The Harp (Volume 24) 9781463233136

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The Harp (Volume 24)

The Harp (Volume 24)

Volume 24

Edited by

Baby Varghese Jakob Thekeparampil Abraham Kalakudi

1 gorgias press 2011

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright© 2011 by Gorgias Press LLC Originally published in 2009 All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2011

1

ISBN 978-1-61143-659-4 Reprinted from the 2009 Kottayam edition.

Printed in the United States of America

Rev. Fr. Abraham Kalakudi

The Harp

Vol. XXIV 2009

Contents Editorial 1 Rev. Fr. Abraham Kalakudi - Thomas

Koonammakkal

7 'Blessed is that old age which has grown old with good deeds': a neglected poem attributed to St Ephrem - Sebastian P. Brock

23 After Centuries of Self-Assertion, the Way to Migration: Instances from the History of the Syrian Church in Turkey - Martin Tamcke

35 The Melkite Catholic and Orthodox Churches are Byzantine, not Greek, Roman, Eastern or Arabic -JohnM.

Samaha

47 An Introduction to Liturgy of Baptism: Assyrian Church of the East - P.K. Varghese

55 Moses Bar Kepha: Commentary on Baptism - Baby Varghese

83 Christian Ethiopia - Ugo ZANETTI

109 The Catholic Churches of Eastern Tradition and Pope Benedict XVI. - JohnMadey

123 The Ecumenical Vision of Moran Mor Baselios Cyril Catholicos (1935-2007) - Geevarghese Chediath

131 Prayers of the Psalms in the East Syrian Worship -JojuAnto

149 Holodomor: fare memoria del genocidio per fame in Ucraina nel 1932-33 -Augustyn Vol. XXIV 2009

Babiak The Harp

153 Origin and Early History of ISLAM - Karl-Heinz Kuhlmann

179 Abraham and his types - Emmanuel Thelly

189 Four Apologetic Church Histories from India - Istvan Perczel

219 Das Kreuz als kosmisches Symbol und christliches Kennzeichen - Jean-Paul Deschler

253 The Reformed Qurbana of 1873 - Phillip Tovey

269 Apostolic Tradition of the Oriental Churches - Theresia Hainthaler

285 Christological differences between East and West Syrian Traditions - Stephen Plathottathil

311 Armenian Manuscripts of the Commentaries - Vahan S. Hovhanessian

329 Lord's Prayer: Concern for 'Father's matters' - Jacob Thekeparampil

355 The new text of sacraments in the Syro-Malabar Church - Thomas

Mannooramparampil

407 Immediate preparation for Baptism in the East Syrian Lent: - Jacob Vellian

411 Reconstructing Christianity in south-west Iraq: reassessing Hira - Erica CD. Hunter

425 Vision of Man in Ephrem and Isaac : Ecological Implications - Varghese

Madathikunnath

437 News 451 List of books The Harp

Vol. XXIV 2009

Editorial Rev. Fr. Abraham Kalakudi served SEERI's cause during the past 13 years silently but steadily. He is associated with SEERI from its budding stage itself. We know that some of our readers had been in touch with him during their visits and stays in SEERI, especially during the World Syriac Conferences, which SEERI hosted 6 times in the past years. The first draft of an Institution, which later became SEERI, came out from Fr. Abraham's wide experience and pen. As Director of SEERI's publications, Fr. Abraham Kalakudi did a yeomen service for all the Syriac scholars. He edited all our publications, especially the Harp, Moran Etho, Nuhro, Madroso etc. with fitting editorials. Born on 21.02.1928, Fr. Abraham is now at the age of 81. We feel that it is only just and befitting to dedicate this issue of "The Harp" as a Festschrift in his honour.

Vol. XXIV 2009

The Harp

Thomas

Koonammakkal

REV. FR. A B R A H A M KALAKUDI Fr Abraham was born on 21.02.1928 and was baptized in the Malankara Orthodox Church on 28.03.1928. Along with his parents he joined the Malankara Catholic Church in 1932. After his high school studies he joined the Seminary. Young brilliant Abraham had his philosophical and theological studies at the famous Kandy Seminary, an institution he ever remembers with great pride. Time and again he speaks of his excellent intellectual and spiritual formation under the Jesuits at Kandy. Msgr. Kurian Vanchipurackal (-J-) and Rev.Dr Geevarghese Panicker (-j-)were there as some of his illustrious elder classmates and friends. He was ordained priest at Kandy on 24th of August, 1952 by Bishop Ignatius Glennie S.J. of Trincomalee. Fr Abraham began his pastoral ministry as assistant to Fr Cherian Polachirakal (Mar Athanasios) for Thelliyoor at Vennikulam from January to May 1953. He served as Teacher in the Minor Seminary from June to September 1953. Then he was sent for higher studies in Canon Law at Rome. His student days at Rome lasted from September 1953 to December 1957. On his return to Kerala he was appointed as Secretary cum Chancellor at the eparchy of Thiruvalla. He served in this post for the period 1958-1964. During the same period his pastoral duties extended to various parishes and stations. In 1958-1959 he was assistant vicar of Kurisumuttom. In 19591961 he was vicar of Thachamom. In 1961-1962 he was vicar Voì.XXfV 20091

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Koonammakka/

substitute for Fr Alexander Chalumkaparampil at Pandanad and T h i r u v a n v a n d o o r . In 1 9 6 3 - 1 9 6 4 his service as vicar w a s at N e d u m p u r a m and Amichakary. In 1964-1968 he was vicar at Kumbanad a parish he came to serve as vicar for a second time during the period 1986-1989. He was vicar of Poovathoor in 19641966, and of Eraviperoor in 1966-1967. He served the parish of Koipuram from 1967-1968 and 1986-1996. In 1968-1973 he was vicar of Kumplamthanam and Kurisumuttom. During the period 19701973 he served as Diocesan Director of Social Works. He became Vicar of St John's Cathedral, Thiru valla in 1973-1975. In 1975-1983 he served Pastoral Orientation Centre, Kochi, as Assistant Director and later as Director. One of the lasting fruits of his service at P.O.C. is the now f a m o u s POC Malayalam Bible translation. He tried all ways and means to bring out an ecumenical Malayalam translation of the entire Bible. All the Catholic and Non-Catholic bishops agreed at first though the NonCatholics withdrew after the initial meetings and deliberations only because of financial reasons. But Fr Abraham and his team did not loose heart. Under the illustrious and efficient leadership of Fr Abraham the Syro-Malabar, the Syro-Malankara and the Latin Catholic Churches brought out the POC Bible. It is a unique and commendable achievement of the leadership qualities of Fr Abraham Kalakudi. There were insurmountable objections f r o m various corners. But no obstacle f r o m anywhere could stop Fr Kalakudi and his project. For the release of the P O C Bible he a p p r o a c h e d Cardinal P a r e c a t t i l w h o w a n t e d to insert s o m e linguistic ¿hanges in the translated text. Fr Abraham categorically objected and replied: "These I cannot do as I follow the opinion of Biblical scholars and Malayalam linguists in such matters". K.P. Kesava Menon (who had been perfectly blind and hence no more able to read) was invited to receive the first copy f r o m Cardinal Parecattil. The Cardinal presented the first copy to Kesava Menon with this comment: "I am releasing a book which I have not ever read by giving it to a man who is never going to read it" It was Fr Abraham who started the publication of the famous catechetical and past oral journal, "Talent" from POC, which became The Harp:

