The Tie That Binds: Identity and Political Attitudes in the Post-Civil Rights Generation 9780814788912

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The Tie That Binds

The Tie That Binds Identity and Political Attitudes in the Post-Civil Rights Generation

Andrea Y. Simpson

n

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S

New York and London

N E W YOR K U N I V E R S I T Y PRES S New York and London Copyright © 1998 by New York University All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Dat a Simpson, Andrea Y, 1954The tie that binds : identity and political attitudes in the postcivil rights generation / Andrea Y. Simpson, p. cm . Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8147-8101-2 (cloth : acid-free paper ) ISBN 0-8147-8102-0 (pbk.: acid-free paper ) 1. Afro-Americans—Politics an d government. 2. Conservatism— United States. 3. Liberalism—United States . 4. United States— Race relations—Political aspects. 5. United States—Politic s and government. I. Title. E185.615.S652 199 8 305.896'073'09045—dc2i 97"5376 2 CIP New York University Press books are printed on acid-free paper , and their binding materials are chosen for strength and durability. Manufactured i n the United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

For Mr. Moloney

Contents List of Figures and Tables viii Acknowledgments xi 1 Introductio

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2 Th

e Conservatives, Part 1: The Republica n Race Men 2

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3 Th

e Conservatives, Part 2: The Traditiona l Conservatism o f the South and the Struggl e against Black Stereotypes 5

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s of Empowerment an d Liability : The Moderates 8

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4 Issue

5 Identit 6 Th

y and Integration: The Liberals 10

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e Tie That Binds and Redeems: Negotiating Race in the Post-Civil Rights Era 14

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Appendix A 163 Appendix B 168 Notes 173 Works Cited lyy Index 185 About the Author 187

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List of Figures and Tables Figures Figure 1.1 African-America n Occupationa l Statu s (as a Percentage of All Workers) n

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Figure 1.2 African-America n Occupationa l Statu s Change in Percentage of Service Occupations 1

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Figure 1.3 African-America n Busines s Growth 1

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Figure 1.4 Educationa l Attainment, Blacks and Whites, 1960-95 1

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Figure 1.5 Househol d Income , Blacks and Whites, 1970-94 (in Constant 1994 Dollars) 1

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Figure 1.6 A Generational Comparison o f Responses on Identity Question 1

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Figure 1.7 A Generational Compariso n o f Responses on Affirmative Actio n 1

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Figure 1.8 A Generational Comparison o f Responses on Economic and Politica l Empowerment an d the Formation o f a Black Political Party 2

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Figure 1.9 A Generational Comparison o f Responses on Race/Gender Questio n 2

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Figure 1.10 A Generational Comparison o f Responses on Racial Optimism 2

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Figure 6.1 Fal l Enrollment i n Historically Black Colleges and Universities, 1970-93 14

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List of Figures and Tables | i x

Tables Table A.i Demographi c Dat a on Interview Sites 16

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Table A.2 Backgroun d an d Ideological Chart o f Interview Subjects 16

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Acknowledgments

This book evolved from researc h done for a doctoral thesis in which evidence for the hypotheses was never discovered. The rejected hypothesis , tha t th e blac k middl e clas s ha d a weake r racia l group identit y tha n othe r blacks , hence mor e conservativ e politica l attitudes, led t o a n inquir y int o th e natur e o f racia l grou p identity , and ultimately, this book. It could not have been completed, however, without the help of several people to whom I owe a debt of gratitude. I must first thank the students whose words are the heart and soul of this book. I will always be grateful fo r thei r courag e an d openess . My dissertation adviser , Randal l Straha n o f Emor y University , sup ported the research through every transformation. H e read the initial draft, and contributed significantl y to the organization o f the manu script. Toni Michelle-Travis provided extensive and detailed criticism of a later draft, and steered me to earlier works that became an essential part o f the theoretical foundatio n fo r th e book. Laura Stoker , in reading a final draft, helpe d m e to focus mor e directl y on th e essen tial arguments, and rekindle d m y excitement abou t the story told by these students. Her detailed comments and editing were a godsend. Jennifer Hochschild , whos e wor k serve d a s inspiration , gav e m e invaluable advice about maintaining an open mind about how young blacks migh t defin e label s suc h a s "conservative" an d "liberal, " an d what kind s o f patterns o f identity an d ideolog y might be uncovere d during the research. Maintaining this approach while conducting th e interviews yielded informatio n tha t wa s unexpected an d intriguing . Michael Rogin suggested important change s in organization an d ad ditional material that helped clarify and illuminate ideological differ ences between th e subjects. Carol Swain provided advice , career an d XI

xii | Acknowledgments otherwise, all along the way, and encouraged me to remain true to my subjects. I wan t t o than k Rober t Crutchfiel d an d th e Institut e fo r Ethni c Studies at the University of Washington fo r providing the funding t o complete the interviews. My colleagues at the University of Washington, Michael McCann, Donald McCrone , Lance Bennett, Peter May, and especiall y Christine DiStefano , were among th e first t o respon d enthusiastically to this project. John T . S. Keeler shared with m e on e of the best undergraduate researc h assistant s around—Dan Valadez . University o f Washingto n graduat e student s Bonni e Lyon , Valeri e Hunt, an d especiall y Norma Rodrigue z di d muc h o f th e librar y re search and copying of articles. Others who offered valuabl e advice or whose wor k wa s essentia l t o th e developmen t o f th e boo k are : Michael Dawson , Manle y Ellio t Banks , Katherin e Tate , an d Bet h Reingold. The staf f an d facult y a t th e si x intervie w site s wer e enormousl y helpful. Th e require d anonymit y o f th e subject s an d sit e location s prevents m e fro m namin g the m here . Thes e me n an d wome n no t only agreed to serve as liaisons between the researcher, students, and the university, but went far beyond the call of duty by providing space for th e interview s an d parkin g privilege s when needed . I will neve r forget your thoughtful consideration . The book may not have been completed without the time afforde d me by the University of California, Berkele y as a fellow in the Chan cellor's Postdoctora l Progra m fo r Academi c Diversity . A yea r i n Michael Hout's spacious quarters a t the Survey Research Cente r was enough to stimulate the dullest of minds. I thank Professor Hou t fo r his generosit y an d fo r th e us e o f hi s outstandin g library . Fredric k Harris, my "postdoctoral partner in residence," engaged me in highly productive debate s abou t identit y an d ideolog y amon g African Americans. I n sharin g insight s gleane d fro m hi s comparativ e wor k on black identity in Great Britain an d Sout h Africa, Professo r Harri s helped me to sort out explanation s for som e of my findings. My editor, Niko Pfund, demonstrate d unflagging faith i n my work by his prompt, detailed , an d incisiv e though tactfu l criticisms . I a m grateful tha t m y first publishing experienc e has been suc h a reward-

Acknowledgments | xii i ing one . Finally , I want t o than k m y family—m y mother , Clar a M . Simpson; my sisters, Sandra Puckett, Dr. Patricia Terry, Beverly Simpson, an d Rochell e Hills ; my nieces , Tiffany, Alysia , an d Kristen ; m y nephews, Edward and Everett; my brother, James Arthur Simpson, Jr.; and m y stepchildren , Tedd y and Genn y Maloney , for thei r constan t support. A special thanks is reserved for my husband, Alonzo, for hi s steadfast lov e and kindness. Although man y contributed t o this project, the responsibility for an y errors is completely mine.

1 Introduction This is a book about what it means to be black, specifically, what i t mean s t o b e blac k t o member s o f a generatio n wh o man y hoped would neve r have to ponder suc h a question. It is also a book about how answers to this question influenc e thi s generation's political attitudes. The perspective s o f th e young me n an d wome n i n thi s book ar e criticall y importan t a s the debat e abou t th e politica l effec tiveness of racial solidarity versus coalition-building rages on. Will race continue t o be a powerful an d effectiv e determinat e o f political out comes? Ha s integratio n allowe d th e post-civi l right s generatio n t o build a bridge across the racial chasm in this country? According to the members o f the post-civil right s generation feature d here , the powe r of race to divide communities, destroy friendships, and determine opportunity has not been diminished. Racial segregation continues in the midst of integrated institutions—parallel universes of black and white. Occupants o f the black universe are the subjects o f this book, an d their perspective s ar e th e foundatio n o f thi s portrai t o f post-civi l rights experiences. Earlier works o n race , class, and gende r explore d similar issues . E. Franklin Frazie r (1939 ) describe d an d analyze d th e evolution of the black family in America, including the developmen t of clas s divisions. Frazier explaine d ho w socia l condition s through out history—slavery , rura l life , and th e grea t migratio n t o norther n cities—resulted i n cultura l adaptation s tha t allowe d African-Ameri cans t o construc t stabl e societies . Th e presen t work , too , indicate s that blac k people ar e still finding way s to adap t t o socia l condition s that meet the human nee d for acceptanc e and validation . The conditions, limitations, and opportunities of city blacks in the post-World Wa r I I er a wer e studie d b y Drak e an d Cayto n ([1945 ] 1

2 | Introduction

1962). Relationships wit h whites , discrimination, politica l attitudes , school integration , an d th e sharin g o f publi c space s wer e th e phe nomena they analyzed. Much of what they found—mistrust o f whites and discomfort aroun d whites—will be found here . Recent work by Feagin and Sike s (1994) on the black middle clas s describes the nature of discrimination faced by blacks who are in majority-white settings. Parents of small children speak about the lack of books by and abou t black s in schoo l libraries, and th e reluctance o f teachers an d librarian s t o advocat e inclusio n o f thes e books . Blac k college students talk about subtle and not-so-subtle humiliations suffered a t the hands of white professors. Black professionals tal k abou t being shut out of the informal social circles that can help pave the way to success. Feagin and Sikes focus on the experience of racism in a variety of arenas. This work extends that focu s t o include the relation ship betwee n th e experienc e o f racism , th e developmen t o f blac k identity, and the formation o f political attitudes . Race remains highly effective a s a political wedge. Yet at the sam e time, political liaisons based on share d racial group membership ar e being criticized from man y different quarters . For example, the need for gerrymandere d electora l district s t o increas e opportunitie s fo r black residents to elect black representatives has been judged uncon stitutional in many states, which implies that representation of blacks need not mean black representatives. 1 What is really being conteste d here is the significanc e o f racial group identit y and th e viability of a unique black experience. In other words, if serving an African-Amer ican constituenc y doe s not requir e an y special knowledge o r under standing about African-Americans a s a group, it follows that African Americans do not have any needs particular to their group. Anyone is capable of representing their interests. A question around which much racial tension has accumulated o f late i s whethe r affirmativ e actio n i s stil l necessar y o r justified . Ar e African-Americans s o subjugated an d disadvantaged a s a group tha t extraordinary measure s shoul d b e take n t o ensur e equa l opportu nity? I f th e decision s an d behavio r o f th e individua l determin e lif e chances an d experiences , then racia l policie s shoul d b e abandoned . But if racial group membership, despite the decisions and behavior of

Introduction | 3 the individual , doe s affec t lif e chance s an d experiences , the n racia l policies remai n necessary . Additionally, members o f this grou p ma y indeed hav e a deeper comprehensio n o f th e socia l an d politica l dy namics o f th e group , an d ma y us e thi s knowledg e t o bette r serv e them. This is not to suggest that members of other groups are constitutionally incapable of serving a black constituency, only that the reality of black group identity makes black representation meaningful . Despite striden t commentar y from white s an d black s o n th e de structiveness o f race-base d politics , major studie s demonstrat e tha t race remain s salien t fo r African-American s an d tha t mos t African Americans retain solid racial identities.2 One of the fundamental rea sons cited for this phenomenon i s the continuing economic inequal ity between whites and blacks, feeding the perception that widespread discrimination persists. Racially charged events such as the beating of Rodney Kin g an d revelation s o f continuin g polic e brutality—a s i n the cas e o f th e Lo s Angeles an d Philadelphi a polic e departments — only reinforce thi s perception . It is clear that individual blacks feel connected to other blacks, profoundly influencin g politica l attitude s an d behavior. The subjects o f this book tel l us that thi s feelin g i s not alway s one o f collectiv e fate . For example, some believe that their socioeconomi c statu s and edu cation insulate s them fro m th e problems o f poorer an d uneducate d blacks, bu t obligate s the m t o hel p solv e thos e problems . Helpin g sometimes means voting for th e party or policy that will benefit th e poorest amon g th e group . I t ca n als o mea n tutorin g o r mentorin g young people , o r organizin g communit y groups . I n othe r words , some members o f the "integration generation " would like to expan d the definition o f blackness beyond shared experiences of discrimina tion o r a sense o f collectiv e fate . Glen n Lour y has written tha t h e i s "more tha n th e on e wronged , misunderstood , underestimated , de rided, or ignored b y whites."3 Desmond Apprey, one o f the student s you will meet here, sarcastically says, "What doe s it take to be black? Oh, i s there a list we have? Black , OK, a t on e tim e yo u ha d t o hav e kente cloth. See—I'm out. " What is the root cause of racial identity, in this case black identity? One o f the young men interviewe d her e believes that th e racis t atti -

4 | Introduction tudes of whites force blacks to construct a black identity. This is what Du Boi s (1903 ) mean t b y hi s lamen t tha t black s ar e force d t o se e themselves throug h th e eye s of others—a s i f through a veil. For D u Bois, and fo r som e o f the students here, the image is a negative one . Others believ e tha t blac k identit y i s a n inherent , fixed attribute . I f black identit y i s constructed , wha t factor s influenc e it s manifesta tion? This book reveals how environment, class, and experiences with racism contribut e t o individua l belief s abou t wha t i t mean s t o be black. The question of racial group identity leads to another, more politically significant , questio n abou t politica l attitude s regardin g racia l issues. If black identity has been weakened by integration, can the tradition o f Democrati c liberalis m continu e i n th e blac k community ? Are blacks going to continue to be united o n issues of affirmative ac tion and civil rights? In recent years a number o f black conservatives, espousing anti-affirmativ e actio n views and callin g for a color-blind society, have emerged. Scholars have been unable to identify a significant constituenc y for thes e views in the black community. Yet there are two organizations of Young Republicans at historically black colleges. Could ther e be a conservative wav e forming amon g member s of the "integration generation" ?

Developments on

the Right

In th e pas t severa l years, two kind s o f African-American conserva tives have achieved national prominence. One is a product of the Reagan-Bush era , a true believe r i n th e fre e market , smal l government , and personal responsibility as the formula for the good life. The other kind is also a believer in the free market, less reliance on governmen t (though no t necessaril y smal l government) , personal responsibility , and i s influenced b y black nationalism. The latter kind o f conserva tive als o believes ardentl y i n th e conservatio n o f African-America n culture, which involves some separation, mainly social and economic, from th e majority culture . These tw o group s o f conservative s hav e share d th e spotligh t i n

Introduction | 5 several compelling events and developments . First, the confirmatio n hearings o n th e nominatio n o f Clarenc e Thoma s t o th e Suprem e Court in October 1991 paraded before the mass public many of those rarely seen, but much talked, about black conservative politicos of the Reagan-Bush era. These conservative blacks testified o n behalf of Justice Thoma s durin g th e hearing s tha t followe d Anit a Hill' s accusa tions that Thomas had sexually harassed her during her tenure at the Department o f Education' s Commissio n o n Civi l Rights . The y in cluded me n an d women , many o f whom hel d position s i n the Bus h administration, an d other s wh o ha d attende d la w schoo l wit h Thomas. Their conservatis m was apparent fro m thei r partisan affili ation (mos t wer e Republicans) , a s wel l a s obviou s indication s tha t they share d man y o f Thomas' s politica l views. What ha s ofte n bee n overlooked in the valorization of Anita Hill is that she was essentially the same kind of conservative as Clarence Thomas. In the wake of the hearings, publications critical of affirmative ac tion by writers such as Shelby Steele and Stephe n Carte r have staked out importan t an d controversia l positions . Steele (1990 ) an d Carte r (1991) both wrot e book s arguin g tha t affirmativ e actio n doe s mor e harm than good by saddling blacks with the stigma of inferiority. According to Kinder and Sanders (1996), white opposition to affirmativ e action i n colleg e admission s trigger s oppositio n t o othe r kind s o f racial policies . This oppositio n come s fro m th e perceptio n o f per sonal racia l threat—tha t th e black s wh o ar e admitte d ma y tak e th e place o f famil y member s an d friend s wh o ar e mor e deserving . Th e animosity generated by affirmative actio n in college admissions ma y be par t o f wha t i s driving th e student s her e t o conservatism—bot h black nationalist and Republican Party conservatism. Both brands of conservatism advocat e self-help an d individua l responsibility . Sensitivity to anti-affirmative actio n sentiments can lead to different fork s on the same road . In Octobe r 1995 , Louis Farrakhan , leade r o f th e Natio n o f Islam , organized the "Million Man March" in Washington, D.C. The march, according to Farrakhan , was to atone for th e failure o f black men t o care properly for their families an d their communities . Adolph Ree d has said that "as a friend o f mine aptl y noted, it was the first protes t

6 | Introduction in histor y wher e peopl e gathere d ostensibl y t o protes t themselves " (Reed 1995). This event attracted somewhere between 800,000 and 1.5 million men , an d wa s televised o n th e Cabl e News Network (CNN ) in it s entirety . Marcher s cam e fro m al l walks o f life ; th e marc h cu t across socioeconomic strata, age, and region. It raised Farrakhan to a new level of national prominence, and was a tangible demonstratio n of the palliative power of Farrakhan's rhetoric . These developments beg questions about how race is being transformed withi n the post-civil rights black community. What has contributed t o the popularity o f both kind s o f conservatism ? What rol e has integratio n playe d i n eithe r o f thes e movements ? Wha t ar e th e possible political outcomes of these phenomena ?

The Black Solidarity Imperative A conservative trend amon g African-Americans, a t least on issues of government spending and policies concerning racial equality, has yet to b e confirme d b y systemati c researc h (Tat e 1994 ; Dawso n 1994 ; Gilliam 1986) . African-Americans ten d t o b e highl y homogeneou s ideologically, with blacks voting overwhelmingly Democratic in presidential election s (Smit h an d Seltze r 1985:105 ; Asher 1988:82) . Thi s trend has persisted through al l modern presidentia l elections . African-American politica l solidarity has persisted in part because of the strengt h o f racia l group identity , or grou p consciousness . Research shows that black group consciousness is an important factor in determining level s o f participatio n (Verb a an d Ni e 1972) . African American grou p consciousnes s wa s a catalys t fo r th e politica l ac tivism o f th e 1960 s and 1970s . Distinctions ar e sometime s mad e be tween group identification and group consciousness (Miller et al. 1981). The former ca n be characterized a s the objective classificatio n o f th e individual—the grou p to which a person ca n be assigned, or assign s him- o r herself , without subjectiv e considerations . Th e latte r i s th e politicization o f tha t identity—th e awarenes s tha t th e objectiv e group to which the individual belongs is denied certai n benefits an d privileges b y society , thereby denyin g th e individua l benefits . Con -

Introduction | 7 sciousness ca n als o b e define d a s "feeling s o f closeness " t o othe r blacks (Dem o an d Hughe s 1990 ; Allen, Dawson , an d Brow n 1989 ; Gurin, Miller, and Gurin 1980) . Extending these definitions t o blacks in particular, it would be possible to feel kinship with blacks without feeling tha t systemi c inequities ar e to blame fo r th e statu s o f blacks. Scholars in this field use both terms , "identity" and "consciousness, " interchangeably. In this work, the term "identity" connotes feelings of closeness to other blacks and the degree to which respondents believe that society oppresses blacks as a group.

Assimilation and the Psychology of Nigrescence We canno t discus s th e salienc e o f grou p identificatio n withou t ad dressing assimilation. The goal of integration was not to eliminate the cultural identity of blacks, but t o facilitate a n understanding an d acceptance of that identity. It has failed, and members o f the post-civi l rights generation are as race-conscious as previous generations. What is assimilation, and why has it been impossible for blacks to achieve ? What keeps black identity so dynamic? Assimilation is a concept that holds some negative connotations in contemporary thinking about race relations. Some think of assimilation as the obliteration of the culture of the minority in a fashion tha t denigrates the minority culture. One of the reasons that assimilatio n has been disparage d i s that i t is associated wit h th e ide a tha t ethni c groups, particularly African-Americans, have nothing of value to preserve i n thei r ow n cultures . Assimilatio n i s thu s perceive d a s th e abandonment of the core identity of the individual, and perhaps even more important , a s a concession i n th e col d wa r fo r cultura l domi nance. Others subscribe to the view that assimilatio n i s the incorporation of the minority culture, which helps to form a hybrid culture. The hybrid culture, and ultimately the dominant culture , would be "American" culture. However, not onl y is "American" culture dominate d b y Anglo-American ideals , bu t African-Americans , Latinos , Nativ e Americans, and Asian-Americans often find that the battle for accep-

8 | Introduction tance continues in spite of efforts t o fit in. The experience of individ uals who have come to identify a s completely American, only to realize that they are not i n fact accepte d a s such, can result in the devel opment of the "marginal man," caught between his ethnic group an d the group with which he identifies. 4 I t may also result, as we will see, in the developmen t o f an acut e awareness of the importance o f eth nic group membership . Part of the current racia l debate is about whether i t is possible fo r minorities to maintain a separate and distinct subculture and achieve economic, political, and social equality. For many the ideal solution is to eliminat e ignoranc e of , an d prejudic e against , minorit y group s through education . Thi s wa y minorit y group s coul d preserv e thei r history an d folkways , yet enjo y a primary benefi t o f assimilation — the elimination o f discrimination an d full integratio n int o the socia l fabric o f the majority . Integration int o th e socia l fabri c o f th e majorit y require s tha t members o f the minority develop primary relationship s with mem bers of the majority (Gordo n 1964). Primary relationships are ones in which peopl e interac t o n a personal basis . They shar e al l aspects o f their live s and spen d leisur e time together . Secondary relationships , on the other hand, are those in which people share only segments of their lives—work, or perhaps a hobby. These relationships are formal. Most relationship s betwee n black s an d white s ar e secondar y ones . One of the reasons for this is that whether rich or poor, blacks remain residentially segregated. In fact, if more than a few African-America n families mov e int o a n all-whit e neighborhood , th e neighborhoo d rapidly "turns over, " with black familie s replacin g the white familie s that mov e ou t (Masse y and Dento n 1993) . Residential segregatio n i s perpetuated b y institutionalize d racism , whic h denie s hom e mort gages to blacks in certain areas. Primary relationship s ca n develo p through interracia l marriages , which hav e dramaticall y increase d sinc e miscegenatio n law s wer e lifted i n 1967 . In i960 , only about 2 percent o f al l African-America n marriages included a white partner. By 1990 the figure had increase d to 6 percent. However , a fe w moment s o n th e worldwid e we b wil l yield numerous sites on interracial relationships, many of which point

Introduction | 9 out the religious and social dictates against interracial dating and marriage, especially between African-American s an d whites . One o f th e young wome n interviewe d here , Laur a Womack , poignantl y de scribes how her Japanese mother's admonitions not to act "black" af fected her and her siblings. Interracial marriages are not an automatic solution to racial prejudice . African-Americans hav e no t bee n assimilate d largel y becaus e o f continuing discrimination. While blacks have been in this country as long a s white s an d d o no t fac e th e languag e barrier s confrontin g other minorit y groups, 5 the y ar e distinguishe d b y a histor y o f en slavement i n thi s country . The institution o f slavery , justified b y the notion tha t black s wer e subhuman , als o propagate d variou s othe r negative stereotypes regarding blacks. These stereotypes linger today, and are part of the reason discrimination continues . While European minority group s wer e als o stereotyped , onc e accent s wer e droppe d and names were changed, ethnic origins became impossible to detect. Eventually, stereotypes associated with these groups vanished. Blacks have not been able to conceal their racial group membership, and the stereotyping of blacks continues to be a problem. There is a strange dichotomy in the failure o f blacks to assimilate . On the one hand, African-Americans ca n be considered more "American" than mos t groups , since they have contribute d significantl y t o American cultura l identit y through ar t an d politics . Stanley Crouc h writes that the significance o f leaders such as Frederick Douglass and Rosa Park s extend s fa r beyon d thei r "blackness, " a s wa s witnesse d when "We Shall Overcome" appeared o n a placard during the protest in Tiananmen Square. 6 On the other hand, as these students remin d us, claiming an "American" identity is difficult i n the face of continu ing racial inequality. How does black identity develop? Literature o n the psychology of nigrescence (th e process of becoming black), posits that there are five stages i n thi s process : pre-encounter ; encounter ; immersion-emer sion; internalization ; an d internalization-commitmen t (Cros s 1991:190). A lack o f knowledge abou t one' s race , and sometime s an tiblack feelings, characterize th e pre-encounter stage . The encounte r stage, which is of particular interest in this work, and may be positive

io I Introduction

or negative , sudde n o r gradual , i s characterize d b y th e dawnin g o f racial grou p awareness . Student s wh o cam e t o thi s understandin g abruptly seem to more firmly embrace the third stage of nigrescence, immersion, whic h i s marke d b y a n obsessio n wit h blackness . Thi s may be followed b y the emersion stage , which is a leveling-off o f the obsessive stage and the beginning of the internalization stage. A commitment to black interests may or may not follow the internalizatio n of black identity (Cross 1991:200-20). Individuals do not always proceed fro m on e stag e t o th e nex t i n a n orderl y fashion . The y ma y regress t o th e pre-encounte r stag e durin g th e immersion-emersio n stage, or be catapulted back into the immersion stag e during the in ternalization stage . Integration a t a n earl y age seems to encourag e wea k group iden tity among African-Americans (Dem o an d Hughes 1990; Thompson 1991). If racial group identity is indeed weakened by early interaction with whites, what can we expect to happen a s the generation that has experienced the most intense integration effort s i n American histor y comes t o politica l maturity ? Wil l w e se e mor e multiracia l politica l coalitions? Will the Democratic Party lose its stronghold on the black voting bloc? Or has integration fostere d increase d racial hostility? These questions cannot be answered now, but the students in this book give us a preview of what is possible. Integration was supposed to foster understanding through the development of friendships. The reality of integration fall s far shor t of this ideal. In fact, after year s of court-ordered busing and the ardent pursuit of blacks by colleges and universities, school s a t th e elementar y an d secondar y level s ar e be coming resegregated. 7 College s an d universitie s ar e embroile d i n conflict ove r the booking of speakers such as Khalid Muhammed, the former yout h ministe r o f th e Nation o f Islam , and ethni c organiza tions flourish .

Class and Race Students i n this book talk about thei r disappointmen t i n the stereo type o f black s a s poor . I n thei r view , th e stereotyp e i s powerfu l

Introduction | 1 1 enough to convince whites and blacks that having an authentic black identity entails coming from a n impoverished background. For some of them , thi s particula r stereotyp e make s the m reluctan t t o accep t that there are any specific points of commonality among blacks. The middle- t o upper-clas s student s hav e bee n protecte d fro m som e o f the more virulent racism witnessed by the poorer students, so there is little doubt tha t socioeconomi c statu s in this generation ha s made a difference i n the way that these students experience the world. Moreover, they have had opportunitie s t o develop interests that d o not fit conventional belief s abou t African-America n life . Therefor e thes e students hav e differen t concept s o f blackness , bu t mos t agre e tha t being black still affects thei r lives. The argument surroundin g the question o f whether rac e or class is mos t significan t i n determinin g th e lif e chance s o f individual s seems unresolvabl e becaus e ther e ha s bee n progress , relapse , an d stagnation in the struggle for racial equality. If we look at three measures o f socioeconomi c status—occupation , education , an d in come—from i96 0 t o 1994 , it i s clea r tha t African-American s hav e certainly mad e som e progres s sinc e i960 . Ther e ha s als o bee n a n Figure 1.1. African-America n Occupational Status (As a Percent of All Workers) Professional/Tech Managerial/Prof Mgrs/Officers/Prop Tech/Sales/Adm Clerical • 196 0

Craftsmen/Foremen Prec Prod/Crft/Re p

• 199 5

Operatives Oper/Fab/Laborers [Private Household/Lab Farmers/Farm La b Farm/Forestry/Fish 10

20

30

40

50

60

Percentage SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1996 (116th edition) Washington, DC, 1996. Current Population Reports, P23-28, Table 49.

12 | Introduction Figure 1.2. African-American Occupationa l Status—Change in PercentageService Occupations

01

I Percentag

02

03

04

05

06

0

eJ

SOURCE: U.S Bureau of the Census, Statustical Abstract of the United States: 1993 and 1996, Tables 49 and 637. Current Populatio n Reports P23-38, Table 49.

alarming lack of progress in some areas. In terms of occupation, a n increase fro m 7 percent i n i96 0 t o 1 8 percent i n 199 5 o f African Americans (a s a percentag e o f tota l employed ) i n th e highes t two categorie s o f employment—professional/technical/manageria l and technical/sales/administrators—indicate s tha t som e African Americans hav e bee n abl e t o tak e advantag e o f opportunitie s i n these areas . [Se e Figur e 1.1 ] Althoug h comparison s fro m i96 0 t o 1995 are difficult t o make du e to difference s i n the Censu s Bureau' s occupational definitions , by combining som e of the categories tha t have been rearranged , w e can mak e a ballpark estimat e o f the per centage increas e i n thes e to p professions . Th e ba r chart s i n thi s chapter were carefully compose d to match occupations a s closely as possible, especiall y whe n comparin g dat a fro m i96 0 wit h subse quent years . One wa y o f determinin g progres s i s to examin e cate gories in which large numbers of African-Americans hav e been em ployed i n the past, such a s private household servic e jobs. [Se e Figure 1.2. ] W e ca n se e tha t thes e percentage s hav e decline d fro m 5 0 percent i n i960 to less than 2 0 percent i n 1995.

Introduction | 1 3 Black businesses have increased ove r 300 percent sinc e 1972, with revenues soarin g fro m $ 6 billion i n 1972 to over $3 2 billion i n 1992. These dat a ar e solid evidenc e o f a thrivin g entrepreneuria l spiri t among African-Americans , an d of a climate tha t i s increasingly favorable to African-American busines s ventures. But compare the progress of blacks in terms of occupational status and blac k busines s growt h wit h progres s i n education . African Americans remain dismall y behind whites in college and postgradu ate training , and have mad e littl e progres s i n almost fort y years . In i960, only 3 percent of African-Americans ha d four years of college or more. That figure increase d to 13 percen t by 1995—an increas e of 10 percent. The percentage of whites increased by 16 percent—from 8 to 24 percent . Th e progress mad e i n acquirin g a t least a high schoo l diploma is considerable, but blacks will have to acquire more educa tion in order to earn more money. Thirty percent o f African-Ameri cans wit h a colleg e degre e an d postgraduate educatio n ear n mor e than twice the median income . The data on income complet e thi s portrait o f black progress and Figure 1.3. African-America n Busines s Growth

U 50 0 •Number of Firms 3 30

• Sales/Receipt s

0

1972 198

2 198

7 199

2

SOURCE: U.S. Department o f Commerce, 1977,1987. Table 841, U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1996 (116th edition), Washington, DC, 1996.

14 | Introduction Figure 1.4. Educational Attainment, Blacks and Whites, 1960-1995 4Yi s of High Set ool or More

1960 1970 1980 • B l a c k s • White s

1990 1995

4Yr : of College 0rMore

1960 Ezz, 1970 1980 1990 1995 02

04

06

08

0 10

0

Percentage SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1996, Table 241.

stagnation, and show that the poorest African-American households , those makin g $15,00 0 or les s annually, have hovered aroun d 3 5 percent for the past twenty years. [See Figure 1.5] The two highest income categories, blacks making $50,000 to $75,000 or more, have increased from abou t 10 percent to 17 percent. Taken a s a whole , thes e dat a indicat e tha t a middle-clas s blac k America ha s emerged . Moreover , ther e i s a grea t disparit y betwee n the blac k middl e clas s an d th e blac k poor . Thi s disparit y i s mor e meaningful tha n simpl e difference s i n incom e o r occupation . Thes e differences ar e clearly related t o famil y structur e a s well, which ma y create cultural as well as economic barriers between the middle class and the poor. These figures give us only part o f the story. The rest of the story is to be found in the tremendous change in the way AfricanAmericans ar e educated , ho w the y live , with who m the y associate , and the conditions under which they work. The 1970s and 1980s brought an increase in the number of AfricanAmericans having to interact with whites on a more equal basis than in past years. Antidiscrimination law s give African-Americans som e recourse whe n encounterin g poo r treatmen t o n th e job, and white s

Introduction | 15 Figure 1.5. Househol d Income , Blacks and Whites, 1970-1994 (in Constan t 1994 Dollars) 1970 Under $ 1 0 , 0 0 0

Under $ 1 0 , 0 0 0

$10-$14,999

$10-$14,999

$15-$24,999

$15-$24,999 [•Blacks 1 |nwhites|

$25-$34,999

$25-$34,999 $35-$49,999

$35-$49,999

M l1

$50-$74,999 $75,000 Plu s

^

D5

(Under $10,000 $10-$14,999 $15-$24,999 $25-$34,999 $35-$49,999 $50-$74,999 $75,000 Plus

$75,000 Plu s

1 01 5 2 0 2 53 0 Percentage

51

^

^

1

2EL •• p Si H _ •il

$50-$74,999

1

m e

1980 ^

•^

05

1

n

[•Blacks |nwhites|

1

0 1 5 2 0 2 5 3 0 Percentage

1994 Under $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 $10-$14,999 $15-$24,999 IBlacks |qwhites

01 52 0 2 53 0 Percentage

L up

M M

$25-$34,999

taBlacksl |nwhites|

$35-$49,999 $50-$74,999 $75,000 Plu s

•t | D5

1 0 1 5 2 0 2 53 0 Percentage

SOURCE: U.S Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1996, Table 709.

have been made more aware of the existence and nature of discrimination. The social condition o f African-Americans i s vastly differen t in the 1990s. Poverty remains, although altere d in its form b y the use and sal e of illegal drugs , the deterioratio n o f the inne r cities wher e most African-American s live , and b y the increasin g number s o f female-headed, single-paren t families . African-Americans an d white s no longer automatically interact according to the unspoken rul e that African-Americans ar e unable to hold a superior position to whites in the workplace. These differences i n the ground rule s which governe d African-American an d white relations in the past are one of the rea -

16 | Introduction sons som e African-Americans ma y view issues o f rac e fro m a mor e individual perspective.

Black Unity: Spanning the Generation Gap None of the young people interviewed here were made to sit on th e back o f th e bu s o r experienc e an y othe r aspec t o f th e segregate d South. Many have attended the finest preparatory schools and trav eled extensivel y around th e world. As expected, some have parent s who benefite d fro m th e gain s o f th e civi l right s movement , an d who the n gav e thei r childre n opportunitie s an d advantage s the y themselves ha d bee n denied . Therefore , w e woul d expec t thes e young peopl e t o hav e significantl y differen t attitude s fro m thos e who have experienced both segregatio n an d the denial of opportu nities. Two surveys , th e Nationa l Blac k Politic s Stud y (Dawso n an d Brown 1993 ) an d th e author' s ow n surve y o f elite s liste d i n Who s Who among African Americans, sho w tha t regardles s o f socioeco nomic status , age , o r gender , black s believ e tha t thei r individua l fate i s tie d t o th e fat e o f th e group . Th e forme r surve y (hereafte r called th e NBPS) , reflect s th e opinion s o f a broa d spectru m o f African-Americans, a third o f who m woul d b e considere d middl e class. The latter survey , the Elite Survey, represents th e opinion s o f a smal l sampl e o f middle - t o upper-middl e an d upper-clas s African-Americans, al l o f who m ar e member s o f th e civi l right s generation. A comparison of these two surveys is revealing in several ways. The two sampl e group s clearl y illustrat e th e complexit y o f ideologica l perspectives amon g African-Americans. Bot h intergrou p an d intra group comparison s revea l a significant degre e o f overal l ideologica l homogeneity, particularly on affirmative action . However, on severa l issues measured in the NBPS, members of the post-civil rights generation ar e more pessimisti c an d separatis t tha n member s o f th e civi l rights generation .

Introduction | 1 7

The National Black Politics Study (NBPS) Two samples were extracted from th e 1993-94 National Black Politics Study, a survey of twelve hundred respondents . One sample, the civil rights generatio n sample , contain s respondent s bor n betwee n 194 3 and 1958 , so that thes e individuals would hav e been a t crucia l stage s in the development o f their political attitudes durin g th e peak years of the civil rights movement an d the black power movement. For example, those born in 1943 were eleven to thirteen years old during the Montgomery Bus Boycott and twenty-five year s old by 1968, the year King was assassinated. Those born i n 1958 were ten years old in 1968, but fourteen year s old in 1972, during the years of the failed escap e of Jonathan an d Georg e Jackso n (th e Soleda d Brothers) , whic h prompted a n international manhunt fo r Angela Davis. 8 The secon d sample , the post-civi l right s generation , contain s re spondents born between 1959 and 1975. Individuals in this group were in the early stages of political socialization after the civil rights movement an d during the decline of the black power movement. The civil rights generatio n cohor t include s 38 5 respondents ; th e post-civi l rights generation cohort includes 399 respondents. Women outnum ber men i n both samples : the civil rights generation ha s 131 men an d 254 women , an d th e post-civi l right s grou p ha s 15 8 me n an d 24 1 women. Each sample contains roughly the same number o f Democ rats an d Republicans , an d i s comparabl e socioeconomically . Mea sures taken from thi s study are those on black identity, or the degre e to which respondents fee l that their fat e i s linked to the fate o f othe r blacks; affirmative action ; blac k nationalism ; blac k progres s towar d racial equality; and gende r issues. As Figure 1.6 shows, these two generational cohorts show few differences o n measure s o f blac k identity . Onl y abou t on e i n fiv e o f each grou p feel s tha t wha t happen s t o othe r black s wil l no t affec t him or her at all. Most of the respondents in each group believe that what happen s t o othe r black s wil l affec t the m some , o r a lot. Th e same is true for affirmativ e action . Figure 1.7 shows the responses to two question s regardin g affirmativ e action . A s thi s figur e shows ,

18 I Introduction Figure 1.6. A Generational Comparison of Responses on Identity Question m 30 • C i v i l Right s

20

10

None No

IE t Very Much Som

•Post-Civil Right s

e

High

Do you think that what happens generally to black people in this country will have something to do with what happens in your life? Will it affect you a lot, some, or not very much? SOURCE: Nationa l Blac k Politics Study, 1993-94. Principal Investigators : Ronald Brown , Wayne State University and Michael C. Dawson, University of Chicago.

most peopl e in both group s expres s support fo r affirmativ e action , though somewha t les s so when respondin g t o th e secon d questio n (approximately 6 5 percent) tha n t o the first (approximatel y 9 0 per cent). Figure 1.8 shows how both groups respond to questions about economic versu s politica l empowermen t an d th e formatio n o f a blac k political party . Th e post-civi l right s generatio n i s mor e concerne d about coupling political empowerment strategies with economic empowerment strategies . More than half of this group supports the for mation of a black political party. Figure 1.9 shows additional difference s regardin g a measure of attitudes o n gende r discrimination . Wel l ove r hal f i n th e post-civi l rights generatio n believ e tha t blac k wome n suffe r from sexis m an d racism, compared with slightly more than half of the civil rights generation. Conversely, a smaller percentage of the post-civil rights generation believe s that black women suffe r from th e same problems a s black men . Small but interesting contrasts exist between the two groups about

Introduction | 1 9 Figure 1.7. A Generational Comparison of Responses on Affirmative Action

•Civil Rights •Post-Civil Right s

Programs Still Needed

Enough Racial Progress Made

Please tell me which choice is most true for you: There has been so much racial progress over the past several years that special programs for blacks are no longer needed. There is still so much discriminatio n tha t special programs to help blacks and minoritie s are still needed.

• C i v i l Right s •Post-Civil Right s

Support

Don't Support

Some people say that because of past discrimination black s should be given preference i n hiring and promotion. Others say that such preference i n hiring and promotion i s wrong because it give blacks advantages they haven't earned. What about your opinion—do you strongly agree, somewhat agree , somewhat disagree, or strongly disagree with preferentia l hiring and promotion of blacks? SOURCE: National Black Politics Study, 1993-94. Prinicipal Investigators: Ronald Brown, Wayne State University and Michael C. Dawson, University of Chicago.

progress towar d racia l equality . Slightl y les s tha n hal f o f th e civi l rights generation d o not believe that blacks will achieve racial equality in their lifetime , while a little more tha n a third o f the post-civi l rights generation does , which make s sense since the civil rights gen -

20 | Introduction Figure 1.8. A Generational Compariso n o f Response s o n Economi c an d Political Empowerment and the Formation of a Black Political Party

• C i v i l Right s • P o s t Civi l Rights

Pol Rights Most Imp

Pol Rights Useless w/o Econ Rights

Please tell me which choice is more true for you: Gaining political rights such as the vote has been most important for black progress. Political rights, such as the vote, are useless unless economic rights are gained at the same time.

• C i v i l Right s • P o s t Civi l Right s

Oppose Do you think blacks should form thei r own political party? SOURCE: Nationa l Blac k Politics Study , 1993-94. Principal Investigators : Ronald Brown , Wayne State University and Michael C. Dawson, University of Chicago.

eration ha s fewer year s left tha n th e post-civil right s generation. O n the othe r hand , a fourth o f the post-civi l right s generatio n fee l tha t blacks will never achieve racial equality, compared with only a fifth of the civil rights generation . So, while there are generational differences o n a few issues regarding gender considerations and the possibility of racial equality, over-

Introduction | 2 1 Figure 1.9. A Generational Comparison of Responses on Race/Gender Question

•Civil Right s •Post-Civil Rights

No (Same Problems as Men) Please tell me which choice is most true for you: Black wome n hav e suffere d fro m bot h sexis m withi n th e blac k movemen t an d racis m within the women's movement. Black women mostly suffer from the same problems as black men. SOURCE: Nationa l Black Politics Study, 1993-94. Prinicipal Investigators: Ronald Brown, Wayne State University and Michael C. Dawson, University of Chicago.

