The Harp (Volume 6) 9781463232962

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T h e H a r p (Volume 6)

The Harp

6

The Harp is an annual review of Syriac Christianity.

T h e H a r p ( V o l u m e 6)

Edited by V. C. Samuel Geevarghese Panicker Jakob Thekeparampil

i gorgias press 2012

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2012 by Gorgias Press LLC Originally published in 1993 All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2012

1

ISBN 978-1-61143-642-6 Reprinted from the 1993 Kottayam edition.

Printed in the United States of America

THE HARP vol. vi.

No. 1

April

1993

Editorial I n t e r p r e t e r of t h e Acts of God and H u m a n s : George W a r d a , Historian and Theologian of the 13th c e n t u r y . David Bundy

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The Syriac Manuscripts of the J o h n R y l a n d s Library, Manchester : J . F. Coakley

21

West Syrian Anaphorae

29

G.

Panicker

The Blessing of W a t e r s of E p i p h a n y in the Churches of Syro-Antiochene and Byzantine Traditions John Madey J a c o b of Sarug's H o m i l y on Malkizedeq, A Homily o n t h a t which David said a b o u t our Lord: " Y o u are Priest in t h e Resemblance of Malkizedeq" J. Thekkeparampil Studies in the Holy Myron

West Syrian L i t u r g y

Baby

41

53

of t h e consecration of 65

Varghese

SEERI-Chronicle

75

Book Reviews

81

Editoria!

This is the 1st issue of Vol. VI of The HARP. This year we are not intending to combine the issues of 1993. One of the difficulties we are experiencing in publishing the issues of The HARP comes from the paucity of persons in Kerala, and for that matter in India, who are seriously pursuing Syriac studies and who are able to write scholarly articles and bring out valuable research papers. Most often we have to seek the help of scholars from Europe, U.K. or North America. It is true that we have in Kerala seven Churches which claim Syriac patrimony. But most of the members including the clergy and even the bishops know very little about this patrimony nor are they very much concerned about encouraging such studies for a right understanding of their own ecclesial roots and heritage. Sad to say t h a t often the few individuals who are interested in Syriac studies are looked upon as odd individuals, The pursuit of Syriac studies and heritage has been marginalised with the effect t h a t the ecclesial perceptions of most of the members of the churches have become "deorientalized" resuliting in crass ignorance of their own heritage. It is in this context t h a t The HARP has to operate. So we ask our readers, especially the readers overseas to understand our difficulties and forgive our slackness in bringing out the issues of The HARP promptly. In this issue, most of the articles are concerned with topics related to West Syrian liturgy. John Madey's article deals with the Blessing of waters on the feast day of Ephiphany in the West Syrian and Byzantine traditions. Jacob Thekkeparampil gives the translation from Syriac of the Homily on Malkisedeq by Jacob of Sarug. Baby Varghese deals with the West Syrian Liturgy of the consecration of Holy Myron. Geevarghese Panicker gives a short account of the West Syrian Anaphorae. J. F. Coakley's

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article oil the Syriac manuscripts of the John Rylands Library, Manchester will be of very great help to research students. David B a n d y in his article considers George Warda, Historian and Theologian of the 13th century as the Interpreter of the Acts of God and with the acts of man. We hope t h a t all t h e articles will provoke o t h e r s to s t u d y f u r t h e r , these topics.

THE

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Vol. V I . , No. 1., April 1993, 7 - 2 0 David Bundy*

Interpreter of the Acts of God and Humans: George Warda, Historian and Theologian of the 13th Century

The villages, convents and monasteries in Northern Mesopotamia, especially those between 'Erbil (Arbela) and Hedita on the Tigris bore the brunt of the Mongol invasions of the third and fourth decades of the thirteenth century. 1 Barhebraeus gives graphic vignettes of the ravaged and/or depopulated villages and ruined fields.2 The descriptions by Armenian historians, such as Kfrakos of Gantzag, of the devastation of the Caucasus are well known. George Warda of 'Erbil lived through this time. As an historian, George recorded the inundation of his area by the Mongol forces. As appropriate for a writer in the poet-theologian tradition of Bardaisan, Ephrem and J a c o b of Edessa, he sought to interpret the events for the community of faith through the medium of music and verse. •

Dr. David Bundy, is Associate Professor of Church History and librarian in the Christian Theological Seminary Indianapolis, Indiana, U.S.A. This article is an expansion of his paper on "the 13th century hymnographer George Warda" that was read in one of the seminars of the St. Ephrem Ecumenical Research Institute (SEER1), Kottayam, South India. 1. L. E. Browne, The Eclipse of Christianity in Asia (Cambridge, 1933), 147-178; H. H. Howorth, History of the Mongols (London, 1876-1927)' III, passim. Cf. J. M. Fiey, Assyrie Chretienne (Beyrouth, n. d,) I, 76-77 154; II, 402. 2, E. A. W. Budge, The Chronography of Gregory Abu 'I-Faraj 122S-1286 (London, 1932), I, 402 (trans.) II, 469-470 (text). Hereafter, Barhebraeus, Chronography.

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Sources and Critical Question

The details of the life of George (Giwargis) Warda ( = R o s e ) , the Syrian hymnographer who wrote the majority of his e x t a n t works between 1223/4 and 1235/6 C. E. are presently unknowable. 3 An estimation of his death 1300 C. E. by Cardahi is almost certainly too late. 4 Otherwise, nothing beyond the manuscript attributions is known of this East Syrian hymn writer despite the fact t h a t his hymns proved popular and evolved into various collections and recensions. They appear in East Syrian liturgies 5 and Svro-Malabar 6 breviaries. As well, certain hymns were falsely attributed to George as been noted by Baumstark 7 and Hilgenfeld. 8 Especially suspect are the two hymns, "On the Capture of Jerusalem by Saladin," edited by Nöldeke 9 To date, of the more t h a n 150 hymns, many of which are part of a larger collection containing hymns ascribed to several authors known simply as " t h e W a r d a " , attributed to George Warda by the manuscript traditions, 23 have been published which may be said with a reasonable degree of 3. See: J. S. Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis (Rome, 1719-1728), III, i, 561; William Wri.ht, A Short History of Syriac Literature (London, 1932), 283; Anton Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur (Bonn, 1922), 304-306 (Hereafter, Baumstark, Gcschichte); Rubens Duval, Anciennes Littérature Chrétiennes, II. La Littérature Syriaque (Bibliothèque de l'enseignement de l'histoire ecclesiastique; Paris, 1907), 403. 4. G. Cardahi, Liber thesauris poetarum vitis et carminibus Liber thesauris.

de arte poetica Syrorum necom de eorum (Rome, 1875), 51-53. Hereafter, Cardahi,

5. G. P. Badger, The Nesterions and their Rituals (London, 1852), II, 51-57 et. passim. Hereafter, Badger, Nestorians. 6. Some of the hymns of George Warda were condemned in 1599 at the Synod of Diamper, Ac'. 3 Decree 14. See J. F. Raulin, Historia Ecclesiae Malabaricae cum Diamperitana Synodo (Rome, 1745), 98. Cf. Anthony Vallavanthara, Liturgical Year of the St. Thomas Christians. A Study of Sources (Memoire for the Licentiate in Theology, Université Catholique de Louvain, 1978), 3:7-38. 7. Baumstark, Geschichte, 304-306. 8. Heinrich Hilgenfeld, kusgewaehlte Gesaenge Giwargis Warda von Arbel, Herausgegeben mit Übersetzung, Einleitung und Erklärung (Leipzig, 1904), 9-21. Hereafter, Hilgenfeld, Ausgewaehlte Gesaenge. 9. Theodor Noeldeke, "Zwei syrischen Lieder auf d. Einnahme Jerusalems durch Saladin," ZDMG 27 (1873), 489-510.

INTERPRETER OF THE ACTS OF . . . 1 3 T H CENTURY

9

certainty to be derived from the pen of George Warda. 1 0 In addition to the manuscript attributions, canon of authenticity are the internal stylistic and literary coherency, as well as the feeling, the pathos and sensibility to suffering peculiar to a witness to the devastation of his people which dominates the poetry. The larger corpus is only beginning to attract scholarly attention and has not been extensively studied. This is because of the vastness of the collection, the difficulties posed by undated and often undatable materials, the problems of authenticity inherent in such a collection. No mean challenge is presented by the fact that the manuscript repositories are widely dispersed and access expensive as well as time consuming. As a poet, George Warda is a master who dominates the form of his art. Hilgenfeld commented on the quality of George's poetry, saying, "His verse breathes power and life. He arouses our fantasy..." 1 1 The body of each poem is composed of strophes of four lines of seven syllables. The strophes have usually the same syllable or word at the end of each line. This is occasionally replaced with assonance, and in a few instances is missing altogether; which fact may be due to copyist or editorial errors. It would appear that all of the poems, including those of historical import, were designed for liturgical functions. Certainly it is that usage and their popularity in the cultic context which provided for their preservation. Characteristic of these hymns are the prologues and epilogues of varying lengths. The prologue is usually a prayer that Mary, or a saint or Christ, might look with favor on the community and that the efforts of the hymnist might be blessed. The epilogues are usually prayers that God might be merciful to both the hymnist and to these afflicted by the events recounted or other circumstances beyond human control. In these sections the seven syllable lines interchange with eight syllable lines producing a 7 8 7 8 pattern in the prologue and an 8 7 8 7 10. F o r a list o f these with bibliographic references, see D Georges W a r d a , " Dictionnaire d'histoire et de. geographie 2 0 (1983), 6 6 8 - 6 6 9 . 11. Hilgenfeld, Ausgewaehlte Gesaenge, 7.

Bundy, " 8 3 . ecclesiastiques,

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T B E HARP

a r r a n g e m e n t in the epilogue. The eight syllable lines are composed of equal four syllable half verses. This m a t h e m a t i c a l precision does not produce artificiality or a coldly formalized verse, as o f t e n happened in medieval Syriac poetry a f t e r Arabic become t h e lingua franca, b u t serves George Warda as an effective tool of historiography a n d theological expression. George Warda as Historian The larger outlines of the events of the period f r o m 1220-1235 are well known. It was characterized by a weak central g o v e r n m e n t a t Baghdad, ill equipped to counter or to w i t h s t a n d the more and more daring incursions by the Mongol forces who were testing, as was their p a t t e r n , the defences of t h e Abbaside Caliphate. The Armenian historian Kirakos of Gantzag stated that " t h e evils caused by t h e Tatars (Mongols), conquorers of t h e Universe, surpasses all accounts... as each w a r m season they disperse on their journies of devastation." 1 2 The a n o n y m o u s Syriac Chronic,on ad A. C. 1234 pertinens describes the Mongols as " p a g a n s and assassins" 1 3 n o t h i n g t h a t t h e y were even h a r d e r on t h e Muslim population t h a n on t h e Christians, b u t t h a t all suffered: 1 4 T h u s they u n d e r t o o k to kill, especially to annihilate t h e Turks of those regions more t h a n the Christians; t h e Muslim more t h a n the Jews; t h e y had pity on no one. The entire Middle East was in 'covulsions as its rulers a n d inhabitants a d j u s t e d to the new era, the Mongol era, which would within three decades completely change the political, economic and social maps of the region. In reading the Chronogarphy of Barhebraeus w r i t t e n d u r i n g t h e pax Mongol (probably f r o m circa 1270-1320) on t h e basis of extensive research, one is made aware 12. Kirakos Ganjekec'i Patmut'iwn (Erevan, 1961), 231-233.

Hay oc' ed.

K.

A.

Melik'-Ohanjanyàn

13. Chronicon ad annum 1234 pertinens ed. J. - B . Chabot (C. S. C. O. 81, Syr. 36; Louvain, .1953), 236 .[text]; cf. Anonymi auctoris Chronicon ad A, C. 1234 pertinens trad, par A . Abouna; introduction notes et index de J . - M . Fiey (C. S . C . O . 354, Syr. 154, Louvain, 1974), 236. 14.

Ibid.

INTERPRETER

O F T H E ACTS O F . . . 1 3 T H

CENTURY

ll

of t h e e x t e n t a n d d e s t r u c t i v e n e s s of t h e Mongol c o n q u e s t s . He r e c o u n t s in r e m a r k a b l e d e t a i l t h e s a c k of cities a n d t h e s u f f e r i n g of t h e p o p u l a t i o n s . H o w e v e r , t h e w o r k of B a r h e b r a e u s a n d of his Continualor was w r i t t e n d e c a d e s a f t e r t h e e v e n t s n a r r a t e d . T h e p o e t r y of George W a r da, of course, lacks t h e scope of t h e m a g e s t e r i a l h i s t o r i o g r a p h y of B a r h e b r a e u s . H o w e v e r , George W a r d a p r o v i d e d d e t a i l e d c o n c r e t e d e s c r i p t i o n s of e v e n t s m e n t i o n e d b y t h e c h r o niclers. H e h a s t h u s i n f o r m e d us t h a t t h e f a m i n e s r a v a g e d w e s t e r n Asia w h e n f o r e x t e n d e d p e r i o d s the s e a s o n a l r a i n s did n o t c o m e . T h e d e m o r a l i z e d p o p u l a t i o n w a s s u b j e c t e d to f r e q u e n t m a l n u t r i t i o n , e v e n s t a r v a t i o n as well as r a m p a n t diseases w h i c h p r e y e d u p o n t h e weak. T h i s p h y s i c a l d e v a s t a t i o n led t o a s p i r i t u a l a n d i n t e l l e c t u a l crisis in a d d i t i o n t o t h e g o v e r n m e n t a l a n d e c o n o m i c p r o b l e m s . T h e w o r k of George is v a l u a b l e as a n a t t e s t a t i o n to t h e a c c u r a c y of B a r h e b r a e u s ' a n d o t h e r l a t e r w r i t e r s a n d e s p e c i a l l y i n d i c a t i v e of B a r h e b r a e u s ' use of sources. As " l o c a l h i s t o r y " , t h e w o r k of George W a r d a decribes w i t h m o r e a t t e n t i o n t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h e i n v a s i o n s f o r t h e p e o p l e w h o w e r e o b l i g e d to m a k e t h e b e s t of a b a d s i t u a t i o n , feed t h e i r f a m i l i e s a n d r e s t o r e t h e i r h o m e s a n d possessions. T h e p o p u l a r i t y a n d p r e s e r v a t i o n of t h e p o e t r y a n d its use in t h e l i t u r g y f r o m e a r l y o n i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e e x p e r i e n c e s d e s c r i b e d r a n g t r u e w i t h t h e i n h a b i t a n t s of n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a . I t p r o v i d e s t h e basis of u n d e r s t a n d i n g h o w t h e s e p e o p l e u n d e r s t o o d t h e e v e n t s in w h i c h t h e y w e r e powerless participants and victims. T h e a u t h o r b e g i n s his h y m n , " T h e D e v a s t a t i o n of K a r m l a i s s by the Mongols," with

an unflattering

and

f e a r f u l a p p r a i s a l of

the M o n g o l s : ' 5 In t h e y e a r 1547 A. Gr. [1235/6 C. E . ] t h e r e was e v e y w h e r e , a m o n g all p e o p l e s a n d n a t i o n s , i n s u r r e c t i o n .

5. Aladar Deutsch, Edition drier syrischen

Lieder

nach einer Handschrift

der

Berliner koeniglichen Bibliothek, Inaugural-Dissertation, Universitaet in Bern (Berlin, 1895), 3* (text), 15 (trans). Hereafter, Deutsch, Edition. Ausgewaehlte

Gesaenge,

Hilgenfeld,

20»-21* (text), 49 (trans). The strophes for this

hymn are indicated based on ray numbering of the two editions.

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At this time there came an evil people of whom the malice of evil exceeded all evil; who...troubled and oppressed. It came as a lightning bolt from a land far away and was for all flesh oppressive and painful. George Warda continues the narrative, providing a description of the arrival of the Mongol forces in his area and the seiges at the sites of 'Erbil or Arbela (strophes 3-7), Bet Qoqa (strophes 8-14), Karamlasis (15-53) and Telia (strophes 54-63). All these were cities and or villages located in Northern Mesopotamia, specifically the area of what is now Mossul, Iraq. The description is followed by a brief theological analysis. Thus, the, reader/hearer is informed t h a t the Mongols arrived at 'Erbil al I lie beginning of the second half of the month of Tisri (November). On a Sunday, "as avenging angels and angry demons" (strophe 6) the " p l u n d e r e r s " (strophe 7) beseiged the citadel and in Lhe process they killed many civilians and there were numerous oilier casualities. The narrative of the sack of 'Erbil as evocative:

is illustrative

as well

2)

The year before, all the fruits died, the trees were like sticks and the vegetation dried out;

3)

At the beginning of November, on the 14th day, there was a strong rain in 'Erbil;

4)

On Sunday, because of the renewal, all churches celebrated during which a song was sung, which begins with "We desire to enter with t h a n k s . "

5)

On t h a t day, during the sacrament, 'Erbil was surrounded with plunderers as avenging angels and angry demons.

6)

There were nobility killed, and sons of nobility; Riders fell into the waters, and footsoldiers into the graves.

I N T E R P R E T E R OP T H E ACTS OF

...

13TH

CENTURY

13

7) There was the sound of painful cries in all the streets of the city And others hunted (survivors) in the fields as panthers and lions. On "the morning of the second day," that is monday morning the Mongols beseiged Bet Qoqa "as a cloud full of darkness and fog and destructive hail (strophe 10)." The monks of this monastery were killed, and those in hermitages were dragged from their cells, stripped, shamed and killed. The resources of the monastery were plundered and the graves desecrated as was the chapel. The reliquaries and the eucharistic service were stolen. That Tuesday, the Mongols made clear their intention to approach Karamlaiss as they camped along the canal of the city. For the inhabitants, "the evening brought weeping and the night knew no sleep. In the morning, nervousness, misery and clamoring rang within them (strophe 18)." The Mongols attacked the village in the evening, and before the following morning broke, it was devastated. George recorded (strophe 19): In the evening bridegroom and bride, and young boys and girls; By morning misery and tears over the dead and the shamed. The poet suggests that "no house was without its dead (strophe 25)". For those who survived the first onslaught, "their story exceeds any description (strophe 25)." Many fled and those who remained in the village found themselves hunted with lamps by the invaders who took the youth prisoner, killed the adult males and raped the women. The church was pillaged and the treasures stolen. Those who took refuge in the church were subjected to a special cruel "game." Mongol soldiers were stationed at the two doors of the church. As the refugees vacated the church, those who left via the east door were spared. Those who left through the south door were killed, men, women and children. It was this detail which Barhebraeus included in his Chronography.16 16. Barhebraeus, Ckronography, I, 402 (trans), II, 469 (text). It appears highly probable that Barhebraeus used this hymn as his source for the narration of the event.

14

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Before t h e a r m e d m i g h t of t h e i n v a d e r s , t h e r e s i d e n t s of K a r a m l a i s s were helpless t o d e f e n d t h e m s e l v e s or t h e i r families. Men saw t h e i r r e l a t i v e s k i l l e d b e f o r e t h e i r eyes a n d t h e i r c h i l d r e n c a r r i e d off c a p t i v e . T h e r e is no i n d i c a t i o n t h a t t h e village h a d a n y defenses or h a d offered a n y r e s i s t e n c e t o t h e a t t a c k . The writer states t h a t the dead and the captives were a c t u a l l y t h e f o r t u n a t e ones. T h o s e w h o r e m a i n e d " i n t h e s t i l l n e s s of t h e dead c i t y " a n d t h e " l i f e of b i t t e r n e s s " were s t a r v i n g a n d t h i r s t y for t h e i r r e s o u r c e s h a d b e e n p i l l a g e d ( s t r o p h e s 58-59). T h e r e was n o t h i n g for m a n y s u r v i v o r s t o do b u t to leave t h e village t o survive, K a r a m l a i s s b e c a m e a n e m p t y shell i n h a b i t e d by demoralized and dispirited people. The church was u n a t t e n d e d a n d t h e e c c l e s i a s t i c a l f e a s t s were n o t c e l e b r a t e d . I t h a s a l r e a d y been m e n t i o n e d t h a t f o u r a d d i t i o n a l p u b l i s h e d h y m n s deal w i t h t h e f a m i n e which, t o o k place a f e w y e a r s e a r l i e r i n t h e r e g i o n a r o u n d N i n e v e h . " T h e w r i t e r describes a f a m i n e l a s t i n g f r o m 1223/4-1227/8 w h i c h l e f t t h e e n t i r e r e g i o n e x h a u s t e d a n d d e b i l i t a t e d . I t was c a u s e d b y a w i d e s p r e a d a n d p r o l o n g e d d r o u g h t . T h e p o e m s describe in h o r r i b l e d e t a i l e d s e q u e n c e t h e d e t e r i o r a t i o n of t h e s i t u a t i o n in t h e r e g i o n a n d t h e s u f f e r i n g w h i c h i t caused for o r d i n a r y people. I t m o s t p r o b a b l y p r o v i d e s a clue t o t w o a s p e c t s of t h e i n v a s i o n r e c o u n t e d in t h e t e x t discussed above. F i r s t l y , i t w o u l d h a v e c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e w e a k e n i n g of t h e c e n t r a l g o v e r n m e n t a n d its a b i l i t y t o a c t decisively in t h e a r e a e i g h t y e a r s l a t e r , a n d s e c o n d l y , i t m a y h a v e c o n t r i b u t e d t o the Mongols o w n need t o e x p a n d t o w a r d t h e south. George warda as Theologian Of p a r t i c u l a r significance is t h e t h e o l o g i c a l m e t h o d of t h e h y m n s . This c o r p u s a t t r i b u t e d t o G e o r g e W a r d a reflects t h e t h e o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s of t h e E a s t S y r i a n C h u r c h b u t a r e n o t c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e o l o g i c a l a r g u m e n t a t i o n or precision.. I n s t e a d , his w o r k is a n exercise in n a r r a t i v e t h e o l o g y . H e c o n s i s t e n t l y seeks t o u n d e r s t a n d a n d t o i n t e r p r e t t h e s i t u a t i o n s c o n f r o n t i n g 17. This date is based on the superscriptions in the manuscripts used in the edition of Hitgenfetd, Ausgewaehlle Gesaenge, l*-20* (text), 23-49 (trans). The accuracy of the accounts is verified to a certain, extent by the references of Barhebraeus, Chronography

passim.

INTERPRETER

O F T H E ACTS O F . . .

1 3 T H CENTURY

15

his community of faith by placing it in a narration of God's dealing with his people in history. Thus his extant works are not concerned with doctrinal apology. They do not assert the validity of any belief per se. Instead, the validity of the tradition in its entirety is affirmed as the author recounts the lives of those who created it, lived it, suffered and died in it, thereby validating it. Song, story and theology are closely intertwined. The subjective-objective distinction does not exist. His exposition is concerned with the shared faith, suffering and community which gives perspective to and creates the meaning for the individual life as t h a t person participates in the past and present of the tradition. The published hymns of George Warda exhibit this approach to theology in reflecting on three basic categories of materials: 1) historical events, 2) hagiographical texts, and 3) theological issues. Let us examine the writer's method in dealing with these three types of concerns. Reflection on Historical Events

The four hymns dealing with the famine each chronicle the previous works of God in providing for people's needs. The first hymn 1 8 begins with the marriage of Cana (strophes 1-7) and the feeding of the thousands (str. 8-14) before going back to Moses (str. 15), Elijah (str, 16) and then to the events recorded in the Exodus (str. 29-38) concluding with a prayer of commitment and a plea for divine compassion (str. 39). He shows no hesitation to go beyond what Professor Murray termed " t h e contemplative silence which leaves the mystery of God i n t a c t " 1 9 to question God. One senses the urgency and desperation as he pleads, admonishing the Christ, " Y o u did not endure three days ... how can you endure that for months thousands are tortured by hunger (str. 26)." The second hymn 7 0 is a thorough Bible survey beginning with Adam and Eve and ending with the Apostle Paul. Numerous 18. Hilgenfeld, Ausgewaehlte Gesaenge 2*-5* (text), 23-2 8 (trans). 19. Robert Murray, " T h e Theory of Symbolism in St. Ephraem's Theology," Parole de VOrient 6/7 {1975-1976), 16 ( = M e l a n g e s Graffin). 20. Hilgenfeld, Ausgewaehlte Gesaenge, 6*-lQ* (text), 29-35 (trans).

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biblical characters are invoked as a means of reminding the audience how God provided food, clothing, rain, guidance; indeed all of their needs. George's prayer is t h a t God, after the time of testing will supply their needs through grace. The third hymn, 2 1 after a review of the plagues which humbled ancient Egypt, presents a sober month by month chronicle of the deteriorating situation in Northern Mesopotamia. Finally he pleads t h a t the Lord might mix grace with the thorns (str. 57). The fourth hymn 2 2 in this collection is a lament which recounts the suffering of the different segments of society and again ends with a plea for grace. The writer and his people have no alternative but their faith in God. One is hit by the pathos as through each hymn he affirms t h a t the sustenance of life and the maintenance of personal and collective history rests on the will and the acts of God. God, argues our author, provided for the needs of his people in the history of the community of faith. By analogy he can be expected to relieve the present crisis. The Mongol incursions presented complicated theological issues for the Christian survivors. One of these was whether or not the disaster was due to individual or collective sin. George Warda argues that disasters have befallen both sinners and non sinners. 23 Both Paul and Peter were beheaded and the other martyrs of the church achieved their " c r o w n " due to no sin of their own. After all, it was promised t h a t the believers would be hated even as their Lord was hated. However, consonant with the apocalyptic themes of late medieval Syriac and Armenian literature written in periods of national crisis, the author laments, "1 have sinned and as a criminal have erred". 2 4 He looks forward to the f u t u r e promised in the Scriptures, closing with the prayer t h a t the Lord might have mercy on the downtrodden and restore those who have suffered loss.

21. Hilgenfeld, Ausgewaehhe Gesaenge, 11*~16* (text), 36-43 (trans). 22. Hilgenfeld, Ausgewaehlte Gesaenge, 16*-20* (text), 44-49 (trans). 23. See the discussion of the h^mn, " O n the Destruction of Karmlaiss by the Mongols," above. The theological analysis is in the last portion of the hymn, strophes 63-73, et passim. 24. Deutsch, Edition, 13* (text), 20 (tntos); Hilgcnfeld, Ausgewaehlte Gesaenge, 27® (text), 59 (trans), atrophe 72.

INTERPRETER OF THE ACTS OF . . . 13TH CENTURY

17

Reflections on Hagiographical Texts

The hymns which may be described as hagiographical are used to recount various lives lived in fidelity and faith during periods of stress and trouble. The events surrounding these persons are narrated and the persons stand before the community of faith as challenges, compelling initation, and importantly, the evaluation the coherence of their own existences. The martyrdom of Jacob of Bet Lapat, the account of which was later published by Assemani 25 and by Bedjan, 2 6 provides the source material for a hymn of 44 strophes. 2 7 This m a r t y r d o m took place during the early period of the church's presence in the Persian Empire. The hymn of George. Warda recalls t h a t when the news of Jacob's lapse in the face of popular opinion (strophe 1) reached his wife and mother (str. 2), they wrote a letter of reproach (str. 3-6) which resulted in his remorse and consequent conversion (str. 7-9). Thereupon follows a dialogue between Jaeob and the ruler who would have him deny his faith (str. 10-18). Each request by the ruler that Jacob retract his testimony is used by Jacob as an opportunity to affirm his faith, whereupon a limb is cut off as punishment (str. 19-41). This grisly narrative continues until finally the supreme sacrifice is made (str. 41). At the moment of the death of Jacob, fire falls from heaven to consume the innocent blood and the 28 pieces of Jacob's body. George concludes by praying for the blessing of those who keep the feast of the martyr. The martyrdom of Tahmazgerd of the village of Bet Selok, took place either under the Persian King Shapur II (310 -379) in 339/340 or under the Persian King Jazdegerd II circa 447. The Acts of his martyrdom had long been a literary monument of Syriac hagiographical literature, frequently serving as a model or inspiration to other writers. George Warda also drew on the narrative, 25. S. E . Assemani, Acta Sanctorum Martyrum Orientalium et Occidentalium (Rome, 1742), I, 242-258. 26. P . B e d j a n , Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum (Paris, 1890), I , 399-420. Hilgenfeld, Ausgewaehlte Gesaenge, 22, compares the information a b o u t Jacob f o u n d in George W a r d a ' s h y m n with that f o u n d in M a r i , Amr and Sliba: H e n r i Gismondi, Maris Amri et Slibae. De Patriarchis Nestorianorum Commentaria ( R o m e , 1899), 155 ( M a r i ) , 2 - 4 (Amr a n d Slibae). 27. Hilgenfeld, Ausgewaehlte, Gesaengt, 40**44* (text), 8 0 - 8 6 (trans).

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HARP

fashioning a hymn of 39 strophes to be sung to the tune, " E t e r n i t y " . The Story of Tahmazgerd's martyrdom is recounted in flaming verse from the initial judgement of the king, through the vision which calmed the martyr's fears to the m i m e n t of flaal witness before the crowd and the church. George's intent is clear from his closing reflections (strophes 37-39): 20 0 Son of Mary, Lord Christ, You who brought Paul to judgement, and who, together with t h a t first martyr Stephen calls us together into your Kingdom. 0 Lord of mariyrs and confessors, have mercy on the weak and sinners; those who deny and murmur among the faithful such as the one who wrote this hymn. And with the writer and the storyteller and with the assembly of men and women who think of you in faith and seek you in prayer, these witnesses who have offered themselves for you, permit us together to share in your grace. Thus the Christian values of steadfastness and faith in the face of trials are extolled. Jacob maintained his faith in the time of persecution and death. The hearers are constrained to apply the analogy as a rule for their own lives. Analysis of Theological Issues

It is the purpose of George Warda in his hymn, "On the Baptism of Jesus," preserved in the East Syrian liturgy to discuss the reasons for t h a t baptism. 2 9 His method is to recount the biblical narrative, in poetic form but with a few embellishments, of J o h n the Baptis's ministry, the story of Jesus' baptism and the appearance of the Spirit at the baptism. Four reasons are proffered as a rationalle for submitting to the sacrament of baptism. The sacrament should, he argues, be taken so that; 28. Hilgenfeld, Ausgewaehlte Gesaenge, 37*-40* (text), 74-79 (trans). 29. A, J. Maclean in F. C, Conybeare. Rituale hrmenorum (Oxford, 1905), 325-327 (translation, only).

INTERPRETER

OF THE ACTS OF . . .

13TH CENTURY

19

(1) Christ might show his hidden power to strengthen the reader/ hearer; (2) t h a t Christ might create a new and spiritual creation; (3) t h a t the waters of death (for Noah and others) might be givers of life; and (4) to dramatize t h a t those who are washed in baptism receive forgiveness. There is no elaborate symbolism. There is no effort at subtlety. The biblical narratives provide the story element in which lies the significance of the event. The summary of reasons for the baptism is tied carefully to the proceeding narration of the story. This linkage of story and abstraction is true also of the hymn, "On the Virgin Mary." 3 0 Here the author's ideas about Mary, her nature and her role are presented in the context of a recital of her life as he understood it, beginning with references to the Psalms31 (not t h a t she was the subject of prophecy but t h a t the Psalms are appropriate to describe her) and continuing to relate the commonly accepted details of her life and death 32 Conclusions

George Warda as an historian provides, therefore, insights into the beginnings of the Mongol period of the Middle East as it effected the lives of the villagers, helpless before the invading forces. As a theologian he endeavore to provide a theological analysis of the catastrophes which the believers faced. He affirmed t h a t God is in charge of history and t h a t He alone is the sustainer of the world and of His people, He predicted the continuation of this process and direction in his region and in his community of faith by citing the analogy of the acts of God as recounted in the biblical record of God's people and in the history

30. Badger, Nestorians, II, 51-57 (translation only), 31. George Warda, as translated by Badger, Nestorians II, 53, suggests that "22 Psalms of David are appropriate to h e r . . . . " and lists 18 of them: Psalm 1, 3, 4, 5, 15, 16, 17, 23, 24, 26, 46, 48, 61, 87, 91, 101, 137, 138. 32. Cf. E. A. W. Budge, Legends of Our Lady Mary the Perpetual Virgin and her Mother Hanna (London, n. d.) which presents materials (translations only) from the Ethiopian tradition. See also, V. Arras, De Transitu Mariae Apocrypha Kethiopice, CSCO 342 Aeth. 66, CSCO 343, Aeth. 67; CSCO 351, Aeth. 68, CSCO 352 Aeth. 69. Reference should be made also to E. A. W, Budge, Miscellaneous Coptic Texts in the Dialect of Upper Egypt (London, 1910), passim.

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of the Syrian church, and affirming t h a t God is capable of involving Himself in the current order of things on behalf of His people. Thus, the truth is not to be separated from the stories by which it has been communicated through the history of the community. It is through the stories t h a i the church encounters, at a meaningful level, her faith. As the community relieves its past through the media of story and song, inferences are made from these events and lives and are interpreted as guidelines for approaching the contemporary situation and for anticipating the divine activity. In the case of hagiography, guidelines and limits of response are provided within which the individual may respond in faith (which is always related to one's o w n acts) to social and environmental pressures. Thus, George Warda told his church that when things go wrong, the community is to remember the past dealings of God with the people of God and to act believing that God still so acts with the present faithful.

A PRAYER Hold me worthy, 0 Lord, to behold your mercy in my soul before I depart from this world; may I be aware in myself at that hour of your comfort, along with those who have gone forth from this world in good hope. Open my heart, 0 my God, by your grace purify me from any association with sin.

and

Tread out in my heart the path of repentance, my God and my Lord, my hope and my boast, m y strong refuge, bv whom may my eyes be illumined, and may I have understanding of your truth, Lord. Hold me worthy, Lord, to taste the joy of the gift of repentance, by which the soul is separated from co-operating with sin and the will of flesh and blood. Hold me worthy, 0 Lord, to taste this state, wherein lies the gift of pure prayer, 0 my Saviour, may I attain to this wondrous transition at which the soul abandons this visible world, and at which new stirrings arise on our entering into the spiritual world and the experience of new perceptions. (St Isaac of Syria)

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Vol. V I . N o . 1. A p r i l 1993, 2 1 - 2 7 J. F. Coakley

The Syriac Manuscripts of the John Rylands Library, Manchester

T h e J o h n R y l a n d s L i b r a r y , l o c a t e d in a m a g n i f i c e n t V i c t o r i a n g o t h i c b u i l d i n g in D e a n s g a t e in t h e c i t y c e n t r e of M a n c h e s t e r , h a s b e e n since 1972 p a r t of t h e U n i v e r s i t y of M a n c h e s t e r l i b r a r y ( n o w called, c o n f u s i n g l y , t h e J o h n R y l a n d s U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y of M a n c h e s t e r ) . T h e D e a n s g a t e b u i l d i n g p r e s e n t l y h o u s e s all t h e U n i v e r s i t y ' s special b o o k a n d m a n u s c r i p t c o l l e c t i o n s ; b u t i t s c o l l e c t i o n of S y r i a c m a n u s c r i p t s is t h e a c h i e v e m e n t of t h e L i b r a r y in t h e d a y s w h e n i t w a s a p r i v a t e i n s t i t u t i o n . T h e c o l l e c t i o n r e a c h e d t h e n u m b e r of s i x t y- n i n e m a n u s c r i p t s in 1936 (one m o r e i t e m w a s a c q u i r e d in 1954), b u t a l t h o u g h t h e y i n c l u d e s o m e v o l u m e s of m o r e t h a n u s u a l i n t e r e s t , t h e c o l l e c t i o n as a w h o l e h a s r e m a i n e d less t h a n w e l l k n o w n . This a r t i c l e calls a t t e n t i o n t o s o m e of its h i g h l i g h t s a n d gives a n a c c o u n t of t h e s t e p s b y w h i c h i t w a s built up. Syriac MSS 1 - 6 in t h e L i b r a r y d e r i v e f r o m t h e g r e a t ' B i b l i o t e c a L i n d e s i a n a ' , t h e f a m i l y c o l l e c t i o n of t h e E a r l s of C r a w f o r d . Mrs. E n r i q u e t a R y l a n d s ( w h o e s t a b l i s h e d a n d e n d o w e d t h e J o h n R y l a n d s L i b r a r y as a m e m o r i a l t o her h u s b a n d ) , b o u g h t t h e m a n u s c r i p t s f r o m t h i s l i b r a r y f o r a s e c r e t sum ( w h i c h s e e m s t o h a v e b e e n £ 100,000) in 1901. O t h e r l a n g u a g e s p r e d o m i n a t e a m o n g t h e m a n u s c r i p t s , n o t a l l of w h i c h h a v e b e e n c a t a l o g u e d even now; b u t the 25th and 26th Earls, who built t h e collection u p , h a d it i n m i n d t o h a v e a s a m p l e of e v e r y t h i n g . Of t h e i r six S y r i a c m a n u s c r i p t s , MSS 1 a n d 2 are well d o c u m e n t e d , h a v i n g b e e n u s e d in t h e e d i t i o n of P u s e y a n d G w i l l i a m of t h e P e s h i t t a *

Dr. J. F. Coakley, head of the Department of Religious Studies of the Lancaster University, U.K., is now professor in the Harvard University.

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Gospels; and MS 2 includes the f a m o u s u n i q u e Syriac version t h e book of R e v e l a t i o n published bv J o h n G w y n n in 1897.

of

MS 4 is also a biblical m a n u s c r i p t , c o n t a i n i n g t h e P s a l t e r a n d P r o p h e t s , i t too is well k n o w n , a t least to s t u d e n t s of t h e P e s h i t t a Old T e s t a m e n t , u n d e r its si g l u m 1 8 < 1 3 d t l . This m a n u s c r i p t , however, is deserving of a special excursus here, as it is possibly t h e m o s t r e m a r k a b l e m a n u s c r i p t in t h e whole R y l a n d s collection. E d i t o r s of the Leiden P e s h i t t a volumes have not been complim e n t a r y . To q u o t e t h e preface to t h e X I I P r o p h e t s , 'The m a n u script was e v i d e n t l y copied f r o m an e x e m p l a r scarcely legible in p a r t s , a n d c o n t a i n s a large n u m b e r of peculiar readings a n d voces nihili' This is true enough, b u t t h e difficulty in r e a d i n g is n o t because t h e m a n u s c r i p t is carelessly w r i t t e n . The a c t u a l reason is t h a t it was t h e work of a Chinese scribe in t h e 18th c e n t u r y who was e v i d e n t l y i g n o r a n t of t h e Syriac script a n d who copied the entire 233 folios line for line simply as a series of a r b i t r a r y p e n - s t r o k e s . T h a t much is clear f r o m some notes w r i t t e n in t h e m a n u s c r i p t by t w o J e s u i t s who were s t a t i o n e d in Peking in 1725 and f r o m w h o m t h e m a n u s c r i p t came to E u r o p e . T h e very bad legibility of the m a n u s c r i p t has, however led t o t h e end of its t e x t being overlooked. T h e last 13 folios c o n t a i n c a n t i cles, o t h e r E a s t Syrian liturgical t e x t s , a s h o r t e x p l a n a t i o n of t h e Psalms, a n d a colophon. T h e colophone is t h a t of t h e orginal m a n u s c r i p t (the one, t h a t is, of which this m a n u s c r i p t is a facsimile) and it dates t h i s original m a n u s c r i p t to t h e y e a r 752/3. The t r a n s c r i p t t h e r e f o r e gains in a n t i q u i t y : as f a r as t h e Old T e s t a m e n t is concerned, if is not 1 8 < 1 3 d t l b u t a c t u a l l y 1 8 < ! 8 d t l ; a n d t h e m a n u s c r i p t also becomes t h e earliest witness t o some of t h e E a s t Syrian t e x t s a t t h e e n d . T h e y are not easy t o decipher, b u t I am hoping t o p a r t i c i p a t e in a n e d i t i o n in d u e course. The Syriac

manuscript

collection

in

the

John

Rylands

L i b r a r y was s t r e n g t h e n e d m a n y times over by t h e a c q u i s i t i o n of m a n u s c r i p t s f r o m the collector a n d scholar J a m e s R e n d e l H a r r i s in t h e years 1914-16. H a r r i s gave a public l e c t u r e in Manchester in 1909 and s t r u c k u p a H e n r y Guppy.

f r i e n d s h i p with: t h e R y l p n d s

I n December 1913 H a r r i s w r o t e to

Librarian

Guppv:

I have been clearing t h i n g s u p a bit here, a n d s e t t i n g m y house in order, u n d e r a feeling t h a t it is a b o u t t i m e t o do

THE SYRIAC MANUSCRIPTS

23

so.* 1 find a number of Syriac manuscripts still in ray possession. One or two of them are either of great age or great value (such as the Odes of Solomn, which I am thinking of presenting to the British Museum), Others are transcripts of valuable Eastern manuscripts made at considerable cost on account of their critical value. A few are copies of the New Testament etc. Shall I send you one or two to look at ? For instance here are two complete Peshito New Testaments, late copies on paper; one of them has a lot of important supplementary matter in, t h a t deserves publication. I think you might look at these, and at some of the transcripts, with a view to purchase. What do you think. I could send you one or two on approval. The upshot of this letter was t h a t Harris was persuaded to let the manuscript which lie called his 'little darling - , the Odes of Solomon, come to Manchester instead of the British Museum (for a price of £400). The Library also bought all the other manuscripts mentioned and over the next two years, two f u r t h e r lots as well, for a total of 42 manuscripts. It will also appear from the letter just quoted t h a t Harris affected a casual and almost careless way of speaking about his manuscripts. He did number them, but beyond t h a t he seemingly kept no records and it is now almost impossible to trace where he got them. T h a t verdict applies to the 42 Manchester manuscripts as well as the 125 manuscripts Harris earlier sold to Harvard University. 1 think t h a t a good number were acquired through Alpheus N. Andrus, an American missionary stationed in Mardin, and his native agent the energetic Syrian deacon Jeremiah Shamir. (Eduard Sachau was another collector who dealt with Andrus and Sh. Jeremiah). T h a t information is not very helpful, however, since Andrus himself did not keep detailed records; and so, for example, when in his edition Harris describes the provenance of the manuscript of the Odes of Solomon as 'the banks of the Tigris', we are unlikely ever to be able to make this more precise. Looked at simply for their contents, the Harris manuscripts include several t h a t contain unpublished or unstudied texts, * This sounds as if Harris thought he was dying. He was then 61 years old, but he lived to be 89.

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1. MS 20, first of all, is a particular curiosity, containing the story of Ahikar in a dialect of Turkish in Syriac characters. This manuscript cannot have been with Harris for long before he sold it to the Library. Harris's own book The Story of Ahikar appeared in a second edition in 1913, listing all the versions known to him; but this one is not mentioned. The manuscript contains some other texts as well in the same dialect, not all of which I have been able to identify. 2. MS 33 is a poem in 12 syllable metre in praise of the Indian Syrian Orthodox bishop Gevargese Mar Gregorios, who died in 1902. The author identifies himself as Metropolitan Dionysius of Melitene. Mar Dionysius was bishop of H a r p u t 1896-1914, but as an author he was evidently unknown to Patriarch Barsum and he does not appear in Macuch's handbook. The poem here is less interesting t h a n Mar Dionysius's learned notes in smaller writing around it, which give a good deal of miscellaneous information about the history and glories of the Syrian Orthodox Church. 3. MS 40 is an early manuscript, unfortunately incomplete and damaged, containing a Syriac-Arabic lexicon, the Arabic definitions being in Syriac characters. It would seem to deserve the attention of anyone working on lexicography, if only because the text does not correspond to the printed editions of Bar Bahlul or Bar All. 4. MS 44 is a composite volume, the first 96 folios of which contain a series of over two hundred more or less short sections concerning the stars and planets and divination. A few of these are texts known from elsewhere, for example the Testament of Adam and others which overlap parts of the manuscript published in 1913 by Budge as the Syriac Book of Medicines. Others again are quite unknown from anywhere else. In this last category •s the text entitled the Treatise of Shem, edited by Mingana (about whom more in a moment) in an early volume of the Library Bulletin and taken up again by J. H. Charlesworth for his Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. Charlesworth's claim t h a t the t e x t is to be dated to the 1st century B. C. (op. cit., i. 473) is however nor credible. Apart from other considerations, the texts surrounding this one in the manuscript have close links with divination literature in Arabic, and it. seems likely t h a t this one too has an Arabic background oí some kind. The subject needs to be Studied

THE

SYBIAG MANUSCRIPTS

25

further; but anyone embarking upon it from this manuscript should be warned that Mingana called this volume 'the most unsatisfactory Syriac manuscript that I have ever seen' (Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 4 (1917-18), 80)- and with reason,, since the text is very corrupt and full of dislocations, and is in places unintelligible. 5. Finally among the Harris manuscripts may be mentioned MS 52, a pocket-sized handbook of amulets. It is incomplete but it contains some otherwise unattested texts and illustrations which compared to those published by H. Gollancz from similar manuscripts, are somewhat more skilful (though that is not to say much) and certainly more charming. A miniature edition of one amulet from this manuscript, with its accompanying illustration, has been published by Dr. Erica Hunter and myself. The third and last group of Syriac manuscripts to be added to the John Rylands Library collection consists of acquisitions made by Alphonse Mingana. Mingana came to work in the Library in 1915 on the recommendation of Harris, mainly to catologue the Arabic manuscripts but also to work on the Syriac ones. In 1924 Harris proposed to the Governors of the Library that they should sponsor Mingana to go to the Middle East and search for Syriac manuscripts which he believed-rightly, as it provedto be available on the market in the aftermath of the First World War. Unfortunately for the John Rylands Library the Governors could not meet the expected cost; and Harris got funding instead from Edward Cadbury. From that name it will be recognized that this was the. beginning of the Mingana Collection now at the Selly Oak Colleges Library, and it is interesting to think how nearly this collection came to being in Manchester instead of Birmingham. However, once Mr. Cadbury's sponsorship was in place, the John Rylands Library did contribute £200 to Mingana's allowance, and the result of this contribution was that on Mingana's return the Library was allowed to have a one-fifth share, according to value, of the haul of 170 manuscripts which he made. That, roughly speaking, is the provenance of the present Rylands MSS 53-69. These manuscripts are with one or two exceptions not very remarkable. Those that are early are almost all liturgical, and those that are literary texts are mostly copies made by Mingana's friend the Syrian Orthodox deacon Mattai

26

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bar Paulus, a well-known and prolific scribe who lived in Mosul. T h a t does not mean they are without interest, to be sure. MS 59 in particular contains a selection of rare texts, including the famous letter of Philoxenus to Abu'Afr which Mingana was falsely accused of having forged himself when he published it in the Library Bulletin in 1925. Among the Mingana manuscripts may be mentioned also MS 69, an early and finely written, though fragmentary, Harkleian gospel lectionary with full-page illustrations of the four evangelists. It may be seen illustrated in Leroy's Les manuscrits syriaqucs a peinlures, ii. 157. Mingana's contribution to the collection was, alas, not entirely positive, and there is another reason why the Mingana manuscripts in the inventory are not so remarkable. Mingana made a second expedition to the Middle East in search of manuscripts in 192b, sponsored this time entirely by Cadbury, and brought home such a haul as to make the new Selly Oak collection decisively larger and more significant t h a n t h a t in Manchester. Mingana was appointed its curator in 1926, but he stayed on in Manchester half of cach week until 1932 to finish his Arabic catalogue. During these six years, I am afraid, Mingana took steps to make his 'Mingaua Collection' (as it was now going to be known) even mere superior: he took at least ten manuscripts from the Manchester collection and removed thern to Selly Oak. These manuscripts included two or more of the manuscripts he had himself acquired for Manchester in 1924. (It was f o r t u n a t e for him t h a t they were never properly accessioned, so he did not have to remove any library markings.) Amazingly, however, Mingana also removed at least eight among the more interesting of Harris's manuscripts and with these he did have to make sure to have them rebound or otherwise conceal the Manchester markings. To cover his tracks somewhat he substituted other manuscripts from the 'Mingana collection*' for the ones removed, so t h a t there were no gaps on the shelf, and he wrote into them rather crude imitations of I he older Library makings. Thus some manuscripts whoso low numbers would normally indicate t h a t they came from Harris (MSS 13, U , 21, 22, 23, etc.), are in fact the substitutions made by Mingana. They are mostly liturgical manuscripts, mostly in Karshuni, and they are generally from the point of view of Syriac literature of inferior interest and value to the manuscripts they replaced. In fact, many

THE

SYKIAC MANCSCBItTS

27

of them are disbound and grubby, and they even look different on the shelf from the better cared-for Harris volumes. All this makes me marvel t h a t Mingana not only expected to escape detection, b u t actually did escape it during his lifetime. Mingana announced in 1923, the year before his first manuscript-buying trip, the publication of a catalogue of the Rvlands Syriac manuscripts, but this never appeared (and I suspect was never written at all). After his move to Brimigham Mingana understandably never returned to work on the Manchester collection and never again called attention to it. Not many scholars have found their way to Manchester to work on the manuscripts since his day. The most helpful practical work to be clone was by William Macomber who produced a typescript inventory of the manuscripts in 1959, which the staff and visiting scholars have been glad to use ever since. I have been f o r t u n a t e to have the support of the J o h n Rvlands Research Institute in preparing a catalogue at last. This should be published in the Library Bulletin in may 1993, and it will contain f u r t h e r details about the history of the collection and full descriptions of the manuscripts mentioned above. ON

SILENCE

Love silence above everything else, for it brings you near to f r u i t which the tongue is too feeble t o expound. First of all we force ourselves to be silent, b u t then from out of our silence something else is born t h a t draws us into silence itself. May God grant you to perceive t h a t which is born of silence! If you begin in this discipline I do not doubt how much light will dawn in you from it. After a time a certain delight is born in the heart as a result of the practice of this labour, and it forcibly draws the body on to persevere in stilness. A multitude of tears is born in us by this discipline, at the wondrous vision of certain things which the heart perceives distinctly, sometimes with pain, and sometimes with wonder. For the heart becomes small and becomes like a tiny babe: as soon as it clings to prayer, tears burst forth. (St Isaac of Syria)

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THE

COMPASSIONATE

HEART

A n elder was once asked, ' W h a t is a compassionate heart?' He replied: 'It is a heart on fire for the whole of creation, for humanity, for the birds, for the animals, for demons and for all that exists. A t the recollection and at the sight of them such a person's eyes overflow with tears owing to the vehemence of the compassion which grips his heart; as a result of his deep mercy his heart shrinks and cannot bear to hear or look on any injury or the slightest suffering of anything in creation. 'This is why he constantly offers up prayer full of tears, even for the irrational animals and for the enemies of truth, even for those who harm him, so that they may be protected and find m e r c y / 'He even prays for the reptiles as a result of the great compassion which is poured out beyond measure - af ter the likeness of God - in his heart.' GOD'S L O V E F O R

US

The sum of all is that God the Lord of all, out of fervent love for his creation, handed over his o w n Son to death on the cross, ' F o r God so loved the world that he gave his o n l y - b e g o t t e n Son for its sake.' This was not because he could not have saved us in another way, but so that he might thereby the better indicate to us his surpassing love, so that, by the death of his only-begotten Son, he might bring us close to himself. Y e s , if he had had anything more precious he would have given it to us so that our race might therby be recovered. Because of his great love, he did not want to use compulsion on our freedom, although he would have been able to do so; but instead he chose that we should draw near to him freely, by our own mind's love. (St Isaac of Syria)

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Vol. VI. No. 1. April 1993, 29-40 Dr. Geevarghese PanIcker*

West Syrian Anaphorae 1.

What Is an Anaphora

The term anaphora is Greek and means the elevation or the offering presented to God. In classical Greek, anaphora means the "offering" (literally, the raising up of Sacrifice to God.) It is understood in this sense with regard to the offering of the eucharistic sacrifice. In Christian liturgical language, it refers to the prayer of offering in the Eucharistic liturgy, a prayer comprising essentially of the account of the Institution of the supper and the words of consecration. It is often thought to correspond to the Latin "Canon" of the Mass. The text is of course, the work of a determinate author as for instance St. James, the twelve apostles, St. John, Severos of Antioch, James of Edessa, Bar Hebrews, etc. If the anaphora is rather often attributed to a Saint, this does not mean necessarly that he is the authentic Author; the reason is to give the literary work more prestige and weight, more consideration and veneration. The term anaphora has not the same meaning with all the Eastern Christians. Some understand under anaphora the whole eucharistic liturgy, that means from the arrival of the priest before the altar till leaving the sanctuary. Others understand *

D r . G. Panicker a Specialist in Oriental liturgies, is the Director of the S Ë E R I Correspondence Course, and was formerly a Principal of Mar Ivanios College, Trivandrum, then Rector and President of St. Joseph's Pontifical Seminary Alwaye, and later Rector o f St. Mary's Malankara Seminary, Trivandrum.

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u n d e r t h e same t e r m only t h e eucharistic p a r t of t h e liturgy beginning with " L e t us l i f t u p our h e a r t s " a n d e n d i n g w i t h t h e dismissal of t h e f a i t h f u l . The Syrians, O r t h o d o x and Catholic, Maronites and M a l a n k a r a rites give t h e t e r m a n a p h o r a different, a n d even wider m e a n i n g s . F o r t h e m , a n a p h o r a is t h e whole eucharistic l i t u r g y f r o m its v e r y beginning with t h e arrival of t h e c e l e b r a n t a t t h e a l t a r u n t i l t h e a b l u t i o n s inclusively which follow t h e dismissal of t h e f a i t h f u l . Sometimes however, t h e y u n d e r s t a n d u n d e r a n a p h o r a o n l y t h e purely sacrificial p a r t of t h e l i t u r g y f r o m t h e " L e t our m i n d s a n d our u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d our h e a r t s be a b o v e . . . " till t h e dismissal of t h e f a i t h f u l . Sometimes its m e a n i n g is t h e offerings or even t h e large veil covering t h e offerings a n d t h e altar. There is however, a s t r i c t m e a n i n g which t h e Syrians reserve to t h e a n a p h o r a . I t ' s e x a c t definition is t h a t p a r t of t h e eucharistic l i t u r g y which begins w i t h t h e prayer of peace a n d ends with t h e prayer of t h e t h i r d imposition of t h e h e n d s inclusively, a f t e r t h e c o m m u n i o n . If we take t h e a n a p h o r a in t h i s s t r i c t sense, it is composed of 33 prayers, s t r u c t u r e d a c c o r d i n g t o a n ordo, a rite or liturgical classification called A n t i o c h i a n in o r d e r t o diversify it f r o m t h e B y z a n t i n e , L a t i n , A l e x a n d r e a n , etc. 2.

