-375 B.C. Private Collection. The Art of South Italy: Vases from Magna Graecia, edited by Margaret Ellen Mayo, Richmond, Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, 1982, p. 69, n. 9. * Ca 510 B.C. Malibu (ca), The J. Paul Getty Museum, 86.AE.279. Bareiss Collection n. 142. Add? 168. The J. Paul Getty Museum, Greek Vases: Molly and

Bareiss Collection, Los Angeles, The J. Paul Getty Museum, 1983, p. 43, n. 145. CVA Malibu 8, usA 33 (1998), p. 13, n. 17, pl. 398. ^ REGINALD Pepyrs WINNINGTON-INGRAM, The Pentatonic Tunning of the Greek Lyre: A theory examined, « Classical Quarterly», νι, 1956, p. 183. 3 Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, John Michael Rodocanachi Fund, 26.61, ca. 480 B.C. ARV” 383.199. TimorHy Power, The Culture of Kitharoidia, cit., pp. 122-123, n. C18.

SINGING

TO

THE

LYRA

OR

THE

AULOI

369

with the pressure of the plectrum, but in a strange place beneath the bridge. Maas

proposed that the player brings the plectrum back in otder to start another sweep.'

Power hesitantly — speaks about a misinterpretation of the

vase

painter.^

Gombosi

Fic. 12. explained it as a special technique where the player inserts the plectrum beneath the bridge

and presses it against a plucked string to raise its pitch, a theory which has not been accepted.? This position though could possibly

be connected with another one shown on a 4? century Lucanian amphora by the Primato Painter where the player inserts the plectrum under the strings of the lyre (Fic. 16).^ West supposes that it shows a virtuoso trick of that period (the lyre has nine strings) and claims that «the artist is simply incompetent (the player has

two left thumbs!)».' But on a red figure fragment in the Pushkin Museum in Moscow we can see the same position of the plectrum and this is difficult to attribute to a further misconception

of a

playing technique by the artist (Fic. 17). To this technique may be added the striking of two satyr-citharodes by Polion who are

singing at the Panathenaea.’ The first seems to insert the plectrum between two high strings of his Thracian kithara; his left hand damps other strings as he does this. The second, in the center,

is striking the string closest to him below the bridge; his left is * Martua

Maas,

JANE

MacIntosu

SNYDER,

Stringed Instruments, cit., p.

64. 2 TimorHy Power, The Culture of Kitharoidia, cit., p. 125. 3 Otto Gomsosi, Tonarten und Stimmungen der antiken Musik, Kopenhagen, Munksgaard, 1939, pp. 116-122. + Paris, Louvre K526. Trendall, LCS 165/925, pl. 72(4). DANIEL PAQUETTE, Liinstrument de musique, cit., p. 109, n. Cio (ca 375-350 B.C.). 5 Martin L. West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., p. 66. Perhaps the two thumbs ate due to a painter's change of mind. $ Moscow, Pushkin State Museum, M-90Cs235/8. CVA Moscow, Pushkin Mus. 4, p. 23, pl. 20.3 (ca 470 B.C.). 7 New York, Metropolitan Museum, Fletcher Fund (25.78.66). ARV? 1172.8. Add 339. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 85, pl. IVA (ca 420 B.C.).

370

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

FIG. 13.

damping

other strings. His kithara has cight strings, perhaps an

indication of experimenting new polycord kitharas at the end of the fifth century B.c.' BOTH

HANDS

ACTIVE

ON

THE

STRINGS

WITHOUT

SINGING

Nevertheless, on some representations the musician activates both

hands across the strings, although he seems himself to be silent. On a red figure hydria by the Meidias Painter ca 410 B.c., Phaon's left hand is pulling one string and the right is applying the

plectrum on the strings (Fic. 18).* Similarly, Musaios moves both hands to the strings, but he does not sing.? On a volute krater by the Kadmos Painter Marsyas plays the kithara instead of the auloi, * The third satyr is damping with the left hand, the right with the plectrum is held down to the side. TimorHy Power, The Culture of Kitharoidia, cit., p. 503 suggests to reading this image as a satirical approach to the innovations in the kithara playing technique during this period. * Florence 81947. ARV? 1312.2. Para 277. Add 361. CVA Firenze 2 111.1.57 ff. LuciLLa Burn, The Meidias Painter. Oxford [Oxfordshire], Clarendon Press; New York, Oxford University Press, 1987, pl. 27-29. LZMC vi, pl. 318, sub voce «Phaon» 2. 3 Red figure pelike by Meidias, ca. 410 B.c. New York, Metropolitan Museum, Samuel D. Lee Fund, 1937 (37.11.23). ARV? 1313.7. Para 477. Add 362. LuciLLA Burn, The Meidias Painter, cit., pls. 35-37. SHERAMY D. BUNDRICK,

Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., p. 55, fig. 32.

SINGING

TO

THE

LYRA

OR

THE

AULOI

371

Fic. 14.

left hand in a damping position (arched or fingertips), right with the plectrum striking on a string; he too does not sing.' A Lu-

canian volute krater from ca 380-360 B.c. depicting the Marsyas’ contest features Apollo striking the outer string of his four (or

five) stringed kithara with the plectrum (Fic. 19).^ On an Apulian pelike, again with the Marsyas' contest, from ca 340-30 B.C., Apollo applies both hands, left fingers and right with the plectrum, to the strings of his kithara.? The most detailed and early account of this string-playing tech-

nique is to be found on the Homeric Hymn to Hermes, where the god «tried out-tested [his new lyre] with the plectrum part by part». Here it is probably meant that the god struck each string with the plectrum, one after the other.4 * Ruvo, Museo Jatta (1093), ca 420-410 B.C. ARV? 1184.1. Add? 340. LIMC VI, pl. 190, sub voce « Marsyas I» 43. SHERAMY D. Bunprick, Music and Image

in Classical Athens, cit., p. 137, fig. 83. * By the Brooklyn-Budapest Painter, 380-360 B.c. Paris Louvre K519. Trendall, LCS Suppl. 3, 71. LIMC vi, pl. 185, sub voc «Marsyas I» 20. 3 By a follower of the Lycurgos Painter, 340-30 B.C. Ruvo, Jatta 1500. RVAp 1, 403.43, pl. 142.5. HELLMUT SICHTERMANN, Griechische Vasen in Unteritalien. Aus der Sammlung Jatta in Ruvo, Tübingen, Wasmuth, 1966, pl. 131, K74. 4 Greek Musical Writings, vol. 1: The Musician and bis art, edited by Andrew

372

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

Literary

evidence

the right hand

that

could possi-

bly strike single notes with the plectrum is provided by some late sources, like Lucian (Imagines 14), who describes a citharode's plectron «keeping pace with his tongue»;' and the late antique epis-

tolographer

Aristaenetus,

who

a citharode's

mentions

voice and plectrum-struck strings sounding in unison: πρόσχορδος

ἡ

γλῶττα

χρούμασι (the tongue tuned to the strings).*

The

best

known

τοῖς

is at-

and

clearest reference to the citharode's hand-technique is made by Quintilian when he

tries to illustrate that the huFIG. 15.

man mind can attend to sev-

eral

things

simultaneously:

«they (the citharodes) are sweeping across some strings with the

right hand, while the left pulls, restrains (i.c. damps), or presents others» (alios nervos dextra percurrunt, alios laena trahunt, continent, praebent). The verb percurrunt, however, which means

‘sweeping across’ or 'runover' the strings, does not exclude the use of the plectrum to strike notes individually. It is worth noting that sculptural representations of stringed in-

strument players tend to show them playing while both hands are active on the strings; the left maneuvering some of their fingers, the right striking the plectrum. This is how the 4? century seated Barker, Cambridge-New York, Cambridge University Press, 1984, p. 44; Cf. TimotHy Power, The Culture of Kitharoidia, cit., p. 126: «strumming here scems unlikely». * Ivi, p. 126 and 66. 2 Ivi, p. 126. 5 Martin L. West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., p. 68. TimorHy Power, The

Culture of Kitharoidia, cit., pp. 116-117.

SINGING

TO

THE

LYRA

OR

THE

AULOI

373

poet from Taras appears performing his lyre in the Getty Museum,' or the lyre-playing maiden on a marble relief, now in the Archaeological Museum of Istanbul (Fic. 20),* or even a kithara

playing Apollo next to Marsyas on a marble relief of neoattic style.? ΒΟΤῊ

HANDS

ACTIVE

WITHOUT

ON

THE

STRINGS

PLECTRUM

Some later sources do mention the use of the right thumb replac-

ing the plectrum in alternation: Virgil seems to imply this when describing the playing of Orpheus in Elysium: «now he strikes them (the strings) with his fingers, now with his ivory plectrum».^

According to Juba II (fr. 84), King of Mauretania and the author of the Theatrical History (1* century B.c.), it was Epigonus

of Sikyon, a sixth-century B.c. citharist, who «being a musician of the greatest skill, plucked by hand, without a plectrum» (μουσLKATATOS ὧν κατὰ χεῖρα δίχα πλήχκτρου ἔψαλλε). Vase painters occasionally offer iconographical evidence of this practice in late 5^ century B.c., as we can see on a red figure vase depicting the seated young Apollo playing both hands on his lyre, ° or Apollo performing similarly on his lyre on an Apulian pelike with the Marsyas' contest." This perhaps implies a special effemi* Terracotta statue, ca 310 B.C. The J. Paul Getty Museum, Villa Collection, Malibu, California, 76. AD.11. Masterpieces of tbe J. Paul Getty Museum. Antiquities, Los Angeles, The J. Paul Getty Museum, 1997, pp. 88-89. 2 Istanbul, Archaeological Museum, 1028 from Manyas. ALPAY PASINLI,

Istanbul Archacologica! Museum, Istanbul, Museum 1995, p. 37, n. 36. 3 Rome, Konservatorenpalast 2401, (S. Nicola in Carcere) Forum Holitorium, 1* century AC LIMC τι, pl. 341, sub voce « Apollo» 477. 4 Verg., Aen., 6, 647. MARTIN L. West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., pp. 67-68. TimorHy Power, The Culture of Kitharoidia, cit., p. 131, note 317. i Cf. TimorHy Power, The Culture of Kitharoidia, cit., p. 133: «only Juba does not indicate what instrument Epigonus plucked (inventor of ziter, epigoneion)». For Epigonus of Sikyon see Greek Musical Writings, vol. 1, cit., edited by Andrew Barker, p. 270 n. 46. MarTIN L. West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., pp. 341-342. TimotHy Power, The Culture of Kitharoidia, cit., p. 133. $ Red figure oinochoe by the Schuvalov Painter, 430-20 B.C. Ferrara (3884) T39AVPA. ARV” 1207.24. Add 345. ADRIENNE LEzzi-Harrzn, Der Schuwa-

low-Maler, cit., pl. 121. LIMC vi, pl. 392 sub voce « Mousai» 56. 7 Apulian pelike red figure by the Suckling-Salting Group, ca 400 B.c. Naples, Museo Nazionale 81392 (H3231). RV Ap 1 401.29. LZMC v1, pl. 188, sub voce « Marsyas I» 37.

