Traditional Attitudes and Modern Styles in Political Leadership 0207127107

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I: and Modern Sou'es I in! Political Le§rzder5k I

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Seminar papers given at The Q8 International Congress of Orientalists will be Presented in a eries of eight volumes, of which this is the first. The series is edited by Professor A. R. Davis and Dr. Bonnier S. McDougall of the Department of Oriental Studies, "tithe University of Sydney. Other volumes to be publisled during 1973 and 1974 will deal with the following topics of general relevance to modern Asian societies: irrigation civilizations (convener j. A. Thompson); the traditional city and modern technology cornvenor O. K. Spate) ; the diffusion of material culture fconvenori H. H. E. Looks) ; the role of law in society "convener William Holder); modern llteratul and the creative arts {convener A. R. Davis); sic {corg»'enor Willem Adriaansz); Japan n Asia 19. 0-45 (convener Willia H. NewelI). As with previous Congresses, the ibrmal proceedings and abstracts of papers presented will be Published in a separate volume.

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Traditional Attitudes and Modern So/les in Poetical L e¢zdeltslzip I

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PA!PERS PRESEN?r.E1:~ TO

THE 28 I;WTERNATION§AL CONGRESS OF O IENTALISTS EJNDER THE

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noRsHlp OF .l~ D, LEGGE i I

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Angus

arid Robertson . I

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First published n 1973 by

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ANGUS AND ROBERTSON lj:UB[_15HER5)? PTY LTD

102 Glover Street, C m o r n e , Sydney 2 Fisher Street, London 159 Block 2, Boon Ken; Road, Sirgapore P.O. Box 1072, Makati M JC, Rizal, Philippines 1

107 Elizabeth Stre-t, Melbourne

222 East Terracle, Adelaida 167 Queen Strc t, Brisbane © The contrite, tors 1973

This book is copyright. Apart rom any {`aiir dealing for the purposes of private Stud , research, krieitism or review, as permitted under th Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced by any recess without written permission. Inquiries s h o u t be addressed to the publish is. ;

National Library ofAus alia card dumber and ISBN 0 207 12710 7 PRINTED IN AUSTRALIA BY WATSON FERGIISON AEND CO., BRISBANE

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PROCEEDINGS OF THE 28 INTERNATIONAL E

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CONGRESS

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OF ORIENTALISTS CANBERRA i

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januavy [971" I

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EDITED BY A. R. DAVIS

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ASSISTANT EDITOR e _BONNIE & MGDOUGAL

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Content ZN

FOR18WORD

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by j. D. Ledge I

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VARIETIES OF POST~TRADITIONAL SOQIA!L AND POLITICAL ORDERS

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by S. N. Ei.fet15£adt II

CHARISMATIC

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POLITICAL LEADERSHIP

CONSERVATOR AND GATALYST

by Ann Ruth T/Viflner and Dorothy I/Vlillner In

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POLITICAL MODERNIZATION IN INDIA

by 3 C. Heesterman

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LEADERSHIP AND MASS RE31::+0:L55E IN JAVA, E BURMA AND IN VIETNAM

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by Bernhard Dakin v

THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION

TRADITION:

AN INTERACTIONIST VIEW QF SOCIAL GHANGE

byj-. R. G e l d

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Foreword

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were prepared for Presentation to a seminar of the 28 International Congress iofOrientalists, held in Canberra between 6 and 12 January 19171. In inviting HE FOLLOWING PAPERS

individual scholars tO participate no attempt was made to shape

contributions according to a closely-defined play. Rather each contributor was left free, within very 'dread limits, to bring his or her own expertise to bear upon the general problems of political leadership in Asia and its tradition and modern elements. Nevertheless, the papers as they were eventually presented do show a certain unity of theme. ! S. N, Eisenstadt, in his opening paper to I the seminar, |

pointed to the danger of seeing the breakdown; of traditional socio-political orders in terms of a European model of transition from tradition to modernity. In fact, tHe post-tratlitional orders which emerge in non-European societies, even if they develop supposedly "modern" institutional features, are likely to differ greatly from each other and from the European Pattern. As one example, while the European traditi ] conceixies of an anti-

thesis between political and social or or, traditional societies

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outside Europe inaytend to envisage coalescence of different functions within the same institutions This sort of difference must affect the kind of post-traditionallsociety likely to emerge. The study of emergent post-traditi¢nal orders, Eisenstadt argues, must start from the differing character of various nonEuropean traditions, and the differing Ways in which modernity has impinged upon them. His abstract formtilations of the problem received Concrete einbodinLlent in the empirical studies which followed and which drew attention, in turn, to the possibility of a subtle blend Of tradition no modernity within the one individual leader, to th-= presence of traditional and modern leaderships within the one society, and to the s