Anaphora: Anaphora of St. James being the model

W e s t Syrian liturgy is used by t h e Syrian O r t h o d o x Church of t h e Middle E a s t , t h e Syrian Catholics of t h e Middle E a s t , t h e Maronites, t h e Syrian O r t h o d o x Church consisting of t h e J a c o b i t e C h u r c h of Kerala, t h e O r t h o d o x Syrian Church of Kerala, a n d t h e M a l a n k a r a Catholic Church of K e r a l a . The celebration of t h e eucharistic liturgy in t h e s e c h u r c h e s h a s its basis in t h e a n a p h o r a of St. J a m e s which o n its p a r t , h a s given b i r t h to dozens of liturgies or a n a p h o r a s of t h e Syrian Church t h e s t r u c t u r e or t e n u r e of which is t a k i n g p a t t e r n s f r o m t h e first. Consequently t h e a n a p h o r a of St. J a m e s m a y be considered as: t h e m o t h e r or p r o t o - t y p e of all o t h e r Syriae A n a p h o r a s which in t h e course of c e n t u r i e s have g r o w n e x h u b e r a n t l y in t h e Syrian Church. T h e Syrian a u t h o r s , t h e composers of t h e anaphorae,

have

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not only inspired themselves by the anaphora of St. James b u t have even shaped their literary work according to it. Anaphora is the backbone of the Syrian liturgy. In this part of the Holy Qurbono, the Holy Table is mystically conceived as the sacrificial table on which the lamb of God immolates himself by perpetuating his unique sacrifice for our salvation. Besides the word thronos, another Syriac word 'mabho' includes the holy table and all the ministers worshipping within the veil of the Holy of Holies. The Syrian idea is t h a t the congregation and the earthly madbho are all lifted up to heaven so t h a t it is there in the heavenly Holy of Holies t h a t the faithful are worshipping. Our bread and wine are lifted up to be presented to God as the body and blood of Christ. This is emphasized by the screening of the sanctuary during certain parts of the celebration, so t h a t the worshippers in the Church may realize t h a t they also must keep their hearts lifted up to heaven in the worship of God. In short, the Syrians describe the madbho as a visible representation of the heavenly Holy of Holies, and the Church is mystically understood as the 'Heavenly Jerusalem'. It is necessary to differentiate the anaphora from the 'ordo communis'. The ordo communis is the common framework into which the several anaphoras are fitted, including the whole of the liturgy of the catechumens. The Ordo Communis is invariably the same in all the anaphorae. By the anaphoral part we mean all t h a t which is said and done during the course of the liturgical celebration from the 'prayer before peace' till the dismissal. The anaphora properly said includes only the 33 prayers attributed to a determined author and which is inserted in the places determined in advance by the Ordo communis. I t was comparatively easy for one man to add new phrases to a traditional framework, or to compose a wholly new prayer and read it from a manuscript. But the deacon and the people did their parts by custom and by rote; and to change these which were as much their special liturgies as the celebrant's prayer was his, was much more a difficult matter. Thus there is a constant tendency for the people's response, the deacon's proclamations

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etc., w h i c h f o r m t h e f r a m e w o r k in w h i c h t h e c e l e b r a n t ' s p r a y e r is set u p r e m a i n m o r e archaic t h a n the prayers themselves.1 I n t h e F'ore-mass. t h e s a c e r d o t a l p r a y e r s r e m a i n m u c h t h e s a m e i n all t h e o r i e n t a l liturgies, o n l y t h e lessons a n d t h e s o n g s v a r y . I n t h e sacrificial p r a y e r w h i c h is c a l l e d t h e a n a p h o r a , t h e p r a y e r s of t h e p r i e s t are s u b j e c t t o c h a n g e . B u t t h e s e a n a p h o r a s d o n o t differ a m o n g t h e m s e l v e s b y giving e x p r e s s i o n p e r h a p s t o a c e r t a i n festive m y s t e r y . T h e y are s i m p l y p a r a l l e l c r e a t i o n s f o r m u l a t i n g t h e i d e n t i c a l t h e m e b u t in a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t w a y . W e s t S y r i a n l i t u r g y possesses a r i c h s t o r e of a n a p h o r a s , n o t all of t h e m a n c i e n t . T h e basic f o r m u l a r y is t h e s o - c a l l e d a n a p h o r a of St. J a m e s , n a m e d a f t e r t h e A p o s t l e J a m e s , t h e f i r s t b i s h o p of J e r u s a l e m . This f o r m u l a r y o r i g i n a t e d in J e r u s a l e m a n d was a l r e a d y i n e x i s t e n c e in t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y . F o r , St. J e r o m e , l i v i n g as a h e r m i t in B e t h a l h e m , once q u o t e s a p a s s a g e f r o m it, a n d i t is also q u o t e d in the. M y s t a g o g i e a l Catecheses ascribed to S t . Cyril of J e r u s a l e m . I n t h e course, of t i m e , new a n a p h o r a s were c o m p o s e d a c c o r d i n g t o t h e p a t t e r n of t h e a n a p h o r a of St. J a m e s . 3.

Plurality of Anaphorae

Besides t h e l i t u r g y of St. J a m e s t h e A p o s t l e , m o r e t h a n a h u n d r e d a n a p h o r a s are k n o w n by n a m e a n d are f o u n d in m a n u s c r i p t s in v a r i o u s libraries. An e x a m i n a t i o n of t h e m w o u l d r e v e a l c o n s i d e r a b l e v a r i e t y of local usages. B u t in c o u r s e of t i m e , t h e s e differences were g r o u p e d into t w o , n a m e l y t h a t of t h e p a t r i a r c h a t e of W e s t Syria a n d t h a t of t h e C a l h o l i c a t e of t h e E a s t . W h e n , in t h e 13th c e n t u r y , Gregorios B a r h e b r a e u s b e c a m e t h e C a t h o l i c o s ( M a p h r i a n ) of t h e E a s t , m a n y of his l i t u r g i c a l w o r k s were a d o p t e d b y t h e p a t r i a r c h a t e . A m o n g Ihcse were t h e a b r i d g e d b a p t i s m a l r i t e a n d t h e m i n o r a n a p h o r a of S t . J a m e s w h i c h h e h a d a b r i d g e d f r o m t h e m a j o r a n a p h o r a of St. J a m e s . M a r I g n a t i u s E p h r e m R a h m a n i gives a r a t h e r l o n g list w i t h t h e i n d i c a t i o n of t h e p r e s u m e d a u t h o r a n d t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e f i r s t p r a y e r of t h e a n a p h o r a t h e p r a y e r of peace. T h i s list is t h e r e s u l t of his r e s e a r c h of t h e m a n u s c r i p t s of L o n d o n , P a r i s , V a t i c a n , T s a f e r , A l e p p o a n d J e r u s a l e m w h i c h he c o n s u l t e d a n d e x a m i n e d . 2 F r o m 1939 o n w a r d s 1. G Dix, The Shape of the Liturgy, (London, 1975). P. 7. 2. I. E. Rahamani Liturgiae Orientales et occidentales (Beirut, 1929) pp 295-313

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a series of West Syrian Anaphorae with Latin translations were published by Rev. Fr. Raes S. J. under the auspices of the Pontifical Institute of Oriental Studies, under the title Anaphorae Syriacae. The most important commentaries on the source of the anaphorae are those of Dionysius Bar Salibi 3 (Expositeo Liturgiae, Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium.) of R.H. Connoley and H.W. Codrington 4 . During the course of the advent of Jacobite prelates from Syria, they imported Jacobite liturgical books to India. The most important onn was in 1751 when Sukralla Mar Baselios came with other prelates. He brought with him several liturgical manuscripts in Syriac. One of them was the minor anaphora of St. James which is widely used by the Malankara Churches instead of the major anaphora of St. James. The order of the Holy Qurbono of the Syro Malankara Church (Tekso d-Qurobo) edited in 1987 contains nine anaphoras. At present this book is used. It contains 1. The minor anaphora of St. James. 2. The anaphora of St. J o h n the Apostle, 3. of the Twelve Apostles, 4. of Mar Dionysius, 5. of 'Mar Ivanios (StJ o h n Chrysostom). 6. of St. Peter the prince of the Apostles, 7. of Mar Xystos, 8. of Mar Eustathios and 9. of the Doctors (M'qanesto). The Ordo of the Holy Qurbono of the Orthodox (jacobite) Church edited in Pampakuda in 1964 contains seven Anaphora: 1. St. James, 2. Mar Dionysius 3. Mar Ivanios, 4. St. Peter, 5. Mar Xystos 6. Mar Abraham, 7. of Doctors. It is incontestable t h a t the anapohras attributed to the Apostles and the Fathers of the Church are not all in reality their work. As Renaudot points out, later Syrian writers attributed them to some famous personalities. On the other hand, it is a common tradition among the Syrians t h a t nobody below the order of a bishop can compose an anaphora. Brevity may have been the motivation behind composing shorter Anaphorae. But brevity cannot account for the creation 3. 4.

Bar Salibi, Expositio Liturgiae, Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium R. H . Connolly F. H. W. Codrington, Two Commentaries on the Jacobite liturgy by George bishop of the Arab Tribes and Moses Bar Kepho

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of anaphorae, since there are anaphorae which are as big as t h a t of St. James. Some of the prayers in t h e Anaphora are said by t h e celebrant in secret. This is a custom prevailing in all t h e Syriac - b o t h West Syrian and East Syrian - anaphorae. Most of these prayers said in secret are on the same t h e m e as those said after them publicly. B u t there are a few of these prayers said in secret as for instance during the Epiclesis, (and some especially in t h e Ordo Communis or Mass of the Catechumes) which could be very inspiring to t h e congregation if t h e y were said in a way audible to the congregation. 4.

A over-view of the history, provenance and shape o! the West Syrian Liturgy of St. James

The printed t e x t s of Syriac St. J a m e s carries an e x p l a n a t o r y t i t l e - " A n a p h o r a of Mar James, b r o t h e r of our Lord, Apostle and Martyr, the first Reesh [ryS] Episcopo of Jerusalem, l e a r n t f r o m t h e m o u t h of our L o r d " . Dioriysius Bar Salibi has recorded t h e Syriac t r a d i t i o n t h a t when J a m e s was asked where he got this, he answered: "God lives; 1 have not added a n y t h i n g to or omitted a n y t h i n g from w h a t 1 have heard f r o m t h e L o r d . " We c a n n o t too lightly brush aside this t r a d i t i o n when we recall Josef J u n g m a n n ' s words: "If the L o r d ' s appearances a f t e r his resurrection had any meaning and if during his appearances he Spoke to the Apostles a b o u t " t h e things t h a t concern t h e reign of G o d " (Acts 1/3), t h e n confirmation a n d clear e x p l a n a t i o n of w h a t had been instituted at the L a s t Supper m u s t inevitably have come u p . " 5 (The Mass-p. 17). J a m e s was a pillar of t h e J e r u s a l e m Church (Gal. 2:9) and is t h e presiding Bishop a t the eucharistic assembly, his role would certainly have been b o t h f o r m a t i v e a n d definitive in giving shape to t h e first distinctively Christian mode of worship, t h e liturgy. We possess, however;, no early historical evidence of St. J a m e s authorship of the Anaphora in his name. Proclus, P a t r i a r c h of Constantinople, and St. J e r o m e are 5th c e n t u r y witnessess to the liturgy bearing t h e name of St. J a m e s , T h e 6th and 7th Ecumenical councils t e s t i f y t h a t St. J a m e s was t h e 5.

Josef Jungmann, The Mass P. 17

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author of the liturgy bearing his name. The Quinisextine Council (692) makes an authentic reference to the liturgy in the name of Apostle James. St. Cyril of Jerusalem is one of the reliable witnesses to the shape of the Jerusalem liturgy. It is now generally held that in his catechetical lectures given in 348, Cyril was commenting on the liturgy as it was in use at a much earlier period, perhaps 136. (Francis J. Reine in his study on Theodore of Mopsuestia.) The oldest Syriac Ms of this liturgy (8th century) is in the British Museum. Jerusalem was clearly a Judao-Christian centre and this has given the Jerusalem liturgy an unmistakably Semitic character. This liturgy evokes the milieux in which Christ and his Apostles lived and moved. Christ and His disciples spoke Aramaic and the direct quotations of the words of Christ, in the gospels are a proof of this. According to Eusebius, the church historian, the first 15 Bishops of Jerusalem were Aramaicspeaking. The original Jerusalem liturgy of St. Jame's would, therefore, naturally have been in Aramaic. At the Last Supper Christ would have said, "Honav Phager" in Aramaic, meaning, "this is my Body." The prestige of Jerusalem as the first Christian centre where the Apostles had received the Holy Spirit, was unequalled and naturally other centres would follow the liturgical example of Jerusalem. The Jerusalem liturgy was adopted very early in Antioch and it subsequently became the source of the other rites including the Byzantine. St. John Chrysostom of Antioch had taken with him Ihe liturgy of St. James when he had become Bishop of Constantinople. The Byzantine St. James became very elaborate with the addition of 18 prayers. By the end of the 4th century the Aramaic Jerusalem liturgy had developed into the Greek liturgy of St. James in Antioch. This is not surprising because the hellenizing tendency had set in Syria 200 years before Christ. The cities had become Greek speaking although the villages mostly persisted with Aramaic. Jerusalem was less hellenized than Antioch and as Etheria the Spanish Pilgrim, who was in Jerusalem between 414 and 416 A. D„ has recorded, prayers in the liturgy were translated into Syriac. As the faith spread to the villages, the liturgy had to be

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rendered into Aramaic or Syriac once again. This probably happened early in t h e 6th century. J a m e s bar Adaii (Jacob Bourdono) t h a t indefatigable Monophysite leader, who galvanised the anti-Chalcedonian groups, m u s t have made a Syriac t r a n s l a tion of the liturgy. The Chalcedonians had generally opted for Greek. J a m e s of Edessa (Orfa) in t h e 7th c e n t u r y either made his own t r a n s l a t i o n of the liturgy f r o m Greek or more probably revised the existing Syriac t e x t making use of the Greek t e x t and also drawing on E a s t Syrian sources. The Greek words (Stoumen Kalos, Kurie eleison, sophia theou phroskolmin) now used in the Syrian liturgy are telltale signs of the t r a n s l a t i o n f r o m Greek. More t h a n a c e n t u r y later Moses bar K e p h a wrote a c o m m e n t a r y on. Syriac St. J a m e s proposing minor alterations. The rite assumed its classic form in the time of P a t r i a r c h Michael Rabo (great) in t h e second half of the 12th century with the active collaboration of Bar Salibi. The Syriac p o l y m a t h Bar Hebraeus, in t h e 13th c e n t u r y , made a reduction of the Syriac liturgy of St. J a m e s and this is the f o r m of t h e liturgy now used in t h e Syrian Orthodox P a t r i a r c h a t e and in India by t h e Syrian Orthodox and Malankara Catholic Churches. A glance at the shape of this liturgy will be relevant because it is distinctive in some ways. Louis Bouyer is of t h e view t h a t " i n this first expression of faith there is something p e r m a n e n t which will ever make of us spiritual semites". Bouyer f u r t h e r states t h a t Syriac St. J a m e s possesses "a well t h o u g h t o u t s t r u c t u r e t h a t remodelled t h e t r a d i t i o n a l materials with hardly believable d a r i n g / ' There are about 70 orders of t h e Holy Qurbono in the West Syrian rite arid all these are modelled on St. James. The Ordo Communis is the same for all these. The Anaphora prayers vary, b u t all the 33 prayers of t h e Anaphora in each of these follow a fixed p a t t e r n , only the, words being different. 5.

A Brief outline ol the shape ol the liturgy

whole.

Here is a brief outline of the shape The Mass of t h e catechunens.

of this liturgy as a

(1) The service of p r e p a r a t i o n (Thuyobo) done behind thè s a n c t u a r y veil, represents t h e period of p r e p a r a t i o n for t h e

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coming of Christ. This consists of two parts: The Service of Melchisedec & the service of Aaron. The first is ordering of bread and wine on the Altar recalling Melchisedec's offering, of bread and wine to Abraham. (Gen. 14,18). St. Clement of Alexandria and St. Cyprian connected Melchisedec's bread and wine with the Eucharist. The second part of the service is performed after vestments are p u t on. The prayer of commemoration said here recalls the mysteries of the incarnate Lord and the memory of the " j u s t " beginning With Adam and Eve. The special intention of the Qurbono is also made here. The service of preparation is interspersed with prayers of penitence. The two parts of this service called 'of Melchisedec' and "of A a r o n " signify t h a t Christ came to fulfill not only the sacrifice of the Jewish Law but also those of the Natural Law. (2) The public service begins by recalling the memory of Mary, Mother of the Messiah and John, his herald. There follows an anthem (the 'Monogenes' attributed to Severus of Antioch-538) in praise of the Incarnate Lord. This is followed by the Trisagion addressed to Christ and the three-fold Kurieeleison. It can be considered as adoration of Christ the King. (3) The Readings of the New Testament follow. (0. T. Readings precede the Service of Preparation.) The first is from the Acts of the Apostles or one of the General Epistles and the second is form St. Paul. Then comes the Gospel read by the celebrant. If there was a Little Entrance at this point, it has been suppressed. If there was a litany after the Gospel that, too, has been suppressed. This part can be considered as adoration of Christ the, Prophet. (4) Then comes the Sedro prayer, in three parts. The first is a short preface and the second is a prayer for pardon and grace. This is followed by the Sedro with theological reflections and petitions. The theology of the West Syrian tradition is found largely in the Sedros for the Holy Qurbono, for the Daily Offices and for all Feast Days. At the end of the Sedro a declaration of Absolution is made by the celebrant. This is a fixed formula. The second part of this t h r e e - p a r t prayer is also fixed; the preface and Sedro vary according to the yearly cycle. Patriarch J o h n I of Antioch (631-648) is considered the creator of this form of prayer.

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(5) The solemn blessing of the censer which comes next, is a declaration of faith in the Holy Trinity and it recalls the epiphany of the Holy Trinity at the baptism of our Lord. (6) The Nicene Creed (augmented at Constantinople) is then recited by the faithful. In the early period the dismissal of the Catechumens will have preceded the Creed. As the people recite the Creed, the priest washes his hands, asks for the people's prayers and then kneels before the Altar praying silently. In this prayer the special intentions of the Qurbono are mentioned again. (These are done by the priest during the Creed probably to save time.) (7) Then the priest, ascending the Altar step, begins the Anaphora or the Mass of the Faithful. Three prayers follow. The first is the prayer of the Kiss of peace, second the prayer of inclination and third the prayer of the veil. (8) The first of the three solemn blessings during the Qurbono using the words of St. Paul, (2 Cor, 13,14) is given here. (9) Then comes the dialogue between priest and beginning with "Lift up your ininds and hearts'", one most ancient liturgical formulas.

people, of the

(10) Next is "Holy, holy, h o l y " - the song of the angels, recalling that the angels are present at the solemn moment, joining their praise to that of the church on earth. (11) The words of Institution are said aloud and with solemnity. The Words vary in the different West Syrian anaphoras. Phrases "broken (shed) for you and for many" are used in all of them. 'For many' emphasizes the parallel between the suffering servant (Isaiah 53,5, 11, 12) and Christ, brought out in several Gospel passages. "All" is added in relation to the chalice (not the bread), probably because one or two of the Apostles were Nazirites (Numbers 6,1-4), who would not normally touch wine. (12) The Anamnesis brings together in sacred time the death, resurrection and second coming of Christ.

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(13) This is followed by the Epiklesis in which the Holy Spirit, is asked to descend upon the gifts and make (transform) the bread and wine into the Body and Blood of Christ. The words used in this prayer, "Hear me, Lord" (repeated three times by the priest) are the very words used by the Prophet Elijah to bring down fire from heaven upon the sacrifice (1 Kings 18/37). The concrete efficacy of all supernatural graces is through the operation of the Holy Spirit. As at the Incarnation so in the Eucharist the Son is made present by the work of the Holy Spirit. (14) The Great Intercession that follows is made (in the words of St. Cyril of Jerusalem) "while the holy and most sacred sacrifice lies before us." There are six sets of prayers, three for the living (Pope, Bishops, pastors; the Christian people; Christian kings and rulers) and three for the departed (the Mother of God and the Saints; Fathers of the church; the faithful departed). The Great Intercession is concluded with two more prayers, one for the faithful departed, the other for the living, for a sinless end. (15) Then comes the Second solemn Blessing, in the words of St. Paul (Titus 2/13). (16) Next is the Fraction and Commixture which is now invested with the symbolism of the death and resurrection of Christ. The portions of the broken sacred host are arranged in a pattern so as to represent a lamb, a man or a cross, according to the yearly cycle. (17) The Lord's prayer (in the Syriac Peshitha version) is preceeded by a prayer of preparation and followed by an embellishment. (18) The third solemn blesssing given here invokes the Holy Trinity with seven-fold attributes. (19) Then comes the Elevation, with the words "Holy things to the holy people..." (20) Next is the Procession of the Holy Mysteries and the communion of the people. The word "live coal" used while giving holy communion recalls the vision of Prophet Isaiah and the ''live coal" placed on his lips. (Isaiah 6/6) (21)

Of the two prayers of Thanksgiving after communion

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the second one is addressed to Christ. Liturgical prayers addressed to Christ probably arose as a response to the Arian heresy. There was then a liturgical tendency to place an increased emphasis on the divinity of Christ and less on his mediatorship, arising out of a felt need to protect a threatened point of doctrine. (22) The Solemn and elaborate Disimissal commits the people of God to the grace and mercy of the Holy Trinity. (23) The post-communion prayers of the priest includes psalms 23, 26 and 29. The priest takes leave of the Thronos (where Christ becomes present day by day and which is a figure of the heavenly Altar) with a touching prayer, kissing the Table of Life. High praise has been given to this liturgy by several scholars. Fortescue considers the liturgy of St. James, "one of the most beautiful in Christendom". Louis Bouyer describes it as " t h e most accomplished literary monument of the whole of liturgical literature." He further states t h a t "nowhere else has the whole traditional content of the Christian Eucharist been expressed with such fulness and in such satisfying framework." (Eucharist p. 245-46). E. C. Ratcliff of Cambridge is of the view t h a t " t h e Anaphora of St. James is perhaps unequalled in order and beauty by the Eucharistic prayer of any other liturgy." " I n the 20th century there are theorists like P. Drews who look upon the liturgy of St. James as the most ancient and pure form of the Eucharist from which the Roman liturgy itself must have originated." The Anglican liturgist, W. Hi Frere "maintained that this was the ideal liturgy, conceived and developed on a plan which is substantially primitive, even if its working form represents an undeniably advanced pt'ohiUon." (The Anaphora or Great Eucharistic prayer-/938) In the words of Bede Griffiths, " t h e Syrian liturgy is a perfect example of t h a t living theology based throughout on the Biblical revelation and conceived not as an abstract system of thought, but as an imaginative representation of an ever present reality, which is what the Church is seeking t o d a y . " It might be claimed t h a t no other liturgy, ancient or modern, has had such a shaping influence upon other liturgies in the ancient and the modern period as the liturgy of St. James. It has been the most prolific parent liturgy,

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Vol. VI No. 1 April 1993, 41-52 John Madey*

The Blessing of Waters on Epiphany in the Churches of Syro-Antiochean and Byzantine Traditions Very l i t t l e is k n o w n a b o u t t h e origin of t h e blessing of w a t e r s on t h e feast of E p i p h a n y (in Syriac: 'Ido d Denho, in Greek: Aghia Theophania) which is c o m m o n to t h e S y r o - A n t i o c h e a n a n d t h e B y z a n t i n e Churches. Egeria, t h e f a m o u s pilgrim of t h e l a t e 4 t h c e n t u r y to J e r u s a l e m a n d t h e H o l y L a n d , who described t h e whole worship a n d all t h e ceremonies with g r e a t e s t m i n u t e n e s s , seems t o have n o t k n o w n a b o u t it. T h e c u s t o m t o bless t h e w a t e r on this day has its background m o s t p r o b a b l y in t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e 5 t h c e n t u r y , w h e n a big cross was established in t h e J o r d a n river in t h a t place where, according t o t r a d i t i o n , J e s u s received b a p t i s m by t h e p r o p h e t J o h n , his f o r e r u n n e r . Processions of pilgrims came d o w n f r o m J e r u s a l e m t o this spot. O n l y a s h o r t t i m e later, E p i p h a n y became, a f t e r E a s t e r , t h e second b a p t i s m a l d a y in t h e Church, on which c a t e c h u m e n s received t h e S a c r a m e n t of B a p t i s m in as solemn a way as d u r i n g t h e p a s c h a l Vigil Service. I n c o n t r a s t t o feasts r e l a t e d w i t h historical events in t h e life of Christ or of c e r t a i n Saints, E p i p h a n y was r a t h e r reflecting a n idea, n a m e l y t h e idea t o give t h e different divine r e v e l a t i o n s g r a n t e d t o m a n k i n d a p a r t i c u l a r s o l e m n i t y . So we h a v e to do here with ail ideal feast r e f e r r i n g t o t h e a n n u n c i a t i o n of God's "Dr. John Madey, gives lectures on Ecumenism at the Johan Adam Moehler Institute, Paderborn, and at the Paurastya Vidyapitham, Vadavathoor, Kottayam, India.

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I n c a r n a t i o n , t h e d i v i n e m i s s i o n of O u r L o r d , a n d his m y s t i c a l liijk w i t h m a n k i n d in t h e C h u r c h . I t is in t h i s w a y t h a t it h a s g o t a c o n n e c t i o n w i t h s o m e e v e n t s in C h r i s t ' s h i s t o r i c a l life t h r o u g h which t h i s r e l a t i o n h a d b e e n r e v e a l e d , e.g. C h r i s t ' s b i r t h a c c o r d i n g to t h e flesh, t h e a n n o u n c e m e n t g i v e n to t h e s h e p h e r d s , t h e m y s t e r i o u s h i n t received by t h e wise m e n , t h e official c o n s e c r a t i o n of t h e S a v i o u r t h r o u g h b a p t i s m in t h e J o r d a n r i v e r a t t h e o u t s e t of his p u b l i c a c t i v i t i e s . T h e l a s t aspect, h a s w o n p r e d o m i n a n c e i n t h e E a s t a f t e r t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of t h e f e a s t of t h e N a t i v i t y of O u r L o r d w h i c h h a s its origin in t h e C h u r c h of R o m e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , we s h o u l d k e e p in m i n d , t h a t w h a t is c e l e b r a t e d oil t h i s d a y , " i s n o t so m u c h t h e h i s t o r i c a l f a c t of t h e m a n i f e s t a t i o n of t h e H o l y T r i n i t y t o t h e w o r l d f o r t h e first t i m e n o r t h e b e g i n n i n g of C h r i s t ' s p u b l i c life, nor a g a i n t h e b a p t i s m a d m i n i s t e r e d b y J o h n : i t is r a t h e r t h e m a n i f e s t a t i o n of G o d ' s g l o r y , of his love f o r m a n k i n d , of his m e r c y and c o m p a s s i o n e x p r e s s e d i n the. P e r s o n of J e s u s C h r i s t , w h o a s s u m e d flesh a n d b e c a m e M a n in o r d e r to b e c o m e a sacrifice of s a l v a t i o n f o r t h e sake of a l l m e n . ' T h e g r a c e of God o u r S a v i o u r h a s a p p e a r e d t o all m e n ' (Tit., 2 : 1 1 ) . " ' As i n d i c a t e d in t h e h e a d l i n e , we are l i m i t i n g t h i s s t u d y t o t h e l i t u r g i c a l p r a c t i c e of t h e b l e s s i n g of w a t e r s in the C h u r c h e s of S y r o - A n t i o c h e a n and Byzantine traditions; the l a t t e r w a s effectively i n f l u e n c e d b y A n t i o c h f r o m w h e r e a good n u m b e r of p r i e s t s a n d m o n k s w e r e m a d e b i s h o p s of t h e c a p i t a l (Byzantium, Constantinople), as e. g. St. J o h n Chrysostom ( + 407 A.D.). B o t h t h e B y z a n t i n e a n d t h e S y r i a c l i t u r g i e s s t r e s s t h e v i s i o n of t h e S a v i o u r ' s b a p t i s m a n d bless t h e w a t e r s in a v e r y s o l e m n w a y . I n s o m e local c h u r c h e s , t h e blessing of t h e w a t e r s is t a k i n g p l a c e , if possible, o n t h e shore of t h e sea, o n t h e b a n k of a river, or at a well o u t s i d e t h e c h u r c h . T h e r e is no d o u b t t h a t t h e blessing of w a t o r s o n E p i p h a n y is v e r y p o p u l a r among the faithful. A c c o r d i n g t o t h e l i t u r g i c a l p r e s c r i p t i o n s of t h e B y z a n t i n e C h u r c h , t h e b l e s s i n g of t h e w a t e r s c a n t a k e place e i t h e r a t t h e 1.

J. Raya/J. de Vinck, Byzantine Daily Worship, Allendale 1969, 591

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43

e n d of t h e D i v i n e L i t u r g y of t h e P a r a m o n v of t h e Holy T h e o p h a n y ( J a n u a r y 5), a f t e r t h e Prayer before t h e ambo p r e c e d i n g t h e final blessing, o r a t t h e e n d of t h e l i t u r g y of t h e f e a s t itself. Oil t h e p a r a m o n y , the l i t u r g y of St. Basil t h e G r e a t is c e l e b r a t e d in c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e hesperinos (ramso; Vespers). On t h e f e a s t itself, t h e l i t u r g y of St. Basil h a s t o be c e l e b r a t e d if i t f a l l s o n a S a t u r d a y 2 , S u n d a y a n d M o n d a y 3 . A c c o r d i n g t o t h e p r a c t i c e of t h e S y r o - A n t i o c h e a n C h u r c h , t w o d e a c o n s a n d t h o s e p r e s e n t f o r lilyo in t h e c h u r c h , go o u t a f t e r t h e s e c o n d qawmd ( c o r r e s p o n d i n g s o m e h o w t o t h e s e c o n d N o c t u r n of L a t i n Matins of old) i n o r d e r t o d r a w water, p r e f e r a b l y f r o m a r i v e r or well, in t w o vessels. L i g h t e d c a n d l e s a n d f a n s a r e c a r r i e d in t h e p r o c e s s i o n . T h e w a t e r c o l l e c t e d in t h e t w o vessels will t h e n be b r o u g h t t o t h e s a n c t u a r y . A s m a l l cross is p u t i n t o t h e m o u t h of o n e of t h e s e vessels. T h e f a c e of h i m w h o c a r r i e s t h e vessel s h o u l d be c o v e r e d w i t h a t h i n w h i t e veil. T h e r i t e of blessings t h e w a t e r s t a k e s p l a c e d u r i n g t h e c e l e b r a t i o n of t h e D i v i n e L i t u r g y - QurdbV - a f t e r t h e Quq'lydn in h o n o u r of t h e M o t h e r God is finished. As f o r t h e time of t h e blessing w e c a n t h u s s t a t e : in t h e c h u r c h e s of S y r o - A n t i o c h e a n t r a d i t i o n , t h e b l e s s i n g is before H o l y C o m m u n i o n , i n t h o s e of B y z a n t i n e t r a d i t i o n , after. As a n o v e r t u r e , t h e r e is a p r o c c s s i o n in t h e S y r o - A n t i o c h e a n r i t e . P r i e s t s a n d d e a c o n s , e a c h c l o t h e d a c c o r d i n g t o his clerical r a n k , c a r r y t h e Gospel book, t h e cross, t h e t h u r i b l e , t h e f a n s a n d t h e vessel filled w i t h w a t e r . The procession leaves t h e s a n c t u a r y t h r o u g h t h e n o r t h e r n d o o r , goes t h r o u g h or a r o u n d t h e c h u r c h a n d r e t u r n s t h r o u g h t h e s o u t h e r n d o o r . T h e vessel is placed o n a table in t h e chancel; it remains covered w i t h a w h i t e veil. D u r i n g t h e p r o c e s s i o n , a l o n g e r or s h o r t e r h y m n is 2. Saturday is only mentioned in S. Heitz (ed.). Der Orthodoxe Gottesdienst: Band I - Goettliche Liturgie und Sakramente, Mainz [s.a.], 421. 3. Cf. J. Raya/J de Vinck, op. cit. 595; N. Edelby, Liturgicon: Missel Byzantin a l'usage des fideles, Beirut 1960, 737; E. Msrcenier /G. Bainbridge, La Priere des Eglises de rite byzantin. II II, Chevetogne 1953, 304.

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sung. F r o m t h e longer in the t u n e " Q u q o y o " , we quote4 here t h e s e c o n d s t a n z a w h i c h r e f e r s t o t h e m y s t e r i o u s l i n k of t h e L o r d b a p t i z e d b y J o h n w i t h t h e C h u r c h : Who has ever seen two noble sisters such as the pure baptistery and the Holy Church; the one gives birth to the new and spiritual children and the other nurtures them; whomsoever the. baptistery bears from the water, the Holy Church receives and presents to the altar, Halleluiah, Halleluiah, T h e a c t u a l blessing r i t e is o p e n e d b y t h e c e l e b r a n t a f t e r t h e procession w i t h t h e s m a l l d o x o l o g y a n d t h e p r a y e r : 0 Eternal World of the Father, Jesus Christ, Who humbled the majesty of His Eternity and was baptized by John, his foreruner in the River Jordan, in order to sanctify the waters by His Holiness, so thai, with purity and holiness, we may offer glory to You, and to Your Father and to Your Holy Spirit, now and forever and ever.5 I n t h e Byzantine liturgy, t h e r i t e of b l e s s i n g t h e w a t e r s b e g i n s w i t h a series of tropana, w h i c h a r e s u n g t h r i c e . T h e first of t h e m r e f e r s to C h r i s t ' s m i s s i o n r e v e a l e d a t his b a p t i s m . The voice of Lord sounded over the waters and said: Come, receive, all of you, from Christ who has appeared, the spirit of wisdom, the spirit of intellect, the spirit of the fear of God.6 N o w f o l l o w i m m e d i a t e l y t h e r e a d i n g s w h i c h differ f r o m t h o s e f o u n d i n t h e S y r i a c l i t u r g i cal books. I n t h e S y r i a n r i t e , t h e i n t r o d u c t o r y p r a y e r is f o l l o w e d b y p s a l m 51, h y m n s w i t h t h e i r p e r t i n e n t p r a y e r s a n d a c a n t i c l e (sugito), b e f o r e i n c e n s e is offered. T h e v e r y theme of the mystery celebrated is e x p r e s s e d i n t h e l o n g p r a y e r w h i c h is called sedro, as i t p r o c l a i m s a series of t r u t h s s t r e s s i n g G o d ' s love of m a n k i n d . 0 Lord God, Maker of all beings and Creator of the visible and invisible creation, Who established the mansions of light for the dwelling of the heavenly hosts and by Your goodwill You created

4. We quote according to the English version given in MA'DE'DONQ: The Book of Church Festivals according to the ancient rite of the Syrian Orthodox Church of Antioch, translated from the original Syriac by Archdeacon Murad Saliba Barsom, edited and published by Metropolitan Mar Athanasius Yeshue Samuel, Lodi 1984, 39. 5. Ibid. 41. 6. See Mercenier / Bainbridge, op. cit. 273f.

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45

the second world. Also You created the light first of all in order that the whole creation be filled with it. You stretched the heavens like a curtain, decorating it with the .beautiful slars; You laid the beams of Your chamber in the waters and made the clouds Your chariot. You laid the foundation of the earth carefully on the waters and decorated it with different kinds of blossoms-, and by the water which comes from above, You cause the different kinds of fruits to grow, and by the springs which become running rivers, you water the surface of the earth, and through Your divine dispensation, You provided the whole creation with the neeessarij provisions in order to keep alive all the species You created. Then you created man in Y o u r o w n image a n d in Y o u r o w n likeness; making him the king of Your creation. When he fell down from his great office, through his negligence, Y o u b r o u g h t him back t o his divine r a n k by Your coming in the flesh, washing away, by the second birth, the impurity which had defiled him. Do You, even now, 0 Lord, Who have brought us to this hour, be with us and among us by driving away from our souls all the darkness of ignorance. Fill us with t h e light which is b e y o n d t h e world, guiding us unerringly to the allperfect Light which, beyond all understanding, proceeds from the Holy Trinity. Enlighten our minds by the rays of Your light, that we may be worthy to become c h i l d r e n of t h e light. May your Holy Spirit, by indwelling upon these w a t e r s , turn them into a f o u n t of healing; fill them with the g i f t s of holiness that they may be a source of help for those who receive them. Set us free from disgraceful passions. Blot out our sins, make white our stains and cleanse our defilements, wash us thoroughly that we may become whiter than snow, that we may be pure and worthy of Your light. Make us worthy to stand with confidence before Your dreadful seat of judgement and to receive Y o u r mercies a n d l o v i n g - k i n d n e s s a n d t o s t a n d a t t h e r i g h t h a n d of Y o u r Majesty; make us wholly arrayed in Your light, even in Ihe likeness of Your Godhead, for You alone are the Giver of divine gifts. To You be glory and dominion from all the creation that is in heaven and earth, and to Your Father and Your lifegiving Holy Spirit, both now and forever. Amen.7 A f t e r t h e Sedro a n o t h e r H y m n in t h e t u n e " Q u q o y o " is s u n g which is followed b y t h e Etro, t h e p r a y e r of incense. With. 7. MA'DE'DONO, 49-51.

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this prayer, we could say, ends the introductory part of the service. What follows may be described as a "Service of the Word", as the following part contains the readings both from the Old and the N e w Testament and a Kyrie litany, the Prayer of the Faithful. As was mentioned above, the readings of his Service of the Word are different in the Churches of Syro-Antiochean and the Byzantine traditions. Syro-Antiochean Order: Numbers 20:1-11 II Kings 2:19-25 Isaiah 12:1-6 Acts 8:35-40 Hebrews 10:15-25 John 4,4-42

Byzantine OrderIsaiah 35:1-10 Isaiah 40:1-13 Isaiah 12:3-6 I Corinthians 10:1-4 Mk 1:9-11

After the Gospel reading, there is a litany in the Byzantine liturgy as well as in the Syro-Antiochean. Surprisingly the litany used in the Byzantine Churches does not follow the pattern of the 'Ecumenic Prayer' ( I n s t a n t Ectenv), but t h a t of the 'Litany of Peace' said in the beginning of the Divine Liturgy. The Syriac litany which, in c o n t r a s t to the Qitrobo itself, has kept its traditional place in this service of blessing, follows the pattern of the Qatuliqi and is alternately sung by the archdeacon and the people. I t s introduction corresponds to that of the Syrooriental First Karoziiia which has its place in the Qurbana after the Gospel reading. In both the litanies, the petitions are answered by the people with Kyrie eleison. In order to get an idea of what is prayed for, we are quoting below first (1) the Byzantine 8 litany and (2) afterwards the Syro-Antiochean: 9 (1)

In peace, let us pray to the

Lord...

For the peace from on high, and the let us pray to the Lord...

salvation

of

our

souls,

That this water may be sanctified with the power, the effectiveness and the indwelling of the Holy Spirit, let us pray to the Lord... 8. J. Raya/ J. de Vinck, op. cit. 597f. 9, MA'DE'DONO, 57, 59, 61.

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That there may be sent down into it the grace of redemption and the blessing of Jordan River, let us pray to the Lord... That there may come upon this water the purifying operation of the super-substantial Trinity, let us pray to the Lord... That by the descent of Holy Spirit we may be illumined with the liqht of understanding and piety, let us pray to the Lord... That this water may prove effective for the averting of every snare of enemies both visible and invisible, let us pray to the Lord... For those who drink therefrom, and take it with them for the sanctification of their homes, les us pray to the Lord... That it may be, for those who drink and receive it in faith, a purification unto their souls and bodies, let us pray to the Lord... That we may be worthy to be filled with sanctification, receive of this water, throagh the coming of the Holy Spirit invisible manner, let us pray to the Lord...

as we in an

That the Lord may listen to the voice of our supplication, us pray to the Lord... That He may deliver us from all afflictions, and need, let us pray to the Lord... Help us, save us, by Thy grace...

wrath,

let

danger

have mercy on us, and protect us, 0 God,

(2) For the sake of comparison, we also Antiochean litany in its entirety:

quote the Syro-

Let us stand with modesty and diligence and with voices that are pleasing unto God, let us answer and say: (People:) Kyrie eleison. Christ our God, Who is the depth of ineffable mysteries, Who, on account of His loving kindness, was seen on earth and went about with men; we beseech You... Christ our God, Who enlightened the world with the brightness of Your divinity, Who by the holy water drowned the mob of demons and blotted out our sins, we beseech You... He Who sweetened the bitter waters by the wood which Moses threw into them and now You have blessed the substance of the waters which acknowledges You as God, Creator and Sanclifier of all the springs, we beseech You...

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He, Who healed the bad water at the hand of the prophet Elisha, and Who even now grants us, through the abundance of his wisdom, permanent healing and purification of souls, we beseech You... For the peace and tranquility of the whole world, and for the preservation of our righteous, venerable and blessed Fathers: our patriarch, Abun Mor Iqnatious... and our Metropotitrn, AbUn Mor..., with the rest of the orthodox Bishops that their parishes be preserved from all harm, for the faithful kings [or: presidents] who reiqn and for the commemoration of Mary, the Mother of God, the Saints and the Faithful departed, we bessech You... Enlighten, 0 Lord, our souls with your sublime knowledge on this glorious dag of lights and all the dags of our life. Strengthen our hearts in Your fear and in love for one another. You, Who put the slanderer to shame and gladdens the angels, do deem us worthy to receive the gifls and the heJp which You promised our human race, 0 Christ, our true God One of the Holy Trinity, we beseech You... Hear us, 0 Lord, incline Your ear unto us and have mercy and compassion upon us Let us respond and sag thrice: (People:) Kyrie eleison, Kvrie eleison, Kyrie eleison. As in the Divine Liturgy, the service continues with the priest's and the people's profession of faith. Thereupon the priest begins to recite a long prayer which runs into an epic'esis. Having made an anamnesis of the wondrous deeds of God executed through Moses and Elisha in favour of the people of Israel as well as Jesus Christ's changing substance of water i n t i good wine at Cana and his sanctifying Ihe Jordan river at his baptism, the celebrant says: Even now. 0. Lord, by the blessing of the spiritual and heavenly Salt, by Your invisible mighty power, by Your ineffable loving-kindness and by ihe descent of Your Holy Spirit, bless (+) these waters that are set before us, send to them the grace, the power and the priestly operation of Yonr Holy Spirit, that they may be unto all who take from them or participate in them, the gift of divine healing of their souls, bodies and Spirits. To You be glory, honour and dominion, with Your Blessed Father and Your Holy Spirit, both now and forever... 0 Creator of the waters and Maker and Changer of all things. bless (+) these waters by the power of Your Holy Spirit and grant to them grace and power against all

T H E BLESSING O F W A T E R S ON E P I P H A N Y

49

opposing forces, and grant to all those who participate in them by drinking or sprinkling or by any other means, healing of soul and body and rich mercies from You, removal from all evil and salvation and peace of life... T h e n t h e p r i e s t r e m o v e s t h e veil w h i c h h a d c o v e r e d t h e vessel a n d w a v e s his h a n d g e n t l y over i t a n d over t h e cross i n its m o u t h , T h e n he r e m o v e s t h e cross f r o m t h e vessel while o n e of t h e d e a c o n s s a y s a n e x h o r t a t i o n (quloso). I n t h e B y z a n t i n e service, t h e c e l e b r a n t , a f t e r t h e l i t a n y , says a l o n g p r a y e r , t h e first p a r t of i t in a n i n a u d i b l e w a y , t h e second p a r t a l o u d . 1 0 I t is a u t h o r e d b y P a t r i a r c h S o p h r o n i o s of J e r u s a l e m (634-638). I n its d r i f t it is s i m i l a r t o the sedro p r a y e r s of t h e S y r o - A n t i o c h e a n l i t u r g y w h i c h is n o t s u r p r i s i n g , as t h i s p a t r i a r c h was b o r n in D a m a s c u s w h i c h is in t h e p a t r i a r c h a t e of A n t i o c h . As a m a s t e r of r h e t o r i c s h e b e c a m e a m o n k first in t h e N e w L a v r a a n d t h e n in St. T h e o d o s i u s ' M o n a s t e r y in t h e neighb o u r h o o d of J e r u s a l e m . H i s s e r m o n s excel in riches of d o g m a t i c c o n t e n t s a n d h a v e g o t a n i n f l u e n c e going b e y o n d t h e d e n o m i n a t i o n a l b o u n d a r i e s . So we find t h e s e c o n d p a r t of t h e p r a y e r works, b e g i n n i n g w i t h Great are you, 0 Lord, and wonderful are your and no word can do justice with ihe praise of your wonders in b o t h t h e S y r o - A n t i o c h e a n a n d t h e B y z a n t i n e services. I n t h e B y z a n t i n e service, c e r t a i n p a r t s of particularly stressed by being repeated thrice:

the

prayer

1. Great are you, 0 Lord, + and wonderful are your and no word can do justice to the praise of your wonders

are

works,

2. Wherefore, 0 You our King and Lover of Mankind, be present now through the descent of your Holy Spirit and sanctify this water. 3.

Wherefore,

0 Master,

sanctify

this

water

by

your

H,oly

Spirit.11

10. The Slav liturgical books do not have the first part of St, Sophronius' prayer, but begin immediately with "Great are you, O L o r d . . . " The Roman edition of the Euchologion (p. 221) says that the inaudible part is read in certain places, but it is neither said in the Great Church [Constantinople] nor on the Holy Mountain [Mt. Athos]. In the Orthodox Church of Greece, however, it is said. 11. J. Raya/J. deVinck, op. cit. 601f.

50

THE HARF

During each repetition of the first phrase, the priest makps the sign of the cross in the water w i t h the handcross. In the Ukrainian Church, this rite is still more developed since the middle of the 17 th century. The Trebngk (Ritual) edited by the (Orthodox) Metropolitan Petro Mohyla of K y i w [Kiev] in 1647 prescribes to bless the water after the first prayer w i t h a lighted candle: in t o d a y ' s practice, a candlestick w i t h three candles is used and each time the light of o n e candle is e x t i n g u i s h e d in the water. After the second prayer, the celebrant breathes three times over the water in the form of a cross, and after the third prayer, he blesses the water in the form of a cross with his hand. 1 2 The prayer of Sophronius comes to a n end w i t h the remembrance of the whole hierarchy and "the people here present, and all our brethren w h o are absent for a w o r t h y cause". After the prayer with b o w e d heads, the priest blesses the water and immerses the precious cross three t i m e s up and d o w n in t h e holy water, h o l d i n g i t straight while singing each time t h e apolgtikion (troparion) of Theophany: At your baptism in the Jordan river, 0 Christ, the worship due to the Holy Trinity was made manifest, for the voice of the Father bore you witness by calling you "Beloved Son", and the Holy Spirit, in the form af a dove confirmed the immutability of this declarafian, 0 Christ God, who appeared and filled the world with light, glory to you!13 Then the priest, holding the precious cross in his left hand,, sprinkles with the h o l y water all the people and the four corners of the church. In some Churches, during the chant of the final idiomelon, the people c o m e forward to kiss the priest's handcross and to receive individually the aspersion with h o l y water. Thereafter they take a sip of the h o l y water. N o w the priest and his assistance return t o the sanctuary to continue the D i v i n e Liturgy as usual. I n the Syro -Antiochean liturgy, after the l o n g prayer, the celebrant waves his right hand over t h e vessel and signs it three times declaring: These waters are blessed in the name of the Father + 12. Cf. Yordans'ke Vodosviattia: Xrystyians'kyi Holos 45 (Munich, January 17, 1993) 3. 13. J. Raya/J. de Vinck, op. cit. 602.

T H E BLESSING OF WATERS ON E P I P H A N Y

[People: Amen] and of the Son + [People: Amen] and of the Spirit + for life eternal [People: Amen]. 1 4

51

Holy

A special feature of the Syro-Antiochean rite is the blessing of the four corners of the world 1 5 in a particular way. l a the service of the blessing of the waters, the celebrant puts back the cross into the m o u t h of the vessel. Then he holds it high and t u r n s first to the east, t h e n to the west, the north and the south. The Trisaghion is interpolated between the priest's exclamations with the verse 0 You who were baptized for us, have mercy upon us. The celebrant then intones the Lord's prayer which the people continue. Together with the deacons he proceeds to the baptistery. He opens the font and removes the cross f r o m the mouth of the vessel. Now he pours a few drops of the water over the cross, in the form of a cross, into a container set into the font. He pours at first to the east, then to the west, to the north and to t h e south. Then he takes the container out of the font and signs the foreheads of the priests and deacons present with the holy water. On his r e t u r n to the sanctuary, he places the vessel on the altar and says the hutomo ["seal"; praver of dismissal]: 0 Good and loving God, Who by Your great and ineffable gift have blessed these waters, bless + with them all of lis, soul and body, by our participation in them that we may offer glorjj and worship to You, invisible Father, and to Your beloved Son and to Your Holy Spirit, Who is good, adorable, life-giving and consubstantial with You, now and forever.16 Now the Divine Liturgy is continued in its usual order. The Syro-Antiochean service, as described above, may be somehow different in present circumstances. It could be celebrated in the monasteries in its ideal form. In parishes, fetching the water after the second quwmo of the night service (lilyd) is not practicable. The removal of the cross from the mouth of the vessel before the blessing itself has the meaning that the Old Covenant has come to an end and Christ was made manifest. Pouring the 14. MA'DE'DONO, 69. 15. Ibid. 69, 71.

16. Ibid. 73.

52

THE

HARP

h o l y water into the vessel reminds us of Christ's baptism. After the Divine Liturgy all those present will drink from the h o l y water, the celebrant being the first. W h a t remains of it in t h e jar will be kept in a chest in the sanctuary till t h e f o l l o w i n g feast of Epiphany. " W h e n someone in the parish is ill or in travail, they send for this water. They believe in its wonderful power and their faith works wonders very often. It is a comm o n l y observed fact t h a t this water kept in this w a y a I church remains pure and clear till the epiphany the n e x t year. That by itself is wonderful enough. Many who have kept ordinary water in similar jars otherwise have found that the water becomes foul and septic after a f e w d a y s . 1 7 " In the Churches of Byzantine tradition, people customarily take a small q u a n t i t y of the blessed water to their houses. The baptism of Christ is in their conscience v e r y strong, especially a m o n g the Slavs and it reminds t h e m of their o w n baptism. E v e n o n the greeting cards for Christmas and the n e w year, t h e y wish one another also " a holy [feast of[ Jordan". Christ's baptism by J o h n is the image of his union with mankind. Christ's u n i o n with the h u m a n race", says K y r N e o p h y t o s (Edelby), Melkite Greek-Catholic Metropolitan of Aleppo in Syria, has inspired the image of a w e d d i n g feast. The liturgical t e x t s in the different Churches call Christ the bridegroom of the Church. Through a sacred nuptial night, the Church obtains the power to become the spiritual mother of those who are reborn form the water and t h e spirit... It is for us t o become, on this day, penetrated by the spirit of the Church in the joy and love of the Lord, who descended to us sinners in order t o clothe us w i t h his power and splendour. 1 8 This is w h y the B y z a n t i n e liturgy, instead of the usual Trisaghion, sing o n Easter and Epiphany: As many as have been baptized into Christ have put on Christ. Alleluia!

17. Kadavil Paul Ramban, The Orthodox Syrtan Church: Its Religion and Philosophy, Puthencruz-Alwaye 1937,76 18. N. Edelby, op. cit. 736.

THE HARP Vol. V I . N o . 1. A p r i l 1993, 5 3 - 6 4 Jacob Thekeparampil *

Jacob of Sarug's Homily on Malkizedeq: 1 A HOMILY ON THAT WHICH DAVID

SAID

ABOUT OUR

LORD:

"YOU ARE PRIEST FOREVER IN THE RESEMBLANCE OF MALKIZEDEQ" 2

P . 197 1.

All t h e w o r d s in t h e Books are f u l l of l i g h t ; b y t h e m , L o r d , m a y I be i l l u m i n e d t o r e l a t e w i t h w o n d e r your history.

3.

L i k e t r e a s u r e s t h e m y s t e r i e s lie h i d d e n in t h e r e a d i n g s ; Son of G o d , g r a n t t h a t t h e m i n d m a y b r i n g t h e m u p .

5.

G r e a t w e a l t h is in t h e B o o k s of t h e G o d h e a d ; m a k e m e w o r t h y , O u r L o r d , t o collect a n d t a k e f r o m their treasury.

* Rev. Dr. Jacob Thekkeparambil, the Director of SEER! is a scholar in the Syriac Liturgy. 1. Malkizedeq : this spelling is based on its Syriac version : malkyzedeq. 2. Ps. 110, 4. Syriac version prefers "dmuto" resemblance to "takso" order. It is a commentary on Ps. 110, 4; Jacob demonstrate the resemblance of Christ to Malkizedeq; the repeated use of the verb dm'o makes it evident. This translation is based on the Syriac text published by P. Bedjan, Homiliac Selectae Mar Jacob's sarugensis, (5 vols, Paris-Leipzig, 1905-1910). Vol. 2, 197-209, taken from Ms. Add. 17.155 (13th century) fol. 12b-18'o of the British Museum. For another homily of Jacob of Sarug on Malkizedeq, see P. Bedjan, Homiliae Selectae.. vol. 5 (1910) 154-180. "Of the same Holy Mar Jacob's Homily on Malkizedeq the Priest of the most high God and on the mysteries of our Lord. For its English translation see The True vine, vol. 2 (Transfiguration Monastery, Roslindole, U.S.A., 1989) 33-55. Its French translation was done, but not yet published, by the late Mgr. R. Graffin, Paris-

54

THE

HARP

7.

The word of life is a pearl to him who loves it; draw near, 0 Hearer, and wear it to your ear and be adorned with it.

9.

If a pearl is bought with a golden coin, and if you wear it, it only adorns one ear:

11.

The word of life is better than a pearl, because a myriad ears are adorned with it and it does not suffice her.

13.

The word with its exalted and natural beauty adorns all the. ears of the whole crowd of men.

P. 198 15.

You look now: how cheap a pearl is, and how precious the word of life to the one who possesses it.

17.

The word is light and if it rises up in the dark souls, they will be shining from it like the day.

ly.

The word is wealth: if it dwells with a poor person it will make him a king equal to other kings.

21.

In word 3 alone is man greater than animals; by it Adam became rich to rule over the creatures.

23.

Heaven and Earth stand from the beginning by the word because God established everything by His word.

25.

King David, the Harp of the Psalms; by word he was exalted to sing the mysteries of the Godhead. Through prophecy he was spiritually meditating, through the Psalms he sang joyfully the mysteries of the Unique One.

27.

29.

31.

He rejoiced in the Holy Spirit, the revealer of mysteries, 4 to sing everyday the stories of his Lord through his prophecy. His soul was illumined by the spiritual revelations and he saw how the Son will come to forgive the earth.

3. mlt' = word; speech would be a better translation in the present context. 4. glyt 'rz'

JACOB OF SAHUG'S HOMILY ON MALKIZEDEQ

33.

§§

He saw Christ through the clear eye of prophecy who became the priest who forgives the Earth through his own blood.

P. 199 35.

He looked and saw him who will be the forgiver of the world; and he called him Priest like the divine Malkizedeq.

37.

"You are priest like Malkizedeq." 5 so said to him the Prophet-King in the Spirit, the revealer of hidden things.

39.

and he perceived Him that He would come to become the High-Priest, and to bring himself as an offering before His Father.

41.

David looked to see to whom the Son would resemble and in which priest he would draw a model for Him in his prophecy.

43.

His soul was illumined and he saw Abel6 who

45.

Abel was handsome, and also his offering was excellent; but he did not attain the heights to be a type of our Lord.

47.

He offered the first born, fat lambs of his flock and his luminous soul was worthy to serve the Godhead.

49.

But because he brought to the place of offering 7 not his own blood, David saw that He did not resemble the Son of God.

51.

Illustrious was Abel and he was adorned with virginity and with priesthood pure and raised above blame.

53.

He chose the first-born and the fat (sheep) to offer, he provided a whole-offering 8 witb love that is burning like fire

5. 6. 7. 8.

was a priest and he understood that he did not resemble the Son of God

Ps. 110, 4. Gen 4,1-16. byt qwrbn' 'It'

56

THE HARP

55.

He was beautiful and pure; also his offering pleased God; and the Lord loved him and accepted from him the offerings he brought.

P, 200 57.

Even though King David saw in him thousands virtue, he did not compare the priesthood of the Son of God to his.

59.

Christ,

61.

Then the just Noah 9 was priest in his time and he offered sacrifice of animals before His Majesty.

63.

And it is written t h a t the Lord was pleased and satisfied with t h a t offering; and David did not want to call the Son a priest like Noah.

65.

A priest who brings to the Lord offerings whose source was outside of himself, in him is not depicted the priesthood of the Son of God.

67.

Because of this, David did not compare the Son with these priests who offer sacrifices of animals.

69.

Abraham too was a friend and a priest of God, and he brought three-year old [animals] and offered sacrifices as it was commanded. 1 0

71.

He was a great man and an intimate of the house of God; and David did not say: You are priest like Abraham.

73.

To the tribe of Levi the lot of priest was given; and from it came out illustrious priests of great renown;

75.

Aaron the G r e a t , u Eleazar, 12 the illustrious priest and Phinebas 13 who kept the angel of death away from the Hebrews;

9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

who was priest for ever

did not bring lambs for sacrifice; He himself was the lamb to be offered.

Gen. 9, 18-29. Gen. 15-9. Ex. 28, Iff; Lev. 8, 1-10,20. Ex. 6,23; Num. 20,24-82; Dt. 10.6. Ex. 6.25; Num. 25,7-11; 31,6; 1 chr. 9,20; Eel. 45,23-26.

JACOB

77.

OF S A R U G ' S

HOMILY

ON M A L K I Z E D E Q

57

People, who acted as intermediaries between God and men, were holy through their incense-offerings and sacrifices.

P. 201 79.

They were reconcilers and forgivers in the creation through peace offerings and priesthood in which there were no blemishes.

81.

Knowing clearly all these, David did not compare anyone of them with the Son in his prophecy.

83.

He saw them all bringing sacrifices, that were not from themselves, but were from outside themselves, to offer to God.

85.

He looked at Christ, who did not offer to His Father anything apart from Himself, when he disposed Himself to be a priest.

87.

When King David was looking at all the priests (to see) who resembled and who did not resemble the Son of God,

89.

he saw Malkizedeq14 who was made priest without sacrifices and who did not pour out the blood of animals before the Lord.

91.

He did not bring the firstlings to the place of offerings, like Abel, nor did he offer like Noah the burnt offering from pure lambs.

93.

He did not offer three-year old (animals) to the Lord like Abraham, 15 nor did he offer bulls and lambs like the Levites.

95.

He did not pour out the blood of pigeons and young doves nor did he make offerings from young bullocks and calves,

97.