Figure 1.10. A Generational Comparison of Responses on Racial Optimism

bd

a

Not in Lifetime

•Civil Right s •Post-Civil Right s

Will Never

Do you think blacks have achieved racial equality, will soon achieve racial equality, will not achieve racial equality in your lifetime, will never achieve racial equality. SOURCE: National Black Politics Study, 1993-94 . Principal Investigators : Ronald Brown , Wayne State University and Michael C. Dawson, University of Chicago.

22 | Introduction all thes e tw o generation s ar e o f on e min d o n racia l issues . O n th e question of hope for racial equality, the post-civil rights group seems a bit mor e pessimistic than th e civil rights group. A wealth o f literature, from Corne l West (1993) to Nathan McCall (1995) , speaks to the hopelessness an d frustratio n o f th e post-civi l right s generation . A 1996 Newsweek cove r stor y on th e black generatio n ga p emphasize d the differen t perspective s o f the two generation s o n th e appropriat e way to achiev e success in a racist society . The civi l rights generatio n perceives more opportunities than ever, while the younger generatio n perceives fewer (Lelan d and Samuels 1996). One migh t hav e expecte d mor e difference s betwee n thes e tw o groups o n racia l issues . The post-civil right s generatio n respond s i n the same way as the civil rights generation to most of the measures. We know that the post-civil rights generation has not had the same life experiences regarding race as the civil rights generation. To what may we attribute th e absenc e o f difference s amon g thes e tw o groups ? Th e young people i n thi s book giv e us part o f the answer . The post-civi l rights generation, the "integration generation, " may not have had th e same experiences , bu t the y hav e com e face-to-fac e wit h a differen t kind of racism, one that is more subtle but just as powerful .

The Elite Survey This survey of African-American elite s is based on a random sample of 257 persons listed in Who's Who among Black Americans (1992). 9 Questions on black identity and affirmative actio n were taken from th e National Black Election Study (Jackson 1993), and were worded as follows: Black Identity: People diffe r i n whethe r the y thin k abou t bein g black—wha t the y have in common with other blacks. What about you—do you think about this a lot, fairly often, once in a while, or hardly ever? Do you think what happens generally to black people in this country has anything to do with what happens in your life? If yes: will it affect you a lot, some, or not very much?

Introduction |

2 3

Affirmative Action : Because o f pas t discrimination , minoritie s shoul d b e give n specia l consideration whe n decision s are made abou t hirin g applicant s fo r jobs. (Agree/Disagree) Job applicants should be judged solely on the basis of test scores and other individual qualities. (Agree/Disagree) Blacks in this survey have a strong sense of linked fat e with othe r blacks. Over half o f these respondents thin k abou t bein g black a lot or fairly often, and almost three-fourths believ e that what happens to other blacks will affect them , and o f that group , two-fifths believ e it will affect the m a lot. Affirmative actio n has become one of the main division s between African-American conservative s and the rest of the community. Th e responses her e indicat e th e complexitie s o f thes e issues , especiall y among the recipient s o f these efforts. Mor e than 4 0 percent o f thes e respondents believ e tes t score s shoul d b e th e sol e criterio n fo r em ployment; however, approximately eigh t out o f ten favo r affirmativ e action. Contrasting their answers on affirmative actio n with their responses on job applicant test scores, we find an illustration of their attempt t o reconcil e the demand s o f racial progress an d equa l oppor tunity. Overall , thes e respondent s ar e libera l o n mos t issues , espe cially on affirmative actio n and the obligation o f government to help minorities. Thi s i s confirme d b y th e fac t tha t 8 8 percent registere d disagreement wit h th e statemen t "th e governmen t shoul d no t mak e any specia l effor t t o hel p black s an d othe r minoritie s becaus e the y should help themselves." Finally, on the question o f whether o r not blacks will ever achieve full socia l an d economi c equality , nearl y hal f o f thes e respondent s reply negatively , an d abou t a third respon d tha t the y d o no t know . Comments written i n the margins an d o n the backs of the Elite surveys served to explai n man y answers. They revealed a n acut e aware ness of the problem of race in America, and are similar to some of the comments made by the students. A gentleman fro m th e South wrot e the followin g i n respons e to a n innocuou s questio n abou t wher e h e grew up : "One whit e woman , Dais y Packer , live d i n th e nex t bloc k

24 I Introduction

from me . Her husband was a drunkard an d her parrot calle d us 'niggers.' W e wer e forbidde n t o pla y bal l o r t o skat e i n fron t o f he r house—she would call the cops." As he was an older man, the incident had remaine d vivi d in his memory fo r a long time. This responden t also commente d o n whethe r governmen t shoul d mak e a special ef fort t o help blacks and othe r minorities , writing: "The evil s of racia l discrimination ar e still with us." While man y answere d tha t the y live d i n mostl y whit e neighbor hoods, had on e o r two white friends, an d truste d "some " white people (man y wrot e i n th e margi n tha t the y als o truste d onl y "some " black people)—al l moderat e responses—othe r response s showe d that they were pessimistic about race relations and the opportunitie s for African-Americans. A middle-aged affirmative actio n administra tor i n th e Northeast , wh o answere d moderatel y o n question s o f in teraction with, and trust o f whites, responded a s follows to the question abou t whethe r black s woul d eve r achiev e ful l socia l an d eco nomic equality: "No. Racism is ingrained in our social and economi c and educational institutions. " Questions o n affirmativ e actio n an d tes t score s a s a criterion fo r employment als o inspire d extensiv e comments . A retired teache r i n the North wrote on the subject o f test scores: "This only works in the military. Almost always, whites are given preference in the real world. Whites do not reject the many advantages they are heir to directly because of the long history of racism, do they?" A northern judge wrote that black s ca n achiev e succes s onl y "i f arbitrar y obstacle s ar e no t placed i n thei r way . But lik e the glas s ceilin g i n corporat e America , some segments of society only want us to go so far, even if we have the skills and talent to go to the top." African-Americans i n the Elite Survey were certain about the need for affirmativ e actio n programs an d governmen t hel p for minoritie s because the y wer e certai n abou t continuin g racia l discrimination . African-Americans shar e a history, traditions, religion, and other aspects o f cultura l life , but curren t lif e experiences—o f exclusion , stifled careers , frustrating workplaces—ar e als o shared . Th e discrimi nation experience d b y a maintenanc e worke r ma y b e blatan t an d

Introduction |

2 5

coarse. The discrimination experience d by a university professor ma y be concealed and civilized , but th e essence of both experience s is the same. These life experiences have helped shape the homogeneous political attitudes o f African-Americans. A s Ellis Cose wrote i n th e in sightful Rage of a Privileged Class, "the ofte n hurtfu l an d seemingl y trivial encounter s o f dail y existence ar e in th e en d what mos t o f lif e is" (Cose 1993:192). If this statemen t i s true, then th e significanc e o f race in shaping political attitudes is not difficult t o understand .

The Integration Generation, Racial Group Identity, and Political Attitudes Michael Dawso n ha s convincingl y argue d tha t racia l grou p identit y serves as a proxy for determinin g individua l benefits o r life chances . How strong this identity is depends on the availability of informatio n about th e African-America n political , social , an d economi c world s and th e persona l salienc e o f racia l grou p membershi p (Dawso n 1994:11). Residential , educational , o r socia l isolatio n o f individua l blacks from othe r blacks would then be one way in which this infor mation coul d be truncated. I f this isolation i s combined wit h a perception that racial group identity has little meaning in one's personal life, this identit y i s weakened. How d o individual s proces s informa tion abou t the political, social, and economi c worlds of blacks when they are isolated from othe r blacks during part o f their lives, or exis t in bot h a majority an d a minority environment ? Wha t abou t thos e who experience a combination o f race, gender, and clas s discrimina tion? What abou t thos e reare d i n rura l environment s a s opposed t o urban environments ? My researc h show s tha t integratio n ma y serv e t o weake n grou p identity in som e individuals , but whe n combine d wit h othe r factor s such a s socioeconomic background , gender , an d a n urba n perspec tive, integratio n ma y serv e t o strengthe n racia l grou p identity . African-American studen t leader s i n thes e page s indicat e tha t th e strength and power of group identity are contextual in part, meaning

26 I Introduction

that it takes on different characteristic s depending on whether the environment i s majorit y blac k o r majorit y white . Identica l level s o f identity animat e a variety of political attitudes , from radica l to con servative, which reveals that racial group identity is fluid. Racial identity i s no t a fixed state—i t interact s wit h othe r elements , an d ma y change in intensity as these elements recede or advance in relevance. High levels of group identity may combine with other factors such as low socioeconomic status, experiences with or exposure to racial discrimination, an d urba n environment s t o produc e blac k nationalis t tendencies. Weak group identity, combined with other factors such as middle o r uppe r socioeconomi c status , few o r n o experience s wit h racial discrimination , an d rura l environment s ma y produce a mor e traditional conservative ideology . Four distinc t theme s emerg e fro m thes e interviews : first , blac k nationalist conservatism is reconcilable with Republican Party conservatism. Second , a minority grou p environmen t (whethe r o r no t African-Americans ar e in th e majorit y o r i n th e minority ) ma y af fect th e strengt h o f grou p identit y an d politica l attitudes . Third , rural environment s ma y encourag e mor e traditiona l conservatis m than urba n environments . Fourth, gender issues may begin to com mand equa l tim e wit h rac e issues . Ou t o f thirtee n wome n inter viewed, only two were traditional conservative s in their political at titudes, an d non e wer e conservative-nationalists , whic h suggest s that th e intersectio n o f racia l group identit y an d politica l attitude s may develo p differentl y amon g women . Othe r factors , suc h a s experiences with racis m an d th e respondents ' memories o f their firs t awareness o f racia l differences , ar e crucia l i n th e processin g o f th e meaning o f rac e in th e students ' individual live s and i n th e lives of others. Group identit y remain s a poten t forc e i n th e live s o f youn g African-Americans. Mor e important , blac k student s a t predomi nantly whit e universitie s see m acutel y awar e o f th e importanc e o f race i n thei r lives . Why? Perhap s becaus e thei r effort s t o becom e a part o f thes e institution s hav e largel y been unsuccessful . Blac k stu dents are present in these places of prestige and privilege, but not embraced by them. This failure of blacks to become an integrated part of

Introduction | 2 7 larger society has led to a strengthening o f group identity and the elevation of black nationalist sentiments . Historically, attempt s t o organiz e an d mobiliz e black s hav e em phasized thei r uniqu e histor y an d cultur e i n orde r t o articulat e a black identity (Omi and Winant 1994). Marcus Garvey and the "Back to Africa" movement gave us the red, black, and green colors of liberation revived by the Black Power Movement in the 1960s. Garvey and his follower s implicitl y anticipate d th e Blac k Powe r Movement' s mantra, "Black is beautiful." However, in the 1960s, the politicizatio n of blac k identit y wa s mor e successfu l tha n i t ha d bee n i n th e past . While Garve y struggled fo r support , the movemen t tha t bega n wit h King and ende d with the Black Panther Part y was embraced by most African-Americans. The idea behind the "Black is beautiful" era of the 1960s was to rid blacks of shame over skin color, hair texture, and facial and body features. Th e adoptio n o f thing s Africa n wa s mean t no t onl y t o unif y them, but als o to help prepare them for integration—when thei r difference might become a source of ignominy. This strategy has broken down in the formidable fac e of integration, leading to frustration an d a strengthening o f black identity.

A Look Ahead Due to the sensitive nature of this research, the names of both the students and the institutions have been kept confidential. The interviews took place in three historically black and three majority-white institu tions. In an effort t o aid the reader in understanding reference s to institutions an d subject s that appea r throughout th e text, the fictitiou s names o f th e historicall y blac k institution s begi n wit h "B, " and th e names of majority-white institution s with "W." Conservative students' first name s begi n wit h "C, " moderate student s wit h "M, " and libera l students with "L." (Please refer to Appendix A for a detailed account of the research methods and background o n interview subjects. ) The nex t chapte r illustrate s th e ideologica l freedo m experience d by students in a majority-black institution . All members o f the cam -

28 I Introduction

pus-sponsored Young Black Republicans, these young men feel liberated fro m th e obligatio n tha t black s i n integrate d situation s fee l t o demonstrate ideologica l unity . I n th e thir d chapter , student s sho w how identity may be influenced a s much by regional mores and cul tural norms as race. This mostly southern an d rural group was more ambivalent abou t affirmativ e actio n an d mor e supportiv e o f welfar e reform. The moderate students in the fourth chapte r cast a critical eye in th e directio n o f whites an d black s when assessin g the reason s fo r racial conflict, while the liberals in chapter five are inclined to blam e white racism. Women in this group are becoming aware of the adde d burden o f gender i n their lives, and ar e groping for ways to incorpo rate bot h rac e an d gende r i n thei r politica l activities . The sixt h an d final chapter reveals patterns of responses that affirm th e heterogeneity and homogeneit y o f black political attitudes . Students' responses on Farrakhan, experiences with racism, and black leadership are surprisingly similar—thei r opinion s o n th e black medi a ar e dissimilar . In th e followin g chapters , the perspective s o f tw o doze n intelligen t and articulat e colleg e student s conve y how thei r identitie s an d atti tudes have been formed i n a social and political environment of hope and rejection, breakthroughs an d rollbacks .

2 The Conservatives, Part 1 I The Republican Race Men

The most dynamic leaders in the African-American com munity hav e emerge d fro m historicall y blac k institutions—Marti n Luther King , Jr., Andrew Young, and Maynar d Jackso n (Morehous e College), to name a few. All the student s feature d i n this chapter ar e attending tw o o f the three historically black institutions selecte d fo r this research : Brook s Colleg e an d Barnet t University . Historicall y black college s an d universitie s hav e prove n t o b e fertil e groun d fo r those who would seek to change conditions of poverty and neglect in the blac k community . Thei r tactic s an d strategie s fo r chang e hav e ranged from politica l mobilization an d legal challenges to nonviolent protest. Th e first tw o method s ar e clearl y withi n th e traditiona l boundaries o f th e democrati c process . Th e latte r approach , whil e considered radica l in its day, especially in comparison t o legal battles waged by organizations suc h as the NAACP, seems less radical today. The aim of the nonviolent protest movement of the 1960s was to force those in power to apply the law of the land equally to both blacks and whites. I n othe r words , th e leader s create d b y thes e institutions , whether committe d t o lega l strategie s o r nonviolen t protest , wer e committed to the ideals of a pluralist democracy. Leaders in the black community wh o woul d embrac e blac k nationalis m hav e no t com e from thes e institution s i n th e past . However, that ma y be changing . The "integration generation " is incorporating blac k nationalist idea s into more traditional approache s t o socia l and politica l change . The conservatism demonstrate d b y som e o f th e youn g peopl e i n thi s chapter is quite different fro m th e more public black conservatives of

29

30 | The Conservatives, Part 1

the civil rights generation. Before these students speak for themselves, let us revisit the ideas espoused by the established black conservativ e leadership.

Contemporary Issues —Individualism, Responsibility, and Racism The work of several contemporary conservatives, particularly economists Thomas Sowell (1984), Walter Williams (1982,1987) , and Glen n Loury (1984,1987a , b), advances the following themes : (1) individua l responsibility for one' s own welfare; (2 ) the inability of governmen t to solv e most o f th e problem s facin g th e black community ; an d (3 ) the importanc e o f factor s othe r tha n racis m (suc h a s education) i n determining th e succes s o f African-Americans. Glen n Loury , unlik e the other two economists, puts an emphasis on moral traditionalism . These scholar s argu e that governmen t interventio n i n the economy , the sponsorshi p o f affirmativ e action , and th e legislation o f a minimum wage are not helpful fo r blacks or other people. Related to their view of government intervention i s their criticism of politicians who blame institutional racis m a s the root o f black poverty. They believe solutions can only be found i f black leaders face the facts as they find them—that internal problems such as antisocial behavior, lack of discipline, teen pregnancies , an d failur e i n school s ar e th e reason s fo r these conditions. In their view, dependence on government solution s to thes e problem s onl y guarantee s tha t th e problem s will becom e more intractable . Shelby Steel e (1990 ) an d Stephe n Carte r (1991) , both academics , also argue against affirmativ e actio n a s a way for African-American s to gai n acces s to mainstrea m America . They recognize the existenc e of racism, but see it as less important than individual commitment t o achievement. For Shelby Steele, racism is not the roadblock to success that i t onc e was in thi s country . The psychological hol d tha t racis m has o n black s i s th e rea l roadblock . Stephe n Carte r want s African Americans t o be the best, not just the "best black." He believes affir mative actio n encourage s th e latter , no t th e former . Carte r als o be -

The Conservatives, Part 1 | 3 1

lieves that the existence of affirmative actio n causes those in power to generalize from the aggregate to the individual, but not the reverse. In other words, there is a definition o f what "black" is, and what is possible for th e "typical black." When a n exceptiona l perso n i s encoun tered, if he or she happens to be black, it is assumed that this perso n is an "exceptional black." Carter and Steele do not have prescription s for mas s politica l mobilizatio n o r thought s abou t solution s t o wel fare, bu t thei r wor k o n affirmativ e actio n ha s contribute d signifi cantly t o th e overal l debat e o n th e salienc e o f racis m i n African American life . Stanley Crouc h (1990 , 1993) , Robert Woodso n (1992) , an d Ala n Keyes (1989,1993), distinct in the positions they occupy in public life, are also independent i n terms of their conservativ e ideology. Stanley Crouch i s a jaz z criti c an d politica l essayist ; Rober t Woodso n i s a community organizer an d activist ; and Alan Keyes is a politician. All agree that issues of responsibility for one' s own welfare supersed e issues o f racism . However , Ala n Keye s an d Stanle y Crouc h advanc e ideas for political empowerment that are not shared by Robert Woodson. Ala n Keye s want s African-American s t o thin k independentl y and stop voting en masse for Democratic candidates. He believes that issue-voting mus t becom e mor e importan t tha n votin g base d o n race. Stanley Crouch believes the politics of the practical—coalition building, deal-making , an d compromising—mus t replac e politic s that divid e an d exploi t whit e guilt . Keye s and Crouc h wan t les s dependence o n governmen t an d mor e individua l responsibility , bu t they seek political means to those ends. Woodson's idea s for economi c empowerment ar e in the traditio n of Booke r T . Washington. H e want s African-American s t o concen trate les s o n electora l politic s an d mor e o n economi c strategie s through increase d entrepreneurship . Woodso n an d Keye s agre e o n less governmen t interventio n i n tha t the y bot h advocat e tenan t in volvement an d eventua l ownership o f public housing. These two in dependent thinker s agre e on th e need fo r adherenc e t o mora l tradi tionalism withi n th e black communit y b y strengthening th e churc h as an institution . The questio n o f wh o i s responsibl e fo r th e situatio n o f African -

32 I The Conservatives, Part 1

Americans is answered differentl y b y these political thinkers. Sowell, Williams, Woodson, an d Keye s believe tha t governmen t socia l pro grams are responsible, along with a n erosion o f morality. Loury says that it does not matter who is responsible for the despair; all that matters is that blacks themselves must work to alleviate it. Solutions to the problems proposed b y these intellectuals an d activists involv e effort s t o motivat e black s to acquir e mor e education , postpone havin g children , abando n long-ter m welfar e dependence , and practice new political strategies that include less allegience to the Democratic Part y an d mor e coalition-building . Th e bes t wa y to d o this, according t o som e o f th e authors , is through privat e organiza tions, the church, and the mentoring of young blacks by older blacks who have been successful . The youn g blac k conservative s interviewe d her e d o no t disagre e with these tenets. However, they are clearly committed t o the notio n that rac e i s a n importan t facto r i n th e live s o f African-Americans . Some ar e al l for coalition-building , bu t thei r focu s i s on intraracia l rather tha n interracia l coalitions . The y ar e th e "rac e men " o f thei r generation, and offe r a unique perspectiv e o n solution s to problem s in the black community .

The Black Nationalist Conservatives Clifford Appre y and Charles Gaston—Brooks Colleg e Historically black colleges have catered to the children of the black middle class . In the past, nationalism ha s attracted mor e individual s from th e working and lower classes than from th e middle class. Some aspects o f nationalis t ideolog y ar e compatibl e wit h th e traditiona l conservatism o f the Republican Party . This combination o f Republican an d blac k nationalist conservatis m i s in evidenc e a t Brooks an d Barnett. The four students interviewed at these institutions are active in the Republican Party . The y wer e asked t o voluntee r becaus e the y self identified a s conservative and Republican. All were integrated at early

The Conservatives, Part 1 | 3 3

ages and attended mostly majority-white an d academically challenging high schools. Two of the students interviewed, Clifford Apprey and Charles Gaston, have been working hard in the Republican Party at the local and state levels for severa l years. Both ar e from upper-middle-class , twoparent households with stron g father figures . Neither o f their moth ers are employed outside the home, and both their fathers are professionals. Clifford Apprey' s parents are from Africa, an d his father live s and works in the United States. Clifford look s to this father fo r polit ical guidance , an d admire s hi s father' s driv e an d independence . Charles Gaston's parents are from the West Indies, and his father's political views, as a new immigrant, were shaped by optimism about his chances for prosperity . Clifford an d Charle s ar e both please d wit h thei r choic e o f a historically blac k college , a s neithe r ha d eve r spen t tim e i n majority black environments a t school. The history and cultur e o f the colleg e infuse these young men with race pride, as well as loyalty to the legacy left b y previou s graduates . However , th e formatio n o f a Young Re publican organization i s a new development a t historically black colleges, and is at odds with the prevailing ideology at such institutions . Black Republicans are much harder to find a t majority-white institu tions, whic h wa s initiall y puzzling . However , Cliffor d Appre y ex plained why he and hi s friends fel t free r t o establish suc h a n organi zation at Brooks than they would at a majority-white institution : A lot of times it's two or three blacks, or twenty blacks . .. [and ] we couldn't say that you and I disagree because to lose them is to lose half my arm. So, you say "I agree with Charles." But you don't really agree with Charles, you just can't afford not to agree with Charles….That's the great thing about going to African-American institutions . You're allowed to forge your own identity. In other words, Clifford assert s that there is no compelling reason t o present a unified front . This implies that it is more important to preserve racia l unit y i n a majority-whit e environmen t tha n whe n i n a majority-black environment . For example, one of the students at Woodson University, a major -

34 | The Conservatives, Part 1

ity-white institution, mentioned that her decision to attend Woodson rather tha n a historically black colleg e in th e are a was based o n th e feeling that the black students at Woodson were more "together." The black students a t the historically black college seemed unconcerned , in her view, about black issues. There i s anothe r facto r tha t ma y contribut e t o th e emphasi s o n black unity on major ity-white campuses. Many leading black nationalist writers and scholar s are now professors a t majority-white insti tutions (Leman n 1993:34) . Suc h scholar s ar e helpin g t o mol d th e opinions of black students. Accordingly, "A black college student's nationalism can be divided in half: part of it is a working out of one's relationship wit h blac k America, an d par t i s the working ou t o f one' s relationship wit h whit e America " (Leman n 1993:43) . I n interview s with student s a t Temple University and the University of Pennsylva nia, Lemann discovere d African-American student s who planne d t o live and work with whites, while using their skill s and knowledg e t o help blacks in poor communities . Some scholar s argu e that ther e i s a generation ga p developin g i n the blac k communit y tha t separate s th e pre-civi l right s generatio n from th e post-civi l right s generation . Young African-American stu dents have come of age under the political administrations of Reagan and Bush ; they have thus experienced o r witnessed fe w political victories o n th e part o f minorit y leaders (Marabl e an d Mulling s 1994). Combined with other factors, this makes black nationalism attractiv e to thi s generation . Th e "hip-hop" 1 generation , whic h i s the genera tion bor n afte r 1964 , has littl e reaso n t o expec t t o becom e a part o f mainstream America . These youth hav e witnessed th e emergenc e o f poverty tha t resist s amelioration ; a n increas e i n homelessness ; an d the continue d brutalit y o f la w enforcemen t officials . Thes e circum stances give them little hope for the future, making immediate grati fication a n integral part of the "hip-hop" culture. Cornel Wes t assert s tha t i t i s th e hopelessnes s o f th e "hip-hop " generation that spawned the hero worship of Malcolm X. He refers to Malcolm X as the "prophet o f rage"—a figure who articulated, in his manner an d words , the frustratio n an d ange r o f African-America n youth (Wes t 1993) . West agree s with Marabl e an d Mulling s tha t thi s

The Conservatives, Part 1 | 3 5

generation feel s alienated from American society. This alienation en courages them to seek stronger kinship ties with Africa. The Afrocen tric movement in higher education serve s this need, and further pro motes a nationalist outlook . Studies indicat e tha t black s wh o interac t wit h white s prio r t o adulthood ar e not attracte d t o nationalism, nor d o they feel clos e to other blacks. The amount of contact with whites in adulthood is negatively related t o blac k separatis m (Dem o an d Hughe s 1990:371) . In other words, whether on e is in the pre-adult o r adult phase of development, increase d interactio n wit h white s weaken s racia l grou p identity. However, this research show s that while this may be true i n part, a chang e i n environmen t ma y trigge r ne w interes t i n racia l group identity . This is illustrated by the experiences of Charles Gaston. Charles is an imposin g youn g ma n bot h physicall y an d intellectually . Al l hi s friends in high school were white. Clifford Apprey and Charles Gaston are interesting examples of how black identity may evolve in the lives of people who are affluent an d integrated with whites at an early age. Charles Gasto n wa s bor n an d raise d i n a larg e northeaster n city . Charles says that his high school was very segregated, and because he was i n th e honor s program , hi s classe s wer e "99 percen t white. " He took a nine-month Europea n tou r afte r graduatio n wit h fou r o f hi s closest friends. When h e returned, he me t on e o f his father's friend s who tol d hi m h e was "the whitest blac k kid h e had eve r run across. " The friend was a graduate of Brooks, and felt that Charles should consider attendin g Brook s fo r hi s colleg e education . Charle s tol d th e friend, "It's not the real world. [It is a] second-rate education. You can't beat the Ivy League." After the friend offere d hi m money if he applied, he accepted the offer, even though he had never heard of Brooks. After a semeste r h e love d it—thoug h h e experience d "complet e cultur e shock" when he arrived. Charles does not believe that there is a common experienc e that links all blacks, yet he feels he has more in com mon with blacks than with whites. When pressed on this issue, he relates the story of the rally he and Clifford attende d fo r a local Republican candidate : ".. .withi n five minutes o f everyon e gettin g there al l the black people were like this" (clasps hands to indicate togetherness).

36 | The Conservatives, Part 1

Clifford an d Charle s both state d that there was no such thing as a "black identity." This seemed to contradict their earlier statements, so I probed further : If there is no such thing as a black identity, why do we enter a room and go immediately to all the black people? Clifford: Whe n I walk int o a room— I mea n i n a classroo m th e first blac k perso n I se e I' m sittin g righ t dow n an d sa y "hey , buddy, we got three years—let's make it together." Charles: I hav e a differen t answe r fo r that . Whe n I wal k int o a room, I kno w I hav e nothin g i n commo n wit h thos e peopl e [whites]. More than likely I'll have something in common wit h at least one [black ] perso n there—an d eve n if I don't, it's a lot easier for me to be in a group and disagree with him [pointin g to Clifford] tha n it is to disagree with them [whites] . Both of you have backgrounds in which you had early integration with whites, so it's interesting to me that you would say that you can walk into a room and feel that you dont have anything in common— Charles: You know why? I'l l giv e you a perfect example . When I came down here as a freshman m y friend Jac k Blumberg [ a fictitious name ] fro m hig h school—h e wen t t o Woodson . H e pledged a fraternity. Calle d m e u p her e a t Brook s an d h e sai d "We're having a huge keg party. Why don't you come?" I said I have this friend—and h e said, "Bring him." We went to Woodson. . . . We're dresse d lik e everybod y else . We have buttoned down shirts , jeans, and loafers . When w e got t o the fra t hous e everybody parted, looking a t u s like we were nuts. When I got to the door an d knocked o n the door I was like, "Is Jack Blumberg here? " Guy goe s "hol d on. " Slams th e door , run s inside , comes back out with Jack… . Th e guy who answere d the doo r asked Jac k "Ar e you i n trouble ? There' s thes e tw o blac k guy s outside asking for you." As if we're after hi m fo r something… . See, Jac k faile d t o tel l the m w e wer e black . H e basicall y tol d them ho w we grew up together an d the y assumed I was white. From tha t poin t o n though , we got less and les s invitations t o

The Conservatives, Part 1 | 3 7

come t o parties , or t o han g ou t wit h him . And whe n w e went home fo r Christma s break , I wen t t o part y [wit h the ] sam e group of people I used to hang out with. And [I ] noticed—I just don't hav e a s muc h i n commo n wit h thes e folk s a s I alway s thought. Clifford echoe s thes e sentiment s an d say s that h e ha s had th e sam e experiences wit h whit e friend s h e ha d i n boardin g school . Charle s does not communicat e wit h o r se e any of the friends wit h whom h e took the European vacation. It seems clear that after attending a black institution, Clifford an d Charles' s awarenes s of difference increased , which support s Dem o an d Hughes' s (1990 ) assertio n tha n dimin ished interracial contact increases feelings o f black separatism . Both Cliffor d an d Charle s hav e ha d experience s wit h racia l dis crimination. The experienc e that stand s ou t i n Clifford' s min d hap pened in the fourth grade : It was a majority-white class , and [th e teacher] just had it out for me and m y Spanish friend , Hosea . She made things very difficult. A s a matter of fact, she told my father that she honestly felt that black kids didn't belong in gifted classes . And she went so far as to say that she was shocked that I tested for th e gifted class . We had beat up desks. Everyone else had nice ones. Charles remember s a n inciden t whe n h e participate d i n a summe r program a t an Ivy League university: That was the first time I had ever experienced it [racism ] head on. A white kid telling me that "Yea, you're stupid." All of my white friend s from hig h school that were there sort of came to my rescue—"What are you talking about? You don't know him." That was the first time I had ever confronted somebod y who said to my face "you're dumb." Charles also recalls having dinner a t the home of a young woman h e was datin g i n hig h schoo l an d he r uncle s sittin g a t th e dinne r tabl e conversationally using the word "nigger." He was shocked and did not know how to respond: "The thing i s though tha t thi s on e particula r uncle turns to me and stuff an d says, as if he was complimenting me, Angela tells me you're a smart nigger. I don't ever want to see you . . .

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picking u p the m drugs . Caus e yo u on e o f the m smar t niggers.' " Charles say s that i f tha t happene d t o hi m now , he woul d leav e an d never return . At Brooks, their academic and social lives revolve around African American culture ; however, their politica l lives require clos e contac t and interactio n wit h th e mostl y whit e member s o f th e Republica n Party. They both perceive that the Republican Party is not prepared to deal with African-American members . Charles relates what happen s when they attend Republican meetings or rallies in the state: Same thing you run into every day when you're around white people. It didn't matter that we had some of the same political ideology. We were still seen as—we were an anomaly. Oh, wow. People would come up to us, want to touch, want to talk to you. And it was very... it was you know . .. Jack Kemp, at one of the rallies had gotten up and we were laughing. We were like "he must want to run for President." He said, you know, "In order for us, the party is changing—a new Republican Party for everyone." Even we hollered "that's B.S." Charles and Clifford bal k at the notion o f a black identity because they believ e tha t suc h belief s ostraciz e black s wh o d o no t fit th e mold—and thes e blacks may also have something to offer th e large r community. However , if one eliminate s th e kind s o f superficia l cul tural characteristic s tha t man y black s hav e i n common , thes e tw o young men d o identify strongl y with blacks. They believe that blacks should b e responsibl e fo r helpin g les s fortunat e blacks . As Cliffor d Apprey pointed out, their conservatism is in the tradition of Du Bois, Washington, and Malcolm X. They are not the Newt Gingrich or Reagan-Bush kind of conservative. This is evident when their political attitudes are revealed in a series of questions about policies that may directly affect African-Americans . The two men o f Brooks College are certain abou t what conserva tive means to them—and tha t is that African-Americans ar e responsible fo r thei r ow n futures . Thi s i s Clifford' s definitio n o f wha t i t means to be conservative: I think a lot of times when people hear that African-Americans ar e conservative Republican s the y automatically thin k th e worst—Jess e

The Conservatives, Part 1 \ 3 9 Helms. That's no t t o sa y that ever y time, every time whe n I hear th e word Democra t I think o f John F . Kennedy or FDR . So, a lot of time s there's no fair play around h e r e— Clarenc e Thomas, Thomas Sowell, Armstrong Williams , o f cours e they'r e conservativ e bu t the y don' t represent others . To me Na t Turne r wa s a conservative . W. E. B. Du Bois. I always argue with my friends tha t you can't name one African American leade r wh o was a liberal.... I think ther e ar e two type s o f conservatism. I thin k tha t whe n yo u tal k abou t mainstrea m conser vatism I don't think you're talking about anyon e in this room. Americans' view s o f conservative s i s anyon e wh o i s tryin g t o sav e the m money. I get the feeling when you say "I am a conservative" black people sa y "Oh , anti-affirmativ e action , oh , yo u slee p wit h Clarenc e Thomas." But what's funny i s a lot of times—I had the hardest troubl e coming to accept that I was conservative. Because there's such a stigma once you label yourself that. It's like "you're gay. No, I'm not gay, I just like to sleep with men." Those are the main thought s . . . I really think that bein g conservative , honestly, i s actually taking responsibilit y fo r the things we can control. Substance abuse, alcohol, all those things are tearing our communit y apart . Clifford believe s that African-Americans canno t affor d t o exclude an y part o f th e c o m m u n i t y wit h rigi d idea s abou t wha t i t mean s t o b e black. Th e followin g ar e hi s idea s abou t ho w th e blac k c o m m u n i t y could star t t o gai n contro l o f som e o f thes e problems : Illegitimacy, we can start by counseling our own peers. Black on black violence—if ever y black churc h adopte d a child, there wouldn't b e a child her e wh o couldn' t pa y for school . As a black conservativ e I sa y that th e responsibilit y fo r ou r futur e lie s within ou r ow n communi ties. I think the black church has a role to play in it. I think the mosque . . . I think Louis Farrakhan ha s just a s much o f a role as Calvin Butt s does at Abyssinian Baptist Church in New York. Clarence Thomas has just as much o f a role to play. Any African-American male , quite hon estly, who i s not i n jail, is a voice. I don't car e i f you're ga y or you'r e straight, any African-American mal e who is surviving on a day-to-day basis in America shoul d b e a part o f ou r army . I think tha t to o man y times African-Americans lik e Jesse Jackson try and clos e ranks. "Well, Clarence Thomas i s not with us. " Well, what doe s it take to be black? Oh, is there a list we have? Black, OK, at one time you had to have kente

40 | The Conservatives, Part 1 cloth. See, I'm out. I mean, I guess I lose. There are blacks that will accuse blacks of not going to black schools—"You go to Yale? Man, you ain't black!" Clifford i s still struggling with the idea that his color has meanin g in th e Unite d States . When h e visit s th e countr y o f hi s parents , h e identifies with a tribal group. He says when he is in the United States, "it was like 'united we stand—divided we fall.' If you have that hue in your skin, no matter what the situation is, you have to stand with me. Even if I'm wrong , even if we're both wrong, we have to be there, no matter what." He is uncomfortable wit h Afrocentric philosophy , an d finds it an unrealistic and romantic view of African culture . Clifford an d Charle s believ e tha t th e emphasi s o n governmen t remedies fo r blac k problem s i s misguided. Thi s i s on e o f th e mai n reasons they find the Republican Party attractive. It is the party of independence fro m governmen t solution s to socia l problems. Cliffor d reveals how he feels about the rhetoric of oppression : I always say African-Americans remin d m e of two persons who got dropped of f i n th e forest , an d instea d o f tryin g t o ge t out , they sit there. "Can you believe we're stuck in the forest?" I say, "Well, let's go. Let's get out." "Can you believe someone dropped us off here? Oh, my God. Let's just sit here and hope someone comes back." And I think that ultimately that's what we do in a lot of cases. We wait [for] white America, after they've done all these things to us, to come back and say "we're going to fix it." We can't do that. We really can't. Charles responds along similar lines. To him, conservatism mean s personal responsibility and responsibility for one' s own community : Conservative. Responsibl e fo r you r ow n successe s an d failures . N o matter what example we may use . .. w e may use business, our daily lives, the social situation o f African-Americans. There' s not a single situation we'r e in, positive o r negative , that w e didn't ge t into our selves. It might have been help from some outside force, but that doesn't mean that we were coerced into it. Yes, I understand that cocaine comes from Columbia , and the U.S. government has to have a hand letting these people fly over our borders, 'cause you can't fly a prop plane ove r th e ocea n withou t gettin g caught . And, they ma y bring

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them [drugs ] int o th e ghetto , but w e don't hav e to take them, you know? The Korean gentleman u p on the corner might have a liquor store, but put him out of business. Don't buy his stuff. The term moderat e means "a person who doesn't take a hard line on every issue," according to Charles . Clifford doe s not believ e in mod erates. As for liberals, Charles said there were no true liberals, because "to me a true liberal is someone who is an unselfish person—who just is giving, giving, giving, without car[ing ] basicall y for themselves . If someone were to tell me that President Clinton , or any Democrat u p there in Washington were a true liberal, I would have to disagree with them." According to Clifford, a liberal is "anyone who loves me mor e than I love myself." Charles an d Cliffor d ar e clearl y conservativ e becaus e the y sup port a philosophy of self-help. However, they are not individualists . They ar e communit y activists . The y bot h suppor t th e welfar e sys tem. They both fee l tha t frau d an d abus e within th e syste m shoul d be stopped; however, they both agre e that the system is for children . Clifford says , The average welfare mother is 25. She has two kids. She's only been on welfare for . . . 60 percent of the people on welfare leave within two years. I thin k welfar e i s abou t children . I thin k that' s wh o welfar e should really be for. Charles a d d s , " . .. [children ] shoul d no t b e punished fo r th e sins of the father [or ] the shortcomings o f the mother. " While they have a more liberal stance on welfare, both young me n are les s tha n enthusiasti c abou t affirmativ e action . The y resen t th e idea that affirmativ e actio n i s perceived a s a way of giving blacks a n opportunity rathe r tha n allowin g blacks to earn opportunities . Clifford i s far less vocal than Charles on the subject. Charles spoke of the application proces s fo r college s an d conversation s h e ha d wit h hi s white classmates: I remember this guy, one of the most arrogant kids I've ever met in my life, got this huge debate in the cafeteria going about how Charles and Susan, another young lady, were going to get in the schools everyone was applying to because they're black. Never mind the fact that myself

42 I The Conservatives, Part 1 and Susan were in the top 5 percen t an d top 12 percent o f the class. Never mind the fact that we were doing much better than any of you; that we got higher SAT scores than any of you; higher AP scores than any o f yo u . . . we're goin g t o ge t i n becaus e we'r e black . S o tha t prompted me to apply to every one of my schools and not fill in the race part of it…. I t was the best day of my life when those acceptance letters started coming in. Throughout th e interview , Cliffor d Appre y mad e reference s t o black leaders of the past. The only contemporary politician that the y referred t o positively was Jack Kemp. Since many black leaders hav e been compromised by scandal in recent years, these young conserva tives were asked to talk about persons that they felt were good leaders for the black community. Both believe that Louis Farrakhan i s an ef fective, persuasive , an d powerfu l leader . Cliffor d Appre y contend s that i f Farrakhan wer e a Republican, he could win elective office. H e believes tha t Farrakhan' s weakes t poin t i s that h e i s a Musli m i n a Christian country . When aske d i f Cliffor d believe d Farrakha n t o b e an anti-Semite, he responded : That's too strong a word. How can you be a conservative Republican and be a fan of Louis Farrakhan? Do you not see any conflict there? I don't see any conflict because my conservatism, my Republicanism, is for black people. Brooks Colleg e i s a n unlikel y plac e t o find a young Republica n Party organization. Charles and Clifford wer e asked how they survive on a campus where the political attitudes of most of the students are very different fro m thei r own. Most of the students can embrace th e nationalist aspec t of conservatism, but the Republican Part y is a definite turnoff. It has been hard for Cliffor d an d Charle s to find an ad viser for the Young Republicans and secure a meeting room. Recruiting new members i s nearly impossible. Charles an d Cliffor d ar e th e only member s o f th e organizatio n wh o agree d t o b e interviewed . They sa y other member s ar e "in th e closet. " They believe tha t mor e students agree with them than will admit it in class. Clifford talk s about a class he is taking:

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I'm in a class called Racism and the Law. And it's like I am the AntiChrist. We got into a thing about midnight basketball. Midnight basketball to me is the most racist thing. White America says, "Well, you know, we can't control y'all so for two hours we're going to make my Lexus safe. And my neighbor's Lexus safe. We're going to put you in the gym, and let you run up and down, and hopefully, you will be so tired, you'll go home and go to sleep." And that's it. Folks, if Republicans said the solution to the crime problem is let the kids play basketball, we would be in an uproar talking about "They're making us play sports again? This is racist!" The Democrats said this is a solution to a major problem. I say why don't they have midnight high school? Why not tak e that mone y and giv e kids jobs? Of course , African-Americans—we're in a dire situation. But that's ridiculous. That's racist social programming. When asked why they might be so different fro m th e other student s at Brooks, Charles and Clifford poin t out that they have been strongly influenced b y their fathers . Charles' s fathe r own s severa l businesse s and works for a large company. His mother i s a homemaker. Charle s says of his father, "I have a father at home who has basically shown me everything I need to know. Anytime we speak [noddin g at Clifford] , I quote m y Dad. Even people who have their Dad s at home, a lot o f times [they ] are not as involved." Charles's father is a conservative and a Republican. He considers his mother "apolitical." He and his fathe r discuss politics often, and Charles derives most of his views from con versations with his father an d by observing the way his father works . Clifford say s he was "flabbergasted" whe n h e found tha t man y o f his college classmates had never met their fathers. He and Charles talk so muc h abou t thei r fathers , Cliffor d describe s i t a s borderin g o n "hero worship." He believes that he and Charles have alienated som e of their classmates because he and Charles speak so highly of their fathers. Cliffor d call s hi s fathe r " a bleeding-hear t liberal. " His fathe r worked hard to provide the best education for his children, and, Clifford says, "He never accepted help or made excuses." In spite of his father's libera l politica l attitudes , Clifford say s that hi s views were in fluences by his father's actions , not by his words. The statemen t abou t th e strengt h o f thei r father s a s breadwin -

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ners and rol e models speak s to the value placed o n economi c inde pendence an d contro l i n th e live s o f thes e youn g men . Perceive d control ove r one' s destin y i s a critica l componen t o f self-estee m among youn g black me n (Tashakkor i 1993) . The Republica n Part y is attractive because it supports the idea that individuals are in con trol, and systemic inequities maybe overcome. Charles and Cliffor d have modifie d thi s ide a somewha t b y transformin g individua l re sponsibility t o communit y responsibility , specifically , th e black community's responsibility . This theme of community responsibil ity for improvin g th e live s of black s a s a group i s repeated amon g students wh o shar e Cliffor d an d Charles' s partisa n identity , bu t lean mor e towar d th e idea s o f Booke r T . Washington tha n Loui s Farrakhan.

