The Scar That Binds: American Culture and the Vietnam War 9780814709108

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The Sca r That Bind s

The Scar That Binds American Culture and the Vietnam War

Keith Beattie

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New York and London

NEW YOR K U N I V E R S I T Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n Copyright © 199 8 b y New Yor k Universit y All rights reserve d Library o f Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Beattie, Keith, 1954 The sca r tha t bind s : American cultur e an d th e Vietnam War / Keit h Beattie p. cm . Includes bibliographica l reference s (p . ) and index . ISBN 0-8147-1326-2 (acid-fre e paper ) 1. Vietnamese Conflict , 1961-1975—Unite d States . 2 . Vietnames e Conflict, 1961-1975—Influence . 3 . United States-Civilization—1945 I. Title DS558.B4 199 8 959.704'3373—dc21 97-4545 6 CIP New Yor k Universit y Pres s book s ar e printed o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chosen fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n the United State s o f Americ a 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

For my mother and father

Contents

Acknowledgments ix Introduction 1 1 Th

2 Th

e Heale d Woun d 1

1

Habeas Corpu s an d Commo n Sens e 1

5

The Wound Tha t Dar e No t Spea k It s Name 1

8

Stab Wounds 2

1

"Us" an d "Them " 2

4

Healing 2

5

Vietnamnesia 2

8

The Persona l Imperativ e 3

4

Rituals o f th e Communit y 3

8

The National Allegor y 4

3

The Unhealed 4

9

e Vietna m Vetera n a s Ventriloquis t 5

8

Silencing the Messenge r 6

3

"If I Only Ha d th e Words" 6

9

A Unique War 75 You Had t o B e There 7

8

Teaching th e Truth 8

5

The Voice of Unit y 9

0

Talking Back 96 vii

viii I Contents 3 Bringin

g th e Wa r " H o m e " 10

6

The Hom e Fron t 10

8

Repatriation 12

7

The Therapeutic Famil y 13

3

Nostalgia 13

8

There's No Plac e Like It 14

2

Articulating Differenc e an d Unit y 14

7

Conclusion 151 Notes 157 Bibliography 195 Index 221 About the Author 230

Acknowledgments

The suppor t I received durin g th e years spent researchin g an d writing The Scar That Binds ca n now , finally , b e gratefull y acknowl edged. Firs t an d foremost , I would lik e t o than k Roge r Bell , head o f th e School o f Histor y a t th e Universit y o f Ne w Sout h Wales , Sydney , Aus tralia, for hi s helpful comment s o n various draft s o f this work an d for hi s encouragement throughou t it s writing. Many thanks . Rick Berg , Michael Clark, Pete r Ehrenhaus , Davi d James , Susa n Jeffords , an d Joh n Carlo s Rowe generousl y responde d t o m y idea s o n thi s topi c durin g th e earl y months o f 1991 . Richard Pascal , Ji m Gilbert , and , i n particular , Harr y Haines assiste d wit h extremel y productive response s t o a n initial draf t o f the work . I am indebte d t o Andre w Marti n fo r providin g m e with a gal ley copy o f hi s boo k dealin g wit h representation s o f th e Vietna m War . J. William Gibso n offere d importan t observation s durin g ou r long-distanc e correspondence. Andre w Ros s an d Georg e Lipsit z hav e als o bee n sup portive o f th e project . Morris Dickstei n kindl y commente d o n a publishe d versio n o f "Th e Healed Wound " (Australasian Journal of American Studies 9 , 1 [Jul y 1990]: 38-48 ) durin g th e fourteent h biennia l Australia n an d Ne w Zealand America n Studie s Associatio n (ANZASA ) conference , Sydne y University, July 1990 . A different versio n o f thi s pape r wa s presente d a t the "Narrativ e an d Metapho r Acros s th e Disciplines " conference , Uni versity o f Auckland , Jul y 1996 . Paper s base d o n Par t 2 , "Th e Vietna m Veteran a s Ventriloquist," wer e presente d a t th e fifteent h ANZAS A con ference, Flinder s University , Adelaide , Jul y 1992 , an d th e sevent h Aus tralian Histor y an d Fil m conference , Australia n Nationa l University , Canberra, Novembe r 1995 . An earlier versio n o f Part 3 was presented a t the sixteent h ANZAS A conference , Melbourn e University , Apri l 1994 . I am indebte d t o th e audience s o n thes e occasion s fo r thei r positiv e criti cisms. A n expande d versio n o f th e pape r delivere d a t th e Histor y an d Film conferenc e i s forthcomin g i n a n edite d collectio n o f paper s t o b e

IX

x I Acknowledgments published b y the Australian National Fil m and Soun d Archive, Canberra . A version o f "Th e Voic e o f th e Veteran " appeare d i n th e journa l Media International Australia (Ma y 1996) : 14-28 . My thank s t o Jeff Doyl e o n this occasion . Th e staf f an d postgraduat e student s o f th e Schoo l o f His tory a t the University o f New Sout h Wales offered valuabl e comment s i n response t o presentation s o f earlie r version s o f m y work . I would espe cially like to thank Chri s Dixon an d Sea n Brawley for thei r contribution s during thes e presentations . At Masse y University , New Zealand , I' d lik e to than k Ro y Shuke r fo r his friendshi p an d fo r hi s insight s int o al l aspect s o f th e mutabl e fiel d known a s culture ; Kerr y How e fo r hi s sag e advic e t o kee p going ; Joh n Muirhead fo r th e books; Lynne Coates for he r help with the intricacies of word processing ; an d th e member s o f th e editoria l collectiv e o f Sites: A Journal of South Pacific Cultural Studies, includin g Allanah, Anne-Marie , Avril, Brennon, Gregor , Henry , Jeff, Keith , Robyn , an d Roy . The staf f o f th e Circulatio n Des k a t Bancrof t Library , Universit y o f California, Berkeley ; the Interlibrary Loans Unit, University of New Sout h Wales Libraries; and the Film Loans Unit o f the National Librar y o f Australia provide d assistance . Louise an d Michae l Thak e wer e alway s there , fo r whic h I' m alway s grateful. My thanks to Niko Pfund , directo r o f New York University Press, and to managing editor , Despin a Papazoglo u Gimbel . I would als o lik e to thank Nic k Sebastia n fo r permissio n t o reproduc e his photograph o n th e cove r o f this book . A lifelon g deb t o f gratitud e i s owe d t o Julie An n Smith—fo r a worl d of reasons that a simple acknowledgment suc h as this cannot possibl y en compass.

Introduction

It had com e t o this . Two president s fro m tw o differen t politi cal partie s ha d spoken , a s i f i n unison , o n wha t wa s onc e a fiercel y con tentious topic . Durin g hi s presidentia l inaugura l address , Georg e Bus h pronounced tha t "th e fina l lesso n o f Vietna m i s that n o grea t natio n ca n long afford t o b e sundered b y a memory." 1 Speakin g a t the Vietnam Vet erans Memoria l i n 1993 , President Bil l Clinto n stated , "Le t [th e wa r i n Vietnam] no t divid e u s a s a peopl e an y longer." 2 I n th e tw o statement s "Vietnam" i s foregrounded a s a rupturing presenc e within America n cul ture whil e at the same time i t i s use d t o evok e th e nee d fo r unity . Bot h quotations connot e a singl e object : th e desir e fo r totalit y achieve d through th e erasur e o f th e division s associate d wit h th e war . Withi n th e strategies tha t functio n t o achiev e thi s end , th e notio n o f unit y i s con structed a s an uncomplicate d an d coheren t conditio n criticall y necessar y for th e commo n good . Another American president, Ronald Reagan , repeated on a number of occasions the contradiction sketche d her e in his evocations o f the impac t of the Vietnam War upon U.S. culture. When formall y acceptin g the Vietnam Veteran s Memoria l o n behal f o f th e nation , Reaga n referre d t o th e "scars" suffere d b y those wh o serve d i n Vietnam an d mad e referenc e t o those wh o ha d "stron g opinion s o n th e war. " Havin g allude d t o protes t stemming fro m th e war , Reaga n wen t o n t o argu e tha t i t wa s tim e t o "move on , i n unity, " thereb y rhetoricall y relegatin g a divisive experienc e to the past and presenting socia l unity as a condition necessar y for Amer ica's progress into the future. 3 Fou r years later, again speaking at the Wall, as the Vietna m Veteran s Memoria l ha s becom e known , Reaga n referre d to the "memorie s o f a time when we faced grea t division s here a t home. " The existenc e o f thes e memorie s becam e th e occasio n t o stres s wha t h e defined a s a "profound trut h abou t our nation: that from al l our division s we hav e alway s eventuall y emerge d strengthened." 4 Accordin g t o Rea gan, then, the existence o f divisions within th e United State s foreground s

1

2 I Introduction the profound an d indisputabl e trut h o f strengt h throug h unit y tha t i s the real history o f th e nation . American president s hav e no t bee n th e onl y one s t o represen t th e im pact o f th e Vietna m Wa r i n term s o f a contradictio n involvin g socia l di vision, o n th e on e hand , an d a presume d cultura l unity , o n th e other . Certain interpretation s o f th e Vietna m Veteran s Memorial , fo r example , have stresse d it s functio n i n circulatin g a memor y o f th e mortall y wounded soldier ; yet equall y a s popular, i f not mor e so , have bee n refer ences t o th e Wall a s a n objec t tha t bring s American s togethe r b y healin g the wound s o f war . The practic e o f healin g i s the erasur e o f th e memor y and th e "scarring " effect s o f th e divisiv e impac t o f th e wa r i n th e pre sumption o f a n Americ a reunite d i n th e wak e o f th e Vietna m War . Th e film The Deer Hunter (1978 ) depicted the human toll of the war on smalltown, working-clas s Americ a whil e seekin g closur e i n a fina l scen e i n which the damaged characters unite to sing "God Bles s America"—an ac tion that , i n th e absenc e o f an y directoria l sens e o f irony , i s a reaffirma tion of the ties between them as individuals and as members of the nation . The novel In Country (1987 ) establishes the deleterious effects o f the wa r upon th e live s of a number o f character s onl y to conclud e wit h th e thre e central characters unite d a t the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, which i s defined i n th e nove l a s a sit e that function s t o foste r socia l integration. 5 I n the novel Indian Country (1987 ) a Vietnam veteran who has alienated hi s family a s a resul t o f hi s violen t an d psychoti c response s t o hi s servic e i n Vietnam is eventually healed o f the psychological wounds of war throug h reunion with his family. 6 I n such television serie s as Magnum, RL (1980) , The A-Team (1983) , an d Riptide (1984 ) militar y servic e i n Vietnam fea tures a s a n experienc e tha t unite s th e otherwis e marginalize d character s to one another an d to other Vietnam veterans. In time it was the status a s group playe r tha t allowe d thes e character s t o reunit e wit h society . Th e message of the film Platoon (1986)—tha t "w e did not fight th e enemy, we fought ourselves"—suggest s tha t socia l cohesion will obviate the need fo r war. Th e televisio n serie s Tour of Duty (1987 ) an d China Beach (1988 ) used the war a s a device to evoke social divisions between Americans tha t weekly were displace d withi n th e affirmatio n o f grou p loyalt y an d unity . Within each of these examples the assertions of disruption an d divisio n that ar e centra l t o representation s o f th e impac t o f th e wa r upo n th e United State s ar e erode d an d contradicte d withi n a widespread an d con tinual ideologica l operatio n tha t ha s functioned t o reinstate the notion o f cultural, social , an d politica l collectivit y an d holism . Michae l Her r iden -

Introduction I

3

tified th e contradictor y natur e o f th e experienc e o f th e Vietna m Wa r when h e wrote tha t th e wor d "Vietnam " signifie d th e bes t an d wors t o f experiences, which h e summarize d a s "pain , pleasure , horror , guilt , nos talgia." However , throug h processe s o f revisio n an d rearticulatio n suc h an awarenes s o f contradiction s ha s bee n transforme d int o a differen t se t of meanings. "Vietna m . . . we'v e all been there," Herr concluded. 7 As the personal pronou n o f collectivity—we—intimates, th e connotations o f division inherent i n the word "Vietnam " hav e bee n replaced wit h a n imag inary holism . "Vietnam, " onc e th e sig n o f socia l segmentatio n an d political divisions , has bee n appropriate d a s a sit e fo r th e representatio n of unity. It is this paradox—the impac t o f the war define d a s both ruptur e and union , an d ho w th e forme r collapse s int o th e latter—tha t i s the gen eral objec t o f analysi s within thi s study . As this outline suggests, this book examines American culture. It is not a boo k abou t th e Vietna m Wa r an d it s representations . Ther e i s littl e mention her e o f th e seemingl y endles s strea m o f text s dealin g wit h th e battles an d in-countr y traum a o f Americ a an d American s i n Vietnam . Critical work continue s i n this crowded fiel d o f study—th e films , novels , poetry, memoirs, and military and diplomati c histories of the war have all received critica l attention . Wha t suc h studie s emphasiz e i s that th e text s of th e wa r ca n provid e usefu l opportunitie s fo r thos e wishin g t o stud y American culture . Andre w Martin' s Receptions of War (1993 ) percep tively illustrates this point. Martin studie s representations o f the war a s a way o f commenting upo n "th e process through whic h a n unpopula r wa r has come to be received in popular culture." 8 His study differs fro m man y within th e fiel d throug h it s focu s o n text s draw n fro m film, fiction , an d written history. Typically, studies of the representation o f the war have incorporated onl y on e o r tw o o f thes e categorie s a s the object s o f analysi s (notably fil m an d fiction) . I n these studies the method o f separatin g writ ten texts from visua l texts tends to contain meaning s within form . I n op position to such categorization, a n interdisciplinary approac h permit s th e tracing o f commo n meaning s acros s th e arbitrar y boundarie s o f textua l categories. A n effectiv e stud y i n thes e term s i s Susa n Jeffords's laudabl e The Remasculinization of America: Gender and the Vietnam War (1989). 9 Aspects of Jeffords's analysi s have contributed to certain feature s of my study, although n o attempt ha s been made to duplicate he r metho d of employing representations o f the war a s a way o f exposing patriarcha l beliefs an d values . In contrast t o th e proliferating studie s concerned wit h representation s

4 I Introduction of th e wa r a s a comba t experience , The Scar That Binds open s an d ex amines a n unexplore d critica l spac e throug h a n analysi s o f representa tions o f th e effects , traces , presences, an d legacie s o f th e wa r i n Vietna m upon an d within the culture of the United States . The focus o n texts deal ing with the impacts o f the war, as opposed t o representations o f the wa r itself, provides a cogent an d uniqu e impressio n o f the place an d functio n of "Vietnam " withi n U.S . culture . A n interdisciplinar y approac h i s adopted i n thi s stud y a s a n aspec t o f a metho d tha t seek s t o revea l his torical an d ideologica l conditions i n the wake o f the war. Specifically, th e aim o f interdisciplinarit y i s t o rende r a mor e detaile d impressio n o f th e context tha t i s post-Vietnam Wa r U.S. culture than i s achievable throug h an analysi s of texts of a single discipline. In keeping with a n interdiscipli nary focus , thi s stud y traverse s an d i s informed b y perspectives fro m th e areas o f historiography , politica l theory , literar y theory , sociology , com munications, an d cultura l studies . Th e nee d t o confron t thi s wid e inter pretative terrai n i s th e resul t o f th e demand s o f examinin g wha t i s sai d about th e impact o f the war i n texts drawn fro m variou s fields , includin g film, writte n an d ora l history , literature , an d journalism . Th e focu s re veals a uniqu e an d detaile d historica l recor d tha t include s th e antiwa r movement, the role and place of the Vietnam veteran, definitions an d per ceptions concernin g th e war year s o f "th e 60s, " an d varietie s o f nationa l commemoration an d historica l revisionism , amon g othe r topics . Al though thi s stud y involve s text s fro m a number o f areas , no attemp t ha s been made to undertake a n encyclopedic coverag e o f al l documents deal ing with the cultural impact of the war—the task o f the bibliographer dif fers fro m th e for m o f interpretativ e critiqu e pursue d here . Nor doe s th e analysis necessarily see k to offe r a detailed explicatio n o r a close readin g of individua l texts . This study o f contemporary America n cultur e recognizes that politica l and economic structures set limits on individual and collective agency an d the productio n o f cultura l meanings , inscribin g thos e action s an d mean ings with varietie s o f unstate d presuppositions . Thus , the analysi s i s no t only concerne d wit h wha t i s said . Unarticulate d position s infor m th e paradox o f segmentatio n an d unit y an d ad d crucia l dimension s t o th e topics and issues available within a variety of textual representations. Accordingly, the task is to address hidden textual meanings that typically remain unsaid. 10 Th e interrogatio n o f conceale d meaning s pursue d withi n this boo k take s th e for m o f a decodin g an d critiqu e o f th e operatio n o f what I call the ideolog y o f unity .

Introduction I

5

Certain terms within this phrase require explication. As it is used here, "ideology" refer s t o menta l framework s o r categorie s tha t peopl e us e t o define an d interpre t experience ; it consists o f simpl e yet meaningful con cepts an d image s o f "practica l thought " tha t ar e reproduced a s coheren t and universa l interpretation s o f everyda y reality. 11 I n turn , th e assump tions ar e informe d b y commo n sense . Commonsens e explanation s an d conceptions d o no t res t o n logi c o r argument ; rather , the y appea r t o b e spontaneous o r preconceive d notion s tha t ar e widel y shared . A s such , common sens e "feels . . . a s i f i t ha s alway s bee n there , [a ] sedimented , bedrock wisdo m . . . , a form o f natural wisdom, " a s the cultural theoris t Stuart Hal l ha s noted. 12 Th e ideolog y o f unit y share s the general charac teristics o f ideolog y b y directin g commonsens e form s o f everyda y inter pretation towar d a specifi c end . Th e ideolog y o f unit y represent s th e commonsense notio n tha t a n essentialize d for m o f social , cultural , an d political unit y i s necessary t o th e goo d o f al l Americans. O n a basic leve l the ideology operates through expression s that, having passed into cliche, are take n fo r grante d a s commo n sense . Expression s suc h a s "unit y i s strength," "unit y is power," "unite d w e stand; divided we fall," an d "ou t of many , one " validat e unit y an d functio n t o delegitimat e contradictor y or oppositiona l voices . To be outside th e union , tha t is , to refus e o r con test th e ideolog y o f unity , i s to ris k bein g marginalize d a s alien , unman ageable, dangerous, anarchic, even unpatriotic. It is with the assistance of such powerfu l rhetorica l an d socia l support s tha t conception s o f homo geneity an d uniformit y ar e naturalized withi n th e culture. 13 Culture i s th e sit e o f th e generatio n o f meaning . I t i s a determining , productive, an d ope n fiel d throug h whic h experienc e i s constructed, de fined, an d interpreted. Cultur e involves the shared lifestyles, personal dispositions, beliefs , values , codes , an d languag e o f a smal l grou p o r a society. Referenc e t o share d meaning s doe s no t impl y tha t meaning s ar e common, o r inherent, to a specific cultur e nor doe s it suggest the absenc e of conflic t i n th e reproductio n o f meaning . Th e fiel d throug h whic h meaning i s constructe d an d circulate d i s no t quiescen t o r static—i t i s a space characterized b y contending definition s leadin g to the emergence of dominant meaning s an d concepts . Throughout it s histor y Americ a ha s use d thi s spac e t o expres s an d defer t o supposedl y nonpoliticize d concept s o f nationa l an d cultura l unity. The continued evocatio n of the notion o f holism in the specific con text o f the impact o f the Vietnam War highlights the particular effectivit y of "Vietnam " i n the perpetuation o f cultural conceptions of unity and ex -

6 I Introduction poses th e shortcoming s o f th e commo n clai m tha t th e wa r rupture d th e existing ideologica l structure . The assessmen t o f ruptur e recognize s onl y one sid e of the Vietnam paradox . Th e othe r sid e of th e paradox , th e on e traced i n thi s boo k throug h a focu s o n th e operatio n o f th e ideolog y o f unity, demonstrate s tha t fundamenta l ideologica l an d mythologica l pat terns wer e no t destroye d b y th e wa r i n Vietnam . Th e notio n o f unity , a basic ideologica l premis e historicall y ingraine d withi n U.S . culture, sur vived th e war. 14 Indeed , aspect s o f wha t Time magazin e ha s calle d "Th e War That Will Not End" remai n in the culture precisely because they provide a uniqu e vehicl e fo r th e representatio n o f cultura l unity. 15 Th e de piction o f th e impac t o f th e wa r a s a crisi s withi n America n cultur e ha s reinforced an d legitimate d call s for a n ameliorativ e respons e i n the for m of the necessity o f cultural unity . The continued deploymen t o f the ideol ogy o f unit y underline s th e fac t tha t th e impac t o f th e war—believe d t o be profoundl y disruptive—ha s i n practic e bee n th e centra l focu s fo r th e assertion o f the notio n o f unity . There i s a crucial issu e a t stak e i n the representatio n o f unit y tha t be lies the seeming neutrality o f the category. The ideology of unity analyze d here function s t o negat e a simpl e fact, namely , that th e United State s i s a culture structure d b y divisions, diversities, and differences . Th e notion o f a differentiate d culture— a multiculture—i s ignore d b y a n ideolog y tha t reduces cultural and political complexity to a unified whole . The parado x of divisio n an d unit y feature s a contest betwee n differin g conception s o f the effects o f the war an d varying perceptions o f the structure o f U.S. culture tha t ar e mediate d b y th e forc e o f a n ideolog y tha t emphasize s cul tural indivisibilit y an d collectivity . Th e continua l slippag e awa y fro m cultural divisio n an d differenc e towar d cultura l unit y tha t result s fro m this mediatio n foreground s th e centra l issu e a t stak e i n th e paradox : th e denial o f differenc e withi n U.S . culture. 16 Th e specifi c ai m o f thi s study , then, i s to examin e th e ways i n which th e ideolog y o f unit y operate s an d produces effect s withi n an d throug h representation s o f th e impac t upo n American cultur e o f th e Vietnam War, and t o sugges t that th e privilegin g of th e seemingl y natura l notio n o f unit y displace s an d denie s cultural re lations o f difference . B y exposing th e operation s o f th e dominan t ideol ogy of unity, I affirm th e existence of cultural difference withi n the United States. I hop e tha t th e denaturalizatio n o f th e ideolog y o f unit y under taken her e will invite furthe r interrogatio n o f cultura l unity , leading to a broader understandin g o f the United State s as an hierarchically organize d multiculture.

Introduction I

7

The critiqu e undertake n withi n thi s stud y o f th e sign s o f th e ideolog y of unity operating within American culture revealed three dominant mean ings structure d withi n metapho r withi n a rang e o f texts : th e "wound, " the "voice " of the Vietnam veteran, and "home. " I refer t o these decode d dominant meaning s a s "strategie s o f unity, " a ter m use d t o evok e th e specific wor k an d materia l effect s o f th e ideolog y o f unit y withi n U.S . culture sinc e the lat e sixties . The firs t strategy , identifie d a s "The Healed Wound," concern s the encoding o f the ideology o f unity within a power ful an d widesprea d metaphor . Th e divisiv e impact o f th e war i n Vietna m upon America n cultur e has commonly bee n defined a s a "wound, " whil e reconciliatory effort s hav e bee n terme d "healing. " A n examinatio n o f these position s reveal s tha t th e woun d i s cultura l division , a long standing characteristic o f U.S. culture though on e that was widely attrib uted t o hav e resulte d fro m th e impac t o f th e war. Through th e circumlo cutions surroundin g th e Vietna m Wa r thi s conditio n wa s commonl y expressed a s impotence . Th e erasur e o f divisio n an d differenc e i n th e "healing" o f the disabling wound resulte d i n unity and attendan t percep tions o f cultura l reinvigoratio n an d strength . Th e healin g outcom e wa s predicated i n par t o n th e denial—o r forgetting—o f th e memor y o f th e war an d matter s stemmin g fro m U.S . involvement i n Vietnam. Th e heal ing process operated across a wide cultural terrain, specifically a t the level of th e individua l an d th e communit y a s synecdochi c expression s o f th e need t o hea l th e nation . A heale d natio n result s i n unit y an d consensu s and th e inscriptio n o f th e statu s quo . Th e centralit y withi n popula r an d critical interpretation s o f th e metapho r o f healin g th e wound s an d scar s of th e Vietnam War position s th e trope a s the dominan t strateg y studie d here. Aspects o f othe r strategie s examine d i n this study interac t wit h an d contribute t o feature s o f "healin g th e scar s o f war" whil e advancin g an d enlarging a number o f unique positions that contribute to the work o f negotiating, and overcoming , the paradox associate d with the impact o f th e Vietnam War o n America n culture . The secon d strategy , referred t o a s "The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist," encode s th e "truth " o f unit y withi n representation s o f th e Amer ican vetera n o f th e wa r i n Vietnam . Earl y representation s o f th e mal e veteran depicte d hi m a s an inarticulat e psychopat h incapabl e o f effectiv e communication, an d henc e functionall y "silent. " Subsequently , however , the intersectio n o f a numbe r o f factor s resulte d i n alterin g th e veteran' s speaking position. The first factor i n this process involved the critical project in which th e Vietnam War wa s define d a s unique. The uniqu e war, it

8 I Introduction was argued , neede d a for m o f representatio n capabl e o f revealin g th e truth o f the war. The result of this conception was the denigration o f conventional writte n histories , whic h wer e deeme d incapabl e o f adequatel y representing th e war . Thi s conclusio n reflecte d th e exclusionar y notio n that onl y thos e wh o experience d th e wa r coul d adequatel y describ e it s truth. Participation—"havin g bee n there"—became th e crucial indicato r of the truthfulness o f accounts of wartime experience. The outcome of the interrelated se t o f assumption s wa s tha t th e mal e veteran' s experienc e o f the wa r i n Vietna m positione d hi m a s th e sol e legitimat e domesti c spokesperson o f the essential truth o f the conflict. Ironically , having bee n accorded a central speaking role, the veteran's heavily mediated voice was heard t o spea k onl y o f unity . Compoundin g th e iron y surroundin g th e representation o f the veteran, i t was through hi s pronouncements o n th e topic of cultural integration an d union—and no t as a result of his war ser vice—that th e veteran , i n th e fina l phas e o f apotheosis , wa s represente d as a hero. The denia l o f th e veteran' s agenc y implici t withi n thi s conclu sion is , however , activel y conteste d withi n th e proces s o f "talkin g back"—a consideratio n o f form s o f representatio n i n whic h th e vetera n is heard t o spea k i n a variety o f voices . The final strategy , titled "Bringing the War 'Home/" concern s th e as sertion o f unit y define d i n terms o f "home. " Th e notion o f hom e was reworked an d realigne d acros s a twenty-yea r period , beginnin g i n th e lat e Sixties when section s o f th e antiwa r movemen t sough t t o "brin g th e wa r home." Thi s radica l positio n wa s subsequentl y revise d withi n common sense assumption s emphasizin g hom e a s a conditio n devoi d o f contes t and opposition . Similarly , representation s durin g th e earl y t o midseven ties depictin g th e repatriatio n o f th e wa r wit h th e vetera n wer e revise d during th e latte r hal f o f th e seventie s withi n cultura l characteristic s tha t functioned t o recuperate th e "violent " o r "sick " vetera n within th e unit y of th e therapeuti c family . Durin g th e eightie s the notio n o f a consensual , convivial "home " was reinforced withi n the nostalgic agend a o f the Rea gan administration , whil e i n th e lat e eightie s hom e wa s represente d a s a feature o f the war in Vietnam and of the American home front. Th e transferability o f home reinforces th e notion tha t hom e i s not a place bu t a set of homogenizin g definition s inscribe d withi n th e culture . The thre e strategie s referre d t o her e ar e understoo d t o represen t dif ferent strand s o f th e sam e ideologica l discours e an d t o operat e simulta neously throughout th e period covered in this book. The years that mar k the tempora l boundarie s o f th e analysi s ar e define d b y th e releas e date s

Introduction I

9

of the first an d las t texts selected a s central to this study: 196 8 to 1989. 17 Within thi s perio d th e heigh t o f th e ideologica l assertio n o f unit y i s un derstood t o coincid e wit h th e year s o f th e Reaga n presidency . Durin g these years, as with the entire period covere d here , unity is interpreted a s a projec t operatin g throug h ideologicall y structure d signifyin g practice s to produc e a specifi c outcome . Politica l theoris t Michae l Rya n ha s ar gued tha t a realit y differen t t o tha t presente d i n dominan t depiction s o f American politica l lif e an d America n societ y woul d b e create d i f repre sentation "addresse d th e multiplicit y o f contiguou s socia l part s instea d of pretendin g t o giv e a substitut e fo r a n imaginar y whole." 18 Unfortu nately, there is one major hurdl e to overcome before this issue can be confronted: th e ideolog y o f unity . Thi s stud y demonstrate s th e dept h an d breadth t o whic h thi s ideolog y i s inscribed withi n representation s o f th e impact o f th e Vietna m War , an d th e effect s o f tha t inscription . Th e divi sions expose d b y th e wa r ar e negated , differenc e i s elided , unit y pre vails—America i s no longe r asunder . O r s o th e ideolog y o f unit y woul d have u s believe .

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erated an d applied." 20 Th e contex t i n thi s cas e i s tha t o f post-Vietna m American cultur e a s reveale d throug h th e languag e o f it s textua l prod ucts. Contex t i s foregrounded her e a s a critical concep t i n historica l an d cultural research. Texts, however, remain th e source of contextual disclo sure. A critical readin g o f th e text s withi n thi s par t reveal s th e predomi nance of the discourse of healing and the hegemony o f a "healed " subjec t and culture . Nevertheless , th e revelatio n o f hegemon y throug h readin g need not abe t "healing. " Readin g is an act of criticism, not collaboration ; the same reading also reveals competing an d contradictory approache s t o healing. I n thi s way , Douglas' s injunctio n t o conside r th e contex t withi n which healin g take s plac e lead s t o a n awarenes s o f contest . Indeed , th e two feature s identifie d here—contex t an d contest—infor m th e critiqu e undertaken i n this study . Within wha t follow s i t i s reveale d tha t th e "wound " represent s cul tural divisio n characterize d a s a stereotyped versio n o f differenc e define d as "impotence. " Contrar y t o commo n assumptions , th e wa r i n Vietna m did no t caus e th e "wound. " Rather , th e wa r expose d th e existenc e o f "wounds" alread y present within American culture . Healing, in contrast , is cultural unit y define d a s empowerment . Healin g th e wound s expose d by the wa r demanded , a s a firs t step , a forgettin g o f th e wa r an d associ ated issues (defea t i n the war, the country o f Vietnam, and guilt related t o the war). Such denia l wa s a necessary preconditio n fo r th e impositio n o f consensus and unity . To achieve this object, healin g has operated acros s a variety o f sites, including those o f the individual, the community, an d th e nation. Eac h sit e i s far fro m arbitrar y an d i s a reflection o f th e concern s of the various texts, yet each intermediary sit e is expressive of the need t o heal th e nation . I f th e natio n i s healed , s o to o ar e th e othe r relate d cul tural sites .

Habeas Corpus and Common Sense Lakoff an d Johnso n i n thei r respecte d tex t o n metapho r stat e tha t "human thought processes ar e largel y metaphorical... . Metaphor s a s linguistic expression s ar e possibl e precisel y becaus e ther e ar e metaphor s in a person' s conceptua l system." 21 A typ e o f essentialis m i s operatin g here in which it is assumed that specific patterns of thought ar e immanen t within th e huma n subject . Accordin g t o th e author s o f thi s statement , thought structure s language . Th e positio n adopte d withi n thi s stud y in -

16 I The Healed Wound verts such an essentialist notion and maintains that conceptualization an d experience ar e ordere d throug h language. 22 Thi s structuralis t perceptio n is extended within Foucault's suggestion that language and discursive for mations ar e implicate d wit h form s o f cultura l authorit y an d power. 23 Once the debilitating impact of the war in Vietnam is defined a s a wound, healing tha t woun d become s imperativ e fo r th e healt h o f th e culture . I n this way the wound metapho r determines , or demands, specific response s and impressions . Metaphors , then , ar e no t passive ; the y d o no t merel y clarify descriptions . The ubiquit y withi n languag e o f bodil y metaphor s position s the m a s central to cultural processes of meaning and understanding . Dougla s sug gests that the prevalence o f bodily metaphors i n daily discourse is a result of th e fac t tha t th e bod y provide s a convenient repertoir e o f symbol s (o r metaphors) fo r th e constructio n o f a functiona l imag e o f cultur e an d so ciety.24 Indeed , th e bod y a s a n imag e o f th e social , moral , an d politica l order appears in a number o f disciplines. Further, metaphors derive d fro m the body inform dail y interpretations of experience. It is common to speak of a "bod y o f knowledge " an d it s central canon , o r corpus. Th e bod y o f evidence ofte n ha s to b e fleshed out . We speak o f th e bod y politic, whic h can b e lively or dormant , dependin g upo n th e action s o f individual mem bers an d th e rule o f th e head o f state . Certain fluid s o f th e body—blood , sweat, tears, bile, milk—figure i n diverse ways within the language. Blood, for example , provide s a variet y o f interpretativ e expressions . Th e disas trous stereotype s o f "race " ar e based i n part o n the metaphors o f "pure " and "mixed " blood. 25 Il l feelin g i s ba d blood ; fea r make s th e bloo d ru n cold; ange r make s th e bloo d boil ; a miser i s bloodless; a vicious attac k i s bloodthirsty; a n unrestraine d attac k i s a bloodbath . However, ther e i s another sid e to th e us e o f th e bod y a s a way o f the orizing, reflecting, an d constructin g experience . The discursiv e bod y i s a framework throug h whic h cultura l condition s ar e naturalize d an d ac quire th e statu s o f immutabl e truth . Habea s corpus , bein g i n possessio n of the body, is thus a valuable tool in the process of cultural legitimation . Extending thi s understanding , Foucaul t ha s show n ho w hegemoni c cul ture helps maintain it s dominance throug h it s management o f the huma n body.26 Manipulatio n o f the languag e o f th e bod y i s a much mor e subtl e form o f control. In the case of the wound an d healing metaphors, the language o f the bod y encodes a specific worldvie w tha t replicate s the condi tions of unity beneficia l t o the maintenance o f a hegemonic culture. With

The Healed Wound I

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the circulatio n o f th e woun d metaphor , th e (injured ) fles h become s the word—the fina l arbite r o f th e condition o f postwa r culture . This observatio n i s reinforce d i n Davi d Cooper' s discussio n o f th e work o f metaphor . I n a commentar y o n Rolan d Barthes' s Mythologies, Cooper argue s tha t th e variou s "symbols , cliches , an d fetishes " tha t Barthes has studied "migh t b e more accuratel y entitled 'metaphors' " an d applies thi s perceptio n t o th e analogou s functionin g o f metapho r b y quoting Barthe s t o th e effec t tha t "th e ver y principl e o f myt h i s . . . [to ] transform histor y into nature." Coope r add s that Barthes is here rephrasing the observation tha t metaphor "predominantl y tend s to represent th e relatively more 'cultural ' i n terms o f the more 'natural, ' suc h a s referrin g to state s a s familie s o r o r g a n i s m s . . . . " 2 7 Th e effec t o f thi s proces s "i s for peopl e to treat a s fixed an d natura l thing s which ar e historically con tingent an d fo r whic h huma n agent s ar e responsible. " I n suppor t o f this assertio n ar e thos e metaphor s i n which economi c problem s ar e por trayed a s illnesses. An exampl e o f thi s practice i s inflation describe d a s a cancer, a conditio n "tha t is , of economi c lif e itsel f an d no t a produc t o f bad management." 28 It i s the natural , taken-for-granted , self-eviden t qualit y o f th e woun d metaphor tha t permits it to enter into common sense. Commo n sens e has grown accustome d t o presenting (ahistorical ) assumption s a s natural. "I t is precisel y it s . . . 'naturalness, ' it s refusa l t o b e mad e t o examin e th e premises on which i t is founded, it s resistance to change o r correction, it s effect o f instan t recognitio n . . . whic h make s commo n sens e . . . unconscious"19 A s a resul t o f th e uncontested , unconscious , assumption s o f common sense , i t i s impossible t o lear n fro m th e construc t "how things are: yo u ca n onl y discove r where they fit int o th e existin g schem e o f things." 30 In thi s way, the worl d constructe d b y common sens e doe s no t "make sense. " It "consist s o f al l of those idea s which ca n b e tagged ont o existing knowledg e withou t challengin g it." 31 Th e constan t repetitio n o f the metaphors o f common sens e ("time i s money," "inflatio n i s a cancer," "the woun d create d b y th e wa r i n Vietnam" ) transform s the m int o cliches. Havin g bee n repeate d unti l i t i s accepte d i n thi s unexamine d form, a "metapho r i s fully hegemonic , it is common sens e in performanc e as an ideologica l practice." 32 As a commonsensical , ideological , an d hegemoni c interpretation , th e repetition o f th e woun d metapho r result s i n th e reinforcemen t o f a par ticular vie w of U.S. culture that i s at onc e ahistorical an d ye t made to ap -

18 I The Healed Wound pear totall y natural . B y drawing o n it s common(sense ) associatio n wit h the body , th e woun d metapho r posit s a unifie d cultur e a s fixe d an d nat ural an d implie s tha t befor e th e inflictio n o f th e unhealth y woun d th e United State s ha d bee n suc h a culture . Thi s conclusio n incorporate s a third orde r o f significatio n associate d wit h th e wound metaphor . O n on e level, that of denotation, a wound refer s to a cut or gash in an individual' s body. O n anothe r level , that o f connotation , i t refers t o a deleteriou s sit uation within the culture. On yet another level , the ideological level, these meanings ar e rewritte n suc h tha t th e ter m point s t o th e existenc e o f a "healthy," unifie d cultur e that has momentarily bee n disrupted fro m out side. The commen t tha t "connotation s an d myth s fi t togethe r t o for m a coherent pattern o r sense of wholeness" 33 is ironic in the case of the thir d level of the wound metaphor . The wholeness referred t o here results fro m the coalescence o f connotations int o a web o f dominan t meaning s tha t i s ideology. In the case of the wound metaphor , wholenes s refers t o the cultural unit y tha t ideolog y serve s to reinforce . Th e credibilit y o f thi s inter pretation, however , rest s o n th e equatio n tha t a "healthy " cultur e i s on e that i s unified . Th e equatio n i s validated i n th e recognitio n tha t th e un healthy woun d ha s predominantl y bee n interprete d a s "impotence, " a traumatic conditio n tha t displace d contendin g conditions o f physical an d mental impairmen t t o expres s cultural division .

The Wound That Dare Not Speak Its Name Representations o f th e registe r o f th e wa r o n th e (cultural ) bod y hav e taken various forms, chief among them being paraplegia, a condition tha t has proven to be enduringly popular a s a way of evoking the crippling ef fects of the war. Luke Martin (Jo n Voight) in Coming Home (1978) , Steve (John Savage ) i n The Deer Hunter (1978) , an d Ro n Kovi c (To m Cruise ) in Born on the Fourth of July (1989) , all bear the effects o f the war i n this way. Equall y a s popula r i n evokin g th e impac t o f th e wa r ha s bee n th e "sick vet " image, 34 a stereotyp e base d o n th e notio n o f a mental woun d that, until relatively recently, was beyond categorization. The veteran wa s said t o b e "crazy " or , mor e clinically , t o suffe r fro m stres s o r delaye d stress. Th e veteran , lik e th e res t o f th e population , wa s afflicte d wit h a certain malais e a s a resul t o f th e war . Th e namelessness , th e inabilit y t o specify adequatel y th e nature o f the mental wound, was finally overcom e in 198 0 whe n th e diagnosi s b y the America n Psychiatri c Associatio n of -

18 I The Healed Wound pear totall y natural . B y drawing o n it s common(sense ) associatio n wit h the body , th e woun d metapho r posit s a unifie d cultur e a s fixe d an d nat ural an d implie s tha t befor e th e inflictio n o f th e unhealth y woun d th e United State s ha d bee n suc h a culture . Thi s conclusio n incorporate s a third orde r o f significatio n associate d wit h th e wound metaphor . O n on e level, that of denotation, a wound refer s to a cut or gash in an individual' s body. O n anothe r level , that o f connotation , i t refers t o a deleteriou s sit uation within the culture. On yet another level , the ideological level, these meanings ar e rewritte n suc h tha t th e ter m point s t o th e existenc e o f a "healthy," unifie d cultur e that has momentarily bee n disrupted fro m out side. The commen t tha t "connotation s an d myth s fi t togethe r t o for m a coherent pattern o r sense of wholeness" 33 is ironic in the case of the thir d level of the wound metaphor . The wholeness referred t o here results fro m the coalescence o f connotations int o a web o f dominan t meaning s tha t i s ideology. In the case of the wound metaphor , wholenes s refers t o the cultural unit y tha t ideolog y serve s to reinforce . Th e credibilit y o f thi s inter pretation, however , rest s o n th e equatio n tha t a "healthy " cultur e i s on e that i s unified . Th e equatio n i s validated i n th e recognitio n tha t th e un healthy woun d ha s predominantl y bee n interprete d a s "impotence, " a traumatic conditio n tha t displace d contendin g conditions o f physical an d mental impairmen t t o expres s cultural division .

The Wound That Dare Not Speak Its Name Representations o f th e registe r o f th e wa r o n th e (cultural ) bod y hav e taken various forms, chief among them being paraplegia, a condition tha t has proven to be enduringly popular a s a way of evoking the crippling ef fects of the war. Luke Martin (Jo n Voight) in Coming Home (1978) , Steve (John Savage ) i n The Deer Hunter (1978) , an d Ro n Kovi c (To m Cruise ) in Born on the Fourth of July (1989) , all bear the effects o f the war i n this way. Equall y a s popula r i n evokin g th e impac t o f th e wa r ha s bee n th e "sick vet " image, 34 a stereotyp e base d o n th e notio n o f a mental woun d that, until relatively recently, was beyond categorization. The veteran wa s said t o b e "crazy " or , mor e clinically , t o suffe r fro m stres s o r delaye d stress. Th e veteran , lik e th e res t o f th e population , wa s afflicte d wit h a certain malais e a s a resul t o f th e war . Th e namelessness , th e inabilit y t o specify adequatel y th e nature o f the mental wound, was finally overcom e in 198 0 whe n th e diagnosi s b y the America n Psychiatri c Associatio n of -

The Healed Wound I

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ficially determine d tha t th e disturbe d vetera n wa s sufferin g fro m "post traumatic stres s disorder." 35 The effec t o f thi s diagnosi s wa s equivalen t t o a cur e fo r th e veteran' s mental condition : th e vetera n wa s n o longe r "crazy. " Th e outcom e proved th e adag e tha t t o nam e a thin g i s to hav e powe r ove r it . Ye t th e power o f th e wa r t o inspir e consternatio n withi n U.S . culture coul d no t be ignored o r readil y dismisse d throug h labeling . In fact, th e wound tha t the wa r expose d resulte d i n circumlocution—a s i f namin g th e woun d would overpowe r thos e wh o di d so , giving som e credenc e t o th e sugges tion tha t silenc e wa s a legac y o f th e war . Th e elocutionar y tabo o sur rounding th e woun d i s exemplifie d i n th e fil m The Big Chill whe n th e veteran Nic k (Willia m Hurt ) rebuff s th e sexua l advance s o f hi s femal e friend b y asking, "Di d I ever tell you what happene d t o me in Vietnam?" No elaboratio n i s forthcomin g yet , contextually , th e inferenc e i s clear . The war i n Vietnam, "th e war tha t dar e not spea k it s name," 36 produce d an unspeakabl e wound : impotence . The wound tha t i s impotence carries with i t many o f the definitions o f a physica l woun d (bruise , injury, hurt) . In addition , th e woun d a s impo tence affects th e will as much a s the body. Impotence i n this sense is a loss of power, a psychic trauma. Give n these considerations, any analysis tha t foregrounds th e wound exclusivel y in terms of either its physical, or men tal, effects denie s the complexity o f the wound. Th e cultural utility of th e various meaning s implici t withi n th e woun d i s reflecte d i n th e fac t tha t the metapho r ha s bee n circulate d i n a variet y o f contexts . Fo r example , the Fishe r Kin g o f Arthuria n legen d wa s sai d t o hav e bee n struc k i n bat tle b y a javeli n tha t "wounde d hi m throug h th e tw o thighs." 37 Hem ingway's Frederi c Henr y o f A Farewell to Arms (1929 ) i s injure d i n hi s legs and thighs by an explosion on the Italian front durin g the First World War.38 A numbe r o f post-Worl d Wa r I I film s dea l wit h th e problem s o f readjustment facin g veteran s sufferin g variou s wounds—including blind ness (The Pride of the Marines, 1945) , the los s o f hand s (The Best Years of Our Lives, 1946) , an d paraplegi a (The Men, 1951)—i n way s tha t attest t o th e woundin g forc e o f th e "historica l trauma " tha t wa s Worl d War II. 39 Implicit withi n eac h referenc e i s the suggestio n tha t th e specifi c wound i s a form o f mal e lac k o r impotence. 40 Suc h representational rep etitions hav e rendere d th e metapho r int o clich e where it s meanings hav e passed unexamined . Cliche s deman d t o b e interrogated. Ther e ar e subtl e ideological message s encode d withi n reference s t o th e woundin g effect s of th e Vietna m Wa r tha t ca n b e understoo d onl y throug h attentio n t o

2o I The Healed Wound the ways in which reference s t o impotence ar e reproduced withi n a rang e of texts . The woun d i s born e b y th e vetera n To m Hudso n i n Bobbi e An n Mason's nove l In Country (1987 ) and , Maso n implies , it als o affect s he r character Emmet t Hughes, who is incapable of maintaining a relationshi p with hi s onetim e companion , Anita. 41 Similarly , i n Mason' s "Bi g Berth a Stories" (1990 ) th e mai n character , a Vietna m veteran , i s berate d b y hi s wife: "You'v e stil l got your legs , even i f you don' t kno w wha t t o d o wit h what's betwee n the m anymore." 42 In Rober t Stone' s nove l Dog Soldiers (1976), the erstwhil e journalis t John Convers e i s rendered impoten t afte r being fragmentation-bombe d i n Cambodia . Bac k i n Sa n Francisco , Con verse visits a friend, Dougla s Dalton, who fought i n the Spanish Civil War. During a discussion o f his predicament Convers e mentions Charmian , hi s contact for the heroin he has smuggled into the United States. Dalton con cludes from th e discussion that Converse is in love with Charmian an d un derlines his own impotence when he says: "That's all over for m e . .. sinc e the Jarama." I n Stone' s nove l th e Vietna m Wa r reporte r an d th e vetera n of the Spanish Civi l War both bea r the marks of war in the form o f a common wound. 43 I n the film Cutter's Way (1981 ) i t is implied tha t th e mul tiple amputee Alex Cutte r (Joh n Heard) ca n no longer sexuall y satisfy hi s wife, M o (Lis a Eichhorn) , wh o seek s solac e wit h Cutter' s pointedl y named friend , Richar d Bon e (Jeff Bridges) . Further, Cutter's missing limbs evoke the suggestion o f castration, which lurk s behin d th e implication o f impotence in many of these examples. In Dispatches (1978 ) Michael Her r summarizes the various meanings outlined her e when he refers t o the castrating "woun d o f wounds, the Wound." 44 Within these examples the war in Vietnam is the ostensible cause of the wound suffere d b y th e centra l protagonist . However , a n availabl e alter native reading points to the fact tha t wa r ma y not b e the prime causativ e agent o f impotence . A n intimatio n o f th e varian t readin g appear s i n th e fact tha t th e woun d create s a dichotom y betwee n thos e wh o bea r th e wound (veteran s of the Vietnam War) and the rest of society. The wound based distinctio n betwee n veteran s an d other s in society suggests that di vision ("us " an d "them" ) i s the result of the wound; yet in other context s a slippag e occur s whereb y divisio n i s not th e outcom e o f th e wound—i t is the wound. Here , the wound define d a s impotence i s linked t o cultura l division, which i s stereotyped a s a bipolar constructio n o f difference . Al though veteran s ar e the obviou s bearer s of the wound, th e implication o f the slippag e is that al l Americans ar e wounded b y the existence o f differ -

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ence. In this equation th e traditional connotation s o f impotence a s a lack of powe r ar e expresse d i n th e notio n tha t th e Unite d State s i s rendere d powerless b y the existenc e o f differenc e expose d b y the war . I n this way , impotence i s no t directl y attributabl e t o "th e war. " Th e caus e o f th e wound involve s a curious anatomy whereby castration an d impotence result fro m a stab i n the back .

Stab Wounds The "stab-in-the-back " legen d hold s tha t certai n domesti c group s wer e responsible fo r defea t o f th e U.S . military i n Vietnam. I n effect , th e myt h maintains tha t selecte d hom e fron t group s betraye d Americ a an d turne d the countr y int o a "pitiful , helples s giant, " a s Richar d Nixo n suggested . Norman Podhoret z underline d th e referenc e t o a lac k o f powe r implici t within th e myt h whe n i n 198 5 h e asserte d tha t th e resul t o f th e betraya l was U.S. impotence.45 According to the legend, a number o f culprits wer e to blam e fo r thi s lamentabl e stat e o f affairs . I n th e sam e wa y tha t man y Germans afte r th e First World War blame d thei r country' s loss of the wa r on th e civilian s wh o signe d th e Treat y o f Versailles , man y Amercian s i n the wake of the Vietnam War blamed Vietnam-era civilia n leaders for mil itary defeat . Th e position i s reflected i n the results o f a poll conducted b y the New York Times i n 198 5 tha t reveale d suppor t fo r th e notio n tha t "military leader s shoul d b e abl e t o figh t war s withou t civilia n leader s tying their hands." 46 According to the proponents o f the stab-in-the-bac k thesis, the medi a als o contribute d t o thi s defeat . Presiden t Nixo n excori ated "th e libera l press " fo r subvertin g th e people' s suppor t fo r "war s o f the Vietnam typ e . . . i n th e defens e o f freedo m an d ou r ow n country." 47 Discussing U.S. "impotence," Podhoret z censure d th e antiwa r movemen t and th e pres s fo r "assumin g tha t almos t anythin g a n America n spokes man o r indee d an y Western leade r sai d abou t anythin g wa s probably un true." 48 Podhoret z an d othe r ne w revisionist s attempte d t o shif t guil t fo r the wa r fro m thos e wh o instigate d an d pursue d i t to thos e wh o oppose d it. The denigratio n o f th e antiwa r movemen t throug h th e propagatio n o f the stab-in-the-back thesi s is exemplified i n William Westmoreland's ide a that " a misguide d minorit y oppositio n . . . masterfull y manipulate d b y Hanoi an d Moscow " le d to American defea t i n Vietnam. 49 The stab-in-the-bac k thesi s wa s perpetuate d b y th e genr e o f th e "re turn-to-Vietnam" films , i n whic h a n inefficien t civilia n bureaucrac y an d

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ence. In this equation th e traditional connotation s o f impotence a s a lack of powe r ar e expresse d i n th e notio n tha t th e Unite d State s i s rendere d powerless b y the existenc e o f differenc e expose d b y the war . I n this way , impotence i s no t directl y attributabl e t o "th e war. " Th e caus e o f th e wound involve s a curious anatomy whereby castration an d impotence result fro m a stab i n the back .

Stab Wounds The "stab-in-the-back " legen d hold s tha t certai n domesti c group s wer e responsible fo r defea t o f th e U.S . military i n Vietnam. I n effect , th e myt h maintains tha t selecte d hom e fron t group s betraye d Americ a an d turne d the countr y int o a "pitiful , helples s giant, " a s Richar d Nixo n suggested . Norman Podhoret z underline d th e referenc e t o a lac k o f powe r implici t within th e myt h whe n i n 198 5 h e asserte d tha t th e resul t o f th e betraya l was U.S. impotence.45 According to the legend, a number o f culprits wer e to blam e fo r thi s lamentabl e stat e o f affairs . I n th e sam e wa y tha t man y Germans afte r th e First World War blame d thei r country' s loss of the wa r on th e civilian s wh o signe d th e Treat y o f Versailles , man y Amercian s i n the wake of the Vietnam War blamed Vietnam-era civilia n leaders for mil itary defeat . Th e position i s reflected i n the results o f a poll conducted b y the New York Times i n 198 5 tha t reveale d suppor t fo r th e notio n tha t "military leader s shoul d b e abl e t o figh t war s withou t civilia n leader s tying their hands." 46 According to the proponents o f the stab-in-the-bac k thesis, the medi a als o contribute d t o thi s defeat . Presiden t Nixo n excori ated "th e libera l press " fo r subvertin g th e people' s suppor t fo r "war s o f the Vietnam typ e . . . i n th e defens e o f freedo m an d ou r ow n country." 47 Discussing U.S. "impotence," Podhoret z censure d th e antiwa r movemen t and th e pres s fo r "assumin g tha t almos t anythin g a n America n spokes man o r indee d an y Western leade r sai d abou t anythin g wa s probably un true." 48 Podhoret z an d othe r ne w revisionist s attempte d t o shif t guil t fo r the wa r fro m thos e wh o instigate d an d pursue d i t to thos e wh o oppose d it. The denigratio n o f th e antiwa r movemen t throug h th e propagatio n o f the stab-in-the-back thesi s is exemplified i n William Westmoreland's ide a that " a misguide d minorit y oppositio n . . . masterfull y manipulate d b y Hanoi an d Moscow " le d to American defea t i n Vietnam. 49 The stab-in-the-bac k thesi s wa s perpetuate d b y th e genr e o f th e "re turn-to-Vietnam" films , i n whic h a n inefficien t civilia n bureaucrac y an d

22 I The Healed Wound a weak-wille d governmen t ar e responsibl e fo r losin g th e wa r an d fo r abandoning America n prisoner s o f wa r i n Vietnam . Als o implicate d i n both processes , typically , ar e liberals , th e press , an d generall y thos e a t home who no longer care about the unfinished busines s of the war. Where executive actio n i s foun d wanting , thes e film s propos e individua l inter vention a s the answe r t o repatriatio n fo r thos e American s stil l hel d cap tive in Southeas t Asia . The popularity o f thes e argument s amon g certai n members o f the audience is reflected i n part i n the number o f films i n this category. Throughou t th e lat e seventie s an d durin g th e eightie s th e genr e grew t o include , among others , Good Guys Wear Black (1977), Uncommon Valor (1983) , Missing in Action (1984) , Missing in Action II: The Beginning (1985) , Rambo: First Blood, II (1985) , P.O.W.: The Escape (1986), and Braddock: Missing in Action III (1988). Rambo i s notable amon g these texts for it s concentration o f generic elements and it s success at the box office. Th e film resonate s within cultur e in a multitude o f ways, and the opening lines have been the source of end less quotatio n an d misquotation . A t th e beginnin g o f th e fil m Colone l Trautman (Richar d Crenna ) visit s Rambo (Sylveste r Stallone ) i n militar y prison an d promise s hi m a repriev e i f h e wil l accep t a missio n t o retur n to Vietnam . Ramb o respond s wit h th e questio n "D o w e ge t t o wi n thi s time?" Th e plura l pronou n i s addresse d directl y a t th e audience , fillin g the cinema wit h a n attitude o f accusation : "Wh o ar e 'they ' that wouldn' t let 'us ' win las t time? " In First Blood (1982) , th e firs t fil m t o featur e th e characte r o f Joh n Rambo, th e antiwa r movemen t ha d bee n implicate d i n thi s betrayal , specifically i n Rambo' s fierc e verba l attac k o n th e "maggots " wh o pro tested hi m a t th e airpor t o n hi s retur n fro m Vietnam . However , ther e i s another category of victimizer and betrayer lurking behind Rambo's com ments. Th e antiwa r movemen t wa s no t th e onl y socia l movemen t activ e during the sixties. The women's movemen t an d th e civil rights movemen t were bot h aspect s o f cultura l struggl e durin g th e Vietna m Wa r years . Susan Jeffords ha s noted tha t "whil e much that happene d durin g the wa r . . . helpe d t o furthe r th e developmen t o f bot h women' s an d civi l right s movements, i t i s als o clea r tha t bot h o f thes e politica l movement s ha d begun wel l befor e 1964 , wit h th e firs t larg e U.S . troop commitmen t t o Vietnam." Accordin g t o Jeffords, "I t i s thus possibl e t o rea d th e wa r . . . as bein g a response t o challenge s b y women an d me n o f colo r t o th e va lidity an d sufficienc y o f system s tha t ensure d whit e mal e power , a re sponse tha t wa s shape d i n term s o f th e sol e remainin g stabl e spac e o f

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power: th e aren a o f warfare." 50 I n thi s cogen t interpretation , Vietna m was wher e Americ a wen t t o reasser t an d reassur e a conteste d (white ) masculinity. The los s o f th e wa r suggest s tha t thi s projec t wa s no t conclude d i n Vietnam an d henc e i t ha d t o "com e home " t o Americ a wher e th e strug gle t o (re)asser t a threatene d whit e masculinit y i n th e fac e o f "assaults " by th e women' s movemen t wa s conducte d i n variou s place s withi n th e culture. Rober t Bly , i n th e widel y reproduce d essa y "Th e Vietna m Wa r and the Erosion o f Male Confidence," asserte d that "wome n cam e out of the Sixties and Seventie s with considerable confidenc e i n their values, bu t men lac k thi s clarit y an d belief." 51 Th e sam e suggestio n occurre d else where. John Wheele r argue d tha t "masculinit y wen t int o eclips e durin g the Vietna m era , whil e women' s cause s an d femininit y cam e int o ascen dancy." 52 I t ca n b e inferre d fro m Bl y an d Wheele r tha t women' s confi dence was gained at the expense of men. Reinforcing this suggestion, Bly's essay signale d th e beginnin g o f a men' s movemen t aime d a t retrievin g masculine pride and power felt to have been eroded o r lost during the war years o f th e sixties . Th e post-Vietna m "wa r agains t women" 53 als o at tempts t o renovat e structure s o f masculinit y an d patriarch y perceive d t o have bee n damage d durin g the war year s b y the putative threa t pose d b y women. The outcom e o f the various representations o f femal e threa t i s a common imag e i n whic h "chil d o r woman , wif e o r mother , [the ] femal e cuts men to ribbons or swallows them whole. She travels accompanied b y . . . damage d me n sufferin g fro m nameles s wounds." 54 The viability of the notion o f feminine threa t durin g the war years wa s reinforced b y representation s o f femal e perfid y o n th e hom e front . I n keeping wit h th e representation s o f earlie r wars , wome n o n th e hom e front durin g the Vietnam War were depicted in diverse ways as having betrayed th e fightin g male. 55 In on e case, the pacifist messag e o f the sloga n "Girls Sa y Yes To Boys Who Sa y N o" wa s reinterpreted a s an attemp t t o subvert th e masculin e (war ) ethos . Elsewher e i n th e cultur e th e allege d scorn tha t Vietna m veteran s receive d o n thei r retur n fro m th e wa r wa s translated int o a n assaul t o n masculinity . A n exampl e o f thi s proces s i s contained i n the bitte r yet popular son g "Ruby , Don't Tak e Your Lov e t o Town" (1969 ) i n whic h th e paraplegi c mal e veteran , wh o di d no t star t "that crazy Asian war" ye t who nevertheless was duty-bound an d "prou d to d o [his ] patrioti c chore, " i s contraste d wit h hi s wife , wh o i s repre sented a s unfaithfu l an d uncaring . A s th e wif e walk s ou t an d slam s th e door, a s sh e ha s slamme d i t "on e hundre d time s before, " th e vetera n

24 I The Healed Wound dreams o f revenge : "I f I could mov e I' d ge t m y gu n / an d pu t he r i n th e ground." 56 Whil e murde r i s a standar d respons e i n popula r son g t o fe male infidelity ("Hey , Joe," 1969 , sung by Jimi Hendrix, is one example), the act of murdering a spouse who has been unfaithful whil e the husban d was oversea s fulfillin g hi s "patrioti c chore " gain s a n especiall y virulen t resonance i n the dominantl y masculin e domai n o f popula r culture . Images o f wome n betrayin g th e U.S . fighting ma n an d th e system s o f warfare tha t reinforced whit e male power were extended within a number of postwar text s dealin g with the war i n which women o f color ar e represented a s posin g a specia l threa t t o U.S . soldiers. Th e killin g o f a femal e Vietnamese snipe r i n Kubrick's Full Metal Jacket (1987 ) i s one manifesta tion o f a form o f representatio n tha t position s wome n o f colo r a s target s of a savag e white-mal e retributiv e fantasy , whic h i n turn contribute s t o a cultural patter n tha t Susa n Jefford s ha s calle d th e "remasculinizatio n o f American culture." 57 I n clea r an d direc t way s th e representation s o f th e links betwee n wome n an d th e war revea l aspect s o f centra l cultura l anxi eties surroundin g th e conflict , an d gender . However , whil e wome n hav e been implicated within the process of betraying the U.S. fighting male—a n emasculating process—the loss of potency cannot be reduced to the role of women. The ideological efficacy o f the films that replicate the stab-in-the back them e i s their refusa l t o nam e names . It is this tactic, also employe d by Reagan, that suggest s the real cause o f impotence .

"Us" and "Them" During his presidency Ronal d Reaga n refused t o name directl y those "re sponsible" fo r defeat . Typically , h e evoke d th e issu e o f culpabilit y through circumlocutio n an d innuendo . A n exampl e o f Reagan' s us e o f these rhetorica l device s i s a commen t h e mad e a t th e Vietna m Veteran s Memorial i n 1982 : "We'r e beginnin g t o understan d ho w muc h w e wer e led astra y [durin g th e Vietna m era], " h e said , simultaneousl y raisin g th e question o f blam e ye t refusin g t o specif y thos e responsible. 58 Reagan' s comment privilege s "us " an d construct s differenc e i n term s o f a di chotomy betwee n "us " and a n unrepresente d "them. " Th e privileging o f "us" i n this construct beg s the crucia l question , wh o ar e "we" ? Reagan th e populis t an d th e populis t film s articulatin g th e betraya l theme exploi t a particula r ideologica l position . Accordin g t o Ernest o Laclau, populis t ideolog y equate s "we " wit h "th e people " an d contrast s

24 I The Healed Wound dreams o f revenge : "I f I could mov e I' d ge t m y gu n / an d pu t he r i n th e ground." 56 Whil e murde r i s a standar d respons e i n popula r son g t o fe male infidelity ("Hey , Joe," 1969 , sung by Jimi Hendrix, is one example), the act of murdering a spouse who has been unfaithful whil e the husban d was oversea s fulfillin g hi s "patrioti c chore " gain s a n especiall y virulen t resonance i n the dominantl y masculin e domai n o f popula r culture . Images o f wome n betrayin g th e U.S . fighting ma n an d th e system s o f warfare tha t reinforced whit e male power were extended within a number of postwar text s dealin g with the war i n which women o f color ar e represented a s posin g a specia l threa t t o U.S . soldiers. Th e killin g o f a femal e Vietnamese snipe r i n Kubrick's Full Metal Jacket (1987 ) i s one manifesta tion o f a form o f representatio n tha t position s wome n o f colo r a s target s of a savag e white-mal e retributiv e fantasy , whic h i n turn contribute s t o a cultural patter n tha t Susa n Jefford s ha s calle d th e "remasculinizatio n o f American culture." 57 I n clea r an d direc t way s th e representation s o f th e links betwee n wome n an d th e war revea l aspect s o f centra l cultura l anxi eties surroundin g th e conflict , an d gender . However , whil e wome n hav e been implicated within the process of betraying the U.S. fighting male—a n emasculating process—the loss of potency cannot be reduced to the role of women. The ideological efficacy o f the films that replicate the stab-in-the back them e i s their refusa l t o nam e names . It is this tactic, also employe d by Reagan, that suggest s the real cause o f impotence .

"Us" and "Them" During his presidency Ronal d Reaga n refused t o name directl y those "re sponsible" fo r defeat . Typically , h e evoke d th e issu e o f culpabilit y through circumlocutio n an d innuendo . A n exampl e o f Reagan' s us e o f these rhetorica l device s i s a commen t h e mad e a t th e Vietna m Veteran s Memorial i n 1982 : "We'r e beginnin g t o understan d ho w muc h w e wer e led astra y [durin g th e Vietna m era], " h e said , simultaneousl y raisin g th e question o f blam e ye t refusin g t o specif y thos e responsible. 58 Reagan' s comment privilege s "us " an d construct s differenc e i n term s o f a di chotomy betwee n "us " and a n unrepresente d "them. " Th e privileging o f "us" i n this construct beg s the crucia l question , wh o ar e "we" ? Reagan th e populis t an d th e populis t film s articulatin g th e betraya l theme exploi t a particula r ideologica l position . Accordin g t o Ernest o Laclau, populis t ideolog y equate s "we " wit h "th e people " an d contrast s

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the latte r t o th e powe r bloc. 59 This i s and ha s bee n th e functio n o f pop ulism: to spea k t o an d fo r th e interest s o f wha t ha s euphemisticall y bee n termed the grass roots, the popular classe s or, more specifically, th e work ing class . Bot h Ronal d Reaga n an d Margare t Thatche r presente d them selves in the populist vein by articulating certai n desire s and fear s o f "th e people" i n way s consisten t wit h th e formation s studie d i n th e lat e fiftie s by Richar d Hoggart . I n The Uses of Literacy (1957) , Hoggar t offer s a n accessible discussio n o f wha t h e identifie s a s th e "us/them " dichotom y implicit withi n definition s o f "th e people." 60 Accordin g t o th e source s quoted b y Hoggart : "They ' ar e 'th e peopl e a t th e top, ' 'th e highe r ups, ' the peopl e wh o . . . cal l yo u up , tel l yo u t o g o t o wa r [and ] . . . 'aren' t really t o b e trusted.' " "Us, " b y contrast , mean s th e grou p tha t stand s together, thos e wh o ar e "al l i n th e sam e boat, " an d fo r who m "unit y i s strength." 61 The operatio n o f th e definition s o f "us " an d "them " withi n represen tations o f th e wa r an d it s impac t o n th e Unite d State s demonstrat e tha t healing occurs among "th e people"—veterans an d nonveterans, vocal antiwar protestor s an d silen t supporter s o f th e war , white s an d blacks . In deed, a feature o f the construction o f unity within suc h representations i s that government bureaucrat s ar e demonized a s the cause of the war whil e "the people" ar e represented a s unified agains t them . This situatio n expose s a crucia l parado x implici t withi n th e defini tions. "Our " identit y a s the grou p tha t stand s togethe r i s defined i n op position t o "them, " ye t th e differentiatin g dichotom y als o threaten s "our" abilit y t o b e united . Difference , th e qualit y tha t establishe s unit y within "th e people, " mus t b e denied. "We " ca n b e unified onl y i f differ ence doe s no t intrud e upo n th e real m o f th e people . I n thi s wa y th e "us / them" dualis m represents a stereotyped form of difference as a wounding presence that renders "us" impotent. Th e operatio n o f th e ideolog y o f unity "resolves " th e parado x throug h a recognitio n o f th e woundin g presence, onl y t o subsum e an d elid e tha t recognitio n (thereb y regainin g national strength ) withi n an d throug h th e assertio n o f unit y referre d t o as healing .

Healing In term s o f th e applicatio n o f th e metaphor s o f th e woun d an d healing , the woun d i s define d a s differenc e resultin g i n impotence ; healin g refer s

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the latte r t o th e powe r bloc. 59 This i s and ha s bee n th e functio n o f pop ulism: to spea k t o an d fo r th e interest s o f wha t ha s euphemisticall y bee n termed the grass roots, the popular classe s or, more specifically, th e work ing class . Bot h Ronal d Reaga n an d Margare t Thatche r presente d them selves in the populist vein by articulating certai n desire s and fear s o f "th e people" i n way s consisten t wit h th e formation s studie d i n th e lat e fiftie s by Richar d Hoggart . I n The Uses of Literacy (1957) , Hoggar t offer s a n accessible discussio n o f wha t h e identifie s a s th e "us/them " dichotom y implicit withi n definition s o f "th e people." 60 Accordin g t o th e source s quoted b y Hoggart : "They ' ar e 'th e peopl e a t th e top, ' 'th e highe r ups, ' the peopl e wh o . . . cal l yo u up , tel l yo u t o g o t o wa r [and ] . . . 'aren' t really t o b e trusted.' " "Us, " b y contrast , mean s th e grou p tha t stand s together, thos e wh o ar e "al l i n th e sam e boat, " an d fo r who m "unit y i s strength." 61 The operatio n o f th e definition s o f "us " an d "them " withi n represen tations o f th e wa r an d it s impac t o n th e Unite d State s demonstrat e tha t healing occurs among "th e people"—veterans an d nonveterans, vocal antiwar protestor s an d silen t supporter s o f th e war , white s an d blacks . In deed, a feature o f the construction o f unity within suc h representations i s that government bureaucrat s ar e demonized a s the cause of the war whil e "the people" ar e represented a s unified agains t them . This situatio n expose s a crucia l parado x implici t withi n th e defini tions. "Our " identit y a s the grou p tha t stand s togethe r i s defined i n op position t o "them, " ye t th e differentiatin g dichotom y als o threaten s "our" abilit y t o b e united . Difference , th e qualit y tha t establishe s unit y within "th e people, " mus t b e denied. "We " ca n b e unified onl y i f differ ence doe s no t intrud e upo n th e real m o f th e people . I n thi s wa y th e "us / them" dualis m represents a stereotyped form of difference as a wounding presence that renders "us" impotent. Th e operatio n o f th e ideolog y o f unity "resolves " th e parado x throug h a recognitio n o f th e woundin g presence, onl y t o subsum e an d elid e tha t recognitio n (thereb y regainin g national strength ) withi n an d throug h th e assertio n o f unit y referre d t o as healing .

Healing In term s o f th e applicatio n o f th e metaphor s o f th e woun d an d healing , the woun d i s define d a s differenc e resultin g i n impotence ; healin g refer s

26 I The Healed Wound to th e empowerin g qualitie s o f unity . Healin g i n it s variou s form s ad dresses division across a number of sites, and at each site the United State s is made strong as it is healed. Healing is the legitimation o f long-standin g conditions, the denia l o f change , and th e silencin g o f the voices of differ ence. For the healing metaphor t o gain currency i n post-Vietnam discourse , a chang e wa s require d o f th e terms use d t o describ e the il l effects besieg ing the body politic. Historically, as Susan Sontag has pointed out , analo gies fo r cultura l disruptio n base d o n infectiou s disease s suc h a s syphili s and tuberculosis were replaced b y those based o n cancer—with th e physical effect s o f cance r ofte n describe d i n military metaphors . Accordingly , cancer cell s d o no t multiply , the y ar e "invasive, " wit h carcinogeni c cell s mounting "assaults " o n th e body' s "defenses." 62 Th e woun d metapho r reversed th e situatio n b y describin g th e effect s o f a wa r i n bodil y terms . This innovation beg s the question of why the metaphor changed from on e of diseas e to on e o f physica l impairment . I n a specifi c an d over t wa y th e presence o f thousand s o f physicall y an d mortall y wounde d veteran s n o doubt foregrounded th e notion o f wounding in post-Vietnam Wa r Amer ica. I n addition , th e popularit y o f th e woun d metapho r ca n b e traced t o its abilit y t o perfor m a n interpretiv e functio n unavailabl e t o metaphor s based o n a virus o r cancer . Neither a viral infectio n no r cance r automat ically implie s healing ; instead , eac h tend s t o sugges t chroni c illness . Al ternatively, a wound evoke s a healthy body—on e tha t ha s been surprise d by a wound tha t will eventually disappear , allowin g a healed an d health y (cultural) bod y to re-emerge . In thi s wa y th e establishmen t o f th e woun d metapho r predetermine d the appearanc e o f th e healin g metaphor , whil e th e popularit y o f healin g as a metapho r referrin g t o cultura l unit y wa s abette d b y th e existenc e within th e cultur e o f a therapeuti c discourse . Accordin g t o historia n Christopher Lasch , America n cultur e i n th e seventies , th e perio d whe n healing was ascendant , wa s characterize d b y an intens e concern wit h th e self an d th e body . Lasc h contende d tha t durin g thi s perio d a therapeuti c outlook displace d religion and threatened "t o displace politics as well" as the "organizin g framewor k o f America n culture. " T o Lasch , American s hungered no t fo r persona l salvatio n "bu t fo r th e feeling , th e momentar y illusion, o f persona l well-being , health , an d psychi c security." 63 Phili p Rieff claime d that the need for "psychi c security," which had give n rise to psychoanalysis, allowe d fo r "th e triump h o f th e therapeutic " attitud e i n

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the seventies. 64 Th e historia n Jackso n Lears , however , fel t tha t "neithe r Rieff no r Lasc h . . . quit e graspe d th e ful l historica l complexit y o f th e therapeutic world view. " Lears argued tha t bot h author s "ten d t o tie [th e therapeutic outlook ] to o closely to psychoanalysis an d othe r forma l ther apeutic regimens... . Actuall y th e therapeuti c worl d vie w was les s a for mal regime tha n a way o f lif e embrace d b y people sometime s onl y diml y aware o f psychiatry." 65 Bellah and hi s colleagues exemplified Lears' s perception i n their analy sis of individualis m i n late-twentieth-century America n life . They argue d that " a languag e influence d b y therapy " wa s use d b y American s i n th e seventies t o articulat e thought s o n family , work , community , an d soci ety.66 Althoug h Bella h an d hi s colleague s mentione d psychoanalysi s a s a reason fo r th e ris e o f th e therapeuti c a s a major mod e o f thinkin g abou t the sel f an d society , they tende d t o follo w Lear s i n tracing th e popularit y of therapie s an d th e root s o f th e therapeuti c discours e t o th e lat e nine teenth century . Withi n thi s period , accordin g t o Lears , th e therapeuti c mode wa s "no t simpl y imposed" o n th e population b y the "helpin g pro fessions" bu t stemmed fro m "th e effort t o reconstruct a coherent sens e of identity i n a cultur e whic h wa s renderin g al l identitie s . . . vaporou s an d u n r e a l . . . . [A ] sense of selfhood . . . ha d grow n fragmented." 67 Similarly , in the late twentieth century the discourse of healing has flourished withi n a cultur e wounde d b y exposure t o th e existenc e o f multipl e identities— a culture fragmente d int o multipl e positions . Accordin g t o th e logi c o f th e metaphoric languag e o f cultura l unity , thes e position s represen t damag ing wounds tha t deman d t o b e healed . However, the process of cultural curin g is complicated b y the fact tha t healing typically involve s a regimen. Healin g i s prescriptive. "Tak e thre e tablets daily, " "Kee p th e le g raised, " "D o no t ea t re d meat " ar e al l palliative directives . I n 194 8 th e sociologis t Lawrenc e Fran k suggeste d that a "sic k society " require d th e sam e therap y a docto r provide d a pa tient, "enablin g hi m t o revis e hi s 'past ' . . . an d escap e fro m it s coer cion." 68 Frank' s prescriptio n foreshadowe d circumstance s withi n post-Vietnam Wa r America n cultur e i n whic h healin g wa s achieve d through a revisio n o f th e past . I n thi s case , amnesi a wa s no t deeme d a form o f dysfunction ; rather , i t was a necessary an d health y preconditio n for overcomin g th e woundin g impac t o f th e war . I n U.S . cultur e i n th e wake o f th e Vietna m War , memor y wa s enjoine d t o fai l s o tha t healin g could b e achieved .