But he stood before God with a pure heart and with noble thoughts which are superior than sacrifices.

14. Geo. 14,18-20; Ps. 110,4; Heb. 4,14-7,28. 15. Gen. 15,9.

58

T H E HARP

99.

He judged in himself t h a t he would purify himself like an offering and t h a t he would sacrifice his mind and not animals before God.

P. 202 101.

He would not make a whole-offering for the

Lord but himself and his pure conscience would be a sacrifice without any (foul) odor.

103.

" I will not bring flesh to oiler to the Lord, because he certainly does not eat a sacrifice t h a t is offered to H i m .

105.

The sacrifice of animals will be an insult to the Lord; I will clear my soul and will sacrifice my thought to G o d . "

107.

It was through these noble, spiritual and exalted thoughts t h a t the renowned Malkizedeq became a priest.

109.

Without sacrifices, through his own suffering, he was made a priest, and because of this the Son of God was compared to him,

111.

who became priest and did not bring in any alien blood, b u t through His own blood He made atonement for the whole world.

113.

In His person He became an offering before His Father; He did not sprinkle the blood of animals like the Levites,

115.

He did not offer a body other t h a n His and did not bring into the place of offering anything else but Himself.

117.

Like the priest Malkizedeq He stands to do priestly service with His own suffering for the reconciliation of the -whole world.

119.

David saw t h a t through the sacrifices of the sons of Levi the world t h a t was in need of forgiveness would not be forgiven.

JACOB OF SARUG'S HOMILY ON MALKIZEbEQ

121.

59

And the blood of oxen, lambs and sheep would not make compensation for the universal debt that the snake had brought upon generations.

P. 203 123.

Instead of Levi it was necessary that another priest stand up who would make atonement for the earth without sacrifices but through his own suffering.

125.

He saw the Son who will come to be a priest

127.

For another priest like Malkizedeq the Earth was seeking, not like Levj who sprinkled the Earth with the blood of his sacrifices.

129.

Christ will come and release Aaron from priesthood and become in his stead priest forever spiritually.

131.

He has a body of His very own to become a sacrifice and His own blood will He sprinkle upon His camp.

133.

Instead of bulls He will immolate

Himself and in the House of forgiveness, He will not seek anything for the sacrifice when He will sacrifice.

135.

In Himself He has a body and blood for the House of

after this manner and in Malkizedeq he depicted for Him an image full of beauty.

offering, and like Malkizedeq He sacrifices Himself through His passion to His Father. 137.

139. 141.

He does not bring the blood of pigeons and young doves, nor does He select a red heifer so that it may become a burnt offering;. The color of blood is better than the color of scarlet; it will be shining upon the corners of the holy Altar. His own body He offers to the Father when He offers, and sheds blood so that it will become the sprinkling on behalf of sinners

60

THE

143.

HARP

Aaron, take rest from your manifold sacrifices, lay down your knife, because Christ has stood up to be the priest.

P. 204 145.

From henceforth the world will not ask you to be the priest, because the Son of God has taken your place to do the priestly service.

147.

Instead of all the sacrifrces He becomes a single offering and the sons of Levi need not trouble themselves to perform sacrifice.

149.

If there has been power in the sacrifices of the sons of Levi another priest would not have stood up as it is said.

151.

But, because they were too short to provide forgiveness, Christ came to remove them and to officiate as a priest.

153.

He released Aaron and stood to become the High-Priest and through Him the entire world will be forgiven without sacrifices.

155.

Because of this, David sang in the "Book of Aiir'" 6 that our Lord is priest like Malkizedeq the High-Priest.

157.

This man is king of justice; then, he is also the king of peace and the high-priest.

159.

Being the king, he did not fight for his territory; and being the priest, he did not offer sacrifices to the Lord.

161.

Peace and tranquility were his power and he stood firm in it and justice was like the kingdom in which he was splendid.

163.

He built Jerusalem and without war he became king in it, in order to be there the guardian of the place for the crucifixion. 17

165.

It was not man who anointed this one and made him priest, as Moses made Aaron, the son of the Levites.

16. The "Book of Asir", as the name of the Book of Psalms is very common in the Hebrew tradition, because the 1st psalm begins with the word "Asir" = happy. To name the books and prayers with the "incipits" i.e opening words is common in the Jewish and consequently also in the Christian liturgies. 17. Ntr dwkt' = Stellvertreter, Vicar. Literally the "guardian of the place" Ephrem too uses this expression in reference to Malkizedeq as the

J A C O B O F S A B U G ' S H O M I L Y ON M A L K I Z E D B Q

61

P. 205. 167.

From himself he was splendid and became priest; and instead of animals he sacrificed prayers to God.

169,

In the genealogy this one was not registered like the Levites, for he was not from the race of priests thus to be designated.

171.

He resembles our Lord, because it was not from man that he took his priesthood, but because he is priest forever as it is written. He did not receive nor did he hand over the priesthood: this is the priest to whom the Son of God was compared.

173. 175.

It is not by succession that the lot to do priestly service reached hirfl; nor did Moses write down the name of his ancestors in the genealogy.

177.

"The Priest of the Lord" is his beautiful name set out in the Book; Neither his beginning nor his end is revealed there.

179.

Because of this, Christ who came was compared to him, for His priesthood has neither beginning nor end.

181.

The Son of God is priest on behalf of sinners; He is the sacrifice by which the whole world was forgiven.

183.

He was the mediator and He reconciled the sides that were in anger; and He made peace, so that he resembled the king of Salem.

185.

He is also the king of peace and justice and on account of Him the angels sang Peace on E a r t h . "

187.

Justice is the kingdom of the Son of God; and David compared Him to Malkizedeq in his songs.

vicar awaiting the Lord of Priesthood". See Ephrem's Homily on Nativity I, 25 in E. BECK, Des Heiligen Ephrems des Syrers Hymnen de Nativite, (C. S. C. O. Scriptores Syri, 82 + 83; Louvain 1959) 4, also K. McVey, Ephraem the Syrian Hymns (The Classics of Western Spirituality. New York, Mahwah 1989) 66-67. 18. Lk 2, 14-

62

THE HARP

P.

206

189.

191.

193.

On the day of His nativity peace to earth was announced by the angels, the knowers of His mysteries, through their songs.19 The Son of God Himself became justice to the world; 20 on account of Him peace and tranquility came about for those who were in anger. It is written that the "justice will be His belt" 2 1 and it is appropriate for Him, that He should become the king of justice.

195.

It is fitting too for Him that He become in Aaron's place the priest, who will not ask for blood that is not His own for the House of offering.

197.

He Himself enters the sublime Holy of Hollies, because another priest could not step upon there.

199.

Who has entered the great tent in the presence of the Father ? Who has brought out forgiveness for the whole world ?

201.

To the hidden place where neither the angels nor the priests step in, who has entered there to do the priestly service ?

203.

To the sanctuary which was neither built nor is from the created world, who could bring in sacrifices of animals ?

205.

To the zenith of the heights above who could climb up and bring up with himself bulls and sheep to sacrifice ?

207.

To the place where not even lightning could reach, which priest from earthly beings could enter there ?

P. 209.

207 To the place which fire is afraid to tread on without being burnt up, who among the priests could do sacrifice there?

19. Ibid. 20. Heb. 7,2 has strangely not "mlko dzadikwto" of Righteousness". 21 Is. 11.5.

but *'m!k" d-k'nwt" King

JACOB OF SARUG'S HOMILY ON MALKIZEBEQ

63

211.

Who could bring and reconcile Adam who is at enemity, if- not his own Lord, who became the mediator for his sake ?

213.

There is no earthly priest who could attain the heights of the Father and plead Him for reconciliation.

215.

Because of this he released Aaron from sacrifices, for the blood of animals did not enter t h a t place.

217.

And in his place the Son of God became the High priest and with His own blood He entered the F a t h e r ' s presence in the exalted place.

219.

Where the glory of the Father abides, He introduced sacrifice not foreign, but Himself, on behalf of sinners.

221.

The priest will enter the interior of the Holy of Holies, because there is no other priest to enter it if not H e Himself; He is raised above the Crowds, above the Orders, above the Legions, above the exalted Principalities,

223. 225.

above all Captains of hosts and armies and above all the Thrones whether exalted or lowly:

227,

So far, t h a t He reaches the bosom of the Father in His high place. I t is easy for the Beloved Son to enter and become Priest.

229.

There is no sacrifice for which it is easy to entre t h a t place,

P. 208 nor a priest to do priestly service there, if not He. 231.

He Himself entels to be a sacrifice to the Father; Who was able to take the place of the Son (before) the Father?

233.

Holy were Moses and Aaron and they were beloved in their times; their sacrifices too were pleasing.

235,

They were not sacrificing in vain for the Hebrews; Through their sacrifices He was holding them back from idolatry.

64 THE IÏARP 237.

239.

Because the people loved sacrifices, they asked for sacrifices; but David perceived that the Lord was not asking for sacrifices. He saw his Lord who came to become the High-Priest and to give forgiveness without sacrifices to the whole world though His passion.

241.

He compared Him to the priest who reconciled the Lord daily without sacrifices before God through his suffering.

243.

Gone is the time of the sons of Levi and of their sacrifices; and Aaron has ceased from sacrifices and burnt offerings.

245.

Likewise [there has ceased] the foreleg and the liver and the innards which a man vowed [as a gift] for the priests of the people who liked the metal pot and the three-pronged fork. 22

247.

There will be rest to the sons of Levi from sacrifices, because Christ has stood up to divide His body in the assembly.

249.

All the nations, and not one nation alone, will be forgiven through Him, because He is the sacrifice which has set the world free from sacrifices.

P. 209 251.

Son of God, who became Priest for our sake, may we be forgiven through You, because You are our Hope: To You (be) Glory!.23

22. 1 Sam 2,12-13. 23. For a description of the resemblanes of Christ to Malkizedeq, see my article "Malkizedeq according to Jacob of Sarug" among the papers of the 6th Symposium Syriacum of 1992 Cambridge), to be published in the Orientalia Christiana Analecta collection, Rome.

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Vol. VI. No. 1. April 1993, 65-80 Baby Varghese*

Studies in the West Syrian Liturgy of the Consecration of Holy Myron In the West Syrian Tradition two types of oils are used for baptismal anointings; consecrated olive oil for the prebaptismal anointing and the Holy Myron for the post baptismal anointing. 1 Before the end of the fourth century the post-baptismal anointing was absent in the Syrian baptism. A post-baptismal anointing with Myron ( = perfumed oil) was introduced towards the end of the fourth century. Gradually the anointing with Myron was given more importance and its benediction became one of the most solemn sacramental celebrations of the West Syrian tradition. In this paper we are giving an outline of the history of the consecration of Myron in the West Syrian tradition. 2 Author of the Liturgy o! the Consecration of Myron

The Chronicle of Seert says that John I, Patriarch of Antioch (631-648) "composed most of the Jacobite prayers, '

Rev. Dr. Baby Varghese, holding a doctorate degree in theology - in Liturgy - gives now lectures in the Orthodox Theological Seminary and the St. Ephrem Ecumenical Research Institute [SEERI], Kottayam, KERALA, India.

1. For a detailed discussion see our studies Les unctions baptismales dans la tradition Syrienne, CSCO-512, Subsidia 82 (Louvain, 1989) and Baptism and chrismation in the Syriac Tradition, SEERI Correspondance Course No. 8, Kottayam 1990. 2. See Les unctions ... pp. 268—275; pp. 310—327.

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liturgy of the consecration of Myron and t h e benediction of water and other things." 3 B u t this liturgy composed by t h e P a t r i a r c h J o h n seems to have been lost. However t h e practise of the solemn consecration of Myron existed in Edessa at least f r o m the time of Peter, bishop of Edessa ( + 498). T h u s in the Chronicle of Joshua the Stylite we find t h a t " ( P e t e r P r a y e d ) over t h e oil of unction on the T h u r s d a y (before Easter) before the whole people". 4 No details are available regarding the prayers used by Peter. The present liturgy of t h e consecration of Myron seems to have been compiled by Michel the Syrian, P a t r i a r c h of Antioch (1166-1199). The oldest t e x t of t h e Myron liturgy k n o w n so f a r is Vat. Syr. 51, w r i t t e n in A. D. 1171/72, t h a t is d u r i n g the life time of Michel t h e Syrian (Michel the Great). 3 The history of the Myron Liturgy before t h e 12th c e n t u r y could be reconstructed w i t h the help of various West Syrian commentaries on Myron.® The Text of the Liturgy: (1)

The most ancient and the most i m p o r t a n t t e x t of t h e liturgy of t h e consecration of Myron has been preserved in Vat. Syr. 51, f. 9v-48v. 7 A latin t r a n s l a t i o n of Vat. Syr. 51 is published by J . M. Voste. 8 H Denzinger has published the latin t r a n s l a t i o n made by P. Zingerle in appendix to his edition of Ritus Orientalium.9

(2)

Paris Syr. 112, f. 93-112 (ms. A. D. 1239). 10

3. Chronique de Seert, (ed. A. Soher & R. Grivean), 2e partie CX, PO. 13-4, p. 634. See p. 545. 4. W. Wright (ed), Chronicle of Joshua the Stylite, (Cambridge, 1882); q. 32, p. 23. 5. See J. M. Voste, "Note sur la date du MS. Vat. Syr. 51", OCP 12 (1946) p. 201—5. 6. See my studies referred in n. 1. 7. Assemani, Catalogue II, 315—16. 8. J. M. Voste, Pontificale iuxta Ritum Ecclesiae Syrorum occidentalium id est Antiochiae, Vatican, 1941 (Pars I, p. 13—57). 9. H. Denzinger, Ritus Orientalium. t. II, (1961), p. 526-51. 10. H. Zotenberg, Catalogue des manuscrits syriaques ..de la Bibliothèque Nationale (de Paris), {Puis, 1874), p. 73. Same text as Vat. Syr. 51.

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67

(3) Paris Syr. 113, f. 44v-69r (A. D. 1578/79).11 (4) Paris Syr. 158, f. 370v-392.12 (5) Paris Syr. 174, f. 34-63. (6) Syriac text and Arabic translation (in Karshuni) published by the Syrian Catholics of the Middle East. 14 (7) Two recent manuscripts are kept in Kottayam, at the Residence of the catholicos. a) First one was copied by the late Catholicos Baselios Geevarghese I (1924-1929). b) Second one is a copy of (a). The first manuscript has surely been copied from one or more manuscript(s) of the Middle East, of which the source is not yet identified. This text is almost identical to Vat. Syr. 51. A Malayalam translation of this text has been published. 15 Unlike Vat. Syr. 51, Paris Syr. 112 & 113, the Kottayam text is the most complete one. It contains the canons to be chanted during the liturgy. In Paris Syr. 112 the canons are given separately. 16 Preparation of the Myron to be consecrated

Bar Hebraeus gives the details concerning the preparation of the perfumed oil to be consecrated. 17 The list of ingrediants 11. H. Zotenberg, Catalogue, p. 75. Same text as Vat, Syr. 51 and Paris Syr. 112.

12. H Zotenberg, p. 115. 13. Ibid, p. 122. Paris Syr. 158 and 174 are slightly different from the other three manusc ipts mentioned above. 14. Liber Ordinum pontifiealium quae administrantur in Ecclesia Sancta Antio chena Syrorum, 2 vols. (Charfe, 1950-52) t. I, pp. 1—112 on the myron. This text is d fferent from Vat. Syr. 51. 15. Vishudha Mooron Koodasakramam, Kottayam, 1952, 1967, 1977 and 1988. 16. Par. Syr. 112, f. 6-9, Zotenberg, p. 72. W, Strothmann has selected and edited a good number of canons dispersed in various manuscripts. See W. Strothmann, Syrische Hymnen zur Myron-weihe, Wiesbaden, 1978. The canons of the Kottayam manuscript are almost identical to the hymns edited by Dr. Strothmann. For other important manuscripts of the liturgy. See A. Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, (Bonn, 1922), p. 244, n. 2 and p. 299 n. 2. 17. Bar Hebraeus, Nomocanon (ed. Bedjan), III, 3.

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and the mode of preparation given in the Nomocanon are as follows: «Cinnamon: 50 zuz6 18 ; nard : 60 zQz6; clove nutmeg» crocus, dried ginger, peper: 20 zfizd each. They are pulverized and powdered and mixed with 400 zflzd of pure olive oil. The mixture is poured into a bottle and is suspended in a pot filled with water and is boiled for three hours. Then 60 zflzO of storax is added and the mixture is boiled for one hour. Then the water is allowed to be cooled and the bottle is taken out. As the oil becomes limpid, it is poured into the bottle of consecration ( A t the beginning of the consecration, Balsam is added to this oil mixture)». Thus Bar Hebraeus gives a list of 9 ingrediants including the olive oil for the preparation of Myron. 19 P. Hindo is wrong when he says that the use of ingrediants was introduced in the West Syrian tradition in the 13th century. 20 Hindo says that apart from Psuedo Dionysius the Areopagite, Jacob Bar Sakko ( + 1241) and Bar Hebraeus ( + 1286) are the first to mention this practice. Following P. Hindo, E. P. Simon and Sebastian Brock also put forward the same opinion. 21 The use of different ingrediants existed in the Syroantiochean tradition at least from the time of Dionysius the Areopagite (c. 500) 22 John I of Antioch ( + 648) also would have known the use of different aromates. 23 Jacob of Edessa ( + 708) must have known the use of aromates. In his letter to Johannan Estunara, Jacob writes: « A f t e r it (i. e the olive oil) has been consecrated we mix it, as much as it suits us, for t h e

18. I Suzo [zuzo]= 3.5 gms. 19. For other list of ingrediants: Vat. Syr. 155, f. 7v-8v, (Assemani, Catalogue, III, 294). Paris Syr. 112 f. llv-12v. (Zotenberg, Catalogue, p. 72). 20. P. Hindo, Disciplina Antiochena antica. Siri III, Textes concernant les sacraments (Vatican, 1941), p. 26-27. 21. E. P. Si man, L'Experience de l'Esprit par l'Eglise dapres la tradition syrienne d'Antioche, (Paris, 1971), p. 96. S. Brock, Holy Spirit in the Syrian Baptismal tradition, (Kottayam, 1979), p. 106. 22. Eccl. Hier. IV-iii, 4; P G . 3, 477c. ( « m y r o n is composed from a mixture of aromatic substances). 23. John I of Antioch, Homily on the Myron, B M . Add. 12165, f. 259v; 260v; 261v; 262v ("perfumed o i l " is used).

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69

fragrance of smell, either with the Egyptian apobalsmon, because of its fragrant smell, or with the oil of boiled nard or with other delicate oils fabricated by the skill of perfume production». 2 4 According to Jacob of Edessa, any one of the three ingrediants can be used. The use of the aromates is « to perfume the Myron». Jacob says t h a t the olive oil is blessed first and then the aromates are added. This corresponds to the practice mentioned in a coptic document, known as the Book of Chrism.25 The use of divers aromates undoubtedly existed during the time of George, bishop of Arabs ( + 724). In his short commentary on the consecration of Myron George writes : « Now that oil which is put into the chrism is seasoned beforehand and spiced by the perfumer's art or with Egyptian balm» 26 Again he says: « the chrism is compounded and spiced with divers materials ...... And the chrism, if it be duly seasoned with those roots which are added to it, its odour does not grow faint, nor does it lack (the scent of) anything t h a t is put into it >>.27 Antony of Tagrit (C. 830/850) also speaks of r o o t s " added to the Myron. 28

"aromatic

But in the 9th century, no other aromate was used except the Egyptian balm. Thus Moses Bar Kepha ( + 903) in his Treatise on the Myron speaks of E g j ptian balm only, as though it is the sole ingrediant. Abou Nasr Yahia ben Harir [or ben Garir ( + 1080)], a Syrian Orthodox writer in Arabic language (native of Tagrit) also attest the same practice. 2 9 He makes the following s t a t e m e n t : «The Melkites ( = Byzantines) prepare the

24. Synodicon in the West Syrian Tradition 48-2, (ed. A Voobus), Vol. I , CSCO. 368, p. 218. 25. L. Villecourt, « L e Livre du Chreme», Le Museon 41, (1928), pp. 49-80. (See p. 69). 26. George, bishop of Arabs, "An Exposition of the Mysteries of the Church made by a certain bishop George" in R. H. Connolly and H. W. Codrington (ed). Two Commentaries on the Jacobite Liturgy, (London, 1913), p. 21. 27. Ibid. p. 22. 28. Antony of Tagrit, Treatise on the Myron, BM. Add. 14726. f. 79r, cf. 80v. 29. Cf. Book of Guide cf. 32 (on myron) published in Al-Hikmat (19JO), 588-92.

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Myron with different aromatic oils, and the Armenians with the sesam oil. But the Jacobites prepare the oil of the baptism — which is also used for the anointing of the altars - with two types of oil (only) : Balm and pure, fine and unmixed olive oil». 30 Dionysius Bar Salibi, who is largely indebted to Bar Kepha, follows the same tradition. The use of different aromates seems to have been abandoned because of theological reasons. Myron, composed of aromates and olive oil, was interpreted as a symbol of Christ. 31 The ingrediants of myron, the aromates and the olive oil, were seen as the symbols of the divinity and the humanity of Christ (The history of this interpretation could be traced back to Dionysius the Areopagite). The Syrian Orthodox writers regularly defended the christology of " t h e one divino-human nature of Christ" through their treatises on myron. The union of the two natures was thought to be represented in the composition of myron. Syrian writers since Jacob of Edessa over-emphasized the symbolism of the Egyptian balm and the olive oil. This theology would have played a role in the use of balm as the sole aromatic substance. In the 12th century, the use of various aromates was restored by John of Mardin (1088-1165). 32 In those days, the supply of the Egyptian balm was the monopoly of the Egyptian princes. For political reasons they refused to supply it to the syrians. The S y r i a n church of the 12th centusy believed that balm was indispensable for the composition of myron. When J o h n of Mardin asked the bishops of the neighbouring cities if balm was indispensable or not, they gave a positive answer. J o h n who was not convinced with their reply, prepared the myron with different aromates. 3 3 (John has also written a treatise on " t h e preparation of the olive oil for the myron"). 3 4 Then in 1153 a synod, presided by the Maphrian Ignatius II, met a t the

30. P. Hindo, Disciplina Antiochena, p. 147. cf p- 35; 155; 158. 31. For a detailed discussion see my study, Les Unctions baptismales.., p. 328-330. 32. John of Mardin, Letter to Jesus, MS. Charfe, 4/1, f. 416-445. cf. W. de Vries, Sakramententheolgie bei den Syrischen Monophysiten, (OCA-125, Rome, 1940), p. 126-27. 33. de Vries, p. 126. 34. MS. Charfe, 4/1, f. 416-445. cf. de Vries, p. 8.

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monastery of Barsauma and decided t h a t other bishops also could follow this practice. 3 5 (John's Letter to Jesus was composed after this synod). 36 J o h n of Mardin held that the essential is t h a t the oil should be perfumed. So he insisted t h a t those who were anointed with a non-perfumed oil, should be re-anointed with myron. 3 7 When the balm's supply became normal, the Syrian Church preserved the use of aromates along with the balm. However, the use of different aromates is not an innovation of the 13th century as P. Hindo believed. Did Byzantine or Coptic tradition play a role in the re-introduction of aromates, as P. Hindo suggested? The S y r i a n tradition uses a limited number of ingrediants (9 according to Nomocanon of Bar Hebraetis). But the Byzantines use as much as 51 ingrediants for the preparation of myron. 3 8 The Syrian tradition seems to represent a much older practice. The resemblance between the list of ingrediants given by Bar Hebraeus in Nomocanon and t h a t given in the Book of Chrism is striking. 39 Book of Chrism contains a letter of an unknown coptic bishop addressed to "Anba Jacob, Maphrian of the country of Mossoul, chief of the bishops of the country of Syria". Maphrian Jacob was the nephew of the Patriarch Michel the Syrian, who took the name Gregory, when he was consecrated by Michel in 1189. This letter was written between 1189 and 1199. It contains seven different lists of ingrediants of the myron. Each list contains the name of 4 to 15 aromates. This documents has striking resemblance with the list of Bar Hebraeus. However the list prepared by J o h n of Mardin is much older than the above mentioned coptic document. Even though L. Villecourt believes t h a t the letter to Maphrian Jacob is authentic, the Book of Chrism was written probably in 1346. So the coptic influence in the re-introduction of aromates in the Syrian tradition is difficult to establish. 35. 36. 37. 38.

de Vries, p. 125. Cf. I. Ziade, "Syrienne, l'Eglise" DTC 14, 3051. de Vries, p. 127. L. Petit, "Composition et consecration Du Saint chreme", Echos de l'Orient. 3 (1889), p. 129-142. Bishop Roman Ialomiteanul, "Preparation du saint; chreme", Presence Orthodoxe 2 (Paris, 1982), p. 51-52. 39. Book of Chrism, See supra n. 25.

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Consecration of Myron B a r H e b r a e u s gives t h e f o l l o w i n g o u t l i n e of t h e l i t u r g y of t h e c o n s e c r a t i o n of m y r o n w h i c h a g r e e s w i t h t h e P o n t i f i c a l of Michel t h e S y r i a n . 4 0 O n M a u n d y T h u r s d a y a f t e r h a v i n g c o m p l e t e d t h e c a n o n i c a l offices of t h e T h i r d h o u r , t h e s i n g e r s a r e g r o u p e d i n t o t h r e e choirs. T h e first s t a n d s in t h e S a n c t u a r y , s e c o n d o n t h e bema a n d t h e t h i r d i n t h e n a v e . T h e chief celeb r a n t ( t h e C a t h o l i c o s o r t h e P a t r i a r c h ) dresses in w h i t e c h a s u b l e a n d sits on his t h r o n e n e a r t h e s a n c t u a r y . T h e l i t u r g y b e g i n s w i t h t h e c h a n t i n g of c a n o n s . One of t h e b i s h o p s r e a d s t h e sedra a n d t h e n he incenses t h e w h o l e n a v e in a p r o c e s s i o n a c c o m panied by deacons holding fans (mârwâhsô), candles and t h e staff of t h e chief c e l e b r a n t . W h e n t h e procession e n t e r s t h e s a n c t u a r y t h e Old T e s t a m e n t lessons a r e r e a d , a n d it is f o l l o w e d b y t h e A r c h d e a c o n ' s l i t a n y . T h e n t h e chief c e l e b r a n t a l o n e e n t e r s t h e s a n c t u a r y a n d B a l m is m i x e d w i t h t h e p e r f u m e d oil p r e p a r e d b e f o r e h a n d . T h e n he h o l d s t h e v a s e c o n t a i n i n g t h e m i x t u r e a b o v e his h e a d . A veil c a l l e d Kubsa41 is h e l d a b o v e h i m a n d t h e s o l e m n p r o c e s s i o n begins a c c o m p a n i e d b y 12 s u b - d e a c o n s h o l d i n g 12 c a n d l e s , 12 d e a c o n s h o l d i n g f a n s a n d 12 p r i e s t s h o l d i n g c e n s e r s a n d p r i e s t s or d e a c o n s h o l d i n g a cross a n d t h e G o s p e l b o o k . W h e n t h e p r o c e s s i o n goes a r o u n d t h e c h u r c h a n d e n t e r s the sanctuary, t h e chief c e l e b r a n t p l a c e s t h e v a s e o n t h e a n t i m e n s i o n (tâblîiô) o n t h é a l t a r a n d is c o v e r e d w i t h a veil ( a n a p h o r a ) . T h e n b e g i n s t h e s e c o n d p a r t of t h e l i t u r g y . T h e priests, t h e deacons and the s u b - d e a c o n s stand a r o u n d t h e altar h o l d i n g censers, f a n s a n d c a n d l e s . T h e r i t e s w h i c h f o l l o w i n c l u d e c h a n t i n g of c a n o n s , s e d r a , c r e e d , N e w T e s t a m e n t lessons, t h e Gospel reading and t h e Archdeacon's litany. T h e n begins t h e c o n s e c r a t i o n w h i c h is s i m i l a r t o t h e e u c h a r i s t i e c e l e b r a t i o n . T h e c o n s e c r a t i o n e n d s w i t h t h e e x a l t a t i o n of t h e v a s e c o n t a i n i n g t h e m y r o n o n bema a n d t h e final l i t a n y b y t h e d e a c o n . T h e c o n s e c r a t i o n of m y r o n o n M a u n d y T h u r s d a y is a t r a d i t i o n w h i c h c o u l d be t r a c e d b a c k to t h e 5 t h c e n t u r y . 4 2

40. Nomocanoti, III, 4. Cf. My study Les Unctions... p. 268-72. 41. Kubsa is a veil which covers the celebrant from his head to feet and is held by 4 deacons or priests. 42. See supra, n. 4.

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Almost a l l the S y r i a n treatises on m y r o n mention the custom of consecrating the myron or "the oil of anointing" on the "Thursday of the Mysteries". In the modern period the Syrian Orthodox Church is not insisting upon the blessing on Maundy Thursday. This may be because of practical reasons. The consecration of myron is a long ceremony which lasts for 6 to 7 hours. Since the offices of the Maundy Thursday and the washing of the feet are also long ceremonies, the myron is consecrated on another day because of convenience. In the Malankara Orthodox Church all the consecrations during the last 50 years were done on the Friday before the Palm Sunday (ie the 40th day of the Lent). Until the 13th century, myron was consecrated in every diocese by the bishop (or metropolitan) practically every year. This custom of consecrating every year is no more existing among the Syrian Orthodox Christians. Myron is consecrated once in 8 or 10 years as the need arises. The custom of celebrating by every bishop or metropolitan is also no more existing. In fact Bar Hebraeus clearly says that the Patriarch, the Catholicos and the Metropolitan have the authority to consecrate it. 43 In the present practice only the Patriarch or the Catholicos is blessing the myron. This custom seems to have begun around 12th century. According to John of Mardin (+1165) it is a practice of latin origin. It is the Franks, says John, who introduced this custom so that the bishops remain submissive to the Patriarch'. 4 4 *

*

*

*

The liturgy of the consecration of myron is an example of the liturgical genius of the West Syrian tradition. All the prayers of this liturgy is extremely rich by their theological insights, poetical beauty and spiritual content. We hope to edit this beautiful liturgical text in the near future.

43. Nomocanon, i n , 1. 44. John of Mardin, Letter to Jesus quoted by de Vries, op. cit p. 128. Hindo, op. cit. p. 29.

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T H I R S T FOR

CHRIST

Thirst for Jesus, so t h a t he may his love.

inebriate you with

Blind your eyes to all t h a t is held in honour in the world, so t h a t you may be held worthy to have the peace which comes from God reign in your heart. Fast from the allurements t h a t make the eyes glitter, in order t h a t you may become worthy of spiritual joy. Prayer accords strictly with behaviour. For no one yearns for heavenly things when he is bound up in the fetters of the will concerning bodily matters; nor is there anyone who will ask for things divine when he is occupied with earthly matters. Everyone's desire is made known by his actions, and it is for the things about which he is concerned t h a t a person will be anxious to ask. The person who desires the greatest things is not concerned with the lesser. (SI Isaac

of

Syria)

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Vol. VI No. I April 1993, 75 80

Seeri - Chronicle

1992 July 1 - 30 :

One month course in Liturgy. It was attended by 20 sisters and 3 Priests. 1992 Juiy 28 - Aug. 17 :

Mr. Jean Gaurie of Nantes, France, one of SEERI's Friends and Patrons, spent a few weeks in SEERI. Born in Midiat, Turkey, he could give a report of the genuine situation of the Churches of Syriac tradition in their home lands. Mr. Gaurie visited also the church centres and leaders of Kerala and encouraged Syriac studies in India. 1992 Aug. 18 :

The Director of SEERI left for Europe in view of attending the 6th Symposium Syriacum, held in Cambridge from 30th August until 3rd September, and for contacting scholars and institutions beneficial to SEERI. 1992 Aug. 2 1 - 1 7 :

The Director of SEERI visits the "Orientabteilung" of the Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, and the Institut für Indogermanistik und Orientalistik of the Freie Universität Berlin. The discussions with Prof. Dr. Rainer Voigt and Dr, Ulrike Nieten were centred on eventual cooperation between SEERI and the ''semitistik" institute of Berlin.

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1992 Aug. 30-Sept. 3:

The 6th Symposium Syriacum was held in Cambridge University in U. K. The director of S E E R I , who is also a member of the International Committee of the Symposium Syriacum, read a paper on 'Malkizedeq according to Jacob of Sarug." Here the participants could be reminded of the dates of S E E R l ' s Syriac conference scheduled for September 1994. The 7th Symposium Syriacum will be held in Sweden in 1996. 1992 September 5 - 7 :

S E E R l ' s director visited Mr. Jean Gaurie, Nantes, France and discussed a few developmental Projects for S E E R I . 1992 September 8 :

S E E R I ' S director met with Général of 1' Oeuvre d'Orient.

Fr. Jean

Maksud,

Directour

1992 September 9 :

S E E R l ' s director met with Mr. Marc Deprez (Paris) who gave a few copies of his works and articles on Syriac heritage for S E E R l ' s Library. 1992 September 1 0 :

S E E R l ' s director visited his Professor Fr. F. Graffin s. j . , the director of Patrologia Orientalis; he gave to S E E R I the manuscript list of the homilies of Jacob of Sarug, arranged in the order of biblical Books, by his uncle Fr. R. Graffin s. j. of h a p p y memory. His Freneh translation of the homily of Jacob of Sarug on Malkizedeq, still an unpublished manuscript, was given over to S E E R I for eventual publication. 1992 September 1 1 - 1 4 :

S E E R l ' s director met with Fr. Switzerland, one of S E E R l ' s patrons.

Hans

John,

Luzern s

1992 September 1 5 - 1 6 :

Director of S E E R I stayed with Prof. Dr. John Madey, Paderborn, who is closely associated with S E E R l ' s activities.

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77

1992 September 2 4 :

S E E R I ' s director called on H. H. Thomas Egloff, the director of the Liturgisches Institut, Zurich, and the President of the Cathiolica Unio, Switzerland. 1992 September 25:

S E E R I ' s director met with Pater Dr. Roland B Trauffer 0. P., Secretary of the Switzerland Bishop's Conference, and his dominican " c o n f r e r s " in Friburg. 1992 October 1:

S E E R I ' s director visited the tomb of Rev. Fr. E. Hambye s. j. ( + 7 Sept. 1990) at Möns, Belgium, and paid homage to this friend and well-wisher of S E E R I . 1992 October 2 - 4 :

S E E R I ' s director met with Prof. Dr. J. P. M. Van der Ploeg 0. P., P a t r o n of S E E R I , in Nijmegem, Holland. 1992 October 7:

S E E R I ' s director was honoured by the hospitality of Prof. Dr. Voigt (Oriental Institute, Freie Universität, Berlin), who showed him the cultural centres of East Berlin. 1992 September:

The Vienna-based (Austria) " P r o Oriente" delegation composed of Archbishop Mar Gregorios Yohanna Ibrahim of Aleppo, Rev. Dr. K. M. George and Mr. Alfred Stirneman Secretary General of " P r o Oriente" visited S E E R I in view of preparing the "Pro Oriente" Kerala regional symposium scheduled for September 1 93. 1992 October 14:

S E E R I ' s director could spend a night with Dr. H. Kaufhold (Munich), Associate Editor, of "Oriens Christianus" and an Associate of S E E R I . 1992 October 15:

S E E R I ' s director met with H. Sussner Catholica Wuerzburg and reported him about S E E R I , s activities.

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1992 October 21:

SEERI's director visited St. Vladimir Seminary, New York, acquainted himself with their theological courses, all well based on liturgy and ordered their books. 1992 October 2 7 - December 22:

SEERI's director spent 8 weeks of research at the Institute for Christian Oriental Research Library of the Catholic University of America, Washington, D. C., thanks to the facilities offered by Prof. Dr. Sidney Griffith and his assistant Ms. Monica Blanchard and the Friars of the Atonement Seminary of the Graymoor Friars as well. 1992 November 16-December 17:

One month course in Liturgy. 20 sisters of the S. I. C. (Sisters of the Imitation of Christ) community attended this course. 1992 November 23

SEERI's director, met with Dr. Alexander Di Lalla, Professor of Biblical Theology at the Catholic University of America, Washington D. C. He stressed the indispensable need of having theologians in the Syriac Churches, who are real scholars of Syriac language and heritage. 1992 December 11-13:

SEERI's director met with Prof. Drs. Kathleen McVey (Princeton. Theological Seminary) and Paul Corby (Missouri University) who took generous measures beneficial to SEERI's development. 1992 December 2 4 - 1 9 9 3 January 7:

In Dallas and Houston, Texas, SEERI's director visited a few colleagues of the universities there and arranged the exchange of their reviews with those of SEERI. 1993 January 8:

Prof. Dr. Daniel McCaunaughy (Cincinneti, Ohio) and SEERI's director discussed in Chicago measures, to be taken for SEERI's general development and academic co-operation with the U. S. Scholars.

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1993 January 11-15:

SEERI's director visited St. John's University, College ville, Minnesota and especially its Institute for Ecumenical and Cultural Research, and the Hill Monastic Manuscript Library. 1993 January 18:

SEERI's director was received by Prof. Dr. Karen Torjessen, Clairmont Theological College, Losangeles California. The need for encouraging also women to undertake partistic and syriac studies was discussed among other points. 1993 January 22:

Prof. Dr. David Bundy, lecturer and librarian at the Christian Theological Seminary, Indianapolis, Indiana, who visited SEERI last year, met with SEERI's director in Chicago. Concrete ways of cooperation conducive to the development of SEERI's library was planned in this meeting. 1993 January 28:

SEERI's director called upon Prof. Sidney Griffith, the director of the Institute for Christian Oriental Research and one of SEERI's Patrons. The discussions centred around mainly academic co-operations and the possibility of offering similar courses, so that SEERI's-students for higher studies at C. U. A. can avail themselves of certain credit hours for the course taken at SEERI. 1993 February:

The Catholica Unio (Wuerzburg) team, headed by Dr. F. Jockwig, the Secretary General visited SEERI and encouraged SEERI's activities. 1993 March 23:

Pater Dr. Gregor Hohmann 0. S. A. (Kloster Maria Eich, Planegg, Munich) visited SEERI and wished that its activities render lasting service to the Indian Churches.

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1993 March 27: I n t h e m o r n i n g t h e Advisory C o m m i t t e e of S E E R I m e t a n d planned, for t h e first t i m e u n d e r t h e personal g u i d a n c e bishop's, t h e activities t h a t are to be held in S E E R I in 1993. I n t h e a f t e r n o o n a o n e d a y seminar was held on t h e t h e m e of " B i b l e a n d L i t u r g y " . Rev. Dr. C. A. A b r a h a m p r e s e n t e d t h e p a p e r a n d led discussions. There were 50 p a r t i c i p a n t s in this seminar. 1993 April 11 - May 22: The Syriac intensive course s t a r t e d o n April 1. I t was over on May 22nd. Rev. Monk J o s e p h Eiia Elia, (Syria), now a s t u d e n t of M. S. O. T. S. M u l a n t h u r u t h y , t o o k the classes t o g e t h e r with S E E R l ' s director. 12 s t u d e n t s followed t h i s course; 8 of t h e m were a w a r d e d d i p l o m a (basic level) of Syriac language. 1993 April 12: A seminar o n " t h e liturgical heritage of t h e St. T h o m a s C h r i s t i a n s " was held o n this d a y f r o m 2.00 t o 4. 30 p. m. H i s Grace Mar J o s e p h P o w a t h i l , Archbishop of C h a n g a n a c h e r y , spoke on this s u b j e c t f r o m t h e perspectives of t h e S y r o - M a l a b a r C h u r c h . R e v . Dr. Geevarghese Panicker, d i r e c t o r of courses in S E E R I , r e a d a p a p e r on t h e same topic, b u t f r o m t h e perspective of t h e S y r o - M a l a n k a r a Church. A t this Seminar t h e 2 n d book of Mother " Z a l g a " (expired in 1986) "Biblie Y e § u " (== J e s u s of t h e Bible) was released. 70 persons, m o s t l y sisters of t h e B e t h a n y C o m m u n i t y , a t t e n d e d this seminar.

J u s t received: George Kiraz - A COMPUTER GENERATED CONCORDANCE TO THE SYRIAC NEW TESTAMENT., Vols. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. According to t h e British & Foreign Bible Soc. Eds, Based on t h e Sedra Database. Price: Gld. 1,500.00/USS 858.00 I t is a n indispensable tool t o a n y scholar or t h e o logian who w a n t s to do a n y serious s t u d y based on t h e syriac version of t h e New T e s t a m e n t . A similar c o n c o r d a n c e was not available so far. I t has several a d v a n t a g e s c o m p a r e d t o its predecessors.

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Vol. VI. No. 1. April 1993, 81-92

Book Reviews Eleuterio F. Foftlno: Besa E. Kreshtere - La Fede Cristana, Roma: Besa. Circolo italo albanese di cultura, 1992, 187, pp. n.p. This is an extraordinary book authored by the rector of the Roman church of St. Athanasius (attached to the Pontifical Greek College) which is serving the Italo-Albanian Catholic community following the Byzantine rite. The author is perhaps better known as the Sub-Secretary of the Pontifical Council for P r o m o t ing Christian Unity. The book follows the p a t t e r n of oriental catechisms, however, it is written in the form of a dialogue between a youth asking questions and a priest explaining the contents of Christian faith. The Albanian and the Italian t e x t are given on opposite pages. Excellently printed and illustrated at the Italo-Oriental Typographic School "San Nilo" of Grottaferrata, it has the ecclesial approval and blessing of the local Ordinary, the superior of the exarchical abbey of G r o t t a f e r r a t a , Archimandrite Paolo Giannini. The three main parts are dealing with 1) the true faith, 2) the spiritual life, and 3) the right way. In the first p a r t the questions and answers refer to the Holy Trinity, the Father, Jesus Christ, the Holy Spirit, the Church and the Man. The second part is dealing with the seven main mysteries (sacraments) of the Church, the Byzantine liturgy and liturgical year. In the third part, the ten commandments, the Beatitudes and the Last Day are explained. It should be noted t h a t the liturgical texts quoted are taken from the Roman edition (1968) of the Divine Liturgy of St. J o h n Chrysostom Liturgjia Hyjnore e Atit tone nder Shejtrat Joan Hrysostomit. In question no. 6 the youth asks: "Which is the » r u l e of the f a i t h « ? The priest quotes the Niceue Creed in its oriental form, i . e . without the filioque clause (as in the Catholic Syro-Malankara Church) which is held by many Roman Catholics and latinized o r i e n t a ]

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Catholics as indispensable (see e. g. the Syro-Malabar editions in the vernacular). We warmly recommend Archimandrite Eleuterio's catechetical work to everyone who has a working knowledge of Italian. J o h n Madey

Javier Teixidor, Bárdeseme d'Edesse: La premiere philosophie Syriaque ( = P a t r i m o i n e s Christianisme), Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1992, 158 pp., 150 ff. Bardaisan (154-222) lived a t the court of King Abgar IX of Edessa and is one of the most outstanding figures of early Syriac Christianity. He founded a school of philosophy there, His literary work is not yet completely known. The fragmentary knowledge we possess is mostly due to his adversaries, especially St. Ephrem. Bardaisan is the author of i. a. a book on Indian a n astronomy, apologetical treatises, especially against the gnostic Marcion. His chief works are 150 poems which are inspired by the psalms. His works, written in Syriac, were translated by his disciples, among whom there was his son Harmonios, into Greek. One of them, Philippos, wrote The Book of Laws of the countries which makes us acquainted with Bardaisan's thought. I t is the most ancient treatise of Syriac literature (between 196 and 226 A.D.), a religious and philosophical dialogue between Bardaisan and a certain Avida on astrology and fate. Ilis way of teaching was similar to t h a t of Socrates. The originality of his thought caused many to oppose him and to accuse him, erroneously according to our author, to have defected from the Christian faith and become a gnostic heretic. Teixidor analyses successively Bardaisan's cosmology, his doctrine on man's free will and his theory of understanding. As much as in Bardaisan, the author of this study is interested in the political, social and cultural life of Edessa in the first centuries of the Christian era and in the issue of translations from Greek into Syriac and Arabic between the 7th and lOUi centuries. He equally gives due attention to aristotelic thought in the Syriac authors. As the French text can be easily understood, this short, but significant book will provide agreable reading to everybj.ly interested in Syriac early ptiibsopliy. George Vavanikunnel

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Henryk Paprocki, Le Mystère de l'Eucharistie: Genese et interprétation de la liturgie eucharistique byzantine, Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1993, 555 pp., 290 fï. Translated from the Polish manuscript by Françoise Lhoest, the book of the learned Polish Orthodox priest is prefaced by the famous French Dominican scholar and professor emeritus IrénéeHenri Dalmais. He rightly points out t h a t the author has succeeded in analysing throughly the complex history of the rites and formularies of the Byzantine liturgy. Fixed since five or six centuries, it is the f r u i t of a synthesis to which different regions of the Orient have contributed: Antioch and Syria, Jerusalem, Asia Minor, particularly Cappadocia and doubtlessly t h a t "Province of Asia" around Ephesus which kept the tradition of the Johannine communities. The great 'mystagogsists' who flourished in the East as Cyril of Jerusalem, J o h n Chrysostom, presbyter at Antioch and later archbishop of Constantinople, and Theodore of Mopsuestia are given due attention, too. Fr. Paprocki makes accessible to his reader also the riches contained in the results of research done by Russian scholars. The book presents also the numerous kevs to understand the relations between the Christian East and West by stressing the common liturgical origins and identic elements of theological thought. In this regard, this work receives also its ecumenical dimensions. Going into detail (and this book is worthy of it), we can say t h a t the first three chapters are of particular interest also for those whose concern is not exclusively the Byzantine liturgy. Although Chapter One has got the headline " T h e historical development of the Greek liturgical t r a d i t i o n " , its point of departure is the hcrtigage of the Old Covenant. The author then deals with the period before Nicaea (325) and after Nicaea. Chapter Two goes into the origin of the liturgies of St. J o h n Chrysostom, St. Basil the Great, St. .James the Apostle, and of the presanctified gifts, showing the inter-depedence of the Syriac and Byzantine liturgies. The same could be said of chapter Three with its two subdivisions: "The place of the liturgical d r a m a " and "The time of the liturgical d r a m a " "The chapters t h a t follow (IV-VI) concentrate on the three main parts of the Divine Liturgy. The Mystery of the Proscomidy; the mystery of the Word; the mystery of the sacrifice. After the conclusion, there are three appendices with the French translation of the proscomidy, of

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the Divine Liturgy of St. J o h n Chrysostom and of the Divine Liturgy of St. Basil. The footnotes accompanying the t e x t are of major importance. A rich bibliography subdivided in sources, studies, encyclopaedias, dictionaries and bibliographies as well as four indices (biblical, of persons, geographic, topics [themes] brings this valuable volume to its end. J o h n Madey John D. Farls, The Eastern Catholic Churches: Constitution and Governance According to the Code of Canons of the Eastern Churches. New York: Saint Maron Publications, 1992, 731 pp. hardbound $ 38.95 On October 1, 1991, the Code of Canons of the Eastern Churches [CCEO] acquired the force of law (The Oriental Institute of Religious Studies, India, a t Vadavathoor, K o t t a y a m , got permission from the Canon Law Society of America, Washington, D.C., to publish its Latin-English edition in the OIRSl-series of publications; see Christian Orient 13 [1992] 243). This common law of all the autonomous Churches in communion with Rome comprises 1546 canons divided into t h i r t y titles. The volume under review is commenting on the first nine titles, i. e. 322 canons, and its aim is to give pertinent information to canonists, pastors, and anyone interested in the canonical discipline of the Eastern Catholic Churches. Its author, Chorepiscopus John D. Faris> who is holding a doctorate in Oriental Canon Law, is the chancellor of the Diocese of St. Maron of Brooklyn (U.S.A.) and associated professi rs at The Cathol c Uni ersity of America in Washington, D.C. In his foreword, the renowned canonist, Archimandrite Dr. Victor J . Pospishil, writes: "Chorbishop F a n s ' book will also dispel some erroneous notions current for a long time in the Western Church, that the Eastern churches are an anomaly, an unhappy occurence in the Church, a contravention against the principle of unity.... The characteristic of the Church as being ' o n e ' r e f e r s to belief and individual Christian action and not some necessity of being under the constant surveillance and direction of the Roman Pontiff... The original Eastern churches are not the product of some rebellion against the divine ordinance instituting the primatial authority of St. Peter, but are of apostolic origin fortified by the decrees of the ecumenical council... Thus, to see the Eastern churches as necessary, though deplorable, exceptions to the unified governance of the Catholic Church, is erroneous

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and must be abandoned. The new Eastern Code endeavors in many places to give expression to this f u n d a m e n t a l t r u t h . " After his preface and a list of abbreviations, the author introduces his work with a historical part covering the first four chapters. Having dealt with the origins of the Catholic Churches, he t u r n s his attention first to the Eastern non-Catholic Churches and then to the Eastern Catholic Churches. Chapter Four is dealing with the codification of the eastern canon law in the past, i. e. prior to the promulgation of the CCEO which is the first complete condification for the Eastern Churches. The author then analyses the preliminary canons, the canons describing the rights and obligations of all the Christian faithful (cc. 7-26), those referring to the autonomous Churches, and Rites (cc. 27-28), explaining the membership in an automous Church [Ecclesia sui iuris] (cc. 29-38), and the place of the rites in the universal Church cc, 39-41). In chapter Ten, the canons are dealing with the supreme authority of the Church (cc. 42-54). The following chapters (cc. 55-150) are dedicated to the patriarchs, their election, the rights and obligations of patriarchs, the synod of bishops of the patriarchal church the patriarchal curia, the vacant or impeded patriarchal see, the metropolitans of a patriarchal chu ch„ the patriarchal assembly, the power of the patriarch and synods outside patri- archal territory. Attached to this part is a chapter on the major archiépiscopal churches which has to deal with only wi th there canons. They speak of the quasi- patriarchal position of the Major archbishop, his authority, election, confirmation and enthronement, and the precedence among major archbishops. The identity and difference in authority with the patriarchs is made clear. Chapter 21 is analysing the canons (cc 155-166) referring to the metropolitan and other autonomous churches, i. e. those autonomous, but not perfect churches (they lack a. supra-metropolitan authority) in which the Roman Pontiff is exercising 'patriarchal' anthority. Several chapters t r e a t the canons regarding the eparchies and the bishops. Having explained the notions of eparchy, eparchial bishop, titular bishop and having spoken about the authority competent for the erection, modification and suppression of eparchies, the author gives due attention to the election of bishops, the rights and obligations of the eparchial bishops, the coadjutor and auxiliary bishops, the vacant or impeded eparchial see, the apostolic administrators, t h e bodies assisting the eparchial bishop in the governance of

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the eparchy (cc. 177-278). As an eparchy is divided in parishes, the CCEO speaks now about parishes, pastors arid parochial vicars and, if a church is not attached to a parish, of rectors of churches (cc. 279-310). Next to eparchies, in certain territories exarchies can be established by the competent ecclesiastical authority. Canons 311-321 are speaking on exarchs and exarchiesThe last title in this part of the CCEO having but one canon (c.322) speaks of the assemblies of hierarchs of several autonomous churches. In appendix One, the author presents a table of contents of the CCEO, in appendix Two the Latin text of the canons commented. An index of nine pages concludes this work. I t should find its way not only into libraries of seminaries, institutions, and episcopal chanceries, but should be found also on the desk of parish priests and others, next to Victor JPospishil, Eastern Catholic Marriage Law, reviewed in this periodical (4[1991] 264f.). - We should, however, always keep in mind t h a t the CCEO is only a partial code. It must be completed by the particular law of the different autonomous Oriental Churches in communion with Rome. It is for them to elaborate and promulgate it for the benefit of the people of God united in them. J o h n Madey Sebastian Brock, L'Oeil de Lumiére: La Vision spirituelle de Saint Ephrem. suivi de La Harpe de I' Esprit: forilége de poémes de saint Ephrem. Traduit de 1' anglais et du syriaque par Didier Ranee. Preface de Dom Louis Leloir [ = Spirituarité Orientale, no50], F-49122 Bégrolles-en-Mauges (France): Abbaye de Bellefontaine, 1991, 368pp., 137 FF. In Í984, Professor Brock, University of Oxford, gave the annual "Placid Lectures" [in honour of the late Professor Dr. Dr. Placid J. Podipara CMI] at the Ponitifical Oriental I n s t s t u t e in Rome for which he chose the title The Luminous Eye: The spiritual world vision of St Ephrem. They were published in the following year by the C. I. I. S. in Rome which was then under the direction of Fr, Albert Nambiaparampil CMI. This book found a vivid interest among theologians and orientalists in many countries, and so it happened t h a t , upon the proposal of Rev. Didier Ranee, permanent deacon of the diocese of Metz [he is serving in the Roman and the Byzantine rites], who has lived in the Near East for a certain time and is now

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connected with the organization "Church in Need", the Editions Monastiques of the Abbey of Bellefontaine have taken the decision to incorporate his French translation into ther excellent collection Spiritualité Orientale in order to share the learned author's insights with the French-speaking people all over the world. Added to the contents of the "Placid Lectures" are eighteen poems of St. Ephrem which Dr. Brock has translated for the fiirst time and which were published under the title The Harp of the Spirit: Eighteen Poems of St Ephrem in the "Studies complementary to Sabornost", no. 4, London 2 1983. Welcoming this publication, we warmly recommed it not only to the F r e n c h speaking readers of this periodical. J . Madey Wflm Sanders [ED.], Die Christen im Libanon [ = Publikationen der Katholischen Akademie Hamburg, Band 9], Hamburg: Katholische Akademie [ P o s t f a c h l l 12 67,2000 Hamburg 11, Germany], 1990, 176 pp., DM 16,80 Everyone interested in Christianity in Lebanon will find in this book a precious mine of information. Mentioned several times in the Old Testament, this country was blessed by the presence of Christ and His apostles in certain regions (Sidon, Tyrus, the region of Marjeyoun in the neighbourhood of now Syrian Baniyas which formerly was called Paneas or Caesarea Philippi). The editor, Msgr. W. Sanders, loves the oriental churches and he is making an appeal to not leaving the Lebanese Christians alone in the pre-sent situation. B. Harb, a Lebanese theologian, explans what Lebanese identity is making a contribution to the country's history and its relevance for the religius commnnities. J. Clam deals with the largest Christian community, the Maronites. His contribution is complemented by t h a t of H. Anschiitz and B. Harb, "Salvation by the monks?" The following contribution present some of the Christian communities under a more historical aspect: G. Abdullah speaks of the [Melkite] Orthodox, A. Th. Khoury deals with the Melkite [Catholic], H. Papazoglu with the Armenian* J. Madey with the Roman Catholic [Latinf, and W. Semaan with the evengelical churches in Lebanon. A. Rieck explains the role of the Christians and the alliance of their enemies during the civil war. W. Sanders presents a survey of the Maronite Divine Liturgy which is followed by the t e x t of the sermon of the R t . Rev. Batros

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Harfouche during t h e Maronite Pontifical liturgy on J a n u a r y 28, 1990. The book is concluded b y a t i m e - t a b l e of t h e history of Lebanan and by some relevant i n f o r m a t i o n s about the country a n d its p o p u l a t i o n . - I n this connection we wish to d r a w a t t e n t i o n on publication no. 6 of the Catholic Academy of H a m b u r g entitled Arménien: Kleines Volk mit groBem Erbe. J . Madey Didier Ranee, Catholiques d'Ukraine: des catacombes .. àia lumière [=• Bibliothèque AED, Collection "Témoins"]. F-78750 MareilMarly (France): Aide â I'Egls en Détresse, 1991, 350pp., n.p. I rarely read a book with such a n increasing interest in its c o n t e n t s t h a n this which we owe to Deacon Didier R a n e e of the French section of t h e international work "Church in N e e d " . There is no exaggeration in asserting t h a t it is a t least as interesting as a good detective story. The difference is, however, t h a t w h a t t h e a u t h o r is presenting here, are facts, sometimes bitter facts of a b i t t e r past connected with names like Stalin, K h r u s h t c h e v , B r e j n e w , etc. The book makes us know certain personalities of t h e once r a t h e r falsely called "Silent C h u r c h " in Western Ukraine, b u t this Church has always been a very living one and resisted the policy of the occupants in a marvellous way, of Course, with t e n s of t h o u s a n d s of m a r t y r s : hierarchy, priests, monks, nuns, lay people. Didier Ranee accompanied the Ukrainian Major Archbishop, K y r Myroslav Ivan Liubachivsky, who was m a d e a cardinal by Pope J o h n Paul VI, when he r e t u r n e d to his see before the " S u n d a y of t h e P a l m s " of 1991 to crown, s o - t o - s a y , the resurrection of his Church a f t e r 45 years of suppression. He could interview o u t s t a n d i n g persons of the Ukrainian Catholic Church, and so we are able to have t h e i r own testimonies: We come to know the old F r . Orest Hurlevich and his wife Leonilla [according to oriental canon law, marriage does not c o n s t i t u t e a n impediment to being ordained deacon and priest] who h a d gone t h r o u g h the hell of the Soviet camps and prisons during almost two decades because of his f a i t h f u l n e s s to the Catholic Church of his forefathers, t h e n " t h e old lion of L v i v " , Metropo litan Volodymyr Sterniuk, Son of a priest and a R e d e m p t o r i s t hieromonk, who was t h e clandestine leader of this Church since 1972 when the authorities expelled his predecessor, Metropolitan Vasyl Velichkovsky [who had been secretely ordained bishop by P a t r i a r c h I o s y f S l i p y j in the corridor of a