374

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

nate technique as similar finger po-

sitioning was used primarily by women playing lyres,

harps, cradle kitharas, Italian kitharas ot other polychord

stringed instruments of the time.' Fic. 16. LEFT

THUMB

AND

INDEX

WITHOUT

PULL

A

STRING

—

PLAYING

A well-documented gesture on several red figure vase paintings features the kithara or lyre player pulling a string between the thumb and index finger. It is often applied by the Meidias

Painter to Muses who simply carried a lyre without playing it (Fic. 21). In almost all of the examples -except the Faon vase,

the musician does not play or sing while making this gesture;? even the singing maenad Methyse pulling a string with her left fingers does not seem to play her barbitos.* A clearly pinching * Compare finger position on a gamikos lebes by the Washing painter, 430420 B.C. New York, Metropolitan Museum 07.286.35, ARV? 1126.1, Add’ 332. SHERAMY D. BunprICK, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., pp. 188-189, fig. 108. ? Cf. the youth with a lyre who is clearly not playing, the right to the side, on a ted ground lekythos by Aison, 430-415 B.c. Paris, Louvre MN 2109. ARV? 1174.7. LuciLLA Burn, The Meidias Painter, cit., pl. 25. Cf. also the muse with lyre on the pelike by Meidias (410 B.c.) in New York, p. 370 note 3. A similar muse on a squat lekythos by Meidias, Ruvo, Museo Jatta, J 1538(36050). ARV? 1314.16. Add? 362. HELLMUT SICHTERMANN, Griechische Vasen in Unteritalien, cit., pp. 22-23 K12, pl. 19-22. LuciLLA Burn, The Meidias Painter, cit., pp. 54-57, 99 (M18), pl. 38a-c. 3 On Phaon hydria see p. 370 note 2. 4 Red figure bell kreater by the Methyse Painter, 460-450 B.C. New York, Metropolitan Museum 07.286.85. ARV? 632.3. GisgLA M. A. RICHTER, LinpsLey F. Haun, Red-Figured Athenian Vases in the Metropolitan Museum of Ari, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1936, 1, pls. 109, 110, 179. MARTHA Maas, JANE MacInTtosH Snyper, Siringed Instruments, cit., p. 137, fig. 19. Compare also a comast pulling left fingers a string on a red figure cup by Doutis (480 B.c.). Paris, Cabinet des Medailles, 542. ARV? 438.133, 1653. DiANA M. BurrRgoN-Orivzn, Douris: A Master-Painter, cit., pls. 100, 145, n. 178.

SINGING

TO

string musician is shown

THE

LYRA

OR

THE

AULOI

375

on

a 4" century Apulian vase by the Lycurgos Painter (Pic. 22).' Quite similarly, Apollo standing before the defeated Marsyas, is pulling a string of his lyre with his left hand, while holding a laurel staff in the other.* The same gesture perhaps could be identified for the seated muse with phorminx on a white ground

lekythos

by

the

FIG. 17.

Achilles

Painter ca 440 B.C.’ This specific finger-position has also been clearly rendered on the sculpture, as on a votive Attic relief in

Sparta from the 1* half of the 4° century B.c. (FIG. 23),4 or in a late stucco relief in a grave in Rome (via Latina),? both presenting Apollo holding the instrument without playing it. LEFT

THUMB

AND

INDEX

EDUCATION

PULL

A

STRING

-

SCENES

Pictorial evidence indicates that this special fingering technique presumably constituted part of the musical-training and was of* Ca 375-350 B. C. Adolphseck, Fasanerie, 178. CVA Schloss Fasanerie 2, 78 (2). DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 114, n. Cz1. Cf. also an Etruscan (faliscan) cup, after 400 p.c. Berkeley 8.935. JOHN BEAZLEY, Etruscan Vase Painting, London-New York, Cambridge University Press, 1947, p. 107 “The Foied Painter’. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 164, n. B23. ? Attic bell ktater fragmentary (early 4^ century B.c.). St. Petersburg, Hermitage x.1904.5. KARL SCHAUENBURG, Marsyas, «RM», LXV, 1958, pp. 42-66, pl. 36.1. LIMC vi, pl. 188, sub voce «Marsyas I» 34c. Cf. also young standing musician (Apollo?) on a red figure fragment, manner of the Sarpedon Painter, ca 375-350 B.C. New York, Metropolitan Museum, 20.196. RVAp 1, pl. 53.4-5. ArtHur Darz TRENDALL, Early South Italian Vase-Painting, cit., pl. 32. The

Art of South Italy, cit., edited by Margaret Ellen Mayo, p. 85, fig. 15 (The Black Fury Painter). DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 121, n. C34. 3 Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlungen, 80. ARV” 997.155. Add’ 312. JoHnn Oakrz, The Achilles Painter, cit., cat. 209. SHERAMY D. BUNDRICK, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., pp. 26, 27, fig. 14. 4 Sparta Museum 468. LIMC τι, pl. 203 sub voce « Apollon» 679b. 5 Rome, ,Buntes Grab’ an der via Latina, in situ Stuckrelief. LZMC τι, pl. 323 sub voce « Apollo» 327.

276

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

ten

associated

with

school

scenes, as on a red-figured fragment where two youths are performing (practicing?) in a schoolroom (Fic. 24).' Even on the well-known cup by Douris in Berlin, the teacher and pupil seem to practice this finger position.? On a well-known wall-paint-

ing from Herculaneum,

the

centaur Chiron, Achilles’mu-

sic teacher, instructs his pu* Red figure cup by Douris, Florence, 151331. ARV? 432.51. Diana M. BurrRON-OLIVER, Douris: A Master-Painter, cit., pl. 60 n. 92. CVA Firenze 1,111.1.9, 14, 15 pls. 7.29, 11.49, 12.99. 2 Red figure cup by Douris, ca 490-480 B.c. Berlin, Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin F 2285. ARV? 431.48. Add 237. DIANA M. Burrron-OLIvER, Douris: A Master-Painter, cit., cat. 88. SHERAMY D. BUNDRICK, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., pp. 2-3, fig. 1, 2.

SINGING

pil on how

TO

THE

LYRA

OR

THE

AULOI

377

to strike with a

plectrum on a string, while the latter pulls another using

this typical finger pose.' The meaning of this manoeuvre could not be plucking a string. West

suggests that

the player here «is retracting it [the string] from the plectrum's path (Quintilian's trahunt) rather than plucking it».* LEFT

THUMB

AND

INDEX

PULL A STRING + TUNING: THE INSTRUMENT DOES NOT PLAY YET

Nevertheless, several century representations

dering

this

— 4? ren-

string-pulling

position connect it with the tuning of the kithara.? This

Fic. 20.

* Naples 91009. From Herculaneum, Basilica, 4. style. MC I, pl. 63 sub voce «Achilleus» 51. This gesture is often attested on wall paintings from Pompeij, where the player mostly pulls the string, when the plectrum moves when playing; Cf. Pompei. Pitture e Mosaici 1, Rome, Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1990, pp. 161-162, fig. 71, 2 (Pindar-Corinna), 3. style. /bidem, vol. viu (1998),

DD- 515, 517, fig. 117, 4. style. 2 Martin

L. West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., p. 69. TimotHy

PowER,

The

Culture of Kitharoidia, cit., p. 129, note 309. 3 Cf. some examples: an Apulian situla, related to the Lycurgos Painter, 375350 B.C. Ruvo, Mus. Jatta 1364. LZMC vi 2, pl. 187, sub voce «Marsyas I» 34a. HELLMUT SICHTERMANN, Griechische Vasen in Unteritalien, cit., pl. 134 K76. A red figure lekanis in Paestan style, by Asteas, 350-325 B.C. Paris, Louvre K570(51). DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 126, n. C47. An Apulian pelike by the Chamay Painter, 350-330 B.c. Geneva, Coll. Chamay n.

156 (16-57). RVAp I 426, pl. 156. José Doric, Art Antique: collections privées de Suisse Romande, Genève, University, 1975, pl. 2784. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 126, n. C49 (Italian kithara). An Apulian pelike by

the Dareius Painter, ca 340 n.c. Basel, Ma&Med., Cat. de Vente 156, 1969. José Doric, Art Antique, cit., pl. 2794. DANIEL

PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique,

378

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

brings

portant depicted

us to another

musical

im-

snapshot

frequently

on

vase painting since the late Archaic period, the tuning of the instruments. The importance of the tuning procedure for instrument playing in antiquity is generally acknowledged as it demanded

knowledge, skill and experience and decisively affected the performing result.'

Plutarch

Therefore,

refers

when

to

the

poor lyre playing of Themistocles he declares that

he did not know how to tune his lyre.* For Aristophanes too, the untrained (bad) musician can tune his lyre only on Dorian

mode (‘dorodokisti’).’ Fic. 21.

Surprisingly, it seems to have escaped scholarly attention how often string

cit., p. 126, n. C48. Cf. also an Apulian pelike in Naples, Museo Nazionale SA 702, mid. 4^ century p.c. LIMC 1, pl. 160 sub voce « Adonis» 5. * Martin L. West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., pp. 273-274. GIOVANNI CoMorrI, Music in Greek and Roman Culture, cit., p. 58. REGINALD Perys WINNINGTON-INGRAM, The Peniatonic Tunning, cit. Cf. also StEFAN HAGEL, Ancient Greek Music. A new technical history. Cambridge, New York a.0., Cambridge University Press, 2010, pp. 65-66, 95-96, 135-8, 327-8. 2 Plutarch, Them. 2,4. Plutarch on Kimon 9,1 referring to Themisthokles’ amousia uses the verb kitharizein. SHERAMY D. BuNpDRICK, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., p. 49 note 6. 5 Aristoph., Knights, 987-996. Greek Musical Writings, vol. 1, cit., edited by Andrew Barker, p. 102: The association is made here between the ability to play and being a man of decent education. See also Clouds, 966-972. SHERAMY D. BuwpRICK, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., pp. 50-51.