Voi. XXIV 20091

Rev. Fr. Abraham

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Kalakudi

a paradigm of success and excellence. Every month he used to drive all the way to and fro Kochi - Sivakasi, in the company of another driver. All the books and publications of POC were printed at Sivakasi. The very fact that for six years he took up this monthly adventure, shows his courage, determination and financial management without which POC could not have survived in those days. Remembering this daring step he told me on 3rd May 2008: "Today I wonder how I could drive all the way back and forth such a long and dangerous distance month after month". Another of his achievement was the publication of catechism and moral textbooks and Guidebooks for all the Sunday Schools and Upper Primary and High schools of the three Catholic rites of Kerala. Without no doubt his leadership of POC will be remembered as the golden period in the history of that institution. While serving at POC Fr Abraham was asked to draft the report of an Episcopal seminar on one-rite movement, pastoral care of Oriental Catholics living in so-called Latin jurisdiction. After the thought provoking papers of Mar Powathil, Cyril Mar Baselios and Henry de Souza nobody could have prepared a better report! Fr Abraham's summary statement sr- unanimously accepted by all three groups that he was soon appointed as Assistant Secretary of the Catholic Bishops Conference of India (CBCI). This responsibility was for the period 1983-1986. One of his most important duties was to welcome and accompany each and every guest of honour to CBCI. The translation of all official ecclesiastical documents in Latin was his much appreciated work. Nobody else could do that work better than him, though he was an Oriental. While at New Delhi he noticed many thousands of Oriental Catholics without liturgical service in their own rites. So he began organizing thé Malankara Catholic Association at Delhi. The Latin Archbishop of New Delhi reluctantly allowed him to celebrate the Liturgy in Malankara Catholic rite for the newly organized community, though with extreme reservations. Fr Abraham noticed the pathetic pastoral situation of Syro-Malabar faithful there. Most of the SyroMalabarians, especially religious sisters were content with Latin rite. They told him unanimously: "We don't want Syro-Malabar rite. But Vol. XX!V 2009

The Harp

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Thomas

Koonammakkal

we want Latin rite Mass celebrated in Malayalam!" Fr A b r a h a m did what he could even for them. He was a pioneer in this and the generations to come will remember his daring initiative in organizing the pastoral care of Orientals in Diaspora. He had to face a lot of opposition f r o m the Latin Catholic hierarchy in Delhi. He sought the support of Benedict Mar Gregorios who realized the real issue at stake, but failed to give his support as he wanted to remain diplomatic. Finally Fr Abraham decided to resign f r o m the post of Assistant Secretary only because of this issue. Later the Latin Catholic Archbishop of Delhi pleaded him to be back for a second time in the C B C I office, an offer Fr Abraham did not take up. Today there are many Oriental parishes and even a Malankara Catholic bishop in N e w Delhi and the starting point of all these was the risky and daring initiatives of Fr Abraham. The Syro-Malabar parishes of New Delhi today might not know this pioneering step more than two decades ago. In 1986-1987 Fr Abraham served as Secretary to bishop Isaac M a r Yuhanon. H e was Vice R e c t o r of the M i n o r S e m i n a r y of Thiruvalla during 1986-1989, and Rector from 1989 to 1994. He became chancellor of the eparchy of Thiru valla for the period 19871996. In 1996 he came to St Ephrem's Ecumenical Research Institute (SEERI), Kottayam and Vicar of K u m a r a k o m for the period 19962003. In February 2003 he resigned f r o m official pastoral ministry as he became 75 and as the Canon Law demands such a termination of service. But fortunately he continues to stay at SEERI in order to help SEERI in all possible ways. Since 1996 Fr Abraham has edited all the published books and periodicals of SEERI. The formulation of applications, letters, notices and other documents of SEERI is another of his unofficial service. The legendary f a m e of Fr A b r a h a m in formulating documents has been a great boon for SEERI. For every International Syriac Conference of SEERI the services of Fr Abraham have been very much appreciated by scholars and participants alike. Precise time keeping is his masterpiece responsibility during every seminar, meeting and public function at SEERI. The Harp

Vol. XXIV 2009

Rev. Fr. Abraham

Kalakudi

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As an expert in Latin Language since April 2008 he is teaching Latin to MBA students at MACFAST College at Thiruvalla. He is clear, precise in using language whether it is English, Latin, Syriac, French, Italian, German or Malayalam. He speaks what he thinks true, right, just, legal and good and in this he is never influenced by a n y b o d y other than his c o n s c i e n c e . He is one of the m o s t conscientious and efficient priests of India in the twentieth century and this is no exaggeration. Often he remarks jokingly: "I am not a disappointed bishop". But he is better and superior than most of the appointed and 'disappointed bishops'. "Father, that you have studied Canon Law, is your problem" (late Mar Athanasios used to tell him!). In 1950s, there was a strange custom in the Malankara Catholic Church. Anybody from the Marthoma Church who joined Malankara Catholic Church was to be baptized again. As a young priest, Fr. Abraham refused to follow this un-theological and un-Christian custom. It was reported to his Bishop, who required an explanation. Fr. Abraham said: "I shall comply with this stupid custom, provided I get a clarification. If baptism is unrepeatable, why should I baptize a Christian again? Secondly, nobody has declared the baptism of Marthomites invalid. So I refuse to re-baptize, the already baptized". In the pre-Vatican II Roman Catholic Church, such a reaction from a young priest was a courageous step. Now a days, nobody among the Catholics even think of such a practice. But it should be remembered that it was Fr. Abraham's courageous decision, which inaugurated the custom of accepting Marthomites into Malankara Catholic Church without a second baptism. If incarnation of integrity and courage in speaking the truth face to face come together, it is Fr Abraham Kalakudi. All the bishops and archbishops under whom he worked might have had the formidable words of clarity and truth from him. Fr. Abraham's association with SEERI started not simply from 1996, when he began really to stay in its campus. It antedates this physical joining. In fact it has a history. It is Fr. Kalakudi who helped Fr. Jacob Thekeparampii to plan and formulate the first draft for an Institution like SEERI in 1980, when he was still in P.O.C. Palarivattom. It was a common application in the name of all the Vol. XXIV 2009

The Harp:

Thomas

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Koonammakkal

Syro-Malankara Catholic Bishops asking for subsidy of Missio, Aachen, to get the Institute (SEERI) started. Once formulated, it was entrusted to the then Archbishop His Grace Benedict Mar Gregorios of Trivandrum. That was the end of it! Again in 1985, when SEERI came into existence in today's shape and with irrevocable commitments for promoting Syriac studies, Fr. Kalakudi joined silently but eloquently SEERI's Director to spell but its courses of action and to bring out SEERI's Brochure. Also in 1987, when he was still in the Bishop's home, Fr. Kalakudi took active part in addressing and welcoming the esteemed audience gathered for the first World Syriac Conference of SEERI. He was doing it in SEERI's name. He did it also in the subsequent Conferences of this kind. Thus, his association with SEERI begins with SEERI's budding stage. It was silent, invisible, but real. Later on, especially from 1996 onwards, it becatne physical. Since then, he entered the SEERI campus, as one of the persons of SEERI-TRINITY: consisting of Fathers Geevarghese Panicker, Abraham Kalakudi and Jacob Thekeparampil to keep SEERI embark on its voyage, assisting all Syriac Churches and individuals wanting to study Syriac seriously. Rev. Dr. Thomas Kbonammakkal, Professor, SEERI, Kottayam. 686001 India.