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Moscow hotel just before he had to leave t h e USSR in 1964 t h e only witness being (then) Msgr. J h o n Willebrands who later became C a r d i n a l - P r e f e c t of the Secretariat for Christian Unity, V a t i c a n . Thereupon Miss Stephania Shabatura, who is now a d e p u t y to t h e parliament of Ukraine, Irina K a l y n e t s and S t e p h e n K h m a r a are presented. We also make the acquaintance of Fr. Mykhailo H a v r y l i v who was t h e first priest, ordained in the Russian O r t h o d o x Church as a heiromonk, who, while serving in W e s t e r n Ukraine, publicly declared himself as belonging to the outlawed Ukrainian Catholic Church; he lost n o t only his parish, b u t was even persecuted for m a n y years. H a v i n g joined the Order of the Ukrainian Basilians, he is a c t u a l l y studying in R o m e for a d o c t o r a t e in liturgical theology. T h e n three other priests are presented who, despite of their atheistic education, preserved f a i t h and were led other ways by Divine Providence: the heirmonks of the Order of St. Theodore of Studion losyf and Valery as well as Fr. Mykola K u z m y c h . The last chapter is devoted to the description of the events which accompanied the r e t u r n of the Major Archbishop who had to live outside his native c o u n t r y for more t h a n 50 years a f t e r having left Lviv for higher academic studies in Rome before World War II, and his taking over of St. George Cathedral and the m e t r o p o l i t a n residence occupied till early 1991 by the Russian Orthodox metropolitan. This chapter is entitled " T h e Two E a s t e r s of the Ukrainian Catholic Church". There are three supplements and a bibliography in t h e end of this instructive and impressive work, and we should, wish to sec Rev. D. Ranee's book published by all the national sections of "Church in N e e d " in the respective languages soon. The book is meriting t h o u s a n d s of c o m m i t t e d readers. J . Madey Jean Meyendorff, Uníté de l'Emqire et divisions des Ghreliens. L'Eglise de 450 á 680. Paris: Les E d i t i o n s du Cerf, 1993, 427 pp., 238 F F . In our review on F r J o h n [Jean] Meyendorff's Imperial Unity and Christian Divisions: The Church 250-680 A.D, we expressed our hope t h a t he would be able to continue his work and develop it into a series of Church History (cf. The Harp 3 [1990] 180). R e g r e t f u l l y , this eminent Orthodox theologian a n d church historian of worldwide r e p u t a t i o n died in 1992. F r Meyendorff who belonged t o t h e Baltic nobility who, under t h e R u s s i a n Czars,

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became Russian and Orthodox, was b o r n and b r o u g h t up in F r a n c e as a son of emigres. H e t a u g h t first a t the St Sergius Orthodox School of Theology in Paris and moved t h e n to St Sergius Orthodox Seminary in Crestwood, New York, where he became involved into the move which lead to the " p r o m o t i o n " of t h e Russian Orthodox Greek Catholic Church of America (the " M e t r o p o l i a " ) t o t h e r a n k of a n autocephalous Orthodox Church in America (the autocephaly granted by t h e P a t r i a r c h a t e of Moscow, is, however, n o t rccognised by most of the other Orthodox Churches in c o m m union with Constantinople). Before his death, he could revise the French t r a n s l a t i o n of his work u n d e r t a k e n by Francoise Lhoest,, We are glad t h a t our F r a n c o p h o n e readers have t h u s got a t their disposal an a u t h e n t i c edition approved by the original a u t h o r . J o h n Madey Comité Mlxte Cathollque-Orthodoxe En France [ED.]. La Primauté Romaine dans la Communion des Eglises. P r é s e n t a t i o n par le Mfctropolite Jérémie et Mgr André Quélen [= D o c u m e n t s des Eglises], F-75007 Paris (France): Les E d i t i o n du Cerf [29, boulevard L a t o u r - M a u b o u r g ] , 1991, 125 pp., 69 F F . For more t h a n ten years eight Orthodox and eight Catholic theologians delegated by the Interepiscopal Orthodox Committee or by the F r e n c h Episcopal Commission for t h e U n i t y of t h e Christians, have been searching on and m e d i t a t i n g t h e issue of primacy and collegiality in the Church, as wished by Christ. I n this work, the two co-presidents, Metropolitan Jeremías of the Greek Orthodox Church in F r a n c e a n d Bishop André Qnélen of Moulins. are publishing the conclusions of the "Comité m i x t e " together with some p a r t i c u l a r studies which are all w o r t h being studied in order to advance theological and ecumenical dialogue in other countries, too. The conclusions contain the ecclesiological perspetives (pp. 113-120) and historical reflections and remaining questions (pp. 120-125). As regardes the studies, we only render their titles in English translation: Bernard D u p u y (Catholic): Biblical foundations of Roman primacy; Olivier Clément (Orthodox): Pope, Council and Emperor at the time of the seven ecumenical councils; Herv¿ Legra nd: The synod of Sardica and its reception; Boris Bobrinskoy (Orthodox): Photius and the confrontation of two ecclesialogies; Bernard Dupuy: Pentarchy: origin and meaning

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E l i a s Melia ( O r t h o d o x , f o r m e r c o - s e c r e t a r y who died r e c e n t l y ) : Pentarchy and primary; Cyirl A r g e n t i (Orthodox): Liberty of the local churches and unity of the Church. J . Madey Chorblshop Seely Belgian!, Introduction to Eastern Christian Spirituality: Th? Syriac Tradition. S c r a a t o n Utiivesity of S c r a u t o n Press/ L o n d o n a n d T o r o n t o : Associated University Presses, 1991, 12 1 i)i>, $ 2 7 . 5 0 [available a t St \1 i n n Publications, PO Box 2*0036, Brooklyn, N Y 11228 0 0 2 . U S A], " T h o s e y o u n g people t r a i n e d abroad a n d familiar w i t h t h e s t r a n g e r s ' c u l t u r e are knowing well history, law a n 1 i n s t i t u t i o n s of others; but in w h a t p e r t a i n s to our c h u r c h , either t h e y have n o t got any idea or if t h e y k n o w something, in general their k n o w ledge is f r t g e m e n t a r y . The n a t u r a l consequence is t h a t , in spite of good will, w e are not capable t o esteem t h e good t h i n g s we possess and fail w h e n i m p r o v e m e n t of w h a t is b a d is a t s t a k e " . These w o r d s w r i t t e n more t h a n a c e n t u a r y »go (I. M.) M o l d o v a n u , Arte sinodali ale basrrecei romane de Alb'a Julia si Fagarasiu, Blaj 1869, I, iii), are t o d a y in m a n y of t h e o r i e n t a l churches as a c t u a l as t h e n . Therefore t h e book u n d e r review is really filling a gap, p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r t h e s t u d e n t s of t h e theology hailing f r o m t h e c h u r c h e s of Syriac t r a d i t i o n , both eastern a n d western, a n d especially in I n d i a where l a t i n i z a t i o n h a d been almost t o t a l u n t i l a most r e c e n t past. In a language devoid of any artifical distorions, t h e theologian who is also t h e r e c t o r of Our Ladey of L e b a n o n Maronite S e m i n a r y in W a s h i n g t o n , D. C., opens the hidden treasures of Syriac s p i r i t u a l i t y to his readers. T h e Syriac world includes t h e Church of t h e E a s t a n d t h e churches of t h e early A n t i o c h e a n t r a d i tion. The book has got 12 chapters. T h e first c h a p t e r deals with t h e early d e v e l o p m e n t s which are r e f l e c t e d in t h e t h o u g h t of A p h r a a t a n d E p h r e m . I n t h e c h a p t e r s t h a t follow, t h e a u t h o r gives us an i n s i g h t into t h e Liber Graduum (or Book of Degrees), a n d leads us to J o h n the Solitary, Phiioxenus of Mabbug, PseudoDionysius t h e Areopagite, M a r t y r i u s (i. e. Sahdona), Isaac of Niniveh, Simon of T a i b u t h e h , Dadisho K a t r a y a , J o s e p h a n d Abdisho H a z z a y a . J o h n of D a l y a t h a (also called J o h n -Saba). S t e p h e n Bar Sudaili is briefly d e a l t with in t h e a p p e n d i x . The book is c o n c l u d e d with notes, bibliography a n d index. A l t h o u g h i t d o e s not. claim to be s o m e t h i n g q u i t e new, i t is most w e l c o m e ,

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for it offers a synthesis of w h a t is at the roots of concrete Christion existence in the churches of Syriac tradition. It couldt serve as a manual for a basic course in Syriac theology anct, spirituality (Such a course ought to be made obligatory for t h e ordained and not y e t ordained clergy of the churches of Syriac tradition wherever they live), so t h a t its contents w o u l d become the common good of all entrusted w i t h teaching in the C h u r c h : bishops, priests catechists, etc. John Madey

TALKATIVE

VISITORS

Whenever people who love idleness and e m p t y chatter come to y o u , once they have sat d o w n for a little, then make as though y o u wish to stand up for the Office, Say, bowing to y o u r guest, 'Brother, stand and let us say the Office, for the time for my Office has already come and I c a n n o t let it pass; otherwise, if I t r y to perform it a t another hour, it becomes a cause of confusion for me. I cannot omit it cxcept for dire necessity, and a t present there is no such necessity for me to set aside my prayer.' Do not let him excuse himself from praying with y o u , and if he says, ' Y o u pray, and I shall be of!', then bow to him and say, ' F o r love's sake, make but one prayer w i t h me, so t h a t I can benefit from y o u r supplication..' T h e n , w h e n he has consented and y o u both have stood up, make your Office longer than usual. If y o u do this each time such people visit y o u , t h e y w i l l learn that y o u are not like-minded to them, and t h a t y o u do not love idleness; accordingly t h e y will no longer come near the place where t h e y hear y o u are to be found. (St Isaac of

Syria)

THE HARP Vol.

VI.

No. 2

November

1993

Page

Editorial

97

The Edessan and Ascetic Tradition

99

Susan Ashbrook

Harvey

Othodoxy in Germany Today John

111

Madey

" T h e Wedding Feast of Blood on G o l g o t h a " an unusual aspect of J o h n 19:34 in Syriac t r a d i t i o n Sebastian Brock

121

A New J o u r n a l of E a s t e r n Christian Studies

135

John

Madey

" Y o u shall e a i his Name Y e s h u " (Mt 1:21) K.

139

Luke

Book Reviews

155

SEERI-Chronicle

162

Editorial

This is t h e contributors

to

second this

issue of Vol.

issue

are

VI

Professor

of

the

Harp.

Sebastian

The

Brock,

of

Oriental I n s t i t u t e , Oxford. Professor J o h n Madey f r o m

Germany,

Professor Susan

Professor

K.

Luke

subjects topics

Ashbrok

OFM

(Cap)

treated

related

by to

Harvey, St

Professors

the

Brown

Francis

Syriac

University,

College,

Brock,

Kottayam.

Madey

and

Luke

The are

P a t r i m o n y . These articles are t h e

r e s u l t of their p e r s i s t e n t research. It is hoped t h a t these

articles

will be of great benefit not only to t h e o r d i n a r y readers of H a r p , b u t to those who are engaged in research

in

Syriac

Patrimony.

Professor Madey deals with a c o n t e m p o r a r y p h e n o m e n o n

of

the

rise and spread of Oriental Church t r a d i t i o n s in G e r m a n y . We are t h a n k f u l to these

learned

Professors

now,

more for their f r e q u e n t & inspiring c o n t r i b u t i o n s to this

much journal.

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Vol. VI. No. 2, November 1993, 99-110 Susan Ashbrook Harvey

The Edessan Martyrs and Ascetic Tradition

To the east of Antioch, except for a brief b u t contained outbreak in Persia in the 270s, 1 the earliest Syriac Christian m a r t y r d o m s of which we can be certain occurred between 306 and 310, in the instance of the Edessan m a r t y r s Shmona, Guria, and Habib. 2 The persecution extended to the regions of Edessa

1. S. P. Brock, A Martyr at the Sasanid Court under Vahran II: Candida, "Analecta Bollandiana 96 (1978) 167-81 ( = i d e m , Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity [London 1984] ch. 9); J. M. Fiey, Jalons pour une histoire del'egliss en Iraq (CSCO 310/Sub. 36, Louvain 1970) 85-99. Periodic persecutions against Christians in Persia of a more widespread character began to take place during the 340s with the official adoption of Christianity by the Roman Empire, and continued thereafter when tensions between the two empires were high. Cf. T. D . Barnes, "Constantine and the Christians of Persia," Journal of Roman Studies 75 (1985) 126-36; S. P. Brock, "Christians in the Sasanian Empire: a Case of Divided Loyalties," in S. Mews, ed, Religion and National Identity (Studies in Church History 18, 1982) 1-19 ( = Syriac Perspectives, ch. 6). 2. BHO 363-8; BHG 731-740. I follow the texts in F. C. Burkitt, Euphemia and the Goth with the Acts of [the Martyrdom of the Confessors of Edessa (London/Oxford 1913); the Acts of Habib are also printed in W. Cureton Ancient Syriac Documents (London 1864; repr. Amsterdam 1967) 73-86, and in P. Bedjan, Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum (Paris 1890) I, 144-60. On the texts and their historicity, see Acta Sanctorum, Propylaeum Decembris (Bruxelles 1940) Martyrologium Romanum, 523-5 (P. Peeters); Burkitt, op. cit., 5-44; R. Duval, La Litterature Syriaque, 3rd ed. (Paris 1907; repr. Amsterdam 1970) 113-8; J . B . S e g a l , Edessa: the Blessed City ('Oxford 1970) 83-6. On the cult of the Edessan Martyrs, see Burkitt, op. cit; H. Delehaye, Lesorigines du culte des martyrs, 2nd ed. (Sub. Hag. 20.

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a t t h a t time seems p r i m a r i l y to have been a c a m p a i g n of h a r a s s m e n t . The t w o l a y m e n s h m o n a a n d Guria a n d t h e deacon H a b i b were victims i n t e n d e d as examples for t h e whole church; t h a t their d e a t h s were exceptional a n d their n u m b e r s so few (to say n o t h i n g of t h e i r late date) are c i r c u m s t a n c e s t h a t set the event of their m a r t y r d o m s in sharp c o n t r a s t to those r e c o r d e d by Eusebius a n d other earlier Christian writers. The Acls of t h e t h r e e m a r t y r s were w r i t t e n soon a f t e r t h e f a c t , a n d with some r e - w o r k i n g s achieved their p r e s e n t f o r m by t h e late f o u r t h c e n t u r y ( p e r h a p s as early as t h e 360s) J These m a r t y r d o m s p r e s e n t a n i n t r i g u i n g historical reversal over their more familiar western c o u n t e r p a r t s . E s s e n t i a l l y t h e first m a r t y r d o m s experienced for t h e Syriac Christians, they occurred in the c o n t e x t of a Christian c o m m u n i t y t h a t had been developing for well over two centuries; a n d a Christian s p i r i t u a l i t y m a r k e d f r o m its inception across the s p e c t r u m of heresy a n d o r t h o d o x y by a s t r o n g ascetic t o n e for t h e entire Christian c o m m u n i t y , lay or consecrated. 4 I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e G r e c o - L a t i n experience to t h e wesf, we find asceticism - and asceticism in e x t r e m e f o r m s - t h r o u g h o u t t h e Syrian Orient f r o m C h r i s t i a n i t y ' s very beginnings, with no apparent simultaneous ethos of persecution. 5 R a t h e r , wiih t h e d e a t h s of Shinona, Guria, a n d H a b i b

Bruxelles 1933) 37,202,212. Cf also Ephraem, Syrus, Carm. Nis. 33.13, ed E. Beck (CSCO 218/Scr. Syr. 92, Louvain 1961) p. 80; ps. Ephraem, Jul. Saba, 4.7, ed. E. Beck (CSCO 322/Scr. Syr. 140, Louvain 1972) p. 46; and from later Greek tradition, F. Halkin, "L'eloge des Trois Confesseurs d'Edesse par Arethas de Cesaree," Melanges de I'Universite Saint Joseph 38 (Beirut 1962) 269-76. 3. Segal, op. cit., 83; ¡Duval, loc. cit. 4. R. Murray, "The Characteristics of the Earliest Syriac Christianity," in N. Garsoian, et al., éd., East of Byzantium: Syria and Armenia in the Formative Period (Washington 1982) 3-16; S. P. Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism," NumenlO (1973) 1-19 ( = ; Syriac Perspectives, ch. 1); J. Gribomant, "Le monachisme au sein de leglise en Syrie et en Cappadoce, " Sudia Monastica 7 (1965) 7-24; A. Guillaumont, Aux origines du monachisme chrelien, Spiritualité Orientale 30 (1979); A. Voobus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient CSCO 184/Sub. 14 and 197/Sub. 17, Louvain 1958). 5. On the persecutions, see esp. G. E. M. de Ste. Croix, "Why Were the Early Christians Persecuted ?", Past and Present 26 (1963) 6-38; W. H. C Frend, Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church (Oxford 1965). For the traditional interpretation of asceticism as a development alongside of

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martyrdom entered the immediate Syriac situation at a late date, almost an intrusion into an ascetic tradition already deeply rooted. 6 During the fifth century, the literary cycle of the Edessan martyrs was expanded to include the legendary stories in the Doctrina Addai,1 with its account of the late first century martyr Aggai, and the Acts of Sharbil, Babai, and Barsamya, whose deaths were set in Edessa in 105.8 These accounts show considerable evidence of being later legends, and there is no evidence to support their historicity. Indeed, especially in the case of Sharbil, Babai, and Barsamya, they could well represent an a t t e m p t by the Edessan aristocracy to " i m p r o v e " their historical image, for the martyrs Shmona, Guria, and Habib had come from the villages and a less glorious stock. But these fifth century texts do reflect the influence of the times in which they were composed. By their day, Syriac Christianity had not only begun to develop monasfcicism as a separate vocation within the Christian community, b u t also the singularly severe ascetic practices for which it is n o t o r i o u s the 'grazers' naked in the wilderness, physically enacting the life of Adam and Eve before the Fall, for example; or Simeon the Sty lite on top of his pillar, physically enacting the tradition of and then inheritor to martyrdom, with the image of the monk as a livingmartyr, see E, E. Malone, The Monk and the Martyr (Washington 1950), and L. Bouyer, History of Christian Spirituality I: The Spirituality of the New Testament and the Fathers (New York 1963) 190-210, 303-6. 6. There was, of course, an awareness of the situation to the west. The list of Diocletianic martyrs given in the Acts of Shmona and Guria, sec. 5, and the further references in sees. 47, 67, and 68 (cp. Acts of Habib, sec. 40) show close familiarity with Eusebius (including, perhaps, a lost work on the persecutions under Domitian); see esp. P. Devos, "La liste martyrologique des Actes de Guria and Shamona", Analecta Bollandiana 90 (1972) 15-26. 7. The Doctrine of Addai, ed. and tr, by W. Cureton, op. cit., and by G. Philips (London 1876); the text was re-translated with an edition that gives some variants from Cureton's manuscripts to those in the Phillips' text, in G. Howard, The Teaching of Addai (Mistoula 1981). Cf. Segal op. 'cit 76-81. 8. Sharbil and Babai, BHO 1049-51; Barsamya, BHO 150-1. The texts are edited in Bedjan, AMS I, 95-130; and ed. with trans, in Cureton, op. cit. On the later dating of these texts and their possible composition in Greek, see Segal, op. cit., 82-3, and Burkitt, op. cit„ 5-28. These texts were in some respects closely modelled on the Acts of Shmona, Guria, and Habib, for which reason they are sometimes treated as a literary »nit; soDuval, op. cit., 113-8.

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Old Testament prophetic behaviour. 9 These later Edessan martyr t e x t s reflect these changes, for the understanding of both martyrdom and asceticism. In the sixth century, Jacob of Serug composed three verse homilies on the Edessan martyrs, integrating the cycle into a coherent tradition. 1 0 It is the professed concern of Christian martyr literature in general to portray idealized behaviour even when based on historical events, and to preach a religious understanding of the martyr experience that can be of use to the living Christian community. The cycle of Syriac Edessan m i r t y r texts thus offers a commentary on the inheritance and development of Syriac asceticism in late antiquity, and it is for that purpose that we will now consider them. Because of their chronology, we can use these texts to reconsider the relationship between; martyrdom and asceticism in Syriac spirituality - in particular, on the matter of pain in the imitation of Christ. I am concerned specifically with the narrative perspective and imagery used to present these martyrs, and change we can see in their presentation between the fourth and sixLh centuries. Here, hagiography and homily share the same intent: to tell the story by telling its meaning; not relating the event as an occurrence (whether real or legendary), but explaining it as a revelation of Christian truth. The Acis of Shmona and Guria present a simple encounter between the martyrs and their persecutors. The two laymen speak without artifice: for the Christian, Shmona says, belief is

9, Seep esp. Theodorel de Cyr. Historié des mones de Syrie, ed. and tr. P. Canivet and A , Leroy-Molinghen, Sources Chrétiennes 234 and 257 (Paris 1977-9); and H. Lietzmann, Das Leben des Heiligen Symeon Stylites, TU 32.4 (Leipzig 1908). Cf. also Voobus, History of Asceticism, Vol. II. 10. Jacob of Serug, Homily on Shmona and Guria is edited in Bedjan, AMS, I, 131-43; the Homily on Habib is edited ibid., 160-72, both are edited with translations in Cureton, op. cit. Jacob's Homily on Sharbit in edited in G. Mosinger and P. P. Zingerle, Monumenta syriaca ex romanis codicibus collecta (Innsbruck 1878) II, 52-63. '"Work on Jacob is considerably aided by the publication of S. P. Brock, "The Published Verse Homilies of Isaac of Antioch, Jacob of Serugh, and Narsai: Index of Incipits", Journal of Semitic Studies 32 (1987) 279-313; and P. Khalil Alwan, "Bibliographie générale raisonnee de Jacques de Saroug", Parole de l'Orient 13 (1986) 313-84.

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l i f e " Such conviction effectively transmutes the meaning of life and death. With words heard in other Christian martyrdoms, Shmona explains, 'We are not dying ..but living, according to what we believe.' 12 Guria recalls the familiar scripture reading, 'Whoever loses his life for my sake will find it'. 13 For the Christian, death in this instance is life; to live would mean to be dead. The Acts of Habib present the matter more emphatically. When Habib refuse to make sacrifice even after severe torture, the Governor exclaims in exasperation, 'Does your doctrine teach you t h a t you should hate your bodies?' 14 The Governor implies t h a t either Habib can utterly disregard his body (and life in this world,) or t h a t he delights in the demise of his physical existence, to the greater glory of his spiritual one. But Habib responds with the simplicity of his Syrian predecessors: 'We do not hate our bodies, i t is written for us t h a t whoever will lose his life will find it'. 1 5 Rather t h a n distingushing between his body and his soul, Habib questions what true life and true death are - the question raised by the action of Christ in the resurrection, and repeated in each occurrence of Christian martyrdom. The simplicity of these narratives is belied by their strongly nuanced Syriac vocabulary, for the dialogues abound with the use of terminology derived from the root qwm, 'to stand'. Christianity is repeatedly described here as a b-ilief in which one ' s t a n d s ' ; and further, as a form of life and set of practices in which one 'stands' 1 6 The constant use of the root qwm for designating bisic Christian life keeps us min Iful of the place of asceticism in early Syriac Christianity. The term used here for the 'stance* of Christian life is qyama, also carrying the sense of 'covenant', as used for the Bnay and Bnat Qyama. In the early fourth century, the Sons and Daughters of the Covenant were still an ambiguously defind 11. Acts of Shmona and Guria, sec. 8. 12. Ibid., sec. 14. Cp., e. g., the Passions of Pionius, sec. 20; Flavian (in the Martyrdom of Sts. Montanus and Lucius, sees. 17.4 and 19.6); Julius the the Veteran, sec. 3;Irenaeus ofSirmium, see, 4; all collected in H- Musurille, The Acts of the Christian Martyrs (Oxford 1979). 13. 14. 15. 16.

Act of Shmona and Guria, sec. 49. Acts of Habib, see. 30. Ibid. Cp. sec. 19e. Shmona and Guria. sees, 7,8,22; Habib, sees. 2,3,14,19,35. Cp. the Acts of Sharbil, Bedjan, AMS I, 100; and the Act of Barsamya, ibid., 125.

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part of the church,17 but the Acts of Shmona and Guria refer to the Bnay and Bnat Qyama as suffering particular abuse in these persecutions.18 The language of these Acts plays intentionally 011 qyama, 'covenant', as another derivative from qwm: the 'covenant' of the consecrated life is not different from the 'stance' or covenant the lay Christian has taken by the commitment of faith. In these Acts, qwm is used to designate not only the manner in which the believer lives, but further, the manner by which he dies. The Christian 'stands' against the imperial decrees.1'9 The tortures and executions are sentences in which the Christian 'stands'.20 Martyrdom is a 'stance' the Christian takes.21 Throughout these texts, each time the root quim, 'stand', is used we hear the echoes of its reference to covenant. But above all, we hear its emphatic derivative qyamta, 'resurrection', the 'standing up' of Christ. The Christian stands as Christ stood, dying in that stance before I.he authorities and living in that stance before God, ultimately in the resurrected life. With such language, we scarcely need the author's allusions Lo the crucifixion to remind us of the martyr's action as the imitation of Christ. What is clear in the Acts of Shmona, Guria and Habib is that Christianity is a way of life, that requires the whole of one's person. Indeed, earliest Syriac asceticism did not spring from a sense of dualism, though some Syriac groups held that view,, Our earliest Syriac texts speak of the vocation of faith as demanding a manner of life for all believers that would later be restricted primarily to monastics. The believer sought to live in total devotion to God, giving one's whole body as well as one's whole mind and heart. Such a life was, necessarily, ascetic in wordly terms. And it might well necessitate martyrdom, which according to these texts is simply another form of Christian living another form of the Christian stance.

17. See above all G. Nedungatt, " T h e Covenanters of the Early Syriac-speaking Church, Orientalia Christiana Periodica 39 (1973) 191-215, 419-44. 18. Shmona and Guria, sees. 1 and 70. So, too, in the case of the Persian Martyrs, ed. in Bedjan, AMS, II. 19. Habib sees. 3 and 16; cp. Sharbil' Bedjan, AMS I, 102. 20. Habib, sees. 19d, 19e, 36, 36a; cp. Sharbil, Bedjan, AMS I, 103, 109, 111, 112, 115, and Barsamya, ibid., 127. 21. Shmona and Guria, sees. 40 and 51.

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The Dodrina Addai presented an idyllic picture of t h e first century Edessan church. It set asceticism firmly at the center of the church, with the ideals of simplicity, purity, and service lived out by the entire community. Here, Christianity is called a 'way of life', dubbare; nakputa, dakyula, ihidayuta, qaddisuta, and other ascetic concepts are used to characterize Addai's congregation, which to fifth century ears thus presents an anachronistic picture of the ideal monastic community. 2 2 Addai preaches on the importance of the body, and hence of Christianity as a way of life: "[the soul] cannot receive reward and punishment without [the body], because the labour was not its alone, but also t h a t of the body in which it dwelt." 2 3 This is not a picture of extremes, but neither is the martyrdom of Aggai portrayed as such. Aggai, disciple of Addai, disciple of Christ, is martyred at the whim of an impious son of Edessa's royal family. It is the senseless act of a madman, against a calm and unwavering Christian - a brief ripple on the smooth surface of the Edessan church, fulfilling the Christian vocation. The Acts of Sharbil and Barsamya, by contrast, present martyrdom in a highly stylized and b r u t a l form. In this respect, although they show themselves in keeping with the later literary tradition of martyrs, passions, 24 they also carry an undercurrent of the increasingly harsh asceticism of their time. A pagan priest converted to Christianity by the bishop Barsamya, Sharbil proclaimed t h a t as a pagan he had t r u l y been a dead man; now a Christian, he is t r u l y alive and in the course of his Acts he re-enacts the crucifixion and resurrection of Christ repeatedly. The judge has him t o r t u r e d to spectacular extremes time and again; time and again Sharbil regains consciousness to proclaim the gospel anew. The judge falls into a rage of despair: is this man dead or alive? and what can such t r e a t m e n t of the body mean? 'Well do I call you a dead man, because your feet are burned and you do not care, and your face is scorched and

22. Howard op.cit.,

text,

p.

(50) ( = t r . , p.

100).

In

the text, t h e s e t e r m s j

appear in verbal form. 23. Ibid., text, p. (47) ( = tr„ p. 95). 24. H . Delehaye, Les Passions des martyrs et les genres litteraires (Sub. Gag. 20. Bruxelles 1921; repr. 1966). See also the remarks in S. P. Brock and S. A. Harvey, Holy Women of the Syrian Orient (Berkeley 1987) 15-9.

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you keep silence, a n d nails are driven b e t w e e n y o u r eyes and you think n o t h i n g of it, and y o u r ribs are visible b e t w e e n t h e combs and y o u abuse t h e emperors, a n d y o u r whole b o d y is t o r n a n d mangled with scourging« and y o u blaspheme against t h e gods: a n d because you h a t e your body, lo, you say w h a t e v e r pleases you!' 2 3 Sharbii, ever unflappable, replies, 'I was a dead m a n , hidden, and lo, your t o r t u r e s raised me up again.' 2 6 The nightmare c o n t i n u e s u n t i l he is beheaded. To t h e h o r r o r of t h e judge, however, Sharbil's sister Babai rushes to receive t h e same end; 2 7 and the bishop Barsamya w i t h t h e e n t i r e Ghristian comm u n i t y s t a n d s ready t o r e p e a t t h e affair, until the saving i n t e r vention of the e m p e r o r ' s decree. 2 8 The Dodrina Addai and the Acts of Sharbii and Barsamya are l e x t s concerned to r e - c r e a t e a given past, b u t t h e y cannot; do so w i t h o u t c a r r y i n g their historical t r a d i t i o n with t h e m . The Dodrina Addai could not p o r t r a y a perfect Christian life devoid of suffering m a r t y r d o m - because Christianity requires t h e conf r o n t a t i o n of t h e whole gospel. On t h e o t h e r h a n d , The Ads of Sharbii raise the opposite problem; f o c u s i n g on t h e suffering of m a r t y r d o m to such a n e x t r e m e , they raise the q u e s t i o n of ascetic i n t e n t , i n r e p e a t i n g t h e q u e s t i o n 'Does y o u r d o c t r i n e t e a c h y o u to h a t e your bodies?', these Acts do not merely copy their p r o t o t y p e , t h e Ads of Habib. They ask it a t a time w h e n others are questioning Syrian asceticism because of t h e d i r e c t i o n in which t h a t t r a d i t i o n had moved 29 The point is t h a t t h e t e x t s answer this question in t h e same way. The Christian's task is to live wholly in t h e presence of God a n d t h a t requires, f o r

25. 26. 27. 28. 29.

Acts of Sharbii, Bedjan, 4MS I, 111. Ibid., 114. Ibid., 119. Acts of Barsamya, ibid., 120-30. For example, consider the apologia on behalf of Simeon the Stylite, in Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Historia Religiosa, 26.2, 7, 12 and in the Syriac Life of Simeon, edited in Bedjan, AMS. IV, 507-644, at 617-23. The apologia is discussed in A.-J. Festugiere, Antioche paienne et chretienne (Paris 1959) 354fT., and P. Canivet, Le monachisme syrien selon Theodoret de Cyr (Theologie Historique 42, Paris 1977) 76-7. Cf. also S. A. Harvey» " T h e Sense of A Stylite: Perspectives on Simeon the Elder," Vigiliae Christianae (Fall 1988). The scepticism about Simeon's vocation is recorded further in the Life of Daniel the Stylite, at ch. 7, ed, H. Delehaye, Les Saints Stylites (Sub. Hag. 14, Bruxelles 1923)1-94.

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the duration, living in the presence of God in the body, in the world. Suffering is entailed not because the body is bad, but because the world is as it is; the work of reclaiming it for God is not easy. In his homilies on the Edessan martyrs, Jacob of Serug follows the Syriac passions closely as written texts. He does not merely presume familiarity with the general story of the saints, but with a particular version there of; and the images he chooses to explore are not of his own generation but emerge from the significant moments of the Syriac passion narratives. Jacob treats these martyrs with imagery traditional to the larger Christian milieu. In particular, he utilizes two common motifs: Christianity as reversal - pain becomes bliss, t o r t u r e becomes beauty, grief becomes joy, death becomes life; and martyrdom as the marriage feast of the Christian espoused to Christ the Heavenly Bridegroom. B u t Jacob's genius here lies in taking the key narrative images of the Syriac passions, and re-fashioning them in a poetic rendering t h a t moves us from story to theological revelation. His favourite image is t h a t of transformation. In his Homily on Sharbil,30 Jacob is acutely struck by Sharbil's transformation from pagan priest to Christian martyr. This is, of course, the work of redemption: the wolf becomes the lamb, the hawk becomes the dove. In Christ, Jacob says, "The earth learned how many changes [God] made in the world." 3 1 The penitent thief became the heir to paradise, the sinful woman entered the ranks of the apostles, the persecutor became the great disciple. So, too, did Sharbil, "lover of the demons" become "beloved of the angels." 3 2 Through his own transformation, Sharbil himself can transform the world: he can transform the evil of death t h a t is apart from God into the goodness of life t h a t is within God. He does this with the very fire used to torture him. In Jacob's words, the fire without - the fire applied to Sharbil's body - and the fire within - the fire of Sharbil's love for God - merge, and are transformed into the

30. Mosinger and Zingerle, op. cit., II, 52-63. 31. Ibid., p. 53, 1.40. 32. Ibid,, p. 52, 1. 25.

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u n q u e n c h a b l e Are of t h e divine. "And the fire w h i c h w a s inside b e c a m e h o t f r o m t h a t o u t s i d e / and t h e fire k i n d l e d up in h i m w h i c h had c a s t our Lord d o w n into t h e world. ... And fire w i t h fire was loosed f r o m his limbs / g l o w i n g fire w i t h love of t h e L o r d t h a t c o u l d n o t be c o n q u e r e d " 3 3 For the Homily on Shmona and Guria, J a c o b is c a p t u r e d b y t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s of l a n g u a g e and silence. 3 4 These Acts had reported a h u m b l e r picture t h a n t h a t of Sharbil's c o n s t a n t l y r e n e w e d a b i l i t y to preach: S h m o n a and Guria had b e e n t o r t u r e d i n t o silence. U n a b l e t o speak f r o m pain, t h e y could o n l y nod t h e i r r e f u s a l t o sacrifice. 3 3 For Jacob, t h e image is r i v e t i n g : t h e W o r d of God w a s t h u s proclaimed b y silence. R o b b e d of language, their s i l e n c e b e c a m e e l o q u e n t as p r o c l a m a t i o n of their faith. Here is w o n d r o u s i r o n y , indeed: t h e s p o k e n word w a s t h e persecutors', and it was t h e word of death; t h e s i l e n t word of t h e m a r t y r s proclaimed t h e w o r d of life. "Those who spoke were powerless, and the s i l e n t had v i c t o r y , for w i t h o u t v o i c e t h e y sang t h e h y m n of t h e f a i t h . ' 3 6 B u t J a c o b evokes a further w o n d e r w i t h h i s image of the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of l a n g u a g e in t h i s h o m i l y . S h m o n a a n d Guria h a v i n g lost their c a p a c i t y for speech rendered their b o d i e s into language: just as t h e Word b e c a m e flesh, so n o w t h e i r flesh b e c a m e t h e Word. Sin was t r a n s f o r m e d into s a l v a t i o n . With, the Homily on Ilabib,37 J a c o b t a k e s the image of t r a n s f o r m i n g sacrificial incense, f r o m t h a t which p o l l u t e s by p a g a n practice to t h a t which cleanses by Christian v i c t o r y . Habib, tortured at length, w a s finally e x e c u t e d b y b u r n i n g at the stake. Thus, says Jacob, h a v i n g refused t o offer incense falsely t o t h e g o d s , t h e m a r t y r himself b e c a m e i n c e n c e , offered in t r u e sacrifice. As H a b i b c o l l a p s e d into t h e e x e c u t i o n e r ' s flames, J a c o b writes, "The s w e e t root fell into t h e fire upon t h e b u r n i n g coals and it became incense and purified t h e air f r o m d e f i l e m e n t . B y the s m o k e of sacrifices t h e air had b e e n defiled, and b y t h e b u r n i n g of this m a r t y r it w a s purified. T h e f i r m a m e n t w a s foul f r o m t h e sacrifices of altars. But t h e s w e e t fragrance of t h e 33. 34. 35. 36. 37.

Ibid., p. 58, 11. 194-8. Homily on Shmona and Guria, Bedjan, AMS, I, 131-43. Acts of Shmona and Guria, sec. 27-30. Bedjan, AMS, I, 140. Homily on Habib, Bedjan, AMS, I, 160-72.

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martyr ascended and [the air] was made sweet." 3 8 Transforming the substance of incense, transforming the action of sacrifice, Habib transformed the nature of the world. None of the texts concerned with the Edessan martyrs, whether the passions or the homilies, present images or concepts unique in the martyr literature of Christendom. Neither do Syriac texts concerned with asceticism. The actual behaviour described is sometimes seen to take particular extremes. B u t of course, Syriac Christianity is simply Christianity pursued in a particular cultural idiom. The texts of the Edessan martyrs tell us nothing about martyrdom we do not already know. But they do tell us something about Syriac asceticism and its meaning for the Christian community in which it flourished. Above all, the Christian sought a way of life in which body and soul alike stood in this world and beyond in total devotion to God: a physically enacted state of faith. That way of life transformed the believer and the world itself from a state of sin into one of salvation. Our martyrs' passions speak of Christianity as a way ol life - a life so changed or transformed t h a t it is unrecognizeable as life to the non-Christian. "We are not d y i n g , " Shmona insists to the uncomprehending torturer. "We do not hate our bodies," Habib insists to the incredulous Governor. It is worth mentioning briefly the images Syriac writers used for Simeon the Stylite contemporarily with the texts we have been considering. In the Syriac hagiography w r i t t e n by his disciples (c. 470s), 39 Simeons' conversion to the ascetic life, like his later ascent onto the pillar, is an act of love - the giving of himself into the hand of God. We are repeatedly told, "[Simeon] cared for nothing except how he might please his Lord. 4 0 ... he loved his Lord with all his heart." 4 1 Simeon's vocation is presented specifically as prophetic behavior in the tradition of the great Old Testament prophets. 4 2 The pillar itself is represented by a number of images. It is the high place from which the 38. Ibid., 172. 39. The following paragraph summaries the detailed discussion in Harvey, art. cit. 40. Bedjan, AMS, IV, 519. 41. Ibid,, 620. 42. Ibid. , 621ff.

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prophet speaks the word of God, and the new Mt. Sinai from which the new Law is dispensed. 43 It is the crucible that purifies Simeon as gold through fire; 44 it is the altar upon which Simeon is the incense rising heavenward as prayer; 4 5 it is the mountain on which Simeon is transfigured as Christ himself was once transfigured on a high mountain apart in the presence of his disciples. 46 Indeed, the Syriac vita presents Simeon in a sumptuous cascade of images, as one who physically enacted the spiritual t r u t h s of his faith. Here, too, .Jacob of Serug wrote a homily closely tied to the hagiographical text, 4 7 Jacob stresses above all the respect and love t h a t Simeon had for his body, which Jacob explores particularly in the trial of Simeon's near death from a gangrenous ulcer on his foot. In this liomily, Simeon addresses his diseased limb with deep U ndt'i ness, recalling gratefully the labor it had endured in standing to fulfill God's purpose. He comforts both his body and his soul with the reminder t h a t in the final resurrection they will be united, each perfectly completed by the other, whole and healthy. 4 8 For Jacob, the h u m a n person is profoundly a whole, comprised of body and soul.'19 Simeon's vocation displays his utter devotion to God, his body physically acting out the faith his soul understands. It may be that the experience, of martyrdom made its impact on Syriac Christianity by adding the sense of brutality to a spirituality t h a t had come to flower without t h a t threat; perhaps the extreme of the stylite's vocation represents that brutality. But as Jacob's homilies no less t h a n the Syriac vita of Simeon Stylites remind us, the t r u t h of t h a t brutality did not stop at its pain. For Syriac Christianity, martyrdom like asceticism is about how one lives in the body, in the world, in the presence of God. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47.

Ibid., 571f., 621fIbid., 577. Ibid., 623. Ibid., 580, 593, 614. Edited in Bedjan, A MS, IV, 650-65. See S. A. Harvey, "Jacob of Serug's Homily on Simeon the Stylite" (forthcoming). 48. Bedjan, A MS, IV, 655-8. 49. Cf. K. Alwan, "L'homme, le ^microcosme» chez Jacques de Saroug", Parole de l'Orient 13 (1986) 51-78; B. Sony, "L'anthropologie de Jacques de Saroug," Parole de l'Orient 12 (1984-5) 153-85.

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Vol. VI. No. 2, November 1993, 111-119 John Madey

Orthodoxy in Germany Today The Spread of Churches of Oriental Traditions in a Western Country

Migration of people hailing originally from eastern parts of Europe as well as from the Middle East has become a phenomenon especially in this century. The first emigrations of Christians from territories inhabited by Orthodox or eastern Catholic Christians (Near East and the eastern parts of the then Austro-Hungarian monarchy) for economic reasons, however, goes back into the 19th century. Thus it is quite normal that there are Christians of eastern or oriental extraction who belong to the third generation. It is not rare to state t h a t these Christians have adopted the way of life of their German fellow-citizens except their religious affiliation. This is why I prefer to speak of Churches of eastern and oriental traditions rather than of eastern and oriental Churches. These Churches are no longer fixed to the regions of their origin, and some of them have got now perhaps m >re faithful in the emigration than there. This is certainly the case with the Syrian Orthodox Church of Antioch. I t may be surprising for many to learn t h a t nowadays the faithful belonging to the Oriental and Eastern Orthodox Churches living in Germany are forming, as to the number of their faithful the third denomination after Roman Catholics and Evangelical (Lutherans and Reformed). Members of Churches of oriental

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t r a d i t i o n s n u m b e r more t h a n half a million. T h e y are hierarchically r a t h e r well organised or j u s t a b o u t to organise t h e m s e l v e s according to their customs. We do n o t t a k e into c o n s i d e r a t i o n their relations a m o n g themselves. Not all are in f u l l ecclesial a n d s a c r a m e n t a l c o m m u n i o n . F o r different reasons p a r t s of O r t h o d o x c o m m u n i t i e s have separated a f t e r World W a r I a n d especially a f t e r W o r l d W a r II f r o m t h e Churches in their homelands and either s o u g h t " c a n o n i c a l p r o t e c t i o n " w i t h t h e E c u menical P a t r i a r c h a t e of Constantinople, t h e " F i r s t T h r o n e " in eastern Orthodoxy, or established a h i e r a r c h y of their o w n which is considered as " u n c a n o n i c a l " by t h o s e Churches h a v i n g comm u n i o n with Constantinople. As a c o m m u n i t y , Greek Orthodox a r e c e r t a i n l y t h e oldest a m o n g t h e O r t h o d o x congregations in G e r m a n y . They received a c h u r c h , t h e " S a l v a t o r k i r c h e " , f r o m t h e B a v a r i a n kings in t h e 19th c e n t u r y . At t h a t time, their n u m b e r was r a t h e r small t h e f a i t h f u l being m o s t l y m e r c h a n t s . T h e large m i g r a t i o n of Greek labourers d u r i n g t h e last t h r e e decades m a d e t h e n u m b e r of Greek people increase considerably, so t h a t the E c u m e n i c a l P a t r i a r c h a t e decided t o establish an e p a r c h y for t h e m . According to t h e census of t h e office of t h e M e t r o p o l i t a n of G e r m a n y and E x a r c h of Central E u r o p e who resides a t B o n n , t h e r e are more t h a n 350,000 O r t h o d o x u n d e r his jurisdiction. T h e latest list of parishes a n d clergy of t h e E a s t e r n a n d Oriental O r t h o d o x Churches, edited by the ecumenical c e n t r a l office of t h e Council of Christian Churches a t F r a n k f u r t (Arbeitsgemeinschaft Christlicher K i r c h e n in D e u t s c h l a n d . Oekumenische Z e n t r a l e ) in A u g u s t 1993, reveals t h a t t h e r e are a t least one G e r m a n - s p e a k i n g parish (in Munich) a n d Ihree R o m a n i a n O r t h o d o x parishes w i t h i n t h e eparchy. The l a t t e r h a d come u n d e r t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n ' s j u r i s d i c t i o n by decision of t h e H o l y Synod of C o n s t a n t i n o p l e only r e c e n t l y . They belonged f o r m e r l y t o t h e [originally R u s s i a n , now m u l t i l i n g u a l ] O r t h o d o x Archdiocese of W e s t e r n E u r o p e which is also u n d e r C o n s t a n t i n o p l e a n d whose h e a d q u a r t e r s a r e in P a r i s (the f a m o u s St. Sergius O r t h o d o x School of Theology belongs t o t h i s archdiocese). The m e t r o p o l i t a n is helped by t h r e e a s s i s t a n t bishops residing a t S t u t t g a r t , H a n o v e r a n d Munich. P a s t o r a l m i n i s t r y in t h e parishes which all are h a v i n g several filial s t a t i o n s is exercised by 59 prieist's of whom six are a r c h i m a n d r i t e s (monks)

ÖRTHÖOOjtY IN àiRMANY TODD AY

1Î3

and three deacons. The largest number of parishes is in those federal states of Germany which have great industrial agglomerations, Northrhine-Westphalia and Baden-Württemberg. In Northrine-Westphalia there is also a parish at the metropolitan's cathedral in Bonn. Further there are the parishes of Troisdorf-Siegburg, Düsseldorf, Cologne, Brühl Bielefeld, Aachen [Aix-la-Chapelle], Solingen, Gütersloh, Lippstadt, Iserlohn-Menden,, Siegen, Lüdenscheid, Krefeld-Duisburg, Essen-Velbert, Neuss, and Dortmund. In the State of Baden-Württemberg, there are two parishes in Stuttgart: Ascension and Sts. Peter and Paul, one parish each at Mannheim, Karlsruhe, Göppingen, Sindelfingen, Esslingen, Backnang, Reutlingen, Waiblingen and Rottweil-Schwenningen. In Bavaria, there are four parishes alone in Munich: St. Andreas (German), All Saints, and St. Demetrius and St. George. Other parishes are established in Augsburg, Dachau, Lauf, Nuremberg, and Würzburg. In the State of Hesse, the large town of Frankfurt has got two parishes: St. Elias and St. Andrews. The other parishes are at Darmstadt, Offenbach, Wiesbaden, Rüsselsheim, and Wetzlar Other parishes are in Berlin, Hamburg, Hanover, and Lübeck.

Einbeck

All the Greek Orthodox faithful living in the western hemisphere are, according to ancient tradition, under the jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. The Church of Greece as well as the Grefk speaking patriarchates of Alexandria and of Jerusalem and the Church of Cyprus abstain from exercising jurisdiction en tois barbarois. As mentioned above, the (multi-ethnic and multi-lingnal) Orthodox Archdiocese of Western Europe belongs to thé Ecumenical Patriarchate, too. After the demise of Archbishop George (Wagner), a native of Berlin and convert from the Evangelical Lutheran Church, who also taught Byzantine liturgy at St. Sergius Orthodox School of Theology in Paris, Archbishop Sergius became the head of this archdiocese by approval of the Holy Synod of Constantinople. Since Romanian parishes which had belonged to this archdiocese, were shifted under the jurisdiction of the Greek metropolitans,

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only three priests of different e t h n i c descendance have r e m a i n e d u n d e r t h e archdiocesan j u r i s d i c t i o n in Germany; a f o u r t h priest (an Alsatian of S t r a s b u r g , f o r m e r l y a R o m a n Catholic priest) w e n t over to t h e Russian O r t h o d o x Church (Moscow P a t r i a r c h a t e ) to which he a l r e a d y h a d once belonged. A r a b i c - s p e a k i n g f a i t h f u l hailing f r o m t h e Greek [or RVm] Orthodox Patriarchate of Aniioch are m u c h less in n u m b e r a n d have got an organization only r e c e n t l y w i t h t h e a p p o i n t m e n t of Bishop Gabriel (Saliby) as E x a r c h for W e s t e r n E u r o p e (residence in Paris), The d e a n of G e r m a n y is D u t c h - b o r n A r c h i m a n d r i t e Sergius (Barbé) in K r e f e l d ; t h e r e are t h r e e more priests f r o m t h e Near E a s t and two G e r m a n deacons w i t h i n this jurisdiction. The Russian

Orthodox Church is split in t w o p a r t s , n a m e l y t h e

a) Russian Orthodox Diocese of the Orthodox Bishop of Berlin and Germany which belongs to t h e R u s s i a n O r t h o d o x Church outside of Russia (ROCOR), and t h e b) Russian Orthodox Church - Patriarchate of Moscow h e a d e d by hierarch who equally has got t h e title, of Berlin a n d G e r m a n y . The first established itself a f t e r t h e Bolshevist r e v o l u t i o n in succession to t h e R u s s i a n O r t h o d o x missions of the t i m e prior to World W a r I. I t was of r o y a l t e n d e n c y a n d e v e n t u a l l y r e j e c t e d all c o n n e c t i o n s with t h e c o m m u n i s t - c o n t r o l l e d R u s s i a n Church of t h e Moscow p a t r i a r c h a t e in t h e f o r m e r USSR. The patriarchate of Moscow e n t e r e d G e r m a n y a f t e r World W a r II, with t h e a p p r o v a l of t h e Soviet a u t h o r i t i e s , taking over those parishes of t h e ROCOR which were s i t u a t e d in Berlin a n d t h e Soviet Zone which later becamc the GDR. U n t i l r e c e n t l y t h e r e were three Moscow-based R u s s i a n jurisdictions in G e r m a n y . A f t e r t h e G e r m a n y ' s reunification tliey were reduced to one; t h e dioces of Dusseldorf a n d n o r t h e r n Germany was dissolved, the bishop, a Finnish citizen, became one of t h e vicar bishops to t h e P a t r i a r c h of Moscow a n d was charged with p a r t i c u l a r obligations; t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n of V i e n n a was relieved f r o m his responsibilities in Bavaria a n d South G e r m a n y a n d his jurisdiction was reduced to Austria. The c a t h e d r a l of t h e G e r m a n e p a r c h y is in Berlin. Besides t h e r e aro a parish (Sts. C o n s t a n t i n e a n d H e l e n a ) a n d a chapel (St. Sergius of R a d e ó n e z h ) . F u r t h e r t h e r e are parishes a t P o t s d a m , Dresden, Leipzig a n d W e i m a r in east

OftTHObOXY IN GERMANY TODAY 115 G e r m a n y , a n d Diisseldorf (two churches), Munich, W e t z l a r , B a d e n B a d e n , Cologne, S t u t t g a r t , Bischofsheim (Rhon), a n d Wiirzburg; As most of t h e Russians who r e m a i n e d in t h e w e s t e r n p a r t s of G e r m a n y a f t e r World War II, m a d e their allegiance to t h e ROCOR, f a i t h f u l a n d clergy of west G e r m a n y belonging t o the Moscow p a t r i a r c h a t e are to a large e x t e n t composed by G e r m a n s , f o r m e r R o m a n Catholics a n d P r o t e s t a n t s , who dissatisfied with t h e a c t u a l religious, liturgical a n d s p i r i t u a l , s i t u a t i o n in t h e i r original i-hurches, joined this O r t h o d o x church. The case of Dr. Peter P l a n k , a priest of t h e diocese of Wiirzburg a n d l e c t u r e r (Priuatdozent) a t t h e R o m a n Catholic f a c u l t y of Theology of t h e u n i v e r s i t y of Wiirzburg, who, t h r e e years a f t e r his o r d i n a t i o n , joined the R u s s i a n O r t h o d o x Church m a d e a stir in t h e press in 1992 (he was soon given the r a n k of " a r c h p r i e s t " by his new religious superior!). W i t h i n t h e j u r i s d i c t i o n of t h e Moscow p a t r i a r c h a t e ' s diocese there are 16 priests a n d five deacons. The Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia (ROCOR) in G e r m a n y has, in general, k e p t its t r a d i t i o n a l R u s s i a n c h a r a c t e r b e t t e r (it has r e c e n t l y e x t e n d e d its activities i n t o p r e s e n t Russia), a l t h o u g h it also has got a p a r t of its clergy f r o m G e r m a n y . E v e n its hierarchical h e a d , Archbishop m a r k (Dr. A r n d t ) is a native G a r m a n a n d c o n v e r t f r o m P r o t e s t a n t i s m . There a r e 21 priests a n d f o u r deacons u n d e r him. One R o m a n i a n a u d one B u l g a r i a n parish have f o u n d " c a n o n i c a l r e f u g e " in t h e G e r m a n eparchy. T h e r e are parishes which all have to look a f t e r one or more filial s t a t i o n s - in H a m b u r g , H a n o v e r , Bad H o m b u r g near Frankfurt (Main), Wiesbaden, K o b l e n z , Munich, Erlangen, S t u t t g a r t , a n d B a d e n - B a d e n . The f a m o u s R u s s i a n churches b u i l t by czars a n d R u s s i a n nobility, m a i n l y a t h e a l t h - r e s o r t s , before W o r l d W a r I, are o w n e d by this c h u r c h which has no c o m m u n i o n w i t h t h e Moscow p a t r i a r c h a t e a n d is considered as uncanoriical by o t h e r O r t h o d o x churches. I t seems t h a t t h e ROCOR is numerically f a r stronger in G e r m a n y t h a n the e p a r c h y of the Moscow p a t r i a r c h a t e . A f t e r W o r l d W a r II, a few Serbian Orthodox c o m m u n i t i e s were f o r m e d by t h o s e " D i s p l a c e d P e r s o n s " who refused t o r e t u r n t o c o m m u n i s t Yugoslavia. W h e n Serbian l a b o u r e r s came t o G e r m a n y in large n u m b e r s , t h e H o l y Synod of t h e Serbian O r t h o d o x C h u r c h decided to t r a n s f e r t h e residence of t h e bishop

lift

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for western Europe from London to Germany. The Evangelical Church of Hanover put a t his disposal the building of the p o s t Catholic monastery of Himmelsthür [=» Heaven's Gate] near Hildesheim. The Serbian Orthodox diocese has got in Germany about 200,000 members who are served by 17 priests and one deacon under the leadership of Bishop Constantine. We mentioned above some Romanian parishes under the Ecumenical patriarchate and the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia. The Romanian Orthodox Patriarchate is present in Germany, too. The clergy belong to the Metropoly of Germany and Central Europe recently established, which are still administered by a metropolitan residing in Timisoara, Romania. There are priests in Berlin, Hamburg, Salzgitter, Siegen, Aachen, Cologne, Regensburg and Unterhaching near Munich. One priest who is serving the historic place of worship in Baden-Baden belongs to the jurisdiction of the metropoly of Moldavia and Suceava. About the number of faithful there are no informations available. This also the case with regard to the Bulgarian Orthodox Church the faithful of which are being served by four priests and one deacon, all in the South of Germany (Weilheim, S t u t t g a r t , Krombach, Munich). The Metropolitan of Western Europe resides in Budapest, Hungary, but has got a chancery for the German congregations in Stuttgart. There is only one parish of the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church in Germany for those Orthodox coming f r o m Poland who live in Hamburg and the northern parts of Germany. Two priests are looking after them. It depends on the Metropolitan of Warsaw and All Poland. The Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church which has survived abroad during the past decades before being able to re-establish itself in Ukraine after the collapse of the former Soviet Union, continues to have in Germany about 15,000 faithful, mostly former "displaced persons" brought to Germany for fabour during World War II and their descendants. Their hierarchical head is Archbishop Anatoly (Dublanskyi), a widower, who holds the title "of Paris and Western E u r o p e " . He continues to reside at Neu-Ulm, Germany, where he had baen the parish