The "Old School" Conservatives—Young Black Republicans Chris Gray—Barnett Universit y These young conservatives differ fro m the young men at Brooks in significant ways. They are more rigid on moral and cultura l issues as well as welfare. They also believe that there is a black identity, and that blacks differ i n significant ways from whites. One student, Chris Gray, wants to return to the days when, because of segregation, blacks lived and conducte d busines s within thei r ow n communities . He believes this environmen t wa s a healthier on e fo r black s sinc e it encourage d the development o f businesses and fostered a sense of unity. Chris is one of the leaders of the Republican Party organization o n campus. He is from th e Southeast—and was raised in an upper-mid dle-class black neighborhood. Chris's parents are both professionals . His mothe r i s active i n libera l causes , and h e consider s hi s fathe r a "conservative Democrat, " a s h e wa s unti l h e becam e disillusione d with Democrati c Part y idea s o n welfar e an d othe r socia l programs . The privat e militar y academ y Chri s attende d i n hig h school , alon g with hi s father' s influence , molde d hi s conservativ e ideas . Working for Georg e Bus h i n th e 198 8 an d 199 2 campaign s "change d hi s

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mind"—in a conservativ e direction—abou t som e issues , an d h e i s now active in statewide Republican politics. Chris says that he does not think about his identity as a black person much, because he is always around black people at the university. He believe s tha t ther e i s a blac k identity , thoug h i t come s fro m "knowing who you ar e and where you're from. Koreans , Jewish, and Italians all have that in them. They know who they are and where they come from. I think that black people do have that." He also thinks that black identity takes many forms : The black identity is so diverse. I don't like it when people say you're acting black . I gues s actin g ghett o i s suppose d t o b e actin g black . Sometimes they say that. But you can be black and come in a threepiece suit, you can talk with a so-called white ... you can talk that way ... you're still black. Chris feels that some black conservatives do not have a black identity, because in part "it's a mind-set tha t set s you apar t fro m anyon e else." When asked what that mind-se t is , he explains that i t is related to one' s willingness to help blacks who ar e less fortunate. Accordin g to Chris , "Black people ar e very generous people. I think your goin g back t o hel p ou t thos e behin d yo u i s a majo r characteristic. " Fo r Chris, black identity is, at core, the obligation on e feels to help thos e blacks who need help—not on superficial criteri a such as language or mannerisms. Chris define s conservativ e a s maintaining th e statu s quo . He doe s not believ e moderate s exist ; however, liberals wan t t o chang e every thing and expand social programs. One of the issues about which Chris feels strongly is gay rights. He does not approve of Clinton's "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" policy, and would like to see gay men an d women banne d from the military. Chris says that "the military is a hostile environment. It's different from th e teaching profession o r any other profession. The military i s dealing with live s that ca n b e take n o r ca n b e ha d a t an y time." He is not sure how this explains why gays should be banned from the military, but is convinced that it has something to do with trust. He also says he does not like affirmative action , although he thinks there is still a need for suc h programs:

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I think there's a need for it right now because blacks need to catch up to white people. I think if this were a perfect society we wouldn't need it—but it's not, and blacks are at a disadvantage right now. I think that Clarence Thomas and J. C. Watts and the rest of the Republicans are wrong to try to get rid of affirmative action because they would not be in the position they're in right now if it weren't for affirmative action . However, when Chri s i s asked t o agre e or disagre e with a statemen t asking whethe r minoritie s shoul d b e give n specia l consideratio n i n hiring, he disagrees. He also agrees with the statement that job applicants should be judged solely on the basis of test scores and other in dividual qualities. He believes the government shoul d help blacks by ensuring racia l equality, but h e i s not sur e how that woul d b e done . Chris say s that the problem s i n th e blac k communit y ar e perpetuate d an d height ened by the media. The media affect s th e self-image o f young blacks by reflecting onl y negative images: The main thing they show is us getting shot and getting arrested... . [They] don't show the positive that we do in the community every day. If you do something positive, it has to be on a grand, grand scale. They don't really [show] the individuals who are packing lunches for charities. They don't show that. If you watch the news you think that the only thing we do is get arrested and go to homeless shelters and the white people come down to the shelters at Christmas and Easter and they give black people food. And that's how we live. Chris blames the media for black problems but says the problems can best b e solve d b y th e family . Parent s shoul d tak e responsibilit y fo r their children , an d "th e blac k churc h need s t o com e back. " Chri s would like to see the rebuilding of black communities so that they return to the community he knew as a child: "When I was younger, our neighbors use d to get me if I did something wrong. I don't reall y see that happenin g an y more." Chris als o blames problem s i n th e com munity on a lack of black leadership. He feels that black organizations such as the NAACP and the Urban League are faltering and ineffective . When asked to finish the statement "If blacks don't do well in life it is because," Chris replies that lack of opportunity is the main reason :

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Black people weren't given the opportunities that white people were given, or that other minorities were given. That's one of the reasons they don't succeed. Also, some black people don't... the y use it as a crutch, as an excuse. I've seen that a lot of times. Oh, the white man didn't give me. I think if you get something—if you get an opportunity—you need to take advantage of it. Even if you don't, I think you need to work as hard as you can to obtain what you can, even if it's not that Ferrari or that Lexus. Do what you can do. Chris Gra y is more conservativ e o n th e subject s o f welfare, abor tion, an d ga y right s tha n hi s counterpart s a t Brooks . However , h e shares wit h the m th e belie f tha t black s ca n d o mor e t o hel p them selves. He also shares with them the presence of an influential father . Chris does not say that his father shaped his views; however, his father is characterized a s a conservative Democrat. His mother, he says, is a true liberal. Chris has become a Republican, but he and his father ar e closer in ideology than h e and hi s mother. Chris admires Loui s Far rakhan, and believes that if he were a part o f mainstream politics, he would b e a Republican . Whe n aske d abou t Farrakhan' s separatis t views, Chris replies that Farrakhan is expressing sentiments that mir ror those of white conservatives. Chris is not a separatist, but he does feel tha t integratio n ha s cause d blac k businesse s t o suffer . H e als o thinks tha t th e exodu s o f middle-clas s black s fro m blac k neighbor hoods i n citie s ha s bee n a majo r facto r i n th e declin e o f th e blac k community. Chris Gray, Clifford Apprey , and Charles Gaston are disappointed i n th e qualit y o f leadershi p fro m establishe d African American organizations. They see Louis Farrakhan a s the most capa ble and effective leade r for the black community . Cornell Hall—Barnett Universit y One of Chris's fellow Republican Party members at Barnett is Cornell Hall, a bright an d animate d youn g man raise d in the Northeas t in predominantl y whit e upper-clas s communities . Bot h parent s ar e professionals, but Cornel l makes it clear that his father i s the perso n with whom h e discusses politics, and who has the greates t influenc e on his life.

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Cornell ha s experience d severa l identit y crises , and believe s tha t much o f his difficulty stemme d fro m bein g part o f such a small minority in his community and school. He says that whites resented his family's presence in the community. His last name, not revealed here, has a decidedly aristocrati c ring . He wa s ofte n tease d abou t havin g such a name. He describes his identity crises as having several phases, and says he did not realize what being black meant until he was in the seventh grade. When he was in the seventh grade, all his friends wer e white. The behavio r o f th e blac k student s tha t wer e buse d i n fro m th e working-class neighborhoods encouraged his "antiblack" phase. Cornell di d no t lik e thes e student s t o cal l attentio n t o themselve s wit h bad behavior. He says that he would think to himself, "They're mak ing me—they're not representing—they're no t doing it right!" When asked wh y h e though t th e student s ha d t o represen t anything , h e replies that he felt that if all the blacks behaved as a team, performin g well in class and not getting into any trouble, it would "take away the ridicule." Cornell was embarrassed i f a black person cam e to speak at his middl e schoo l an d di d no t spea k standar d English : "I'd cringe . Why would I cringe? Because I knew they [th e other students] woul d talk about him. " His "antiblack" phase in seventh grade was followed b y his "black militant" phase. This "black militant" phase was probably due to Cornell's "encounter" experience. He and his mother were shopping in an exclusive departmen t store , an d hi s mothe r wa s bein g treate d i n a condescending manne r b y a stor e clerk . Cornel l wa s "furious," an d knew for the first time deep within himself that his mother was being treated tha t wa y because sh e wa s black. Thi s phas e laste d fro m th e eighth grad e unti l hi s junior yea r i n hig h school . When asked wha t being "really black" meant to him durin g this phase, Cornell replied : Well, you see I know that being black is not what you wear. And I knew it then and know it's not any of that. But, that's how people thought. That's how the kids acted. They acted like they believed that so I just went along with it. So I was making friends. These were students who lived right by the tracks so they would try to be cool or whatever. Before I would be wearing khaki pants and loafers. Then I started wear-

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ing Georgetown shirts and hats. I started wearing tennis shoes more. Just whatever I saw my friends wearing—my new friends. Finally there was his "settling" phase, which lasted until he gradu ated fro m hig h school . He remain s friend s wit h th e black s who be came his friends in the eighth grade, but has no contact with his white friends. Cornel l say s that "Right no w I'm mor e 'white,' or who I was before al l this mess. " What Cornel l mean s i s that i f people perceiv e that being "white" means wearing khaki trousers and buttoned-dow n Oxford shirts , which is his current outfit, then he is being "white." He laughs and says that at Barnett he is "free" to be himself. Black identit y fo r Cornel l i s abou t th e sharin g o f oppression . When asked wha t a young ma n wit h hi s life chance s migh t hav e i n common wit h a young man livin g in Cabrin i Gree n housing projec t in Chicago, Cornell said: We share the system. We share America. And the way America deals with us and the way white America treats us. It is the commonality of suffering, it is a commonality of abuse, it is a commonality, you know, I can't drive down the street—and we all share this. And I don't know why people like Clarence Thomas are so ignorant to deny it occurs. I'm sure he encounters this. I don't know why he lies to himself. We all share racism and the legacy of slavery. Cornell believes that black cultur e differ s fro m whit e cultur e in "the way we raise our kids." He says that black parents are stricter disciplinarians becaus e the y have differen t cultura l mores . He cite s his ob servations of white friends whose parents were more tolerant than his parents of risky behaviors such as reckless driving. When Cornell was in high school, he perceived that white teachers felt that he did not deserve to be a student in that school. He was frustrated by the inability of other black students to understand what was happening to them : What upset me the most is, you know, when black students didn't recognize what was happening. 'Cause then they were really being victimized. They don't know what's going on, and so, you know, I guess ... I saw a lot of kids who I thought were really bright who were in lower classes. And they had no business being there—especially black males.

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Cornell believes that black parents need to be especially conscientious when their children are in majority-white school s to prevent all black students from endin g up in lower level classes. He says that in this environment h e felt that he could never afford t o make a mistake. By the time Cornell was a high school junior o r senior, he decided that he would become completely silent in class. This was a deliberate strategy to eliminat e th e conflic t h e was having with whit e teachers . This silence was accompanied by superlative performance o n assign ments and exams, and was meant as a sort of rebellion against the injustices suffered b y other black students. Cornell feels that excellenc e and integrity are essential elements in the lives of blacks. He calls this being "abov e reproach, " an d explain s hi s nonparticipatio n i n clas s this way: ... I would go to class and fold my hands and wouldn't say a word. The teachers would be mad because I wasn't saying anything. And they'd just nitpic k an d loo k fo r an y ol d thing—bu t I wa s ABOV E RE PROACH. [Cornel l emphasize s thes e words with volum e an d clea r enunciation.] I' m saying, you know, that for the first two years I was going through all this stuff. In the last two years I realized that we really need to be better. We need to, you know, be more careful abou t what we do and what we say and who we're around. And I just started becoming "above reproach." And I continue that legacy until this day. The Clarence Thomas/Anita Hil l debacle convinced Cornel l that hi s philosophy of being "above reproach" was a good one. He thinks that black leaders, and black people in general, cannot afford t o behave in ways tha t coul d lea d t o th e kind s o f accusation s face d b y Clarenc e Thomas. When asked wha t bein g a conservative means , Cornell identifie s an issu e that i s the dividin g line between conservative s an d liberals : abortion. H e i s pro-life, an d believe s thi s issu e ma y be th e on e tha t will seriousl y divid e th e country . A s a membe r o f th e Republica n Party, Cornell als o feels the need to defen d th e notion tha t Republi cans are racist: White people are racists. That's just a fact. I'm not saying all of them are, but a lot of them are regardless of their political affiliation. OK ,

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Democrats ar e mor e open-minde d an d libera l tha n Republicans . Then, all right, OK, you step back and take a look at the issues. OK. What's important to you? What do you think is going to help our people? What do you think—you know, a lot of people think that oh, if you're a Republican, you're a sellout, you're a this, you're a that. Now, let's think about this for a second. If there's no one who is a Republican, right, why should they ever care about a bunch of black people? You know, they would never do anything unless there are some people who are watching them. Just like there are white people in the NAACP, white people here at Barnett, watching us, seeing what we're doing. There are black people watching Republicans, and seeing what they're doing. Cornell laughingly says separatism i s not th e answer because a black state woul d b e "to o eas y to pic k off. " H e als o believe s tha t i t i s no t healthy for al l blacks to be Democrats, nor i s it healthy for al l blacks to be conservative Republicans. Moderates, in Cornell's view, try to be "politically correct." They are more like conservative Democrats. Liberals, he says, are "fringe groups. " Fringe groups include radical fem inists, pro-choice groups , and ga y rights groups . Cornell woul d no t like any harm to come to members of the gay community, but says he is "so offended by comparisons o f the movemen t fo r ga y rights wit h the movement for black rights." He believes that being gay is a choice, which distinguishes it from bein g black. Cornell's conservative views on abortion and gay rights do not extend to affirmative action . He believes affirmative actio n remains a viable program because corporations continu e to discriminate agains t black men. He believes the governmen t ca n play a role in helping t o ensure racial equality by encouraging the retention o f affirmative ac tion. Cornell i s not sur e how welfare shoul d b e reformed , bu t believe s that "welfare i s a crutch t o us. " Cornell thinks that th e availability of welfare payment s doe s no t hel p t o develo p individuals—i t i s an al lowance tha t encourage s subservience . H e oppose s premarita l se x and those who think that th e distribution o f condoms i s a good way to prevent pregnancy and disease. For Cornell, this is just another example o f th e popula r belie f tha t black s hav e n o contro l ove r them -

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selves. Abstaining from se x and drugs is, for Cornell , simply a matter of self-control . All the African-American leader s Cornell admire s are from tradi tional politics. He is enamored of Andrew Young and Thurgood Mar shall, and respect s Loui s Farrakhan ; however , he disapprove s o f th e latter's rhetoric . Cornel l i s comfortabl e wit h himself , dresse d i n hi s khakis and buttoned-down shirt—an d he identifies with blacks while placing th e responsibilit y fo r improvin g condition s i n th e commu nity squarely on the shoulders of blacks. When asked to complete the sentence "If blacks don't d o well in life it is because," Cornell replie d that "h e o r sh e didn' t tak e th e initiativ e t o mov e on . Th e system i s weighted against us. But I do not believe that because things are hard, we can't make it. It should be an incentive for us."

Summary The conservative views of these students present a serious ideological paradox. On the one hand, these young men have pledged themselves to a political party that repels most African-Americans. O n the othe r hand, the y purpor t t o wor k fo r blac k interests . The y defen d thei r membership i n the Republican Part y by saying that Democrats con descend to blacks and have crippled them economically. This defens e may have merit, but i t i s not satisfactory . The y admi t t o feelin g les s than welcom e a t Republican Part y functions, yet they remain mem bers. One explanation for this paradox is simple. These students have no political hom e fo r thei r ideas . Th e Democrat s promot e a libera l agenda tha t the y find objectionable . Th e Natio n o f Isla m require s converting t o a religion an d a Sparta n lifestyle . Additionally, leade r Louis Farrakhan' s rhetori c ma y be too extrem e t o permi t a full em brace o f his philosophy. This leaves them wit h th e optio n o f joinin g the Republica n Part y and attemptin g t o carv e out a niche fo r them selves. A secon d explanatio n fo r thi s parado x i s mor e complicated . A s products o f dual-parent , upper-middle-clas s homes , thes e youn g

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men ar e frustrate d b y their inabilit y t o distinguis h themselve s fro m blacks who are from impoverishe d environments. As they have grown into young adulthood, their experiences have heightened this frustra tion. The y ar e keenl y awar e tha t a goo d dea l o f racia l prejudic e i s based on the assumption tha t al l blacks are "ghetto" blacks. They resent thi s assumption , whic h i s evidence d b y Cliffor d an d Charles' s admonitions against defining an "authentic" black identity. Chris and Cornell als o state clearly that bein g black doe s not includ e speakin g or dressing in any way that is different fro m whit e Americans. This race-class dilemma is perhaps exacerbated by the expectatio n that me n ar e suppose d t o mak e i t o n thei r own—"figh t th e goo d fight" and s o forth. Charles' s stor y of not markin g th e rac e categor y on his college applications because of accusations of special privilege revealed the potency of this expectation. The notion that blacks need help and governmen t program s to solve their problems i s an affron t to their clas s and gende r identities . To reconcile this multiple-grou p identity, (being black, male, and middle class), they adopt a conservative ideology to establish their independence from th e black masses. They then justif y thi s ideolog y by connecting i t to strategie s fo r re building th e blac k community . Cliffor d Appre y o f Brook s Colleg e pointed out that the great black leaders of the past were conservative. Making this connection als o allows them t o establis h their indepen dence from th e white-male dominated Republica n Party . Clifford Appre y and Charle s Gaston value the idea of a single political vision or purpose to be fulfilled b y the black community, while eschewing ideas of a "black identity." Their political goal is to improve the lives of black Americans and solve the problems of crime, poverty, and ignorance . A unity of purpose, in their view, should tak e precedence over ideological differences withi n the black community . The "old school" conservatives believe that there is a black identity. For Chris, this identity has to do with the obligation one feels to help poorer blacks . For Cornell , this identit y i s the share d experienc e o f oppression. Cornel l wa s no t a s enthusiasti c a s Chris , Clifford , an d Charles regarding the leadership of Louis Farrakhan. Chris and Cor nell als o pu t mor e emphasi s o n individua l responsibilit y fo r eco nomic conditions than d o Clifford an d Charles .

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These young men , while citin g som e experience s wit h racia l dis crimination, do not acknowledge that these experiences had any profound effec t o n them . Chri s Gra y claim s neve r t o hav e experience d racial discrimination . Chri s mentione d tha t h e believed hi s mothe r experienced racia l discrimination whil e growing up because she was "down South, " but because she had never spoken o f her experiences , he was not sure . The parent s o f the Republica n rac e men hav e uni formly neglecte d t o tal k abou t thei r experience s wit h racis m wit h their children . This is not a n uncommo n phenomenon . I n his boo k Mississippi, Anthony Walton writes about his discovery of the horrors his fathe r experience d growin g u p i n th e South . Walton wa s bewildered b y th e racia l hatre d expresse d b y white resident s o f Benson hurst, New York, in the 1989 protest march agains t the death of Yusef Hawkins.2 He decided to return to the South to explore the source of racial hatred. It was during this odyssey that th e truth o f his father' s experiences were revealed. Socioeconomic status may have shielded these young people fro m encounters wit h over t racism . However , i t mus t b e note d tha t the y seemed reluctan t t o attribut e som e o f thei r experience s t o race . A possible explanation fo r this is that they were sensitive to the notio n that blacks are "whiners," and did not want to be categorized as such. While thes e youn g me n vote d fo r Bus h i n th e 199 2 presidentia l election, approximatel y 8 0 percen t o f black s vote d fo r Clinto n i n 1992. In the 1988 Bush/Dukakis race, 25 percent of black Republican s cast their vote for Dukakis . In 1992, 29 percent o f black Republican s cast their vote for Bill Clinton (Bolce , DeMaio, and Muzzio 1993). The Republican message of small government and individual responsibility is not penetratin g th e black communit y a s a whole. The stabilit y of the marriage between Republican Party politics and black activism revealed by these students will be tested as members of the post-civi l rights generation com e to political maturity .

3 The Conservatives, Part 2 The Traditional Conservatism of the South and the Struggle against Black Stereotypes

The Republica n "rac e men " o f th e previou s chapte r ar e conservative an d posses s a stron g racia l grou p identity . As Cliffor d Apprey said , his conservatis m an d hi s Republicanis m ar e "for blac k people." The student s i n this chapte r ar e also conservative, but thei r conservatism wa s no t bor n o f a desir e fo r ne w solution s t o blac k problems. They are not follower s o r supporter s o f Loui s Farrakhan , and they do not feel that blacks necessarily have an obligation to help other blacks. Their conservatism i s the result of their being born an d raised i n th e conservativ e South , thei r religiosity , an d thei r nee d t o counter image s of black irresponsibility and dependence . For two of the student s i n thi s chapter , upper-middle-class socioeconomi c sta tus, conservative parents, and a rejection o f African-American com monality are at the root of their conservative ideology . Southerners are more conservative, and more religious, than peo ple i n othe r region s o f th e country , wit h rura l southerner s bein g more conservative than urban southerners . For example, while black support fo r busin g has wavered i n al l regions o f the country , south erners are more opposed to it than northerners (Schuman, Steeh, and Bobo 1985) . Another illustratio n o f suc h regiona l difference s (rura l and urban ) amon g black s i s found i n th e historica l developmen t o f the Nation of Islam. The Nation, with its fiery call for a separate black nation, never resonated with black southerners (Jayne s and Williams 1989). It was the northern urba n blac k who suffere d mos t fro m eco nomic downturns , crime, and dru g addiction . Founded i n the 1930s

55

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by Elijah Muhammed , the Nation o f Islam established fifty mosques by 1959, only seven of which were located in the South . Blacks in the Sout h ten d no t t o embrac e black nationalist ideol ogy, but t o identif y wit h a n assimilationis t ideolog y instead . Thes e assimilationist sentiment s ma y b e a legac y fro m th e civi l right s movement. Separatis m ma y also be perceived a s a cousin o f segre gation—a symbo l o f inferiority . Suppor t fo r integratio n combine d with souther n religiosit y i s onl y par t o f th e reaso n thes e student s are mor e incline d t o embrac e a conservativ e ideology . Th e othe r part o f the story may have to do with parental influence , enervate d black politica l leadership , an d a growin g conservativ e religiou s movement. We kno w tha t religiosit y ma y encourag e civi l organizatio n an d participation (Calhoun-Brow n 1996 ; Harris 1994 ; Smith an d Seltze r 1992). We also know that religiosity has not—at least not so far—bee n linked wit h conservatis m o n welfar e o r othe r economi c issues . This may be changing with the post-civil right s generation. The student s in this chapter give credence to the notion that religiosity encourages civic participation—they are active in political, fraternal, an d servic e organizations as well as their churches. They are also fairly conserva tive o n mora l an d cultura l issues , a s w e woul d expec t (Tat e 1994) . However, they are also somewhat conservative on welfare, and are not convinced that poor blacks are helped by this kind of government assistance. One explanation fo r their conservatism o n welfare i s the conserv ative philosophy tha t underpin s man y o f the ministrie s i n the blac k evangelical movement , whic h i s gainin g influenc e withi n th e blac k community. Prominent leaders in this movement, such as T. D. Jakes of Dallas, Texas, have endorsed the predominantly white and conser vative Promise Keepers, a religious organization dedicate d t o inspir ing men to develop "Christlike masculinity" by becoming better husbands, fathers , an d citizen s (Biblica l Discernmen t Ministrie s 1997) . Jakes also sponsors conferences called "Manpower," that are similar to Promise Keepers, where he advises men that meeting their family's financial need s i s par t o f livin g a discipline d Christia n lif e (Walke r 1996). A. R. Bernard, a prominent Churc h of God in Christ (COGIC )

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minister i n New York City, preaches "discipline, self-reliance, an d fi nancial independence" to his mostly male congregation (Tole r 1996). These developments ar e important i n that th e message s o f financia l independence an d traditiona l role s for me n an d wome n ar e layere d over messages of sexual abstinence and marital fidelity. It is easy to see the connectio n betwee n thes e idea s an d nonsuppor t fo r welfare . While the students in this chapter di d not specificall y refe r t o an y of the abov e ministries durin g th e interviews , this may be a n are a tha t warrants further exploration . The student s interviewe d i n thi s chapte r recogniz e racia l grou p membership a s important, but ar e less likely than thei r urba n coun terparts to view it as an overriding factor in their lives. Two of the students, Curtis Foster, and Corliss Bond, are from two-parent, workingclass families i n rural communities. Conrad Terry is from a two-parent working- to middle-class household i n a midsized city. The othe r two students , Caro l Chang a an d Car l Franks , ar e fro m two-parent , upper-class households, and grew up in larger cities.

Southern Comforts: Convention and Christianity Curtis Foster—Benedict Universit y Curtis Foste r i s from a small town i n th e South , and work s whil e he attend s graduat e schoo l a t Benedict . H e ha s no t travele d mor e than a fe w hundre d mile s fro m home , an d seem s conten t wit h th e quality o f lif e i n th e region . Raise d i n a n all-blac k neighborhood , Curtis's parents were hardworking peopl e who foun d tim e to be in volved i n thei r children' s lives . His mother , wh o hel d clerica l jobs , once took a n entir e summer' s leav e from he r job t o hel p hi m reac h the appropriat e grad e leve l i n reading . Hi s fathe r i s a blue-colla r worker who spen t long hours awa y from home . Curtis characterize s his parents a s "apolitical," and say s that the y voted, but neve r talke d about politics or race relations in the home. Curtis wa s a colleg e studen t whe n h e firs t travele d b y plane . H e identifies thi s experience a s one which made him realiz e that h e was

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different, an d that this difference wa s related to his racial group membership. Prior to taking this trip he had only been around blacks, and was unaware that his racial group membership ha d an y significance . Curtis an d hi s friends fel t fre e t o d o what the y wanted. Although h e had hear d abou t racism , h e ha d neve r bee n "pushe d u p agains t it. " When he arrived at the airport, he had no conception of how to board the plane or how to check his luggage. Curtis explains why this experience made him aware of race: I was talking with this guy because I didn't know anything. I didn't know how to read the... I knew this was the plane ticket. It was a white guy and he said "Are you sure you should be here?" And I'm like, what are the questions, all I want to know is where to go to get on the plane. I saw that I wasn't being treated equally because the next person that came up he was saying "Hi, how are you? What can I do to help you?" It was just something that... I was a black male. He related to them [the next customer] a lot better than he did me. I really felt out there. I didn't feel comfortable any more. Then I looked around and most of the people were white. And I'm thinking , gosh, I must be black. Or gosh, I'm the only one out here. I felt by myself. Curtis only thinks about what he has in common with other blacks "once i n a while." He believes that wha t happen s t o othe r black s i n this country will affect hi m only somewhat—but bein g black is more important to him than being American. A black identity for Curtis is rooted i n knowin g th e histor y o f black s i n thi s country . H e says , "Knowing where you came from, knowing your history, so when they [whites] com e up with a famous doctor , you can, too. When they say President Clinton ' you can say'Jesse Jackson.'" Curtis feels that being able to tel l whites abou t you r histor y make s the m mor e toleran t o f differences, sinc e "we know al l abou t the m an d the y kno w nothin g about us." Curtis has never experience d over t racial discrimination, an d ha s never heard racial epithets used by whites. He does know of a frien d who ha d a confrontation wit h a white ma n o n a beach whil e tryin g out a new video camera . As he was panning ove r the beach area , he happened t o tap e a youn g whit e woma n sunnin g hersel f o n th e beach. According to Curtis, this is what followed :

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Her boyfriend—the y couldn' t distinguis h whethe r i t wa s he r boyfriend o r her Daddy—he was an older man, said, and just to show you how they do 'cause they do it all the time. Just the way that man said, he asked him, "Boy, what are you doing?" He said, "I'm just videotaping." He [the older white man] said, "you shouldn't be videotaping our women." After askin g th e ma n t o repea t th e phrase , his frien d refuse d t o stop taping. It was then tha t the man becam e threatening an d calle d his friend a "nigger" after which the friend lef t the beach. Curtis says this was the first tim e h e ha d eve n heard o f someon e bein g calle d a "nigger" by a white person. Curtis Foster is now aware that blacks are vulnerable to mistreatment by others because of race, but he has been spared some of the harsher treatment experienced by some of the liberal students . This may have had a n impac t o n hi s views, which ar e surprisingly conservative . Conservatives, i n Curtis' s view , "go with th e basics " and wan t t o maintain the status quo, while moderates understand both sides of an issue. Liberals are "feisty" in that they push fo r change . They are also more inclusive; they can "deal with al l colors." He considers both hi s parents t o b e conservativ e becaus e althoug h the y vote , the y hav e never been involved in civil rights or political movements of any sort. Curtis considers himself liberal; most likely because he has a few liberal attitudes regarding issues like affirmative action . However, as we shall see, Curtis is not as liberal as he believes himself to be. Curtis's observation s a t hi s workplac e hav e influence d hi s per spective on affirmativ e action . He was not certai n abou t i t before h e began working. Now he believes it is necessary, mainly because blacks throughout hi s workplace ar e regularl y passe d ove r fo r promotion s without explanation. People with less knowledge and experience than he have been promoted ove r him. He is "all for thinking that the best candidate shoul d b e the righ t person " for a position. Yet he believe s that even when a minority is the right person fo r the job, he or she is unlikely to be selected because of cultural barriers: You have to get out there and act like them. You almost have to change the way that you ac t as a black person t o be like them s o they will

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choose you. Although they choose you only because you have some of the same characteristics, and not because they really want you. It's because you fit that mold . You have to wear the same white shirt, you know, made by the same company so it'll look the same way. You have to talk like them. You have to laugh at the silly jokes that they have. Even though Curti s thinks affirmative actio n is necessary, his ambivalence is evident when he gives a neutral response to the statement "job applicants should be judged solely on the basis of test scores and other individua l qualities. " He does not attribut e th e failur e o f indi vidual black s t o discrimination , completin g th e statemen t "I f blac k people don't do well in life it is because" with "of lack of self-esteem. " For Curtis , the mos t pressin g proble m i n th e blac k communit y i s a lack o f incom e an d awarenes s o f th e importanc e o f educatio n an d political participation, which for him ar e connected. Curtis provide s more evidence that he may not be the liberal he thinks he is when h e leaves government out of his solution to this problem, preferring tha t successful black s take on the problem b y mentoring young blacks in troubled communities . He is currently working with suc h a project , and reveal s a n inclinatio n towar d a n individualis t philosoph y whe n queried about his opinion o n government spending . Curtis woul d lik e t o se e increase d spendin g o n socia l program s such a s midnight basketball . Unlike Clifford an d Charles , two of th e Republican rac e men , Curti s think s tha t midnigh t basketbal l i s a good idea. He does not, however, think that welfare spending shoul d be increased, because "if you know that you have the support it might prevent you from puttin g forth much effort." The government spend s "a little too much " on welfare . I t "hinders peopl e a little bit." Curti s approves o f short-term governmen t assistanc e for peopl e in a crisis; however, he still believes that welfare recipients should work—if onl y as volunteers. Curtis's conservative bent i s more pronounced o n moral and cul tural issues. He opposes abortion unde r an y circumstances, and disapproves of premarital sex and having children outside marriage. He is only fairly toleran t o n homosexuality . When i t come s to women' s rights, he is supportive o f equal treatment unde r th e law, but balk s at the notion of women forging careers . He believes that nurturing a

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career interferes with a woman's ability to fulfill he r primary respon sibility, whic h i s th e family . I t i s th e woman' s jo b t o rea r childre n "from birt h up ," because she does a much better job of it than men . Curtis declare s tha t hi s partisa n identificatio n i s a s a n Indepen dent, which is not surprising considering the mix of conservative and liberal views revealed i n th e interview . He voted fo r Clinto n i n 1992 because " I like d him . I like d hi s view s abou t things—especiall y health." He also thought that Clinton brought a "sense of unity" to the country. Curtis admires Maxine Waters (D-CA), a black House member wh o represent s par t o f Sout h Centra l Lo s Angeles . Althoug h Maxine Waters is not shy in her advocacy for black interests, Curtis's admiration doe s not extend to another vocal advocate of black interests, Loui s Farrakhan . Curti s i s confuse d b y wha t h e perceive s a s mixed message s i n Farrakhan' s rhetoric : "I can' t understan d ho w h e says love everybody and then say s hate all the white people." He concedes, however, that "it's strange," but Farrakhan is probably the most influential leade r today. Curtis Foster's nearly absent racia l group identit y has been awak ened b y hi s wor k experience . H e ha s le d a sheltere d life , whic h i s demonstrated b y the fact that he grew up in an extremely segregate d community an d remaine d unawar e o f racia l differences . Her e agai n the lack of exposure and interaction with whites has resulted in a freedom from racia l considerations. Only when Curtis entered a "white" world—for example , the airport near his small town—did it occur to him that being black had significance i n his life. As he so aptly stated, he had never been "pushed up against" racism, so there was never any reason for him to think about the economic or social consequences of his racial group membership. Now that he is working, he has discovered tha t promotion s d o no t com e a s easil y to black s a s they d o t o whites. Affirmative actio n is now real for him, as is the significance o f racial group membership . Curtis's "encounter" stag e in the developmen t o f his racial grou p identity has been gradual . The mil d snubbin g o f the airpor t officia l was a n unremarkabl e initiation . Th e frustratio n h e experience s o n the job is also mildly irritating to him, mainly because this is a shortterm situation . Afte r h e receive s hi s master' s degree , h e expect s t o

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move on to greener pastures. If Curtis has an experience that is more severely disappointing as a result of his race, he may become less conservative. Unti l then , hi s conservativ e viewpoint s o n solution s t o black problems will remain intact . His strong belief in the value of work, a significant characteristi c of southern culture , i s eviden t i n hi s attitude s o n welfare . Thi s factor , combined with the fact that he considers himself "very religious" (he is an active member o f a Baptist church with traditional tenets), may influence hi s attitudes o n women havin g careers. Curtis's main con cern regarding racial issues is affirmative action , which he believes in because o f his perception tha t discriminatio n i n hi s own workplac e continues. What ma y be more importan t i s the fact tha t Curti s doe s not loo k to government fo r solution s to problems o f poverty, drugs, and crime in the black community, which explains his nonsupport o f welfare an d perhaps his ambivalence on affirmative action .

Southern Currents: Political Involvement and Collective Action Conrad Terry—Benedict Universit y The tremendou s increas e i n blac k electe d official s ove r th e pas t twenty year s i s the resul t o f increase d opportunitie s t o run , an d t o win, in majority-black districts , as well as the burgeoning black mid dle class. The black middle class, possessing greater material an d or ganizational resources , feels more politically efficacious tha n before . This ha s resulte d i n a significan t amoun t o f politica l participatio n (Shingles 1981). In the South, there are still compelling reasons to or ganize around th e electio n o f black officials . Although Curti s Foste r is part of the "integration generation, " most of his life has been spen t in segregate d environments . This is not a s uncommon a s one migh t think for his generation, especially in this region. This segregated en vironment encourage s African-American politica l mobilization, an d is one of the reasons why Curtis Foster identified politica l participa tion as a key element in rebuilding poor black communities. The next student is politically active on an d of f campus . Like Curtis Foster, he

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considers himsel f a n Independent , an d woul d lik e t o se e African Americans tak e more responsibilit y fo r condition s i n their commu nities. Conrad Terry, who grew up in the largest city in his southern state, is grooming himself to head the student organization at Benedict. He is a scholar-athlete an d has a close relative who is making a name fo r himself i n loca l politics . Conra d support s th e relativ e b y workin g hard i n his campaigns. He attended integrate d elementar y and mid dle schools , but hi s high schoo l was predominantly black . Conrad' s father run s several small businesses, and his mother has a pink-collar job with a large food company . Money was scarce while he was growing up, and Conra d remember s days when there was little to eat. Unlike Curtis , Conrad remember s becomin g awar e o f racia l dif ferences a t a very earl y age—perhap s becaus e h e attende d a n inte grated kindergarten , whil e Curti s wa s no t integrate d wit h white s until h e began working . Conra d wa s in kindergarten wher e hi s best friend, a white girl, joined him in a reading group every day. When the teachers stopped her from doin g this, he knew instinctively that it had something t o d o wit h hi s bein g black . Conra d wa s angr y wit h hi s friend fo r allowing the teachers to stop her from bein g in the readin g group. Now h e laugh s a t hi s failur e t o understan d tha t sh e ha d n o choice in the matter . Conrad thinks about being black a lot, and believes that what happens t o othe r black s wil l affec t hi m a grea t deal . When asked i f h e could define a black identity, Conrad replied, "You can't be black and not hav e a black identity. Identifying, I believe, is initiated fro m on e person ont o anothe r person . Others have a part i n molding or shap ing your identity." In other words, the perception others have of black people and the ways in which black people relate to other black people, means that n o black ca n escap e this identity. Conrad's respons e was significantly different fro m an y other response to this question; it suggests tha t fo r Conra d other s ar e just a s responsible a s blacks fo r making race an issue. Conrad's experience s wit h racis m hel p explai n wh y he feel s tha t others mak e i t difficul t t o escap e identifyin g wit h race . Once whe n there wa s a n assaul t i n th e neighborhoo d surroundin g hi s hig h

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school, Conrad and a friend wer e stopped by the police while leaving track practice, made to get out of the car, and place their hands in the air. The officer s searche d th e ca r an d refuse d t o tel l the m wh y the y had been stopped o r why the car was being searched : I was really upset. What had happened was the person involved in the fight lef t in a Volkswagen bug. The bug was red. The bug we were sitting in was gray. The windows were tinted—they didn't see whether or not the guy was white, or black. I guess they just assumed—they were two white cops—they just assumed that the guy who beat this brother down was a black guy. We had on track shoes, the whole nine. The secon d incident , a more violent one , happened whe n h e was fifteen. He was called a "nigger" by a group o f olde r white boys wh o lived in a trailer park near his neighborhood. He and his friend trie d to ignor e them , but a fight ensued. According t o Conrad , "it turne d into a really verbally abusive situation before it became a fight. He was calling m y friend' s mothe r a bitc h an d spa t i n hi s face . I t wa s jus t ridiculous." In spite of these experiences, however, Conrad is committed to traditional methods of achieving racial equality—through electora l politics an d communit y effort . H e define s politica l conservatis m a s merely "reserved"—mad e u p o f broad-minde d peopl e wh o simpl y prefer quie t solution s t o socia l problems . Moderates ar e "kind o f i n between" and liberals are concerned with the collective good. Liberals want t o reac h ou t t o everyone , and ar e more inclusiv e of minorities . He thinks his mother is "a definite liberal," while his father i s conservative. H e believe s h e i s mor e conservativ e tha n liberal . Conra d ha s been influence d b y the wor k o f blac k leader s durin g th e civi l right s movement, bu t think s mor e black s nee d t o b e i n th e conservativ e camp, "because we need individuals—to m e it's a title, OK? It doesn't mean you have to act accordingly." For Conrad, liberals sometimes approach issues more directly than he would like—they have an in-yourface metho d o f dealin g with rac e issues . He prefers a quieter wa y of doing things, and in that sense, he says, he is definitely conservative . Conrad has been influenced i n a liberal direction by the "Contract with America," 1 which he believes divides Americans:

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It fails to embrac e those things that affec t peopl e as a whole. It is a movement that will not only weaken blacks and minorities, but will weaken th e cor e of America by leaving out th e important things — children's education, the education of young folk like myself, and welfare as well. I really feel that the bottom line to the U.S. [financial] situation is, I'll put it simply, "getting up off the money" When I say "getting up off the money" we're talking about minimum wage, making people interested in being employed. In Conrad's view, the current minimum wage is inadequate. For him, this i s proved b y a study that reveale d tha t mos t welfare-dependen t single mother s worke d a t minimum-wag e jobs . Thi s i s Conrad' s pragmatic side—putting more money directly in people's pockets, he thinks, is bound t o help change their condition . Conrad characterizes most of his friends a s conservative. He joins his friends i n his nonsupport o f affirmative action , although he does think government shoul d "enforce rule s and laws that prohibit racia l inequalities." Conrad see s a lack o f educatio n an d knowledg e abou t financial matter s a s the source of problems in the black community . Those problem s woul d bes t b e solve d b y "educating ourselve s an d others abou t wha t i t mean s t o inves t safely. " He als o believes black s should mak e acquirin g a n educatio n a "persona l endeavor. " Ulti mately, black peopl e ar e responsibl e fo r improvin g thei r ow n com munities. When i t is clear that presen t strategie s ar e ineffective, ne w ones shoul d b e developed . Thi s belie f i n self-hel p doe s no t preven t Conrad fro m citin g externa l reason s fo r th e failur e o f individua l blacks. He finishes th e statement, "In the United States , if black people don' t d o wel l i n life , i t i s because " wit h "the y didn' t hav e th e proper nourishment, as well as the proper tools for succeeding. Those tools are a proper educatio n a s well as a support system. " Conrad think s welfare spendin g i s "about right " and mor e fund s should be allocated for crimina l rehabilitation. He is pro-choice, tolerant of premarital sex, intolerant of out-of-wedlock births, and neutral on homosexuality. Conrad voted for Clinto n in 1992 because "he made blacks feel that there was a chance for somethin g good to happen wit h him. " Education i s important t o Conrad , bu t i t i s a "per sonal" endeavor. He makes no mentio n o f government assistanc e o r

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the developmen t o f program s t o hel p peopl e obtai n a n education . The onl y government interventio n h e support s i s an increas e i n th e minimum wage , because i t ma y serv e a s an incentiv e t o welfar e re cipients. It is also worth noting that Conrad is not opposed to joining the conservativ e caus e just to mak e sure that blacks are represented . Cornell Hall , on e o f th e Republica n rac e men , share d thi s senti ment—both believ e tha t i t i s wiser fo r black s t o b e presen t i n bot h political camp s tha n t o limi t themselve s t o th e Democrati c Part y alone.