The Harp

Vol. XX tV 2009

Sebastian P. Brock

' B L E S S E D rS T H A T O L D A G E WHICH HAS GROWN OLD WITH G O O D DEEDS': A NEGLECTED P OEM ATTRIBUTED TO ST EPHREM. Introduction In the fourth volume of his Hymni et Sermones Sancti Ephraem Syri Th. Lamy published two poems, both attributed to St Ephrem,1 which are preserved in a single manuscript, British Library Add. 14,592, dated by William Wright in his Catalogue (p.684) to the sixth or seventh century. Despite the early date of the manuscript, neither poem was among the madrashe republished by Dom Edmund Beck in CSCO. While attributions to Ephrem of madrashe in the liturgical manuscripts of the ninth century or later are highly unreliable and often prove to be incorrect, in the case of a sixth- or seventhcentury manuscript such an attribution has a good chance of being correct, and both deserve more attention than they have hitherto been accorded. The present volume of The Harp, in honour of Father Abraham Kalakudi who has done so much for SEERI in his unobtrusive way, seems an opportune occasion to offer a translation and study of the second of these two poems. 1

IV (Malines, 1902), cols 775-90. The first poem, not discussed further here, has an alphabetic acrostic.

¡¡liiiiiiiiili

Sebastian P. Brock Before dealing with the question of the attribution, it will be best to present first a translation of the poem (the text is republished, with some improved readings, as an appendix). The poem is described in the manuscript as a madmsha, that is, a stanzaic poem, even though the scribe gives no indication where the stanzas begin or end. For reasons that will become clear below, the poem is here broken up into stanzas of five lines each. 8

Translation 1. Blessed is the person whose heart is filled with deep peace; blessed is the person who has become wakeful at all times; blessed is the person who has become vigilant, with discernment; blessed is the person who has become 'salt' in this generation; blessed is the person who has become (a source oi) light at this time; 5 2. blessed is the person who has become silent and still; blessed is the person who has become gentle and kind; blessed is the person who has earned out, and taught, what has been commanded; blessed is the person the gaze of whose eyes is chaste; blessed is the person who has dwelt at home in single fashion; 10 3. blessed is the person who has taken up Your yoke in his youth; blessed is the person who has kept in mind at eveiy moment that he is mortal; blessed is the person who has made abundant provisions in his youth; blessed is the person who has become dead while still living; blessed is the person who has kept in mind that he is on a journey; 15 4. blessed is the mortal who has scattered his possessions; blessed is the poor whose gaze is in the direction of that place; blessed is the person who has attained to the blessed state of the saints; blessed is the person who has stilled the stirring of his limbs; blessed is the person who has been a virgin in (the use of) his tongue; 20 5. blessed is the person who has preserved his body unsullied; blessed is the person who has been mute with discretion; blessed is the person who has loved his Lord and his God; blessed is the person who has loved his neighbour, as himself; blessed is the person who has loved chaste habits: 25

'Blessed is that old age which has grown old with good deeds':...

9

6. blessed is the person who has abhorred/disliked any association with laxity; blessed is the person who has become a companion to those that fast; blessed is the person who has become a brother to the valiant; blessed is the person who has become a temple for God; blessed is the person who has become a dwelling for the Holy Spirit; 30 7. blessed is the person who has become a companion of the perfected; blessed is the person who has become the likeness of those of old; blessed is the person who has become chaste, like Joseph; blessed is the person who has become humble, like Moses; blessed is the person who has become a virgin, like Elijah; 35 8. blessed is the person who has utterly rejected the lusts; blessed is the rich man who fixes his eyes on Abraham; blessed is the poor man who fixes his eyes on Lazarus; blessed is the righteous whose mind is humble; blessed is the sinner who looks to forgiveness;

40

9. blessed is the frail who considers his shortcomings; blessed is youthfulness which abhors the lusts; blessed is youthfulness which has kept its eyes on Paradise; blessed is youthfulness which has rejected luxuries; blessed is youthfulness which has acquired watchfulness;

45

10. blessed is youthfulness which has bridled its limbs; blessed is youthfulness which has loved purity; blessed is youthfulness which has trampled on its own thoughts; blessed is youthfulness which has loved sincerity; blessed is youthfulness which has rejected this (earthly) abode; 50 11. blessed is youthfulness which has abhorred luxuries; blessed is youthfulness which has rejected the temporal bridal chamber; blessed is youthfulness which has polished its thought; blessed is youthfulness which has crucified its limbs; blessed is youthfulness which has kept its gaze on that place; 55 12. blessed is youthfulness which has made holy its youthful vigour; blessed is youthfulness which has hated slackness; blessed is youthfulness which has knocked (on the door of) that place; blessed is youthfulness which has come: to reign in that radiance; 60 blessed is youthfulness which has kept its eye on that goal .

10

Sebastian P. Brock

13. Blessed is that old age which has crossed over that place of dread; blessed is that old age which has grown old with good deeds; blessed is that old age which rejected the (fact that it is) old; blessed is that old age which has preserved virginity; blessed is that old age which has shown love for the saints; 65 14. blessed is that old age which proved suitable in its youthfulness; blessed is that old age which has fixed its gaze on that place; blessed is that old age which has desired the crown of Life/salvation; blessed is that old age which has loved (the heavenly) delights; blessed is that old age which is gentle and humble; 70 15. blessed is that old age which has become a bridal chamber of light; blessed is that old age which takes pleasure in Eden; blessed is that old age which frisks on high; blessed is that old age which exults at the resurrection; blessed is that old age which is rejuvenated in Eden. 75 A further

witness

A selection from this series of 'Blessed...' is also to be found in another manuscript in the British Library, Add., 14,577, f.94a-b (9,h century), entitled 'Admonition of Mar Isaac'. It is unclear which particular Isaac is intended. This extract contains lines 1-40, but with a number of omissions and additions, as well as several smaller variations: (a) omissions of whole lines: lines 10,12,15,22,27,31,31,35,37. (b) additions: after line. 34 (thus replacing 35): + 3 lines, as follows, 'blessed is the person who has become an ascetic ('anwaya) just as (he has become) an old man;2 blessed is the person who, as an old man, has abhorred the world; blessed is the person who has despised and abhorred the delights of the world'. and after no. 40: + 3 lines, as follows, 'blessed is the person who has placed his death before his eyes;3 2 3

This seems to be the intended meaning, corresponding to, in the Indian context, becoming a sanyasi in old age. An illuminating discussion of this theme in Greek philosophical The Harp

Vol. XXIV 2009:

'Blessed is that old age which has grown old with good deeds':...