SINGING

TO

THE

LYRA

OR

THE

AULOI

379

tuning procedure has been depicted since the archaic and classical period. On black figure vases Apollo (Fic. 25),* Artemis (for Apollo), or Hercules as musician,’ are shown raising the two small

fingers of the right hand in an upright position while the others twist the kollopes on the bar. Similarly, citharodes,^ muses,? comasts, anacreonts, musicians in training scenes,’ a.o., are often illustrated tuning the string instrument, kithara, lyre, barbitos etc.* The left hand is either pulling (testing?) a string (s.a.) or is shown manoevring them. A quite unusual case is presented on the wall * Cf. two of several examples: bf amphora by Lysippides Painter, ca 520 B.C. Munich 575 (1499). ABV 256.16. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musigue, cit., pp. 120-121, n. C36. Black figure amphora, Hannover, near the Nikoxenos Painter, ca 510 B.C. Kestner Museum 753. AusTarquinia. CVA I PI. 12.2. LIMC 11 2, pl. 203 sub voce « Apollon» 634b. * Black figure hydria, near the Priam Painter, 510-500 B.C. Paris, Louvre F297. ABV 333.1 Add 91. CVA Louvre 6, 111.He.51, pl. 71.4.6.9. 3 Cf. black figure amphoras with Herackles as musician tuning his instrument: a. Group of the Painter London B174, 500-490 B.c. London, British Museum B214. ABV 141. LIMC iu, sub voce «Herakles» 1452. DANIEL PaQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., pp. 184-185, n. B19.b. Neck amphora by the Lysippides Painter, 530-520 B.c. Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlungen, 1575 (J499). ABV 256.16. LIMC τι, sub voce «Athena» 521. 4 Cf. red figure pelike, by the Pan Painter, 480-470 B.C. New York, Solow Art and Architecture Foundation. MARTIN L. West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., pl. 20. SHERAMY D. BunpricKk, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., p. 166, fig. 98. * Cf. red figure pyxis by Polygnotos, ca 440-420 B.C. Athens, National Archaeological Museum 1260 (1241). ARV? 1060.14s. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 168, n. L4o. $ Cf. the Anacreontean player on a red figure amphora by the Eucharides Painter, 480-470 B.c. Munich, (]2)2317. ARV? 226.3, 1637. CVA Munich, Mus. Antiker Kleinkunst 5, pp. 8-9, pls. (926-7) 211.9, 212.1-2. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 179, n. B6. JOHN BoaRDMAN, DONNA KURTZ, Booners, «Greek Vases in the Paul Getty Museum», 111, 1986, 35-70, p. 53, fig.

14. 7 Cf. the tuning of the teacher on the red figure hydria by Phindias, end of 6^ century p.c. Munich 2421. ARV? 23.7. Ad? 155. SHERAMY D. BUNDRICK,

Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., pp. 60-61, fig. 35. See also a red figure cup by the Dokimasia Painter, ca 490-475 B.C. Mead Art Museum at Amherst College, AC 1962.74. ARV? 1651.22bis. Add 233. Diana M. BurTRON, «4276 Vases Painting, cit., pp. 90-91, n. 4s. Cf. red figure hydria by the Pig Painter, 470-460 B.C. London, British Museum E172. ARV? 565.42. Add? 260. CVA London, Brit. Mus. 5, 111, Ic.15, pls. 75.4, 77.2. * Cf. several tuning examples p. 377 note 3. Cf. also red figure fragments (Kertsch), near the Talos Painter, ca 400 B.c. Würzburg, Hs708a. CVA Wiirzburg 2, pl. 43. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 126, n. Cso.

380

ALEXANDRA

m P"

κι σα σα AIA IAA no

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

painting with a symposium scene in the tomb of Hagios

EP ἮΝ

Ss

gi

Athanasios

in

(Fic.

A

26).

Thessaloniki

young

girl is

seated on a kline (bed), plucking two-handed on an Italian kithara, while a reclining old wreathed symposiast applies

his right hand on the crossbar (Jygos) tuning the instrument for himself. Does this imply a special musical piece or does it just represent the skill or education of the old man?

The frequent depiction of tuning

string

instruments

not only underlines its undeniable importance Fic.

22.

for music

making and the proper performing action, but it is also

a clear way of illustrating the preparations for music playing about

to start, indicating that within the presented musical context the instrument does not play yet. The muse on an Attic pyxis from

about 430 B.C. is seated on a rock tuning her lyre while a companion standing near her holds an open bookroll, probably await-

ing for the cue to begin singing.^ A similar scene is represented on 4" century scenes with the Marsyas’ contest, where Apollo is shown tuning the kithara and preparing his instrument, while the satyr holding the auloi looks already defeated.’ * Event ANDRIKOU £ alii, Dons des Muses. Musique et danse dans la Gréce andenne. Exhibition catalogue (Bruxelles 26.2-25.5.2003). Athens, 2003, pp. 96-97. About the musical education see Music and the Muses: The Culture of Musike in the Classical Athenian City, part 1v, cit., edited by Penelope Murray, Peter Wilson, with essays by A. Ford, V. Wohl and P. Murray; see also jbidezz, PETER WhiLsOoN, Athenian Strings, cit., pp. 299-303. * See above p. 379 note 5. Cf. also Thamyris tuning his kithara as he is about to start to play on a red figure lekythos by the Atelier of Meidias, 420-410 B.C. Basle, Antikenmuseum BS 462. KARL SCHEFOLD, Die Griechen und ibre Nachbarn, Berlin, Propylien Verlag, 1967, p. 232, note 287. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 168, n. La1. LIMC 1v 2, pl. 396 sub voce « Mousai» 81. 3 Cf. a Campanian bell krater by the Painter of Copenhagen 3757, 360-330

SINGING

ALTERNATE

TO

THE

LYRA

OR

THE

AULOI

381

PLAYING

OF WIND/STRINGED INSTRUMENTS

Nevertheless, not only the tuning or rather the prepara-

tion to play stringed instruments is occasionally visualized on musical scenes but also wind instruments are shown in a similar context. This musical moment is indicated when the musician is

holding the auloi in one hand and tapping with the index finger on the blade (glottis) in order to check it or rather to adjust it to the cylindrical tube of the pipe (bombyx).' In a unique representation on a red figure lekythos in Münster (Fic. 27)? the woman (muse?) removes or is going to adjust the mouthpiece (holmos and glottis) to the bombyx, on the upper ending of which the painter designed a vertical red line (it was indicated to me by the museum’s colleagues) — something

like a metal element serving perhaps for the tuning of the auloi. The next movement is clearly depicted on the Musaios amphora in London, a work by the Peleus Painter, where the aulos player tapping on the glottis (blade) seems to be preparing herself for her performance while only the harp is being played.? B.C. Copenhagen, Mus. Nat. 3757. Trendall LCS, 386 n. 184. LIMC 11, pl. 562, sub voce «Artemis» 1429. * Red figure stamnos, by the Villa Giulia Painter, ca 450 B.C. Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, C207. ARV? 620.30. LIMC τι, pl. 203 sub voce « Apollon» 695a. ? Red figure pelike by the Villa Giulia Painter, ca 450 B.c. Münster, Westfálisch-Wilhelms-Universititsmuseum, 677. Kr Aus STAHLER, JHeroen und Güffer der Griecben, Münster, Archáologisches Museum der Universitat, 1980, p. 32, n. 19. Griechische Vasen aus Westfalischen Sammlungen, edited by Bernard Korzus, Münster Westfalen: Aschendorf, 1984, pp. 118-19, fig. 40a. Ελληνικά μουσικά ópyava. Αναζητήσεις σε εικαστικές nar γραμματειακές μαρτυρίες (2000 ff.X.- 2000 ..Χ.), edited by Alexandra Goulaki-Voutira, Thessaloniki, Teloglion Foundation, 2012, p. 72, fig. Iv.77. 3 Red figure amphora by Peleus Painter, ca 440-430 B.c. London, Brit. Museum E 271. ARV? 1039.13. Add 319. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., pp. 10-11, fig. 1b.

282

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

This

auloi

alternate

and

playing

stringed

of

instru-

ments is frequently depicted in the last thirty years of the

y? century B.c. on red figure Attic vases representing Apollo and Muses.' Here auloi and lyre are paired,

the

former played by the Muses, the latter by Apollo. Within these scenes the two instruments are never played simultaneously (Fic. 28).* The

same musical procedure

appears on the outside

of the cup in Bologna, where female musicians are represented in pairs.? One of them is a seated auloi-player and next to her a

standing woman tunes her lyre. There are more examples of this scene to be added, connected with the so called Sappho group.* Evidently this alternate or successively playing of the two instruments is well adapted in scenes of the Marsyas-Apollo contest,

especially on Southitalian vases of the 4 B.c. (see above). * Cf. ALEXANDRA GOULAKI-VouTIRA, Observations on Domestic Music Making in Vase Paintings of the Fifth Century B.C., «Imago Musicae», VILI, 1991, pp. 73-94. 2 Cf. several examples: Red figure calyx krater by the Villa Giulia painter. Schwerin, Staatliches Museum 706 (1261). ARV? 618.6. Add’ 270. Bell krater by the Danae Painter, 440-420 B.C. Vienna, 697. ARV 1075.11. Add’ 326. Pelike by Polygnotos, 440-430 B.c. in Louvre, G543. ARV” 1059.131. Hydria by the Group of Polygnotos, 450-440 B.C. London, Brit. Mus. E189. ARV? 1060.147. Cf. also red figure hydria by the Villa Giulia Painter. Rome, Villa Giulia 64606. ARV? 623.706bis., 1662. CVA Roma, Villa Giulia 4, pp. 42-44, fig. 21, pls. 40, 41. 3 Red figure cup by the Louvre G456 Painter, ca 440-430 B.c. Bologna, Museo Civico Archaeologico, PU 271. ARV? 825.19. Add 294. CVA Bologna, Museo Civico 11.1, pl. 118, 119. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., pp. 170-171. 4 Cf. ALEXANDRA GoULAKI-V ouTIRA, Observations on Domestic Music Making, cit, pp. 75-80. SHERAMY D. Bunpricx, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., pp. 14, 92-102. 5 Cf. Athena damping the lyre without playing, while Marsyas sounds the auloi on a red figure bell krater, School of the Kadmos Painter, ca 400-390 B.C. Ruhr Universititsmuseum Bochum, $1181. ΝΟΚΒΕΚῚ KunISCH, Erlduterungen zur griechischen Vasenmalerei, cit., pp. 203-206, fig. p. 204. Cf. also an Apulian krater, ca 330 B.c. Munich 3297. KARL SCHEFOLD, Die Griechen und ihre Nachbarn, cit., pl. 239. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 122, n. (41. Cf. also an Apulian pelike in Ruvo, Jatta 1500, p. 371 note 3.