28 I The Healed Wound Vietnamnesia The cultural manifestations referre d t o as healing contributed t o a pattern whereby "societ y remember s les s an d less , faste r an d faster." 69 Indeed , healing wa s explicitl y facilitate d b y a n absenc e o f an y nee d t o confron t the political , moral , o r socia l issue s surroundin g th e wa r an d it s impac t on U.S . culture . Devoi d o f thei r cause , thes e issue s becam e ahistorica l aberrations, an d a s suc h the y no t onl y coul d b e bu t bad t o b e forgotten . The resul t o f thi s proces s i s a for m o f amnesi a define d a s a "motivate d forgetting" 70 o f th e war an d it s effects o n th e United States . Official view s that sough t t o eras e the public memory o f the war wer e especially prominen t immediatel y afte r th e "fall " o f Saigon . A n earl y at tempt t o see k consensu s throug h forgetfulnes s i s eviden t i n Presiden t Ford's speec h a t Tulan e Universit y o n Apri l 23 , 1975 . "Th e wa r i s fin ished a s fa r a s America i s concerned," h e asserted . "Thes e events , tragi c as they are, portend neithe r the end of the world nor America's leadershi p in th e world." 71 Secretar y o f Stat e Kissinge r foreshadowe d For d when , during th e fina l wee k o f th e war , h e argue d tha t whil e th e Unite d State s "should neve r hav e bee n [i n Vietnam ] a t all, " th e issu e wa s no w irrele vant—"now [th e wa r is ] history." 72 Immediatel y afte r th e wa r ende d Kissinger state d tha t "wha t w e need no w i n this country . . . i s to . . . pu t Vietnam behin d u s an d t o concentrat e o n problem s o f th e future." 73 I n 1980 William Westmoreland , wh o ha d bee n chie f o f staf f o f th e arm y i n Vietnam, declare d tha t "th e wa r i s histor y now . W e don' t worr y abou t that." 74 I n earl y 1989 , durin g hi s inaugural addres s t o th e nation , Presi dent Georg e Bus h argue d tha t "surel y th e statut e o f limitation s [o n th e war's legacy ] ha s bee n reached, " an d urge d American s t o forge t th e dis ruptive memor y o f "Vietnam." 75 Th e variou s nostrum s t o forge t signa l the en d o f th e wa r o n tw o counts : th e willful effacemen t o f memor y erodes the effect s o f the war, and i t translates int o a form o f deat h fo r al l those who participated i n the war. "Th e dead," a s one veteran face d wit h these assertion s pu t it , "ar e no t onl y burie d bu t the y neve r existed , ther e never wa s a war." 76 Erasure of the plain and indisputable fact that the United States lost the war i n Vietna m begin s wit h simpl e definition s suc h a s th e characteriza tion o f th e outcom e o f th e wa r a s a tragedy. Defeat , a s Walter Benjami n knew, possesses th e potential t o chang e a nation i f it is willing o r abl e t o confront th e fac t o f defeat. 77 Suc h potentia l i s denie d i n th e applicatio n of euphemisms that obscur e defeat, rewritin g i t as tragedy or , in Reagan' s

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terms, a s victory. I n 198 5 Reaga n asserted : "[T]h e trut h o f th e matte r i s that w e di d hav e victory . W e continu e t o tal k abou t losin g [th e Vietna m War]. W e didn' t los e tha t war . W e wo n virtuall y ever y engagement." 78 Reagan's comment placed him at the center of history, the site of memory , from wher e he asserts the veracity of his claim ("th e trut h of the matter"). The correlative of Reagan's rewriting of memory i s the revision of the history o f th e war i n a way tha t endorse s th e win position—th e notio n tha t the war i n Vietnam coul d hav e bee n wo n "i f onl y w e ha d throw n a littl e more fir e i n the lake one more time," 79 a position eviden t i n the so-calle d new scholarshi p o f th e war. 80 Certai n author s hav e attribute d defeat , o r what i s typically labele d "failure, " t o a mixtur e o f factors , includin g re straints on the exercise of military power, an unworthy Sout h Vietnames e ally, and a sta b i n the bac k fro m a media biase d agains t th e wa r effort. 81 A modificatio n o f thes e argument s occur s i n wha t Jerom e Slate r ha s called th e "pragmati c revisionist " approach , a term h e applied t o a num ber o f narrativ e an d interpretativ e histories , includin g America in Vietnam b y Guente r Lew y (1978) , The Irony of Vietnam b y Gel b an d Bett s (1978), and Harry Summers' s On Strategy (1982) , among others. Centra l to thes e text s i s th e assumptio n tha t " a differen t mi x o f mean s (par ticularly les s relianc e o n excessiv e militar y powe r an d mor e o n socio economic reform ) migh t hav e brough t a differen t resul t [t o th e war]." 8 2 Other aspect s o f thi s positio n includ e th e argumen t tha t "althoug h th e war ma y hav e bee n a mistak e an d th e manne r i n whic h i t wa s fough t counterproductive, i t was no t therefor e immora l o r unjustifie d . . . espe cially since the terribl e event s in Indochina sinc e the communist victorie s there provid e a retrospective justificatio n fo r th e war." 83 There is a common elemen t uniting these texts beyond conservative at tempts t o legitimat e argument s throug h recours e t o assertion s o f objec tivity an d veracity . Th e premis e tha t underline s thes e text s i s no t th e common, thoug h itsel f naive , questio n motivatin g historica l analysis : "What happened? " Instea d th e mod e o f investigatio n encode d i n th e "new scholarship " i s directed b y the questio n "Wha t if? " In this way th e proponents o f th e wi n positio n ignor e certai n outcomes , th e mos t obvi ous being, of course, that the United States was militarily defeated i n Vietnam. Th e nee d t o reasser t thi s fac t i s indicativ e o f th e corruptio n o f history wrought b y the win thesis. Nevertheless, the history o f the war i n Vietnam does not involve only the struggle of history and memory agains t forgetting. Foucaul t note d tha t th e "battl e fo r an d aroun d history " seek s to stifl e interpretation s o f th e pas t an d "als o t o propos e an d impos e o n

30 I The Healed Wound people a framework i n which to interpret th e present." 84 Consisten t wit h Foucault's insight , th e outcom e o f th e wa r i s ransacked fo r lesson s that , according t o th e method s o f th e ne w revisionists , becom e paradigm s fo r the presen t and , eve n mor e crucially , th e future . Forgettin g defea t i n th e war is necessary for th e perpetuation o f conditions and attitudes require d for pursuin g further militar y intervention i n the future. Accordin g to military historia n Harr y Summers , "Th e quintessentia l 'strategi c lesso n learnt' from th e Vietnam War is that w e must onc e again become master s of th e professio n o f arms." 85 Here , a s Noa m Chomsk y argue d i n a dif ferent relation , "Th e onl y judgement that Cli o is permitted t o hand dow n is a judgement o f tactics : Could w e have won? Othe r question s migh t b e imagined. Shoul d w e hav e won ? Di d w e hav e th e righ t t o try?" 86 Suc h questions ar e disregarde d i n a conclusio n tha t contribute s toward , an d stems from , th e willful forgettin g o f the historica l outcom e o f th e war . The denia l o f militar y defea t underline s th e limit s o f healing . Healin g is a proces s tha t affect s onl y th e Unite d States . Th e America n nee d t o be heale d ha s ignore d th e marginalize d internationa l communit y tha t i s Vietnam an d ha s refuse d t o accep t th e memor y o f th e war s i n Vietnam , Cambodia, an d Lao s presente d b y th e arriva l i n th e Unite d State s o f In dochinese refugees . Fo r decade s th e influ x o f refugee s fro m communis t countries reinforce d conception s o f th e United State s a s a haven fo r (an ticommunist) politica l exile s an d a mora l beaco n i n th e world , concep tions that hav e been contested an d contradicted b y the arrival of refugee s from Southeas t Asia : "[S]inc e Southeas t Asian s are . . . linke d t o a war i n which th e Unite d State s suffere d defeat , the y ar e th e firs t refugee s fro m communism wh o ar e ambivalentl y receive d a s symbol s o f th e declin e o f the United State s as a military an d moral forc e i n the world." 87 I n certai n cases, the functiona l respons e i n the Unite d State s ha s bee n t o marginal ize or exclud e o r forget thes e people. Related t o this response was Amer ica's refusa l t o confron t Vietnam' s postwa r financia l plight ; a situatio n that ha s altered , t o a degree , a s a resul t o f th e liftin g o f th e economi c blockade agains t Vietnam . I n the decad e afte r th e wa r th e refusa l t o rec ognize Vietnam' s war-relate d problem s wa s eviden t i n th e specia l issue s of newsmagazines produce d t o mark th e tenth anniversar y o f U.S. defea t in Vietnam . "Almos t withou t exception, " Alexande r Cockbur n noted , the magazine s foun d i t "impossibl e t o discus s th e centra l aspec t o f th e war: what American s di d i n Vietnam befor e 1975 . This is a closed book , along with the memory o f the nearly 3 million Vietnamese the American s managed t o kill." 88

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The widespread denia l o f the impac t o f the war o n Vietnam continue d beyond 1985 . In 1988 the journalist James Fallows, writing in the Atlantic Monthly', exemplifie d th e ongoing refusal t o acknowledge th e devastatio n wrought b y the wa r o n Vietnames e society . After a brie f visi t t o Vietna m as part o f a grou p tour , Fallow s conclude d tha t th e effect s o f th e wa r o n Vietnam were negligible, adding that "th e Vietnam War will be importan t in history onl y fo r wha t i t di d internall y t o th e United States." 89 Presum ably, Fallows failed t o see, or ignored, the deforestation o f the Vietnames e countryside a s a result o f massive chemical spraying , the continuing birt h defects a s an outcome o f the spraying, the large number o f orphaned chil dren, the parlous stat e of the Vietnamese economy , and th e continued po litical instabilit y i n th e region , notabl y i n Cambodia . Noa m Chomsk y underlined th e ethnocentris m o f Fallows' s commen t whe n h e observe d that th e conclusion wa s simila r to a "Germa n libera l saying that i t is now clear tha t th e Holocaus t wil l b e importan t i n histor y mostl y fo r wha t i t did, internally, to Germany , no t what differenc e i t made to the Jews." 90 The dominan t movemen t t o den y o r forge t th e effect s o f th e wa r o n Vietnam represente d throug h thes e example s ha s bee n addresse d withi n U.S. cultur e i n variou s ways . Mor e astut e observation s tha n Fallows' s have come from U.S . veterans returning to postwar Vietnam . The writte n accounts o f thei r journey s reflec t th e authors ' commo n nee d t o confron t the pas t an d t o understan d th e societ y the y firs t encountere d durin g th e war. 91 The authors ar e acutely aware o f the problems facin g Vietnam ; in deed, man y ar e motivate d b y a desir e t o provid e ai d an d assistanc e t o Vietnamese peopl e affecte d b y th e war . Th e genera l impressio n gaine d from thi s increasin g bod y o f wor k i s that o f rapprochement. Thes e nar ratives, then, are in direct opposition t o the motives for returnin g to Viet nam presente d i n text s tha t cynicall y exploi t th e notio n tha t America n prisoners o f war (POWs ) ar e still held within Vietnam an d that other s remain missin g i n actio n (MIA) . Centrall y implicate d i n thi s categor y ar e cinematic representation s o f th e "retur n trip," 9 2 includin g th e film s Uncommon Valor (1983) , Missing in Action I, II, III (1984 , 1985 , 1988) , Rambo (1985) , P.O.W.: The Escape (1986) , and Operation Nam (1985) . Further text s i n thi s categor y includ e J . C . Pollock' s best-sellin g nove l Mission M.I.A. an d a serie s o f novel s b y Jack Buchana n featurin g a for mer Gree n Beret , Mar k Stone , wh o "ha s onl y on e activit y tha t give s meaning t o hi s life—findin g America' s forgotte n fightin g men , th e P.O.W.'s th e governmen t ha s convenientl y labele d M.I.A.'s , an d brin g them bac k fro m thei r hel l o n earth." 93

3 zI

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Textual representation s utilizin g th e myt h o f th e POW/MI A typicall y contribute t o th e revisionis t desir e t o wi n th e war . Vietnam become s th e last frontie r i n a violen t confrontatio n wit h a ruthles s communism , th e outcome o f which , a s a resul t o f America n militar y victory , wil l retriev e lost American prid e an d commitment . Th e contemporary permutatio n o f the frontier myt h adopt s basi c elements from th e mythical feature s o f th e frontier narrate d i n the late nineteenth centur y b y the historian Frederic k Jackson Turner . Accordin g t o Turner' s thesis , th e existenc e o f th e fre e land o f th e frontie r permitte d th e realizatio n o f thos e feature s (mos t no tably individualism ) tha t imbu e an d reinforc e America n democracy . Specifically, Turne r define d th e frontie r a s th e "meetin g poin t betwee n savagery an d civilization," 94 thereb y positionin g th e America n India n a s the mysteriou s an d dangerou s Other . Narrative s o f captivit y i n the Ne w World, beginnin g wit h Purita n storie s o f white s bein g take n prisone r b y Indians, fed the fear o f savagery on the frontier. Myth s of the frontier an d captivity intersec t i n th e POW/MI A narrative s i n whic h th e Vietnames e are cast a s the threatenin g Othe r stalkin g th e las t seale d frontier . The very real danger inheren t i n the promulgation o f these myths is reinforced i n th e assessmen t tha t the y contribute d i n par t t o America' s de cision t o interven e i n Vietnam . Locate d throughou t th e discours e o f th e Vietnam War are references t o the myth of the frontier a s conscious or un conscious justificatio n fo r America' s militar y involvemen t i n Asia . In lit erature, Norman Mailer , Michael Herr , an d Arthu r Kopit , amon g others , referred t o the frontier myt h in order to explain America's involvement i n the war. 95 Th e short-live d genr e o f th e so-calle d Vietna m western , whic h included th e films The Wild Bunch (1969), Soldier Blue (1970) , Little Big Man (1971) , an d Ulzana's Raid (1972) , dre w parallel s betwee n th e slaughter o f th e Nativ e American s an d th e murderou s destructio n o f th e Vietnamese population. 96 I n 1972 , France s FitzGeral d commente d upo n the dept h t o whic h th e languag e o f th e myt h ("conquest, " th e "triump h of ligh t ove r darkness, " an d o f "civilizatio n ove r brutis h nature" ) pre vailed "quit e unconsciously " amon g America n officer s an d governmen t officials i n description s o f th e wa r agains t th e Nort h Vietnamese. 97 Richard Slotki n has noted the similarities in his monumental studie s of the frontier myth , an d Joh n Hellman n ha s studie d reconfiguration s o f th e frontier myt h within th e context o f an examination o f a number o f American myth s informin g an d influencin g perception s o f the Vietnam experi ence.98 Similarly , th e socia l historia n Richar d Barit z ha s analyze d th e beginnings o f the frontier myt h i n the Puritan approac h t o nature an d th e

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original inhabitant s o f th e North America n continen t a s a method o f un derstanding the ideological justifications fo r U.S. war policy in Vietnam. " In th e contex t o f th e attendan t danger s o f a postwa r proliferatio n o f myth within the "return trip" representations, it is curious to find, in a different context , call s fo r th e repai r o f publi c myth . I n 1982 , the historia n William McNeil l sough t t o assur e th e plac e o f myt h i n American cultur e by proposin g th e reinvigoratio n o f mythi c pattern s o f thought , an d i n 1980, historia n James Olive r Robertso n supporte d th e functiona l rol e o f myth withi n th e culture a s a method o f maintainin g cultura l cohesion. 100 In "The Structural Study of Myth" Claud e Levi-Strauss argued that myth s are narratives that a culture employs in attempts to explain contradiction s that i t canno t otherwis e resolve. 101 Thi s attemp t invariabl y involve s a confrontation wit h th e pas t a s th e poin t o f origi n o f th e contradictions . Yet, as Theodor Adorno has pointed out, "comin g to terms" with the past does no t necessaril y impl y " a seriou s workin g throug h o f th e past , th e breaking o f it s spel l throug h a n ac t o f clea r consciousness." 102 Adorno' s perception i s validated i n relation t o the mythical appropriatio n o f "Viet nam" i n whic h publi c memor y i s perverte d an d abstracte d withi n th e myths o f the past recode d an d reconstructe d i n the present . In oppositio n t o th e proces s o f forgettin g implicate d i n certai n assess ments of post-Vietnam War U.S. culture is the unmediated memory of the destruction wrough t b y the Vietnam War. This memory ha s the potentia l to subver t th e explanation s presente d withi n myt h an d metaphor . How ever, a s Foucaul t noted , memor y i s no t translate d directl y int o a legiti mate recor d o f th e past . Representation s base d o n individua l memor y must conten d wit h a diversit y o f form s tha t represen t history. 103 Th e re sultant struggl e betwee n contendin g interpretation s o f th e pas t i s wage d across th e entir e fiel d o f culture . "Vietnam " ha s forme d a centra l sit e i n this struggl e wit h th e abilit y an d th e authorit y t o defin e th e outcom e o f the wound i n the balance . The dominanc e o f th e interpretatio n referre d t o a s healin g i s the era sure o f th e painfu l memor y o f war . A successfu l critiqu e o f th e ideolog y of healin g expose s th e way s i n whic h powe r i s situate d withi n and , worked through , a wide range o f representations concerne d wit h th e im pact o f th e conflic t i n Vietnam . Th e rang e o f representation s i s no t a united fron t mobilize d b y a conspiratoria l power . Reference s t o "elites ' preferences fo r turnin g th e pas t int o myth s tha t promot e uniformit y an d stability," 104 fo r example , reduc e ideologica l operation s t o purposiv e in terventions b y elites , thereb y failin g t o specif y th e subtl e an d comple x

34 I The Healed Wound ways i n which myth s an d ideolog y ar e reproduced. Ideologica l represen tations ar e locate d i n variou s place s withi n th e culture s o f th e Unite d States—including th e popula r media , th e academi c discourse s o f writte n history an d criticism , an d everyda y language—an d togethe r thes e cul tures involv e a number o f participant s i n th e reproductio n o f th e partic ular worldvie w referre d t o a s healing. The resul t i s that healin g operate s on more than one level within the culture. The individual, the community , and the nation, each of which is examined here , are all constructed withi n textual representation s a s sites of healing .

The Personal Imperative On on e leve l th e healin g proces s i s personal . I t involve s th e individual , specifically th e veteran, and the veteran's characteristic wound. The man ifestations o f th e veteran' s woun d were , o n tw o counts , anomalou s an d thus especiall y i n nee d o f treatment . First , th e veteran' s woun d o f impo tence, o r eve n mor e severel y o f castration , cam e t o sugges t tha t th e wounded vetera n wa s incapabl e o f an y sor t o f intercourse , sexua l o r so cial. Th e dysfunctiona l Vietna m vetera n becam e a paria h whos e onl y means of asserting himself an d his masculinity was through violence. This issue is exemplified i n Alex Cutter's violent outburst s i n the film Cutter's Way (1981) , an d i s typified i n th e orgiasti c explosio n o f mayhe m tha t i s the final e t o Taxi Driver (1976). I n anothe r way , th e visibl e presenc e o f the veteran' s woun d i n th e for m o f a los s o f limb s o r th e inabilit y t o us e limbs marke d hi m a s a n outcas t i n popula r representation s b y placin g him outside the so-called cosmetic culture. The features o f this experienc e can b e contextualized throug h referenc e t o th e characteristic s implicate d in what Christophe r Lasc h labele d th e "cultur e o f narcissism." Lasc h ar gued tha t durin g th e seventie s th e Unite d State s wa s dominate d b y th e character typ e h e describe d a s "excessivel y self-conscious, " "constantl y searching for flaw s an d sign s of decay, " an d "haunte d b y fantasies . . . o f eternal youth." 105 Th e cosmeti c cultur e ha s exploite d th e persona l moti vations create d b y a consume r cultur e i n whic h "th e close r th e actua l body approximate s t o th e idealize d image s o f youth , health , fitnes s an d beauty, the higher it s exchange-value." 106 The advertisin g industr y play s a particular rol e i n suppor t o f th e cos metic culture b y deliberately fosterin g a preoccupation wit h physica l ap pearance, and a range of rewards are allocated to those who pay attentio n

34 I The Healed Wound ways i n which myth s an d ideolog y ar e reproduced. Ideologica l represen tations ar e locate d i n variou s place s withi n th e culture s o f th e Unite d States—including th e popula r media , th e academi c discourse s o f writte n history an d criticism , an d everyda y language—an d togethe r thes e cul tures involv e a number o f participant s i n th e reproductio n o f th e partic ular worldvie w referre d t o a s healing. The resul t i s that healin g operate s on more than one level within the culture. The individual, the community , and the nation, each of which is examined here , are all constructed withi n textual representation s a s sites of healing .

The Personal Imperative On on e leve l th e healin g proces s i s personal . I t involve s th e individual , specifically th e veteran, and the veteran's characteristic wound. The man ifestations o f th e veteran' s woun d were , o n tw o counts , anomalou s an d thus especiall y i n nee d o f treatment . First , th e veteran' s woun d o f impo tence, o r eve n mor e severel y o f castration , cam e t o sugges t tha t th e wounded vetera n wa s incapabl e o f an y sor t o f intercourse , sexua l o r so cial. Th e dysfunctiona l Vietna m vetera n becam e a paria h whos e onl y means of asserting himself an d his masculinity was through violence. This issue is exemplified i n Alex Cutter's violent outburst s i n the film Cutter's Way (1981) , an d i s typified i n th e orgiasti c explosio n o f mayhe m tha t i s the final e t o Taxi Driver (1976). I n anothe r way , th e visibl e presenc e o f the veteran' s woun d i n th e for m o f a los s o f limb s o r th e inabilit y t o us e limbs marke d hi m a s a n outcas t i n popula r representation s b y placin g him outside the so-called cosmetic culture. The features o f this experienc e can b e contextualized throug h referenc e t o th e characteristic s implicate d in what Christophe r Lasc h labele d th e "cultur e o f narcissism." Lasc h ar gued tha t durin g th e seventie s th e Unite d State s wa s dominate d b y th e character typ e h e describe d a s "excessivel y self-conscious, " "constantl y searching for flaw s an d sign s of decay, " an d "haunte d b y fantasies . . . o f eternal youth." 105 Th e cosmeti c cultur e ha s exploite d th e persona l moti vations create d b y a consume r cultur e i n whic h "th e close r th e actua l body approximate s t o th e idealize d image s o f youth , health , fitnes s an d beauty, the higher it s exchange-value." 106 The advertisin g industr y play s a particular rol e i n suppor t o f th e cos metic culture b y deliberately fosterin g a preoccupation wit h physica l ap pearance, and a range of rewards are allocated to those who pay attentio n

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to thei r appearance . Th e resul t i s tha t "bodil y imperfections " carr y "penalties i n everyda y interactions." 107 Code s withi n th e cosmeti c cul ture ar e preoccupied wit h wha t Naom i Wol f call s "th e beaut y myth," 108 a we b o f meaning s eviden t i n a widesprea d obsessio n wit h diets , "fit ness," an d fashionabl e clothes , th e increasin g sale s o f perfumes , an d a growing relianc e o n plasti c surgery . Th e privilegin g o f "wholeness " within th e cosmeti c cultur e ha s resulte d i n th e exclusio n o f anyon e wh o is less than whole . In this way th e physicall y disable d hav e bee n discrim inated agains t fo r failin g t o mee t th e demand s manufacture d withi n th e cosmetic culture. The result o f physical disabilit y ha s been socia l distanc ing in the form o f marginalization o r exclusion. Physical differenc e base d on impairmen t i s rarely represente d o n film, fo r example , an d o n thos e occasions whe n i t i s depicted , th e physicall y disable d ar e typicall y char acterized a s criminals, demons, comics, or victims. 109 The displa y o f the veteran's wound contradicte d th e cultural emphasi s on holis m withi n th e cosmeti c cultur e o f th e seventies , thus markin g th e veteran fo r recuperatio n an d incorporatio n int o th e cultura l collectivity . By continuing t o represen t th e vetera n a s wounded , th e hegemoni c cul ture faile d t o exploi t th e ful l possibilitie s o f healing . In this way the heal ing imperativ e inflicte d upo n th e vetera n issue d fro m a cultur e tha t stressed th e need fo r healing . In relation t o th e veterans' "healin g need, " psychologist Rober t Jay Lifton perceive d that those who attended th e sessions he organized fo r veteran s ha d tw o aspirations : "healin g themselve s while findin g a mod e o f politica l expression." 110 I t ha s bee n conclude d from thi s assessment that the "tw o goals were actually inseparable. Without som e for m o f political-socia l expressio n ther e coul d b e no healin g o f . . . wounds." 1 1 1 However, it could have been deduced from th e dominan t representations that the inverse was also true: without healing there could be no politics . Specifically , th e veterans ' bodie s intersecte d wit h a "heal ing need " t o reinforc e th e powe r o f unit y withi n a n expressio n o f wha t can b e termed a cultural politic s o f healing . Nowhere is this process more evident than in the film The Deer Hunter (1978). Steve n (Joh n Savage) return s afte r th e wa r t o a Veterans Admin istration hospita l missin g both hi s legs and a n arm . When h e is visited b y Michael (Rober t D e Niro) , h e insist s tha t h e doe s no t wan t t o g o home . Michael ignores Steven's pleas and literally drags him back to his wife an d friends. Havin g successfull y foun d an d retrieve d Steven , Michael return s to Vietnam i n an attempt t o repatriate Nick (Christophe r Walken) . How ever, in hi s narcotized an d derange d state , Nick wil l not b e persuaded t o

3 6 I The Healed Wound return t o America. Nick's psychic wound is , notably, far mor e significan t than Steven' s physica l wounds . A s i f underlinin g o r targetin g th e sit e o f his malaise, Nick shoot s himsel f i n the head while playing the fatal gam e of Russia n roulette . Nick' s deat h reveal s th e onl y alternativ e availabl e to those who refuse t o be healed o f their wounds within a reunited grou p of friends . The conclusion wa s reinforced i n the film Coming Home, release d th e same year a s The Deer Hunter. Th e malais e suffered b y the Vietnam vet eran Bo b (Bruc e Dern ) i s eviden t i n symptom s tha t manifes t themselve s as an unwillingness or an inability to be reunited with his wife, Sally (Jane Fonda). Beyon d th e healin g reac h o f hi s wife' s ope n arms , Bo b drown s himself. Bob' s fat e i s contraste d t o th e visibl y wounde d Luk e (Jo n Voight), a paraplegic , wh o doe s retur n "home. " Luke' s reintegratio n i s marked b y th e fac t tha t i t i s possible t o forge t tha t hi s injurie s preclud e him fro m walkin g an d sexua l intercourse . Fil m criti c Lawrenc e Sui d ha s noted that "viewer s often mis s the reality that Voight [sic] is impotent, expecting hi m t o jum p ou t o f hi s wheelchair a la Dr. Strangelov e an d yell , 'Jane [sic] , I can walk! I can make real love!'" 112 The same kind o f trans formation tha t see s Sall y changed fro m a repressed housewif e t o a liber ated woman take s hold o f Luke, who, it has been observed, "goe s from a violently embittered , self-pitying , totall y dependen t crippl e int o a well adjusted, emphatic , politicall y an d sexuall y activ e handicappe d per son." 113 Suc h a well-integrated figur e i s unlikely t o sugges t th e cripplin g effects o f th e war . Luk e becomes , instead , emblemati c o f th e therapeuti c power o f reunion . Much mor e problematic , i n term s o f a complet e "healing, " i s the ex perience o f Ro n Kovi c (To m Cruise ) i n Olive r Stone' s fil m Born on the Fourth of July (1989) . Although th e emphasis within this film i s upon re cuperation an d reincorporation , th e visio n o f a full y rehabilitate d Kovi c is disrupted b y the graphi c foregroundin g o f th e excrementa l an d exces sive aspects o f the wound i n scenes set in a VA. hospital . To a certain de gree, Kovic resists reincorporation. Hi s antiwa r activism , fo r example , is a sig n o f hi s resistance t o th e reconciliatory aspect s o f healing . However , the endin g o f th e fil m move s awa y fro m resistanc e towar d a n intimatio n of the notion tha t "strength " reside s within socia l collectivity. In contras t to Kovic' s autobiography , whic h end s wher e i t began , b y emphasizin g Kovic's wounding, 114 th e fil m end s wit h Kovic' s appearanc e a t th e 197 6 Democratic Nationa l Convention . Kovic' s mov e int o mainstrea m part y politics an d th e enthusiasti c receptio n h e receive s o n hi s wa y t o mak e a

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speech a t th e convention , sugges t reconciliation . Indeed , suc h a conclu sion i s consistent wit h a numbe r o f Stone' s othe r film s (Salvador, 1986 ; Platoon, 1986 ; and Wall Street, 1987 ) i n which th e naive centra l charac ter undergoe s a persona l transformatio n resultin g i n a for m o f inclusio n back int o "th e world. " Beyond th e fiel d o f popula r fil m th e cultura l emphasi s o n healin g th e veteran's woun d throug h a for m o f cultura l integratio n wa s eviden t i n legal attempts t o specif y th e wounding effect s suffere d b y Vietnam veter ans expose d t o th e defolian t Agen t Orange . Th e veterans ' Agen t Orang e case stresse d th e nee d fo r compensatio n a s th e outcom e o f th e lega l process. Compensatio n refer s t o makin g amend s fo r somethin g missin g or removed . Th e objec t o f compensation , then , i s to restor e a subjec t t o wholeness. Similarly , medica l scienc e i s predicate d o n th e presumptio n that i t ca n perfor m restorativ e wor k o n th e body . Th e tw o patterns , fi nancial compensation an d medica l restitution, interrelate d i n legal move s within the Agent Orange case to seek a solution to issues of bodily health . The Dow Chemica l Company , on e manufacturer o f the defoliants use d i n Vietnam, argue d tha t th e chemical wa s benig n an d a s such i t was not th e cause o f an y o f th e healt h problem s befallin g Vietna m veterans. 115 Throughout th e earl y eightie s th e objec t o f th e clas s actio n cas e brough t by veterans agains t a numbe r o f companie s responsibl e fo r manufactur ing the herbicide was to arrive at a legal definition an d ruling—and i n this way, a diagnosis—tha t woul d identif y th e caus e o f th e veterans ' wound . In turn , th e (legal ) "diagnosis " woul d functio n a s th e startin g poin t fo r determining level s o f compensatio n fo r afflicte d veterans . Th e out-of court settlemen t b y th e defendan t companie s preclude d suc h a court based diagnosis, thus denying veterans a formal acknowledgmen t o f thei r wounds. 116 In this case the veterans' wound proved excessive, in the sense that i t resiste d lega l an d politica l move s t o establis h a definitio n tha t would lea d t o redres s fo r th e wound . Elsewher e i n th e culture , however , formal processe s o f medica l definitio n an d diagnosi s provide d th e basi s for th e healin g o f th e veterans ' (mental ) wound . In 1980 , th e thir d editio n o f th e America n Psychiatri c Association' s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders redefine d th e vet eran's psychological wound a s "post-traumatic stres s disorder" (PTSD). 117 With thi s diagnosi s th e wounde d Vietna m veteran s wer e n o longe r out siders marginalize d b y authority—the y were , instead , th e focu s o f incor poration throug h th e healin g aegi s o f authority . PTS D identifie d th e symptoms t o b e treated fo r th e ful l recuperatio n o f th e vetera n an d pro -

3 8 I The Healed Wound vided an opportunity t o relegitimize the veteran's relation to officially de fined form s o f authority . Suc h authorit y wa s onc e th e soldier' s problem : sending him to war, causing him to fight a guerrilla wa r wit h inappropri ate tactics , an d abusin g hi m wit h inadequat e healt h car e o n hi s releas e from militar y service . I n certai n ways , however , thi s histor y wa s rewrit ten a s (medical ) authorit y reconstructe d itsel f a s th e Vietna m veteran' s ally throug h it s definitio n o f PTSD , whic h provide d th e cur e t o specifi c problems affectin g him . The emphasi s o n reintegratio n withi n area s a s divers e a s the cosmeti c culture, film, and legal and medical definitions reflect s th e dominant nee d to interpre t th e effect s o f th e wa r i n Vietna m i n way s consisten t wit h cultural drive s towar d unit y an d incorporation . Wound s wer e denie d o r refigured withi n an d throug h textua l contribution s t o a n imag e o f U.S . culture a s a health y an d attractiv e plac e devoi d o f an y suggestio n o f wounds. Th e resul t o f th e intersectio n o f th e cultura l movement s stress ing holis m an d well-bein g an d filmi c representation s o f healin g wa s th e reproduction o f the commonsense notion that unity is a healthy, desirabl e condition. I n thi s real m wound s ar e no t onl y ou t o f place , the y ar e ac tively resisted .

Rituals of the Community The trials and tribulations o f the wounded mal e veteran compelled hi m t o go forth wit h th e healin g word. Th e religiou s connotation s o f thi s imper ative ar e integra l t o a numbe r o f interpretation s o f th e veteran' s postwa r role. As one commentator noted : "Th e healing of the terrible personal an d social wounds o f Vietnam . . . i s at heart a religious an d theologica l enter prise, whether o r no t i t i s couched explicitl y i n thos e terms." 118 Willia m Mahedy undertake s thi s enterprise i n his text Out of the Night: The Spiritual Journey of Vietnam Vets (1986) , making i t explicit i n his interpreta tion o f th e functio n o f veteran s centers , storefron t location s fo r th e counseling o f Vietna m veterans . Fo r Mahedy , th e center s ar e "spiritua l centers" an d "place s o f genuin e healing " tha t lea d t o "th e formatio n o f real community." 119 "Spirituality, " "community, " an d "healing " ar e th e words Mahed y use s in relation t o the centers. Within th e religious frame work adopte d withi n a numbe r o f post-Vietna m Wa r texts , th e vetera n performs hi s rite of healing as a spiritual exercis e of specific benefi t t o th e community. Th e relationshi p betwee n th e communit y an d healin g fro m

3 8 I The Healed Wound vided an opportunity t o relegitimize the veteran's relation to officially de fined form s o f authority . Suc h authorit y wa s onc e th e soldier' s problem : sending him to war, causing him to fight a guerrilla wa r wit h inappropri ate tactics , an d abusin g hi m wit h inadequat e healt h car e o n hi s releas e from militar y service . I n certai n ways , however , thi s histor y wa s rewrit ten a s (medical ) authorit y reconstructe d itsel f a s th e Vietna m veteran' s ally throug h it s definitio n o f PTSD , whic h provide d th e cur e t o specifi c problems affectin g him . The emphasi s o n reintegratio n withi n area s a s divers e a s the cosmeti c culture, film, and legal and medical definitions reflect s th e dominant nee d to interpre t th e effect s o f th e wa r i n Vietna m i n way s consisten t wit h cultural drive s towar d unit y an d incorporation . Wound s wer e denie d o r refigured withi n an d throug h textua l contribution s t o a n imag e o f U.S . culture a s a health y an d attractiv e plac e devoi d o f an y suggestio n o f wounds. Th e resul t o f th e intersectio n o f th e cultura l movement s stress ing holis m an d well-bein g an d filmi c representation s o f healin g wa s th e reproduction o f the commonsense notion that unity is a healthy, desirabl e condition. I n thi s real m wound s ar e no t onl y ou t o f place , the y ar e ac tively resisted .

Rituals of the Community The trials and tribulations o f the wounded mal e veteran compelled hi m t o go forth wit h th e healin g word. Th e religiou s connotation s o f thi s imper ative ar e integra l t o a numbe r o f interpretation s o f th e veteran' s postwa r role. As one commentator noted : "Th e healing of the terrible personal an d social wounds o f Vietnam . . . i s at heart a religious an d theologica l enter prise, whether o r no t i t i s couched explicitl y i n thos e terms." 118 Willia m Mahedy undertake s thi s enterprise i n his text Out of the Night: The Spiritual Journey of Vietnam Vets (1986) , making i t explicit i n his interpreta tion o f th e functio n o f veteran s centers , storefron t location s fo r th e counseling o f Vietna m veterans . Fo r Mahedy , th e center s ar e "spiritua l centers" an d "place s o f genuin e healing " tha t lea d t o "th e formatio n o f real community." 119 "Spirituality, " "community, " an d "healing " ar e th e words Mahed y use s in relation t o the centers. Within th e religious frame work adopte d withi n a numbe r o f post-Vietna m Wa r texts , th e vetera n performs hi s rite of healing as a spiritual exercis e of specific benefi t t o th e community. Th e relationshi p betwee n th e communit y an d healin g fro m

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the war defined i n religious terms is suggested b y Walter Capps in The Unfinished War (1990) when he comments: "In more communities than mos t people realiz e th e ve t center s hav e com e t o assum e som e o f th e role s o f neighborhood religiou s communities," an d the counselors in these center s perform "th e wor k o f confessors , servin g a s unordaine d priests." 120 Th e procedure for healin g that the veteran undertakes within these centers, led by counselors wh o ar e unofficia l religiou s instructor s an d therapists , ca n be summarize d b y the term s Mahed y use d frequentl y i n connectio n wit h the centers: "confession " an d "communion. " The role of confession, o r testimony, in the healing process is expressed in th e ide a tha t i n veteran s center s "burden s share d becom e burden s lifted, an d lif e begin s anew." 121 According to Capps , this is especially relevant t o th e Vietnam veteran s sinc e they ar e "[s]til l carryin g th e heavies t burdens o f the war." 122 Socia l reintegration, withou t whic h "ther e coul d be n o genuin e healing, " demand s tha t veteran s publicl y articulat e thei r stories a s a wa y o f bringin g a "chang e i n th e societ y tha t sen t the m t o war." 123 Th e othe r aspec t o f healin g undertake n withi n th e veteran s centers—"help[ing] peopl e becom e functional"—i s achieve d throug h communion, o r fellowship wit h othe r Vietnam veterans: "A veteran com munity form s aroun d a Ve t Center . It s styl e an d etho s resembl e th e ca maraderie o f th e comba t zone . Commitment , genuin e concern , an d affection fo r eac h other ar e hallmarks of one's newfound 'unit.' " Mahed y concludes tha t confessio n an d communio n eras e "th e wound s o f war " and resul t i n "spiritua l reintegration". 124 This method o f achieving healing is recirculated an d reinforce d withi n John Wheeler' s populis t tex t Touched with Fire (1984). Wheeler extend s confession beyon d th e veteran s an d make s i t applicabl e t o societ y a s a whole. He feel s that onl y b y sharing the "experienc e o f the Vietnam era " will Americans , no t onl y veterans , "brea k dow n th e divisions " amon g themselves leadin g "t o healin g an d a stronge r country. " Th e division s Wheeler refers to are multiple: they exist between those who went to Vietnam an d thos e wh o di d not , betwee n me n an d women , an d withi n th e "self divide d fro m self." 125 Echoin g Mahedy , Wheele r argue s tha t thes e divisions wil l b e "healed " onl y throug h "confession " (overcomin g th e silence tha t supposedl y surrounde d th e war ) an d "communion, " wha t Wheeler call s "ties." 126 In The History of Sexuality (1977), Foucaul t argue d tha t th e ritua l o f confession operatin g withi n th e institution s an d discipline s o f medicine , religion, education , an d la w occur s i n th e contex t o f a relationshi p o f

40 I The Healed Wound power, "fo r on e doe s no t confes s withou t th e presenc e (o r virtua l pres ence) o f a partne r wh o i s no t simpl y th e interlocuto r bu t th e authorit y who require s the confession, prescribe s an d appreciate s it , and intervene s in order t o judge, punish, forgive , console , and reconcile... . " 1 2 7 The issues o f authority , power , an d punishmen t raise d withi n Foucault' s con ceptualization o f th e confessiona l proces s ar e absen t fro m account s tha t propose confessio n a s a health y respons e t o th e impac t o f th e war . Fur ther, th e eas y assurance s o f th e efficac y o f confessio n propose d b y inter pretations withi n th e "religiou s paradigm " ar e belie d i n Foucault' s emphasis o n th e rol e o f mediatio n i n the confessional process . Question s of acces s t o prin t an d electroni c medi a capabl e o f translatin g individua l confessions int o form s o f nationa l salvatio n ar e no t addresse d i n simpl e assertions o f the beneficia l aspect s o f confession . Ignoring such issues, Capps, like Wheeler an d Mahedy , interprets con fession a s an unproblemati c an d functiona l cultura l act . He declare s tha t neither "Eden " promise d b y the ne w religiou s faith s no r "Armageddon " and th e belief s o f th e religiou s righ t epitomize d b y suc h peopl e a s Jerr y Falwell and the so-called Moral Majority provid e an adequate solution t o the problem s spawne d b y th e war . I n chapte r 8 of The Unfinished War, "The Healin g Process, " Capp s characterize s th e combat veteran s i n thei r acts of confession an d communit y withi n th e veterans centers a s the onl y people to have achieved practice s capable o f collective healing. 128 Withi n this emphasis Capp s fails to mention varieties of veterans' confessions oc curring outsid e th e veteran s centers , suc h a s the "Winte r Soldie r Investi gations" convene d i n Detroit i n early 197 7 b y Vietnam Veteran s Agains t the War as a forum fo r veteran s to attest to "America n wa r crimes " com mitted i n Vietnam. 129 Capps' s refusa l t o acknowledg e suc h form s o f con fession i s significant . Healing , fo r Capps , i s mean t t o b e apolitical . H e overlooks the fact tha t the notion o f collective guilt underlying his call fo r a societal mea culpa serve s a political function b y exonerating the action s of those i n power. However , withi n th e term s o f hi s argument, th e spuri ous notio n o f collectiv e guil t i s consistent wit h wha t h e see s a s the pres ence o f a widesprea d los s o f innocenc e engendere d b y th e impac t o f th e war. Accordin g t o Capps , "Afte r [th e experienc e o f thi s war] , assump tions o f innocenc e coul d neve r b e th e sam e again . N o clear-eyed , wide open sens e tha t a s Americans , w e ar e her e t o mak e th e worl d a bette r place. No vigorou s sens e of trust an d confidence . N o Bill y Budd. No op portunity fo r undiminishe d heroism . N o ne w o r recen t esteeme d war riors. No John Wayne." 130

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Despite thi s assertion, ther e hav e bee n fe w sign s of a readiness t o dea l with postwar guilt or responsibility. In 1975 , Time magazin e dispensed of the questio n o f guil t b y statin g tha t "ther e canno t b e a n infinit e cycl e of . . . recriminatio n an d guilt . Th e U.S . has pai d fo r Vie t Nam man y time s over." 131 Tw o year s later , i n Marc h 1977 , Presiden t Carte r argue d tha t America di d no t ow e Vietna m a deb t sinc e "th e destructio n wa s mu tual." 132 Th e patter n o f denyin g guilt , a s oppose d t o widesprea d confes sions o f guilt , continue d a s the dominan t cultura l respons e t o th e wa r i n Vietnam. I n thi s way , Capps' s declaratio n o f th e en d o f innocenc e wa s myopic. Capps' s statemen t originall y appeare d i n 1982 , i n th e firs t edi tion o f his book. To have let it stand, unaltered , fo r th e secon d editio n o f the wor k (1990 ) ignore s th e man y example s tha t contradic t th e argu ment. John Wayn e is dead, bu t i t was cancer an d no t th e war i n Vietna m that kille d him . Th e idea l o f persona l an d nationa l innocenc e survive d Vietnam and , further , th e wa r ha s becom e a sit e fo r th e recuperatio n o f the attendan t myth s o f th e warrio r an d heroism . Joh n Wayn e wa s re placed b y John Rambo , who ha s bee n supported b y a host o f cultural he roes who ar e all Vietnam veterans: Sonny Crocke t o f Miami Vice (1984), Magnum o f th e eponymousl y name d televisio n serie s (1980) , th e mem bers o f The A-Team televisio n serie s (1983) , Marti n Rigg s o f th e Lethal Weapon fil m series (1987,1989,1992), Olive r North, Colin Powell, Norman Schwartzkopf. 133 The en d o f herois m an d militaris m signale d b y Capp s wa s translate d into a cal l fo r th e en d o f waywar d militar y interventio n tha t ha s bee n reinterpreted a s support fo r continuin g militar y actions . "N o mor e Viet nams!" i s encode d wit h th e implici t messag e tha t "thi s tim e we'l l ge t i t right." Fa r fro m th e en d o f innocence an d soldiery , the war i n Vietnam i s rewritten a s a negative correlativ e agains t whic h futur e militar y actio n i s measured. "Gettin g i t right"—whic h no t onl y underwrot e bu t i n som e senses legitimate d th e invasio n o f Grenad a an d suppor t fo r th e Contr a rebels i n Nicaragua—also resulte d i n an upsurg e i n the rhetori c o f Allie d righteousness a s headline s valorize d al l aspect s o f victor y i n th e Persia n Gulf. To the victorious, then, go the rights to assert innocence. Guil t is irrelevant i n the presence o f action s that ar e interpreted a s totally justified . The culture industries capitalized o n the allied victory in the Gul f War b y manufacturing a new bree d o f warrior s fo r th e screen . The Sands oflwo Jima (1949 ) ha s alread y bee n replaye d i n th e deser t sand s o f th e Persia n Gulf i n the lamentabl e fil m Desert Shield (1991) . Contrary to the existence of what ha s been called a "seller' s market fo r

42 I The Healed Wound guilt" infusing post-Vietna m War American culture, 134 there has been little change to the viability or circulation o f the myth o f innocence. The denial o f guil t tha t support s th e myt h ha s bee n manifes t i n interpretation s of the United State s a s the victim o f the war, a construct tha t extend s th e revision o r forgettin g o f th e histor y o f th e war. 135 Indeed , "Vietnamne sia," th e authoritativ e repressio n o f th e war , interact s dialecticall y wit h the notion o f innocence: maintaining innocenc e require s the denial o f th e war, and the denial of the war allow s for innocenc e to be maintained. Th e dialectic receive d suppor t a s a resul t o f Reagan' s electio n t o th e presi dency an d hi s upholding o f th e inviolat e myt h o f innocence . His revisio n of the "meaning " o f the war (base d o n a n enforced forgettin g o f alterna tive memories ) wa s legitimate d i n it s mos t powerfu l manifestatio n through referenc e t o the American dea d i n Vietnam. Reagan implie d tha t to contes t hi s conclusio n wa s t o discredi t th e "memor y o f 50,00 0 [sic] young American s wh o died " i n th e war . T o remembe r th e dea d mean t promulgating th e myt h o f innocenc e b y no t "giv[ing ] wa y t o feeling s o f guilt as if we were doing something shameful [i n Vietnam].... [I]t's time," he insiste d i n August 1980 , that "w e recogniz e tha t our s was, in truth, a noble cause." 136 Wit h thes e statement s Reaga n employe d a no t particu larly subtl e rhetorica l maneuver : i n the nam e o f rememberin g (th e dead ) he recuperated th e myth o f nationa l innocenc e an d it s implicit aspect s o f forgetting guil t an d healin g the community. The assertio n o f innocence i s not onl y willful amnesia , i t also functions t o assur e communa l unity . Reagan frequentl y define d unity , specifically th e union o f the localize d community, i n terms o f a n idealize d an d idylli c innocence . His televisio n campaign advertisement s featurin g neighborhoo d scene s o f "Mornin g Again" i n America , an d th e frequen t reference s withi n hi s speeche s t o everyday folk i n the community were employed i n a way that constructe d the communit y a s a stat e o f grace . In exploitin g th e associatio n o f inno cence an d community , Reaga n deferre d t o a traditio n tha t extend s bac k to th e Purita n myt h o f th e foundin g whit e communitie s a s island s o f virtue among a sea of savagery. Popular representations i n particular hav e renovated an d reworke d th e relationshi p o f th e communit y an d inno cence. Within film, for example , neighborhood communit y has frequentl y been depicte d a s th e plac e o f naiv e ideal s (a s i n Meet Me in St. Louis, 1944), whil e th e virtuou s membe r o f th e smal l tow n frequentl y ha s her/his value s teste d an d finall y reaffirme d throug h contac t wit h a cor rupt cit y (th e paradigmati c exampl e i s Mr. Smith Goes to Washington,

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1939). Th e notio n o f pre-Vietna m Wa r an d henc e prelapsaria n "inno cence" i s evoked i n the fil m American Graffiti (1973 ) throug h it s settin g in a small Californi a tow n o f the early sixties. Presented a s the wellsprin g of benevolence , the communit y i s a place o f carin g an d healing , a refug e from th e painful experienc e o f th e world . Despite it s appeal , th e nee d fo r communit y possesse d th e potentia l t o reveal th e limit s o f healing . A s Bella h an d hi s colleague s hinte d i n thei r study o f communit y i n Reagan's America, "th e tremendou s nostalgi a . . . for th e idealize d 'smal l town' " suggeste d th e "fea r tha t ther e ma y b e n o way at all to relate to those who are too different." 137 Th e suggestion wa s lost i n th e discours e o f healin g fro m th e divisiv e war . Instead , th e con structions o f interiority/exteriority , inclusivenes s an d exclusivenes s upo n which unit y i s based continue d t o defin e th e absenc e o f difference . T o be included i n th e communit y i s to b e healed an d innocent . I n contrast , th e wounded outsider s ar e thos e wh o bea r th e mark s o f differenc e a s th e traces o f culpability. A guilty, damaging difference , then , must b e contin ually marginalize d o r denie d i n the relentles s assertio n o f community .

The National Allegory The affirmatio n o f unit y an d th e denia l o f differenc e referre d t o a s heal ing wa s massivel y extende d i n it s mos t ambitiou s phase—th e healin g o f the nation. As a completely amorphous entity , the nation needed to be situated withi n a specifi c sit e that woul d provid e a focus fo r th e discussio n and evocatio n o f national healing . With it s completion, th e Vietnam Vet erans Memoria l i n Washington, D.C. , becam e a feature tha t wa s quickl y appropriated a s the representational focu s o f the "nation " an d it s need t o be heale d o f th e wound s o f war . A delug e o f text s soo n represente d th e memorial i n the languag e o f healing . The mos t notabl e exampl e i n thes e terms is To Heal a Nation (1986) , a book written b y Jan Scruggs, the originator o f a n ide a o f a memorial t o veteran s o f th e Vietnam War. 138 The healin g functio n o f th e memoria l wa s reinforce d b y definition s that interprete d th e blac k wal l a s a symbo l o f nationa l rejuvenatio n an d vigor. The strength that supposedl y results from healin g was expressed b y President Reaga n durin g a speec h i n whic h h e formall y accepte d th e memorial o n behal f o f the nation. Reagan, who was fond o f references t o fictional characters , o n thi s occasio n allude d t o Hemingway' s Frederi c

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1939). Th e notio n o f pre-Vietna m Wa r an d henc e prelapsaria n "inno cence" i s evoked i n the fil m American Graffiti (1973 ) throug h it s settin g in a small Californi a tow n o f the early sixties. Presented a s the wellsprin g of benevolence , the communit y i s a place o f carin g an d healing , a refug e from th e painful experienc e o f th e world . Despite it s appeal , th e nee d fo r communit y possesse d th e potentia l t o reveal th e limit s o f healing . A s Bella h an d hi s colleague s hinte d i n thei r study o f communit y i n Reagan's America, "th e tremendou s nostalgi a . . . for th e idealize d 'smal l town' " suggeste d th e "fea r tha t ther e ma y b e n o way at all to relate to those who are too different." 137 Th e suggestion wa s lost i n th e discours e o f healin g fro m th e divisiv e war . Instead , th e con structions o f interiority/exteriority , inclusivenes s an d exclusivenes s upo n which unit y i s based continue d t o defin e th e absenc e o f difference . T o be included i n th e communit y i s to b e healed an d innocent . I n contrast , th e wounded outsider s ar e thos e wh o bea r th e mark s o f differenc e a s th e traces o f culpability. A guilty, damaging difference , then , must b e contin ually marginalize d o r denie d i n the relentles s assertio n o f community .

The National Allegory The affirmatio n o f unit y an d th e denia l o f differenc e referre d t o a s heal ing wa s massivel y extende d i n it s mos t ambitiou s phase—th e healin g o f the nation. As a completely amorphous entity , the nation needed to be situated withi n a specifi c sit e that woul d provid e a focus fo r th e discussio n and evocatio n o f national healing . With it s completion, th e Vietnam Vet erans Memoria l i n Washington, D.C. , becam e a feature tha t wa s quickl y appropriated a s the representational focu s o f the "nation " an d it s need t o be heale d o f th e wound s o f war . A delug e o f text s soo n represente d th e memorial i n the languag e o f healing . The mos t notabl e exampl e i n thes e terms is To Heal a Nation (1986) , a book written b y Jan Scruggs, the originator o f a n ide a o f a memorial t o veteran s o f th e Vietnam War. 138 The healin g functio n o f th e memoria l wa s reinforce d b y definition s that interprete d th e blac k wal l a s a symbo l o f nationa l rejuvenatio n an d vigor. The strength that supposedl y results from healin g was expressed b y President Reaga n durin g a speec h i n whic h h e formall y accepte d th e memorial o n behal f o f the nation. Reagan, who was fond o f references t o fictional characters , o n thi s occasio n allude d t o Hemingway' s Frederi c

44 I The Healed Wound Henry, a character who was familiar wit h the wounds of war and believe d that i t is possible to be made "stron g a t the broken places." 139 Accordin g to Reagan : The Memoria l reflect s a s a mirro r reflects....An d a s yo u touc h i t . . . you're touchin g . . . th e reflectio n o f th e Washingto n Monumen t o r th e chair in which great Abe Lincoln sits....It's bee n said that these memorials reflect a hunger for healing. Well, I do not know if perfect healin g ever occurs. But I know that sometime s when a bone is broken, i f it's knit together well, it will in the end be stronger than if it had not been broken. 140 The reconstructio n tha t Reaga n point s t o suggest s th e reimpositio n o f the endurin g orde r o f things stretchin g bac k t o Lincol n an d Washington , and wit h thi s suggestio n Reagan' s speec h expose s th e centra l aspec t o f healing: the legitimatio n o f unit y a s an essentia l characteristi c o f th e sta tus quo . Within th e dominan t interpretation , reproduce d i n Reagan's colloqui ally styled comments, the memorial i s permitted t o speak onl y of healing , and withi n thi s framewor k al l othe r articulation s ar e viewe d a s poten tially divisiv e an d deride d a s political. A n exampl e o f thi s proces s o f ex clusion ca n b e foun d i n th e rule s o f th e desig n competitio n fo r th e memorial tha t stresse d th e absenc e o f politic s an d emphasize d healing . Those wishin g t o submi t design s wer e instructed : "Th e memoria l wil l make no political statemen t regardin g the war o r its conduct. It will tran scend thos e issues . Th e hop e i s tha t th e creatio n o f th e memoria l wil l begin a healing process, a reconciliation o f the grievous divisions wrough t by th e war." 141 Th e banishmen t o f politic s an d th e aggressiv e fore grounding o f th e memorial' s healin g functio n denie d o r preclude d alter native way s o f understandin g o r interpretatio n capabl e o f informin g th e memory an d legac y o f th e war . Given th e desir e fo r reconciliatio n implici t i n healing , an d th e contin ued stres s pu t upo n th e apolitica l functio n o f th e memorial , i t i s ironi c that th e memorial was , from it s inception, surrounde d b y often bitte r ac rimony an d politics . The desig n itsel f provoke d a well-documented con flict o f interests. 142 Man y o f thos e wh o dispute d th e winnin g desig n di d so on the grounds tha t th e completed memoria l woul d fai l t o evok e heal ing becaus e i t wa s not , i n effect , a traditional monument . A numbe r o f figures associate d wit h th e memorial' s construction , includin g Ros s Perot, who helpe d fun d th e design competition, objecte d t o the final pro posal. Perot' s objection s wer e partiall y me t i n Reagan' s acceptanc e

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speech, i n whic h h e reinterprete d th e memoria l a s a reflection o f nearb y traditional monuments . Mor e specifically , thos e wh o wer e dissatisfie d with th e memoria l wer e assuaged , t o a degree , through a compromise i n which a life-size bronz e statu e o f three Vietnam War combat soldier s wa s installed nea r th e memorial . Ironically , thi s additio n reinvoke d an d refo cused criticism s o f memorial designs . Maya Lin , the designe r o f the Wall, called the statue "trite, " and its sculptor, Frederick Hart , rejoined b y calling the memorial "contemptuou s o f life." 143 The existenc e o f suc h debate s subvert s th e notio n tha t th e Wal l i s un equivocally a site o f unity . Contendin g position s no t obsesse d wit h unit y have reinterprete d th e memorial' s functio n b y focusin g o n th e name s etched int o it s black marbl e slabs . To many interpreter s th e name s evok e mortal injury , th e "mai n purpos e an d outcom e o f war, " i n th e word s o f Elaine Scarry. 144 Withi n thi s focus , th e powerfu l connotativ e effec t o f what May a Li n called th e "se a o f names" 145 ha s the potential t o redirec t the meanin g o f th e memoria l awa y fro m unit y towar d sorro w an d loss . Indeed, grie f motivate d man y o f th e contribution s t o th e memoria l fund , and inevitabl y th e expressio n o f sorrow , o r attempt s t o reliev e it , raise d other questions . One dono r t o the memorial fund , a woman fro m Michi gan, "sa w th e soldier s [wh o fough t i n Vietnam ] a s courageous , bu t vic tims o f 'needles s sacrifice.' " On e ma n sen t fund s a s a way o f expressin g his response to a "wa r [he ] hated an d [for ] th e friends an d th e loved one s [he] lost." 146 Statement s o n th e wa r an d it s effect , suc h a s "Th e waste, " "Such a waste, " "O h God , th e waste, " ar e frequentl y repeate d a t th e memorial. 147 The notio n o f a despised an d disruptiv e wa r evoke d withi n these comments contests the easy assumptions o f healing and redirects at tention t o question s concernin g th e legitimac y o f th e war . Th e grie f an d anger motivatin g man y comment s a t th e Wal l posses s th e abilit y t o re produce wha t ha s bee n calle d i n a differen t memorializin g context , "mourning and militancy." 148 Th e names , then , hav e bee n an d continu e to b e crucia l i n attempt s t o stabiliz e th e meanin g o f th e memorial . I t i s within the lavish media an d textual attentio n give n to the memorial a t the level o f th e name s tha t th e tas k o f assertin g th e notio n o f nationa l heal ing is replicated i n subtl e ways . The simpl e unadorned lis t o f name s o n th e Vietnam Veteran s Memor ial i s a variatio n o f generi c design s o f memorial s t o wa r dead . Th e em phasis o n patrioti c symbol s an d sign s o f nationa l "sacrifice " foun d among many memorial s t o the dea d o f earlie r war s was consciously con tradicted i n Maya Lin' s focus o n the names in a memorial devoi d o f state -

4 6 I The Healed Wound ments an d flag s (th e compromis e betwee n contendin g interpretation s o f the function o f the memorial include d th e installation o f a flagstaff a t th e memorial sit e an d th e additio n o f a brie f inscriptio n t o th e memoria l it self). Th e Vietna m Veteran s Memoria l privilege s th e names , thu s fore grounding th e presenc e o f thos e America n me n an d wome n wh o die d i n Vietnam. A list o f names , i t i s asserted, wa s centra l t o th e origina l concep t o f a memorial. According to an apocryphal account , Jan Scruggs , the founde r of the memorial fund , awok e i n the night afte r earlie r i n the evening hav ing seen the film The Deer Hunter. Scrugg s envisioned a "memoria l t o al l the name s o f everyon e kille d [i n the war]." 1 4 9 Ironically , th e notio n tha t a fil m influence d Scruggs' s decisio n t o create a Vietnam veteran s memor ial i s echoe d i n th e fac t tha t certai n filmi c representation s hav e promi nently feature d th e name s o n th e Wall . Typically , th e memoria l i s see n briefly i n long-shot , an d the n th e camer a pan s slowl y ove r th e name s i n close-up. 150 A television commercia l ha s exploite d th e frequentl y repro duced scene s o f peopl e touchin g th e name s i n it s depictio n o f a chil d reaching to th e names a s the voice-over refer s t o "th e touch , th e feel , th e fabric o f ou r lives." 151 Touchin g th e names , takin g rubbing s o f th e en graved outline s o f th e names , an d leavin g memento s a t th e plac e o f th e names have for man y people become ritualized parts of the process of visiting th e memorial . On e observe r ha s note d tha t "picture s o f thi s touch ing hav e ofte n appeare d i n th e media . Th e picture s conve y healing," 152 thus implicatin g medi a i n the reproductio n o f th e notio n o f healing . Without mediatio n th e ac t o f touchin g th e name s o n th e memoria l would remai n a personal experienc e untranslate d t o th e res t o f America . The intervention s o f th e medi a transfor m th e persona l int o th e national , the denotative int o the connotative, the literal into metaphor. Within thi s transformation th e simpl e ac t o f touchin g th e memorial , a n actio n tha t can carr y a variet y o f persona l meanings , i s conflate d wit h th e nation' s apparent desir e t o b e healed . In thi s wa y th e mas s medi a construct , t o quote Fredri c Jameso n ou t o f context , a "nationa l allegory " i n whic h "private individua l destiny " represent s a symbolic, or metaphoric, narra tive of th e condition o f th e entir e culture. 153 Similarly, withi n an d throug h th e mediatio n o f printe d textua l re sponses t o th e memorial , th e individua l identitie s o f thos e whos e name s appear o n th e memoria l becom e th e focu s o f a healing o r heale d nation . An exampl e o f th e allegorica l proces s operatin g throug h th e appropria tion of the names on the Wall is located within Bobbie Ann Mason's nove l

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In Country (1987) , a wor k tha t pay s particula r attentio n t o variou s names. Brand names , for example, litter almos t ever y page, reflecting th e commercial culture' s obsessio n wit h mass-produce d products , an d th e issue o f name s a s a reflectio n o f identit y i s introduce d wit h th e centra l character, Samanth a Hughes , who is known a s Sam. Through th e privileging of a female character , Mason present s the opportunity t o represen t the feminin e i n it s "multiplicity." 154 However , a s Mason' s stor y pro gresses, the realization o f this opportunit y i s lost a s the masculine char acter return s t o the plot. Previousl y lackin g any motivation, Sam' s uncle , Emmett, devise s a pla n fo r member s o f th e famil y t o visi t th e Vietna m Veterans Memoria l an d in enacting thi s plan Emmet t graduall y grow s t o dominate th e narrative. Sam's mothe r advise s tha t o n arriva l a t th e memoria l Sa m shoul d "look at the names. You'll see all those country bo y names, I bet you anything. Billy Gene and Freddie Ra y and Jimmy Bo b Calhoun . . . yo u loo k at thos e name s an d tell me if they're no t mostly countr y bo y names." 155 The stereotypica l interpretatio n o f thes e name s a s thos e o f "countr y boys" i s contradicted withi n th e narrativ e itself . Th e inhabitant s o f th e southern rura l townshi p o f Mason' s Hopewel l hav e name s suc h a s Tom Hudson, Lonni e Malone , an d Ed McMahon. Significantly , eac h o f thes e characters is white. "Race " is absent from Hopewell , a curious omission , given the history of the towns of the South, and also a perplexing absenc e in a novel that seek s to criticize construction s o f difference. Suc h qualifi cations determin e tha t th e name s o n th e memoria l ar e no t necessaril y those o f "countr y boys"—bu t the y ar e those o f whit e males . Withi n In Country th e memorial become s a black wal l for white people . The denia l o f "race " i n Mason's narrativ e i s paralleled i n the proces s of erasur e o f th e feminin e tha t bega n wit h th e privilegin g o f Emmett' s role. The denial culminate s a t the memorial, wher e Sa m finds th e nam e of a soldier, "Sa m Hughes," killed in Vietnam. Sam's journey toward self knowledge ends in the obliteration of her identity in that of a (white) mal e soldier. Constantl y denie d acces s t o informatio n concernin g th e war because of her gender, Sam is eventually admitte d t o the "mystery" o f Vietnam throug h th e agencie s an d identitie s o f men . For Sam , the pric e o f healing fro m th e war i s the abandonmen t o f identity , resultin g i n wha t David Rodowic k ha s called the "universalizatio n o f subjectivity a s maleness." 156 Mason writes : "[Sam] touches her own name. How odd it feels, as thoug h al l th e name s i n Americ a hav e bee n use d t o decorat e thi s wall." 157 The multiplicity o f the United State s is reduced t o a collectivit y

48 I The Healed Wound of whit e male s tha t Sam' s nam e help s he r enter . I n thi s country , Sam' s name i s a contraction o f sameness . The stereotypin g an d denia l o f identit y an d th e constructio n o f unio n evidenced i n Mason' s nove l i s als o apparen t i n a n articl e writte n b y William Broyles , Jr., fo r Newsweek magazine . Th e repor t deal s wit h th e candlelit vigi l an d recitatio n o f th e name s o f th e Vietnam Wa r dea d hel d in th e Nationa l Cathedra l t o coincid e wit h th e 198 2 dedicatio n o f th e Vietnam Veteran s Memorial . Broyles' s interpretatio n o f th e name s en codes a variety o f stereotype s embedde d withi n th e nationa l allegory : Names. Jose K . Brown . Sa i G . Gew . Glenn F . Cashdollar. Keny u Shima bukuru. Famous L. Lane. Witold J. Leszczynski. Thomas L. Little Sun. Salvatore J . Piscitello . Ma x Lieberman . Sava s Escamill a Trevino . Bill y Jo e Lawrence. For 56 hours they read the names in the Gothic confines of the National Cathedral. Rhythmi c Spanis h names . Tongue-twisting Polis h names , guttural German, exotic African, homel y Anglo-Saxon names. Chinese, Polynesian, Indian and Russian names. They are names which reach deep into the heart of America, each testimony to a family's decision, sometime in the past, to wrench itself from hom e and culture to test our country's promise of new opportunities and a better life. They are names drawn from the farthest corners of the world and then, in this generation, sent to another distant corner in a war America has done its best to forget. 158 Broyles reproduce s th e myth s o f th e cente r an d peripher y upo n whic h constructions o f othernes s ar e based . Th e Unite d State s is , a s Marit a Sturken notes , positioned a t the center o f the world an d al l other part s of the glob e ar e the "farthes t corners." 159 Onl y the Anglo-Saxon name s ar e "homely," th e tru e reflectio n o f "th e hear t o f America. " Th e "other " names ar e stereotype d i n accordanc e wit h prejudicia l image s o f margin alized nations . Afric a an d African s ar e "exotic. " Spai n i s th e lan d o f dance an d melody , a s exemplifie d i n "rhythmi c Spanis h names. " "Gut tural German " name s i s a constructio n reminiscen t o f Sylvi a Plath' s dis paraging an d intentionall y maliciou s referenc e t o th e Germa n languag e spoken b y her father a s a glottal "barbed-wir e snare." 160 Within Broyles' s rewriting o f identity, assumed generi c cultural traits ar e presented a s nat ural an d traditional . Tradition, accordin g t o Raymond Williams , is " a deliberatel y selectiv e and connectin g proces s whic h offer s a historical an d cultura l ratificatio n of a contemporar y order. " William s als o note d tha t th e "selectiv e tradi tion" i s "a t onc e powerfu l an d vulnerable. " "Powerfu l becaus e i t i s s o

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skilled in making active selective connections, dismissing those it does no t want," vulnerabl e becaus e "th e selectiv e versio n o f a 'livin g tradition ' i s always tied , thoug h ofte n i n comple x an d hidde n ways , t o explici t con temporary limit s an d pressures." 161 The ratificatio n o f selecte d represen tations o f identit y an d unit y encountere d i n Broyles' s interpretatio n o f names i s contested b y the "pressure s an d limits " impose d withi n th e cul ture by the politics of identity. Identity politics represent the idea that per sonal an d collectiv e identities—base d o n "race, " region , religion , class , gender, an d sexua l preferences—ca n infus e an d structur e th e practic e o f political experience . Suc h a politic s exist s an d function s i n th e for m o f new social movements, including the modern women's movement, the gay movement, Jess e Jackson' s Rainbo w Coalitio n an d it s variants , an d th e green movement. 162 Despit e the emphasi s o n "newness " i n the term use d to describ e these formations, suc h movement s ar e not historicall y uniqu e or novel . Man y o f th e feature s presen t withi n th e ne w socia l movement s are indistinguishabl e fro m feature s i n earlie r socia l movement s base d o n aspects o f identity . Th e differenc e i s a matte r o f degre e an d elaboration : the ne w socia l movement s hav e consciousl y foregrounde d coalitiona l practices aime d a t realizin g the sloga n th e "persona l i s political." Identity an d coalitiona l politic s see k t o establis h th e validit y o f rela tional identities , a s oppose d t o a n identit y fixe d i n th e pejorativ e image s exhibited i n Broyles's work. Th e operatio n o f a politics o f identit y resist s dominant message s of cultural unit y that ridicul e or den y the existence of difference. A n effective (counter)memor y o f personal identitie s capable of contesting th e stereotypin g o f individua l experience s i s maintainable , then, onl y outsid e th e nationa l allegor y o f healing . The contras t betwee n the existence of difference an d the dominant metaphor o f healing does not result i n stasis . Competin g force s struggl e fo r dominanc e i n a contes t i n which, to quote Walter Benjamin, "even the dead will not b e safe"163 fro m being continuall y conscripte d t o articulat e th e nee d fo r nationa l unity . If the struggle is lost, the Wall would ceas e to b e a memorial, a site of mem ory. It would become , instead, a monument—a plac e of tradition markin g the massive reconstruction o f experienc e tha t i s encoded i n healing .

The Unhealed The outcom e o f th e struggl e ove r th e impositio n o f "healing " i s far fro m guaranteed. Historically , a number o f text s hav e sough t t o resist the neg -

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skilled in making active selective connections, dismissing those it does no t want," vulnerabl e becaus e "th e selectiv e versio n o f a 'livin g tradition ' i s always tied , thoug h ofte n i n comple x an d hidde n ways , t o explici t con temporary limit s an d pressures." 161 The ratificatio n o f selecte d represen tations o f identit y an d unit y encountere d i n Broyles' s interpretatio n o f names i s contested b y the "pressure s an d limits " impose d withi n th e cul ture by the politics of identity. Identity politics represent the idea that per sonal an d collectiv e identities—base d o n "race, " region , religion , class , gender, an d sexua l preferences—ca n infus e an d structur e th e practic e o f political experience . Suc h a politic s exist s an d function s i n th e for m o f new social movements, including the modern women's movement, the gay movement, Jess e Jackson' s Rainbo w Coalitio n an d it s variants , an d th e green movement. 162 Despit e the emphasi s o n "newness " i n the term use d to describ e these formations, suc h movement s ar e not historicall y uniqu e or novel . Man y o f th e feature s presen t withi n th e ne w socia l movement s are indistinguishabl e fro m feature s i n earlie r socia l movement s base d o n aspects o f identity . Th e differenc e i s a matte r o f degre e an d elaboration : the ne w socia l movement s hav e consciousl y foregrounde d coalitiona l practices aime d a t realizin g the sloga n th e "persona l i s political." Identity an d coalitiona l politic s see k t o establis h th e validit y o f rela tional identities , a s oppose d t o a n identit y fixe d i n th e pejorativ e image s exhibited i n Broyles's work. Th e operatio n o f a politics o f identit y resist s dominant message s of cultural unit y that ridicul e or den y the existence of difference. A n effective (counter)memor y o f personal identitie s capable of contesting th e stereotypin g o f individua l experience s i s maintainable , then, onl y outsid e th e nationa l allegor y o f healing . The contras t betwee n the existence of difference an d the dominant metaphor o f healing does not result i n stasis . Competin g force s struggl e fo r dominanc e i n a contes t i n which, to quote Walter Benjamin, "even the dead will not b e safe"163 fro m being continuall y conscripte d t o articulat e th e nee d fo r nationa l unity . If the struggle is lost, the Wall would ceas e to b e a memorial, a site of mem ory. It would become , instead, a monument—a plac e of tradition markin g the massive reconstruction o f experienc e tha t i s encoded i n healing .