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blessed is the person who has shown love and given to the poor; blessed is the person who has opened his door to the needy'. (c) transpositions: lines 5 and 6; 16 and 17. (d) other significant differences: line 4: instead of dr', which can be taken as either 'generation' or'conflict', Add. 14,577 has d'r', which can only be 'conflict'; see further the commentary. line 8: instead of d'bdw'lp {do-'bad w-allep), 'who has acted and taught', Add. 14,577 has d-'ylp w'bd (d-'ilep wa-'bad), 'who has learnt and acted'. line 19: Add. 14,577 has 'blessed is the person who has stripped off the p a s s i o n s of his l i m b s ' (d-ashla© ©ashshe

d-haddamaw).

It seems likely that all of these are secondary developments (this is shown in some cases by the fact that the metre is ignored). Attribution The second and third of Ephrem's Madrashe on Faith are likewise poems which consist entirely of verses beginning 'Blessed is...' (t?ubaw(hy) /-...), and so the structure of the present poem has a clear precedent in these two poems which are certainly genuine. The fact, however, that the second manuscript gives a completely different attribution immediately indicates the possibility that our poem, although early, may not really be by Ephrem. A further cause for hesitation is provided by the choice of metre used: whereas the two madrashe in the collection on Faith are not only in a well-attested collection, but are also in a metre which is used by Ephrem on several other occasions, 4 the metre of the present poem does not otherwise feature among the genuine poems (see further below, on Metre).

4

tradition is to be found in P. Hadot (tr. M. Chase), Philosophy as a Way of Life: Spiritual Exercises from Socrates to Foucault (Oxford, 1995), pp.93-101, 138. 7+7 7+7, with the qala title alaha b-rahmaw(hy)-, Beck suggests that this is an error for alaha da-rh?emtunay(hy), which is the qala for the metre 7+7 7+7; if he is correct, then the Response (of 7 syllables) is treated as an integral element in the metre. In any case, both metres occur elsewhere in Ephrem's genuine madrashe.

I l i l i i

^ K i ^ ^ ^ S i i i l i i l l ^ S i i l ^ l ^ ^ ^ ^ i B S S i i f t ®

Sebastian P. Brock

12

This in itself is not necessarily evidence against genuineness, since there are two other cases in the collections edited by Beck where a metre occurs only once.5 Nevertheless, the combination of these two factors means that we should accept that there is a serious element of doubt concerning the attribution to Ephrem. The question might be resolved if one could find definite borrowings from On Faith 2-3, for Ephrem was not in the habit of quoting, or alluding to, his own poems. There are in fact three possible allusions (see the Commentary to lines 4,12, and 21, and although none of these is conclusive in itself, the combination of three does seriously suggest that we are dealing with a later poet who pays tribute to Ephrem by these passing allusions. This leaves us with the possibility that the attribution in the second manuscript to Isaac might be correct. Against this, it should be noted that Add. 14,592 contains many poems specifically attributed to Isaac 'the teacher of the Church' (including the famous one on the parrot which uttered the Trisagion), and so it would be surprising that, if our poem was really be Isaac, it should have been attributed in this manuscript to Ephrem. At present there seem to be no means of resolving this question of authorship; this, however, should not detract from the interest that the poem has in its own right. The genre of Makarisms (Beatitudes) The model for series of short sayings introduced by 'Blessed ...' will undoubtedly be the Beatitudes of Matthew 5:3-11 (with a series of eleven sayings, whereas the parallel in Luke 6:20-21 has only four). Although single phrases with 'Blessed ...' are found in a number of places in the Old Testament (and in Classical Greek literature 6 ), the only earlier sequence of such phrases is to be found in Bar Sira (Ecclesiasticus) 25:8-9, with four. In Syriac, as has just bee noted, Ephrem provides two poems with an extensive series (twenty four in On Faith 2, and eleven in On Faith 3), as well as a number of other poems where he opens many stanzas with 'Blessed ...' (notably Madmshe on Virginity, no. 15); On Faith 2-3, however, 5 6

This applies to On the Church 51, and On the Nativity 22. The concise study by G. L. Dirichlet, De veterum macarismis (Giessen, 1914) remains a useful account.

The Harp;

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'Blessed is that old age which has grown old with good deeds':...

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are the only poems of Ephrem's where every stanza begins with 'Blessed,..', and indeed in this respect he appears to be the first Christian writer in any language to provide such a series. Sequences of beatitudes are not infrequent in subsequent Syriae poems, both memre and madrashe; examples of the former can be found in Beck's edition of memre attributed to Ephrem (Sermanes III.4, lines 641-735, with a series of twenty four; the tnemra is definitely not by Ephrem) and Jacob of Serugh's Verse Homily on Mary (a series of thirteen).7 For the latter, a considerable number of examples can be found in liturgical sources, such as the three on Simon (Peter), Paul and Thomas, published by Lamy (IV, cols 673702). Arare example in prose occurs in the Acts ofThecla(ed. W. Wright, pp. 131-3), with a series of thirteen. It so happens that two sets of Makarisms, or strings of phrases beginning makarios, 'Blessed', attributed to Ephrem in Greek8 also happen to amount to 75 lines (55 + 20), as does our present poem; however they in fact bear no relationship to any of the Syriae poems. Metre Both at the beginning and at the end the text is described in Add. 14,592 as a madrasha, in other words, a stanzaic poem. The metre is not hard to discern, namely lines of 5+5 syllables; no indication, however, is given in the manuscript, either in the form of the indication of a qala, or by means of punctuation, of how the text is to be broken up into stanzas. In the volumes of Ephrem edited by E. Beck in CSCO there are six syllabic metres consisting solely of units of five syllables, but none of these would be suitable for a poem of 75 lines: (1) 5+5 5+5: this would mean that every two lines formed a stanza, resulting in a poem of 37 and a half stanzas. 7