SINGING

TO

THE

LYRA

OR

THE

AULOI

383

The paired presence of wind-stringed instruments on vase paintings is well documented

since the beginning

of the 5* century,

mainly in dionysiac scenes,‘ comasts processions (FIG. 29), in symposium scenes, schoolrooms, etc. Although auloi and lyre, or mostly barbitos, are depicted in the same scene, they are never shown to sound coordinated with each other.

On a black figure amphora with satyrs carrying maenads by the Priam Painter, two of them are playing the auloi while one in the

center simply holds a cradle cithara.* T'he frontal singing satyr on the black figure amphora in Bonn does not seem to accompany his voice to the kithara (two of his left fingers restrain strings) but to the aulos music of the satyr to the right. Methyse, the maenad

who takes part in a dionysiac procession, is holding her barbitos and singing to the accompaniment of aulos music played by a companion of hers. On a black figure amphora in Munich depict* Cf. red figure hydria by the Leningrad Painter, 460-450 B.C. Private Collection (photo: Beazley Archive 23205). Red figure cap by the Brygos Painter, ca 490-480 B.C. Paris Cabinet des Medailles, 576. ARV? 371. 14. Add’ 225. SHERAMY D. Bunpricx, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., pp. 107-109, figs. 62, 63. Cf. also the satyrs on the Return of Hephaistos by Kleophrades calyx krater, p. 356 note 5: satyr with no sounding barbitos, sings to aulos music played by a companion to the right. For lyre and auloi as accompaniment of Dionysos see Greek Musical Writings, vol. τ, cit., edited by Andrew Barker, p. 78, n. 76. * Cf. red figure column krater by the Agrigento Painter, ca 475 B.c. London, Sotheby's XXXXO.6627. ARV? 575.26bis. Add’ 262. Red figure pelike by the Flying Angel Painter, ca 500 n.c. Florence, Museo Archaeologico Etrusco, 76895. CVA Firenze 2, Italy 13, 111.1 35 pls. 31.3, 33.3-4. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L’instrument de musique, cit., p. 183, B16. INGEBORG PESCHEL, Die Hetare bei Symposion und Komos in der attisch-rottfigurigen Vasenmalerei des 6.-4. Jabrh.v. Chr., Frankfurt-New York, P. Lang, 1987, pl. 145. 3 For symposion scenes see below. For school scenes see p. 379 note 7. 4 Black figure amphora near the Priam Painter, 510-500 B.c. Philadelphia, University Museum, 2462. Para 147.6. (Photo: Beazley Archive n. 351086). 5 For the amphora in Bonn see p. 359 note 4. About the dancers playing kithara West rightly suggests that they «did not do much more than strum» and swept across the strings with their plectrum «with a piper providing the continuo» MARTIN L. West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., pp. 21, 68. $ For the bell krater by the Methyse Painter see p. 374 note 4. Cf. similar scene on a red figure stamnos by the Group of Polygnotos, ca 450 B.c. Cambridge, Harvard University 1925.30.40. ARV? 1042.1. Add’ 320. CVA New York, Hoppin and Gallatin Collection 9-10, pls. 14.1-3, 15.1-3. MATHESON, op. cit., p. 133, pl. 117. Cf. also procession of women, playing aulos, holding barbitos and singing on a red figure stamnos by the Danae Painter, 440-420 B.C. New York, Metropolitan Museum, 06.1021.178. ART? 1077.1, 1682. GISELA

284

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

ing a so-called ‘concert’ of comasts all categories of instruments are represented.' Nevertheless, only the auloi

are played in accord to the crotals (castanettes), while the barbitos player and the

others

are

shown

singing

with their mouths half-open. The left hand of the cradle

kithara player in the center Fic. 25.

shows

the

above

discussed

gesture of the left thumb being bent across the palm. In such circumstances, the stringed player may sometimes have just punctuated the aulos music with some rhythmical strums, without really playing. ALTERNATE

PLAYING

OF

WIND/STRINGED

INSTRUMENTS

-

SYMPOSIUM

On symposium scenes auloi and stringed instruments often appear together, but their alternate playing continues to be clearly indicated. Most of the time the auloi are played by an auletris (Fic.

30)? or a comast,? while the barbitos is silent, although its player occasionally is clearly depicted singing: the barbitos player is sinM. A. RicHrER, LinpsLey F. Harz, Red-Figured Athenian Vases, cit., n. 111, pl. 112. Worsbiping women: ritual and reality in classical Athens, edited by Nikolaos Kaltsas, Alan Shapiro, New York, Alexander S. Onassis Public Benefit Foundation in collaboration with the National Archaeological Museum, Athens, 2008 pp. 266, 285 n. 129. * Black figure amphora by Leagros Group, ca 510 B.c. Munich 1416 (T379). ABV 367.90.C. DANIEL PAQUETTE, L'nsirument de musique, cit., p. 202-203, pl. IXB. * Red figure stamnos, near the Barclay Painter, 450-40 B.c. Munich ]354. ARV? 1069.1. CVA 5, p. 39, pls. 250.1-4, 251.3-4. INGEBORG PESCHEL, Die Hetdre bei Symposion und Komos, cit., pl. 229. Cf. on a red figure cup by the Brygos Painter (outside A) an auletris actually playing the auloi on the symposion, while another simply carries the barbitos, ca 490-480 B.c. London, Brit. Mus. 1848,0619.7. ARV? 371.24, 1574, 1649. Add 225. CVA Great Britain 17, Brit.

Mus. 5, pp. 55-56, pl. 58-59.

3 Cf. the aulete on a red figure cup by the Ashby Mus. E64: p. 363 note 4.

Painter. London,

Brit.

SINGING

TO

THE

LYRA

OR

THE

AULOI

385

ging to the performed music either holding next to the instrument a wine cup (Fic. 31),' or holding the instrument by the arm.’ In these cases the barbitos player seems to take the place of an aulode and sings to the accompaniment of the auloi. It isn’t perhaps meaningless though that on several symposium scenes the playing auletris or aulete is placed in the center of the scene, while the singing instrumentalist is mostly lying to * Red figure stamnos by Polygnotos, ca 450-440 B.c. Rome, Villa Giulia, 3584. ARV? 1028.15, 1602. CVA Villa Giulia 1.111.1c, p. 6 pl. 11.1-5. MATHESON, op. cit., pl. 9. SHERAMY D. Bunpricx, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., p. 87, fig. 54. * Red figure cup by Douris.Vatican Museo Gregoriano Etrusco Vaticano, 16561. ARV? 427.2. Diana M. Burtron-OLIvER, Douris: A Master-Painter, cit., pl. 5, n. 8. Compare here a wall painting from Pompeji where the musician (Apollo?) holds the arm of the kithara, while the right with plectrum is raised as if performed a spectacular finale: Pompei (casa delle Pareti Rosse, sale c). Pompei. Pitture e Mosaici, vol. viti, Rome, Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1998, pp. 639, 640, fig. 38, 39 (4° style). LIMC vit pl. 738 sub voce « Musae» 73.

286

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

the side.' According to Ar-

ΠΥ

age

mi

istotle Problems (19, 43, 184), auloi were the most suitable instrument to accompany the voice, as aulos music and the

voice blend more pleasantly than the lyre and voice.? Xenophon in the Symposium

FIG. 27.

says that a boy «tuned his lyre to the auloi and played and sang with it» (X., Smp., 3, 1-2). It has been argued that the stringed music, in conjunction with wind playing instruments is a common practice especially in weddings or in sacrificial processions

before the beginning of the

public musical contests during the festivals (Panathenaea cetc.).? The few representations containing both instrumental categories

though, all from an early date, feature the citharode in the conventional type, which does not allow to distinguish playing techniques or real playing- action.

A very carly example, dating about 560 B.c. on a black figure * Red figure column krater by the Tyszkiewicz Painter, ca 480 B.c. Ferrara 2812. ARV? 290.11. Para 355. CVA Ferrara, Mus. Nazionale 1, p. 15 pl. 35.34. Lo Specchio della musica, cit., edited by Fede Berti, Donatella Restani, p. 86. INGEBORG PESCHEL, Die Hetáre bei Symposion und Komos, cit., pl. 169. See also p- 385 note 1.

2 About this passage of Aristotle see Greek Musical Writings, vol. 1, cit., edited by Andrew Barker, p. 201. Greek Musical Writings, vol. 2, edited by Andrew Barker, p. 102. Eric Csapo, The Politics of the New Music, cit., pp. 218-219. 3 For citharodes and aulos playing jointly on parade (Panathenaea) see TimorHy Power, The Culture of Kitharoidia, cit., pp. 20-24. GULLOG NOoRDQUIST, Instrumental Music in Representations of Greek Cult, in The iconography of Greek

Cult in the Archaic and Classical Periods, edited by Robin Higg, Athens, 1992, p. 149. SHERAMY D. Bunpricx, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., pp. 150-151, note 57. For both instruments providing accompaniment to weddings see MARTIN L. West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., p. 22, 346. PETER WILSON, Athenian Strings, cit., p. 273. 1 was not able to identify this instrumental pairing on wedding scenes.

SINGING

TO

THE

LYRA

Fic.

OR

THE

AULOI

387

28.

cup with a sacrificial procession to the goddess Athena, included

auletes and kithara players.' On the Panathenaean amphora in Berlin with official auletes and citharists marching in a similar circumstance, the official kithara players are represented in the common type of citharodes.* In a private sacrificial procession

on the pinax from Pitsa a youthful aulete is actually playing, although it is not clear whether the boy following with lyre is playing as well.’ * Black figure cup, Niarchos Collection, mid 6" century n.c. LIMC τι, pl. 759 sub voce «Athena» 574. Ελληνικά μουσικά ὀργανα, cit., edited by Alexandra Goulaki-Voutira, p. 59, fig. Iv 28. ? Black figure amphora by the Painter of Berlin 1686, 540-530 B.c. Berlin F1686. ABV 296.4. Ad? 77. GuLLOG NonpQouisr, Lnstrumental Music, cit., p. 146, fig. 3a.b. SHERAMY D. Bunpricx, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit.,

Ῥ. 152. 3 The lyre-player's left hand in damping position, the right with the plectrum out of the strings, do not suggest apparent playing. For the wooden votive tablet (pinax) from the Pitsa cave, Corinthia, by a Corinthian paintet, about 540-530 B.c., Athens National Archaeological Museum, 16464, see Karu SCHEFOLD, Die Griecben und ihre Nachbarn, cit., p. 220, pl. 190 (text by Ingeborg Scheibler). StELLIOS LybAKIS, Ancient Greek Painting, Athens, Melissa, 2004, pp. 48-49, fig. 38.