Southern Customs: Faith and Individualism Corliss Bond—Whelan Universit y Part of the culture of the South is grounded in religious principles that ar e linked to the belief that it is the moral duty of individuals t o take care of themselves and their families (Blac k and Black 1987). Another aspect of religious belief that feeds this individualistic culture is the ide a tha t i f a person i s doing "God's will, " God wil l take car e o f that person . Illnes s an d economi c hardship s ar e sometime s looke d upon a s the result of disobedience to God . These ar e powerful cultura l ideals , and the y ar e not th e exclusiv e domain o f souther n whites . Corliss Bond , a sophomor e a t Whela n University, embrace s thes e ideals . She i s fro m a smal l tow n no t fa r from th e city , and say s that sh e chose Whelan i n part becaus e i t was not very far fro m he r home. Her father i s disabled an d canno t work ; however, her mother is a successful businesswoman and provides well for the family. Corliss is active in many organizations on campus, including the NAACP. This involvemen t wit h a blac k organizatio n i s a firs t fo r her . I n middle schoo l sh e "hung ou t wit h whit e people. " When aske d why , she say s that "th e black kids were reall y bad an d alway s into things . And I mean even though I was kind of like a rebel, I wasn't into doing all the stuff the y were doing." The "stuff" they were doing turned ou t to be using alcohol and other drugs in the school. By the time she was

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in high schoo l al l her friend s wer e black. She explains this by saying that sh e and her white friends "jus t grew apart." Corliss interject s severa l time s durin g th e intervie w t o sa y tha t racism was not a factor in her community. However, the Rodney King incident mad e her "stop and look at things." This incident mad e he r question her belief that racism did not exist : You know, I mean, you think, as far as growing up in [hometown]. It's like you really don't see a whole lot of racism and everything like that. So you know, you are kind of brought up and led to believe that racism doesn't really exist anymore. And then, you know, something like that happens and it's kind of like maybe it still does. As the intervie w progresses , Corlis s remember s tha t ther e wa s a racial incident in her community, which happened at her high school. There wa s a debat e abou t th e appropriatenes s o f confederat e fla g shirts worn by white students , and th e Malcolm X clothing worn b y black students. The conflict wa s resolved by banning both confeder ate flag shirt s an d "X" hats an d shirts . After th e ban, racia l slur s di rected a t blacks were written o n th e walls around th e school. Corliss said tha t nothin g wa s don e abou t thi s an d th e inciden t jus t "ble w over." Corliss only thinks o f what sh e has in commo n wit h othe r black s "once in a while." She does not think her fate is linked with the fate of other blacks unless "the government someho w or other gets involved and it becomes a really big, you know, nationally advertised situation , and even then probably not a whole lot." Corliss is not entirel y comfortable discussin g he r feeling s abou t he r racia l grou p membershi p during the interview. Part of the reason may be that she believes that a black identit y ha s t o d o wit h bein g poo r an d committin g crimes . She says , "All blacks ar e categorize d a s poor , dru g users , the whol e nine. N o on e i s ou t ther e tryin g t o bette r themselves. " Her conser vatism ma y be linke d t o he r desir e t o challeng e negativ e image s o f blacks. Interestingly, Corliss does not think of herself a s a conservative— she think s sh e i s libera l becaus e sh e doe s hol d som e libera l views . Corliss defines a conservative as someone who is "laid back." She also

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thinks conservatives do not want to "move forward" at all, and disapprove o f homosexuality . Moderate s ar e "takin g i t slowly—movin g forward, bu t slowly. " Liberals are "moving forward fast. " Corliss's fa ther i s conservative an d he r mothe r i s moderate. Corliss i s an Inde pendent whe n i t come s to part y affiliation , bu t s o far ha s voted Re publican. Corliss is quite liberal on abortion rights , gay rights, and premarital sex; however, she does not approve of having out-of-wedlock chil dren. She supports women's rights, which is consistent with her views on abortion. Corliss voted the Republican ticket in the 1994 midterm election, whic h wa s significan t sinc e he r stat e ha d on e o f th e mos t conservative Republica n ticket s i n th e country . Corlis s Bond' s per ception o f herself a s a liberal is clearly at odds with the views she expressed i n th e interview—excep t i n th e area s o f abortio n an d women's rights . Sh e talked abou t discussion s sh e ha d ha d wit h he r friends o n whether o r no t a local black man accuse d o f a murder i n their stat e shoul d b e extradite d fro m anothe r stat e fo r prosecution . Her friends do not believe he will receive a fair trial because of racism. Corliss believes that he should stan d trial where the crime was committed—and accep t whatever punishment i s meted out . Corliss disagree s with affirmativ e action , and believes that black s do not succee d in life because "they don't try hard enough. " She says the main factor i n the perpetuation o f black poverty and other nega tive conditions in the black community is the welfare system. Welfare, in Corliss's view, keeps blacks from "betterin g themselves." She mentions her mother's ability to take over the support o f the family sinc e her father's disabling accident as proof that people can do better than they think . Corlis s woul d lik e t o se e stricte r limit s o n welfar e pay ments, an d mor e emphasi s o n educatio n an d jobs . Sh e think s th e government i s already doing it s part i n guaranteein g racia l equalit y by havin g antidiscriminatio n laws . Corlis s doe s no t se e a nee d fo r government to do more. Only four student s out of the entire sampl e interviewed for this book said they believed blacks would achieve ful l social and economic equality in their lifetimes. Corliss Bond was one of those students. Corliss Bon d i s from a closely knit famil y i n a rural community .

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The churc h tha t th e famil y attend s i s nondenominational an d inte grated. Corliss is active in the church and it is a central part of her life. Religious faith , i n part , give s Corlis s th e confidenc e tha t he r lif e chances wil l not b e compromise d b y her racia l grou p membership . She als o believe s tha t he r decision s will b e differen t fro m thos e o f blacks who find themselves locked out of opportunities, and that sh e is therefore unlikel y to shar e their fate . Corliss observe d he r mothe r take over responsibility for the family's financial well-being by building a successful busines s fro m scratch , and sh e believes others coul d do the same. The political decisions she makes are based on these beliefs, not on positions candidates take regarding race.

Young, Wealthy, and Black The next two students are from upper-clas s families, and neither ha s been expose d t o man y people , especiall y blacks , who ar e fro m les s privileged backgrounds. In some ways they are similar: both point t o the success of their parents a s proof tha t blacks are not oppresse d i n this country . Th e parent s o f bot h ar e immigrants , an d bot h atten d majority-white elit e institutions . Ther e ar e som e differences ; on e grew up in a large midwestern city, and the other in a midsized south ern city ; one has parents o f African origin , while the other' s parent s are of West Indian origin ; one is male and the other female . West Indians , a s a group , see m t o far e bette r economicall y tha n African-Americans. Thi s ha s bee n attribute d t o th e confidenc e ac quired fro m growin g up i n majority-black countrie s an d arrivin g i n the United States with more job experience. It is also well-known tha t West Indian s ar e ofte n critica l o f indigenou s blacks , believing tha t they lack the drive and ambition fo r succes s (Foner 1987). The conservativ e perspective s o f thes e tw o student s i s partly th e result of growing up in well-off communities , and partly the result of parental influence. It cannot be ignored that both set s of parents ar e immigrants an d se e the United State s in much th e same light a s European immigrant s a t the tur n o f th e century—a s th e lan d o f hop e and opportunity . Fo r bot h familie s thi s visio n ha s been realized , i n

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part because both fathers cam e to this country already possessing an education an d considerabl e skills . This i s often th e cas e with immi grants fro m developin g countries . Moreover , b y locatin g i n metro politan area s they more easil y fulfill thei r dream s o f economic secu rity (Boston 1988). Once secure, these immigrants more fervently embrace th e ide a tha t i t i s possibl e fo r everyon e t o succee d i n America—if the y are willing to work hard . Carol Changa—Woodson Universit y Carol Changa gre w up i n a n upscale suburb o f a midsized cit y in the South. She is a young woman of delicate features and manner. The offspring o f parent s wh o wer e born i n Africa, Caro l ha s been give n many advantages an d opportunities . Both parents ar e professionals , and her mother is an active member of the Republican Party. She had serious problem s wit h he r identity , sinc e sh e wen t t o a n all-whit e school and her family was the only black family in the neighborhood : I used to think I was white. It took me a long time, probably until middle school, but I came to the realization that I was a minority. For some reason I used to flip my hair and wash my hair every day, just like white people did. 2 Use d to scru b my body to get lighter—it wa s bad. . . . When whit e peopl e woul d tal k abou t nigger s I woul d joi n i n th e laughter because I didn't consider myself colored. Carol has very dark skin, which she scrubbed so vigorously that she nearly injured herself . Her parents decided to transfer her , in part because of these identity problems, to an all-black high school. This was a difficult transitio n fo r her . She resisted it by behaving and dressin g in a manner tha t "would automaticall y [sho w people that] I was different an d I was not one of them. So it took a lot of verbal abuse fro m my peers to make me find out I was a minority." This verbal abuse included calling her names like "Uncle Tom" and teasing her about he r complexion by calling her "Dark Shadows." After she had accepted her membership i n a minority race , Carol resente d he r parent s fo r "tak ing away my blackness from me. " She believes that only white peopl e encourage their children to take ballet and piano lessons, and that by

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doing this her parents contributed to her inability to accept her racial membership. Caro l no w ha s n o whit e friends , an d associate s wit h people from differen t ethni c backgrounds at Woodson. Carol insists that she has never experienced racia l discrimination , and say s that "mayb e it' s because I' m a woman an d th e wa y I talk. " Later she remembers a recent incident i n which whites drove by her home an d yelled at her and a younger sibling , "Get out o f the neigh borhood, niggers." Carol says that this incident go t her "in the mod e of hat e al l the white people. " Yet she admit s tha t al l her idea s abou t black peopl e cam e fro m whit e people . Sh e ha s internalize d al l th e stereotypes abou t blacks—whic h make s i t harde r t o accept , eve n today, that sh e is a part o f this group. According to Carol, that is why she and he r parent s ha d suc h a confrontational relationshi p i n hig h school. She feels they had an obligation to tell her how important it is to know that you are black. When asked abou t a blac k identity , Caro l say s tha t sh e believe s there is one, but she doesn't think it can be defined : I don't think anyone can define the levels of blackness ... [or ] say that Clarence Thomas is an Uncle Tom or any less black than someone who comes from the ghetto—everybody has their own—I'm sure if he had a different dialect or a different way of speaking, he wouldn't have that stigma upo n him . That's like saying my father doesn' t hav e a black identity because he's a professional. Carol wears contact lense s that rende r he r eye s a pale gra y and hai r extensions to lengthen her natural hair. Other student s are critical of her because of these accessories, but Carol thinks they are being hypocritical and unfair : They say you're a sellout. But if you pu t a perm i n your head , you know, you're still kind o f conforming t o the white man's mentality. Even though they don't see it like that—why don't you wear your hair natural? You know, don't come down on me because I want to wear a weave [the weaving in of synthetic or natural hair for length and thickness] and contacts. When presse d fo r a description o f herself, Carol does not includ e her racia l membership . Whe n th e interviewe r point s thi s out , sh e

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says, "Race i s ver y tediou s t o m e a s a description . Wha t doe s tha t mean?... Blacks have to define [blac k identity] individually for them selves. There is no standard for blackness." Carol's early interaction with whites and her socioeconomic statu s have contribute d t o a wea k identit y tha t sh e feel s compelle d t o strengthen. Yet her political attitudes are reflective o f her ideas abou t minorities. She believes the main factor contributing to black poverty is that black s blam e th e whit e ma n fo r everything . Sh e says , "They need to come of out o f that stat e [o f mind]. They say the white ma n won't give them a job, but first of all they don't have a college education. There i s financial aid . I know plenty of people no w that didn' t go to college but they have a job." Carol define s hersel f a s a politica l liberal . Sh e als o think s he r mother i s liberal, even though he r mother i s active in both stat e an d local Republica n politics . Ther e ha s bee n on e exception , whe n he r mother worked for a Democratic candidate for Congress. Her father , she says, is definitely a conservative. She defines conservativ e as "outdated, close-minded , narrow-minded , racis t come s t o min d some times." She defines liberals as open-minded, but says that they can be "extremist a littl e bit. " Moderate s fo r Caro l ar e somewher e i n be tween. She sees herself as open-minded, but not extremist. In the one election i n which sh e participated, sh e voted th e Democrati c ticket . When Caro l i s aske d abou t he r idea s o n a variety o f issues , her re sponses are conservative, except on abortion an d homosexuality. She approves of abortion o n demand, and is liberal on issues of women's rights, premarital sex , out-of-wedlock childbearing , and homosexu ality. Her conservatism becomes apparent in her answers on affirma tive action , welfare , an d th e issu e o f responsibilit y fo r povert y an d other problems in the black community . Carol believe s affirmativ e actio n "ha s prove n t o b e ba d i n som e cases because when I first came here [t o Woodson] I was told tha t I was onl y here becaus e Woodson ha d a specifi c quot a t o meet. " She does not believe this is true because of her exceptional grade point average an d SA T scores; however, because o f th e stigma , sh e doe s no t approve o f affirmativ e action . Sh e als o believe s welfar e spendin g should be greatly reduced, because "A lot o f people o n welfare don' t

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need to be. Tve been i n a situation wher e Tve played cards , and the y [food stam p recipients] wil l play for food stamps. " When Carol is questioned about her seemingly contradictory feelings of hatred towar d whites and he r conservativ e views on affirma tive actio n an d welfare , sh e replies : "I' m lik e m y father—h e hate s white people and he's always in their faces." She says she is attempting to redirect her anger toward whites in more positive ways. Carol cannot explain her feelings. She says she wants her voice to be heard, that she want s white s t o kno w tha t sh e doe s no t lik e being stereotyped . The idea that whites assume all blacks are poor, or that they may steal while shopping, disturbs Carol—because she has learned that it is difficult for them to distinguish her from less fortunate blacks. At Woodson, Carol is reminded tha t stereotype s o f blacks exist, and i t make s her uncomfortable. As an example, Carol mentions a class at Woodson wher e th e student s requeste d hel p fro m on e o f th e Asia n stu dents, when she was doing better i n the class. Carol feels that a stigma is attached to women who are dark com plexioned, an d sh e i s no t entirel y mistaken . Ther e i s evidenc e tha t black women whos e complexion s ar e dar k ar e less likely than blac k fairer-complexioned wome n t o marr y (Hughe s an d Herte l 1990) . Colorism, o r th e tendenc y fo r black s t o trea t faire r member s o f th e race differentl y fro m darke r members , i s a painfu l bu t widel y ac knowledged problem . Spik e Le e broache d th e subjec t i n hi s film School Daze, in which the fairer-skinned sororit y girls on the major ity-black campu s (th e settin g o f the film) wer e "wannabes," and th e darker-skinned girl s wer e "jigaboos. " I n th e introductio n t o Black Bourgeosie, author E . Franklin Frazie r mentions tha t th e racia l prid e exhibited by the black middle class was betrayed by the value placed "upon a white or light complexion" (Frazier 1957). Carol has been taunted about her dark skin since high school. She says that when blac k men sa y to her "you look goo d fo r a black sister," it makes her angry. She believes that being fair complexione d i s more important fo r black women than for black men, and this exacerbates her feelings o f not belonging in either the black or the white community. At the tim e o f th e interview , Caro l was active in a n organizatio n

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whose member s ar e tryin g t o eliminat e ethni c barriers . Caro l say s that blacks, whites, Asians, and Latinos are all members of this group, which she prefers to organizations such as the Black Student Alliance. She hopes this compromise will resolve her ongoing conflict regard ing racial group membership an d its meaning. Some young people faced wit h a n identity crisis resolve it by embracing blac k nationalism , bu t th e rhetori c o f Loui s Farrakha n ha s turned Caro l awa y from thi s philosophy . Sh e thinks Farrakha n i s a good speaker , but sh e finds him "funny," a s in absurd. Carol believes blacks shoul d questio n thei r politica l leader s more , an d no t allo w black politicians t o provid e symboli c rathe r tha n substantiv e repre sentation. Carol's socioeconomi c status , exposure to whites at an early age, parental influence , an d finally, he r majority-whit e environment , have resulted in a young woman with a less developed sense of racial group identit y an d conservativ e attitude s o n policie s tha t affec t African-Americans. Carol' s upper-middle-clas s statu s present s a n extra obstacl e t o th e successfu l resolutio n o f thi s dilemma . I n Carol's mind, most black s are poor, which mean s tha t sh e has littl e in commo n wit h mos t member s o f he r racia l group . Sh e ha s at tempted t o construct a n identity that doe s not includ e racial mem bership a s a primary component, hence her reluctance to join blac k organizations. Th e fac t tha t he r complexio n work s agains t he r within th e blac k community , especiall y give n he r gende r status , makes he r ambivalen t abou t claimin g membershi p i n th e race . Carol ma y continu e t o gravitat e towar d multiethni c organization s and causes , which is perhaps the most acceptabl e way to resolve her identity crisis.

Black Is a Color Carl Franks—Windsor Universit y Carl Franks is the son of upper-middle-class West Indian parents . The culture of his parents, as well as the majority-white schoo l environment, ma y hav e muc h t o d o wit h hi s traditiona l conservativ e

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views. The economic success of West Indian immigrants, defined her e as peopl e comin g fro m th e island s o f th e Caribbean , i s ofte n pre sented as evidence that racism is not responsible for the lack of comparable success among native black Americans (Sowel l 1983). West India n immigrant s conside r themselve s differen t from , an d often superio r to , black Americans because of their ties to Europea n cultures. They want to be distinguished fro m nativ e black Americans because they know that nativ e blacks are negatively stereotyped an d suffer discriminatio n i n employment an d housing. They also believe that their cultur e is fundamentally different—tha t the y are more in dustrious an d independen t tha n nativ e black Americans, and there fore deserve recognition a s a distinct group . The difficulty i s that white Americans ca n se e little difference be tween West Indians and African-Americans—especially Wes t Indians of a darker complexion . Although dar k ski n i s as stigmatized i n th e Caribbean a s it is in the Unite d States , one ca n overcom e th e disad vantages of a dark complexion by acquiring the education, manners, and economi c positio n o f mulattoe s an d whites . West Indian s ar e frustrated whe n the y discove r tha t goo d manners , education, an d a sophisticated manner are not enough, at least in this country, to overcome their racial group membership (Fone r 1987; Stafford 1987) . As Carl speaks , he make s i t clea r tha t ther e ar e distinction s t o b e made amon g blacks. Black identity for Car l is about physica l attrib utes and knowledge: I think being black is a twofold thing: it has to do with color and with pigmentation o f skin, and then there are different shade s of gray in this whole thing—because I know some very light-skinned blacks who look almost white. OK. But they are very black... but also, knowledge of a culture, history, and knowledge of what your perception is in this country, how you are perceived in this country. Growing u p i n a middle-class community , Car l had a n opportu nity to meet a number o f successful blacks . Watching and listening to these people—politicians , professionals , an d businessmen—taugh t him tha t accomplishe d black s di d no t focu s o n race . He was disap pointed in the campaign of a black candidate for office in his city who commented tha t more blacks were needed in government :

76 | The Conservatives, Part 2 I'm lik e why would you want to delve into, to play the race card or delve into the race card? By doing that, I mean I know Reginald Lewis3 said this in his book, colors and labels have a tendency to place artificial limits on you. I mean I read that and I took it to heart. That kind of summed up what I was thinking. A lot of these people that are doing these things, doing the high-up things, the things they want to do, didn't let colors or labels put any kind of limits on them. Where you hear the other guys talking about yeah, you know, the man talking about this, and that the white man's this, and the white man's that, and the white man keeps me down, and the man—and I'm like, the only man keeping you down is yourself. Carl says that he hardly ever thinks about being black, but believes that wha t happen s generall y t o black s will affec t hi m a lot. He say s that if affirmative actio n is rescinded on a large scale it will definitel y affect him, but it will not prevent him from being successful. The subject of racial solidarity is a sensitive one for hi m a t the moment, because there has been disagreemen t amon g the black students durin g the year about the importance o f black unity. Carl explains that one of the ways student leaders tried to smoot h over the dispute was to stage a "Unity Step Show." "Stepping" is a display of choreographe d routine s b y black fraternitie s an d sororities . These routines are often dazzling , with intricate formations an d transitions. The "Unity Step Show" would have featured black Greeks and Independents "stepping" together. He disagreed with this idea: And we talked about the thing about the black community uh, being unified. And I said I don't believe the black community—I don't believe in black unity because I'm learning that things in this world are not about black and white. It's about the spirit that people have. This is my spirituality starting to grow and mature. And when you limit yourself to just black people you're doing a great disservice to yourself. And this started from m e this last summer being here and getting to know some white people in m y classes where before I would never speak to them—never say any words to them. I don't believe in black unity because we're not all about the same thing. I don't believe that we should have some kind of unity and I should look out for people just because we have the same color. Because it does not mean we're about the same ideals or the same things. I mean I could see a brother

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walking down the street, you know, and say I should have black unity with this man. But that man could run out and rob people. And I have nothing in common with that man and don't want to have anything in common wit h him . We happen t o both b e black. I mean, that typ e deal. I'm learning, and that's something my father has tried to instill in me, is that don' t loo k at color first, look at other thing s first. Be an American who happens to be black, don't be a black American. If you see what I'm saying about the difference. Carl wa s asked i f h e ha d eve r experience d racism . H e sai d no , an d added, "I'm no t on e t o cal l racism a t th e dro p o f a dime. I don't d o that." He said he went to look for an apartment i n the area and land lords assumed he was from Benedict , the historically black college in the area . Althoug h h e sai d tha t som e peopl e migh t thin k tha t as sumption was racist, he did not. He thought it was logical because the percentage of blacks at Windsor is so low that that sort of assumption makes sense. For Carl, a conservative is someone who is white and right-wing . Conservatives, i n hi s view , believ e i n self-help , smal l government , and "i n being judged o n th e basis o f numerica l fact s an d no t base d on taking outside factors into account." He also believes that conser vatives are religious fundamentalists. Moderates have mixed views— some ar e liberal , other s ar e conservative . Liberal s ar e "left, ou t th e box." Car l identifie s liberal s wit h bein g supportiv e o f bi g govern ment: People who believe in big government an d government shoul d help everybody. Government should be above everything. They don't like business. They don't like small enterprise. People who are just crazy out the box. People who are more caught up in color, I think. Conservatives are more based on numbers, on the facts, who's the best, who's number one—whereas liberals are always caught up in color—what's white, what's gray—all this and all that. When asked abou t th e ideologica l leaning s o f hi s parents, Carl say s his father i s a moderate conservative . Carl's father an d mal e sibling s are entrepreneurs, and his mother is a homemaker. He does not know how his mother feel s about politica l issues: "Me and m y Mom don' t

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talk about thing s like that. When i t comes to m y political views, my Dad prett y muc h forme d them . M y Mo m gav e m e a concep t o f morality abou t things . My Dad helpe d m e for m m y politica l view s about things." Carl name s th e lac k o f a solid famil y structur e an d a n extende d family, drugs , self-centeredness, an d relianc e o n governmen t a s th e main problem s i n th e black community . H e believes tha t th e legal ization o f drugs is the first ste p in solving these problems. Legalized drugs, welfare reform , an d "religio n bac k i n th e schools " will dete r crime. CarFs family i s devoutly religious, and h e believes that thi s is the ke y to success . His logi c i s that i f religiou s principle s wer e ad hered to, many problems would be eliminated. There would be fewer children bor n out-of-wedloc k an d mor e marriages . Dru g usag e would b e reduced , whic h woul d automaticall y reduc e crime . Car l completed the statement, "In the United States, if black people don' t do well in life, it is because . . . " wit h the following: "First of all they don't hav e God i n thei r life ; because the y ar e not humble ; and the y limit themselves." Carl supports affirmativ e action , but would like to see it based o n the premis e tha t anyon e deprive d o f a n adequat e educatio n shoul d receive specia l consideration . H e think s th e welfare system discour ages peopl e fro m working , bu t believe s governmen t shoul d ensur e fairness i n the job market . Carl is pro-choice o n abortion , but hopes that people will choos e life. He says that h e is "very intolerant" of homosexual behavior, bu t "very tolerant" of homosexuals. He does not think children should be born outsid e marriage , and i s lukewarm o n th e questio n o f wome n having careers . Carl' s objectio n t o th e economi c independenc e o f women i s tha t i t i s wrong fro m a biblical standpoint . H e doe s no t think al l women shoul d be homemakers, but say s that "there ca n b e only one captai n o f a ship, and me n shoul d serv e in that rol e in th e home." Carl Franks is reminiscent o f Charles Gaston, one of the Republican rac e men a t Brooks . Both have West Indian parents , and stron g influential fathers . However, Carl does not share Charles's feelings of obligation t o othe r black s o r hi s admiratio n fo r Loui s Farrakhan .

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Carl perceives Farrakhan as someone who takes advantage of blacks, saying, "He's a con man. He's a con man. He is the ultimate con man. . . . Hi s views and the Nation o f Islam's views—a lot of them o n selfhelp an d blac k empowermen t I believe—but othe r tha n that , he's a con man. " The life experiences of Carl Franks have led him to believe in the primacy o f meri t an d har d wor k a s the prescriptio n fo r economi c woes. In hi s view, the rac e proble m stem s fro m a n overrelianc e o n race as an explanation fo r individua l failure. He believes that his father an d hi s father' s friend s hav e demonstrate d tha t rac e nee d no t be a factor i n determinin g succes s in life. Placing the responsibilit y for problem s squarel y o n th e shoulder s o f black s themselves , Car l Franks i s poised t o ente r th e world with al l the privileges tha t h e is sure will be the reward fo r being fundamentalist an d financiall y se cure.

Summary With th e exceptio n o f Car l Franks , thes e traditiona l conservative s identify themselves as Independents. (Carl did not claim any partisan identity.) They cannot alig n themselves with Democrats for a variety of reasons. For some , it is the Democrats' liberal stance on abortio n and toleranc e o f alternativ e lifestyles . Fo r others , i t i s a perceptio n that Democrat s favo r to o man y socia l programs . Th e Republica n Party ha s alienate d mos t black s wit h it s anti-affirmativ e actio n rhetoric—not t o mentio n th e memor y o f th e Willie Horto n ad s o f the 1988 Bush presidential campaign . All these students are from two-parent households, as were the Republican rac e men. Carol Changa an d Car l Franks are similar to th e Republican rac e men i n that the y name their father s a s the most in fluential peopl e in thei r lives. Carol's characterization o f her father' s influence is not completely positive, but he was frequently mentione d during the interview as an example of how successful blacks can be in this country. There seems to be a connection between socioeconomi c status, traditional households , and traditiona l attitudes . Most o f th e

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moderate student s i n th e nex t chapte r ar e als o fro m middle-clas s families. The y diffe r fro m th e traditiona l conservative s i n tha t the y have a strong sense of racial group identity , yet hold a range o f con servative and liberal ideas about what this identity means for their life chances.

4 Issues of Empowerment and Liability The Moderates

Several strand s connec t th e si x students wh o hol d mor e moderate political attitudes: First, all but one are solidly middle class; second, they have not experienced much discrimination; third, all but two atten d majority-whit e institutions ; an d fourth , al l point t o th e failure o f both black s and whites to solv e racial problems. Of the six students, only one i s from a n urba n setting , and thre e ar e from sin gle-parent families . Thi s grou p i s th e smalles t amon g th e intervie wees, and , alon g gende r lines , i t i s th e mos t evenl y divided : thre e women an d three men . The individualist perspective dominates the views of these moderate students . While th e racia l grou p identitie s o f mos t ar e stron g t o moderate, these identities are grounded i n the more positive aspect s of treating othe r blacks with respec t an d acknowledgin g a commo n history, rather tha n th e negativ e aspect s o f discrimination . Thre e o f the six feel that there is no black identity to speak of, an d that i t may be dangerous to attempt to define such a thing. The danger lies in reducing th e blac k experienc e t o stereotypes , exacerbatin g a n alread y severe problem . Severa l o f th e student s wh o gre w u p i n th e Sout h worry about the way blacks are perceived by the larger public, and believe blacks shoul d compor t themselve s i n mor e sociall y acceptabl e ways. In sum, the views of these students represent the ways in which integration, education, and increased media exposure to politics an d contemporary social issues have influenced th e post-civil rights generation. 81

82 I Issues of Empowerment and Liability

The Stigma of Inferiority: Pressure to Perform Marie Potter—Woodson Universit y Marie Potter, a student from a large northeastern city , is a sophisticated young woman wit h a mature presence . She grew up i n a n all black neighborhood, and attended an all-black elementary school. She is from a single-parent home, although her father i s a strong presence in her life. Marie's mother i s a professional, an d activ e politically an d socially. Her fathe r i s also a professional, and , with he r mother , ha s seen to it that Marie received exceptional educational opportunities . Marie attende d a high schoo l with a special curriculum designe d to attrac t a diverse studen t body— a "magnet " school . This was he r first integration experience . This high school had no formal gradin g system, which helped Marie to focus more on learning. At first Marie liked an d wa s comfortabl e i n thi s ne w schoo l setting . As one o f th e few blacks attending, this began to chang e i n her secon d year, when she experienced som e "difficulty." Sh e was vague about the nature o f this "difficulty," bu t indicate d tha t i t was just a generalized feelin g o f not belonging. This is when she began to think about attending a historically black university, which indicates that her difficulty was racial in nature . Thi s desir e t o b e i n a n all-blac k environmen t emerge d when "all my friends I still hung out with were the ones I knew fro m before and they were black. I didn't get integrated into the population at th e school . I didn' t ge t int o an y o f th e cliques. " In othe r words , Marie was not accepted as part of the student body, and her social life remained a s circumscribe d a s i t ha d bee n befor e sh e cam e t o th e school. The relationships sh e had forme d wit h th e black student s i n the all-black school from whic h sh e transferred sustaine d he r i n th e new majority-white environment . This period i n her lif e serve s as a reference poin t whe n sh e com ments o n wha t sh e feel s bind s black s t o on e anothe r i n way s tha t other groups are not similarly bound: We're all in the same boat. We're all here, especially at this university, to prove ourselves. To say that, "yes> we can handle anything that you throw at us and still come out at the same level as another person." I

Issues of Empowerment and Liability | 8 3 really have to be ten steps ahead of the people that I graduate with in order to be at the same level as them when I'm job searching. I have to have at least three or four wor k experiences. They just com e out of Woodson with one internship and get that job. But I have to have a whole lot more experience and corporate background behind me to be in the same running with them for that position. Marie also feels that black identity is related to a first-hand knowledg e of the effects o f inequality and cultural differences : [You] hav e experience d th e inequitie s du e t o havin g to—bein g a member of another race, or being less superior than another. And not being able—not benefiting fro m al l the opportunities tha t the y can because, you know—there is also black culture. The familial tie s are close. And even if you're not family, you can be family. There is no real division between that... there's a caring... that all-inclusive thing. To me, like if a black person see s another perso n who is having a hard time, you know, down all the time or don't know how to do something—they will actually reach out and help them. They will nurture them. No matter who that person is just because it's in their nature to reach out. Marie feels pressure i n this university setting to perform bette r tha n her white peers. She believes that other black students feel it too, and that the y share the anxietie s brought o n b y this pressure. This com mon condition is what helps black people create familial ties in unfa miliar or unfriendly environs . Although Marie mentioned her difficulty i n high school, when she is asked whether sh e has ever experienced racia l discrimination, sh e answers "no." She thinks, however, that he r uncl e may have when h e was arrested in a case of mistaken identity. When she relates the story, she emphasizes that she is "not sure it was racial." Later she says: I had a couple of friends,guys really, guys I knew really had hard times with polic e brutality and thi s whole harassment thing . And I know people even down here, I know guys who hate white people. Don't like them at all. And, I can understand it. Even now I can understand where they are coming from but I still can't understand how you can hate all white people. But that gets me thinking.

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Marie defines herself as a moderate to liberal person ideologically . She defines a conservative as "probably pro-life, or Republicans. Their children go to private schools; they are well-to-do; they are probably in corporate America. Don't lik e taxes, not int o a lot of, no t int o social funding, funding of social programs." Liberals, on the other hand, "want all the programs." Liberals try to change things, and favor tax ing the rich to pay for programs for the poor. Marie believes poverty and crime in the black community are the result of a substandard ed ucation. She uses her own experience as an example: Something that I have been able to compare going from public to private—and especially in the city—this is what I know. In my city, you cannot come out of public school socially ready to function i n this society. You just don't have the background. You don't have it. Although Mari e think s th e governmen t shoul d spen d mor e o n ed ucation, sh e has doubt s abou t th e power o f governmen t t o chang e things. Sh e state s tha t th e governmen t canno t guarante e racia l equality; furthermore, individual s mus t hav e the desir e for a better life: "Once yo u get [to ] a certain ag e you hav e t o wan t th e educa tion—and ho w d o yo u ge t tha t into—ho w d o yo u instil l th e wan t inside o f someone ? That' s what I' m tryin g t o work o n o r tryin g t o figure out. " She also believes the cooperatio n o f parents i s essentia l in thi s process , bu t understand s tha t thi s migh t b e difficul t t o arrange. Like most of the young people interviewed, Marie does not admir e any contemporar y African-America n politica l (elected ) leader . Sh e does, however, respec t Loui s Farrakhan . Farrakha n i s "doing some thing to help." Islam is a good thing, because "for us , spirituality an d life go hand-in-hand. And when you separate the two, and the American way has been pretty much separated, you know, we lack the ability to function. You put the two together and you give people goals to strive for." Marie is not interested i n becoming a member o f the Nation of Islam herself, but she believes it offers many blacks in the cities a way out of crime and drug addiction . Marie Potte r wa s place d i n a n integrate d environmen t i n hig h school, when many aspects of her ethnic identity were already firmly

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in place . Woodson, sh e says, reminds he r o f her hig h schoo l experi ence in that she does not feel a part of that institution's culture either. She does have one white friend, with whom she shares a dislike of the South (the y ar e fro m th e sam e city ) an d extracurricula r interests . Marie cannot relate any experiences with racism, even though her experiences in high schoo l indicate that her "difficulty" ma y have been discrimination. She notes that a number o f her male friends see m to have ha d man y encounter s wit h racism . I t i s als o possibl e tha t th e kind o f racis m face d b y Marie i s more subtl e an d slipper y than th e kind faced by her male friends. Marie is certain that blacks as a group have a connection tha t i s akin t o familia l ties , and talk s more abou t "not belonging " tha n abou t racism . Mos t importantly , Mari e be lieves, as does the nex t student , that ultimatel y the desir e to achiev e must come from within .

Controlling Fate by Doing the Right Thing Marilyn Lacey—Whelan Universit y Marilyn i s the onl y child o f a single parent, an d believe s that he r values an d har d wor k will determin e he r circumstances . She main tains that sh e has never felt deprived in any way as the child of a single parent. Sh e was raise d i n th e Northeas t i n a small tow n an d at tended severa l schools—som e wer e integrate d an d other s wer e not . She is a petite woman wh o was meticulously dressed for work at th e time of the interview . Marilyn "hardly ever" thinks about what she has in common wit h other blacks . When sh e was asked when sh e first became awar e tha t she was black and that it made a difference t o some people, she says it was aroun d th e first grade . Sh e wa s the n attendin g a n all-blac k school. When they had a black history month, she learned a lot about black history that she did not know. However, she says she did not realize that people may treat you differently becaus e you are black until the Rodne y Kin g incident , whic h happene d durin g he r first yea r i n college. Marilyn als o mentions tha t i n discussion s o f the O. J. Simp-

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son trial, she has taken the position that if the victim had been a black woman th e trial would no t hav e received a s much publicit y becaus e "there i s a value placed o n peopl e an d people' s lives . By her bein g a white woman I think there is a little higher value placed on her living or dying than maybe an African-American woma n living or dying." Marilyn does not believe there is any such thing as a black identity. She is also uncertain that her fate is linked to the fate of other blacks, saying "sometime s I gues s I do , but sometime s I don't. " He r hear t sometimes tells her that she may be subjected t o the same fate as less fortunate blacks , but he r hea d denie s it . Marily n come s i n contac t with a lot of poor young black women on her job. She says when sh e sees and talk s with these women, it reminds her that sh e has little in common with them although they are members of the same race. She was asked i f sh e thought sh e coul d eve r be treate d th e wa y Rodne y King was. Her answer was that if she worked hard and obeyed the law, she expected never to be in a situation where "certain things can happen to me." Marilyn was asked whether she had ever been involved in an incident tha t sh e fel t wa s raciall y charged . Sh e recalle d somethin g tha t had happened i n a grocery store parking lot after he r secon d year i n college. A vicious dog in the back of a truck attempted to attack Marilyn and her mother. The owner returned to his truck in time to prevent the attack, but when Marilyn complained to him about the dog, he called her a "black bitch" and threatened to allow the dog to attack her. She says that thi s "may have been a racial incident"—but sh e is not sure. Marilyn ha s a simpl e wa y o f thinkin g abou t politica l attitudes . Conservatives, moderates , an d liberal s ar e distinguishe d onl y b y their degree of openness. Conservatives are less open (meanin g less open-minded), moderates ar e willing to listen, and liberals are "really open," and willin g to liste n t o ever y side o f th e issue . She con siders hersel f moderat e t o liberal , an d say s tha t he r mothe r i s th e same. On e thin g tha t ha s influence d he r idea s o n politic s wa s th e election o f a n African-America n t o hig h offic e i n he r state . When the African-American wo n office, people thought that things would change for the better. But they found tha t things remained the same.

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It mad e Marily n thin k abou t whethe r black s necessaril y represen t black interests : "A n African-America n isn' t alway s th e righ t [per son] , you know, I mean, it can be, but you know it depends on wha t the perso n stand s fo r an d wha t th e perso n doe s whe n the y ge t i n there. You hav e t o reall y loo k a t th e candidat e an d se e wha t thei r track record is." Marilyn believes problems i n the black community resul t fro m a lack of education and jobs. The solution is to have programs that keep people i n school . However, Marilyn say s if blacks d o no t succee d i n life, i t i s because "opportunitie s wer e no t availabl e t o the m o r the y didn't tak e advantag e o f opportunitie s tha t wer e availabl e to them. " She thinks that th e rol e of governmen t i n ensurin g racial equality is simply to ensure that everyone has an equal opportunity for success . Marilyn support s affirmativ e actio n onl y i f i t ca n b e demonstrate d that it is necessary: "it wouldn't be necessary to even give special consideration i f we knew that equa l consideration woul d be given to all candidates. If that were the case [eac h candidate receiving equal consideration], I would disagree [wit h affirmative action]. " Marilyn says that the federal government is spending too much o n welfare, an d shoul d spen d mor e o n educatio n an d crime . Sh e say s that if a person ca n work, he or she should d o so: [You should not] sit back and let the state take care of you. I say that because I've had like family members that have received welfare at one time in their life. And they like got in a program and things of that nature. And I mean now they are working—and i f they can do it, why can't you—why can't other people do it? It'll make it a little bit less expensive on taxpayers. Also it would help society as a whole, you know, when somebody, if you are out working, and you know, working for a living. Then you would feel better about yourself. Liberal o n mos t mora l an d cultura l issue s such a s abortion an d ho mosexuality, Marily n ha s alway s vote d th e Democrati c ticket . He r moderate ideology is more apparent in the way she views black issues such as welfare and affirmative action . Marilyn feels that there are no African-American leader s today , an d sh e i s no t enamore d o f Loui s Farrakhan. She says she cannot relate to any of Farrakhan's ideas. Ac-

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cording to Marilyn, the one time she listened to Farrakhan i n a television address, he was sexist in his remarks: ... he was talking to a group of black women I believe. And you know, and he was just making the assumption that all black women [wer e being] beaten or had been beaten by spouses and hit. And I was like that's no t necessaril y the case . Some of the things he said was like, made women feel like they were second class, you know, second class citizens. I just didn't like that. Marilyn Lacey is from a small community with few blacks in residence. Sh e ha s ha d fe w experience s tha t sh e believe s ar e relate d t o race. Marilyn is not religious; therefore her confidence that things will work out is not related to religious faith. However, she feels in control of her destin y because she is making decisions and planning her lif e so that it unfolds t o her liking. The feeling that race is not a s significant a s hard wor k an d plannin g i s supported b y the exampl e se t by Marilyn's mother. Her weak racial identity, which may come from th e majority o f he r growin g u p year s bein g spen t i n majority-whit e schools and neighborhoods, has not been strengthened by her atten dance a t Whela n University—perhap s becaus e o f Whelan' s lac k o f racial tension. Her views on affirmative action , which is a group benefit, are perhaps influenced by her weak identity. It may also influenc e her view that people who can work should work because she does not perceive that th e group i s being systematically oppressed. For exam ple, although she says that black problems are caused by lack of edu cation an d jobs, she also believes that educatio n i s obtained by individual effort .