The Unhealed The outcom e o f th e struggl e ove r th e impositio n o f "healing " i s far fro m guaranteed. Historically , a number o f text s hav e sough t t o resist the neg -

50 I The Healed Wound ative forc e o f assertion s o f healing/unity . Th e fil m Cutter's Way (1981) , while still relying on the convention o f the wounded veteran , is one of th e very fe w film s t o dea l wit h th e woundin g impac t o f th e wa r withou t re ferral t o th e dubiou s qualitie s associate d wit h healing . Th e multipl e am putee Alex Cutter (Joh n Heard) o f the film's titl e is motivated b y a desir e to avenge a girl's murder. The murderer, accordin g to Cutter , is a wealthy industrialist, Cor d (Stephe n Elliott) . Fo r Cutter , Cord' s culpabilit y doe s not sto p with the murdered girl . "Cord' s responsible, " Cutte r insists , "h e and hi s type. It's never thei r as s that's o n th e line. " Cutter' s desir e fo r re venge extend s t o includ e thos e i n powe r wh o sen t hi m t o a debilitatin g and wounding war while they remained safel y insulated from th e war an d its effects . I n th e film' s fina l scene s Bon e (Jef f Bridges) , holding th e dea d Cutter's gun, accuses Cor d o f killing the girl. Cord's answe r i s the rhetor ical question "Wha t i f it was?" This ambiguity i s maintained i n the scen e that follows : immediatel y th e scree n white s ou t an d a gunsho t i s heard , leaving the audienc e to suspect that Bon e has shot Cord . The uncertaint y that surround s Cord' s par t i n th e murde r i s reflecte d i n th e lac k o f cer tainty tha t Bon e has pulled th e trigger o n Cord . I f the "driv e to narrativ e closure i n Hollywoo d film s tend s t o 'tame ' alternat e view s an d reaffir m dominant ones," 164 the n th e intentionall y ambiguou s endin g o f Cutter's Way militate s agains t a conclusive reading . While the endin g fail s t o suppor t dominan t views , it also fail s t o cate gorically dispute them—it neither confirm s no r denies . However, the fil m unequivocally maintain s th e suggestio n tha t cultur e i s compose d o f a number o f differen t positions , summarized withi n th e reconfiguratio n o f the terms o f "them " an d "us " ("it' s never their as s that's o n the line"). In addition, Cutter' s outburs t hint s a t th e fac t tha t thi s divisio n i s long standing. Historically , on e group ha s manage d t o insulat e itsel f fro m th e effect o f the war an d simila r disruptions ("it' s never . . . " ) , a position tha t underlines th e endurin g existenc e o f clas s an d powe r difference s withi n the culture . Interestingly, Cutter's Way anticipate d issue s subsequentl y raise d an d reworked i n the fil m Rambo (1985) . The latte r film' s presentatio n o f th e stab-in-the-back thesi s is a rewriting o f the position presente d i n Cutter's Way tha t contend s tha t th e (working-class ) U.S . soldie r wa s betraye d through th e ver y ac t o f havin g bee n sen t t o Vietnam. 165 Similarly , th e rearticulation o f th e "us " an d "them " dichotom y i n Rambo —in whic h "us" i s a unified collectivit y rallied agains t those who ar e different—is a n

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attempt t o revis e the wounding class-base d cultura l division s establishe d in Cutter's Way. Cutter's outburs t a t thos e whos e bodie s ar e neve r "o n th e line " ha s since resonate d withi n th e cultur e i n a numbe r o f importan t ways , mos t conspicuously a s a yardstic k o f th e patriotis m o f Republica n vice-presi dents an d Democrati c presidents . Specifically , however , Cutter' s indigna tion implicate s not patriotism bu t the role of class in deciding who i s sent to war . Th e fac t tha t Vietna m wa s a class-base d wa r i s a n issu e tha t i s rarely raised with effect withi n representations o f themes surrounding th e war. 166 The failure o f texts to come to terms with the class basis of the war is exemplified i n the opening scenes of The Deer Hunter i n which Cimin o attempts t o represen t th e working-clas s experience s an d ethni c back grounds o f th e characters wh o wil l go to war. As the fil m critic s Leonar d Quart and Al Auster argue, Cimino's perspective fails to depict a class and "a cultur e an d identit y tha t i s both aliv e an d abl e to figh t it s own battle s . . . withou t charismatic heroes to aid them." Instead, "Hi s workers live in a tim e warp, politically unconsciou s an d passiv e men an d women " livin g a life "withou t dissatisfaction , ange r o r restlessness—a workin g class tha t has n o hunge r fo r succes s o r mobilit y bu t i s totally satisfie d an d compla cent abou t bot h th e virtue s an d limitation s o f life." 167 Th e fina l scen e o f the film forgoe s analysi s of the ways in which clas s and ethnicit y were reconfigured i n support of the war by simplistically asserting that patriotis m is the onl y solutio n t o the damagin g effect s o f the conflict . In contrast t o this conclusion, bu t finally n o less satisfactory i n its representation o f issue s related t o th e war, Stone' s 199 0 fil m versio n o f Ro n Kovic's 197 7 memoi r Born on the Fourth of July attempte d t o dispe l th e move fro m clas s t o patriotis m b y representin g th e disastrou s impac t wrought b y chauvinisti c myth s o n Kovic' s working-clas s background . Here too , however , closur e involve s ignorin g image s an d issue s o f clas s and restatin g thos e o f patriotis m an d natio n i n scene s involvin g Kovic' s reassessment o f America n ideals , an d hi s eventua l affirmatio n o f th e processes o f democrati c electora l politics . The themes of birth an d patriotism eviden t in the title of Kovic's mem oir were, ironically, repeated in the title of Bruce Springsteen's song "Bor n in the U.S.A." (1984) . Springsteen attempt s t o confron t issue s o f clas s a s they intersec t wit h th e veteran' s experienc e i n description s o f a working class her o wh o i s sen t t o Vietna m afte r gettin g int o " a littl e hometow n jam." Returnin g t o th e Unite d States , th e veteran , unemploye d an d

52 I The Healed Wound ignored b y th e Veteran s Administration , reflect s o n th e iron y o f a los t American wa r an d the disruption i n its wake o n the lives of those aroun d him. Despite the critical stanc e implici t i n lyrics that emphasiz e clas s an d loss, the chorus—repeated shout s of the line "Born in the U.S.A!"— made the son g ope n t o appropriatio n a s a n anthe m o f jingoisti c expression . Refusing an d resisting such an expression, the video filmed b y John Sayle s that accompanie d th e song' s releas e anchore d th e verba l image s o f th e lyric t o powerfu l visua l image s o f working-clas s life . Th e vide o feature s shots of a happy childhood i n a working-class neighborhood, hig h schoo l photographs, and a wedding, followed b y images of cars for sale , welfar e lines, soldiers in Vietnam, an d a Vietnamese child . The final segmen t fea tures grave s a t Arlington Cemeter y an d me n workin g i n a welding plant . The ironic contrast create d b y the words o f the chorus an d scene s depict ing th e connectio n betwee n th e wa r an d it s effect s o n member s o f th e working clas s dispels an y sens e of facil e patriotism . The divisiv e impac t o f th e wa r presen t i n text s suc h a s Cutters' Way and Springsteen' s song had earlier been registered i n Robert Stone' s novel Dog Soldiers (1976 ) throug h th e presenc e o f thre e kilogram s o f heroi n smuggled int o America fro m Vietnam . As the novel registers the effect o f the heroin o n the lives of various characters, the reader i s toured throug h an Americ a tha t mock s th e dominan t myt h o f healing/unity . Indeed , th e failure o f community, o f the center to hold, is a theme that runs through out Stone' s work . I n hi s firs t novel , A Hall of Mirrors (1968) , a charac ter announces : "I f somebod y eve r tell s you , Geraldine , tha t the y nee d you, yo u tel l them t o bu y a dog." 1 6 8 In A Flag for Sunrise (1983 ) Holli well, a liberal anthropologist, deliver s a narcotized lectur e on the parlou s state o f U.S . culture: "Underneat h i t all , ou r secre t culture , th e non-ex portable one , i s dying. It' s goin g sou r an d we'r e goin g t o di e o f it . We'l l die o f i t quietl y aroun d ou r ow n hearth s whil e ou r childre n laug h a t us." 1 6 9 In his next novel, Children of Light (1986) , the central character' s schizophrenia become s a reflection o f the divided condition o f the Unite d States referre d t o b y Holliwell. 170 I n Outerbridge Reach (1992) , Owe n Browne, a vetera n o f th e wa r i n Vietnam , muse s upo n a n "imagine d country, a homelan d tha t coul d functio n a s bot h communit y an d c a u s e . . . . Brown e fel t hi s ow n countr y ha d faile d hi m i n tha t regard . It was agreeabl e t o thin k suc h a place migh t exist . . . . Bu t n o suc h plac e existed." 171 Pursuing th e misanthropi c them e i n Dog Soldiers, Ston e represent s southern Californi a a s a plac e fille d wit h rando m violence , misunder -

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standing, an d betrayal . Havin g escape d Sa n Francisc o wit h th e heroin , Ray Hicks, a Vietnam veteran, and Marge Converse , wife of Hicks's part ner i n th e importatio n o f th e drug , sto p briefl y i n a n isolate d are a o f the Hollywoo d hills . Durin g a brie f respit e fro m violence , Marg e see s people hidin g amon g th e tree s an d ask s Hick s wha t the y ar e seeking . Hicks answers : Bodies.... Sometimes they find a car off th e road with nobody in it. They have to look for the driver. They'll see a drunk run his car into the canyon and they'll creep out at night to take the guy's wallet. They go for the credit cards.... The big ones eat the little ones, up here.172 Any notio n tha t communit y i s possibl e i s ridicule d i n thi s moder n wasteland. Escapin g th e perversion s o f th e city , Hicks join s Dieter , onc e the guru o f a communal retrea t in New Mexico that becam e corrupted b y drugs. Ironically , Diete r seek s t o recrui t Hicks , stil l i n possessio n o f th e heroin, t o hel p hi m revitaliz e th e retreat . Hicks , however , i s unabl e an d unwilling t o attemp t t o resuscitat e a n idea l tha t i n post-Vietna m Amer ica i s anachronisti c an d unworkable . Th e failur e t o fin d o r maintai n a separate peace is underlined when the commune i s shattered b y a firefigh t between Hicks and thos e seeking to steal the heroin. In this scene the wa r comes home wit h al l its traumatic forc e a s Hicks i s wounded attemptin g to escap e with th e heroin . Hallucinating fro m th e pain of his wounds, Hicks imagines himself ac cepting an d thereb y dispellin g the pain tha t existe d i n Vietnam: "Al l tha t cringing, all those crying women, whining kids— I don't wan t t o se e that, I don' t lik e it . Giv e i t h e r e . . . . Napal m burns , n o problem—jus t pu t i t here." 173 Hicks's long , painful, an d finall y fata l retrea t fro m hi s pursuer s focuses hi s perception s concernin g socia l condition s withi n Americ a i n the wake o f th e war i n Vietnam : [k]now what's out there? Every goddamn race of shit jerking each other off . Mom and Dad and Buddy and Sis, two hundred million rat-hearted cock suckers in enormous cars. Rabbits and fish . They're mean and stupi d an d greedy, they'll fuck yo u for laughs, they want you dead. If you're no better than them you might as well take gas. If you can't get your ow n on them then don't stan d there and let them spit on you, don't give them the satisfaction.174 Within thi s dystopi c vie w o f a fraying socia l fabri c i s the suggestio n tha t "we" ar e all victims of the war i n Vietnam. This issue and the interrelate d

54 I The Healed Wound notions o f (national ) identit y an d pai n wer e subsequentl y explore d i n a different wa y i n Larry Heinemann' s nove l Faco's Story (1987) . Pain an d suffering , an d th e memorializing o f the effects o f war infor m Heinemann's novel . On e character , Jesse, describe s hi s conceptio n o f a n official veteran s monumen t planne d b y "ex-Marin e corp s heroe s . . . an d General goddam n Willia m Westmorelan d hi s ow n self " tha t mock s Hart's sculptur e b y representing a "half-hacke d Bo y Scout lieutenant.. . standing o n a n effigy o f a Purple Heart, with hi s legs all loosy-goosy, lik e he's surfing , bu t holdin g a corps e o f a dea d G. I h e a v e n w a r d . . . . " Sinc e "any grun t wort h hi s gri t an d spit " woul d disavo w suc h "Joh n Wayn e crapola" a s contrary to the experience o f Vietnam, Jesse proposes a more "fragrant" alternative : a "grass y knoll " o f "prim e Washington , D.C . property . . . i n line with th e Reflectin g Pool " covere d wit h whit e marbl e inscribed wit h th e name s o f th e Vietna m wa r dead . I n th e middl e o f th e site h e propose s a "bi g granit e bow l . . . abou t th e siz e o f a three-yar d dump truck " int o which woul d b e laden "ever y sor t o f 'egregious ' excretion" mixe d wit h thousand s o f hundred-dolla r bills . Jesse suggest s tha t "all comers may fis h aroun d i n that bowl " fo r th e money. 175 Such a proposa l dispute s th e ide a o f nationa l healing , a positio n tha t is echoed i n othe r alternativ e interpretation s o f th e memorial' s function . Poet an d Vietna m vetera n Willia m Ehrhar t expresse s a radica l positio n that refuses th e Wall, or an y memorial, as the final arbite r o f the nationa l condition whe n h e writes: I didn't want a monument not even one as sober as that vast black wall of broken lives. ................. What I wanted was an end to monuments. 176 Another vetera n conceive d o f a memoria l a s a "one-to n condolenc e card," an d on e vetera n suggeste d a searchligh t scannin g th e Washingto n Mall illuminatin g a huge crater wit h th e "ashe s o f 50,00 0 John Doe s . . . scattered i n th e bottom." 177 Th e issue s o f identit y an d anonymit y raise d in this las t suggestion ar e relevant t o Heinemann' s novel . As if to parod y William Broyles' s stereotypin g o f ethnicit y i n hi s interpretatio n o f th e names o f th e wa r dead , Heinemann' s characte r i s name d Pac o Sullivan , but t o thos e aroun d hi m h e is nameless. Despite hi s anonymity, Pac o ha s a retrievabl e identit y tha t i s intimated i n Jesse' s ide a fo r a Vietna m Wa r

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memorial. Jesse's descriptio n implicate s pain , o r slaughter , o n mor e tha n one level. The reference t o a "grass y knoll " echoe s descriptions o f the location fro m whic h th e Nationa l Guar d sho t an d kille d fou r student s a t Kent Stat e University , an d als o evoke s description s o f th e sit e o f a sus pected additiona l gunma n i n th e Kenned y assassination . Suc h reference s suggest deat h an d woundin g a s spectacle , the visibl e displa y o f a violen t culture, and it is within a context of spectacular violence that Paco's iden tity i s defined . Durin g a battl e i n whic h everyon e els e dies , Pac o sur vives—a visibl y scarre d memoria l t o th e war : Our man Paco . . . lie s flat on his back and wide to the sky, with slashin g lacerations, bi g watery bur n blisters , and broken , splintered , ruined legs. . . . [H] e comes to consciousness in the dark of that first long night... an d he doesn't know what hit him....[H]e imagine s looking down at his own body, seeing—vividly—ever y gapin g shrapne l nick , ever y pucker y bur n scar, every splintery compound fracture. 178 Paco is pain . Reinforcin g th e wounding , carnal, basi s o f th e war , Heinemann ha s writte n elsewher e tha t th e U.S . soldie r i n Vietna m wa s "so much meat on the slab to be butchered." 179 A s a result of the scarrin g effects o f the war, Heinemann has stated: " I am who I am because of Vietnam . . . —there' s n o us e denyin g it." 180 Similarly , th e experienc e o f wa r has define d Paco' s identity . A glimps e o f thi s experienc e i s revealed i n a vivid flashbac k Pac o experience s a s a resul t o f listenin g t o hi s rooming house neighbor , Cathy , an d he r boyfrien d havin g se x i n th e adjoinin g room. Hearin g th e sound s throug h th e wall , Pac o i s confronte d b y th e grisly memor y o f th e platoon' s violen t rap e o f a Vietnames e gir l tha t culminated i n he r murde r an d scalping . Th e omniscien t narrato r com ments: "W e looke d a t he r an d a t ourselves , drawin g breat h agai n an d again, and kne w that this was a moment o f evil, that we would neve r liv e the same." 181 Here , a t th e en d o f th e scene , th e cente r o f attentio n i s the me n an d th e possibl e effec t o f thi s actio n upo n thei r futur e lives . As Lorrie Smit h has noted, "Th e sympatheti c cente r o f the boo k i s Paco, th e ultimate vetera n victim... . I t i s Paco's pai n tha t matters , no t th e Viet namese woman's." 182 Two days after hi s voyeuristic eavesdropping, Paco sneaks into Cathy' s room and reads the diary in which she has described her fantasies o f mak ing lov e t o Paco . Pac o reads : "[H] e hold s himsel f up , stiff-armed , an d arches hi s bac k an d reache s u p t o hi s forehea d an d begin s b y pinchin g skin there , bu t he' s workin g th e ski n loose , an d the n begin s t o pee l th e

56 I The Healed Wound scars of f a s if they wer e a mask." I n Cathy' s imagination , Pac o "lay s th e scars o n [her ] chest . I t burns . . . an d I think I hear screams. "183 Ther e i s no ambiguit y i n the fina l words . It is not Cath y who screams—i t i s Paco, his continue d sufferin g unassuage d b y havin g diveste d himsel f o f hi s scars. Women, it seems, are not allowed a voice and must suffer i n silence. Although the transference o f the scars is meant to suggest the shared bur den o f pai n o f war, i t is women wh o ar e made t o pa y th e pric e fo r men' s pain. Despite the foregroundin g o f Paco's anguis h an d victimization , i t is women wh o ar e raped , murdered , an d inscribe d wit h men' s scars . Thi s issue is also evident in the pornographically violen t film Casualties of War (1989) i n scene s depictin g th e abductio n an d rap e o f a Vietnames e woman b y a squa d o f U.S . soldiers . Agai n i t i s a (Vietnamese ) woma n who is made the ultimate victim, even though the title of the film is clearly meant t o includ e (American ) mal e soldiers . Ironically, then, it is within th e privileging of the unhealed, victimized , male vetera n tha t th e notio n o f universal sufferin g i s established. Differ ences an d incommensurabilitie s betwee n th e experienc e o f th e Unite d States an d Vietnam , an d betwee n me n an d women , ar e subsume d withi n the imag e tha t "we " ar e all—equally—victim s o r casualtie s o f th e war . This universalizin g o f victimag e i s inscribe d i n a variet y o f sources , in cluding Herr's coda to Dispatches: "Vietnam , Vietnam, Vietnam, we have all bee n there." 184 Th e assessmen t resonate s i n Stanle y Karnow' s argu ment tha t "th e wa r i n Vietna m wa s a wa r nobod y won— a struggl e be tween victims." 185 Suc h argument s unwittingl y replac e th e nationa l allegory o f healin g with a national allegor y o f wounding . While bot h Paco's Story an d Dog Soldiers see k t o resis t healin g through a n evocation o f the language of the wound, the result is not a coherent an d cogen t alternativ e t o healin g bu t a retur n t o th e problemati c dimensions o f th e wound . Representin g cultura l divisio n an d differenc e in terms o f a wound attache s pejorativ e connotation s t o these condition s and, through th e irresistible appea l o f healing implicit in the metaphor o f the wound , undermine s attempt s t o establis h th e realit y o f cultura l divi sion. Thus , an y challeng e t o th e hegemoni c projec t know n a s healin g i s severely limited , i f no t sabotaged , throug h it s relianc e o n th e imbricate d language o f the wound, whic h constantl y threaten s t o impl y a n imag e of its opposite . Th e essenc e o f th e problem , echoe d i n a commen t b y Wittgenstein, i s found i n the assessmen t tha t "[a ] picture hel d u s captive. And w e coul d no t ge t outsid e it , fo r i t la y i n ou r languag e an d languag e seemed t o repea t i t to u s inexorably." 186

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The war created an open suppurating wound which has not yet healed, and if it does, it may leave a permanent scar on the American body politic. 187 Within Vietnam, a s one survivor o f the war ha s pointed out , many o f th e wounds o f th e wa r remai n open. 188 Thi s situatio n i s in star k contras t t o America, wher e th e wound s o f wa r hav e bee n evoke d s o tha t th e corol lary, healing, can b e summone d t o redres s th e situation . Th e outcom e o f the healing process implies a consensual and unified cultur e devoid of disruption, division , and difference . Thus , the main implicatio n o f the use of the seemingl y natura l languag e o f th e woun d an d healin g ha s bee n t o offer th e opportunity to disavow the reality of division and difference an d to insis t upo n cultura l unity . The invers e o f thi s positio n i s a recognitio n of th e realit y o f differenc e an d it s positiv e effects . Th e existenc e o f cul tural constituencie s no t captivate d b y the notio n o f healin g a s unity pro duces a contest a t the sit e of representatio n betwee n differenc e an d unit y in which , t o borro w a lin e fro m essayis t Koben a Mercer , "wha t matter s most ar e th e moves , strategies , an d tactic s b y which opponent s pla y th e game." 189 I n thi s contes t differenc e ha s bee n outmaneuvere d b y a strat egy o f unit y encode d i n th e dominan t metapho r o f healing . Th e sign s o f the effectivity o f the moves and tactics of this strategy are inscribed withi n culture a t th e leve l o f th e individual , th e community , an d th e natio n an d are revealed—at th e en d o f th e contest—i n th e for m o f a healed scar .

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Nichols:, "B y 'voice ' I mean somethin g narrowe r tha n style : that whic h conveys to u s a sense of a text's socia l point o f view, of ho w i t is organizing the materials it is presenting to us. In this sense 'voice' is not restricte d to any code or feature, suc h as dialogue or spoken commentary." 19 I n on e sense, then, "voice " i s a metapho r fo r th e ideologica l effect s o f th e text . Ideology i s no t onl y inscribe d i n th e articulation s o f th e veteran , i t i s etched i n the text itself, in the author' s language , and th e common effect s of the cinematic apparatu s tha t permi t onl y certain authorize d speaker s a certain, limited , speech . To grant sovereignt y t o th e tex t i n thi s wa y i s t o agree wit h Barthe s tha t "all speech is on the side of the Law," 20 Withi n this conceptio n th e veteran' s utterance s ar e a sentence— a for m o f penol ogy, a conformist act . Yet to clai m that al l speec h support s th e dominan t order i s to ignor e polysemy, an d t o den y those texts i n which th e vetera n retrieves a voic e fro m wha t Pierr e Bourdie u call s th e "silenc e o f th e doxa." 21 "Voice " is thus an ambivalent metaphor—it register s ideologica l effects and , i n a different context , encode s th e contestation o f ideology . An understanding o f the manner b y which what "goe s without saying " came t o b e expressed b y the vetera n require s a n explicatio n an d critiqu e of the assumptions implici t in the textual construction o f the veteran, an d the historica l circumstance s tha t attende d tha t construction . Suc h a n analysis i s aime d a t answerin g th e initia l question—"Wh y wa s th e vet eran silenced?"—an d begin s wit h on e o f th e earlies t representation s o f the veteran .

Silencing the Messenger The filmi c vetera n mad e hi s mos t prominen t debu t i n The Born Losers (196-/) i n th e characte r o f Bill y Jack (To m Laughlin) , Nativ e America n and ex-Gree n Beret. 22 Th e fil m di d no t augu r wel l fo r th e futur e o f th e veteran i n mainstream fictio n film, i n fac t i t set a B-grade preceden t tha t was to have prominence fo r th e next few years. 23 In The Born Losers, th e first i n a cycle of Bill y Jack films , Bill y Jack confront s an d defeat s a gan g of renegad e motorcyclist s tha t ha s terrorized th e citizen s o f a smal l Cali fornia coasta l town. While this sketch suggests the actions of a figure eas ily appropriated b y a law-and-orde r campaign , Bill y Jack's excessiv e us e of violenc e an d th e fac t tha t h e is , as th e introductor y voice-ove r narra tion inform s th e spectator , a "traine d killer, " positio n hi m outsid e ac ceptable society . When, a t th e en d o f th e film , h e is shot b y a policeman ,

64 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist the audienc e recognize s tha t legitimat e authorit y ha s bee n restore d ove r the potentiall y waywar d an d dangerou s veteran . Central t o th e representatio n o f th e vetera n i n The Born Losers i s the fact tha t h e is pathetically incapabl e o f speakin g fo r himself . The charac ter o f Bill y Jack i s derived fro m th e traditiona l cinemati c India n wh o ex presses himsel f i n a n absur d pidgi n compose d o f littl e mor e tha n "ugh " and "how. " I n on e scen e Bill y Jack states : "I' m a n Injun , w e kno w ho w to strik e secretly , silently. " Silenc e an d violenc e ar e th e key s t o th e char acter o f Bill y Jack. Durin g a standof f wit h a membe r o f th e motorcycl e gang Bill y Jack goad s hi s opponen t t o violenc e wit h th e word s "Ar e yo u going t o figh t o r tal k m e t o death? " Bill y Jack woul d rathe r figh t tha n talk. I n The Trial of Billy Jack (1974 ) th e characte r i s called upo n t o ex press himself i n a different way—vocally , in court. And in Billy Jack Goes to Washington (1977) , the final fil m i n the series, his loquacity is his main weapon agains t governmen t corruption . However , i n The Born Losers Billy Jack abrogate s th e nee d t o expres s himsel f verbally , a poin t tha t i s reinforced earl y in the film wit h the opening voice-over bein g relied upo n to inform th e spectator o f his history. The theme song of the biker/vetera n film Angels from Hell (1968) , "N o Communication, " ironicall y summa rized th e languag e voi d tha t enmeshe d th e Vietna m veteran . Th e laconi c figure o f Travi s Bickl e (Rober t D e Niro ) i n Taxi Driver (1976) , an d th e inchoate ramblings o f Jack Falen (Denni s Hopper) i n Tracks (1976) , subsequently di d little to contest this impression o f the veteran a s a figure in capable o f effectiv e speech . Silent, o r lackin g th e verba l skill s t o communicat e effectively , th e vet eran o f thes e film s foun d expressio n i n th e onl y avenu e ope n t o him : physical violence . In 197 5 Julian Smit h commente d tha t th e war i n Vietnam ha d faile d t o inspir e film s abou t physicall y disable d veteran s "per haps becaus e th e psychi c wound s hav e bee n dee p enoug h (an d becaus e the returne d soldier s hav e neede d al l their strengt h fo r strikin g bac k a t a society tha t i s depicte d a s havin g betraye d them)." 24 Wit h th e eventua l change i n attitud e towar d th e veteran , th e presenc e o f physica l disabili ties becam e prominen t a s a moti f fo r a societ y seemingl y obsesse d wit h the wounds o f war. Yet, within it s historical context , Smith' s commen t i s accurate. In these earl y film s th e veteran's disabilit y i s almost exclusivel y and literall y cerebral : a n afflictio n o f th e cerebru m leadin g t o psychosi s and the loss of the ability to formulate language . Smith's observation als o highlights anothe r aspec t o f th e earl y representatio n o f th e veteran : th e veteran a s violen t victim . Th e characteristi c i s expressed i n th e veteran' s

The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist I 6 5 positioning a s a n outside r i n relatio n t o establishe d order—"neithe r fo r nor against, he is marked a s a classless threat to the dominant values" 25 — who frequently expresse s himself through act s of violence against the very order tha t sen t hi m t o Vietna m an d ignore s hi m o n hi s return . Th e vet eran-as-victim them e wa s t o prov e enduringl y popula r amon g th e earl y representations o f the Vietnam veteran , continuing unti l it s apotheosis i n the fil m First Blood (1982) . Smith note d tha t th e "tw o extreme s (violen t or victim) " wer e "s o prevalen t tha t Rober t Ja y Lifto n fel t th e need , ap parently, fo r a disclaime r i n the subtitl e o f hi s stud y o f th e psychologica l impact o f th e war : Home from the War; Vietnam Veterans: Neither Victims nor Executioners." 26 Besides incoherence and inarticulation, the other aspec t first associate d in The Born Losers wit h th e veteran, tha t o f the presence o f bike r gangs , continued t o figur e prominentl y i n th e earl y representation s o f th e vet eran. The intersection o f biker and veteran was exemplified an d exploite d in films i n which the veteran fought agains t motorcycle gangs (The Angry Breed, 1968 ; Satan's Sadists, 1969 ; Chrome and Hot Leather an d The Hard Ride, bot h 1971) , and i n those films featurin g a Vietnam veteran a s a member o f a biker gang (Motor Psycho, 1965, Angels from Hell, 1968 ; The Losers, 1970) . Film historian an d Vietnam combat veteran Rick Berg has attribute d thi s associatio n t o th e positio n tha t th e motorcycl e gang s hold withi n popula r culture . "Sinc e The Wild One (1954) , [suc h gangs ] have com e t o signif y a margina l an d irreconcilabl e counter-culture , whose members work withi n th e dominant cultur e bu t ar e hardly part o f it." 27 Berg' s analysi s o f th e experience s o f th e Vietnam vetera n o n scree n highlights th e cultura l readines s t o represen t th e vetera n a s outsider . Berg's observation s ca n b e extended b y analyzing th e reason s behin d th e demonization an d marginalization o f the veteran an d b y examining why , during th e earl y seventies , Vietnam wa r veteran s wer e linke d wit h biker s and no t som e othe r popularl y marginalize d group , suc h a s the hippies . Specifically, th e equatio n o f th e vetera n an d biker s functione d t o en sure tha t violence , togethe r wit h marginality , woul d b e associate d wit h the veteran , a prejudicia l assessmen t tha t increase d i n currenc y afte r th e public disclosure of the events at My Lai. That the violence at My Lai was so excessive—so outside acceptable or accepted boundarie s (eve n in war), and was therefore determinatel y insane—opened th e way for a further de monization o f the veteran a s mentally derange d o r psychotic. Indeed, th e veteran i s literally turne d int o a fien d i n th e execrabl e Blood of Ghastly Horror (1971 ) an d Death dream (1972 , als o know n a s The Night Walk

66 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist and Dead of Night), bot h o f which ha d releas e date s corresponding wit h the revelation o f the full exten t o f the My Lai massacre. 28 This conflatio n of violenc e an d psychosi s prove d t o b e immensel y popula r i n mass-cul ture representation s o f th e vetera n durin g th e earl y seventies . I n a num ber o f films , includin g My Old Man's Place (als o know n a s Glory Boy), The Visitors, Welcome Home Soldier Boys, an d To Kill a Clown (al l 1972), the veteran i s marked b y the war i n his murderous outbursts . The cliche of the violent veteran reflecting th e excessive violence of the war i n Vietnam wa s als o carrie d i n various episode s o f a number o f tele vision series , an d ca n b e trace d throug h a variet y o f novels. 29 I n othe r texts, includin g th e film s The Crazy World of Julius Vrooder (1974 ) an d Heroes (1977) , th e vetera n ha d overcom e senseles s violence , t o b e de picted a s merel y "senseless " o r "crazy. " Th e veteran' s derangemen t wa s parodied i n The Stunt Man (1978 ) i n whic h Pirandelloesqu e technique s cunningly expose d th e veteran' s psychosi s t o b e th e resul t o f th e opera tion o f a cinematic apparatu s tha t ideologize s th e everyda y condition s o f existence. Ironically, beyond th e world o f film th e veteran was chided fo r having "adjuste d to o well " t o postwa r life. 30 The willingnes s o f th e popula r medi a durin g th e lat e sixtie s an d earl y seventies t o construc t an d circulat e image s o f demonize d veteran s i s ex plicable within a n historicization o f the images. By the early seventies th e nightly televise d image s o f bod y bag s an d meta l coffin s signifie d a faile d military ventur e i n which th e veteran, albei t the dea d veteran , was, in ef fect, screaming t o those who would hea r of the immorality of the war an d of it s disastrou s huma n toll . Articulation s b y veteran s provide d th e po tential t o furthe r damag e th e wa r effor t b y verbally reinforcin g th e sam e issues tha t th e dea d exemplified . In thi s relation , th e voice s o f th e Viet nam veterans, informed b y the disruptive experience o f war, were define d ideologically a s a problem i n relation to officially sanctione d impression s of th e war . Whil e th e wa r wa s stil l bein g fought , th e Nixo n administra tion inadvertentl y concede d th e influenc e o f veterans' protest throug h it s anxious yet transparent attempt s a t delegitimating the actions o f antiwa r veterans. I n 1971 , during a weeklon g protes t agains t th e wa r organize d by Vietna m Veteran s Agains t th e Wa r calle d Operatio n Dewe y Canyo n III, name d afte r a serie s o f militar y operation s i n Vietnam , "veteran s threw thei r medal s a t the White House i n protest o f a war tha t disguste d and degrade d them. " I n response , "th e Nixo n administratio n implie d that they weren't really veterans bu t actors." Similarly, during protests b y Vietnam veteran s a t th e Republica n Nationa l Conventio n i n Miam i th e

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following year , "th e sam e administratio n pointe d t o [th e veterans' ] freshly scrubbed , non-vetera n peer s a s a shinin g hop e tha t woul d no t 'stain America.'" 31 Evidently, the news media a t the time were also unwilling or incapabl e of acceptin g th e realit y o f veterans ' protest . Fo r example , whe n veteran s gathered i n Detroi t i n Februar y 197 1 to publicl y confes s t o havin g com mitted crime s related t o their servic e in the war i n Vietnam, the so-calle d Winter Soldie r Investigations, CBS refused t o screen film o f the testimon y and generall y " [television barel y covered th e e v e n t . . . . " 3 2 I n a footnot e to hi s study o f th e media' s coverag e o f th e antiwa r movement , medi a so ciologist Tod d Gitli n suggest s tha t th e testimon y wa s no t broadcas t be cause, accordin g t o th e networks , "antiwa r veteran s wer e no t legitimat e sources o f jarrin g news." 33 Alternatively, however , th e networks ' refusa l to screen the sessions points to the veterans' testimony a s especially dam aging t o man y o f th e politica l position s favore d b y th e networks . Suc h testimony would hav e called into question a number o f traditional Amer ican self-perception s tha t wer e alread y bein g tested b y the nightly revela tions o f th e incident s a t M y Lai . It i s significan t tha t durin g th e earl y seventies , whe n negativ e repre sentations o f th e vetera n flourished , veterans ' antiwa r activit y ( a phe nomenon tha t i s often overlooke d i n account s o f th e antiwa r movement ) was a t it s peak. Agains t thi s context , th e negativ e medi a representation s can be interpreted a s reactions to the rise of veterans' political protest. A t issue was the abilit y o f the veteran to continue to protest America's inter vention i n foreig n affair s i n way s capabl e o f threatenin g "no t onl y th e specific objective s i n Vietna m bu t th e viability—th e goo d sense—o f in tervention base d solel y o n a n overdetermined , hyperpositivis t commit ment t o wha t (ha s bee n called ) 'mechanisti c anticommunism.'" 34 I n another way the veterans' experiences proved a cogent source of criticis m of U.S. governmental policy . Contrary t o the cliche that the returning vet erans were spat upon b y antiwar protestor s ( a view that attempt s to den y that man y veteran s were members o f th e antiwa r movement) , the princi pal agent of mistreatment o f the veterans was the U.S. government an d it s departments an d agencies , amon g the m th e Veteran s Administration , which faile d t o provid e returnin g Vietna m veteran s wit h adequat e bene fits an d healt h care . The experience o f this maltreatment wa s the basi s of informed criticis m by Vietnam veterans of governmental inactio n on mat ters o f priority fo r man y veterans . In effect , th e mainstrea m media , b y labelin g th e veteran s a s deviant ,

68 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist "damaged th e credibility o f the veterans a s witnesses," a s the media ana lyst Paul Camacho ha s noted. 35 "Tha t is , regardless o f the audience's momentary sympathy for thi s group, Vietnam veterans still end up victims of the mas s produce d images—they'r e crazy , o r sick ; the y ar e damage d goods. Thus, their testimon y abou t wha t reall y happene d i s nullified." 36 Depicted as mentally deranged, violently emotional, or hysterical, the veteran i s forced int o silence , the mar k o f hysteria. 37 The conclusion can , i n many respects , be interpreted withi n th e framework propose d b y Stanle y Cohen i n his stud y o f th e Britis h urban-yout h subcultur e o f th e "Mods " and "Rockers " o f th e earl y sixties . " A condition , episode , perso n o r group o f persons emerges to becom e define d a s a threat t o societal value s and interests, " a threat tha t Cohe n term s a "mora l panic. " A s a result o f the perceive d threat , th e media , functionin g i n suppor t o f th e prevailin g consensus, resort s t o a demonizatio n o f thos e responsible , wh o thu s be come, in Cohen' s term , "fol k devils." 38 The cultur e industries , o f whic h th e mainstrea m U.S . commercial cin ema know n a s Hollywoo d i s one , compet e wit h othe r cultura l o r eco nomic forces t o establish a terrain upo n which , an d fro m which , they sell their products . T o maximiz e profits , thes e industrie s customiz e thei r products t o their perception s an d re-creation s o f the desire s of spectator s who consum e o r negotiat e industria l cinema' s messag e wit h ever y fil m ticket purchased . Th e limit s o n politica l an d experientia l horizon s re ferred t o a s hegemon y intervene s b y restrictin g th e availabl e ideologica l space, i n effec t reinforcin g commonsens e assumption s b y limitin g th e number o f choices open to the audience through the perpetual circulatio n of cliche d commerciall y viabl e genres , formulas , an d images . Threat s t o this status quo in which Hollywoo d ha s so much investe d ar e either mar ginalized o r "situat[ed ] within the dominant framewor k o f meanings" b y a proces s tha t involve s labeling . T o paraphras e Britis h sociologis t Dic k Hebdige, th e veteran s a s fol k devil s wer e "returned, a s the y ar e repre sented . . . t o the place where common sens e would hav e them fit " a s "vi olent," o r "psychotic, " o r both. 39 By continuing t o circulat e derogator y stereotypes , th e cultur e passe d judgment o n th e veterans ' wartim e experience : i t wa s bes t forgotten , avoided, negated , o r denigrated . Thi s cultura l attitud e coul d hav e bee n summarized b y the Vietnam-er a soldier' s lament : "Don' t mea n nuthin'. " If th e veterans ' experienc e ha d an y utilit y withi n th e culture , i t wa s re stricted t o servin g as a pretext fo r psychosi s o r violence. However, a continuation o f thi s proces s was , withi n th e term s o f commo n sense , no t

The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist I 6 9 without it s problems. The negativ e depictio n o f th e vetera n ra n contrar y to th e "personalis t epistemology " tha t ha s a "venerabl e history " withi n American representations . Specifically , derogator y image s o f th e vetera n contradicted "th e American myt h that a n individual's experienc e must b e significant."40 Th e observatio n i s extended throug h referenc e t o Christo pher Lasch' s outline o f cultural trend s within th e seventies. The represen tational privilegin g o f th e vetera n a s psychoti c figur e contradicte d th e "therapeutic sensibility " an d th e cultura l nee d fo r image s o f well-bein g mapped b y Lasch. 41 I n this way what Lasc h called th e "cultur e o f narcis sism" provide d a context fo r th e "redemption " an d rehabilitatio n o f th e Vietnam veteran leading to his representation i n the service of certain cultural dispositions , particularl y th e nee d fo r unity . Throug h a proces s o f renovation th e vetera n thu s transcende d th e derogator y association s o f the psychoti c o r sic k figure . However , th e vetera n continue d t o b e plagued b y th e lingerin g legac y o f inarticulation , example s o f whic h abound withi n textua l representation s o f th e Vietnam veteran .

"If I Only Had the Words" In The Deer Hunter (1978 ) Cimino' s directoria l styl e fail s t o inves t hi s characters with anythin g othe r tha n a rudimentary leve l of expression. I n one scen e Lind a (Mery l Streep ) ask s o f Michae l (Rober t D e Niro) : "Di d you eve r think lif e would tur n ou t lik e this?" Michael's respons e i s a per fect summatio n o f hi s communicativ e abilities : a n unelaborate d "No. " Michael's friend s habituall y rel y o n physica l gesture s suc h a s backslap ping or the use of expletives to express themselves—"fucking A " i s the response b y Axe l (Chuc k Aspergren ) t o mos t situations . Earl y i n th e fil m Steve's mothe r (Shirle y Stoller ) ha d begge d o f th e loca l priest : " I d o no t understand, Father . I understan d nothin g anymore . Ca n yo u explain ? Can anyon e explain? " I t i s plain tha t withi n th e film' s contex t th e ques tion implie s America's failur e t o understan d th e essentia l questio n "Wh y are we in Vietnam?" Unfortunately, th e questio n "Ca n anyon e explain? " becomes rhetorical unde r Cimino' s direction. Exemplifying thi s situation , the prevalenc e o f violenc e i n America n culture , elsewher e interprete d a s one o f th e contributin g factor s fo r U.S . involvemen t i n th e war, 42 i s re duced within the film to a puerile piece of sophistry. Preceding a deer hun t Michael hold s u p a bulle t an d "explains " t o hi s friends : "Thi s i s this. " The bana l assertio n unintentionall y inform s th e spectato r tha t Michael' s

The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist I 6 9 without it s problems. The negativ e depictio n o f th e vetera n ra n contrar y to th e "personalis t epistemology " tha t ha s a "venerabl e history " withi n American representations . Specifically , derogator y image s o f th e vetera n contradicted "th e American myt h that a n individual's experienc e must b e significant."40 Th e observatio n i s extended throug h referenc e t o Christo pher Lasch' s outline o f cultural trend s within th e seventies. The represen tational privilegin g o f th e vetera n a s psychoti c figur e contradicte d th e "therapeutic sensibility " an d th e cultura l nee d fo r image s o f well-bein g mapped b y Lasch. 41 I n this way what Lasc h called th e "cultur e o f narcis sism" provide d a context fo r th e "redemption " an d rehabilitatio n o f th e Vietnam veteran leading to his representation i n the service of certain cultural dispositions , particularl y th e nee d fo r unity . Throug h a proces s o f renovation th e vetera n thu s transcende d th e derogator y association s o f the psychoti c o r sic k figure . However , th e vetera n continue d t o b e plagued b y th e lingerin g legac y o f inarticulation , example s o f whic h abound withi n textua l representation s o f th e Vietnam veteran .

"If I Only Had the Words" In The Deer Hunter (1978 ) Cimino' s directoria l styl e fail s t o inves t hi s characters with anythin g othe r tha n a rudimentary leve l of expression. I n one scen e Lind a (Mery l Streep ) ask s o f Michae l (Rober t D e Niro) : "Di d you eve r think lif e would tur n ou t lik e this?" Michael's respons e i s a per fect summatio n o f hi s communicativ e abilities : a n unelaborate d "No. " Michael's friend s habituall y rel y o n physica l gesture s suc h a s backslap ping or the use of expletives to express themselves—"fucking A " i s the response b y Axe l (Chuc k Aspergren ) t o mos t situations . Earl y i n th e fil m Steve's mothe r (Shirle y Stoller ) ha d begge d o f th e loca l priest : " I d o no t understand, Father . I understan d nothin g anymore . Ca n yo u explain ? Can anyon e explain? " I t i s plain tha t withi n th e film' s contex t th e ques tion implie s America's failur e t o understan d th e essentia l questio n "Wh y are we in Vietnam?" Unfortunately, th e questio n "Ca n anyon e explain? " becomes rhetorical unde r Cimino' s direction. Exemplifying thi s situation , the prevalenc e o f violenc e i n America n culture , elsewher e interprete d a s one o f th e contributin g factor s fo r U.S . involvemen t i n th e war, 42 i s re duced within the film to a puerile piece of sophistry. Preceding a deer hun t Michael hold s u p a bulle t an d "explains " t o hi s friends : "Thi s i s this. " The bana l assertio n unintentionall y inform s th e spectato r tha t Michael' s

jo I

The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist

understanding o f violence and the role that i t plays in his life is extremely limited. Whe n Michae l eventuall y renounce s violenc e hi s onl y commen t on thi s decisiv e actio n is , simply, "Okay. " Just as the film fails to present any reasons for U.S. involvement in Vietnam, s o to o i t evade s th e nee d t o understan d th e wa r itself . Th e ol d woman's questio n o f th e pries t i s repeate d a s th e grou p o f friend s ap proach a returned Gree n Bere t soldie r a t th e wedding receptio n fo r Stev e (John Savage ) an d Angel a (Rutany a Alda) . Michael' s question s "Well , what's i t lik e ove r there ? Ca n yo u tel l u s anything?" ar e me t wit h a ters e "Fuck it! " Th e respons e point s t o "th e majo r ideologica l proble m o f th e film, Cimin o ca n n o mor e sho w Vietnam tha n th e Gree n Bere t can spea k it." 43 Indee d th e in-countr y segmen t o f th e fil m depict s th e Vietnames e people, north an d sout h alike , as devilishly Other , and the war a s an inex plicable mora l vacuu m swallowin g youn g Americans o f good intentions . One o f th e fe w reference s t o th e natur e o f th e war , beside s th e impli cation tha t th e Sout h Vietnames e wer e no t worth y allies , come s i n th e form o f the metaphor o f Russia n roulette . The crucial scen e in which de spicably crue l Nort h Vietnames e soldier s forc e America n prisoner s t o "play" th e gam e replicates , a s H . Bruc e Frankli n point s out , th e "infa mous historica l sequenc e i n which Genera l Nguye n Ngo c Loa n place d a revolver to the right temple of an NLF prisoner an d kille d him with a single shot." 44 The Deer Hunter manipulate s this image to "revers e the roles of victi m an d victimizer." 45 Th e spuriou s natur e o f th e metapho r i s reinforced throug h th e fact tha t the "game " i s known a s Russian roulette , a n allusion tha t implicate s broa d geopolitica l bloc s within th e Vietnam Wa r in terms consistent with popular Col d War interpretations. As a comment on the war i n Vietnam, the metaphor i s lamentably inaccurate . The inad equacies o f The Deer Hunter ar e furthe r illustrate d throug h referenc e t o Cimino's failur e t o inves t hi s character s wit h an y opportunit y t o speak . In the initial roulette scene and in the subsequent scene s of the game bein g played i n Saigon , speaking , othe r tha n th e hysterical shout s o f thos e bet ting on the outcomes , is absent. As a result o f the violence Nick (Christo pher Walken) experience s a t the hands o f hi s captors, he is excused fro m further attempt s a t speec h b y retreating int o virtua l catatonia . Released the same year as The Deer Hunter', th e film Coming Home ex plicitly addresses itself to giving the veteran a voice—in fact the film open s with physicall y disable d veteran s speakin g o f thei r attempt s t o com e t o terms with their situation. Issues that The Deer Hunter faile d t o raise concerning th e meanin g o f th e wa r ar e her e referre d t o i n th e cours e o f th e

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veterans' conversation . On e paraplegi c vetera n comments : "Yo u go t t o justify [th e war] to yourself, s o that yo u sa y it's okay. If you don' t d o tha t the whole thin g i s a waste." Pursuin g thi s notio n th e fil m depict s variou s characters attemptin g t o explain thei r wartime action s an d seekin g to ad dress ways i n which meanin g ca n b e retrieved fro m th e experienc e o f th e war. O n rest-and-recreatio n leav e i n Hon g Kong , Bo b (Bruc e Dern ) tell s his wife , Sall y (Jan e Fonda) : " I kno w wha t [th e wa r is ] like . I wan t t o know what it is." Unfortunately, Bob' s discoveries, if any, are not revealed . Later, when Sall y receives a letter from Bo b in Vietnam, Luke (Jo n Voight) states: "Whateve r h e says , it' s a hundre d time s worse. " Wit h thi s com ment Luk e expresse s th e positio n late r popularize d i n representation s o f the veteran: "Yo u had to be there." "Bein g there" was, within a variety of textual representations , to becom e a n integrall y necessar y component fo r complete understanding of the war. However, Luke's response implies that despite hi s knowledg e o f wa r h e i s stil l incapabl e o f communicatin g hi s understanding—and wit h thi s positio n th e fil m come s perilously clos e t o validating th e suggestio n "tha t th e whole thin g was a waste." Devoid of effective communicativ e skills , Luke would see m an unlikel y candidate t o teac h other s o f the meanin g o f th e war. Nevertheless, this is exactly wha t th e fina l scen e o f th e fil m ha s hi m do . Addressin g a grou p of high-schoo l seniors , Luke i s reduced t o tear s a s he states : "[War ] ain' t like i t is in th e movies. " Ironically , i n thi s scen e the fil m expose s it s ow n inability t o explai n th e war o r th e impac t o f th e war. The resul t i s the in escapable conclusion : i t ain't lik e it is in Coming Home. I n a n overtl y visual medium th e picture o f the weeping wounded vetera n i s meant t o tel l a thousand wa r stories . However, this picture inadvertently tells one stor y too many . Th e mis e e n scen e o f a weeping vetera n i n a wheelchair i s in tended t o serv e as a statement regardin g th e wounding impac t o f the wa r on U.S . culture. Ye t anothe r conclusio n i s available . Th e scen e suggest s that th e experienc e o f thi s particula r wa r defie s th e veteran' s language . Try as he might to express his experience, he is capable onl y of tears. The veteran i s reduced t o silence ; the war remain s unintelligible . This conclusio n i s inconsisten t wit h a fil m tha t fro m th e beginnin g seeks to retriev e meaning fro m th e war an d t o voic e certain concerns . A t one poin t i n th e narrative , a t a meetin g o f th e Marin e Wive s Club , Sall y attempts t o persuad e th e grou p t o focu s attentio n o n th e pligh t o f dis abled veteran s b y includin g photograph s o f thei r circumstance s i n th e base's weekly newspaper . Th e widesprea d medi a denia l o r "silencing " o f the veterans ' caus e i s allude d t o her e whe n th e grou p reject s Sally' s pro -

72 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist posal. Contrar y t o it s ow n intentions , Coming Home contribute s t o th e exclusionary silencin g o f th e veteran tha t i s criticized i n this scene . Like Luk e Martin , th e Vietnam vetera n Emmet t Smit h i n Bobbi e An n Mason's nove l In Country (1987 ) i s an unlikel y teacher. Emmett's enthu siastic seventeen-year-ol d studen t Samanth a Hughe s seek s to uncove r in formation concernin g her father, who died in Vietnam, and, by extension, to understan d th e war . However , Sam' s tas k i s complicated b y Emmett' s reluctance t o spea k an d b y hi s refusa l t o conside r tha t Sa m wil l under stand wha t h e ha s t o say . Emmett' s stanc e i s on e tha t Maso n criticize s elsewhere i n he r fiction . I n Mason' s "Bi g Berth a Stories " (1990 ) th e strained relationshi p betwee n Donald , a Vietna m veteran , an d hi s wife , Jeanette, i s illustrated b y Donald's reference s t o Vietnam, whic h Jeanett e "didn't wan t t o hea r about. " Pushe d t o he r limit , Jeanett e pleads , "[M]aybe I could understan d i f you' d le t me. " Donald' s response , "Yo u could neve r understand, " allow s hi m t o retrea t onc e agai n int o silence . Later Jeanette adds : " I thin k yo u ac t superio r becaus e yo u wen t t o Viet nam, lik e nobod y ca n eve r kno w wha t yo u know." 46 Th e perspicaciou s comment cut s to the crux of Donald's position an d is reconstructed a s the basis o f Emmett' s respons e t o Sam' s curiosity . As with Jeanette, Sam is denied access to knowledge of the war becaus e she is a woman. Emmet t reinforce s th e gendered basi s of exclusio n whe n he adds : "Wome n weren' t ove r ther e . . . s o they can' t understand. " Em mett summarize s hi s excommunicator y attitud e whe n h e admonishe s Sam t o "sto p thinkin g abou t Vietnam... . Yo u don' t kno w ho w i t was , and yo u never will. There is no way you can ever understand. S o just for get it . Unles s you'v e bee n humpin g th e boonies , yo u don' t know. " Re fused acces s t o th e knowledg e o f th e initiated , Sa m seek s t o recreat e th e experience of Vietnam by spending a night "i n country" alon e in a swamp near town. When Emmet t find s he r there the next morning, he merely repeats hi s earlie r statement s an d i n th e proces s reinforce s hi s ow n inabil ity to offer Sa m any assistance in her quest for understanding : "Yo u thin k you ca n g o throug h wha t w e wen t throug h ou t i n th e jungle , bu t yo u can't." 47 Emmett , lik e th e vetera n Travi s Bickl e o f Taxi Driver {1976), imprisoned i n an d b y hi s ow n inabilit y t o expres s himself , i s unabl e t o communicate o n an y level . It i s not surprising , then , tha t Emmet t ca n n o longer maintai n a relationship wit h hi s companion, Anita . While th e character s i n The Deer Hunter le t th e word s o f "Go d Bles s America" spea k fo r them , the words of Bruce Springsteen's ironic anthe m "Born in the U.S.A.," a song that provides the novel's inscription an d tha t

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features throughou t th e text , spea k t o Sa m o f th e veterans ' predicament . Springsteen's son g o f th e disillusionmen t an d disappointmen t facin g a Vietnam veteran suit s Emmett's current situation : "Yo u end up like a dog that's bee n bea t to o muc h / Til l yo u spen d hal f you r lif e jus t coverin g up." 4 8 "Coverin g up," literally and metaphorically, has become Emmett' s chief preoccupation . Emmet t spend s muc h o f hi s tim e diggin g a hol e under th e house , like " a foxhol e t o hid e in " accordin g t o Sam. 49 Emmett i s not alon e i n thi s desir e t o hid e fro m pas t experiences . Th e townspeople o f the ironically named Hopewell als o refuse t o confront th e past, an d Sam' s mothe r ha s move d awa y fro m tow n i n a n attemp t t o make a new lif e fo r herself , leaving behin d th e clothe s an d musi c record s of he r youth . Sadly , Sam' s mothe r ca n "hardl y eve n remember " he r firs t husband, Sam' s father. 50 Sam' s paterna l grandparent s posses s a vagu e memory o f thei r son , bu t the y fai l t o confron t th e perso n h e becam e i n Vietnam. Th e clue s t o thi s identit y ar e containe d i n hi s wartim e diary , which they refuse t o read. To a degree, the silence that surround s th e pas t is a result o f this failure t o confront th e past. "Yo u ge t the feeling, " com ments on e reviewer o f the novel, that th e townspeople woul d tel l Sa m "i f only the y coul d remember." 51 Alternatively , i f the y coul d tel l her , the y would remember . A t faul t fo r thes e character s i s no t thei r memor y bu t their refusal o r inability to talk. Memory suffer s a s speech, through whic h the collective memory i s expressed, atrophies . Mason criticize s this situa tion b y evokin g th e inan e languag e o f mas s cultur e an d it s invasio n o f the though t an d languag e o f thes e characters . Languag e itsel f i s im poverished, replace d b y acronyms an d bran d names : MTV, FM, VA, TV, K-Mart, Dodge Dart, Coke , Burger Boy, Holiday Inn. The market cultur e is so intrusive that Emmett has named his pet cat after a commercial prod uct: Moon Pie . However, whil e Maso n ma y b e consciou s o f th e impoverishmen t o f language a s a resul t o f th e commercializatio n o f culture , he r ow n pros e also affect s th e characters ' speech . The pros e o f th e nove l i s pared t o th e level of a young adul t novel . In one way, this characteristic i s a reflectio n of Mason' s abilit y t o captur e th e languag e an d though t o f he r young adult heroine—however, al l the characters an d action s in this novel, written i n the thir d person , ar e describe d i n this language . The naivet e o f th e authorial voic e is , for muc h o f th e novel , overdetermined; a problem no t alleviated b y Mason' s recours e t o th e clich e tha t "veteran s don' t lik e t o talk u p their war experiences." 52 The result i s the representation o f char acters wh o suffe r a tripl e victimage : the y ar e victim s o f th e war , o f thei r

74 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist inability t o adequatel y expres s themselves , an d of the novel's inadequat e language. In his victimage Emmett reflects th e verbal incapacities of Luke Martin (Jo n Voight) and presages the experiences of Nick (Willia m Hurt), the veteran character i n The Big Chill (1983) , who is also unable to communicate effectivel y wit h thos e aroun d him. Like th e othe r veteran s describe d here , Nic k i s a faile d instructor , though h e had bee n a n "on-air " radi o psychologist , presumabl y abl e t o communicate i n a mediu m tha t demand s eloquence . Hi s background , however, is inconsistent with his present persona. The character lack s the ability t o communicate ; h e is, in the vernacular, "of f th e air." Through out the film Nick i s taciturn, alternativel y silent , or expressing himself laconically. Th e friends gathere d a t the home o f Harold an d Sara h (Kevi n Kline an d Glen n Close) , ostensibly t o mourn th e death o f a friend, reve l in a n org y o f conversation. I n contrast, Nic k retreat s t o the seclusion of the livin g roo m an d film s a conversatio n h e ha s with himself. Anothe r scene contrast s th e group o f friends noisil y watchin g a football gam e o n television while , at the same time, Nick i s alone at the hosts' cabin listen ing, in silence, to the sound o f bird calls. Elsewhere, Nick's inarticulacy is underscored when , whil e watchin g late-nigh t televisio n (ironically , an d cruelly, Nic k i s obsessed, i t seems , wit h th e communicativ e potentia l o f the electronic media), he is interrupted b y Sam (Tom Berenger), who asks him what h e is watching. Nick answers : "I' m not sure." When Sa m asks, "What's i t about?" th e reply is brief: " I don't know. " In Coppola' s fil m Apocalypse Now (1979 ) a narcotized hippi e photo journalist playe d b y Dennis Hoppe r (o f course!) lament s hi s inability t o represent "Vietnam " i n images or language. "If I only had the words," he rants i n one scene. The inarticulacy o f the character playe d b y Hopper i s emblematic o f the veteran's verba l abilitie s i n a range o f representations . Nevertheless, despit e th e prevalence o f th e practice o f silencin g th e vet eran i n texts fro m th e seventies an d eighties, the simultaneous operatio n of certai n cultura l an d critical trend s indicate s tha t th e practice wa s not universal. I n a variety o f texts durin g thi s tim e a number o f interrelate d assumptions concernin g representation s o f the war functione d t o recon struct the veteran, ostensibly , as a spokesperson centrall y placed to inter pret th e war an d it s impac t o n th e America n domesti c scene . Tha t thi s "change" wa s merel y apparen t i s illustrate d b y th e fac t tha t fa r fro m being able to comment o n a range of topics, the veteran was restricted t o speaking o f the culturally necessar y topi c o f union . I n this wa y the con struction o f the veteran a s a "spokesperson " serve d t o overcome the dif -

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ficulties associate d wit h th e earlier representatio n o f the veteran i n whic h he wa s consistentl y denigrate d an d denie d a voice . At th e sam e tim e th e veteran's articulac y offere d a n avenu e fo r th e promulgatio n o f th e ho mogenizing notio n o f unity .

A Unique War The firs t ste p i n th e proces s tha t permitte d th e emergenc e o f th e vetera n as a spokesperso n o r privilege d interprete r wa s th e circulatio n an d wid e acceptance o f a definition o f the war i n Vietnam a s a unique conflict . De finitions fro m a range o f source s fro m th e lat e seventie s an d earl y eight ies attes t t o th e popularit y o f thi s assumption . Fo r example , Myr a MacPherson include d a chapte r i n he r repor t Long Time Passing: Vietnam and the Haunted Generation (1984 ) tha t describe s Vietna m a s " a different war." 53 I n 198 1 Lanc e Morrow , featur e write r o f Time maga zine, stated: "Vie t Nam wa s different fro m othe r w a r s . . . . There were n o front lines . Reality tended t o melt into layers of unknowability. The sam e person coul d b e a frien d an d a n enemy." 54 Simila r comment s o n recen t history cam e fro m variou s quarters . In a typica l observation , mad e i n 1980, on e commentato r preempte d Time b y arguin g tha t th e Vietna m War wa s uniqu e i n U.S. military history : Soldiers who did enlist or submitted t o the draft marche d not toward lin ear objectives ("O n t o Berlin!") bu t in circular, inconclusive patrols. Their goal was not the war's end but the duration of three hundred and sixty-fiv e days i n the country... . Operation s wer e conducte d hig h o n gras s t o th e tune o f transistorize d roc k an d roll ; barrack s yielde d t o apartment s o r hootches wit h blac k ligh t an d stereo . Enemie s blende d wit h friendlies . There wa s n o front , an d n o heroes ' welcom e hom e fo r a job wel l done . Nothing from previou s wars seemed to apply. 55 However, i t wa s Michae l Herr' s Dispatches an d th e almos t universa l critical acclai m tha t th e boo k ha s receive d sinc e it s publicatio n i n 197 7 that helpe d t o circulat e an d mak e acceptabl e a definitio n o f th e wa r i n Vietnam a s unique . Herr' s frequen t us e o f hyperbol e evoke s th e impres sion tha t thi s wa r wa s unlik e an y other . In Herr' s term s casualtie s wer e "unbelievable," an d firefight s focuse d "al l th e drea d eve r known , ever known b y everyone wh o ever lived." 56 Th e terrai n upo n whic h th e wa r was fough t defie d typograph y an d norma l expectations : th e Vietnames e

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ficulties associate d wit h th e earlier representatio n o f the veteran i n whic h he wa s consistentl y denigrate d an d denie d a voice . At th e sam e tim e th e veteran's articulac y offere d a n avenu e fo r th e promulgatio n o f th e ho mogenizing notio n o f unity .

A Unique War The firs t ste p i n th e proces s tha t permitte d th e emergenc e o f th e vetera n as a spokesperso n o r privilege d interprete r wa s th e circulatio n an d wid e acceptance o f a definition o f the war i n Vietnam a s a unique conflict . De finitions fro m a range o f source s fro m th e lat e seventie s an d earl y eight ies attes t t o th e popularit y o f thi s assumption . Fo r example , Myr a MacPherson include d a chapte r i n he r repor t Long Time Passing: Vietnam and the Haunted Generation (1984 ) tha t describe s Vietna m a s " a different war." 53 I n 198 1 Lanc e Morrow , featur e write r o f Time maga zine, stated: "Vie t Nam wa s different fro m othe r w a r s . . . . There were n o front lines . Reality tended t o melt into layers of unknowability. The sam e person coul d b e a frien d an d a n enemy." 54 Simila r comment s o n recen t history cam e fro m variou s quarters . In a typica l observation , mad e i n 1980, on e commentato r preempte d Time b y arguin g tha t th e Vietna m War wa s uniqu e i n U.S. military history : Soldiers who did enlist or submitted t o the draft marche d not toward lin ear objectives ("O n t o Berlin!") bu t in circular, inconclusive patrols. Their goal was not the war's end but the duration of three hundred and sixty-fiv e days i n the country... . Operation s wer e conducte d hig h o n gras s t o th e tune o f transistorize d roc k an d roll ; barrack s yielde d t o apartment s o r hootches wit h blac k ligh t an d stereo . Enemie s blende d wit h friendlies . There wa s n o front , an d n o heroes ' welcom e hom e fo r a job wel l done . Nothing from previou s wars seemed to apply. 55 However, i t wa s Michae l Herr' s Dispatches an d th e almos t universa l critical acclai m tha t th e boo k ha s receive d sinc e it s publicatio n i n 197 7 that helpe d t o circulat e an d mak e acceptabl e a definitio n o f th e wa r i n Vietnam a s unique . Herr' s frequen t us e o f hyperbol e evoke s th e impres sion tha t thi s wa r wa s unlik e an y other . In Herr' s term s casualtie s wer e "unbelievable," an d firefight s focuse d "al l th e drea d eve r known , ever known b y everyone wh o ever lived." 56 Th e terrai n upo n whic h th e wa r was fough t defie d typograph y an d norma l expectations : th e Vietnames e

76 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist highlands wer e "spooky , unbelievabl y spooky , spook y beyon d belief." 57 Fredric Jameso n argue s tha t th e "extraordinar y linguisti c an d represen tational power" o f Dispatches exceed s that of previous representations o f war. Fo r Jameson , Her r "doe s no t merel y express th e nightmar e o f th e Vietnam War , [he ] substitutes a textual equivalen t fo r it." 58 I n Herr' s in terpretation, th e war i n Vietnam was without preceden t i n its surreal, unnerving, an d finall y apocalypti c quality . Th e qualit y o f uniquenes s Her r found i n th e wa r wa s echoe d i n th e Vietna m Wa r nove l No Bugles, No Drums (1978 ) b y Charle s Durde n i n whic h th e centra l character , Jami e Hawkins, comments: "Mayb e everybody' s wa r i s the worst. Bu t I'm her e to tel l you . . . i f the next on e is any mor e fucke d u p tha n thi s on e I don' t want t o know nothin ' fro m nothin'." 59 Walte r Capp s reiterate d th e com mon perceptio n o f th e wa r a s uniqu e whe n h e wrot e tha t "th e Vietna m War di d no t mea n wha t othe r war s meant." 60 It is notable tha t th e assertion o f the uniqueness o f the war i n Vietna m ignores th e man y parallel s tha t ca n b e draw n betwee n th e conflic t an d earlier wars. The Vietnam autho r Ti m O'Brien elaborate d thi s perceptio n when he commented tha t "it' s very nice and eas y to say that Vietnam wa s special becaus e i t wa s formles s an d absurd . Bu t certainl y Worl d Wa r I must've seeme d equall y chaoti c an d absur d t o Siegfrie d Sassoo n o r Robert Grave s o r Ruper t Brook e o r Eric h Remarque." 61 O'Brie n rein forced thi s positio n i n hi s nove l Going After Cacciato (1980 ) i n whic h two characters , Do c an d Captai n Rhallon , discus s whethe r th e wa r i n Vietnam was different fro m othe r war s fought b y Americans. 62 Althoug h both side s o f th e argumen t ar e presented , O'Brie n agree s tha t h e give s Doc's sid e mor e credence . Doc' s position , O'Brie n argues , i s tha t "wa r kills an d maim s an d rip s u p th e lan d an d make s orphan s an d widows . These are the things o f w a r . . .. I' m sayin g that th e feel o f war i s the sam e in Nam o r Okinawa—th e emotion s ar e the same , the sam e fundamenta l stuff i s remembered." 63 Despite their cogency, comparisons suc h as O'Brien's, base d o n the experience o f combat , hav e no t dispelle d assertion s o f th e singularit y o f Vietnam. Many claims of the uniqueness o f the "Vietna m experience " ignore combat condition s an d ar e base d o n references t o exceptiona l level s of discriminatio n face d b y soldier s returnin g t o th e Unite d State s fro m Vietnam. While simpl e comparison s demonstrat e th e sa d realit y tha t th e veterans o f all wars ar e treated badly, 64 th e absenc e o f suc h comparison s favored th e continua l assertio n tha t th e wa r i n Vietna m wa s unique . Those who sough t to define wha t the y saw as the exceptional qualitie s of

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the conflic t resorte d t o referrin g t o i t a s a war t o en d al l modern wars : a postmodern war . Early in the war Norman Maile r referre d (i n a statement tha t ha s sinc e been commonl y cited ) t o wha t h e perceive d a s th e different—postmod ern—basis o f th e war . "I f Worl d Wa r I I was lik e Catch-22, thi s wa r wil l be lik e Naked Lunch. Laz y Dogs , an d bombin g raid s fro m Guam . Marines wit h flam e throwers . Jungl e gotc h i n th e gonorrhe a an d Sout h Vietnamese girl s doing the Frug. South Vietnamese fighte r pilot s 'dresse d in black flyin g suit s and lavende r scarves ' (The New York Times)." 65 Th e experiential uniquenes s o f th e Vietna m Wa r was , fo r Mailer , summariz able in a shift i n literary forms—from Catch 22 to Naked Lunch. Mailer' s assumption tha t thi s uniqu e wa r demande d form s o f representatio n capable o f depictin g it s allege d exceptiona l qualitie s becam e widesprea d in critica l an d textua l circle s an d i s clearl y eviden t withi n Herr' s Dispatches.66 Her r argue d that conventional written historie s were incapabl e of adequatel y representin g thi s war . H e decrie d "traditiona l historica l analysis" a s "[straigh t history , auto-revise d history , histor y withou t handles" i n whic h "somethin g wasn' t eve n answered , i t wasn' t eve n a s k e d . . . . " Accordin g t o Herr , th e bankruptc y o f "straigh t history " de manded fictiv e technique s capabl e o f unlockin g th e "secre t history" 67 t o reveal the truth. The encodin g o f suc h critica l assumption s withi n Dispatches place d i t centrally withi n th e fiel d o f text s referre d t o a s th e "ne w journalism. " Mailer's accoun t o f th e 196 7 Marc h o n th e Pentagon , The Armies of the Night (1968) , reproduced th e dominant supposition s o f this style of jour nalism. Maile r argue d tha t "a n explanatio n o f th e myster y o f th e event s at the Pentagon canno t b e developed b y the methods o f history—onl y b y the instincts of the novelist." Therefore , althoug h hi s "collectiv e novel" is "written i n the cloak o f an historic style , and . . . scrupulou s t o the welte r of a hundred confusin g an d oppose d facts, " i t "unashamedl y enter[s ] tha t world o f strang e light s an d intuitiv e speculatio n whic h i s the novel. " According t o Mailer , a unique , inherentl y mysteriou s even t require s a for m of representation tha t mixes the techniques of traditional narrative histor y with wha t h e call s "interior " history. 68 Onl y b y the fusio n o f "fact " an d "fiction" i s it possible t o excavat e th e "truth " o f the experience . In keepin g wit h Mailer' s technique , th e wa r i n Vietnam—widely con sidered t o b e unique—wa s commonl y represente d withi n "stories " tha t combined fac t an d fictio n t o revea l "truth. " Graha m Greene , fo r exam ple, opened The Quiet American (1955 ) with the ironic disclaimer that h e

78 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist was no t writin g "history " bu t a "story. " Ledere r an d Burdick' s The Ugly American (1958 ) close d wit h a "Factua l Epilogue " i n which the y argue d that the y ha d writte n "no t jus t a n angr y dream , bu t rathe r th e renderin g of fac t int o fiction. " Robi n Moor e asserte d tha t hi s boo k o f nin e stories , The Green Berets (1965) , "blende d fac t an d fiction " t o produc e " a boo k of truth." 69 Similarly , durin g th e seventie s an d eightie s "th e fictiona l an d quasi-fictional work s o f Phil Caputo , Tim O'Brien , C . D. B. Bryan, Fred erick Downs, James Webb, Mark Baker , Al Santoli, John Del Vecchio, Anthony Grey, and Peter Goldman an d Tony Fuller have all been prefaced b y the sam e implici t o r explici t rejectio n o f 'forma l history.'" 70 I n eac h o f these texts a central element reinforces th e veracity of the representations . The featur e i s rarely articulate d i n criticism s o f text s o f th e war , suggest ing that th e characteristic i s taken fo r grante d a s common sense . The im plicit elemen t i s summarized i n the phrase "Yo u ha d t o b e there."

You Had to Be There According t o th e assumptio n "Yo u ha d t o b e there," onl y thos e wh o ex perienced the war i n Vietnam can legitimately la y claim to the truth o f th e conflict. Thi s empiricis t positio n i s reflected i n the fac t tha t text s praise d by critic s a s harborin g th e "rea l war " wer e typically , i f no t exclusively , written b y author s wh o eithe r participate d i n th e wa r a s soldier s o r wit nessed i t firsthan d a s journalists . Th e emphasi s o n "bein g there, " then , delegitimates nonparticipan t account s o f th e war, no matte r ho w authen tic they ma y seem . There woul d b e no Red Badge of Courage fro m Viet nam. Indee d th e pervasivenes s an d tenacit y o f th e assumptio n tha t "yo u had t o b e there " quit e likel y contribute d t o th e fac t tha t i t wasn' t unti l 1989, wit h th e publicatio n o f Susa n Fromber g Schaeffer' s Buffalo Afternoon^ that a novel dealing with the war by a nonparticipant was published to popula r an d critica l acclaim. 71 I n another wa y the construction o f par ticipation a s th e guarante e o f trut h ignore s an d erase s th e limitation s o n knowledge encountere d i n Vietnam. Ti m O'Brie n ha s summarize d th e ef fect o n th e troop s o f thes e limitation s i n a passage fro m hi s boo k Going After Cacciato (1980 ) entitle d "Th e Things They Did Not Know" : They did not have targets. They did not have a cause. They did not know if it was a war of ideology or economics or hegemony or spite.... They did not kno w th e name s o f villages . They di d no t kno w whic h village s were critical. They did not know strategies. They did not know the terms of war,

78 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist was no t writin g "history " bu t a "story. " Ledere r an d Burdick' s The Ugly American (1958 ) close d wit h a "Factua l Epilogue " i n which the y argue d that the y ha d writte n "no t jus t a n angr y dream , bu t rathe r th e renderin g of fac t int o fiction. " Robi n Moor e asserte d tha t hi s boo k o f nin e stories , The Green Berets (1965) , "blende d fac t an d fiction " t o produc e " a boo k of truth." 69 Similarly , durin g th e seventie s an d eightie s "th e fictiona l an d quasi-fictional work s o f Phil Caputo , Tim O'Brien , C . D. B. Bryan, Fred erick Downs, James Webb, Mark Baker , Al Santoli, John Del Vecchio, Anthony Grey, and Peter Goldman an d Tony Fuller have all been prefaced b y the sam e implici t o r explici t rejectio n o f 'forma l history.'" 70 I n eac h o f these texts a central element reinforces th e veracity of the representations . The featur e i s rarely articulate d i n criticism s o f text s o f th e war , suggest ing that th e characteristic i s taken fo r grante d a s common sense . The im plicit elemen t i s summarized i n the phrase "Yo u ha d t o b e there."

You Had to Be There According t o th e assumptio n "Yo u ha d t o b e there," onl y thos e wh o ex perienced the war i n Vietnam can legitimately la y claim to the truth o f th e conflict. Thi s empiricis t positio n i s reflected i n the fac t tha t text s praise d by critic s a s harborin g th e "rea l war " wer e typically , i f no t exclusively , written b y author s wh o eithe r participate d i n th e wa r a s soldier s o r wit nessed i t firsthan d a s journalists . Th e emphasi s o n "bein g there, " then , delegitimates nonparticipan t account s o f th e war, no matte r ho w authen tic they ma y seem . There woul d b e no Red Badge of Courage fro m Viet nam. Indee d th e pervasivenes s an d tenacit y o f th e assumptio n tha t "yo u had t o b e there " quit e likel y contribute d t o th e fac t tha t i t wasn' t unti l 1989, wit h th e publicatio n o f Susa n Fromber g Schaeffer' s Buffalo Afternoon^ that a novel dealing with the war by a nonparticipant was published to popula r an d critica l acclaim. 71 I n another wa y the construction o f par ticipation a s th e guarante e o f trut h ignore s an d erase s th e limitation s o n knowledge encountere d i n Vietnam. Ti m O'Brie n ha s summarize d th e ef fect o n th e troop s o f thes e limitation s i n a passage fro m hi s boo k Going After Cacciato (1980 ) entitle d "Th e Things They Did Not Know" : They did not have targets. They did not have a cause. They did not know if it was a war of ideology or economics or hegemony or spite.... They did not kno w th e name s o f villages . They di d no t kno w whic h village s were critical. They did not know strategies. They did not know the terms of war,

The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist I 7 9 its architecture, the rules of fair play. When they took prisoners, which was rare, they did not know the questions to ask, whether to release a suspect or bea t o n him . They di d no t kno w ho w t o feel... . The y di d no t kno w good from evil. 72 "As an y Civi l Wa r historia n wil l tel l us, " note s on e observer , a clai m to comprehensibilit y an d understandin g base d o n persona l participatio n "is no t a particularl y compellin g argument." 73 Despit e thi s admonition , literary texts an d documentar y film s suc h a s CBS's Christmas in Vietnam (1965), an d th e independen t production s The Anderson Platoon (1967 ) by Pierre Schoendorffer an d A Face of War (1968) b y Eugene Jones, privileged th e "GI' s experienc e o f th e wa r . . . a s the momen t o f authenticit y and knowledge—o f authenticit y a s knowledge—upon whic h th e war ca n be evaluated an d validated." 74 However , i t was no t onl y the G I who ha d access to this unmediated experience , as memoirs b y "in-country " nurse s and volunteer s suggest . Kathry n Marshall , fo r example , argue s tha t th e stories told b y women nurse s an d volunteer s wh o serve d i n Vietnam pro duce a sense of "th e real." 75 Similarly, Michae l Her r propose s tha t a s a participan t journalis t h e "experienced" th e wa r an d witnesse d it s essentia l truth . Onl y b y bein g there, and keepin g your eye s open, would th e mysteries o f the conflic t b e revealed. Speec h wa s incapabl e o f thi s task . Her r describe s Vietna m a s a place wher e speec h wa s absent , abandone d o n entr y int o th e country : "The departing an d arrivin g [troops ] passed on e another withou t a single word bein g spoken." 76 Herr reflects o n the poverty of speech when he observes tha t "sometime s a n especiall y smar t grun t o r anothe r correspon dent woul d . . . as k m e wha t I was really doin g there , a s thoug h I coul d say anything honest about i t . . .. " He characterizes the talk of reasons fo r "being there" as "overripe bullshit. " Hi s reason for bein g in Vietnam wa s simple: he was there "t o watch." 77 Th e emphasi s throughout Dispatches on eye s an d seein g reinforce s th e notio n tha t th e wa r ha d t o b e see n fo r oneself. Nevertheless , a s Her r contends , i t wa s possibl e t o se e "fa r to o much." Th e result, madness, is, ironically, reflected i n a person's eyes . As one soldie r states , referrin g t o a "crazy " soldie r i n hi s squad , "All' s yo u got t o d o i s look i n hi s eyes , that's th e whol e fuckin g stor y righ t there. " Herr note s tha t th e eye s o f th e marine s a t Kh e San h "wer e alway s eithe r strained o r blazed-ou t o r simpl y blank , the y neve r ha d anythin g t o d o with what th e rest of the face was doing , and i t gave everyone the look o f extreme fatigu e o r eve n a glancing madness." 78 Durin g th e battl e fo r th e

8o I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist citadel a t Hue , "[a ] littl e bo y o f abou t te n cam e u p t o a bunc h o f Marines.... H e wa s laughing , an d movin g hi s hea d fro m sid e t o sid e i n a funn y way . The fierceness i n his eyes should hav e told everyon e what i t was, bu t i t ha d neve r occurre d t o mos t o f th e grunt s tha t a Vietnames e child coul d b e driven ma d too." 7 9 The danger s associate d wit h seein g to o muc h leav e Her r wit h a n am bivalent attitude : "[Y]o u wan t t o loo k an d yo u don' t wan t t o look. " Herr's ambivalenc e force s hi m to detai l th e problems o f bearin g witness : I went [t o Vietnam] behind the crude but serious belief that you had to be able to look at anything, serious because I acted on it and went, crude because I didn't know, it took the war to teach it, that you were as responsible for everything you saw as you were for everything you did. The problem was that you didn't alway s know what you were seeing until later, maybe years later, that a lot of it never made it in at all, it just stayed stored there in your eyes.80 For Herr , par t o f th e knowledg e derivabl e fro m "havin g bee n there " i s that wha t i s seen can neve r b e articulated—"it jus t staye d store d ther e i n the eyes," a perception tha t reinforces th e suggestion that onl y those wh o participated an d witnesse d th e wa r ca n full y understan d a n experienc e that i s otherwise untranslatable . The film The Green Berets (1968 ) initiate d th e basi c assumption, rais ing it to the level of a n imperative , that onl y those who wer e "there " ca n hope t o understan d th e trut h th e wa r wa s capabl e o f revealing . Con fronted b y a journalist (Davi d Janssen) skeptica l o f the value of America n involvement in Vietnam, a Green Beret colonel (Joh n Wayne) asks: "Hav e you eve r bee n t o Southeas t Asia? " When th e journalis t respond s tha t h e hasn't, th e colone l end s th e discussio n an d walk s awa y i n disgust . Wit h this exchange the film unproblematicall y insist s that onl y those who hav e experienced th e wa r ca n judg e i t o r spea k o f it . Th e poin t become s ex plicit whe n th e colone l states : "It' s prett y har d t o tal k t o anyon e abou t [the war ] til l they'v e com e ove r an d see n it. " Th e colonel' s positio n re turns him , th e journalist , an d th e audienc e t o silence . The proble m i s reproduced i n John Ketwig' s memoi r . . . And a Hard Rain Fell (1985 ) i n the statement s "I f yo u wer e there , you'll know . I f yo u weren' t yo u neve r will," an d "Th e stranges t thing s happene d [i n Vietnam], and everybod y just sor t o f shuffle d b y an d accepte d it , yo u can' t explai n i t t o someon e who wasn' t there." 81 William Broyles , Jr., reinforced thi s conclusion i n his account o f a tri p

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to postwa r Vietnam . Broyle s deduce d fro m hi s visi t "tha t I had mor e i n common with my old enemies than wit h anyon e except the men who ha d fought a t m y side . M y enemie s an d I ha d somethin g almos t beyon d words." 82 The functio n o f the exclusion , a s Susa n Jeffords ha s observed , "aligns [Broyles ] wit h al l me n wh o fough t i n battle , fo r whateve r side , against all those who took the 'part o f staying behind.'" 83 Within this position thos e wh o weren' t ther e ar e th e rea l enemy—the y weren' t there , they'll never know, and they should thus remain silent. Philip Caputo, au thor o f th e Vietna m memoi r A Rumor of War (1978) , uphel d thi s per ception when he stated: " I f e e l . .. th e only people who have a right t o sa y anything agains t th e war . . . wer e the one s who wer e there." 84 The strat egy o f delegitimatin g oppositiona l voice s throug h recours e t o "bein g there" i s evident withi n a number o f texts . In the revisionis t fil m Hamburger Hill (1987) , for example , th e peac e movement i s consistentl y criticize d fo r holdin g wha t ar e i n th e film' s terms, ill-informe d opinions . However , th e strateg y o f denigratio n wa s most clearl y enunciate d b y th e characte r o f John Ramb o withi n th e fil m First Blood (1982) . Rambo's virulen t outburs t agains t th e demonstrator s at th e airpor t o n hi s retur n t o th e Unite d State s afte r th e wa r i s explicit : "Who ar e they unless they've bee n me and bee n there and know what th e hell they'r e yellin g about? " Th e exclusionar y emphasi s her e woul d no t only den y antiwa r opposition ; th e outcom e o f th e positio n i s t o los e "sight o f ever y individual' s responsibilit y t o pursu e thei r own , albei t in formed, opinio n o n ethica l an d mora l issues : perplexity an d timidit y ar e encouraged." 85 T o resis t o r abando n th e emphasi s o n "bein g there " is , therefore, th e firs t ste p in the emergenc e o f a n effective , politicall y astut e voice for th e veteran. Indeed , the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, a site tha t "speaks" to many veterans o f the experience o f the war an d tha t encode s a variety of political perspectives, was designed b y a nonparticipant i n the war, May a Lin . Th e practica l outcom e o f Lin' s simpl e admission—" I don't thin k yo u hav e t o liv e throug h a traum a t o understan d it" 86—effectively subvert s an d revise s th e strateg y o f denigratin g antiwa r protes t implicit withi n a n emphasi s o n participatio n i n th e wa r a s the basi s o f a right t o pas s judgment o n th e conflict . The critica l forc e o f Lin' s position is , however, erode d withi n th e con tinual assertio n o f variation s o f th e suppositio n "Yo u ha d t o b e there" . Throughout th e literatur e o f the Vietnam Wa r th e narratin g o f "wa r sto ries," th e vehicl e o f trut h accordin g t o participant s i n th e wa r an d Viet nam author s an d thei r critics , functions t o exten d th e emphasi s o n bein g

82 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist there a s an epistemologica l necessity . Herr recount s a war stor y h e hear d in Vietnam tha t encapsulate s a truth tha t onl y thos e wh o wer e ther e ca n understand: "Patrol wen t u p th e mountain . On e ma n cam e back . H e die d befor e h e could tell us what happened. " I waited fo r th e rest, but it seemed not to be that kind o f story; when I asked hi m wha t ha d happene d h e jus t looke d lik e h e fel t sorr y fo r me , fucked i f he'd waste time telling stories to anyone as dumb as I was.87 The simplicity o f the stor y is repeated i n the shortest o f all war stories , the lin e "Ther e i t is, " whic h i s deeme d t o contai n a trut h s o paten t tha t explanation i s unnecessary. I n this case, as Philip Beidle r has pointed ou t in relatio n t o anothe r wa r story , " A lesson , a message , a truth , i n sum , could com e off a s so simple that i t seemed a kind o f Orphi c movemen t t o the ver y fulcru m o f reality." 88 Storie s hear d i n wa r an d th e narratin g o f war storie s i n form s tha t conflat e fac t an d fictio n hav e traditionall y in formed account s of war. The process that Vietnam author Stephe n Wrigh t describes a s th e transformatio n o f "crud e fact " int o a n "imaginativ e truth" i s pronounced i n narrative s o f World Wa r I. 89 Robert Grave s ha d summarized thi s process when h e wrote that "th e memoirs o f a man wh o went throug h som e o f th e wors t experience s o f trenc h warfar e ar e no t truthful i f they d o no t contai n a high proportion o f falsities." 90 Obvious traces of this literary tradition ar e exposed in narratives of the Vietnam War , notabl y i n th e nonfictio n an d fictiona l wor k o f Ti m O'Brien, wh o cunningl y manipulate s Wal t Whitman' s ironi c suggestio n that th e tru e stor y o f a wa r i s neve r tol d b y anyon e wh o wa s there . O'Brien's contradiction s o f authenticity , inauthenticity , fac t an d fiction , truth an d lie s expose the basi s of al l "wa r stories. " In his memoir If I Die in a Combat Zone (1980) , O'Brien asks , "Can th e foot soldie r teach any thing important abou t war , merely b y having bee n there ? I think not . H e can tel l wa r stories." 91 I n Going After Cacciato, afte r listin g th e thing s that U.S . soldier s i n Vietna m "di d no t know, " O'Brie n conclude s tha t these feature s woul d no t b e include d i n wa r storie s sinc e "uncertaintie s [were] never articulate d i n war stories." 92 On on e level, O'Brien subvert s the notio n tha t participatio n i n th e wa r i s a requiremen t o f knowledg e (there wer e man y thing s th e soldier s di d no t know) . O n anothe r level , participation provide s th e experience s tha t for m th e ra w material s tha t are reconfigure d int o th e essentia l truth s o f a wa r story . O'Brie n detail s the necessit y o f participatio n an d th e transformatio n o f knowledg e int o

The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist I 8 3 truth i n the chapter "Ho w T o Tell a True War Story " fro m hi s boo k The Things They Carried (1991) . Throughout th e chapter O'Brie n state s variations o f th e conclusio n tha t "[i] n wa r yo u los e sens e o f th e definite , hence your sens e of truth itself , and therefor e it' s safe to say that i n a true war stor y nothing i s ever absolutely true." 93 The point o f suc h assertion s resides i n Whitman's emphasi s o n experienc e a s the basi s o f authenticit y and knowledge : " I a m the man, I suffer'd, I was there. " William Broyles , Jr. , concurs . I n a n articl e wit h th e notoriou s titl e "Why Me n Lov e War," h e argues tha t th e purpose o f a war stor y "i s no t to enlighten bu t to put the listener i n his place." That the teller of the tal e participated i n the war an d that the listener di d not ar e the only facts tha t matter. "Everythin g else is beyond words to tell." 94 Broyles's emphasis o n war stories as lies, but lies that "hav e a moral, even a mythic, truth, rathe r than a literal one " wa s dispute d b y Harry Maure r i n the introductio n t o his boo k Strange Ground: An Oral History of Americans in Vietnam, 1945-1975 (1990). 95 Maurer sough t t o "kee p hi s bullshit detector s out " and t o includ e i n his volume onl y those account s h e perceived a s factual . His ai m wa s t o "minimiz e th e mythi c trut h an d sta y clos e t o wha t hap pened." 96 Th e effect o f Maurer's clai m that ora l testimony would replac e the "mythi c truth" wit h fact—th e undispute d truth—privilege d th e larg e number o f ora l account s o f the war an d forme d th e basi s of the veterans ' legitimate righ t t o spea k o f th e realit y and , i n particular, th e trut h o f th e "Vietnam experience." 97 In his analysi s o f th e "specia l privilege " accorde d th e autho r functio n within ora l historie s o f th e war , John Carlo s Row e comment s tha t "th e author's credibilit y i s generally establishe d bot h b y hi s direc t experienc e of th e Wa r and hi s criticis m o f America n conduc t i n th e War . Thes e cre dentials ar e generall y supporte d b y th e popula r America n mytholog y o f the 'author' a s a 'free agent, ' who assume s full responsibilit y fo r hi s statements an d intentions." 98 Th e sens e o f responsibilit y tha t Row e point s t o is explici t i n Maurer' s insistenc e tha t b y askin g th e contributor s t o Strange Ground "t o i n effec t sig n thei r name s t o wha t the y said " h e would lesse n th e likelihoo d o f inventio n an d assumptio n passin g a s truth. 99 In the preface t o Vietnam: The Heartland Remembers (1989) , a n oral histor y o f Oklahoman s wh o serve d i n Vietnam , Stanle y Beesle y claims th e statu s o f a fre e agent , an d accepte d th e responsibilit y i t in volves when h e states: "N o commissio n appointe d me . No governmenta l agencies nominate d me . N o organization s aske d m e t o represen t them . No foundation s finance d th e project . N o group s bankrolle d th e book. "

84 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist Implicit withi n thi s statemen t i s th e suggestio n tha t editoria l decision s were no t tainte d o r influence d b y th e pressure s o f partisa n sponsor ship. Beesley reinforces thi s position when h e asserts: "No singl e politica l bent i s represente d within . I resiste d attempt s t o flavo r th e boo k wit h dogma." 100 Such assurances function t o reinforce th e authority o f Beesley's text b y suggesting tha t th e projec t provide s virtuall y unmediate d acces s t o vera cious account s o f th e war an d th e hom e fron t scene . Contrary t o th e im plicit assurance s o f editoria l noninterference , however , th e fou r part s t o Beesley's work—beginning wit h th e process o f volunteering, throug h de scriptions o f th e war , an d impression s o f wha t i s defined a s a n alie n an d threatening countryside , t o th e fina l section , "Gettin g Home"—reflec t a structure commo n t o man y ora l historie s o f th e war . Th e patter n o f Beesley's tex t mirrors , fo r example , Mar k Baker' s Nam: The VietnamWar in the Words of the Men and Women Who Fought There (1982) , which, a s Row e notes , "follow s precisel y th e recognizabl e feature s o f what literar y critic s ter m th e Bildungsroman, o r 'nove l o f education.' " Baker organizes the contents of his work "unde r the following larg e headings: INITIATION , OPERATIONS , WA R STORIES , TH E WORLD . [The] paradigm i s that o f mythic heroism, i n which th e hero undergoe s a process o f 'initiation ' b y mean s o f struggl e an d heroi c contest. " Th e re sult is that the hero "return s fro m hi s spiritual an d physica l ordeal to 'th e world' havin g achieve d hi s identit y a s her o an d subsequentl y realizing that identit y mor e full y i n th e deed s h e perform s bac k i n th e world : lift ing the plague, solvin g the riddle, restoring socia l order." 101 Accompanying th e realizatio n o f thi s ne w identit y i s the depoliticiza tion of the veteran's voice. For example, despite Beesley's insistence on editorial nonpartisanship, he admits that he had planned "t o include a draf t dodger [th e refusal t o specif y draf t resistance i s common], but I couldn' t find th e hear t fo r it . Not i n a boo k fro m th e poin t o f vie w o f thos e wh o went." 102 Havin g "gone " leave s n o room , i t seems , fo r oppositiona l moral o r politica l stances . Al Santol i reinforce s thi s conclusio n when , i n his editoria l prefac e t o Everything We Had (1982) , a wor k h e claim s t o be the firs t ora l histor y o f th e war i n Vietnam, h e states : "Th e America n people hav e neve r hear d i n dept h fro m th e soldiers themselves th e com plicated psychi c an d physical realities o f what the y went throug h i n Vietnam." 1 0 3 Santoli' s humanis m elide s th e politica l throug h a n emphasi s upon th e "psychi c an d physical. " Politics , the expressio n o f powe r rela tionships between people , is displaced within a focus that presents histor y

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at the level of individual actions . This depoliticized voic e becomes part o f the veteran's new identity, which, as Rowe points out, is achieved throug h the ac t o f restorin g an d renovatin g a socia l orde r disrupte d an d divide d by the war . In thi s wa y th e essentia l trut h allude d t o i n thes e text s i s beyond politics; it is a transcendental, unifyin g truth . Specifically , a s the fol lowing discussio n elaborates , i t is the trut h o f unity.