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1 17

priest a n d editor of a U k r a i n i a n O r t h o d o x m o n t h l y for long years. H e is assisted by six priests of whom t w o are r e t i r e d , a n d one deacon. E v e r y priest has t o look a f t e r several places of worship which a r e at Munich (2), Regensburg, N u r e m b e r g , I n g o t stadt, Langweid-Forst near Augsburg, N e u - U l m , K a r l s r u h e , S t u t t g a r t , H a m b u r g , H a n o v e r , Bielefeld, Braunschweig, Diisseldorf, a n d Cologne. As t h i s Church was s t r o n g l y opposed by t h e Moscow P a t r i a r c h a t e a n d t h e g o v e r n m e n t of t h e f o r m e r Soviet Union, it has not been recognised as " c a n o n i c a l " by the Churches in c o m m u n i o n with C o n s t a n t i n o p l e (there are, however, some informal r e l a t i o n s w i t h C o n s t a n t i n o p l e itself). There is no d o u b t t h a t t h e hierarchs of t h e U k r a i n i a n A u t o c e p h a l o u s Church a r e in t h e apostolic succession a n d confer valid holy orders. Between t h e U k r a i n i a n G r e c o - C a t h o l i c Apostolic E x a r c h a t e for G e r m a n y a n d Scandinavia (residence in Munich) a n d the U k r a i n i a n A u t o c e p h a lous O r t h o d o x Archdiocese, good e c u m e n i c a l r e l a t i o n s exist since long, so also t h e c o m m o n use of c h u r c h e s in some places. We t u r n o u r a t t e n t i o n now to t h e Oriental Orthodox Churches which a r e s o m e t i m e s also called " A n c i e n t Oriental C h u r c h e s " or "Pre-Chalcedonian C h u r c h e s " , because they do not f o r m a l l y accept t h e f o r m u l a t i o n s , a n d decisions of t h e council of Chalcedon (451). Churches of all the different ecclesial t r a d i t i o n s are in today's Germany present. A m o n g t h e Oriental O r t h o d o x Churches, t h e Syrian Orthodox Church of Antioch is the best organized c o m m u n i t y . U n d e r t h e leadership of M e t r o p o l i t a n Mar J u l i u s Yeshu Cicek, A r c h b i s h o p of C e n t r a l E u r o p e a n d t h e B e N e L u x countries, who resides a t St. E p h r e m t h e Syriau Monastery of Losser-Glane, T h e N e t h e r l a n d s , close to t h e G e r m a n border, t h e m e m b e r s of this archdiocese have got a deveiopped c o m m u n i t a r i a n spirit. H a v i n g come to E u r o p e m o s t l y as refugees because of t h e persecution they e n d u r e d f r o m their Turkish a n d K u r d i s h neighbours, m o s t l y t a k e n as unskilled labourers in their new c i r c u m s t a n c e s of life, t h e y nevertheless have been able to build a b o u t 15 churches of their own in G e r m a n y of which t h e largest is Mar Aho Church a t P a d e r b o r n , Germany, consecrated in 1992 by His Holiness Mar I g n a t i u s Zakka I was, P a t r i a r c h of A n t i o c h a n d All the E a s t . T h e R o m a n Catholic Archdiocese of P a d e r b o r n as well as t h e L u t h e r a n d e a n e r y were r e p r e s e n t e d by high dignitaries on this occasion. In G e r m a n y ,

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the Syrian Orthodox, often called "Aramaic Christians", are served by 35 priests and three deacons. The number of faithful is about 35,000 who live, in the majority, in the federal states of Northrhine-Westphalia, Baden-Württemberg, Bavaria and Hesse. In Northrhine-Westphalia, their parishes are at Ahlen, Paderborn. Gütersloh(2), Rheda-Wiedenbrück, Harsewinkel, Wanne Eickel [Herne 2], Cologne and Gronau. In Baden-Württemberg, there are congregations at Göppingen (2), Kirchhart, Heilbronn, Ludwigsburg, and Nussloch. In Bavaria, there are two priests in Augsburg region, further there are communities at Böttigheim near Würzburg, Füssen, and Memmingen. In Hesse, the parishes are at Wiesbaden, Pohlheim (2 priests), Ban Vilbel and Bebra. Other communities are at Berlin (3), Hamburg, Worms (RhinelandPalatia), Delmenhorst and Ganderkesse (both in Lower Saxonia). The metropolitan takes much care for the maintaining of the Syriac language also among the youth and is making strong attempts to obtain learned monks and a seminary for the f u t u r e clergy in his residence. For this purpose, some young men undertake theological studies at Roman Catholic theological faculties or theological schools for graduation. There are about 5,000 faithful of the Coptic Orthodox Church in Germany. Their religious and spiritual centre is St. Anthony's Monastery at Kröffelbach in the neighbourhood of Giessen in HesseOne monk-priest of the famous monastery Al-Baramous is permanently residing there. Mis Holiness AmbaShenuda III, Pope and Patriarch of Alexandria, consecrated a spacous church there a few years ago. The Coptic faithful are looked after by priests residing at Berlin, Hamburg, Munich, F r a n k f u r t and Düsseldorf. Three of them are belonging to the monastic communities. In connection with the persecution under the former communist régime, Christians belonging to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church sought refuge in Germany, too. Rev. Dr. Merawi Tebege, Cologne, is the leader of the three priests who are residing at Cologne, Wuppertal and Munich. There is also a deacon in Munich. We also do not know which is the number of the faithful belonging to the Armenian Apostolic Orthodox Church. To satisfy their needs, the Supreme Catholicate of All the Armenians appointed Very Rev. Vardapet Karekin Bekdjan Bishop-Primate for Germany-

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H i s r e s i d e n c e is a t Cologne. T h e new b i s h o p w h o is to o r g a n i z e t h e p a s t o r a l c a r e f o r his f a i t h f u l w a s a s t u d e n t a t B o c h u m u n i v e r s i t y a n d is well a c q u a i n t e d w i t h t h e way of life i n t h i s c o u n t r y . A t p r e s e n t , h e is assisted b y t w o p r i e s t s r e s i d i n g a t H a n a u near F r a n k f u r t and Erlangen near Nuremberg. T h e Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church is p r e s e n t in G e r m a n y since m a n y y e a r s . T h e r e is b u t o n e p r i e s t t o look a f t e r t h e f a i t h f u l w h o seem t o be n o t v e r y n u m e r o u s , b u t r a t h e r s c a t t e r e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e c o u n t r y . As he is d r a w i n g a s a l a r y , a c c o r d i n g t o s o m e r e g u l a t i o n s b e t w e e n his C h u r c h a u t h o r i t i e s a n d t h e E v a n g e l i c a l [ U n i t e d ] C h u r c h of W e s t p h a l i a , f r o m t h e l a t t e r , he is s u p p o s e d t o serve in t h e P r o t e s t a n t C h u r c h as p r e a c h e r o n S u n d a y s , as we a r e l e a r n i n g f r o m a G e r m a n P r o t e s t a n t b u l l e t i n . T h e r e a r e also g r o u p s of f a i t h f u l of t h e Holy Apostolic Catholic Church of the East ( o f t e n n i c k n a m e d as " N e s t o r i a n " ) . T h e r e a r e t w o p r i e s t s s e r v i n g t h e S y r o - o r i e n t a l l i t u r g y . O n e of t h e m is a G e r m a n c o n v e r t f r o m P r o t e s t a n t i s m who h a s e m b r a c e d m o n a s t i c life. H e is l i v i n g i n B e r l i n d o i n g r e s e a r c h work. T h e o t h e r p r i e s t h a s his r e s i d e n c e in W i e s b a d e n . T h e y a r e u n d e r t h e j u r i s d i c t i o n of His H o l i n e s s Mar D e n k h a IV w h o resides, for t h e t i m e being, a t M o r t o n Grave, I L L , USA. W e h a v e a t t e m p t e d to offer a s u r v e y as c o m p l e t e as possible. It was impossible t o obtain reliable statistical d a t a . Nevertheless i t m a y be u s e f u l t o see h o w m u c h t h e w o r l d h a s c h a n g e d since those times when we could discern, geographically, "eastern ( o r i e n t a l ) " a n d " w e s t e r n " C h u r c h e s . W e do find t h i s i n t e r m i n g l i n g of C h r i s t i a n s h a i l i n g f r o m d i f f e r e n t ecclesial t r a d i t i o n s , w h e t h e r in c o m m u n i o n w i t h R o m « or n o t , n o t as s o m e t h i n g w h i c h m a y t h r e a t e n o n e ' s f a i t h a n d p e a c e , b u t as a n e n r i c h i n g e x p e r i e n c e . T h e d i f f e r e n t C h u r c h e s of e a s t e r n t r a d i t i o n h a v e t o offer t h e w e s t a l o t , as i t is also t h e case vice versa. I t w o u l d c e r t a i n l y be h a r m f u l t o see t h e m lose t h e i r i d e n t i t y . This w o u l d be a loss for all.

Source: A r b e i t s g e m e i n s c h a f t Christlicher Kirchen in D e u t s c h l a n d - Ö k u m e n i s c h e Z e n t r a l e [ed.], Verzeichnis der Geistlichen der orthodoxen und Altorientalischen orthodoxen Kirchen in Deutschland, F r a n k f u r t 1993.

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T E M P L E OF T H E

LORD

Before we believed in God the h a b i t a t i o n of our heart was corrupt and weak, like a temple truly built with hands, because it was full of idolatry and, through doing things contrary to God, it was a house of demons. " B u t it shall be built in the name of the L o r d . " T a k e c a r e , now, t h a t the temple of the Lord may be built gloriously. Learn in whal, way. When we received the remission of sins and set our hope in the Name, we were made new and were created again from the beginning. Now God truly dwells in us, in the h a b i t a t i o n which we are. H o w ? His word of faith, His announcement of the promise, the wisdom of His ordinances, the commands of His teaching, Himself prophesying in us, Himself dwelling in us Although we had been enslaved to death, He opens the door of the temple, t h a t is, our mouth, for us, giving us repentance; and thus it is that He leads us into the incorruptible temple. ( L E T T E R OF BARNABAS/15) T H E O F F I C I A L R E C O R D IS J E S U S

CHRIST

I did my best as a man devoted to unity. B u t where there is division and anger, God does not dwell. The Lord, however, forgives all who repent, if their repentance leads to the unity of God and to the council of the bishop. I have faith in the grace of Jesus Christ; and He will remove from you every chain. I beseech you, therefore, do nothing in a spirit of division, but a c t according to Christian teaching. Indeed, I heard some men saying: " I f I do not And it in the official records in the gospel I do not b e l i e v e . " And when I made answer to them, " I t is w r i t t e n ! " t h e y replied, " T h a t is the point at issue." B u t to me, the official record is J e s u s Christ; t h e inviolable record is His cross, His death, and His resurrection, and the faith which He brings a b o u t : - in these I desire to be justified by your prayers. ( S T . I G N A T I U S O F ANTIOGH)

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Vol. V I No. 2, November 1993, 121-134 Sebastian Brock

"The Wedding Feast of Blood on Golgotha" an unusual aspect of John 19.-34 in Syriac tradition.

T h e single verse, J o h n 19:34, describing the piercing of Christ's side on the Cross, serves as the centre point for an astonishingly rich and elaborate web of typological exegesis in early Syriac poetry a web which looks back to the birth of E v e from the side of the F i r s t Adam (Gen. 2 : 2 1 - 2 2 ) in primordial time and the sealing oil Paradise from fallen Adam and Eve by the cherub's sword (Gen. 3:24), and which then, at the same time, points forward, depicting the birth of the Church and of the Sacraments, symbolized by the blood and the water that issued from the pierced side of Christ the Second Adam, thus removing the sword t h a t barred humanity from entry into Paradise. 1 In the fifth-and s i x t h - c e n t u r y poets (but not y e t in E p h r e m ) a new strand of imagery was introduced into this web of typology namely the image of bride. 2 This can take two basically different forms:

1. In general see R . Murray, " T h e Lance which re-opened Paradise: a Mysterious reading in the early Syriac Fathers", Orientalia Christiana Periodica 39 (1973), pp. 224-34, 491, and my " T h e Mysteries hidden in the Side of Christ", Sobornost VII. 6 (1978), pp. 462-72 = , Studies in Syriac Spirituality (Syrian Churches Series 13, 1958), ch. 7. 2. By this time already an old and popular theme in its own right; for early texts see especially R . Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom (Cambridge 1975), ch. 2, and for later ones H. Engberding, " D i e Kirche als Braut in der ostsyrischen Liturgie", Orientalin Christiana Periodica 3 (1937), pp. 5-44, and F . Graffin, "Recherches sur le theme de l'Eglise-Epouse dans les liturgies et la litterature patristique de langus syriaque", L'Orient Syrian 3 (1958), pp. 317-36.

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1) The side of the Second Adam gives birth to the Bride, who is the "Mother of Life" (i.e. the Sacraments, or Mysteries), just as the side of the First Adam had given birth to Eve "the mother of all living things" (Gen. 3:20). This was the more popular of the two images, and it could be illustrated from innumerable passages in the liturgical poetry of the Syriac Churches; here, an excerpt from Jacob of Serugh (died 521) may be selected: 3 Christ slept on the Cross, and Baptism came forth from him: the Bridegroom slept, and his side was pierced in his sleep, he gave birth to the Bride, as happened with Eve, in Adam his type. The stillness of the sleep and from him came

(ep Gen. 2.21) of death fell upon him on the Cross,

forth the

Mother who gives birth to all spiritual beings: 4 the Lord of Adam produced the New Eve in his sleep to serve as mother of the children of Adam, in Eve's place; water and blood for the fashioning of spiritual babes flowed from the side of the Living One who died in order to bring life to AdamThis particular imagery is of course not confined to Syriac writers, and it can readily be found in Greek and Latin authors too (though with them much more frequently reference is made to the Church as being born from Christ's side, without the identification at this point of the Church with the Bride). 5 2) with

The water and blood are no longer equated typologically the Bride (i. e. representing Baptism and the Eucharist),

3. Ed. P. Bedjan, II, p. 589. 4. Here the font, rather than the Church: for the baptismal aspects of John 19:34 in Jacob's thought see my "Baptismal themes in the writings of Jacob of Serugh", Orientalia Christiana Analeeta 205 (1978), pp. 329-34, and, for its use in baptismal epicleses, "The Epiklesi in the Antiochene baptismal ordines", Orientalia Christiana Analeeta 197 (1974), pp. 211-3. 5. See the references conveniently collected by N. Trop "De nativitate ecclesiae ex corde lesu in cruce", Gregorianum 13 (1932), pp. 502-7. Cp also J Schmid, "Brantsohaft, eihhye" in J AC 2 (1954), 546-64. Mention of the Bride and Bridegroom in the immediate context of John 19:34 occurs in a catena fragment on Proverbs attributed to Origcn, P. G. XVII, 252A: (Whereas most of this Expositio in Proveib a is really by Evagrius, this section might belong to Oiigen: see C. P. G. I, 1430 (c), with references).

T H E W E D D I N G FEAST OF ••• SYRIAC TRADITION

but become the betrothal gift 6 given Bride.

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by the Bridegroom to the

It is this second, much rarer, imagery t h a t we shall be exploring briefly here. Whereas in the first schema the Bride takes her very origin from the side of Christ, according to the second schema she is already in existence. This fact at once gives us a. clue concerning the source of this particular imagery, which has been attached secondarily to the already rich typological associations of J o h n 19:34. In Ephrem's poetry the imagery of the Bride of Christ features in two different contexts: 7 first, at the Baptism of Christ, where one of the roles of J o h n the Baptist is to reveal the. Bridegroom to the bride (Hymns against Heresies, 24:6, based on J o h n 3:29);8 and secondly, at the entry into Jerusalem, where Ephrem portrays the Bridegroom's intended bride (Israel) as rejecting her betrothed and being replaced by a new bride - the Church of the Gentiles (Hymns on the Resurrection, 3). 9 The scenario for the change of brides normally remained the entry into Jerusalem in subsequent Syriac tradition, although the episode might also sometimes be taken back to the Baptism; this is what we find in Jacob of Serugh's homilies on Baptism. 1 0 Jacob, however, was not content to confine the scene of the change of brides to these two scenes, the Baptism of Christ and his entry 6. In the Syriac liturgical texts the Greek loanword pherne is used in this context, even though it properly means "dowry": see further, note 15, below. 7. For'details, see ch. 7 of my The Luminous Eye: the Spiritual World view of St Ephrem (Rome, 1985; Kalamazoo, 1992) 8. Cp'also H, de Virginitate 5:9. Nothing is said in this context of the former bride, Israel. 9. Ephrem portrays two stages: Iserael the betrothed rejects her intended royal Bridegroom (God) at Sinai, but is re-instated and given another chance, for she is to marry instead the King's Son - whom, however, she rejects at his entry into Jerusalem. Cp also H. de Crucifixione 1:2. 10. Homilies 7-9, ed. Bedjan, I, pp. 158-211. For Christ's baptism as the scene of the betrothal of the Church, see H. Frank, "Hodie caelesti sponso iuncta est Ecclesia. Ein Baitrag zur Geschichte und Idee des Epiphaniefestes", in A. Mayer, J. Quasten, B. Neunhauser (edd.), Vom christlichen Mysterium". Gesammelte Studien zur Gedächtnis von Odo Cosel (Düsseldorf, 1951), pp. 192-226.

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i n t o J e r u s a l e m , for he also describes it as o c c u r r i n g a t t h e - c r u c i fixion - t h u s c r e a t i n g our second s c h e m a : t h e P a s s i o n is t h e v e r y w e d d i n g f e a s t of the n e w B r i d e , a n d the blood f r o m C h r i s t ' s side is t h e B r i d e g r o o m ' s g i f t t o his n e w B r i d e . T h e E u c h a r i s t i c o v e r t o n e s are o b v i o u s h e r e , a n d will h a v e b e e n s u g g e s t e d t o J a c o b b y E p h r e m ' s f r e q u e n t a s s o c i a t i o n of t h e w i n e a t t h e w e d d i n g f e a s t of C a n a w i t h the E u c h a r i s t ( n o t a b l y in Hymns on Faith, I I;' 1 E p h r e m , h o w e v e r , does n o t y e t i n t r o d u c e t h e link w i t h J o h n 19:34 a n d the Passion). A t this p o i n t it

The who

bride

will

went

entered

be

mad

(the

appropriate

to

quote Jacob at some l e n g t h : 1 2

a n d crucified the B r i d e g r o o m t h u s angering the Father

Sanctuary)

and

tore

garments,13

her

d r i v i n g h e r f r o m his i n h e r i t a n c e . H e u n c o v e r e d her h e a d b e c a u s e she h a d despised t h e h e a d of the h o u s e h o l d , he m a d e her a n o b j e c t

of scoffing a m o n g

the

synagogues»

for all t h e h a r m she h a d d o n e ' W i t h t h e t e m p l e veil, as a c o v e r i n g for one b e t r o t h e d , he h a d

decked

her o u t in m o d e s t y

so t h a t she m i g h t be

c h a s t e in her b r i d a l c h a m b e r , but

w h e n she

he b a r e d So n o w

caused him h a r m

her head

and

made

he tore off h e r veil a n d s p a t in her f a c e ;

her a n o b j e c t of i g n o m i n y upon earth-

y o u r H o u s e is l e f t d e s o l a t e , 0 L e v i t e s ,

w i t h o u t a n y p r i e s t h o o d or sacrifices f r o m now on. The

King's

Son

made a

and

their he b e t r o t h e d

wedding

banquet

of

the Daughter

blood on Golgotha,

of L i g h t so t h a t she s h o u l d be his; t h e r o y a l ring was f o r g e d w i t h t h e nails of his h a n d s and t h e b e t r o t h a l was given w i t h his h o l y b l o o d . .1!. Cp also H. de Virginitate 16:2 and 33:4. 12, Ed. Bedjan, 11, pp. 587-8. 13. Jacob refers to Luke 23:45, the tearing of the Temple veil.

THE WEDDING FEAST OF . . . SYRIAC TRADITION

125

He betrothed her there, because she had shown him love at the time of his dishonour; he moved her over and placed her at his right hand, so that she might be with him. He took her off to bring her into the Garden, the bridal chamber which his Father had preparedbut the sharp sword which was stationed there met him: 14 the guard heard the commotion of someone entering Paradise, so he brought alone the sword, for he was standing alert on watch; as the Bride of Light was entering, the Bridegroom was wounded - those who struck him did not know who it was who was struckHe received in his side the sword, and seized it from the guard; he let him go off, and opened up the door for all to enter. The Lord of the Garden was struck with the sword as he opened it up» it having been carefully guarded ever since Adam, Instead of the robber (Adam) who left it, there entered a thief, while his master was wounded as he opened it up before» him, to let him in. In, this and in similar passages Jacob has dramatically r u n together three originally quite separate themes: 1) the typological interpretation of John 19:34, seen as a reversal of Geii. 3 : 24; 2) the betrothal of Christ to the already existing Bride who has replaced the former bride; and 3) the Eucharist as a wedding feast (in the passage just quoted, however, this aspect is only latent in the background). Although each of these different elements is found repeatedly on its own in Syriac liturgical poetry, the combination is rather rare: outside Jacob of Serugh, who evidently had a predilection for these images, it appears to occur only once in Narsai (that 14. Gsa. 3:24. In ths ensuing passage Jacob sees the repentant thief (Luke 23:4!) a? a rsprj33at.itivj of the new bride, the Church of the. ©entiles.

126

THE

HARP

is, in his published works), and then sporadically in the later liturgical poetry of both East and West Syriac traditions. Before adducing some characteristic examples, however, it is worth noticing that a variety of different emphases can be given when this particular scenario is envisaged. In most cases the blood is associated with the bridal present, 1 5 given by the Bridegroom to the Bride. 1) The blood is the bride-price: the Bride is 'bought', or 'redeemed' {(e, g. from Error). This is of course a variant on one of the classic doctrines of the Atonement, according to which the death of Christ is seen as a ransom paid to Satan. 2) The blood is a bridal present; this may sometimes be specified as Christ's gift of the Eucharist to the Church/Bride. 3) The marriage document is written in the blood; i. e. it is indissoluble. 4) The Bridegroom does not lust give the Bride his blood (the Eucharist), as in (2) above but he himself provides the food for his own wedding feast (which is also the Eucharist). 1 6 5) A more general response to the envisaged scenario of the Bridegroom slain at his own marriage feast is provided by a series of rhetorical questions, "What Bridegroom has ever...?", "What Bride has ever..,?" Although writers will often combine several of these different aspects within a single passage, it will nevertheless be convenient here to set out the illustrative passages under these five separate headings. 15. The term pernitha (Greek pherne) is regularly used; it no longer has its proper meaning of "dowry", but corresponds in sense to the biblical mohar, "bride-price" (but also "bridal present" from the Bridegroom), In the Syro-Roman Law Book the distinction between pherne (what the woman brings) and dorea (what the man brings) is rigidly kept (e. g. ed. Sachau, I, p. 55 lines 13-15); in the later East Syrian legal texts however, pherne (pernitha) is quite often used in the sense of dorea, as it is in our poetical texts (see, e. g., E. Sachau, Syrische Rechtsbucher, (Berlin, 1908)» II, p. 20, 24, and the entry pernitha i n R . Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus II, col. 3268). 16. Thus implying a very dramatic equation in sacred time of Passion and Eucharist.

THE WEDDING FEAST OF ••• SYRIAC TRADITION

127

1) The phrases "bought b y the b l o o d " zblnat (bv-dmi and. "redeemed by the blood" ( p r i p a t ba-dmH) are, not surprisingly, found f r e q u e n t l y in liturgical poetry referring to t h e Church in general; 1 7 w h a t is not c o m m o n is the direct association of these phrases with bridal imagery, such as we e n c o u n t e r in the following: 1 8 Who, from the world's beginning, ever gave his blood as the bride-price (b-pernitS.)? (Jacob of Serugh, III, p. 290) or, more specifically: the Church, the betrothed of Christ, w h o m he redeemed from Ihe curse w i t h his blood. (Mosul Fenqitho, II, p. 50a) And from the East Syrian

tradition:

0 Church, betrothed of Christ, who redeemed y o u w i t h his blood from error, and gave y o u as a living food his b o d y which evil m e n sacrificed on Golgotha; in your hands he made y o u hold the cup of salvation, the precious blood that flowed from his side at the blow of the lance;

17. In the background there will obviously be typological associations with the blood of the Passover Lam and the redemption of Israel from Egypt (Exod. 12:13; 15:13;). In this connection we should recall that Ephrem speaks of Israel as the "royal bride" who is escorted out of Egypt H. de Resurrectione 3:1). 18. Reference to Jacob of Serugh are to the volume and page of P. Bedjan's edition; to Narsai, those of A. Mingana's edition. For the East Syrian liturgical texts I give references both to P. Bedjan's Breviarium iuxta ritum syrorum orientalium id est Chaldaeorum (Rome. repr. 1938) and to the slightly fuller edition of the Hudra issued by the Mar Narsai press, Trichur, India (1960-62); for the West Syrian texts I use the Syrian Catholic edition of r the Fenqitho, printed at Mosul (1886-96), and the shorter Syrian Orthodox edition printed at Pampakuda (1962-3); this latter often has a very different Selection of texts. Unless otherwise stated, the liturgical texts belong to the Sundays of Quddash 'Idta (Consecration of the Church) and Huddat 'Idta (Enkainia), which come at the end of the East Syrian, and at the beginning of the West Syrian, year.

128

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listen and attend to the voice of the Bridegroom, cease vain straying after error, and call out to your Redeemer with cries full of thanks '"Praise to you". (Chaldean Breviary, III, p. 431 = Hudra, III, p. 610). The second half of this last quotation anticipates our next type of emphasis. 2) The blood may sometimes be seen, not so much as a brideprice (with overtones or Exodus 12), but as a bridal present made by the Bridegroom to the Bride; this gift is, of course, the Eucharist: Never before has any man given to his betrothed his own body and blood. Chaldean Breviary, III, p. 397 = Hudra, III, p, 569) With the Cross of Light did he seal her marriage document, 1 9 placing in it hisbody and living blood for the forgiveness of sins: (Pampakuda Fenqitho, I, p. 5) Give thanks, Church, to the King's Son who has betrothed you, to be his queen; he has brought you into his bridal chamber, making flow the blood from his side 20 as a wedding gift clothing you in the glorious Robe of Light 21 that does not fade away, 19. This further sense f o r pernitha is also t o b e f o u n d in the passages cited b e l o w in (3). T h e " C r o s s o f Light" is a term already f o u n d in the Acts of Thomas (ed. Wright, p. 82), the M a n i c h a e a n P s a l m s (ed. Allberry, p p . 86, 160) a n d f E p h r e m (e. g. H. de Fide 18:11; H. de Virg. 24:3, 28:4); c p A . Bohlig, " Z u r Vorstellung v o m Lichtkreuz in Gnostizismus u n d M a n i c h a i s m u s " , in B. Aland ( e d . ) , Gnosis'. Festschrift fur H. Jonas (Guttingen, 1978) pp. 473-91, 20. T h e term u s e d here is setra n o t dapna, as in ithe Peshitta; probably setra represents the Old Syriac reeding here: see Orientalia Christiana Analecta 197 (1914), p . 191. 21. T h e " r o b e o f light" is a variant o f the m o r e usual " r o b e o f g l o r y " , f o r w h i c h see m y "Clothing metaphors as a m e a n s o f theological expression in Syriac tradition", in M . Schmidt ( e d . ) , T y p u s , S y m b o l , Allegorie bei den ostlichen Vätern und ihren parallelen im Mittelalter (Ekhstatter Beitrage 4, 1982), pp. 11-40 Studies in Syriac Christianity (varioram 1992), ch 11-

T H E W E D D I N G FEAST OF . . . SYRIAC TRADITION

129

and placing on your head the radiant crown of glory. (Chaldean Breviary, III, p. 430 = Hudra, III, p. 609) 3) The theme of the marriage deed (pernita = greek pherne) being written in blood may perhaps have been suggested by Isaiah 49:16, to which a direct allusion is made in the following: ( 0 Bride,) have faith in him who was crucified for you, making out your marriage deed on the palm of his hands (Isaiah 49:16), sealing it with his own blood, so t h a t no one can annul it. (Mosul Fenqitho, VII, p. 288b) 22 In his Sandi Ephraem Syri Hymni el Sermones Lamy prints a series of hymns for Enkainia (which can hardly be genuine Ephrem), among which we find: He (the Father) sent you (the Church) his beloved Son, who, with his blood on the cross, wrote the marriage deed for you so t h a t you might take pleasure with him at his advent. (Lamy, III, col. 697) 23 The same imagery can be found in both East liturgical books: O Church, the

chosen

and

West Syrian

betrothed

of Jesus, the supernal Bridegroom, adorn yourself for him who in his love betrothed you and with his precious cross gave you an inheritance, writing your marriage deed with his living blood, 24 and clothing you in a spiritual robe that is incorruptible, bringing you with himself into the Bridal Chamber of light.

Chaldean Breviary, III, pp. 410-11 = Hudra, I I I , pp. 585-6) 0 Church, sing praise to t h a t royal who betrothed you as a bride

Bridegroom

22. Lilyo, Sixth Sunday after the Feast of the Cross. 23. Compare Pampakuda Fedqitho 1, p, 26. 24. Contrast Chaldean Breviary III, p. 432, wh;re Christ "wrote the marriage deed in the Jordan".

130

THE UAH.:' and wrote your marriage deed w i t h his blood. (Mosul Fenqitho II, p. 28b = P a m p a k u d a Fenqitho, I, p. 1)

The theme was clearly a favourite of the compilers of the Pampakuda Fenqitho; 2 5 in one passage the scene is placed w i t h i n a wider context: the Bridegroom divorces his former betrothed (Israel), and with his blood he wrote the marriage deed for the Daughter of the Gentiles, liberating her by his cross. (Pampakuda Fenqitho, I, p. 10) 4) The paradox of the Bridegroom who was slain 2 6 in order to provide the very wedding feast for his bride can be seen as a dramatic e x t e n s i o n of our second heading. Jacob of Serugh dwells o n this aspect in a number of places, but. perhaps most notably in the passage from his h o m i l y on the veil of Moses, quoted under (5) below; in anticipation of this a similar passage from another h o m i l y m a y be adduced here: 27 The bride closes the doors and consumes the Bridegroom who betrothed her... who has ever beheld a Bridegroom sacrificed at the very w e d d i n g feast, or brides c o n s u m i n g their betrothed? A novel action has the Son of God performed in the world, o n e that has never before been done by any but he: his o w n body and blood

has he

laid out for the guests at the w e d d i n g feast,

so t h a t t h e y might eat of him and live in him w i t h o u t end(Jacob of Serugh, III, p. 663)

25. See I, pp. 15, 16, 19, 23, 26. 26. For the term "slain Bridegroom" (hatna qtila) see also Bedjan H, p. 639-40; Letters (ed. Olinder), p. 240. 27. In this passage the Crucifixion is taken to (as it were), and identified with the Eucharist (rather than vice versa); the "doors" keep out the unbaptized (the reference is to the closing of the doors before the anaphora proper commences. Jacob moves easily from the collective bride (the Church) to the individual brides (the members of the church).

THE wEtoDtNG FEAST OF ••• SVfiiAC tftAJbitiON

l3l

Such stark realism appears not to have appealed to the East Syrian liturgical tradition, b u t in the West Syrian liturgical books several instances can be found e. g. 28. 0 bride, sing praise at the slaying of your betrothed who sacrificed and gave himself to you in the midst of your wedding feast: see, you have consumed his body and drunk his living blood(Mosul Fenqitho, VII, p. 288b) 29 5) In his verse homily on the Veil of Moses Jacob of Serugh 30 combines some of the aspects already mentioned notably (1) and (4) into a series of rhetorical questions: Women are not joined as the Church is joined What Bridegroom died What bride has sought who, from the world's

to their husbands in the same way with the Son of God. for his bride apart from our Lord? out a slain man to be her husband? beginning, ever gave his blood as the bride-price, Apart from the Crucified One, who sealed the marriage with his wounds? who has ever seen a corpse placed in the midst of the wedding feast, with the bride embracing it, waiting to be comforted by it? At t h a t wedding, apart from this, did they break the body of the bridegroom for the guests in place of other food? Wives are separated from their husbands by death, b u t this bride is joined to her Beloved by death! He died on the cross and gave his body to the bride made glorious,

28. Besides the passage quoted, note especially Mosul Fenqitho II, p. 49b, and the passages quoted under (5). 29. See note 22. 30. Complete English translation in SobornostI Eastern Churches Review 3:1 (1981), pp. 70-85 = , Studies in Syriac Spirituality (Syriac Churches Serie, 13, 1988), ch. 8; French translation in Vie Spirituelle 1954, pp. 142-56, and Dutch in A. Welkenhuysen and L. Van Rompay, De Sluier van Mozes (Brugge, 1983).

i32

THE

HARP

and she plucks and eats it every day at his table; he opened up his side and mixed his cup with holy blood, he gave it her to drink so that she might forget many idols. (Jacob of Serugh, III, pp.290-1) It is remarkable t h a t Jacob's elder contemporary, the more prosaic East Syrian poet Narsai, on one occasion introduces the same theme of the slaughtered Bridegroom, employing a similar rhetorical question: What Bridegroom is there who has endured

the

cross for the bride

apart from Christ whose great love is ineffable? What bride is there who has loved a bridegroom suspended on the wood apart from the Church, whose tale is exalted above telling? For his Church did the Son of God die on the cross, and for his death did the Church love him and attach herself to him: the slain Bridegroom and the redeemed bride cleaved to one another, and all generations and races take pleasure at their wedding feast. (Narsai, II, p. 158) The passages are sufficiently close to make one ask whether direct borrowing may have taken place; since the theme is much more charecteristic of Jacob than of Narsai, it would seem preferable to suppose that the older East Syrian poet is the borrower, rather than Jacob. This impression finds some confirmation from the fact t h a t in the subsequent liturgical tradition such rhetorical questions appear to be confined to the West Syrian texts, of which the following are samples: What Bridegroom has ever died for a bride, apart

from Christ?

What bride has sought to belong to a slain man apart only from the Church who was betrothed to the Crucified? Who has made his blood flow for his betrothed in Scripture apart from the Only-Begotten from the Father

THE WEDDING FEAST OF ••• SYRIAC TRABITION

133

who, at his death, wrote and sealed the marriage document for the Daughter of Light? Where have you ever seen a marriage feast where the Bridegroom was made the food for the guests: instead of a variety of tasty wines he mixed the cup from his side... (Mosul Fenqitho, VI, p. 334 = VII, p. 109)31 Who has ever seen a Bridegroom

sacrificed at his own wedding feast, or a bride exulting at the slaying of her betrothed who has given for her his own body as food, while she mixed a bowl of his blood for her Beloved as she carried his cross in escort, marking with it her children who had been redeemed? Blessed is he who redeemed her at his resurrection! (Mosul Fenqitho, VII, p. 259) 32 Who has ever seen sacrifice himself at and give his body who takes delight

Bridegroom his own wedding feast to his betrothed in his blood? (Pampakuda Fenqitho, I, p. 13-14)

Conclusion

It was primarily the convergence of three originally quite distinct themes - typological associations of John 19:34 (with their eucharistic overtones), the imagery of Christ the Bridegroom, and the theme of the Eucharist as a wedding feast which produced the boldly dramatic set of images with which we have been concerned. But it may well be t h a t Jacob of Serugh and the anonymous liturgical poets were drawing on more popular tradition as well, for in the folk traditions of many countries the themes of marriage and death t u r n out to be intimately linked: 33 on the one hand, the bridal l a m e n t on 31. Lilyo, 2nd and the 9th Sundays after Pentecost. 32. Lilyo 4th Sunday after the Feast of the Cross. 33. See, for example, M. Alexiou, The Ritual Lament in Greek Tradition (Cambridge, 1974), pp. 120-2, 155, 230 n. 64; a good exploration of the theme marriage-death in Greek and Latin sources can be found in M. Alexiou and P. Dronke, "The Lament of Jephtha's daughter: themes, traditions, originality", Studi Medievali III, 12 (1971), pp. 819-64.

i34

THÉ

HARP

leaving home has many points of contact with the funeral lament; on the other hand, the underworld is often described, in the case of a girl who has died unmarried, as the substitute for the bridal chamber. What we encounter in Jacob of Serugh and the liturgical poetry quoted above is the reversal of all this: in the first place, it is the Bridegroom, not the bride who is now the centre of attention; then instead of singing a funeral lament for her slain betrothed, the bride now enjoys her own wedding feast with her beloved, seeing that the grave has been turned into the bridal chamber. The paradoxes of wedding as a death, and of the grave as a grim replacement for the bridal chamber have, in the case of Christ the Bridegroom and the Church his bride, appropriately been reversed. If there is anything in this suggestion, then added dimension, and we would no longer just be a highly dramatic literary conceit, but with a profound realization of the transformations implicit cum wedding feast of the heavenly Bridegroom. 34

we have an dealing with much more in the death

34. This is the English original of an article previously published only in an Italian translation, "La festa nuziale di sangue sul Golgota. Un insolito aspetto di Gv 19,34 nella tradizione siriaca", in F. Vattioni (ed.), Atti della V Settimana di Studi 'Sangue e antropologia nella Teologia' (1987), pp. 971-84.

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Vol. VI No. 2, November 1993 135-138 John Madey

A New Journal of Eastern Christian Studies

I n 1950, Rev. Dr. Maxim H e r m a n i u k CSsR, a member of the Y o r k t o n Province of the Ukrainian Redemptorists, who eventually became Apostolic E x a r c h of Manitoba in 1951 a n d Metropolitan of the Ukrainian Greco-Catholic Church of Canada in 1956, founded t h e trimestrial review Logos: Periodicutn Theologiae Trimestre. This periodical appeared until 1983 under the responsibility of t h e Redemptorists. The c o n t r i b u t i o n s were p r e d o m i n a n t l y w r i t t e n in Ukrainian. The " n e w " Logos which is t h e result of negotiations between t h e Metropolitan A n d r e y Sheptytsky I n s t i t u t e of E a s t e r n Christian Studies of St. P a u l University, O t t a w a , and the Y o r k t o n Province of the Ukrainian Redemptorists. I t is a joint venture. The Subtitle, in English, F r e n c h , and Ukrainian: A Journal of Eastern Christian Studies - Revue des études de l'Orient chrétien - Zurnal Sxid'noxrgstgians'kgx Studig, indicates t h a t t h e periodical a t t e m p t s to communicate with a wider audience. The aim of the journal is described in t h e editorial of the first new issue (vol. 34 [1993] nos. 1-2): This journal will be a place of encounter between the Church of Kiev and her Sister Churches of the E a s t , as well as a meeting place with the Christians of the West. The editors invite contributions on all aspects of E a s t e r n theology, liturgy, spirituality, and canonical t r a d i t i o n , as well as explorations of the history and present s i t u a t i o n of t h e E a s t e r n Churches, b o t h Orthodox a ad Catholic, in t h e broadest i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the notion of E a s t e r n Christianity.

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Especially welcome are those articles which ecumenical ramifications of a given subject

explore the "

After having been relieved from the responsibilities of Metropolitan of Winnipeg, the founder, Kyr Maxim, despite his advanced age (b. in 1911), returned to his " c h i l d " as E d i t o r - i n Chief. He is assisted by two staff members of the Andrey Sheptytsky Institute, Andriy Chirovsky (managing editor) and Peter Galadza (associate editor). The editorial board comprises four outstanding Ukraino-Canadian theologians: Alexander Baran (University of Manitoba), Petro B. T. Bilaniuk and Myroslaw T a t a r y n (both of the University of St. Michael's College, Toronto) and Laurence Huculak OSBM (Sts. Peter and Paul Monastery, Mundare). The Editor-in-Chief has invited to cooperate in t h e International Advisory Board Professors J. Madey (Johann Adam Möhler Institute for Ecumenical Studies, Paderborn, Germany; visiting professor at Paurastya Vidyapitham, K o t t a y a m , and editorial consultant oi The Harp, S E E R I , K o t t a y a m , India), J . Pelikan (Yale University), R. T a f t SJ (Pontifical Oriental Institute, Rome), and Bishop Kallistos (Ware) of Diokleia (Ecumenical Patriarchate; Spalding Lecturer at Oxford University). The first issue of the review in its new form also contains the papers from the First Oxford Consultation of the Kievan Church Study Group (its members belong to the Ecumenical Patriarchate and affiliated Churches as well as to the Ukrainian Greco-Catholic Church) held in August 1992. These papers and t h e other contributions assembled in this issue, which became a book of 344 pages, manifest a high standard of learning and serious study, combined with ecumenical openness towards the dialogue partner. As it is not possible to comment on each contribution, t h e topics dealt with are rendered here: Bishop Kallistos (Ware) of Diokleia [Orthodox], The Church of God: Our Shared Vision Andriy Chirovsky [Greco-Catholic], The Union of the Holy Churches of God: A Response to Bishop Kallistos (Ware) of Diokleia. Borys Gudziak [Greco-Catholic], How Did They Drift A p a r t ? The Kievan Metropolitanate, the P a t r i a r c h a t e °f Constantinople, and The Genesis of the Union of Brest Oleh A. Krawchenko [Orthodox], Response to Borys A. Gudziak: How Did They Drift A p a r t ?

A N E W JOURNAL OF EASTERN CHRISTIAN S T U D I E S

137

Bishop Basil (Losten) of Stamford [Greco-Catholic], The R o m a n Primacy and the Church of Kiev. Bishop Kallistos {Ware) of Diokleia [Orthodox], Response to the Presentation by His Grace, Bishop Basil (Losten): " T h e Roman Primacy and the Church of Kiev". Myroslaw Tataryri [Greco-Catholic], Papal Primacy, Local Primacy and Episcopal Collegiality. Archimandrite Ephrem (Lash) [Orthodox], Response to Fr. Myroslaw Tataryn: Papal Primacy, Local Primacy and Episcopal Collegiality. Bishop Vsevolod (Majdansky) of Scopelos [Orthodox], Does the Restoration of Communion between Constantinople and the Greco-Catholic Church of Kiev Require a Break of Communion with Rome ? Archimandrite Boniface (Luykx) [Greco-Catholic], Response to the Presentation by Bishop Vsevolod of Scopelos: Does the Restoration of Communion between Constantinople and the Greco-Catholic Church of Kiev Require a Break of Communion with Rome?". Francis G. Morrisey OMI: The Spirit of the New Eastern Code of Canons Andrius Valeuicius, L. P. Karsavin on Dogma and Christian Roots of European Culture Peter Galadza, Canadian. Ukrainian Worship: Towards a Framework for Analysis. Andriy Chirovsky, The Place of Patristic Studies Restoration of Ukrainian Theological Education.

in the

Oleh Krawchenko, Catholic-Orthodox Dialogue and the present crisis of inter-Church relations [in Ukrainian, with English summary]. Added are documenLs, book reviews, a presentation of the contributors and some useful informations about the programmes and publications of the Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky I n s t i t u t e of Eastern Christian Studies (223 Main Street - Ottava, Ontario, K1S 1C4 - Canada). The yearly subscription of Logos is in the United States of America US-$ 25.00, in Canada CAN $ 30.00 and beyond the United States and Canada US - 1 35.00. We are looking forward to the forthcoming issues of this outstanding journal t r u s t i n g t h a t it will keep up its ecumenical spirit also in the future.

THE

HARP

T H E OIL T h a t oil is a f r i e n d of t h e H o l y Spirit, a n d His servant. Like a disciple, it accompanies H i m , t h a t with which t h e priests and t h e a n o i n t e d are sealed. By means of t h e oil, t h e H o l y Spirit impresses His seal upon t h e sheep; Like a signet pressed in wax, He impresses His seal. So also the invisible seal of t h e Spirit is impressed on our bodies w i t h t h e oil With which we are a n o i n t e d in B a p t i s m , whereby we. bear His seal. (ST. E P H R A I M ) B u t men, negligent and refusing t o look to God, devised and contrived evil for themselves - as was s t a t e d in t h e f o r m e r t r e a t i s e and received t h e c o n d e m n a t i o n of d e a t h with which they had been t h r e a t e n e d . F r o m t h a t t i m e on they no longer remained as t h e y had been made, b u t were c o r r u p t e d in accord with their o w n devices; and d e a t h held away over t h e m as a king. F o r transgression of t h e c o m m a n d m e n t t u r n e d t h e m back t o their n a t u r a l state, so that just as they had come into existence o u t of nothingness, likewise t h e y m i g h t r i g h t l y expect the c o r r u p t i o n of their existence in t h e course of time. (ST. A T H A N A S I U S ) LIFE,

DIVINELY

ORIENTED

God not only m a d e us out of n o t h i n g , but He also gave us freely, by the grace of t h e W o r d , a life divinely oriented. B u t men rejected the t h i n g s of e t e r n i t y a n d , on t h e p r o m p t i n g of t h e devil, t u r n e d to t h e t h i n g s of c o r r u p t i o n . They became t h e cause of their o w n c o r r u p t ion in chath; for, as I said before, t h e y were by n a t u r e c o r r u p t i b l e , b u t were destined, by t h e grace of the c o m m u n i o n of the W o r d , t o have escaped t h e consequences of n a t u r e , had t h e y r e m a i n e d good. Because of the W o r d and H i s dwelling a m o n g them, even t h e c o r r u p t i o n n a t u r a l to them would not have affected them. (ST. A T H A N A S I U S )

THE

HAEP

Vol. V I No. 2, N o v e m b e r 1993 139-153 K. Luke

"You Shall Call his Name Yeshu" ( l i t 1:21)

O u r L o r d ' s n a m e is p r o n o u n c e d iso b y t h e S y r o - M a l a b a r a n d L a t i n c o m m u n i t i e s a n d yêsu b y t h e S y r o - M a l a n k a r a a n d O r t h o d o x c o m m u n i t i e s . P e o p l e o f t e n ask, w h i c h is t h e m o r e accurate f o r m ? The following s t a t e m e n t has been made quite r e c e n t l y : " T h e E a s t S y r i a c of C h a l d a i c 1 t r a d i t i o n s e e m s t o h a v e k e p t u p t h e o r i g i n a l A r a m a i c p r o n u n c i a t i o n of t h e name J e s u s Iso'. S t . E p h r e m 2 is a clear w i t n e s s t o t h i s t r a d i t i o n , a n d t h e p a t r i m o n y of t h e T h o m a s C h r i s t i a n s in I n d i a is n o t d i f f e r e n t . 3 H e n c e t h e m o s t scientific a n d a c c u r a t e p r o n u n c i a t i o n s e e m s t o be Iso ' M e s i f t a . " 4 T h e w r i t e r is a p p a r e n t l y n o t a w a r e t h a t J e s u s is a H e b r e w n a m e , a n d t h e w a y in w h i c h he h a s w r i t t e n t h e

1. Chaldaic (also Chaldss and Chaldean), an expression popularized by the Greeks and used at a time then Semitic studies were in their initial stages, is really a misnomer, and has therefore been abandoned by professional scholars. Historically speaking, the Chaldeans were an Aramaic tribe which, under the leadership of Nebuchadnazzar (625-605 B. C;), seized political power in Babylonia, and whose foremost representative was Nebuchadnezzar (605-562 B. C.). What has Syriac, the Christian dialect of Edessa and the regions roundabout, to do with the tribe of Nebuchadnezzar? Cf. Luke, "The Chaldeans," Vachanadhara 10 (Feb. 1991) pp. 6-9. 2. Ephraem flourished in the fourth century (306-373), i. e. long before the division of Syriac into an eastern and western branch, and so he cannot be cited in favour of the East Syriac pronunciation. 3. The pronunciation of Syriac in Kerala, to say the least, is as barbaric as the pronunciation of English! 4. Cf. Christian Orient (5 1984) p. 105, n, 2a (added by the editor, who has also printed the phrase in East Syriac characters).

140

THE HARP

p h r a s e " J e s u s the M e s s i a h " d o e s n o t iii t h e field of S e m i t i c p h i l o l o g y . 5 I t a c q u a i n t e d w i t h t h e h i s t o r y of t h e d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h a brief s u r v e y of t h e ancient documents.

1.

indicate any competence is h i g h t i m e t h a t w e b e name Jesus,6 we begin our n a m e s t o be f o u n d i n t h e

Specimens of Names in the Biblical world

N a m e s i n t h e b i b l i c a l w o r l d are as a r u l e s e n t e n c e - n a m e s w h i c h c a n a s s u m e v a r i o u s forms. The oldest names in the Middle E a s t 7 a r e t h e o n e s f u r n i s h e d by t h e S u m e r i a n d o c u m e n t s ; h e r e is a l i s t of S u m e r i a n n a m e s : 8 A b b a - d u g a , " t h e f a t h e r is g o o d , " A - k a l a m - d u , " t h e f a t h e r is g o o d t o t h e l a n d " (of S u m e r ) , Amar-Suen, "the bull of S u e n . " d u g d a z i , " t r u e w o r d ( s ) , " E - a n a - t u m a , " w o r t h y of E ~ a n a , " 9 L u - E n l i l a , " t h e m a n of E n ! i l , " M e - E n l i l a , " t h e p o w e r s of E n l i l " ( w o m a n ' s n a m e ) , N i n a b b a n a , " t h e q u e e n of t h e f a t h e r , " U r - L u m m a , " t h e w a r r i o r of L u m m a , " U t u - h e n g a l , " U t u is a b u n d a n c e , " L u g a l - e n g a r - d u , " t h e k i n g is a g o o d l a b o u r e r , " M e - a n » p a d a , " t h e hero c h o s e n b y A n , " e t c S u m e r i a n , it s h o u l d b e r e c a l l e d here, is n o t in a n y w a y c o n n e c t e d

5. To consider the anomalies in Mesiha, 1) the initial vowel is a reduced one, but this is not indicated; 2) the second consonant is sh and not s; 3) the vowel i is long, but the fact is not noted; 4) h should have had a dot underneath, in order to differentiate it from the fifth consonant in the Syriac alphabet. Mote details of this sort could be pointed out, but, I suppose, these are enough to evaluate the writer's acquaintance with modern Semitics. 6. Exhaustive discussions in W. Foerster, Theological Dictionary of the New Testament (10 vols., Grand Rapids, Mich., 1964 ff.) Ill, pp. 284-93 (with bibliographical indications). 7. We avoid the phrase "Near East" used by western scholars; for us Indians the Near East is Bangladesh and Burma. 8. There is a very extensive literature on names in Accadian, Amorite, Egyptian, Sumerian, etc. We wish to mention here just two works by a well-known authority, Johann Jakob Stamm, Die akkadische Namemqebung. Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft 44. Leipzing, 1939 (repr., Darmstadt, 1968). Id., Beitrage zur hebraischen und altorientalischen Namenskunde. Orbis Biblibus et Orientalis 30. Gottingen, 1980. In what follows, names, are transcribed without diacritical signs, in order to facilitate the work of the printer. 9. E-ana can mean "house of heaven," or "house of An" (the sky-god).

" Y O U SHALL GALL HIS N A M E Y E S H U "

(MT

1:21)

141

with the Semitic languages, 1 0 and if Sumerian names have been adduced here, it is only because t h e y represent the earliest instances of n a m e - g i v i n g in the biblical world. Let us n o w pass on to survey of names in Accadian. 1 1 The earliest Semitic names are the ones occurring in the t e x t s from the Old Accadian period (circa 2350-2150 B. C.), 12 and they certainly date from a much earlier age; a few examples are cited here at random: 1 3 A - b i - D I N G I R , 1 4 "God is my f a t h e r , " A - b u - D I N G I R , id., A - b u -um, f a t h e r , " d E N - Z U - a - b i - s h u , "Suen is his father," d E N - Z U - a - b u - u m , id., U - b a - r u - u m , "friend," U - b a r - d E \ T - Z U , "friend of S u e n , " U - b a r - t u m , "arnica, f r i e n d " (feminine), I - d a - b e - l i , " m y lord k n o w s , " I - d a - D I N G I R , "God k n o w s , " E - a - d a m e - i q , "Ea is g o o d , " etc. The significance of these names will become clear when we analyse the structure of Semitic names (cf. Section II).

of

The cuneiform t a b l e t s from Ebla 1 5 include a large number names which are, in fact, the earlist e x a m p l e s of names

10. The likelihood is that Sumerian is related to Proto-Dravidian, as pointed out long ago by the eminent Sumeriologist Adam Falkenstein, Oriengalistische Literaturzeitung (1933) col. 304. 11. Accadian is the language of the Semites of Mesopotamia, the land east of the river Euphrates, and is therefore called East Semitic as distinct from West Semitic or the language of the Semitics living west of the Euphrates. The designation is derived from Accad (Sumerian Agade), the name of the centre of the Semites in Mesopotamia, which is mentioned frequently in the cuneiform sources but which has not yet been identified. The main dialects of Accadian are Assyrian and Babylonian (and hence the expression Assyro-Babylonian). 12. Around 2350 B. C. the Semite Sargon of Accad overthrew the Sumerian ruler Lugalzagesi of Umma, and established a Semitic empire in Mesopotamia. The documents from the Sargonic age (also called the Old Accadiau Perid. embody the earliest form of the Accadian language; cf. 1. J. Gelb) Old Akkadian Writing and Grammar. Materials for the Assyrian Dictionary 2, 2nd ed., Chicago, 1961. 13. The names are cited from Gelb, Glossary of Old Akkadian. Materials for the Assyrian Dictionary 3. 2nd ed., Chicago, 1973. 14. The Sumerian half of the name is printed in capitals; DINGER represents Semitic il(u), and the name accordingly will have to be read Abi-i. (—Hebrew Abi-el), "II (El) is my father". 15. Luke, "New Light on Biblical Tradition: the Tablets from Tell Mardik/Eblas "Indian Theological Studies 15 (1978) pp. 192-219.

142

THE

HARP

current in the area of Syria-Palestine. The view has been expressed that Eblaite, the language of Ebla, is a Canaanite dialect, but not all are convinced of the accuracy of this thesis. 16 The nalure of Eblaite is a highly technical question which has no bearing on the topic under discussion, and the main thing for us is that the Eblaite documents preserve the oldest specimens of Syro-Palestinian names; a few of thein are listed here: 17 A b - r i - a - h u , " I have seen a b r o t h e r , " Ar-si-a-ba, " I have a b r o t h e r " A s h - h a - T " I have drunk, 0 god," Ish-ina-i), "God has h e a r d , " Ish-ma-ni, "he has heard m e , " I-bi-Damu, "Damu has spoken," S h u - I - l u m , "he is God," A-na-dIM, " I am H a d a d , " 1-du-na, "our a r m , " S h a - t u - n a , "our m o u n t a i n , " etc. There si nothing special or unusual about these names, for they follow the usual pattern of name-giving among the Semitic peoples. Amorite names 18 dating from around 2000-1800 B. C. belong here, for they too continue the Syro-Palestinian tradition; compare: 19 Y a - a s - m a - a h - d I M , " H a d a d has heard," Y a - a n - t i - n a ra-ah, "Yarah (== the moon-god) has given," B a - l i - A - r a - a h , "Yarah is my lord," A m - m i - y a - A - d u , " H a d d u is my kinsman," Lama-DINGIR, "why, O God"? Y a - a k - r u - b u - E l , "God has blessed," Su-mu a b - u - u m . "his name is f a t h e r , " etc. We wish to point out here t h a t Old Accadian, Eblaite and Amorite patterns of name-giving are virtually the same as those, of the OT.

16. Gelb, "Thoughts about Ibla: A Preliminary Evaluation, Syro-Mesopotamian Studies 1/1 (1977) pp. 3-30.

March

1977"

17. For details, cf. L. Cagni (ed.), La lingua di Ebla. Intituto Universitario Orientale. Seminario di Studi Asiatici. Series Minor 14. Naples, 1981. This collective work includes a detailed study by Gelb, "Ebla and the Kish Civilization",, pp. 9-73 (cf. pp. 33-36. 18. The Amorites, ; from Accadian Amurru (Sumerian MAR. TU), "the westerners", were the Semites from the West who migrated into Mesopotamia at a time when the central power was very weak, and brought about the collapse of law and order: gradually, however, the newcomers settled dowu in the land and established their own kingdoms, the most famous of which were Mari, Assyria and [Babylonia. 19. Gelb, La lingua degìe Ammonti. Academia Nazionale dei Lincei. Rendicont della Classe di Scienze morali, storiche e filologiche. Serie Vili, vol. XIII fase. 3-4. Rome, 1958.