The Accountability of

the Media and the Middle Class

Michael Washington—Whelan Universit y Several o f th e student s interviewe d talke d extensivel y abou t th e role of the middle class in improving the lives of poorer blacks. They were also critical of media images, and believed that the portrayal of blacks, particularly of black men, is largely to blame for whites' nega-

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tive views o f blacks . Michael Washington , fro m a smal l rura l com munity no t fa r fro m Whelan , i s on e o f thos e students . Michael' s mother i s a homemaker an d his father i s a skilled laborer. His mem ories of childhood ar e pleasant, although hi s family struggle d financially for a time. He remains active in his home church , and believe s it is important t o show "what God has done in my life." Michael thinks about being black fairly often, and reminds me that Plessy v Ferguson1 is proof tha t what happens to one African-Ameri can can affect th e entire population. When aske d if he could define a black identity , Michae l replie d tha t "ever y African-America n ca n identify with Jim Crow and racism. Experiences with discriminatio n bind al l blacks." Michael believe s h e experience d racis m whe n h e entere d hig h school. Teachers and counselor s place d hi m i n vocational classe s although h e had been o n a n academic track in middle school . He says "I wondered how in the world this could have happened to me" when he foun d himsel f i n on e vocational clas s after another . Michael no ticed that these classes were all-black, although at the time he did no t connect this with an y intention o n the part o f school administrator s to discourage black men from goin g to college. According to Michael, his parents intervened: "They weren't dealing with dummies. My parents cam e t o th e schoo l an d sai d no , our so n i s on a cp/ap [colleg e preparatory/advanced placement ] track. " His schedule was promptly changed, but he was the only black in the cp/ap classes. Michael als o recall s a n inciden t i n whic h a friend o f his , a high ranking nav y officer, wa s stoppe d an d harasse d o n th e interstat e b y police. H e say s tha t hi s frien d tol d hi m "n o matte r wha t yo u do , I mean it doesn't matter, if a brother is driving a nice car, if they're in a suit, if they have a nice job, a nine-to-five job, it still doesn't free you. You're still going to be harassed." Michael has an idea of how whites see African-American males : White America , the y hav e thi s imag e o f African-America n males . Pants hanging to their knees, carrying nine millimeters, out here on Main Street selling crack. And so they perceive that if you're a brother driving a nice car then you must be a criminal. I heard from some where, I believe it was Les Brown,2 that it is actually probably less than

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2 percent of our population. It bothers me that a majority of our people are being described by the acts of a minority. Michael describes a conservative as having a closed mind an d no t being ope n t o ne w ideas. Conservatives want t o maintai n th e statu s quo o r return t o th e way things use d to be. A moderate sit s on bot h sides of the fence , and a liberal is "very open an d willing to try any thing." Michae l consider s hi s fathe r moderat e t o conservative , hi s mother liberal, and himself "strictly moderate." The source of problems in the black community, in Michael's view, comes fro m a lack o f education . Th e onl y way this proble m ca n b e solved is by successful black s returning t o the black community an d teaching youn g black s ho w t o finance a colleg e education . Michae l believes tha t man y poo r black s ar e no t awar e o f financial ai d an d grants. This lac k o f knowledg e abou t th e proces s o f colleg e admis sions is a major obstacle . He adds, however, that he also believes some blacks use lack of funding a s an excuse for not attendin g college. Michael an d hi s friends hav e recently been discussin g affirmativ e action. He is not sure that affirmative actio n is a good idea: The one article that I read in Newsweek was about this brother out in California who owns 50 percent of a business. The other 50 percent of the business is owned by his wife. And his wife is Caucasian. He was discussing in this article how affirmative actio n should be done away with because if he owned 51 percent of the business, he doesn't want to be known as an affirmative actio n business owner. That sticks in my mind. I can see his opinion on that. I don't think America is ready to do away with it yet... technically we're still behind. And I think that [abolishing affirmative action ] would push us further behind . Michael say s that whe n yo u ar e a recipient o f affirmativ e action , people do not give you credit for your accomplishments. You are seen as a perso n wh o wa s give n a n opportunit y becaus e yo u ar e black . While Michael is ambivalent about affirmative action , he believes that supporting suc h program s i s the responsibilit y o f th e government . Government has an obligation to help level the playing field, and supporting affirmative actio n policies is a means of fulfilling tha t obligation.

Issues of Empowerment and Liability | 9 1 Michael think s governmen t shoul d decreas e socia l securit y pay ments an d increas e fundin g fo r education . He agrees with effort s t o reform welfare , an d approve s th e two-yea r limi t suggeste d b y som e legislators. Michael i s a registered Democra t an d vote d th e straigh t Democratic ticket when he participated in his first major election . He has als o worked i n th e campaign s o f Democrati c candidate s fo r th e governorship an d th e senate. He admires Douglas Wilder an d Coli n Powell, both moderates . Regarding Loui s Farrakhan an d th e Natio n of Islam, Michael says: They're very helpful. They'r e eve n gettin g governmen t project s be cause it's been proven tha t afte r the y put th e Fruit o f Islam* in th e housing projects crime goes down. And these brothers aren't carrying guns or anything like that. They do a lot of positive work. I feel that as an African-American—even Americ a as a whole—we need to respect Minister Farrakhan as a leader, because he is that. Michael Washington has a moderately strong identity that is tempered by his religiosity and his upbringing in a small community. He is patriotic—mentioning o n severa l occasion s hi s prid e i n hi s stat e and hi s country . The leadershi p position s h e hold s a t Whelan Uni versity are evidence to him that you can retain your racial group identity an d serv e th e majority-whit e studen t bod y a t th e sam e time . Michael has political aspirations , and intend s t o follow th e exampl e set by Douglas Wilder an d Coli n Powell , two African-American po litical figures wh o hav e avoide d bein g exclusivel y characterize d b y their racial group membership .

Looking Within: Black Solutions to Black Problems Matthew Moore—Whelan Universit y One of Michael's fellow officers i n the Student Government Association disagree s with hi m vehementl y o n th e subjec t o f Farrakhan . Matthew Moor e i s a tall , thin , seriou s youn g ma n wit h a n urban e * The Fruit of Islam is the unarmed paramilitary security force of the Nation of Islam.

92 I Issues of Empowerment and Liability quality that make s him appea r ou t o f place in this souther n setting . Matthew is one of the few students who expressed doubts about Far rakhan's integrity as a leader. Matthew has moved aroun d a bit with hi s mother, who i s an up wardly mobile career woman. Most of his years were spent in a small northeastern town with few blacks. He experienced integration a t an early age, and firs t becam e awar e o f th e significanc e o f racia l mem bership i n junio r hig h school . This awarenes s cam e abou t onl y because he was the only black in all his classes. In high school, Matthew was the onl y black a t mos t o f th e partie s h e attended . H e sai d tha t "something woul d alway s keep m e back fro m havin g to o muc h fu n [at the parties]—and i t was race. It was because I was the only black. . . . Somewher e insid e of me there was a voice saying that 'you don' t belong here.' " I t bothere d Matthe w tha t th e othe r blac k student s seemed not to want his company. He speculates that it was because he was a high achiever, which placed him in all-white classes. Matthew believes that black identity has to do with the way other blacks perceive you. He tells me that i n high schoo l he was not per ceived a s black ; therefore , h e di d no t hav e a blac k identity . Whe n asked wh y th e perceptio n o f othe r black s i s a goo d litmu s tes t fo r black identity, Matthew said: I can give you . . . examples . We have a security guard who is very dark skinne d yet he act s whiter tha n a lot o f white people. He does not identif y with us at all. If we ask him fo r anything , like I aske d hi m fo r som e chang e on e tim e . . . and h e was like, "I can't d o that. " Normally i f someon e whit e asked hi m that , h e would probabl y sa y yes. He di d hav e th e quarters . I d o kno w that 'caus e h e di d sa y he did . And he' s darke r tha n I am. He' s darker than many blacks. And so you think because of these incidents of unfriendliness on [his] part that [he doesn't] have a black identity? I don't think he has a strong identity. Are you saying that black identity entails some loyalty to other members of yourrace? Yes, it does.

Issues of Empowerment and Liability | 9 3 And you demonstrate that loyalty how? By how you treat them . Matthew does not think about what he has in common with blacks as much as he once did simply because he is now sure of his identity: "as I've grown up and become more confident i n myself I believe I know what it is to be a strong African-American male . So, I have more confidence in that, so I don't reall y need to think about it per se the way I use d to. " He want s othe r black s t o becom e mor e involve d i n th e community and t o help other young black men. When h e was asked what became of the close friendships he had developed in high school with whites, Matthew said that part of the reason they had faded away was that they have different interest s now. The other part is that the y simply have no opportunities to see each other . Matthew say s that h e has experienced racia l discriminatio n fro m his superviso r o n hi s work-stud y jo b becaus e "she' s frightene d o f black people." He believes that this fear account s for her tendency to assign manua l labo r dutie s t o th e blac k mal e work-stud y students . Matthew say s he was the exceptio n t o thi s rule . His assignments in volved work on computers . When h e was assigned to work for a politically conservative black male administrator, his work doubled. He complained t o th e supervisor , wh o refuse d t o reassig n him , whic h was not the usual practice in these situations. Matthew believed tha t she resented the fact that he had escaped manual labor duties because of his skills—and had therefore decide d t o force hi m int o a position that would result in his resignation . Matthew an d hi s friends hav e been discussin g the plight o f blac k people in recent weeks, particularly the plight of the African-Ameri can male. He says the gist of the conversations is as follows: From my point of view it's more or less that they need to get their act together and stop blaming white people so much. A white person might knock you down, but you're the person that's keeping you there. And other ones [his friends] feel that that's not the case, or it may not be the only case, but they could also blame it on whites more so than I would. Matthew says that he is a political moderate, and defines a moderate as "not that different fro m a Republican." Conservatives are "very

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constricted—very tight." Liberals are "free spirits—peopl e who want to giv e other peopl e al l kinds o f right s tha t aren' t exactly—tha t th e American peopl e aren' t read y for—too muc h freedom. " Matthe w i s an Independent , but vote d fo r Clinto n i n th e 199 2 presidential elec tion. The governo r o f th e state , a conservative Republican , ha s helpe d shape his political attitudes. According to Matthew, "He's [th e governor] taking away from educatio n to build prisons. And if you ask me, who's goin g t o b e i n thos e prisons—othe r tha n blacks ? He' s takin g away from education , which is the key to getting people and keepin g them ou t o f prison. I see him a s the kind o f politician tha t you can not trust. " When Matthe w i s asked whethe r o r no t th e governmen t spends too much, too little, or the right amount on crime, he answers too little . H e woul d lik e t o se e additiona l policeme n hire d s o tha t criminal activity is discouraged. Matthew believes that a lack of education is to blame for problem s of inner-cit y blacks . H e think s th e governmen t shoul d spen d les s money o n foreig n aid , and mor e mone y o n education . The govern ment i s responsible fo r ensurin g racia l equality—bolsterin g educa tion and punishing acts of discrimination . A lack o f educatio n i s als o t o blam e i f black s d o no t succee d i n life—although Matthe w add s tha t eve n withou t a n educatio n mos t people could do better if they tried harder. When asked about welfare, he expresses some ambivalence . Matthew say s he has known peopl e who had children just to receive a welfare check . He thinks that people should receive help if they are truly needy; however, he thinks that people should make an effort t o help themselves before seekin g help from th e government . He i s pro-choic e o n abortio n wit h certai n qualifications , an d moderately toleran t o n issue s o f ga y right s an d premarita l sex . Matthew laugh s a t th e questio n abou t havin g out-of-wedloc k chil dren and says, "I can't be too intolerant because I was conceived out side of marriage." Matthew thinks women pla y an important rol e in our society : The role of black women is very important, unfortunately because a lot of black males are not around to take care of their kids. The mother

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has to be the backbone. My family is like that, is run by the women. I was raised by women. I really didn't have a male role model. Matthew names Douglas Wilder as the black politician he admires most. However, he believes there is no dominant figure in contemporary black politics: "I really don't know of any particular one. No one has taken that vanguard position. In a way I think that's good. There shouldn't be just one person. There should be millions of us for othe r people to look up to. " Matthew agree s with Marti n Luthe r King , Jr., that i n orde r fo r black s t o obtai n justic e i n society , "we hav e t o b e right i n th e eye s o f God. " This i s his objectio n t o Loui s Farrakhan , who he thinks returns "evil for evil." Matthew says the Nation of Islam has done some positive things, but it has problems: Although I would have to say that they have done a lot to improve the African-American society , I can't condone building it on the backs of white people or hatred for white people. That's reverse discrimination. That's doing to them what they did to us. And that would make us no better than them. And that's wrong. Matthew Moore' s wea k racia l identit y ha s bee n transforme d into a strong on e b y attendin g colleg e i n th e Sout h an d increase d contact an d interactio n wit h othe r blacks . In the process, his sens e of responsibilit y fo r helpin g les s fortunat e black s ha s developed . However, because he perceives that hard wor k is an important fac tor in determining one's life chances, he believes that what happen s to blacks generally may only affect hi s life "some." Matthew believes that individuals have the power to overcome adversity. This may be because h e witnesse d hi s mothe r chang e hi s family' s socioeco nomic status from lower-to-workin g class to middle-to-upper clas s by educating herself , having th e courag e t o relocat e fo r bette r op portunities, and through consisten t effort . I n addition, he says that since he arrived at Whelan University, his religious faith has "grown considerably." Thi s faith , i n combinatio n wit h Matthew' s confi dence i n hi s intellectua l abilit y and th e traditiona l value s instille d in hi m b y hi s mothe r an d grandmother , make s hi m les s likel y t o blame white s o r th e governmen t fo r problem s i n th e African American community .

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Morgan Stone—Benedic t Universit y Morgan expresses ideas that are reminiscent of the Brooks College men. He has a much higher degree of racial group consciousness than most of the moderate or conservative students, but is not particularl y liberal in his political views. A dedicated studen t o f political science, Morgan Ston e has lived all over the country. He is active on campu s and in the community, and has plans to be a political leader. Morgan's father wa s in the militar y an d hi s mother di d no t wor k muc h whil e he was growing up. His parents took him and his siblings on extended vacations ever y year, and h e "did no t fee l deprive d i n an y way." Because of experiences such as family vacations Morgan believes he has had more advantages than many of his fellow students . Morgan grew up with a father who often spok e about racial issues and dispense d advic e on how to avoid being a victim o f discrimina tion. He says his parents "made sure that he understood he was black." Morgan onc e overhear d hi s fathe r cautionin g hi s olde r brothe r against datin g white women—they migh t clai m rape if the relation ship ended, which would mea n a life cut short by a prison term. His father als o warne d Morga n an d hi s brother s abou t th e dange r o f being prematurely promoted o n a job, a tactic employed by whites to set blacks up for failure . Morgan's father, who was raised in the rura l South, tol d hi m an d hi s sibling s storie s abou t bein g take n ou t o f school t o wor k i n th e fields. Thes e storie s an d conversation s hav e given Morgan a strong sense of racial group identity . However, this identity is not vested in a particular vision of blackness. Morga n answer s " I don' t care " to th e questio n o f whethe r h e would prefer to be called black, African-American, o r something else. However, he thinks about being black "a whole lot" and says that what happens to other blacks will affect hi m "a lot." Interestingly, Morga n thinks that defining a black identity may not be a good idea : You have to be careful when you say black identity, because there are a lot of different segment s within the black community. My upbringing is very different fro m a lot of my frat [fraternity ] brothers . I grew up in a very privileged environment . I have a frat brothe r wh o didn't . Blacks have a common history, and that's what brings them together.

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But if you say there is a black identity, then you help justify stereo types, and you don't want to do that. You know, you don't want to do that because people are not shaped by the color of their skin. They are shaped by the environment they're brought up in. This statement typifies Morgan's thoughtful approac h to racial issues, which seems to be balanced between a keen awareness of discrimina tion an d a commitmen t t o honest y regardin g hi s ow n experience s and observations . Morgan canno t relat e an y direc t experienc e wit h racism but adds, "I have but it's been so subtle that I couldn't give you any details." He later says that a white person onc e called him a "nigger," and he responded by striking the person. Despite Morgan's limited exposure to racism, he sees contemporary politics through a distinctly racial lens. The 1994 Republican Revolution has affected Morgan' s perceptio n of what being "conservative" means. Morgan states unequivocally that conservatives ar e against th e agend a o f minorities. He says he think s of the Republican Part y when he hears the word conservative, but h e knows that this is not fair. Morgan acknowledges that not all Republicans are against the minority agenda . Moderates ar e politicians suc h as Bill Clinton an d Richard Gephardt. Liberals are a dying breed—i n fact, the only liberal he can think of is Marian Wright Edelman of the Children's Defense Fund , whom he admires: "She's still holding on t o her old views which is good. 'Cause I was very impressed with the way she conducted herself with Ted Koppel of the Nightline show. " Morgan an d hi s friend s hav e been talkin g abou t th e Republica n "Contract with America" and what they believe to be the passivity of minorities in this country : It's like they're being slaughtered—they're like sheep in the slaughter and they don't eve n realize what's happening to them, and it's frus trating. Not s o much with the average—wit h th e community itself, but even on college, you know. You have voting . . . you have voting polls right there at the library. It takes no more than a second to vote and yet, out of 5,000 students you're only going to get 632! Morgan believe s tha t sinc e political attitude s ar e derive d fro m par ents, parents are to blame for students' disinterest in politics. He com-

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ments that his parents' generation was so active that it is disappointing for him to be part of a generation apathetic about political issues. When he was asked to complete the sentence, "In the United States, if black people don't do well in life it is because," Morgan's answer indicates that he does not believe it is the individual's fault : One, n o on e instilled i n the m a sens e o f self . The y allowe d thei r dreams to die at an early age so that when they moved forward, when they were moving up in the educational system, they didn't care. Because no one cared about them. No one encouraged them. No one enriched their lives. Morgan believes that problems in the black community stem fro m a lack of education: "It really boils down to education overall. Because if someone i s educated, they can always move forward becaus e the y want to move forward. That's what education doe s for you." Organizations suc h a s black fraternities nee d to "reevaluate thei r goal s and objectives." He says they should concentrate on bringing in members with a social conscience—those who will volunteer at Boys Clubs and other community-base d organizations . H e i s disguste d becaus e h e sees more white young men from Windso r volunteering in the community than fro m Benedict . Morgan want s the black community to take more responsibility : When are we going to realize that you cannot expec t those persons who put you in these situations to get you out? Because if they could get you out, if they wanted you out, they would not have put you there in the firstplace. You know, we need to—I blame a lot of the problems in our community on ourselves. That's why Malcolm X got so frustrated. Because he realized how far we really had to go. Morgan supports affirmative actio n and believes the government's responsibility towar d black s i s simpl y no t t o promot e division s among ethnic groups. He believes that the Republican "Contract with America" divide s people . Morga n think s governmen t spendin g o n welfare and crime is "about right," and indicates that he is well aware that thes e issue s ar e relate d t o race . O n mora l an d cultura l issues , Morgan's views are mixed. Premarital sex and having children out-of wedlock is "religiously wrong," although he supports women's rights.

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Morgan is a registered Democrat but thinks of himself as an Independent. He voted for Clinton in 1992 because Bush was "out of touch with society " and h e wanted change . Clinton's backgroun d wa s im portant to Morgan—"he understood what it meant to be poor and he was from th e South." He admires Ben Chavis, the former president of the NAACP, and say s that "I think he made a big mistake, but hi s vision was on th e mark." 3 H e is not sur e what h e thinks o f Loui s Far rakhan—he can only say that the Nation of Islam is positive, but adds with a laugh, "I am no t sur e how much the y are helping themselve s while they are helping the community. " Morgan Ston e is committed t o the idea of the collective responsibility of al l blacks to hel p thos e who ar e in need . He i s not a n indi vidualist, whic h i s wh y th e Republica n Revolutio n lef t hi m disap pointed an d frustrate d wit h the political process. He has been influ enced by both hi s father's experience s growin g up i n the South , an d his father's advic e and views on negotiating his way in a white world. His father is a part-time minister, which is why his attitudes on moral and cultura l issue s are traditionally conservative . Morgan's views o n black identity , who m h e blame s fo r blac k problems , an d ho w h e thinks solution s wil l b e foun d i s what make s hi m a moderate . H e blames black problems on a lack of education, but believes the black community i s responsibl e fo r changin g tha t condition . Morga n would be a Republican rac e man wer e it not fo r hi s coolness towar d Louis Farrakhan an d the Nation o f Islam. He is somewhere betwee n the Republican rac e men o f the first chapter, and the liberal student s in the next chapter .

Sublimation of

a Dual Identity

Myra Mason—Whelan Universit y Myra Maso n i s the daughte r o f a n Asian mothe r an d a n Africa n American father . Sinc e her fathe r wa s in th e military , Myra ha s als o spent a numbe r o f year s overseas , which delaye d he r realizatio n o f what he r mixed-rac e heritag e would mea n i n the Unite d States . She

ioo I Issues of Empowerment and Liability realized wh o "he r people " were whe n sh e me t he r father' s mother , who looke d lik e her. This identificatio n wa s strengthene d whe n sh e moved to the United States at the age of seventeen. Media coverage of racial issue s an d th e treatmen t sh e receive d fro m salesclerk s whe n shopping i n store s clue d he r int o th e existin g perception s o f blac k people: It just seemed that everything that happened that was criminally related—they woul d alway s say that a black perso n di d i t o r a black mother was crying on the television screen… . I couldn't believe that we were being treated thi s way, number one , and then numbe r two that we were allowing them to do it. When I went to high school, it seemed that everyone was trying to fit in the roles that the media was portraying. The males seemed as though they wanted to dress in the way that the media was saying all black males on drugs or [i n gangs] [would dress]. Some were involved in the same drug-dealing that the media said they were—and I knew they were middle-income children. I knew that no one was put in a situation where they had to wear these kinds o f clothe s o r the y had t o sel l drugs because they didn' t hav e enough money. I had just come from a school where your academics [established] your status in school. If you were a good student, everyone knew that. To see us become what the media portrayed wa s so shocking. When Myr a shopped , sh e wa s followed , especiall y whe n sh e wa s "dressed down. " Sh e wa s offende d b y salespeopl e alway s assumin g that she wanted to see the sale racks or purchase items through a payment plan . Myra thinks abou t being black often, an d believes that what hap pens to other blacks in this country will affect he r a lot. She likes the term "black " because i t has more o f a n "international connotation. " Her mothe r emphasize d t o he r an d he r brothe r tha t the y would b e considered black in the United States: My mother is from an aboriginal tribe, so her people are natives. When my grandmother met my father, she wasn't influenced by any western ideas—she just thought this is someone who is a little darker than we are. And that's it, that's the extent o f it. We were welcomed into the family. But it seems like Asian culture, and I hate to generalize, but they

Issues of Empowerment and Liability | 10 1 seem to emphasize purity. Even in Asian-American culture, you'll find that there are two tiers of the Asian community. There are the Asians that are maybe white or have white husbands or whatever. But then there is an Asian community in the States that know all the way back to China [who ] their ancestors are. And if you don't have a Chinese last name, they don't accept you. Within the Asian-American community in th e Unite d States , they have been influence d a lot b y white ideas. I was never accepted by an Asian community. The only time I felt accepted was by other Asians . . . my mother's friends wh o were married to black men or white men or whatever, and their children. Myra say s tha t he r mothe r tol d he r tha t sh e woul d b e considere d black t o mak e he r stron g enoug h t o handl e racism . However , Myr a has learned a great dea l about he r Asian heritage , which please s he r mother. African-American i s a ter m Myr a uses , bu t sh e say s tha t bein g American is just as important to her as being black: "There is so much about the African-American cultur e in itself that we need to discover. I strongly identify mysel f a s an African-American. An d I understan d that I have African ancestors—bu t that' s exactly what they are." Myra holds many leadership positions at Whelan, and says that she has experienced racism because she is a minority with leadership positions in majority-white organizations : I had a white student who was president of a student organization say that he didn't fee l that a minority-led organizatio n coul d eve r truly represent, could ever truly lead, the student body because that person didn't represent the majority of students. What he was saying to me is that because I am a minority, and I was running the organization I just wasn't good enough because really there should have been a white person…. T o have someone be that bold to say that two feet away from me and feel that comfortable—you know , I went off . Myra has never experienced virulent racism, but she believes that it is difficult t o call most incidents that happen racist : The thing about racism today, and my peers will agree with me, it is not so overt that you can say this was an incident of racism. My brother was stopped by [a] police officer saying he could be in a stolen vehicle. I per-

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ceive that as racist, because all he had to do is look up the license plate to findout, or car type or whatever. He gave my brother no justification besides you might be driving a stolen vehicle. He didn't call my brother any names. He didn't make race an issue. Conservatives, i n Myra' s view , believ e tha t African-American s should b e self-sufficient an d ar e nonsupportive o f welfare an d affir mative action. Moderates are liberal when it comes to economics, but more conservativ e o n socia l issues. They have more o f a mixture o f conservative an d libera l views. Liberals believe i n mor e governmen t control and regulatory policies. They also "look out for minority constituents." She would call her father a moderate and her mother a liberal. She considers herself a moderate, saying that she "reflects her fa ther's views." Myra believes that all the problems of poverty, drugs, and crime in the black community are due to the number o f single-parent house holds in the black community : It's a cycle. It's a [recurring] process. You have a mother who is a single parent. She might have been a young mother. She's heavily reliant on the public education system. The children go there, and they don't receive the type of attention and care that they need. I have personal examples of going into public schools that serve predominantly lowincome an d predominantl y African-America n communities , where teachers just sit and stare at their children and don't even teach; where students are put in learning disability centers and not even touched to see if they really have a learning disability . Young girls who ar e lef t alone at home, who don't hav e any strong male presence—it's happening over and over again—and you have a young mother. Myra say s thes e problem s ca n b e solve d b y th e effort s o f African Americans who have been successful , i f they worked to change thes e communities: "We have so many African-Americans tha t are coming out o f Iv y Leagu e schools . T o m e i t jus t seem s ridiculou s tha t ou r communities could be in this state. If everybody used their education , their economic s to help lift thos e i n the lower brackets I don't thin k there would ever be a problem." Myra supports affirmativ e action , and complete s the sentence "In the United States, if black people don't do well in life, it is because . . . "

Issues of Empowerment and Liability | 10 3

with "socia l environment. " Sh e als o support s welfar e reform , an d spending o n crim e prevention rathe r tha n punishment . Myr a i s liberal on abortion, premarital sex, and having children out-of-wedlock , but is less than neutra l on tolerance of homosexuality . Myra has voted twice in elections and is an Independent. She voted for Clinton in the 1992 election because she was attracted to his "campaign style. " She admires Harve y Gantt , the forme r mayo r o f Char lotte, North Carolina , who challenged Jesse Helms for his senate seat and lost. Myra knows that Loui s Farrakhan "has a lot o f power," but is not awar e o f anythin g h e ha s don e fo r th e blac k community . Re garding the Nation of Islam, she has "never understood what that or ganization is all about." While espousing liberal views on many issues, Myra Mason place s the blame for problem s in the black community o n th e "social environment," an d expect s thos e problem s t o b e solve d b y middle clas s members of the black community. She does not blame racism for th e problems, nor does she expect government to solve the problems. She has opte d t o lear n abou t he r Asian ancestry , but make s i t clea r tha t she identifies herself as a black person because that is how others perceive her. Her multicultural identity has been sublimated by the reality of her treatment b y others, as well as by her mother , who fel t th e need to prepare her children for life in the United States. The curren t effort o f persons with multiracial backgrounds to have classification s that acknowledg e both parent s is frustrating t o some African-Amer icans wh o ma y fee l tha t the y ar e thereb y denyin g thei r blac k racia l group membership. Others feel that this also denies what some think of a s a n absolut e truth—tha t eve n partia l African-America n grou p membership mean s bona fide group membership , and subjectio n t o all of the attending stereotypes by the outside world.

Summary These politicall y moderat e student s indicat e tha t linkage s betwee n racial group membership and life experiences are difficult t o make in the absence of parental instruction o r enlightenment o n the subject .

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For example, Marilyn Lacey indicated that her mother was apolitical, and neve r discusse d o r expresse d view s o n racia l issues . Morga n Stone, on the other hand, has been told many stories of his father's experiences. This has helped shape his strong racial group identity . If parents leave politics out of the body of wisdom they pass on t o their children, there is ample room for influenc e b y the leadership of the day . Unfortunately, man y o f th e student s wer e hard-presse d t o come u p with an y names o f influentia l politica l leader s in th e blac k community, loca l o r national . Mari e Potter , Marily n Lacey , an d Matthew Williams all responded that they could think of no influen tial black political leaders. Morgan Stone named Corne l West, who is a legitimate choice but not an elected official . Morris, Hatchett, an d Brow n writ e tha t "politica l socializatio n i s not a process with a beginning o r en d but on e occurring within an d shaped b y historica l context " (Morris , Hatchett , an d Brow n 1988:300). The contex t i n which thes e students cam e of ag e was on e in whic h racis m wa s declare d t o hav e bee n conquered , an d com plaints of discrimination were derided as "excuses." The effects o f this kind of atmosphere are seen in the manner in which these young people respon d t o question s regardin g thei r experience s wit h racism . While all reported such experiences, they also exhibited a tendency to diminish thei r effect s o r consequences . Sometime s the y wer e ex tremely reticent to even name such incidents as racist. This sublima tion o f emotiona l awarenes s o f rac e in their live s may be a factor i n the development of more moderate attitudes. In the next chapter, liberal students with a n acut e awarenes s o f racial issues reveal how socioeconomic status , experience s wit h racism , an d environmen t helped to shape their political views.

5 Identity and Integratio n The Liberals

The youn g blac k Republican s whos e view s w e hav e ex amined s o far believ e that problem s i n th e African-American com munity ar e no t entirel y th e faul t o f whites . The y als o believ e tha t even if whites are responsible i n part, they cannot solv e those prob lems. Thes e youn g me n ar e attracte d t o th e Republica n Part y be cause o f th e self-hel p idea s o f th e Jac k Kem p variety . Another ap pealing featur e o f th e Republica n Part y platfor m i s it s stanc e o n moral and cultural issues. The strong racial group identity of the Republican rac e me n ha s resulte d i n a hybri d o f traditiona l conser vatism an d nationalism . The black student s a t majority-whit e institutions , who compris e most of the students in this chapter, illustrate the developmental pat h that identit y and ideolog y may take when blacks are in the minorit y and solidarity is both personally rewarding and beneficial in the competition fo r universit y resources. There are nine students featured i n this chapter. Six are from single-paren t households, two are attending historically black institutions, and onl y one i s from a solidly middl e class background.

Resolving to Be Radical Lawrence Sims—Woodson Universit y Lawrence Sim s was born an d raise d i n a large northeaster n city , and projects a quiet intensity throughout th e interview. He attende d 105

io6 | Identity and Integration preparatory schoo l fro m th e age s of fourtee n t o seventeen , and wa s raised in a single-parent home . Lawrence has a strained relationshi p with bot h parents , but seem s clos e t o hi s grandmother . Activ e i n a black fraternity an d other organization s o n campus , Lawrence refer s to rac e constantly . Whe n aske d abou t th e Catholic , predominantl y white elementary school he attended, he replies that it constituted his "first dealing s an d encounter s wit h institutionalize d racis m an d a white patriarchal society." Lawrence's most bitter memory is the cor poral punishment mete d out by the sisters: I remembe r havin g a har d tim e dealin g wit h bein g bea t b y thes e women. They had what they called the board of education, which was a paddle that they would—I'll never forget it because it really annoyed me that these women—part of it was just being a rebellious youngster, but even that these women were not my mother and particularly white women doing this to me. I had a hard time dealing with that. He was failed i n the third grade , although, according to him, he was not a poor student . Lawrenc e feel s th e teacher s di d no t understan d him and underestimated hi s ability. When he left for an all-black elementary school, he became an honor student. His junior high schoo l was also all-black, and Lawrenc e believed tha t because the principa l and assistant principal were nurturing and supportive black women, students were inspired to perform . Lawrence wa s abl e t o participat e i n a program fo r minorit y stu dents tha t allowe d hi m t o atten d a preparator y schoo l awa y fro m home. It was here that h e first becam e awar e of his status a s a black person—at least in the eyes of his white classmates. In one incident, a black classmate got the better of a white classmate in a heated debate. When th e blac k studen t walke d awa y from th e class , Lawrence say s that th e white studen t commented , "What's he r problem ? Sh e mus t not realize my father pay s her tuition. " Lawrence was taken aback by the comment, a testament to what he feels was his naivete regardin g th e importanc e o f race . According t o Lawrence, this naivete led him to befriend to o many white people too quickly. He says that he looks back at pictures of himself i n prepara tory schoo l an d durin g hi s firs t yea r a t Woodson an d see s a perso n

Identity and Integration | 10 7 trying too hard to fit in and doing "silly" things. When he became involved i n th e Blac k Studen t Allianc e durin g hi s sophomor e an d ju nior years, he became less concerned about fitting in with whites, and his black identity grew stronger. Lawrence no longer has white friends becaus e as he became mor e aware o f racia l issues , it wa s harde r t o maintai n relationship s wit h whites. In part i t was because o f their denia l o f the privilege that h e believes bein g whit e brings . Th e acceptanc e o f thi s privileg e an d power, fo r Lawrence , is tantamount t o condonin g racism . H e men tions th e lynchin g o f Emmet t Till , th e Tuskege e Experiments , an d Cointelpro a s examples o f wh y he find s i t difficul t t o trus t whites. 1 Sometimes just bein g i n th e classroo m wit h whites , observing thei r attitudes, and hearing their opinions on things affects him negatively. He tells a story that illustrate s why he find s i t s o difficult t o trus t whites. Onc e whe n returnin g t o boardin g school , h e wa s force d t o leave the train after having words with the conductor. The police were summoned an d h e wa s aske d t o leave . When h e finall y arrive d a t school, the Dean assumed the incident was his fault. Although some of his classmates had witnessed the run-in, which Lawrence believes was a result of racism on the part of the conductor, none spoke up for him. Although Lawrenc e i s awar e tha t h e ha s ha d opportunitie s tha t many other youn g men o f his background hav e not had , he still believes that blacks are connected with each other through "a collective struggle and a collective experience. There are different struggle s fo r different blacks , but it is the same because we all look the same. A collective history. " H e als o think s tha t familie s an d regiona l tie s ar e strong enoug h t o creat e importan t intraracia l differences ; therefor e the strongest link, in Lawrence's view, is the shared history of slavery and oppression . This link coul d be strengthened b y increased knowledg e o f blac k history. Lawrence believe s tha t onc e the y revie w this history , black s will realize that the white man is responsible for much of what ails the black community . H e say s tha t "Everythin g we'v e contribute d ha s been taken away from us…. W e are responsible for each other. We are responsible for ou r brothers and sisters." This idea of responsibility for one another i s one of the hallmark s

io8 | Identity and Integration of liberal ideology. Lawrence doe s not hesitat e to defin e himsel f a s a liberal. He makes it clear that he is talking about a white conservativ e when he says that he or she is "someone who feels or believes in individual responsibility . They believe that everyon e start s ou t th e sam e and refus e t o recogniz e th e mechanism s tha t kee p a peopl e op pressed." He adds that conservatives do not understand ho w difficul t it is to get out of poor black neighborhoods an d "make something of your life. " He comment s tha t blac k conservative s suc h a s Clarenc e Thomas know how difficult lif e is for poor blacks, which makes their conservatism fee l more like betrayal. Lawrence Sims is militant i n his view of where problems of crim e and drugs in the black community originate and why they are so difficult to solve: [The] white man's God complex. The belief that the white man is inherently more intelligent and better than blacks because it has created an inferiorit y comple x i n th e blac k community . It' s a n embedde d mind-set that we can't be president—it has created a negative mechanism that is ongoing. We have been forced to deal with so many internal divisions based on gender, based on complexion, and just on and on—that has divided us in so many different ways. While Lawrenc e doe s not bal k a t blaming racis m fo r blac k prob lems, he is more o f a traditional libera l on abortion , homosexuality , and premarita l sex . However, when i t comes to having children out side the marital bond, he moves definitively to the right in expressing his disapproval. He explains that his views come from hi s own expe rience: "It's something that I think is done best in a marriage, particularly a healthy marriage, a healthy bond. My mother had me and my siblings out of wedlock, and it creates many problems." Lawrence believes that hi s "psyche has been distorted, " and hi s relationship wit h his father i s ill-defined . Although he says that society is sexist, and thinks that women have not achieve d equality , Lawrence als o believes that sexism is differen t for black women than for white women: Sexism creates problems in black households. Black women's salaries are higher than men['s] because of affirmative action . Black women

Identity and Integration | 10 9 are a "two-fer"—a blac k and a woman. The practice of hiring black women over men is corrupt, racist, and sexist. It creates a communication gap between black men and women. Lawrence cannot offe r an y proof tha t black women ar e being hired i n greater numbers than black men, but the perception that black women are taking jobs away from black men is clearly implied in his statement. Lawrence has a political ideology deeply rooted in the black nationalist philosophy of Malcolm X. Lawrence names Louis Farrakhan, Ben Chavis, Malcolm X , and Marcu s Garve y a s som e o f th e peopl e wh o have influenced hi s views. His strong racial group identity and his political attitudes were forged from hi s beginnings i n all-blac k environ ments. They were clearly reinforced by his integration experience both at the boarding school and at Woodson. He believes that Woodson does not welcome black students, and he does not feel a part of the studen t body. Evidence o f Woodson's les s than welcomin g environmen t i s its failure t o hir e enoug h blacks t o serv e o n th e faculty . Whe n the y ar e hired, Lawrence says that" [they are] extremely bogged down with their own responsibilities . .. being put on ad hoc committees and trying to gain tenureship." Lawrence expresses concern about the dual appoint ments o f many of the black professors. He feels appointment s i n tw o departments mean that they have twice as much to do. Lawrence says he has no white friends, and he spends his time working to change the atmosphere for African-American student s at Woodson. Lawrence Sims faced real challenges in resolving conflict abou t his racial group identity. He was helped in resolving his identity crisis by courses o n blac k history an d politics . Reassessing hi s experiences i n light o f this new knowledge, Lawrence emerge d with a liberal ideol ogy that put the blame for black problems on oppression by whites.