8

Ed. P. Bedjan, Martyrii qui et Sahdona quae supersunt omnia (Paris/ Leipzig, 1902), 638-9 = the additional vol. VI of the Gorgias Press reprint of Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis (2006), 26-7 (a series of thirteen); English translation in M. Hansbury, Jacob of Serug, On the Mother of God (Crestwood NJ. 1998), 41-2. M. Geerard, Clavis Patrum Graecorum II (Turnhout, 1974), nos 3935(a) and (b); the text is given in K.G. Phrantzolas, Hosiou Ephraim tou Syrou erga II (Athens, 1989), 252-62, 267-70. Vol. XXIV 2009

lliilii

Sebastian P. Brock

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(2) 5+5 5+5 5: this would mean every two and half lines formed a stanza; this would involve stanza breaks at the wrong place. (3) 5+5- 5+5 5+5: this would mean every three lines formed a stanza, but again this will not fit the total of 75 lines. (4) 5+5 5+5 5+5 5+5 5 : this would also involve a stanza break al the wrong place. (5) 5+5 5+5 5+5 5+5 5+5 5: the same applies. (6) 5+5 5+5 5+5 5+5 5+5 5+5: this would mean stanzas of six lines, bul this is not divisible into 75. In fact the only five-syllable metre that would fit is one consisting of five lines of 5+5 syllables, a metre which appears never to have been used by Ephrem, thus casting some further doubt on the attribution in the manuscript. The metre does, however, feature in later liturgical collections of madmshe, and there it has the qala title kpuryeh

d-shem'on.9

Structure It would appear that the structure of the poem is quite elaborate; broken up into six units (designated A-F), we have: A 1-15

general ('the person who')

15 lines

B 16-17

specific

2 lines—

C18-36

general

19 lines

D 37-41

specific

5 lines

E 42-60

youthfulness

19 lines

F 61-75

old age

15 lines

9

} }

}

See, for example, L. Hage, The Syriac Model Strophes and their Poetic Metres by the Maronite Patriarch Stephen Douayhi (Bibliothèque de l'Université Saint-Esprit XIV; 1987), p.. 113; and his more detailed Musique Maronite. Textes VI: Les Strophes-Types Syriaques (Bibliothèque de l'Université Saint-Esprit XLIII; 2001), p.60 (where the Syrian Orthodox goto title is given as ah?ay ba-ktobe, the opening words of a madrasha variously attributed to Balai or Jacob of Serugh, edited by T. Lamy, Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones IV (Malines, 19Q2), cols 737-46; Lamy, however, analyses the metre somewhat differently) .

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15

From this table it can readily be seen that the overarching pair A + F (both of 15 lines), incorporates the interlinked B+D (specific people) and C+ E (both of 19 lines). At the same time A+C (general) balances E+F (youthfulness, old age), since both pairs consist of 34 lines). Furthermore, at least two further small details might be noticed: gtion zabna = 1 l lh in youthfulness gnon nuhra = 11th in old age. Commentary I. deep peace: shlam

shayna.

4. salt (mel©a): the reference will be to Mt. 5:13 and parallels. Lamy translated as gubernator, presumably vocalizing the word as malla©a 'sailor'; this, however, would go against the metre. It is very possible that this line is a deliberate allusion to Ephrem's second madrasha on Faith, where the first half of stanza 3 reads 'Blessed is the person who has become the salt of truth in this generation'. generation: the allusion to Ephrem here suggests that this is the sense of dr'\ the variant d'r' in Add. 14,577 would mean 'fight, struggle', which, however, seems less suitable. 5. light: the reference will be to Mt. 5:14 and parallels. 7. gentle and kind (ni©a w-bassima): compare Mt. 11:29 ' l a m gentle (or: restful) and humble (ni©a w-makkika' (which is the wording of line 70). For this theme, see especially G. Winkler, 'Ein bedeutsamer Zusammenhang zwischen Erkenntnis und Ruhe in Mt 11:27-9\ Le Museon 96 (1983), 267-326. 10. in the house singly: based on Ps. 68:7 'God causes the single one (¡©idaya) to sit in the house'. This Psalm verse was first associated with the monastic ideal by Eusebius in his Commentary on this verse (Patrolpgia Graeca 23, col. 689B). I I . Your yoke: Mt. 11:29. Only here is Christ evidently directly addressed.

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12. that he is mortal: perhaps an allusion to Ephrem, Madrashe on Faith 3:7, 'Blessed is the person who knows ... and realizes that he is mortal and the son of a mortal'. 16. scattered his possessions: in the right way, in contrast to the Prodigal Son (Lk. 15:13), for w h o m the same verb is used, but with the addition 'living flightily'. 22. w h o has been mute with discretion: perhaps an allusion to Ephrem, Madrashe on Faith 2:20, 'Blessed the person w h o has become mute when Your birth is being investigated'. 24. loved his neighbour as himself:

Lev. 19:18, Mt. 5:43.

29. a temple for God: based on 1 Cor. 3:16 (where, however, haykla is used). 30. dwelling for the Holy Spirit: also based on 1 Cor. 3:16. 33. Joseph: Gen. 39:8-9. 34. Moses: Ex. 4:10. 35. Elijah: although he is never described as a btula in the Biblical text, this subsequently became a standard epithet for him, especially in the context of the Transfiguration, where the virgin Elijah is sometimes balanced with the married Moses; this, however, does not yet feature in Ephrem's references to the Transfiguration (or, it seems, elsewhere). In his On the Nativity 14:15, however, the term btula occurs shortly before mention of Elijah (stanza 16), rather implying an association. 37. rich: Abraham is here a model for hospitality, based on Gen. 18 (the visit of the three men/angels), contrasted with the Rich Man of the parable (Lk. 16:19-31), who looks to A b r a h a m from Gehenna (Lk. 16:24). The parable is also referred to in the series of Makarisms in Sermones III.4, lines 653-6. 38. Lazarus: Luke 16. 44. rejected luxuries: like Daniel and the Three Young Men at the court of Nebuchadnezzar, Dan. 1:12-16.

iiliii

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50. this (earthly) abode. Lamy takes the sense very differently: 'quae odivit spiritum cohabitationis', but 'umra does not have this sense. (In his text Ihwn is a misprint for Ihn). 52. By oversight the line was omitted in Lamy's edition, the gnon zabna is contrasted with the gnon nuhra of line 71 (in the case of both youthfulness and of old age, reference to the bridal chamber comes as the eleventh line). 53. polished its thought: compare Ephrem, Madrashe on the Church 36:2, where similar phraseology is used of the Virgin Mary. 54. crucified its limbs: perhaps based on Gal. 2:2 'I have been crucified with Christ', where however zqif is used. 62. Lamy reads dkn't instead of ds'bt, and translates 'venerabilem se praestitit'. Although the semkath is not clear, the following two letters are. 63, 66. The intended sense of these two lines is not entirely clear. 68. crown of Life/salvation: i.e. consisting in. In both the Old Syriac and the Peshitta Gospels Greek soteria is regularly rendered by ©ayye. 70. gentle and humble: Mt 10:29; compare line 7 above. 71. bridal chamber of light: this phrase is frequently found as an alternative to 'the kingdom of heaven'; see 'The Bridal Chamber of light: a distinctive feature of the Syriac liturgical tradition', The Harp 18 (2005), 179-91. 'Bridal chamber of light' already occurs as an eschatological term in Ephrem, Madrashe on Paradise 7:24 and on the Fast 5:1. 75. rejuvenated: Lamy translates quae refhgerio gaudet, evidently taking the verb as being a denominative from t?ella 'dew', but this would require d-mett?alla, rather than d-mett?alya.