" Y O U SHALL CALL HIS NAME Y E S H U "

(MT 1 : 2 1 )

143

A q u e e r t h i n g a b o u t S e m i t i c n o m e n c l a t u r e in t h e final age of t h e A s s y r i a n e m p i r e 2 0 is t h a t people, b e c a u s e of d e s p a i r a n d d e s p o n d e n c y , b e g a n to e x p r e s s t h e i r h a t r e d of t h e gods b y giving b l a s p h e m o u s n a m e s t o c h i l d r e n ; h e r e are t h r e e e x a m p l e s : 2 1 La-dagil-ili, 'not, fearing God," and L a - t a d d a r - i l i , "do not fear God," and L a - t a d d a r - i l i , "do not fear G o d , " The virulent and v i t r i o l i c c h a l l e n g e t h a t c o m e s t o e x p r e s s i o n in t h e s e n a m e s is p e r h a p s w i t h o u t a n y p a r a l l e l in t h e h i s t o r y of m a n k i n d . T h e e x i s t e n c e of t h e g o d s is n o t d e n i e d , b u t t h e i r u n w i l l i n g n e s s , a n d even their i n a b i l i t y , t o c o m e t o t h e aid of s u f f e r i n g m a n is l o u d l y p r o c l a i m e d . II.

Structure of Ancient Semitic Names

W e shall n o w a n a l y s e s o m e A c c a d i a n n a m e s in o r d e r t o h a v e a clear idea of t h e i r s t r u c t u r e . S o m e t i m e s t h e n a m e s c o n sist of a single s u b s t a n t i v e : Bel urn, " l o r d , " B e l t u m , " l a d y , " e t c ; t h e s e a r e s e n t e n c e n a m e s , a n d m e a n " G o d N is l o r d , " " G o d d e s s N is l a d y , " etc. T h e r e are n a m e s w h i c h i n c l u d e t w o e l e m e n t s , a s u b s t a n t i v e a n d a p r o n o m i n a l suffix; B e l - s h u n u , " t h e i r l o r d , " B e l e s - s u n u , ' ' t h e i r l a d y , " B e l l - a n i , " O u r l a d y , " e t c ; here " t h e i r l o r d " m e a n s " G o d N is t h e i r l o r d . " T h e r e a r e m a n y n a m e s w h i c h are f u l l s e n t e n c e s , e x h i b i t i n g several v a r i a t i o n s : 1) n o m i n a l c l a u s e , w i t h t h e c o p u l a " i s " u n d e r s t o o d : S h a m a s h n u r i , " S h a m a s h is m y l i g h t ; " 2) v e r b a l clauses w h i c h a s s u m e v a r i o u s f o r m s : a) t h e i m p e r f e c t 2 2 p l u s t h e

20. Roughly the period commencing with Sargon II (721-705 B C.) and coming to an end with the destruction of the Assyrian empire in 612; the period witnessed political murders, unheavals, economic crisis and the like, and life proved to be very hard for the common mail. 21. W. von Soden, "Religiose Unsicherheit, Sekularisierungsttenenzen und Aberglaube zur Zeit der Sargoniden", Studio Biblica et Orientalia (3 vols, Analecta Orientalis 12. Rome, 1959) III, pp. 356-67. 22. Hebrew (as also Aramaic, Arabic, etc.) has two tenses, one denoting an action that is completed (the "perfect") and the other, an action that is incomplete (the "imperfect"), and while the former is characterized by sufficies added to the root (hence "suffix conjugation"), the latter is characterized by perfixes (hence "prefix conjugation"). Accadian and Ethiopia attest two prefix conjugations, a detail that has no bearing on our subject.

144

THE H A R P

divine name: Iddin-Shamash, "Shamash has given" (a son); b) divine name plus the imperfect: Shamash-iddinam id.; c) divine name plus the object plus the imperfect: Shamash-zeriddin, "Shamash has given the seed" ( = the child) 23 ; d) impersonal statements: Hadi-erish, "it ( = the child) exults;" e) divine name plus participle: Sin-muballit, "Sin gives life." There are numerous names in which the child is the speaker: 1) petition: " m y god, look graciously on me;" " m y god, have mercy on me;" 2) gratitude: " m y god has been gracious to me;" S) expression of confidence: " I confide in Marduk;" 4) lament: " I have become worn out, 0 God;" " W h a t have 1 done against Shamash?" 5) admonition: " t r u s t in God;" 6) exhortation: "praise your god;" 7) exclamatory petitions: "hear me;" "have mercy on m e ; " 8) objective statements: " Y a r a h is my god;" 9) wish: "May god N save m e , " III.

Egyptian Name

We shall now consider a few Egyptian names, for Egypt too was part of the biblical world; since ancient Egyptian is unvocalized, we shall not cite the original forms. The following patterns deserve to be noticed: 1) expressions of confidence: " P t a h is my/his/her protection;" "Amon is my/his/her s t r e n g t h ; " "Hatlior is my lady;" " I belong to g o d " " I belong to god N ; " 2) wishes: "may god N protect me;" "may Sekhmet protect h e r ; " " m a y god N save me;" " m a y he live, 0 K h n u m ; " 3) petition : "Path/Min/ Suchos, be merciful to me;" 4) exclamations: " 0 come!' "pulchra es!" " I t is a son!" she is my daughter!" 6) exhortation: "praise Ptah/Amon/Re," etc. There are ersatz-names: "my father is healthy;" "his father is healthy;" "my/your father has revived;" "my/his father has again become alive;" May Min bring me back" (to life/health); " m a y he/she bring his/her father back."

23. Three-member names have been borne some rulers mentioned in the OT, Nabu-kudurri-usur, "may Nabu protect the offspring" ( = Nebuchadnezzar). Sin-ahhe-eriba, "Sin provides a brother" ( = Merodachbaladan), Ashshurasha-iddina, "Assur has given a brother" ( = Esarhaddon), etc.

" Y O U SHALL CALL i t l S ÑAME Y E S H U " (MT 1 : 2 1 )

145

In the following names the child's brother or sister is the speaker: " m a y Bastet give me a companion;" "a/my brother has come" (into this world); "a/my brother is with m e . " The names given to orphans and foundlings are really pathetic: "he/she has no name;" "he/she has no f a t h e r ; " "someone cast him/her to the god." IV.

Hebrew Names

The Hebrew Bible records forty-six instances of namegiving, in twenty-eight of which it is the mother who gives the name, 24 and if the father's concurrence is minimal, it is quite in keeping with the nature of things. Sometimes a person other t h a n the parents, as, for instance, the midwife (Gen 38; 28-30), might call the child by a suitable name, and in the case of foundlings (compare Ez 16:5-6) the name-giver will be an alien, but these are exceptional and extraordinary cases, and as such need not be considered here. There are about 1400 names in the Hebrew Bible, borne by about 2400 individuals, 2 5 figures which are quite impressive. Experts who have studied these names 2 6 have pointed out t h a t they follow the p a t t e r n of nomenclature current in the ancient Semitic world, but which this peculiarity t h a t the p a t t e r n is at times somewhat obscured by the vocalization found in the actual text of the Hebrew Bible. We shall now examine a few specimens of ancient Israelite names. One-word names are clearly attested: Shillem, Shallurn, Meshullam, Meshallemet, etc., all from the root shalem,27 " t o be whole, integral;" the forms here cited are all nominal or substantival formations belonging to the intensive stem.

24. L. Kohler, Hebrew Man (Nashville, 1956) p.56, n. 1. 25. Kohler, op. cit., p. 54 26. M. Noth, "Gemeinsemitische Erscheinungen in der israelitischen Namengebung," Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft 86 (1927): pp. 1-45. id., Die israelitischen Personennamen im Rahmen der gemeinsemitischer Nameugebung. Beitrage zur Wissenschaft des Alten uvd Neuen Testament HI/10. Stuttgart, 1928 (repr., Hildesheim, 1966). 27. This is a common Semitic root; compare Arabic salima, "to be intact, be in good health," Accadian shalamu, etc.

146

THE

HAK»

V e r b a l f o r m s are q u i t e f r e q u e n t in n a m e s : Y a b i n , " h e d i s c e r n s " ( f r o m bin, " t o b e d i s c e r n i n g " ) , Y a s h u b , " h e r e t u r n s " ( f r o m shub, " t o r e t u r n " ) , Y a k i n , " h e w i l l e s t a b l i s h " ( f r o m kun, " t o be f i r m " ) , Y a q i m , " h e s e t s u p " ( f r o m qum, t o a r i s e " ) , e t c . A l l t h e s e are s e n t e n c e - n a m e s : Y a k i n , f o r i n s t a n c e , m e a n s " G o d I c h i l d w i l l e s t a b l i s h t h e f a m i l y " (or " w i l l p e r p e t u a t e t h e f a m i l y " ) . W e m u s t c i t e here c o m b i n a t i o n s s u c h as E l - y a s h i b , " G o d r e s t o r e s , " a n d E l ~ y a d i m , " G o d s e t s u p , " w h i c h are f u l l s e n t e n c e s . S i m p l e p e r f e c t f o r m s s e r v e as n a m e s : Y a d a \ " h e k n o w s , S h a m a ' , "he h e a r s , " N a ' a m , " h e is p l e a s a n t , " G i d d e l , " h e m a g n i f i e s , " G i d d a l t i , " I m a g n i f y " (God), e t c . T h a t t h e s e are s e n t e n c e n a m e s is clear f r o m c o m b i n a t i o n s s u c h as E l - y a d a ' , " G o d k n o w s , " E l - n a ' am, " G o d is p l e a s a n t n e s s , " Y e h o - y a d a ' , " Y a h u k n o w s , " etc. N o m i n a l c l a u s e s c o n s i s t i n g of t w o s u b s t a n t i v e s are q u i t e c o m m o n : A b i - e l , " G o d is m y f a t h e r , " z b i - m e l e k , " M e l e k , is m y f a t h e r , " 2 8 A b i - Y a h u " Y a h u is m y f a t h e r , " U r i - Y a h u , " Y a h u is m y l i g h t , " U r i - e l , "God is m y l i g h t , " e t c . ; t h e s e n a m e s are t o o w e l l k n o w n to n e e d a n a l y s i s . The

pattern

Yigdal-Yahu,

imperfect

"Yahu

is

plus

great,"

subject Yishma'

is

very

common:

el,

"God

hears,"29

Y i s h a q - e l , "God h a s s m i l e d , 3 0 " Y a ' q o b - e l , " G o d s u p p l a n t s " ( ? ) 3 1 , etc. T h e r e is also t h e

reverse

sequence:

E l - y a s h i b , etc. (cf. a b o v e ) , here b e l o n g yakin, etc. (which have been

too

abbreviated to

El-yaqim,

El-yakin,

Yeho-yaqim, Yoyaqirn

YehoYoyakin,

etc.). T h e c o m b i n a t i o n p e r f e c t p l u s s u b j e c t is e q u a l l y w e l l a t t e s t e d : A m a r - Y a l i , " Y a h has s p o k e n , " A m a r - Y a h u , " Y a h u has s p o k e n , " N a t a n - Y a l i u , "Yahu has given," Shamar-Yahu, "Yahu guards,' Y a d a ' - Y a h u , "Yahu knows," Shema'-Yahu, " Y a h u hears," etc

28. 29. 30. 31.

Melek (from earlier malku), "king," is a divine name. Compare Eblaite Ish-ma-il, and Amorite Ya-as-nia-ah-dIM. Stamm, "Der Name Isaak," Beitrage, pp. 13-24. Stamm, "Hebräische Ersatznamen," ibid., pp. 59-79 (pp 62-63).

"YOU

SHALL CALL HIS N A M E Y E S H U " (MT 1 : 2 1 )

147

The sequence is reversed in E l - y a d a ' , E l - n a ' am (cf. above), E l a t a n , " E I gives," Y e h o - n a t a n , " Y a h u gives," Y e h o - z a b a d , " Y a h u has b e s t o w e d , " and so forth. There are names in which the orthography has been simplified: t h u s S h e l e m - Y a h u is the simplified form of S h a l l e m - Y a h u , and Meshelem-Yahu, Meshallem-Yahu. To consider another example, the name Yehezgel goes back to Yehazzeqel, "May God s t r e n g t h e n " (the n e w - b o r n babe). 32 It is hoped t h a t the foregoing survey, in spite of its brevity, a r b i t a r y n a t u r e and lack of the technical a p p a r a t u s , will give the reader some rough idea of ancient Semitic/Israelite nomenclature. The non-specialist should k n o w t h a t biblical names have their parallels in Accadian, Ugaritic, 3 3 Phoenician, etc., which c a n n o t be listed in our popular study. V.

The Name Jesus

Jesus is a s e n t e n c e - n a m e representing the abbreviation of Y e h o - s h u ' a , " Y a h u is help," 3 4 in t h e sense of " Y a h u is t h e h e l p e r " (with the abstract n o u n signifying the person who possesses the quality or power denoted by t h e root). The change of Y a h u in sandhi is p a r t of the system of vocalization in Hebrew which need n o t be discussed here. Because of the similarity Yêshû'a, " J e s u s , " has with the noun form yeshû'a, " s a l v a t i o n , " the second element a shû'a came to be linked with the root yasha', whose causative stem has the meaning " t o save,'" 55 and t h u s there arose t h e popular i n t e r p r e t a t i o n " Y a h is s a l v a t i o n , " which

32. Noth, Personennamen, p. 202. 33. We add here a few Phoenician names: 1) imperfect plus subject: YatonBa'al, "Baal gives" (offspring), Yehaw-milku, "Milku gives life;" 2) subject plus verb: Ba'al-shamar, "Baal preserves," Eshun-azar, Eshmun helps;" 3) noun plus noun/adjective: Adon-Ba'al, "Baal is lord;" Ahi-rom, "my brother is exalted;" 4) adjective plus noun: Addir-Ba'al, "Baal is mighty", and so on. 34. On sentence-names, cf. Noth, op. cit., pp. 11-65 (pp. 16, 18, 106, 154-55, etc.). 35. J. A. Fitzmyer, The Gospel according to Luke (2 vols. The Anchor Bible. New York, 1981, 1985) I, p. 347. Cf, too F. Brown et alii' A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (repr., Oxford, 1962) p. 221. F. Zorrell, Lexicon Hebraicum et Armaicum Veteris Testamenti (Rome, 1954) p. 336.

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has been perpetuated by the NT (Mt 1:21. Acts 3:23; cf. too Lk 2:11). Modern lexicographers 36 accept the root shu'a, "to cry for help," especially from God, 37 as the base of the second part of the name Jesus. Specialists have pointed out that shu'a is cognate with the root yasha', which in its turn goes back to Proto-Semitic yatha'a, and which has been understood as a secondary stem created from the imperative shu'a, "adjuva, help." 3 8 The base, occurs as part of personal names (some of them going back to the third mille® ilium); documents from about 2050 B. C. attest La-shu-il = Layashu'-il, "verily God helps:" compare too la-ash ad-du — Yashu'Addu, "Addu helps," " la-shu-u-um — Yashu'um,"he helps," and l-li-E-shu-uh= ili-yeshu,' "my God helps. 4 0 " Interesting to note, there are in the OT fourteen names that preserve one or another of the two verbal forms here cited. 41 Names with the theophoric element Yahu-are very common in the OT, and some of them have been cited in Section IV. Four persons bearing the name Yehoshu'a (Yehoshua) are known, 42 viz. the successor of Moses (Ex 17:9-10. 13-14), a Bethleheinite (ISam

36. L. Koehler-W. Baumgartner, Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti Libros (repr.. Leiden, 1985} p. 370. 37. Compare Ps 5:3, 18:42, 119:147, Job 36:13 (compare too Is 58:7. Jon. 2:3, Lam 3:8). 38. H. J- Fabry, Theologisches Worterbuch zum Alten Testament (Stuttgartt 1973ff.) Ill, col. 1037. We may note here in passing that only recently has the root yasha'a turned up in Aramaic documents. The Daniel cycle of fragments from Qumran attests the causative from yawhi'a, " h e will save" (them); the word is of course unvocalized. Details in J. T. Milik, "Priere de Nabonide' et autres ecrits d'un cycle de Daniel. Fragments arameens de Qumran, Revue Biblique 63 (1956) pp. 407-15 (p. 413). The inscription on a statue from Tell Fakhriyeh (on the Syrian-Turkish border) in Assyrian cuneiform and in Aramaic, dating from the nineth century B. C., attests the root: the Aramaic text preserves the name Hadduyith'i or Haddiyith'i, "Haddu saves me" ("is my salvation"). Critical edition, A. Abou-Assaf e, alii, La statue de Tell Fahreye et son inscription bilingue assyroarameenne (Etudes Assyriologiques 7. Paris, 1982) pp. 23-37 (the Aramaic text), 38-60 (comments). 39. Fabry, op. cit., cols. 1037-38. 40. Gelb, La lingua degli Amoriti, p. 160. 41. Fabry, op. cit., col. 1038 (where the names are listed). 42. Zorell, op. cit., p. 301

'"YOU SHALL GALL H i s N A M E Y E S H U " (MT l : 2 t )

14§

6:14:18), a governor of Jerusalem under king Josiah (2 Kg 23:8). and a high priest of the period of restoration after the exile (Hag 1:1. 12. 14. 2:24).« From the earliest times onwards there was the tendency to shorten the element Yeho-lo-Yo, with the result t h a t there came into vogue forms such as Yohannan, Yoyakin, Yoyagim, Yorain, and so on, and here belongs too Yehoshu'a > Yoshu'a, " J o s h u a . " The process of contraction was yahu yau yo; the elimination of intervocalic h is clearly attested in Hebrew: yuhaqiil > yaqtil, muhaqtil

> maqtil,

malkahu

> malko,

bahayyom

>

bayyom,

etc.44

The contracted form Yosh&'a was dissimilated to Yeshu&'a, a form which was quite popular in the biblical age, 45 and its bearers include Moses' successor (Neh 8:17), 46 the high priest of the age of restoration (Ezr 3:28 etc.), the head of a priestly family (Ezr 2:3(5. Neh 7:39). t h e leader of a levitical family (Neh 7:43.8:7 etc), the father of one of the builders of the walls of Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh 3:19) and the member of a J u d a h i t e family (Ezr 2:6. Neh 7:11).47 Only once does Yesht'a occur in the Aramaic sections of the OF, namely, in Ezr 5:2, and the person here meant is the high priest referred lo in Ezr 3:28, etc. It is generally held t h a t Jeshua is a later form, 4 8 but there has been expressed the view t h a t it is actually very old. 49 Jeshua is the result to dissimilation, i. e. the process whereby one of two sounds (consonant or vowel) occurring in close proximity is changed to a different sound with the purpose of avoiding

43. As soon we will have occasion to see, this name occurs too in an abbreviated form. 44. H. Bauer-P. Leander, Historische Grammatik der hebräischen Sprache des Alten Testaments (repr. Hildesheim, 1962) pp. 227-28. 45. Zorell, op. cit., p. 336 46. W. Rudolph, Ezra und Nehemia (Handbuch zum Alten Testament. 1. Reihe 20. Tubingen, 1949) p. 150, where it is pointed out that Neh 8:17 is the only passage calling Moses' successor by the name Jeshua. 47. Neh 11:26 mentions a town in the Negeb called Jeshua; on the text, cf. Rudolph, op. cit., p. 187. 48. Thus Brown, et alii, op. cit., p. 221. 49. Foerster, Theological Dictionary of the New Testament III, p. 284, n. 1 (where further references are given).

ISO

THE

IIAlil"

monotony; 5 0 compare Latin militalis > militaris (consonantal dissiihilation), and septemcenti > seplingenli (vocalic dissimilation to eliminate three e-sounds occurring in succession). This type of modification is to be met with in all the languages of the world, and from Hebrew we may cite tokon > iikon 'umro> 'imro, etc.; here there is vocalic dissimilation, the phenomenon we are concerned with. 51 In Y6shu'a the two cognate vowels o and u were dissimilated, and hence we have Yeshu'a,"Jesus." The most remarkable parallel to the present change Y6M > Y£hu, " J e h u , " the name of one of the notoriously cruel rulers of the Kingdom of Israel; here belongs too lo-lu > lule The imperfect of verbs beginning with Aleph (i. e. the P e Aleph verbs) attest the same phenomenon: ya'kulu>ya'kulu> yo'kulu > yo'kel; ya'muru >ya'muru > yo'muru >yo'mer, and so on. Without doubt, yo'kel and the like are aesthetically and acoustically more acceptable than yd'kulu and the like 52 . The following forms attest the o/e alternation: Mosha' (LXX Mosa) versus Mesha'. Modad (LXX Modad) versus Medad, Mopha'at L X X Mophath) versus Mepha'at53, and finally Mo'ab versus Me'ab, this latter being a specimen of popular etymology 54 . What the alternation here indicated vouches for is that these words were pronounced by the Israelites in two ways, t h a t is to say, there was a dialectal variation in the living language, characterized by the o/e parallelism.

50. Pauer-Leander, op. cit, pp. 314-16. C. Bergstrasser, Hebraische Grammatik (2 vols., repr., Hildesheim, 1962) I, p. 151. 51. Pauer-Leander, op. cit., p. 215. 52. To understand the change involved here, it should be remembered that a gives rise to a' (with the consonant Aleph omitted in actual pronunciation), which, in Canaanite/Hebrew, becomes long o'; the survey of this sort of development belongs to the field of historical linguistics. 53. The Kethib form (i. e. what is written in the Hebrew text) is Mopa'at, and' the Qere one (i. e. what is to be read) Mepa'at. 54. The name Mo'ab is explained as Me'ab, "from the father", or even "semen of the father," for me-has in Accadian the meaning "water, semen"; the whole thing is a popular pun or play on words.

' ' Y O U SHALL CALL H i s Ñ A M E Y É S H U " ( M T 1 : 2 Í )

151

I n t h e H e b r e w MSS which have t h e B a b y l o n i a n p u n c t u a t i o n t h e r e are several instances of t h e o > e p h e n o m e n o n 5 5 , a n d in, t h e Y e m e n i t e p r o n u n c i a t i o n of H e b r e w (which, i n c i d e n t a l l y , is q u i t e conservative) o is invariably p r o n o u n c e d e 56 , b u t t h i s is too lale to be of a n y bearing on the p r o b l e m we are s t u d y i n g . VI.

The Name Jesus in Later Tradition

In t h e age of Christ and the Apostles t h e name J e s u s was v e r y c o m m o n , and this remained so up to t h e beginning of t h e second c e n t u r y of t h e Christian era. Josephus, in fact, m e n t i o n s some t w e n t y persons who are called Jesus 5 7 , and if t h e n a m e b e c a m e u n p o p u l a r a m o n g t h e J e w s , it was because Christians b e g a n to proclaim t h a t Jesus of N a z a r e t h was the Messiah promised to Israel. Nevertheless, t h e name c o n t i n u e d to be used here a n d t h e r e , a n d a s i x t h c e n t u r y inscription a t t e s t s Gesua5a, which presupposes J e s h u a . As a curiosity we m a y note here t h a t a Moroccan r a b b i h a d t h e name J e s h u a h a - L e v i (d, 1467, in T o l e d o Spain), which is something exceptional 5 9 . The f o r m J e h o s h u a / J o s h u a c o n t i n u e d to be in use a m o n g t h e J e w s ; t h u s in t h e catalogue of t h e T a n n a i m 6 0 are m e n t i o n e d J o s h u a b e n P e r a h i a h , J o s h u a b e n H a n a n s a h , J o s h u a ben Qarha a n d others; in t h e c a t a l o g u e of t h e Amoraim 6 1 are listed J o s h u a b e n Levi, J o s h u a of Sicknim, J o s h u a ben Neherniah, a n d others.

55. I. e. the vocalization of the consonantal text as developed by scholars living in Babylonia; it is to be distinguished from the Tiberian one found in our Hebrew Bibles, i. e. the one developed by scholars living Tiberias (Galilee). On the phenomenon mentioned in the text, cf. Bergstrasstr, op. cit. I, p. 145. 56. References in Bergstrasser, op. cit. I, pp. 24-25. 57. Foerster, op. cit, p. 285. 58. Foerster, op. cit., p. 287, n. 30. 59. H. L. Strack, Introduction to tht Talmud Midrash (Atheneum ed., New York, 1969), p. 136. 60. Strack, op. cit., pp. 105-34. The Tannaim (tanna'im, plural of tanna', "teacher") are the early scholars who are cited as authorities in the Mishnah, the code of Jewish law. 61. The Amoraim (amora'im, plural of 'amora', "speaker, lecturer, interpeter") are the scholars who flourished after the codification of the Mishnah and who held discussions on the views of the Tannaim.

152

1-n !•: HAiü-

The rabbinic sources make it a point not to mention the name ot the founder of Christianity, and when 011 rare occasions they refer to him, they employ the shortened form Yeshu62, followed by the qualification " t h e Nazarean," or " t h e son of P a n t e r a " . We adduce here four short passages which speak of Jesus: " I met one of the disciples of Jeshu the Nazarean, whose name was Jacob;" "Jacob came to cure him in the name of Jeshu the son of Pandera 6 3 ;" "Shall I utter a charm in the name of Jeshu the son of Pandera?" " H e whispered to him a charm in the name Jeshu Pandera 6 4 ." How did Jeshua become Jeshu ? The answer is simple enough: Jesus was a native of Galilee, the district where the pronunciation was really barbaric, and the NT informs us t h a t Peter's accent betrayed his origin from Galilee (Mt 26:73). The Galileans simply dropped the final consonant Ayin from words! There is an anecdote in the rabbinic sources t h a t the people of Galilee pronounced alike the words hamor, "donkey, "hamar, "wine, "amar, "wool," and imtriar, " l a m b 6 3 " Yeshua was therefore pronounced Yeshu by the common folk, and it is this form t h a t underlies Greek IesousbS. Such, then, is the history of the development of the form Yeshu cited in the heading of our study. Coming now to the two forms in Syriac, we say t h a t they are representative of the special developments in Syriac. The christological controversies of the fifth century 6 7 brought about 62. Foerster, op, cit., p. 236. M. Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature (2 vols., repr., New York, 1950) I. p. 599. H. L. Strack-P. Billerbeck, Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud nud Midrasch 6 vols., repr., Munich, 1975) I, pp. 63-64. Latest discussions in J. Maier Jesus von Nazareth in der talmudlschen Ueberlieferung. Ertrage der Forschung 82. Darmstadt, 1978Id., Judisch Auseinandersetzung mit dem Christentum in Antike. Ertrage 177. Ibid., 1982. 63. In rabbinic literature Pandera figures as Joseph's surname, and bar Panderah, "son of Panderah," is the designation of Jesus (Jastrow, op. cit. II, p. 1186). 64. Jastrow, op. cit., I, p. 599. 65. For details, cf. G. Dalman, Grammatik der judisch-palastinischen Aramäisch (repr., Darmstadt, 1981) pp. 57-61. 66. Foerster. op. cit., pp. 284ff. 67. The Council of Ephesus was convoked in 431 and that of Chalcedon in 451; the impact the two Councils had on the Syriac-speaking communities had been most tragic.

"YOU SHALL CALL HIS NAME Y E S H U " (MT 1 : 2 1 )

153

a division in the Syrian c o m m u n i t y , namely, into W e s t and E a s t Syrians, and their language gradually began to e v o l v e along different lines. To consider one example, the w e s t e r n dialect a d o p t e d the pronunciation of l o n g a as o, whereas the eastern one preserved l o n g a unchanged 6 8 . As for the name of Our Lord, the westerners c o n t i n u e d to e m p l o y the original p r o n u n c i a t i o n Yeshu'am, while the easternes changed it Isho' under the influence of a peculiar dialectal devel o p m e n t , i. e. ye > yi > i, o n the analogy of P e - Y o d h verbs 7 0 As Nöldeke, the eminent authority on Syriac, notes, "Für Yeshu" 'Jesus' sprachen die Nestorianer Isho' "7l. Those who say t h a t t h e original pronunciation of our Lord's name was Isho' only betray their ignorance of H e b r e w and Aramaic, and also of t h e history of t h e Syriac language.

68. James of Edessa (d. 708) used for long a the letter Aleph, which means that in his age it was pronounced a, and o became current only after the middle of the eighth century when a came to be marked with the help of Greek o (omicron and omega). For details, cf. P. E, Kahle, The Caire Geniza (The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy 1941; repr., Munich. 1980) p. 52; cf. too ibid., n. 3, where appeal is made to R. Duval, Traito de grammaire syriaque (Psris, 1881) pp. 45-46, 69. The final vowel in the name is secondary, the result of a special develops ment in Hebrew, and is known as patah furtivum, "furtive Patah" (i. e, short a); it is a rapidly uttered vowel, and functions as an orthographic indication not to glide over the final consonant in pronunciation. 70. On Pe-Yodh verbs, cf. Brockelmann, Syrische Grammatik (Lehrbucher fur das Studium der orientalischen und afrikanischen Sprachen 4. 10th ed., Leipzig, 1965) pp. 45, 97. T. Noldeke, Kurzgefasste syrische Grammatik (repr., Darmstadt, 1968) pp. 26-27. 71. Op. ext., p. 27. The German text means "For yeshu' 'Jesus' the Nestoriansay isho'."

154

THE

HASP

NOT SCHISM, B U T P E A C E You shall not make a schism. R a t h e r , y o u shall m a k e peace a m o n g those who are c o n t e n d i n g . J u d g e j u s t l y , a n d take no regard of t h e person w h e n c o r r e c t i n g t r a n s gressions. Do not be ot t w o m i n d s , w h e t h e r a t h i n g s h a l l be or shall not be. (DIDACHE/2) Y o u shall not a b a n d o n t h e c o m m a n d m e n t s of t h e L o r d ; b u t you shall k e e p w h a t y o u have received, a d d i n g nothing to it nor taking a n y t h i n g away. (DIDACHE/2) T H E LAST DAY In the last days, then false p r o p h e t s a n d c o r r u p t e r s will be m u l t i p l i e d . Sheep will be t u r n e d into wolves and c h a r i t y will be t u r n e d into hate. As lawlessness increases, m e n will h a t e one a n o t h e r and persecute a n d betray; a n d t h e n will appear the deceiver ot t h e world as a Son of God. He will work signs a n d wonders and t h e world will be given over into hit hands. He will do such wicked deeds as have not been done since t h e world began. T h e n will all created men come to the fire of j u d g m e n t , a n d m a n y will be scandalized a n d will be lost; b u t those who preservere in their faith, will be saved o u t f r o m u n d e r t h e accursed t h i n g itself. And t h e n will a p p e a r the signs of t h e t r u t h . F i r s t , t h e sign spread out in the. heavens; second, t h e sign of t h e sound of the t r u m p e t ; a n d third, t h e r e s u r r e c t i o n of t h e dead. Not the r e s u r r e c t i o n of all men, b u t as it was said: " T h e Lord will come, a n d all His saints with H i m . " T h e n t h e world will see the Lord c o m i n g in t h e c l o u d s of heaven. (DIDACHE/4) B r e t h r e n , be c o n t e n t i o u s and zealous for t h e t h i n g s which lead to s a l v a t i o n ! You have studied t h e H o l y Scriptures, which are. true arid are of t h e H o l y Spirit Y o u well know t h a t n o t h i n g u n j u s t or f r a u d u l e n t is w r i t t e n in them. (ST. C l e m e n t )

THE HARP Vol.

VI.

No. 3

December

1993

Page

Editorial

169

The Origin of the Word Suryoyo-Syrian

171

Stockholm,

Sweden

On the fragments of Theodore of Mopsuestia in Brit. Libr. add. 12.156 and the christological fragment in double tradition

199

Luise Abramowski Liturgical Offering and Alms John

207

Madey

Conflicts between East and West in the Ecclesiastical field shown through some historical examples L.

Waldmuller

The Self - Revealing God and Man in Ephrem Koonamakkal Thoma

Dr. Bertram

233

Kathanar

The Impact of the Language and Writing on the "Selfunderstanding' of a Religion or Denomination

Book Reviews

217

249

Schmitz 253

Editorial

In this issue of HARP four eminent scholars give the readers their thoughts on four different subjects quite relevant to the study of inter-church relationships. Assad Sauma shows that the word 'Syrian' has many meanings and creates a lot of confusion in the minds of the people when they hear about the " S y r i a n " Churches or the Syrian people. In order to clarify the meanings and to prevent all misunderstanding he suggests that the use of the words " S u r y o y o " and " S y r i a n " would be very beneficial. :s Louis Abramowoski, gives in her article a comparative study on the fragments of Theodore of Mopsuestia and their usefulness to understand certain teachings of Theodore. John Madey in his article contrasts the issue of mass stipends in the Oriental perspective, contrasting the problem with the practice of the Latin Church. Lothar Waldmiiller, selecting examples from history brings out the difficulties faced by the Eastern and Oriental Orthodox Churches in their relationship with the Latin Church. The writer also points out the difficulties and problems faced by the "Uniate Churches" before and after the break up of the Soviet Union. The articles in this issue though varied will be of great benefit to scholars of church history and who are concerned with inter-church relationships.

THE

HARP

Vol VI. No. 3, December 1993, 171-197 Assad Sauma - Assad Stockholm, Sweden

The Origin of the Word Suryoyo—Syrian* At the very begining of my paper, I want to draw your attention to the two separate and distinguished peoples that the nomenclature "Syrian" implies today: the original Syrian Aramean people who call themselves "Suryoye" in Syriac, and the Moslem citizens of today's Syria 1 who call themselves Syrian Arabs. The first mentioned Syrians are an old people and originally called themselves Arameans. They have lived in their lands in Syria and Mesopotamia for more than three thousand years. Because of continuous oppressions, massacres, and conversion to other religions and nations, they have diminished to an ethnic minority. Today, their situation is very difficult. They are oppressed everywhere, and lack support. They try, however, to get their human and national rights back to defend their Syriac identity, language, and culture against the assimilating policy of the governments. The other Syrians, the Syrian Arabs, are the Moslem inhabitants of Modern Syria, which became an independent country in 1948. The Syrian Arabs claim that their origin is from Saudi Arabia, and that they came to Syria in the seventh century A. D. Up to modern times, the European word "Syrian" refered only to the first-mentioned Syrians (the Suryoye). In modern times, it began to refer to both of the above mentioned peoples. In some Eastern languages, there are, however, two clear names

* This article was delivered in the II Syriac conference in India (1990) 1. Modern Syria was created in 1916 as a result of a pact concluded by the British and French foreign ministers Sykes and Picot.

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for t h e two peoples. The Arabic language uses t h e word (suryani) to m e a n the suryoyo people and (suri) to m e a n * t h e citizens of Syria. The same thing applies to Turkish and Persian. Most E u r o p e a n s have not heard a b o u t the first m e n t i o n e d Syrians, the Arameans. Therefore, they are very astonished when they meet someone from, for instance, Turkey who says t h a t he is a Syrian. They think t h a t only t h e inhabitants of Syria are Syrians. Hence, the name Syrian is confusing and inaccurate. In order to solve this problem 2 and avoid ambiguity, there will have to be two different names in the f u t u r e in all languages, one for t h e " S u r y o y e " and another for t h e citizens of Syria. As Syrian denotes the citizens of Syria today, the first Syrians prefer to be called Syriak (and Syriae people) instead of Syrian. Therefore, I appeal to all of you lo rail us Syriaks instead of Syrians when you] speak or write about us. I

When did the name Suryoyo exist and spread ?

We find the root of t h e name Suryoyo in the words Sur and Suri. This root is very old. I t existed in the name " S h r y n " in the Ugaritic t e x t s from the 14th c e n t u r y B. C. It was mentioned in t h e E g y p t i a n writings i'rom the same period, and it is mentioned in t h e Old Testament as " S i r v o n " which is in Lebanon. I t also occurs in t h e apocryphical book of J u d i t h in the f o r m Sur-Suri. I t existed in t h e names of some Aramean kings and in the n a m e of an Aramic city -state in Mesopotamia both in the 10th and in t h e 9th century i? C. B u t t h e direct name in its present Greek form seems to have occurred for the first time in the Greek writings of H e r o d o t u v in the 5th c e n t u r y B. C., while t h e Greek writers before H e r o d o t u s did not k n o w it. After Herodotus, especially in the Hellenistic- period, we meet the name spread and in c u r r e n t use as a s u b s t i t u t i o n for the names Aram and Arameans. The Greek Old T e s t a m e n t , the Septuagint, is a good evidence of t h i s substitution, which incurred when the Old T e s t a m e n t was

2. The problem has been solved in the Swedish language. The Syrians who live in Sweden have succeeded in forming a special name. They call themselves "Syrianer", while the citizens of Syria are called "Syrier", 3. Herodotus, Book II, Ch. 12.

T H E ORIGIN OF T H È WORD SURYOYO-SYRIAN

translated from Hebrew and Aramaic into Greek, in the century B. C. The translators translated the names Aram Arameans into Syria and Syrians. In this way, "Naaman Aramean" 4 ( . 0 0 ) ( ^ O V j was rendered as "Naaman

173

3rd and the the

Syrian" , and the names of the Aramaic states which carried the proper name "Aram", as "Aram Soba" 5 , were changed into "Syria". Thus "Aram Soba" was changed into "Syria Soba". "Naaman the Aramean" was called "Naaman the Syrian" by Jesus. 6 This means that people already knew that the Arameans were called Syrians, and that they knew that the names Syria and Syrian were synonyms with Aram and Aramean. Here I shall mention and explain the different opinions about the origin of the word Suryoyo (Syriac-Syria). II

The origin of the terms Syrian-Suryoyo

There are many different opinions about the origin of Suryoyo. I shall explain them in short, beginning with the opinion of the Syriac writers. 1 All the old western and eastern Syriac writers and historians who investigated the origin of the name Suryoyo have agreed upon and assured that the name Suryoyo is derived from the name of the Syriac ruler Surus who is said to have been an Aramean. Surus built the early city of Antioch and ruled in Syria and Mesopotamia. His country was called Syria, and its inhabitants were called Suryoye-Syrians. Here follow the texts of some Syriac writers on the subject. In the Syriac book Chronica Minora, we are told that a ruler, Aginur, went from the east and settled by the sea coast where he built a city named Gnur, which is called Sur in Syriac! Aginur ruled for thirteen years and got three sons: Surus, Cilicus, and Phoenicus. Before his death, he divided his country into three parts, and gave each of his sons a part. Phoenicus got Phoenicia, Cilicus got Cilicia, and Surus got Suriya, that is Syria.7

4. He was the Aramean commander-in-chief of Damascus. He was a leper, and his king sent him to Israel in search of a cure (2 Kings 5). 5. 2. Kin^s 8 6. Luke 5 7. Chronica, Minora, p. 361, printed by L. D. Chabot, I. Guidi, and E. Brook.

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In an old Syriac history book, whose author is unknown, and which was written about 846 A.D., the following is mentioned: "Syria got its name after Surus... this happened approximately about the death of Jacob, son of Isaac, son of Abraham 8 ". The well-known East Syriac lexicographer Hasan Bar Bahlul of Tairahan 963 A.D.9 wrote in his famous Syriac dictionary: "Syria has got its name from Surus, whether he was dead or alive. Surus killed his brother and ruled in Mesopotamia, and his country was called Syria. In early times we were called Arameans but when Surus ruled, the inhabitants of the country began to be called SuryoyeSyrians (Syriaks) 10 " The East Syriac writer Yeshu'Bar Ali ( t 1001 A.D.) wrote in his Syriac dictionary: "Syria is the country from Antioch to Edessa. It was called Syria after Surus' name --"11 Jacob Bar Slibi ("¡"1171 A.D.), wrote in his argument against the Greeks: "The Greeks shamefully call us Jacobites instead of Suryoye-Syrians... The name Suryoyo/Syrian is derived from Surus who ruled in Antioch, and Syria was named after him. We are the sons of Aram we were called Arameans" 12 The Syriac historian Michael the Syrian (•(•1199 A.D.), wrote: "At that time- - the time of Moses— Surus Bar Aro, lived, and Syria was called after his name..." 1 3 Thus the Syriac writers had different ideas about the history of Surus. Everyone mentioned a special date. The Syriac historian from the monastry of Zoqnin |775 A.D. defined the time of Surus as follows: "In the year 396 after Abraham, Surus, the king of Syria, lived, and Syria was named after him". The Syriac Edessene historian(1187-1224 A. D.), on the other hand, defined the time of Surus in the following way: "When the sons of Israel were in Egypt, there were two brothers, Surus and Cilicus, who disputed about the authority. As a result, Cilicus with his 8. Ibid., p. 157. 9. Look up the word ^a..» ^ Q.£D> Suryoyo, in his dictionary. 20. According to the Syriac historic testimonies, Mesopotamia was only the north part of today's Mesopotamia. 11. Look up the word in his dictionary. 12. The Book of Argument, Ch. 14. 13. Michael the Syrian, Vol. I, p. 22.

THE ORIGIN OF THE WORD SURYOYO—SYRIAN

475

soldiers went to the land by Mount Amanon, and the land was called Cilicia after his name, while Surus went to the land to the west of the Euphrates and called it Syria" 1 4 . The Syriac Melchite historian Agabius Konstantin, who lived in the 12th century A . D., wrote: " A t that time-24 years after the birth of Moses-Surus, the king of Damascus lived, and Syria got its name after him" 1 5 . 2 - T h e late syriac patriarch Jacob I I I was of the opinion that the word Suryoyo/Syrian was derived f r o m Cyrus (Kuresh), the king of Persia (559-524 B.C.), who liberated the Jews captivated by Nebuchadnezzar in 587 B.C. and let them go back to Palestine. The prophet 16 Isaiah mentioned Cyrus in connection with Christ. A t the beginning of Christianity, the christianized Jews thought that Cyrus, the liberator of their captives in Babylon, had been a forerunner to Christ, the liberator of mankind. The christianized Jews repeated the name of Christ with Cyrus' name gloriously and proudly, exactly as their forefathers had repeated the name of Cyrus on their way back to Palestine. For that reason, the Gentiles in Antioch called them Kyrusians, Cyrusians, Syrians, and Christians, which all ment Christian. F r o m that time on the word Syrian spread among the Christian Arameans in the east, and in this way they were called Syrians, and the Aramaic language was in the same way called Syriac, while the word Christian (a special form of Cyrus) was spread among the Christians in the west. 3-Some assumed that the origin of the word Syrian was the Egyptian word Kharo 1 7 . They say that in course of time Kharo was changed into Share. Then it became Saro, Syria, and Syrian» etc... 4 - Father Petrus Daw said that Syria is a word derived from the word Siryon, which is mentioned in the Old Testament 1 8 as a part of Lebanon. By this name, Siryon, the Saidonians called

14. 15. 16. 17. 18.

The History of the Unknown Edessene, p. 61. Civilization, p. 91. Isaiah 45:1 Maspero, Gaston C. Dawn of civilization, p. 147, New York, 1894. Genesis 3:9 Psalms 29:6.

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THE

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Mount Hermon. In time, the name Siryon was used to mean the whole country, Syria 19 . 5 Some scholars 20 , have alleged that the name Aram was changed into Syria during the Seleucid epoch. Syria is only a short form of the word Assyria (Ashshur), and it was a common name, used by the Greeks to mean the whole of Asia interior, including Syria, the name Aram did not disappear completely from the East. It was maintained and used especially for the Arameans who were not converted to Christianity, especially for the Aramean Nabateans and Harranians. The word Aramean began to mean pagan, and the two words Aramean and pagan became synonyms denoting Non-Christians. However, how can the word Syria be derived from Assyria? They say that when the Greeks conquered Syria from the Persians in 333 B. C., Syria was still influenced by the old Assyrians. Therefore, the Greeks called the country Assyria, and in course of time for the easiness in pronounciation they shortened the word, to Syria. Some scholars 21 , however, refuse to accept this view. They say that Syria and Assyria are two different words with different philological origins. They add that their word Assyria (Ashshur) seems to be a Non-Semitic word as its origin reveals 22 . Its origin seems to be A-Ushar, which means an irrigated spot of land. I think that the opinion that Syria is a shortened form of Assyria is built on the likeness between the written forms of the. words Syria and Assyria; in European languages, while the likeness between the two words is weak in the Syriac language. In Syriac we say "Suryoye c u » " 2 3 for the Syrian, and "Suriya ^.—j^axn", for Syria and "Othur for Assyria. But what about the alleged Assyrian influence on Syria at the time of the Seleucids? The Assyrian empire fell in 612 B. G., about 280 years before the coming of the Greeks. Syria was then ruled by the Babyloneans and not until later by the Persians. However, if there has to be any kind of influence on Syria, it must be a Persian influence, and not an Assyrian, because the Persians ruled much longer 19. 20. 21. 22. 23.

Hitti Philip, History of Syria, Vol. I, p. 62. One of them is the Frenchman Renan 1821-1892. Hitti Philip, History of Syria, Vol. I, p. 62. (in Ara.) Freiha Anis. Studies in the History, p. 223. (in Ara.) Pay attention to the difference between SURIYA and OTHUR

T H E ORIGIN OF T H E WORD S U R Y O Y O - S Y R I A N

177

time than the Assyrians. Besides, the Assyrians were nearly exterminated 24 , and those who were not, were assimilated by the Aramean population of Syria and Mesopotamia. The famous Syriac writer Bishop Joseph David 25 , says that the postulation built on the belief that the word Suryoyo j.*.» }Q.jCO is a foreign word created by the Greeks, is a false assumption. Nobody believes that a great nation like the Aramean nation, which was spread on a large area in Syria and Mesopotamia would give up its Aramaic name, the name of its race and language, and exchange it for a foreign name, and all the members of this nation would accept it. We have also to°take in consideration that an important part of the Arameans were only simple peasants who lived in the villages without contact with cities. How could they accept a new foreign name instead of their own. Bishop David adds that when the Greeks called the Arameans Suryoye J.—.»,.> ^ Ciro, the Greeks did not invent this name. They heard it from the Syrians themselves, when they associated with them. We admit that the word Syria is Greek in its form. The Greeks formed it out'of the name Suryoyo ^ a r o . exactly as they formed the name Arabia out of the word Arabia. The Arabs called their land Jazirat al-arab and not Arabia. The borrowing of the form Syria from the Greeks is not an evidence that the name Suryoyo (.Aj^axs, is Greek. 6 Some scholars assume that the term Suryoyo is derived etymologically from the name of the Syro-Phoenician city Tyre in its Syriac form "Sur The derivation of the word Suryoyo from Sur-Tyre goes back to the time when Christianity began to spread in the Middle and the Near Rast. At Jesus' time, Sur-Tyre, together with Saidon and other coastal cities composed the Roman region Syro-Pheonicia which was in provincia Syria. Sur played an important role in early Christianity. According to the new Testament, Jesus and His disiples preached at those places. Jesus passed the coast of this region 26 , and once

24. Durant W, p. 283-284. 25. David Joseph. A Preface to Syriac Grammar. 26. Mark 7:24

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He recieved people from it 27 . His disiples visited the T y r e many times. Paul remained there for seven days 28 . But Tyre ? At Palestine, Aramaic,

how could the name Suryoyo be derived from SurJesus time, He, the apostles and the peoples of Syria, and Mesopotamia spoke Syriac-Aramaic. In Tyre is called Sur ^o and the Aramaic speaking

peoples used

the

name Sur

°nly

When the apostles passed by Sur and preach, people thought

that they

in

its

the

apostles Suroye

Syriac

form 29 .

moved to other places to

were from Sur-Tyre, because

Sur was a very important and famous city. So call

city of

they began to

j , i. e., Surians-Tyrians,

Those

who followed the apostles and were converted wanted to be like them in every aspect and began to call themselves SuryoyeSurians, too, as a sign of unity, love, and loyalty to the apostles and to Christianity. In this way, the term Suroyo

became a common

name for the members of the new religion and began to mean Christian. In course of time, this Syriac-aramaic word suffered change in its first letter. The letter " S o d e = y , which is a hard " S " became Semkath. i. e., a normal S for the easiness of pronouncing the letter. Thus, the word Suroyo became Suryoyo. Those who invented this view seem to have depended on the Syriac dialect which used the word Suroyo in the meaning of Christians30.

v"

Others who support the view that Suryoyo is derived from Sur-Tyre, but do not acknowledge a connection i ® ^V

and Christianity

say

that

the

between

Greeks

had

"Surgood

Sur-Tyre 31 ,

relations with the important port which was the centre of Phoenicia and very famous for the dye Tyrian purple. 27. M a r k 3:8 28. Acts 21:3 29. The

same thing

happens

in pronouncing

the

name

became Tadmor in Syriac. 30. W i t h a hard s, i.e., the letter

sode.

31. Dibs Joseph. The History of Syria, V o l . I , p. 13.

of

Palmyra, which

T H E ORIGIN OF T H E WORD S U R Y O Y O - S Y R I A N

179

The Greeks began to use the names Sur and Surian as general names for the whole area of the coast Syria and its population. Gradually Syrian was substituted for Aramean, and so the inhabitants of Aram-Syria were called Syrians. This event took place some centuries before Christ. This is corroborated by the Septuagint, which uses the word Syrian. 7

My own point of view

I believe t h a t the root of the words Suryoyo and Suriya (Syria) is very old. I t is older than the date given by some scholars who claim t h a t the words are taken from the words Assyrian and Assyria during the Persian and the Greek periods T h e root of the names Suryoyo and Suriya existed and was in current use among the Aramaeans at least five centuries before the rise of the Persian and the Greek empires. We find the root " S u r " existing in personal and geographical Aramaic names, such as Surri 3 2 , the Arameaen king of K a t t a n in the north of Syria 830 B.C; B a r Sur 3 3 , son of Panamwa, the king of the Arameaen state Y a d i and its capital S a m ' a l - h e was detroned in 739 B . C . and Adad-Sur 3 4 , who is mentioned in the Assyrian writings as Sakin Mati A r a m a - a - a , i.e. the governer of the Arameaens. B u t the most important name of these names is Suri, which is the name of the capital of the Aramaean state B e t h - H a l u p i along the river K h a b u r in the north-eastern part of Syria. I think t h a t the words Syria and Syrian are derived from the root " S u r i . " L e t us take a loofc at what we can learn from the Assyrian writings about the Arameaen city Suri. Suri 3 5 , was the capital of the Aramaic state B e t h - H a l u p i , which was situated on the southern banks of the K h a b u r and streched to the Euphrates. The most important Aramaic tribe in it was " H a d i f a " . Information about this state was taken from the writings of the Assyrian kings about their wars against the Aramaeans. Adad-Nirari the second 9 1 2 - 8 9 1 B.C. attacked the Aramaean province B e t h - L a q i , around the Khabour. I t is mentioned t h a t B a r Atari, the king of Beth Laqi

32. Dupont-Sommer. Les Arameens. p. 70. 33. Ibid., p. 105. 34. Tadmor, H. The Aramaization of Assyria in Mesopotamia und Seine Nachbarn, p. 450. 35. It is today Tell Suwar. It is 40 K M. to the north of the mouth of the Khabur.

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submitted to the Assyrian king and paid him tributes when he invaded the capital Suri 36 . Tikulti-Ninurta 890-884 B.C. raised a war against the Aramaeans near the Khabur. He invaded Suri, and its king, Harani, paid him tributes 3 7 . The dominion of the Assyrian kings over the Armaean province Laqi was, however, only formal. The governers of the states and cities were all Aramaeans with only political submission to the Assyrians. They paid yearly tribute to the Assyrians b u t enjoyed internal independence. In 883 B.C.38 a revolution broke out in Suri against its governer, Hamani, who was previously appointed by the Assyrian king Tikulti-Ninurta II. The rebels killed Hamani as a punishment for his submission to Assyria and appointed another governer, Ahi-Ababa, whose origin was from the Aramaeans of Beth-Adini. The Assyrian king Assur-Nasir-pal II 883-859 B.C. intervened quickly to subjugate the rebellion and to defend his followers. He took a savage revenge upon the rebells by executing them. Then he appointed a new Aramaean governer, Azillu, in Suri. The Aramaean governers in the vicinity were afraid of the Assyrian king. Therefore they did not participate in the rebellion b u t hurried on to the capital Suri and paid tributes to save their lives. After that, the Aramaeans of the country Suhi rebelled against the Assyrian king, who led a military expedition along the Khabur to punish them but was satisfied with the tributes he got. However, the rebellion broke out once more, and tlie Assyrian king returned to place again. When he arrived in Suri, he ordered the shipmakers of the city to build ships for the Assyrian soldiers. He used these ships to cross the Euphrates. This is what is mentioned about Suri in the Assyrian writings. The connection between Suri and Syria is t h a t the names Syria and Aram, Syriac and Aramaean became synonymes, because the Aramaeans began to be called Syrians, and this is very clear in the Septuagint in the third century B.C. this is the reason why all the Aramaean localities accepted to take the Syriac name gradually, especially after Christ. The process of accepting t h e Syriac name among the Aramaeans continued until the Syriac name spread and filled the whole Fertile Crescent. As a result all the east, and west Syriac writers in the Christian era used both the Aramaean and

36. Crayson, A. K. Assyrian Royal Inscriptions, Vol. II, p. 91. 37. Ibid,, p. 102-105. 38. Dupont-Sommer. Les Arameens, p. 50.

T H E ORIGIN OF T H E

WORD S U R Y O Y O - SYRIAN

181

the Syriac names, as two synonymes to mean one and the same people, namely the Syriac Aramaeans. In this connection, the name Suri, which was the name of a certain part of Syria, became a comprehensive name for the whole country Syria. This principle occurred frequently in the history that the countries adopt their names from the names of their cities or any other part of the country. What happened to the city Suri when the whole Aram was called Syria? It seemed that Suri continued to be a SyriacAramaic city under the Persians, Greeks and Romans but without political influence. It seemed that it was alive in the Christian era too. We have found in the list of bishops who attended the Chalcedonian Council in 451 A.D. the name Uranius bishop of Suri, on the Euphrates. I think that this Suri is the same Aramaic city which was the capital of the Aramaic state BethHalupi. There is now a small village 40 km to the north of the mouth of the Khabur carrying the name Tell-Suwar, which may be the rest of the old city Suri. III-The term Syria/Syrian and the Persians

In the eighth century B. C., the Assyrians occupied the Aramaic states in Mesopotamia and Syria, and the Aramaeans submitted to them politically and militarily. The occupation lasted for about 120 years. In 612 B. C., the Assyrians were defeated by the Aramaean Chaldeans of Babylon and their Medean ally. According to W. Durant M , the Assyrian people was slaughtered, and Assyria disappeared from history. The surviving small groups were absorbed and assimilated by the Aramaean masses who filled the whole area of Syria and Mesopotamia 40 . In 539 B. C., the new Babylonian empire fell to Cyrus, the king of Persia, who annected the Babylonian territory to his empire. His successor, Darius 1522486 B. C. organised the Persian administration and divided the empire into satrapies. Syria was included in the fifth satrapy 41 , and was called Aber Nahra , i. e,, beyond the river (Euphrates). I \ ot-> The Iranians were accustomed to use the Persian term Assurstan as a name for the Assyrian state which was originally 39. Durant W. p. 283-284. 40. Welfensohn I. History of Semitic Languages, p. 33. 41. Herodotus, Book III, p. 91.

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limited to a triangular area restricted by the rivers Tigris and Lesser Zab. When the Assyrian power spread beyond its borders and established a vast empire including Babylon, Syria, etc, the Iranians used the old term Assurstan as a name for the whole teritorry of the empire. When the Assyrians suppressed the numerous Aramaic states and annexed them to the empire in the 8th century B. C., the Persian term Assurstan spread to cover all the Aramaic states. In this way, Syria which was called Aram became part of Assurstan. But this does not mean that the people of Aram (Syria) became Assyrian 42 . When the Assyrian empire was crushed for ever in 612 B. C., the Chaldean state inherited the territories of the Assyrian empire including Syria. A t that time Syria was called Aber Nahra, i. e. beyond the river, and its Aramaic people was aware of this. The persians seem to have continued to use the old term Assur as the name for the Chaldean (New Babylonean) empire, including Syria. When the Chaldean empire, fell, and the Persians took over the empire, they kept on using, the term Asurstan as an administrative name for Assyria, Babylon Beth Nahrin (upper Mesopotamia), the country called beyond the river (i.e. Syria, Palestine and Cyprus). When the Persian» divided their empire into satrapies they used the term Assurstan as a name for the fifth satrapy, which was called Aber Nahra. This is clear in the Persian inscriptions of Persipolis, Susa and Rustam 43 . But other Persian inscriptions used the name Aber Nahra 44 , i.e., beyond the river. The Arameans of Syria and the Jews of Palestine used the administrative term Aber Nahra - beyond the river - as the only name of the fifth satrapy. Judging from the books of the Bible, it seems that people were completely ignorant of the Persian term Asurstan. Since the Aramaic was the official language of the Persian empire, the peoples of the empire took the name of the fifth satrapy from the Aramaic language and not from the Persian language. The Persian inscriptions of Susa confirB this opinion. The Aramaic text of this inscription calls the fifth s:itrapy Aber Nahra, i. e., beyond the river, while the Persian. 42. Honigmann et Maricq. Memoir de l'Academie Royale de Belgique, T - , 4 1953, p. 41. 43. Rainey A . F. " T h e satrapy beyond the river"; in Australian Journal of Biblical Archeology, T - l , 1969, p. 54. 44. Cooke G. A . A Text Book of North Semitic "Inscriptions, 1903, p. 346.