Barriers to Racial Integration and

Racial Solidarity

Liz Thompson—Woodson Universit y The next student, Liz Thompson, relates her growing sense of the importance o f racia l grou p identit y t o bein g place d i n a majority -

no I Identity and Integration white environment . Unlik e Lawrence , wh o experience d a crisi s o f identity in high school and spent his college years redefining himself , this young woma n resolve d identit y issue s i n hig h school . This wa s when Li z became awar e o f th e importanc e o f racia l identity , whic h has become more acute since her arrival at Woodson. Her high school was a "magnet" schoo l establishe d fo r academicall y gifte d students . Only a few blacks attended, and Li z found tha t th e studen t bod y divided itself along ethnic lines. When she observed that European an d Latino ethni c group s segregate d themselve s fro m whites , it seeme d natural t o he r tha t African-American s woul d too , especiall y sinc e blacks felt especiall y alienated. Liz Thompso n i s fro m th e sam e northeaster n cit y a s Lawrence , and is the daughter o f a West Indian mother . She has not led a privileged life , but he r mothe r ha s worked har d t o provid e he r wit h th e best formal education, as well as personally enriching educational experiences. Sh e ha s travele d ou t o f th e countr y extensivel y wit h he r mother, and comments that these trips have been invaluable to her. When asked if there is a black identity, Liz is unsure about how to determine whethe r someon e ha s a black identit y o r not : "There ar e students here , black students , that don' t han g ou t wit h black peopl e and they join white Greek organizations—and to me they don't fit the black identity . Bu t I' m no t reall y sur e tha t i s the wa y to judge." Liz does feel that all blacks are linked: "We are all family even though we are spread all across the earth. I just feel that there is a link somewhere inside." She also thinks tha t black s a t Woodson ar e more connecte d than students at historically black colleges. As an example of this connection sh e cite s the unspoke n rul e tha t al l blacks o n campu s mus t acknowledge eac h othe r whe n the y meet , whethe r the y kno w eac h other o r not. Liz says that sh e does not believe students a t black colleges have this rule. She had the same experience in her magnet hig h school. Liz says they "pulled themselves together" even if they did not like eac h other—"jus t fo r th e sak e o f bein g together. " Whites wer e separated alon g ethnic lines as well. Attending schoo l a t Woodso n make s Li z awar e o f stereotype s about blacks , and sh e tells a n amusin g stor y abou t ho w thi s fea r o f being stereotyped affect s her :

Identity and Integration | m Just the other day in the University Center they had four hours of jazz playing and they had wings [buffalo wings], and so forth. AT&T came to try to do business on the campus and they were giving away things. And if you filled ou t a survey in another eatin g area they gave away basketballs. So anyway, as I was leaving, I was running out trying to get the shuttle and I had a basketball in one hand and a chicken wing in the other hand. And I was running and I was thinking, "Boy, I must really look like what they think all black people are." When asked about her experiences with racism, she relates the story of a high school counselor who prevented her from applyin g to major ity-white four-year college s and universitie s by refusing t o release her transcript except to community colleges and historically black colleges: And so my mother went and spoke to him and he told my mother he was sorr y bu t tha t mos t o f th e blac k student s jus t wen t t o blac k schools, so he didn't know what to tell me. And so my mother asked him, well, where do you send your Asian students? We found ou t he [had] told previous black students the same thing. Liz's mother obtained a copy of the transcript in an unorthodox way, and sen t i t t o severa l four-yea r college s o n he r own . Li z note s tha t without a n assertiv e mother , sh e woul d hav e bee n relegate d t o at tending a community college . She laments th e fac t tha t man y othe r black students may have been denied opportunities by accepting this counselor's actions. Another experienc e tha t ha s affecte d Li z was relate d b y a frien d who visited relatives in Alabama. The Ku Klux Klan stopped him an d a fe w friend s i n a ca r o n a deserte d road . The y di d no t hur t the m physically bu t mad e the m stri p an d li e o n th e ground . The y suc ceeded in badly frightening him , leaving him somewhat traumatized . She says this inciden t "stick s i n he r mind " because i t happene d no t long ago and it left her friend damaged . These experiences make it difficult fo r Liz to forge friendships wit h whites. She says she has two white friends , but the n qualifie s tha t b y saying: But I only let them get to a certain point—then it stops. And a lot of times I don't do it consciously but when I look back at it I say, well,

112 | Identity and Integration how come I'm no t a s close with the white people a s I am with th e black people? And I think a lot of times it's just because on this campus there are so many different thing s happening. Like I said before I don't think a lot o f white people can understand what' s happenin g with minorities. And so, rather than me just come out and tell them, well, this is what's wrong and wait for them to agree—I just don't say anything. When asked how she limits the growth of her relationships with white students, Liz says that sh e doe s no t g o o n outing s wit h the m t o th e movies o r restaurants . The y d o visi t eac h other' s dor m rooms , bu t they rarely get past the acquaintance level. Her black friendships, sh e notes, d o no t requir e tha t thing s b e said—the y ar e simpl y under stood. I n othe r words , Li z ha s develope d n o primar y relationship s with white students, only secondary ones. Raised in a household with her grandmother an d mother, Liz says her grandmothe r i s ideologicall y conservativ e an d he r mothe r i s moderate t o conservative . She, however, is liberal. When asked ho w she defines "conservative," Liz immediately thinks of a black conservative when she hears the term: I don't like it. There is a certain type of person I think of when I hear that word conservative. I think of the black person who is conservative who says we don't need welfare and that the government is not at fault for anything that happens to minorities. And I just don't like it. Liz believes that white conservatives ar e given more credibility when blacks agree with their ideas. When she thinks of a white conservative, it does not inspir e a reaction i n her. She ignores white conservatives . Liberals accept anything as long as it doesn't impose on anyone else's freedom. Moderates, in her view, are more fair. They can "go from on e side to the other depending on the situation. " Her views are liberal on most issues with the exception of premarital sex , o f whic h sh e disapprove s becaus e o f he r religiou s convic tions. However, like many of the othe r student s i n this survey, she is ambivalent abou t affirmativ e action . Liz and he r friend s suppor t af firmative action , but sh e says that "none of us wants to be in a situation wher e we are the toke n person. " She believes companie s woul d

Identity and Integration | 11 3 not hire blacks without affirmativ e action , and that it will be neede d for som e years to come. She blame s problem s o f poverty , drugs , an d crim e i n th e blac k community o n a lac k o f education , an d believe s mor e blac k rol e models ar e neede d fo r childre n i n poo r communities . I n he r view , government ha s a responsibility to guarante e racia l equality by supporting affirmativ e actio n an d improvin g publi c schools . Li z see s many problem s i n th e welfar e system , but believe s i t shoul d b e re structured an d mor e mone y spent , no t less . Sh e i s les s concerne d about the Republican "Contract with America" and how it will affec t blacks. Liz Thompson was integrated with whites at an early age, and he r experiences hav e resulte d i n intensifyin g he r feeling s o f separatio n from white society. She was exposed to whites in school; however, her neighborhood wa s all-black, as were her associations outside school . Liz, he r mother , an d he r grandmothe r atten d a larg e Africa n Methodist Episcopa l (AME ) church , an d sh e participate s i n churc h activities. Her home life has helped he r forg e a strong sense of racia l group identity , an d becaus e sh e ha s neve r establishe d clos e friend ships with whites, her black identity remains primary . Lawrence Sims and Liz Thompson both illustrate how the ideal of integration has been obstructed by the exclusion of blacks from whit e peer groups, by blacks' perception that whites cannot o r will not un derstand thei r experience s a s blacks, and b y encounters wit h racis m in their ow n lives as well as the lives of friends an d family . Lawrenc e and Liz are both sensitive regarding affirmative action , and both have been profoundly affecte d b y their experiences in majority-white situ ations.

A Liberal Nationalist with a Feminist Flair Lana Tolliver—Woodson Universit y Lana Tollive r i s a dancer , writer , an d organize r o f voluntee r ser vices at Woodson University . She auditioned fo r a place in a summer

114 | Identity and Integration workshop wit h a well-know n Ne w Yor k danc e company , an d wa s chosen for a slot. Lana is from a single-parent home and is the oldest of five children. Born and raised in the southern city in which Woodson is located, Lana says she first became aware of her race and its significance whe n sh e attende d th e performin g art s hig h schoo l i n th e city. She was cognizant o f economic difference s betwee n the races at a very early age: "When I was smaller, I knew there was a differenc e between black s an d whites , bu t I though t i t wa s tha t white s ha d money, an d black s didn't . [Laughs ] Althoug h I wasn't ver y fa r off. " Lana live d i n a n all-blac k neighborhoo d an d attende d all-blac k schools before being admitted to the majority-white performin g art s school. She definitely feels connected to other blacks, and says that it is because o f "threads o f commonality " that ru n throug h th e race . Lana feels tha t al l blacks struggl e agains t "th e stereotype s tha t hav e bee n placed o n yo u sinc e America eve n existed. " All blacks shar e the wa y they are viewed by whites. Black identity, in Lana' s view, means tha t you feel connected t o Africa, an d you ar e "conscious o f the subjuga tion of your people and the richness of your ancestry. " Lana believes Louis Farrakhan i s wonderful, an d says that his emphasis on black solidarity is what disturb s whites. When aske d if she is a separatist, she answers affirmatively . Whe n aske d why she chos e to atten d Woodson i f she believes that African-Americans ar e better off separate d fro m whites , she responds: "I'm a separatist but I don't think that—I think that we could live with other people as long as we know who we are." She says Utopia to her would be a society in which blacks lived, worked, and conducted business separately from whites . Blacks would hav e total contro l o f their ow n communit y an d coul d restrict whites' access to the community . Lana wa s influence d ideologicall y b y a hig h schoo l frien d wh o practiced Islam. She says that the relationship "started me to question everything I was doing… . I didn't know a lot of people that I know now as far as Huey Newton and Angela Davis—these were not household name s in my family." The Rodney King beating deepl y affecte d Lana. Sh e was a senio r i n hig h schoo l whe n th e inciden t occurred , and says:

Identity and Integration | 11 5 I was completely—to me it was a slap in the face. It was like racism... they blatantly showed racism in this country Blatantly... they didn't even try to pacify us by condemning these people. They didn't even wear the mask And to me that said something about the direction that black people were headed in this country Lana tried to talk to one of her favorite white teachers about her anger and frustration ove r the Rodney King incident, but found th e teacher remote an d unabl e t o empathiz e wit h he r feelings . Th e encounte r changed he r feeling s abou t th e teacher, and sh e now thinks tha t i t is impossible fo r whites to understand a black perspective o n issue s of race. She has had a n experience at Woodson tha t she thinks was due t o racism on the part of an English professor. In her freshman year , Lana went t o se e this professor abou t a "C" on a n essay . She says that th e professor tol d her that blacks were known for their inability to write, and that her "C" was to be expected. When asked how she responded, she answered: I responded by becoming associate editor of the newsletter here and majoring in English. I remember saying, "You've got to be kidding. You mean to say that Maya Angelou as an African-American can' t write, or she couldn' t write—o r Angel a Davis—al l thes e profoun d writers . They shouldn't be where they are according to your theory." The professor said that they had to learn it. He said that he wasn't saying blacks couldn't learn, but they had to be trained. For Lana, there is no doubt that whites in general perceive that blacks are les s capable , an d ar e unwillin g an d unabl e t o trea t black s equi tably. In answering questions about problems she perceives in the black community, Lan a focuse s o n th e addictions . Sh e believes drug s ar e deliberately placed in the black community by those in power: "These depressants ar e chemica l depressant s tha t ar e contributin g t o ou r present condition." The answer for Lana is black control of businesses that locate in the black community. She says blacks need t o sa y "No, you can' t mov e here. " If th e numbe r o f retai l liquo r store s wer e di minished and the community cleaned up, Lana feels that many of the

n6 | Identity and Integration problems would disappear. She feels that the addicts cannot reason or work their wa y out o f condition s o f poverty , and thos e who ar e no t addicted ar e too busy working an d dealin g with their ow n problem s to help the addicts. Lana and her friends talk a lot about the double bind of racism and sexism. Lana mentions how the rape charges against the boxer Mik e Tyson affected her : This was a black man an d a black woman. You're caught in between whether or not this black man violated this black woman in the most extreme and horrendous way ever. And then you're caught between this black man. He got up in society. He has a vision. And every time— you've got to watch yourself if you're a black man and you're making too much money. They don't like it. Something's going to happen where all of it is taken away. You're being punished. And they [black women] have that side where you want to be an abolitionist for that person Lana's desire to defend black men who she thinks are under attack by a racist legal system is strong. She says she is struggling with reconciling he r concern s abou t rac e issue s an d th e statu s o f blac k wome n within th e race , especiall y sinc e sh e becam e awar e o f stumblin g blocks place d i n he r mother' s caree r path . Th e O . J . Simpson tria l sparked conversations between Lana and her friends about interracial relationships: "Now, when I say we talk about interracial relationship s we really don't car e too muc h abou t th e person—th e whit e wome n these males are with. To me, we just basically conclude that they have particular insecurities—thes e black men." Lana describes herself as a liberal, and says all her friends ar e "militant black women." She thinks conservatives are primarily concerned with conformity : When I think of conservative I think of suits, anal retention. [Laughs] No, I think of someone who conforms to what society standardizes at what you're supposed t o be. Not open o r willing to accept anything that diverges or differs fro m tha t societal standard. And I think that conservative is male-oriented, usually. And white male-oriented. And anything outsid e th e boundarie s o f wha t th e whit e male-oriente d deems... you're supposed to be is not conservative. But if you fall into that, or conform to those norms—that's conservative to me.

Identity and Integration | 11 7 A liberal for Lana is "Myself. One who does not allow someone else to dictate their actions , even if it does not confor m t o societa l norms. " Moderates, in Lana's view, are those who conform t o the norm whe n they believ e i t t o b e appropriate . The y ar e no t completel y closed , however, to expressing themselves outside these norms. Lana's political views are aligned with he r liberal ideological per spective and he r stron g sens e of racia l group identity . She sees affir mative actio n a s necessary , an d view s th e curren t criticis m o f th e practice a s proof tha t black s ar e "regressing." Lana believes the gov ernment i s responsibl e fo r ensurin g racia l equality . He r ide a i s t o spend less on defense and more on education and creating jobs. Welfare shoul d b e reformed t o place more emphasi s o n work, but mor e money shoul d b e spent , no t less . Lana say s that th e ric h shoul d b e taxed t o pa y fo r jo b training . Sh e i s libera l o n abortio n an d mos t other moral and cultural issues with the exception of homosexuality , on which she is moderate. She voted for Clinto n i n the 1992 election, and encouraged her friends t o vote. Lana Tolliver grew up in an environment tha t was tough to negotiate, an d offere d littl e i n th e wa y o f resources . Sh e identifie s wit h those who remai n i n tha t environment , an d sh e gears her voluntee r efforts towar d helpin g youn g peopl e i n th e inne r city . Attending a majority-white hig h school and Woodson University have resulted in experiences that hav e solidified Lana' s sense that African-American s are systematically oppressed by white society.

The Triple Bind of Race, Gender, and Class Lynn Stevens—Windsor Universit y A nativ e southerner , Lyn n Steven s i s a petit e an d livel y studen t with a crown o f dreadlocks. Lynn's formidable intellec t i s evident i n her countenance an d the way she expresses herself. Lynn chose to at tend Windsor, a predominantly white university, because she believed it to be the best university in her home state. She is from a n impover ished famil y an d i s eligible for a sizable amoun t o f financial ai d be -

ii8 | Identity and Integration cause she is an in-state student. Being at Windsor "is a learning experience ," Lynn says with a laugh. She has been surprised at the numbe r of blac k middle-clas s professional s i n th e tow n surroundin g Wind sor. She feels that she has struggled socially at Windsor. This has been more difficul t fo r he r tha n th e academi c struggle s sh e ha s encoun tered. Lynn says: Well, I think I came in very naive and very idealistic. And I thought that the black people would be like me. Sort of like from a workingclass family—had, you know, single mother. I didn't count on meeting, like a bourgeois, sort of like upper-middle-class blacks who necessarily didn't like me. You know, they wouldn't like me because of my hair or because I thought that black people here, especially at a predominantly white school—I thought it would be more united, more cohesive. That was a shock, I was disappointed. Trying to get involved in th e Blac k Student Alliance was hard becaus e i f you weren't i n a Greek, if you weren't a member o f the Gree k organization tha t th e president happened to be a member of, you didn't, it was hard for you to get on committees. Lynn finds the black Greeks petty and shallow at Windsor. She would not join a sorority for this reason, but notes that she would be unable to join anyway because of the money required. Lynn says that anothe r thing tha t separate s he r fro m th e blac k middle-clas s student s i s he r hairstyle. Her dreadlocks are in the early stages, and students perceive this style to mean that she is politically radical. Most black women o n the Windsor campu s wear thei r hai r i n straigh t style s that requir e a chemical relaxer . Lynn is distressed at gender issues between black men and women on campus. Black women, she says, seem desperate to gain the atten tion of black men o n campus : I think, it's sort of sad but I respect myself. And a lot of black women here don't respect themselves. Or they say they respect themselves but like, they'll take things from the black men here, or they'll chase after black men. Even freshmen ar e all caught up in the hoopla. Oh, Windsor, Windsor men , black intelligent men—an d eve n when I was all caught up in that like I was say, you know, whatever—I'm not taking

Identity and Integration | 11 9 this, and I would like, you know, leave people alone. Leave these guys alone. Guys would tell me that I was too serious and too intense. She just realize d durin g the week of the intervie w that sh e is a feminist. In the past, Lynn had associated feminism exclusivel y with white women. She has learned throug h a study of black feminist literatur e that whil e blac k feminist s ma y hav e a differen t agend a tha n whit e women, they are still feminists : Black feminists are for the development of the black community as a whole . .. like for the affirmation o f black women but for the uplift ing of the black man , therefore sittin g dow n an d discussin g issue s and problem s i n th e communit y an d tryin g t o settl e them. That' s along the line of "womanist." I think Alice Walker came up with that term. Lynn and her friends hav e discussed this topic a lot lately because of a recent controversy surrounding the Women's Center on campus: The committee [at the Center] that brings programming for black or women of color to campus, they separated from the Women's Center. They felt like the Women's Center wasn't being supportive of women of color issues. They were focusing on white feminist issues. It is typical of white women, or white people in general, to feel like their agenda is everyone's agenda. That they can speak for everyone. They just assume . .. I guess they think the world gravitates around them. That's my own personal opinion. I support it [the separation]. I feel like it's a statement. Lynn move d frequentl y whil e growin g up , but spen t mos t o f he r formative year s i n publi c housing . Th e environmen t wa s ver y op pressive: Our project was really bad. If someone needed an ambulance, the ambulance would wait at the bottom of the bridge and you [had ] to get your way down there some kind of way. They weren't going to go up. Violent. Something was always happening. In junior high and high school Lynn felt awkward because she was placed i n accelerate d all-whit e classes . Some o f her classmate s kne w little about black people and often insulted her. Although she became

120 | Identity and Integration fairly comfortabl e i n thes e classe s ove r time , Lyn n di d no t fee l ac cepted by the black student s outsid e o f her classe s or th e white stu dents in her classes: Black students started saying "you're trying to be white." It got to me in the tenth grade. During lunch I would eat with white kids in my class. I started out doing that, but then I stopped and I would just go to the library and eat lunch there and read. It was too awkward, too tense, I felt, to sit and eat lunch with them when all the black kids were on one side. Lynn was an excellent studen t i n high school, but i s disappointe d with her academi c performance a t Windsor. It is clear that the racia l stereotype o f black s a s incapable o f excellin g i n th e science s ha s af fected her : I try really hard. But, I don't know. I was pre-med up until last semester, so I was average—like a "C." I'm still trying to come to terms with that. Now I'm a psychology major and a B or a B+ student, which I'm told isn't competitive enough for graduate school, which distresses me also. When asked wh y sh e i s n o longe r a n "A " student, Lyn n replie s tha t perhaps it is related to her attempt to major i n the "hard" sciences: I do well in like my social science classes. So I'm workin g outsid e of my strength. Why do you persist in working outside of yourstrength? I refus e to , I fee l lik e i t shouldn' t b e tha t I can' t buil d anothe r strength…. I guess there's a stigma. Black people tend to go into literature or social science. There aren't that many black people in health science , or psychology even. That's not th e main rea son why I want to g o but I would hate to think, um, I'm blac k and I' m utilizin g m y language skills . Whether it' s because I' m black or just because of my culture that I have strong languag e skills— or whatever they attribute it to. Lynn take s i t fo r grante d tha t black s ar e mor e facil e wit h languag e than science, which indicates how vulnerable black students can be to accepting stereotypica l assessment s o f thei r abilitie s i n majority white institutions .

Identity and Integration | 12 1 Lynn's "encounter " moment , he r firs t realizatio n tha t rac e wa s meaningful, occurre d when she was invited to spend the night with a white famil y tha t live d i n th e housin g project : "Th e kid s wer e lik e fighting ove r who I would slee p with. They were like tugging on me . In retrospect , I fel t lik e thi s bab y doll. " Other blac k childre n i n he r neighborhood an d elementar y school also cued Lynn to the fact tha t being black was not considere d a positive thing: Black kids and peopl e i n my neighborhood woul d sa y "you blac k so-and-so"—name-calling. I t reall y hur t m y feelings . I don' t know—I wa s jus t ver y sensitive . I becam e ver y consciou s o f how dark I was. I felt that everyone thought I was ugly—whites and blacks. Do you feel that this kind of prejudice within our own community has diminished? I fee l lik e as people gro w older , they stop emphasizin g it . It's stil l there. My cousin, he's my age, he goes to Benedict. He only dates light-skinned women . H e onl y find s light-skinne d wome n at tractive. He even told me, "Sorry, I have to have a light-skinned woman." Although Lyn n say s sh e i s ove r th e pai n o f bein g considere d unat tractive becaus e o f he r complexion , sh e admit s tha t i t haunt s he r when she visits the communities in which she volunteers: When I work with kids, when I go back into the community, it like hits me. Like I'm going back to where I came from and it's still there. These kids stil l hat e themselves . The y cal l thi s gir l "black " an d "nappy headed." They even come at me and ask "Why do you do your hair like that? Your hair is nappy." It was good for me to say "this is good; this is beautiful; thi s is natural." They were looking at me like I was crazy. There were white people there, too. I was like, "What's pretty to you?" And they pointed to this blond-headed girl. And I was like, yeah, that's pretty for her, but why isn't what you have pretty? Carol Changa, profiled i n chapter 3, experienced pain as an upper class woman whos e dar k skin , i n he r view , belied he r socia l status . Lynn ha s experience d pai n a s a dark-skinne d woma n whos e ski n color, in othe r people' s minds , confirms he r socia l status. One stud y

122 | Identity and Integration showed tha t peopl e assig n stereotypicall y blac k name s suc h a s Lakeisha o r Sherond a t o dark-skinne d women , an d mor e Europea n names suc h a s Diane an d Laur a to light-skinned women , which i s a subtle indicatio n o f class . I n anothe r study , dark-skinne d blac k women ar e rate d b y both black s an d white s a s being less intelligen t and less physically attractive than lighter-skinned black women (Rus sell, Wilson, and Hall 1992). Lynn's experienc e wit h th e ter m "black " an d it s loade d meanin g early in her lif e ma y explain wh y she prefers i t to African-America n or any other name : I like how, I guess how it was like, brought into existence I guess. Just from what I can remember—civil rights leaders —people in general in the sixties were tired of Negro, colored. They wanted something that was proactive, definitive . I gues s like forceful , bu t assertive—i t ha s power to it, and it's still positive. It's like giving something negative a positive connotation. Lynn defines a black identity as "being in touch with how my race has been treate d historically—an d how , um , socially , psychologically , from slaver y up until now. Like the effect o f different event s on us as a race, as a people. African, there's a link to Africa. " Lynn thinks about being black a lot, and thinks that what happen s to othe r black s will affec t her , but i t i s difficul t fo r he r t o imagin e some day being in a different clas s from he r family : It's hard because I'm lik e in transition, from lik e working—eventually—class to middle class. And even then, even if I won't be working class like five years from now , it will still affect m e just because of my Mom, my brother, and my cousin. Experiences with racism, for Lynn , have been intense and numer ous. She was hard-pressed decidin g which one s t o relat e durin g th e interview. After a long silence, Lynn finally said that she was trying to decide which might be the worst cases: I think it's hard because at home the stuff was blatant. Either some redneck woul d lea n ou t o f a truc k [an d yell ] "yo u nigger " o r that kin d o f thing. But here a t Windsor i t is very subtle. It ha s

Identity and Integration | 12 3 always been implied, which makes it very frustrating. I feel like I have learned the most from thi s [subtl e racism] than from lik e blatant name-calling or teachers saying not nice things. Give me an example of subtle racism. My freshman yea r in m y dorm—white wome n wh o haven' t bee n around black people would skir t around you in the bathroom . They'll look at your hair like "What in the world? What are you doing to your hair? " On th e buses, the bus ca n be packed, an d there ca n b e a n empt y sea t besid e yo u an d th e aisle s wil l b e packed an d n o on e will si t i n tha t empt y sea t besid e you. I'v e had lab TAs [teaching assistants], and I think part of this has to do with the fact that I' m a woman also , but the y will single m e out an d giv e me specia l attention . [The y will] com e ove r an d actually take things from m e an d tr y to d o my part fo r m y lab for me. That happened to me twice, and I had to go off. I t really aggravated me. Lynn consider s hersel f a liberal. She defines a liberal a s someon e who is anti-big business, pro-environment, and pro-social program ming. Conservatives are usually white males who are Republican an d pro-life. Moderate s ar e peopl e wh o ar e pro-choic e bu t wh o woul d not choos e abortio n fo r themselves . Lyn n say s moderate s ar e no t quick t o emplo y racia l generalization s an d ca n b e sympatheti c t o black causes. Lynn believes that poor blacks are victims of a poor public educa tion system. Educational tracking, a system that steers students to either a vocational o r a college-preparator y curriculu m accordin g t o ability, is one aspect o f the syste m that i s harmful t o black students . Her perspective is balanced by her belief that young blacks are unable to se e the value of education, an d ma y not b e trying a s hard a s they should to obtain one. Lynn believes that one of the best strategies fo r eliminating th e problem s i n th e syste m ar e blac k middle-clas s rol e models—not just in schools for a few hours—but living and working in poo r blac k communities . Mone y woul d als o hel p alleviat e th e problems—funding fo r defense could be reduced to increase fundin g for education, especially teachers' salaries.

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Lynn support s affirmativ e actio n an d believe s welfar e refor m i s headed i n th e wron g direction—increase d fundin g i s needed , no t cutbacks. Sh e support s increase d fundin g fo r th e rehabilitatio n o f criminal offenders , bu t no t fo r prisons . When asked to complet e th e statement on why black people may not succeed in the United States, Lynn says, "Even if they are qualified fo r whatever position they're in, they are working i n a n environmen t that' s not , that i s very differen t from thei r culture . It wasn't built fo r them . It is more suite d fo r th e white middle-class type." Failure may also be blamed on "internalized oppression." Lynn i s a registered Democra t bu t say s she "votes fo r whoeve r i s the righ t person. " She voted fo r Clinto n i n 199 2 because "h e wasn' t Bush." The only African-American politicia n Lynn admires is Lenora Fulani, a presidential candidate in the 1988 and 1992 presidential elections. 2 Sh e does not thin k anyon e qualifie s a s an outstandin g leade r in a political o r socia l sense . Farrakhan "pander s t o ignorance, " and she is disillusioned abou t Jesse Jackson: I don't like Jesse. I think he is full o f rhetoric. It's funny becaus e a friend sai d he may be doing that to stay alive, 'cause every other black leader who's actuall y tried t o mak e chang e has died . I' m disappointed tha t h e has not mad e change . He's just talking . I also feel like he's looking out for the interests of the upper-mid dle class. Where do you think you got that idea? I don't see him in the community. He's like in Washington. Also Joe Clark came to speak, and a lot of the things he said about Jess e made sense , just abou t ho w the African-American thin g . . . h e said Jesse coined that, like brought tha t back. He felt like it was something to revive the black middle class. To me it's a superfi cial wa y t o reviv e people . I jus t lik e action , change , tangibl e change. Lynn Stevens, a witness to the cruelest of southern perversions and predilections, struggle s t o find he r wa y i n a world wher e cast e an d complexion influence ho w she is accepted by both blacks and whites. Another youn g woma n a few years ahea d o f Lyn n a t Windsor, wh o

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does no t shar e he r socioeconomi c backgroun d o r he r complexion , nevertheless reveal s a similar struggl e to reconcile issues of race an d class as she negotiates her way through Windsor . Leah Somers—Windsor Universit y Leah Somer s i s a soft-spoken youn g woman wh o state s immedi ately tha t sh e i s unhappy a t Windsor an d feel s ver y isolated . Sh e i s from th e Midwest , an d he r mothe r i s he r sol e supporter . Afte r at tending a summe r progra m a t Windso r an d bein g thoroughl y im pressed with the prestige enjoyed by students at the university, she decided to attend. Leah now thinks she made a mistake: The social atmosphere is not really one that, it doesn't really fit me. Nor doe s th e politica l atmosphere . I think I would hav e bee n much better off in an environment that was not so stringent, or difficult academicall y as well. I'm no t saying that I would hav e taken the easy way but then I would have had more confidenc e to exce l in mor e things. To come int o a different environmen t and be bombarded with all of these difficult thing s to handle at one time tends to work on one's self-esteem. Also not to be surrounded by black people, people that I have something in common with . It was a very difficult transitio n tha t I didn't realiz e until this year. What did you think was happening at first? I just thought , well , I rea d i n psycholog y abou t thi s theor y tha t everyone reache s thei r pea k an d the n the y decline . You have a certain amount of potential that you're born with and once you reach it that's it. Then you're burned out. I was like, gosh, my senior year must've been tha t pea k an d no w I'm jus t o n m y way down. I thought I just wasn' t goo d enough . I'm jus t no t goo d enough. I don't have these thoughts; I don't have these theories that we're supposed t o have. I don't have the background we'r e supposed to have. I have no clue. Leah sound s muc h lik e Lyn n whe n talkin g abou t he r academi c performance, attributin g he r failur e t o he r ow n shortcomings . Bot h

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wonder whethe r thei r academi c problem s ar e someho w relate d t o racial or cultural differences. Leah is uncomfortable wit h the kinds of social activities that ar e common a t universities with vital Greek or ganizations. Thi s discomfor t i s connecte d t o he r overal l feeling s o f alienation fro m campu s life and frustratio n a t her fellow classmates ' failure t o acknowledg e th e community , specificall y th e blac k com munity, that exists all around the campus: I guess overall, since it's predominantly white and that's the culture that influences the social activities. And then under that, fraternities, white fraternities, they influence the things there are to do greatly. And a lot of their things are to get together and drink, and party, and I don't do that. And then you have the black culture which is very much separated, both physically and culturally separated fro m th e rest of the Windsor community. The problem there is that a lot of us come from pretty affluent backgrounds . I won't say us. [Laughs] And even if it's not affluent, Windsor is just the kind of place where everything is here and you could go on forever and you could go four years and not leave the campus and not need or want for anything. I think it's too protected. And students who are not even so . .. wealth y are still in that protected environment. And I think we've lost sight as black people of where our struggle is and what's going on with other people who are not at Windsor. Student awarenes s o f th e pligh t o f black people , both i n th e sur rounding community and the country at large, is important to Leah. Underneath he r distres s an d discomfor t a t Windsor i s the fea r tha t blacks ther e hav e forgotte n thei r connectio n wit h les s fortunat e blacks. When asked to define what black identity is, Leah replies tha t it is shared oppression : I think it' s just knowin g how other peopl e relate to you because of your skin color. And beyond that there is difference. You don't have to listen to a certain kind of music to be black. You have to know what it's like to be treated as "less than" because of your skin color. Leah believes that people have to grow into a black identity, because the realization of your subordinate status comes over time. She thinks about bein g black a lot, and believe s her fat e i s definitely tie d t o th e fate of other blacks.

Identity and Integration | 12 7 Leah prefers to be called "black" rather than African-American : I love it [the term "black"]. Black is me. African-American to me is saying a couple of things. It's saying, one, that I don't really belong here. That I have some type of hyphenated identity. It belongs to me. Africa belongs to me ... and I think it's included in "black." And then also, I think there needs to be some kind of distinction for people who are African-American. I'm not African-American . Leah's first realization o f her racial group membership cam e at an early age—while she was in a majority-white preschool : There I was pretty much ignored. The kids would ask me questions that I really didn't understand why or what. All my dolls were white and I wanted to be white. And I had long hair, but I wanted it not to have to be pressed or processed in order for me to straighten it. It was a clas s thing , too . The y automaticall y assume d I didn' t hav e an y money—even though I dressed better than most of them because my mother made sure that even if we didn't have money, I definitely wasn't going to dress worse than anybody. This experience , combined wit h famil y conversation s sh e overhear d about race , made he r awar e that bein g black had som e significance . When sh e talke d abou t he r classmate s a t home , he r grandmothe r would alway s inquire abou t th e rac e of the person. Asked if she ha d ever experience d racism , Lea h first answer s no , the n change s he r mind. She remembers an experience in a class at Windsor i n which a group assignmen t becam e uncomfortabl e whe n sh e was shut ou t o f group discussions : They would sit with me, but they would crowd me out—their backs would be turned. I just sat there at first and I said OK, maybe it's because—I don't know. I couldn't think of anything except that either it's I'm a woman, or I'm black, or it's both. I didn't really know how to approach it or how to say anything. Leah's professo r notice d th e behavio r o f th e grou p an d wa s dis pleased. He wanted her to do something about it, but assured her that he would tak e care of i t if she was uneasy. She arranged t o mee t th e group leade r an d discus s th e situation . Whe n sh e asked i f h e wa s aware of shutting he r ou t o f the group meetings , he said he was no t

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aware that this was happening. He insisted that he was not prejudice d and cited having black friends a s evidence of such. Leah says that this was the "first time I realized that prejudice does exist." The experience was all the more frustrating becaus e of the group leader's denial tha t it happened . Leah's strong sense of racial group identity and experiences like the one related above may have resulted in the formation o f classic liberal attitudes o n politica l issues . Lea h associate s conservative s wit h th e Republican Party , whites, and the wealthy, and surprisingly , with th e Ku Klux Klan. She thinks the primary characteristic of a conservative is that the y "do not understan d minoritie s o r an y type o f disadvan taged group. " Moderates ar e "wishy-washy," while liberals ar e open minded t o radical . Leah believes governmen t ha s a responsibility t o help blacks , and complete d th e statemen t "I f blac k peopl e don' t d o well in lif e i t i s because" with "[of ] a failure o n th e par t o f th e gov ernment couple d with a failure o n their [blac k people's] par t to hold the governmen t accountable. " Governmen t shoul d spen d mor e o n education an d less on prisons to fulfill it s responsibility to minoritie s and the disadvantaged . Leah support s welfar e refor m bu t think s mor e mone y shoul d b e spent, not less . On mora l an d cultura l issue s she is moderate t o liberal, expressing conditional support for abortio n an d premarital sex, and tolerance for homosexuality and having children out of wedlock. Although sh e support s women' s rights , Leah believes tha t minorit y women are not being well represented because "you have that issue of am I black toda y o r a m I a woman today ? Ho w ca n I be both? An d that's a difficult choice. " A registered Democrat, Leah has voted more than three times. One of the main reasons she voted for Clinton in 1992 was because she felt he migh t revers e som e o f th e cut s i n studen t ai d mad e durin g th e Reagan-Bush administrations . Sh e also supported Clinton' s empha sis o n domesti c issue s ove r internationa l issues . She name s Sharo n Pratt-Kelly, forme r mayo r o f th e Distric t o f Columbia , a s th e onl y African-American politicia n sh e admires. She respects Jesse Jackson for his "presence" in American politics. When asked for her thought s on Louis Farrakhan, Leah replied:

Identity and Integration | 12 9 I think he's entitled to his views, although they are not congruent with mine in every respect. I think he's right on a lot of counts, too, as far as the black community uniting. I think his ideas are sound, it's just his methods .. . the radicalness turns some people away . .. peopl e who would otherwise support him. Leah feels that th e Nation o f Islam is gaining credibility in the black community b y fulfillin g dee p needs . However , sh e i s sa d tha t "les s radical black institutions , churche s bein g one , cannot compete , an d are not meeting that need. "

Limited Identity and Liberal Attitudes Lee Vinson—Windsor Universit y Lee Vinson, a decidedl y apolitica l kin d o f student , i s thoughtfu l and well-spoken . Born an d raise d i n the Southwest , Lee's father wa s in the military and hi s mother hel d a white-collar job. The majorit y of Lee' s hig h schoo l friend s wer e white . H e estimate s tha t toda y a t least ten o r fifteen o f his good friend s ar e white. He was a good stu dent in high school, and after a rocky first semester at Windsor, maintains more than a 3.0 grade point average . Lee thinks about being black a lot these days because he is taking a number of courses in which blacks are being discussed. In one course he i s studying th e Harle m Renaissance , and i n anothe r socia l issue s such a s welfare an d affirmativ e action . He thinks that what happen s generally to other blacks will only affect hi m some , and defines blac k identity in general terms: I think it's a very difficult thing . Just in a general, broad sense I think black identity is an identification o f people who come from a common, shared experience in any proportion. If you're mixed, you have some part of a black identity in common traditions, culture, and roots. Lee cannot remembe r a particular momen t whe n h e became awar e of his racial identity . He thinks tha t hi s awareness was gradual, an d came fro m readin g an d watchin g television . After h e became awar e

130 | Identity and Integration of race, he recognized discriminatio n whe n he encountered i t in th e tenth grade. He told the high school counselor that he wanted to sign up fo r advance d classe s becaus e hi s freshma n yea r ha d no t chal lenged hi m academically . Sh e wa s reluctant , accordin g t o Lee , because "she was just assuming that I couldn't do it. And I knew it only had t o b e o n th e basis o f m y color , because nobod y els e was i n th e program. N o othe r blac k perso n wa s i n advance d Englis h an d al l those othe r classes . I just couldn' t understan d he r rationale . I was a good student , s o sh e couldn' t hav e bee n basin g i t o n m y perfor mance." This ha s bee n Lee' s onl y persona l experienc e wit h racism . His friends, however, experienced problems while on Spring Break at Daytona Beach, Florida: They came back really frustrated, sayin g "why can't the white people ever... why can't we experience the fun that they had." They would b e i n a clu b dancin g wit h a white gir l an d he r friend s would come and take her away. There was a black girl there, and she was absolutel y beautiful—bu t sh e would onl y danc e wit h white men and she would only talk to white men. I was just like I'm so lucky'cause I've never had to experience those situations. I've always missed them—like they went to Daytona and I went to Tampa. I think I'm luck y because I don't think I'd be the appropriate person to react in those situations. Why? I don't want to sound conceited or anything but I'm too intelligent about th e situation s . . . that hav e happened . An d becaus e o f class I'v e learne d ho w t o spea k abou t racis m an d discrimina tion in an intellectual mode and I don't think I would ever stop and let things pass. I'll go to the highest level. I'll do whatever I can to get my own justice. This ability to be articulate is important t o Lee, because it enable s him to communicate with whites: White people in this society run society and you have to be able to talk their language and make them respect you. I think the only way that a lot of white people will respect black people is if they have this degree, or are able to spell this word, or are able to do these different things . I

Identity and Integration | 13 1 basically, personally, have an ulterior motive. I may get up there but I'm bringing somebody else with me. Here Lee expresses a feeling o f obligation t o other blacks, in spit e of his lac k o f a n "encounter " experienc e an d hi s limite d experience s with racism . Lee defines a political conservativ e a s a white male, but add s tha t he is "intelligent enough to know that it is bigger than that. It basically means tha t the y ar e no t willin g to—they'r e ver y tigh t . . . reall y strict—morally an d economically. " Moderate s emplo y commo n sense when deciding political issues. They won't go to either extreme. Liberals ar e th e opposit e o f conservatives . The y ar e lenient , rathe r than strict, in their moral, economic, and political views. Lee is liberal on mora l an d cultura l issues. He supports abortio n o n deman d an d is very tolerant of homosexuality . Although he thinks of himself a s only slightly liberal, Lee believes black problems ar e caused by blacks' exclusion fro m job s because of the "good old boy" network, lack of education, and "the vicious cycle of poverty. " These problem s will be solve d b y improving educatio n and increasing interaction with middle-class blacks and black college students. H e feel s tha t th e interactio n betwee n blac k student s an d workers at Windsor has inspired some to return t o school. A woman he speaks with ofte n give s him update s o n her progress through on e of the local technical schools. Lee supports affirmative action , and thinks government should increase spending on education an d decrease spending on defense an d foreign aid . He finishes the statement regardin g why blacks may no t do wel l i n lif e wit h "the y haven' t bee n give n ampl e opportunities. " The main role of government in guaranteeing racial equality, in Lee's view, should be as a strict enforcer o f antidiscrimination laws . Affirmative actio n ha d bee n th e topic o f discussion i n hi s sociol ogy class: We've learned that black is a color, you can't ever fade in or fade out. Those things are always going to be prevalent in people's minds. And the only way for the black community to rise to the level of other communities or receive parity with other ones is through affirmative action.