288

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

On the other hand, in later red figure images of the kind, kithara-players in procession seem to sing and not to strike any notes;' furthermore, the kithara players on the Parthenon north fries, despite their poor condition, do not seem to play but rather carry their instruments as they follow the aulos music.* * Red figure kantharos (fragments) by the Pan Painter. Athens, National Museum 2038. ARV? 558.142. Para 388. * See left hand fingers bent forwards (the gesture discussed above). Parthenon fries: FRANK BRoMMER, Der Parthenonfries. Katalog und Untersuchung, Mainz, Zabern, 1977, p. 220. JENKINS IAN, The Parthenon Frieze, London: Published for the Trustees of the British Museum by the British Museum Press Austin, 1994, p. 69 (plektrum identification). JENIFER NEILS, The Parthenon Frieze, Cambridge-New York, Cambridge University Press, 2001, pp. 142-143, fig. 109. SHERAMY D. Bunpricx, Music and Image in Classical Athens, cit., pp. 150-151, fig. 88.

SINGING

TO

THE

LYRA

OR

THE

AULOI

389

FIG. 30.

SYNAULIA

/ ENAULOS

KITHARISIS

Some scholars proposed for these scenes the term synaulia with its second meaning (apart from the meaning of a contest of two combined double auloi) concerning the accompaniment of the voice by string and wind instruments playing together.' According to Athenaeus (Athen., 14.627), the first who introduced the so-called enaulos kitharisis were the disciples of the Sicyonian Epigonus (a famous kitharist of the 6 century B.c.).^ Comotti suggests that the earliest accounts about this enaulos kitharisis are attested in some Pindaric Odes.? A closer reading of these passages, however, * GrovannI Comorti, Music in Greek and Roman Culture, cit., pp. 29, 42, 59, 71, 164. Greek Musical Writings, vol. 1, cit., edited by Andrew Barker, p. 270, note 46 and p. 300, note 305. ? For Epigonus see p. 373 note 5. 5 GIovANNI Comorti, Music in Greek and Roman Culture, cit., p. 29. Greek Musical Writings, vol. 1, cit., edited by Andrew Barker, p. 55.

390

ALEXANDRA

GOULAKI-VOUTYRA

FIG. 31.

shows that they do mention both kinds of instruments side-byside (και ...te), but in a way which does not necessarily imply simultaneous playing. Nevertheless, enaulos kitharisis is a complicated expression, referring perhaps to a special kithara-playing technique as some scholars suggest.' The fact that the alternate playing of wind and stringed in-

struments during the classical times was a common practice, the reluctance to combine the two of them jointly to the vocal melody, may concern primarily their technical traits, especially their tuning, that could give no guarantee for an accurate result, if one takes into account the poor quality of the strings.* All these diffi-

culties mentioned above seem not satisfying enough to interpret the strange ‘distance’ between lyre and auloi. For a better understanding one should search towards the character of the ancient Greek music, its specific rules and its idiosyncracies. All these are

issues for further investigation. ! Ibidem, p. 270 note 46 (Enaulos kitharisis). See also ANDREW BARKER, The innovations of Lysander the Kitharist, «Classical Quarterly», xxxi1, 1982, 266-269. Martin L. West, Ancient Greek Music, cit., pp. 341-342 (enaulos kitharisis: kithara playing technique with echo effects). * About tuning see p. 378 note 1.

INDICE

DEI

Achaeus IrGF 20 F 26: 291, nota 3 Aelianus NA, 6, 19: 39, nota 2 VH, 3, 18: 222, nota 2

PASSI

CITATI

130B, 17-40: 50 sg.; 51, nota 1 285: 47, nota 1 test. 1 Campbell: 52, nota 2 Alcman fr. 1 Page-Davies: 46; 110 e nota 4 4, 61: 46

Aeschylus

1, 87: 46

A., 790: 106, nota 2 Ch.: 150-151: 107, nota 3 467: 106, note 2 e 3 Eu., 332 = 345: 106, nota 2

5, 2, col. I et IT, 1-22: 49, nota 1 10 (a): 48, nota 2 10 (b): 48, nota 3 11: 49, nota 1

Suppl., 299-307: 216, nota 2 304: 216, nota 1 566-573: 216, nota 2 681: 106, nota 2

Alexander Ephesius SH, 26: 205, nota 4

IrGF F 20: 215 sg., nota 3

Alighieri, Dante

57, 3: 32, nota 3 Sch., Pers., 937: 258 e nota 4

Par., 1, 13-21: 310 1, 20: 310, Nota 2

Ps.-Aeschylus

Anacreon

Pr., 568: 216, nota 1 574-575: 216, nota 2

PMG 373: 61, note 3 e 5 374: 62, nota 1

574: 217

375: 63

677-678: 216, nota 1 Sch., Pr., 574a: 217, nota 1 Alcaeus fr. 36 Voigt: 61, nota 3 38D, 3: 62 41, 15: 62 42: 47, nota 1 44, 33: 62 48: 62 70: 60 103, 12: 62 112, 23:

42, nota

2

118: 62 129: 50 Sg.; 51, nota 1

386: 61, note 3 € 5 429, 1 Sg.: 302 472: 276 e nota 5 "Anthologia Palatina 5, 19, 1-2: 66 5, 175, 7-8: 66 6, 78: 34, nota 1 6, 165, 5: 144, nota 2 6, 296; 30, nota 1 7, 25: 64 7, 504: 30, nota 1 7, 702:

30, nota

1

9, 321, 1-4: 66 9, 586, 5: 36, nota 7

302

INDICE

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11, 34, 5: 38

PASSI

CITATI

1387-1390: 225, nota 3

16, 279: 105, nota 1 "Anthologia Planudea 225, 4: 36, nota 7

Ec., 80: 216, nota 1 Eq., 987-996: 278, nota nota 3 Lys., 1296-1315: 46, nota 2

244, 6: 36, nota 7

Pax, 324-325: 222 sg., nota 4

Apollodorus

Pl., 290-301: 243 290: 243

1, 3, 2: 153, nota

1

296:

1 [17], 3, 3: 192, nota 3 1, 4, 2: 212, nota

2

2, 5, 6: 66 3, 10, 2: 216 sg., nota 3 3, 113:

202, nOta

2

Epit., 7, 18-19: 112, nota 7

1, 3, 2 (14): 115, nota 2

Ra., 140: 75, nota 2 153:

230 € nota

171, nota

2

273-305:

230, nota

3

1302-1308: 66 Th., 39 sgg.: 89 121:

229

1, 23-24:

55465:

1, 569-579: 215 sg., nota 3

4, 892:

69

159-172: 61, nota 1 953

115

4» 906-909: 115 4, 911: 116 Sch., 1, 23: 116, nota 1 Aristides Quintilianus 1, 8: 271, nota

2

1, 9: 269 € nota 2; 281, nota 2 19: 89: 14: 17,

pu22 PCG

4, 893-894: 115 4, 894-897: 109, nota 1

1, 1, 2, 2,

2

229-230:

Apollonius Rhodius 4, 891-911: 115

378,

243

124:

115, DOtà 2: 215 sg., nota 5

1;

253 252 270 19:

€ nota 2 € nota 2 € nota 1 315, nota 3

2, 18, 90, 10 Sgg.: 312 Aristophanes

Av., 737-734: 171, nota 2 778: 89 917-919: 141 904-959: 141, nota 3 1379: 230 1382-1385: 225, nota 3

Aristophanes Byzantinus fr. 27: 291, nota 1 Aristoteles EE, 1230b-1231a: 21 EIN, 1117b-1118b: 21 1117b35: 22

1118a5-9: 22 HA, 597b21-29: 22 622b26-31: 22 Poet., 14624: 122, nota 4; 125, nota 4 1447b: 122 1448b: 122 14492: 122

1459b: 122 1461b 30: 227, nota 3 Pol., 1276b8-9: 279 e nota 3 1340211-1342a7: 316 1340239-b1: 276, nota 4 1340b: 278, nota 1

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21, nota

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1341215-17: 22 1341218: 81, nota 5

1341221: 213 1341339-1341b1: 65 1341b 2-8: 213 1342a-b: 278, nota 1 1342a32-b3: 267 sg.

Arnobius Nat., 7, 32: 87 Artemidorus 1, 56: 258 e nota 2

Rb., 1409a-b: 210 1409324-26: 226, nota 2 1409b24-27: 226, nota 2

Athenaeus 15d: 292, nota 3

1409b25: 234

20€:

1409b17 sgg.: 242

174f-175a: 272, nota 4

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270, nota

2

19, 15: 231; 241-242

19, 16: 270, nota 2 19, 18: 270, nota

2

19, 27:

270, nota

1

19, 33: 279, nota

2

19, 35a:

270, nota

2

19, 36: 279, nota 2 19, 39a:

270, nota

2

19, 43, 184: 386 19, 44:

270, nota

19, 49:

272 € nota

28, 2: 21, nota

1 2

3

28, 7: 21, nota 3 Aristoxenus

Harm., 24, 20 - 25, 4 Da Rios: 281, nota

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175€:

175, nota 4 39, nota

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182a-b: 63, nota 1 182d-e: 39, nota 5 182f: 60, nota 2 184a: 31

184f-185a: 274, nota 3 465a: 144, nota 2

6ood-e: 276, nota 4 6160-6172: 233; 238-239 616e: 212, nota 1 616e-617f: 211; 237 617b-f : 235 617b: 235; 274 € nota 3 617c-f: 227, nota 4 618c: 225, nota 2 625c1-5: 275 € nota 2 6250-6264: 274, nota 3 626a: 67, nota 4; 69 634c-638a: 62, nota 2 634c: 62, nota 5; 65 sg. 635: 153, nota 4 635c: 62, nota 5 635d-e: 67, nota 4 636a: 62, nota 5 636: 62; 66, nota 5 636e-f: 68 e nota 1 637a: 69