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APPENDIX Syriac text

Add. 14,592, ff.55v-56v.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

,ct3£V=O^j ^sal rdla^ aL\_¿\iso

arni t n i l i u s o

iusj juion

* re* àu.lCUZli-ÏZ)

à\ai

A \ , * « «"ioAxin

aró .sAjj

.rdaiio

r^-i.-io

•:• pil'-üirC r ¿ ü i l 3 è\ai

rC.iaáMSD.T

j_»cnlii

,r¿l>:icn£3>

«ni

r*"è\iSoa

.«»A» .y» »»w ~n i.Av.

rAsiXSJgO

n í l a s a x « " ¿ u . i c u z i i ^ ) coi pOaxso.t .isai-.i acni m i . s i i . ^..-i : r 6 u i a ^.OJL» ^ j s a i róipíO

The Harp

níooirdi r í ' i o

re'aró.ia - i V m i ^ i

Vol. XXIV 2009:

Moses Bar Kepha Commentary ort Baptism

59

•:• rCxBOsa K^OXs.UOa r^.liasJi xS^i

:rfi**lT. à x c t a l s i l

w^coikso

rdXa-iK'^ ioncuall.1 jsnn

,\\i*73

r d l ä l s a • K ' i v o i à u i o . l rdajLl tVH=iQS=Q

r^T-iT

ri"i\Üa i

\T*JM iciAà- 5 •:• colarlo» ^ T s i u o o o coàAru •:•

«"Óao.-Aa rt*n

orò n£xJÌ.n\ cn»i\r.i

v y K ' :r ^ v l À ,coaiur£»icirc'à\i

•so^

-t-rdlipCoi

•:• cn \ *73 j i ü . i

m-ic couMao

r^si^à TSÀO

r.1 «eòo • rt'Tii-iO

rc^a'-joy m \

^».i i V à v i i ^ u

^ o ^ n o

«"àuia

rOk..i . i V ^ f n - i

A».!*

^>.1 »ero

r^öi

riiià^K"

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riligjjon

tólrc"

jaenù.-«

cCèxxis

riUiarc'àua

.rCàvii^M.T

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«ril^ùlii pe'AväxitSli

.ri'i^.Avlsiiss

xi-ùi

»cooairia •:• n r à u i ^ i i . l

^niio

re'.iaüoQ icoos»«" .\,T°>Q n i u J n ^ i i X i a à v S D . i

icnii-

• >cT3CLläAcuia riuj.tsii nc'icnCLl

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«hjJuK1

rc'iuAÄ

ri'.tCU».!

jcnoiure'O

•:•

\ a

rCx>.1£> «niiOVJO

rc'icocij

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rt'iicnJo

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rc'aaàutiiano

(kif-iujCUj.l

fiÙSI

.^lièvcre"

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r e b u t e ) n¿2L».in r¿»iOÍ r i i i m

r¿«ai

r¿Í50

A r i ' relien

t ^aicLso.T coà\ K ' i s j • coiso.-l (Oxacid A i . int .tVAusoim-sal r 6 u i 9 i

rixaAi

t |Cn\ s

^».i r 6 i a i . ^ . . i c k x m r ^ è x o à u l a l •

-irùnTa

ri'rui'Uk-rt

. rdi^m

.reV-uiai. jAioivx.r*'

o nilto«'

àAiì

.riJiari'

-¡'rdtèulèn r ^ n c u s óco

A^-aa

v r y i a i pai à o n f Ì.VU73 . r ^ è o u x x a (A

:ri\-ui

• riviri"

rc'J^oiiusos

r^tsi.i ^ n V

.^oiciso.i Crrs-di, onjxQflosa

67

rOocuo

«"vao

^sos

r^iac

^otoWna

^SO.i

As

17

^omàmxnsa

f^Q.i ^.CLL»^ cn^cnuuDo

r^èunjLoa

rc'èinfnT]

«"ornivi

A s \ K,à>nCOCU73.ln:t r^H»CIXl

^so.nri'n K'AVUJ«'© rc^oxurm K'anv ,o re'enire'.-t rtwig) as Aytoun has suggested. 22 SYA. P.48-50. Absent in the ordo of Bar Hebraeus published from Pampakuda. 23 Probably the paraphrase of a quotation from St Basil: On the Holy Spirit, XII,28, SC 17 bis. p.345. cfr. Gregory of Nyssa, Against Appolinarius, 52, PG 42, 1249 D: Severus of Antioch, Homily 42, PO.36-1, p.65-67. also Bar Kepha, Commentary on Myron (ed.W.Strothmann), ch.27. Vol. XXIV 2009

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12. On that the priest breathes upon the water: The priest breathes upon the water for these (reasons) 24 . Firstly, as God breathed on Adam the breath of life (Gen. 1:12), when He created him and as baptism is a re-creation, it is right that the priest should breath on the water as if it is the first creation. Secondly, he breathes on (the water) as our Lord breathed on His disciples and said: Receive the Holy Spirit (Jn.20:22). 13. On that the priest pours Myron upon the water of holy baptism: He pours the Myron on it (for these reasons) 25 : Firstly, to show that it was for the sake of our generation by baptism that God the Word came down and emptied Himself even unto endure the cross and death. Secondly, the Myron which is poured upon the waters here signifies the Holy Spirit. For as the Spirit of God brooded upon the waters in the beginning of creation (Gen. 1:1), in order to impart to them generative and fertilizing power. Similarly here also, the Holy Spirit broods upon the waters of baptism, through the pouring out of the Myron upon them, so that it may impart to them power to bring-forth spiritual sons of the heavenly Father. For Holy Mar Severus has said in one of his writings that Myron indicates the Holy Spirit 26 . 14. On the baptismal font and the descent of the baptized to the font and his threefold immersion: 24 SYA, p.60; Bar Kepha seems to be the first to speak of this rite. 25 In the Syro-antiochene tradition, Dionysius the Areopagite is the first writer to speak of this rite. cfr. EH, Il-ii,7, PG 3, 396C. Irenaeus says that the Gnostics administered baptism by pouring a mixture of water and oil over the head of the candidate. Ad.Haer. 1,21, 5, SC 265, p.305. Scholars do not exclude the possibility that the Gnostics had adopted a practice which existed in the orthodox circles. See. A.Benoit, Baptême chrétien au second siècle, (Paris, 1953), p.203; F.M.Sagnard, La gnose valentinienne et le témoignage de Saint Irénée, (Paris, 1947), p.423. 26 S.Brock (ed), " Severus' Letter to John the Soldier", IN Erkenntnisse und Meinungen, t.ll, GOFS 17, (Wiessbaden, 1978), 53-75 (here p.75). The Harp