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X

FOREWORD

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effects of different traditions in shaping tli transformation of different societies. 5 A. R. and D. Y/Villner point, Hurst of all, the role of charismatic leaders in re-invigorating tradition as part of their attempt to lead their respective societies modernity. Professor Heesterman contrasts 'two leaderships in India-the traditional, local leadership of the "little C 'immunity" and the modern urban leadership of a new intelligcd sia, and. lie argues that political modcrnizationj as borne through British rule, had a limited impact on botl'la It did not ell*ode the traditional local leadership and it therefore left the new leaders without effective lines of communication to the u r l masses. This was a. consequence of the nature of rnodernityi itself. "Modernity and traditional order do not lie oh the same even line, but on two essentially different p l a n s ' Modernization "is not a matter of the modern order ptishi g out the traditional order", but of an enduring relationship between the two. Modernity in fact s o i' s structurally unable to overthrow the particularism of the little community'as Colonial. rule thus no social basis for a national polity in India; and political miindcrnization in the future must depend on a yet-tc--bc-workcid-out relationship between the particularistic order of traditional society and the universalistic order of the nation. | Bernhard Dahm is concerned with contrasts of a not altogether different type. He argues that a while: the new elites of JAva, Burma and Vietnam resemble each other closely, the differences between the traditional orders t" .Java and Burma on the one hand (each possessing, he believes, a similar messianic strain) and of Vietnamgon the others have produced a markedly different mass response to an :essentially similar impact of colonial rule. I Finally, in a concluding theory¢tical paper, J. R. Gusfield emphasizes the reflexive character of the notion of tradition, whereby the perception of a traditional culture is a part of a. group's self-identification. Members of sulla group are to be seen simultaneously as observing or discovczling their tradition creatingg it. and as defining it and thereby in some cflcgree ii Their traditional culture is "belief and it statement about what is new perceived as having been typical in the past." The

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E i FOREWORD

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notion that tradition is likely to be, t least in apart, a modern manufacture, sits easily enough with he examples discussed by the Willners, Heesterman and Dahm t However, despite this continuity of heme, the five papers are individual and self-contained essays, ackling p i oblems defined by their respective authors and displaying thcirlown distinctive approaches, and their own special Insights: ,he lightness of touch by which the Willners consider the uses o | ethnic h u m o r as an indicator of a developing sense of national identity, for example, or Heesterman's illuminating account of British administration as a loose "husk" cov as well as foreign scholars, have wavered i n their characterizations. At several times the communal characteristics of 21 high level of solidarity and a functioning .hierarchy were seen as continuing to be characteristic of the

Japanese

"P

Japanese. At other times they were viewed as disappearing with Western inHuences.1" Consensus has shifted back and forth. The Japanese have been concerned with modernization and tradition, sometimes seeing in the latter a barrier to the former 12SI:eth.e

1:1e1:a1 analyses of tradition in Edward Shits, "Tradition", pp. 122-59,

weamative Studies E iSocaEcty and History, XHI (April 1971), ml. PP- ma

13-or some accounts of this process see .Josefa Saniel, "The Mobilization of Traditional Values in the Modernization of Japan" in Robert Bellah (ed.), Religion and Progress in .Modem Asia (The Free Press, New York 1965) pp. 124--50, and Thomas C. Smith, 'Japan's Aristocratic Revo1ution", Tale Review, V (1960-1961), pp. 370-83.

,

1flohn Bennett, "Tradition, Modernity and Communalism in

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.]apart's

Modernization", joumai aSocial Issues, XXIV (October 1968), pp. 25-44.

AN INTERACTIONIST

VIEW OF SOCIAL CHANGE

89

and sometimes stressing the detrimental effects of modernization in displacing traditional .Japanese ways. Whatever the ideology, there has often been an agreement that Japanese culture has had a traditional set of customs and ways of behaving which can be specified and which constitute that which is changing or which resists further change. What is now clear is that conceptions of" the communal character of Japan have themselves been responses to immediate situations. In this sense they have been part of the process by which Japanese, operating through intellectualized versions of culture, have created their culture in the process of perceiving it. At each stage the observers and analysts have

defined the traditional past for that point in historical time. An interesting form of such concerns can be seen in what is often hailed as a typical illustration of traditional Japanese communalism, the nero system-the pattern of lifetime employment anc-l of- a 1/age structure geared to age and seniority rather oductivity. The nerte system was brought to attention in American scholarship with the publication of James Abegglen's book The Japanese Factory." In his description of the system, Abegglen described a dual pattern of loyalty of the worker to the firm and of the firm to the worker. Here again was another illustration of the way in which a feudal culture not only continued to exist in capitalist Japan

but even became the basis for industrial relations in the citadel of Westernized technology and economics~large-scale manu-

facturing. On the basis of this Abegglen insisted that economic mobility was non-existent in Japan, that the market of classical economics was sharply limited by the continuation ofjapanesc traditions of communalism. The view of the nenffti system as a continuation ofjapanese labour relations on a feudal basis is among many myths of cultural traditions. A closer look indicates that this unique system of industrial relations developed in relationship to intensive problems of l a b o r turnover in the twentieth century,

Rather than being a continuation of an old tradition the "James Abegglen, The Japanese Facfoay (The Free Press, Gleneee,

Illinois, 1958).