Teaching the Truth The assertio n o f unity—o f th e realit y an d truth o f unity—wa s especiall y pronounced i n th e earl y an d mid-eighties . Th e articulatio n o f thi s trut h by the Vietna m vetera n positione d hi m a s th e beare r o f a n essentia l an d immutable characteristi c o f culture . The recuperativ e powe r o f thi s mes sage for th e vetera n wa s tremendous . Represente d a s the embodimen t o f the notio n o f incorporation , th e vetera n wa s n o longe r a n outsider . Th e veteran ha d arrive d a t thi s positio n throug h th e operatio n o f a serie s o f interrelated cultura l assumption s beginnin g with the notion tha t Vietna m was a unique war . These aspect s o f commo n sens e and , mor e important , the use s t o whic h the y wer e pu t ar e exemplifie d i n Walte r Capps' s The Unfinished War (198 2 an d 1990) . Capp s begin s fro m th e positio n tha t the war was unique, 104 and a s a result he considers a focus o n the vetera n the bes t wa y t o interpre t th e exceptiona l conflict . I n chapte r 5 , "Th e Combatants," th e narrative i s donated t o length y quotation s fro m veter ans. Capp s believe s tha t i t i s withi n "[t]h e autobiographica l literature " that "th e stor y o f th e wa r i n Vietna m i s bein g told." 105 H e stresse s th e "disillusionment an d ambivalence " fel t b y the soldiers in Vietnam, whic h increased o n thei r retur n t o th e Unite d States. 106 It i s her e tha t Capps' s own comment s an d thos e o f th e peopl e h e choose s t o quot e rever t t o a n earlier stereotype : the vetera n a s victim . Introducing thi s theme , Capp s assert s tha t returnin g veteran s me t th e "spittle o f th e anti-wa r protester s linin g thei r pathway," 107 whic h i s a story foun d i n a numbe r o f source s concerne d wit h documentin g veter ans' experiences . Fo r example , Bo b Green e organize s hi s boo k Homecoming: When the Soldiers Returned from Vietnam (1989 ) int o section s that includ e the titles: "Yes , it did h a p p e n . . . . I t happened t o me" an d " I was neve r spa t upon." 108 Th e prevalenc e o f reference s t o thi s experienc e may prov e th e validit y o f th e claim . However , th e prominenc e o f th e as sertion als o betray s th e positio n o f author s wh o choos e t o den y veteran s

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at the level of individual actions . This depoliticized voic e becomes part o f the veteran's new identity, which, as Rowe points out, is achieved throug h the ac t o f restorin g an d renovatin g a socia l orde r disrupte d an d divide d by the war . In thi s wa y th e essentia l trut h allude d t o i n thes e text s i s beyond politics; it is a transcendental, unifyin g truth . Specifically , a s the fol lowing discussio n elaborates , i t is the trut h o f unity.

Teaching the Truth The assertio n o f unity—o f th e realit y an d truth o f unity—wa s especiall y pronounced i n th e earl y an d mid-eighties . Th e articulatio n o f thi s trut h by the Vietna m vetera n positione d hi m a s th e beare r o f a n essentia l an d immutable characteristi c o f culture . The recuperativ e powe r o f thi s mes sage for th e vetera n wa s tremendous . Represente d a s the embodimen t o f the notio n o f incorporation , th e vetera n wa s n o longe r a n outsider . Th e veteran ha d arrive d a t thi s positio n throug h th e operatio n o f a serie s o f interrelated cultura l assumption s beginnin g with the notion tha t Vietna m was a unique war . These aspect s o f commo n sens e and , mor e important , the use s t o whic h the y wer e pu t ar e exemplifie d i n Walte r Capps' s The Unfinished War (198 2 an d 1990) . Capp s begin s fro m th e positio n tha t the war was unique, 104 and a s a result he considers a focus o n the vetera n the bes t wa y t o interpre t th e exceptiona l conflict . I n chapte r 5 , "Th e Combatants," th e narrative i s donated t o length y quotation s fro m veter ans. Capp s believe s tha t i t i s withi n "[t]h e autobiographica l literature " that "th e stor y o f th e wa r i n Vietna m i s bein g told." 105 H e stresse s th e "disillusionment an d ambivalence " fel t b y the soldiers in Vietnam, whic h increased o n thei r retur n t o th e Unite d States. 106 It i s her e tha t Capps' s own comment s an d thos e o f th e peopl e h e choose s t o quot e rever t t o a n earlier stereotype : the vetera n a s victim . Introducing thi s theme , Capp s assert s tha t returnin g veteran s me t th e "spittle o f th e anti-wa r protester s linin g thei r pathway," 107 whic h i s a story foun d i n a numbe r o f source s concerne d wit h documentin g veter ans' experiences . Fo r example , Bo b Green e organize s hi s boo k Homecoming: When the Soldiers Returned from Vietnam (1989 ) int o section s that includ e the titles: "Yes , it did h a p p e n . . . . I t happened t o me" an d " I was neve r spa t upon." 108 Th e prevalenc e o f reference s t o thi s experienc e may prov e th e validit y o f th e claim . However , th e prominenc e o f th e as sertion als o betray s th e positio n o f author s wh o choos e t o den y veteran s

86 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist any for m o f agenc y tha t woul d allo w them , metaphorically , t o "spit " back. I n Capps' s tex t ther e i s no mentio n o f antiwa r veterans , an d anti war protestor s ar e the rabbl e tha t me t th e returnin g soldier s wit h "jeers , taunts, tomatoes , an d spittle" 109 —a characterizatio n tha t come s ver y close t o Rambo' s verba l assaul t o n th e "maggot s a t th e airport , protest ing me, calling me all kinds of vile crap." Capp s als o avoids an y mentio n of struggl e o r protes t withi n th e army : "fragging, " desertion , an d act s of disobedience an d non-complianc e ar e al l absent . Having define d th e veteran a s victim, Capp s i s able to assum e that th e veteran ha s firsthan d knowledg e o f anguis h an d hurt . A s a result o f thi s knowledge, th e veteran , accordin g t o Capps , was uniquel y positione d t o interpret th e postwar confrontatio n wit h suffering : th e situatio n referre d to a s healing. Capp s combine s th e separat e experience s o f individual vet erans int o a narrative supportiv e o f th e nee d fo r healing . Her e th e figur e of th e veteran , constructe d fro m man y individual s t o b e a representativ e of universa l huma n experience , contradict s th e historica l realit y o f th e veterans' variegate d voices . No soone r ha d th e vetera n pu t dow n on e o f "the heavies t burden s o f th e war, " i n Capps' s words , tha n h e was aske d to shoulder the weight of leading American society through the task of reunification. Capps' s suggestio n tha t "th e [national ] collectiv e healin g process must follow a similar course" to the "act s of confession" tha t ar e "taking plac e daily " i n th e center s o f th e nationa l Veterans ' Outreac h program position s Vietna m veteran s a s leader s o f a for m o f cultura l catharsis leading to national unification . Fro m a battered victim sufferin g "shock," "disorientation, " an d especially , "disillusionment, " th e vetera n of th e wa r i n Vietna m become s a mode l fo r confessiona l practice s capa ble of revealin g th e truth o f unity. 110 The emphasi s o n th e transformatio n o f th e vetera n int o a n authenti c spokesperson articulatin g cultura l unit y i s especiall y pronounce d i n Oliver Stone' s Platoon (1986) , a film tha t relie s o n realisti c effect s t o en sure the experientia l trut h o f th e message articulate d b y the centra l char acter, Chri s Taylo r (Charli e Sheen) . Th e critica l reactio n t o th e fil m supported th e perceptio n that , a t last , th e "rea l story " o f th e Vietna m War ha d bee n told, 111 an d reviewer s frequentl y mentione d Stone' s wa r experience a s a crucia l elemen t i n approvin g th e film' s realism . Thi s as pect of Stone' s autobiography wa s exploited i n the narrative imag e of th e film—indications o f a film' s story , it s stars , an d it s directo r circulate d t o a potentia l audienc e b y means o f promotional materia l an d reviews 112 —

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which include d a print advertisemen t featurin g photograph s o f Ston e o n duty i n Vietnam . Such extratextua l claim s to authenticit y ar e supporte d withi n th e fil m by th e concei t tha t fictio n ca n b e tru e onl y i f i t recreate s experienc e i n minute detail. In an attempt to ensure the self-evidentiary aspect s of filmi c reality, Ston e recreate s th e "things-as-they-really-are " styl e o f documen tary films . Th e audienc e o f documentar y fil m tend s t o presum e " a privi leged statu s fo r th e indexica l lin k betwee n sig n an d referent " withi n th e documentary text. 113 Documentar y claim s th e statu s o f direc t observa tion; t o reproduce , rathe r tha n represent , "th e facts. " Th e documentar y film stapl e o f talkin g heads , direc t addres s b y authoritativ e figure s through intervie w procedures (or , figures whos e authorit y i s validated b y the documentary form) , supports the notion that documentar y film s hav e a pedagogical purpose . Reinforcing thi s notion, Chri s Taylor's voice-ove r narration, mean t t o represen t th e content s o f letter s h e write s t o hi s grandmother, approximate s th e omniscien t instructiona l voice-of-Go d narration o f man y documentar y films . Further , th e frequen t exchange s between Barne s (To m Berenger ) an d Elia s (Wille m Dafoe ) equat e t o th e process o f interview s i n certai n documentar y films . Th e replicatio n o f documentary intervie w technique s is , however , mos t pronounce d i n a confrontation i n a bunke r frequente d b y the platoon' s dope r "heads " i n which Barne s indirectl y ask s Elia s a serie s o f question s focusin g o n th e central issu e o f "Wh o d o you thin k yo u are? " The camer a wor k o f Platoon als o replicate s th e method s an d tech niques o f certai n form s o f documentar y film . Us e o f hand-hel d camera s in jungle scenes, replete with leaves flapping agains t the lens on jungle patrols, an d a shakin g fram e followin g explosions , evoke s a styl e o f docu mentary filmmakin g initiate d wit h cinem a verit e an d direc t cinema . However, Platoon surpasse s th e documentar y styl e throug h th e employ ment o f the shot/reverse sho t camera technique : a method i n which a second sho t trace s th e fiel d fro m whic h a n establishin g sho t i s assume d t o have bee n taken . Th e powerfu l effec t o f thi s techniqu e i s to presen t "re ality" i n an apparentl y unmediate d way . The camera's presence is efface d from th e scree n a s the spectato r i s presented wit h a three-hundred-sixty degree fiel d o f visio n a s oppose d t o th e mor e commo n one-hundred eighty-degree plan e o f sight . Ston e employ s th e techniqu e o n a t leas t on e occasion i n a scene depicting the platoon's searc h fo r enem y bunker s hid den i n the jungle .

88 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist In a n attemp t t o ensur e realis m i n al l aspect s o f hi s film , Ston e em ployed Captai n Dal e Dye , retired, a Vietnam veteran , an d th e service s of his fil m consultanc y compan y "Warrior s Inc. " t o wor k i n associatio n with hi s directoria l team . I n preparatio n fo r th e film , Dy e le d th e actor s through a training cours e i n the jungle o f the Philippines. "I n Stone, " as serted Time magazine , "Dy e found a kindred spiri t who wanted Platoon's actors to experience the fatigue, frayed nerve s and fear tha t preyed o n th e Viet Nam infantryma n an d t o understan d th e casua l brutalit y tha t ofte n emerged." Accordin g t o Time, Dye' s consultanc y resulte d i n "th e au thenticity o f ever y detail , fro m Barnes ' wicke d dagge r ('Wor n upside down fo r quicke r killing, ' Dye explains) t o the proper us e of white plasti c C-ration spoons." 114 Durin g hi s Oscar-acceptanc e speec h fo r Platoon, Stone stated : " I thin k tha t wha t you'r e sayin g [throug h th e presentatio n of th e award ] i s tha t fo r th e firs t tim e yo u reall y understan d wha t hap pened ove r there." 115 Onl y afte r watchin g hi s fil m coul d audience s un derstand wha t "really " occurre d i n Vietnam . The services of Warriors Inc . were also called upo n b y director Patric k Duncan to aid the production o f his film 84 Charlie Mopic (1989) , which, like Platoon, seek s t o effac e it s ow n fictionalit y b y presentin g itsel f a s a documentary. The film concerns a U.S. reconnaissance uni t in Vietnam o n a patro l accompanie d b y a camerama n wh o i s filming th e action s o f th e unit for a n army training film . Notably, Duncan's fil m erase s the distanc e between spectato r an d objec t maintaine d i n Coppola' s Apocalypse Now and Kubrick' s Full Metal Jacket. I n Apocalypse Now a new s camer a team, whic h include s Coppol a i n a n actin g role , film s soldier s durin g a battle; in Full Metal Jacket Kubric k include s a scene in which a film cre w interviews his principal characters . The effect o f these scenes is to intrud e upon the spectator's suspension o f disbelief, distancing the spectator fro m the objec t an d thu s relievin g th e spectator , briefly , fro m hi s o r he r posi tioning a s subject . I n this wa y th e acceptanc e o f th e worl d o f th e fil m a s commonsensical, real, taken fo r grante d i s disrupted b y self-reflexive mo ments that functio n t o fullfil th e call of the Russian formalis t criti c Victor Shklovsky i n "'makin g strange ' th e world." 116 I n contrast , 84 Charlie Mopic return s the spectator t o the position o f subject o f the powerful ide ology o f realis m throug h th e eliminatio n o f traces o f it s own textuality . One reviewer of 84 Charlie Mopic asked : "Why did we need a fictiona l re-creation o f a Vietna m documentary ? Th e genuin e article s exist." 117 Such a comment overlook s the place of this film, an d other s like Platoon, within the movement towar d capturin g the "rea l truth" o f the experienc e

The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist I 8 9 of th e wa r i n Vietnam . Accordin g t o th e assumption s alread y outlined , texts tha t re-creat e th e "secre t history " o f th e wa r hav e "mor e t o say, " that is , they ar e supposedl y capabl e o f teachin g u s more, than documen tary text s tha t presen t "straight " historica l accounts . Give n thi s assump tion, th e conflatio n o f documentar y an d fictiona l style s produce s text s such a s 84 Charlie Mopic an d Platoon, whic h authoritativel y an d truth fully presen t th e lessons of the war. Duncan, lik e Stone, sustained thi s assumption throug h referenc e t o th e fac t tha t h e i s a Vietna m veteran . " I was i n [th e war] , I felt i t fro m th e inside , an d I express i t fro m within, " Duncan asserted. 118 Duncan' s emphasi s o n factua l an d truthfu l instruc tion (whic h i s supported diagetically—th e fil m bein g made i n 84 Charlie Mopic i s a n instructiona l film ) i s reinforced i n Platoon's presentatio n o f the veteran a s a teacher o f th e lesson s o f war . In th e introductio n t o th e publishe d fil m scrip t o f Platoon Ston e un derlined the fact that there are many truths o f the Vietnam War bu t main tained th e existenc e o f a n overridin g truth—hi s own . Ston e commente d that h e wrote th e fil m scrip t "a s straigh t a s I could remembe r it, " assert ing that , a s a result , h e ha d capture d th e trut h o f th e war. 119 Durin g th e filming, h e hope d tha t h e woul d no t fai l th e veteran s wh o ha d admon ished hi m "no t t o rui n thei r dream s tha t th e trut h b e told." 120 Th e trut h articulated withi n Platoon i s summarized i n Taylor's fina l voice-ove r so liloquy i n which h e observes that "w e di d no t figh t th e enemy, we fough t ourselves." The comment is repeated in various forms throughout th e discourse o f "Vietnam, " it s continual repetitio n pointin g t o somethin g tha t lies deep within the culture beyon d the ethnocentrism encode d within th e remark. Taylor' s statemen t rewrite s th e Russia n roulett e scene s o f The Deer Hunter i n which Americans ar e depicted a s the victims of the Nort h Vietnamese, t o sugges t self-victimization : th e wa r become s "somethin g that American s di d t o themselves." 121 I n Platoon th e allusio n t o suicida l tendencies within Taylor' s comment intersecte d wit h th e notion o f a frat ricidal malais e (American s fightin g on e another ) t o reinforc e th e conclu sion that it was morally wrong for Americans to fight themselves and tha t such a "civi l war" shoul d no t recur . Taylor's mos t engagin g words , however , concer n hi s desir e "t o teac h to others what we know an d to try to find a goodness and meaning to this life." Her e i n a documentar y for m tha t th e audienc e expect s t o b e in structive Stone delivers Platoon's ultimat e lesson: that it is imperative tha t the vetera n becom e a teache r an d guid e t o unit y o n th e hom e front. 122 Chris Taylor mus t retur n t o impar t th e knowledge (th e truth) tha t h e ha s

90 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist learned i n Vietnam : tha t American s shoul d no t figh t amon g themselves , that unit y an d consensu s mus t b e maintained . Th e vetera n ha d no t onl y found a voice, he was virtuall y condemne d t o spea k o f unity.

The Voice of Unity The constructio n o f th e vetera n a s spokesperso n point s t o th e change s that th e representation o f the vetera n ha d undergon e i n a relatively shor t space o f time . At th e en d o f Coming Home th e vetera n fail s t o teac h th e lesson o f "Vietnam. " I n Platoon, release d onl y eigh t year s later , th e vet eran i s clearly define d i n a teaching rol e an d i s unequivocal i n the natur e of th e lesso n t o b e taught . Th e en d o f Platoon's lesso n cam e i n Olive r Stone's subsequen t representatio n o f th e impac t o f th e war , Born on the Fourth of July (1989) , i n whic h th e wounde d vetera n Ro n Kovi c (To m Cruise) i s especiall y vociferous . Kovic' s woun d need s t o b e heale d an d since the VA and medica l scienc e cannot help , he turns to frequent tirade s against the war and his predicament. In a manner different from , bu t seeking th e sam e effec t as , th e psychoanalyti c techniqu e b y th e sam e name , Kovic's solution i s a talking cure . In this way the Kovic character i n Born on the Fourth of July represent s th e en d o f th e variou s maneuver s in volved i n th e constructio n o f th e articulat e veteran . A s a result , i t i s no t surprising to note that earlie r attempt s t o produce th e film prove d unsuc cessful.123 Th e construction o f the veteran a s a vocal figure wa s a process spanning tw o decades . By the tim e Born on the Fourth of July wa s even tually produced, th e veteran ha d alread y bee n endowe d wit h a voice tha t he was abl e to full y emplo y i n his role o f teaching th e truth o f unity . The constructio n o f a definitio n o f th e Vietna m vetera n a s on e wh o teaches th e lesso n o f unit y wa s discursivel y reinforce d an d expande d within a number o f speeche s made b y President Reaga n durin g the eight ies. O n Veteran s Da y 198 8 durin g a ceremon y a t th e Vietna m Veteran s Memorial, Reaga n spok e o f th e Vietna m vetera n a s someon e wh o ca n offer " a lesso n in living love." In this the veteran become s an exemplar o f camaraderie, patriarch y and , finally , patriotism . "Yes , fo r al l o f them , those who cam e bac k an d thos e who di d not , thei r lov e for thei r familie s lives. Thei r lov e fo r thei r buddie s o n th e battlefield s an d friend s bac k home lives . Their lov e o f thei r countr y lives. " Accordin g t o Reagan , th e veteran wa s als o a figure capabl e o f healing : "Perhap s w e ar e finding . . . new strengt h today , an d i f so, much o f it comes from th e forgivenes s an d

90 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist learned i n Vietnam : tha t American s shoul d no t figh t amon g themselves , that unit y an d consensu s mus t b e maintained . Th e vetera n ha d no t onl y found a voice, he was virtuall y condemne d t o spea k o f unity.

The Voice of Unity The constructio n o f th e vetera n a s spokesperso n point s t o th e change s that th e representation o f the vetera n ha d undergon e i n a relatively shor t space o f time . At th e en d o f Coming Home th e vetera n fail s t o teac h th e lesson o f "Vietnam. " I n Platoon, release d onl y eigh t year s later , th e vet eran i s clearly define d i n a teaching rol e an d i s unequivocal i n the natur e of th e lesso n t o b e taught . Th e en d o f Platoon's lesso n cam e i n Olive r Stone's subsequen t representatio n o f th e impac t o f th e war , Born on the Fourth of July (1989) , i n whic h th e wounde d vetera n Ro n Kovi c (To m Cruise) i s especiall y vociferous . Kovic' s woun d need s t o b e heale d an d since the VA and medica l scienc e cannot help , he turns to frequent tirade s against the war and his predicament. In a manner different from , bu t seeking th e sam e effec t as , th e psychoanalyti c techniqu e b y th e sam e name , Kovic's solution i s a talking cure . In this way the Kovic character i n Born on the Fourth of July represent s th e en d o f th e variou s maneuver s in volved i n th e constructio n o f th e articulat e veteran . A s a result , i t i s no t surprising to note that earlie r attempt s t o produce th e film prove d unsuc cessful.123 Th e construction o f the veteran a s a vocal figure wa s a process spanning tw o decades . By the tim e Born on the Fourth of July wa s even tually produced, th e veteran ha d alread y bee n endowe d wit h a voice tha t he was abl e to full y emplo y i n his role o f teaching th e truth o f unity . The constructio n o f a definitio n o f th e Vietna m vetera n a s on e wh o teaches th e lesso n o f unit y wa s discursivel y reinforce d an d expande d within a number o f speeche s made b y President Reaga n durin g the eight ies. O n Veteran s Da y 198 8 durin g a ceremon y a t th e Vietna m Veteran s Memorial, Reaga n spok e o f th e Vietna m vetera n a s someon e wh o ca n offer " a lesso n in living love." In this the veteran become s an exemplar o f camaraderie, patriarch y and , finally , patriotism . "Yes , fo r al l o f them , those who cam e bac k an d thos e who di d not , thei r lov e for thei r familie s lives. Thei r lov e fo r thei r buddie s o n th e battlefield s an d friend s bac k home lives . Their lov e o f thei r countr y lives. " Accordin g t o Reagan , th e veteran wa s als o a figure capabl e o f healing : "Perhap s w e ar e finding . . . new strengt h today , an d i f so, much o f it comes from th e forgivenes s an d

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healing lov e that ou r Vietna m veteran s hav e shown." 124 Lik e Capp s an d Stone, Reagan sa w in the "healing " action s of the veteran a prototype fo r national reconciliation , an d i t was through thi s task tha t h e continued t o valorize th e veteran . The rhetori c i n Reagan' s 198 8 speec h echoe d th e conten t o f a speec h he delivere d o n Octobe r 27 , 1983 , i n whic h h e attempte d t o defen d American foreig n polic y agains t criticism s stemmin g fro m America' s in vasion o f Grenad a an d th e terroris t bombin g o f a U.S. Marine barrack s in Beirut . Althoug h th e 198 3 speec h make s n o referenc e t o Vietna m vet erans, and indee d i s aimed a t veteran s o f present an d futur e wars , it nevertheless provide s a perspectiv e o n situation s affectin g th e Vietna m veteran. Speakin g o f th e Marin e Corps , Reaga n state d tha t it s member s "have al l been faithfu l t o thei r ideals . They hav e give n willingly o f them selves. . .. The y hav e give n ever y on e o f u s somethin g t o liv e u p to. " H e added tha t "[t]he y were not afrai d t o stan d u p fo r thei r countr y o r . . . t o give other s tha t las t bes t hop e o f a bette r future." 125 Throughou t th e speech the U.S. soldier i s clearly constructed a s a role model. Reagan ha d earlier represente d th e Vietnam vetera n a s suc h a figure when , i n Augus t 1980, a s a presidential candidate , h e firs t referre d t o th e wa r i n Vietna m as a "nobl e cause," thereby implying that those who fought fo r thi s cause were als o valorous . The valorizatio n o f th e Vietna m vetera n intersecte d with , an d con tributed toward , th e textua l constructio n o f th e Vietna m vetera n a s a privileged spokesperso n an d wa s facilitate d b y a numbe r o f planne d events, the first o f which took place on November 13,1982 , with the dedication o f the Vietnam Veterans Memorial i n Washington, D.C . The ded ication coincide d wit h th e Nationa l Salut e t o Vietna m Veterans , whic h involved a reading of the names of the Vietnam War dea d i n the Nationa l Cathedral an d a parad e o f 150,00 0 veteran s le d b y non e othe r tha n William Westmoreland. 126 Additiona l noteworth y event s followe d i n 1984 when , o n Memoria l Day , th e remain s o f a n unidentifie d America n who die d i n Vietnam wer e interre d i n the Tom b o f th e Unknown s i n Ar lington Nationa l Cemetery . O n Veteran s Da y o f th e sam e yea r Reaga n dedicated th e statu e o f thre e fightin g me n tha t stand s nea r th e Vietna m Veterans Memorial. O n th e sam e day, in the presence o f 150,00 0 people , he officiall y accepte d th e memoria l o n behal f o f th e nation , focusin g a new round o f media attentio n o n what ha s since become the most visite d site i n Washington , D.C . Th e acceptanc e climaxe d a weeklon g serie s o f commemorative event s calle d "Salut e Two, " name d afte r th e inaugura l

92 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist "salute" to the Vietnam veteran. In the spring of 198 5 a number o f "wel come home " parades , beginnin g wit h Ne w Yor k City' s parad e (Ma y 7) , were hel d nationall y t o coincid e wit h th e tent h anniversar y o f th e en d o f the war . In May 198 7 a "Thankyo u Vietna m Veterans " parad e wa s hel d in Lo s Angeles . I n 1989 , accordin g t o on e source , 14 3 memorial s t o th e war i n Vietna m an d it s veteran s ha d bee n buil t o r wer e unde r construc tion withi n th e United States. 127 By themselves suc h incident s an d circumstance s woul d no t hav e full y accomplished th e widesprea d an d almos t universall y accepte d valoriza tion o f the veteran that contribute d t o promoting what Reaga n called th e new mornin g tha t ha d com e t o America. 128 Th e growt h an d sprea d o f a militarized cultur e create d a situatio n i n whic h th e vetera n spok e regu larly fro m withi n mass-medi a text s o f a natio n tha t ha d strengthene d itself militaril y an d morally . Wa r toys , magazines suc h a s Soldier of Fortune, a numbe r o f televisio n programs , includin g Magnum, P.I. (whic h premiered i n 1980 ) an d The A-Team (1983) , together wit h action-adven ture book s wit h militaristi c theme s contribute d t o thi s end . Abettin g th e (re)militarization o f culture , a numbe r o f films , includin g Private Benjamin (1980) , Stripes (1981) , Taps (1981) , An Officer and a Gentleman (1982), Lords of Discipline (1983) , Heartbreak Ridge (1986) , an d Top Gun (1986) , attempte d "t o restor e th e arm y t o it s pre-Vietna m credi t and, in certain instances, to reintegrate it with a lost patriotic vision of the United States." 129 Indeed , th e constructio n o f th e vetera n a s her o in volved placin g hi m withi n thi s recuperated patrioti c vision . This vision was given impetus with the outpouring o f patriotic rhetori c that accompanie d Reagan' s electio n to the presidency i n 198 0 and the return o f the hostages from Iran . In his first Inaugura l Address (Januar y 20 , 1981) th e ne w presiden t summone d American s t o "begi n a n er a o f na tional renewal, " whic h woul d b e accomplishe d becaus e "afte r a l l . . . . [w]e ar e Americans." 130 A "ne w nationa l mood " o f "We'r e Numbe r One" prevaile d throughou t America . The mood continue d throug h 198 4 when Reagan' s reelectio n campaig n use d th e them e "Americ a I s Back, " and America n spectator s a t the Olympi c Game s i n Lo s Angeles that yea r echoed the patriotic enthusiasm o f the election sloga n in the chant "USA ! USA!" i n respons e t o th e feat s o f America n competitors . Th e renewe d chauvinist spiri t wa s reflecte d an d strengthene d i n par t throug h th e ad vertising industry. In 198 5 the Chrysle r Plymout h corporation , fo r exam ple, employed the slogan "Th e Pride is Back" (wit h its echoes of Reagan' s "America i s Back") an d "Bor n i n America" (a n appropriation o f the titl e

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of Springsteen' s son g "Bor n i n th e U.S.A." ) t o advertis e it s product. Th e patriotic vision was further enhance d b y the 198 6 centennial celebration s for th e refurbishe d Statu e o f Liberty . Th e outpourin g o f patriotis m con tinued i n a les s hysterica l for m th e followin g yea r wit h th e bicentennia l celebrations o f the U.S. Constitution . In his sixth Stat e of the Union Address (Februar y 4 , 1986) , Reagan de clared th e existenc e o f " a risin g America—firm o f heart , unite d i n spirit , powerful i n prid e an d patriotism." 131 Withi n thi s visio n th e vetera n wa s once again calle d int o activ e servic e an d thi s time, according t o th e dom inant representations , h e answere d th e cal l willingly committe d t o patri otic principles. It was through thi s commitment tha t th e Vietnam vetera n emerged a her o an d too k hi s plac e alongsid e othe r America n heroes . I n this relation , Lawrenc e Grossber g ha s argue d tha t th e essentia l definin g characteristic o f a number o f contemporary "postmoder n Hero[es]"—in cluding Rambo , Olive r North , an d Sonn y Crockett , al l Vietna m veter ans—is tha t th e figure s ar e committed . "Apar t fro m th e absolutenes s o f their commitment, they appear t o be not very different fro m th e rest of us and mor e importantl y the y ar e n o differen t tha n th e ba d guys. " Wha t makes them the "goo d guy[s] , what make s [them ] better, is, in the end . . . precisely because [their ] commitment i s absolute an d it is to America" 131 Significantly, Reaga n frequentl y apostrophize d th e "extraordinar y 'or dinary Americans' " a s America' s rea l heroes , definin g the m a s suc h through thei r unswervin g patriotism. 133 Reaga n pointe d t o th e veterans ' patriotism i n a speec h delivere d o n Memoria l Da y 198 4 a t th e Tom b o f the Unknowns when he redefined a n American hero, the Vietnam veteran , as on e wh o embodie s bot h "courage " an d "th e spirit , th e sou l o f Amer ica." 134 Similarly , his 198 4 Veterans Day speec h contained a s many refer ences t o th e Vietna m veterans ' loyalt y a s t o thei r courage . Throughou t this speech , appropriatel y delivere d a t th e nationa l Vietna m Veteran s Memorial, Reaga n mad e frequen t mentio n o f th e desir e fo r a heale d America, a nation tha t "i n the end [is ] stronger tha n . . . i f it had no t bee n broken." 135 According to Reagan, a healed (united ) America derive d fro m courage and loyalty. Similarly, the veteran was healed, and heroized, when his voice, body, an d action s aligne d t o articulat e loyalt y an d courage . The mos t obviou s mas s medi a expressio n o f suc h a definitio n i s th e character o f Joh n Ramb o (Sylveste r Stallone ) i n Rambo: First Blood, Fart II. Th e "spirit , th e sou l o f America " tha t Reaga n spok e o f i n 198 4 became muscle-boun d fles h th e nex t yea r i n th e for m o f a characte r whom th e advertisement s fo r th e fil m referre d t o a s a "symbo l o f th e

94 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist American spirit." 136 Rambo' s patriotis m i s a s well define d a s hi s gleam ing deltoi d an d pectora l muscles . Admonishe d no t t o hat e hi s country , Rambo responds : "Hat e it ! I'd di e for it! " In the film's Reaganit e rhetori c the patrio t i s th e rea l hero , an d th e definitio n rest s a s muc h upo n hi s willingness fo r self-sacrific e a s upo n th e distinctio n th e fil m make s be tween "country " an d "government" : th e her o perform s hi s dut y i n th e name o f hi s country , wherea s h e ma y b e abuse d an d betraye d b y it s bu reaucratic officials . The iron y o f Rambo i s that i t i s a fil m i n whic h th e centra l characte r reverts to an earlier stereotype—he i s virtually inarticulate. However, dur ing a well-time d oratio n a t th e en d o f th e fil m Ramb o i s permitte d t o "speak volume s fo r th e Voiceles s vet." 137 Havin g returne d wit h th e pris oners o f war , havin g thu s contribute d t o th e maintenanc e o f America n unity, Rambo's final words concern the veteran: "Al l they want, and ever y guy who fough t i n Vietnam wants , i s for ou r countr y t o lov e u s a s muc h as w e lov e it. " Suc h lov e woul d thu s sea l th e patrioti c pact , validat e th e words o f th e soun d track' s song , "Th e strengt h o f ou r natio n belong s t o us," brin g the veteran hom e onc e an d fo r all , and pu t a seal on th e unio n of America n societ y tha t ha d consistentl y bee n sough t throug h th e figur e of th e veteran . Officialdo m pronounce d it s desire d en d o n Veteran s Da y 1988 whe n Reagan' s cloyin g sentiment s praise d th e Vietna m veteran s a s "gentle heroes" and conclude d tha t "a s a nation, we say we love you." 138 A measure o f the succes s o f the reconstructio n o f the Vietnam vetera n as hero can b e found i n the number o f media account s that foregrounde d experience o f the war a s a central elemen t i n the careers o f various politi cians, public servants , an d busines s executives . After listin g a number o f senators an d governor s who had serve d in Vietnam John Wheeler, autho r of Touched with Fire: The Future of the Vietnam Generation, emphasize d the fac t tha t "[m]an y executive s i n th e Reaga n Administratio n ar e Viet nam veterans , notably Rober t McFarlane , th e nationa l securit y adviser, " adding tha t "fe w peopl e realiz e tha t th e overnigh t deliver y service , Fed eral Express , was organize d b y Vietnam vetera n aviato r Frederic k Smit h —using a hub-and-spok e syste m lik e th e militar y airne t i n Vietnam. " Wheeler underline d th e redemption o f th e veteran b y noting tha t "Bruc e Caputo's 198 2 campaign fo r th e Republican nominatio n fo r th e U.S. Senate fro m Ne w Yor k ende d whe n h e acknowledge d tha t hi s campaig n lit erature incorrectl y claime d h e ha d serve d i n Vietnam . Th e fac t tha t th e claim wa s mad e t o begi n wit h i s itself instructive." 139 I n a differen t way , Dan Quayle' s lac k o f militar y servic e i n Vietnam, an d th e circumstance s

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surrounding his admission to the Indiana National Guar d durin g the war, became a focu s fo r question s concernin g hi s vice-presidentia l qualitie s during th e 198 8 genera l electio n campaign . Throughou t th e Gul f Wa r commentators frequentl y referre d t o th e leadershi p qualities , an d hinte d at th e politica l abilitie s o f bot h Coli n Powel l an d Norma n Schwarzkop f by noting tha t bot h men' s career s include d servic e in Vietnam . The iron y surroundin g th e relationshi p o f legitimat e leader s an d th e benefit o f servic e i n th e Vietna m Wa r i s reinforce d withi n a commen t made b y Samue l Popkin , a politica l pollin g consultant , writin g i n th e Washington Post o n Veterans Day 1984 . Within hi s assessment (on e tha t implies a specie s o f whit e victimage) , Popki n argue d tha t th e surviva l o f the Democrati c Part y reste d o n th e carefu l selectio n o f presidential nom inees: Above all, the Democrats will have to nominate a man who, when he says "we," will be able to convince white men that he includes them too. In the context of the 1980s such a candidate might have to be a Vietnam veteran, or someone too old to have dodged the draft. Only such a candidate will appeal bot h t o th e Democrati c Party' s ne w cor e o f black s an d workin g women and white men who espouse the new patriotism and extol the competitive spirit. 140(italics added) The Democrati c candidate s i n the 1980 s an d 1990 s di d no t matc h eithe r of Popkin' s criteria . Nevertheless , Clinton' s legitimac y a s a presidentia l leader reste d i n par t o n hi s abilit y t o justif y successfull y th e fac t tha t h e had no t serve d i n Vietnam . During th e 1980 s th e patriotic , heroi c vetera n emerge d a s th e perso n who spok e o f "we. " I n fact , th e Vietna m veteran , represente d a s hero , was enshrine d a s the voic e o f a unite d America— a voic e tha t reache d heroic statu s b y speakin g onl y o f union . Th e contradictio n a t th e cente r of th e constructio n o f th e Vietnam vetera n betwee n a silent, silence d fig ure on the one hand an d an articulate spokesperson an d hero on the othe r was mediated b y the interventio n o f the expressio n o f uniformit y an d in divisibility. The cultural imperativ e o f indivisibility force d it s presence o n a range of postwar discourse , but i t was through th e representational fig ure of the veteran that this need was most clearly articulated. Unity erased the veteran' s silence , liftin g hi m fro m marginalit y an d reincorporatin g him into a position wher e h e could spea k onl y o f incorporation. Th e cultural driv e to holis m therefor e constructe d a figure wh o wa s constraine d to spea k th e trut h o f unity—an d nothin g bu t th e truth .

9 6 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist

Talking Back It is possible, however, to resist and revise the above conclusion. A rewriting i s available throug h th e fac t tha t th e ideolog y o f unit y i s not tota l o r complete. Within a number o f various texts veterans have been denied th e opportunity t o articulate the meanings of their different experiences . This is not t o sa y that Vietna m veteran s a s "rea l concret e individuals, " t o us e Marx's phrase, lacked, or lack, the ability to contest some of the more extravagant demand s o f a powerfu l ideology . I n selec t an d specifi c way s Vietnam veteran s hav e draw n upo n thei r experience s withi n th e war an d on th e home fron t t o infor m thei r criticism s o f militaris t policie s an d do mestic inequities . Suc h articulation s contradic t an d contes t unit y b y re vealing th e inadequac y o f a notio n tha t presume s an d assert s a basi c cultural homogeneity . In this sens e the veteran' s voic e o f dissen t i s a wa y of "talkin g back"—a n insolen t an d insubordinat e voic e tha t "dare[s ] t o disagree." 141 Veterans o f the Vietnam War hav e continued t o spea k ou t o n issue s of U.S. foreig n polic y an d hav e foun d a voic e fo r thei r protest s throug h groups that includ e Vietnam Veterans Against the War, Vietnam Veteran s Against th e War—Anti-Imperialist , Vietna m Veteran s Foreig n Polic y Watch, and Veterans for Peace . In the eighties Vietnam veterans conteste d the Reaga n administration' s suppor t o f the Contra s i n Nicaragua, an d i n the ninetie s veteran s o f th e wa r i n Vietnam wer e prominen t i n anti-Gul f War demonstrations . Protes t agains t th e lastin g effect s o f Agen t Orang e and th e lamentabl e leve l o f postwa r healt h service s rallied, an d continu e to rally , Vietnam veterans . Records o f suc h "insolent " action s an d experience s are , typically , lo cated outsid e th e field o f recognized textua l canons . The role of a core of legitimated an d authorize d text s is , i t ha s bee n argued , centra l t o th e maintenance o f a (unified) cultur e conceived a s a transcendental beare r of civilization.142 Similarly , th e assumption s studie d i n thi s par t for m th e basis o f a canon o f Vietna m Wa r text s i n which cultura l unit y i s empha sized.143 Acknowledgmen t o f th e limitation s o f "central " texts , specifi cally the impact that canonized texts have on the effectiveness o f attempt s to articulat e experience s tha t contradic t dominan t interlocutor y posi tions, inform s thi s archiva l excavatio n o f th e uncanonize d voice s o f vet erans speakin g o n a range o f topic s beyon d "healing " o r cultura l unity . An account o f veterans "speakin g out " discusse d i n a paper i n Radical History Review i n 198 5 raise s othe r issue s pertinen t t o thi s ac t o f recu -

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peration. Referrin g t o th e practic e o f providin g Vietna m veteran s a s speakers fo r school s t o counterac t hig h schoo l recruitmen t drive s b y th e armed services , the author commented tha t "th e most effective par t o f the vets' presentations [i n the schools] is their personal testimony abou t wha t GIs learned in Vietnam." While evidence could b e gathered to support th e assertion that "mos t o f the students have never before hear d Vietnam discussed i n . . . [a ] languag e tha t facilitate s criticis m o f internationa l ag gression," th e author' s conclusio n tha t "veterans ' testimon y abou t th e war i s a catalys t tha t ca n mak e thes e debate s com e aliv e fo r American s too youn g to o remembe r Vietnam" 144 assume s to o much . Thos e to o young t o remembe r Vietna m ar e no t necessaril y convince d b y the powe r of veterans' words. The limit s o f veterans' testimony ha s bee n illustrate d within a discussion o f the reception o f the film Rambo. Vietna m veteran s demonstrating i n Boston in February 198 6 against the film an d Stallone' s receipt o f a n awar d fo r th e fil m wer e "tol d t o 'g o home ' b y a grou p o f teenagers.... Stallone , th e teenager s screamed , wa s ' a rea l veteran.'" 145 The response yet again demonstrates the power o f the mass media to submerge popula r experience s withi n an d throug h it s recreations . (A t th e level o f th e youn g audience , th e mos t effectiv e critica l respons e to , an d delegitimation of , th e narrative absurditie s o f Rambo ma y be the popula r parodic critiqu e Hot Shots II, [1992]. ) The reaction t o the veterans i n Boston suggest s that, b y itself, unmedi ated veterans ' testimon y i s limited i n it s capacit y t o produc e politica l o r cultural changes . Th e dismissa l o f veterans ' experienc e an d th e revisio n of th e experienc e withi n commercialize d textua l form s hav e le d veteran s to explor e variou s form s o f representation . Amon g th e project s initiate d by veterans ar e video productions (suc h as Joseph Gray' s Ambush, 1992 , an exploration o f personal motives , memories, and guil t surroundin g th e war), veterans' poetry (includin g work publishe d b y 1s t Casualty Press , a publication hous e establishe d b y poets associate d wit h Vietna m Veteran s Against th e War) , veterans ' ar t works , an d theatrica l production s (in cluding th e work s o f th e Vietna m Veteran s Ensembl e Theate r o f Ne w York, an d play s workshoppe d an d produce d b y veterans , suc h a s Joh n DiFusco's Tracers). 146 Eac h o f thes e example s i s a n attemp t b y veteran s to presen t viewpoint s an d voice s tha t contes t th e dominan t representa tions of a "healed" an d "heroic " veteran. However, the examples demon strate tha t i n orde r t o b e hear d veteran s ar e require d t o adop t narrativ e forms tha t ar e readily appropriated o r superseded b y the mass media. Exemplifying th e proble m here , John Carlo s Row e mention s th e cas e o f a

98 I The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist piece o f freelanc e writin g submitte d i n th e summe r o f 197 9 t o a loca l newspaper i n the southern Californi a area . The piece, "Remembrances o f Vietnam," wa s published a s the firs t o f a two-part report . Afte r th e pub lication o f the first installment , the newspaper wa s alerted to the fact tha t the "report " wa s i n fac t a plagiarize d extrac t fro m Ro n Kovic' s memoi r Born on the Fourth of July. Row e "hesitate d lon g befor e usin g this anec dote, becaus e i t risk s reinforcin g tha t othe r powerfu l mytholog y w e us e as defense agains t ou r responsibility fo r th e War: that is , the 'madness ' of the returning veteran. " Row e see s in the inciden t "tha t t o b e heard at all [the veteran ] ha d t o accommodat e himsel f t o th e existin g channel s o f communication i n this culture: the press, the publishing industry , and th e 'readers' whose expectations ar e shaped b y the forms o f those media." 147 Attempts t o evad e th e restriction s o f existin g form s o f mas s medi a have bee n varied , an d includ e th e cal l b y Frankfur t Schoo l theorist s fo r the developmen t o f form s o f "popula r media. " However , a s Rober t Ra y has argued , "[d]espit e th e optimis m o f suc h medi a theorist s a s Walte r Benjamin an d Han s Enzensberger , th e averag e perso n i n th e twentiet h century has less access to the means of cultural production tha n h e would have ha d a hundred year s ago." 148 Accordin g t o cultura l historia n Jack son Lears , studies o f resistan t practices—practice s tha t encod e th e mem ories of experiences that disrupt traditions of consent—must "distinguis h between genuinel y popula r cultur e an d th e corporate-sponsore d mas s culture that i s so often mistake n fo r it." 149 Unfortunately , Lear s does no t specify th e methodolog y fo r suc h studies . The distinctio n betwee n "gen uinely popular culture " and mass cultural forms i s complicated i n a number o f ways , no t th e leas t b y th e powerfu l appropriationa l effect s o f corporate-sponsored medi a tha t ca n rapidl y commercializ e ne w an d emerging trends, fashions, genres , and texts . The naivete of the Frankfurt School' s position, reinforced withi n coun tercultural demand s to "seiz e the media," i s underlined b y the fact tha t a n effective popula r politica l voic e i n a n er a o f mechanica l reproductio n i s implicated with mass media representations; and the success of alternativ e or oppositiona l representation s rests , i n larg e part , o n th e abilit y t o fi nance an d broadcas t suc h representations . Exemplifyin g thi s problem , David Rabe' s pla y Sticks and Bones, a bitte r indictmen t o f th e domesti c pressures to silence the veteran, was itself silenced on one occasion as a result o f a refusa l b y CB S to scree n a productio n o f th e play. 150 Similarly , the muddle d releas e o f Iva n Passer' s fil m Cutter's Way, a film i n which a Vietnam vetera n attempt s t o expos e an d condem n th e powerfu l peopl e

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and institution s responsibl e fo r hi s bein g sen t t o war , di d littl e t o ensur e that th e film's messag e would b e effectively hear d b y a wide audience. 151 Such difficulties ar e further exemplifie d b y the relative obscurity , in relation t o a text suc h a s Rambo, o f film s suc h a s Riders of the Storm (als o known a s The American Way, 1986 ) an d Hail e Gerima' s Ashes and Embers (1982), both o f which effectivel y encod e unusua l narrative s i n form s not commonly manipulated i n mass-media texts . Riders of the Storm con cerns a pirate television statio n operate d b y Vietnam veterans from a n ol d B29 bombe r circlin g abov e the United States . The statio n i s used t o inter rupt right-win g broadcast s an d t o subver t th e presidentia l campaig n o f a candidate seekin g to involve the United State s in another war . The self-re flexive narrative of the film represents Vietnam veterans contesting the excesses o f medi a an d politica l representations . Th e fil m historian s Davi d James an d Ric k Ber g hav e argue d tha t "th e wors t o f Platoon's crime s i s that th e standar d o f representatio n i t provided ende d a tradition o f film s that called representation into question (e.g . The Stunt Man)." 151 Lik e The Stunt Man, Riders of the Storm, release d th e sam e yea r a s Platoon, con tinued t o self-consciousl y questio n th e assumption s an d representationa l practices tha t naturaliz e th e constructions o f realistic Vietnam War films. Ashes and Embers i s a nonlinear narrativ e exploration o f the psyche of a black veteran, Nay Charles (John Anderson). The film begin s in Los Angeles, where Charle s an d a frien d ar e stoppe d b y th e police , a n inciden t that provoke s th e first o f Charles' s violen t flashbacks t o the war. The fre quency and poignancy o f the flashbacks foregroun d "Vietnam " a s an ad ditional locatio n withi n th e fil m a s th e narrativ e move s eastwar d fro m Los Angele s t o th e rura l South , an d the n t o Washington , D.C. , wher e Charles's straine d relationshi p wit h hi s girlfrien d (Kath y Flewellen ) be comes evident . Increasingl y disoriente d b y th e frequen t flashbacks , Charles is rescued b y his friend Ji m (Norma n Blalock) , who fortifie s hi m with storie s o f th e courag e o f Pau l Robeso n an d W . E . B . D u Bois . Throughout th e film, Nay Charles' s flashbacks an d deterioratin g psycho logical conditio n ar e linked t o aspect s o f experienc e i n the United States , thus implicatin g racia l an d economi c conditions , togethe r wit h th e war , as the causes o f th e difficultie s face d b y blac k veterans . Ashes and Embers, then , places the black veteran i n historical context . Nay Charle s explores features o f his personal an d ethni c history i n his relationships wit h hi s friends , hi s grandmother , an d wit h whit e figure s o f authority. I n the end , he is depicted movin g towar d a more informe d un derstanding o f blac k history an d experience . With thi s shift fro m th e per -

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sonal t o th e politica l th e fil m transcend s th e clich e o f th e wounde d ve t and propose s a specifi c for m o f resolutio n fo r th e veteran' s adjustmen t problems—continuing politica l action—tha t revise s traditional mode s o f depoliticized healing . Ashes and Embers stand s apar t fro m th e majorit y of texts dealing with the Vietnam veteran i n which a passive form o f reintegration i s privileged ove r th e nee d t o questio n th e term s o f collectivity . Further, i n Ashes and Embers an d Riders of the Storm, alternativ e con tent is reflected i n forms (self-reflexiv e irony ; nonlinear narrative ) tha t in terrogate and, to a degree, subvert the content typically conveyed throug h traditional realis t mode s o f representation . The issu e of the representation o f problematic conten t i n realist form s is evident in a number o f documentary text s that, ironically, seek to gran t the vetera n a voice. The documentar y film s Interviews with My Lai Veterans (1972) , Vietnam Requiem: Vets In Prison (1982) , an d Frank: A Vietnam Veteran (1981) , which present s a veteran's admissio n o f atroci ties committe d i n Vietna m an d crime s committe d o n hi s retur n t o th e United States , attempt t o represent an d analyz e aspect s o f experience no t traditionally feature d i n dominant representation s o f the veteran. Never theless, taken together, o r privileged singly , these films reinvok e an d rein force th e stereotyp e o f the "sic k vet, " a dysfunctional o r psychoti c figur e incapable o f a n informed , o r informing , opinion . Th e continue d repre sentation o f sociall y devian t o r psychologicall y trouble d veteran s func tions t o displac e image s o f veterans ' agenc y an d direc t action . Contrasting with th e record o f "deviant " image s found i n a wide variety of sources certain documentar y films , while still relying on traditiona l realist forms , hav e avoide d negativ e stereotype s i n thei r approache s t o a history base d o n th e collective actio n o f veterans. Examples her e includ e No Vietnamese Ever Called Me Nigger (1968) , Good Bye and Good Luck (1969) , and Gljose (1975) , in which veterans of color question an d protest the war an d the postwar treatment o f Vietnam veterans, issues explored subsequentl y i n Gerima' s Ashes and Embers. Othe r example s in clude The Secret Agent (1983) , whic h examine s th e lingerin g effect s o f exposure t o Agen t Orange , thu s servin g a s a n indictmen t o f th e U.S . Air Force, the Veterans Administration, an d th e Do w Chemica l corporation , a make r o f th e defoliant . Vietnam Veterans: Dissidents for Feace (1988 ) features th e continuin g politica l activitie s o f Vietna m veterans , a s doe s The War in El Cedro (1988) , which focuse s o n Vietnam veterans who rebuild a clinic in a Nicaraguan villag e destroyed b y Contras. Going Back: A Return to Vietnam (1982 ) follow s th e journe y b y th e firs t grou p o f

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American comba t veteran s to return t o Vietnam afte r th e war. The retur n trip lead s t o a questionin g o f th e justification s fo r th e wa r an d als o pro vides a n insigh t int o postwa r Vietnames e way s o f life . The representatio n o f Vietnames e experience s foun d i n Going Back and othe r account s of return journey s to Vietnam provokes, in terms of a thorough archiva l excavatio n o f the experiences o f veterans o f the war i n Vietnam, the importance o f considering veterans o f the "othe r side. " Th e bicultural focu s achieve d throug h stud y o f Vietnamese exil e narratives i s one metho d o f providin g insight s int o th e live s o f th e Vietnames e dias pora i n Americ a and , further , offer s a way o f revisin g th e ethnocentris m of many America n studie s o f the Vietnam War. 153 The project o f enhanc ing cross-cultura l understandin g implici t i n suc h narrative s i s extende d within th e representations o f wartime an d postwa r lif e i n Vietnam foun d in cultura l production s indigenou s t o Vietnam. 154 Th e nee d t o circulat e Vietnamese representation s o f the war an d it s aftermath i s underlined b y Gayatri Spivak , autho r o f on e o f th e mos t pressin g question s i n cultura l studies—"Can th e subalter n speak?" 155 —wh o insist s tha t subaltern s must spea k fo r themselves . The insistenc e derive s from, bu t i s not depen dent upon , th e fac t tha t "n o amoun t o f raise d consciousnes s field-wor k can eve r approac h th e painstakin g labo r t o establis h ethica l singularit y with the subaltern." 156 Th e perspectives o f the formerly colonize d peopl e of Vietnam , subaltern s i n thi s sense , were expresse d throughou t th e wa r in Vietnamese representations o f their (armed ) struggl e to "fin d a voice." One for m o f cultura l production , documentar y films , continue d throughout th e years of the "America n war." Suc h films were made, ofte n under condition s o f prolonge d aeria l bombardment , i n th e souther n zones by the National Liberatio n Front , and b y the state-operated studio s in th e North , notabl y th e Centra l Newsree l an d Documentar y Fil m Stu dio. Documentar y film s o f th e perio d includ e The Most Dangerous Situation (1967) , Cu Chi Guerrilla (1967) , Ngu Thuy Girls (1969) , and Vinh Linh Fortress (1970) , whic h depict s th e live s o f peopl e livin g under ground a t thi s heavil y bombe d site. 157 Th e prevailin g aestheti c amon g these film s i s a starkl y realis t for m o f instructio n (derisivel y dismisse d i n the West a s "propaganda" ) intende d t o suppor t an d exten d th e "govern ment polic y [of ] keepin g aliv e th e fightin g spiri t o f th e people." 158 Viet namese critic s hav e recognize d th e aestheti c limitation s o f thes e films , while als o acknowledgin g th e utilit y o f th e film s t o th e wa r effort. 159 While documentar y fil m productio n wa s maintaine d throughou t th e war, th e mor e expensiv e feature-lengt h fictio n filmmakin g virtuall y

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ceased. Beginnin g i n th e lat e seventie s productio n resume d o n fictio n films tha t includ e a numbe r o f work s tha t dea l wit h th e wa r an d it s af termath. Notabl e amon g a n impressiv e outpu t i s Hong Sen' s The Abandoned Field —Free Fire Zone (1979 ) i n which a family livin g in a floatin g house i n th e Mekon g Delt a shortl y befor e th e 196 8 Te t offensiv e i s con sistently fire d upo n b y ever-presen t America n helicopters . Dan g Nha t Minh's When the Tenth Month Comes (1984 ) concern s a youn g wif e who, afte r th e deat h o f her husband , a soldier a t the front , return s t o he r village burdene d wit h remors e an d i s subsequently unabl e t o infor m he r in-laws o f their son' s death . In 198 7 Dang Nhat Min h mad e The Girl on the River, a story of the love between a leader of the Liberation Fron t an d a prostitut e fro m on e o f th e man y smal l boat s use d a s brothel s o n th e Mekong. L e Dan' s Black Cactus (1991 ) deal s wit h a differen t kin d o f love, that betwee n Lai, a black Amerasian, an d a Cham girl, Ma. In Cha u Hue's The Strolling Singers (1991) , Hung, a demobilized soldie r sufferin g eye injuries, attempt s a reconciliation wit h hi s wife, Tram. 160 The representatio n o f th e painfu l experience s o f veteran s o f th e wa r found i n The Strolling Singers i s a centra l them e withi n postwa r Viet namese fil m production . Th e fil m Brothers and Relations (1986) , di rected b y Tra n V u an d Nguye n Hu u Luyen , bot h veterans , extend s thi s theme in a story of a Vietnamese veteran who return s fro m th e war t o hi s family wh o though t hi m dead . Th e them e o f forgettin g th e war , an d th e denial o f veteran s o f th e war , i s extended whe n th e vetera n i s sent t o re cover th e remain s o f a relatio n kille d i n th e Sout h onl y t o fin d tha t th e cemetery ha s bee n relocate d fo r a housin g constructio n project . Th e in difference o f his family towar d th e remains o f their relativ e lead s the vet eran to return th e bones to the grave in the South. Karma (1986 ) wa s th e first featur e fil m o f postwar Vietnam not financed b y the government an d is the onl y Vietnamese fil m t o dea l with a veteran o f the Army o f the Republic o f Vietnam . Th e complicate d melodramati c plo t involve s th e re turn o f a n ARV N veteran , Bin h (Tra n Quang) , to hi s wife, Ng a (Phuon g Dung), durin g th e war . Believin g Bin h t o hav e bee n kille d i n battle , Ng a has bee n workin g a s a ba r gir l i n Saigon . Binh' s inabilit y t o accep t Nga' s new occupatio n drive s him bac k t o th e front , wher e afte r a final attemp t at reconciliatio n i n an arm y hospital , h e i s killed i n battle . The documentatio n conducte d o n fil m o f th e experience s o f Viet namese veteran s ha s bee n extende d throug h th e publication o f a numbe r of remarkable novel s dealing with variou s aspect s o f life i n Vietnam dur ing the war. Bao Ninh's The Sorrow of War (1994) tells the story of Kien ,

The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist I 10 3 a soldie r who return s t o the battlefiel d a s part o f detachmen t t o bur y th e dead. 161 Throughou t hi s grim tas k Kie n reflect s o n hi s lif e i n Hano i an d grieves for hi s friends wh o die d i n battle , the latter memorie s inspire d b y the ghosts o f friends tha t populat e th e battlefiel d wher e he works. Kien' s suffering an d hi s intens e memorie s o f th e wa r contribut e t o a n identit y that i s informed b y sorro w an d loss . I n Duon g Th u Huong' s controver sial Novel Without a Name ( 1 9 9 5 ) t n e centra l character , Quan , journey s to Hanoi afte r te n years of fighting i n the South on a mission to locate his childhood friend. 162 Th e search become s a form o f personal revelatio n i n which Qua n i s force d t o confron t hi s memorie s o f war , an d th e conse quences o f th e wa r fo r thos e livin g i n th e North . Th e powerfu l effec t o f Novel Without a Name owe s muc h t o autho r Duong' s ow n experience , at th e ag e o f twenty-one , o f leadin g a communis t Yout h Brigad e o n th e demilitarized zone . After seve n years of fighting, sh e was one of three sur vivors o f a volunteer grou p tha t originall y ha d include d fort y members . Drawing o n a differen t se t o f experience s an d employin g a divergen t aesthetic, Trinh T . Minh-ha's self-reflexiv e "documentary " Surname Viet Given Name Nam (1989 ) examine s the role of women i n the war. Trinh' s film represent s Vietnames e wome n i n America and , purportedly , i n Vietnam a s the y reflec t o n thei r live s i n th e war . Th e fil m disrupt s audienc e expectations o f th e documentar y mod e throug h th e inclusio n o f reenact ments and the conceit that al l the women i n the film, even those who sup posedly recount thei r storie s fro m Vietnam , ar e in the United States . The presence o f the fictive mod e within a form o f representation typicall y un derstood t o b e factua l occur s withi n thi s "resistan t text, " on e i n whic h understandings ar e implicate d wit h culturall y specifi c meaning s an d lan guage tha t Trin h "translates " t o th e Unite d States. 163 The metho d o f translatin g a pluralit y o f voice s reflect s o n an d finall y exposes th e filmmaker' s strategie s an d th e "sit e fro m whic h thes e voice s are brought ou t an d constructed." 164 Trinh' s interrogation o f the ways i n which identities and storie s are interwoven raise s a number o f issues concerning women' s identit y withi n an d acros s cultures . I n addressin g thes e issues, the fil m implicitl y critique s man y o f th e assumption s commo n t o narratives o f "Vietnam" : tha t realis t form s ar e th e mos t appropriat e t o the tas k o f representin g an d understandin g th e "Vietna m experience" ; that there is one "truth " t o the story o f the war (a s Platoon, fo r example , proposes); an d tha t thi s trut h i s accessibl e onl y throug h males . Trinh' s film destabilize s variou s identitie s t o produc e th e conclusio n tha t identi ties, even thos e a s "fixed " a s Vietnam veteran , ar e mutable . I n thi s way ,

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Trinh's approac h t o storie s an d identitie s become s a for m o f "talkin g back," whic h i s the contestatio n o f th e forc e o f th e ideolog y o f unity . In th e prefac e t o Tell Me Lies About Vietnam (1988) , a collection o f es says concerne d wit h prin t an d visua l representation s o f th e wa r i n Viet nam, th e editor s state : How [the] figure [o f the Vietnam veteran] is perceived and constructed is of crucial significanc e a s an inde x of ideology : narratives o f hi s actions an d thoughts are emblematic of meanings, values and attitudes in the wider culture. Indeed, we may claim that th e cultural representatio n o f th e soldier and particularly the veteran is perhaps the single most influential ideologi cal discourse of the war. 165 The vetera n a s a vocal figur e wa s constructe d withi n an d throug h repre sentations, an d hi s abilit y t o spea k ha s bee n th e resul t o f ideologica l im peratives, whil e hi s message s ar e concerne d wit h unity . Th e commen t quoted above , then , reflect s th e iron y throug h whic h th e vetera n o f th e war i n Vietna m ha s com e t o b e known : h e ha s bee n privilege d withi n post-Vietnam cultura l discours e becaus e of his ideological importanc e t o unity. Ha d no t th e vetera n bee n appropriate d ideologically , ou r percep tions o f hi m would , o f course , b e entirel y different . H e ha s been , a s i t were, singled ou t to speak o f unity on the basis of his wartime an d home front experience s tha t authoriz e hi s metalinguistic pronouncements . This observation i s not mean t t o den y or denigrat e th e veteran's expe riences. Rather, i t points t o the powe r o f the ideolog y o f unit y to rewrit e experience. Thus , t o adop t word s Michae l Her r use d i n relatio n t o th e representation o f the war, something "hasn' t bee n asked" 166 wit h respec t to th e veteran : Wh o is this person—a n indexica l voic e o f ideology , o r a person capable o f bringing the experience o f the war t o bear o n the question o f unity ? Th e differen t voice s hear d talkin g bac k spea k o f a rang e of experiences beyon d th e cliched storie s concerning a n essential cultura l union. Through a deconstructive an d historicize d for m o f critique , the repre sentation o f the veteran a s a vocal figure an d the ideology o f unity speak ing throug h thi s figur e hav e bee n exposed . Th e analysi s o f ideologica l operations pursue d her e ha s involve d th e paradoxica l operatio n o f listening t o wha t i s no t sai d withi n th e taken-for-grante d assumption s encoded withi n th e narrative s o f th e veteran—thos e characteristic s that , as Stuar t Hal l put s it , ideology "systematicall y blip s ou t on." 1 6 7 Th e cri -

The Vietnam Veteran as Ventriloquist I 10 5 tique inform s communicatio n b y assistin g i n tunin g ou t th e ahistorica l noise o f unit y an d tunin g i n t o th e differen t message s o f divers e voices . This actio n i s capabl e o f revisin g th e impression s o f th e terrai n o f post-Vietnam cultura l life represented i n dominant interlocutor y disposi tions. I t i s this terrain—fille d wit h image s o f resistin g an d protestin g th e war, the powerful effect s o f "race " and class, and th e insensitivity o f governmental administrations—tha t i s represented i n th e voices o f veteran s of the war i n Vietnam . However, th e effort s t o retriev e thes e voice s mus t conten d wit h a history i n which th e Vietnam vetera n ha s bee n characterize d an d canonize d as a heroic figur e b y the mas s media, b y commonsense assumptions , an d by politicians seekin g t o appropriat e feature s o f th e veteran' s experienc e for politica l gain . I n thi s sens e th e Vietna m vetera n i s a figur e define d within th e specifi c historica l contex t o f post-Vietna m Unite d State s culture an d th e histor y o f th e change s undergon e b y this figur e i s one o f ideological attempt s t o construc t cultura l unit y fro m th e effect s o f th e Vietnam War .

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tation o f home i n the contemporary , post-Vietna m Wa r worl d continue s to advanc e th e projec t o f unit y establishe d i n th e text s ostensibl y con cerned with the impact o f the war. Finally, and ironically , then, "bringin g the war 'home' " i s the denial of the effects o f the social and cultural divi sions—the differences—tha t th e war reveale d withi n America n culture .

The Home Front Toward th e en d o f 196 9 th e Weathermen, a radical offshoo t o f Student s for a Democratic Societ y (SDS) , called fo r "Nationa l Action " i n Chicag o on Octobe r 1 1 of tha t year . Protest wa s returnin g t o th e cit y a year afte r the violen t event s tha t ha d accompanie d th e Democrati c Nationa l Con vention. "Thi s fall , peopl e ar e comin g bac k t o Chicago : more powerful , better organized, more together than we were last August," state d the call to actio n publishe d i n New Left Notes, th e officia l weekl y newspape r o f SDS. The pla n o f actio n wa s "no t onl y t o brin g 'peac e t o Vietnam' , bu t [to begin ] t o establis h anothe r fron t agains t imperialis m righ t her e i n America—'to brin g th e wa r home.'" 7 I n thi s way , "bringin g th e wa r home" involved ending the Vietnam War and "bringin g revolution that is already winning in the Third World" bac k to the United States. 8 Presum ably, the rationale behind this call was based on the belief that widesprea d violent unrest on the "hom e front" woul d make the pursuance o f the wa r impossible. According t o this logic, the radical interruptio n o f consensu s would resul t i n the en d o f th e war an d b e the means to a new America . With th e call to "brin g th e war home " th e antiwa r movemen t entere d a ne w phase, and th e slogan becam e part o f its vocabulary. However, th e idea o f bein g separat e from , i f no t radicall y oppose d to , th e dominan t consensus wa s on e tha t wa s alread y embedde d withi n th e movement . Writing o f th e mas s antiwa r marche s tha t occurre d earl y i n th e sixties , Morris Dickstei n state d tha t "[b] y marchin g w e trie d t o purg e ourselve s of the least trace of inner complicity with the war; we stepped outsid e th e national consensus and reached ou t for solidarit y with others who share d an alternativ e ide a o f America." 9 Walte r Capp s argue s tha t Dickstein' s observation reflect s "conflictin g o r alternative ideas of America " l0 Wha t Capps does not add is that these positions were inherently contestatory — that the antiwar protest movement not only sought an alternative to dom inant idea s bu t activel y conteste d thos e ideas . I t wa s th e presenc e o f contestation an d struggl e throughou t th e histor y o f th e antiwa r move -

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10 9

ment tha t permitte d late r chronicler s t o us e th e ter m "bringin g th e wa r home" an d permutation s suc h a s "th e wa r a t home " t o refe r t o protes t formations prio r t o th e "nationa l action " i n Chicag o i n late 1969 . The subtlety of distinctions between alternative and contestatory were, however, los t withi n th e mas s media' s representatio n o f th e antiwa r movement. Routinely, the news media represented th e protest movement , or "framed " it , t o us e Tod d Gitlin' s evocativel y ambiguou s term, 11 i n ways that reproduce d certai n negativ e assumptions , attitudes, and dispo sitions. The media's construction an d reconstructio n o f situationa l defin itions o f th e movemen t withi n a proces s o f inclusion , omission , specifi c amplifications, an d focu s ultimatel y contribute d t o th e continuatio n o f the status quo. Gitlin examined thi s subtle process in his book The Whole World Is Watching (1980 ) i n a n analysi s tha t feature d th e decodin g o f two centra l method s employe d b y the mass news media i n their coverag e of th e antiwa r movement . Thes e form s o f representatio n bega n nea r th e middle o f the sixtie s an d continue d unti l th e movement's demise . Gitlin summarize d th e firs t metho d employe d b y th e new s medi a a s "Certifying Leader s an d Convertin g Leadershi p t o Celebrity." 12 I n th e initial phase , "certifyin g leaders, " th e medi a focuse d o n member s o f th e movement, thereb y legitimatin g the m a s spokespersons . I n th e cas e o f Mark Rudd , fo r example , Gitli n argue s tha t Rud d di d no t "directl y an d formally" represen t a majorit y o f student s durin g th e occupatio n an d strike a t Columbi a Universit y i n th e sprin g o f 1968 . Nevertheless, Rud d was visibl y involve d i n the demonstration s i n ways tha t attracte d th e at tention o f the media. According to Gitlin , "[T]h e media routinely presen t performers wh o ar e deviant- that is , unrepresentative o f the values, opin ions, passion s an d practice s o f th e large r society . Devianc e constitute s their ver y 'new s v a l u e ' . . . . " A s the focu s o f medi a attention , Rud d wa s certified a s a leader an d subsequentl y accorde d thi s statu s b y the media . In contrast , organizer s o f th e 196 8 demonstration s i n Chicago , in cluding To m Hayden , Renni e Davis , Dav e Dellinger , an d wit h a com pletely differen t politica l style , Jerr y Rubi n an d Abbi e Hoffma n o f th e Yippies, al l possesse d considerabl e organizationa l experienc e i n earlie r movements. Thes e peopl e wer e "alread y leaders i n som e sens e . . . ; th e media mad e the m celebrities." Accordin g t o Gitlin , "Th e all-permeatin g spectacular cultur e insiste d tha t th e movemen t b e identifie d throug h it s celebrities" and as a result the movement "attracte d personalities who enjoyed performanc e . . . wh o spok e quotably." 13 Throug h th e media' s in tervention, then , i t wa s possibl e fo r a membe r o f th e movement , albei t

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one wh o wa s especiall y activ e an d vocal , t o b e elevate d t o th e rol e o f leader and then, as a result of a theatrical or flamboyant style , to have this position transforme d int o tha t o f celebrity . I n thi s way , th e media , i n a very real sense , "made " celebrities . The abilit y o f variou s new s media t o construc t an d reconstruc t move ment leader s i s indicativ e o f th e powe r o f th e medi a t o decontextualiz e experience. In the case of the antiwar movement, this decontextualizatio n was reproduced throug h an emphasis on scenes of violent political protes t that ignore d th e politica l rational e fo r violence . Gitli n argue s tha t th e movement wa s "bot h acto r an d acted-upon... . Th e medi a inflate d th e sense that ther e was a n extremist movement ; parts o f the movement pur sued confrontatio n fo r bot h strategi c an d expressiv e reasons ; an d th e State escalate d repression." 14 Thus , throug h it s routin e code s th e mas s news medi a contributed , ultimately , t o th e "unmaking " o f th e Ne w Lef t antiwar movemen t an d t o th e maintenanc e o f a n imag e o f cultura l sta bility an d homogeneity . It i s significant tha t th e representationa l approache s employe d b y th e news medi a i n coverag e o f th e antiwa r protes t movemen t ar e identifia ble withi n a rang e o f fictiona l an d nonfictiona l text s dealin g wit h th e movement. Th e similarit y o f approache s betwee n th e variou s narrative s indicates th e pervasiv e an d persuasiv e powe r o f th e new s media . B y reproducing th e establishe d frame s o f th e mas s new s media , othe r textua l representations o f th e antiwa r movemen t contribute d t o a conservativ e effect b y perpetuatin g commonsensica l interpretation s o f th e movemen t and o f th e cultura l condition s o f th e lat e sixties . Specifically, suc h repre sentations denigrated , o r delegitimated , th e antiwa r movemen t an d th e oppositional force s i t embodied . Thi s proces s contribute d towar d th e continued dominanc e o f on e ide a o f America—th e ide a o f Americ a a s one. Th e strateg y o f "bringin g th e wa r home " wa s subverte d alon g a broad fron t o f textua l representations—includin g th e new s media , an d the mass-medi a text s studie d here—tha t reasserte d a traditiona l unifie d home b y denyin g th e recognitio n o f oppositional , o r eve n alternative , ideas o f America . The proces s o f decontextualizatio n examine d b y Gitli n wa s particu larly eviden t withi n a numbe r o f commercia l fictiona l film s o f th e earl y seventies. Within weeks of the shootings a t Kent Stat e University o n Ma y 4, 1970 , an d a t Jackso n Stat e Universit y i n Mississipp i o n Ma y 14 , Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer studio s release d th e fil m The Strawberry Statement, an d i n Jun e o f tha t yea r Columbi a studio s release d Getting

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i n

Straight, bot h o f whic h containe d scene s alludin g t o event s o n th e tw o campuses. The attempt s a t exploitin g th e headline s wer e misjudged . The Strawberry Statement wa s a financial disaster , an d th e modes t succes s of Getting Straight a t th e bo x offic e ca n b e attribute d t o th e presenc e o f Elliot Gould , alread y a n establishe d commercia l star . Historica l contex t reinforced th e batho s o f th e conten t o f thes e films , furthe r exposin g th e absurdity o f image s o f motiveles s protes t an d free-floatin g violence . An y narrative connectio n betwee n thes e film s an d antiwa r protes t capabl e o f informing th e separat e plot s wit h a semblanc e o f justifiabl e relevanc e i s restricted t o mino r o r tangentia l references . In The Strawberry Statement, fo r example , students from a n unname d university somewher e i n Sa n Francisco hav e joine d wit h loca l blac k resi dents to protest the university's intention t o construct a n ROTC buildin g on land used as a playground b y neighborhood children . The issues, then, supposedly, revolv e aroun d th e military an d th e war i n Vietnam, variou s forms o f discrimination , an d communit y acces s t o universit y propert y (the latter a n obliqu e an d simplifie d referenc e t o consideration s involve d in th e 196 8 Columbi a strik e an d th e turmoi l o f Berkeley' s People' s Par k in 1969). 15 Instead, th e justification s fo r a n ensuin g strik e ar e containe d in th e word s chante d b y th e centra l character , Simo n (Bruc e Davison) : "Strike becaus e yo u hat e cops, " "Strik e becaus e yo u hat e war, " "Strik e because ther e i s poverty," "Strik e becaus e there' s n o poetr y i n you r lec tures [and ] becaus e lecture s ar e a drag." 16 Th e cal l fall s fa r shor t o f sus tained referenc e t o an y o f the issue s that allegedl y motivate th e plot. Th e lack o f cogent , o r eve n clear , reasons fo r protes t i s paralleled i n the fina l scenes of police violence against student s who peacefully awai t their fate . Protest i s spontaneous an d aimless ; violence is random an d unjustifie d i n terms o f th e plot . Getting Straight, i n contrast , doe s contai n specifi c ref erences t o th e wa r i n Vietna m i n th e for m o f a subplo t concernin g th e attempts o f on e characte r t o avoi d th e draft , an d th e centra l character , Harry Baile y (Elliot t Gould) , is a veteran o f th e war. However, thes e fea tures are not linked t o the protest o n the campus where Harry i s studying to gai n hi s teaching qualifications . Th e leve l o f politica l analysi s i s agai n summarized b y slogans , thi s tim e i n th e for m o f a placar d carrie d b y a protestor tha t read s "Dow n wit h th e Establishment!" Unfortunately , thi s is the closes t th e fil m come s t o an y kin d o f rational e fo r th e fina l violen t melee betwee n student s an d th e Nationa l Guard . A s i n The Strawberry Statement, th e absenc e o f explanatio n render s th e protest , an d th e vio lence, unintelligible .