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The baptismal font takes the place of the tomb of Christ and therefore, when the baptized descends, he descends as if to the tomb. His immersion in the water indicates two things: First, his complete death and second, that when a man is buried, he is completely covered up and nothing of him is visible. So too the baptized, when he plunges completely into the water. That he plunges three times, neither more nor less, indicates that our Lord was in the tomb for three days. And that the immersion in the water indicates the death of Christ and the font indicates his tomb 27 , (as) the Apostle Paul witnesses saying: Do you not know that we who have been baptized in(to) Christ, were baptized in(to) His death? And for, we were buried with Him in baptism to death. Also this ought to be known that formerly when the believers were baptized, as they were youths and men, the priests made them plunge in the water in the font three times. But nowadays, since the baptized are infants and little children, the priests do not plunge them in the water, lest they will be choked. But instead of immersions they make pourings on them, taking up little water and pouring (it) upon their heads thrice instead of three immersions, making three pourings, doing it carefully so that the infants be not choked. We accept by faith that the pourings are like three immersions. 15. On that the priest lays his hand on the head of him who is baptized and says:' So and so is baptized in the name of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit', while the face of the baptized looking to the east and the face of the priest looking west opposite to him who is baptized. The priest places his hand upon the head of the baptized for these reasons. Firstly, as God formed Adam with His hands in the first creation, so also the priest does in the second creation. Secondly, as John placed his hand upon the head of the Son in baptism. Thirdly, the hand of the priest points out him who is baptized as if by a finger 27 George, Com., p.14; Brock, Com. XII-XIV. Vol. XXIV 2009

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while the Father cries o u t : ' This is my beloved Son in whom I am well pleased (Mt.3:17). And therefore he gains confidence to say to the Father 'Our Father who art in heaven'29. Fourthly the hand of the priest is a hidden sign that the baptized is born (again) 29 . The priest says, 'So and so is baptized' and not, I baptize, because the baptism is not his affair, but God's, as he has been chosen by grace to be minister to the mystery of baptism 30 . But the face of the baptized looks to the East because it is our former place, from whence came out our father Adam, when he transgressed the commandment of his Lord. 16. Why did Christ constitute baptism from water and Spirit and not from anything else? For it could have been from oil and the Spirit. For the priests and kings of the children of Israel were anointed with oil. We say that God constituted baptism from water for these reasons. Firstly, because the first creation of the first man was by means of water. Lord the God created Adam from dust (Gen.2:7) It is fitting that the second creation too should be by water. Secondly, that the element should be easily available in all places for rich and poor. Behold water; what is the hindrance that I be baptized? (Acts.8:36). If the element had not chanced to be easily available, many would have been deprived of baptism, which is the salvation of the souls. Thirdly, so that thefilthof the soul might be cleansed by the mysteries. For just as water cleanses the filth of the body, so baptism cleanses the 28 It does not seem to refer to an actual recital of the Lord's Prayer by the newly baptized. In fact, the Lord's Prayer is absent in the present Syrian Orthodox baptismal ordo. Cfr. Brock, Com. XXVIII (attests the Lord's Prayer). 29 Brock, Com, XIII (b); George, Com. p. 14. 30 Brock, ID., XIV; George, ID., p.14. cfr St John Chrysostom, Baptismal Instructions, 3,14, in E.C.Whitaker, Documents of the Baptismal Liturgy, (London, 1970), p.36. The Harp

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filth of the soul, that is sin. Fourthly, because it is the nature of water to bring forth, which it received at the beginning: Let the water swarm etc (Gen. 1:20). Thus (the water) bring forth spiritual children. Fifthly, again when you look at the water you see in it another in your own likeness- like you. Here you should understand that you descend to baptism, and you come up as a different person, the new instead of the old. Sixthly, by means of water writings are blotted out and therefore by the waters of baptism, the bill of our debts is blotted out, and the bond which Adam wrote by which we were made debtors to sin and death. Seventhly, water strengthens the weak. Just as iron is softened and liquefied by fire, but when it is dipped in water it is made hard and strong. So also, when those who are weak and languid by the practice of errors and wickedness are baptized, the waters of baptism make them strong in the practice of virtues. Eighthly, because in the beginning we were formed from earth and our dwelling place was commanded to be on earth. We are now (re)formed by water that we may dwell at last above the firmament, which is drawn out of water and spread out. Let there be a firmament in the midst of the waters (Gen. 1:6). Ninthly, because these very waters have prefigured baptism from the beginning: the sea that was divided (1 Cor.l0:2)\ the Jordan which purified Naaman (2 Kgs.5:10-14)-, the torrent which Ezekiel saw (Ez.47:l-12); the baptistery of Siloam (Jn.9:7). Moreover, the betrothals of Rebecca (Gen.24), Rachel (Gen.29:l-12) and Zipporah (Ex.2:15-22) were beside water. So also are the betrothals of the Holy Church beside the waters of baptism. Tenthly, Saint Basil says thus: Because mortality and resurrection are appointed to us, therefore, through water and Spirit baptism is perfected, the water indicating mortality and the Spirit renewing us in resurrection 31 . You send forth your Spirit and they are created (Ps.104:30). 31 St Basil, On the Holy Spirit, XIX, 49, SC. 17 bis (Paris, 1968), p.421. vol XXIV 2009

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17. On their ascent from the baptismal font and the seal of Myron : Their ascent from the font signifies three things. Firstly the ascent and resurrection of Jesus from the tomb on the third day. Secondly, that there will be an ascent and resurrection from the tomb on the last day. Thirdly, that he will rise up above the heaven if he keep the baptism without blemish. 18. He is sealed with Myron for these

reasons:

Firstly, that he may acquire the fragrance that pleases God, as the Apostle had said: To God we are the aroma in Christ (2 Cor.2:15). Secondly, because by it the baptized is perfected and he receives the Holy Spirit. Thirdly, because it is a sign of Christ by which the baptized is separated from alien flocks. Fourthly, that he may be fearsome to the demons and not be upheld by them. Fifthly, he is sealed upon his senses, so that they may not be entrance of sin. Sixthly, again on the forehead, that he may be terrifying to demons. Just as it happened in Egypt when the destroyer came not near to the house upon which was the sign of the lamb's blood. Seventhly, he is sealed upon the heart that it may be an abode not of evil thought but of good. Eighthly, upon the joints, so that they may be instruments of justice, as Paul said (Rom.6:13). 19. On the white robes with which they clothe him: The white robes with which they clothe him are for these (reasons). First, to indicate that he has been in the darkness of ignorance and he has become white and illuminated by the knowledge of God, and by the light which he has received from baptism. 32 L: after The Harp