T H E ORIGIN OF T H E WORD SURYQYO-SYRIAN

183

text calls it Asurstan 45 . This means that the Arameans of the fifth satrapy were sure that their satrapy was called Aber Nahra, and they themselves used this name. Thus, we must admit that the administrative term Asurstan had nothing to do with the nationality of the people of the fifth satrapy. When the Greeks conquered the area, the Persians may have kept on using the term Asurstan, but not as a name for Syria. The term was restricted to refer only to the small area of the old Assyrian state. When the Sassanit family established a new Persian empire in the 3rd century A. D., the Persians used the old administrative term Asurstan as a name for a new province in Irak, covering the middle and the southern parts. What could the nationality of the people of that province be, and what could they call their provice ? Indeed, the people of the province called themselves Arameans, and they called their land Beth Aramaye 46 , i . e . , t h e country of the Arameans 47 , and their church was called " I t a d'beth Aramaye"

I

i i j X , i. e., the church of Beth Aramaye.

The term Beth Aramaye, i.e., the country of the Arameans, is very obvious in the old Syriac written refernces which speak aboul that period. It is, for instance, mentioned in the story of the Syriac philosopher Mani 215-275 A. D. The Syriac historian Michael the great 11199 A. D., wrote: "Mani sent his disciple Adai to the country of Arameans" 48 . Sappur the Persian persecuted the Christians of Persia from 339-379 A. D., in the Syriac books, this persecution is called "The forty years long persecution in the country of the Arameans" 49 . It is no wonder that the Iraqi province was called Beth Aramaye and its church the church of Beth Aramayei. e., the church of the Arameans 50. Indeed, this name is very old. The Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser III, who lived in the eighth century B. C., used it in the form "Mat Arimi", i.e. the

45. Rainey A. F., p. 54. 46. Honigmann E., Maricq A. "Rechrches sur lei Res Gestae divi savoris" dans Memoires de l'Academie de Belgique, 1953, p. 45. 47. Dupont-Sommer. Les Arameens, p, 73. 48. History of Michael the Syrian p. 118. 49. Jacob III. History of the Syrian Church of Antioch, p. 223. 50. The Chronology of Elia, Bishop of Nisibis, p. 153.

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c o u n t r y of t h e Arameans, in his inscriptions 5 1 . Some people believe t h a t the name Syria is t a k e n f r o m Assur, which was t h e Persian name for the fifth Persian satrapy. This is, however, a weak opinion. If the Persians used |the t e r m A s u r s t a n as a name for t h e fifth s a t r a p y in their own language, why did t h e y call this s a t r a p y Aber N a h r a in A r a m a i c ? I t is k n o w n t h a t a t t h e time of the Persian empire, Aramaic was an i n t e r n a t i o n a l L i n g u a F r a n c a and an official language in t h e widespread empire. The Old T e s t a m e n t offer us a god evidence of t h e importance of Aramaic at the time 5 2 . On t h e other hand, Aramaic was also t h e national language of most people living in Syria and Mesopotamia. So a name used officially in the whole empire was likely to be in Aramaic, as this was t h e language understood by most of the i n h a b i t a n t s of t h e empire. By means of Aramaic t h e name was t h e n passed on to other nations in t h e vicinity of the Persian empire. The belief t h a t the Greeks borrowed t h e t e r m Assur f r o m t h e Persian language a n d changed it into Assyria and t h e n into Syria is not very logical. I t is more logical to t h i n k t h a t t h e Greeks adopted t h e name of the fifth s a t r a p y f r o m t h e Aramaic language and in its Aramaic f o r m "Aber N a h r a " t h a n to t h i n k t h a t they a d o p t e d it f r o m the local Persian language, which the m a j o r i t y of the population of the empire did n o t u n d e r s t a n d . The Greeks were aware of the fact t h a t most of t h e i n h a b i t a n t s of the fifth Persian satrapy were Arameans a n d spoke Aramaic. They also knew t h a t t h e population of this s a t r a p y used the name Aber N a h r a as t h e name of their satrapy. They did not know at all t h a t the Persians called t h e fifth s a t r a p y Assur. Otherwise, when t h e Greeks t r a n s l a t e d the Old T e s t a m e n t into Greek in the 3rd c e n t u r y B . C . , they would not have used the Aramaic name " A b e r N a h r a " as the name of the fifth satrapy. This is, howeiver, exactly the name which they did use, as can be seen f r o m t h e Septuagint. Evidently, also t h e Greeks called this s a t r a p y Aber Nahra. They do n o t seem to have k n o w n t h a t the Persians named the satrapy Assur. The Greeks were in the neighbourhood of the Arameans of t h e filth s a t r a p y in Asia Minor and far f r o m

51. Wallis Budge E. A. and king L. W. Annals of the kings of Assyria, Vol. I p. 134. 52. Ezra 4:7.

•THE ORIGIN OF T H E WORD S U R Y O Y O - S Y R I A N

185

the Persians of Iran. Accordingly, the first Greek contact with the fifth satrapy was with its inhabitants, the Arameans who called the satrapy Aber Nahra. If we suppose that the Greeks took the term Assur and changed it into Syria, why did they change the term into "Syria" instead of using it in its original form. Assur is not difficult to pronounce or read, and the first letter, "A", is an original letter in the word. If the Greeks changed the Persian term Assur into Assyria and then into Syria, it would mean that Syria and Assyria are one and the saine word in two different forms, denoting the same area and the same people. The Greeks, however, distinguished between the Syrians and the Assyrians and looked upon them as two different peoples. For instance, Xenophon 430-354 B. C. wrote: "The king of the Assyrians subjugated the Syrians". 33 Xenophon knew that the Syrians were the Arameans and that the terms Syrian and Aramean were two different names for the same people, namely the Arameans, while the Assyrians were another people. The. evidence of Strabo 63 B. C. - 24 A. D., the Greek geographer and historian is also important for the subject. He stated that "the people which is called Syrian by the Greeks calls itself Aramean". 54 If Syrian had meant Assyrian, the Greeks would certainly have used that word, and that word only, to denote the old Assyrian people. IV The names Syria and Syrian and the Greeks The names Syria, Syriac and Syrian are very old in the Greek literature. They were known and spread more extensively among the Greeks than among any other old nation. And because these names were current in Greece, today we can see traces of these names in the names of two small Greek Islands in the Aegean Sea, namely, "Syros" and "Nisyros". The Greeks themselves believe that the name Syria is derived from Syrus who was a king according to Greek tradition. 55 Yet, the oldest Greek document which mentions the Syrian name is not very old. It dates from the fifth century B. C. Herodotus 490-425 B.C. seems to be the first Greek to use the term 53. Cyropaideia, I, 5. 54. Geography, Book I: Ch. 2, $ 4. 55. You can ^connect between this Syros and Surus which is mentioned in the first opinion of the old Syriac writers.

186

THE

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Syria/Syrian. He used it in the Greek form (SYRIE) 56 . According to him, Syria was the Greek name of the fifth Persian satrapy, which besides Syria included Palestine, southern Syria, Phoenicia and Cyprus. 57 After that we find the name used by Xenophon 444-395 B. C., who stated: "the king of Assyria subjugated the Syrians which were a considerable nation". 5 8 In the Hellenistic period, the term Syria occured circulating currently. All the Greek writers of that period used this term frequently as Polybius 200-120 B. C.59 and Poseidonius 135-50 B. C. I take a quotation from Poseidonius who said: "There are eight satrapies in Syria, four in the populated north, which are called "Seleucis" and four in the south, which are called "Coele Syria". 6 0 You may compare Syrus with Surus, which was mentioned by the Syriac writers quoted earlier in this article, in connection with the opinion put forward to explain the origin of the word "Suryoyo". Other Greek writers from the Roman epoch who mentioned the Syriac name were, for instance, Strabo 36 B. C. - 24 A. D. 61 , Pliny 23-79 A. D. 62 , Appian 100-165 A. D. 63 , Dio Cassius 155-235 A. D. 6i , etc. A very important evidence of the current mage of the names Syria and Syrian "Suryoyo" in the Hellenistic period is to be found in the Septuagint, the translation of the Old Testament into Greek made in 3rd century B. G. The translators used the names Syria and Syrian frequently and simply instead of the old names Aram and Aramean. Strabo explains the relation between the words Syrian and Aramean when he says that "those who are called Syrians by the Greeks call themselves Arameans". 6 5 V The names Syria and Syrian in the Bible The original Hebrew Bible did not mention or use the terms Syria and Syrian. It used only Aram and Aramaean when it 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65.

Herodotus, Book I, p. 105; Book in, pp. 69; Book VII, p. 89. Ibid., in. p. 91. Xenophon, Cyropaideia, Book I, Ch. 5 $ 2. Polybius, Book XXXVIII, Ch. 18. Strabo, Book XVI; Ch. 2, $ 4. For the term KOOLE SYRIA read chapter VI and footnote No. 78 in this article. Ibid. Book I, Ch. 34. Pliny, Book XVI, Ch. 59. Appian, $ 51. Historia Romana, Book XXXIX, Ch. 56; Book XL, Ch. 29. Geography, Book I, Ch. 34.

T H E ORIGIN OF T H E W O R D S U R Y O Y O - S Y R I A N

187

spoke about and the Syrians. It was only when the Old Testament was translated into Greek about 270 B.C. that the names Syria and Syrians appeared instead of the old names Aram and Arameans. The translation of the Old Testament into Greek known as the Septuagint was made from Hebrew and Aramaic at the time of Ptolemy II, the Greek king of Egypt 286-246 B.C. Ptolemy II was interested in art and literature. He made Alexandria an important Hellenistic cultural centre, and he was on good terms with the Jews. By his order the Bible was translated into Greek, the language of Hellenism, and put in the famous library of Alexandria. The tradition is that 72 Jewish scholars, experts in Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek, were to translate the Bible. Six scholars were chosen from each one of the twelve Jewish tribes. The translators were divided into groups. Each group consisted of two scholars, And each group was to fulfil a special version. After 70 days, there were 36 versions in Greek. On a comparison, the scholars found that the versions were identical. This translation is known by the name of Septuagint, which means seventy (LXX). It is the oldest translation of the Bible in Greek. The Septuagint was later translated from Greek into other languages. a-The names Syria and Syrian in the

Septuagint.

In the Septuagint, the names Aram and Arameans were rendered Syria and Syrians. The reason was that during the Seleucid period, all the countries of Arameans, especially those in the west, began to be called Syria and their Aramean population Syrians. But the name Aramean did not disappear altogether. The names Arameans and Syrians became synonyms and were used side by side during the first centuries of the Christian era. In Mesopotamia, the name Aramean was still more current. Since the Assyrian epoch, middle and south Mesopotamia were called "Mat Arimi", and then, in the Christian era, "Beth Aramaye" i.e. the country of the. Arameans. The other peoples who lived near the Arameans, including the Jews, knew that the Arameans had begun to be called Syrians. The translators of the Old Testament into Greek knew it. Therefore they translated the names Aram and Arameans into Syria and Syrians. They did so without consulting any authority. For, as mentioned, they were separated during the time that they were

i88

T H E HARP

translating. Thus, in the Septuagint, we find that the word Syria has been substituted for the word Aram in the names of the Aramean states. For instance, "Aram Soba" has been translated into "Syria Soba", "Aram Beth Rehub" into "Syria Beth Rehub" 66 , "Aram Nahrain" into "Syria Nahrain" or into "Mesopotamia", b-The name Mesopotamia in the Septuagint. The last mentioned state, "Aram Nahrain", is mentioned in the Old Testament 67 as it is also known by the name Paddan Aram 68 . The name of this state occurred in cuneiform writings from the 13th century B.C. down to the 9th century B.C. One of its important cities^was Harran. When the Hebrew Bible was translated into Greek, the name of the Aramean state "Aram Nahrain" was translated into "Mesopotamia. Which is a compound of "Mesos = the middle" and "potamos = river". Thus, for the first time in history, the term Mesopotamia was created as a Greek name of the Aramean state "Aram Nahrain." In some translations of the Septuagint "Aram Nahrain" 6 9 has been rendered as „Syria of the rivers", "Mesopotamia of Syria" 70 and "Mesopotamia Syria" 71 . The first Greek historian who used the name Mesopotamia was Polybius 220 -120 B.C. c)

Why was the population of Mesopotamia called Syrians?

When the name Syria and S y r i a n where substituted for Aram and Aramean, most of the Aramean cities began to be part of Syria, and the term Syrian began to enter Mesopotamia as a synonym of Aramean. The Aramean localities in Mesopotamia began to be known as Exterior Syria, or Farther Syria, in 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71.

2. Sam. 10:6. Genesis 24:10 Judges 3:8 Genesis 25:20. Judges 3:8, 10 1. Chron. 19:6 One must take care of this and not mix up 1) What the name Mesopotamia originally stood for, namely the Aramaic state Aram Nahrain between the Euphrates and the Khabur and then later on, the upper part of the area between the Euphrates and the Tigris - and this is what it still means in Syriac, only this mentioned area-and 2) the new meaning of Mesopotamias which applies to the whole place between the Euphrates and the Tigris. The new idea of Mesopotamia uses the old name with larger comprehension.

T H E O R I G I N OF T H E W O R D S U R Y O Y O - S Y R i A N

189

comparison to Interior Syria. The whole area between the Euphrates and Tigris was full of Arameans states, cities and tribes. In the 9th B. C., Assyria, the triangle between the Tigrisand the Zab rivers, was encircled by Arameans 7 2 . According to the Assyrian kings, the middle and lower parts of Mesopotamia were called "Mat Arimi" 7 3 , i. e. the country of the Arameans, and wherever there were Arameans, the name Syrians began to appear, especially in the Christian era. B u t despite this process, the name "Beth Aramaye" was used in Syriac as a proper name of Iraq. Gradually, however, most of the Arameans in Beth Aramaye were called Syrians, with a few exeptions. VI-The name of Syria through the times.

According to the Akkadian inscriptions, Syria was called " A m u r r u " i. e. the west, west of the Euphrates. This name, Amurru, was mentioned in the writings of the Assyrian kings, such as Tiglath-Pileser I 1114-1096 B. C.74 and Adad-Nirari I I I in 812 B. C.75. According to these Akkadian inscriptions, the northern part of [Syria was called " K h a t t i " . But when the Arameans settled in Syria, before the 13th century B. C., and established many Aramean states as Aram Soba, Aram Damascus, H a m a t , Yadi, etc., they began to call their countries " A r a m " . The important Aramaic inscription from the year 748 B. C. which was discovered in the village "Sfire" in the south east of Aleppo, in the north today's Syria, explains t h a t the Arameans called northern Syria "Upper A r a m " and southern Syria "Lower Aram", while they called the whole of Syria "Koole Aram P » i. e. "All Aram" 7 6 . This division of Syria into "Upper Syria" stretching from Cilician border to the Orontes river and "Lower Syria" south of the Orontes lasting since the 10th century B.C. was still prevalent in the Hellenistic period. These Aramaic concepts and names were preserved down to the Hellenistic period despite political changes t h a t occured as time went on 77 . 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77.

Encyclopaedia Britiannca, Vol.1, p. 516. Luckenbil, D. D. Records of Assyrian Kings. Vol. I, p. 366. Ibid., Vol. I, $ 610-611. Ibid., Vol. I $ 739-740. Dupont-Sommer. Les Inscriptions Arameens de Sefire, pp. 17-18. Mazar, B. "The Aramean Empire", p. 120, in the Biblical Archeologist, Vol. XXV.

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T h e Greek t e r m " K o i l e S y r i a " 7 8 a p p e a r s in the first half of t h e 4 t h c e n t u r y as t h e n a m e of Syria i d e n t i c a l in its m e a n i n g with "All S y r i a " a n d t h e all t e r m " A l l A r a m " 7 9 . W h e n t h e Old Testam e n t was w r i t t e n , t h e writers a l r e a d y k n e w t h a t t h e A r a m e a n s called their c o u n t r i e s A r a m . T h e r e f o r e , they used t h e t e r m A r a m as t h e n a m e of t h e A r a m e a n c o u n t r i e s . At t h e same time, t h e Assyrian kings called Middle and S o u t h e r n Mesopotamia " M a t A r i m i " 8 0 , which m e a n s t h e c o u n t r y of t h e A r a m e a n s or t h e Aramean nation 8 1 , because it was full of A r a m e a n s t a t e s , cities a n d tribes. W h e n the Persian king Darius 521-485 B. C. divided t h e P e r s i a n empire into satrapies, Syria, P a l e s t i n e a n d Cyprus c o n s t i t u t e d t h e fifth s a t r a p y . This f i f t h Persian s a t r a p y was called " A b e r N a h r a " , in Aramaic, which m e a n s beyond the river ( E u p h r a t e s ) . The n a m e 'Aber N a h r a is preserved in the Old T e s t a m e n t 8 2 , a n d it seems to have its origin in t h e Assyrian writings of Shalmanescr H I in 853 B. C. Shalmaneser s t a t e s t h a t h e t o o k t r i b u t e s f r o m the kings " b e y o n d t h e E u p h r a t e s " 8 3 . B u t since t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of t h e A r a m e a n s s t a t e s a n d a h e a d in t i m e u n t i l t h e HeManistic epoch, Syria w e n t on being called by its i n t e r n a l Aramaic n a m e " A r a m " i. e. t h e n a m e by which its A r a m e a n p o p u l a t i o n called it. Then, d u r i n g t h e Hellenistic period, t h e Greeks began to call it Syria i n s t e a d of A r a m and its people Syrians, instead of A r a m e a n s . G r a d u a l l y the A r a m e a n s , themselves began to call their c o u n t r y A r a m a n d Syria by t u r n s , u n t i l t h e n a m e A r a m disappeared. However, t h e y still called t h e m s e l v e s a l t e r n a t e l y A r a m e a n s a n d Syrians, even in t h e Christian era. F o r instance, J a c o b of Srtij 521 A. D. w r o t e a b o u t St. E p h r e m 78. In 963 A. D., the Syriac writer Bar Bahlul used the term in Syriac dictionary as = Suriya Qule. Borrowing it from Greek, he did not know that it was Syriac in its origin and graecized in its form-Bar Bahlul syriacized it as

JJa.,3

Qule,

which

means "the whole"

or "all" in its

origin. 79. There are two village near Aleppo, north of Syria, named Orom Al-Kubrà, i. e. great Aram and Orom Al-Sughra, i. e. small Aram. 80. Luckenbil, Vol. I, 366; Vol. II, 36. 81. In Syriac sources, preserved to the middle ages, it is called '-Bet Aramaye", i. e. the country of thè Arameans. 82. Ezra 4:8; 6:18; 7:22; 7:26. 83. Luckenbil, Vol. I. 610-11.

T H E O R I G I N OF T H E WORD SURYOYO-SYRIAN

who lived in the forlh century (i-a^sc; I ot^t-^X

A. D. as follows."

loot?

191

J.JOI

j L ^ â = he has become a crown to

whole Aramean nation".

84

the

He describes the Chorus of girls in

Edessa who were St. Ephrem's pupils in the following u J ^ ^ i j - , ç.x^a.ÏO

I—.o;oto

t ^ o i A ^ â â =

"cot

The Hebrew girls were chanting

by means of their tambourines. And here the Aramean girls are giorifying God with their Midrashes". 85 Here the great poet used only the name Aramean. Up to the 13th century, the words Aramean and Syrian were used alongside with each other as two synonymous names for one people. We find them side by side in Bar Hebraeus' grammar book, where the term "the Syrian Aramean nation" Suryoyuthp Oromoyto 86 is to be found. In course of time, the size of the geographical country Syria or Aram changed. According to the political development, it decreased and increased by turns. During its maximum expansion, the country extended from the Southern mountains in Asia Minor in the North to the Sinai desert and Arabia in the South, and from the Mediterranean in the West to Persia in the East. In the Greco-Roman period, Syria was the land north of Palestine, including Anti-Lebanon and Mount Hermon. Poseidonius says that it was divided into eight satrapies in the Hellenistic period. 87 Septimus Severus 193-211 A. D. divided it into two provinces: Coele Syria in the north and Syro-Phoenicia in the South. In the fifth century, it was divided into five provinces. 88 According to the Syriac referencess, in the Christian era, Syria was the whole country stretching from t h e whole Mediterranean in the west to Persia in the east and from Anatolia in the north and to Palestine and Syrian desert in the south. It was divided into internal and external Syria, and the Euphrates was the

84. Manna Eugin. Aramaic Grammar, the Introduction. 85. Madrosho is a form of poetical unit in Syriac. 86. Bar Hebraeus. The Book of Lights (Grammar), The Introduction, p. 2. 87. Strabo, Book XVI, Ch. 2, $ 4. 88. Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol, 28, p. 380.

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dividing line b e t w e e n the t w o parts

of

Syria.89

Since

the

13th

c e n t u r y B . C. S y r i a w a s i n t h e h a n d s of t h e A r a m e a n s , a n d s i n c e 8 t h c e n t u r y B . G., it h a s t o The

Assyrians

occupied

it

face in

one 732

conqueror

after

another.

B . C. T h e n

the

Aramean

C h a l d e a n s of B a b e l 9 0 ( t h e n e w B a b y l o n e a n s ) r e s t o r e d i t i n 6 1 2 B. C. T h e P e r s i a n s o c c u p i e d it i n

5 3 9 B. C.,

the

Greeks

in

3 3 3 B . C.,

t h e R o m a n s i n 6 4 B . C., t h e A r a b s a b o u t 6 3 6 A. D . , t h e

Mongoles

i n 1 2 5 8 A. D . , t h e O t t o m a n s i n 1516 A. D . , a n d t h e F r e n c h i n 1921 A. D .

In

1946,

Modern

country. It was t h e n

Syria

became

called the Syrian

an

independent

Arab

Republic.

Arabic Today,

o n l y a p a r t of t h e S y r i a c A r a m e a n s l i v e i n t o d a y ' s S y r i a . T h e o t h e r Syriacs,

who

lived

at their

historical

b o r d e r s of t o d a y ' s S y r i a , n o w l i v e Turkey,

places,

in other

are

outside

c o u n t r i e s , like

the Iraq,

etc.91

89. According to this division, the Syriac Arameans were divided into east and west Syriacs. This division was geographical, political, religious, and linguistic. It greatly influenced the two syriac parts, even to the rank and file. Common Syriac people began to believe that the Syriacs were two peoples and not one, especially when, for some decades, the east Syriacs began to call themselves Assyrians, i. e. by the wrong name. 90. The Chaldeans were really only Aramean tribes. 91. In course of time, after the Arameans had been Christianized and had begun to be called Syrians-Syriacs (Suryoye), they began to send missionaries to the east to preach the Gospel. They reached as far as India and China. As time went on the Syriac Church of Antioch was for religious, political, and other reasons divided into many different churches: 1-The Syriac Church of the East (The Nestorian Church) was established in the fourth century. Its Patriarch now lives in the United States. 2-The Syriac Melchite Church in the fifth century. Its Patriarch lives in Damascus in Syria. 3-The Syriac Maronite Church in the seventh century. Its Patriarch lives in Lebanon. 4 The Chaldean Church in the fifteenth century. It was separated f r o m the Syriac Church of the East. Its Patriarch lives in Bagdad. 5-The Syriac Catholic Church in the seventeenth ccntury. It was separated f r o m the old Syriic Orthodox Church of Antioch, Its Patriarch lives in Lebanon. 6-The Catholic Melchite Church, it wasi separated f r o m the Orthodox Melchite Church.Its Patriarch is in Damascus in Syria. 7-The Syriac Protestant Churches. 8-Tlie Syriac Orthodox Church of Antioch. Its Patriarch now lives in Damascus in Syria. It is very regretful that the members of these eight Syriac Churches believe that each one of them represents a national group that has nothing to do with the other groups. Only three of these Churches have taken away the Syriac language from their liturgies. They are: The Orthodox Melchite Church, the Catholic Melchite Church, and the Protestant Churches. All the other four churches have adhered to the Syriac language in their liturgies-but on different levels.

T H E ORIGIN OF T H E

VII

WORD SURYOYO-SYRIAN

193

A glance at the history of the Arameans (Syriacs)

Hie sources of the hislory of the Arameans are very rare and most of the history of the Arameans ( Syriacs) is taken from the writings of the Assyrian kings, the Old Testament, the Aramaic inscriptions, etc. According to the Bible, the Arameans are called after their grandfather Aram, the son of Shem, son of Noa. 92 Etymologically the name Aram is connected with the meanings of High-Highness (High in place or rank). The Arameans never built any political or military unity but like most of the Semitic peoples, they established many isolated states, countries and cities in Syria and Mesopotamia. Most of their states bore the name Aram besides the proper name of the state, like Aram Soba, Aram Maaka 93 , Aram Nahrain, etc. The earliest written document which mentions " A r a m " as a geographical name, am inscription of the Akkadian king Naram-Sin, is from the 23rd century B. C. It was a name of a place in the Upper p a r t of Mesopotamia. A commercial Summerian document from the city Drehem about 2000 B. C. mentions Aram as a name of a state near the Summerian city Ashnuna at the Lower Tigris. This name is also mentioned in an Egyptian papyrus f r o m the time of Mernpthah 1225-1215 B. C.94 The name is repeated in documents from Mari about 1700 B.C. 9 5 The Arameans began to dwell around the Middle Euphrates (near the K h a b u r - a n d the Balikh rivers) in the 3rd millenium B. C.96 The Akkadian document mention the word " A r a m " in the following forms: Aramu, Arumu, and Arimi. The letters of Tell Amarna 15th century B. C., mentioned the Arameans by the name of "Akhlamu". The Assyrian king Arik-Den-llu 1325-1311 B. C. mentioned his triumph over the Ahlamu Arameans at the Upper Euphrates. 9 7 In 1116 B. C., Tiglath-pileser I boasts t h a t he had conquered the Aramean Ahlamu. 9 8 After the 12th century B. C., The name Aramean is used alone without Ahlamu. The Arameans reached the summit

92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98.

Genesis 10: 22, 23 2. Sam. 8:3; 10:6. Genesis 24:10/ 29:45; etc. Breasted, J. H. Ancient Records of Egypt III, p. 270. Moscati. Ancient Semitic Civilization, p. 168. Diringer. The Alphabet, p. 253. Dupont-Sommer, Les Arameenas, p. 21. Luckenbil, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, Vol.1, p. 116.

194

THE

HARP

of their political importance in the 11th- and 10th centuries B. C. At that time they established many states filling the whole of Syria and Mesopotamia. Here I mention the sites of the most important Aramaic states in the Fertile Crescent to show how widespread they were and how, in this way, they prepared the way for the name "Syrian-Syriac", which later reached to all these Aramaic places. I shall divide these Aramaic states and countries into four groups according to their locations. A)

The Aramaic states in the south of Syria:

1) The state of Beth Rehub, which was situated to the east of Mount'Ajlun and to the north of the river Yabbok (al-Zarqa) and stretched to the east of Lake Galilee. It is mentioned in the Bible in 2. Sam. 10:6 and in Numb. 13:22. 2) The state of Tob, which Beth Rehub.

was situated to the

east of

3) Geshur in Aram, on whose northern border was Beth Rehub and on whose south border was the state Aram Makka. It stretched from the southern foot of Mount Hermon to the river Yarmuk to the north of the Golan Heights. (Joshua 13:13; 2. Sam. 3:2, 15:8; 1. chron. 2:23) 4) Aram Soba, which was called "Chalcis" in the Roman period. Today it is called "Anjar" and is situated in Lebanon. It is the land to the north west of Damascus, from the Beqaa' in the west to the Syrian desert in the east, (2. Sam. 8:3; 1. Sam. 14:47, 38:5-13) 5) Aram Makka, which was to the north t o Geshur western foot of Mount Hermon and the southern Beqaa' (2. Sam. 10:6-8; 1. chron. 19:6)

on the valley.

6) Aram Damascus, which was the strongest state. Famous kings of this state were: Rezoh Bar Elyada' in the 10th century B.C., Bar Hadad II, the leader of the Aramaic confederation against the Assyrians in "Qarqar", and Hazael, in the 9th century B. C. (2. Sam. 8:5, 6) 7) Hamat, which was situated in the middle of today's Syria, on its northern border was Beth Agushi, and on its south

T H E ORIGIN OF T H E

WORD S U R Y O Y O - S Y R I A N

195

border was Damascus. It stretched westwards to the northern coast mountains and bordered in the east to the Syrian desert. It was the strongest state next to Damascus. (2. Sam. 8:9; 2. chroé14:28; Isaiah 10,9; 2. King. 17:24) important kings of this state were Tu'], contemporary to David, Yoran, Arkhulini and Zakir in the 9th century. 8) H a t t i n , on the lower valleys of the Orontes. 9) Tadmor (Palmyra) in the Syrian desert. Zenobia was a famous queen of this state in the 3rd century of the Christian era. B)

The Aramaic states in the north of Syria:

1) Yadi, whose capital was Sam'al (Zindjirli), near the sources of the Black river (Karasoh). It occupied Mount Amanus and the valleys of Black river. Its famous kings were Gabbara, Kilamua, Qaral, Panamua I, Bar Rekub and Aziru in the 9 t h a n d 8th centuries B. C. 2) Milid (Malatya), on the upper Euphrates valleys. Its famous king was Lali. 3) K u m m u k h , which was situated between Sam'al and the Euphrates. 4) Gargamish, which was situated between the E u p h r a t e s and K u m m u k h . 5) Gurgum, on the west of the higher Euphrates. Its capital was called Margasi (Mar'ash). It was in the hands of the Arameans (The Syriacs) in the 7th century A. D. Its Arameans were called Gurgume and Morude. They fought the Arabs in the 7th century A. D. Then they moved to Mount Lebanon and settled there, and constituted the Syriac Maronite church and sect. 6) Beth Agushi, whose capital was called Arpad. I t was situated to the north of Aleppo. One of its kings was called Aram in the 9th century. Its famous cities were: Azazo, Nirbo, Sarona, Arna etc. C) The states between the Euphrates (Mesopotamia) - the northern states:

and

the

Tigris

1) Beth Adini, above the great bend of the Euphrates, on both banks, and between the Euphrates and its tributary, the

196

THE

HARP

river Balikh. Its capital was called Barsip. Other i m p o r t a n t cities were Domiti, Azmu, Kabbari, Lalati, Surnu, etc. Ahuni was its king in the 9th century B. C. 2) Beth Bakhyani, whose capital was Gozana. It dominated over the upper Khabur. On its east was Nisibis and on its west was Beth Asini. Kings of this state in the 9th century B. C. were Gabbara and Samashnuri. 3) The country of " T u r Abdin". The Aramean tribe Tamariita established three states in Tur Abdin: A. Khozirina, B. Gidara (Radamata) on the south of Mardin, and C. Nsibin (Nsibis). The Assyrian king Adad Nirari fought the Arameans of these states in seven battles between 901-896 B.C. N u r - A d a d was a famous king. 4) Beth Zarnani, which was situated to Tur Abdin, on the banks of the upper Tigris. called Amidi (Diyarbakir). Its most famous city most famous kings, Ami Baali, llano (9th century

the north of Its capital was was Tido, Its B.C)

5) The country of Laqi, on the banks of the lower Khabur to its mouth to the Euphrates. On its west side was Beth Adini, and on the east the country "Suhi". It consisted of many Aramean tribes, the most famous of which was Hadifa. I m p o r t a n t states in this country were: Beth Halupi, whose capital was " S u r i " on the lower Khabur; Kalini, Tarka;, and Khandatu. The most famous cities were Dur Katilmu, Subri and Arbana. 6) The country of Suhi, on the Middle Euphrates, between Ana and the mouth of the . Balikh. Famous cities were Ana, Kharidi, and Rahubut. A famous king in the 9th century B.C. was Habani. 7) Aram Nahrain (Mesopotamia), between the Euphrates arid the Khabur. It is sometimes called P a d d a n Aram. Its most famous city was Harran. 8) Edessa (Urhoy) with its famous Abgar largest centre for the Christian Arameans. D)

kings was the

The Aramean states in southern Mesopotamia.

The place was full of Aramean cities and tribes. The most important Aramean sites were:

THE ORIGIN OF THE WORD 5 U P. Y < > Y O - S Y RIA N 1) Babel, which was an important centre for the Arameans. From it they attacked sothwards and westwards, threatening Assyria. P a r t of the Aramean tribes were called Chaldean. Famous Aramean kings of this state were A d a d - I p a l - I d d i n (1067-1047 B.C.), Marduk-Apal-idin (21-711 B.C.), and Nebukadnessar II (605-562 B.C.). 2) The country Utawati, on the banks of the Tigris and the lower Zab. 3) The kingdoms of Loraki; Beth Dakuri, Beth Adini, Bath Amukani; Beth Shilani, Beth Yakini, and the tribes Kampulu, Pukudu (near the Persian Gulf), and Elam. The Assyrian king Tiglat-pileser III (745-724 B.C.) mentioned in his writings the names of 50 Aramean tribes which he fought and vanquished. These tribes lived on the banks of the Tigris, the Euphrates, the Surapu, and the Uknu, in the middle and the south of Mesopotamia.

197

198 THIS IIARP T H E VIRGIN MOTHER This Virgin became a M o t h e r while preserving her v i r g i n i t y , A n d though still a Virgin she carried a Child in her womb; And t h e h a n d m a i d and work of His Wisdom became t h e Mother of God. (ST. E P H R A 1 M ) REPENTANCE The Lord is loving t o w a r d men, swift to p a r d o n b u t slow t o punish. L e t no man, t h e n , despair of his o w n salvation. P e t e r , t h e first and f o r e m o s t of t h e Apostles, denied t h e Lord t h r e e times before a l i t t l e s e r v a n t girl; b u t he r e p e n t e d a n d wept b i t t e r l y . Weeping is d e m o n s t rative of r e p e n t a n c e f r o m t h e d e p t h of t h e h e a r t , which is why he not only received t h e forgiveness of his denial b u t also k e p t his apostolic dignity w i t h o u t forfeit.

MAN IS OF T W O F O L D N A T U R E Since m a n is of a t w o f o l d n a t u r e , composed of b o d y a n d soul, t h e purification also is t w o f o l d : t h e corporeal for t h e corporeal a n d t h e incorporeal for t h e incorporeal. The w a t e r cleanses t h e body, a n d t h e Spirit seals t h e soul. Thus, h a v i n g our h e a r t sprinkled by t h e Spirit a n d our b o d y washed with p u r e w a t e r , t h e n , regard n o t simply t h e w a t e r , b u t look for s a l v a t i o n t h r o u g h t h e power of t h e H o l y Spirit. F o r w i t h o u t b o t h you c a n n o t a t t a i n t o p e r f e c t i o n . I t is not I who say this, b u t t h e L o r d J e s u s Christ, who lias t h e power in this m a t t e r . There is one Physician, who is b o t h flesh a n d spirit, b o r n a n d not born, who is God in m a n , t r u e life in d e a t h , both f r o m Mary and f r o m God, first able to suffer a n d t h e n u n a b l e t o suffer, J e s u s Christ our L o r d . (ST. I G N A T I U S O F A N T I O C H )

THE

HARP

Vol. V I . No. 3, December 1993, 199-206

Luise Abramowski

On the fragments of Theodore of Mopsuestia in Brit. Libr. add. 12.156 and the christological fragment in double tradition

1.

Father Koeberi's manuscript and his judgement christological fragment in double tradition Shortly before his death

(Sept. 27,

on the famous

1987), the late Father

Raimund K o b e r t of the istituto Biblico in R o m e sent a manuscript to Father Grillmeier in Frankfurt, containing a German translation of the Theodore fragments

from

add. 12.156 and

a short

intro-

duction. A t the end of the introduction there is a date : March 3, 1985, which I take in 1903,

he

was

to be the day K o b e r t finished his work. B o r n then

82. A f t e r

a

few

general

remarks,

his

introduction concerns only the famous case where another Syriac manuscript transmits a f o r m of the t e x t using the expression " o n e hypostasis" for

the one

Christ,

while add.

12.156 was

content

with the normal designation of " o n e p r o s o p o n " . A s is well known, Marcel Richard considered the version of add. 14.669 as rendering the genuine

t e x t of Theodore;

therefore

12.156 was taken by Richard as a

the translation in add.

witness

for

the alteration of

the original, t e x t in a hostile interest. Richard's opinion is echoed in Clavis P a t r u m

Graecorum

I I , where

Maurice Geerard (under

no. 3856) distinguishes between fragments of the traditio genuina (add.

14.669 and

alterata of

De

Facundus

incarnatione.

appear of course under the

of

Hermiane)

The

fragments

second heading.

and of from

the add.

traditio 12.156

200

THE

IIARP

R o b e r t h o w e v e r in his u n p u b l i s h e d p a p e r , a f t e r c o m p a r i n g t h e t w o v e r s i o n s , t u r n s t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p o n its h e a d : in his o p i n i o n t h e v e r s i o n of a d d . 14.669 is t h e w o r k of a n E d e s s e n i a n i n c l i n e d t o a g r e e w i t h t h e s y n o d of C h a l c e d o n a n d t h e r e f o r e t h e t e r m i n o l o g y of t h e o r i g i n a l h a s b e e n a l t e r e d in t h i s sense. F a t h e r G r i l l m e i e r c o n s i d e r e d a possible p u b l i c a t i o n of R o b e r t s ' s p a p e r as a n a p p e n d i x t o v o l u m e I I 2 of " J e s u s d e r C h r i s t u s i m G l a u b e n d e r K i r c h e " , since R o b e r t was c o r r e c t l y s a y i n g t h a t t h e r e is no G e r m a n t r a n s l a t i o n of t h e f r a g m e n t s . I n a n y case a complete t r a n s l a t i o n w o u l d be v e r y d e s i r a b l e : S a c h a u ' s L a t i n t r a n s l a t i o n is n o t v e r y accessible, n o t c o m p l e t e a n d rearranges t h e last f r a g m e n t s which constitute a little a p p e n d i x t o t h e e x c e r p t s f r o m De i n c a r n a t i o n e . B e f o r e p u b l i c a t i o n F a t h e r Grillmeier w a n t e d t o c o n s u l t s o m e b o d y a c q u a i n t e d w i t h the problems, got Robert's h a n d w r i t t e n paper typed and sent i t t o me. I s t r o n g l y v o t e d f o r s e p a r a t e p u b l i c a t i o n , b e c a u s e for p u r p o s e of b i b l i o g r a p h y t h e t r a n s l a t i o n w o u l d h a v e been lost in G r i l l m e i e r ' s v o l u m e a n d i t s u s e f u l n e s s f o r s c h o l a r s lessened. I u n d e r t o o k t o p r e p a r e t h e p u b l i c a t i o n , e x p e c t i n g it w o u l d need only some technical editorial work on the i n t r o d u c t i o n and a c o n t r o l of t h e t r a n s l a t i o n . H o w e v e r , I f o u n d t h a t I h a d t o r e w r i t e t h e t r a n s l a t i o n , t h a t t h e r e was no r e f e r e n c e book t o t h e o l d e r c r i t i c i s m of R i c h a r d ' s t h e s i s by S u l l i v a n a n d t h a t t h e w h o l e a p p a r a t u s of P a r a l l e l t r a d i t i o n s , if a n y . h a d t o be s u p p l i e d . All t h i s t o o k m u c h m o r e t i m e t h a n first p l a n n e d a n d t h e w h o l e is s t i l l n o t finished. B u t l e t m e s a y a t once t h a t a f t e r w o r k i n g t h r o u g h the texts, I concur completely with R o b e r t concerning t h e s i d e w h e r e we c a n e x p e c t t o (Lnd t h e f a m o u s t e x t i n i t s authentic though translated f o r m : i n a d d . 12.150; t h e v e r s i o n of a d d . 14.669 c o n s t i t u t e s a r e w o r k i n g of t h e passage in q u e s t i o n . G r i l l m e i e r of c o u r s e saw a t o n c e the c o n s e q u e n c e of R o b e r t ' s j u d g m e n t : t h e e v a l u a t i o n of the f r a g m e n t s f r o m De i n c a r n a t i o n e i n t h e Clavis P a i r . G r a c e h a d to be a l t e r e d in t h e o p p o s i t e sense ( t h e f r a g m e n t s f r b m F a c u n d u s , t h o u g h , m u s t not be i n c l u d e d in t h i s b o u l e v e r s e m e n t ) . T h i s b r i n g s us to o u r n e x t s e c t i o n :

2.

The reliability of the tradition of Theodore's writings

T h e d i s t i n c t i o n s t o be m a d e c o n c e r n i n g t h e t r a n s m i s s i o n of t h e w o r k s of T h e o d o r e are r e a l l y t h e f o l l o w i n g :

ON THE FRAGMENTS OF ••• DOUBLE TRADITION

201

a) F r i e n d l y t r a d i t i o n a n d hostile t r a d i t i o n , be it of t h e Greek original or of t h e t r a n s l a t i o n s i n t o L a t i n a n d Syriac. Characteristic of t h e hostile t r a d i t i o n is o n e - s i d e d selection, t h a t is to say e x c e r p t i n g of q u o t a t i o n s considered to be d a m a g i n g to the o r t h o d o x y of t h e a u t h o r , so as t o give a m o r e or less u n b a l a n c e d p i c t u r e of his opinions. T h e r e a r e some cases where t h e f r a g m e n t s h a v e been cut o u l in such a way t h a t opinions, r e f u t e d b y t h e a u t h o r , a r e presented as his o w n ( t h a t h a p p e n e d in t h e proof t e x t s for t h e synod of 553 a n d is t h e r e f o r e r e p r o d u c e d by P o p e Vigilius). T h e T h e o d o r i a n collection in a d d . 12.156 is t h e m o s t o n e - s i d e d of all; we have o n f r a g m e n t t h e r e t o which a m u c h larger Greek c o n t e x t is preserved in L e o n t i u s , himself a hostile t r a d e n t , which shows t h a t in t h e original t h e t e x t was f r a m e d by s e n t e n c e s a b o u t t h e union of n a t u r e in t h e one Christ, - sentences c a r e f u l l y not t a k e n up by our e x c e r p t . - F r a g e m e n t s f r o m t h e friendly t r a d i t i o n are those in F a c u n d u s , going back to t h e (lost) Apology f o r Diodore a n d T h e o d o r e b y Theodoretus. b) A second distinction concerns t h e t r a n s l a t i o n s only. I t is a d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e salvishly literal a n d t h e m o r e s m o o t h l y reading. Sullivan (1956) has r e m a r k e d again a n d again of t h e L a t i n f r a g m e n t s belonging t o t h e hostile t r a d i t i o n t h a t t h e y follow t h e Greek in a slavish m a n n e r wherever we c a n c o m p a r e t h e m . A n d t h e r e s u l t of m y observations on our collection is e x a c t l y t h e same. N o t t h a t this is always a help, on the c o n t r a r y . Sometimes T h e o d o r e is difficult t o u n d e r s t a n d a n d t h e S y r i a n t r a n s l a t i o n is even more difficult t o read and p e r h a p s has n o t properly u n d e r s t o o d t h e original. I have still t o s t r u g g l e w i t h some difficult passages myself. On t h e o t h e r h a n d t h e r e are cases where one can divine t h e Greek expression u n d e r n e a t h a n d find t h e r i g h t sense, or c a n a t least discern t h a t t h e Syriac t r a n s l a t e d t h e w r o n g one of several possible m e a n i n g s of a Greek word a n d then one can find t h e c o r r e c t meaning. T h e t w o different k i n d s of t r a n s l a t i o n c a n n o t be a m a t t e r of a c c i d e n t , t h e y seem t o be c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e f u n c t i o n of the t e x t t r a n s l a t e d . T h e cases of slavishly literal t r a n s l a t i o n are, I am certain, not t h e r e s u l t of t h e inability of t h e individual t r a n s l a t o r ( t h o u g h t h e f a u l t s in choosing t h e w r o n g s y n o n y m or n o t u n d e r s t a n d i n g p r o p e r l y of course are) nor do t h e y represent a phase in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of S y r i a c t r a n s l a t i o n t e c h n i q u e ,

202

THE

HARP

since tlie p h e n o m e n o n appears in t h e L a l i u t r a d i t i o n as well. I assume it to be a m a t t e r of l i t e r a r y genre, more e x a c t l y of a theological literary genre: f r a g m e n t s t r a n s l a t e d in this m a n n e r are t e s t i m o n i a , pieces of evidence in t h e d o g m a t i c struggle, a n d should keep their power of d e m o n s t r a t i o n j u s t b y literal e x actitude. In c o m p a r i s o n , consider t h e use of t h e Syriac t r a n s l a t i o n s of t h e Catechetical Homilies, of t h e C o m m e n t a r y on J o h n a n d of De i n c a r n a t i o n e in add. 14.669. F i r s t of all: these are n o t t r a n s l a t i o n s of e x c c r p t s b u t of t h e whole writings, t h o u g h only p a r t s of t h e m a n u s c r i p t of De i n c a r n a t i o n e have survived. They were t r a n s l a t e d , because people p r i m a r i l y w a n t e d to read or to t e a c h t h e m for t h e i r own good in their own c o m m u n i t y ; t h a t does n o t exclude t h a t the t r a n s l a t o r of De i n c a r n a t i o n e in a d d . 14.669 w a n t s T h e o d o r e l.o be read in a special d o g m a t i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and c e r t a i n l y in an apologetic, theological a n d / o r ecclesiastical p a r t y i n t e r e s t . T r a n s l a t i o n s with a positive doctrinal, i n s t r u c tive and edifying t a s k m u s t be r e a d a b l e and o u g h t not m a k e t h e r e a d e r stumble over d r e a d f u l l y hard, u n - S y r i a c s y n t a c t i c a l cons t r u c t i o n s a n d so limit the access to something considered v e r y valuable. B u t if we look in t h e l i g h t of such a s s u m p t i o n s a t t h e Syriac of add. 14.669 again (in t r y i n g to t r a n s l a t e it) we t h e n find t h a t t h e t r a n s l a t i o n follows t h e (no longer e x i s t e n t ) Greek only t o o o f t e n too literally as t h e c l u m s y s y n t a x shows. T h a t makes t h e f a m o u s passage with its d e v i a n t r e a d i n g t h e m o r e s p e c t a c u l a r , as a deliberate a t t e m p t of correction especially since we can c o m p a r e i t w i t h t w o smaller passages, where a d d . 14.669 a n d 12.156 t r a n s l a t e the same Greek t e x t s in more or less t h e same m a n n e r . So t h e De. i n c a r n a t i o n e of a d d . 14.669 becomes a case of its o w n , n o t q u i t e fitting into one of t h e categories established above. R i c h a r d has given t h e f r a g m e n t s f r o m De i n c a r n a t i o n e in a d d . 12.156 r u n n i n g n u m b e r s , t h e f a m o u s f r a g m e n t is no. 16 (the t w o others w i t h parallels in 14.669 are nos 19 a n d 20). I n his p a p e r R i c h a r d did not t r e a t t h e small g r o u p of e x c e r p t s following a f t e r those f r o m De i n c a r n a t i o n e in 12 156, I n o w have carried on his n u m e r a t i o n into this a p p e n d i x . No. 32 is a q u o t a t i o n f r o m t h e Catechetical ¡Homilies, a s h o r t t e x t of seven lines in t h e m a n u s c r i p t which T o n n e a u , the editor, r e p r o d u c e d p h o t o s t a t i c a l l y (f. 15 u). Short though the passage in q u e s t i o n is, t h e r e c a n

ON T H E F R A G M E N T S

DOUBLE TRABlTtÔN 203

OF

something be said on the. t e x t c r i t i c a l side: some words on t h e right margin of the m a n u s c r i p t are slightly blurred, in two cases somebody lias tried to retrace letters with a pencil, t h e first time this has been done correctly ( {.o [ line 20), the second time n o t quite (line 24 read O l i o , so p r i n t e d in Mingana's edition a n d t r a n s l a t e d by Tonneau). B u t line 21 begins with a word, which Mingana read and T o n n e a u ' s •

t r a n s l a t i o n followed this reading: " e t par lui", " a n d through him"« To me the word in question seems to read "and through his g a r m e n t " , " e t par son v ê t e m e n t " which fits very well in the c o n t e x t . Now let us look at the m a n n e r of t r a n s lation on both sides of the t r a d i t i o n . There are two cases of slight simplification in the friendly t r a d i t i o n , a) " T h e one L o r d " is predicated in t h e hostile t r a d i t i o n as "who is f r o m t h a t n a t u r e , which is one and divine* of which is t h e f a t h e r " . Thé same predication reads in t h e friendly t r a d i t i o n : "who is of the divine n a t u r e of God the F a t h e r " , b) He is again predicated in t h e hostile f r a g n u n t : "of whom the angel said, in w h a t m a n n e r it was fitting t h a t he should be c a l l e d " - this alludes to Luke 1,32. In the friendly t r a d i t i o n we read: "because he is t h a t man, of whom the angel said t h a t he should be called J e s u s " - an allusion to Luke 1,31. This last version makes the u n d e r s t a n d i n g easier, b u t replaces also the very characteristic Theodorian phrase " a s it is f i t t i n g " . There can be no question, but t h a t the version of the hostile collection represents the genuine text. One notices also the t r a n s l a t i o n of " t a k e o n " (assumere) which really is Theodorian enough by " c l o t h e himself", a Syriacisation, if y o u like; "being in h i m " is reproduced by t h e stronger " d w e l t in h i m " ; "give knowledge of himself in h i m " becomes " m a n i f e s t e d by his g a r m e n t " . One could summ this up as a f u r t h e r " A n t i o c h e n i s a t i o n " of an already Antiochene t e x t , without any a l t e r a t i o n of the sense! W h e n Rudolf Abramowski (my father) in 1934 (Zeitschrift f. neutestamentliche Wissenschaft vol. 33) drew a t t e n t i o n to the t h e n recent publication of t h e Catechetical Homilies by Mingana, he wrote t h a t the Latin translation of the conciliar excerpts f i o m the Homilies should now be examined in the light of the Syriac version of the complete text. His own general observation was t h a t Syriac version in t h e most cases gives a b e t t e r sense t h a n t h e o f t e n r a t h e r dark L a t i n , a n d f u r t h e r t h a t t h e L a t i n h a d been edited to t h e disadvantage of the culprit (p. 68). On p. 69 R .

204

THË IIAft?

Abramowski reproduced both the Syriac versions of the excerpt from the Homilies we have just treated, b u t did not evaluate the differences as we have done now, he then goes on to compare the Latin fragments singly with the complete Syriac version. His final verdict is that the complete Syriac version of the Homilies makes better reading and is easier to understand (here we agree); to him it seems therefore to be truer to the original. To this I cannot agree, in spite of filial piety; for in my opinion this judgment has to be turned the other way round. We must now return to the christologieal text in the divergent versions of add. 12.156 and 14.669. Koebert states correctly that the translation in 12.156 shows an interconnected argumentation where every argument and comparison has its place, while in add. 14.669 we have a loose chain of thoughts only. I need not repeat his demonstration in its particulars, and 1 have already mentioned his result. But I can add complementary observations which will make it impossible to keep the version of add. 14.669 as representing the authentic text of Theodore. There is in add. 12.156 a terrible difficult passage about the interior and exterior man, which is radically simplified and shortened (and perhaps even turned the wrong way) in add. 14.669. Luckily there is a Latin parallel to add. 1 2 . 1 5 6 - n o t of text but of the thought in a fragment in Facundus, which makes Theodore's meaning clearer, although the translation of the Syriac is still very difficult. It is impossible that the shorter, simpler form in 14.669 should have developed into the complicated arrangement now represented by 12.156. And lastly we find in the passage on the side of 14.669 the expression (laj^JY which is a term used by the late Nestorius, and never s as far as I know, by Theodore and certainly not contained in thé version of 12:156. At this stage of my work on our collection of Theodorian fragments I turned to F. A.. Sullivan's book "The christology of Theodore of Mopsuestia" of 1956 and reread after more than thirty years chapters two and three of this work, t h a t is to say the main part of the book (p. 35-158). Here Sullivan treats the reliability of the hostile tradition and examines the evidence of falsification offered by Devreesse. Richard and Devreesse are sharply criticised and the author takes his own stand in the

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205

debate then going on about the re-evaluation of Antiochene theology. Since such conservative (to express it mildly) divines as Ortiz de Urbina, Diepen and Parente are mentioned with approval, Sullivan's book looked and was intended to look inimical to the advocates of Theodore who seeked evidence for their opinion in the Antiochene and Nestorian tradition of Theodore's oeuvre But it must be stated reluctantly (because we all liked Marcel, Richard so very much and revered his great learning) as well as clearly t h a t Sullivan's investigation into the relationship of the different strands of tradition to each other and to the translations is methodically faultless. His statements on the different degree» of liberty in the Syriac translations of Theodore are very useful indeed. B u t from this it does not follow at all t h a t one agrees with his opinions concerning the "Nestorianism", be it of Theodore or Nestorius or their friends. 3.

The Theordorian fragments in add 12. 156

In his article on the tradition of Theodore's De incarnatione (now Opera minora, 1977, no. 41) Richard treated our s m a l l collection of excerpts in an appendix only (p. 72-74), in accordance with his deprecation of the hostile tradition. B u t even so the work done by him is of the greatest help. As I have said already he did not include the group of fragments not from De incarnatione in this investigation. In consequence references to these fragments are lacking in Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum IV 2 and therefore also in a list I p u t together in a short paper on the whole manuscript of add. 12. 156, written a very long time ago and published only recently (in "Texte und T e x t k r i t i k " = T e x t e und Untersuchungen, vol. 133, 1987). In this paper I gave a table of contents of add. 12. 156, breaking away from the traditional one based on Wright's Catalogue, The "Blasphemies of Diodore, Theodore and Nestorius" constitute no, V I I I of the contents. No. VIII belongs with nos. VI, VII and I X to t h a t part of the manuscript which denounces Antiochene theology in a framework which is directed against Chalcedone and the Tome of Leo. Richard in his numeration of the fragments had overlooked the fact t h a t no. 9 consists of two fragments which I distinguish by a) and b). No. 24 is the last in the series from De incarnatione, the appendix goes on to no. 33. I have divided no. 25

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in two pieces because of the extant Greek parallel, though in the Syriac no new lemma indicates the interruption, if not a group of three dots is to be taken as indication, since they often (but not always) mark the end of an excerpt. The greater number of fragments is unique: nos. 2-10. 15. 17. 18. 21-24. 26. 28. 29. 33, t h a t is to say 17 excerpts f r o m De incarnatione and 4 in the apendix. Nos. 16 and 19 have parallels in add. 14. 669 only, the same applies to the first sentence of no. 20, which is for the rest also preserved in Latin. Richard thought; no. 12 to be without parallel, but before t h a t R. Abramowski had found a parallel in one of the fragments f r o m Leontius. We know t h a t De incarnatione was subdivided in books and chapters, the numeration of latter running continuosly through the books. The compilator of the excerpts in our collection gives only the chapter; the chapters quoted are: 11. 33. 35. 36. 37. 38. 50. 51. 56. 59. 60. 63 (the famous christclogical quotation is from this chapter) 66. 73. 77. Mostly the fragments are not long, one of the exceptions being no. 16 from ch. 63. The fragments as selected by the compiler concentrate on the distinction between Logos and assumed man in Christ and on the fulness of his human nature. It is quite clear t h a t the concept of the man " a n t r o p o s " in Christ is developed against the very peculiar christological understanding of man " a n t r o p o s " in Apolinarius, where " m a n " (not the flesh however) is "from heaven" (taken from I Cor. 15, 47). The compiler's interest is not directed against Apolinarius, but against Theodore; yet we do not understand Theodore fully, if we do not perceive what he is fighting against.

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Vol. V I . No. 3, December 1993, 207-216 John Madey

Liturgical Offering and Alms The 'Stipend' Issue in an oriental perspective

" T h e gift of priesthood was given t o us not have more or less alms, b u t it was given to us for our purification because it is evident created goods are unable to e q u a t e with a sole by a p u r e m a n t o t h e p u r i t y . " 1

in order to gratuitously t h a t all t h e mass offered

During a discussion following a conference on t h e implications of Vatican I I ' s decree on t h e Oriental Catholic Churches and t h e forthcoming oriental canon law, a Syro-Malankara priest raised the issue of t h e sustenance of priests by way of w h a t is generally called 'Mass stipends': " I s it a p p r o p r i a t e to offer t h e Divine Liturgy on weekdays, when we are alone in t h e church, only to fulfill the obligation of a received stipend, or is there a n o t h e r way for Orientals, more conform w i t h ecclesiastical t r a d i t i o n ? " This is indeed a serious question for all those priests of oriental catholic churches who depend on the offerings and alms of the f a i t h f u l to assure t h e i r livelihood. The 'Mass stipends' very o f t e n form a p a r t of their m o n t h l y income. Stipends are normally defined as " a m o n e t a r y offering made to a priest on t h e u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h a t he will celebrate Mass for i n t e n t i o n specified by the d o n o r " 2 . This traditional definition has not remained w i t h o u t dispute within t h e R o m a n Catholic Church. 1. DIONYSIOS BAR SALÏBI, Penitential Canons: Ms Sarfeh 2. C. NEELY, Stipends: Encyclopedic Dictionary of Religion, Pa.- Washington, D. C., 1979, 3394.