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THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION

OF TRADITION

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tzenkrh' system is itself relatively recent and its origins go back not much further than the 19205.16 Even today it is far less characteristic of the smaller establishments where communal ties might seem to be most persistent. The idea that labour mobility has been or is non-existent in Japan is also quite erroneous . Both present and previous generations displayed relatively high rates of job change." Significant in this history of ideas about Japanese mobility is the extent to which recent change so quickly becomes viewed as tradition." Abegglen's view has not seemed to the Japanese critics of it simply an anomaly of \fVcstern ignorance. It has also been a view utilized by .Japanese scholars until recently." It has taken considerable pains of research to develop alternate findings which altered the view of .Japanese "tradition" and showed its complexity. We are not trying to prejudge the issue of the relationship between .Japanese communalism and the nenkfi system by' pointing to its recency but merely to indicate that tradition has a phenomenological characteristic. People define their cultures and their traditions. They are not necessarily metaphysical entities given in the nature of things; they are not Durkheirnian "social facts" but are instead cut and ordered and chosen, "For discussion of the sources of nenkri, see Koji Tarra, "The Characteristics of _Japanese Labor Markets", Economic Development and Culture! Change, X, 1 (January 1962), pp. 150~68; Solomon Levine, "Labor Relations in Japan" 1I'l \=Vllllam Lockwood (ed.), State and Economic DeriehiprzzerzZ in

Japan (Princeton University Fress, Princeton, 1965). For a recent field study see Robert Cole, Japanese Blue Collar

(University of California Press,

Berkeley, 1971). UKen'ichi Tominaga, "Occupation R/Iobility in _Japanese Society",

The journal ref lfcononzic Behaviour, II (April IQ52), pp. L373 Taira, op. oft. The findings concerning small and large establishments in Japan are based on an unpublished study by Gusficld and Tominaga.. 1*"llhis is by no means confined to Japan. For other examples see my "Tradition and Modernity", op. it. For an American example which documents the relative "recency" of a "tradition" see C.

Vann Woodward,

The Strange Career q f j i m Crow (Oxford University Press, New York, 1955). 19Y_ Scott la/Iatsumoto, Coftfemperary Japan (Y-ran.saetiem'

of the .filmerieaaz

Philosop/zieal Sociegv, new series, L, part l ; Philadelphia, American Philosophical Society, 1960);

Chie Nakane, .7a,fJanexe Society (University of

California Press, Berkeley, 1970)5 Cole,

up.

off., esp. pp. 7-11.

A N INTERACTIUNIST

9I

VIE\V OF SOCIAL CHANGE

products of a social process. ¥Vhethe1° or not earlier "feudal" Japanese institutions, such as the qyagurz-/oZutz (patron-worker) relationship, were precursors of* nero system is mas:ter debated by scholars.2" What is evident, however, is that the "real" situation is itself ambiguous a n d l i a t self-definitions of "traditional" Japanese communalism using the nerzko system are constructions of that tradition rather than-eontinuances, rediscoveries or revivals. Still another .instance from the Japanese case will show us how ambiguities involved in understanding the past can be resolved and"'traditional culture" determined and defined as a political act. Here the example is drawn f`rorn the Meiji Restoration and the characteristic loyalty to the emperor,

n.

which so many foreigners have seen as deeply embedded in Japanese traditional conceptions of the relation between the

In a as .apanese pour

bit of exposition, the author of a textbook on 1' l'UlTucC's a chapter on "The Emperor: the Nation's Symbol 21 Ppint" by saying, " The emperor . has been anti still $s ihc wing symbol of the nation's history, heritage, and achievements, of all that is glorious in the nation's past and present, of its continuity and durability"."1 In a footnote to the paragraph he writes, however, ". . . this has not always been so For it is a relatively recent development which accompanied .]apart emergence as a modern power in the nineteenth eenturv".'-23 The scholar giveth and the scholar taketh away. Belief in the dominant role of the emperor in the Japanese state llas seemed a traditional part of.J apart continued into its modern phase and therefore a great source of continuity with l`eudai.Japan. Nevertheless, it is the case that both Japanese and Western students ofjapanese history recognize that the actual

In* up

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status of the emperor in pre-l\'Ieiji .Japan has often been incon"See the diHI