304

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Bion Bucolicus fr. 10, 6-8 Gallavotti: 36; 39 e nota 4 Boethius Cons. Phil., 3, 12: 319, nota 2 Callimachus Ap., 300-315: 141, nota 2 Dian., 237-249: 141, nota 2 Callisthenes

1, 42, 6: 318 Carmina popularia PMG 880: 291 Certamen Homeri et Hesiodi 22: 189, nota 1

Claudianus rapt. Pros., 190: 109, nota 1 Clemens Alexandrinus Paed., 2, 4, 40: 66 3, 12, 2 (= GDK, xLv, n. 1): 99 Strom., 1, 16, 76: 66 1, 16, 76, 4: 274, nota 3 1, 16, 78, 5: 153, nota 4 1, 164: 511, nota 1 Cleonides 187, 15-19: 273, nota 1

Corpus Flermeticum 16, 2, 2: 317 Critias fr. 8 D.-K.: 6o, nota 4 Cypria, vedi Poetae epici

Dante

Alighieri,

vedi

Alighieri,

Dante Dio Cassius 77, 13, 7: 97, nota 1

Dio Chrysostomus 68, 7: 279, nota 2 Diodorus Siculus 1, 23, 2-8: 155, nota 1

3, 67, 4: 291, nota 3 11, 38, 2: 78, nota

2

14, 16, 6: 210, nota 2 17, 115, 4: 111, nota

4

Diogenes Atheniensis IrTGE 45 F 1: 62, nota 5 Dionysius Halicarnassensis 7, 72, 7: 227, nota

1

Comp., 19: 241 Dem., 22: 273, nota 2 Etymologicum Magnum 273, 47: 26, nota 1 480,

1: 39, nota

Eupolis PCG 148: 69

2

INDICE

DEI

Euripides Ale., 87: 222 sg., nota 4 221-222:

107, nota

3

343-347: 105; 106, nota 2

345-347: 105, nota 4; 276, nota 4; 277 € nota 423-424:

107, nota

430-431:

105, nota

3 3

447: 106, nota 2

760: 106, nota 2 Andr., 104: 303

108

171: 103; 113 174a: 108 sg., nota 6 1742-175: 110 174b: 108, nota 6 177: 106, nota 4 185: 103; 106, Nota 2; 113 HP, 11: 113

4

Antiop., IrGF 223: 105, nota 1 Ba., 13-17: 143, nota 1

20-22: 143 32-34: 147 34: 147 55-61: 144 sg.

56: 144 59: 145, nota

Hel., 162-172: 291, nota 1 165: 108 167-178: 103; 107; 108, nota 6 168: 110, nota 4 169: 108, nota 4

177-178: 107

279: 304 575: 393 222 Sg., nota

395

CITATI

170471:

2

357-362: 118, nota 2

1211:

PASSI

2

61: 146; 220 sg., nota 4 66: 144

73-78: 148 82: 144

115: 144

1047-1048:

220 sg., nota 4

Hipp., 1428-1429: 104 1428: 179 sg., nota 3 1462: 104

Hyps., TrGF 752: 115, nota 3 LA, 438: 108, nota 5; 220 sg., nota 4 1036: 108, nota 5 Jon, 210: 227 Med., 190-203: 106 195-198: 106, nota 1 785: 106 791: 106 Or., 137: 220 sg., nota 4 140-142 = 153-155: 95

135: 144

140:

156: 144, nota 2 166: 224

338-344 (DAGM 3)

175-177: 147 188: 225

233-238: 146 234: 146 298-301: 148

220 sg., nota

1381-1399:

291, nota 1

Ph., 784-790: 106, nota 2 787: 113, nota 6 791: 106, nota 2; 113, nota 6 807: 106, nota 2 1028: 106, nota 2

417-423: 343, nota 2

1115-1121:

526: 144

1115: 216, nota 1

778: 147 1146: 298 1173: 148

Cye., 36: 224 220-221: 224 El., 678: 222 sg., nota 4

4

1351:

291, nota

1

222 sg., nota 4

Supp., 72-75: 222 sg., nota 4 180-181: 179 sg., nota 3

Tr., 119: 304 121: 106, nota 2 142: 304

396

INDICE

DEI

578: 107, nota 3 978-981: 212 1188-1189: 179 sg., nota 3

1306: 222 sg., nota 4 TrGE Y 369: 229, nota 2 370:

229, nota

CITATI

2, 79:

291, nota

2, 79, 1-13:

3

291, nota

8, 144,

1-2:

55, nota

9, 97, 1: 152, nota

1 1

Gloss., 1, 24: 189, nota 1 Sch., 2, 79, 5: 288 e nota 5

Ps.-Euripides Rb., 915: 153, nota 1 919-925: 196 Eustathius 1, 662, 10-12: 288 e nota 9 289 € nota

Hesiodus Op., 657: 194, nota 2 Th., 27-28: 188, nota 1 fr. 305: 291, nota 1

1

2, 594: 189, nota 1

Ps.-Hesiodus

4, 258-261: 289 e nota 2 Comm. Dion. per., 791, 35: 258 sg. e nota 5

Sc., 202: 292, nota 2

1

Homerus JH., 1, 472-474: 140, nota 1 2, 160-161: 45, nota 3 2, 176-178: 45, nota 5

Heliodorus Aeth., 5, 14, 2: 40 Heraclides Lembus Polit., 30, 2 = FGH τι, 221 sg. Müller : 78, nota 1 Heraclides Ponticus fr. 157 Wehrli: 189, nota 1 Herodianus Grammaticus 1, 295, 30-32: 288 e nota 6 2, 109, 28-31: 288 e nota 6 Herodorus FGrHist 31 F 42-43: 116, nota 1 Herodotus 1, 23, 24:

Hesychius sin. πρόϑεσις: 75, nota 2

τὸν, φῶτιγξ: 39, nota 5

Geoponica 14, 25: 251, nota

1, 191:

1

5, 67-69: 153, nota 4 6, 61, 1-62: 46, nota 2 7, 26: 214, nota 2

7, 26, 3: 235

2

Sch., Or., 176: 272 e nota 4 Tr., 578: 107, nota 3

2, 131, 11-14:

PASSI

321

222 Sg., nota

2, 485: 188

2, 594-600: 173-174 2, 595: 187 2, 596: 187 2, 597: 187 2, 599:

4

9, 338-341: 45, nota 3 9, 18, 18, 18, 18, 18, 18,

4

174, nota

3, 156-160: 45, nota 3 3, 172-176: 45, nota 3 568: 222 345-355: 567-572: 569-572: 569-571: 569-570: 570:

sg., nota 4 75, nota 2 285 sg. 292 286 292

10;

292; 293; 296

285;

286;

289;

290;

INDICE

DEI

PASSI

CITATI

397

3, 30, 13 88.2 99, nota 7 4, 6: 131; 132

18, 571-572: 295 18, 571: 292 19, 324-325: 45, nota 3 23, 702:

194, nota

Hymni Homerici b. Ap., 141: 290, nota 2

2

24, 261: 223, nota 1 24, 720-723:

109, nota

3

332-340:

24, 801: 76, nota 3 Od., 1, 155: 292, nota 1 292, nota

8, 62-64:

174, nota 4

8, 224-228:

2

189

53-54:

8, 264: 223, nota 1 8, 266: 292, nota 2 8, 12, 12, 12, 12, 12,

12, 189-191:

188, nota

21, 404-411:

290 € nota

24, 24, 24, Sch.

2

290 € nota

2

Myst., 7, 5, 257-259: 517, nota 1 VP, 112, 7: 273, nota 2 Inscriptiones Copenhagen,

1 1

290 € nota

2

18, 570: 287 sg. Ps.-Homerus

Marg., fr. 9, 15 West: 63, nota 4 Horatius

14897

nota

3

Delphi, Inv. 517, 526, 494, 499 (DAGM 20): 96 GV I, τ, Grab-Epigramme, n. 923: 5

IG, IV, 53: 36, nota 7 IV, 130 (= PMG 936): 110, nota 6 IGM, 240: 291, nota 1 Ion Chius IrGF 19 F 23: 62, nota 5

86-87: 123 123 Sg., nota

1

39:

220, Nota

3; 274, nota

215-318: 128, nota 2

Isidorus Hispalensis Actym., 11, 3, 30: 112, nota 7

343-346: 127 438-439: 127 CAF. 1, 12, 1-3: 131 133, nota

3, 4,

132

173:

(£pita-

Delphi, Inv. 489, 1461, 1591, 209, 212, 226, 225, 224, 215, 214 (Limenit Paean, DAGM 21): 96; 278,

107, nota

ars, 73-87: 123 83-85: 123

Inv.

phium Sicili, DAGM 23): 95; 257

(Aristonikos)

2, 13, 24:

1

Iamblichus

58-62: 109, nota 3 60-62: 104, nota 1 60: 111, nota 1 Vet., Z/., 2, 599: 174, nota 4

202-219:

1; 153, nota

$11-512: 216, nota 2

12, 167: 112, nota 6

285; 289;

290 € nota

501-502:

377-380: 221 39-54: 110 40: 111 44: 111 158-200: 110 158-159: 110, nota 5

21, 411:

141, nota

b. Bacch., 56: 144, nota 2 . Caer., 227-230: 188, nota 1 b. Mere., 2: 202, nota 2

S

4, 17-18:

513-523:

222 Sg., nota 4

2

Iuvenalis 11, 180-182: 127

3

398

INDICE

DEI

Joannes Laurentius Lydus, vedi Lydus, Joannes Laurentius vedi

Joannes ‘Tzetzes, Joannes

"Tzetzes,

Juba Rex Mauretaniae FGrHist 275 F 16: 39

84: 373 Julianus Imperator Or., 1, 3, 7: 27, nota 1

PASSI

CITATI

Melanippides PMG 757: 218 757. 5: 218 758: 10; 209; 210; 214; 233; 238 sg. 758, 1: 222

Mesomedes hymn. Is.: 98 hymn. Nemes.: 95; 98 9-11: 98

bymn. Phys. : 98 hymn.

Limenii Paean, vedi Inscriptiones

212,

Sol.: 89; 95; 98

prooim. Call. : 95; 98 prooim. Mus.: 95; 98

Livius Andronicus 7, 2, 5, 8: 128, nota

3

Neanthes FGrHist 84 F 5: 60, nota 4

Longus 1, 4, 3: 40 € nota

1

Nicander

Metam.