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A similar se t o f problem s besieg e Michelangel o Antonioni' s Zabriskie Point (1970) , another fil m o f th e er a t o touc h upo n antiwa r protest . Th e film begin s wit h a n antiwa r demonstratio n durin g whic h a policema n i s fired upo n an d killed , althoug h i t i s no t clea r whethe r th e centra l mal e character, Mar k (Mar k Frechette) , i s to blame . I t i s this tenuou s connec tion t o oppositio n t o th e wa r tha t motivate s th e ensuin g event s i n whic h Mark steal s a n airplan e t o escap e Lo s Angeles , thereb y sealin g hi s fat e when h e i s shot returnin g th e aircraft . Antonioni' s dramati c us e o f color , jump cuts, and slow-motion shots , together with the surreal mise-en-scen e that i s his visio n o f Lo s Angeles , makes th e fil m visuall y impressive , bu t therein lie s its problem. For m supersede s content , narrativ e i s sublimate d to style. In his defense o f the film, Antonioni stresse d this issue: "You cannot argu e that a film i s bad bu t tha t th e colo r i s good, o r vic e versa. Th e image i s a fact, th e color s are the story . If a cinematic momen t ha s color s which appea r righ t an d good , i t means that i t has expressed itself... . " 1 7 However, in this case, the privileging o f aesthetics is the denial of politics. Scenes o f protes t mi x with scene s o f grou p se x in the desert , whic h lead s to slo w motio n scene s o f a hous e exploding . Protest , then , ha s n o basi s other tha n it s visual impact—th e point o f the protest i s irrelevant . Contrasting wit h suc h example s fro m commercia l cinem a o f th e lat e sixties, a numbe r o f independen t film s o f th e er a employe d divers e tech niques and various narrative strategie s to inform an d structure cogent depictions o f antiwa r protest . In oppositio n t o Zabriskie Point, thes e film s linked for m an d conten t i n a n "agitationa l aesthetic." 18 On e exampl e o f this wor k wa s produce d b y the interweavin g o f variou s style s o f a num ber o f independen t Ne w Yor k filmmaker s i n th e collaborativ e fil m No Game (1968) , a documentar y dealin g wit h th e Octobe r 196 7 Marc h o n the Pentagon . No Game wa s th e firs t fil m release d b y the Newsree l col lective, which went o n to produce, among others, the film Summer of 68 (1968) dealing with the demonstrations a t the Democratic National Con vention i n Chicago . Unlike th e popula r media' s for m o f representations , Summer of '68 comment s o n it s ow n presentatio n o f images , addressin g the topi c tha t th e networks ' exploitatio n o f scene s o f violenc e ha d dis placed th e focu s o f th e protest . A narrato r t o th e fil m states : "Th e issu e of Chicag o becam e polic e brutality , no t th e part y we' d com e t o expose , not th e wa r o r th e racis m we' d com e t o protest . Chicag o gav e u s a suc cess we couldn't use and suggested the limits of any attempt to talk to th e media." Implicitly , the film argue s for alternativ e form s o f representatio n to counteract th e distortion s o f th e conventiona l new s media .

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The protest a t the convention wa s als o the subjec t o f Haskell Wexler' s film Medium Cool (1969) . Complementing the approach o f the Newsree l films, Wexler was concerned wit h techniques that would privilege the object o f protest . Echoin g Godard' s Weekend (1967) , th e fil m open s an d concludes with scenes of violent car crashes. Within Wexler's film, image s of violenc e ar e the correlativ e o f a violent culture , evidence o f whic h ap pears i n scene s o f gu n practic e a t suburba n rifl e range s and , mos t specif ically, scene s o f polic e riotin g durin g th e stree t demonstration s i n Chicago. Th e fil m mixe s cinem a verite-styl e documentar y filmmakin g with a realis t fictiona l mod e i n suc h a wa y tha t fictiona l character s ap pear withi n scene s o f real-lif e event s a t Chicago' s Gran t Par k an d else where. The aim here is, as David James has pointed out , to "demystif y th e Hollywood convention s o f dramati c actio n an d characte r . . . [and ] t o force th e audienc e t o identif y les s with th e adventur e o r th e her o an d t o think mor e abou t th e documentar y events." 19 Lik e th e fil m Summer of '68, Medium Cool contain s a numbe r o f aleator y an d self-reflexiv e mo ments; a n exampl e occur s whe n a tear-ga s caniste r drop s i n fron t o f a group o f demonstrators an d a voice on the sound trac k i s heard t o shout : "Watch out , Haskell , thi s i s real! " A t othe r time s Wexle r quit e con sciously reflect s upo n th e implication s an d consequence s o f form s o f representation. Th e openin g car-cras h scene , fo r example , question s th e ethics of the news media b y depicting a news camera tea m filmin g th e accident befor e attendin g t o th e injurie s o f th e victims . In anothe r way , th e mixture o f documentar y an d fictiona l moment s raise s the issu e of actio n determined b y the presence o f the camera. The demonstrators i n Chicag o knew tha t "th e whol e worl d i s watching, " chantin g th e lin e t o dra w media attentio n t o th e action s o f the police i n the hope tha t th e presenc e of televisio n camera s woul d restric t excessiv e polic e violence . Ironically , the implication of the chant evokes the distortion of an historical momen t by the intercessio n o f the news media— a distortio n critique d i n Medium Cool an d Summer of '68. Further , bot h film s dra w attentio n t o th e im brication o f powe r an d representationa l forms . Specifically , th e film s in timate th e abilit y o f th e popula r medi a t o justif y a consensu s o n th e Vietnam Wa r throug h th e delegitimatio n an d marginalizatio n o f th e voices o f antiwa r protest . Contrasting wit h suc h depictions , othe r textua l representation s ad vanced a n imag e o f consesu s b y focusing o n celebritie s withi n th e move ment. A smal l numbe r o f peopl e (notabl y Jan e Fonda , To m Hayden , Abbie Hoffman, an d Jerry Rubin) ha s been privileged i n textual account s

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of antiwa r protest , thereb y denyin g th e rang e o f differin g opinio n em bodied within th e movement. Charle s DeBenedetti an d Charle s Chatfiel d indicated th e breadth o f oppositio n t o the war when the y described som e of th e constituencie s involve d i n the antiwa r movement : Organized oppositio n t o the war came mainly from middle-class , collegeeducated whites , materially comfortabl e an d motivate d b y largel y mora l considerations. Politically libera l and sympatheti c to socia l justice causes, antiwar activist s were als o tolerant o f change s in popular culture , sexual mores, and race relations. In contrast, the great majority o f Americans favoring disengagement fro m Vietna m . . . accordin g to public opinion ana lysts . .. wer e in the lower economic class, often wome n an d blacks, with grade school educations and low-prestige jobs. Politically inarticulate an d generally isolationists, these disaffected citizen s opposed the war as a waste of men and money.... Suspiciou s of most authority, they seemed ambivalent in the face of cultural change, but they made no secret of their dislike for active protestors and street demonstrators. 20 There i s littl e sens e o f thi s diversit y i n th e text s tha t concentrat e o n celebrity leaders . Withi n suc h text s a rang e o f voice s ar e reduce d t o th e opinions o f a few , o r thos e o f a n individual , a s i n Godfre y Hodgson' s book America in Our Time (1978 ) i n which the presence o f Tom Hayde n dominates th e brie f chapte r dealin g wit h oppositio n t o th e war. 21 B y relying o n impression s gathere d fro m a handfu l o f figures , nearl y al l fro m the leadership of the movement, Hodgson fails to evoke any sense that th e antiwar movemen t wa s largel y a n oppositiona l movemen t compose d o f rank-and-file members . Anothe r text , fittingl y subtitle d " A Jaundice d Glance Bac k a t th e Movemen t o f th e Sixties, " open s wit h a four-pag e negative characterizatio n o f Jerry Rubin . Throughou t thi s bitte r tex t th e author continuall y attack s thos e h e obviousl y consider s t o b e hi s oppo nents. 22 Elsewhere on the right this approach ha s been honed t o the poin t where aspect s o f "personality " becom e th e centra l issue . An exampl e o f this approac h i s th e edite d collectio n o f essay s Destructive Generation (1990), a serie s o f sustaine d a d homine m assault s o n th e motive s an d character o f individual s associate d wit h th e antiwa r Ne w Left. 23 While ostensibl y seekin g t o examin e on e particula r antiwa r action — the marc h o n th e Pentago n durin g Octobe r 2 1 an d 22 , 1967—Norma n Mailer's The Armies of the Night continue d th e "sta r system " b y fore grounding Maile r a s th e cente r o f narrativ e attention . Th e spontaneit y that Mailer elicite d from actor s in his films Beyond the Law (1967) , Wild 90, an d Maidstone (bot h 1968 ) i s reflected i n the styl e o f The Armies of

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the Night "i n which there is no script, improvisation i s de rigueur, and yet everything seem s 'cut ' t o hi s 'taste'." 24 Similarly , th e fac t tha t Maile r plays the lead role in each o f his films i s consistent with hi s foregrounde d presence i n The Armies of the Night. Th e resul t o f Mailer' s narcissisti c narrative focus , a s with othe r text s that concentrat e o n personalities , is a displacement o f the presence of opposition t o the war. Central to Mailer' s narrative attentio n t o th e maintenanc e o f personalitie s o r star s i s a nar rative structur e tha t construct s an d privilege s th e spectacular . Just a s th e Hollywood sta r syste m operate d withi n an d throug h spectacle , s o too i n Mailer's text the spectacular even t narrativized b y Mailer presents the opportunity t o fulfil l hi s stardom . Gu y Debor d ha s indicate d tha t withi n spectacular contemporar y reality , the historical agent becomes the "agen t of the spectacle." 25 In The Armies of the Night, Maile r enact s hi s agenc y in wha t is , essentially, ye t anothe r "advertisement " fo r himself . H e nar rates hi s man y persona s bu t fail s t o describ e adequatel y th e participant s of th e march , wh o ar e dismisse d a s "jargon-mired " an d "middle-clas s cancer-pushers an d drug-gutte d flowe r children." 26 Hi s considerabl e tal ents o f persona l descriptio n ar e reserve d fo r fello w personalitie s suc h a s Robert Lowell . Within The Armies of the Night a cult o f personalit y re sults i n th e denigration , o r displacement , o f th e antiwa r movemen t an d the reaffirmation o f a n imaginar y unity , through a focus o n th e spectacl e of individua l ego . The logi c o f spectacl e structure s thi s tex t i n othe r ways . Th e issu e o f antiwar activit y i s deflecte d an d displace d b y a focu s o n definition s o f "fiction" an d "history " tha t ar e explored withi n a context that interpret s events of the lat e twentieth centur y a s spectacle. Supportin g Debord' s in terpretation o f contemporary reality , Mailer suggest s that spectacl e is not inserted into everyday life, it is the everyday. Writing in 1975 , Philip Rot h echoed Mailer' s approac h whe n h e suggeste d tha t "th e America n write r in the middl e o f th e twentiet h centur y ha s hi s hand s ful l i n tryin g t o un derstand, describe , an d the n mak e credible muc h o f th e America n real ity." In his frequently quote d conclusion , Rot h assert s that "th e actualit y is continuall y outdoin g ou r talents , an d th e cultur e tosse s u p figure s almost dail y tha t ar e th e env y o f an y novelist." 27 Withi n thi s logic , th e spectacular realit y exceeds and thus disrupts establishe d categorie s o f un derstanding—reality outstrip s imagination , demandin g tha t imaginatio n evoke new way s to represen t history . Mailer's respons e t o thi s demand , subsequentl y adopte d withi n th e new journalism a s virtually standar d practice , was the disruptio n an d re -

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definition o f th e categorie s o f "history " an d "fiction. " Maile r doe s thi s not simpl y b y juxtaposing a history o f th e even t wit h a novelisti c narra tive bu t b y merging th e tw o forms . I n th e firs t hal f o f th e text , "Histor y as a Novel," Maile r present s hi s own experienc e o f the events leading u p to the protest an d hi s role in the protest. Th e secon d part , "Th e Novel a s History," is a reconstructed versio n of the event based on a number o f different reports . Th e firs t half , then , i s a n autobiographica l account ; th e second hal f present s a n "objective " accoun t usin g a n omniscien t narra tor. However , th e structur e doe s no t resul t i n a clear dichotom y betwee n "novel" i n th e firs t section , an d "history " i n th e second . I n th e secon d section Maile r unexpectedl y declare s tha t "th e concei t [that ] on e i s writ ing a history mus t b e relinquished." Thus , the orderin g o f th e categorie s of "novel " an d "history " i s reversed, an d Mailer' s subjectiv e accoun t be comes "t o th e bes t o f th e author' s memor y scrupulou s t o facts " an d th e "history" i s represented a s a "collectiv e novel." 28 The narrativ e functio n o f this inversio n an d subversio n i s spectacular : its expositio n entrance s an d entertain s th e reade r wit h th e resul t tha t form displace s content. I t is, however, a n "'entertainment ' i n its virtuall y etymological sense— a holding-in-place, a containment," t o adop t com ments made by film theorist Dana Pola n in relation to certain film genres . Polan's remark s intersec t wit h Fredri c Jameson' s notio n o f narrativ e strategies o f containment tha t functio n t o preclude polysemy an d impos e a specifi c narrativ e focu s an d poin t o f view. 29 The containmen t operate s in The Armies of the Night throug h a n absenc e o f "awarenes s o f an y realities othe r tha n th e spectacular. " Reality , t o continu e t o quot e Polan , "shows forth " bu t "canno t b e told." 30 It s spectacula r qualit y canno t b e literalized becaus e i t ca n b e describe d onl y metaphorically . Havin g sub verted th e categorie s o f histor y an d fiction , Maile r employ s a we b o f (spectacular) metaphor s t o conve y (common ) sense . Th e marc h o n th e Pentagon canno t adequatel y b e describe d withi n th e confine s o f histor y and fiction ; i t is both tru e an d false . I t is, then, to us e on e o f Mailer' s fa vorite metaphors , schizophrenic. 31 For Mailer , schizophreni a refer s t o the degraded—divided—conditio n of moder n America . "Apocalypse " i s prominent withi n thi s condition. 32 Mailer i s not bein g ironic in his use of metaphors. He does mock himself , although no t whe n i t comes to hi s narrative abilitie s (h e refers t o himsel f as the "bes t writer i n America"), 33 which he employs to provide a rhetor ical flourish i n a closing that adequatel y summarize s hi s feelings an d ap prehensions fo r America . Maile r neede d t o construc t a n appropriat e

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metaphor—hyperbolic an d spectacular—tha t wa s capable o f providing a satisfactory endin g t o th e patter n o f expectatio n establishe d withi n th e narrative throug h th e frequen t us e o f "schizophrenia " an d othe r metaphors. The conclusio n i s quoted her e a t length : Brood o n tha t countr y wh o expresse s ou r will . Sh e i s America , onc e a beauty of magnificence unparalleled, now a beauty with a leprous skin. She is heavy with child—no one knows if legitimate—and languishe s in a dungeon whose walls are never seen. Now the first contractions of her fearsome labor begin—it will go on: no doctor exists to tell the hour. It is only known that fals e labo r i s not likel y on her now, no, she will probably giv e birth, and t o what?—th e mos t fearsom e totalitarianis m th e worl d ha s eve r known? o r can she, poor giant , tormented lovel y girl, deliver a babe of a new worl d brav e an d tender , artfu l an d wild ? Rus h t o th e locks . Go d writhes in his bonds. Rush to the locks. Deliver us from ou r curse. For we must end on the road to that mystery where courage, death, and the dream of love give promise of sleep.34 The formatio n tha t Maile r hope s will emerge fro m th e apocalyps e i s a unified place , deducibl e fro m th e fac t tha t Maile r ha s derogatoril y re ferred t o divisio n a s schizophrenia , a conditio n tha t brough t abou t th e imaginary apocalypse . Schizophreni a i s thu s overcom e throug h apoca lypse leading not to a "fearsom e totalitarianism " bu t to a brave new uni fied world . Definition s o f histor y an d fiction , trut h an d untruth , ar e finally resolve d throug h a metaphor tha t expresse s Truth . Thi s Truth, a s defined b y Hegel, an d tha t Maile r expresse s i n a n entirel y differen t fash ion, is the whole. 35 In Mailer' s text , a s i n a majorit y o f representation s fro m th e lat e six ties, the assertio n o f unity i s implicated wit h a denigration o f the antiwa r movement. Indeed, the existence o f a mass oppositional socia l movemen t is inconsistent wit h th e notio n o f a unified nation . I n the presence o f thi s unpalatable fac t th e conservativ e notio n o f th e essentia l unit y o f Ameri can societ y i s al l tha t i s commended . Th e contentio n tha t th e wa r ha d been, o r coul d hav e been , importe d ont o th e hom e fron t i s incompatibl e with representation s tha t define d "home " a s th e sit e o f a n irreducibl e unity. Similarly , the decontextualizatio n o f protes t an d th e privilegin g o f celebrity leaders evident in Mailer's text, an d othe r text s from th e period , functioned t o dispe l the oppositiona l presenc e o f antiwa r protes t capabl e of subvertin g th e intimatio n o f union . Significantly , th e containmen t o f opposition eviden t i n Mailer' s tex t wa s extende d i n a numbe r o f place s throughout post-Vietna m Wa r America n culture .

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In a specifi c way , the narrativ e strategie s o f variou s histor y textbook s contributed t o processe s operatin g acros s a wid e cultura l terrai n tha t functioned t o revis e approache s t o antiwa r resistanc e an d t o contai n o r exclude reference s t o home-fron t oppositio n t o th e war . Colleg e text books ar e recognize d a s centra l t o students ' understandin g o f th e past , and a s such are situated withi n the formations involve d i n the realizatio n of ideological hegemony. 36 Textbooks assis t to support this manifestatio n by contributin g t o th e maintenanc e o f definitiona l boundarie s o f legiti mate knowledge . Th e omissio n o f referenc e t o historica l event s tha t op pose o r contradic t th e assertio n o f unit y function s t o suppor t th e reproduction o f dominan t definition s tha t contribut e i n subtl e way s t o the perpetuation o f commonsense assumptions regarding the condition of American culture . In 1980 , Frances FitzGerald expresse d fear s that representations o f the antiwar movemen t wer e i n dange r o f bein g writte n ou t o f histor y text books. FitzGerald' s referenc e evoke d wha t Pierr e Machere y terme d a structured absence : th e textua l omissio n o r repressio n o f aspect s o f th e past i n accordanc e wit h contemporar y ideologica l imperatives. 37 Th e texts FitzGeral d studie d "contai n n o reference , o r almos t none , t o th e peace movemen t o r t o an y o f th e politica l turmoi l o f th e lat e sixtie s an d early seventies." FitzGerald suggeste d that "[i] n the future, thi s slate ma y be wiped clean.... [T]h e domestic conflicts may disappear alon g with the issues that gave rise to them, leaving the impression that Americans in the sixties wer e alway s unite d behin d thei r government , an d tha t th e wa r stopped becaus e Presiden t Nixo n an d Secretar y Kissinge r decide d tha t i t should." 38 FitzGerald' s analysi s ha s sinc e bee n born e ou t t o th e degre e that various history textbooks hav e continued t o ignore or give only minimal coverag e t o th e rol e o f th e antiwa r movemen t o f th e Vietna m Wa r years. 39 While th e stric t focus i n many textbook s o n "th e war " ma y pre clude the necessity to study domestic reactions to the conflict, suc h an approach contributes , nevertheless , t o th e fea r tha t reference s t o th e peac e movement ar e in danger o f bein g erased fro m th e historical recor d o f th e conflict i n Vietnam . Just a s textbook s ma y lac k referenc e t o th e movemen t opposin g th e war, s o to o th e course s tha t presumabl y emplo y thes e textbook s fre quently fai l t o refe r t o antiwa r protest . On e lis t o f source s devote d t o "teaching th e Vietnam war " doe s no t includ e th e rol e o f domesti c oppo sition. 40 Similarly , a proposa l fo r stud y entitle d "Usin g Literatur e i n a Course o n th e Vietna m War " make s n o mentio n o f text s dealin g wit h

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antiwar protest. 41 Yet another course , with the broader approac h o f "Th e Vietnam Experience, " focuse s exclusivel y upo n literar y text s concerne d with comba t i n Vietnam. 42 Th e tren d i s th e sam e wher e th e basi s o f pedagogy i s no t literature . Walte r Capps' s tex t The Unfinished War, fo r example, rarely mention s antiwa r activit y o r cast s i t in a negative frame work, a s when Capp s refer s t o "th e jeers, taunts, tomatoes, an d spittl e of the antiwar protestors." 43 Capps' s text illustrates that antiwa r protes t ha s not bee n totally removed fro m writte n histor y narratives. It is present, al though depiction s suc h a s Capps' s see m t o outweig h mor e judiciou s rep resentations suc h a s Kim McQuaid's The Anxious Years (1989). McQuaid's contributio n t o th e discussio n o f antiwa r oppositio n is , he argues, a "simpl e truth. " Unlik e Godfre y Hodgso n i n America in Our Time, wh o conflate s th e antiwa r movemen t an d th e New Left , McQuai d makes a distinctio n betwee n th e tw o form s o f politica l expression. 44 H e offers a numbe r o f reason s tha t th e tw o term s hav e typicall y bee n indis tinguishable an d conclude s wit h th e assessmen t tha t "[t]h e resul t [o f th e conflation o f terms ] wa s tha t a n inaccurat e pictur e o f a coheren t an d well-organized somethin g called 'th e movement' was common [i n the sixties], an d i s still common now." 45 T o ste m suc h a distortio n o f histor y i s the motivatio n behin d McQuaid' s attentio n t o definitions . I n thi s rela tion, th e distinctio n mad e betwee n "antiwar " an d "radical " position s i s also valuable. 46 McQuaid' s contributio n include s th e fac t tha t h e trace s the gradual disappearanc e o f mass protest; whereas othe r text s have sug gested tha t protest , alon g with th e Ne w Left , abruptl y culminate d a t th e end o f th e sixties. 47 In variou s simpl e ways , then, McQuai d break s wit h common pattern s o f representin g th e movement . The need to stereotype mass protest points to the unease caused b y the existence of a movement tha t not onl y objected t o U.S. foreign polic y bu t also revealed th e presence o f divisio n withi n America n culture . If the an tiwar movemen t sough t t o "brin g th e wa r home, " the n derogator y rep resentations o f th e movemen t ha d th e effec t o f reassertin g "home " a s a place devoid o f division. Typical of the form o f representation referre d t o here is William O'Neill's historica l study of the war years, Coming Apart. Ignoring the distinction McQuai d make s betwee n th e antiwa r movemen t and th e New Left , th e inde x t o Coming Apart refer s t o antiwa r actio n a s "Protest—students"—which O'Neil l equate s t o th e Ne w Left , which , i n turn, h e disparages . Hi s unsubstantiate d characterizatio n o f protestor s recycles impression s tha t wer e alread y cliche s i n 1971 , the yea r o f th e book's publication . Accordin g t o O'Neill , "Man y protesters , lackin g se -

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rious reason s fo r bein g i n college , resente d havin g t o study... . I f on e could not expose a discipline for abettin g the military-industrial complex , one could dam n i t as 'elitist,' anti-social , or irrelevant . There were plent y of othe r rock s lyin g around fo r th e discontente d t o throw." 48 This caricatur e i s extende d i n th e photograph s tha t accompan y O'Neill's writte n text . Photograph s ar e no t merel y illustrative , the y pro vide importan t connotativ e cue s t o th e writte n text . Rolan d Barthe s in formed thi s poin t whe n h e argue d tha t th e photographi c imag e supersedes the written account , which exists to "sublimate , patheticize o r rationalize th e image." 49 On e imag e use d i n O'Neill' s boo k i s a photo graph o f th e November 196 9 Moratoriu m i n Washington tha t feature s a placard depictin g th e U.S . flag "bleeding " int o th e fla g o f th e Nationa l Liberation Front . Th e inclusio n o f this photograph i s similar t o the new s media's coverag e o f antiwa r demonstrator s i n whic h NL F flag s wer e often single d out as a way of suggesting the radical or, in these terms, antiAmerican, stanc e o f th e demonstrators . O f th e man y photograph s tha t could hav e bee n chose n t o illustrat e antiwa r demonstrations , th e inclu sion o f thi s particula r imag e reproduce s a particular "framing " tacti c o f the mass media towar d th e protest movement. 50 A furthe r exampl e o f dominan t attitude s t o antiwa r protestor s en coded withi n Coming Apart i s eviden t i n tw o black-and-whit e pho tographs tha t appea r o n facin g page s in the secon d hal f o f the book . Th e first photograph , o n th e verso , is a close-up o f th e fac e o f a young whit e male. Contex t ha s bee n eliminate d wit h th e croppin g o f th e photograph , although tw o othe r youn g whit e male s ar e partiall y visibl e i n th e back ground. Th e principa l subjec t i s bearded , pimply , wit h hai r coverin g hi s ears; an d h e wear s a ca p o f th e typ e favore d b y renegad e motorcyclist s and wha t appear s t o b e a dirt y jacket . O n th e ca p i s a badg e tha t read s "Burn po t no t people. " Th e word s ar e a dua l articulation : the y presen t marijuana us e a s a viabl e alternativ e t o th e horror s o f wa r and , a t th e same time , the y fi x th e subject' s positio n o n th e war . However , hi s eyes , as much a s the word s o n th e badge , ar e th e focu s o f th e frame . Hi s gaz e is averted; he doesn't loo k a t th e camera . I t is the disingenuou s loo k o f a recreant. If , accordin g t o a widesprea d masculin e ethos , a ma n i s some one who look s you i n the eye , then thi s is not a "man. " The photograp h o n th e opposin g pag e depict s perhap s a doze n U.S . soldiers i n Vietnam . Th e photograp h take s i n th e foregroun d an d stretches t o th e fa r distance . Th e soldiers , bot h blac k an d white , ar e sit ting slouche d i n a trench an d appea r t o b e exhausted . The y smok e ciga -

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rettes, on e i s bare-headed, on e wear s a bus h hat , an d th e res t wea r thei r helmets. The scene is unmistakably on e of war, though not specifically th e war i n Vietnam—th e positionin g o f thes e soldier s i n a trenc h evoke s a number o f earlie r wars . The notio n o f camaraderie , o f brother s i n arms , is reinforced throug h th e "racial " mi x o f the group. The attitud e o f shee r exhaustion tha t characterize s th e scen e implie s a post-battle stand-dow n and a respite fro m th e war. Th e fac e o f th e blac k ma n i n the middl e dis tance an d o f a whit e ma n i n th e fa r distanc e bea r th e "thousand-yar d stare" suggestin g tha t the y hav e pai d a high physica l pric e i n the perfor mance o f thei r duty . Th e captio n fo r bot h photograph s read s simply : "Young Americans a t home an d abroad. " Th e photographs functio n i n a similar wa y t o th e popula r advertisin g gimmic k o f "before " an d "after " pictorials. Before Vietna m i s the uncouth an d crave n antiwa r demonstra tor, juxtaposed t o th e succeedin g phas e tha t depict s "youn g Americans " who have recently "answere d the call" to fight in Vietnam. Although eac h picture "tell s a story," the complete narrativ e i s contained i n the contras t of th e two : thos e youn g mal e American s a t hom e ar e no t th e me n tha t those abroa d hav e prove n themselve s t o be . In th e contras t betwee n th e two images, those who oppose d the war becom e suspect. The conclusion , however, doe s no t ste m directl y fro m oppositio n t o th e war ; i t derive s from a "characte r flaw " tha t lead s (youn g male ) individual s t o oppos e war. The decode d narrativ e o f these picture s i s a story o f war an d it s opposition tol d i n masculin e term s an d frame d a s th e rhetorica l questio n Are you ma n enoug h t o answe r th e call ? Thos e wh o fai l th e tes t o r wh o refuse t o tak e th e test are , by implication, "unmanly. " This conclusion was subsequently reinforced b y authors who sought t o expunge what was referred t o as "Viet guilt," define d a s guilt for no t hav ing fough t i n Vietnam. 51 I n a n articl e i n th e New York Times i n 1 9 81, poet Michae l Blumentha l admitte d tha t h e fel t tha t veteran s o f th e wa r "have somethin g tha t w e haven't got" : It is, to be sure, somewhat vague, but nonetheless real, and can be embraced under severa l headings : realism , discipline , masculinit y (kin d o f a dirt y word these days), resilience, tenacity, resourcefulness. We may have turned out to be better dancers, choreographers, and painters (thoug h not necessarily), but I'm not at all sure that they didn't turn out to be better men, in the best sense of the word. 52 Such statement s typicall y begi n wit h equall y guilt-ridde n confession s of havin g avoide d th e draft . Christophe r Buckley , for example , describe s

122 I Bringing the War "Home" his physica l examinatio n fo r inductio n int o th e arm y an d hi s deligh t a t being ruled unfi t becaus e of a history o f asthma . Buckle y adds that a t th e unveiling of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial he "stood face-to-face " wit h his ow n "guil t an d shame." 53 I t wa s a particula r specie s o f guilt . I t wa s not the guilt that le d another observe r to confess befor e th e Wall that "al though I did oppose the war an d all that led to it, I did not do enough an d what I did was clearly not effectiv e enough." 54 Buckley' s confession doe s not concer n hi s opposition t o the war, which i s not mentioned ; instea d i t concerns hi s "somewha t vague , bu t nonetheles s real " impressio n tha t h e will neve r hav e wha t th e veteran s have , an d a s a resul t h e "wil l alway s feel th e lac k o f i t an d wil l tr y t o compensat e fo r it , sometime s i n good , other time s in ludicrous, ways." 55 Guilt , then, is presented a s the onl y response available to those who, as the argument goes , contributed directl y to American defea t i n Vietnam . The allusion in this thesis to a link between the antiwar movement an d military defeat i n Vietnam i s manifested an d strengthene d throug h th e intense concern wit h defea t eviden t i n the fil m First Blood (1982) , the firs t in the Rambo cycl e of films . John Ramb o (Sylveste r Stallone ) i s investe d with aspect s o f th e iconograph y popularl y associate d wit h th e antiwa r movement an d th e counterculture—lon g hair , article s o f arm y surplu s clothing, a U.S . flag o n hi s jacket . However , th e objective s o f th e peac e movement ar e perverted an d subverte d i n Rambo's violen t actions . In his final speec h Ramb o implicate s th e antiwa r movemen t a s the caus e o f al l his troubles sinc e his return t o the United States , and i n this way the fil m suggests that Rambo' s furiou s spree , the ostensible focus o f the film, wa s a respons e t o th e presence o f antiwa r protestor s o n th e hom e front : I did what I had to do to win, but somebody wouldn't le t us win! Then I come back to the world, and see all those maggots at the airport . . . spit tin', callin' me baby-killer and all kinds of vile crap! Who are they to protest me? Who are they unless they've been there and know what the hell they're yellin' about? Rambo's word s den y th e antiwa r positio n b y assertin g tha t onl y thos e who experience d th e war ca n legitimately commen t o n it . This theme, already discusse d her e i n a differen t context , ha s certai n implication s fo r the representatio n o f th e antiwa r movement . In a n episod e o f th e televisio n serie s Tour of Duty (1987) , a pacifis t draftee refuse s t o figh t becaus e "th e war i s wrong." Hi s sergean t replies :

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"Maybe that' s no t the point." Th e "point " i s illustrated i n the revisionis t film Hamburger Hill (1987 ) i n which anothe r sergeant , referring t o draf t resisters, insists: "Yo u don' t hav e to like [th e war], but yo u hav e to sho w up." Th e argumen t refuse s t o recogniz e an y positio n othe r tha n partici pation i n war. The validity o f militarist polic y is not dispute d i n such references to the peace movement, while the implication tha t certai n sector s of society did not "sho w up " connote s th e antiwar movemen t a s morall y suspect an d treacherous . In other source s oppositio n t o the war wa s crit icized a s terroristic . Myr a MacPherson' s dismissiv e characterizatio n o f the "not-so-nonviolen t peac e movement " i s on e typ e o f focu s tha t con sistently allude s t o certai n action s o f th e Weathe r Underground , fo r ex ample, an d ignore s peacefu l mas s protest. 56 Further t o image s o f a peace movemen t tha t i s abusive an d naive , un manly an d treacherou s an d violent , ar e representations o f the movemen t as manipulative, particularly o f the veteran. Towar d th e en d o f th e nove l Fields of Fire (1979) Jame s Webb include s a scen e i n which hi s protago nist Goodrich , a one-legge d vetera n o f th e Vietna m War , participate s i n an antiwa r rall y o n th e Harvar d campus . Thoug h Goodric h querie s th e motives o f th e organizers , war y tha t the y wan t t o includ e hi m i n thei r protest a s an example o f an "experimen t gon e afoul," h e nevertheless ac cepts the invitatio n t o atten d th e rally. In the middle o f what h e began a s a speec h agains t aspect s o f th e war , Goodric h suddenl y turn s o n th e crowd i n disgust and accuse s them o f dishonesty fo r evadin g the draft. A t the en d o f th e scen e Goodrich' s feeling s o f havin g bee n manipulate d int o participating i n an event in which h e was, as feared, use d to promote pre conceived ideas on the war manifest themselve s as an attack o n one of th e organizers o f th e demonstration , who m Goodric h symbolicall y shoot s with hi s raised crutch. 57 Webb's constructio n o f a n unbridgeabl e ga p be tween victimize d veteran s an d a selfish protes t movemen t denie s the fac t that man y veteran s proteste d th e war, an d others , rather tha n feelin g be trayed o r manipulate d b y home-fron t oppositio n t o th e war , objecte d t o the violenc e bein g use d t o quel l antiwa r protests. 58 I n th e scen e fro m Fields of Fire, variations o f whic h ar e reworke d i n John Irving' s nove l A Prayer for Owen Meany (1989) , th e vetera n i s victimized b y a n oppor tunistic an d parasiti c peac e movement. 59 Th e approac h i s also eviden t i n the fil m Hanoi Hilton (1987) , that feature s a scene in which member s o f a delegatio n fro m th e America n antiwa r movemen t attemp t t o persuad e American prisoner s i n Nort h Vietna m attemp t t o confes s t o illega l war -

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related actions . McCarthy-era representation s ar e resurrecte d i n thi s de piction o f "communis t sympathizers, " th e antiwa r movement , willin g t o manipulate fello w countryme n fo r thei r cause . In a different way , the widespread "trashin g [of ] th e 60s" 60 has impli cations fo r th e socia l movement s o f thos e years , includin g th e antiwa r movement. Th e "backlash " ha s taken palpabl e form s i n definition s suc h as William O'Neill' s trivializatio n o f th e decad e a s " a kin d o f binge, " o r the referenc e b y Time magazin e t o "th e long , wil d hallucinatio n o f th e '60s." 6 1 Th e historia n Richar d Hofstadte r calle d i t "Th e Ag e o f Rub bish." An d Alla n Bloom , i n hi s controversia l boo k The Closing of the American Mind (1987) , criticized th e decade for wha t h e perceived a s its multiple failures : " I know o f nothing positiv e coming fro m tha t period, " wrote Bloom. 62 Th e opinio n wa s repeate d b y thos e wh o ha d "secon d thoughts" abou t th e era. 63 I n on e o f man y reassessment s durin g 198 8 marking twent y year s sinc e th e "watershed " yea r o f 1968 , Newsweek magazine carrie d th e cove r headline : "Wil l w e eve r ge t ove r th e 60s? " "The implication , o f course, " note d Jon Wiener , "i s that gettin g ove r th e sixties is something we ough t t o do." 6 4 In man y case s th e failur e t o acknowledg e th e positiv e legacie s o f th e decade rests on a strict periodization tha t interprets "th e sixties" as a discrete entity . Whil e th e divisio n betwee n "th e 60s " an d "th e 70s " ha s tended t o den y th e antiwa r movemen t an y lastin g validit y b y containin g the movement within th e sixties, so too a dichotomization within th e sixties functions t o create the impression that political activity was restricte d to the latter half o f the decade. The creation of a "good " earl y sixties, and a "bad " lat e sixties—prominen t i n book s dealin g with th e New Left 65— implies a mythica l apolitica l perio d a t th e beginnin g o f th e decade . Th e powerful appea l o f thi s earl y perio d i s demonstrate d i n film s suc h a s American Graffiti (1973 ) an d Animal House (1979) , and in television series that include Happy Days (1974 ) Laverne and Shirley (1975) , a nd The Wonder Years (1988) , al l o f whic h refus e t o accep t th e presenc e o f th e war o r othe r cultura l o r politica l disruption s durin g th e openin g year s of the sixties. 66 Trashing th e sixtie s has operate d alon g a broa d cultura l fron t an d ha s involved, ove r th e years , Tom Wolfe' s criticis m tha t thos e involve d wit h progressive cause s ar e merel y faddists ; Georg e Bush' s clai m tha t sixtie s welfarism, encode d i n references t o the Great Society, was responsible fo r the Lo s Angeles uprisin g o f 1992 ; and Richar d Nixon' s criticism s o f six ties values an d ideal s i n hi s boo k Beyond Peace (1994). 67 Certai n word s

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that onc e circulate d i n medi a account s o f th e sixties—"counterculture, " "lifestyle," "permissiveness"—ar e recycle d a s th e focu s o f conservativ e and neoliberal critiques of the decade. The decontextualization o f aspect s of historica l experienc e enacte d i n th e revisio n o f suc h keyword s i s re flected i n the commo n medi a practic e o f representin g th e sixtie s throug h collages o f image s wrenche d fro m th e era . Cogen t analysi s o f th e mean ings o f specifi c representation s an d th e histor y the y denot e i s forestalle d in an approach that reduces cultural and historical events and movement s to symbols , o r merel y rework s known , an d i n certai n cases , hackneyed , images. One aspect of the approach to the history of the sixties as collage is evident i n the soun d track s o f various Vietnam War film s tha t pillag e rock music production o f the sixtie s fo r evocativ e songs . Newsmagazines als o favor collag e a s a way o f representing "th e sixties. " A typical exampl e o f this representational proces s is found o n the cover of a 1988 issue of Time magazine depictin g "th e yea r tha t shape d a generation " throug h pho tographs o f GI s an d helicopter s i n Vietnam , Jani s Joplin , Rober t Kennedy, an d Sovie t tank s i n Prague. 68 Th e artis t Rober t Rauschenber g summarized th e sixtie s throug h thi s metho d i n hi s wor k Signs (1970) , a collage o f silk-screene d image s fro m th e decade , includin g photograph s of Joh n an d Rober t Kennedy , Joplin , a dea d Marti n Luthe r King , Jr.; a still fro m th e Zaprude r fil m o f th e Kenned y assassination ; Nationa l Guardsmen seate d i n a Jeep , rifle s a t th e ready ; protestin g students ; wounded GI s i n Vietnam ; a prostrat e an d blood y rioter ; an d "Buzz " Aldrin o n th e moon. 69 Thus , i n representation s produce d b y source s a s diverse a s corporat e publishin g an d "pop " art , "th e sixties " i s encode d predominantly a s a n er a o f assassinations , roc k music , war , riots , an d failed politica l aspirations . I n keepin g wit h thi s approach , on e reassess ment interprete d 196 8 i n Americ a i n term s o f "Music , Politics , Chaos , Counterculture, an d th e Shapin g o f a Generation." 70 Images an d icon s fro m th e sixtie s ar e als o routinel y dislodge d fro m their origina l context s t o sel l variou s product s t o a demographi c grou p supposedly compose d o f "bab y boomers. " Th e histor y o f th e perio d i s reified i n images , sounds , an d impression s tha t approac h a Baudrillar dian simulacru m tha t n o longe r connote s histor y but , instead , refer s t o other decontextualize d an d recycle d representation s i n a proces s tha t validates th e observatio n mad e b y Horkheime r an d Adorn o tha t "ever y reification i s a for m o f forgetting." 71 Whil e certai n source s hav e con tributed t o amnesi a throug h th e "collag e effect, " othe r source s hav e

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subtly revise d aspect s o f sixtie s experienc e i n a n approac h tha t i s mor e pastiche tha n collage . In 1985 , Lance Morrow, a feature write r fo r Time magazin e wh o spe cializes in hyperbolic report s o n th e Vietnam era , analyze d th e war a s " a bloody rit e o f passage " tha t "cos t Americ a it s innocence an d stil l haunt s its conscience." Morro w claime d tha t "[t]her e i s a certain gidd y proxim ity o f deat h i n th e time—roc k star s lik e Jani s Jopli n an d Jim i Hendri x went tumblin g dow n fro m dru g overdoses , a s i f t o dramatiz e th e war' s theme o f meaninglessly , profligatel y blaste d youth. " Accordin g t o Mor row, death , th e counterculture , an d th e wa r wer e joined : "Th e wa r an d the countercultur e coul d a t certai n moment s see m part o f th e sam e roc k c n' roll , drawing thei r energ y fro m on e dar k circuit." 72 Ten years earlier, in Dispatches, Michae l Herr observed that during the time h e had spen t i n Vietnam "roc k an d rol l turned mor e luri d an d dan gerous tha n bullfighting , roc k star s starte d fallin g lik e secon d lieu tenants," an d tha t onc e bac k i n America , h e "couldn' t tel l Vietna m veterans fro m th e roc k an d rol l veterans . The Sixtie s ha d mad e s o man y casualties, its war an d it s music had ru n power of f th e same circuit fo r s o long they didn' t eve n have to fuse." 73 I n Herr's account , th e sixtie s influ enced both rock music and the war. The conclusion is linked to Herr's emphasis throughou t hi s tex t o n th e rol e o f roc k i n th e war , especiall y th e fact tha t man y soldier s relie d o n roc k lyric s t o provid e interpretativ e frameworks fo r thei r experienc e i n Vietnam . I n Morrow' s unacknowl edged revisions of Herr's text, rock is expelled from th e account; replace d by th e "blaste d youth " o f th e counterculture . Morro w demonize s th e counterculture b y linking it, like the war, to a "dar k circuit " i n a connection that turns the violence of the war into an integral feature o f the counterculture. Suc h a characterizatio n i s onl y a ste p awa y fro m equall y outrageous description s of the members of the Manson gang as prototype hippies an d the Tate-LaBianca murder s a s the epitome o f countercultura l beliefs an d actions . Central t o each o f the various pejorative an d stereotypica l account s o f the sixtie s is a form o f decontextualizatio n an d revisio n o f experienc e in augurated i n contemporary medi a report s o f the antiwa r movement , an d in the "youth-against-the-war " films . Th e perspective s o f suc h text s an d the subsequent attack s on aspects of historical experience associate d wit h the sixties "for m par t of a whole ideological conflict, fo r which Gramsci' s term hegemon y remain s th e most convenient shorthand , a conflict whic h includes contest s ove r interpretation s o f history.... " 7 4 This observatio n

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is informe d throug h th e stud y o f expression s o f commonsens e assump tions concernin g th e histor y an d natur e o f America n culture . Implici t within th e denigratio n an d revisio n o f th e rol e o f th e antiwa r movemen t and antiwa r protes t i s an appea l t o a n essentia l unity— a whol e tha t wil l not admi t difference , tha t mus t deplore , banish , o r subsum e contradic tory voice s i n orde r t o maintai n itself . The contentio n uphel d i n th e six ties that the antiwar movement was "bringin g the war home " questione d and threatened th e popular imag e of home as a place devoid o f disruptiv e presences. Th e wor k o f th e rang e o f text s discusse d her e i s the contain ment of this suggestion and the attempt to maintain the validity of the notion o f unity—th e definin g characteristi c o f home .

Repatriation By the end of the sixties the culture industries had intervene d i n the strug gle for th e heart s an d mind s o f the America n public , and a s a result bot h the wa r a t hom e an d th e on e i n Vietnam foun d thei r wa y int o a numbe r of fictiona l texts . Despit e assertion s t o th e contrary , th e fil m The Green Berets (1968 ) wa s no t th e onl y fil m t o depic t th e wa r durin g th e wa r years. 75 The "Vietna m westerns" of the late sixties alluded to the Vietnam War i n representation s o f nineteenth-centur y war s agains t th e nativ e inhabitants o f North America . The presence o f "Vietnam " i n representa tions o f th e sixtie s i s further suggeste d i n the assessmen t tha t "al l Holly wood film s o f th e [war ] period , fro m Bonnie and Clyde t o The Wild Bunch, wer e t o som e degre e obliqu e metaphor s fo r th e war." 76 Th e pro duction o f metaphorical interpretation s o f th e wa r gives a certai n cre dence to the assumption, circulated i n many places since the war, that th e war wa s literally unrepresentable . Th e latte r assumptio n wa s supporte d by th e popula r suggestio n tha t th e America n publi c was , a s a resul t o f nightly wartim e new s coverage , tire d o f seein g graphic , "literal, " televi sual representations o f th e war. The abilit y o f metapho r t o represen t on e object i n terms o f anothe r enable d th e war t o b e depicted obliquely , thu s overcoming th e contradictio n involve d i n th e representatio n o f a n al legedly unrepresentabl e war . The contradictor y functio n o f metapho r an d it s functiona l abilit y t o overcome contradictio n als o proved beneficia l t o certai n representation s of th e impac t o f th e war . Th e dominan t metapho r o f th e wound , fo r ex ample, encode d bot h th e deleteriou s effect s o f th e wa r an d th e denia l o f

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is informe d throug h th e stud y o f expression s o f commonsens e assump tions concernin g th e histor y an d natur e o f America n culture . Implici t within th e denigratio n an d revisio n o f th e rol e o f th e antiwa r movemen t and antiwa r protes t i s an appea l t o a n essentia l unity— a whol e tha t wil l not admi t difference , tha t mus t deplore , banish , o r subsum e contradic tory voice s i n orde r t o maintai n itself . The contentio n uphel d i n th e six ties that the antiwar movement was "bringin g the war home " questione d and threatened th e popular imag e of home as a place devoid o f disruptiv e presences. Th e wor k o f th e rang e o f text s discusse d her e i s the contain ment of this suggestion and the attempt to maintain the validity of the notion o f unity—th e definin g characteristi c o f home .

Repatriation By the end of the sixties the culture industries had intervene d i n the strug gle for th e heart s an d mind s o f the America n public , and a s a result bot h the wa r a t hom e an d th e on e i n Vietnam foun d thei r wa y int o a numbe r of fictiona l texts . Despit e assertion s t o th e contrary , th e fil m The Green Berets (1968 ) wa s no t th e onl y fil m t o depic t th e wa r durin g th e wa r years. 75 The "Vietna m westerns" of the late sixties alluded to the Vietnam War i n representation s o f nineteenth-centur y war s agains t th e nativ e inhabitants o f North America . The presence o f "Vietnam " i n representa tions o f th e sixtie s i s further suggeste d i n the assessmen t tha t "al l Holly wood film s o f th e [war ] period , fro m Bonnie and Clyde t o The Wild Bunch, wer e t o som e degre e obliqu e metaphor s fo r th e war." 76 Th e pro duction o f metaphorical interpretation s o f th e wa r gives a certai n cre dence to the assumption, circulated i n many places since the war, that th e war wa s literally unrepresentable . Th e latte r assumptio n wa s supporte d by th e popula r suggestio n tha t th e America n publi c was , a s a resul t o f nightly wartim e new s coverage , tire d o f seein g graphic , "literal, " televi sual representations o f th e war. The abilit y o f metapho r t o represen t on e object i n terms o f anothe r enable d th e war t o b e depicted obliquely , thu s overcoming th e contradictio n involve d i n th e representatio n o f a n al legedly unrepresentabl e war . The contradictor y functio n o f metapho r an d it s functiona l abilit y t o overcome contradictio n als o proved beneficia l t o certai n representation s of th e impac t o f th e war . Th e dominan t metapho r o f th e wound , fo r ex ample, encode d bot h th e deleteriou s effect s o f th e wa r an d th e denia l o f

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those effect s i n healing . Elsewher e i n th e cultur e durin g th e seventie s is sues relating to the war wer e encoded i n visual metaphors that , not bein g as elaborately specifie d a s the wound metaphor , were ope n to varying in terpretations. Fo r example , critica l opinio n i s divide d ove r th e meanin g of th e so-calle d disaste r film s o f th e earl y t o midseventies , film s tha t in clude Airport (1970) , The Poseidon Adventure (1972) , Earthquake (1974), an d The Towering Inferno (1975) . Accordin g t o certai n critics , these films are metaphoric representations o f anxieties "brough t abou t b y the movement s o f th e 60s, " includin g th e movemen t agains t th e war. 77 This position ha s bee n contradicted i n the observatio n tha t "b y assertin g that America's enemie s remained natur e and/o r technology , disaste r film s denied tha t consensu s shattered. " I n thi s interpretation , disaste r film s "were th e firs t wav e o f reillusionment " afte r "th e apocalypti c break downs o f the sixties." 78 A more resolute encoding of a message was achieved at the time within a number o f texts that exploite d th e metaphor o f bringin g the war home . The project associate d wit h the antiwar movemen t gaine d a different res onance withi n Rober t Stone' s nove l Dog Soldiers (1974) , and th e filme d version, Who'll Stop the Rain? (1978) , and the films The Visitors (1972) , Tracks (1976), Taxi Driver (1976) , Heroes (1977) , and Rolling Thunder (1977). Th e metaphorica l association s o f eac h tex t derive d fro m depic tions o f th e violenc e o f th e wa r enacte d o n th e hom e fron t b y returne d soldiers. Th e notio n inheren t i n thes e representations , tha t th e wa r ha d been repatriate d t o th e Unite d State s with th e veteran , became , fo r a period durin g th e earl y an d midseventies , th e standar d devic e employe d t o evoke the ruinous impac t o f the war . Despite its popularity, the metaphor di d not escape criticism. The myth of th e violen t vetera n loos e o n th e hom e fron t wa s conteste d durin g th e late sixtie s i n David Rabe' s incisiv e play Sticks and Bones (1969). Rabe' s work seek s t o confron t th e violen t imag e o f th e returne d soldie r b y ex ploring th e basi s o f th e veterans ' problem s i n a scenari o tha t bring s a veteran hom e t o a patheticall y bewildere d family . I n th e pla y Harriet , Ozzie, and Rick y awai t th e arriva l o f David , who i s being repatriated b y an arm y sergean t whos e jo b i t is to "deliver " th e casualtie s o f war. "I'v e got trucks backed up out there for blocks, " says the sergeant. 79 David ha s been blinde d i n the war, yet in the first o f many bitte r ironie s it is David's family tha t fail s t o se e him. Eventually the members o f the family choos e to recogniz e Davi d a s their so n bu t wis h t o b e rid o f thi s unwelcom e in -

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trusion o n a domesti c scen e tha t i s a viciou s parod y o f stereotype d fam ily lif e represente d i n th e televisio n serie s The Adventures of Ozzie and Harriet. A s a resul t o f th e disruptio n o f th e family' s routine , Ozzi e i s forced a t one point to reassure himself o f the family's futur e b y asserting : "The air' s bee n cleare d . . . th e wound' s acknowledged , th e healin g begun." 80 However , Ozzi e points to his own inabilit y to accep t th e situa tion and presages David's disastrous end when he adds: "It's the [wounds ] that aren' t acknowledged—th e one s tha t aren' t talke d over—they'r e th e ones that d o th e dee p damage." 81 I n a sa d reflectio n o f thi s observation , Ozzie an d Harrie t ar e completel y incapabl e o f discussin g th e problem s besetting them , an d the y canno t communicat e wit h David , whos e fan tasies o f a Vietnames e prostitute , Zung , gai n substanc e whe n Zun g ap pears i n th e famil y home . Unabl e t o understan d o r accep t David' s bitterness an d hi s vivid hallucinations , David' s famil y encourage s hi m t o slit his wrists. "We'r e all happier," say s Ozzie as he watches his son blee d into a vegetativ e state . "He' s no t gonn a d i e . . . . H e ' s onl y gonn a di e nearly. Onl y nearly, " ar e Ozzie' s fina l word s a s h e bleakl y reinstate s a mandatory "happ y ending." 82 Typically, representation s avoide d th e issue s o f war-induce d famil y trauma an d the postwar problems of assimilation facing the veteran raise d by Sticks and Bones withi n a reversio n t o th e formul a o f exploitin g th e metaphor o f "bringin g th e war home " b y recreating scene s of war withi n America. I n variou s text s home-fron t violenc e wa s associate d wit h th e Vietnam veteran, resulting in the reinforcement o f the invidious stereotyp e of th e maladjusted , o r sick , veteran . Example s o f thi s depictio n includ e the final scen e of the film Tracks (1976 ) in which Jack Falen (Dennis Hopper) jumps into the grave of the soldier he has accompanied hom e for bur ial to emerge in military uniform brandishin g a rifle, shouting: "Yo u wan t to kno w wha t it' s lik e i n Nam! " Th e wa r tha t Fale n i s about t o unleas h on th e hom e fron t als o return s t o th e Unite d State s durin g th e traumati c flashbacks experience d b y Jack Dunn e (Henr y Winkler) , the emotionall y disturbed Vietna m vetera n i n th e fil m Heroes (1977), whic h tur n a quie t California stree t int o a fully realize d battlefield . The linking of the veteran and violence through the metaphor o f bring ing the war home was further elaborate d i n bloody detail in Martin Scors ese's Taxi Driver, perhap s th e mos t notoriou s exampl e o f th e carnag e wrought o n th e hom e fron t b y a returne d soldier . Travi s Bickl e (Rober t De Niro) , th e Vietna m vetera n o f Taxi Driver, underscore s hi s ow n

130 I Bringing the War "Home" marginality an d alienatio n b y describin g himsel f a s "God' s lonel y man. " Unable to sleep after hi s long shifts a s a cabdriver, he visits sleazy cinemas to watc h X-rate d films . Hi s frustratio n i s palpabl e a s h e become s in creasingly obsesse d b y wha t h e call s th e "filth " o n th e street s o f Ne w York. For Travis, the only pure thing in the city is Betsy (Cybill Shepherd), who work s fo r a libera l presidentia l candidate , Charle s Palantine . A s Travis's frustratio n an d ange r grows , h e write s i n hi s noteboo k tha t "something has to change." His first metamorphosis occur s when he buys an arsenal and shave s his head int o a "Mohawk " haircu t a s part o f an incoherent pla n t o assassinat e Palantin e a s a way o f impressin g Betsy . Paul Schrader, the film' s scriptwriter , summarize d th e plo t an d Travis' s cours e of actio n i n Oedipa l term s whe n h e stated : "[Taxi Driver concerns ] th e girl [Travis ] want s bu t can' t have , an d th e on e h e ca n hav e bu t doesn' t want. H e trie s to kil l the surrogat e fathe r o f the firs t an d fails , s o he kills the surrogat e fathe r o f th e other." 83 Th e latte r surrogat e fathe r i s Spor t (Harvey Keitel) , th e pim p o f th e thirteen-year-ol d prostitut e Iri s (Jod y Foster). The scene Schrader refer s t o is the violent climax in which Travi s murders Sport , wound s th e doorma n o f Iris' s apartmen t building , an d kills Iris' s client . In thi s scene , th e "bod y count " clearl y testifie s t o th e presence o f a war fough t o n th e hom e fron t b y this psychotic character . In the script for hi s subsequent film, Rolling Thunder (1977), Schrade r transformed th e entire male population o f America int o deranged figures . The issue is highlighted i n a scene in which Major Charle s Rane (Willia m Devane), having returne d hom e afte r seve n year s a s a prisoner o f wa r o f the North Vietnamese , is told b y his wife, Linda (Lind a Forchet), that sh e has bee n seein g someon e els e an d want s a divorce . Commentin g o n he r relationships, Lind a asks , "Wh y d o I always ge t stuc k wit h craz y men? " Rane replies : "'Caus e that' s th e onl y kin d that' s left, " thereb y establish ing the theme o f "dementia " tha t subsequentl y intersect s in the film wit h a characteristic expression of violence. Soon after thi s exchange Rane an d his famil y ar e attacke d b y a bruta l gan g o f thieve s lookin g fo r th e te n thousand silve r dollar s h e receive d fro m th e citizen s o f hi s hom e town , San Antonio , a s compensatio n fo r hi s imprisonment . Th e gan g murder s his wife and son and seriously wounds Rane. With the help of his sergeant from th e war , Johnn y Vohde n (Tomm y Le e Brown) , Ran e follow s th e gang to a Mexican bordello . In the final scene s the "maddened " Ran e un leashes hi s firepowe r i n a shoot-ou t tha t result s i n a deat h tol l tha t ex ceeds that o f th e clima x o f Taxi Driver. I n eac h o f thes e examples , then ,

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the vetera n bring s th e wa r hom e i n obviou s ways . Th e metapho r o f a "war" o n th e hom e fron t i s inescapable i n the presenc e o f weapons, violence, blood, an d death . However, ther e i s another sid e t o th e metapho r tha t ha s no t bee n ex plored i n the various critique s o f these texts: in the majorit y o f example s the wa r return s home. Th e stricture s o f th e metaphorica l interpretatio n of bringin g the war "home " demande d tha t th e family—the cente r o f th e home—become th e dominan t sit e for registerin g th e presenc e o f th e war . One exampl e o f th e linkin g o f th e wa r an d th e famil y occur s i n Rober t Stone's nove l Dog Soldiers, i n whic h th e arriva l i n th e Unite d State s o f three kilo s o f heroi n smuggle d fro m Vietnam , a symbol o f the perniciou s effects o f the war, signals the beginning of the dissolution o f the only fam ily to appear i n the book. The husband, John Converse , is separated fro m his wife , Marge , wh o flee s Sa n Francisc o wit h Converse' s friend , Ra y Hicks, when bot h ar e chase d b y corrup t narcoti c agent s i n searc h o f th e drug. I n th e wak e o f thei r desperation , Hick s an d Marg e leav e Marge' s daughter, Janey, with friends . O n hi s return fro m Vietnam , Convers e visits his empty house i n Berkeley to fin d hi s wife an d chil d missin g an d no tices that "[s]omeon e ha d draw n a devil on the wall above Janey's crib. It had horns and bat wings and a huge erect phallus; there was enough char acterization i n the detail s o f th e fac e t o mak e i t distinctly frightening." 84 It is an augury that the family an d the fate o f innocence is bedeviled i n the wake o f the war i n Vietnam. Marge an d Hicks , having arrived i n the hills above Lo s Angeles to see k refuge i n Hicks's cabin, find tha t th e place ha s been occupie d b y runaways wh o hav e bee n drugge d an d hel d captiv e b y four misfits . Hick s throw s the m al l out . "Wha t happen s t o thos e kids? " Marge asks . "You'r e thinkin g lik e a mother, " replie s Hicks , intimatin g that i n th e ruinatio n o f post-Vietna m Americ a ther e i s no plac e fo r ma ternal o r familia l considerations . The subversio n o f suc h consideration s wa s especiall y marke d i n Taxi Driver. Travi s Bickle is a lonely psychotic outsider , yet he is also a famil y man. Fo r example , durin g hi s first conversatio n wit h Iris , the chil d pros titute, Travis attempt s t o persuad e he r t o retur n home . Again, befor e hi s murderous spree , the good so n send s a card t o hi s parents assurin g the m all is well.85 Travis's qualitie s a s a family provide r ar e affirme d i n a post battle cod a i n th e for m o f a lette r fro m "Ber t an d Iv y Steensm a o f Pitts burgh," who thank Travis for returning home their daughter, Iris. Travis's elevation t o her o an d famil y savio r i s ironic o n a number o f levels . Dur -

132 I Bringing the War "Home" ing thei r firs t conversation , Iri s tell s Travis : "Ther e ain' t nothin ' [a t home]." Howeve r a s th e lette r fro m he r parent s states , hom e i s no t empty; i t i s fille d wit h a famil y attemptin g t o ensur e tha t Iri s doe s no t again run away . Schrader's joke is that in the wake of having been a prostitute, an d the n witnes s t o a harrowin g momen t o f violenc e a s Travi s murders everyon e aroun d her , Iri s ca n readil y retur n t o schoo l an d fin d happiness a t home. It is notable tha t the captivity an d searc h narrative o f Taxi Driver, lik e Rolling Thunder, an d anothe r o f Schrader' s scripts , Hardcore (1978) , resemble John Ford's The Searchers (1956) . Despite the plot resemblances , however , ther e i s no equivalen t o f Taxi Driver's cod a in The Searchers} 6 Robi n Woo d ha s argue d tha t "th e ideologica l weigh t of th e notio n o f 'home ' [i n The Searchers] was prett y thoroughl y under mined, bu t i t retaine d sufficien t forc e fo r th e 'happ y ending ' o f Debbie' s return . . . t o come across as slightly more than a mockery." 87 In contrast , Taxi Driver subvert s hom e t o suc h a n exten t tha t Iris' s fat e constitute s a sardonic for m o f narrativ e closure . In the representation s referre d t o here , the fac t tha t th e war ha d com e home wit h th e vetera n ha d tw o obviou s effects : th e disruptio n o f th e home, and the stereotyping o f the veteran as psychotic. The persistence of these effects , however , contradicte d th e basi c cultura l tene t o f unity . Within th e stereotyp e o f th e "sic k vet, " th e effect s o f th e wa r wer e re duced t o th e pathological . I f th e vetera n coul d b e "cured, " the n hom e would b e healed o f th e lingerin g presence o f th e war. Reversin g th e criti cisms of the regenerative an d recuperative functio n o f the family foun d i n Taxi Driver an d Sticks and Bones, th e veteran was cured of the symptom s of wa r b y returning to the family. Fo r thi s situatio n t o occur , th e famil y had t o overcom e the disruptiv e presenc e o f the violent veteran. The solu tion di d no t depen d upo n th e remova l o f th e veteran fro m th e family—i t rested o n th e healin g o f th e veteran' s conditio n withi n a reconstructed , therapeutic family . Th e change i n the family signifie d b y these alteration s was as remarkable as the transformation undergon e by the veteran withi n its regenerated, regenerative form. Constructe d a s an essential cultural institution, th e famil y had t o b e salvage d fro m th e inferenc e o f division . However, the impetus for this recovery was not the impact of the war. The rehabilitation tha t occurre d durin g th e seventie s wa s precipitate d b y th e well-documented "crisis " of the family. The resolution o f the crisis healed the family , overcomin g th e divisiv e impac t o f th e war , allowin g th e vet eran t o com e home . I n thi s way , th e achievemen t o f th e "therapeutic " family involve d som e "fantastic " therap y fo r th e family. 88

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The Therapeutic Family In 1977 , Christophe r Lasc h publishe d a stud y o f th e famil y ominousl y subtitled "Th e Family Besieged," 89 an d i n May o f 197 8 a Newsweek spe cial repor t deal t wit h "Savin g th e Family." 90 Thes e tw o examples , in dicative o f wide r perception s durin g th e lat e seventies , poin t t o th e existence o f a conditio n referre d t o a t th e tim e a s the "crisi s o f th e fam ily."91 Censu s statistic s wer e rallie d a s evidenc e o f depressin g socia l trends. The rising divorce rate was a major caus e of alarm, as was the decline in the marriage rate , which "bega n t o dro p i n 1972 , reaching a lo w of te n marriage s pe r thousan d peopl e i n 1976. " Birthrate s i n th e Unite d States "droppe d fro m 18. 4 per thousand i n 197 0 to 14. 8 per thousand i n 1975." Childlessnes s increase d "dramatically " amon g marrie d wome n during th e seventies , an d th e increas e i n single-perso n household s "seemed to epitomize the collapse of family relations." The "proliferatio n of couples who live d together withou t lega l sanction" an d th e increase i n the number o f working mothers were not overlooked i n this relation. "B y middecade, the traditional yardstic k use d b y the Department o f Labo r t o define a 'typical ' household— a workin g father , a domesticate d mother , and tw o children—represente d a mer e 7 percen t o f al l America n fami lies." 92 A number o f text s o f th e lat e seventie s reflecte d an d contribute d to th e perceptio n o f familia l crisi s b y representin g th e traditiona l famil y structure i n disarray . Usin g th e crisi s a s the occasio n t o reasser t a stron g patriarchal presence , these texts scapegoate d wome n a s the destroyer s o f the family . I n The Champ (1979) , Kramer vs. Kramer (1979) , Ordinary People (1980) , Author! Author! (1982) , an d The World According to Garp an d Mr. Mom (bot h 1983) , th e fathe r i s represented a s th e stron g nurturing presenc e fo r hi s children an d th e mothe r i s depicted a s havin g selfishly abandone d them . The combine d effec t o f thes e film s contribute d t o a well-documente d backlash agains t women an d feminism , thu s extending a project tha t wa s evident, i n a differen t form , i n th e representation s o f th e impac t o f th e war in Vietnam. 93 Within texts depicting war o n the home front, violenc e is feature d a s th e functio n an d inscriptio n o f mal e actio n undertake n i n relation t o th e family . Th e resul t o f thi s actio n position s th e (male ) vet eran a s the causativ e agen t withi n th e family , thu s displacin g change s t o the famil y resultin g fro m th e advance s o f th e secon d wav e o f feminism . Of the texts dealing with the veteran's return, only Coming Home (1978 ) attempted t o link changes within the family t o the agency of women. Th e

134 I Bringing the War "Home displacement o f wome n wa s advance d i n othe r way s withi n text s o f th e Vietnam War . Susan Jeffords ha s note d tha t i n man y o f thes e text s th e mal e bon d i s privileged t o suc h a degre e tha t male s become , i n effect , reproducin g fa thers who, unencumbered b y the mediation o f women, giv e birth t o gen erations of combat soldiers. 94 The foregrounding o f male bonds resonate s within move s b y the men's movement t o legitimat e the validity o f a com munity o f men . Accordin g t o Rober t Bly' s influentia l men's-movemen t text Iron John: A Book about Men (1990) , the emotional condition o f the family i s i n dange r o f bein g engulfe d b y th e mother . Bly' s answe r rein vokes the notion o f separate gender spheres through its appeal to the construction o f a separat e mal e culture . Withi n thei r ow n communit y me n can develo p the features o f what h e calls the "Wil d Man. " Drawin g o n a range o f mythopoei c sources , Bl y argue s tha t th e Wil d Ma n archetyp e represents a basic male condition characterized b y fierceness an d bol d action. 95 The culture of males proposed b y Bly leaves little room for wome n or families . Ironically , problemati c consideration s o f th e denia l o f th e family throug h a privileging o f masculine cultur e dissolve d withi n men's movement conception s o f th e mal e tha t implie d tha t a "Wil d Man " wa s capable o f protecting a "weake r sex " an d a n endangere d family . The rewriting o f the role of women withi n th e family wa s not the onl y consequence o f th e assertio n o f familia l crisis . Principally , th e mythica l traditional famil y uni t was resurrected a s a panacea t o the crisis. The ap peal t o a n essentia l familia l unit y implici t i n the mode l o f th e traditiona l family wa s eviden t i n specifi c way s i n th e rhetori c o f Mora l Majorit y spokesperson Jerr y Falwel l an d mora l crusade r Anit a Bryant . Attempt s by such advocate s to legitimate the profamily positio n an d to demonize a range of social, sexual, and biological practices exceeded political, moral, or lega l arguments throug h recours e t o the necessity o f unity . What wer e conceived a s threat s t o th e famil y wer e encode d i n th e rhetori c o f th e Christian righ t a s unnatural o r unlawful becaus e they contradicted a nat ural law as intrinsic as gravity, namely, that the family i s a unit compose d of a married heterosexua l coupl e an d thei r children . The common sens e of unity was reinforced i n additional ways throug h images o f th e traditiona l famil y tha t appeare d durin g th e lat e seventie s and earl y eighties . Comin g i n the wak e o f th e assertio n o f familia l disar ray, th e reestablishmen t o f th e validit y o f th e assume d basi c famil y uni t functioned a s a model for the alleviation, or resolution, of the amorphou s set o f condition s referre d t o a s familial crisis . Among othe r place s i n th e

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culture, th e traditiona l famil y reappeare d i n th e film s The Other Side of Midnight an d Bobby Deerfield (bot h 1977) , Slow Dancing in the Big City (1978), Ice Castles (1979) , Shoot the Moon (1982) , an d Terms of Endearment (1983) . A numbe r o f source s beyon d fil m als o contribute d t o the circulation of a renovated model of the traditional family. John Jakes's description o f th e famil y i n th e historica l romanc e serie s o f novel s Kent Family Chronicles sold , i t wa s claimed , thirt y millio n copie s betwee n 1974 an d 1980. 96 This emphasis on the family an d famil y histor y was reinforced wit h th e phenomena l succes s o f Ale x Haley' s autobiographica l family history , Roots, whic h wa s firs t publishe d i n 1976 . Th e stor y o f black Americ a reache d a n audienc e o f mor e tha n 13 0 millio n peopl e when i t wa s broadcas t ove r eigh t night s o n AB C televisio n i n Januar y 1977. Othe r televisua l product s o f th e lat e seventie s an d earl y eightie s contributed t o what Andrew Ross has termed "th e reinforced familialis m of th e 1980s." 97 Notabl e i n thi s contex t ar e th e televisio n serie s Family Ties (1982) , The Cosby Show (1984) , Who's the Boss? (1984) , an d Growing Pains (1985) . Various signs , then, indicate d tha t b y the eightie s the famil y ha d bee n healed, and in the process the divisions supposedly created by the war ha d been overcome . Th e recuperatio n o f th e traditiona l famil y afte r th e trauma o f Vietnam i s an example o f the "uniqu e an d singular " qualit y of American ideolog y an d "th e spee d with which i t can incorporate" a variety of positions "i n a n envelopin g rhetorical syste m designe d to maintai n traditional orde r an d values." 98 The rewriting o f the suggestio n o f famil ial crisi s throug h th e circulatio n o f image s o f th e traditiona l famil y ha d another significan t effect : i t denie d an y notio n o f familia l disruptio n caused b y th e wa r i n Vietnam . Thi s i s no t t o sa y tha t th e Vietna m Wa r was absen t fro m representation s o f the famil y afte r thi s time. In fact, th e "enveloping rhetorica l system " tha t i s th e ideolog y o f unit y negotiate d the home-fron t presenc e o f th e war . Throughout th e eightie s veteran s continue d t o retur n hom e o r b e as sociated wit h Vietna m i n way s tha t teste d th e strengt h o f famil y ties . I n the made-for-televisio n fil m Intimate Strangers (1986) , Sall y (Ter i Garr) , an arm y nurs e who ha s returned t o Americ a afte r te n years a s a prisone r in Vietnam, confront s he r husban d (Stac y Keach) wit h th e new s tha t th e boy who accompanie d he r hom e i s her son . Sally' s homecoming, an d th e presence o f a ne w membe r o f th e famil y tests , yet finall y reinforces , th e strengths o f spousa l an d familia l bonds. 99 I n th e fil m Welcome Home (1989) an d in the telemovie The Lady from Yesterday (1985) , the vetera n

136 I Bringing the War "Home faces a unique proble m i n the for m o f two families—th e on e h e bega n i n Southeast Asia and his family i n the United States. The overdeterminatio n of familialis m i n the dual-famil y devic e is reinforced whe n th e veteran fi nally reaffirms hi s place a s the hea d o f hi s "rightful " (American ) family . While news sources in the mideighties reported o n war-related issues — including th e problem s besiegin g th e postwa r Vietnames e economy , th e plight o f Vietnames e "boa t people, " an d condition s withi n Vietnames e communities i n America—the spat e o f homecomin g film s durin g th e pe riod refuse d t o addres s suc h issue s b y remainin g fixe d a t th e leve l o f a melodramatic focus on the domestic scene. 100 In Welcome Home an d The Lady from Yesterday th e "problems " associate d wit h th e wa r ar e con tained withi n a domesti c spher e tha t i s dominate d b y th e mal e figure , who, through hi s actions, institutes what are , in the film's terms, the mos t lasting "legacies " o f th e war. Effectively ignorin g contemporar y politica l concerns, th e intersectio n o f th e (re)unifie d patriarcha l famil y an d th e impact o f th e war i n these an d a number o f text s fro m th e eightie s focu s representation o n th e incorporatio n o f the veteran int o the family. Incor poration cure d th e veteran' s psychosis , erasin g o r denyin g th e veteran' s physical wound s an d menta l malaise . Th e sic k ve t ha d bee n returne d home a membe r o f th e family . Hom e i n thes e representation s wa s de picted no t onl y a s unifie d an d therapeuti c bu t a s therapeuti c because it was unified. The healin g powe r o f th e famil y eviden t i n variou s text s fro m th e mideighties is further demonstrate d i n the film Cease Fire (1984) throug h the fat e o f two trouble d veterans , Tim Murph y (Do n Johnson) an d Luk e (Robert Lyons) . Whil e Luk e seem s t o b e copin g wit h hi s war-relate d problems fa r bette r tha n Tim , th e realit y o f Luke' s menta l healt h i s full y revealed afte r hi s estranged wife refuse s Luke' s offer o f a reunion. After a final ple a fo r hel p i n a n emotiona l telephon e cal l to Tim , Luke kill s him self. Denied th e opportunit y t o return home , Luke, like Bob Hyde (Bruc e Dern) o f Coming Home, take s th e onl y pat h availabl e t o him . Th e mes sage i s clear : safet y an d healt h resid e i n th e family . Closur e i s attaine d when Tim , assiste d b y th e patien t understandin g o f hi s wife , overcome s his wartime flashback s t o b e full y reunite d wit h hi s wife an d son . I n th e film's fina l scen e Ti m an d hi s wif e hol d hand s an d star e a t th e Vietna m Veterans Memoria l a s a passing vetera n welcome s the m bot h home . Th e theme o f reunio n i s reinforced i n the words o f th e soun d trac k son g tha t assert: "We'v e go t eac h other. " Emmett Walsh of Bobbie Ann Mason's novel In Country i s another dis-

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turbed vetera n wh o is healed i n the union tha t i s the family home . Emmett's initial confusion ove r his role in the family i s signified b y his transvestism. Emmett' s niec e Samanth a Hughe s explain s t o he r boyfriend , Lonnie, that the reason Emmet t wears dresse s in the house he shares wit h Sam is that h e is imitating th e character Klinge r o f his favorite televisio n series, M *A *S*H.101 The inversion of traditional famil y roles represente d by Emmett's feigned lunac y is extended when Sam adopts the role of head of the household vacate d b y Emmett. However, the pattern o f inversion is repealed whe n disparat e member s o f th e family—Emmett , Sam , an d Samantha's paternal grandmother—are unite d o n a trip to Washington t o view th e Vietna m Veteran s Memorial . Motivate d b y th e plan , Emmet t sheds his symptoms of psychosis and becomes the true patriarch by adopting the role of leader of the united member s o f the family, thu s redefinin g familial role s in the wake o f the aberrant perio d o f role cross-dressing . The therapeutic effec t o f the unified famil y i s especially pronounced in texts dealin g wit h so-calle d bus h vets , o r "tripwire " veterans , wh o retreated int o th e American wildernes s t o avoid th e unsympathetic gaz e of their fellow citizens. 102 The film Distant Thunder (1988 ) portrays a group of Vietna m veteran s livin g i n an isolated cam p i n the Pacific Northwest , and Philip Caputo's novel Indian Country (1987 ) expands on this versio n of th e narrative syndrom e o f the deranged vetera n withi n a focus o n the motives o f on e veteran' s retrea t int o th e enclav e o f hi s fortifie d home stead. 103 Emmet t Wals h i n Mason's nove l In Country bear s traces o f this predilection a s he digs a hole under his house "t o hide in." 104 In each case the vetera n ha s reduce d "home " t o "shelter, " a wor d that , a s Arthu r Danto points out, is related to the Old English root of the word "house" : "/?z/s." Thi s roo t wa s "cognat e wit h huden—t o hide , shelter , conceal , cover," thu s revealin g "th e fragile, threatened , expose d sid e o f ou r self image as dwellers: beings that nee d protection , a place to crawl into." 105 Nevertheless, other resonances of the word "home " have not been los t in thes e representations . I n the English languag e a house i s not a home , but i t can be if a family occupie s the house. In each o f the bush-vet text s referred t o here , th e availabilit y o r proximit y o f a famil y demonstrate s that th e possibility o f home i s not far away . B y coming hom e an d bein g reunited wit h family, the veteran is healed of the depression an d fear tha t led to "his" isolation. Coming home, then, means laying down one's arm s and acceptin g th e open arm s o f thos e wh o have bee n awaitin g you r return all along. Exemplifying thi s suggestion is the veteran Christian Star k mann of Caputo's Indian Country r, who accepts the love of his family and

138 I Bringing the War "Home" removes the barbed wir e and mines he had placed aroun d hi s rural home stead. I n Distant Thunder th e once-trouble d veteran , Mar k Libb y (Joh n Lithgow), is reunited with his son with the help of a friendly woma n fro m the loca l town . Th e closur e tha t i s reunion i s repeated i n Mason' s nove l when Emmet t Walsh emerges from th e hole he has been digging under hi s house to be reconciled with his loving family o n a trip to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial . I n each case the lesso n allegedl y learne d b y combat vet erans in Vietnam—"you ar e alone" 106 —is revised . On the home front th e veteran realize s tha t h e i s no t alon e an d learn s th e valuabl e lesso n o f home: that reconciliatio n an d reunio n ar e palliative an d liberating .