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In a sociology class on welfare Le e has learned to think abou t th e program in a new way: It has made me look at a lot of the large ramifications o f things that cause people to be in the conditions that they are in. And so that's like, when I think of like, you know, welfare and whatever and giving people money or something. It's not like you're just giving them money but you have to consider everythin g that they've had to go through an d kept them in these positions and placed them there in the firstplace. He has only recently learned of the existence of the Nation of Islam and Loui s Farrakhan. He heard excerpt s from a speech in which Far rakhan mad e negative remarks about Jewish-Americans: "If someon e said the sam e things abou t ou r rac e o n suc h a large scal e I think w e would be outraged. I think we should be equally outraged when it happens to someon e else. " Clearly Lee has led a somewhat sheltere d life , having only recently heard o f Louis Farrakhan. He believes that black problems are systemic in part, yet states that blacks must be articulat e and accomplished, to gain the respect of whites. The responsibility t o develop thes e characteristic s lie s with black s themselves—combine d with more support for education from government. He feels that what happens to other blacks will only affect hi m "some," and when he talks about hi s intelligenc e an d abilit y t o communicate , h e indicate s tha t these are qualities that set him apart from many blacks. Lee i s on e o f th e fe w student s t o hon e i n o n th e anti-Semiti c rhetoric of Farrakhan. Other students, like Clifford Apprey of Brooks College (profile d i n chapte r 2) , claim tha t Farrakha n ha s been mis understood, and that anti-Semitic is an unfair characterizatio n o f his words. Lee, like Matthe w Moor e o f Whelan (whos e views were dis cussed i n chapter 4) , is concerned tha t blacks demonstrate th e sam e fairness tha t the y deman d fro m whites , a n ide a no t embrace d b y many in his cohort . Laura Womack—Windsor Universit y The next student , Laura Womack, also has a limited racia l grou p identity—not becaus e o f he r experiences , as in Lee' s case—but be -

Identity and Integration | 13 3 cause o f he r mixe d ancestry . She poignantly expresse s the impossi bility of her situation—having t o choose between two very differen t worlds, and bein g accepted i n neither. Laura Womack i s the daugh ter o f a Japanes e mothe r an d a n African-America n father . Sh e i s from th e Southwest , an d gre w up i n a n are a tha t wa s extremely in tolerant o f minorities . Laur a i s active i n philanthropi c activitie s i n the community a s well as political ones. One o f her majo r activitie s is th e organizatio n o f factor y worker s i n th e rura l area s tha t sur round th e town . Laura remember s wel l when sh e became awar e that he r African American heritage was more significant i n the eyes of others than her Japanese background. Her fifth grade teacher was conducting a count of ethni c student s i n th e class . Laura raise d he r han d o n bot h th e Asian- and African-American count : "All the kids laughed at me. I remember cryin g and the teacher is telling me, cno, you're black.' From that point o n I've always put black on my application." At about thi s age, Laura an d he r siste r were called "dirty niggers" at a public pool. Several white girl s told the m t o ge t out o f the poo l because they did not want their "dirty, greasy hair" in the pool. Then they spat upon them and forced them to leave. Laura was hurt, angry, and humiliated by this incident an d the memory of it still causes her voice to tremble. This was only one of many racial incidents in Laura's life. Her fam ily joined, and then left, a predominantly white church because of the way members treated them. While doing a community service project that involve d rehabilitatin g homes , Laura was confronted b y one o f the clients: She was an older white woman. I was the only person of color in that group. And she looked straight a t me and said, "Why'd y'all bring a colored girl?" And I said, Oh, my God. I didn't know how to react. All of these thoughts went through my mind. I thought, should I say anything? I just went and stood outside for a while. She was so old. Even her mother sometimes makes racist statements. She does not consider Laur a an d he r siste r black . Sh e ofte n says , "don't d o that, " meaning that they are doing something she considers black:

134 | Identity and Integration Like if we laugh loud, that's a black thing. Or if we, I still do this—she teaches me to cover my mouth when I laugh because that's [laughin g without covering your mouth] unladylike. She tells us, "Don't act like the rest of those black kids—you're Japanese, too." Now she's beginning to realize how we feel 'cause we're always hurt every time she says that. She doesn't realize how the rest of society has labeled us and how we have come—aligned ourselves with African-Americans also. She say s her fathe r i s als o guilt y o f makin g racis t statement s abou t Asians. Her mother respond s in Japanese to her father whe n he does this, so Laura is not sure what she is saying. Her mother was disowned by her famil y fo r marryin g he r father . The y ar e no w separated , an d Laura i s doing researc h o n marriage s between Japanes e women an d American men. The women, she says, were rebelling against Japanese traditions. The men were seeking a submissive woman t o bring back to the United States. Laura is not sure that this was her father's moti vation, but sh e asserts that he is chauvinistic. In spite of her experiences, Laura says she has a number o f friend s who ar e white , a t leas t thre e o f who m sh e consider s close . Laur a thinks about what she has in common wit h othe r blacks fairly often , and likes the term "Afro-Asian" to describe herself: I write black because I know the politics behind it. I know that some people will feel that if you identify yourself as being mixed, you're trying to stray away from some of the stigma attached to being black. And I understand all of that. And I'm not trying to do that, I just feel that when I say I'm black to somebody I want to say "but I'm Japanese, too." I feel like I'm chopping off my mother and half of myself in saying that. Laura feels that what happens to other blacks will affect her some. She complains that the talk shows misrepresent multiracial views because they always seem to have people that want to assimilate into one culture o r th e other . Laur a think s tha t i n thi s countr y ther e i s a blac k identity. She is now taking a comparative cours e on rac e relations i n Brazil an d th e Unite d States . This cours e ha s enlightene d he r abou t the role of race in other countries : Taking that course has made me realize how blacks in other countries differ, where there is no equivalent to the NAACP. People don't orga-

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nize around race . I think here we do—and ther e is a black identity. There is something that people organize around. I think it comes out of being racially oppressed. Discrimination forms a political identity. Like many of the other students, Laura associates conservatives with the Republican Party. She also associates being conservative with being white and affluent . Moderate s ca n alig n themselves with eithe r party , but she thinks they tend to be liberal. Although Laura is liberal on most moral and cultural issues, she believes that the heart of a liberal ideology is justice and equality. Justice and equality are much more impor tant to Laura than liberty, which she feels makes her a liberal. Laura support s affirmativ e action , an d finishes th e statemen t o n why blacks may not do well in life with "because of the history of discrimination in this country, and how institutions have forced them to the bottom o f society." Government's rol e in ensuring racial equalit y should be to continue affirmative actio n initiatives . In her view, government shoul d spen d mor e o n education , welfare , an d crim e pre vention, and less on defense an d prisons. Laura believes that discrimination i s at the root of the problems in the black community . Th e en d resul t o f th e experienc e o f discrimi nation is low self-esteem. She believes young people have internalized negative image s o f themselves , which lead s t o hopelessnes s an d de structive behavior. People are "stuck in this stagnant pool where they can't move out o f it." For Laura, involvement o f students such as herself is the solution . They shoul d organiz e peopl e i n th e communit y t o lobb y fo r re sources. Mentoring by college students may also help boost th e selfimage of young people. She says, "We have to lobby and sto p peopl e like Newt Gingrich." Students are too apathetic and are not taking advantage of their power to change things. She i s a registere d Democra t an d vote d fo r Clinto n i n th e 199 2 election. When asked to name the most influential black leader today, Laura coul d no t thin k o f anyone . She has mixe d view s abou t Loui s Farrakhan. On the one hand, she disapproves of his statements abou t Jewish-Americans. O n th e othe r hand , sh e read s o f som e positiv e contributions the Nation make s to black communities .

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Lee Vinson and Laura Womack both talk about the need for mor e and better educationa l opportunitie s fo r blacks , and mentorin g an d volunteerism a s strategies fo r blac k empowerment . Le e approache d the blac k identit y questio n wit h caution , saying tha t i t wa s abou t "shared experiences. " H e als o mentione d tha t multiracia l peopl e should be given the opportunity to identify with more than one racial or ethni c group . Laura, a multiracial person , state d flatl y tha t blac k identity was built o n share d experience s o f discrimination, no t o n a common history or a shared set of cultural practices. Black identity is not all-encompassing for eithe r of them, if it is based on a fairly nar row range of experiences. In spite of this limited racial group identity, they are both very liberal. Their liberalism comes from a n ideological commitment t o justice , whic h ma y com e fro m a perceptio n tha t being black means more to others than it should .

A Legacy of Liberal Activism Lela Riley—Benedict Universit y Lela Rile y i s fro m a rura l communit y i n he r state , an d attend s Benedict on an athletic and academic scholarship. The area in which she grew up has a rich history dating back to slavery in which her an cestors playe d a prominen t role . Storie s sh e ha s hear d abou t th e struggles an d triumph s o f people in her communit y an d th e leader ship and wisdom of her ancestors anchors Lela, and endows her with a sense of duty to help other blacks. She comes from a family of ma triarchs. He r great-grandmother , grandmother , an d mothe r reare d her. These women continue the family legacy of community involvement, evidenced by her grandmother's membership in three civic organizations. The y hav e passe d thes e sensibilitie s o n t o Lela , wh o works wit h th e homeles s an d serve s a s a mentor t o childre n i n im poverished neighborhoods . Lela firs t becam e awar e o f racia l difference s i n th e firs t grad e when she was transferred fro m a class for students with learning disabilities to a class for gifte d students . She wondered wh y all the stu -

Identity and Integration | 13 7 dents in the first class were black, while all the students in the second class, with th e exceptio n o f herself, were white. She says that just a s she was misdiagnosed a s learning disabled, other black students ma y suffer th e sam e fate . He r mothe r an d grandmothe r challenge d th e diagnosis, which le d t o a reevaluatio n an d th e conclusio n tha t sh e was gifted . Lela thinks about what she shares with other blacks just "once in a while," because she finds little in common with the majority of blacks at Benedict: I really like being out in the community, and I'm into politics. I really like t o kno w what' s goin g on . Especiall y a t a n HBC U [historicall y black college or university], people don't view you the same way. If you like theater, if you like going to dramas, if you like going to operas and stuff—it's no t like, I mean if you're not into rap, or if you're not really down—like going to all these parties and whatever it's like they look at you differently. I don't have a problem with that but it's, I mean it's there, it's truth, you know? She says that what happens to other blacks affects he r a lot; however, while she knows something links all blacks, she does not know what it is: Anytime you go somewhere, when I go somewhere, when I see a lot of black folks, I'm going to go out of my way to speak to them—because, you know, just to see someone who looks like you, even though you might differ, you still have something in common. When asked if she has ever experienced racial discrimination, Lela answers, "I can't sa y directly, but mayb e indirectly." Then sh e imme diately remembers a series of incidents that ma y have been mor e direct encounters with discrimination , the first of which is a job expe rience sh e ha d a t sixtee n a s th e onl y blac k worke r i n a fast-foo d restaurant: The manager, she would always just keep on bugging [being upset, antagonistic], she wasn't the operator, she owned the place, and she kept on bugging me and being hard on me. And I was playing volleyball, [working] a part-time job and going to school. She would make me clean the walls and stuff. I think the reason I stayed was to show her

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that whatever you can say or you can do I can still go on. I ended up assistant manager when I turned seventeen , my senior year. It didn't happen to any other kids that worked there. The secon d inciden t occurre d whil e sh e wa s attendin g a predomi nantly whit e hig h schoo l wit h a histor y o f racia l tensions . Sh e wa s called a "nigger" by a fellow student : In my math class, which [was on] computer systems, we were doing an equation an d the guy called me a "nigger" for no reason. I was like, "OK." It was all because I knew the answer and we were working on it [the equation] together. I transferred bac k [t o the school she had attended previously] after that. Finally Lel a admit s tha t sh e an d he r friend s ar e ofte n ignore d i n restaurants an d have to speak to the manager to get service. She says this could be racial but i t is hard t o be certain. For Lela, being calle d "black" is preferable t o African-American. I n ligh t o f these encoun ters, it is reasonable that sh e would answe r the query about whethe r or not being black or American was most importan t t o her with th e question "Ar e we really American?" In orde r fo r black s to clai m th e label American, Lela believes they must be treated like all other Americans. In additio n t o thinking o f the rich, Lela thinks o f the Republica n Party and welfar e refor m i n connectio n wit h th e ter m conservative . Moderates are more balanced, and liberals community oriented. Liberals wan t a peaceful environment , an d wil l organiz e peopl e a t th e grass-roots leve l to accomplis h thos e ends . She considers he r great grandmother, grandmother, mother, and herself liberal. Her family' s participation i n grass-roots organizationa l effort s i n the communit y attests to their belief that this is the best way to affect change . Lela is liberal o n mos t mora l an d cultura l issues . She began t o thin k mor e about th e rights of women when sh e became disturbe d by the treat ment o f Lani Guinier afte r Clinto n ha d nominate d he r fo r Attorne y General for Civi l Rights. Lela thinks that problems in the black community stem from dys functional familie s an d the loosening of the familial bond. The solution lies in educating blacks about the importance of family and prac-

Identity and Integration | 13 9 tical strategies for creating and maintaining healthy families. She finishes the statement "In the United States, if black people don't do well in life, it is because" with " [of] th e barriers built around our commu nities and within our families. " Lela support s affirmativ e actio n an d believe s tha t th e govern ment can help guarantee racial equality by keeping historically black colleges an d universitie s (HBCUs ) aliv e an d helpin g t o mobiliz e communities to work out their problems. Like most of the other stu dents interviewed for this book, Lela believes government should increase fundin g fo r education . I n he r opinion , th e governmen t spends to o littl e o n welfare an d crime ; moreover, additiona l fund s spent o n crim e shoul d b e o n th e rehabilitativ e end . Sh e i s worrie d about th e "Contrac t wit h America " becaus e o f it s impac t o n th e homeless an d financial ai d fo r students : "It' s no t jus t a whit e an d black issue, it's everyone's issue. Most students are on financial aid. " She and he r friends , mos t o f whom ar e moderate, organized infor mation session s and a letter-writing campaign opposin g the Republican "Contract. " A registered Democrat , Lel a has voted onc e in th e 1992 presidential election, for Clinton . She will be working fo r a candidate i n th e local city council election and encourages her friends to vote her way. When aske d i f there was a black politician sh e admired , sh e name d loycelyn Elders. She would characteriz e Loui s Farrakhan onl y as "an effective speaker, " and Jesse Jackson as "flaky." Lela Riley joins the other young women in this chapter in her zeal for communit y activis m an d he r belief tha t governmen t ha s a large role to play in helping women o n welfare an d improvin g public ed ucation. Th e wome n here , a s a rule , ar e muc h les s individualisti c than th e young men , and favo r organize d effort s fo r change . While all the subject s mentione d strategie s fo r changin g th e condition s o f poor blacks, women seemed more concerned about quality of life issues, and less concerned about economic or entrepreneurial kinds of issues. Clearl y th e qualit y o f lif e ca n b e improve d wit h mor e re sources, but qualit y can also be improved by arming people with in formation an d suppor t s o tha t the y hav e mor e contro l ove r thei r lives.3

140 | Identity and Integration

A Modern-Day "Harriet Tubman"* Loren Terrell—Benedict Universit y Loren Terrell has already distinguished hersel f a s a leader in cam pus politics . Sh e wa s bor n an d raise d i n th e area , an d i s a seriou s young woma n wit h stron g politica l views . The daughte r o f profes sional parents, Loren has always attended integrated schools. She says that he r parents have always made her awar e of the political an d so cial situatio n o f African-Americans . Whe n sh e wa s i n th e eight h grade, he r classmate s calle d he r "Harrie t Tubman " becaus e eve n a t that age she talked about racial issues. Loren believes sh e experienced racis m fo r th e firs t tim e i n junio r high school . In th e nint h grade , she ran fo r clas s president an d wa s considered the favorite to win. However, administrators at the school eliminated he r fro m th e rac e sayin g tha t sh e ha d misse d a meetin g about which she had not been informed. They then sent a letter to her parents saying she was not eligible because they lived outside the district. T o Loren' s mind , th e administrator s coul d no t accep t a blac k student being class president. Loren said the memory of this incident was "so very vivid" in her mind : My parents say, "Don't ever give up." So I went to a counselor, a white counselor. She was like, "I don't know what I can do." I went [t o the teacher's classroom responsible for the election] an d said, "What do you mean I can't run? You must be crazy! I'm going to walk down that aisle and run anyway!" I went to the extreme for a while. I didn't call my parents initially, but after I got home I told them. They let her run an d sh e won the election. However, the Superin tendent sen t a letter t o her parent s afte r th e electio n requestin g tha t they mov e int o th e district . Thi s experienc e convince d Lore n tha t whites are capable of conspiring to keep blacks down. Loren thinks about being black "all the time," and would like to get over being embarrassed by the behavior of other blacks. Being Amer-

*Harriet Tubman (1820-1913) , escaped slavery and returned to the South to lead more

than three hundred slaves to freedom via the Underground Railroad .

Identity and Integration | 14 1 ican and black are both equally important to Loren; however, a "common history " i s what unite s black s a s a n ethni c group . Sh e i s con cerned about what she perceives as apathy on the part of her peers. It "amazes her" that her peers are so unaware. As the organizer of many campus events , Loren i s frustrated whe n student s see m reluctan t t o contribute to causes at Benedict even when she is giving them a lot of entertainment valu e for their contribution . She notes that they seem more willin g t o pa y larger sum s fo r smalle r event s a t th e majority white institutions i n the area. Loren says this shows that "white ice is still colder than black ice." Conservatives, in Loren' s mind, are close-minded. The y are mor e likely t o b e Republican s tha n Democrats . Moderate s "si t o n th e fence." She has problem s wit h th e ter m "liberal, " and doubt s tha t i t has any meaning i n contemporar y politics . Loren ha s a male cousi n who is also a feminist, which is as close as she can come to a description of a liberal. She thinks of herself a s a "radical liberal." In Loren' s view , problem s i n th e blac k communit y ste m fro m "hopelessness—not bein g able to see a way out." She does not, however, place all the blame on society : Of course society has a role to play in it. It's just so difficult now to continue to pass the buck. It has to be a point in our lives where we start to take responsibility for our own actions. But at the same time, just being where I am, and I know sometimes I feel hopeless, I know someone else who hasn't had the opportunities that I've had—I can see how easy it would be just to give up. The solutio n i s to "help peopl e becom e mor e self-reliant. " Lore n thinks that welfare is attractive to some people because job opportu nities are limited: I know many people who are on welfare—and that' s not the thing. But you know they make more money on welfare than they do getting a job sometimes , you know ? I mean, where i s the bal ance? Mos t o f thes e peopl e ar e no t looking , the y don' t wan t handouts, not the ones I know anyway. How would we help them become more self-reliant? They have to know what's out there , what's available to them, be-

142 I Identity and Integration cause a lot of times they don't know. Like, some may not kno w that a s pregnant mother s the y ca n ge t ai d t o hel p the m g o t o school to try to better themselves. Whose responsibility is that? It's definitely ours. If we have to go in there and pick somebody u p and brin g the m b y the nec k an d brin g the m out—it' s ou r re sponsibility. When aske d t o sa y if sh e agreed , disagreed , o r wa s neutral o n affir mative action, Loren replied : I can say I agree and disagree. I'm one that I think we need reparations. I'm for that. They give Jews reparations—why not us? But at the same time there are certain things we can do for ourselves. Like I was saying before, we can't continue to pass the buck. It's a Catch-22, you know? If we're on the same playing field,or if the race starts out even, it's one thing. But if you are twenty spaces ahead of me and I have to catch up, I'm not going to catch up. Loren think s governmen t shoul d increas e educatio n an d welfar e spending. Sh e believes th e governmen t spend s to o littl e o n welfar e because "a lot of people who need it are probably not getting it." The government spends too much on prisons and not enough on rehabilitation. On mora l an d cultura l issues, Loren i s pro-choice an d very tolerant o f homosexuality . Sh e i s neutra l o n premarita l se x an d havin g children out of wedlock. An active feminist i n her community, Loren feels tha t wome n d o to o muc h fo r whic h the y receiv e littl e o r n o credit. She is registered to vote and considers herself an Independent . In the 1992 presidential election, she voted for Lenora Fulani. She encourages her friends an d acquaintances to vote, and is a volunteer fo r several local an d stat e politicians . When aske d whic h politicia n sh e admired, Lore n replie d tha t sh e would hav e t o "g o ol d school " an d name Barbar a Jorda n an d Maxin e Waters. (Barbar a Jorda n wa s ac tive, but il l at the tim e o f this interview. ) Lore n doe s not thin k tha t blacks hav e an y viabl e leadership , an d consider s Jess e Jackson , A l Sharpton, an d Clarenc e Thoma s "jokes. " She compare s the m unfa vorably to Fanni e Lou Hamer, about whom sh e says, "She wasn't re -

Identity and Integration | 14 3 ally flamboyant, bu t yo u coul d fee l he r spirit . Eve n i n jus t readin g about he r an d seein g her in som e videotapes, you coul d just fee l he r presence. And you kne w that sh e was for real . And that' s what's im portant to me." Loren Terrell is an advocat e for change , participating i n local an d state politica l campaigns , alway s wit h a Democrati c candidate , an d volunteering in poor communities. She declined to elaborate on what she meant b y calling Jackson , Sharpton, an d Thoma s "jokes" ; however, her statements indicat e a longing for th e era of protest politics , when there was less posturing and more direct action .

Summary These youn g blac k student s represen t variou s way s o f dealin g wit h identity an d integration . Lawrenc e Sims , integrated a t a n earl y age, wrestled wit h racia l grou p identity , an d resolve d th e crisi s b y em bracing a liberal-radica l politica l philosophy . Li z Thompso n an d Lana Tolliver, integrated durin g their tee n years, are sure about thei r black identities. Both ar e also certain tha t th e alienatio n the y feel i n majority-white situation s i s an indicatio n o f th e cavernou s cultura l and political gap between whites and blacks in America. The racia l grou p identit y o f Lyn n Steven s an d Lea h Somer s wa s fashioned i n th e fires o f economi c struggl e an d painfu l self-doubt . Their political attitude s ar e traditional i n the sense that governmen t is seen a s the sourc e o f bot h African-America n problem s an d solu tions. On moral and cultural issues, both women ar e less liberal than on issue s of affirmativ e actio n an d governmen t spending . The mos t recent discussio n abou t politic s tha t Lea h ha d wit h he r friend s wa s about the effect th e Republican "Contract with America" would have on the black community. Their main concern s revolved around welfare reform an d proposed policies on teenage pregnancies that would require teen mothers t o remain i n the household wit h thei r parents . There i s little likelihood tha t Lyn n o r Lea h would eve r need welfar e benefits. Ye t thes e ar e th e concern s o f peopl e tha t Lyn n an d Lea h know an d car e about . Th e tripl e bin d o f race , gender, an d clas s ha s

144 | Identity and Integration been tightene d b y their experienc e a t Windsor University , an d ma y ultimately affec t thei r allegianc e t o a n exclusivel y racia l politica l agenda. I n th e nex t an d fina l chapter , th e fou r theme s reveale d b y these young leaders will be revisited with an eye toward understand ing politica l possibilitie s an d prospect s fo r th e "integratio n genera tion."

6 The Tie That Binds and Redeems Negotiating Race in the Post-Civil Rights Era

Members of the post-civil rights generation are discovering tha t confrontin g rac e i n a n er a withou t extrem e condition s o f racial segregatio n an d oppressio n i s a thorny enterprise . The ris e o f the blac k middl e clas s ha s introduce d th e confoundin g elemen t o f class into the racial equation, and overt signs of racial segregation and subjugation ar e nearly nonexistent. Young black women ar e becom ing aware of the double bind of race and gender, and want gender issues on th e black political agenda . Race can n o longe r occup y fron t and cente r o n the political stage—the "integration generation " must make room fo r clas s and gender, and a host of other once-periphera l issues such as multiracial classifications an d black nationalism . The salience of race is a constant throughout th e various forms o f identity an d attitude s encountere d withi n thes e pages . Some o f th e experiences related here were written about more than fifty years ago by Drake and Cayton. In Black Metropolis ([1945] 1962) they describe the racia l tension s tha t erupte d i n Chicag o ove r swimmin g area s along Lak e Michiga n an d i n th e parks . Laur a Womack , th e youn g "Afro-Asian" woman, recalls being spat upon and running away from a publi c poo l i n he r hometown . Publi c space s o f recreatio n an d leisure remai n point s o f racia l contestation . E . Frankli n Frazie r ([1957] 1965 ) wrote tha t th e middl e clas s were mor e race-consciou s than any other class—and so they are here. All of the Republican rac e men are from middle - to upper-class families. Frazier also wrote that southerners, particularly middle-class southerners, were more politically conservative tha n thei r norther n counterparts . Here, the tradi tionally conservative and moderate students are mostly southerners. 145

146 I The Tie That Binds and Redeems

These familiar patterns , however, are superimposed o n a radically altered cultura l an d politica l background . Drak e an d Cayton , an d Frazier wer e writing when African-Americans hel d fe w politica l of fices, an d mos t wer e relegate d t o working-clas s occupations . Medi a images of blacks were scarce, except in black-owned newspapers, and Americans coul d no t eve n conceiv e o f a multiracia l citizen . Today , media image s o f black s ar e everywhere , addin g t o th e confusio n about whethe r o r no t racis m remain s a problem. Benjamin DeMot t (1995) argues that Hollywood images of black-white friendships suc h as the ones in White Men Cant Jump and Regarding Henry lull Americans into believing that blacks enjoy equa l status with whites. If the fantasy friendships i n the movies are part of the problem in facing u p to the race issue, the reality of blacks with the power to influence en tire industries—witnes s Opra h Winfrey' s Boo k Clu b an d th e boo m in the publishing business—complicates th e issue even more. The post-civil rights generation is witnessing and participating in an er a whe n African-American s ar e bot h defyin g an d reinforcin g stereotypes. Tiger Woods is much more than a phenomenal golfer — his mental toughness , cool exterior , an d resistanc e t o racia l catego rization make s hi m th e embodimen t o f muc h o f wha t perplexe s young blacks . Morga n Stone , Lel a Riley , Laur a Womack , Charle s Gaston, Cliffor d Apprey , Caro l Changa , Car l Franks , an d Li z Thompson al l talked about feelin g constraine d by common notion s of what it means to be black. Yet every one of them, and al l the oth ers here, believe that there is unity in black history, and in the collective responsibility of the black "haves" to help the black "have nots." In majority-whit e environments , th e racia l "ti e tha t binds " grow s tighter. I n majority-blac k environments , i t comfort s an d redeem s the individua l within , freein g eac h on e t o discove r hi s o r he r ow n truths abou t race .

Majority-White Spaces

and Black Folks' Places

Students i n majority-whit e universitie s talke d abou t smal l things , and larg e things, that mad e them fee l disaffecte d fro m thei r campu s

The Tie That Binds and Redeems \ 14 7 communities. Several mentioned an aspect that may underlie some of this disaffection—a perceptio n that whites do not recognize, respond to, or respec t the perspectives tha t the y have acquired throug h thei r experiences a s African-Americans. A n exampl e wa s Lan a Tolliver' s disappointment a t th e inabilit y o f he r whit e teache r t o understan d her rag e over the Rodney King beating. Some students sai d they believed that black s an d white s coul d neve r coexist , and poin t t o con tinuing residential segregation a s proof. African-Americans exhaus t tremendous reserves of energy coping with th e attendan t problem s o f blackness . Leaving behind thi s tire some trut h wa s a drivin g forc e behin d th e civi l right s movement . However, association wit h whites has not brought th e hoped-for di minishment o f race. It may have increased it. If blacks are unaware of racial identit y i n majority - o r all-blac k environments , the y becom e acutely awar e o f i t i n majority-whit e environments . Withou t ex hausting the full rang e of possibilities as to why this is so, the follow ing idea s ar e wort h discussing , mainl y becaus e the y hav e bee n bandied abou t in the literature on identity politics: (1) Rejectio n by whites on a social level triggers a retreat into one's blackness; (2) Blac k students are compensating for feeling s o f inferiority ; (3) Feeling s of alienation, experiences with racism, and the failur e of institutions to address these problems; (4) A political and socia l climate that constrain s discussion of , o r protestation against , racism. Writers suc h a s Steel e (1990 ) hav e explore d th e firs t an d secon d suppositions, bu t ther e i s littl e empirica l evidenc e t o suppor t suc h notions. Comfort ma y be found, a s Ilene Philipson (1991 ) has noted , in th e collectiv e boso m o f other s wh o shar e a feelin g o f alienation . What i s puzzling abou t thes e particula r explanation s fo r th e resur gence of identity politics is that, if they are correct, why is this so? Further, if black students are feeling inferior, why and how did these feelings originate ? Mor e tha n on e studen t questione d hi s o r he r innat e ability t o handl e th e academi c demand s a t majority-whit e institu tions. This self-doubt wa s clearly linked to feelings o f alienation, and

148 I The Tie That Binds and Redeems

at leas t on e stud y provide s evidenc e supportin g thi s linkag e (Allen , Epps, and Hanif f 1991) . In othe r words , an atmospher e tha t arouse s feelings o f inadequacy is not ideal for achieving academic excellence. The third and fourth supposition s are supported by ample evidence. Conflicts betwee n blac k an d whit e student s ar e occurrin g nation wide, which show s ho w muc h wor k need s t o b e don e t o ge t a t th e source of racial animosities. The ide a tha t a majority-blac k environmen t ma y b e mor e con ducive to expressing ideological differences i s an unexpected finding . However, if black student s ar e isolate d i n majority-whit e schools , it makes sens e that blac k unit y would b e promoted . Blac k student s a t majority-white institution s ar e walking a racial tightrope. They take great pains to acknowledge that whites cannot be responsible for im proving conditions in poor black communities. While some maintain that you cannot expec t your enemy to rescue you, and others believe that it is simply black folks' job to fix things, they all want blacks to do more t o hel p poo r blacks . These student s ar e hypersensitiv e t o th e stereotype o f blacks a s freeloaders, whiners , and dependen t o n gov ernment largesse. They have been forced t o feel embarrassed ove r af firmative actio n i n colleg e admissions , althoug h the y see m com pletely convinced tha t publi c educatio n i s inadequate i n poo r com munities. In majority-white environments , many black students are likely to embrace a black identity to protect themselves from feelin g that the y do not belong. Solidarity with other black students then becomes a n essential surviva l tool . Cliffor d Appre y sai d whe n h e sa w anothe r black student in a class at the private preparatory school he attended , he felt that they had to "make it together." As th e 1980 s progressed , racia l tension s o n colleg e campuse s al l across the country increased, marked by increasing verbal and physical assault s involvin g blac k an d whit e students . An examinatio n o f only th e mos t publicize d incident s o n campuse s usin g th e Lexis Nexis newspaper database , yielded ninety-six occurrences fro m 198 0 through 1995 . One o f th e mos t symboli c episode s was one i n whic h two white students, wielding guns, donned Ronald Reagan masks and attacked a black studen t i n hi s dormitor y roo m a t the Universit y o f

The Tie That Binds and Redeems | 14 9 Texas. Many incidents revealed gros s insensitivity by white students . For example , man y episode s involve d whit e student s appearin g i n blackface an d Afro wig s at parties or during pledging activities. This insensitivity to the power of racial symbols to inflict pai n upon black students shows that institution s hav e failed t o devise effective strate gies to deal with racial issues. One outcome o f this institutional failur e i s that black enrollmen t at historically black colleges and universitie s (HBCUs ) i s on the rise. As Figure 6.1 indicates, before 1986 , enrollment a t HBCUs was hold ing steady. Since 1986, enrollment has dramatically increased. It is interesting tha t twent y o f th e ninety-si x incident s reporte d i n th e na tional medi a occurre d i n 1987 . This i s about th e sam e tim e tha t en rollment bega n increasin g a t HBCUs . Whil e historicall y blac k colleges and universitie s remai n crucia l to the educatio n o f African Americans and should always be supported, it is less than ideal when they becom e a refug e fro m th e hostil e environmen t tha t exist s o n some majority-white campuses . According to data compiled by The Prejudice Institut e at Towson Figure 6.1. Fall Enrollment i n Historically Black Colleges and Universities, 1970-93 300 1

Thousands

1970 197 2 197 6 197 8 198 0 198 2 198 4 198 6 198 8 199 0 1 9 9 1 199 2 1 9 9 3 | |•Tota

l -g-Publi c X Private] |

SOURCE: U.S. Department o f Education, National Center for Education Statistics . Statistics from 1970 and 1972 obtained from : Fact Book on Education in the South, Southern Regina l Education Board , Atlanta. Ga., publisher.

150 | The Tie That Binds and Redeems State University in Baltimore, one of every four minorit y students is victimized fo r reason s o f prejudic e a t leas t onc e durin g th e schoo l year. Dr. Howard J. Erlich, codirector of the Institute and a principal investigator i n th e study , write s tha t "th e mos t commo n form s o f ethnoviolence are acts of verbal aggression" (Erlich 1995). These acts become mor e poten t a s the y ar e relate d t o othe r member s o f th e group, creatin g wha t Erlic h ha s terme d "covictims"—peopl e wh o experience th e sam e distres s a s the victi m upo n hearin g abou t th e incident. Feagin and Sikes (1994) call this aspect of racism—the cou pling of one' s own experience s with racis m with th e experience s o f other member s o f th e group—th e "cumulativ e effect " o f racism . When Liz Thompson o f Woodson talked about her friend whom th e Klan terrorized, i t was as if she herself ha d been par t o f the experi ence. On one majority-white campus , more than half (59 percent) of the blac k student s ha d experience d verba l assault s b y white s o n campus, and a n amazing 81 percent sai d that the y did not repor t al l incidents o f racial harassment t o authoritie s (D'Augell i and Hersh berger 199376) . Although many institutions have attempted to promote racial harmony by providing ethnic studies courses and cultural centers, more needs to be done. A1990 report by the United States Commission o n Civil Rights mentions that universities have failed on several levels to quell growin g racia l resentment . First , mos t institution s d o no t re spond swiftly and firmly to violations against minority students. Second, white Generation X students, because they lack an understand ing o f th e histor y an d rational e tha t create d affirmativ e actio n pro grams, fee l resentfu l o f minorit y students . Som e ar e annoye d tha t blacks ar e encourage d t o celebrat e thei r ethnicit y whil e doin g th e same seem s taboo fo r whites . White Generatio n Xer s support egali tarian principle s i n the abstract, but balk at affirmative actio n (Son ner an d Mayer 1997). There are few mechanisms, such as mandator y seminars o r courses , fo r student s t o develo p a n informe d opinion . Third, there are more minority students on white campuses, and they are mor e likel y t o unit e i n makin g demand s fo r equa l treatment . When minorit y students protest o r make demands a s a group, white students are resentful .

The Tie That Binds and Redeems | 15 1 The hop e tha t integratio n an d tim e woul d ushe r i n a new er a o f race relation s ha s no t bee n fulfilled , i n par t becaus e th e post-civi l rights generation ha s experienced a different kin d o f racism but on e just as damaging as the kind experienced by their parents. The problem i s that thi s racism i s more difficul t t o identify, provid e evidenc e of, an d eve n mor e painfu l t o acknowledge . Symbolic an d aversive racism ar e tw o strain s o f racis m tha t hav e evolve d ove r th e las t decade. According to Brigha m (1993) , the feelin g tha t minoritie s es chew value s suc h a s individualis m an d persona l responsibilit y charges symbolic racism. Malice toward blacks causes aversive racism that remain s in the realm o f the unconscious. This kind o f racism i s manifested by an avoidance of blacks and a rationalization o f this behavior (Brigham 1993). It is not surprising that in the face of these obstacles racial group membership continue s to be salient. The psychology of nigrescence literature argues that black identit y is realized during a five-stage process. The "encounter" stage, in which the individual first glimpses the meaning of racial group membership, seems the most critical. It is often no t a "stage," but a moment in time. Much like spiritual enlightenment, it is powerful—and ma y present itself durin g a spectacula r event , i n th e middl e o f a quie t exchange , while meetin g th e star e o f another , o r i n tin y increments o f insight . Cornell Hal l vividly recalls the humiliatio n o f hi s mothe r b y a stor e clerk, related i n Chapte r 2—hi s "encounter" moment. H e was in th e seventh grad e a t th e time , and late r say s that hi s "problack" identit y phase began in the eighth grade. The Rodney King incident sent Lana Tolliver into a tailspin, after which she began reading about activists in the civi l right s an d blac k powe r movements . Lawrenc e Sim s wa s shocked by a white schoolmate's snide comment about another black's financial dependenc e o n paying students. The comment wa s short — just a n aside—bu t fo r Lawrenc e i t spok e volumes abou t ho w white s felt abou t him . Som e o f th e student s interviewe d ha d thei r "en counter" moment i n earl y childhood, but mos t di d no t hav e it unti l much later . Moreover, they were less prepared tha n thei r parent s fo r the sometimes difficult emotion s that this moment can induce. In majority-white institutions , this realit y that the y hav e com e t o kno w i s not honored, propelling them toward a stronger black identity.

152 I The Tie That Binds and Redeems

Historically black college s have become mor e desirabl e fo r som e students an d parent s becaus e the y ar e place s wher e black s ar e no t haunted b y th e specte r o f affirmativ e actio n o r racia l stereotyping . There is colorism an d classis m to deal with in some instances, but t o many, these "isms" are preferable t o racism. Moreover, most histori cally black institution s ar e located i n o r nea r citie s with larg e blac k populations an d a variety of social and cultura l outlets . For some i n the post-civil rights generation, the tradition and history of these institutions anchors them and provides them with a place to develop an authentic sense of self. All the students interviewed at HBCUs told me that the y woul d no t trad e anythin g fo r th e experience—especiall y those who had spent most of their lives in majority-white schools .

Black Nationalism and

the Young Black Republicans

The young men who are active members of the Republican Party represent a small percentage o f young black college students. 1 N o exac t figures exist on the number o f young black Republicans in Project 21 , a blac k organizatio n sponsore d b y th e Republica n Party , s o a t thi s point we cannot gauge the real strength of Republican Party ideology in the integration generation . The 1996 presidential vote suggests that the Republican Part y has not attracte d enoug h African-Americans t o register on the political radar screen. However, the young Republicans interviewed here are questioning the utility of dependence on federa l governmental remedies and other ideas that political liberals support. Their experience s tell them that much remain s wrong with race relations, but they have little confidence in the liberal strategies of the past. The similarities in the ideologies espoused by Louis Farrakhan an d the Republica n Part y ar e obvious . Bot h th e Republican s an d Far rakhan preach self-reliance, the development of entrepreneurial skills, and traditiona l lifestyles . Why, then, don't thes e young me n jus t be come member s o f the Natio n o f Islam ? Som e claime d disagreemen t with Islam as a religion, and others never fully explaine d why the Republican Part y was a better match . Perhaps eve n they do no t under stand why they have chosen to be Republicans; however, they give us

The Tie That Binds and Redeems | 15 3 some clues. These young men shar e middle- to upper-class socioeco nomic status , an d com e fro m traditiona l two-paren t household s where the father i s the most influential paren t in shaping their political ideas. The availability of resources has meant that their life experiences have been simila r t o those o f middle-clas s white students . The traditional roles played by their fathers ar e also similar to that of their white counterparts. Yet they are acutely aware of the circumstances of other members of their race, and how racial stereotypes affect them . It is possibl e tha t thes e youn g me n ar e simpl y tryin g t o reconcil e th e conflict produce d b y their class , their idea s about th e rol e of me n i n society, and their racial group status. As young men of means, they are not comfortable with the urban and working-class makeup of the Nation o f Islam, but appreciat e the empowerin g messag e of Farrakhan . The Republican Party, while not a perfect fit, is a better fit than the Democratic Party . I n thei r view , th e Democrat s projec t th e ide a tha t blacks are incapable o f changing their ow n situatio n an d controllin g their fate . The Democrat s als o suppor t nontraditiona l lifestyle s tha t are problematic for young men from traditiona l households.

The Not-So-New South: Regional Influences on Racial Attitudes Although scholar s debat e th e ide a o f th e exceptionalis m o f souther n politics, these students show that growing up in the South, particularly in smal l town s an d rura l communities , influence s politica l attitude s and perceptions abou t th e meaning o f "being black." They were mor e moderate an d less wedded t o the notion o f a definitive blac k identit y than students from larger urban settings. They also reported more overt and vicious encounters with racism than students from other regions. How is it that a region s o fraught wit h racia l conflict coul d avoi d producing mor e libera l o r nationalisti c youn g blacks ? Perhap s th e fear o f racial stereotyping, so pervasive, humiliating, and oppressiv e in the South , causes them t o esche w rigid conception s o f blackness. Southerners, overall, have strong beliefs about individualism an d th e obligation o f family—a s oppose d t o government—t o tak e car e o f

154 | The Tie That Binds and Redeems each other. Southern blacks share this belief, perhaps more intensel y because o f the realization tha t on e of the most powerfu l stereotype s of blacks is one of irresponsibility and welfare dependency . Lynn, th e youn g woma n a t Windso r fro m a smal l tow n i n th e South, talked about the virulent nature of racism in her community . She also talked about her apprehension about confirming stereotype s of blacks as incapable of majoring i n the "hard" sciences. Because of her perceptio n tha t black s ar e considere d bette r a t th e humanitie s and socia l sciences , she attempte d t o avoi d thes e subjec t areas . The link between blacks' awareness of, an d resistance to, stereotypes ma y explain wh y they express more moderat e politica l attitude s an d les s fixed ideas regarding a black identity.

Race and Gender Most of the young women interviewed here talked about the tension between gende r an d racia l identities . Th e concer n abou t issue s o f gender equalit y i s particularl y relevan t fo r the m becaus e o f Far rakhan's influenc e o n member s o f th e integratio n generation . Th e Nation o f Islam believes that women hav e a more traditional role to play in the struggle for racial equality, and practically ignores gende r issues suc h a s domesti c abuse , sexua l exploitation , an d th e doubl e bind of race and sex discrimination. Most of the women interviewed here were doing well in school, yet some expressed doubts about their ability to succeed. More than on e said that sh e often wondere d whether a perceived sligh t was because of her gender status or racial group membership. On predominantl y white campuses, there are twice as many black women a s black men , and blac k wome n see m t o far e bette r academically . However , blac k men have higher aspirations and choose more competitive fields than black women (Allen , Epps, and Haniff 1991:251). Young blac k wome n canno t avoi d bein g awar e o f th e variou s stereotypes o f blac k women . Mor e tha n on e complaine d abou t th e exploitation o f black women i n "gangsta" rap lyrics and videos. They also resented portrayals of black women in movies, with some specif-

The Tie That Binds and Redeems | 15 5 ically citing Spike Lee films as portraying black women as either weak or emasculating. They believe that thes e media image s contribute t o the varying perceptions o f black women a s morally loose, or a s selfless caregivers, or ruthlessl y ambitiou s an d aggressive . This belie f i s supported by a study of images of black women held by white college students. White student s characterize d blac k wome n a s loud, talka tive, aggressive, intelligent, straightforward, argumentative , and lacking in self-control. The most important finding, however , is that the y rated positiv e trait s a s les s positiv e i n blac k wome n tha n i n whit e women. Similarly, they rated negativ e traits a s less negative, because their expectations conformed t o negative stereotypes of black women (Weitz and Gordon 1993). Black women need black leadership to include their struggle in the plan for black empowerment. The black male has serious obstacles to overcome, but the black female is also in crisis. Andrew Grant-Thomas (1996) argues that while the black male is quantifiably worse off in the criminal justice system, the black female i s more likely to be living in poverty. Additionally, the black experience, past an d present , is ofte n related i n term s o f a n exclusivel y mal e experienc e (Grant-Thoma s 1996). Women in the integration generatio n ar e likely to be much less reluctant to contest the continuing emphasis on the black man's story.