19/17 § 8. Philadelphia,

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A few years ago, the Canon law Society of expressed their dissatisfaction with the stipend system It seems based "on a theology merit of and the fruits of unacceptable to contemporary sacramental theologians of conciliar Eucharistic theology and subsequent experience" 3 .

America in force. the Mass in light liturgical

It is often argued t h a t the oriental tradition does not know this practice which has originated in the western church only in the Middle Ages. This is partly true insofar the principle is being taken under consideration t h a t only one stipend can be accepted for the celebration of one Eucharistic liturgy. The oriental tradition knows, however, another practice which is related, perhaps in a clearer way, also to the offering of the faithful as a part of their active participation in the liturgy. Indeed, the custom of making offerings to the priests on the occasion of performing the services of their ministry goes back to the Old Testament (cf. Lev. 2,3; 5, 13; 6, 8ff.), and it is k e p t up by St. Paul saying: " K n o w you not t h a t they who work in the holy place, eat the things that are of the holy place; and they t h a t serve the altar, partake with the altar? So also the Lord ordained t h a t they who preach the gospel, should live by the gospel" (1 Cor. 9, 13f.). This t e x t recognizes the evident lawfulness t h a t the priests draw an adequate income from the services rendered to the assembly, and this argument is the more valid if this is a main source of their sustenance. Another reason, connected intimately with this practice of offering, has a still stronger social aspect, namely helping the poor and needy. "On the first day of the week let every one of you p u t apart with himself, laying up what it shall well please h i m " (1 Cor. 16, 2). " F o r it has pleased them to make a contribution for the poor of the saints t h a t are in J e r u s a l e m " (Rom. 16, 26). It is in the poor and needy t h a t faithful meet the Lord in a special way. The practice of giving alms for the poor during the celebration of the divine mysteries is clearly attested also by Severus, patriarch of Antioch ( + 538): 3. T. GREEN, Stipends, New Catholic Encyclopedia: Change in the Church, Washington, D. C.-New York, N- Y., 1979, XV 626.

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" A n d t h e y are conscious too of alms given to t h e poor on their behalf. F o r t h e y are a rational sacrifice as P a u l teaches this a n d says: ' t o give alms and to i m p a r t f o r g e t not for such sacrifices please God' (Heb. 13, 16). F o r t h a t those who have fallen asleep in Christ are conscious of these things, t h e r i t u a l (tekso) also which was h a n d e d d o w n to t h e churches f r o m of old by the Apostles and f r o m t h e beginning t e t h e present day clearly witnesses; for t h e deacon makes proclamations to those who are standing while t h e bloodless sacrifice is being offered t h a t t h e y are to make supplications on behalf of those on whose behalf t h e y are making commemorations a n d alms. B u t it is not lawful for us to say: t h a t a n y of t h e things enjoined in t h e holy churches is useless or v a i n . " 4 H a v i n g this social aspect in mind, C. K u c h a r e k rightly states: " T h e practice of celebrating the Divine L i t u r g y o u t of personal devotion, w i t h o u t any of t h e f a i t h f u l in a t t e n d a n c e , never have gained the general approval and widespread use in the East t h a t it has in the West. Since the earliest days of Christian a n t i q u i t y , t h e E u c h a r i s t was celebrated only for t h e sake of t h e f a i t h f u l ' P r i v a t e ' or semi-public masses are never ' s o l i t a r y ' , for an Oriental R i t e priest will never celebrate w i t h o u t a group of f a i t h f u l being present. Nor will he do so to satisfy t h e obligation of a stipend as is the case in the L a t i n R i t e . . . This is the reason why m a n y Oriental Rites have preserved t h e old t r a d i t i o n of having only a sung Liturgy. E v e n w h e n t h e H o l y Sacrifice is celebrated for ' p r i v a t e ' reasons, it is still with a n u m b e r of people participating, singing the responses, e t c . " 3 While in the early church, alms and offerings were given spontaneously a t the time of 'offertory' in the f o r m of material goods including bread and wine f r o m which a p a r t was used for the sacrifice itself the rest being given to the clergy and the poor, this way of sharing in t h e sacrifice was later replaced by m o n e t a r y offerings before the anaphora. To make offerings a t this m o m e n t is certainly more m e a n i n g f u l t h a n to p o s t p o n e t h e m to 4. Letter to Caesaria the hypatissa: R GRAFFIN-F N A U (EDS.), Patrologia Orientalis Paris 1907ff., XV 284f. 5. C. KUCHAREK, The Byzatine-Slav Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom: Its origin and evolution, Allendale, N. J., 1971, 205f.

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the time of taking leave from the church after the liturgy, as it is practised actually in the Syro-Antiochean and Malankara churches. The 'collect' held t h e n seems to have no relevance in regard to the oblation and sacrifice, on the contrary, the impression could be grasped t h a t the "church is crazy for money!" A few words are to be added here on daily celebrationThe eastern churches as well as the western church celebrated the divine mysteries originally only on the Lord's Day and on Saturdays. Later daily celebration developed both in the East and in the West, when the local communities had numerically grown to such an extent t h a t the participation of faithful could be expected. The practice of non-celebrating the divine mysteries on weekdays remained, however, in force during Great Lent. " I t is not licit to offer the oblations during the F o r t y - D a y s - F a s t , except on the Lord's day and Saturday". 6 On the other days of the year including the Feast of the Annunciation (March 25) the Divine Liturgy has been offered in the Syrian Church, as we learn from J o h n of Dara (8th/9th cent.): "Why is the oblation offered every d a y ? - W e the sheep receive their nourishment every day we are sinning several times in course of a year, is consecrated that we take it always and be

answer: As and because the oblation pardoned". 7

With the numerical increase of the faithful, especially in the towns, most of the oriental churches have shifted the preparation of the gifts from before the anaphora to before the liturgy itself. It is during these rites of proscomedy or prothesis t h a t the intentions of the Church and her faithful are summarized in the prayers. In the Syro-Antiochean liturgy, there exists also the practice to insert a special service in honour of the Mother of God after the Quql' yon in her honour of the Divine Liturgy, whenever it is requested. "Such petitioners give in their names and pay a fixed a m o u n t for this special supplication." 8 There are like 6. P. BEDJAN, Nomocanon Gregorii Barhebraei, Paris 1893, 53. 7. On Muron, ch. 10: Ms Sarfeh 4/1, f. 154. 8. K. P. RAMBAN, The Orthodox Syrian Church, Alwaye 1973, 78.

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services in honour of Our Lady or for the departed also in the churches of the Byzantine tradition, but after the liturgy. In a book authored by the late cardinal Joseph Parecattil, b u t published only after his death, Liturgy as I see it9, the author attacks the Orientals for accepting more t h a n one 'stipend' for one Divine Liturgy. His arguments are typically western and lack any understanding of the longstanding oriental conception of the eucharistic sacrifice and its value. V. J. Pospishil showed the difference of understanding more t h a n 25 years ago in commenting on the Motu proprio Cleri sanctitati: "Christian antiquity and Oriental Rite traditions followed implicitly the doctrine t h a t the fructus ministerialis (ministerial f r u i t ) of the Eucharistic sacrifice as offered by the priest, which fructus can be freely applied by t h e celebrant for whom he wishes, has indefinite10 value, which means t h a t everyone for whom, and for as many as, the celebrant applied the sacrifice participated to the same full extent. This sentence was proposed also by some Catholic theologians [when the law on persons was in the stage of preparation], but rejected by the m a j o r i t y which holds t h a t the value is definite.11 It could, naturally, never justify the acceptance of several stipends for the application of the same Mass." 12 " W h e n Oriental Catholics reunited themselves with the Holy See, they accepted the doctrine of the (western) Catholic theologians on the application of the fructus ministerialis, and followed the practice of the Latin Rite of accepting only one stipend for each Mass and of celebrating daily." 1 3 As regards non-Catholic Orientals, they may accept one or several pecuniary offerings "obliging themselves to include the intentions of each donor in the sacrifice. This practice does not preclude, according to their conviction, t h a t the Mass is also offered for the benefit of t h e parishioners." 1 4 9. 10., 12. 13.,

In Malayalam and English. Ernakulam 1987. 11. My emphasis (J. M ). Code of Oriental Canon Law: The Law on Persons, 14. Ibid.

Ford City, Pa., 1960, 223

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T h e S y r o - A n t i o e h e a n l i t u r g y as w e l l as t h e B y z a n t i n e l i t u r g y k n o w t h e p r a c t i c e of m e n t i o n i n g t h e n a m e s of t h e living a n d t h e d e a d in t h e s e r v i c e of t h e p r e p a r a t i o n of t h e offerings. " I n o u r c o m m u n i t i e s of Slav o r i g i n , e a c h f a i t h f u l w r i t e s t h e n a m e s of t h e l i v i n g a n d d e a d p e r s o n s w h o m h e asks t o be c o m m e m o r a t e d in t h e l i t u r g y , b e f o r e t h e p r o s c o m i d y , o n a p a p e r or i n t o a b o o k l e t ( = d i p t y c h s ) a n d m a k e s t h e m be b r o u g h t , t o g e t h e r w i t h a p r o s p h o s a (loaf) f o r w h i c h h e m a k e s a l i t t l e offering, i n t o t h e p r o t h e s i s " 1 5 . I n t h e S y r o - A n t i o c h e a n l i t u r g y , d u r i n g t h e service of A a r o n , t h e p r i e s t h o l d s t h e p a t e n a n d t h e chalice above t h e T a b l i t 5 while m a k i n g t h e general c o m m e m o r a t i o n a n d t h e special i n t e n t i o n s w h i c h w e r e c o m m u n i c a t e d t o h i m e a r l i e r . T h e T e k s o p r e s c r i b e s t h e m e n t i o n of t h e n a m e s of t h e l i v i n g as well as of t h e d e a d . I n t h e G r e a t I n t e r c e s s i o n a f t e r t h e epiclesis, t h e i n t e n t i o n s a r e s u m m a r i z e d b o t h in t h e d e a c o n ' s proclamations and the priest's prayers.18 We have mentioned this practice witnessed by the liturgy itself a l t h o u g h it m a y h a v e f a l l e n i n t o o b l i v i o n h e r e a n d t h e r e . As l i t u r g y is one, if n o t the, m a i n s o u r c e of t h e f a i t h , it is t h e living e x p r e s s i o n of a C h u r c h ' s a p o s t o l i c a n d ecclesial t r a d i t i o n . T h e c o m m i s s i o n f o r t h e c o d i f i c a t i o n of t h e n e w o r i e n t a l c a n o n l a w , f a i t h f u l t o t h e s a y i n g s of V a t i c a n I I in i t s decrees on E c u m e n i s m and on the Oriental Catholic Churches, has taken i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n t h e o r i e n t a l vision while p r e p a r i n g t h e c a n o n s of t h e p a r t ( t i t u l u s ) r e f e r r i n g t o D i v i n e W o r s h i p a n d t h e S a c r a m e n t s T h e q u e s t i o n of r e c e i v i n g offerings ( o b l a t i o n e s ) - t h e t e r m s t i p e n d ( s t i p s ) is n o t used! - is d e a l t w i t h in t h e c a n o n s 50, 51 a n d 52 of t h e d r a f t (schema) of t h i s p a r t . 1 7 Canon 50 - § 1. It is licit that priests faithful, according to received and approved offer them for the celebration of the Divine

receive offerings which custom of the Churches, Liturgy in their own

15. S. HEITZ (ED,), Mysterium der Anbetung: Goettliehe Liturgie und. Stundengebet der Orthodoxen Kirche, Cologne 1986, 14. 16. Cf. C. A. ABRAHAM (TR. & ED.), The Order of the Holy Qurbono of the Syro-Malankara Church, Trivandrum 1986, 9f. and 31-35; Mar ATHANASIUS Y. SAMUEL (ED ), Anaphora: The Divine Liturgy of Saint James the First Bishop of Jerusalem, Hackensack, N. J., 1967 12-14 and 42-48. IT. Nuntia 15, Vatican City 1982, 33f.

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intentions. § 2. It is also licit, if there is an approved custom, to accept offerings for the Liturgy of the Presanctified and for commemorations in the Divine Liturgy. In the first paragraph, the general principle is enounced t h a t it is a legitimate custom to accept offerings in order to fulfill the intention of the donors. This means t h a t the priest may, although he is not obliged to do so, accept offerings and alms from the faithful asking him to pray according to their intentions during the Divine Liturgy. This practice is quite in accordance with a longstanding and approved tradition of " t h e Churches". The plural used in this context reflects the fact t h a t although there are some aspects common to all the Churches eastern and western, there may be divergent, b u t legitimate customs. This point becomes evident when the legislator says t h a t oriental priests may accept offerings from the faithful, too, when celebrating the Liturgy of the Presanctified and for commemorations in the Divine Liturgy, provided this practice is based on the tradition of the respective Church (c. 50 § 2). We have already pointed out above t h a t the Churches of Syriac traditions have abandoned the celebration of the Liturgy of the presanctified gifts since long, although there are some hints in the writings of John bar Qursos, bishop of Telia (503-519), James of Edessa (633-708) and Theodosios of Antioch (887-896). Assemani is of opinion t h a t the Syro-Antiochean Church began to celebrate this liturgy from the 5th century onwards. Barhebraeus attributes it to the famous patriarch Severus of Antioch ( + 538), but there is no mention of this liturgy in any manuscript written after the 13th century. It was restored by the Syrian Catholic Patriarch Mor Ignatios F.phrem Rahmani (1898-1929) who inserted it into his edition of the Ktobo d-Tekso d-Qurobo of 1922. The Syrian Catholics celebrate it during Great Lent on ferial days after RainSfl and on Great Friday. 1 8 18. Cf. A. A. KING, Liturgie d'Antioche: Le rile syrien -Le rite Chaldeen, Tours-Paris 1967, 139. The Liturgy of the Presanctified, composed mainly from elements of the Liturgy of St. Basil, has the following parts: Liturgy of the catechumens with the readings Liturgy of the faithful with the great entrance, the litanies, consignation, Lord's Prayer, communion, thanksgiving and dismissal of the faithful (ibid.).

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R e g a r d i n g t h e c o m m e m o r a t i o n s , we have pointed t o t h e liturgical books of t h e Churches of B y z a n t i n e and S y r o - A n t i o e h e a n t r a d i t i o n s above. So we s t a t e , in this regard, a real progress. While t h e law as f o u n d in t h e legislation p r o m u l g a t e d by P o p e P i u s X I I is still p r e d o m i n a n t l y of L a t i n spirit, t h e f o r t h c o m i n g oriental c a n o n l a w t a k e s serious t h e oriental vision of t h e " f r u c t u s m i n i s t e r i a l i s " as indefinite. In c o n t r a s t to t h e R o m a n Catholic Codex Iuris Canonici p r o m u l g a t e d by Pope J o h n P a u l I I in 1983 which deals w i t h t h e Mass Stipend r a t h e r lengthily in a special c h a p t e r of f o u r t e e n c a n o n s (945-958) t h e o r i e n t a l c a n o n law speaks of oblations t h e f a i t h f u l offer in c o n n e c t i o n with their r e q u e s t of h a v i n g p r a y e r s in their i n t e n t i o n s d u r i n g t h e celebration of t h e Divine L i t u r g y . Of course, n o t h i n g p r e v e n t s t h e c e l e b r a n t t o offer t h e Divine L i t u r g y exclusively in one i n t e n t i o n . Dionysios b a r Salibi ( + 1171) says in his p e n i t e n t i a l canons: " T h e priest has to celebrate t h e Mass for him who is offering t h e a l m s in t h e following way: if he is a diocesan priest (and if t h e c h u r c h is assuring t h e expenses for t h e worship), he will celebrate t w e l v e Masses for one D i n a r i n h o n o u r of t h e holy Apostles. A n d if t h e priest is alone a t t h e church a n d h a s t o lookfhimself for t h e eucharistic bread, t h e wine, t h e candles a n d t h e incense, he will c e l e b r a t e t e n Masses. If t h e Mass is offered for the living, before t h e c e l e b r a t i o n he will say t h e p e n i t e n t i a l p r a y e r ; if it is for the dead, he will recite t h e p r a y e r of t h e dead a n d offer incense a f t e r t h e procession of t h e holy mysteries. If (the celebrant) is a bishop who is y o u n g a n d s t r o n g having s e r v a n t s who p r e p a r e for him t h e eucharistic b r e a d a n d a r e rendering services t o him, he will celebrate t e n Masses..., six Masses, if he is old. T h e m o n k will say t w e l v e Masses f o r one Dinar, if he is n o t alone; in this case o n l y t e n Masses. If somebody asks t h a t 40 Masses should be celebrated for him and if he offers t h e candles, t h e incense a n d t h e eucharistic b r e a d , he will have t o give t h r e e D i n a r s , if n o t , f o u r Dinars... T h e one who does n o t m e r i t a Mass in his i n t e n t i o n because h e has not satisfied t h e c a n o n imposed on him, in his f a v o u r 36 husoye ( = liturgical supplications)

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should be said for one Dinar ... or twelve sohrane ( = prayers to the Virgin Mary which were recited in the church on vigils) for each Dinar ... As regards the poor, the holy sacrifice shall be offered in their intention gratis." 1 9 Canon 51 - Notwithstanding canon 84 On General Norms and Temporal Goods of the Church, it is strongly recommended that the eparchial bishops, as far as possible, introduce the practice, according to which alone those oblations on the occasion of the Divine Liturgy be accepted which are made out of the spontaneous will of the faithful; individual priests should also willingly celebrate the Divine Liturgy in the intention of the faithful, particularly the needy ones, without any offering. The first part of this canon contains some kind of dissuasion of giving too much stress to the " s t i p e n d " system of old. Since this risks to produce a mentality according to which the Divine Liturgy could be celebrated only if there is a stipend for it and a particular intention, the legislator urges the bishops to introduce a practice having a more spontaneous character on the part of the faithful. Their offering should be the expression of their will to integrate themselves more actively in the sacrifice offered on the altar. The Divine Liturgy being the re-enactment of Christ's salvific work, cannot be " b o u g h t " or become the object of a "financial transaction". The second part of this canon which is almost identical with c. 945 § 2 of the Roman Catholic Code of Canon Law (the letter uses the term 'stips = stipend') emphasizes the communitarian and social aspect of the Divine Liturgy. It is meaningful to celebrate the divine mysteries, even if the faithful are not in a position to make an offering whatsoever. The intentions of the poor and needy ones mentioned in this context, may not be excluded in the commemorations because of the lack of a pecuniary offering from their part. Canon 52 - If priests accept an offering for the celebration of the Divine Liturgy from faithful belonging to another Church sui iuris, they are under grave obligation to follow, in respect to these 19. DIONYSIOS BAR SALIBI, Penitential Canons, Ms Aleppo no. 212.

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offering, the norms of the Church to which the donors of the offerings belong, unless there is no other disposition from their part regarding these.™ As the Catholic Church is a communion of Churches of different traditions, oriental Catholic priests are entitled to accept offerings of any faithful belonging to this universal communion, eastern and western. If the offerings are made e.g. by a Roman Catholic and accepted by an oriental priest, the latter has to oblige to the will of the donor who normally makes the offering in the understanding of a Mass stipend. In this case, the oriental priest is strictly bound by force of law to celebrate exclusively in the given intention and may not accept other offerings for the same Divine Liturgy. If, however, the donor declares his offering to be a mere donation and not a stipend, as understood in the Roman Catholic Church, spontaneous offering and alms connected with the request of particular commemorations certainly may also be accepted for the church, especially for pastoral and social obligations of the parish. Concluding our deliberations on this particular legal issue, we gladly state the new provisions of the forthcoming canon law of the Oriental Catholic Churches, recognizing the oriental traditions, may really help to acquire a better understanding of the very nature of the offerings and alms made by the faithful on the occasion of the celebration of the Divine Liturgy: a personal commitment and a stronger participation in the sacrifice of the Lord entrusted to his Church at the Last Supper 'for the life of the world'. 20. The original text of these canons is: Canon".5o-§ 1. Sacerdotibus licet oblata recipere. quae christifideles secundum receptum et probatum Ecclesiae morem pro celebratione Divinae Liturgia«» ad proprias intentiones ipsis offerunt. § 2. Licet etiam, si ita ferat probata consuetudo, oblationem recipere pro Liturgia Praesanctificatorum et pro commemorationbus in Divine Liturgia. Canon 51 - Firmo can. 84 De normis generalibus et de bonis Ecclesiae tempoarlibus enixe commendate ut Episcopi eparchiales praxim introducant, inquantum fieri potest, iuxta quam unice eae oblationes occasione Divinae Liturgiae acceptentur quae ex fidelium spontanea volúntate fiunt; singuli vero sacerdotes libenter etiam sine ulla oblatione Divinarti Liturgiam ad intentionem christifidelium, praecipue egentium, celebrent. Canon 52 - Sacerdotes, si oblationem ad Divinam Liturgiam celebrandam a christifidelibus alterius Ecclesiae sui iuris accipiunt, gravi obligatione tenentur de his oblationibus servandi normas Ecclesiae ad quam pertinent illi qui oblationem faciunt, nisi aliud constet ex parte offerentis.

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Vol. VI. No. 3, December 1993, 217-232 L. Waldmuller

Conflicts between East and West in the Ecclesiastical field shown through some historical examples

In a historical overview a few main points in the history of conflicts between the churches of the East and West shall be illuminated. With this background the 2nd part will deal with the current problem of the highly disputed question between East and West, the question of the Uniates. I It certainly happens that western Pilgrims in the Holy Land, while visiting the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, are struck by wonder and confusion when they realize that there is besides the Roman Catholic and Protestant Churches a variety of the Churches of the Christian Orient. They might have heard something about the "Orthodox", but it is quite

Prof. Dr. Lothar Waldmuller is professor of Church History at the Institute of Philosphy- Theology in Benedikt beurn. He is an author of several works important for relationships to the Eastern Churches. He is now the head of the Department of Eccumenism of the Arch diocese of Munic. 1. Inaugural Lecture as honorary Professor at the "Philosophisch-Theologischen Hochschule" of the Salesians Don Bosco's in Benediktbeuern (Church history), Germany.

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confusing that there are Greek, Russian, Rumanian, Serbian, Bulgarian Orthodox Churches and moreover the Churches of the Syrians, Copts, Ethiopians and Armenians. One quickly gets the impression that the Holy Land and especially Jerusalem is marked by Christian divisions and quarrels. It should not be denied that the history of Christianity from its very beginning had to struggle with controversies regarding dogmatics. After all the New Testament offers no perfect theology. The teaching about Trinity, about the being of Christ and other subjects had to be decided and formulated. These explanations left behind divisions and separations that last even today and manifest the face of the Christian Orient. The so called "Oriental Orthodox" churches are attributed to the opposing parties of Ephesus (431) and Chalcedon (451). The Old Antiochene theological position was defeated in Ephesus and was disqualified within the Empire's Church as "nestorian"2. In the regions of the Persian empire this theological thinking could find a homeland. It gave the opportunity to the EastSyrian Christians to differentiate themselves from the romanbyzantine church and they were freed from the suspicion to be the fifth column looking up to the Emperor in Constantinople. From this so called "nestorian" church, that once was spread in the Middle ages through India, China and Indonesia, a church with the greatest geographical extension, today only small groups exist in Iran, India and above all in Iraq. In every conflict in this region they suffer fresh losses, as it was in the recent Gulf war in 1991. The group which is united with Rome is known by the name of "Chaldean" Church. 20 years after the council of Ephesus the concern in Chalcedon was around the question of the relationship of the 2 natures in Christ. This time it was the Alexandrian school that got defeated and was disqualified as the "monophysite" party. The factors which led to their separation were more linguistically, ethnically and politically motivated rather than theologically (motivated). This led to the separation of the Alexandrian 2.

Handbuch der Ostkirchenkunde, Bd. I. Hrsg. von W. Nyssen. H. J. Schulz und P. Wiertz. Dusseldorf 1984, 34 ff.

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Patriarchate. The native, coptic ( = Egypt) people opposed the hellenized portion of the population who were mainly strong in the cities of lower Egypt. But also in Syria a so called Monophysite party remained which rejected the Chalcedonian decisions. Also the oldest state-church, namely that of the Armenians, remained in opposition to Chalcedon and to the Church of the Byzantine Empire. The Patriarchates of Alexandria and Antioch were divided and in consequence at the same time doubly occupied by representatives of the (Byzantine) Empire-Church and by a non-chalcedonian Coptic or Syrian. Since the daughter Churches of the so called Monophysites were drawn into this schism, today the denominations of the Oriental Orthodox (this refers to the non-chalcedonians) continue to exist in the churches of Armenians, Syrians (together with their daughter churches in Kerala, India), Copts and Ethiopians Besides these groups the "Nestorians" form a confessional group of their own. So the first, big division within the ancient church which had lasting consequences took place in Armenia, Syria, Egypt and Ethiopia and till today it divides the adherents and opposers of the Council or Chalcedon. Therefore this was the first division between East and West. During that time Byzanz belonged to the West. The adherents of Chalcedon were mockingly called "Melkites" (that means adherents of the Emperor) by their adversaries. Nevertheless, it should be stated, that through the work of theologians and official Dialog commissions it is confirmed that there is no substantial faith-difference between the theological positions of Chalcedonians and non-Chalcedonians (Monophysites). Therefore there is no compelling reason to remain separated. In the course of history the Oriental-Orthodox family was struck by further divisions: The missionary movement of Rome for establishing the church unity, above all in recent times, did not bring the expected success. The only exception are the Maronites in Lebanon who accepted the Union with Rome in one body during the time of the crusades. Moreover, a more or less big group from all the oriental-orthodox churches got separated and now live as Armenian, Syro-chaldean, Coptic or Ethiopian IJniate Churches side by side the sister churches that are separated from Rome.

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Inspite of all antipathies between the Latins and the Greeks, they remained in communion for another 600 years. There were always conflicts between the Old Rome and the New Rome, as Constantinople would have liked to be called, b u t every time the unity could be reestablished, for example after the Akakianian Schism 519 (after 30 years of duration) or after the conflict between the Pope Nikolaus I (858-867) and Patriarch Photius (858-867, 877-886; 892) in communion with Rome. 3 First of all the quarrel concerned the inner byzantine dispute about the patriarchal throne between Ignatius (847-858; 867-877) and Photius. Without any request from the parties concerned, Nicolaus I mingled himself in this dispute, while deposing Photius through the Lateran Synod (863) favouring Ignatius. Photius himself convened another synod in 867 t h a t deposed and excommunicated Nikolaus I. The point of contention was, besides the Bulgarian issue (Rome and Constantinople raised claim over Bulgaria when prince Boris wavered between the 2 church centres after his baptism in 864 pursuing his wish for an independent Bulgarian Church) the Filioque question, which Photius and his synod (867) had rejected. Another point of contention was Pope Nikolaus' I claim of papal primacy over the universal church, while the Eastern-Rome strengthened the principle of " P e n t a r c h y " (management of the whole church by the 5 patriarchs of Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antiochia and Jerusalem 4 in a synod of Ignatius, who was deposed by Rome, held in the year of 869 after the first deposing of Photius. This took place in the presence of the delegates of the new Pope Hadrian II. In 879/80 the rehabilitated Photius convened a Synod for solving the confused circumstances in the East, again together with the papal delegates. This synod acknowledged the 2nd council of Nicea 787 as ecumenical and strengthened the principle of the Pentarchy. Immediately the importance of the creed of Nicea and Constantinople in its original version, t h a t means without "Filioque", was acknowledged by all and was recognized as the only ecumenical creed. Likewise the legitimacy of the multiform

3. Geschichte der Katholischen Kirche. Ein Grundkurs. Hrsg, von J. Leozenweger, P. Stockmeier, K. Amon, R. Zinnhobler. Graz-Wien-Koln 1990 (Studienausgabe), 271 f. 4. W. de Vries, Rom und die Patriarchate des Ostens, Freiburg-Munchen 1963, 24.

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traditions of the churches in East and West were accepted. The synod of 869/70 under Patriarch Ignatius is counted in the West as the 8th Ecumenical Council from the 12th century onwards although it was rejected by the Synod under Photius 879/80 and although both times the Papal delegates were its opponents. The name of Photius was not of high reputation in the West. Still both synods took place in full communion with Rome. Even today they can show ways for a reestablishment of the communion between Rome and Constantinople. The last synod's explicit recognition of the Niceno -Constantinopolitanuin as the canonical creed without additions and changes can at least lead towards bracketing the "Filioque", i. e. towards going back to the original t e x t of the creed, without however dogmatically condemning the latin theological addition. And the acceptance of the principle of Pentarchy, t h a t is reluctantly recognized or at least tolerated by Rome could serve as a basis towards reestablishing the full ecclesiastical and sacramental communion between the SisterChurches: in this one could a t first leave open the extension and the concretedness of the Primacy, Indeed, on the whole, the unity between the Rome and Byzantium had been kept on this basis until the fateful year 1054, when the unity was finally broken through the harshness and uncompromising a t t i t u d e of the concerned authorities. After the gloomy period of the 10th century the west stirred up reformative powers towards improving the circumstances of the church. One also believed to be obliged to interfere definitely in the byzantine communities of lower Italy 5 . As a reaction the energetic Patriarch Michael Kerullarios ordered the closing of the latin churches in Constantinople and forbade the practice of the Western liturgical customs. These actions show how f a r reaching the alienation was between the Roman and Byzantine Churches; the consciousness of belonging to the same Christian Church was no more present. The distrust had increased so much t h a t there was mutual accusation of being heretic. This is not the place to deal properly about the functioning of the mission of the delegation of Cardinal H u m b e r t von Silva Candida, On 16 J u l y 1084 he openly excommunicated the Patriarch together with all his adherents though not the whole Orthodox Church. 5. Geschichte der Katholischen Kirche, 272 f.

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It is very questionable, if he was authorized to do it. An appropriate Roman instruction is not known to exist. Pope Leo IX who gave him the commission was already dead at this time. In the West the ignorance of the East can be known from the rash assertion of Humberto viz. that the Byzantines had outrageously struck out the "filioque" from the creed. After the futile attempt of the Emperor for reconciliation on 24th July a synod in Constantinople excommunicated the author and the cooperators of the bull of excommunication though in no way the Pope and the whole latin church. The events show the incapacity on both sides to understand the different ways of the christian faith taking root in different cultures and theological thinking. The Unity of the Church broke through the absolutizations of one's own tradition in theology, liturgy and Church-structure. This attitude did not allow variety in the church and did not give any validity to other forms. Furthermore, the excommunications of 1054 meant in no way entry into a lasting schism. This came about through the conquest of Constantinople by the crusaders from the West in 1204 during the 4th crusade 6 . The erection of the Latin Empire can only be regarded as a total catastrophy. The crusaders did not fight against non-believers, but against Christians. A Latin Patriarch was installed in Constantinople while the Greek Patriarch and his bishops withdrew to Nikaia. The Greek Church had to be transformed into a Latin Church. The Greek bishops had to be consecrated according to the Latin Rite 7 , In the 4th Council in the Lateran (1215) there were only the latin patriarchs of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antiochia, and Jerusalem 8 . When they were obliged, for pastoral reasons to appoint priests or bishops of other rites, they had to do it in strict obedience under the latin hierarchy. Two bishops of the same rank were not allowed to reside in the same town 9 . Kaiser Michael VIII could reconquer Constantinople in 1262; but in

6. 7. 8. 9.

ebd. 274 f. PL 215, 1353; 1468. Handbuch I, 10i Mansi XXII, 998

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other regions that were under the rule of the crusaders, the churche's situation for the Orthodox people was bad. There was only one Arch-Priest (Protopapas) and few other priests to take care of the Orthodox people after 1204. In Cyprus ruled by the West, the greek bishops were, for long, subordinated to the latin Archbishop; since 1260 the recognition of the Papal primacy was legally prescribed for all, also for the Greeks.10 These events which meant an unimaginable humiliation and n disqualification for the byzantine church that was hard to overcome, created in the Greek region a trauma, that has consequences which remain even today. This has radically suffocated all longing for union with the Pope's Church. Anyone who can imagine the situation of the Greek Church, would understand the incomparable mistrust of the Greek Orthodox Church towards Rome and the West. From this, on the one hand, the great efforts of the last two patriarchs can be appreciated, but on the other hand the repeatedly articulated reservations against the Roman Super power, can also be understood. The danger of the Turkish conquest was the motivation for the Union-Councils like that of Lyon (1274) or that of Ferrara-Florence (1438/39). The Eastern Church hoped to get some help from the Christian West. The failure of these councils is properly not astonishing in spite of the considerable results of the latter. The recognition of the Papal Primacy is always understood, because of the bitter experiences of the Byzantines, as a subjugation to Papal jurisdiction and loss of autonomy. When Constantinople fell into the hands of 1453, every thought of a union with Rome became Turkish rulers would never have accepted such a even started to revalue the position of the Constantinople.

the Turks in extinct. The union. They Patriarch of

As the Patriarch was the highest representative of the Greek Nation of Constantinople (Rum Millet) in Osmanion Kingdom, he also obtained civil and judicial functions. He gained something like a primacy for the Orthodox in the region dominated by the Turks. The Greek patriarchates in the East lost their importance 10. Handbuch I, 105

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because of the supremacy of Islam and because of the divisions in Melkite-Orthodox and Non-Chalcedonian Patriarchates. 1 1 The a t t e m p t s of the Bulgarians and the Serbs to establish their own patriarchates in Ochrid or rather in Veliko Turnovo and Pec could not last against Byzantium. In Russia it was different: 1 2 The great duke Vasilij l i expelled from Moskow the Metropolitan Isidor of kiew, who was nominated by Byzantium and represented the Union of Florence. At a synod in Moskow (1459) he declared the ecclesiastical indépendance because of the idea of the " 3 r d Rome". In the eyes of the Russians Constantinople had moved away from the Orthodox faith because of the council of Florence. So Moscow should obtain the role of the 3rd Rome. Nevertheless this idea did not break the communion with Rome. Later Moscow filled the gap in the Pentarchy, as one place was vacant since Rome abandoned the ecclesiastical communion. In 1589 Moskow obtained the recognition as Patriarchal-throne by Constantinople. In 1590 and 1593 also the old patriarchates recognized Moskow as the fifth Patriarchate. At this time the church of Moskow did not include White Russia and the Western half of Ukraine. These regions belonged, in 16th cent, to the Polish-Lithvanian Kingdom. Ecclesiastically they were subordinate to the Metropolitan of Kiev. To him all the East-Slavonians were subordinated till 1448. Afterwards the metropoly was divided into two units: The metropoly of the great principality of Moscow and a Metropoly for the Orthodox in Polish-Lithuania states federation: The throne of the latter was in Wilna or in a West Russian monastery. The Metropolitan Isidor was the last Hierarch of the whole Metropoly. When he was rejected and expelled from Moskow t h e n began the formal separation between Moskow and Rome. In the Polish-Lithuanian Kingdom the Florentine Union existed till about 1480. In the course of the 16th Century the Orthodox Metropoly Kiev experienced a strong inner decline, conditioned by t h t seclusion from the rest of the Orthodox; to this status were added the intruding Protestantism and the Polish Catholicism, t h a t was becoming strong, as state-religion, in the Polish Kingdom. Through

11. With the exception of Jerusalem where in future a Greek Patriarch alone resided. 12. A. M. Ammanu, Abrib der ostslawischen Kirchengeschichte, Wien 1950'

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the work of the Jesuits the members of the Ruthenan nobility crossed over to the Latin Catholicism, which was identified with the polish nationality. Their example was followed by not a few of their subjects. But the Orthodox Church was only tolerated, their bishops and clergy did not enjoy the same rights as those of the Polish clergy. The church fell into a crisis. In this situation the Florentine union was remembered and considered to be a chance for saving the byzantine-Slavonian church-existence as well as a chance to save the Ukrainian, respectively white russian Nationality. The concrete occasion to conclude a union with Rome was the journey of Patriarch Jeremias II from Constantinople to the East-Slavonian countries to raise donations. On this journey he came to Moscow in 1589 where he established the latin Patriarchate. In 1595 there the Synod of Brest-Litowsk was convened with 3 bishops under the chairmanship of the Metropolitan. It was decided to send two bishops to Rome to bargain there about the union of the Metropoly of Kiev with Pope Clement VIII. As a unifying ground the Florence decrees served some purpose. The conclusion of Union did not take place in the form of a two-party agreement between Rome and the Metropoly, but through an assimilation of the so far separated Orthodox Metropoly of Kiev into the only true Roman Church in 23. XII, 1595. Clemens VIII did not admit any of the conditions. On 23rd of February, 1596 he granted on his own to the then united church some privileges, like that of the right of Bishop's election through the synod and their consecration by the Metropolitan. When on 16th October 1596 the Synod met, at the Pope's demand, to ratify the union, two bishops had already deserted namely the bishops of Lemberg and Przemystl. A section of the nobles and the people did not accept the union. But their strongest enemies were the Cossacks whose most prominent victim became St. Josaphat (Kuncewicz), the Archbishop of Polock (1623). In 1620 the Patriarch Theophanes journeyed from Jerusalem to Moscow to collect again charity funds. On his way he consecrated an enemy of the Union to be the Orthodox Metropolitan of Kiev, as well as other bishops. At the end the Polish state was forced by the pressure of the Cossacks to recognize the Orthodox clergy and the uniate clergy as equals.

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I t is only in 1700 t h a t t h e diocese of Lemberg joined t h e uniate Church. After the Polish divisions (1772, 1793, 1795) the union could maintain itself only in the Austrian Galizien region, where Rome in 1807 again erected t h e metropolitan sea of H a l y c with residence in Lemberg In 1946 the Soviet Power (state) used the Russian P a t r i a r c h a l church as a n i n s t r u m e n t t o dissolve by force t h e uniate church and make it adhere to the Moskow P a t r i a r c h a t e . I n the a f t e r m a t c h of G o r b a t s c h o w ^ Perestoika she powerfully rose up again. The union of the West U k r a n i a n s in 1595/96 is t h e most i m p o r t a n t of all the unions of the E a s t e r n Churches, t h a t were concluded. The other E a s t - E u r o p e a n unions may be shortly e n u m e r a t e d : The U n i o n of Mukacevo/Karpathoukraine 1646, the Union in K r o a t i a 1611 ( p a r t l y these were Serbs who fled f r o m t h e Turks and t h e Union of the R u m a n i a n s who lived in t h e H u n g a r i a n Siebenbürgen (1698). Also this was abolished through a S t a t e law in 1948. Only the smaller uniate groups in Bulgaria. Jugoslavia and H u n g a r y remained unmolested under the communist regime. Looking back it must be stated t h a t the unions reached its destination nowhere. Even t h e union of Brest-Litowsk did not succeed to uniate the whole Metropolitan area of Kiev with Rome in the Polish state region. If the pressure of the Polish in favour of the union with R o m e had been as big as the Orthodox group asserted, t h e uniate church would have been successful and would have f u r t h e r f o r b i d d e n the existances of a m e n t i o n a b l e Orthodox p a r t y . Obviously the interest of P o l a n d in t h e union was not so big. One would have preferred to latinize ecclesiastically the Ukrainians and t h e White Russians. T h a t would have m e a n t to make t h e m more polish. After t h e 1st World War the policy of the Polish Republic was directed in this way and also t h a t of the communist Republic; even t o d a y ' s P o l a n d appears not to have made any change in this regard, as the most recent conflicts in P r z e m y i l show. W h e n t h e Pope r e c e n t l y nominated again, another residing U k r a n i a n bishop of t h e byzantine r i t e for Przömyil, it was n o t possible, to give back to him the Carmelite Church t h a t was used as t h e Cathedral of t h e Uniates since 18th century. The Orthodox of the Soviet Ukrania in the E a s t e r n p a r t of Slovakia; even in R u m a n i a have

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more or less voluntarily given back the individul churches to the uniate Catholics. In Poland the Latin Catholics did not give even one church voluntarily back to the Uniates, their own catholic brethren of a Ukranian Nationality. The Papal visit has effected handing over of at least one church to the uniates which is the garrisons church in PrzemySl. II The political changes in Eastern Europe have brought freedom to the Christians. With this also all the problems arose again which are heaped up in course of history between East and West. The Orthodox side was compelled to acknowledge that their attempts to solve the problem of the Uniates failed. They tried solve it by force through the help of the State Power. One can guess, how difficult the Orthodox-Catholic dialogue was. In 1982 it reached its first climax. The official dialogue commission achieved in its Munichdocument a theological text, that was accepted in East and West. This was the first common document since Florence 1439. In the mean time the Uniates-question proves to be the focus of the dialogue. The Orthodox are not at all ready to discuss any different theme. They bring up again the accusation of proselytism against Rome. 13 The first question to be considered here is the question of human rights concerning the freedom of conscience, free exercise of religion and self decision on church affiliation. In West-Ukrania as in Siebenbuergen the concern was not to newly revivify the uniate churches, as if they were already dead 1 The concern was not about new establishments, but about the fact, that the extincted out underground church of the Greek Catholic Galizians and the Siebenburger Rumanians can again live in freedom, after 40 years of the denial of the human right with regard to religious freedom. In the already mentioned regions the Catholics of the Eastern rite did not even have the mininal rights which were given to the other religious communities, including the latin catholics. First of all, they should be given back the religious freedom that was denied to the Uniates before one can go to solving ecclesiological questions. 13. W. Hryniewicz, Der "Uniàtismus" in Katholisch-orthodoxen Ostkirchliche Studien 39 (1990) 319-338.

Dialog, in:

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Therefore the accusation of Proselytism cannot justly be raised against the Uniate Churches, because they regain their freedom. 14 Well, the question indeed is, whether these Churches can be brought into harmony with the ecclesiology of the second Vatican Council. The establishment of uniate churches seemed to be a way annexury the eastern churches to the Roman Catholic Church in accordance with the post-tridentine ecclesiological position. The method of u n i o n - w h i c h the Orthodox call "Uniatism" - was necessary in this theological aspect, because the clause "Extra Ecclesiam nulla salus", formulated by Cyprian of Carthago, wa s understood as referring exclusively to the Roman Church. Consequently the salvation could only be achieved as a member of the Roman Catholic Church in full subordination to the Roman Pope. Thus wrote the Jesuit Father Antonio Possevino, who wanted to convert Zaar Ivan, the Terrible, in the end of the 16th cent. "But the greatest of all the errors is the conviction of the Greeks and the Rutheneans, that they can attain their slavation outside the Roman catholic church......If someone does not acknowledge that our Lord Jesus Christ has handed over to Peter the power and the primacy over the world...he is already condemned, even if he believes in all the other truths". 15 According to this view the church of Rome should try to win as many non-catholics as possible in order to integrate them into the one fold with the Pope as the supreme shepherd. Since one could not unite all the eastern christians with Rome one had to be satisfied with the groups who broke away from their own churches and joined the Catholic Church. Thus originated all the partial unions, which form the basis of all uniate Churches that exist today. "Without wanting to judge about the personal intentions and about the integrity of the Pre-Vatican bishops and 14. E. Ch. Suttner, Katholische Missionare des 17. Jahrhunderts im christlichen Osten, in: Der christliche Osten 46 (1991) 5-13. 15. Zitiert nach Hryniewicz, a. a. O. 332.

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missionaries, who prepared the partial t h a t their procedure was an error" 1 6

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unions, it must be said

The ecclesiology has experienced a change through the 2nd Vatican. The decree on Ecumenism "Unitatis redintegratio" 1 7 recognizes the Orthodox Churche as "Sister Churches", therefore as Churches of the same faith, which preserved all sacraments, possess a validly consecrated hierarchy and thus all gifts of Grace, so t h a t they can mediate to their faithful God's Grace and salvation. So it does not make any sense to convert the christians from one Sister-Church to another Sister-church and through it to open new wounds of division. E r n s t Chr. Suttner makes to the following "Well, the Lord of the Church error. He preserved his grace for union and for those who did not both of them could remain as a throughout the centuries." 1 8

judgement:

was indulgent with the those who entered into do it. With God's help blossoming local church

B u t if God has accepted and granted his blessing equally to both, the uniates and the Orthodox, t h e n nobody has the right to deny the right to exist as the uniates. On the other hand it would not be continued what is now recognized as a mistake, i. e. to settle new partial unions at the cost of new church divisions. After the 2nd Vatican Council it is no more tenable. Vatican 2nd may have brought the already described ecclesiological clarification of the Uniates question; this new view however, shall not do violence to the conscience of the concerned. Since the end of World War II most of the members of a uniate Church in Eastern Europe lived under inhuman oppression. The faithful withstood the state pressure to join the Orthodox Community. They remained faithful to the Roman Pope and in their conscience they felt obliged to their confession as Catholics. Now one cannot say to them t h a t all this heroism was not roally 16. Suttner, a. a. O. 8. 17. LThK (XII), Das Zweite Vatikanische Konzl, Bd. 2, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 1967, 40-12«; 1. De Ecclesiarum Oricntalium peculiari consideration«, 95-109 (Nr. 14-18). 18. Suttner, a. a. O. 8.

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necessary. They strongly hold on to their right to be catholics of the byzantine rite and to remain so. Here no decision can be taken without Consulting the uniates. While the Uniates lived in the illegality of underground, they did not get any chance, to become acquainted with the 2nd Vatican and with its ecclesiology. Moreover, the national feelings often left their stamps on the ecclesial selfunderstanding of the different uniate Churches. So for a Western Ukranian " O r t h o d o x " means the same as " R u s s i a n " and " L a t i n Catholic" means the same as "Polish". The wide spread demand of the Orthodox to solve the problem of the Uniates is t h a t he who wishes to belong f u r t h e r to the Byzantine rites should be Orthodox; he who wishes to be joined to Rome must accept the latin rite. This is unreasonable, because it does not take into consideration the selfunderstanding of the uniate Catholics. Still, a further aspect would not allow to solve the problem of the uniates according to the above model: Inspite of the recognition as Sister Churches the full communion between the Eastern and Western Churches is not yet reestablished. Besides the justifiable position t h a t nothing substantial separates the Catholics and the Orthodox, the official position of both sides is t h a t still actual differences are to be »een which do not yet allow the eucharistic communion. In this situation the going over from one church to another is always to be valued as a conversion. This should not be expected from anyone, not even from the uniates. In the name of the freedom of conscience such a thing should not happen. Finally the question of the clearing of the injustice that took place, is to be presented. The Uniates of the Catholics should be paid compensation for the Confiscation of their properties. They need Churches and other ecclesiastical buildings for their religious community life. But how can the problem be solved without committing new injustice? To reestablish the status before 1946 in Ukrainia and before 1948 in Rumania can certainly not be the solution. Let it be pointed out, t h a t not all former uniates will go back to their churches; some have in the meantime found their domicile in the Orthodox Church; they do not want give to it up now. This seems to be the case especially in Rumania, where the confession to Union was not connected with an antiorthodox national feeling. The concerned Churches should together find a just solution. The churches should not lose the respect

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which the christians gained in large circles of society during the period of persecution. Thus, the reacquired freedom of faith has become a challenge for the Catholic as well as for the Orthodox Churches in Eastern Europe. It is to be hoped t h a t the dialogue t h a t began with great promise and t h a t is the only way, will continue. Everything should be avoided, t h a t appears as power expansion and use of authority. Finally the spirit of Love should make the way free towards the full communion according to Christs will, so t h a t the Church can again "breath with both lungs, the eastern and western, as Pope J o h n Paul II formulated it. For this a lot of theological work is still necessary, because the Christian East does not accept a centralistic Unity model, but a unity on the basis of a "Communio-Ecclesiology", as the 2nd Vatican has established with its concept of Sister Churches".

tfi

ifi

tfi

First let there be laid as a foundation in your soul the doctrine concerning God: t h a t there is one God alone, unbegotten, without beginning, unchangeable and immovable; neither begotten of another nor having another to succeed to His life; who neither began to live in time nor will ever cease to be; and t h a t He is good and just. Therefore, should ever you hear a heretic say t h a t there is one who is just and another who is good, you will immediately remember and will detect the poisoned arrow of heresy- - There is, then, one only God, the Maker both of souls and of bodies; the Creator of many, but the Father before the ages of one only, - of one only, His only - begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, by whose agency He made all things, those which are visible and those invisible. Believe also in the Son of God, the one and only, our Lord Jesus Christ, who is God begotten of God, who is Life begotten of Life, who is Light begotten of Light, who is in all things like unto the Begetter; and who did not come to be in time but was before all the ages,

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eternally and incomprehensibly begotton of the Father. He is the Wisdom of God, and His Power, and His Righteousness subsisting as a Person; and He sits a t the right of the Father through all the ages. Keep always in mind this seal, which 1 have until now b u t briefly summarized for you in my discourse, but which, the Lord willing, shall after this be stated to the best of my ability with the proofs from the Scriptures. In regard to the divine and holy mysteries of the faith, not the least part may be handed on without the Holy Scriptures. Do not be led astray by winning words and clever arguments. Even to me, who tell you these things, do not give ready belief, unless you receive from the Holy Scriptures the proof of the things which I announce. The salvation in which we believe is proved not from clever reasoning, but from the Holy Scriptures. While you maintain perfect chastity, do not be puffed up in vain conceit against those who were a humbler path in matrimony. As the Apostle says, "Let marriage be held in honor, and let the marriage bed be undefiled." And you who keep your chastity: were you not born of those who had married ? Because you have a possession of gold do not on t h a t account hold the silver in contempt. Let those also be of good cheer who are married and use their marriage properly; who enter marriage lawfully, and not out of wantonness and unbounded license; who recognize periods of continence so t h a t they may give themselves to prayer; who in the assemblies bring clean bodies as well as clean garments into church; who have embarked upon the matrimonial estate for the procreation of children, and not for the sake of indulgence. (ST. CYRIL OF JERUSALEM)

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Vol, VI. No. 3, December 1993, 233-248 Koonammakkal Thoma Kathanar *

The Self - Revealing God and Man in Ephrem

Introduction

Ephrem (c. 306 - 373) represents the unrivalled Christian Aramaic poet-theologian whose legacy is normative for the Syriac tradition in general. Hence he has rightly earned eulogies such as Prophet of the Syrians, Lion of Syria, Harp of the Holy Spirit, Pillar of the Church, the Orator of the Syrians, the Beacon of Learning, Doctor of the Universal Church, the Marian Doctor, etc. But first and foremost he is the greatest poet-theologian Christianity has ever produced 1 . He represents the least hellenized form of Semitic, Judeo-Christian theology of Christian Aramaic or Syriac speakers. The Christian Aramaic branch is the much neglected third dimension in our understanding of Christian theology. The Greek and Latin branches of theology are to be complemented with the study of this equally important third force 2 . The Christian Aramaic branch is as ancient and apostolic as the other two branches, if not more. Also, it is indeed the most biblical in the sense that it shares the thought patterns of the world that gave shape to the Old and New Testaments. Thus, if only we can incorporate this third dimension, Christian theology becomes wholly Christian. Here we shall try to explain the

* Prof, of Syrian Patristic studies, Paurastaya Vidya Peedom 1. See my The Theology of Divine Names in the Genuine Works of Ephrem (D. Phil Thesis, Oxford 1991), pp. 2-3. 2. See my "Changing Views on Ephrem", Christian Orient 14 (1993), p. 113n

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self-revealing God as t h e s t a r t i n g p o i n t of theology as u n d e r s t o o d by E p h r e m . Theology: A Methodological Problem In o r d i n a r y t e r m s theology is G o d - t a l k . B u t w h a t language should we use, a n d w i t h how m u c h precision, clarity, a n d c e r t a i n t y ? H o w can we speak a b o u t s o m e t h i n g t h a t is b e y o n d all h u m a n faculties of p e r c e p t i o n - both physical a n d i n t e l l e c t u a l ? Too m u c h r a t i o n a l speculation m a y mislead t h e theologians. T h e r e is no m a t h e m a t i c a l precision a n d t h i s - w o r l d l y clarity in theology. T h e p r i m a r y c o n c e r n is God a n d His world. By way of symbols, p a r a d o x , m e t a p h o r s and images we come to theological t h i n k i n g and analysis. T h e t r a n s c e n d e n t dimension is always t h e r e w i t h i n our theological t h o u g h t process. B l u n t r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of divine realm leads to secularization of t h e sacred. A secularized theology is no theology w o r t h its name. Theologizing based on intellectual s c r u t i n y m a y fail t o grasp t h e real d e p t h a n d b r e a d t h of a u t h e n t i c Christianity. So we read in E v a g r i u s ' of P o n t u s (c. 345-399) Chapters on Prayer: "If you a r e a theologian y o u p r a y in t r u t h ; if you p r a y in t r u t h y o u are a t h e o l o g i a n " . The f o u r t h - c e n t u r y t h e o l o g i a n - p o e t E p h r e m was a w a r e of t h e above m e n t i o n e d r a d i c a l p r o r b l e m . H i s c o n t e m p o r a r y A r i a n s t o o k too rationalistic a n a p p r o a c h . T h e y tried t o scrutinize (aqqeb), p r y into (lsa) divine realities 3 . E p h r e m h a d n o t h i n g against a l e g i t i m a t e , w e l l - b a l a n c e d i n t e l l e c t u a l search and theologizing^ H e was not a n t i - i n t e l l e c t u a l 4 . B u t he could n o t t o l e r a t e a r r o g a n t r a t i o n a l i s m and t h e p r e s u m p t i o n t h a t h u m a n i n t e l l e c t is able t o p r y into t h e Godhead. P r y i n g ¡into t h e divine realities is impossible because of t h e ontologieal chasm a n d f u n d a m e n t a l difference b e t w e e n Creator a n d created. A m e a s u r e d or balanced i n t e l l e c t u a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n m a t t e r s , b u t not b l u n t rationalization 3 . So E p h r e m was against theological 'definitions' which s o u g h t t o p u t God •within t h e limits of created intellect 6 . T h e r a t i o n a l i s t i c p r o p a g a n d a

3. S. Brock, The Luminous Eye. The Spiritual World Vision of Saint Ephrem (rev. ed. Kalamazoo 1992), pp. 23-27. 4. P. Bruns, Das Christusbild Aphrahats des Persischen Weisen (Bonn 1990), pp. 159-160. 182-183. 5. See S. Brock, The Luminous Eye, p. 27. 6. Ibid., p. 23.

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of the Neo-Arians and Semi-Arians crumbled before E p h r e m ' s theologizing tactics. For him t h e r e is no definable God whose outline is fixed by a created intellect. H e did not minimize the intellectual difficulties of speaking a b o u t divine realities in h u m a n terms. God the Creator is beyond t h e grasp of any creature. God c a n n o t be b r o u g h t down to the level of created things. Paradox of the Hidden God and the revealed God In every religion there is a tension between two basic convictions: God is beyond; God is a here and now reality. In other words it is a b o u t t h e t r a n s c e n d e n c e and immanence of God. The H i d d e n One manifested himself in revelation. There is his abiding presence in us and in all creation. B u t there is a c o n s t a n t danger of forgetting the radical distinctness of God a n d still d« theologizing. The essential mysteriousness of God c a n n o t b u t be present in our theologization. This conviction brings t o g e t h e r theology and mysticism and it is charecteristic of Christian Aramaic t r a d i t i o n . The Christian Aramaic theologians were intensely aware of the abiding mysteriousness and inaccessibility of the divine realm. For t h e m it stood as the real p a r a d o x in t h e Christian revelation. B u t a p r o f o u n d sense of religious awe led t h e m in their G o d - t a l k . God is Beyond There is a chasm (pehta) between God and creatures. This great chasm c a n n o t be crossed f r o m t h e side of creatures, because it is t h e n a t u r a l consequence of our createdness. So E p h r e m writes: 7 L e t us n o t forget ourselves And p l u n g e h e a d s t r o n g into our God. L e t us measure our intellect, And let us balance our t h o u g h t , And let us k n o w our knowledge: H o w small and despicable it is, To pry into t h e Knower~of~all. Tell me how have you depicted in your mind 7. HdF. 15:3-5 = CSCO 154 Syr 73, p. 64.

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That birth 8 which is far away from your inquiry. Do you t h i n k t h a t there is a small range In the middle, between you and searching it ? Seal your mouth with silence! Let not your tongue dare! Know yourself, 0 'created', 'Made', son of an 'earth-formed'. 9 For the chasm is a great, limitless one, Between you and the Son as regards scrutiny. When the Neo-Arian rationalists minimized the real distance between Godhead and humanity they were neglecting the ontological chasm between Creator and creatures. They attempted the impossible by running a f t e r God. The sharp contrast between G o d -bardya,