Nostalgia The emphasi s i n th e lat e seventie s an d earl y an d mideightie s upo n th e therapeutic famil y reinforce d th e familial basi s of home. The integral lin k between the family an d home, and the regenerative function o f both wer e firmly reinstalle d a t this time. The fear durin g the years of th e war tha t a gap existed betwee n generations an d the subsequent anxiet y provoked b y the sign s o f a crisis o f th e famil y wer e allayed , i f not erased , b y the affir mation o f a reunite d nuclea r family . Significantly , th e allusio n t o famil y life implici t withi n "home " wa s manifeste d an d reinforce d durin g th e eighties withi n th e Reaga n administration' s emphasi s o n th e rol e o f th e traditional famil y withi n th e home . Th e wa r o n drugs , define d a s a wa y of protectin g th e nation' s youth , an d Reagan' s ow n mediate d person a a s a strongl y profamil y fathe r wer e tw o o f th e obviou s sign s o f a projec t aimed a t instituting a consensual definitio n o f a specific famil y construct . "Families," Reaga n repeate d man y times , "ar e th e basi c uni t tha t hol d our societ y together. " Accordin g t o Reagan , American s neede d "t o loo k to Go d [and ] to the hearthstone, becaus e that's where al l hope fo r Amer ica lies." 107 I n hi s secon d Stat e o f th e Unio n Address , thos e h e calle d "quiet everyda y heroe s o f America n life, " th e "unsun g heroes, " wer e "parents who sacrific e lon g and har d s o their childre n will know a bette r life." 108 I n these ways the individual s h e valorized wer e homespun , loca l heroes who embodie d traditiona l virtue s o f hom e an d family . Coinciding wit h an d informin g thi s affirmatio n o f traditiona l familie s was a separate suggestion—encode d i n the word "nostalgia"—tha t func tioned t o reinforc e th e notio n o f home . Sign s o f a nostalgi c resurgenc e abounded throughou t th e eighties during a presidency that frequently ex -

138 I Bringing the War "Home" removes the barbed wir e and mines he had placed aroun d hi s rural home stead. I n Distant Thunder th e once-trouble d veteran , Mar k Libb y (Joh n Lithgow), is reunited with his son with the help of a friendly woma n fro m the loca l town . Th e closur e tha t i s reunion i s repeated i n Mason' s nove l when Emmet t Walsh emerges from th e hole he has been digging under hi s house to be reconciled with his loving family o n a trip to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial . I n each case the lesso n allegedl y learne d b y combat vet erans in Vietnam—"you ar e alone" 106 —is revised . On the home front th e veteran realize s tha t h e i s no t alon e an d learn s th e valuabl e lesso n o f home: that reconciliatio n an d reunio n ar e palliative an d liberating .

Nostalgia The emphasi s i n th e lat e seventie s an d earl y an d mideightie s upo n th e therapeutic famil y reinforce d th e familial basi s of home. The integral lin k between the family an d home, and the regenerative function o f both wer e firmly reinstalle d a t this time. The fear durin g the years of th e war tha t a gap existed betwee n generations an d the subsequent anxiet y provoked b y the sign s o f a crisis o f th e famil y wer e allayed , i f not erased , b y the affir mation o f a reunite d nuclea r family . Significantly , th e allusio n t o famil y life implici t withi n "home " wa s manifeste d an d reinforce d durin g th e eighties withi n th e Reaga n administration' s emphasi s o n th e rol e o f th e traditional famil y withi n th e home . Th e wa r o n drugs , define d a s a wa y of protectin g th e nation' s youth , an d Reagan' s ow n mediate d person a a s a strongl y profamil y fathe r wer e tw o o f th e obviou s sign s o f a projec t aimed a t instituting a consensual definitio n o f a specific famil y construct . "Families," Reaga n repeate d man y times , "ar e th e basi c uni t tha t hol d our societ y together. " Accordin g t o Reagan , American s neede d "t o loo k to Go d [and ] to the hearthstone, becaus e that's where al l hope fo r Amer ica lies." 107 I n hi s secon d Stat e o f th e Unio n Address , thos e h e calle d "quiet everyda y heroe s o f America n life, " th e "unsun g heroes, " wer e "parents who sacrific e lon g and har d s o their childre n will know a bette r life." 108 I n these ways the individual s h e valorized wer e homespun , loca l heroes who embodie d traditiona l virtue s o f hom e an d family . Coinciding wit h an d informin g thi s affirmatio n o f traditiona l familie s was a separate suggestion—encode d i n the word "nostalgia"—tha t func tioned t o reinforc e th e notio n o f home . Sign s o f a nostalgi c resurgenc e abounded throughou t th e eighties during a presidency that frequently ex -

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pressed itsel f throug h nostalgi c representations . On e suc h imag e wa s a mural Presiden t Reaga n use d a s a backdro p fo r selecte d speeche s durin g the 198 4 presidentia l campaign . Th e mura l depicte d a n idealize d Amer ica fro m a rura l pas t i n th e for m o f field s an d hills , small farms , a river , and pond . A n aspec t o f pastora l nostalgi a exemplifie d her e i s that i t tell s us very little abou t th e pas t bu t instea d present s a "pas t whic h ha s neve r existed excep t a s narrative." 109 I t i s "hostil e t o histor y an d it s invisibl e signs an d ye t [i t represent s a ] longin g fo r a n impossibl y pur e contex t o f lived experience." 110 Thi s contex t wa s evoke d b y Reagan' s visio n o f a prelapsarian Americ a devoi d o f perceive d disruptiv e influence s suc h a s war, "racia l problems, " feminism , an d ga y rights. The evocatio n o f suc h influences helpe d t o reinforc e th e ide a tha t contemporar y societ y wa s wayward, an d dangerous . A retur n t o th e pas t an d it s attendan t "tradi tional values, " couple d wit h increase d militar y spending , woul d ensur e that th e natio n wa s protecte d fro m contemporar y threats . I n thi s wa y Reagan's "wilfu l nostalgia" 111 reclaime d th e "sens e o f wholeness " tha t the sociologists Stauth an d Turner argu e motivates the nostalgic mode. 112 Devoid o f crises , the idyl l propose d b y Reaga n represent s a place t o cal l home. This conditio n i s implicit i n th e wor d "nostalgia " which , accord ing to on e o f it s meanings, refer s t o homesickness , th e yearnin g o r long ing for home . Nostalgia, then , is not necessaril y concerne d wit h th e past ; rather, i t is a reference t o th e nee d t o retur n home . The typ e o f hom e Reaga n ha d i n min d wa s furthe r suggeste d i n th e nostalgic images used in a television commercial for th e Republican Part y broadcast durin g th e 198 4 presidentia l campaign . Image s o f th e su n ris ing, the flag bein g raised, people going to work, an d a family movin g int o its ne w hom e wer e use d t o construc t a narrativ e tha t i s diegeticall y re ferred t o a s "mornin g agai n i n America. " Th e voice-ove r states : "Jus t about everyon e i n tow n i s thinking th e sam e thing—no w tha t ou r coun try i s turning around , wh y woul d w e eve r tur n back?" 113 Th e referenc e to a "ne w morning " an d th e imag e o f a risin g su n naturaliz e th e evoca tion o f hom e an d fi x th e representatio n a s incontestable—"jus t abou t everyone" woul d agre e with th e commonsense assumption s i t contained . While the articulatio n o f home an d famil y continue d throughou t Rea gan's term s a s president, th e root s o f a n appea l t o "home " wer e eviden t from th e firs t da y o f th e Reaga n administration . Coincidin g wit h th e re turn o f th e Iranian-hel d U.S . hostages , Reagan' s inauguratio n wa s thu s surrounded b y representation s o f American s returnin g home . Th e ubiq uity o f th e yellow ribbon , a traditional symbo l o f homecoming , o n inau -

140 I Bringing the War "Home" guration day , January 20 , 1981 , was, i n retrospect , a n ironi c emble m o f the ne w president' s nostalgi c politica l agenda . Reflectin g an d contrib uting t o thi s agend a wer e variou s "Reaganit e texts" 114 tha t affirme d and extende d Reagan' s nostalgi c evocatio n o f th e pas t an d reinforce d "the mythification o f 'home ' a s a n almos t universa l sit e o f Utopia n (belonging" 115 capabl e o f providin g a n alternativ e t o unsatisfactory — and dangerous—contemporar y conditions . Th e centra l feature s o f thi s "nostalgic" proces s wer e subtl y reflecte d i n th e popula r Reaganit e fil m The Big Chill (1983) . Th e pas t referre d t o i n thi s fil m i s that o f th e six ties, a convivial an d hospitabl e time , it seems. The disruptiv e presenc e o f the wa r withi n th e er a i s allude d t o i n reference s t o antiwa r speeche s a t the University o f Michigan an d to an antiwa r protes t march o n Washing ton, an d i n the for m o f th e emasculatin g woun d Nic k (Willia m Hurt ) re ceived i n Vietnam . Generally , however , thes e reference s ar e subsume d within anothe r perspective o n the era evoked b y a group of friends unite d during a weekend wh o fondl y remembe r a time of camaraderie i n which , according t o th e words o f on e character, the y "wer e a t [their ] best. " Th e impression o f a stable , beneficen t pas t i s reinforce d throug h th e film' s music soun d track , which, althoug h comprisin g song s o f th e sixties , fail s to includ e an y song s tha t mentio n th e Vietna m War . Th e repressio n o f elements of the sixties is objectified throug h the heavy-handed symbolis m involved i n th e buria l o f th e unsee n characte r Alex . Aspect s o f th e pas t are literally laid to rest alon g with th e character wh o typifie d th e divisiv e features o f the sixties . In keepin g wit h commo n definition s o f nostalgia , thi s recollectio n o f an idealize d pas t i s a reactio n t o contemporar y crises , leadin g t o a re assertion o f home . In The Big Chill th e crisi s is ill-defined an d i s implie d largely throug h referenc e t o th e conditio n o f th e worl d outside . Outsid e is "not home" 116 —it i s the cold, cruel world o f the film's title. Early in the film Nick (Willia m Hurt) state s that "we'r e al l alone out there," and late r Meg (Mar y Ka y Place) repeat s tha t "it' s a cold worl d ou t there. " Harol d (Kevin Kline ) suggest s tha t whe n yo u g o int o th e worl d yo u "ge t you r hands dirty, " an d illustrate s thi s point b y taking Nic k outsid e t o pas s o n illegal arbitrag e informatio n concernin g hi s shoe company. Accordin g t o Michael (Jef f Goldblum) , the outdoor world is a "giant toilet." Sa m (Tom Berenger) stereotype s th e oute r worl d whe n h e comments tha t i t i s composed o f peopl e wh o ar e no t "lik e us. " " I though t becaus e the y looke d like u s an d acte d lik e u s the y wer e us, " h e says , "bu t the y weren't. " I n turn, Me g redefines thes e people a s dangerous whe n sh e recounts a stor y

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from he r law practice o f two clients who "brok e int o a house, tied up th e husband, raped the wife, blew the whole place up and ran away." Harol d further demonize s th e oute r worl d whe n h e say s o f hi s hom e tha t "thi s place means something to me, I'm du g in here," suggesting that a bunke r is the onl y wa y o f avoidin g th e encroachmen t o f th e nefariou s force s o f "outside." Nevertheless , th e fortificatio n stil l need s th e securit y service s of th e loca l police , wh o hav e "twic e kep t [his ] plac e fro m bein g rippe d off." I t i s little wonder, then , tha t Michae l declare s t o Harol d an d Sara h at th e en d o f th e fil m tha t h e an d th e res t o f th e grou p ar e "no t leaving , we're neve r leaving. " The onl y alternativ e t o th e cold , dangerous , outsid e worl d i s home . The narrativ e imag e create d b y th e film' s producers , distributors , an d critics establishe d wha t ha s bee n referre d t o a s "th e particula r sens e o f home whic h dominate s thi s film." 117 Richar d Corlis s fo r Time magazin e described The Big Chill a s "th e feel-goo d movi e o f '83, " thereby provid ing the distributor s o f the fil m wit h a convenient lin e of advertisin g cop y and th e publi c wit h a n intimatio n o f th e narrativ e content. 118 Th e dis tributors reinforce d thi s impressio n b y commonl y advertisin g th e fil m with a photograph o f a number o f th e smilin g characters seate d i n a ro w on a comfortable couc h i n a pleasant, distinctl y middle-class , home . Th e concept o f th e notio n o f "home " availabl e throug h suc h image s i s ad vanced i n th e fil m withi n th e fat e o f th e Vietna m veteran , Nick . Durin g the cours e o f th e weeken d Harold' s good-famil y commo n sens e i s pri marily directe d a t Nick , wh o ha s bee n leadin g a n aimles s an d self-de structive lif e sellin g illegal drugs . Nick's ne w routin e o f jogging, initiate d by a gift fro m Harol d o f a pair o f hi s company' s joggin g shoes , is a sig n of Nick's healthy regeneration. Th e renewal i s complete when Nick over comes th e wa r woun d tha t ha d previousl y distance d hi m fro m wome n and announce s tha t h e i s t o mov e nearb y t o a cabi n wit h Chlo e (Me g Tilly). Th e differenc e i n ag e betwee n Nic k an d Chlo e i s collapse d a s a member o f th e Vietna m generatio n an d a membe r o f th e post-Vietna m generation ar e joine d i n thei r ow n home . I n The Big Chill hom e i s th e place wher e everyon e i s th e same . Th e contras t betwee n insid e (home ) and outsid e (no t home ) reveal s tha t thi s homogeneit y i s purchase d through th e demonizatio n an d containmen t o f difference . I n this film th e safe an d secure homogeneous unit y that is home is evoked through a nostalgia tha t i s predicated upo n paranoia . Given it s emphasis , The Big Chill shares , i n wha t a t firs t ma y ap pear a n od d comparison , a number o f feature s wit h th e texts that consti -

142 I Bringing the War "Home tutes the "POW/MIA " cycle , including Uncommon Valor (1983), Rambo (1985), an d a serie s o f film s featurin g Chuc k Norris , MA.A. I, II, HI (1984, 1985 , 1988) . Critica l analyse s o f Reaganit e texts , o f whic h thes e films ca n b e considere d a part , hav e tende d t o emphasiz e th e way s i n which the y positio n th e audienc e a s children , interpellate d b y a patriar chal ideolog y tha t reinforce s th e "la w o f th e Father." 119 Wit h thi s em phasis, psychoanalyti c critiqu e (an d wha t are , i n term s o f a discussio n of home , it s ironi c metaphor s o f th e family ) ha s neglecte d th e obviou s theme of home in many of these Reaganite texts. For example, the plot of the "Reaganite " fil m E.T. (1982 ) revolves around a n extraterrestrial's de parture fo r "home, " an d i n man y case s th e focu s o f th e "ne w col d war films " o f th e eightie s i s als o a retur n home. 120 Extendin g thi s focus, the POW/MIA narrativ e i s predicated upo n th e desire, the need, t o return home . Exemplifying thi s issue, the film Rambo, a central text within the genre of POW/MI A narratives , reproduces th e emphasi s o n hom e i n a numbe r of importan t ways . Earl y i n th e fil m Trautma n (Richar d Crenna) , Rambo's surrogat e father , advise s anothe r characte r tha t "wha t yo u cal l hell, [Rambo ] call s home. " Thus , logically , wha t "we " cal l "home, " Rambo call s hell . Hom e i s infernal fo r Ramb o becaus e a s a lone r an d a warrior, h e would simpl y b e out o f plac e i n suc h a n homogeneou s unity . Trautman's fina l words to Rambo ar e those of a concerned parent : "Ho w will you live , John?" Thes e words provok e anothe r relate d questio n tha t is unarticulated ye t implie d i n Trautman's query : "Ho w ca n anyon e sur vive outside the unity that i s 'home'?" I t is a question tha t i s unstated be cause i t contain s a notio n o f hom e a s unit y tha t i s take n fo r grante d a s common sense . It als o embodie s th e cor e o f homesicknes s withi n whic h home i s expressed a s a necessit y fo r persona l well-being , withou t whic h "we" fal l sick .

There's No Place Like It The intens e focu s o n hom e i n the representations o f th e POW/MIA cycl e was reflected elsewher e in American culture during the early eighties. The New York Cit y welcome home parade o f May 7 , 1985 , foregrounded th e veteran i n a public expression an d celebratio n o f national reunion . Coin ciding wit h th e tent h anniversar y o f th e en d o f th e wa r i n Vietnam , thi s parade becam e part o f a media-generated appea l to reconsider th e war i n

142 I Bringing the War "Home tutes the "POW/MIA " cycle , including Uncommon Valor (1983), Rambo (1985), an d a serie s o f film s featurin g Chuc k Norris , MA.A. I, II, HI (1984, 1985 , 1988) . Critica l analyse s o f Reaganit e texts , o f whic h thes e films ca n b e considere d a part , hav e tende d t o emphasiz e th e way s i n which the y positio n th e audienc e a s children , interpellate d b y a patriar chal ideolog y tha t reinforce s th e "la w o f th e Father." 119 Wit h thi s em phasis, psychoanalyti c critiqu e (an d wha t are , i n term s o f a discussio n of home , it s ironi c metaphor s o f th e family ) ha s neglecte d th e obviou s theme of home in many of these Reaganite texts. For example, the plot of the "Reaganite " fil m E.T. (1982 ) revolves around a n extraterrestrial's de parture fo r "home, " an d i n man y case s th e focu s o f th e "ne w col d war films " o f th e eightie s i s als o a retur n home. 120 Extendin g thi s focus, the POW/MIA narrativ e i s predicated upo n th e desire, the need, t o return home . Exemplifying thi s issue, the film Rambo, a central text within the genre of POW/MI A narratives , reproduces th e emphasi s o n hom e i n a numbe r of importan t ways . Earl y i n th e fil m Trautma n (Richar d Crenna) , Rambo's surrogat e father , advise s anothe r characte r tha t "wha t yo u cal l hell, [Rambo ] call s home. " Thus , logically , wha t "we " cal l "home, " Rambo call s hell . Hom e i s infernal fo r Ramb o becaus e a s a lone r an d a warrior, h e would simpl y b e out o f plac e i n suc h a n homogeneou s unity . Trautman's fina l words to Rambo ar e those of a concerned parent : "Ho w will you live , John?" Thes e words provok e anothe r relate d questio n tha t is unarticulated ye t implie d i n Trautman's query : "Ho w ca n anyon e sur vive outside the unity that i s 'home'?" I t is a question tha t i s unstated be cause i t contain s a notio n o f hom e a s unit y tha t i s take n fo r grante d a s common sense . It als o embodie s th e cor e o f homesicknes s withi n whic h home i s expressed a s a necessit y fo r persona l well-being , withou t whic h "we" fal l sick .

There's No Place Like It The intens e focu s o n hom e i n the representations o f th e POW/MIA cycl e was reflected elsewher e in American culture during the early eighties. The New York Cit y welcome home parade o f May 7 , 1985 , foregrounded th e veteran i n a public expression an d celebratio n o f national reunion . Coin ciding wit h th e tent h anniversar y o f th e en d o f th e wa r i n Vietnam , thi s parade becam e part o f a media-generated appea l to reconsider th e war i n

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which, typically , th e medi a displace d o r obscure d a rang e o f issue s asso ciated with the conflict throug h a focus o n the dominant an d dominatin g metaphor o f "healin g the wounds" o f war. The notion o f healing was reinforced i n account s o f th e Ne w Yor k Cit y parad e tha t foregrounde d human-interest aspect s o f reconciliatio n an d reintegratio n associate d with the homecoming. On e veteran was quoted a s saying: "I t was a lousy war, bu t a helluv a parade, " an d anothe r said : "Befor e w e fel t forgotten . And no w it' s time for u s to sa y thank you." 121 In oppositio n t o suc h conciliator y views , th e vetera n an d poe t W . D . Ehrhart reacte d t o the New Yor k Cit y parade b y writing that i t was "ten , fifteen, twent y years / too lat e for kid s not twent y / years old an d dea d i n ricefields." Ehrhar t added : You'd think that any self-respectin g vet would give the middle-finge r to folks who thought of it ten years and more too lateyet there they were: the sad survivors, balding, overweight and full o f beer, weeping, gratefu l for their hour come round at last. 122 Ehrhart's ange r expresses itself i n the voice of political protest. This voice was partiall y eviden t durin g th e parad e tha t precede d th e dedicatio n o f the Vietnam Veteran s Memoria l o n Novembe r 13 , 1982, in whic h men and women marched in and out of uniform, brough t along pets, and carried eithe r small American flags o r placards that criticized political decisions from the past: "We Killed, We Bled, We Died for Worse than Nothing"; "N o Mor e Wars . N o Mor e Lies. " Thi s presentatio n o f view s i n opposition to the ideology of national unity and reconciliation and national power was another indicatio n that the public discussion ove r the memory of this war involved significant contention and debate. The parade's theme, "Marching Alon g Together Again, " actuall y expresse d sentiment s o f loyalty to a community or brotherhood of soldiers rather than loyalty to a nation of patriotic citizens. 123 Surprised b y the contrast betwee n thi s parade an d it s eloquent opposi tion t o th e ideolog y o f nationa l unity , an d th e 198 5 homecomin g parad e in Ne w Yor k City , wit h it s "happ y moo d o f reconciliation, " essayis t Michael Clar k commente d i n referenc e t o th e latte r event : "[W]h o were

144 I Bringing the War "Home these guys waving flags an d choking back grateful tear s in response to the cheering crow d i n Ne w York ? Coul d the y b e th e sam e me n whos e rag e and frustratio n foun d suc h a n eloquen t expressio n a t th e tim e th e firs t memorial wa s dedicated?" 124 Th e answe r t o thes e questions , th e differ ence betwee n th e tw o events , reside s i n th e objec t o f eac h parade . Th e parade hel d i n 198 2 marke d th e dedicatio n o f a memoria l tha t fore grounded th e dea d a s th e trac e o f th e effect s o f war . Th e memor y o f th e war evoke d b y the memoria l wa s thu s a powerful inspiratio n fo r th e ar ticulation o f opinions that contradicte d declaration s o f unity. In contrast , the object o f the 198 5 Ne w Yor k Cit y parade wa s home. In this case, the commonsense association s o f hom e a s th e conditio n o f unit y effectivel y displaced th e voice of political opposition . The warm-hearted crow d an d the sign s o f gratitud e show n b y th e veteran s combine d t o expres s thi s common sens e an d t o reinforc e hom e a s th e conditio n o f reconciliatio n and community . Ehrhart's observatio n tha t th e parade hel d i n 1985 , ten years afte r th e end o f th e war, was a n anachronis m raise s anothe r poin t tha t ca n b e un derstood onl y i n term s o f th e movemen t towar d home . Th e reaso n tha t the parad e was , i n effect , te n year s lat e ca n b e interprete d a s a resul t o f the nee d t o construc t an d enforc e a consensua l definitio n o f home , a process that took a number o f years. Evidence for this conclusion is foun d in the tensions surrounding th e "Hom e wit h Honor" parad e fo r Vietna m veterans hel d i n Ne w Yor k Cit y o n Apri l 1 , 1973 . Although thi s parad e was wel l attende d b y onlookers , th e notio n o f "home " wa s strained . A number o f veterans' groups protested th e march, an d a t least one vetera n was arreste d scufflin g wit h police. In particular, however , "official " reac tion t o th e marc h wa s muted—neithe r Ne w Yor k City' s mayor , Joh n Lindsay, no r Governo r Nelso n Rockefelle r attende d th e event , an d al though th e marc h wa s reporte d o n pag e on e o f th e New York Times, i t was no t mentione d i n eithe r o f th e majo r weekl y newsmagazines , Time and Newsweek. 125 Th e lac k o f a coherent definitio n o f hom e a t this tim e resulted i n a parade i n which medi a an d officia l response s wer e subdue d compared t o th e popular , political , an d medi a enthusias m demonstrate d for th e homecoming parade held in the same city twelve years later. Without th e revisio n o f th e imag e o f th e vetera n an d withou t th e ideologica l investment i n th e constructio n o f a widesprea d consensu s o n th e condi tion o f home , the concep t o f a welcome hom e wa s premature. Ironically , by the lat e eighties these ideologica l effort s ha d prove n s o successful tha t coming hom e o r repatriatio n wa s n o longe r necessar y fo r th e evocatio n

Bringing the War "Home" I

14 5

or reinforcemen t o f th e notio n o f unity . I n a numbe r o f representation s during thi s time , hom e wa s establishe d amon g thos e condemne d t o (re)fight th e war . I n thes e representation s th e onc e inexplicabl e war — "radically ambiguous , undecideable, an d indeterminate " i n the words o f one observer 126 —was rendere d intelligibl e throug h th e structur e o f th e family an d home . The ABC television serie s China Beach, firs t broadcas t i n the spring of 1988, depicte d th e collectio n o f nurses , doctors, an d "doughnu t dollies " at th e Chin a Beac h recreatio n an d medica l facilit y nea r D a Nan g a s a n American famil y tha t ha d foun d it s home . A t th e en d o f th e two-hou r pilot episod e fo r th e series , the nurs e Collee n McMurph y (Dan a Delany ) announces tha t sh e i s goin g t o sta y a t Chin a Beach . McMurph y recog nizes that sh e canno t retur n t o th e Unite d State s because , a s sh e says : " I have a n eve n bigge r famil y here . I a m home. " Althoug h th e serie s at tempted t o presen t a form o f realis m simila r t o tha t o f the docudrama , i t conformed closel y to th e feature s o f melodrama . Geoffre y Nowell-Smit h has argued that "wha t i s at stake [i n the melodrama] i s the survival of the family uni t an d th e possibilit y fo r individual s o f acquirin g a n identit y which i s als o a plac e withi n th e system , a plac e i n whic h the y ca n b e 'themselves' an d 'a t home'. " H e add s tha t "[i] t i s a conditio n o f th e [melo]drama tha t th e attainmen t o f suc h a place i s not eas y and doe s no t happen withou t sacrifice... . " 1 2 7 The ide a tha t character s ar e willing t o endure hardshi p t o attai n incorporatio n int o th e famil y uni t record s th e cultural value placed o n the need fo r socia l unity. Week afte r wee k China Beach reflecte d thi s need i n the representatio n o f extrem e wartim e sacri fices mad e b y its characters t o remai n par t o f th e "family. " Finally , then , "[e]xtending the 'family' t o the War involves no irony, but simply the prevailing myth o f the organi c relation betwee n privat e an d public , betwee n family an d society." 128 I n thi s wa y hom e ca n b e anywhere . Th e sugges tion tha t there' s n o plac e lik e hom e take s o n a differen t meanin g i n thi s context. There i s no place like it. Home doe s not refe r t o a place bu t t o a condition—the ideological , naturalized , construc t o f unity . This construc t wa s reproduce d i n Olive r Stone' s commerciall y suc cessful fil m Platoon (1986) , which like China Beach afte r it , appropriate d features o f hom e t o structur e th e experienc e o f war . I n Platoon th e (pa triarchal) comba t uni t is a family unit . At the end of the film Chri s (Char lie Sheen ) expose s thi s associatio n when , referrin g t o th e tw o squa d leaders, Barne s (To m Berenger ) an d Elia s (Wille m Dafoe) , h e state s tha t at times he felt lik e "th e chil d bor n o f [these ] two fathers. " Th e publicit y

146 I Bringing the War "Home" for Platoon reinforce s th e par t playe d b y th e famil y i n th e restructurin g of the experienc e o f Vietnam. A n advertisemen t accompanyin g th e vide o release of the film feature s a woman sittin g in her kitchen speakin g to th e camera, informin g th e spectato r tha t initiall y sh e coul d no t understan d her husband' s refusa l t o discus s th e war . Havin g see n Platoon sh e no w understands no t onl y the experience o f the war bu t also her husband's reluctance t o talk . Th e Vietna m Wa r i s here th e sig n o f familia l o r spousa l empathy an d reunion . The family i s also a structuring them e in Stone's later fil m Born on the Fourth of July (1989) . Befor e h e join s th e marines , Ro n Kovi c (To m Cruise) live s a t hom e wit h a domineerin g mothe r an d ineffectua l father . In Vietna m h e i s involved i n a n operatio n i n whic h a Vietnamese famil y is inadvertentl y killed . Als o durin g thi s disastrou s even t Kovi c acciden tally shoots a fellow marine . On hi s return t o the United States , Kovic at tempts to confront th e family o f the soldier he killed. Finally, Kovic's rage and guil t ar e vente d agains t hi s family . Th e thre e families—Vietnamese , the poo r souther n famil y o f th e dea d marine , an d hi s ow n haples s fam ily—are linke d throug h th e misfortun e o f war . Though linke d b y war, th e difference s betwee n eac h famil y ar e main tained. Th e Vietnames e famil y an d th e rura l famil y ar e give n thei r ow n specificity, define d no t i n oppositio n t o bu t distinc t fro m eac h othe r an d from Kovic' s family . I n contras t t o th e majorit y o f representation s dis cussed i n this section , Stone' s doe s not eras e the effect s o f the war o n th e family, no r doe s i t valoriz e th e famil y structur e a s a n ameliorativ e re sponse to the war. However, Stone' s refusal t o validate a family-mediate d form o f integratio n an d unio n i s dissipated withi n th e fina l scene s o f th e film a t th e 197 6 Democrati c Nationa l Convention , i n whic h Kovi c i s heartily an d literall y welcomed hom e b y well-wishers, an d h e announce s to a reporter , "We'r e home. " Ther e is , behin d thi s welcome , th e knowl edge of Kovic's paraplegia an d impotence, but within the final momen t o f the fil m th e smile s o n Kovic' s fac e an d hi s enthusias m a t receivin g th e greetings suggest that he is happy to be home. This film, a s do other text s dealing wit h th e effect s o f th e war , construct s a dichotom y betwee n th e family an d home . It is within the family tha t th e impact o f the war i s registered. Home , i n contrast, i s the transcendenc e o f tha t impac t i n a new found unity . Stone' s fil m stop s shor t o f totall y endorsin g thi s hom e onl y in th e sens e tha t behin d th e smile s i s th e knowledg e o f Kovic' s chroni c physical condition .

Bringing the War "Home" I Articulating Difference

and

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Unity

The eas y assurance s o f hom e a s th e conditio n o f unit y propose d i n th e majority o f text s dealin g wit h th e impac t o f th e wa r ar e rendere d ironi c by the presenc e o f th e homeles s withi n contemporar y America , man y o f them veteran s o f th e Vietna m War . I n th e contex t o f th e presen t discus sion i t ca n b e note d tha t homelessnes s doe s no t simpl y refe r t o th e ab sence of a dwelling place. Given that the ideological construction referre d to a s hom e represent s unit y an d th e erasur e o f difference , homelessnes s signifies a marginalized an d excluded difference. 129 I n this way those wh o are homeles s ar e beyon d th e boundarie s o f a n assume d unity—the y are , by definition , outsiders . Thi s stereotypica l constructio n o f differenc e a s otherness i s circulate d i n a cultur e dominate d b y image s o f a convivia l community tha t displac e an y possibl e politica l o r textua l representatio n of the homeless . A politics o f differenc e seek s to redres s thi s situatio n b y retrieving dif ference fro m otherness . Suc h a politic s challenge s cultura l homogeneit y through practice s tha t attemp t t o foregroun d th e experience s an d identi ties o f formerl y displace d groups . Th e coalitiona l politic s o f th e ne w so cial movements , an d th e struggl e t o textuall y expres s an d circulat e varieties o f huma n experience s ar e par t o f th e representativ e practice s subsumed under the rubric of the politics of difference. Th e representatio n of multiple experiences retrieves difference fro m polarizin g binarism s tha t turn differenc e int o othernes s withi n a framewor k tha t privilege s domi nant positions. 130 A t issue , then , ar e representationa l an d politica l prac tices capabl e o f validatin g difference , an d thos e tha t suppor t a variety o f discriminatory forms . I n regar d t o th e latter , racism , a s Stuar t Hal l ha s stressed, "operate s b y structurin g impassabl e symboli c boundarie s be tween raciall y constitute d categories , an d it s typicall y binar y syste m o f representation constantl y mark s an d attempt s t o fi x an d naturaliz e th e difference betwee n belongingnes s an d Otherness." 131 Within thi s dualis m belongingness has typically been represented i n terms of order, coherence , and unit y (dominan t characteristic s o f home) , an d "race " ha s bee n de monized a s " a sig n o f socia l disorde r an d civi c decay." 132 In his book City of Quartz (1990) , Mike Davis traces this stereotypin g of "race " a s i t i s manifeste d withi n th e specifi c contex t o f Lo s Angeles . Davis notes that the contemporary gan g scares, "lik e the Tramp scare s in the nineteent h century , o r th e Re d scare s i n th e twentieth, " hav e bee n

148 I Bringing the War "Home used t o justif y a patter n h e call s th e "Black-lash. " Althoug h legitimate d in terms o f a "revulsio n agains t youth criminality, " th e invidious "Black lash" is , instead, a deepl y entrenche d reactio n b y th e polic e an d a num ber o f loca l counci l member s towar d th e blac k community . Th e discriminatory "wa r a t home," which Davi s calls "Vietna m Here," 1 3 3 reflects a cit y deepl y divide d alon g "racial " lines , a situatio n tha t expose s the multipl e assurance s o f hom e a s unity . On e outcom e o f "racially " fo cused politica l an d economi c repression—th e uprisin g i n Lo s Angele s during lat e Apri l 1992—furthe r reveale d th e bankruptc y o f home . I n these variou s ways , then , th e "racially " structure d wa r zon e tha t i s Lo s Angeles exemplifies i n extreme form the changing nature of current urba n terrains an d th e failur e t o recogniz e th e validity o f difference . Set i n contemporar y Lo s Angeles , Lawrenc e Kasdan' s fil m Grand Canyon (1992 ) seeks to explore the condition of metropolitan lif e and th e place o f differenc e i n thi s experienc e withi n a contex t tha t i s establishe d in the openin g scene s to resonat e wit h th e Vietnam War . The fil m begin s with a blank scree n over which i s played th e sound trac k t o the cinemati c history o f the Vietnam War: the pulsating soun d o f a helicopter's rotatin g blades. 134 The scen e fade s i n no t o n th e jungle s o f Southeas t Asi a bu t t o an inner-city neighborhood o f Los Angeles. This neighborhood wil l be the place in which the resonances o f Vietnam intersect with images of "race " to reinforc e th e validity an d valu e o f cultura l unity . Kasdan i s concerned t o represent the relationship tha t develop s from a fortuitous meetin g betwee n Simo n (Dann y Glover) , a blac k tow-truc k driver, an d Mac k (Kevi n Kline) , a white-yuppie immigratio n lawyer . O n the wa y hom e fro m watchin g a basketbal l game , Mack' s ca r stall s i n a n unfamiliar blac k neighborhood . Whe n Mack' s cellula r telephon e cease s to work , h e i s forced t o ru n t o a nearb y convenienc e stor e t o telephon e for assistance . Mac k find s i t impossibl e t o defin e hi s locatio n or , i n a "military analogy, to give his co-ordinates."135 Having, finally, complete d the telephone call , he waits in his car for help , only to b e confronted b y a group of blac k youths. Mack's response to their presence is to utter a line countless wa r film s hav e attribute d t o "a n America n soldie r comin g down i n enem y territory : 'Mayday . Mayday . We'r e comin g down.'" 1 3 6 Mack's distres s call is answered b y the timely arrival o f Simo n in the to w truck. Fro m thi s scene , in whic h th e echoe s o f "Vietnam " pla y a part i n encoding th e sign s o f "race " a s a proble m fo r whit e citizens , th e rela tionship betwee n Mac k an d Simo n i s represente d sympathetically , sug gesting tha t th e "problem " ca n b e transcende d i n a n appea l t o a n

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essential commonalit y betwee n member s o f variou s "races " an d classe s within th e community . This pattern i s reproduced throughou t th e film. Difference i s displayed in orde r fo r i t t o b e displace d b y the assertio n o f a mystica l relationshi p that supposedl y bind s al l huma n beings . I n part , thi s relationshi p i s af firmed throug h chanc e and coincidence. The meeting of Mack an d Simo n is not th e onl y cas e o f serendipit y i n the film . Th e despai r fel t b y Mack' s wife, Clair e (Mar y MacDonnell), at not bein g able to have more childre n is resolved whe n sh e find s an d keep s a n abandone d baby . Th e random ness o f event s an d th e concomitan t denia l o f huma n agenc y ar e furthe r evoked b y a n earthquak e tha t happil y spare s th e hom e o f Clair e an d Mack. Th e suggestio n o f a n essential , inimitable , interconnectio n be tween different peopl e i s reinforced i n th e fina l scene s i n whic h th e cen tral character s (men , women , an d childre n o f differen t ethni c an d clas s backgrounds) mak e a trip t o vie w the Gran d Canyon . Standin g togethe r before thi s natura l divide , th e character s overcom e thei r individua l dif ferences. Dee p down , say s this film, "we " ar e all the sam e in nature. Th e conclusion collapse s irreducible cultura l difference s int o a n appea l t o th e existence o f a n immutable , natural , homogeneou s unity . In Grand Canyon "we " all come home. The film represents the end of the movement towar d unit y tha t ha s operate d throug h strategi c referenc e t o home an d family . I n this way i t is entirely fittin g tha t th e film open s wit h resonances o f th e wa r i n Vietnam onl y t o dispe l the m i n a focu s o n fam ily and home . The assertions of home structured i n the representations o f the impac t o f th e wa r fulfille d a n ideologica l tas k b y universalizin g an d normalizing th e ide a o f unity . With th e establishmen t o f thi s notion , th e appropriation o f th e impac t o f th e Vietna m Wa r wa s complete . I n thes e terms, Grand Canyon briefl y evoke s th e Vietna m Wa r withi n th e asser tion o f th e cultura l conditio n o f unit y i n wha t is , effectively , post-Vietnam America . The recen t proliferatio n acros s a numbe r o f discourse s o f th e prefi x "post" suggest s a reluctanc e t o accep t traditiona l theoretica l interpreta tions of experience. A post-Vietnam Americ a contradict s thi s suggestion . It is a conjuncture i n which th e sign s of traditional interpretation s thrive . The constan t assertio n o f hom e evoke s a conditio n tha t bear s th e trace s of a sedimente d commo n sens e that ha s investe d th e wor d "home " wit h a numbe r o f meanings : security, succor , conviviality, an d unity . These de finitions hav e circulate d withi n text s representin g th e impac t o f th e wa r

150 I Bringing the War "Home" in Vietnam , an d withi n th e majorit y o f thes e text s th e ideolog y o f unit y encoded a s th e commo n sens e o f hom e displace d o r revise d th e divisiv e effects o f the war . Bringing the war hom e was a process tha t bega n befor e th e en d o f th e conflict an d continue d throughou t th e seventie s an d eighties . I t wa s a movement tha t infuse d America n cultur e an d tha t involve d a t variou s times an d i n differen t way s th e oppositio n t o th e war ; th e veteran ; th e family; an d th e amorphou s concep t o f th e nation . Ther e is , however, an other issu e involved i n this cultural process . It is the invers e o f th e repre sentation o f unity, unacknowledged an d excluded and continually denied : the existenc e o f difference . Fro m thi s perspective , bel l hook s ha s inter preted "[h]om e [as ] tha t plac e whic h enable s an d promote s varie d an d everchanging perspectives , a place where on e discover s ne w ways o f see ing reality , frontier s o f difference." 137 I n hooks' s terms , differenc e i s th e voice tha t question s th e assertio n o f a n immutabl e unity . I t i s thi s pres ence tha t i s finall y an d disastrousl y erase d i n th e representatio n tha t "we," alon g with th e war, hav e com e home .

Conclusion

The Scar That Binds i s a stud y o f contendin g representation s of Americ a a t th e sit e commonl y referre d t o a s "Vietnam. " O n th e on e hand th e presenc e o f th e impac t o f th e wa r i n Vietnam produce d th e no tion o f cultura l division ; o n th e othe r han d i t resulted i n the assertio n o f unity. Th e parado x resultin g fro m th e opposin g set s o f representation s has been resolved within American cultur e through th e privileging of cer tain positions and notions that have reconstructed "Vietnam " a s a sign of homogeneity an d collectivity . Th e resolutio n doe s no t mea n tha t th e no tion o f cultura l divisio n ha s bee n erase d b y that o f unity . The ide a o f th e divisive impac t o f th e war continue s t o circulat e i n various place s withi n American culture . However , th e assertio n o f unit y ha s operate d acros s and throug h th e evocatio n o f ruptur e an d segmentatio n t o resul t i n th e foregrounding o f union. Barthes has pointed ou t that in certain situation s select an d specifi c word s sugges t thei r opposite . H e illustrate d thi s poin t by referring t o the slippage that occur s in "bourgeoi s discourse " betwee n "war" an d "peace, " specificall y th e wa y i n whic h "pacification " fre quently implies war. 1 The basic aspect of implication an d inevitabilit y ex pressed i n Barthes's observatio n i s applicable t o the conditions studie d i n The Scar That Binds i n which divisio n implies unity . The situatio n i s fur ther exemplifie d i n th e fac t tha t U.S . culture i n th e wak e o f "Vietnam " circulated tw o contendin g concept s while—i n th e process—i t constantl y privileged on e o f them . The notio n o f process i s integral t o th e outcom e o f th e paradox . No t only ha s th e representatio n o f cultura l divisio n an d unit y involve d a process i n th e sens e tha t representatio n continuall y rearrange s an d re constructs th e realit y i t purports t o depic t bu t historica l disposition s an d movements hav e altere d th e parado x ove r time . A t differen t moment s throughout th e period covere d b y this study (1968-1989 ) disruptio n an d collectivity wer e variabl y emphasized . However , b y th e mideightie s th e assertion o f cultural holis m ha d resulte d i n the resolution o f the parado x

151

152 I Conclusion by shiftin g th e ground s o f th e contradictio n towar d th e ide a o f union . This stud y ha s analyze d th e way s i n whic h historica l an d representa tional, o r ideological , processe s (define d her e a s strategies ) operate d within the field o f culture to achieve this end. Specifically, a wide array of cultural text s dealin g wit h th e effect s o n U.S . cultur e o f th e conflic t i n Vietnam wer e rea d o r decode d fo r sign s o f th e commo n sens e o f unity . The readin g reveale d thre e dominan t ideologica l strategie s variousl y en coded withi n th e majorit y o f thes e texts . A critical interrogatio n o f eac h strategy confirmed an d furthe r expose d th e full exten t an d complexit y o f the presenc e o f th e strategie s withi n textua l representations . Th e opera tion o f th e strategie s i s briefly reviewe d here . The firs t strategy , define d a s "Th e Heale d Wound, " implicate d th e widespread representationa l practic e of depicting the disruptive effect s o f the wa r i n terms o f th e metapho r o f a wound. Encode d withi n th e com mon applicatio n o f th e metapho r wa s a n impressio n o f impotence— a condition that stemmed fro m th e presence of division within U.S. culture. Defined a s debilitating an d a loss of nationa l power , the wound, a s common sens e woul d hav e it , require d healing . Th e firs t ste p i n healin g th e wounds expose d b y the war i n Vietnam was encoded i n the cultural nee d to forget th e war and a range of pernicious, painful, issue s associated wit h the conflict : U.S . defeat , th e countr y o f Vietnam , an d war-relate d guilt . The healin g tha t followe d involve d th e individual , th e community , an d the nation . A t eac h sit e healin g wa s foregrounde d a s uniformit y an d wholeness, thu s reproducin g an d reinforcin g th e prescriptiv e formul a that a healed natio n i s a unified place . Within an d through th e second strateg y the Vietnam veteran spoke the truth o f unity on the home front. Th e operations of a diverse range of cultural processe s wer e responsibl e fo r transformin g a n inarticulat e mal e veteran pron e t o frequen t violen t outburst s int o a n articulat e spokesper son. A n interrelate d se t o f critica l an d cultura l assumption s functioned , largely o n th e basi s o f hi s "havin g bee n there, " t o privileg e th e vetera n within postwa r cultur e a s a her o whos e message s wer e concerne d pre dominantly wit h th e desir e fo r a reunited culture . The third strateg y operated , a s did the others summarize d here , acros s a wid e cultura l terrai n throughou t th e perio d fro m th e lat e sixtie s t o th e late eighties. The presence of opposition o n the home front i n response t o U.S. intervention i n Vietnam signifie d th e beginnin g o f a reconfiguratio n of cultura l an d politica l disposition s summarize d withi n th e ter m "home." I n the earl y to midseventie s th e culture reworke d th e sloga n as -

Conclusion I

15 3

sociated with the antiwar movement—"brin g th e war home"—throug h a series of representations i n which the war came home in all its violent an d inhospitable forc e i n th e for m o f a mani c an d derange d veteran . Thi s repatriation o f th e wa r wa s graduall y replace d b y th e reinclusio n o f th e so-called violent o r sick veteran within a reconstructed, therapeutic , fam ily unit. The outcome, in effect, heale d the veteran an d marked th e end of the crisi s tha t supposedl y ha d besiege d th e America n famil y durin g th e seventies. The widesprea d appea l o f nostalgi a durin g th e eighties , a con dition reinforce d b y a presidentia l administratio n fon d o f nostalgicall y evoking th e past , consolidate d th e notio n o f a consensual , convivia l home. Development s i n th e late r eightie s indicate d th e pervasivenes s o f this definitio n o f home. Representations a t this time depictin g those con demned t o refight th e Vietnamese conflic t emphasize d tha t hom e (union ) was als o achievabl e withi n th e condition s o f war . Th e movement , then , from battlefron t t o hom e fron t an d fro m hom e fron t t o battlefron t em phasized hom e no t a s a place bu t a s a readily availabl e se t of homogeniz ing definitions deepl y inscribe d throughou t th e culture . As indicated i n this reconsideration, th e operation o f each strategy ha s not bee n directe d b y a centra l power . Rather , th e ter m "strategies " ha s been used in this study to refer t o cultural dispositions an d characteristic s that hav e bee n supported an d reinforce d b y the naturalizing operatio n o f common sense . Commo n sens e reproduce s unexamine d an d obviou s assumptions t o construc t particula r worldviews . Eac h o f th e specifi c strategies examine d her e i s encode d i n variou s metaphors—"wound " and "healing, " "voice, " an d "home"—t o reproduc e certai n view s o f th e world. Metaphor s effectivel y conve y commo n sens e b y encodin g wha t Levi-Strauss calle d "th e logi c o f th e concrete." 2 H e argue d tha t al l cul tures interpre t abstraction s (fo r whic h ca n b e inserted th e example o f th e impact o r effect s o f th e Vietna m War ) b y summarizin g the m i n term s o f daily experience. 3 Levi-Strauss's observations ar e informed b y noting tha t the abstractions he referred t o are redefined withi n and through the translation int o metaphor . Wound s deman d t o b e healed; to posses s a voice is to utte r message s that ar e worth hearin g (an d tha t are , on a certain level , truthful); th e privat e spher e o f "home " ha s traditionall y bee n a plac e o r condition marke d b y familia l sign s o f homogeneit y an d collectivity . I n each case metaphor, an d th e common sens e encoded withi n it , resulted i n a for m o f closure—unity—tha t appeared t o b e natural an d inevitable . Inscribed i n languag e i n common(sense ) metaphors , th e ideologica l strategies o f unit y contribut e t o perpetuatin g an d reinforcin g th e statu s

154 I Conclusion quo an d prevailin g cultura l arrangements . I t i s i n thi s functio n tha t th e nominated commonsens e strategie s perfor m a hegemoni c function . Th e ideology o f unity assert s a consensual notio n no t base d o n readil y identi fiable political categories such as liberal, left, o r nationalist but , rather, o n the seemingl y apolitica l concep t o f cultura l unity —an ide a tha t denie s and exclude s different , o r wha t ar e from a hegemonic poin t o f view con tentious and oppositiona l elements . The work o f the ideology of unity defines, stereotypes , an d subsume s "them " i n th e proces s o f assumin g an d asserting "us " t o be , in th e main , white , middle-class , politicall y conser vative, heterosexua l males . I t i s i n it s performanc e i n suppor t o f thi s "hegemonic order " tha t the ideology o f unity an d it s strategies have bee n interpreted withi n thi s analysi s a s a strand o f dominan t ideology . The identificatio n o f the ways i n which ideologica l strategie s hav e op erated withi n an d throug h th e sit e referre d t o a s Vietna m enable s "cul tural critique s t o evolv e int o cultura l interventions, " a s critica l theoris t George Lipsit z ha s emphasize d i n anothe r context. 4 Understandin g th e ways i n whic h ideologica l strategie s operat e provide s th e abilit y t o out flank the m i n th e future . Suc h a maneuver, then , i s the basi s o f "makin g a difference" t o the study of America. Specifically, th e antiessentialist ide ological critiqu e develope d an d applie d her e ha s no t bee n followed , t o apply the words o f Stuar t Hall , "t o generat e anothe r goo d theory , bu t t o give a better theorize d accoun t o f concret e historica l reality." 5 History ha s no t bee n wel l serve d b y th e resolutio n o f th e parado x o f cultural fragmentatio n an d uniformity , a resolutio n tha t reflect s a revi sion o f U.S. history sinc e the en d o f the war i n Vietnam. History, accord ing t o Fredri c Jameson , i s wha t hurts. 6 Jameson' s clai m is , however , refuted i n the history o f the impact o f the Vietnam War, which i s a record of a heale d sca r tha t n o longe r hurts . Th e logi c o f thi s conclusio n i s un derlined i n th e fac t tha t b y th e en d o f th e eighties , th e histor y o f "th e scars" of the war had bee n revised and translated int o the ahistorical con struct o f cultura l unity . Elain e Scarr y ha s note d tha t wounds—scars — "memorialize [th e fact] tha t [a ] war occurre d an d tha t th e cessation o f its occurrence was agreed to." 7 The recognition o f a divisive presence withi n American cultur e wa s th e scarrin g effec t o f th e Vietnam War . A brief ac knowledgment o f th e "scars " serve d a s the poin t o f origi n o f healin g th e scars i n a process o f cultura l unificatio n tha t denie d th e painful division s and difference s expose d b y the war. The en d o f thi s proces s was th e tru e "cessation" o f the war .

Conclusion I

15 5

Representations sinc e th e eightie s confir m th e en d o f th e wa r i n thi s sense, and the end of healing. The history of the decades of the sixties, seventies, an d eightie s tha t wa s revise d t o achiev e unit y i s repeated (an d re worked) i n th e commerciall y successfu l fil m Forrest Gump (1994) . Th e rearticulation o f the voice of the veteran i n a narrative o f coming home is enacted throug h th e character s o f Gum p (To m Hanks ) an d Lieutenan t Dan Taylo r (Gar y Sinise) . Gump' s experience s o f wa r ar e melde d wit h events from post-Vietna m Wa r America "i n a history tha t i s the concate nated an d reified effec t o f incoherent motives and chance convergences." 8 Though Gum p wander s throug h thi s histor y i n a Candide-lik e fashion , there is a trajectory t o his actions leading him on a journey to a family an d a hom e h e wa s no t awar e existe d unti l h e meet s hi s son . Th e them e o f "healing," an d the postwar conditio n o f the Vietnam veteran, and the notion o f comin g hom e ar e reinforce d i n th e characte r o f Lieutenan t Dan , rendered a paraplegic i n the war. Lieutenant Da n i s healed o f his paraplegia, a representational clich e signifying th e effects o f war, in an amazingl y simple way tha t earlie r text s faile d t o exploit : h e is given new legs . Dan's transformation t o "wholeness " i s finalize d throug h hi s reconciliatio n with his war-torn pas t an d marriage to, fittingly, a Vietnamese woman. I n achieving closure, Forrest Gump work s with, and capitalizes upon, the ef ficacy o f the various strategie s analyze d i n The Scar That Binds tha t hav e reconfigured an d transcende d th e impac t o f th e Vietnam War . In othe r ways , th e operation s o f th e strategie s analyze d her e deter mined that the war was "over " prio r to official claim s to that effec t i n the summer o f 1995 . Th e abandonmen t o f th e economi c embarg o agains t Vietnam in 1994 , and U.S. diplomatic recognition o f Vietnam o n July n , 1995, depended , i n part , o n progres s o n th e issu e o f a "ful l accounting " of the fate o f Americans missing in action sinc e the war. 9 Against this history, the move to confront Vietna m took place at the end of a twenty-yea r period durin g whic h tim e th e ideolog y o f unit y functione d t o overcom e the "scarring " impact of the war that was once the central "tragi c legacy " of the war. Legacies dissipated within the condition of a healed—united — America that marked th e end of the war, enabling America t o confront it s old enem y i n ne w ways . I n thi s reassessment , Vietnam' s identit y i s onc e again reconstructe d throug h America n interpretativ e frameworks . Vie t Nam, th e "lan d o f the Viet peoples o f the south, " wa s Americanized int o Vietnam, which, in turn durin g the late sixties and early seventies, was reworked int o the new cartographic an d geographi c entit y of (the ) "Nam. "

156 I Conclusion As Michael Her r noted , b y 196 7 "eve n th e most detaile d map s didn' t re veal muc h anymore " abou t thi s place. 10 I n fact , b y thi s tim e "Vietnam " had ceased to be a place—it had become , simply, the name of a war. Afte r the war the reconfiguration o f national identit y continued alon g differen t lines: Vietnam, a redoub t o f communis m survivin g eve n i n th e presenc e of multiple claims of the "en d o f ideology" an d th e "en d o f history," wa s an "outla w nation " quarantine d behin d a n economi c blockade . I n it s postembargo incarnatio n Vietnam , n o longe r th e plac e o f a divisiv e American war, becomes a tourist destination, and the site of a new "Asia n (economic) miracle" open to foreign investment . Extending the America n peace t o Vietna m is , then, th e beginnin g o f a new perio d i n which histo ries an d identities , Vietnames e an d American , wil l b e reconstructe d t o produce meaning s onl y diml y related t o the war . Identities—their presence , absence , an d revision—an d history—it s construction, reconstruction , an d th e structure s tha t se t it s limits—in form The Scar That Binds. Change s t o these features hav e bee n traced i n this stud y acros s the healed an d unite d terrai n tha t i s post-Vietnam Wa r American culture . Thi s i s what i t ha s com e to : the reworkin g o f Ameri can identit y withi n th e histor y o f th e operatio n o f ideologica l strategie s of unity is the devastating outcom e o f American involvemen t i n the Viet nam War .

Notes

NOTES T O I N T R O D U C T I O N

i. Georg e Bush , "Inaugura l Address : A New Breez e is Blowing" (Januar y 20 , 1989), Vital Speeches of the Day 40 , 9 (Februar y 15 , 1989) : 259 . 2. Willia m J. Clinton , "Remark s a t Memoria l Da y Ceremon y a t th e Vietna m Veterans Memorial, May 31,1993, " Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton, 1993 (Washington , D.C.: Government Printin g Office , 1994), 786 . 3. Quote d i n Ben Franklin, "Presiden t Accept s Vietnam Memorial : Crow d o f Veterans an d Other s Hea r Hi s Cal l fo r Healing, " New York Times (Novembe r 12, 1984) : 10 .

4. Quote d i n "Ronal d Reaga n Call s Vietnam a Noble an d Just Cause , 1988, " in M. McMaho n (ed.) , Major Problems in the History of the Vietnam War: Documents and Essays (Lexington , Mass. : Heath, 1990) , 606 . 5. Bobbi e An n Mason , In Country (London : Flamingo , 1987) . 6. Phili p Caputo , Indian Country (London : Century , 1987) . 7. Michae l Herr , Dispatches (London : Picador , 1978) , 52 , 207 . 8. Andre w Martin , Receptions of War: Vietnam in American Culture (Nor man: University o f Oklahom a Press , 1993) , xxi. 9. Susa n Jeffords , The Remasculinization of America: Gender and the Vietnam War (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1989) . 10. Th e Frenc h semioticia n Rolan d Barthe s opene d a pat h fo r thi s typ e o f analysis. Barthe s studie d th e commo n meaning s tha t circulat e i n everyda y life , and i n th e process expose d "th e decorativ e displa y o f what-goes-without-saying , [to reveal ] th e ideologica l abus e whic h . . . i s hidde n there. " Rolan d Barthes , Mythologies (Ne w York : Hill an d Wang , 1972) , n . 11. Definition s o f "ideology " ar e problematic—a n issu e tha t ha s bee n re flected i n what , a t times , ha s bee n intens e debat e surroundin g th e wor d (a n ex ample o f on e suc h momen t wa s th e interventio n o f Althusserianis m withi n classical Marxis t critique) . Th e definitio n o f "ideology " referre d t o throughou t this book is informed b y conceptions derive d from Gramscia n cultural studies, especially th e significan t wor k o f Raymon d William s an d Stuar t Hall . See , for ex ample, Williams' s The Long Revolution (Harmondsworth , Middlesex , U.K. :

*57

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Penguin, 1965 ) an d hi s Marxism and Literature (Oxford : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1977) ; Hall's "Th e Proble m o f Ideology—Marxis m Withou t Guarantees, " journal of Communication Inquiry 10 , 2 (1986): 28-44, a n d "Gramsc i an d Us, " in The Hard Road to Renewal (London : Verso, 1988); and Stuar t Hall, Bob Lumley, and Grego r McLennan , "Politic s and Ideology : Gramsci," i n Centre for Con temporary Cultura l Studies , On Ideology (London : Hutchinson , 1978) . 12. Stuar t Hall , "Culture , Medi a an d th e 'Ideologica l Effect', " i n J. Curran , M. Gurevitch , an d J . Woollacott (eds.) , Mass Communication and Society (Lon don: Edward Arnold , 1977) , 325. Gramsci define d "commo n sense " as "th e sub stratum o f ideology," thus placing common sens e between "folklore, " historicall y documentable conception s o f way s o f life , an d "philosophy, " define d a s a sys tematic interpretatio n o f the world. Antonio Gramsci , Selections from the Prison Notebooks (London : Lawrenc e an d Wishart , 1971) , 323 , 327. 13. Th e centra l featur e o f th e operatio n o f th e ideolog y o f unit y i s th e con struction o f a unit y fro m disparat e socia l elements . What Gramsc i calle d a "his torically organic" ideology is one that links a variety of groups into a political an d cultural force . Gramsci , Selections from the Prison Notebooks, 376-377 . Fol lowing Gramsci , Stuar t Hal l argue s tha t "i t i s not th e cas e that th e socia l forces , classes, groups, political movements, etc. are first constitute d i n their unity by objective economi c condition s an d the n ris e to a unified ideology. " Th e process , he stresses, is the reverse. Groups are unified "b y seeing themselves reflected a s a unified forc e i n the ideology which constitutes them." As a result, the group become s a unifie d forc e throug h "form s o f intelligibilit y which explai n a shared collectiv e situation." Hal l refer s t o th e Rastafarians , th e Jamaica n religiou s group , t o ex emplify thi s point . Th e Rastafarian s hav e draw n upo n th e Ol d Testamen t fo r ideas that the y have had t o radically alte r t o fi t with thei r experience . In this wa y the Rasta s hav e worked t o construc t a coherent ideolog y aroun d whic h the y ca n organize themselves . The result, the attemp t t o den y contradictions an d inconsis tencies, i s the "unity " o f ideology . Stuar t Hall , "O n Postmodernis m an d Articu lation: An Interview wit h Stuar t Hall, " Journal of Communication Inquiry 10 , 2 (Summer 1986) : 55 . The ideology identifie d withi n thi s study a s ostensibly repre senting th e interest s o f th e majorit y o f American s i s the ideolog y o f "unity. " Th e ideal o f unit y i s tha t whic h constitute s th e interna l coherenc e o f thi s stran d o f dominating ideology . Thus, the unity of ideology and the ideology of unity are dialectically related . Ther e coul d b e n o unit y withou t ideolog y and , i n thi s case , there could b e no ideology without the notion o f unity. The ideology of unity represents th e notio n o f unity . I t i s a n ideolog y tha t perpetuate s a consensu s base d upon th e objec t o f consensus : unity . 14. Th e processes of inclusion and exclusion, unity and segmentation , ar e discussed in the historical context o f colonial North Americ a i n Philip Morgan (ed.) , Diversity and Unity in Early North America (London : Routledge , 1993) . Th e "consensus school " o f U.S . historiograph y accepte d certai n characteristic s o f American societ y an d culture—notabl y th e immutabilit y o f a n essentialize d

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15 9

unity—as given . See, for example , Louis Hartz's famou s formulatio n i n The Liberal Tradition: An Interpretation of American Political Thought Since the Revolution (Ne w York : Harcourt , Brace , 1955) . Rober t Wiebe' s The Segmented Society (London : Oxford Universit y Press, 1975) is an insightful essa y that argue s that U.S . societ y i s segmente d alon g multipl e line s o f differenc e (primaril y th e lines of class, "race, " gender , an d region) , yet historically i t has circulated mythi cal forms o f oneness . 15. Strob e Talbott, "Th e War That Will Not End," Time (Septembe r 9,1992) : 57-

16. Difference is who we are, defined i n relation to others. As such, differenc e is th e refusa l o f a universa l an d stabl e identity . Differenc e i s constructe d fro m identities a s divers e a s thos e base d o n "race, " class , gender , ethnicity , age , reli gion, region, occupation, an d sexua l and political orientation(s). The relationshi p between differenc e an d identit y occur s withi n a changin g fiel d o f cultura l rela tions: "[T]h e socia l agen t is constituted b y an ensembl e o f subjec t position s [suc h as "race" , ethnicity , gender , class ] tha t ca n neve r b e totally fixe d i n a closed sys tem o f difference... . Th e 'identity ' o f suc h a multiple an d contradictor y subjec t is therefore alway s contingen t an d precarious , temporaril y fixe d a t th e intersec tion o f those subject positions. " Chanta l Mouffe, "Citizenshi p an d Political Iden tity," October 61 (Summe r 1992) : 28. In this way difference i s not simply define d through oppositio n an d dualit y but through multiple relations. Thus , differenc e is endlessly redefine d i n relation t o a variety o f other s whos e identit y i s similarl y changing historically an d politically . Within thi s study the approach t o differenc e and identity , an d t o th e refusa l o f a n essentia l cor e o f characteristic s withi n cul tural or political formations i s derived i n large part fro m th e work o f Mouffe an d her colleague , Ernest o Laclau . See , i n particular , Ernest o Lacla u an d Chanta l Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Toward a Radical Democratic Politics (London: Verso, 1989) . 17. Th e text s ar e Norma n Mailer' s The Armies of the Night: History as a Novel, the Novel as History (Harmondsworth , Middlesex , U.K.: Penguin, 1968) , and Olive r Stone' s fil m Born on the Fourth of July, 1989 . Thes e centra l text s mark th e limit s o f th e majorit y o f representation s concerne d wit h th e impac t o f the Vietnam Wa r upo n America n culture . 18. Michae l Ryan , Politics and Culture: Working Hypotheses for a Post-Revolutionary Society (Houndsmill , Basingstoke , U.K.: Macmillan, 1989) , 28 .

NOTES T O PAR T I

i. Th e on-boar d camera s an d graphi c display s o f man y weapon s use d i n th e Gulf Wa r suggeste d t o man y journalist s th e image s foun d i n electroni c games . This focus i s discussed i n "Th e Nintend o Issue, " Washington Post (Februar y 23 , 1991): A16.

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2. Margo t Norris , "Militar y Censorshi p an d th e Bod y Coun t i n th e Persia n Gulf War, " Cultural Critique 1 9 (Fal l 1991) : 224 . 3. Ala n Sekula , "Wa r Withou t Bodies, " Artforum (Novembe r 1991) : 108 . 4. Quote d i n Norris, "Militar y Censorship, " 224 . 5. Pau l Fussell , Wartime: Understanding and Behavior in the Second World War (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1989) , 268 , 269-270 . O n Septembe r 20, 1943 , Life magazin e carrie d th e firs t photograph s fro m Worl d Wa r I I o f dead an d wounde d America n soldiers . Th e mos t famou s o f thes e photograph s depicts thre e dea d GF s washe d u p o n th e beac h a t Bun a i n norther n Ne w Guinea—all th e bodie s ar e intact . On e photograp h fro m th e sam e issu e did feature a soldier missing a limb; it had bee n recently amputated i n a field hospital . Following the U.S. War Department's decisio n i n mid-1943 t o allo w the publica tion of photographs o f injured America n soldiers, the response by newsmagazine s and newspaper s wa s "prett y restrained , give n wha t could hav e bee n pictured. " S. Moeller, Shooting War: Photography and the American Experience of Combat (New York : Basi c Books , 1989) , 205 . H . Bruc e Frankli n ha s note d th e way s in whic h photograph s fro m th e Civi l Wa r brok e wit h a romanti c traditio n o f war representation . Whil e som e o f th e mos t famou s image s fro m tha t war , suc h as Timothy O'Sullivan' s photograp h " A Harves t o f Death , Gettysburg, " featur e graphic display s o f th e mortall y wounde d body , i t i s apparen t tha t th e bodie s are intact. H. Bruc e Franklin, "Fro m Realis m to Virtual Reality: Images of Amer ica's Wars, " i n S . Jeffords an d L . Rabinovit z (eds.) , Seeing Through the Media: The Persian Gulf War (Ne w Brunswick , N.J. : Rutger s Universit y Press , 1994) , 25-44. 6. Th e statistics are from Ti m O'Brien, "Th e Violent Vet," Esquire (Decembe r 1979): 103 . According t o Joh n Helmer , th e wa r i n Vietna m "produce d [sic] totally disable d soldier s a t thre e time s th e rat e o f Worl d Wa r II , and twic e th e rat e of Korea. " Bringing the War Home: The American Soldier in Vietnam and After (New York: Free Press, 1974) , 226 . 7. I n contrast , th e absenc e o f th e injure d bod y i n th e Gul f Wa r mean t tha t rape, a cover t an d conceale d crime , becam e th e dominan t metapho r fo r inter preting th e effect s o f thi s particula r war . Se e Susan Jeffords, "Rap e an d th e Ne w World Order, " Cultural Critique 1 9 (Fal l 1991) : 203-216, an d Aboual i Farman farmaian, "Sexualit y in the Gulf War: Did You Measure Up?" Genders 1 3 (Sprin g 1992): 1-29 . Wounding , physica l an d mortal , i s a central them e o f Worl d Wa r I poetry. See , for example , th e descriptio n o f physica l wound s i n "Recallin g War " by Robert Graves , and th e poems of Ivor Gurne y in Jon Silki n (ed.) , The Penguin Book of First World War Poetry, 2n d ed . (Harmondsworth , Middlesex , U.K. : Penguin, 1981) . Suc h poem s frequentl y impl y a lin k betwee n individua l wound s and a wounded nation ; however, in post-Vietnam Wa r America n representation s the lin k i s made explici t an d i s exploited i n divers e way s an d t o degree s unreal ized i n representations fro m earlie r wars . 8. M . Norton , "Woun d Tha t Wil l No t Heal, " New York Times Magazine

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16 1

(November n , 1979) : 134-141; from Time magazin e see, for example , "Wound s That Wil l No t Heal, " Time (Jul y 13 , 1981) : 22 . Not t o b e outdone , Newsweek has also employed the terms: William Broyles, Jr., "Remembering a War We Want to Forget : A Veteran Reflect s o n Healin g th e Wound s o f War, " Newsweek (No vember 22 , 1982) : 82-83 . 9. "Vietna m a s Unending Trauma, " Society 2 1 (November-Decembe r 1983) : 4-33; "Vietnam—Wil l Ther e B e a Collectiv e Healing? " Center Magazine 14 , 4 (July-August 1981) : 14-28 ; Stewar t Powell , "Th e Healin g Nation, " U.S. News and World Report (Apri l 15 , 1985) : 35-37 . 10. See , for example , Willia m Broyles , Jr., "Th e Wal l Tha t Heals, " Reader's Digest, 13 0 (Ma y 1987) : 70-76; John Lang , " A Memorial Wall That Healed Ou r Wounds," U.S. News and World Report (Novembe r 21 , 1983) : 68-70 ; Ja n Scruggs an d Joe l Swerdlow , To Heal a Nation (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1986); Alexander Stanley , "Healin g Vie t Nam' s Wounds, " Time (Novembe r 26 , 1984): 44. 11. Johnso n spok e o f th e nee d "t o hea l an d t o build " i n a speec h t o th e Na tional Association o f Broadcasters, quoted i n J. Burns (ed.) , To Heal and to Build: The Programs of President Lyndon B. Johnson (Ne w York: McGraw-Hill, 1968) , 456; Ford's comment on "bindin g up the nation's wounds" comes from "Excerpt s from For d Addres s a t Tulane, " New York Times (Apri l 24 , 1975) : 19 ; Geral d Ford, A Time to Heal (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1979) ; Jimmy Carter , "Re port o n Progres s o f Veteran s o f th e Vietna m Era, " Congressional Record, 95t h Cong., 2n d sess. , October 10 , 1978 , 34946 . 12. Willia m J. Clinton, "Remark s a t Memorial Da y Ceremony at the Vietnam Veterans Memorial , Ma y 31 , 1993, " The Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton, 1993 (Washington , D.C.: Government Printin g Office, 1994) , 786 . 13. Originall y publishe d i n th e New York Review of Books, reprinte d i n Sandy Vogelsang , The Long Dark Night of the Soul: The American Intellectual Left and the Vietnam War (Ne w York : Harper an d Row , 1974) , 1 . 14. Alexande r Kendrick , The Wound Within: America in the Vietnam Years, I94J-I9Y4 (Boston : Little, Brown, 1974) . 15. Walte r Capps , The Unfinished War: Vietnam and the American Conscience, 2n d ed . (Boston : Beacon Press , 1990) , 16 . 16. Ibid. , 17 . 17. Kendrick , The Wound Within, 6 . 18. Davi d Halberstam , "Th e Vietnamizatio n o f America, " i n J . Livingston e and R . Thompson (eds.) , The Dissent of the Governed: Readings on the Democratic Process (Ne w York: Macmillan, 1972) , 357-366 . 19. Jea n Comaroff , "Medicin e an d Culture : Som e Anthropologica l Perspec tives," Social Science and Medicine 12 B (1978): 253. 20. Mar y Douglas , "Th e Healin g Rite, " i n Implicit Meanings: Essays in Anthropology (London : Routledg e an d Kega n Paul , 1975) , 143 .

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21. Georg e Lakoff an d Mark Johnson, Metaphors We Live By (Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press , 1980) , 6 . 22. A position establishe d b y Edward Sapi r an d Benjami n Whorf , frequentl y referred t o a s the Sapir-Whor f hypothesis . 23. Th e perception inform s muc h o f Foucault's work an d is elaborated i n specific detai l i n Michel Foucault , The Archaeology of Knowledge (Ne w York: Pan theon Books , 1972) . 24. Mar y Douglas , Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (Harmondsworth , Middlesex , U.K. : Penguin , 1970) , an d Natural Symbols: Explorations in Cosmology (Harmondsworth , Middlesex , U.K. : Pen guin, 1973) . 25. Th e wor d "race " i s place d i n quotatio n mark s throughou t thi s stud y t o emphasize th e constructed, a s opposed t o natural , feature s i t represents . 26. I n The Birth of the Clinic (London : Tavistock, 1973 ) Michel Foucault wa s concerned wit h th e way s i n whic h medica l knowledg e an d practic e manipulat e the body to promote and legitimize established power . Similarly, in Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (London : Tavistock , 1977 ) h e examine d th e ef fects o f pena l practice s i n relation t o th e constructio n o f a disciplined body . 27. Davi d Cooper , Metaphor (Oxford : Basi l Blackwell , 1986) , 41-42 . Cooper's equatio n o f metapho r an d myt h wa s prefigure d b y Pau l Ricoeur , wh o stated tha t "ther e i s somethin g i n th e us e o f metapho r tha t incline s i t towar d abuse, and s o to myth." Pau l Ricoeur, The Rule of Metaphor (London : Routledg e and Kega n Paul , 1978) , 251. 28. Cooper , Metaphor, 42 . 29. Stuar t Hall , "Culture , th e Medi a an d th e 'Ideologica l Effect', " i n J. Cur ran, M . Gurevitch , an d J . Woollacot t (eds.) , Mass Communication and Society (London: Edwar d Arnold , 1977) , 325 . 30. Ibid . 31. Geoffre y Nowell-Smith , "Commo n Sense, " Radical Philosophy (Sprin g 1974): 16-19 . 32. Joh n Fiske , Understanding Popular Culture (Boston : Unwi n Hyman , 1989), 118 . 3 3. Ti m O'Sullivan, John Hartley, Danny Saunders , and John Fiske , Key Concepts in Communication (London : Routledge , 1989) , 217 . 34. Willia m J . Searle , "Walkin g Wounded : Vietna m Wa r Novel s o f Return, " in W . J. Searl e (ed.) , Search and Clear: Critical Responses to Selected Literature and Films of the Vietnam War (Bowlin g Green , Ohio : Bowlin g Gree n Stat e Uni versity Popula r Press , 1988) , 147-159 . 3 5. America n Psychiatric Association Staff, Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 3r d ed . (Ne w York : America n Psychiatri c Association , 1980). 36. Alber t Auster an d Leonar d Quart , How the War Was Remembered: Hollywood and Vietnam (Ne w York: Praeger, 1988) , 23.