Shared Sentiments Several commo n response s t o question s meri t discussion . Th e first was th e nearl y universa l respect , i f no t approva l of , Ministe r Loui s Farrakhan, leader of the Nation o f Islam. While it is entirely possible that, as Stanley Crouch has argued, these young people embrace Far rakhan "for the same reason teenagers go to hear the most obnoxiou s rock bands—to soak themselves in self-righteous alienation and muddled outrage " (Crouc h 1995:71) , this ma y onl y b e wishfu l thinking . Most o f th e student s interviewe d her e ar e well past th e stag e wher e they find i t necessary to attemp t t o free themselve s fro m emotiona l and psychologica l attachment s t o parent s b y dressing strangel y an d listening to aggravating music. Farrakhan ma y be providing explana -

156 I The Tie That Binds and Redeems

tions, howeve r apocryphal , fo r thes e students ' ver y rea l feelin g o f alienation. The black media can be credited with setting much of the agenda in the black community. Louis Farrakhan appeared on the Arsenio Hall2 late-nigh t intervie w show in 1994, and has been feature d in severa l blac k magazine s mor e tha n once . In a n articl e i n on e o f these magazines, Emerge, it was reported that two respected television news shows , th e MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour an d ABC' s Nightline edited a speech given by Minister Farrakhan that distorted the meaning o f hi s words (Curr y 1994) . This kin d o f "inside story " support s black suspicions of media misrepresentation . Time magazine , i n it s startlin g 199 4 cover stor y o n Farrakhan — "Ministry of Rage"—reported o n the Nation of Islam's record of success i n rehabilitatin g dru g user s an d criminals . Ye t th e write r an nounced with astonishment that a poll of 504 African-Americans re vealed tha t 67 percen t believe d Farrakha n wa s a n effectiv e leade r (Henry 1994). Clearly college students are not the only segment of the black population with whom Farrakhan's rhetoric resonates. While it is troubling that blacks have not critically assessed Farrakhan's ideas, their disconten t wit h continuin g inequalitie s shoul d b e acknowl edged in any discussion o f Farrakhan's influence .

Media Images of Blacks All the students in this survey complained abou t the images of blacks in the news media, television, and film. They believe that criminal activity in the black community is too often the lead story on local news shows. Some believe news reporters deliberatel y find blacks to inter view who fit their viewers' stereotypical idea of what blacks look like and ho w the y speak . Researc h b y Frankli n Gillia m (Gillia m an d Simon 1996 ) suggest s that image s of black perpetrators i n televisio n news program s ar e sufficientl y powerfu l t o chang e racia l attitudes . Especially troublin g i s the finding tha t i t i s the whit e libera l wh o i s most susceptibl e t o thi s manipulation , no t th e whit e conservativ e (Gilliam and Simon 1996). These students are cognizant of the power of thes e negativ e image s because the y experienc e th e fallout—espe -

The Tie That Binds and Redeems | 15 7 cially the young men. When the y see fear o n the faces of people the y meet on elevators , they know that it comes from believin g that mos t criminals are African-American . The Fo x Network-sponsored lineu p o f black programs wa s ofte n the firs t respons e t o th e questio n abou t black s i n th e media . Som e members of the Young Black Republicans became apoplectic in their criticism o f two Fo x sitcoms, Living Single and Martin. The y believe that th e fou r youn g blac k wome n feature d i n Living Single ar e al l stereotypes, and that Martin Lawrence, a stand-up comedian an d the star of Martin i s a twentieth-century Stepin ' Fetchit. 3 Some were bored with film plots about black gangs and street life, while other s though t tha t thes e storie s wer e mor e acceptabl e tha n ones that portraye d black s as having overcom e problem s o f povert y and inequality. Men and women felt that black female characters were the mos t offensiv e i n curren t films, an d ha d no t evolve d muc h pas t the "Mammy " role s o f th e pre-Worl d Wa r I I er a an d th e "Jezebel " roles o f the 1960 s blaxploitation era . These reflection s o n th e enter tainment industry were interesting since many television sitcoms and movies named were highly successful an d seen by many blacks. These students sai d tha t the y supporte d movie s directe d b y black s abou t blacks, but sometimes felt let down by the lack of substance. Students critical of the television shows said that they hardly ever viewed them after a few initia l tryouts , but the y had friend s wh o wer e loyal fans . The popularity of these programs and films prompts questions about the demographic s o f th e audience . D o working-clas s black s watc h more televisio n tha n middle-clas s blacks ? D o educate d black s hav e different viewin g habits than uneducated blacks? More research is required if we are to learn how class status affects reaction s to stories or situations depictin g lifestyle s fro m whic h som e black people ar e at tempting to dissociate themselves.

Acknowledging Racism Students responded to questions about experiences with racism with unexpected circumspection . The y ofte n first replie d tha t the y ha d

158 I The Tie That Binds and Redeems

never bee n victim s o f racism—usuall y addin g "that I am aware of. " After allowin g a few moments of thoughtful silence , they might venture somethin g tha t might hav e been tainte d b y racism . Sometime s the intervie w would mov e forward, onl y to hav e them as k to retur n to the question about experiences with racism. Several prefaced thei r stories with "I don't know if this is important" or, "I don't know if this happened becaus e o f race. " One student , Car l Franks , emphasize d that "he was not one to call racism at the drop of a dime." He also took great pain s t o explai n t o m e ho w sometime s peopl e mak e assump tions abou t blacks that ar e simply the result o f logical shortcuts tha t all humans make to assess situations quickly . This diffidence, mentione d i n the earlier chapters, is probably du e to sensitivity about complaints of racism being taken as excuses made for failures . Others have proposed tha t th e faul t lie s with thei r mid dle-class parent s wh o hav e no t prepare d the m t o dea l wit h racis m (Feagin and Sikes 1994:96). The shock of these encounters may make identification o f racism more difficult, o r encourage denial that these incidents ever took place. These young African-Americans spok e consistently of the need for self-reliance an d community-base d strategie s for solving black problems. They were clearly keen not to appear to be the kind of black person that sees racism everywhere. To acknowledge racism as a factor i n their lives would be a sign of weakness, or an excuse for personal fail ure. Acknowledging racis m ca n als o mea n admittin g t o limitation s that are externally imposed. As Carl Franks pointed out, thinking that race is a factor i s self-limiting. Making even the thought o f racism a n invitation t o failur e make s th e racia l tightrop e thes e student s wal k more taut .

Black Leadership Crisis Most revelator y amon g thi s grou p o f youn g peopl e wa s the lac k o f faith i n th e blac k politica l leadership . Many were harsh i n thei r ap praisal o f blac k member s o f Congress , an d no t on e o f the m men -

The Tie That Binds and Redeems | 15 9 tioned the NAACP or the Urban League as viable black organizations. At least on e student , Matthew Moore o f Whelan University , did no t see the paucity of black leadership as a problem. He felt that black political an d economi c empowermen t shoul d b e decentralized—re placed by community leadership. The Young Black Republicans have lost faith i n the ability of mos t political leaders to think of solutions to problems in the community . They are certai n tha t mos t lac k credibilit y i n powerfu l politica l cir cles. Some students mentione d th e scandal s that hav e plagued blac k politicians i n recen t years , but fe w expresse d sympathy . As Cornel l Hall of Barnett said, "they were not representing... yo u have be above reproach!'

The Mutability of Identity and Its Effects on Political Attitudes The idea s an d experience s o f thes e young peopl e sugges t tha t som e changes ar e o n th e politica l horizon . The y resembl e th e civi l right s generation i n that they are mostly liberal on race issues and conserv ative on moral an d cultura l issues. The Republican rac e men ar e different i n tha t the y hav e attempte d t o fashio n a n ideologica l frame work tha t ca n accommodat e thei r racia l grou p membership , class , and gende r status . Experiences with racis m ha d profoun d effect s o n some of these students, which may have been exacerbated by their attendance a t majority-white universities . All the students want black s to tak e mor e responsibilit y fo r improvin g condition s amon g th e poorest i n thei r group . The conservative s an d moderate s faul t blac k behavior and leadership more than the liberals do. This willingness to be self-critical i s a good thing , even if the criticis m i s not alway s accurate. W e ca n loo k forwar d t o mor e diversit y o f opinio n an d a broader discussio n o f racia l problem s an d solution s takin g plac e among members o f this generation, especially—although somewha t surprisingly—among th e growing numbers of black youth attendin g HBCUs.

160 | The Tie That Binds and Redeems Some of the opinions of these students are a reflection o f a particular stag e o f life , bu t thei r frustratio n an d alienatio n i n majority white environment s shoul d b e take n seriously . Thei r storie s reflec t the failur e o f integratio n t o promote racia l understanding. The stu dent leaders at Woodson all mentioned becoming more aware of race since their arrival at the university. Leah Somers believed, incredibly, that sh e migh t hav e experience d he r intellectua l pea k a t th e tende r age of seventeen . Integration has not been an altogether negative experience for th e students a t Whelan . Thi s wa s th e on e majority-whit e campu s i n which black and white students were observed walking together an d lunching together. In an average of two to three days spent at each interview site, there were few observations of black and white student s interacting at Woodson or Windsor. Black students at Whelan are involved in both black and white service organizations on campus an d student government . All were moderate to conservativ e i n their po litical attitudes, which is related to life in small towns and rural communities. I t ma y als o be linke d t o feelin g les s isolated i n th e large r university community . Just as the Republica n rac e men believ e tha t the historically black college environment allow s black students th e freedom t o expres s mor e conservativ e views , a mor e comfortabl e majority-white environmen t ma y hav e th e sam e effect . W e shoul d remember that although Whelan was clearly a more hospitable environment, only one student out of the six interviewed claimed to have any white friends . One wonders what would happen if the more traditional conserv atives—Carol Changa and Carl Franks, for example—wer e placed i n a historically black college environment. What if the Republican rac e men were at Woodson o r Windsor? Would their nationalism tur n t o radical liberalism? If we could transplant Lawrence Sims to Brooks or Barnett, would hi s radical liberalism become mor e traditional liber alism? Black identity is not necessarily fixed, but may be strengthened or weakened by environment, class, and experiences with discrimina tion. Why shoul d w e car e abou t ho w an d wh y racial grou p identit y i s

The Tie That Binds and Redeems I 16 1

formed? On e reason i s that racia l group identit y is dominant i n po litical decision making . Although sometime s advantageous , this ca n also result in exploitation o f the group and the omission of problems or concerns that are crucial to the group's advancement. An exampl e is the failure of traditional or fringe organizations (NAACP , Nation of Islam) to address gender and class issues in their black empowermen t programs. Another proble m i s that racia l division s distrac t th e citi zenry fro m large r issue s suc h a s employment, economi c policy , an d health. Clearly people of color are more disadvantaged than whites in these areas, which helps to maintain racia l cleavages and keep s public discussions about these issues at bay. Efforts t o redirect the public's attention to areas that affect al l citizens are consistently thwarted, because "playing the race card" is easy and effective . Presiden t Clinton , now putting racia l healing o n th e agenda , first avoide d facin g racia l issues head-on. It was a strategic move to alter his "problack" image, and it worked. This boo k ha s raise d a s man y question s a s i t ha s sough t t o an swer. To what degre e i s the leadershi p i n highe r educatio n respon sible fo r perpetuatin g racia l divisions ? Universit y official s hav e ample space to negotiate the elements contributing to the strength ening of black identity among the students interviewe d here . Many university campuse s suppor t blac k them e dorm s an d separat e graduations fo r blac k student s i n the nam e o f recognizing cultura l differences, ye t fai l t o requir e student s t o tak e multicultura l courses. Some universitie s refus e t o guid e blac k studen t organiza tions i n th e selectio n o f speakers , an d i n th e nam e o f toleranc e allow speakers o n campu s who no t onl y have little to offe r th e stu dents intellectually , but fa n th e flame s o f intolerance t o boot. Col lege an d universit y administrator s nee d t o reasses s thei r manage ment o f their multicultura l studen t bodies , and find th e courage t o carry ou t policie s an d guideline s tha t wil l promot e racia l under standing. Members o f th e "integratio n generation " wil l ente r th e twenty first centur y wit h th e issu e o f th e colo r lin e stil l o n th e politica l agenda. Also o n th e agend a wil l b e multiracia l classifications , affir -

162 I The Tie That Binds and Redeems

mative action, school integration, and black nationalism—and every thing i s up fo r review . The ol d framework s ar e worn, and ne w one s must be built. The "tie that binds"—being black —has strands of history, music, family life , and discrimination . I t both brace s an d con strains, and may ultimately expand to include others in its fold .

Appendix A The Research Design

The purpos e o f thi s researc h i s t o discove r ho w th e post-civil right s generatio n think s abou t racia l grou p identit y an d political issues , an d t o explor e connection s betwee n th e two . Th e complexity an d sensitivit y o f th e subjec t calle d fo r in-perso n inter views, which have the advantage of allowing the researcher to pursu e lines o f questionin g i n respons e t o th e subject' s answer . Ther e i s a suppleness t o thi s metho d tha t i s useful fo r uncoverin g aspect s o f a phenomenon tha t may remain hidden because of the necessary constraints imposed by other methods. The trust that can be establishe d between th e researche r an d subjec t i n a n in-perso n intervie w i s in valuable when encouraging subjects to define issue s for themselves . Several consideration s determine d th e selectio n o f site s fo r thi s research. One initial observation wa s that the resurgence of interes t in blac k nationalis m an d Republica n Part y conservatis m wa s oc curring simultaneously. In light of this observation, it seemed logical t o solici t student s fro m bot h historicall y blac k an d majority white institutions . I f al l th e subject s ha d com e fro m on e o r th e other, the inherent implications in the choice one makes to attend a majority-white o r a historically blac k institutio n ma y have skewe d the findings. Further , the Young Black Republican organization s o n record a t th e Republica n Nationa l Headquarter s wer e al l based a t historically black college s o r universities , most o f whic h ar e foun d in th e South . In choosin g th e majority-whit e institutions , proxim ity to th e chose n historicall y blac k institutio n wa s a primary con sideration fo r severa l reasons: first, it would help control fo r th e ef -

163

164 | Appendix A

fects o f locale ; an d second , i t woul d b e mor e manageabl e logisti cally. Table A.i give s the demographi c dat a o n eac h site . All the in stitutions' an d students ' name s hav e bee n change d t o protec t th e identities o f the students. The names of the majority-white institu tions begin with "W," and those of the historically black institution s with"B." After th e site s were selected, administrators, faculty member s i n political science departments, or both, were contacted an d aske d t o serve a s intermediaries i n selectin g volunteers . The intermediarie s solicited student s who were considered leader s on campus—excep t members o f th e Youn g Blac k Republicans , who m w e solicite d di rectly. "Leaders" were define d a s student s holdin g offic e i n on e o r more institutionall y sanctione d organization , involve d i n on e o r more communit y servic e project , an d i n goo d academi c standing . Since on e o f th e mai n line s o f inquir y involve d th e potentia l fo r black involvement in the Republican Party, we also directly solicited students who were organizers and members of Young Black Republican organization s fo r participatio n i n thi s research . I n th e end , subjects wer e obtaine d throug h selectiv e samplin g an d fro m th e volunteers obtaine d b y th e intermediaries , an d cam e fro m thre e historically blac k an d thre e majority-whit e institutions . Twenty TABLE A. I

Demographic Data on Interview Sites Woodson

Brooks

Windsor

Majority-White Historically MajorityWhite Private Black Private Private

Benedict

Whelan

Barnett

Historically Black Public

MajorityPublic

Historically Black Private

Urban Setting in Large Southern City

Small Town Setting in the South

Urban Setting in Midsized Southern City

Student Population s

Student Population s

Student Population s

Total: 6,000* Black: 12%

Total: 2,600* Total:6,207* Total:4,070* Total:21,523** Total:5,324* Black: 8.4% Black: 16%

Subjects Interviewe d 5

2 * Undergraduat e Only ^^Undergraduate and Graduat e

Subjects Interviewed

Subjects Interviewed

55

5

2

Appendix A | 16 5 four respondent s wer e interviewe d fo r ove r tw o hour s each . Th e sample includes residents of only ten states. The following i s the regional classification employe d that includes both the states in which the subject s reside , an d additiona l state s t o preven t th e identifica tion o f the subjects . Souther n state s include d Virginia, North Car olina, Sout h Carolina , Alabama , Tennessee , an d Georgia . North eastern state s include d Ne w York , Connecticut , Massachusetts , Pennsylvania, an d Rhod e Island . Southwester n state s include d Texas, Arizona, and Ne w Mexico, and the West included California , Oregon, an d Nevada . A n urba n classificatio n wa s assigne d t o an y student wh o reside d i n a cit y o f mor e tha n on e millio n people . Rural communities ha d less than 30,00 0 residents, and smal l town s less than 200,00 0 residents . A copy of the survey instrument is included in Appendix B. All the questions were asked in every interview. Sometimes a question led to other question s tha t wer e particula r t o tha t subject' s experienc e o r situation. Thes e student s wer e no t aske d question s tha t assesse d their sophisticatio n o r knowledg e o f politics , mainl y becaus e thi s was not considere d relevan t t o the researc h agenda . Many were po litical science majors, and all were engaged in activities that qualifie d them t o b e calle d studen t leaders . I n answerin g th e questions , th e students reveale d themselve s t o b e abou t a s sophisticate d a s mos t Americans. The chapters are organized according to ideological groups, which are shown in Table A.2. In an effort t o organize the data efficiently, th e names o f conservative student s begin with "C," liberal students wit h "L," and moderate students with "M." The table below gives the criteria fo r determinin g th e socioeconomi c backgroun d o f students , which is a modification o f the 1995 poverty guidelines set by the Department o f Healt h an d Huma n Services . Th e student s wer e no t asked the incomes of their parents; however, income was estimated by occupational status. This method has several flaws: one, there was no way to determine th e total number o f dependents, since black fami lies are often extende d families, and parents are responsible for mem bers outside the immediate family; two, there are some working-class occupations tha t pa y middle - o r upper-clas s incomes . Effort s wer e

166 | Appendix A TABLE A. 2

Background and Ideological Chart of Interview Subjects Conservatives (Republican Race Men)

Conservatives (Traditional)

Moderates

Marie Potter -Woodson Marilyn Lacey -Whelan Michael Washington -Whelan Matthew Moore -Whelan Morgan Stone -Whelan Myra Mason Whelan

Liberals

Charles Gaston -Brooks Clifford Appre y -Brooks Chris Gray -Barnett Cornell Hall -Barnett

Curtis Foster -Benedict Conrad Terry -Benedict Corliss Bond -Whelan Carol Changa -Woodson Carl Franks -Windsor

Lawrence Sims -Woodson Liz Thompson -Woodson Lana Tolliver -Woodson Lynn Stevens -Windsor Leah Somers -Windsor Lee Vinson -Windsor Laura Womack -Windsor Lela Riley -Benedict Loren Terrell -Benedict

Institution: Historically Black Private

Institution: Institution: Majority-White an d Majority-White an d Historically Black Historically Black Public and Private Public and Private

Institution Majority-White an d Historically Bkack Public and Private

Environment: Urban

Environment: Urban and Rural

Environment: Urban and Rural

Environment: Urban and Small Town

Household: Two-Parent

Household: Two-Parent

Household: Household: Single-Parent (3) and Single-Parent (6) and Two-Parent (3 ) Two-Parent (3)

^Experiences with Discrimination: Mild to Moderate

Experiences with Discrimination: Mild to Moderate

Experiences with Discrimination: Mild

Experiences with Discrimination: Intense

Socioeconomic Status Middle to Upper Class

Socioeconomic Status Working to Upper Class

Socioeconomic Status Middle Class Class

Socioeconomic Status Poor to Middle Class

Gender: Men

Gender: Men and Women

Gender: Men and Women

Gender: Men and Women

*The intensity of experiences with racis m was measured by gauging the emotionalism o f the students' responses, whether o r not the incident involve d a verbal or physical threat, and whether o r no t racial epithets were used. The author acknowledges that what is an intense experience to one person may not be an intense experience to another; therefore, the first criterion is less objective. Recognizin g individual perspectives, however, remains important, and should be reported as accurately as possible.

Appendix A |

16 7

made to overcome these flawsby gathering information tha t migh t throw light on such situations and thereby permit us to make an accurate determination. Criteria for Socioeconomic Classifications Socioeconomic Strata Occupatio

n Educatio

n Incom

e

Upper Class

Entrepreneurs Executives

College Degree Postgraduate Work

Over 50K

Middle Class

Managerial, professional, administrative, skilled craftsme n

College Jr Coll or Semiprofessional Training

35K-50K

Working Class

Service, semiskilled operatives, clerical

HS Diploma, Apprenticeships, Technical Training

15K-35K

Lower Class

Unskilled laborers, domestic and farm laborer s

Some High School, Jr. High School Completion

15K and Under

Appendix B Survey of Political Attitudes of Young African-Americans

I. Familia l and Environmental Influence s A. Family Background 1. Wher e are you from originally ? How did you make your decision to attend school here? What do you think about this (college, university)? 2. Coul d you tell me a little about where you grew up? For example, was the neighborhoo d al l or mostl y black, o r mostly white? 3. Wha t kind of work did your parents do? 4. D o you have any siblings? How old are they? Have any of them attende d colleg e o r ar e attendin g colleg e now ? What ar e their occupations ? 5. Ho w woul d yo u describ e you r family' s financia l situa tion when you were growing up? What was your neigh borhood like? B. Educational Backgroun d 1. Wa s the elementary school you attended integrated ? 2. Wha t abou t junior hig h o r middl e school ? What wa s it like? 3. An d hig h school , wha t d o yo u remembe r abou t you r high school? Was it integrated? What year did you grad uate? 4. Wha t kin d o f studen t wer e yo u i n hig h school ? Wha t about now ? 168

Appendix B | 16 9 C. Church an d Organizational Membership s 1. Di d you r famil y atten d church ? Wha t denomination ? Was the church integrated? Were you active in church ? 2. Woul d yo u conside r yoursel f religious ? Wha t abou t your family members ? 3. Wer e your parents active in any organizations outside of church? 4. Wha t abou t now ? What organization s ar e you a mem ber of? II. Political Socializatio n A. Family 1. Wha t d o th e term s conservative , moderate , an d libera l mean to you in regards to political views? 2. Ho w woul d yo u characteriz e you r parents ' politica l views? Ar e the y conservative , liberal , moderate , o r a combination o f some sort? 3. Wha t about you? How would you define your views? 4. Ca n yo u thin k o f anyon e wh o ha s influence d you r views? What abou t events ? Can you think o f any events that have influenced you r views? 5. Wer e your parents , or an y members o f your famil y po litically active? In what way? B. Friends 1. D o any of your close friends hav e strong political views? How would you characterize those views? 2. Ho w many of your close friends ar e white? 3. D o you and your friends eve r discuss politics or political events? What has been the latest topic of discussion ? III. Strength of Group Identit y A. Recognition o f Racial Difference s 1. D o you remember when you first became aware of racial differences? Fo r example , how ol d wer e you? Was i t i n the neighborhood, at school, or somewhere else? B. Experiences with Racis m 1. Hav e you ever experienced racia l discrimination ?

170 | Appendix B

2. Hav e you ever been calle d a name by a white person? If so, what wa s tha t nam e an d ho w ol d wer e yo u a t th e time? Did you know what i t meant? What was your re sponse? Where did this occur? 3. Wha t abou t you r famil y member s an d friends ? Hav e they had any experiences of racial discrimination ? C. Racial Identity 1. Wha t d o you prefe r t o be called , black, African Ameri can, or something else? Why? 2. Peopl e differ i n whether they think about being black— what the y hav e i n commo n wit h othe r blacks . Wha t about you—d o yo u thin k abou t thi s a lot, fairly often , once in a while, or hardly ever? 3. D o you think what happens generall y to black people i n this country has anything to do with what happens in your life? If yes, will it affect you a lot, some, or not very much? 4. Whic h would you say is most important t o you—bein g blacky being American, o r ar e both equally important t o you? 5. D o you think there is such a thing as a black identity? 6. D o you think that the civil rights movement made a difference in your life? If so, how? If not, why not? 7. Wha t d o yo u thin k th e large r societ y believe s abou t black identity? 8. Wha t d o yo u thin k abou t portrayal s o f black s i n th e media? 9. Ca n you think of any book or movie that you believe is an accurate portrayal of any aspect of black life? IV. Attitudes on Issues Related to Race 1. Wha t factor s d o you believe contribute mos t t o the social and economic state of poor black communities ? 2. Ho w do you think problems in poor black communities can be solved most effectively ? 3. D o yo u believ e tha t i n th e pas t fiv e year s thing s hav e improved, remaine d th e same , o r gotte n wors e fo r blacks?

Appendix B | 17 1 For th e followin g statement s I woul d lik e fo r yo u t o tel l m e whether you agree, disagree, or are neutral: 4. Becaus e o f pas t discrimination , minoritie s shoul d b e given specia l consideratio n whe n decision s ar e mad e about hiring applicants for jobs. 5. Jo b applicant s shoul d b e judge d solel y o n th e basi s o f test scores and other individual qualities . 6. Th e governmen t shoul d no t mak e an y special effor t t o help black s an d othe r minoritie s becaus e the y shoul d help themselves. 7. I n the United States, if black people don't do well in life, it is because... 8. D o you think blacks will ever achieve full economic an d social equality in your lifetime ? 9. D o yo u thin k governmen t shoul d hav e a role i n guar anteeing racia l equality ? I f so , what d o thin k i t shoul d be? V. Political Attitudes A. Attitudes on Government Spendin g 1. I f you coul d influenc e th e federa l budget , in what area s would yo u increas e spending ? Wha t ar e th e area s i n which you would decrease spending ? 2. Ho w do you feel about welfare spending? Does the government spen d too much, too little, or is it about right ? 3. Wha t d o you think abou t spendin g on crime ? Does th e government spen d to o much , to o little , o r i s i t abou t right? B. Attitudes on Moral and Cultural Issue s 1. Ho w do you feel about abortion ? 2. Wha t do you think about homosexuality ? [Respondents are asked to place themselves on a scale from 1 to 10 with 1 symbolizing "intolerant" and 10 "very tolerant."] 3. Wha t d o yo u thin k abou t premarita l sex ? Having chil dren outside of marriage ? 4. Wha t d o you thin k abou t th e rol e of women i n today' s society? Do you support women having careers?

172 I Appendix B

C. Political Participatio n 1. Ar e you registere d t o vote ? Ho w man y time s hav e yo u voted? Would you call yourself a Democrat, Republican , Independent, or something else? 2. Wh o di d yo u vot e fo r i n th e las t presidentia l election ? Why? 3. Hav e you eve r worked i n anyone' s campaign ? Ca n yo u tell me something abou t the experience ? Would you d o that again ? 4. Whe n a n election is near, do you talk about it a lot with friends an d relatives? Do you try to influence their decisions? VI. Opinions o f African-American Leadershi p A. Political Leadership 1. Wha t African-American politicia n do you admire ? 2. Ar e you familiar wit h the Congressional Blac k Caucus ? Can you tell me about anythin g they sponsored o r ho w they influence policy ? B. Social/Cultural/Political Leadershi p 1. Wha t do you think of Louis Farrakhan? What about th e Nation o f Islam? 2. Wha t d o you think of Jesse Jackson? 3. Wh o d o yo u thin k i s the mos t influentia l blac k leade r today? 4. Wha t leader of the past do you admire? Why?

Notes NOTES T O C H A P T E R 1

i. Fo r a discussion o f this issue, see Carol Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests (Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press, 1993). 2. Se e Katherine Tate, From Protest to Politics (Cambridge: Harvard Uni versity Press , 1994) ; an d Michae l Dawson , Behind the Mule (Princeton : Princeton University Press, 1994). 3. Se e Glen n Loury , "Free a t Last ? A Persona l Perspectiv e o n Rac e an d Identity in America," in Gerald Early, ed., Lure and Loathing (Ne w York: Penguin, 1993). 4. Se e Everett Stonequist , Marginal Man (Ne w York: Russell an d Russell , 1961). Stonequist assert s that th e failur e o f member s o f ethni c group s t o as similate ma y produc e a n individua l conflicte d ove r hi s o r he r plac e i n th e world. This individual will engage in contradictory behavior and exhibit con flicting attitude s a s he o r sh e waffles fro m on e identit y t o th e other . As th e "marginal man" or "marginal woman" works out a reconciliation of these dual identities, he or she helps to reconcile cultural conflict i n the larger society. 5. Ther e i s a current debat e surroundin g ebonies , the ter m use d t o de scribe dialect s spoke n withi n th e blac k community . I n th e fal l o f 1996 , the Oakland, California , schoo l distric t cam e unde r fire fo r adoptin g a resolu tion that recognized ebonie s as a language. The resolution require d teacher s to teach standard English as they would a second language to black student s whose primary language was ebonies. 6. Se e Stanley Crouch, "Fro m Here to the Horizon: How It Goes," in The Ml-American Skin Game (New York: Pantheon Books, 1995). Crouch refers to this incident in Tiananmen Square in a very different context . He argues that black protes t an d politica l leader s ar e symbol s o f th e triump h o f wester n ideals about democrac y an d th e right s o f men . The stor y of the struggl e o f blacks in this country, according to Crouch, is a universal story of human beings striving to live as human beings . 173

174 | Notes to Chapter 1 7. Se e The Harvard Education Letter 10, no. 1 (January-Februar y 1994), for a discussion of the resegregation of public schools, racial isolation in extracurricular activities, and teaching about racism in higher education. 8. Davis , a university professor an d prominent political activist, was accused of masterminding the escape, which resulted in several deaths. 9. Th e survey was conducted by mail in November 1992. Candidates for Who's Who are chosen by an editorial staff, which monitors publications for information, an d solicit s suggestion s fro m organization s an d individuals . According to the Introduction, "candidates become eligible for inclusion by virtue of positions held through election or appointment to office, notable career achievements, or outstanding community service" (Cloyd and Matney i99o:xi). Of 70 0 surveys mailed, 257 were returned—a 3 7 percent response rate. Almost three out of four respondents earned more than $50,000 annually, and 85 percent attended graduate school. Three-fourths were Democrats; 7 percent were Republicans; and 17 percent were Independents.

NOTES T O C H A P T E R 2

i. "Hip-Hop " is a term used to define the music, clothes, and language of the post-civi l right s generation . While the "hip-hop" culture i s shared by young people of all races, it originated with black urban youth and reflects their worldview. 2. Yuse f Hawkins was a young black man who was brutally murdered by a gang of whites in the Bensonhurst community in Brooklyn, New York.

NOTES T O C H A P T E R 3

i. Th e "Contract with America" was a document written by the Republican Party congressional leadership in 1994, and included a pledge to reduce the budget and reform welfare. It was signed by 367 Republican candidates to the 104th Congress. 2. African-Americans , as a general rule, do not wash their hair every day because of th e fragil e constructio n o f curl y hair. Over time, the constan t washing causes breakage and other damage. 3. A n African-American businessman , Reginald Lewis was the CEO of Beatrice Foods, an international corporation . He is now deceased. He authored a book about his success entitled Why Should White Guys Have All the

Notes to Chapter 6 | 17 5 Fun? How Reginald Lewis Created a Billion-Dollar Business Empire (Ne w York: Wiley, 1995)

NOTES T O C H A P T E R 4

1. Plessy v Ferguson is the 189 6 Supreme Cour t cas e that establishe d th e "separate but equal" doctrine upholding racial segregation . 2. Le s Brown is an African-American motivationa l speaker and author of the book Live Your Dreams (Ne w York: Morrow Books, 1992). 3. Benjami n Chavi s was chosen to head the NAACP in April 1993. A former member o f the Wilmington 1 0 (a group o f young people convicted o f a firebombing i n the 1970s), his leadership was controversial an d short-lived . In September 1994 Chavis was dismissed for diverting more than $300,000 of the organization's funds to a former employee who accused him of sexual harassment.

NOTES T O C H A P T E R 5

i. Emmet t Til l wa s a fourteen-year-ol d blac k bo y wh o wa s lynche d i n Greenwood, Mississippi, in 1955. The Tuskegee Experiments refers to the government-sanctioned stud y of syphilis using black male subjects. Treatment fo r the disease was withheld fro m th e subjects in the interests of the study. Cointelpro was the code name for the FBI infiltration o f the Black Panther Party. 2. Lenor a Branch Fulani is a developmental psychologist and political activist who is presently chairperson o f the Committee for a Unified Indepen dent Party. She was placed o n the presidential ballot in all fifty states and i n the Distric t o f Columbi a i n 198 8 and 1992 . In bot h election s sh e ran a s th e candidate of the New Alliance Party. 3. Gende r difference s i n the way in which minority groups take political or socia l action were observed an d discusse d i n Carol Hardy-Fanta's Latino PoliticSy Latina Politics (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993).

NOTES T O C H A P T E R 6

i. Ther e was on e blac k woma n interviewe d wh o wa s a membe r o f th e Young Blac k Republicans . He r intervie w i s no t include d her e becaus e he r

176 I Notes to Chapter 6 voting patterns as well as her ideology were clearly Democratic. I have no information o n ho w man y wome n ma y b e member s o f African-America n Young Republican organization s on othe r colleg e campuses. 2. Arseni o Hall is a popular black entertainer and comedian who enjoye d a brief but intense stint as a variety show host on the Fox television network . His show was cancelled in April 1994, not long after th e appearance of Louis Farrakhan, due to a ratings drop (Mediaweek 4 no. 17:6-8). 3. "Stepin ' Fetchit" the stag e nam e fo r acto r Lincol n Theodor e Monro e Andrew Perry, has become symbolic of the stereotypical role s Mr. Perry was consigned t o playin g i n a t least fort y Hollywoo d films o f th e lat e 1920s, the 1930s, and 1940s . An articulat e ma n i n actuality , Perry portrayed slow , dimwitted, and cowardl y black servants to white stars. Born May 20,1902 in Key West, Florida, Perry died on November 19,1985 in Woodland Hills, California.

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Works Cited | 18 3 Tate, Katherine . 1994 . From Protest to Politics. Cambridge, Mass. : Harvar d University Press. Thompson, Vetta L. S. 1991. "Perceptions of Race which Affect African-Amer ican Identification." Journal of AppliedSocial Psychology 21, no. 18:1502-16. Toler, Herbert. 1996. "Marching t o a Different Drum. " Charisma, electroni c publication o f Grac e Christia n Fellowship , www.pastornet.netau/grace/ charisma/c96oii4/top.html Tripp, Luke. 1991. "Race Consciousnes s amon g African-American Students , 1980s." Western Journal of Black Studies 15, no. 3:159-68. Tryman, Mfanya D. 1992. "Racism and Violence on College Campuses." Western Journal of Black Studies 16, no. 4: 221-30. U.S. Bureau of the Census. 1989. Current Population Reports, Series P-20, no. 440, Voting and Registration in the Election of November1988. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printin g Office . U.S. Commissio n o n Civi l Rights . 1990 . Bigotry and Violence on American College Campuses. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Commission o n Civi l Rights. Verba, Sidney, and Norma n H . Nie. 1972. Participation in America: Political Democracy and Social Equality. New York: Harper an d Row. Walker, Ken. 1996. "Thunder from Heaven. " Charisma, electronic publication of Grac e Christia n Fellowship , www.pastornet.netau/grace/charisma/ c96oii4/top.html Walton, Anthony. 1996. Mississippi. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Weitz, Rose , an d Leonar d Gordon . 1993 . "Images o f Blac k Women amon g Anglo College Students." Sex Roles 28, nos. 1-2:19-34. Welch, Susan, and Le e Sigelman. March 1989 . "A Black Gender Gap? " Social Science Quarterly 70, no. 1:120-33. West, Cornel. 1993. Race Matters. Boston : Beacon Press. Williams, Walter. 1982 . The State against Blacks. New York: New Press-Mc Graw-Hill. . 1987. All It Takes Is Guts. Washington, D.C.: Regnery Books. Woodson, Robert L. 1992. "Transform Inne r Cities from th e Grass Roots Up." Wall Street Journal 3 June: A14.

Index

Affirmative action , 150,155-56; in Elite Survey, 23-25; the liberals, 112-13, n7> 124,129,131-32,135,139; the moder ates, 87,90,98,102; in NBPS, 17-18; Republican rac e men, 41,45-46; traditional conservatives , 59-60, 62, 68, 72, y6,78; wor k of Shelby Steele an d Stephen Carter , 30-31 Angelou, Maya, 115 Assimilation, 7-10. See also Psychology of Nigrescenc e Bernard, A. R., 56. See also Jakes, T. D.; Promise Keeper s Black Greeks, 118 Black Student Alliance, 107. See also Black Greeks Bush, George, 44 Butts, Calvin, 39 Chavis, Ben, 99,109 Clark, Joe, 124 Clinton, Bill, 45, 61, 65,94,97,99,103, 117,124,128,135,139,161 COGIC (Churc h o f God i n Christ), 56. See also Bernard, A. R. Colorism, 73,121. See also Complexion Complexion, 75 Contract with America, 64,98,113,13 9 Davis, Angela, 114,115 Double-bind (racis m an d sexism) , 18, 116 DuBois,W.E.B., 38-39 Edelman, Marian Wright, 97

Elders, Joycelyn, 139 Elite Survey, 22-25 Encounter stage , 9-10,48, 61,121,151. See also Assimilation; Psychology of Nigrescence Farrakhan, Louis, 5; conservatives, 61, 74,78-79; liberals, 109,114,124, 128-29,132,135; moderates, 84, 87-88, 91,95,99; Republican rac e men, 39, 42,47,52. See also Nation of Isla m Feminist(ism), 142; black, 119; as part o f a liberal ideology, 141; radical, 51; tensions related to, 116. See also Doublebind; Gender; Womanist Fraternity, 106. See also Black Greeks Friendship, 10; with whites, 35-36,37, 66-67, 85,93,106-7,111-12,115 , 122-23,127-28,129,133,134,137-38, 140 Fulani, Lenora, 124,142 Gantt, Harvey, 103 Garvey, Marcus, 109 Gender, 18, 26,28,154-55; divisions, 108; roles, 53,118; triple-bind o f race, gender, and class, 117-29 Gephardt, Richard, 97 Gingrich, Newt, 135 Guinier, Lani, 138 Hamer, Fannie Lou, 142-43 Helms, Jesse, 38-39,103 Hill, Anita, 5,50. See also Thomas, Clarence

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186 | Index Hip-hop generation , 34 Historically black colleges an d universities (HBCUs) , 82,139, 159 Interracial marriages, 8 Jackson, Jesse, 39,124,128,139,142 Jackson, Jonathan, and George, 17. See also Davis, Angela; Soledad Brothers Jackson, Maynard, 29 Jakes, T. D., 56. See also Bernard, A. R.; Promise Keeper s Jordan, Barbara, 142 Kemp, Jack, 42 King, Martin Luther , Jr., 29,95 King, Rodney, 85,86,114-15,147,15 1 Ku Klux Klan, 111,128 Lawrence, Martin, 157 Leadership, black, 46-47,104,158-5 9 Lee, Spike, 73,155 Magnet school, 82,110 Malcolm X, 34,38,67,109 Marshall, Thurgood, 52 Media, 88,156 Midnight basketball, 43,60 Multicultural (multiracial) , 134,136,146; Afro-Asian, 134,145 ; background, 103; identity, 103

sive, 151; covictims, 150; cumulative effect of , 150; Elite Survey respondents, 23-24; experiences with, 37,38, 58, 63-64,67,83, 85, 86, 89,97,101, 106-7, m; i n housing, 8; sharing of experiences by black parents, 54; symbolic, 151; views of contemporar y conservative writers, 30-32; work of Feagin and Sikes, 2 Republican Party , 32,40,42,44,52-53, 70,79,97,128,135> 138 Republican Revolution , 152-53 Residential segregation, 8 Sharpton, Al, 142 Simpson, O. J., 86,116 Soledad Brothers, 17 Southerners (South) , 55-57,62,66-, 81, 153-54 Stepping, 76 Stereotypes: awareness of, 110-11,120; media, 157; as they relate to black identity, 96-97; struggle against , 114 Thomas, Clarence, 5,39,50,142. See also Hill, Anita Tyson, Mike, 116 Urban League , 46,159

Powell, Colin, 91 Pratt-Kelly, Sharon, 128 Promise Keepers, 56. See also Bernard, A. R.; Jakes, T. D. Psychology of Nigrescence, 151

Washington, Booker T., 38,44 Waters, Maxine, 61,142 Welfare, Republican rac e men and , 41, 51; conservatives, 60,65,68,72-73,78; liberals, 113,117,124,128,129,135,138, 142; moderates, 87,91,94 West, Cornel, 104 West Indian(s), 69-70,74-75,7 8 Wilder, Douglas, 91,95 Winfrey, Oprah , 146 Womanist, 119 Woods, Tiger, 146

Racism: acknowledging, 157-58; aver-

Young, Andrew, 29,52

NAACP, 29,46, 66,159,161 National Black Politics Study, 16-22 Nation o f Islam, 139,152-53,154,156,161 Newton, Huey, 114

About the Author Andrea Y. Simpson is a native of Memphis, Tennessee, and a graduate of Rhodes College. She received a Master's degree in public administration from the University of Virginia in 1989, and a Ph.D. in political science from Emory University in 1994. She is currently an assistant professor o f political science at the University of Washington in Seattle, Washington.

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