3, 23: 36

: 36

4, 26, 2: 40 e nota 2 Lucianus Salt., 2, 10: 220 sg., nota 4 10, 11-12:

220 sg., nota 4

68, 7: 220 sg., nota 4 Trag., 30-42: 260 sg. e nota 21 91-202:

VH,

89

2, 5: 40

Lycophron Sch., 831, 12-13: 115, nota 2

Nicomachus harm., 243, 16: 39, nota 5 Nonnus D., 1, 389: 36, nota 7

Olympiodorus in Ale., 65, 20 sgg.: 315 66, 9-10: 315 in Phd., 1, 5, 7: 307, nota 1 1, 5, 10: 310 3, 10, 1: 316, nota 1

Lydus, Joannes Laurentius Mag., 70: 259 sg. € nota 1

Oracula Chaldaica 150:

Lyrica Adespota PMG 947b: 284, nota 1

317, nota

1

Macrobius In Somn. Scip., 2, 4, 13: 281, nota 3

Orphica A., 1270-1290: 116, nota 2 T 1052 Bernabé: 116, nota 3 1061: 116, nota 3

Martianus Capella De Nupt., 1, 27-29: 321, nota 1

Origenes Cels., 6, 21-22: 205, nota 2

nota

1;

INDICE

DEI

Ovidius Ber., 15: 1325 135; 136 15, 1-4: 133

17: 94 18: 88 20:

109, nota

26: 89 28: 89; 97

1

105, nota

88; 94

21 Sg.: 98 23: 89

POxy 1795: 246-265 POxy 2436 (DAGM 38): 96 POxy 3964: 63, nota 45 (DAGM

1

trist., 2, 317-520: 127 5, 5» 5» Sch.,

94

17-28: 89

15, 155: 135 15, 197-202: 134 met., 1, 682-688: 216, nota 2 1, 713-721: 216, nota 2

4, 10, 41-58:

399

16-17: 98

15, 41-45: 134

8, 14-19:

CITATI

10-28:

15, 5-8: 133

5, 552:

PASSI

124

49); 91, nota 1

1: 136 7» 25-30: 127 7, 27: 128 /b., 272: 174 sg., nota 4

POxy 4463 (DAGM

PVindob. Rainer 29801: 36

Papadike 4: 87 sg.

PYale CtYBR, Inv. 4510 (DAGM 41): 91, nota 1

Papyri PAthen. 45, 5, 13: 258 e nota 1 PBerlin 687014097 (1-12) (DAGM 50): 91, nota 1; 95 PBerol 9734 (= GDK, LXI): 97;

Pausanias 1, 14, 2: 152, nota

1

1, 14, 4: 149, nota 3 » 20, 5: 195 > 22, 7: 153, nota

PBritMus

2103 (=

GDK,

x):

96;

99 PMichigan 2958, 1-18 (DAGM 42): gi, nota

47): 91, nota 1

POxy 4465 (DAGM 49): 91, nota 1 POxy 4466 (DAGM 57): 91, nota 1 PSorb 2328: 229, nota 2

1

PHib. 13.11. 3-4 PObbink 1: 51 e nota 2 POslo 14132, 1-15; b-f DAGM 39): 96 POxy 1786 (DAGM 59): 85 sgg.;

> 24,

1, 42, 2: 105, nota . 14, 1-2:

3 1

152, nota

> 30, 2: 153, nota

1 1

3, 7, 7: 46, nota 2 3, 12, 10: 68, nota 1 3, 13, 2: 153, nota

1

3, 14, 51 153, nota 1

3, 14, 8: 46, nota 1 3, 17, 3: 195

1-28: 93

4, 1, 5-9:

9: 92

1; 234

5- T: 212, nota

975 99; 101 Sg. 175: 94 1-9: 94

6-9: 94

1

> 24, 1: 220, nota

3, 18, 16: 195 152, nota

4, 1, 5: 153, nota

1

1

4, 1, 7-8: 153, nota 1

10-16: 94; 98

4, 14: 152, nota

10: 94

4; 27, 6-7: 153

1

400

INDICE

DEI

4, 27, 6: 152, nota 1 4, 33, 3: 190, Nota 5, 11, 10:

212, nota

CITATI

Bibl., 321a: 276, nota 4 Lex., 5.2. Εὐμολπίδαιυ: 152, nota 1 5.2. Λίνος: 288 e nota 7

1 3

5, 14, 8: 202, nota

PASSI

2

6, 25, 1: 255 6 nota 6

Phrynichus

8, 15, 1: 152, nota

PCG 9: 222 sg., nota 4

, 17, 5: 202, nota

1 2

8, 31, 5: 170, nota 1 8, 31, 7: 152, nota 1

9, 12, 5-6: 227, nota 3 9, 12, 5: 215, nota

2

8, 93-94: 104, nota 1

9, 54, 3: 114

10, 7, 4-6: 256 e nota 2 10, 34, ὃ: 212, nota

Pindarus J., 5, 27: 284, nota 2 8, 56-58: 104, nota 1 8, 59-61: 104, nota 1

3

15, 2-3: 46, nota 1

N., 10, 48: 222, nota 3 O., 1: 185, nota 1 1, 28: 302 2, 1: 229, nota

Pherecrates PCG 155: 214; 230; 234; 237; 243, nota

1

155, 9: 230

Pherecydes

3

7, 12: 284, nota

7, 10, 10, 11,

2

17-22: 284, nota 2 14-15: 81, nota 3 119-123: 80 € nota 2 15-20: 80 e nota 3

D., 4, 1-24: 105, nota 2

FGrH 3 F 155: 152, nota 1

12, 7 588: 235 12, 12-24: 215

Phillis FGH IV, fr. 3 Müller: 67, nota 3

12, 18-23:

284, nota

2

12, 18-21:

272, nota

4

12, 31: 284, nota

Philodamus Scarpheus Paean. Dion., 1-3 Powell: 144, nota

2

nota 4

Philolaus fr. 6a Huffmann:

280 e nota 1

Philostratus Im., 1, 10: 202, nota 2 Philoxenus frr. 7-8 Fongoni: 243 9: 245 testim.

5: 243

330: 243 Photius

2

fr. 75, 10 Maehler: 144, nota 2 125: 60, nota 3; 62, nota 5; 67, 128c:

291, nota

128C,

2-4:

1

144, nota

2

156: 223 Sch.Vet., O., 10, 17k: 81, nota 3 Plato Ale. 1, 106e: 315, nota 3 Cra., 405C6: 324 406d-407a: 227, nota 1 Eutbd., 285c-d: 310 Euthphr., 11c-e: 186, nota 1 Grg., 489€: 318 506}: 318 Jon, 5356: 26, nota 2

INDICE

DEI

La., 188d: 69, nota 2; 278, nota 1 188d3: 324 193d: 278, nota 1 Lg., 653c-660c: 153, nota 3 654b: 226 664b-671a: 153, nota 3 7004-701b: 153, nota 3; 241 700b1-5: 99 700bs-6: 99 700d7-8: 99 796b: 227, nota 1 798d-802e: 153, nota 3 8ood: 271, nota 1 812b-e: 153, nota 3 8152: 230

Men., 97d-e: 186, nota 1 Min., 318b: 316 318b7: 316 Pit., 303€: 314 Prt., 315a-b: 24 sg.

PASSI

CITATI

401

203d: 314 2158: 310 215b: 313 215€: 316 215C5: 316 Sph., 2340-2354: 314 Tî., 172-192: 282, nota 1 35b-36b: 282, nota 1 35b4-36b5: 281 36b1-2: 282, nota 1 42€: 313 Sch., Min., 318b3: 272, nota 4 Ps.-Plato Ale. 1, 106e: 236 Plinius Junior epist., 7, 17: 126 Plinius Senior INH, 2, 18, 20: 205, nota 3 7, 204: 39

3284: 321 nota 2 R., 397-4022: 153, nota 3

398-400: 269

19, 9: 289 e nota 3 34, 57-58: 220, nota 1

3086: 252 6 nota 3 398€9-10: 275 sg., nota 4 399a-C: 278, nota 1

34, 57: 234 35, 64: 186, nota 1 36, 4, 18: 212, nota 3

3974:

237, nota

1

399a-b: 277, nota 3 Plotinus 5, 1, 6, 3-8: 315, nota 2 5, 5, 6: 311, nota 1

399C-€: 237; 267

399€: 65, nota 3 399d-e: 315, nota 3

399d: 315

399d1: 113 e nota 4

Plutarchus Agis, 3: 153, nota 4 Ale., 2, 5, 7: 236; 315, nota 3 Alex., 8, 3: 241

399d4: 283 4004:

229, nota

2

410a-412b: 153, nota 3 410€1-3:

275

sg., nota

4

423d-425a: 153, nota 3

443d: 279 453d: 321, nota 2

533c-d: 317

57324-7: 275 58.» nota 4 589a: 310

Smp., 179d: 118, nota 2

Cim., 9, 1: 378, nota 2

Per., 31, 2-4: 212, nota Sol., 12: 149, nota 3 Them., 2, 4: 378, nota Mor., Con. Praecep., nota 6 Mor., De an. procr. in 1019d: 278, nota 5

3 2 142D:

255

e

Tim., 1018d-

402

INDICE

DEI

Mor., De cobib. ira, 456b: 235 456b 8-10: 212, nota 2 Mor., De def. oracul., 41021-2: 19 Mor., De E apud Delph., 394b-c:

PASSI

CITATI

705b7-706c10: 15 7134: 32, nota 3 Mor., Sept. Sap. Conv., 161b-162b: 321

272 85., nota 4

388f: 3924: 393C: 3942:

311, 310, 311, 311,

nota nota nota nota

1 3 1 1

Ps.-Plutarchus Mor., De mus., 1132b: 189, nota 1 1133b: 237 1134b-c: 81, nota 3

Mor., De exil., 17: 152, nota 1

1134€: 81, nota 4

Mor., De Is. et Os., 381: 311, nota 1 Mor., De reda rat. aud. 46b2-7:

1134f: 271, nota 5 1135a-b: 273, nota 2

272, nota

3

1135210:

Mor., Non posse suav. vivi, 1104d: 114 Mor., Plat. Quaest, 1008b: 278, nota 5 Mor., Quaest. Conv., 629c-d: 276, nota 4 657a: 113 e nota 3; 258 e nota 3 669f7-670e2: 19 670e3-671C2: 19 704€4-705b6: 16 sgg. 704€5-6:

20

1138€-1139a:

70465: 24 704C7-9:

279, nota

2

1135C-d: 59, nota 1 1136b: 215 1136c-d: 271 1136c: 252 e nota 4 1136c2-6: 272 e nota 4 1136d: 272 e nota 3 1136d7-e2: 271, nota 4 113601-7: 274, nota 5 1136f: 277, nota 3 1137b-d: 275, nota 2 1137d-e: 272, nota 5 278, nota 5

11422: 243 24

1146b: 149

704C7: 20 70408: 25 704€9-d1: 25

Poetae Epici Cypria, fr. 1 Bernabé: 45, nota 3

704C9: 28

704d1: 26 704d2-10: 27 704d2-6: 27 704d8-9: 20

Pollux 1, 38: 291, nota 3 2, 153: 221, nota 2 4, 54: 291, nota 3

704€1-4: 20 70464: 20

4, 62: 288 e nota 3 4, 67-68: 284 e nota 1

704€6-705b6: 21

4, 71: 259 € nota 2

704€7-11: 21

4, 80: 215, nota 2

704€11-70523:

7953-8:

21

4, 141:

175, nota

4; 216, nota

22

705a9-b6: 23 705b2-3: 23

Polybius 12, 5, 10: 72, nota 3

1

INDICE

DEI

Pollux 4, 70:

32, nota

PASSI

CITATI

403

in R., 3, 17, 4 8885.: 313 1, 17, 19: 313 1, 17, 22: 313 1, 60, 6-13: 308 nota 1; 322 1, 61, 25: 316 1, 62, 23-25: 279 € nota 1 1, 63, 29 - 1, 64, 10: 272, nota 3

4

4, 74: 59, nota 5 4, 82: 32, nota 3

Porphyrius antr., 6: 205, nota 1

2, 238, 21-239, 14: 314 Pratinas TrGF 4 T IrGF 4 F 227; 235 TrGF 4 F TrGF 4 F TrGF 4 F IrGF 4 F IrGF 4 V IrGF 4 F nota

in Ti., 2, 145, 18 sgg.: 308, nota 2 1: 227, nota 5 3 (= PMG 708): 3 3 3 3 3

(= (= (= (= (=

PMG 708), 1: PMG 708), 3: PMG 708), 5: PMG 708), 13: PMG 708), 15: 6 (= PMG nea):

2, 197, 15-30: 308 nota 2; 309

218; 228 228 228 228 229 276,

2, 234, 1: 324, nota

2

11, 28, 1: 308, nota

2

11, 246, 4-9: 308, nota 1 Inst., 209: 308, nota 1 Ps.-Psellus Trag., 5: 272, nota 3 Ptolemaeus

1

PMG 713: 149

Harm.,

Proclus Chr., 3202: 312, nota 1

Quintilianus Inst., 12, 10, 68: 280 e nota 3

320221-23:

321, nota

2

320425-33:

321, nota

2

320b12-30: 321, nota 2 in Ale., 25, 4: 313 37, 1: 313

2, 1: 280

Sappho fr. 1 Voigt: 50 2: 50 16: 46, nota 5

108, 23: 313

17:

157, 10: 313 195 588: 313

22: 61, nota 3

51 € nota

1

44: 65

195-196: 324

44, 24-25: 65, nota 2

197, 13: 284, nota 1

98 (b): 52, nota 2 99:

197, 17 SBB-: 315 198, 1: 316 198, 5-6: 316 229-233: 313 251, 12: 313 in Cra., 15: 309

155: 156: 214B 2148 test. 2

52, nota

2

52, nota 2; 61, nota 5 61, nota 5 (fr. 1 Campbell): 5o, nota 1 (fr. 2 Campbell): 52, nota 2 Campbell: 49, nota 2

133: 308 174:

309 € nota

2

176: 309, nota 1; 319

Satyrica Adespota TrGF F 381: 226

180: 309

in Prm., 808: 308, nota 2

Sicili Epitaphium, vedi Inscriptiones

404.

INDICE

DEI

PASSI

CITATI

Strabo 6, 1, 7: 72, nota 3 16, 3, 15: 66 10, 3, 17: 66, nota 3

Seneca

Ag., 310-407: 96 Sextus Empiricus M., 6, 8: 273, nota 2

14, 1, 3: 152, nota

1

Simonides PMG 567: 118, nota 1

Strattis PCG 16: 231

Sophocles Aj., 624-631: 291, nota 1 El., 1069: 106, nota 2 Ichn., TrGF F 314, 41: 222, nota 2 314, 219-220: 224 OC, 123: 106, nota 2 1222: 106, nota 2 1222-1223: 10$ OT, 382-388: 185, nota 1 Ph., 211-218: 291, nota 1 Tr., 683-684: 113, nota 6 IrGE T 234-238: 175, nota 1 E 236a-245: 175, nota 1; 179 I 236a: 190

Suda sin. ἐκφορά: 76, nota 2

F 238: 170, nota 1 P 243: 197 P 245: 179

E Ε I F

269c: 269c, 269c, 412:

s.v. ἐπίδειπνον: 76, nota 3 5.2. θρῆνοι: 76, nota 1 s.v. Λίνος:

288 e nota 8

5.2. Μελανιππίδης: 210, nota 2 σὸν, Μεσομήδης:: 96, nota 4 sin. Πρατίνας: 227, nota 5 sn. πρόϑεσις: 75, nota 2 sin. Τελέστης: 210, nota 2 sin. Φιλόξενος: : 243 Synesius

epist., 95, p. 69b Hercher: 98, nota 4

Hymn., 1: 89; 93; 99 € nota 2 1, 1, 1, 2:

217 7: 217 21: 217 62, nota 5

72-85: 89, nota 4 72-75: 89, nota 5 82-85: 94 89; 93; 99 € nota 2

2, 28-43: 2, 28 sg.:

F 849: 175, nota 1

89, nota 4 94

3, 1: 99, nota

2

F 861: 108, nota 2 F 906: 175, nota 1

4, 5: 99, nota

F 1130: 222, nota 2

4, 24:

99, nota

2

5, 42:

99, nota

2

3, 56: 99, nota 2

Sch., Ph., 211-218: 291 nota 1

2

Statius Theb., 1, 719-720: 205, nota 1

5, 76: 99, nota 2 6, 1-6: 99 6, 6: 99, nota 4

Stesichorus fr. 192 Page-Davies:

6, 42: 99, nota 3

nota

2

193:

55, nota

6, 9: 99, nota 3 54 sg.; 55 €

2; 107, nota

4

7,1

Sg-:

99, nota 4

7, 47:

99, nota

2

7, 50:

99, nota

2

INDICE

DEI

PASSI

CITATI

405

7, 51: 99, nota 3

10, 33 Sg.:

7, 52:

11, 38 Sg.: 33

99, nota 4

4

2, 3: 54

9, 12:

99, nota

3

9,

13:

99,

4

9

40:

Dota

99,

nota

5: 35 e nota 2

5, 1:

35

5

35

2:

9, 47: 99, nota 4

5, 3: 38

9,

δ» 4: 355 37

51:

99,

nota

4

18, 28-48: 46, nota 1 ep. 2 Gallavotti: 30; 34 e nota 1

8, 3: 99, nota 2 8, 12: 99, nota 2 9, 1: 99, nota

31 € nota

3

9, 71: 99, nota 5

1

Ps.- Theocritus

Telestes PMG 803: 69 805:

Id., 8, 21: 29, nota 1 8, 21 sg.: 34

10; 209;

210;

211

20:

805a-C: 233; 238-239 Sosa, 1: 212; 218 Sosa, 3: 222 8054, 4:

20, 28 sg.: 30,; 33 € nota 1

Syrinx (47 Gallavotti): 29, nota 1

212; 218; 219; 222; 231

Sosa, 5: 218

7: 37 Theon Alexandrinus De Math. Plat., 48, 16-49, 5: 273,

Boga, 6: 212 8osb, 1-2: 212; 226 8osb, 2: 214

nota

1

51, 5-20: 284, nota 3 53, 17-54, 15: 281, nota 3

805€, 1: 230 805c, 2: 225 805€, 3: 222

56, 3-5: 281, nota 3

806: 235; 274 € nota 3 810: 67, nota 4; 69; 274, nota 3 Theocritus Jd., 1, 15-18: 37 2: 39, nota

34

2; 195, nota

Theophrastus AP, 4, 3, 1-4: 108, nota 5 ‘Teopompus Chius FGrH 115 F 756, 3: 222, nota 2

3

2, 28-42 : 261 sg. e nota 2 ‘Timaeus Grammaticus

4, 28: 37 5: 5, 5, 5, 6: 6, 6,

33 4 Sgg-: 29 6 sg.: 30 e nota 2 7: 31 33 42 sgg.: 29; 32, nota 5 43: 30 € nota 3

7, 101:

35, nota

Lex., 1000b31: 284, nota 1 Timotheus Pers., 221-223: 115 Tractatus Harleianus de metris (Haxl. 5636): 298 e nota 1

3

Tractatus

10: 30; 31; 34 10, 15 Sg.:

31 Sg.; 32 € nota

1

Vaticanus de metris (Nat.

gr. 896): 297-303

406

INDICE

Tragica Adespota TrGF 405: 105, nota 3 419:

114, nota

DEI

PASSI

CITATI

8, 52-61: 262 e nota 1 georg., 2, 477: 129, nota 1

3

Tzetzes, Joannes Prol. Alleg. Il., 64: 189, nota 1 Valerius Flaccus 4, 381-390: 216, nota 2

Vetus Testamentum Hb., 2, 20: 90 Is., 41, 1: 90 2 Sam., 6, 1-19: 154, nota 1 1 Paral., 13: 154, nota 4 15: 154, nota 1 Ζα., 88, 17: 90

Vergilius ZAen., 1, 1: 121 1, 740-746: 129

Vita Sophoclis 5: 175, nota 4

6, 547: 373, nota 4 ecl., 2, 36 sg.: 29, nota 1 6, 1: 99, nota 7 6, 31: 129, nota 1 8, 22-25:

262 e nota

1

Xenophon An., 1, 2, 8: 214 sg., nota 2; 235 Smp., 3, 1-2: 386 5, 7: 222, nota

2

COMPOSTO

IN

FABRIZIO

CARATTERE SERRA

IMPRESSO

TIPOGRAFIA

SERRA

EDITORE, E

GARAMOND PISA

RILEGATO

DI AGNANO,

'

DALLA

ROMA.

DALLA

AGNANO

PISANO

(PISA).

*

Marzo 2016 (cz2/FG13)

CEN Ta)

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