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37. Th e quotatio n i s from a brie f retellin g o f th e legen d i n Rober t Bly' s Iron John: A Book about Men (Shaftesbury , U.K. : Element, 1990) , chapter 8 . 38. Ernes t Hemingway , A Farewell to Arms (London : Jonathan Cape , 1958) . Originally publishe d i n 1929 . 39. Th e phras e "historica l trauma " i s b y Kaj a Silverma n i n he r pape r "His torical Traum a an d Mal e Subjectivity, " i n E . Kapla n (ed.) , Psychoanalysis and Cinema (Ne w York: Routledge, 1990) , 110-127 . 40. Silverma n make s this suggestion, ibid . 41. Bobbi e An n Mason , In Country (London : Flamingo , 1987) , chapter 7 . 42. Bobbi e An n Mason , "Bi g Berth a Stories, " Love Life (London : Vintage , 1990), 143 . 43. Rober t Stone , Dog Soldiers (London : Wyndham, 1976) , 134 , 133 . 44. Michae l Herr , Dispatches (London : Picador , 1978) , n o . 45. Jonatha n Levi , "Norma n Podhoretz : Impotence, " Granta 1 5 (Sprin g 1985): 125-128 . 46. Quote d i n Jeffre y Kimball , "Th e Stab-in-the-Bac k Legen d an d th e Viet nam War, " Armed Forces and Society 14 , 3 (Spring 1988) : 437. 47. Ibid. , 439 . 48. Levi , "Norma n Podhoretz, " 126 . The text of this paper i s based o n a n in terview. 49. Quote d in Walter LaFeber, "Th e Last War, the Next War, and the New Revisionists," Democracy (Januar y 1981) : 93. 50. Susa n Jeffords, "Women , Gender , an d th e War, " Critical Studies in Mass Communication 6 , 1 (1989): 87 . 51. Rober t Bly , "Th e Vietna m Wa r an d th e Erosio n o f Mal e Confidence, " i n W. Capps (ed.) , The Vietnam Reader (Ne w York : Routledge, 1991) , 82 . 52. Joh n Wheeler , "Comin g t o Grip s wit h Vietnam, " Foreign Affairs 63 , 4 (Spring 1985) : 75353. Se e Marily n French , The War Against Women (Ne w York : Summit , 1972), an d Susa n Faludi , Backlash: The Undeclared War Against American Women (London : Chatt o an d Windus , 1991) . 54. Christophe r Lasch , The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations (Ne w York : Warner Books , 1979) , 345 . 55. Representation s o f women o n the home front durin g World War II are discussed i n Jame s Deutsch , "Piercin g th e Penelop e Syndrome : Th e Depictio n o f World War II Veterans' Wives in 1940 s Hollywood Films, " Humboldt journal of Social Relations, 16 , 1 (1990): 31-42 . 56. "Ruby , Don't Take Your Love to Town," writte n b y Mel Tillis, as sung by Kenny Roger s an d th e Firs t Edition . Tillis' s son g referre d t o th e experience s o f a Korean Wa r veteran ; th e recyclin g o f th e son g i n th e lat e sixtie s reinflecte d th e song's messag e t o refe r t o th e experience s o f veteran s o f th e Vietna m War . Th e recording b y Kenny Roger s an d th e Firs t Editio n reache d numbe r si x on th e U.S. pop chart s i n 1969 .

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57. Susa n Jeffords, The Remasculinization of America: Gender and the Vietnam War (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1989) . 58. Reagan , speakin g a t th e Vietna m Veteran s Memoria l o n Veteran s Da y 1982, quoted i n Francis Clines , "Tribut e t o Vietnam: Words, a Wall," New York Times (Novembe r n , 1982) : B15. 59. Ernest o Laclau , Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory (London : Ne w Left Books , 1977) , chapter 4 . 60. Hoggart' s perception s wer e base d o n observation s o f Englis h working class life. Sennett and Cob b found simila r attitude s among the American workin g class t o thos e illustrate d b y Hoggart . Richar d Sennet t an d Jonatha n Cobb , The Hidden Injuries of Class (Ne w York: Vintage, 1973) . 61. Richar d Hoggart , The Uses of Literacy: Aspects of Working-Class Life with Special Reference to Publications and Entertainments (Harmondsworth , Middlesex, U.K. : Penguin, 1977) , 73-87. Originall y publishe d i n 1957 . 62. Susa n Sontag , Illness as Metaphor (Harmondsworth , Middlesex , U.K. : Penguin, 1983) , 68. 63. Lasch , The Culture of Narcissism, 42 , 33. 64. Phili p Rieff , The Triumph of the Therapeutic: Uses of Faith After Freud (New York : Harper an d Row , 1966) . 65. T . J. Jackson Lears , No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880-1920 (Ne w York : Pantheo n Books , 1981) , 56. 66. Rober t Bella h et al., Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life (Ne w York: Harper an d Row , 1985) , 138 , 113. 67. Lears , No Place of Grace, 56 . 68. Lawrenc e Frank , Society as the Patient: Essays on Culture and Personality (Por t Washington, N.Y. : Kennikat Press , 1948) , 305 . 69. Russel l Jacoby , Social Amnesia: A Critique of Conformist Psychology from Adler to Laing (Boston : Beacon Press , 1975) , 1 . 70. Michae l Rogin , "'Mak e M y Day!' : Spectacl e a s Amnesia i n Imperia l Pol itics," Representations 2 9 (Winte r 1990) : 105 . 71. "Excerpt s fro m For d Addres s a t Tulane, " New York Times (Apri l 24 , 1975): 19 . 72. Quote d i n Harry Haines , "'Wha t Kin d o f War?': An Analysis o f th e Viet nam Veteran s Memorial, " Critical Studies in Mass Communication 3 , 1 (Marc h 1986): 2 . 73. Quote d i n Pete r Carroll , It Seemed Like Nothing Happened: America in the 1970s (Ne w Brunswick , N.J. : Rutger s Universit y Press , 1990) , 166 . Time magazine supporte d thi s view in an essay written t o mark th e end o f the war. The essay concluded: "Th e U.S. has paid fo r Vie t Nam—many time s over. A phase o f American histor y ha s no w finished . I t i s tim e t o begi n anew. " "Ho w Shoul d Americans Feel? " Time (Apri l 14 , 1975) : 27. 74. Quote d i n Richar d Sever o an d Lewi s Milford, The Wages of War: When

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America's Soldiers Came Home-From Valley Forge to Vietnam (Ne w York: Simon and Schuster , 1990) , 419. 75. Bush , "Inaugura l Address : A New Breez e is Blowing," 259 . 76. Quote d i n Carroll , It Seemed Like Nothing Happened, 166. 77. Walte r Benjamin , "Theorie s o f Germa n Fascism : On th e Collection o f Essays War and Warrior, Edite d by Ernst Junger," New German Critique 1 7 (Sprin g 1979): 120-128 . Se e especiall y p.123 , wher e Benjami n addresse s th e questio n "What doe s i t mean t o win o r los e a war? " 78. Quote d i n Gaine s M . Foster , "Comin g t o Term s wit h Defeat : Post-Viet nam Americ a an d th e Post-Civi l Wa r South, " Virginia Quarterly Review 66, 1 (Winter 1990) : 31. 79. Melvi n Maddocks , quote d i n Pau l Kattenburg , "Reflection s o n Vietnam : Of Revisionis m an d Lesson s Yet to B e Learned," Parameters 1 4 (Autum n 1984) : 42. 80. Se e Fox Butterfield , "Th e Ne w Vietna m Scholarship, " New York Times Magazine (Februar y 13,1983) : 26 , 28-35 , 45~4^ 5 5° - 57> 60-61. 81. Withi n thi s category Kattenburg, "Reflection s o n Vietnam," list s W. Scott Thompson an d Donal d D . Frizzel l (eds.) , The Lessons of Vietnam (Ne w York : Crane, Russak , 1977) , Denni s Warner , Certain Victory (Mission , Kans. : Sheed , Andrews an d McNeel , 1977) ; and the BDM Corporatio n stud y Strategic Lessons Learned in Vietnam (Washington , D.C. : BDM Corporation , 1981) . 82. Slater , quoted i n Kattenburg, "Reflection s o n Vietnam," 50 . 83. Slater , quoted i n ibid., 42 . 84. Miche l Foucault , "Interview, " Edinburgh '77 Magazine (1977): 24 . 85. Harr y Summers , On Strategy: The Vietnam War in Context (Novato , Calif.: Presidio Press , 1982) , 121. 86. Noa m Chomsky , "Th e Remakin g o f History," i n his Toward a New Cold War: Essays on the Current Crisis and How We Got There (Ne w York: Pantheo n Books, 1982) , 138 . 87. Aihw a Ong , "Southeas t Asia n Refugees an d Investor s in Our Midst, " Positions 3 , 3 (Winter 1995) : 807 . 88. Alexande r Cockburn , Corruptions of Empire: Life Studies and the Reagan Era (London : Verso, 1987) , 391. 89. Jame s Fallows , "N o Har d Feelings, " Atlantic Monthly 262 , 6 (Decembe r 1988): 71-78 . 90. Chomsky , quote d b y the editor o f th e Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars as a preface t o Noa m Chomsky , "Th e Unite d State s an d Indochina : Fa r fro m an Aberration, " Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 21 , 2-4 (1989) : 76. 91. Ther e i s a growing numbe r o f veterans ' autobiographica l account s o f re turn. See, for example : John Balaban, Remembering Heaven's Face: A Moral Witness in Vietnam (Ne w York : Poseido n Press , 1991) , an d hi s Vietnam: The Land We Never Knew (Sa n Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1989) ; Kevin Bowen, "Seekin g Reconciliation i n Vietnam, " Christian Science Monitor (Novembe r 10 , 1988) :

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34-35; William Broyles , Jr., Brothers in Arms (Ne w York: Knopf, 1986) ; Frederick Downs , No Longer Enemies, Not Yet Friends (Ne w York : Norton , 1991) ; William D . Ehrhart , Going Back: An Ex-Marine Returns to Vietnam (Jefferson , N.C.: McFarland , 1987) , an d hi s " A Commo n Language, " Virginia Quarterly Review 67, 3 (Summe r 1991) : 377-396 ; Ric k Graetz , Vietnam: Opening Doors to the World (Helena , Mont. : America n Geographi c Publishing , 1988) ; Larr y Heinemann, "Syndromes, " Harper's (Jul y 1991) : 68-76 ; Larr y Le e Rottmann , "A Hundred Happ y Sparrows : An American Veteran Return s to Vietnam," Vietnam Generation 1 , 1 (1989): 113-139; and "Goin g Back," th e epilogue to Lynd a Van Devanter, with Christophe r Morgan , Home Before Morning: The Story of an Army Nurse in Vietnam (Ne w York: Warner Books , 1984) . See also Going Back: A Return to Vietnam (1982) , a documentary fil m directe d b y David Munro . 92. Th e term is Harry Haines's . See his "Th e Pride is Back: Rambo, Magnum, PL, an d th e Return Tri p to Vietnam," i n R. Morris an d P . Ehrenhaus (eds.) , Cultural Legacies of Vietnam: Uses of the Past in the Present (Norwood , N.J.: Ablex, 1990), 99-12-3 -

93. Quote d i n H . Bruc e Franklin , M.I.A., or Mythmaking in America (Ne w Brunswick, N.J. : Rutgers Universit y Press , 1993) , 156 . Franklin's perceptiv e an d important stud y i s supplemented b y Elliot t Gruner , Prisoners of Culture: Representing the Vietnam POW (Ne w Brunswick , N.J. : Rutger s Universit y Press , 1993)94. Frederic k Jackso n Turner , "Th e Significanc e o f th e Frontie r i n America n History," i n The Frontier in American History (Ne w York: Holt, Rinehart, 1958) , 13. Originall y publishe d i n 1893 . 95. Norma n Mailer , Why Are We in Vietnam? (London : Panther, 1970) ; Herr, Dispatches, Arthu r Kopit , Indians (Ne w York : Bantam, 1971) . 96. Th e ter m "Vietna m western " wa s coine d b y Dougla s Py e i n a revie w o f the fil m Ulzana's Raid i n th e Britis h journa l Movie. Reprinte d i n Ia n Camero n and Dougla s Py e (eds.) , The Movie Book of the Western (London : Studi o Vista , 1996). 97. France s FitzGerald , Fire in the Lake: The Vietnamese and the Americans in Vietnam (Ne w York: Vintage, 1972) , 492. 98. Richar d Slotkin , Regeneration Through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600-1860 (Middletown , Conn. : Wesleya n Universit y Press , 1973), The Fatal Environment: The Myth of the Frontier in the Age of Industrialization, 1800-1890 (Ne w York: Atheneum, 1985) , and Gunfighter Nation: The Myth of the Frontier in Twentieth-Century America (Ne w York: Harper an d Row , 1993); John Hellmann , American Myth and the Legacy of Vietnam (Ne w York : Columbia Universit y Press , 1986) . Milto n Bate s ha s informe d thi s discussio n i n "The Frontie r War, " a chapte r i n hi s boo k The Wars We Took to Vietnam: Cultural Conflict and Storytelling (Berkeley : University o f Californi a Press , 1996) . 99. Lore n Baritz , Backfire: A History of How American Culture Led Us Into Vietnam and Made Us Fight the Way We Did (Ne w York: Ballantine, 1985) , part 1 .

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100. Willia m McNeill , "Th e Car e an d Repai r o f Publi c Myth, " Foreign Affairs, 6 1 (Fal l 1982) : 1-13 ; Jame s Olive r Robertson , American Myth, American Reality (Ne w York : Hill an d Wang , 1980) . 101. Claud e Levi-Strauss , Structural Anthropology (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row, 1963) . 102. Theodo r Adorno , "Wha t Doe s Comin g t o Term s with th e Pas t Mean? " in G. Hartman (ed.) , Bitburg in Moral and Political Perspective (Bloomington : Indiana Universit y Press , 1986) , 115 . 103. Foucault , "Interview, " 24 . 104. Davi d Thelen , "Memor y an d America n History, " Journal of American History 75 , 4 (Marc h 1989) : 1128 . 105. Lasch , The Culture of Narcissism, 201 . 106. Mik e Featherstone , "Th e Bod y i n Consume r Culture, " Theory, Culture and Society, 1 , 1 (Spring 1982) : 21-22 . 107. Ibid. , 28 . 108. Naom i Wolf, The Beauty Myth: How Images of Beauty are Used Against Women (London : Vintage, 1991) . 109. Se e Martin Norden, The Cinema of Isolation: A History of Physical Disability in the Movies (Ne w Brunswick , N.J. : Rutgers Universit y Press , 1994) . n o . Quote d i n William Mahedy , Out of the Night: The Spiritual Journey of Vietnam Vets (Ne w York : Ballantine, 1986) , 63. i n . Ibid . 112. Lawrenc e Suid , "Hollywoo d an d Vietnam, " Journal of American Culture 4 , 2 (Summer 1981) : 140 . 113. Leonar d Quar t an d Albert Auster, "Th e Wounded Vet in Postwar Film, " Social Policy 13 , 2 (Fall 1982) : 29. 114. Ro n Kovic, Born on the Fourth of July (Ne w York: Pocket Books, 1977) . 115. O n th e Do w Chemica l Company' s arguments , se e Sever o an d Milford , The Wages of War, 374 . 116. Th e history o f the case is briefly reviewe d i n Institute of Medicine (U.S.) , Committee to Review the Health Effects i n Vietnam Veterans of Exposure to Her bicides, Veterans and Agent Orange: Health Effects of Herbicides Used in Vietnam (Washington , D.C. : National Academ y Press , 1994) . 117. A n extract i s reprinted i n Joel Brend e an d Erwi n Parson , Vietnam Veterans: The Road to Recovery (Ne w York: Signet, 1986) , 103-104. However, the definition containe d i n the third editio n o f the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM HI) may not be the final word o n classification o f the veteran's psychologica l condition . Controvers y continue s ove r man y o f th e defini tions i n this manual . Se e S. Garfield, "Problem s i n Diagnosti c Classification, " i n T Millo n an d G . Klerma n (eds.) , Contemporary Directions in Psych op athology, Toward the DSM-IV (Ne w York : Guilfor d Press , 1986) , 99-114 . 118. W . Taylo r Stevenson , "Th e Experienc e o f Defilement : A Respons e t o John Wheeler, " Anglican Theological Review 64 , 1 (January 1982) : 15 .

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119. Mahedy , Out of the Night, 76. 120. Capps , The Unfinished War, 150 . 121. Mahedy , Out of the Night, 76. 122. Capps , The Unfinished War, 149. 123. Mahedy , Out of the Night, 64 , 63. 124. Ibid. , 76, 64 . 125. Joh n Wheeler, Touched with Tire: The Future of the Vietnam Generation (New York : Avon Books , 1984) , chapters 5,6,7. 126. Se e ibid. 127. Miche l Foucault , The History of Sexuality, vol.i (London : Tavistock , 1977), 61. 128. Capps , The Unfinished War, 150 . 129. Extract s o f whic h ar e reproduced i n Vietnam Veteran s Agains t th e War , The Winter Soldier Investigation: An Inquiry into American War Crimes (Boston : Beacon Press , 1972) . 130. Capps , The Unfinished War, 145 . 131. "Ho w Shoul d American s Feel? " Time (Apri l 14 , 1975) : 27. 132. Quote d i n Howar d Zinn , A People's History of the United States (Ne w York: Harper Perennial , 1990) , 555 . 133. Thes e figure s operat e i n a post-Vietnam worl d tha t value s thei r knowl edge of weaponry o r their technical expertise (gaine d in Vietnam) an d remembers , or knows , very littl e els e of tha t perio d o f thei r lives . Flashback episode s presen t details o f th e characters ' experience s i n Vietnam , bu t th e brie f "memory " pre sented in this way is constrained b y the problems I argue in this part: Vietnam (th e war an d th e country ) i s rewritten throug h th e variou s strategie s tha t see k t o de fine America n unity . 134. C . Vann Woodward , "Th e Fal l o f th e America n Adam : Myth s o f Inno cence an d Guilt, " New Republic (Decembe r 2 , 1981) : 14-15 . 135. Th e representation o f the United State s as the victim of the war is evident in th e titl e Charlie Company: What Vietnam Did to Us, b y Pete r Goldma n an d Tony Fuller (Ne w York: Ballantine Books , 1983) . 136. Quote d i n Foster, "Comin g t o Terms with Defeat, " 28 . 137. Bella h e t al., Habits of the Heart, 251 . 138. Scrugg s an d Swerdlow , To Heal a Nation. Mos t commentarie s con cerned wit h th e memorial refe r a t som e point t o healing . The specifi c functio n o f healing a s unit y i s stresse d b y Charle s Griswold , wh o interpret s th e memoria l functioning therapeuticall y t o provide " a sens e of wholeness." H e explicitly link s "wholeness" t o national integratio n an d " a reaffirmatio n o f the values for whic h the nation stands. " Charle s Griswold , "Th e Vietnam Veterans Memorial an d th e Washington Mall : Philosophical Thought s o n Political Iconography," Critical Inquiry 12 , 4 (Summe r 1986) : 712. 139. Frederi c Henr y muse s afte r hi s wa r tha t "[t]h e worl d break s everyon e

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and afterwar d man y ar e strong a t the broken places. " Hemingway, A Farewell to Arms, 216 . 140. Quote d i n John Wheeler , "Th e Vietnam Generation, " i n R. Bremner , G . Reichard, an d R . Hopkins (eds.) , American Choices: Social Dilemmas and Public Policy Since i960 (Columbus : Ohi o Stat e University Press , 1986) , 259 . 141. Quote d i n Jame s Mayo , War Memorials as Political Landscape: The American Experience and Beyond (Ne w York : Praeger, 1988) , 201. 142. Fo r summarie s o f th e clas h o f interests , se e Haines , "'Wha t Kin d o f War?'," 1-20 , an d Haines , "Disputin g th e Wreckage: Ideological Struggl e a t th e Vietnam Veterans Memorial," Vietnam Generation 1, 1 (Winte r 1989) : 141-156 . Rick Atkinson' s The Long Gray Line (Ne w York : Pocke t Books , 1991) , chapte r 17, deals with th e contending side s o f th e debate . 143. Elizabet h Hess , "A n Intervie w wit h May a Lin/Frederic k Hart, " i n R . Williams (ed.) , Unwinding from the War: From War into Peace (Seattle : Rea l Comet Press, 1987), 272, 273. The realistic statue honoring female veterans of the war (dedicate d o n Veteran s Day , 1993 ) add s anothe r dimensio n t o th e Lin/Har t "debate." Th e statue , depictin g a wounded comba t G I attende d b y thre e femal e nurses, foregrounds th e injured (male ) bod y i n a context o f (female ) healing . Th e realistic styl e an d siz e o f th e bronz e wor k parallel s Hart' s conceptio n o f a n ap propriate monument . 144. Elain e Scarry , "Injur y an d th e Structur e o f War, " Representations 1 0 (Spring 1985) : 1 . 145. Quote d i n Charle s Gaspar , "Searchin g fo r Closure : Vietnam War Litera ture and the Veterans Memorial," War, Literature and the Arts 1, 1 (Sprin g 1989) : 24.

146. Quote d i n John Bodnar , Remaking America: Public Memory, Commemoration, and Patriotism in the Twentieth Century (Princeton : Princeton Universit y Press, 1992) , 4. 147. Quote d b y John Lang , " A Memoria l Wal l Tha t Heale d Ou r Wounds, " U.S. News and World Report (Novembe r 21 , 1983): 68. 148. Dougla s Crimp , "Mournin g an d Militancy," October 5 1 (Winter 1989) : 3-18. Emphasi s added . 149. Thi s i s th e accoun t presente d i n Scrugg s an d Swerdlow , To Heal a Nation, 7 . Fo r a discussio n o f alternativ e version s o f thi s story , se e Robi n Wagner Pacifici an d Barry Schwartz, "Th e Vietnam Veterans Memorial: Commemoratin g a Difficul t Past, " American Journal of Sociology 97, 2 (September 1991) : 390 . 150. Th e Wal l i s represente d i n thi s wa y i n th e film s Cease Fire (1984) , To Heal a Nation (1987) , Hamburger Hill (1987) , In Country (1989) , and th e doc umentary fil m Long Shadows (1987) . 151. Quote d i n Lisa Grumwald , "Facin g th e Wall, " Life (Novembe r 1992) : 33-

152. Wheeler , Touched with Fire, n 2-113 .

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153. Fredri c Jameson , "Third-Worl d Literatur e i n th e Er a o f Multinationa l Capitalism," Social Text, 1 5 (Fal l 1986) : 69. 154. Jeffords , The Remasculinization of America, 166 . 155. Mason , In Country, 235-236 . 156. Davi d N . Rodowick , The Difficulty of Difference: Psychoanalysis, Sexual Difference and Film Theory (Ne w York : Routledge, 1991) , 18 . 157. Mason , In Country, 245 . 158. Broyles , Jr., "Rememberin g a War We Want t o Forget, " 82 . 159. Marit a Sturken , "Th e Wall, the Screen and th e Image: The Vietnam Vet erans Memorial, " Representations 3 5 (Summe r 1991) : 127 . Sturke n elaborate s her observation s o n the cultural functio n o f certain form s o f memorializing asso ciated wit h th e Vietnam Wa r i n Tangled Memories: The Vietnam War, the AIDS Epidemic, and the Politics of Remembering (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press, 1997) . 160. Sylvi a Plath , "Daddy, " i n Sylvia Plath's Selected Poems, selecte d b y T . Hughes (London : Faber an d Faber , 1985) , 61. 161. Raymon d Williams , Marxism and Literature (Oxford : Oxfor d Univer sity Press, 1977) , 116 . 162. Studie s of identity politics and ne w social movements rewrite essentialis t conceptions o f cultur e a s a unifie d entity . Th e antiessentialis t emphasi s withi n such studie s i s informe d b y a recognitio n o f th e existenc e o f cultura l difference . Work o f this kind includes Stanley Aronowitz, The Politics of Identity: Class, Culture, Social Movements (Ne w York : Routledge , 1992) ; bell hooks , Yearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural Politics (Boston : Sout h En d Press , 1990) ; and Shan e Phelan, Identity Politics (Philadelphia : Templ e University Press , 1989) . 163. Walte r Benjamin , "These s o n th e Philosoph y o f History, " i n Illuminations (Ne w York: Schocke n Books , 1969) , 255 . 164. Charle s Maland, "Syntheti c Criticism and American Movies," American Quarterly 4 1 , 1 (March 1989) : 679 . 165. I n differen t ways , the films The Edge (1967), Black Sunday (1976) , an d Twilight's Last Gleaming (1977 ) dea l with veteran s taking reveng e o n the syste m that sen t them t o Vietnam . 166. O n th e clas s basi s o f th e Vietna m War , se e Christia n Appy , WorkingClass War: American Combat Soldiers and Vietnam (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1993) . 167. Leonar d Quar t an d Alber t Auster , "Th e Workin g Clas s Goe s t o Holly wood," i n P. Davies an d B . Neve (eds.) , Cinema, Politics and Society in America (New York : St . Martin's Press , 1981) , 175 . 168. Rober t Stone , A Hall of Mirrors (Harmondsworth , Middlesex , U.K. : Penguin, 1968) , 68. 169. Rober t Stone , A Flag for Sunrise (London : Picador , 1983) , 86 . 170. Rober t Stone , Children of Light (London : Andre Deutsch , 1986) .

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171. Rober t Stone , Outerbridge Reach (Harmondsworth , Middlesex , U.K. : Penguin, 1992) , 44. 172. Rober t Stone , Dog Soldiers (London : Wyndham, 1976) , 164 . 173. Ibid. , 325-326 . 174. Ibid. , 323 . 175. Larr y Heinemann , Paco's Story (Ne w York: Penguin, 1987) , 157 , 158 . 176. Willia m D . Ehrhart , "Th e Invasio n o f Grenada, " Cultural Critique 3 (Spring 1980) : 91. 177. Georg e Swiers , "'Demente d Vets ' an d Othe r Myths : The Moral Obliga tion o f Veterans, " i n H . Salisbur y (ed.) , Vietnam Reconsidered: Lessons from a War (Ne w York : Harper an d Row , 1984) , 199 , and Thoma s Roberts , a Vietna m veteran an d antiwa r activist , quote d i n Haines, "Disputin g th e Wreckage," 143 . 178. Heinemann , Paco's Story, 18 . 179. Larr y Heinemann i n Bill McCloud (ed.) , What Should We Tell Our Children about Vietnam? (Norman : Universit y o f Oklahom a Press , 1989) , 58 . 180. Heinemann , "Syndromes, " j6. 181. Heinemann , Paco's Story, 184 . 182. Lorri e Smith , "Bac k Agains t th e Wall : Anti-Feminis t Backlas h i n Viet nam War Literature, " Vietnam Generation 1 , 3-4 (Summer-Fal l 1989) : 122 . 183. Heinemann , Paco's Story, 208 . 184. Herr , Dispatches, 207 . 185. Stanle y Karnow , Vietnam: A History (Ne w York : Vikin g Press , 1983) , 11.

186. Quote d i n Scot t Gilbert , "Th e Metaphorica l Structurin g o f Socia l Per ceptions," Soundings 62 , 2 (Summe r 1979) : 184 . 187. Kendrick , The Wound Within, 4 . 188. L e L y Hayslip , wit h Ja y Wurts , When Heaven and Earth Changed Places: A Vietnamese Woman's Journey from War to Peace (Ne w York : Plume , 1990), chapter 3 , "Ope n Wounds. " 189. Koben a Mercer , "'1968' : Periodizing Politic s an d Identity, " i n L. Grossberg, C . Nelson, an d P . Treichler (eds.) , Cultural Studies (Ne w York : Routledge , 1992), 426 . NOTES T O PAR T 2

i. However , Le e Iacocca, fo r one , has offere d hi s personal interpretatio n i n a promotional segmen t accompanyin g th e America n vide o editio n o f Platoon (1986): Suc h peopl e "kne w onl y on e thing , the y wer e calle d an d the y went. " I n Iacocca's interpretation , thos e wh o g o to wa r ar e no t onl y silen t (the y ar e calle d and the y go , with n o question s asked ) bu t als o lackin g i n intellectua l faculties — the onl y thin g the y kno w i s to g o quietly . Iacocc a legitimate d thi s condescensio n when h e elsewhere offere d hi s well-known sale s pitch: " I guarantee it. "

172 I Notes to Part 2 2. Tani a Modleski , " A Fathe r I s Bein g Beaten : Mal e Feminis m an d th e Wa r Film," Discourses: A Journal for Theoretical Studies in Media and Culture 10 , 2 (Spring-Summer 1988) : 67. 3. Alber t Auster an d Leonar d Quart , How the War Was Remembered: Hollywood and Vietnam (Ne w York: Praeger, 1988) , part 2 . 4. Maxin e Hon g Kingston , China Men (London : Picador , 1981) ; Joh n Williams, Captain Blackman (Ne w York: Thunder's Mout h Press , 1988) ; George Davis, Coming Home (Ne w York : Rando m House , 1971) ; Louise Erdrich , Love Medicine (Ne w York: Holt, Rinehar t an d Winston, 1984) . John Ramb o i s identified i n the film Rambo: First Blood, Part II (1985 ) as "half Indian , half German. " In contras t t o th e othe r work s mentione d here , the Ramb o characte r appear s i n films tha t hav e attracte d a high degre e o f popular an d critica l attention . Littl e of this attention, however, mentions o r analyze s the relevance o f the character's eth nicity. The Vietnam veteran o f color als o features i n the films Some Kind of Hero (1982) an d Riverbend (1990) , a fil m concernin g thre e blac k soldier s o n th e ru n from a court-martial wh o tak e ove r a racist souther n township . Th e implausibl e plot concludes with mawkish scene s of reunion betwee n white and blac k citizens . 5. Se e Susan Jeffords, "Poin t Blank : Shootin g Vietnames e Women, " Vietnam Generation 1 , 3-4 (Summer-Fal l 1989) : 152-167 . 6. Lynd a Va n Devanter , wit h Christophe r Morgan , Home Before Morning: The Story of an Army Nurse in Vietnam (Ne w York : Warner Books , 1984) . Th e monument t o th e wome n wh o serve d i n th e Vietna m Wa r (unveile d i n Washing ton, D.C. , o n Veteran s Day , 1993 ) position s wome n withi n th e definitio n o f "Vietnam veteran. " 7. Bett e London , The Appropriated Voice: Narrative Authority in Conrad, Forster, and Woolf (An n Arbor: Universit y o f Michiga n Press , 1990) , 4. 8. Throughou t thi s par t th e Vietna m vetera n i s referre d t o b y th e masculin e personal pronoun . Th e for m i s used t o reflec t textua l approache s adopte d t o th e veteran an d exemplifies th e continuing popular representationa l denia l of the role of wome n i n the war . 9. Va n Devanter, with Morgan , Home Before Morning, 271 . Certain project s have addresse d th e exclusio n o f wome n fro m th e fiel d o f "Vietnam " b y docu menting women' s memoir s an d fictiona l account s o f servic e i n Vietnam. See , fo r example, Debora h Butler' s American Women Writers on Vietnam: Unheard Voices: A Selected Annotated Bibliography (Ne w York : Garland , 1990) . 10. Joh n Carlo s Rowe, "'Bringin g It All Back Home': American Recycling s of the Vietna m War, " i n N . Armstron g an d L . Tennenhouse (eds.) , The Violence of Representation: Literature and the History of Violence (London : Routledge , 1989), 198 . 11. Catherin e Belsey , Critical Practice (London : Methuen, 1983) , 104 . 12. I n Bo b Ashley, The Study of Popular Fiction: A Source Book (London : Pinter, 1989) , 141.

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13. Pierr e Macherey , A Theory of Literary Production (London : Routledg e and Kegan Paul, 1978) . Macherey's conception s o f the "absences " that can b e located withi n text s i s derived fro m Althusser' s notio n o f "symptomati c reading. " For a n interpretatio n o f Althusser' s approach , se e David N . Rodowick , The Difficulty of Difference: Psychoanalysis, Sexual Difference and Film Theory (Ne w York: Routledge, 1991) . 14. Davi d James an d Ric k Berg , "Colleg e Cours e File : Representing th e Viet nam War, " Journal of Film and Video 4 1 , 4 (Winte r 1989) : 60-71 . 15. Rolan d Barthes , "Pax Culturalis" i n The Rustle of Language (Ne w York : Hill an d Wang , 1986) , 101. 16. Ibid . 17. Rolan d Barthes , prefac e t o th e firs t editio n o f Mythologies (1957 ) (reprint, Ne w York : Hill an d Wang , 1987) , 7 . 18. Dic k Hebdige , Subculture: The Meaning of Style (London : Methuen , 1979), 9719. Bil l Nichols, "The Voice of Documentary," i n B. Nichols (ed.) , Movies and Methods: An Anthology, vol. 2 (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1985) , 260.

20. Rolan d Barthes , "Writers , Intellectuals , Teachers, " i n Image-Music-Text (New York: Farrar , Strau s an d Giroux , 1977) , 191. 21. Pierr e Bourdieu , Language and Symbolic Power (Cambridge : Harvar d University Press , 1991) , 131. 22. Accordin g t o on e filmography , th e Vietna m vetera n firs t appeare d i n fic tion film s i n 196 5 i n Bus Riley's Back in Town an d Motor Psycho. Mar k Walker , Vietnam Veteran Films (Metuchen , N.J. : Scarecrow Press , 1991) , 159 , 179 , 183 . A number o f factor s contribute d t o th e prominence o f th e Bill y Jack films : wide spread distribution , an d a relatively high degre e of audienc e popularity an d com mercial success. On the success of the films, see Suzanne Donahue, American Film Distribution: The Changing Marketplace (An n Arbor , Mich. : UMI , 1987) , 254-262. While most o f the early films representin g th e veteran typicall y cast th e character unsympathetically , Bus Riley's Back in Town di d depic t th e vetera n i n a positiv e way . Fo r a discussio n o f thi s film , se e John Baxter , Hollywood in the Sixties (Ne w York: Tantivity Press , 1972) , 130 . 23. "B-grade " film s featurin g veteran s an d bike r gang s continue d t o b e pro duced beyon d th e 1960s . However , mor e sophisticate d representation s o f th e Vietnam veteran subsequentl y erode d th e prominence o f the veteran/biker image . 24. Julia n Smith , Looking Away: Hollywood and Vietnam (Ne w York: Scribners, i975> > J 5725. Ric k Berg, "Losing Vietnam: Covering the War in an Age of Technology, " Cultural Critique, 3 (Spring 1986) : 114 . 26. Smith , Looking Away, 156 . 27. Berg , "Losin g Vietnam," 114 .

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28. Detail s o f th e massacr e a t "Pinkville " o n Marc h 16 , 1968 , ha d bee n known publicl y sinc e 1969 . (Fo r example , Ro n Haeberle' s photograph s o f th e dead a t M y La i appeare d i n Life magazin e i n November 1969. ) Th e nex t yea r a number o f publications revealed furthe r details : Seymour Hersh, My Lai 4: A Report of the Massacre and Its Aftermath (Ne w York : Rando m House , 1970) , an d Richard Hammer , One Morning in the War: The Tragedy at Son My (Ne w York : Coward, McCan n an d Geoghegan , 1970) . 29. Th e episode s o f televisio n serie s tha t featur e th e characte r o f a derange d veteran ar e discusse d i n Berg , "Losin g Vietnam, " 95-102 . I n additio n t o televi sion series and films, the character ca n be traced throug h a number o f novels. See, for example , Charle s Coleman' s Sergeant Back Again (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row, 1980) , Rober t Bausch' s On the Way Home (Ne w York : Avon , 1983) , an d Stephen Wright's Meditations in Green (London : Abacus, 1985) . Wright's chaoti c plot an d hi s emphasi s o n drug s ar e feature s o f Jerome Charyn' s War Cries over Avenue C (Ne w York : Penguin, 1986) , another nove l t o featur e th e characte r o f a "crazed " Vietna m veteran . Th e imag e o f a derange d Vietna m vetera n i s espe cially pronounce d i n John Nicholls' s graphi c description s i n American Blood o f the violenc e wrough t b y a vetera n (London : Grafto n Books , 1990) . Kur t Von negut expose s an d ridicule s th e stereotyp e i n his work Hocus Focus (Ne w York : Berkley Books, 1991) . In the year 2001 , Eugene Debs Hartke, a Vietnam veteran , encounters a computer simulatio n package that produces character profile s base d on a person's lif e experiences . Hartke tell s the computer "onl y abou t [his ] life u p to th e en d o f th e Vietnam War . It knew al l about th e Vietnam Wa r an d th e sort s of veteran s i t ha d produced . I t mad e m e a burned-ou t case , o n th e basi s o f m y length o f servic e ove r t h e r e . . . . I t ha d m e becomin g a wife-beate r an d a n alco holic, an d windin g u p al l alone o n Ski d Row " (p . 103). 30. Ti m O'Brien , "We'v e Adjuste d To o Well, " i n A . D . Hom e (ed.) , The Wounded Generation: America After Vietnam (Englewoo d Cliffs , N.J. : PrenticeHall, 1981) , 205-207 . 31. Georg e Swiers , "'Demente d Vets ' an d Othe r Myths : Th e Mora l Obliga tion o f Veterans, " i n H . Salisbur y (ed.) , Vietnam Reconsidered: Lessons from a War (Ne w York : Harper an d Row , 1984) , 17 . 32. Th e refusa l b y CB S t o scree n footag e o f th e testimon y i s mentione d b y Todd Gitlin in The Whole World Is Watching: Mass Media in the Making and Unmaking of the New Left (Berkeley : University of California Press , 1980), 192. The quotation come s fro m Joh n Kerr y an d Vietna m Veteran s Agains t th e War , The New Soldier , ed. , D. Thorne an d G . Butle r (Ne w York: Collie r Books , 1971) , ii. 33. Gitlin , The Whole World, 92 . 34. Harr y Haines , "'The y Wer e Calle d an d The y Went' : Th e Politica l Reha bilitation o f th e Vietna m Veteran, " i n L . Dittma r an d G . Michau d (eds.) , From Hanoi to Hollywood: The Vietnam War in American Film (Ne w Brunswick, N.J. : Rutgers Universit y Press , 1990) , 84 .

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35. Pau l Camacho , "Th e Futur e o f Patriotism: The War Film , the Cinem a In dustry, an d th e Vietna m Vetera n Movement, " New England Journal of History 47, 1 (1990): 38. 36. Ibid . 37. Helen e Cixous, "Castratio n o r Decapitation?" Signs 7 , 1 (Autumn 1981) : 49.

38. Stanle y Cohen , Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of Mods and Rockers (London : MacGibbon an d Kee , 1972) , 9. 39. Hebdige , Subculture, yy. 40. Joh n Carlo s Rowe , "Eye-Witness : Documentar y Style s i n th e America n Representations o f Vietnam," Cultural Critique 3 (1986): 129 , 137 . 41. Christophe r Lasch , The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations (Ne w York : Warner Books , 1979) . 42. Se e Norman Mailer , Why Are We in Vietnam? (London : Panther , 1970) ; Philip Slater , The Pursuit of Loneliness: American Culture at Breaking Point (Boston: Beacon Press , 1990) . 43. Pete r Lehman , "'Well , What's I t Lik e Ove r There ? Ca n Yo u Tell Us Anything?': Lookin g fo r Vietna m i n The Deer Hunter '," North Dakota Quarterly 5 (Summer 1983) : 136 . 44. H . Bruce Franklin, "Fro m Realism to Virtual Reality: Images of America' s Wars," i n S . Jeffords an d L . Rabinovit z (eds.) , Seeing Through the Media: The Persian Gulf War (Ne w Brunswick , N.J. : Rutgers Universit y Press , 1994) , 135 . 45. Ibid . 46. Bobbi e Ann Mason, "Bi g Bertha Stories, " in Love Life (London : Vintage, 1990), 134 , 137 , 143 . 47. Bobbi e An n Mason , In Country (London : Flamingo , 1987) , 107 , 136 , 220. I n the fil m ]acknife (1989) , Megs (Rober t D e Niro) tell s his wartime budd y David (E d Harris ) tha t Marth a (Kath y Baker) , David' s sister , ca n neve r under stand wha t the y went throug h i n Vietnam. "Sh e doesn't know , she wasn't there, " asserts Megs . 48. Bruc e Springsteen , "Bor n i n th e U.S.A., " fro m th e albu m Born in the U.S.A. (CBS , 1984) . 49. Mason , In Country, 189 . 50. Ibid. , 167 . 51. Alic e Bloom , reprin t o f revie w o f In Country, i n D . Marowsk i an d R . Matuz (eds.) , Contemporary Literary Criticism, vol.4 3 (Detroit : Gale , 1987) , 290. 52. Jonatha n Yardley , reprint o f revie w o f In Country, i n D . Marowski, an d R. Matuz (eds.) , Contemporary Literary Criticism, vol . 43 (Detroit : Gale , 1987) , 287. 5 3. Myr a MacPherson , Long Time Passing: Vietnam and the Haunted Generation (Ne w York : Signet, 1984) .

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54. Lanc e Morrow, "Th e Forgotte n Warriors, " Time (Jul y 13 , 19 81): 21. 55. Jerom e Klinkowitz, The American 1960s: Imaginative Acts in a Decade of Change (Ames : Iowa Stat e University Press , 1980) , j6. 56. Michae l Herr , Dispatches (London : Picador , 1978) , 160 , 111 . First pub lished i n the United State s in 1977 . 57. Ibid. , 79. 58. Fredri c Jameson , The Geopolitical Aesthetic: Cinema and Space in the World System (Bloomington : Indiana Universit y Press , and London : BF I Publishing, 1992) , 43. 59. Charle s Durden , No Bugles, No Drums (Ne w York: Charter , 1978) , 207 . 60. Walte r Capps , The Unfinished War: Vietnam and the American Conscience, 2n d ed . (Boston : Beacon Press , 1990) , 2 . 61. To m LeClai r an d Larr y McCaffer y (eds.) , Anything Can Happen: Interviews with Contemporary American Novelists (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press, 1983) , 267 . Implicit withi n O'Brien' s remar k i s the suggestio n tha t th e lit erature produce d b y the novelists an d poet s o f World War I is, on a certain level , comparable wit h th e literatur e o f th e war i n Vietnam, a suggestion tha t ha s bee n traced in a number o f critical sources. See, for example , John Hellmann , Fables of Fact: The New Journalism as New Fiction (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1981), chapter 6 . 62. Ti m O'Brien , Going After Cacciato (London : Triad/Granada , 1980) , 189-197. 63. O'Brien , i n Leclai r an d McCaffery , Anything Can Happen, 266 . I n Acts of Battle: The Behavior of Men in Battle (Ne w York : Free Press, 1985) , Richar d Holmes assert s that the experience o f war i s essentially the same regardless o f th e technology involved . Th e man y description s o f th e Vietnam Wa r a s "discontinu ous" an d "unreal " resonat e i n Eric Leed's description o f th e experience o f Worl d War I: "It was nothing i f not a n experienc e o f radical discontinuit y o n every level of consciousness." Eric Leed, No Man's Land: Combat and Identity in World War I (Cambridge , U.K. : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1979) , 3 . Assertion s o f th e uniqueness o f th e Vietnam Wa r hav e bee n especiall y pronounce d i n manual s de signed to help veterans recover from th e adverse effects o f the war. Examples her e include Dolore s Kuenning , Life After Vietnam: How Veterans and Their Loved Ones Can Heal the Psychic Wounds of War (Ne w York : Parago n House , 1991) , chapter 2 , "Wh y Vietna m Wa s a Differen t War, " an d Patienc e Mason , Recovering from the War: A Woman's Guide to Helping Your Vietnam Veteran, Your Family, and Yourself (Ne w York : Penguin , 1990) , chapte r 7 , "S o What's Differ ent about Vietnam?" Suc h assertions o f the unique nature o f the Vietnam conflic t function t o focu s governmenta l an d familia l resource s o n th e need s o f veteran s who suffere d mos t acutel y th e effect s o f wha t i s in term s o f thes e studie s a n ex ceptionally devastatin g war . 64. Se e Richard Sever o an d Lewi s Milford, The Wages of War: When Amer-

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ica's Soldiers Came Home —From Valley Forge to Vietnam (Ne w York : Simo n and Schuster , 1989) . 6$. Norma n Mailer , "Mailer' s Reply, " i n Cannibals and Christians (Ne w York: Delta, 1966) , 85-86 . 66. Th e assumption s tha t th e Vietnam Wa r wa s a unique conflic t an d tha t a s such it required a n innovative form o f representation have, through repetition, acquired thei r ow n commo n sens e withi n critica l analyse s o f th e literatur e o f th e war. The assumption s hav e bee n circulate d i n a wide arra y o f sources , includin g among other s Phili p Beidler , American Literature and the Vietnam Experience (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1982) ; Tobey Herzog, Vietnam War Stories: Innocence Lost (Ne w York : Routledge , 1992) ; Lloy d Lewis , The Tainted War: Culture and Identity in Vietnam War Narratives (Westport , Conn. : Greenwoo d Press, 1985) ; Phili p Melling , Vietnam in American Literature (Boston : Twayne , 1990); Thoma s Myers , Walking Point: American Narratives of Vietnam (Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1988); and Donal d Ringnalda , Fighting and Writing the Vietnam War (Jackson : University Pres s of Mississippi , 1994) . 67. Herr , Dispatches, 46. 68. Norma n Mailer , The Armies of the Night: History as a Novel, the Novel as History (Harmondsworth , Middlesex , U.K. : Penguin, 1968) , 268 . 69. Graha m Greene , The Quiet American (London : Reprint Society , 1955), ii; Walter Ledere r an d Eugen e Burdick , The Ugly American (Ne w York : Norton , 1958), "Authors ' Note" ; Robi n Moore , The Green Berets (Ne w York : Crown , 1965). 70. Rober t Wright , "'History' s Heav y Attrition' : Literature , Historica l Con sciousness an d th e Impac t o f Vietnam, " Canadian Review of American Studies 17, 3 (Fal l 1986) : 308 . The book s b y the author s Wrigh t refer s t o ar e Phili p Ca puto, A Rumor of War (London : Arrow Books , 1978) ; Tim O'Brien , If I Die in a Combat Zone (London : Granada , 1980) ; C . D . B . Bryan , Friendly Fire (Ne w York: Putnam , 1976) ; Frederic k Downs , The Killing Zone: My Life in Vietnam (New York : Berkle y Books , 1983) ; James Webb , Fields of Fire (New York : Ban tam, 1972) ; Mark Baker , Nam: The Vietnam War in the Words of the Men and Women Who Fought There (London : Abacus , 1982) ; Al Santoli , Everything We Had: An Oral History of the Vietnam War by Thirty-three American Soldiers Who Fought It (Ne w York: Ballantine, 1982) ; Anthony Grey , Saigon (Boston : Little, Brown, 1982) ; Peter Goldma n an d Tony Fuller, Charlie Company: What Vietnam Did to Us (New York: Ballantine , 1983) . 71. Susa n Fromber g Schaeffer , Buffalo Afternoon (Ne w York : Knopf, 1989) . Trends in the publication o f Vietnam War novels prior to the release of Schaeffer' s novel ar e discusse d i n Willia m J . Searle , "Th e Vietna m Wa r Nove l an d th e Re viewers," Journal of American Culture 42 , 2 (Summer 1981) : 83-94 . 72. O'Brien , Going After Cacciato, 257 . 73. Kal i Tal, "Whe n Histor y Talk s Back : The Voice o f th e Veteran," i n M. J .

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Gilbert (ed.) , The Vietnam War: Teaching Approaches and Resources (Ne w York : Greenwood Press , 1991) , 166 . 74. Davi d James, "Presenc e of Discourse/Discourse o f Presence: Representin g Vietnam," Wide Angle 7 , 4 ( i 9 8 5 ) : 4 2 . 75. Quote d i n the introduction t o Kathryn Marshall, In the Combat Zone: An Oral History of American Women in Vietnam, 1966-1 975 (Boston : Little , Brown, 1987) , 14 . 76. Herr , Dispatches, 129 . JJ. Ibid. , 24 . 78. Ibid. , 21 , 13,75. 79. Ibid. , 68 . 80. Ibid. , 23-24 . 81. Joh n Ketwig,.. . And a Hard Rain Fell (New York: Pocket Books , 1985) , 4, 6 . 82. Willia m Broyles , Jr. , Brothers in Arms: A Journey from War to Peace (New York: Knopf, 1986) , 275. 83. Susa n Jeffords, The Remasculinization of America: Gender and the Vietnam War (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1989) , 26 . 84. Phili p Caputo, quoted in a symposium in A. D. Home (ed.) , The Wounded Generation: America After Vietnam (Englewoo d Cliffs , N.J. : Prentice-Hall , 1981), 116 .

85. Claudi a Springer , "Vietnam: A Television History an d th e Equivoca l Na ture o f Objectivity, " Wide Angle 7 , 4 (1985) : 58. 86. Quote d i n "Monumenta l Talent, " U.S. News and World Report (Novem ber 6 , 1989) : 18 . 87. Herr , Dispatches, 14 . 88. Phili p Beidler , American Literature and the Vietnam Experience (Athens : University o f Georgi a Press , 1982) , 176 . 89. Stephe n Wright, quoted in Timothy Lomperis, Reading the Wind: The Literature of the Vietnam War —An Interpretative Critique (Durham , N.C. : Duk e University Press , 1987) , 51. 90. Rober t Graves , quoted in Donald Ringnalda , "Unlearnin g to Remember, " in O . Gilman , Jr., an d L . Smith (eds.) , America Rediscovered: Critical Essays on Literature and Film of the Vietnam War (Ne w York: Garland , 1990) , 65. 91. O'Brien , If I Die In a Combat Zone, 29 . 92. O'Brien , Going After Cacciato, 257 . 93. Ti m O'Brien , The Things They Carried (Ne w York: Penguin, 1991) , 88 . 94. Willia m Broyles, Jr., "Why Men Love War," Esquire (Novembe r 1984) : 61. 95. Ibid . 96. Harr y Maurer , Strange Ground: An Oral History of Americans in Vietnam, 1945-1 975 (Ne w York: Avon, 1990) , 5 . 97. I n "Vietna m Remembered, " Journal of American History 73 , 1 (Jun e 1986): 152 , Georg e Herrin g state s tha t "[o]ra l histor y gaine d respectabilit y dur -

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ing th e Vietna m er a an d prove d particularl y suitabl e fo r Vietnam-relate d sub jects," althoug h h e doesn' t sa y why thi s shoul d hav e bee n th e case . The ris e an d respectability o f ora l account s o f th e wa r i n Vietnam wa s directl y relate d t o th e series o f interrelate d assumption s tha t hav e bee n establishe d here—beginnin g with th e definitio n o f Vietna m a s a uniqu e war . Ora l historica l account s o f th e Vietnam Wa r includ e Mar k Baker , Nam: The Vietnam War in the Words of the Men and Women Who Fought There (London : Sphere , 1982) ; Stanle y Beesley , Vietnam: The Heartland Remembers (Ne w York: Berkley Books, 1989); Matthew Brennan, Headhunters: Stories from the 1st Squadron, 9th Cavalry in Vietnam, 1965-1971 (Novato , Calif. : Presidi o Press , 1987) ; Larr y Engelmann , Tears Before the Rain: An Oral History of the Fall of South Vietnam (Ne w York: Oxfor d University Press, 1990); Dan Freeman and Jacqueline Rhoads, Nurses in Vietnam: The Forgotten Veterans (Austin : Texa s Monthl y Press , 1989) ; Stanle y Goff , Robert Sanders , and Clar k Smith , Brothers: Black Soldiers in the Nam (Novato , Calif.: Presidio Press/Arms an d Armou r Press , 1982) ; Goldman an d Fuller , Charlie Company; Marth a Hess , Then the Americans Came: Voices from Vietnam (New York : Fou r Walls/Eigh t Windows , 1993) ; Marshall, In the Combat Zone; Maurer, Strange Ground; Elizabet h Norman , Women at War: The Story of Fifty Military Nurses Who Served in Vietnam (Philadelphia : Universit y o f Pennsylva nia Press , 1990) ; Joh n Clar k Pratt , Vietnam Voices: Perspectives on the War Years, 1941-1982 (Ne w York : Viking , 1984) ; A l Santoli , Everything We Had; and hi s To Bear Any Burden: The Vietnam War and Its Aftermath in the Words of Americans and Southeast Asians (London : Sphere , 1986) ; Wallac e Terry , Bloods: An Oral History of the Vietnam War by Black Veterans (Ne w York: Ran dom House, 1984) ; Keith Walker, A Piece of My Heart: The Stories of Twenty-six American Women Who Served in Vietnam (Novato , Calif.: Presidio Press, 1985) ; Kim Willenson , wit h th e correspondent s o f Newsweek, The Bad War: An Oral History of the Vietnam War (Ne w York : Ne w America n Library , 1987) ; an d James Wilson, Landing Zones: Southern Veterans Remember Vietnam (Durham , N.C.: Duk e Universit y Press , 1990) . 98. Rowe , "Eye-Witness, " 135 . 99. Maurer , Strange Ground, 5 . 100. Beesley , xix, xv. 101. Rowe , "Eye-Witness , 136 . Th e bildungsroma n structur e als o inform s numerous novel s of the war. Indeed, s o pervasive i s the structure tha t it s essentia l features o f innocence , initiation , disillusionment , an d retur n for m th e basi s o f what C . D . B . Bryan refer s t o a s a "Generi c Vietna m Wa r Narrative. " C . D . B . Bryan, "Barel y Suppresse d Screams, " Harper's (Jun e 1984) : 68. 102. Beesley , xv. 103. Santoli , Everything We Had. 104. Capps , The Unfinished War, 2 . 105. Ibid. , 86 . 106. Ibid. , 9j.

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107. Ibid. , 94 . 108. Bo b Greene , Homecoming: When the Soldiers Returned from Vietnam (New York: Ballantine, 1989) . 109. Capps , The Unfinished War, 94 . n o . Ibid. , 149 , 150 , 9, 92-93 . i n . Time magazin e exemplified a trend i n critical reaction t o Stone's film. It s cover proclaimed tha t Ston e had represente d "Vie t Nam A s It Really Was." Time (January 26 , 1987) . 112. Joh n Ellis , Visible Fictions: Cinema, Television, Radio (London : Rout ledge, 1982) , 31. 113. Bil l Nichols , "Question s o f Magnitude, " i n J . Corne r (ed.) , Documentary and the Mass Media (London : Edwar d Arnold , 1986) , 107 . 114. Da n Goodgame , "Ho w th e Wa r Wa s Won, " Time (Januar y 26 , 1987) : 56. Among his other ventures, Dye has been executive editor of the mercenary soldier's companion, Soldier of Fortune magazine , and the author o f a number o f action adventur e novel s with wa r themes . 115. Quote d i n Jud y Le e Kinney , " Gardens of Stone, Platoon, an d Hamburger Hill: Ritual and Remembrance," in M. Anderegg (ed.) , Inventing Vietnam: The War in Film and Television (Philadelphia : Templ e Universit y Press , 1991) , 157-

116. Victo r Shklovsky , "Ar t a s Technique, " i n L . Lema n an d M . Rei s (eds.) , Russian Formalist Criticism: Four Essays (Lincoln : University o f Nebraska Press , 1965), 12 . 117. Stanle y Kauffmann, "Fact-facing, " New Republic (Apri l 24 , 1989) : 24 . 118. Quote d i n Kare n Jaehne , "Compan y Man, " Film Comment 25 , 2 (March-April 1985) : 15 . 119. Stone' s filmic interpretatio n o f the truth behin d the assassination o f John Kennedy raise d a storm o f debate . Historians censure d th e historica l accurac y o f Stone's interpretatio n an d i n doin g s o rendered themselve s incapabl e o f address ing, or answering , Stone' s argumen t tha t h e had capture d th e "cultura l myth " a t the center of the event. For Stone, " [M]yths are dynamic. They reinterpret histor y to creat e lasting , universa l truths. " Olive r Stone , "Th e Killin g o f JFK : A Ver y American Coup, " Weekend Australian (Decembe r 28-29 , 1991) , Review, 3 . 120. Olive r Stone , "On e from th e Heart," Platoon/Salvador: The Screenplays (London: Ebur y Press , 1987) , 5 , 6. 121. Scene s i n The Deer Hunter o f American s wit h gun s t o thei r head s res onate in a scene in Platoon i n which Chri s sucks dope smoke Elias blows throug h a rifl e barrel . Mixe d wit h th e homoeroti c allusion s implici t withi n th e ac t i s th e image o f Chri s holding a shotgun t o hi s head . 122. Critic s assumin g th e authenticit y o f Platoon hav e deferre d t o Stone' s tour o f dut y i n Vietna m i n suppor t o f thei r assumption . Furthe r investigatio n o f Stone's autobiography woul d hav e revealed that h e first wen t to Vietnam i n 196 5 as a teacher , a poin t tha t th e critica l deferenc e t o Stone' s lif e histor y would , n o

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doubt, interpre t a s the basi s o f Chri s Taylor' s desir e t o impar t th e lesson s h e ha s learned i n Vietnam . 123. Se e Christia n Appy , "Vietna m Accordin g t o Olive r Stone : John Wayn e Rides Again," Commonweal (Marc h 23 , 1990) : 187-188 . 124. Ronal d Reagan , "Veteran s Day Ceremony: Vietnam Veterans Memorial , November n , 1988, " i n Speaking My Mind: Selected Speeches (London : Hutchinson, 1990) , 367-368 . 125. Quote d i n To d Lindberg , "O f Arms , Men an d Monuments, " Commentary 68 , 4 (Octobe r 1984) : 56 . 126. Thes e detail s com e fro m Harr y Haines , "Disputin g th e Wreckage: Ideological Struggl e a t th e Vietna m Veteran s Memorial, " Vietnam Generation 1 , 1 (Winter 1989) : 48, an d To m Morgantha u an d Mar y Lord , "Honorin g Vietna m Veterans—At Last, " Newsweek (Novembe r 22 , 1982) : 32-33 , 36 . 127. Pete r Ehrenhaus , "Commemoratin g th e Unwo n War : O n Not Remem bering Vietnam," Journal of Communication 39 , 1 (Winter 1989) : 106 . 128. Th e imag e o f a ne w da y i n Americ a i s fro m a Reaga n campaig n com mercial. Se e Sidne y Blumenthal , The Rise of the Counter Establishment: From Conservative Ideology to Political Power (Ne w York : Times Books , 1986) , 279 . 129. Michae l Rya n an d Dougla s Kellner , Camera Politica: The Politics and Ideology of Contemporary Hollywood Film (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press, 1988) , 207 . 130. Irvin g Sloa n (ed.) , Ronald Reagan, 1911- : Chronology-DocumentsBibliographical Aids (Dobb s Ferry, N.Y.: Oceana, 1990) , 107 . 1 3 1 . Ibid. , 2 2 1 .

132. Lawrenc e Grossberg , "It' s a Sin: Politics, Post-Modernity an d th e Popu lar," in L. Grossberg, T. Fry, A. Curthoys, and P. Patton, It's a Sin: Essays on Postmodernism, Politics and Culture (Sydney : Power Publications , 1988) , 60 . 133. Se e Sloan, Ronald Reagan , 104 , 140 , 185 , 188 , 197 , 228. 134. Quote d i n Pau l D . Erickson , Reagan Speaks: The Making of an American Myth (Ne w York: New Yor k University Press , 1985) , 57 . 135. Th e speec h i s quote d i n par t i n Joh n Wheeler , "Th e Vietna m Genera tion," i n R. Bremmer, G. Reichard, and R. Hopkins (eds.) , American Choices: Social Dilemmas and Public Policy Since i960 (Columbus : Ohi o Stat e Universit y Press, 1986) , 259 . 136. Quote d b y Stanle y Kauffmann , "No w Abou t Ramb o . . . , " New Republic (Jul y 1 , 1985) : 16 . 137. Thoma s Doherty , "Rambo : Firs t Bloo d Par t II, " Film Quarterly, 39 , 3 (Spring 1986) : 54 . 138. Reagan , "Veteran s Da y Ceremony, " 368 . 139. Joh n Wheeler , "Comin g t o Grip s wit h Vietnam, " Foreign Affairs 63 , 4 (Spring 1985) : 755 . National Lampoon magazin e commente d o n th e tren d to ward claimin g vetera n statu s whe n i t produce d a "Vietna m Comba t Veteran s Simulator Kit, " a humorou s guid e t o th e successfu l impersonatio n o f a Vietna m

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combat veteran . To d Carrol l an d P . J. O'Rourke , "Bor n Agai n o n th e Fourt h o f July," National Lampoon (Jul y 1978) : 65-70, 96 . 140. Wheeler , "Comin g t o Grip s with Vietnam, " 755 . 141. bell hooks , "Talkin g Back, " i n R . Ferguson , M . Gever , Trin h T . Minh ha, an d C . Wes t (eds.) , Out There: Marginalization and Contemporary Culture (New York : New Museu m o f Art, 1990) , 337 . 142. See , for example , E. D. Hirsch, Jr., Cultural Literacy: What Every American Needs to Know (Ne w York: Bantam/Schwartz, 1989) . 143. Th e issu e o f a cano n o f Vietna m Wa r text s wa s discusse d durin g thre e sessions a t th e twentiet h annua l meetin g o f th e Popula r Cultur e Associatio n i n Toronto, Marc h 7-10 , 1990 ; se e progra m o f meetin g (Bowlin g Green , Ohio : Bowling Gree n Stat e University , 1990) . In th e prefac e t o America Rediscovered: Critical Essays on Literature and Film of the Vietnam War (Ne w York: Garland , 1990) th e editors , Owe n Gilman , Jr., an d Lorri e Smith , accep t th e notion , "onl y partially i n jest," tha t the y "ar e engage d i n buildin g a new canon " (p . ix). 144. Priscill a Murolo , "Rememberin g Vietnam, " Radical History Review 3 3 (1985): 184 . 145. Kevi n Bowen , "'Strang e Hells' : Hollywood i n Searc h o f America' s Los t War," in L. Dittmar an d G . Michaud (eds.) , From Hanoi to Hollywood: The Vietnam War in American Film (Ne w Brunswick , N.J. : Rutger s Universit y Press , 1990), 229 . 146. Veterans ' poetr y fro m th e 1s t Casualt y Pres s i s publishe d a s Larr y Le e Rottmann, Ja n Barry , an d Basi l Parque t (eds.) , Winning Hearts and Minds: War Poems by Vietnam Veterans (Brooklyn : 1s t Casualt y Press , 1972) , also issue d b y McGraw-Hill i n 1972 . Willia m Ehrhar t ha s edite d tw o excellen t collection s o f Vietnam veteran poetry: Unaccustomed Mercy: Soldier-Poets of the Vietnam War (Lubbock: Texa s Tec h Universit y Press , 1988 ) an d Carrying the Darkness: The Poetry of the Vietnam War (Lubbock : Texa s Tec h Universit y Press) . Fo r a per ceptive discussion o f Ehrhart's ow n poetry, see Kali Tal, Worlds of Hurt: Reading the Literature of Trauma (Ne w York: Cambridge University Press, 1996). The 1s t Casualty Pres s ha s als o publishe d a volume o f shor t fiction : Wayn e Karlin , Basi l Parquet, and Larry Lee Rottmann (eds.) , Free Fire Zone: Short Stories by Vietnam Veterans (Brooklyn : 1s t Casualt y Press , 1973) , reprinte d b y McGraw-Hil l i n 1973. Veterans ' ar t work s wer e displaye d i n th e majo r exhibitio n "Wa r an d Memory: I n th e Aftermat h o f Vietnam, " Washington , D.C. , Septembe r 15-De cember 19 , 1987 . See , for details , th e catalog : Washingto n Projec t fo r th e Arts , War and Memory: In the Aftermath of Vietnam (Washington , D.C. : The Project , 1987). Joh n DiFusc o collaborate d wit h othe r Vietna m veteran s t o produc e th e play Tracers (Ne w York: Hill an d Wang , 1986) . 147. Joh n Carlo s Rowe , "Vietna m an d America n Literar y Historiography, " in D. Nye an d C . Thomsen (eds.) , American Studies in Transition (Odense , Den mark: Odens e University Press , 1985) , 280 .

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148. Rober t Ray , A Certain Tendency of the Hollywood Cinema, 1930-1980 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Universit y Press , 1985) , 364 . 149. T . J. Jackson Lears , "Power , Culture , an d Memory, " Journal of American History 7 5 , 1 (Jun e 1988) : 140 . 150. I n earl y 1973 , William Paley , chairperso n o f CBS , refused t o scree n a n adaptation o f Sticks and Bones. Accordin g t o Paley , the pla y was to o "'abrasive ' [at a time ] whe n American s wer e rejoicin g i n th e retur n o f prisoner s o f war. " Albin Krebs , "Paley , C.B. S Chairman , Personall y Vetoe d Showin g 'Stick s an d Bones,'" New York Times (Marc h 20 , 1973) : 76. 151. Th e film, base d o n Newton Thorburg' s nove l Cutter and Bone (London : William Heinemann , 1978) , wa s originall y release d b y Unite d Artist s i n Ne w York in March 198 1 under the name o f the novel. An adversely critical review b y Vincent Canb y o f the New York Times seem s to have been the reason tha t Unite d Artists, jitter y i n th e wak e o f th e financia l disaste r accompanyin g th e fil m Heaven's Gate (1980) , withdrew Cutter and Bone fro m distribution . The film wa s passed t o Unite d Artists ' "Classics " division , which rerelease d i t a s Cutter's Way in June 1981 . It becam e a modest commercia l succes s an d receive d generall y fa vorable reviews . Se e "Iva n Passer, " American Film 14 , 2 (Novembe r 1988) : 14 , and Richar d Jameson, "Passer' s Way," Film Comment (July/Augus t 1981) : 18 . 152. Davi d James and Rick Berg, "College Cours e File: Representing the Vietnam War," Journal of Film and Video 4 1 , 4 (Winte r 1989) : 72. 153. On e stud y i n thi s are a i s Renn y Christopher , The Viet Nam War/The American War: Images and Representations in Euro-American and Vietnamese Exile Narratives (Amherst : University o f Massachusett s Press , 1995) . 154. Th e Hawai' i Internationa l Fil m Festiva l presente d itsel f a s a n America n venue fo r th e screenin g o f Vietnames e films . Th e firs t Vietnames e fil m t o b e shown i n America , When the Tenth Month Comes (1984) , wa s screene d a t th e 1985 festival . Man y o f th e film s tha t premiere d i n Americ a a t th e 198 8 festiva l subsequently toure d mainlan d Americ a a s "Th e Vietnam Fil m Project." Se e John Chariot, "Vietnam , th e Stranger s Meet : The Vietnam Fil m Project," i n The East West Center , The 8th Hawai'i International Film Festival, 1988 (Honolulu , 1988), 44-49 ; an d Geoffre y Dunn , "Vietnam : Th e Stranger s Meet, " a review o f the project , i n th e San Francisco Review of Books 14 , 1 (Summer 1989) : 29-31 . The William Joiner Cente r fo r th e Stud y o f Wa r an d Socia l Consequence s o f th e University o f Massachusetts a t Boston frequentl y invite s Vietnamese author s an d poets t o it s conferences. Th e cente r i s actively engage d i n translating Vietnames e poetry int o English , an d poetr y b y America n veteran s int o Vietnamese . Beyon d such ventures , acces s i n th e Unite d State s t o Vietnames e cultura l productio n ha s continued t o prov e problematic . Se e the accoun t o f th e exhibitio n "A s See n B y Both Sides, " whic h feature d bot h America n an d (North ) Vietnames e ar t o f th e Vietnam War , i n Robi n Cembalest , "Sensitivit y o r Censorship? " Artforum 9 2 (November 1993) : 49.

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155. Gayatr i Spivak , "Ca n th e Subaltern Speak? " in C. Nelson an d L . Grossberg (eds.), Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture (Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 1988) , 271-313 . 156. Mashaswet a Devi , Imaginary Maps, translate d an d introduce d b y G . Spivak (Ne w York: Routledge , 1994) . 157. Thes e and othe r films produced durin g the war ar e discussed i n Bui Phu, "The Sevent h Goddess, " Framework 2 5 (1984) : 71-93 , an d Ng o Phon g Lan , "Vietnam: Witnes s t o History, " Cinemaya 28-2 9 (Summe r 1995) : 4-7 . Certai n films produce d i n Sout h Vietnam b y the National Liberatio n Fron t ar e describe d in "Propagand a Film s abou t th e Wa r i n Vietnam, " Film Comment 4 , 1 (Fal l 1966): 4-13. 158. Ng o Phong Lan, "Vietnam : Witness to History," Cinemaya 28-2 9 (Sum mer 1995) : 5159. Phu , "Th e Sevent h Goddess, " 71-93 . 160. Account s of Vietnamese film productio n sinc e the end of the war includ e John Chariot , "Vietnames e Cinema : Th e Powe r o f th e Past, " Journal of American Folklore 10 2 (October-December 1989) : 442-452, and "Vietnames e Cinema : First Views, " Journal of Southeast Asian Studies (Marc h 1991) : 33-62 ; Kare n Jaehne, "Cinem a i n Vietnam : Whe n th e Shootin g Stopped, " Cineaste (Februar y 17, 1989) : 32-37; Gina Marchetti , "Exces s and Understatement: War, Romance , and th e Melodrama i n Contemporar y Vietnames e Cinema, " Genders 1 0 (Sprin g 1991): 47-74; and the special issue of the journal Cinemaya edite d by Tadao Sato, "Voice of Vietnam," Cinemaya 16 (1992) : 46-67 . 161. Ba o Ninh, The Sorrow of War (London: Minerva, 1994) . First publishe d in Vietnam i n 1991 . 162. Duon g Th u Huong , Novel Without a Name (Ne w York : Morrow , 1995). Th e autho r wa s imprisone d withou t tria l fo r seve n month s i n 199 1 o n charges o f "anti-socialis t propagand a an d th e illega l transfe r o f document s abroad." Th e documents wer e in fact th e manuscript o f Novel Without A Name. The inciden t i s mentione d i n Suzann e Charle , "Goo d Mornin g Vietnam, " Harper's Bazaar (Ma y 1993) : 60-61 , 182 . 163. Dorri s Sommer , "Corte z i n th e Courts : Th e Trap s o f Translatio n fro m Newsprint t o Film, " i n M . Garber , J . Matlock , an d R . Walkowit z (eds.) , Media Spectacles (Ne w York : Routledge, 1993) , 109 . 164. Trin h T. Minh-ha, "Wh y a Fish Pond? Fictio n a t the Heart o f Documen tation," a n intervie w conducte d b y L . Jayamanne an d A . Rutherford , Filmnews [Sydney] (November 1990) : 12 . 165. Al f Louvr e an d Jeffre y Wals h (eds.) , Tell Me Lies about Vietnam: Cultural Battles for the Meaning of the War (Milto n Keynes , U.K.: Ope n Universit y Press, 1988) , 5 . 166. Dispatches, 46 . 167. Quote d i n John O'Hara , "Th e Narrative Constructio n o f Reality: An Interview with Stuar t Hall, " Southern Review [Australia ] 17 , 1 (March 1984) : n .

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NOTES T O PAR T 3

1. Joh n Fiske , "Cultura l Studie s an d th e Cultur e o f Everyda y Life, " i n L . Grossberg, C . Nelson, an d P . Treichler (eds.) , Cultural Studies (Ne w York : Rout ledge, 1992) , 164 .

2. Ton y Crowley , "Languag e an d Hegemony : Principles, Morals an d Pronun ciation," Textual Practice 1 , 3 (Winter 1982) : 278 . 3. Se e Ernesto Laclau an d Chanta l Mouffe , Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Toward a Radical Democratic Politics (London : Verso, 1989) , 93-148. 4. Joh n Fiske , Reading the Popular (Boston : Unwin Hyman , 1989) , 8 . 5. Chanta l Mouffe , "Hegemon y an d th e Integra l Stat e i n Gramsci : Toward a New Concep t o f Politics," in G. Bridges and R . Brunt (eds.) , Silver Linings: Some Strategies for the Eighties (London : Lawrenc e an d Wishart , 1981) , 173 . 6. Th e paraphrase i s by Leslie Johnson i n "Th e Stud y of Popular Culture : The Need fo r a Clea r Agenda, " Australian Journal of Cultural Studies 4 , 1 (Jun e 1986): 4. 7. Student s fo r a Democratic Society , "Bringin g th e War Home, " reprinte d i n J. Alper t an d S . Alper t (eds.) , The Sixties Papers: Documents of a Rebellious Decade (Ne w York : Praeger, 1984) , 247 , 250 . 8. Shin'y a Ono , "Yo u D o Nee d a Weatherman, " originall y publishe d i n Leviathan, Decembe r 1969 , reprinted i n J. Alpert and S . Alpert (eds.) , The Sixties Papers: Documents of a Rebellious Decade (Ne w York: Praeger, 1984) , 257 . 9. Morri s Dickstein , Gates of Eden: American Culture in the Sixties (Ne w York: Penguin, 1989) , 261. 10. Walte r Capps , The Unfinished War: Vietnam and the American Conscience, 2n d ed . (Boston : Beacon Press , 1990) , 15 . 11. Tod d Gitlin , The Whole World Is Watching: Mass Media in the Making and Unmaking of the New Left (Berkeley : University o f Californi a Press , 1980) , chapter 2 . 12. Ibid. , chapte r 5 . 13. Ibid. , 1 5 2 - 1 5 3 . 14. Ibid. , 2 0 3 .

15. The Strawberry Statement i s based i n part o n James Simo n Kunen's mem oir The Strawberry Statement: Notes of a College Age Revolutionary (Ne w York : Avon 1970) . Th e boo k narrate s Kunen' s impression s o f th e 196 8 strik e a t Co lumbia University . Th e issu e o f th e university' s appropriatio n o f a sectio n o f Morningside Par k t o buil d a n eleven-stor y buildin g containing a gymnasium an d its decision to restrict community acces s to the new gymnasium were factors tha t precipitated th e strike . 16. Th e line s com e verbati m fro m a poste r printe d b y student s durin g th e 1969 Harvar d Universit y studen t strike . Thos e responsibl e fo r th e fil m The Strawberry Statement obviousl y looked to various contemporary source s in an at tempt t o provid e th e fil m wit h "relevance. " Th e poste r i s reprinted i n Alexande r

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Bloom an d Winifre d Briene s (eds.) , "Takin' It To The Streets": A Sixties Reader (New York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1995) , 400. 17. Quote d i n Seth Cagi n an d Phili p Dray, Hollywood Films of the Seventies (New York : Harper an d Row , 1984) , 125 . 18. Davi d James , To Take the Glamour out of War: American Film Against the War in Vietnam (Ne w York: Whitney Museu m o f Moder n Art , 1990) , iii. 19. Michae l Ryan and Douglas Kellner, Camera Politica: The Politics and Ideology of Contemporary Hollywood Film (Bloomington : Indiana Universit y Press, 1988), 33. 20. Charle s Chatfield , "Th e Antiwa r Movemen t an d America, " a n appendi x to C . DeBenedett i an d C . Chatfield , An American Ordeal: The Antiwar Movement of the Vietnam Era (Syracuse , N.Y. : Syracus e Universit y Press , 1990) , 393-39421. Godfre y Hodgson , America in Our Time (Ne w York : Vintage , 1978) , chapter 14 . 22. Josep h Conlin , The Troubles: A Jaundiced Glance Back at the Movement of the Sixties (Ne w York : Frankli n Watts , 1982) . 23. Pete r Collie r an d Davi d Horowit z (eds.) , Destructive Generation: Second Thoughts about the Sixties (Ne w York : Summi t Books , 1990) . 24. Car l Rollyson , The Lives of Norman Mailer: A Biography (Ne w York : Paragon House , 1991) , 203. 25. Gu y Debord , Society of the Spectacle (Detroit : Blac k an d Red , 1983) , paragraph 61 . 26. Norma n Mailer , The Armies of the Night: History as a Novel, the Novel as History (Harmondsworth , Middlesex , U.K. : Penguin, 1968) , 292 , 45. 27. Phili p Roth , "Writin g America n Fiction, " i n M . Bradbur y (ed.) , The Novel Today: Contemporary Writers on Modern Fiction (London : Fontana , 1977), 34 . Roth's essa y originall y appeare d i n the United State s in 1975 . 28. Mailer , The Armies of the Night, 283 , 267, 268 . 29. Fredri c Jameson, The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic Act (Ne w York : Routledge, 1989) . 30. Dan a Polan , "'Abov e Al l Els e t o Mak e Yo u See' : Cinem a an d th e Ideol ogy of Spectacle," in J. Arac (ed.), Postmodernism and Politics (Manchester , U.K. : Manchester Universit y Press , 1986) , 56 . 31. Writin g o f th e 196 4 Republica n Nationa l Convention , Maile r stated : "There had bee n an undeclared full-scal e struggl e going on in America fo r twent y years—it wa s whethe r th e countr y woul d g o ma d o r not. " "I n th e Re d Light : A History o f th e Republica n Conventio n i n 1964, " i n Cannibals and Christians (New York : Delta , 1966) , 6 . I n Advertisements for Myself (Ne w York : Putnam , 1959), 20 , he describes his own natur e a s "divided. " I n The Armies of the Night, 200, Mailer state s that "th e cente r o f Americ a migh t b e insane. The countr y ha d been livin g with a controlled, eve n fiercely controlled , schizophrenia.... "

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32. Maile r frequentl y use s th e ter m i n The Armies of the Night; see , fo r ex ample, 1 5 , 4 5 , 4 6 , 2 3 5 , 2 8 0 . 33. Ibid. , 32 . 34. Ibid. , 300 . Mailer' s metapho r draw s o n Yeats' s "Th e Secon d Coming " and bear s a strikin g resemblanc e t o Lyndo n Johnson' s accoun t o f th e "growth " of th e "Grea t Society" : " I figured he r growt h an d developmen t woul d b e a s nat ural an d inevitabl e a s any small child's.... In the first year , as we got the laws o n the books , sh e bega n t o crawl . The n i n th e secon d year , a s we go t mor e law s o n the books , sh e bega n t o walk , an d th e yea r afte r tha t sh e woul d b e of f an d run ning, all the time bigger and healthier an d fatter . An d when sh e grew up, I figure d she would b e so big and beautifu l tha t th e American peopl e couldn't hel p but fal l in lov e wit h her. " Quote d i n Willia m Chafe , The Unfinished Journey: America Since World War II (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1986) , 341 . The simi larity between Mailer's and Johnson's descriptions is Mailer's way of ironically indicating the deat h o f th e Grea t Societ y in the birt h o f a new socia l formation . 35. Joh n Findlay , Hegel: A Re-examination (London : Alle n an d Unwin , 1958), 36 . 36. Th e representatio n o f th e pas t i n colleg e textbook s i s discusse d i n th e forum "Textbook s an d Teaching" introduced b y Sara Evans and Roy Rosenzwei g in Journal of American History 78 , 4 (Marc h 1992) : 1377-1379 . Th e contribu tion o f textbook s t o ideologica l hegemon y i s studie d i n Jea n An y on, "Ideolog y and Unite d State s Histor y Textbooks, " Harvard Educational Review 49 , 3 (Au gust 1979) : 361-386 . Se e also th e conclusio n t o Willia m Griffe n an d John Mar ciano, Teaching the Vietnam War: A Critical Examination of School Texts and an Interpretative History Utilizing the Pentagon Papers and Other Documents (Montclair, N.J. : Allenheld, Osmun , 1979) . 37. Pierr e Macherey , A Theory of Literary Production (London : Routledg e and Kega n Paul , 1978) . 38. France s FitzGerald , America Revised: History Schoolbooks in the Twentieth Century (Ne w York: Vintage, 1980) , 127 . 39. Willia m Chafe has commented, "Th e literature on the anti-war movement , student protest, the New Left , an d the counterculture i s voluminous." Chafe , The Unfinished Journey, 498 . However, if the antiwar movemen t i s removed fro m thi s list, the result i s a minimal numbe r o f texts i n which th e movement i s represente d as a broad-base d coalitio n o f protes t agains t th e war . Chafe' s ow n bibliographi c essay suggests this—the only text included tha t refers to antiwar protes t is Gitlin's analysis of New Left protest , The Whole World Is Watching. Th e publication o f a number o f book s durin g o r nea r 198 8 tha t reflect o n th e histor y o f th e war year s (presumably a marketing ploy to exploit the anniversary o f twenty years since the "watershed" yea r o f 1968) , onl y partiall y informe d existin g analyse s o f U.S . domestic resistance to the war. The focus i n the majority o f these texts on the action s of Student s fo r a Democratic Societ y displace s a wide range o f antiwa r activity .

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40. Th e lis t referre d t o her e i s contained i n Joe Dunn , "Text s an d Auxiliar y Resources," i n M . J . Gilber t (ed.) , The Vietnam War: Teaching Approaches and Resources (Ne w York : Greenwoo d Press , 1991) , 223-225 . 41. Jonatha n Goldstein , "Usin g Literatur e i n a Course o n th e Vietnam War, " College Teaching 37 , 3 (Summer 1989) : 91-95. 42. Th e cours e wa s ru n b y Kali Tal an d i s outlined i n he r pape r "Whe n His tory Talk s Back : Th e Voic e o f th e Veteran, " i n M . J . Gilbert,(ed. ) The Vietnam War: Teaching Approaches and Resources (Ne w York: Greenwood Press , 1991) , 161-169. 43. Capps , The Unfinished War, 94. Of the courses that were surveyed for thi s part, onl y on e includes substantia l referenc e t o the antiwa r movement , integrall y incorporating i t int o th e syllabus—se e Davi d Jame s an d Ric k Berg , "Colleg e Course File : Representin g th e Vietna m War, " Journal of Film and Video 4 1 , 4 (Winter 1989) : 60-74 . 44. Hodgson , America in Our Time; Ki m McQuaid , The Anxious Years: America in the Vietnam-Watergate Era (Ne w York: Basic Books, 1989) . 45. Ibid. , 144 . 46. Ibid. , 146 . 47. See , for example , William O'Neill' s Coming Apart: An Informal History of America in the 1960's (Ne w York: Times Books , 1971) , 303. 48. Ibid. , 301. 49. Rolan d Barthes , "Th e Photographi c Message, " i n A Barthes Reader, ed . S. Sontag (Ne w York : Hill an d Wang, 1982) , 204 . 50. O'Neill , Coming Apart. Th e photograph s i n O'Neill' s tex t ca n b e con trasted t o those used in Morris Dickstein's Gates of Eden. Th e three photograph s used in Dickstein's text depict a cross-section o f the antiwar movement . The photographs ar e captione d "Playfu l an d solem n scene s o f antiwa r protest " an d in clude a demonstrato r playin g a flut e t o Nationa l Guardsme n a t th e Democrati c National Conventio n i n Chicag o i n 1968 , "guerrill a theater " demonstrator s i n New Yor k City , and orderl y picketer s i n Washington, D.C . 51. Christophe r Buckley , "Vie t Guilt, " Esquire (Septembe r 1983) : 68-72 . 52. Michae l Blumenthal , "O f Arm s and Men," New York Times (Januar y n , 1981): section 4 , 23. 53. Buckley , "Vie t Guilt, " 70 . 54. Gordo n Zahn , "Memorie s i n Stone, " America 149 , n (Octobe r 15 , 1983): 213. 55. Buckley , "Vie t Guilt, " 72 . Buckley's reference t o "lack " allude s to a for m of masculine impotence that i s implicated i n many assertions of "Vie t guilt." Psy chologist an d Vietna m vetera n Arthu r Egendor f ha s writte n tha t thos e wh o voiced th e slogan "Hel l no ! I won't go " "identifie d themselve s b y negativism... . They are resigned t o impotence." Quote d i n Lynne Hanley, Writing War: Fiction, Gender, and Memory (Amherst : Universit y o f Massachusett s Press , 1991) , 104 . Susan Jacob y "wondere d whethe r th e million s o f me n m y ag e wh o avoide d th e

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18 9

draft ma y feel 'unmanned ' i n a way that n o woman ca n truly understand." Susa n Jacoby, "Wome n an d th e War," i n A. D. Home (ed.) , The Wounded Generation: America After Vietnam (Englewoo d Cliffs , N.J. : Prentice-Hall, 1981) , 199 . 56. Myr a MacPherson , Long Time Passing: Vietnam and the Haunted Generation (Ne w York: Signet , 1984) , 106 . 57. Jame s Webb, Fields of Fire (New York : Bantam, 1979) , 406, 410 . 58. Harr y Haine s quote s the reactio n expresse d b y an arm y comba t medi c a t Cam Ran h Ba y after readin g a Newsweek repor t o f the killings of war protestor s at Ken t Stat e University , 1970 : "No w th e sons-of-bitche s ar e killin g u s bac k a t home." Harr y Haines , "Hegemon y an d th e G I Resistance: Introductory Notes, " Vietnam Generation 2 , 1 (1990): 3. 59. Joh n Irving , A Prayer for Owen Meany (London : Corgi , 1989) . 60. Sony a Sayres , Anders Stephanson , Stanle y Aronowitz , an d Fredri c Jameson (eds.) , The 60s Without Apology (Minneapolis : Universit y o f Minnesot a Press, 1984) , 8 . 61. O'Neill , Coming Apart, 426 ; Lanc e Morrow , "A n Eleg y fo r th e Ne w Left," Time (Augus t 15 , 1977) : 43. 62. Richar d Hofstadter, "Th e Age of Rubbish," Newsweek (Jul y 6,1970): 15 ; Allan Bloom , The Closing of the American Mind (Ne w York : Simo n an d Schus ter, 1987) , 320 . 63. Collie r an d Horowitz , Destructive Generation. 64. Jo n Wiener , "Th e Sixtie s an d Popula r Memory, " Radical America 21 , 6 (November-December 1987) : 24 . 65. Tod d Gitlin summarized the dichotomy in the subtitle of his book The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage (Ne w York : Bantam , 1989) . Wini Briene s dis cusses the dichotomy o f "good " an d "bad " sixtie s in "Whose New Left?" Journal of American History 75 , 2 (September 1988) : 1071-10 8 2. 66. Georg e Lucas' s American Graffiti doe s allude to the existence o f the Vietnam War , notabl y i n Toad' s fate . A t th e en d o f th e fil m Toa d (Charle s Marti n Smith) i s registered a s missing in action nea r A n Loc. Such references ca n onl y b e cursory, however, because , as Coli n McCab e ha s argued , th e external worl d can not b e allowe d t o imping e o n th e homogeneou s an d containe d societ y o f small town Californi a withou t creatin g unresolvabl e narrativ e contradictions . Th e repression o f Vietna m als o function s i n relatio n t o Cur t Henderso n (Richar d Dreyfuss), who , a t th e en d o f th e film , i s a write r livin g i n Canada . Th e sugges tion tha t h e has gone to Canad a t o evad e the draf t remain s unspoken . Coli n Mc Cabe, "Theor y an d Film : Principles o f Realis m an d Pleasure, " i n hi s Theoretical Essays: Film, Linguistics, Literature (Manchester , U.K. : Mancheste r Universit y Press, 1985) , 73-74 67. To m Wolf e describe s wha t h e see s a s th e fashionabl e game s o f certai n wealthy patron s o f progressiv e cause s i n Radical Chic, publishe d a s part o f Radical Chic, an d Mau-Mauing the Flak Catchers (Ne w York : Bantam , 1971) . Richard Nixon , Beyond Peace (Ne w York : Random House , 1994) .

i5>o I

Notes to Part 3

68. "1968 : The Yea r That Shape d a Generation," Time (Januar y n , 1988) . 69. Rauschenberg' s Signs is reproduced o n the cover of Chafe, The Unfinished Journey. 70. Charle s Kaiser , 1968 in America: Music, Politics, Chaos, Counterculture, and the Shaping of a Generation (Ne w York : Weidenfeld an d Nicolson , 1988) . 71. Ma x Horkheime r an d Theodo r Adorn o fro m The Dialectic of Enlightenment, quote d i n Martin Jay, "Anamnesti c Totalization : Reflection s o n Marcuse' s Theory o f Remembrance, " Theory and Society 11 , 1 (January 1982) : 5 . 72. Lanc e Morrow , " A Blood y Rit e o f Passage, " Time (Apri l 15 , 1985) : 22 , 23.

73. Michae l Herr , Dispatches (London : Picador, 1978) , 206 . 74. Sony a Sayres , Anders Stephanson , Stanle y Aronowitz , an d Fredri c Jameson, introduction t o The 60s Without Apology, 8 . 75. Auste r an d Quart , an d Christense n refe r t o The Green Berets a s the onl y film abou t th e war made during the war years . Albert Auster an d Leonard Quart , "Hollywood an d Vietnam : Th e Triump h o f th e Will, " Cineaste 9 , 3 (Sprin g 1979): 4 ; Terry Christensen , Reel Politics: American Political Movies from Birth of a Nation to Platoon (Ne w York: Blackwell , 1987) , 147 . 76. A Auster an d Quart , "Hollywoo d an d Vietnam, " 4 . 77. Michae l Ryan and Douglas Kellner, Camera Politica: The Politics and Ideology of Contemporary Hollywood Film (Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1990), 5 1 .

78. Joh n Hoberman , "Vietnam : Th e Remake, " i n B . Kruger an d P . Marian i (eds.), Remaking History (Seattle : Bay Press, 1989) , 181. 79. Sticks and Bones (1969 ) i s reprinted i n Davi d Rabe , The Vietnam Plays, vol. 1, "The Basic Training of Pavlo Hummel" an d "Sticks and Bones" (Ne w York: Grov e Press , 1993) , 104 . 80. Ibid. , 122 . 8 1 . Ibid. , 122 . 82. Ibid. , 1 7 5 .

83. Quote d i n Mar y Pa t Kelly , Martin Scorsese: A Journey (London : Seeke r and Warburg , 1992) , 89 . 84. Rober t Stone , Dog Soldiers (London : Wyndham, 1976) , 116 . 85. I n the card tha t h e writes to his parents, Travis adds: "On e da y there'll b e a knock a t the door an d it'll be me." Given Travis's predilection fo r unleashin g violence o n th e home front , th e lin e takes o n a sinister resonance . 86. Fo r th e influenc e o f The Searchers o n ne w Hollywoo d filmmakers , in cluding Scorsese , see Stuart Byron , "The Searchers: Cul t Movi e o f th e New Hol lywood," New York Magazine (Marc h 5 , 1979) : 45-48. Davi d Boy d elaborate s the relationshi p betwee n The Searchers an d Taxi Driver i n "Prisone r o f th e Night," Film Heritage 12 , 2 (Winter 1976-1977): 24-30 . 87. Robi n Wood, Hollywood from Vietnam to Reagan (Ne w York: Columbi a University Press , 1986) , 53.

Notes to Part 3 I

19 1

88. Ric k Ber g an d Joh n Carlo s Rowe , "Th e Vietna m Wa r an d America n Memory," introductio n t o J. C . Row e an d R . Ber g (eds.) , The Vietnam War and American Culture (Ne w York : Columbi a Universit y Press , 1991) , 6 . 89. Christophe r Lasch , Haven in a Heartless World: The Family Besieged (New York : Basic Books, 1977) . 90. K . Woodwar d e t al. , "Savin g th e Family, " Newsweek (Ma y 15 , 1978) : 49-5491. Arlen e Skolnick , Embattled Paradise: The American Family in an Age of Uncertainty (Ne w York : Basic Books, 1991) , 104-105 . 92. Pete r Carroll , It Seemed Like Nothing Happened: America in the I^JOS (New Brunswick , N.J. : Rutgers Universit y Press , 1990) , 279 . 93. I n Backlash: The Undeclared War Against Women (London : Chatt o an d Windus, 1991) , Susa n Falud i analyze s advers e reaction s t o th e secon d wav e o f feminism. Falud i chart s th e backlas h a t variou s sites , including it s manifestatio n in popula r cultur e (i n th e representation s o f prin t new s media , film , television , fashion, an d th e beaut y industry) , an d it s inscriptio n i n th e writing s o f neocon servative an d "neofeminist " authors . Othe r studie s o f th e backlas h agains t women an d feminis m includ e Marily n French , The War Against Women (Ne w York: Summit , 1992) , an d Naom i Wolf , The Beauty Myth: How Images of Beauty Are Used Against Women (London : Vintage , 1991) . Susa n Jeffords con siders a n aspec t o f th e backlas h a s it operate s withi n representation s o f th e Viet nam Wa r i n The Remasculinization of America: Gender and the Vietnam War (Bloomington: Indian a Universit y Press , 1989) . 94. Susa n Jeffords , "Reproducin g Fathers : Gende r an d th e Vietna m Wa r i n American Culture, " i n R . Morri s an d P . Ehrenhau s (eds.) , Cultural Legacies of Vietnam: Uses of the Past in the Present (Norwood , N.J. : Ablex , 1990) , 124-144. 95. Rober t Bly , Iron John: A Book about Men (Shaftesbury , U.K. : Element , 1990). Th e characterizatio n o f th e figur e o f th e mothe r an d description s o f th e features o f the "Wil d Man" ar e located throughout th e text, see particularly chapter 8 . 96. Quote d i n Carroll , It Seemed Like Nothing Happened, 297 . 97. Andre w Ross, "Cowboys, Cadillacs and Cosmonauts: Families, Film Genres, an d Technocultures, " i n J. Boon e an d M . Cadde n (eds.) , Engendering Men: The Question of Male Feminist Criticism (Ne w York: Routledge, 1990) , 9 . 98. Joh n Carlo s Rowe, "'Bringin g It All Back Home': American Recycling s of the Vietna m War, " i n N. Armstron g an d L . Tennenhouse (eds.) , The Violence of Representation: Literature and the History of Violence (London : Routledge , 1989), 200 . 99. Darrel l Hamamot o ha s note d a numbe r o f televisio n report s fro m th e eighties tha t concentrat e o n th e them e o f "Amerasia n lov e children. " Se e Monitored Peril: Asian Americans and the Politics of TV Representation (Minneapo lis: University o f Minnesota , 1994) , 150-152 .

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Notes to Part 3

100. Loui s Malle' s Alamo Bay (1985 ) i s one o f th e fe w film s o f th e perio d t o represent a Vietnames e communit y i n America . Malle' s fil m deal s wit h lif e i n a fishing tow n o n th e Texa s Gul f Coas t an d th e prejudic e face d b y Vietnames e members o f th e community i n their attempt s t o ear n a living from th e sea . 101. Bobbi e Ann Mason , In Country (London : Flamingo , 1986) , 27 . 102. Report s dealin g wit h "tripwire " veteran s includ e Joanne Davidso n an d John Lang , "Vietnam' s Sa d Legacy : Vet s Livin g i n th e Wild, " U.S. News and World Report (Marc h 12 , 1984): 38-39, and Larry Heinemann, "'Jus t Don't Fit' : Stalking th e Elusive Tripwire ' Veteran, " Harper's (Apri l 1985) : 55-63 . 103. Phili p Caputo , Indian Country (London : Century , 1987) . 104. Mason , In Country, 189 . 105. Arthu r Danto , quoted i n Lori Askeland, "Remakin g the Model Home i n Uncle Tom's Cabin an d Beloved," American Literature 64 , 4 (Decembe r 1992) : 786. 106. Willia m Broyles , Jr. , "Rememberin g a Wa r W e Wan t t o Forget, " Newsweek (Novembe r 22 , 1982) : 82 . 107. Quote d i n Pau l D . Erickson , Reagan Speaks: The Making of American Myth (Ne w York: New Yor k Universit y Press , 1985) , 54 . 108. Quote d i n Irvin g Sloa n (ed.) , Ronald Reagan, 1911- : ChronologyDocuments-Bibliographical Aids (Dobb s Ferry , N.Y.: Oceana, 1980) , 140 . 109. Catherin e Stewart , On Longing: Narratives of the Miniature, the Gigantic, the Souvenir, the Collection (Baltimore : Johns Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1984), 23. n o . Ibid . i n . Rolan d Robertson , "Afte r Nostalgia ? Wilful Nostalgi a an d the Phases of Globalization," i n B . Turne r (ed.) , Theories of Modernity and Postmodernity (London: Sage , 1990) , 45-61 . 112. Quoted , ibid. , 53 . 113. Th e descriptio n o f th e commercia l i s base d o n detail s give n i n Sidne y Blumenthal, The Rise of the Counter-Establishment: From Conservative Ideology to Political Power (Ne w York : Time s Books , 1986) , 279 . Th e image s tha t wer e used in the commercial were selected from a n eighteen-minute film first broadcas t at th e 198 4 Dalla s Republica n Nationa l Convention . Detail s o f th e fil m ar e pro vided i n Ti m Luke , Screens of Power: Ideology, Domination, and Resistance in Informational Society (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1989) , 147-148 . 114. Andre w Brixton , "Blissin g Out : Th e Politic s o f Reaganit e Entertain ment," Movie 31-3 1 (Winte r 1986) : 9, 10 . 115. Angelik a Bammer , editoria l ("Th e Questio n o f 'Home'") , New Formations 1 7 (Summe r 1992) : vii. 116. Th e ter m "no t home " i s Carlo s Baker's ; h e use d i t i n a discussio n o f Hemingway's A Farewell to Arms. Accordin g t o Baker , Hemingwa y constructe d a dichotomy betwee n the safe and satisfyin g worl d of "home " an d the dangerous ,

Notes to Part 3 I

19 3

different worl d o f "no t home. " Carlo s Baker , Hemingway: The Writer as Artist (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Universit y Press , 1956) , 94-116 . 117. Joh n Higgins , "Th e Bi g Chill, " i n M . Davis , F . Pfeil, an d M . Sprinke r (eds.), The Year Left: An American Socialist Yearbook (London : Verso , 1985) , 307. 118. Richar d Corliss , "Yo u Ge t Wha t Yo u Need, " Time (Septembe r 12 , 1983)172. 119. See , especially, Britton , "Blissin g Out, " 24-42 , an d Robi n Wood , "80 s Hollywood: Dominan t Tendencies, " CineAction! (Sprin g 1985) : 2-5 . 120. Rober t Philli p Kolker, A Cinema of Loneliness: Penn, Kubrick, Scorsese, Spielberg, Altman, 2n d ed. (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1988), chapter 4 . 121. Quote d i n Michael Clark , "Rememberin g Vietnam," Cultural Critique 3 (Spring 1986) : 47. 122. Quote d i n Harry Haines, "The Pride Is Back: Rambo, Magnum, ?.L , an d the Return Trip to Vietnam," in R. Morris and P. Ehrenhaus (eds.) , Cultural Legacies of Vietnam: Uses of the Past in the Present (Norwood , N.J. : Ablex , 1990) , 107.

123. Joh n Bodnar , Remaking America: Public Memory, Commemoration, and Patriotism in the Twentieth Century (Princeton , N.J. : Princeto n Universit y Press, 1992) , 7 . 124. Clark , "Rememberin g Vietnam, " 48 . 125. Rober t McFadden , "Thousand s Her e Hono r Vietna m Veterans, " New York Times (Apri l 1 , 1973) : 1 , 76. 126. Rowe , "'Bringin g I t All Back Home,' " 197 . 127. Geoffre y Nowell-Smith , "Minnell i an d Melodrama, " i n C . Gledhil l (ed.), Home Is Where the Heart Is: Studies in Melodrama and the Women's Film (London: BF I Publishing, 1987) , 73 . Andrew Marti n ha s writte n o f th e connec tions betwee n melodram a an d Vietnam Wa r texts in Receptions of War: Vietnam in American Culture (Norman : Universit y o f Oklahom a Press , 1993) . I a m i n~ debted to certain of Martin's observations concerning the function o f melodrama . 128. Joh n Carlo s Rowe , "Fro m Documentar y t o Docudrama : Vietna m o n Television i n the 1980's, " Genre 21 , 4 (Winte r 1988) : 473. 129. Hom i Bhabh a ha s use d th e wor d "unhomely " t o refe r t o th e "shoc k o f recognition o f the world-in-the home. " The perception o f differenc e tha t Bhabh a identifies b y thi s wor d i s simila r t o th e conditio n I refe r t o a s "homelessness. " Homi Bhabha , "Th e World an d th e Home, " Social Text 31-3 2 (1992) : 141. 130. Se e Homi Bhabha , "Th e Othe r Questio n . . . , " Screen 24 , 6 (November December 1983) : 18-36 . 131. Stuar t Hall, "Ne w Ethnicities," in Black Film, British Cinema, IC A Documents 7 (London : Institut e o f Contemporar y Art , 1988) , 28. 132. Stuar t Clarke , "Fea r of a Black Planet," Socialist Review 21 , 3-4 (1991) : 37-

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Notes to Part 3

133. Mik e Davis, City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles (Lon don: Vintage, 1990) , 270 , 289 , 292 , 267 . 134. Th e use of helicopters to signify U.S. military endeavor in Vietnam is parodied i n Ton y Scott' s True Romance (1993 ) durin g a scen e i n whic h a directo r plays rushes of his new film, "Comin g Home i n a Body Bag"—the image s consis t entirely o f helicopter s flyin g acros s the screen . 135. Haze l Carby , "Genealogie s o f Rac e an d Nation : Grand Canyon, a Nar rative fo r Ou r Times, " i n D . Bennett (ed.) , Cultural Studies: Pluralism and Theory (Melbourne : University o f Melbourne , 1993) , 80 . 136. Ibid . 137. bel l hooks , quote d i n Doree n Massey , " A Plac e Calle d Home? " New Formations 17 (Summe r 1992) : 15. NOTES T O CONCLUSIO

N

i. Rolan d Barthes , "Africa n Grammar, " i n The Eiffel Tower: And Other Mythologies (Ne w York: Hill an d Wang , 1979) , 105 . 2. Claud e Levi-Strauss , The Raw and the Cooked: Introduction to a Science of Mythology (Ne w York : Harper an d Row , 1969), 9. 3. Ibid . 4. Georg e Lipsitz , "Listenin g t o Lear n an d Learnin g t o Listen : Popula r Cul ture, Cultura l Theory , an d America n Studies, " American Quarterly 42 , 4 (De cember 1990) : 621. 5. Stuar t Hall, "Th e Toad i n the Garden : Thatcherism Amon g the Theorists, " in C . Nelson an d L . Grossberg (eds.) , Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture (London: Macmillan , 1988) , 69-70 . 6. Fredri c Jameson, The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic Act (Ithaca , N.Y : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1981) , 102 . 7. Elain e Scarry , The Body in Pain: The Making and Unmaking of the World (New York: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1995) , 114 . 8. Vivia n Sobchack , "Histor y Happens, " introductio n t o V . Sobchack (ed.) , The Persistence of History: Cinema, Television, and the Modern Event (Ne w York: Routledge, 1996) , 2 . 9. H . Bruc e Frankli n ha s provide d a masterfu l interpretatio n o f th e rol e o f MIA's in U.S. relations with Vietnam i n M.I.A., or Mythmaking in America (Ne w Brunswick, N.J. : Rutgers Universit y Press , 1993) . 10. Michae l Herr , Dispatches (London : Picador , 1978) , n .

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Alamo Bay, 1985 , Louis Malle, Tri-Sta r Ambush, 1992 , Joseph Gray , Artists' Kentucky Projec t American Graffiti, 1973 , George Lucas , Universa l The Anderson Platoon, 1967 , Pierre Schoendorffer , Schoendorffe r Film s Inc. Angels From Hell, 1968 , Bruce Kessler, American Internationa l The Angry Breed, 1968 , David Commons , Commonwealt h Unite d Animal House (ak a National Lampoon's Animal House), 1979 , Joh n Landis , Universal Apocalypse Now, 1979 , Francis For d Coppola , Unite d Artist s Ashes and Embers, 1982 , Haile Gerima , Myphedu h Film s Author! Author!, 1982 , Arthur Hiller , Twentieth Centur y Fo x The Best Years of Our Lives, 1946 , William Wyler , Samuel Goldwy n Beyond the Law, 1967 , Norman Maile r The Big Chill, 1983 , Lawrence Kasdan , Columbi a Billy Jack, 1971 , T. C. Frank (To m Laughlin), Warner Brother s Billy Jack Goes to Washington, 1977 , Tom Laughlin , Taylor-Laughli n Black Cactus, 1991 , Le Dan, Vietnam Featur e Fil m Studio s Black Sunday, 1976, Joh n Frankenheimer , Paramoun t Blood of Ghastly Horror, 1971 , Al Adamson, Hemispher e Production s Bobby Deerfield, 1977 , Sydney Pollack, Columbi a The Born Losers, 1967 , T. C. Frank (To m Laughlin), American Internationa l Born on the Fourth of July, 1989 , Oliver Stone , Universa l Braddock: Missing in Action III, 1988 , Aaron Norris , Canno n Brothers and Relations, 1986 , Tran Vu and Nguyen Huu Luyen , Vietnam Featur e Film Studio s Bus Riley's Back in Town, 1965 , Harvey Hart , Universa l Casualties of War, 1989 , Brian DePalma , Columbi a Cease Fire, 1984 , David Nutter , Cineworl d Enterprise s The Champ, 1979 , Franco Zeffirelli , Unite d Artists/MG M China Beach, ABC , 198 8 Christmas in Vietnam, 1965 , Joe Gorsuch , CB S News Chrome and Hot Leather, 1971 , Lee Frost, American Internationa l Coming Home, 1978 , Hal Ashby , United Artist s The Cosby Show, NBC , 198 4 The Crazy World of Julius Vrooder, 1974 , Arthur Hiller , Twentieth Centur y Fo x Cu Chi Guerrilla, 1967 , Vietnam Centra l Newsreel and Documentary Fil m Studi o Cutter's Way (ak a Cutter and Bone), 1981 , Ivan Passer , United Artist s Deathdream (ak a Dead of Night an d The Night Walk), 1972 , Bo b Clark , Bo b Clark/Europix Consolidate d The Deer Hunter, 1978 , Michael Cimino , EMI/Columbia/Warne r Desert Shield, 1991 , Shimon Dotan , Twentyfirs t Centur y Production s Distant Thunder, 1988 , Rick Rosenthal , Paramoun t Earthquake, 1975 , Mark Robson , Universa l

2i 8 I

Bibliography

The Edge, 1967 , Robert Kramer , Blu e Van Productions-Alpha 6 0 84 Charlie Mopic, 1989 , Patrick Duncan , Ne w Century-Vist a E.T: The Extraterrestrial, 1982 , Steven Spielberg , Universa l A Face of War, 1968 , Eugene Jones, International Histori c Film s Family Ties, NBC , 198 2 First Blood, 1982 , Ted Kotcheff, Orio n Forrest Gump, 1994 , Robert Zemeckis , Paramoun t Frank: A Vietnam Veteran, 1981 , Fred Simon , Fanlight Production s Full Metal jacket, 1987 , Stanley Kubrick , Warne r Brother s Getting Straight, 1970 , Richard Rush , Columbi a GI Jose, 1975 , Norberto Lopez , Third Worl d Newsree l The Girl on the River, 1987 , Dang Nhat Minh , Vietnam Featur e Fil m Studio s Going Back: A Return to Vietnam, 1982 , David Munro , Bullfro g Film s Good Bye and Good Luck, 1969 , WNET Bosto n Good Guys Wear Black, 1977 , Ted Post, Mar Vist a Grand Canyon, 1992 , Lawrence Kasdan , Twentiet h Centur y Fo x The Green Berets, 1968 , John Wayne and Ray Kellogg, Warner Brothers/Seven Arts Growing Pains, ABC , 198 5 Hamburger Hill, 1987 , John Irvin , RK O Hanoi Hilton, 1987 , Lionel Chetwynd , Golan-Globu s Happy Days, ABC , 197 4 The Hard Ride, 1971 , Bruce Topper, American Internationa l Hardcore, 1978 , Paul Schrader , Columbia/A-Tea m Heartbreak Ridge, 1986 , Clint Eastwood, Malpaso/Westo n Heroes, 1977 , Jeremy Pau l Kagan, Universa l Hot Shots II, 1992 , Jim Abrahams, Twentieth Centur y Fo x Ice Castles, 1979 , Donald Wrye , Columbi a In Country, 1989 , Norman Jewison , Warner Brother s Interviews with My Lai Veterans, 1972 , Joseph Strick , Film s In c Intimate Strangers, 1986 , Robert Elli s Miller, Telepicture s Jacknife, 1989 , David Jones, Vestro n Johnny Firecloud, 1975 , W. A. Castleman, American Nationa l Journey through Rosebud, 1972 , Tom Gries , GSF Video Karma, 1986 , Ho Quan g Minh , Vietnam Featur e Fil m Studio s Kramer vs. Kramer, 1979 , Robert Benton , Columbi a The Lady from Yesterday, 1985 , Robert Day , Comworl d Production s Latino, 1985 , Haskell Wexler , Lucasfilm s Lav erne and Shirley, ABC , 197 5 Lethal Weapon, 1987, Richar d Donner , Warne r Brother s Lethal Weapon II, 1989 , Richard Donner , Warner Brother s Lethal Weapon III, 1992 , Richard Donner , Warner Brother s Little Big Man, 1971 , Arthur Penn , Cinem a Cente r Long Shadows, 1987 , Ross Spears , James Agee Film Projec t

Bibliography I

21 9

Lords of Discipline, 1983 , Franc Roddom , Paramoun t The Losers, 1970 , Jack Starrett , Fanfar e Film s Magnum, PL, CBS , 198 0 Maidstone, 1968 , Norman Maile r Medium Cool, 1969 , Haskell Wexler , Paramoun t Meet Me in St. Louis, 1944 , Vicente Minnelli, MG M The Men, 1951 , Fred Zinnemann , Unite d Artist s Miami Vice, NBC, 198 4 Missing in Action, 1984 , Joseph Zitto , Canno n Missing in Action II: The Beginning, 1985 , Lance Hool , Canno n Motor Psycho, 1965 , Russ Meyer , Ev e Production s Mr. Mom, 1983 , Stan Dragoti , Paramoun t The Most Dangerous Situation, 1967 , Vietnam Centra l Newsree l an d Documen tary Fil m Studi o Mr. Smith Goes To Washington, 1939 , Frank Capra , Columbi a My Old Man's Place (ak a Glory Boy), 1972 , Edwin Sherin , Cineram a Ngu Thuy Girls, 1969 , Vietnam Centra l Newsreel an d Documentar y Fil m Studi o No Game, 1968 , The Newsreel , Third Worl d Newsree l No Vietnamese Ever Called Me Nigger, 1968 , David Weiss , Paradigm Film s An Officer and a Gentlemen, 1982 , Taylor Hackford , Lorime r Operation Nam, 1985 , Larry Ludman , Imperia l Entertainmen t Ordinary People, 1980 , Robert Redford , Paramount/Wildwoo d The Other Side of Midnight, 1977 , Charles Jarrott, Twentiet h Centur y Fo x P.O.W.: The Escape, 1986 , Gideo n Amir , Golan/Globu s Platoon, 1986 , Olive r Stone , Hemdal e The Poseidon Adventure, 1972 , Ronald Neame , Twentieth Centur y Fo x Powwow Highway, 1989 , Joanelle Romero and Jonathan Wacks, Warner Brother s Pride of the Marines, 1945 , Delmer Daves , Warner Brother s Private Benjamin, 1980 , Howard Zieff , Warne r Brother s Rambo: First Blood, II, 1985 , George Cosmatos , Tri-Sta r Riders of the Storm (ak a The American Way), 1986 , Maurice Phillips , Mirama x Riptide, NBC , 198 4 Riverbend, 1990 , Sam Firstenberg , Pris m Rolling Thunder, 1977 , John Flynn , AI P Roots, ABC , 197 7 Salvador, 1986 , Olive r Stone , Hemdal e Sands of Iwo Jima, 1949 , Allan Dwan , Republi c Satan's Sadists, 1969 , Al Adamson, Independen t Internationa l The Searchers, 1956 , John Ford , Whitney/Warner Brother s The Secret Agent, 1983 , Jacki Ochs and Daniel Keller, Green Mountain Pos t Films Shoot the Moon, 1982 , Alan Parker , MGM/Unite d Artist s Slow Dancing in the Big City, 1978 , John Avildsen , United Artist s Soldier Blue, 1970 , Ralph Nelson , Avc o Embass y

220 I

Bibliography

Some Kind of Hero, 1982 , Michael Pressman , Paramoun t The Strawberry Statement, 1970 , Stuart Hagmann , MG M Stripes, 1981 , Ivan Reitman , Columbi a The Strolling Singers, Cha u Hue , 1991 , Vietnam Featur e Fil m Studio s The Stunt Man, 1978 , Richard Rush , Twentieth Centur y Fo x Surname Viet, Given Name Nam, 1989 , Trinh T . Minh-ha, Wome n Mak e Fil m Summer of '68, 1968 , The Newsreel, Third Worl d Newsree l Taps, 1981 , Harold Becker , Twentieth Centur y Fo x Taxi Driver, 1976 , Martin Scorsese , Columbi a Terms of Endearment, 1983 , James Brooks , Paramoun t To Kill a Clown, 1972 , Georg e Bloomfield , Twentiet h Centur y Fo x To Heal a Nation, 1987 , Michael Pressman, Lionel Chetwynd Productions/Orio n Pictures Televisio n Top Gun, 1986, Ton y Scott , Paramoun t Tour of Duty, CBS , 198 7 Towering Inferno, 1975 , John Guillermin, Twentieth Centur y Fox/ Warner Brother s Tracks, 1976 , Henry Jaglom, Rainbo w Picture s The Trial of Billy Jack, 1974 , Frank Laughlin , Taylor-Laughli n True Romance, 1993 , Tony Scott , Warner Brother s Twilight's Last Gleaming, 1977 , Robert Aldrich , Lorimar/Geri a Ulzana's Raid, 1971, Rober t Aldrich , Columbi a Uncommon Valor, 1983 , Ted Kotcheff, Paramoun t Vietnam Requiem: Vets in Prison, 1982 , Jonas McCord , Direc t Cinem a Vietnam Veterans: Dissidents for Peace, 1988 , Ying Ying Wu, Filmakers Librar y Vinh Linh Fortress, 1970, Vietnam Central Newsreel and Documentary Film Studio The Visitors, 1972 , Elia Kazan , United Artist s Wall Street, 1987 , Oliver Stone , Twentieth Centur y Fo x The War in El Cedro, 1988 , Don North , Northsta r Production s Weekend, 1967 , Jean-Luc Godard , Film s Coperni c Welcome Home, 1989 , Franklin Schaffer , Columbia/Ran k Welcome Home, Soldier Boys, 1972 , Richard Compton , Twentiet h Centur y Fo x When the Tenth Month Comes, 1984 , Dan g Nha t Minh , Vietna m Featur e Fil m Studios Who'll Stop the Rain? 1978 , Karel Reisz , United Artist s Who's the Boss} ABC , 198 4 Wild 90, 1968 , Norman Maile r The Wild Bunch, 1969 , Sam Peckinpah, Warne r Brothers/Seve n Art s The Wonder Years, ABC, 198 8 The World According to Garp, 1983 , George Ro y Hill , Warner Brother s Zabriskie Point, 1970 , Michelangelo Antonioni , MG M

Index

Abandoned Field, The—Free Fire Zone, 102 Adams, Eddie, 1 2 Adorno, Theodor, 33 , 12 5 Agent Orange , 37 , 96, 100 , 16 7 n. 11 6 Airport, 12 8 Alamo Bay, 19 2 n . 10 0 Ambush, 9 7 America in Our Time (Hodgson) , 114 , 11 9 America in Vietnam (Lewy) , 2 9 American Blood (Nicholls) , 17 4 n . 2 9 American Graffiti, 43 , 124, 18 9 n . 66 American Psychiatri c Association , 1 8 amnesia: concept of , 27-28 , 42. See also forgetting, nationa l . . . And a Hard Rain Fell (Ketwig), 8 0 Anderson Platoon, The, 7 9 Angels from Hell, 64 , 65 Angry Breed, The, 65 Animal House, 12 4 anti-Vietnam Wa r movement , 108 , 119 , 187 n. 39 ; "bringin g th e war home, " 8 , 107, 108-109 , 110 , 119 , 127 , 153 ; college courses on , 18 8 n. 43; in film, 22 , 110-113, 122-123 ; in Rambo, 22 ; in First Blood, 122 ; and Ne w Left , 119 ; in written narratives , 114-122 , 123 , 187 n . 39; media coverag e of , 109-11 0 Antonioni, Michelangelo, 11 2 Anxious Years, The (McQuaid) , 11 9 Apocalypse Now, 74 , 8 8 Appy, Christian , 17 0 n . 16 6 Armies of the Night, The (Mailer) , 77 , 114-117, 15 9 n . 17 , 18 6 n . 3 1 Ashes and Embers, 59, 99-10 0 A-Team, The, 2 , 4 1, 92 Atkinson, Rick , 16 9 n. 14 2 Author! Author!, 13 3 Backlash (Faludi) , 16 3 n. 53 , 191 n. 9 3

Bad War, The (Willenson , with th e corre spondents o f Newsweek), 17 9 n. 9 7 Baker, Mark, 79 , 84 , 17 7 n. 70 , 17 9 n . 9 7 Balaban, John, 16 5 n . 9 1 Bao Ninh, 10 2 Baritz, Richard , 3 2 Barthes, Roland, 17 , 62, 63, 120, 151, 157 n. 1 0 Bates, Milton, 16 6 n . 9 8 Bausch, Robert , 17 4 n . 2 9 beauty myth , 3 5 Beauty Myth, The (Wolf) , 19 1 n. 9 3 Beesley, Stanley, 83-84 , 17 9 n . 9 7 Beidler, Philip, 82 , 17 7 n. 66 Bellah, Robert, e t al., 27, 4 3 Belsey, Catherine, 6 0 Benjamin, Walter , 28, 49, 9 8 Berg, Rick, 65, 99 , 17 3 n. 14 , 18 8 n . 4 3 Best Years of Our Lives, The, 1 9 Beyond Peace (Nixon) , 12 4 Beyond the Law, 11 4 Bhabha, Homi , 19 3 n. 129 , 19 3 n. 13 0 "Big Bertha Stories " (Mason) , 20, 7 2 Big Chill, The, 19 , 74, 140-14 1 Billy Jack, 59 Billy Jack cycl e of films , 59 , 63, 173 n. 2 2 Billy Jack Goes to Washington, 59, 6 4 Birth of the Clinic, The (Foucault) , 162 n . 2 6 Black Cactus, 10 2 Black Sunday, 17 0 n . 16 5 Blood of Ghastly Horror, 65 Bloom, Allan, 12 4 Blumenthal, Michael , 12 1 Bly, Robert, 23 , 134 , 16 3 n. 37 "boat people, " 136 . See also refugees , In dochinese Bobby Deerfield, 13 5 body, the: metaphors of , 16-18 , 26; image s of wounde d body , 12-13 , 16 0 n . 5 221

222 I

Index

"Born i n the U.S.A.," 51-52 , 72-73 , 9 3 Born Losers, The, 59 , 63-6 5 Born on the Fourth of July (Kovic) , 5 1, 98 Born on the Fourth of July (Stone) , 18 , 36, 51,90, 146 , 15 9 n. 1 7 Bourdieu, Pierre , 6 3 Bowen, Kevin, 16 5 n. 9 1 Braddock: Missing in Action III. Se e Missing in Action HI Brennan, Matthew , 17 9 n. 9 7 Brothers and Relations, 10 2 Broyles, Jr., William, 48-49 , 54 , 81 , 83, 161 n. 10 , 16 5 n. 91 , 166 n . 91, 192 n. 10 0 Bryan, C . D. B., 79, 17 7 n. 70 , 17 9 n . 10 1 Bryant, Anita , 13 4 Buckley, Christopher , 12 1 Buffalo Afternoon (Schaeffer) , 7 8 Bush, George , 1 , 28, 12 4 Bus Riley's Back in Town, 17 3 n. 2 2 Butler, Deborah, 17 2 n. 9 Butterfield, Fox , 16 5 n. 8 0 Camacho, Paul, 6 8 Cambodia, 30 , 3 1 Capps, Walter, 14 , 39, 40, 4 1, 76, 85-86 , 91,108,119 Captain Blackman (Williams) , 5 9 Caputo, Bruce , 9 4 Caputo, Philip, 78, 81, 137, 17 7 n. 7 0 Carter, Jimmy, 1 3 castration, 20 , 2 1, 34 Casualties of War, 56 Cease Fire, 136, 16 9 n . 15 0 censorship, 11 , 12 Central Newsree l an d Documentar y Fil m Studio (Nort h Vietnam) , 10 1 Chafe, William , 18 7 n. 3 9 Champ, The, 13 3 Charlie Company (Goldma n an d Fuller) , 168 n . 135 , 177 n. 70 , 17 9 n . 9 7 Charyn, Jerome, 17 4 n . 2 9 Chau Hue , 10 2 Children of Light (Stone) , 5 2 China Beach, 2, 59 , 14 5 China Men (Kingston) , 5 9 Chomsky, Noam, 30 , 3 1 Christmas in Vietnam, 7 9 Christopher, Renny , 18 3 n. 15 3 Chrome and Hot Leather, 65 Chrysler Plymout h corporation , 9 2

Cimino, Michael, 51 , 69 City of Quartz (Davis) , 147-14 8 civil rights movement, 2 2 Cixous, Helene, 17 5 n. 3 7 Clark, Michael , 14 3 Clinton, Bill , 1 , 13 , 95 Closing of the American Mind, The (Bloom), 12 4 Cockburn, Alexander , 3 0 Cohen, Stanley , 6 8 Coleman, Charles , 17 4 n. 2 9 Collier, Peter , and Davi d Horowitz , 186 n . 23, 18 9 n. 6 3 Columbia Universit y strik e (1968) , 109 , 111, 18 5 n. 1 5 Coming Apart (O'Neill) , 119-12 1 Coming Home, 18 , 36, 59, 70-72, 90 , 133, 13 6 common sense , 5, 17 , 68, 116 , 127 , 134 , 139,142, 144 , 149-150 , 152 , 153-154 , 158 n . 12 ; defined, 1 7 Conlin, Joseph, 18 6 n . 2 2 consensus schoo l o f historiography , 158 n . 1 4 Cooper, David , 1 7 Coppola, Franci s Ford , 8 8 Corliss, Richard, 14 1 Cosby Show, The, 13 5 cosmetic culture , 34-3 5 Crazy World of Julius Vrooder, The, 66 Cu Chi Guerrilla, 10 1 cultural studies , 15 7 n. 1 1 culture, 4, 6 , 18 ; defined, 5 ; and language , 62; militarized, 92 ; popular, 24 ; of nar cissism, 34 , 69 Cutter's Way, 20 , 34 , 50-51, 52 , 98, 183 n. 15 1 Dang Nhat Minh , 10 2 Danto, Arthur, 13 7 Davis, George, 5 9 Davis, Mike, 14 7 Davis, Rennie, 10 9 Deathdream, 65 DeBenedetti, Charle s an d Charle s Chat field, 11 4 Debord, Guy , 11 5 deconstruction, 60-61 , 62 , 10 4 Deer Hunter, The, 2, 18 , 35, 36, 46, 51, 69-70, 72 , 89 , 18 0 n . 12 1 Dellinger, Dave , 10 9 Del Vecchio, John, 7 9

Index I Democratic Party : 196 8 Nationa l Conven tion, 108 , 112 , 113 , 188 n . 50 ; 197 6 National Convention , 36 , 146 ; 198 4 National Convention , 19 2 n . 11 3 Derrida, Jaques, 6 0 Desert Shield, 4 1 Destructive Generation (Collie r an d Horowitz), 11 4 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 3 7 Dickstein, Morris , 108 , 18 8 n. 5 0 difference, 6 , 9 , 20, 24-25, 43, 50, 56, 106, 141 , 147, 149 ; defined, 15 9 n . 16 ; physical, 35 ; politics of , 147 , 17 0 n. 16 2 DiFusco, John, 97 , 18 2 n . 14 6 Dispatches (Herr) , 20, 56, 75-77, 79-80 , 89, 12 6 Distant Thunder, 137 , 13 8 documentary films , 87 , 88, 100 , 101 , 103, 112, 113 , 169 n. 150 , 18 4 n. 157 ; produced b y National Liberatio n Front , 10 1 Dog Soldiers (Stone) , 20, 52-53, 56, 128 , 131 Douglas, Mary, 14 , 15,1 6 Dow Chemica l Company , 37 , 100 , 167 n. 11 5 Downs, Frederick, 79 , 16 6 n. 91 , 177 n. 7 0 Duncan, Patrick , 88-8 9 Duong Th u Huong , 10 3 Durden, Charles , 7 6 Dye, Dale, 88 , 180 n . 11 4 Earthquake, 12 8 Edge, The, 17 0 n. 16 5 Egendorf, Arthur , 18 8 n . 55 Ehrhart, W.D., 54, 143 , 165 n. 91, 182 n. 14 6 84 Charlie Mopic, 88-8 9 Engelmann, Larry , 17 9 n. 9 7 Enzensberger, Hans , 9 8 Erdrich, Louise , 5 9 E.T, 14 2 Everything We Had (Santoli) , 84 , 177 n. 70 , 17 9 n. 9 7 Face of War, A, 7 9 Fallows, James, 3 1 Faludi, Susan, 16 3 n. 53 , 191 n. 9 3 Falwell, Jerry, 40, 13 4 family: crisis , 132 , 133-135 ; and home , 131, 137-138 , 145-146 ; healing power s of, 136-138 , 15 3

22 3

Family Ties, 13 5 Farewell to Arms, A (Hemingway) , 1 9 Farmanfarmaian, Abouali , 16 0 n . 7 Featherstone, Mike , 16 7 n. 10 6 feminism: backlas h against , 133 , 191 n. 9 3 Fields of Fire (Webb), 123 , 177 n. 7 0 First Blood, 22 , 65, 81 , 122 1st Casualt y Press , 9 7 Fisher King , 1 9 Fiske, John, 106 , 107 , 16 2 n . 32 , 16 2 n. 3 3 FitzGerald, Frances , 32 , 11 8 Flag for Sunrise, A (Stone) , 5 2 "folk devils, " 6 8 Fonda, Jane, 11 3 Ford, Gerald , 13 , 28 forgetting: national , 7 , 27-31, 42 , 125 , 152. See also amnesia ; memor y Forrest Gump, 15 5 Foucault, Michel , 16 , 29, 33, 39, 40, 162 n . 23, 162 n. 2 6 Frank, Lawrence , 2 7 Frank: A Vietnam Veteran, 10 0 Frankfurt School , 9 8 Franklin, H . Bruce , 70, 16 0 n. 5 , 16 6 n . 9 3 Freeman, Dan , an d Jacqueline Rhoads , 179 n . 9 7 French, Marilyn , 16 3 n. 53 , 191 n. 9 3 frontier myth , 3 2 Full Metal Jacket, 88 , 24 Fussell, Paul, 1 2 Gelb, Leslie, and Richar d K . Betts, 29 Gerima, Haile , 99, 10 0 Getting Straight, 110-11 1 Gljose, 10 0 Girl on the River, The, 10 2 Gitlin, Todd, 67 , 109 , 110 , 17 4 n . 32 , 187 n. 39 , 18 9 n . 65 Godard, Jean-Luc, 11 3 Goff, Stanley , Robert Saunder s an d Clar k Smith, 17 9 n. 9 7 Going After Cacciato (O'Brien) , 76 , 78, 8 2 Going Back (Ehrhart) , 16 6 n . 9 1 Going Back (Munro) , 100 , 101 , 166 n . 9 1 Goldman, Pete r an d Ton y Fuller , 79 , 168 n . 135 , 17 7 n. 70 , 17 9 n . 9 7 Good Bye and Good Luck, 10 0 Good Guys Wear Black, 2 2 Graetz, Rick , 16 6 n . 9 1 Gramsci, Antonio, 126 , 15 8 n . 12 , 158 n . 1 3 Grand Canyon, 148-14 9

224 I

Index

Graves, Robert, 82 , 16 0 n . 7 Great Society , 124 , 18 7 n. 3 4 Green Berets, The (Moore) , 7 8 Green Berets, The (Wayn e an d Kellogg) , 80, 12 7 Greene, Bob, 8 5 Greene, Graham , 7 7 Grey, Anthony, 79 , 17 7 n. 7 0 Griswold, Charles , 16 8 n . 13 8 Grossberg, Lawrence , 9 3 Growing Bains, 13 5 Gruner, Elliott , 16 6 n. 9 3 Gulf War , 11-12 , 4 1, 95, 159 n. 1 , 16 0 n. 7 Gurney, Ivor, 16 0 n. 7 Haeberle, Ron , 12 , 17 4 n . 2 8 Haines, Harry, 16 4 n. 72 , 16 6 n. 92 , 169 n . 142 , 17 1 n. 177 , 17 4 n. 34 , 181 n. 126 , 18 9 n . 58 , 19 3 n . 12 2 Halberstam, David , 1 4 Hall, Stuart , 5 , 104 , 107 , 147 , 154 , 157 n. 11 , 158 n. 13 , 162 n. 2 9 Hall of Mirrors, A (Stone) , 5 2 Hamamoto, Darrell , 19 1 n. 9 9 Hamburger Hill, 81 , 123, 169 n. 15 0 Hanoi Hilton, 123-12 4 Happy Days, 12 4 Hardcore, 13 2 Hard Ride, The, 65 Hart, Frederick , 4 5 Harvard Universit y strik e (1969) , 18 5 n. 1 6 Hayden,Tom, 109 , 113 , 11 4 Hayslip, Le Ly, 171 n. 18 8 healing, 2, 16 , 27, 57, 86 , 152 , 16 8 n . 138 , 169 n. 143 ; communal, 38-43 ; concep t of, 7 , 13-15 , 25-26; cultural politic s of , 35; individual , 34-38 ; national, 43-49 , 93; an d nationa l forgetting , 30 ; and na tional innocence , 43; and publi c mem ory, 33; as religious activity , 38-39, 40; resistance to , 49-56; and veterans , 35-38, 91 , 93; and veteran s homecom ing ceremonies, 143 ; and Vietna m Veter ans Memorial, 43-4 6 Heartbreak Ridge, 9 2 Hebdige, Dick, 6 8 hegemony, 15 , 17, 106-107 , 118 , 126 , 154, 18 7 n. 3 6 Heinemann, Larry , 54-55 , 16 6 n. 9 1 Hellmann, John, 32 , 16 6 n. 98 , 17 6 n. 6 1 Hemingway, Ernest , 19 , 43, 16 9 n. 139 , 192 n . 11 6

Hendrix, Jimi, 24, 12 6 Heroes, 66, 128 , 12 9 Herr, Michael , 2, 32, 56, 75-76, 77 , 79-80, 104,126 , 15 6 Herring, George , 17 8 n . 9 7 Herzog, Tobey, 17 7 n. 66 Hess, Marsha, 17 9 n. 9 7 History of Sexuality, The (Foucault) , 39-40 Hodgson, Godfrey , 114 , 11 9 Hoffman, Abbie , 109 , 11 3 Hofstadter, Richard , 12 4 Hoggart, Richard , 2 5 home, 7 , 149 ; concept of , 8 , 106-107 , 117, 137 , 149 ; and family , 131 , 145-146; and homelessness , 147 , 193 n. 129 ; and melodrama , 145 ; as site of war-relate d violence , 131-132 . See also nostalgi a Home Before Morning (Va n Devanter) , 59-60, 16 6 n . 9 1 Homecoming: When the Soldiers Returned from Vietnam (Greene) , 8 5 homecoming films , 135-13 6 Home from the War (Lifton) , 65 Hong Sen , 10 2 hooks, bell , 150 , 17 0 n. 16 2 Horkheimer, Max , 12 5 Hot Shots II, 9 7 Iacocca, Lee , 17 1 n. 1 Ice Castles, 13 5 identity: defined , 15 9 n. 16 ; politics of , 49 , 170 n. 16 2 ideological strategie s o f unity , concept of , 7-9, 153-15 4 ideology, 5 , 18 , 34, 60, 62-63, 104 , 107 , 135, 15 7 n. 11 , 158 n. 1 3 ideology o f unity , 9 , 25, 96, 104 , 135 , 143, 150, 154 , 155 , 156; concept of , 4-7 , 158 n. 1 3 If I Die in a Combat Zone (O'Brien) , 82 , 177 n. 7 0 impotence, 7 , 2 1, 24, 25, 34, 18 8 n. 55; concept of , 19-20 . See also woun d In Country (Mason) , 2, 20, 47-48, 72-74 , 136-137, 16 9 n. 15 0 In Country (Jewison) , 16 9 n. 15 0 Indian Country (Caputo) , 2, 13 7 innocence, national, 42-43. See also Viet nam War, U.S. guilt interdisciplinarity, 3 , 4

Index I Interviews with My Lai Veterans, 10 0 Intimate Strangers, 13 5 Iron John (Bly) , 124, 134 , 16 3 n. 3 7 Irony of Vietnam, The (Gel b and Betts) , 2 9 Irving, John, 12 3 Jacknife, 17 5 n. 4 7 Jackson, Jesse, 4 9 Jackson Stat e University, 11 0 Jacoby, Susan , 18 8 n . 5 5 Jakes, John, 13 5 James, David, 99 , 113 , 173 n. 14 , 186 n. 18 , 188 n . 4 3 Jameson, Fredric , 46, 49, 76, 116 , 15 4 Janssen, David , 8 0 Jeffords, Susan , 3 , 22, 23, 24, 81 , 134, 160 n. 7 , 17 2 n . 5 , 19 1 n. 9 3 Johnny Firecloud, 5 9 Johnson, Lyndo n Baines , 13 , 187 n. 3 4 Jones, Eugene, 7 9 Joplin, Janis, 125 , 12 6 Journey through Rosebud, 5 9 Kaiser, Charles , 19 0 n. 7 0 Karma, 10 2 Karnow, Stanley , 56 Kasdan, Lawrence , 14 8 Kattenburg, Paul , 81 , 82, 16 5 n. 7 9 Kendrick, Alexander , 1 4 Kent Family Chronicles (Jakes) , 13 5 Kent Stat e University, 55 , 11 0 Kerry, John, 17 4 n. 3 2 Ketwig, John, 8 0 Kim Phuc, 1 2 Kimball, Jeffrey, 16 3 n. 4 6 Kingston, Maxine Hong , 59 Kissinger, Henry, 28, 11 8 Kopit, Arthur, 3 2 Kovic, Ron, 51 , 98 Kramer vs. Kramer, 13 3 Kubrick, Stanley , 24, 8 8 Kuenning, Dolores , 17 6 n . 6 3 Laclau, Ernesto , 24, 18 5 n. 3 , 15 9 n. 1 6 Lady from Yesterday, The, 135-13 6 LaFeber, Walter, 16 3 n. 4 9 Lakoff, George , and Mar k Johnson , 1 5 Laos, 3 0 Lasch, Christopher , 26 , 34, 69, 133, 163 n. 5 4 Latino, 5 9 Laverne and Shirley, 12 4

22 5

Le Dan, 10 2 Lears, T. J. Jackson, 27 , 9 8 Lethal Weapon serie s o f films , 4 1 Levi-Strauss, Claude , 33 , 15 3 Lewis, Lloyd, 177n . 66 Lewy, Guenter, 2 9 Life, 12 , 16 0 n. 5 ; Life Goes to War, 1 2 Lifton, Rober t Jay, 35, 6 5 Lin, Maya, 45 , 8 1 Lindsay, John, 14 4 Lipsitz, George , 15 4 Little Big Man, 3 2 Long Shadows, 16 9 n. 15 0 Long Time Passing (MacPherson) , 7 5 Lords of Discipline, 9 2 Love Medicine (Erdrich) , 5 9 Lowell, Robert, 11 5 Macherey, Pierre , 60, 11 8 MacPherson, Myra , 75 , 12 3 Magnum, RL, 2, 4 1 , 92 Mahedy, William, 38-39 , 40, 16 7 n. 11 0 Maidstone, 11 4 Mailer, Norman, 32 , 77, 114-117 , 159 n. 17 , 17 5 n. 42, 18 6 n. 3 1 Marshall, Kathryn, 79 , 17 9 n. 9 7 Martin, Andrew , 3 , 19 3 n. 12 7 Marx, Karl , 96 masculine bond , 13 4 masculine discursiv e practices , 59-6 0 masculinity, 22-23 , 24 , 34 , 47, 121, 188 n . 55; feminine threa t to , 23; "remasculinization," 2 4 Mason, Bobbi e Ann, 20, 46-48, 20, 72 , 136, 13 7 Mason, Patience , 17 6 n. 6 3 mass media: coverage o f antiwa r move ment, 67 , 109-110 ; an d Vietna m vet eran, 66-6 8 Maurer, Harry , 83 , 179 n. 9 7 McFarlane, Robert , 9 4 McNeill, William, 3 3 McQuaid, Kim , 11 9 Medium Cool, 11 3 Meet Me in St. Louis, 4 2 Melling, Philip, 17 7 n. 66 memory, 33 , 49; national, 28 , 29, 30, 4 2 Men, The, 1 9 men's movement, 23 , 13 4 Mercer, Kobena , 5 7 M.I.A., or Mythmaking in America (Franklin), 16 6 n . 93 , 194 n . 9

226 I

Index

Miami Vice, 4 1 missing i n action, 31 , 32, 155 , 19 4 n. 9 ; missing in action/prisone r o f war narra tives, 142 . See also "return-to-Vietnam " narratives Missing in Action, 22 , 31 , 142 Missing in Action II, 22 , 31, 142 Missing in Action III, 22 , 31, 142 Mission M.I. A. (Pollack) , 3 1 Moore, Robin , 7 8 Moral Majority , 40 , 13 4 "moral panic, " 6 8 Moratorium agains t Vietnam War (1969) , 120 Morrow, Lance , 75 , 12 6 Most Dangerous Situation, The, 10 1 Motor Psycho, 65, 17 3 n . 2 2 Mouffe, Chantal , 15 9 n. 16 , 18 5 n. 3 , 185 n . 5 Mr. Mom, 13 3 Mr. Smith Goes to Washington, 4 2 Myers, Thomas, 17 7 n. 66 My La i massacre, 12 , 65, 66, 67, 17 4 n . 2 8 My Old Man's Place, 66 Mythologies (Barthes) , 1 7 Nam (Baker) , 84 , 17 7 n. 70 , 17 9 n . 9 7 National Lampoon, 18 1 n. 13 9 National Liberatio n Front , 70 , 101 , 102, 120, 18 4 n. 15 7 new journalism , 77 , 11 5 New Left , 110 , 114 , 119 , 124 , 18 7 n. 3 9 New Left Notes (Student s fo r a Democra tic Society), 10 8 news magazines, 125 ; on tent h anniversar y of en d o f Vietnam War , 30 . See also Life; Newsweek; Time new socia l movements, 4 9 New Soldier, The, 17 4 n. 3 2 Newsreel (fil m collective) , 112 , 11 3 Newsweek, 48 , 124 , 133 , 144, 18 9 n. 5 8 Ngu Thuy Girls, 10 1 Nguyen Hu u Luyen , 10 2 Nguyen Ngo c Loan , 12 , 7 0 Nicholls, John, 17 4 n. 2 9 Nichols, Bill, 6 3 Nixon, Richard , 2 1 , 118, 12 4 Nixon administration , 66 No Bugles, No Drums (Durden) , 7 6 No Game, 11 2 Norman, Elizabeth , 17 9 n. 9 7 North, Oliver , 4 1, 93

nostalgia, 138-141 ; defined , 13 9 Novel Without a Name (Duong) , 103 , 184 n. 16 2 No Vietnamese Ever Called Me Nigger, 100 Nowell-Smith, Geoffrey , 145 , 16 2 n. 3 1 O'Brien, Tim , 76 , 78, 82-83 , 16 0 n. 6 , 174 n. 30 , 17 6 n . 61 , 177 n. 7 0 Officer and a Gentleman, An, 9 2 O'Neill, William , 119-120 , 12 4 On Strategy (Summers) , 2 9 On the Way Home (Bausch) , 17 4 n. 2 9 Operation Nam, 3 1 Ordinary People, 13 3 Other Side of Midnight, The, 13 5 Outerbridge Reach (Stone) , 5 2 Out of the Night (Mahedy) , 38, 167 n. 11 0 Paco's Story (Heinemann) , 54-5 6 Passer, Ivan, 9 8 People's Park (Berkeley , Calif.), I l l Perot, Ross , 4 4 Plath, Sylvia , 4 8 Platoon, 2, 37 , 86-88 , 89 , 90, 99, 103, 145-146, 17 1 n. 1,18 0 n . 121, 180 n . 12 2 Podhoretz, Norman , 2 1 Polan, Dana , 11 6 Pollock, J , C, 3 1 Popkin, Samuel , 9 5 populism, 2 5 Poseidon Adventure, The, 12 8 post-traumatic stres s disorder , 19 , 37-38, 167 n. 11 7 Powell, Colin, 12 , 4 1, 95 P.O. W.: The Escape, 22 , 3 1 Powwow Highway, 59 Pratt, John Clark , 17 9 n. 9 7 Prayer for Owen Meany, A (Irving) , 12 3 Pride of the Marines, 1 9 prisoners o f war, 22, 3 1, 32; prisoner o f war/missing i n actio n narratives , 142 . See also "return-to-Vietnam " narrative s Private Benjamin, 9 2 PTSD. See post-traumatic stres s disorde r Quayle, Dan, 9 4 Quiet American, The (Greene) , 7 7 Rabe, David, 98 , 128 , 13 1

Index I Rambo: First Blood, Part II, 22 , 31, 50, 9 3 - 9 4 , 9 7 , 9 9 , 142 , 17 2 n . 4 Rauschenberg, Robert , 12 5 Ray, Robert, 9 8 Reagan, Ronald , 58 ; on antiwa r dissent , 24; electio n campaig n symbolism , 42 , 92, 139 , 19 2 n. 113 ; on famil y unit , 138; o n th e Marine Corps , 91 ; as populist leader , 25; presidency, 8 , 42; speeches, 1 , 24, 42, 44, 45, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94 , 138 ; on Vietna m veterans , 90 , 93; a t the Vietnam Veteran s Memorial , 1, 24; dedicates statu e o f thre e fightin g men, 91 ; on Vietna m War , 29, 4 2 Reagan administration , 107 , 138 ; emphasis on family , 138 ; nostalgic agenda , 43, 138-139 "Reaganite texts, " 140 , 14 2 Receptions of War (Martin) , 3, 193 n . 12 7 refugees, Indochinese , 30 . See also "boa t people" Remasculinization of America, The (Jef fords), 3 , 19 1 n. 9 3 Republican Party : 198 4 presidentia l cam paign, 139 ; National Conventio n (1964), 18 6 n . 31 ; National Conventio n (1972), 66; National Conventio n (1984) , 192 n. 11 3 return-to-Vietnam" narratives , 21-22 , 31, 33, 80 , 16 5 n. 9 1 Ricoeur, Paul , 16 2 n . 2 7 Riders of the Storm, 99 Rieff, Philip , 2 6 Ringnalda, Donald , 17 7 n . 66 Riptide, 2 Riverbend, 17 2 n . 4 Robertson, James Oliver , 3 3 Rockefeller, Nelson , 14 4 Rodowick, David , 47 , 17 3 n. 1 3 Rolling Thunder, 128 , 130 , 13 2 Roots, 13 5 Ross, Andrew, 13 5 Roth, Philip , 11 5 Rottmann, Larr y Lee , 18 2 n . 146 , 165 n. 91 , 166 n . 9 1 Rowe, John Carlos , 83 , 84, 97, 17 5 n. 40 , 193 n. 12 8 Rubin, Jerry, 109 , 113 , 11 4 "Ruby, Don' t Tak e You r Lov e to Town, " 23, 16 3 n . 56 Rudd, Mark , 10 9

22 7

Ryan, Michael , 9 Salvador, 3 7 Sands of I woJima, The, 4 1 Santoli, Al, 78, 79, 84 , 17 7 n. 70 , 179 n . 9 7 Sapir-Whorf hypothesis , 16 2 n . 2 2 Satan's Sadists, 65 Sayles, John, 5 2 Scarry, Elaine, 45, 15 4 Schaeffer, Susa n Fromberg , 7 8 Schoendorffer, Pierre , 7 9 Schrader, Paul , 130 , 13 2 Schwarzkopf, Norman , 11 , 4 1, 95 Scorsese, Martin, 12 9 Scruggs, Jan, 43 , 46, 16 1 n. 10 , 16 9 n . 14 9 Searchers, The, 132 , 19 0 n. 8 6 Searle, William J., 16 2 n . 34 , 17 7 n . 7 1 Secret Agent, The, 10 0 Severo, Richard, an d Lewi s Milford , 164 n . 74 , 17 6 n . 6 4 Shklovsky, Victor, 8 8 Shoot the Moon, 13 5 Signs (Rauschenberg) , 125 , 19 0 n . 6 9 Silverman, Kaja , 16 3 n. 3 9 sixties, the, 4; backlash, 124-127 ; concep t of, 124-126 , 128 , 18 9 n . 6 5 Slater, Jerome, 2 9 Slater, Philip, 17 5 n. 4 2 Slotkin, Richard , 32 , 16 6 n . 9 8 Slow Dancing in the Big City, 13 5 Smith, Frederick , 9 4 Smith, Julian, 64 , 65 Smith, Lorrie , 55 Soldier Blue, 3 2 Soldier of Fortune (magazine) , 92 , 180 n . 11 4 Some Kind of Hero, 17 2 n . 4 Sommer, Doris , 18 4 n . 163 . Susan Sontag , 2 6 Sorrow of War, The, 10 2 Spivak, Gayatri , 101 , 184 n . 15 6 Springsteen, Bruce , 51, 52, 72 , 9 3 "stab-in-the-back" thesis , 2 1, 24; an d Rambo, 22 , 50; and First Blood, 2 2 Stallone, Sylvester , 9 7 Sticks and Bones (Rabe) , 98, 128-129 , 132, 18 3 n . 15 0 Stone, Oliver , 36 , 51, 86-88, 89 , 90, 91, 145, 146 , 15 9 n . 17 , 18 0 n . I l l , 180 n . 119 , 18 0 n . 12 2 Stone, Robert, 20 , 52, 128 , 13 1

228 I

Index

Strange Ground (Maurer) , 83, 179 n . 9 7 Strawberry Statement, The (Hagmann) , 110, 111 , 185 n. 15 , 185 n. 1 6 Strawberry Statement, The (Kunen) , 185 n . 1 5 Stripes, 9 2 Strolling Singers, The, 10 2 Students fo r a Democratic Society , 108 , 187 n. 39 . See also Weatherme n (Weather Underground ) Stunt Man, The, 66, 99 , 10 0 Sturken, Marita , 48 , 17 0 n. 15 9 Summer of '68, 112 , 11 3 Summers, Harry, 29 , 3 0 Surname Viet Given Name Nam, 10 3 Swiers, George, 17 1 n. 177 , 17 4 n. 3 1 Tal,Kali, 17 7 n. 73 , 182 n. 146 , 188 n . 4 2 Taps, 9 2 Tate-LaBianca murders , 12 6 Taxi Driver, 34 , 64 , 72, 128 , 129-130 , 131-132, 19 0 n . 8 5 Tell Me Lies About Vietnam (Louvr e an d Walsh), 10 4 Terms of Endearment, 13 5 Terry, Wallace, 17 9 n . 9 7 Tet offensive , 1 2 Thatcher, Margaret , 2 5 Things They Carried, The (O'Brien) , 8 3 Time, 6, 13 , 75, 88, 125 , 126 , 141 , 144, 164 n. 73 , 180 n . I l l ; o n "th e '60s, " 124; on U.S. war guilt , 4 1 Time to Heal, A (Ford) , 1 3 To Heal a Nation (Pressman) , 169 n . 15 0 To Heal a Nation (Scrugg s an d Swerdlow) , 43, 16 1 n. 10 , 16 9 n . 14 9 To Kill a Clown, 66 Top Gun, 9 2 Touched with Fire (Wheeler), 39, 9 4 Tour of Duty, 2, 12 2 Towering Inferno, The, 12 8 Tracers (DiFusco , et al.) , 97, 18 2 n. 14 6 Tracks, 64, 128 , 12 9 tradition: defined , 4 8 TranVu, 10 2 Trial of Billy Jack, The, 59, 6 4 Trinh T . Minh-ha, 10 3 True Romance, 19 4 n. 13 4 Turner, Frederic k Jackson, 3 2

Twilight's Last Gleaming, 17 0 n . 16 5 Ugly American, The (Ledere r an d Bur dick), 7 8 Ulzana's Raid, 32 , 16 6 n. 9 6 Uncommon Valor, 22, 31, 142 Unfinished War, The (Capps) , 14 , 39-41 , 85-86, 11 9 Uses of Literacy (Hoggart) , 2 5 Ut, Nick (Huyn h Con g "Nick " Ut) , 1 2 Van Devanter, Lynda , 59 , 60, 16 6 n . 9 1 Veterans Administration , 52 , 67, 10 0 Veterans for Peace, 96 Viet Cong , 12 . See also Nationa l Libera tion Fron t Vietnam Fil m Project, 18 3 n. 15 4 Vietnam Requiem, 10 0 Vietnam veteran : antiwa r protest s by , 66-67, 96 ; antiwar testimony , 97 ; art works by , 182 n . 146 ; biker/vetera n image, 65, 17 3 n. 23 ; "bush" an d "trip wire," 137 , 19 2 n. 102 ; class actio n court case , 37; definition of , 59-60 , 172 n . 9 , 17 9 n. 9 ; and healing , 35-38 ; as hero, 7 , 8 , 61, 91-95, 97, 152 ; imper sonations of , 18 1 n. 139 ; mass medi a and, 66-68 ; physically disabled , 13 ; poetry by , 18 2 n. 146 , 18 3 n. 154 ; return ing to Vietnam, 31 ; "sick" image , 8 , 34, 65-66, 68 , 100,132,136 , 153 , 174 n. 29; "silent " image , 7, 64-66 , 68-75, 95 ; as spokesperson, 8 , 61, 74, 86-87, 89-90 , 95 , 152 ; veterans centers , 38, 39 , 86 ; victim image , 64-66, 68 , 69, 73, 74 , 85-86 ; "violent " image , 64-66 , 107, 128-131 , 152 , 153 ; welcome hom e ceremonies, 91-92 , 142-143 , 144 ; wounded image , 35-39. See also voic e Vietnam Veteran s Agains t th e War, 40, 95, 97, 16 8 n . 129 , 17 4 n . 32 ; Operatio n Dewey Canyo n III , 66; Anti-Imperialist , 96 Vietnam Veteran s Ensembl e Theater, 9 7 Vietnam Veteran s Foreig n Polic y Watch, 96 Vietnam Veteran s Memorial , 1,2 , 13 , 81, 90, 91 , 93, 122, 16 9 n. 149 ; dedicatio n ceremonies, 48, 9 1, 143; design, 45-46 ; competition, 44 ; in film, 136 ; and heal ing, 43-46, 16 8 n . 138 ; in In Country (Mason), 47-48, 137 , 138 ; and "na tional allegory, " 46 , 49; as national site ,

Index I 43; 198 8 Veteran s Day ceremony , 90 ; in poetry, 54 ; statue o f nurses , 16 9 n. 143 , 172 n. 6 ; statue o f thre e fightin g men , 45,91 Vietnam Veterans: Dissidents fo r Peace , 10 0 Vietnam War : casualties o f U.S. in, 13 , 42, 160 n. 6 ; casualties o f Vietnam in , 30 ; class basis, 51-52; define d a s unique, 7 , 75-78, 85 , 17 6 n . 63 , 177 n. 66 ; "Generic Vietnam Wa r Narrative, " 179 n . 101 ; historical record , 118 ; literature, 85 , 96, 18 2 n . 143 ; as "nobl e cause," 61 ; oral accounts , 83-85 , 178 n. 97 ; revisionist historiography , 2 1, 29-31; U.S . defeat, 28 , 30; U.S. guilt, 40-42, 121-122 , 18 8 n . 55; "wa r sto ries," 81-83 . See also innocence , na tional; "return-to-Vietnam " narratives "Vietnam western, " 32 , 127 , 16 6 n . 96 Vietnam, 155-156 ; art , 18 3 n. 154 ; post war, 31 ; U.S. economic embarg o against , 30, 155 ; wartime fil m production , 101-102, 18 4 n . 157 ; 184 n . 16 0 Vietnam: The Heartland Remembers (Beesley), 83-85, 17 9 n. 9 7 "Vietnamization," 1 4 Vinb Link Fortress , 10 1 Visitors, The, 66, 12 8 voice, 7; concept of , 58 , 62-6 3 Vonnegut, Kurt , 17 4 n. 2 9 Wages of War, The (Sever o and Milford) , 164 n. 74 , 17 6 n. 6 4 Walker, Keith, 17 9 n. 9 7 Wall, The. See Vietnam Veteran s Memoria l Wall Street, 3 7 "war agains t women, " 2 3 War in El Cedro, The, 10 0 Wayne, John, 40, 4 1, 80 Weathermen (Weathe r Underground) , 108 , 123. See also Student s fo r a Democrati c Society Webb, James, 79 , 123 , 17 7 n. 7 0 Weekend, 11 3 Welcome Home, 135 , 13 6 Welcome Home Soldier Boys, 66

22 9

Westmoreland, William , 2 1 , 28, 54, 9 1 Wexler, Haskell, 11 3 Wheeler, John, 23 , 39, 40, 94, 16 9 n. 140 , 181 n. 13 5 When the Tenth Month Comes, 102 , 183 n. 15 4 Whitman, Walt , 8 2 Whole World is Watching, The (Gitlin) , 109, 18 7 n. 3 9 Who'll Stop the Rain? 12 8 Who's the Boss? 13 5 Wiebe, Robert, 15 9 n. 1 4 Wiener, Jon, 12 4 Wild Bunch, The, 32 , 12 7 Wild 90, 11 4 Willenson, Kim , 17 9 n. 9 7 William Joiner Center , 18 3 n. 15 4 Williams, John, 5 9 Williams, Raymond, 48 , 15 7 n. 1 1 Wilson, James, 17 9 n . 9 7 Winter Soldie r Investigations, 40, 67 , 168 n . 12 9 Wittgenstein, Ludwig , 56 Wolf, Naomi, 35 , 19 1 n. 9 3 Wolfe, Tom , 12 4 women's movement , 2 2 Wonder Years, The, 12 4 Wood, Robin , 13 2 World According to Garp, The, 13 3 World Wa r I , 19 , 2 1, 76; compared t o Vietnam War , 17 6 n . 63 ; narratives, 82 ; poetry, 16 0 n. 7 , 17 6 n . 6 1 World Wa r II , 12 , 77, 16 0 n . 6 ; women o n home front , 16 3 n. 55; visual images , 160 n. 5 ; as "historica l trauma, " 1 9 Wound Within, The (Kendrick) , 1 4 wound, 1,2 , 16 , 25, 26, 152 ; concept of , 7, 13-15 , 18-19 ; in World Wa r I poetry, 160 n. 7 . See also "impotence" ; post traumatic stres s disorde r Wright, Stephen , 82 , 17 4 n . 2 9 "you ha d t o b e there," 8 , 60, 81-82 , 122 , 152; concept of , 78-8 0 youth-against-the-war" film , 12 6 Zabriskie Point, 11 2

About the Author

Keith Beattie is the editor of the Australasian Journal of American Studies, an d a member o f th e editoria l collectiv e o f Sites: A Journal of South Pacific Cultural Studies. H e i s th e autho r o f numerou s article s on cultural theory an d America n cultur e and ha s won variou s grants an d awards, includin g a scholarshi p fro m th e Nationa l Endowmen t fo r th e Humanities. He received hi s doctorate fro m th e University of New Sout h Wales, Sydney , Australia , wher e h e taugh t fo r a numbe r o f year s befor e his curren t positio n o f lecture r i n medi a studie s an d America n cultura l studies a t Massey University , New Zealand .

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