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Second, (to show) that he has stripped off the old man and put on the new (Col.3:10). Third, that formerly he was without form or adornment and (now) it is come to pass that he has acquired from and adornment. Fourth, that by32 the resurrection he will receive a robe of immortality and incorruptibility and will put on the glory which Adam wore before he transgressed the commandment (Gen.3:21). Fifth, that after the resurrection, he will dwell in heaven as a luminary. Sixth, that he will shine in the Kingdom of heaven as the Sun of justice, with the righteous ones {Mt. 13:43). 20. On the orarium which they tie about the head: The orarium which is upon his head is the sign of the freedom which he has received from Christ through baptism 33 , who has freed him from Satan, ignorance and sin. 21. On the lights which go before the baptized: The lights which are before him signify that he has left from the darkness of ignorance and sin to the light of the knowledge of God and the works of righteousness. Secondly, that he has been summoned for the heavenly light. 22. On the incense which is burned before him: The incense which is burned before him signifies this 34 : firstly, the sweetness of the fragrance of the Father, Son and the Holy Spirit, which he has received from baptism. Secondly, the sweet fragrance of the holy life which he is about to present (to God) even as Noah presented a sacrifice to God. 23. Again, on the sei~vice by which he comes to the church: Firstly, the service by which he comes to the sanctuary indicates, 33 Brock, Com., XVII; George, Com., p. 14. 34 cfr. Brock, Com., XX.; George, Com. p.14-15. The burning of the incense is absent in the present baptismal ordo. Incense was probably burned during the procession in which the newly baptized were led to the nave. Vol. XXIV 2009

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the spiritual nuptials which have fallen to him . Secondly, the joy on his behalf with which the angels rejoice. Thirdly, (it relates) to the unity of the holy angels. Fourthly (it indicates) his invitation to the Kingdom of heaven 36 . 24. On their entrance to the Holy of Holies : Their entrance to the Holy of holies signify their entering to the tree of life from which Adam was prohibited 37 . 25. On their reception of the holy

mysteries:

Their reception of the mysteries signifies these (things). First, that he is fully initiated and perfected in gifts. Second, that he has been united to the Word [of God] and has become a member of Him. Third, the fatted calf has been slain for him because, he was dead and is alive, and was lost and is found (Lk. 15:23-24). Fourth, as bodily children come to bodily nourishment, so also do spiritual (children) to spiritual (nourishment). Fifth, it indicates the banquet which is prepared for the saints in the Kingdom of Heaven. 26. Why those who are baptized do not wash their for seven days:

hands

And this signifies the not washing away of the secret power which they have received from holy and divine baptism 38 . By the power of the Exalted One (here) ends the Exposition of Baptism.

Rev. Dr. Baby Varghese Professor, SEERI Baker Hill, Kottayam 686001 Kerala, India Email: [email protected]

35 36 37 38

Brock, Com., XXII (a). Brock, ID. XII (b); George, Com., p.15. Brock, ID., XXIII; George, ID., p.15. Brock, ID, XXVII; George, ID., p.1,5.

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Vol. XXIV 2009:

Ugo

ZANETTI

CHRISTIAN ETHIOPIA Preliminary remark: From an historical point of view, the distinction between Ethiopia and Eritrea begins only with the Italian occupation at the end of the 19th century; this presentation of the "Ethiopian Church" therefore covers Eritrea as well, since these two groups of Christians have separated only recently, as a result of political changes. However surprising it may look to people who often think of Africa as a "mission land", Ethiopia has been a Christian country for as long as Western Europe. It was indeed before the middle of the 4lh century C.E., more exactly between 346 and 356, that king Ezana of Aksum converted to Christianity and that the country received a bishop of its own. In the course of sixteen centuries, Ethiopia was able to develop its religious life in the frame of local culture, producing thus a truly African form of Christianity, with its own customs and ideas, a different but fully legitimate expression of Christianity. Indeed, the whole way of life of the Ethiopian highlands — excepting only areas where the majority of the population is made up either of Muslims or of members of traditional religions — is imbued with Christianity. Many of the oldest buildings are churches or monasteries. Paintings most often depict Biblical scenes or show local saints. Even jewels take the form of crosses; goldsmiths designed a great variety of cruciform styles, and blacksmiths used the best of their craft in moulding processional crosses, censers and systra... when they were not manufacturing weapons! Bread is blessed with Vol X X I V ?009:

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a cross before being eaten, the many fasting days are widely kept... in short, religion is ever-present in everyday life. Even the word for "thank you" {Egzi'er yestellegn) means "may the Lord (Egzi'er) return it you for me". The official calendar — possibly not for very much longer — is identical to the religious calendar received from the Coptic Church, with twelve months of thirty days and a thirteenth month of five or six days, the year beginning on our 12lh or 13th of September (whence the well-known advertisement of the Ethiopian Tourism Office: Thirteen months of sunshine]). As in most Eastern Christian Churches, Ethiopian services are quite protracted, the congregation sings the responses — by heart, of course — so to speak during the whole service, and incense is used unsparingly. One has to remove one's shoes before entering the church, and parish priests are married. An Astonished Traveller Let us now have a look at the astonished report of a 15th century Western traveller, with which some people might concur, even today: "They practice circumcision (...); they sing the divine service with a stick in their hands, they form a circle as a chorus and howl like wolves. When they say 'Christ have mercy on us' or 'Alleluia', they repeat it a thousand times. They often abstain (from food); they do not eat from Maundy Thursday to Easter Sunday; they never go to confession'". Indeed, circumcision is in use in Ethiopia, as in many countries in Africa and in the Near East, whatever their religion may be. Ethiopian Christians practice it, however, before Baptism (never after it: cf. 7sl Epistle to the Corinthians 7:20). They link it to the Biblical precept (Genesis, 17:12; Leviticus 12:3), and remind us that Jesus himself was circumcised {Luke 2:21). According to the rule given in Leviticus 12:1-7 with regard to the presentation of a newborn child — which was observed in the case of Jesus himself {Luke 2:22-24) — the mother of a child may not attend Church for 40 days, 1

Louis de la Rochechouart. bishop of Saintes (France), who visited Jerusalem in 1461 and saw the Ethiopian monks who were living there: cf. Revue de l'Orient latin, 1 (Paris, 1893), p. 256.

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if she has given birth to a boy, and 80 days if she has given birth to a girl. The baby itself (unless there is danger of death) will not be baptized until the appropriate time interval has elapsed (40 days for a boy and 80 days for a girl). Likewise, the dietary practices follow the Old Testament restrictions, particularly with regard to the eating of meat (Leviticus 11:1-23; Deuteronomy 14:3-21). Like practicing Jews, they eat neither pork, nor the flesh of horses, camels, rabbits, ducks, etc. Beef, mutton and goat's meat may only be eaten outside of fasting time and only if it has been slaughtered in the correct manner. One would be mistaken to take these customs, and others which we have not cited here, as an indication of an influence coming directly from Judaism. The literal observance of Sacred Scripture is sufficient to explain them. A number of them can be found in other Churches of the East, and were formerly observed in the West too (for example'the churching of a woman after childbirth'). However, not all dietary restrictions are biblical in origin. There was a time when many Ethiopian Christians refused to eat rice, considering it to be 'Muslim food' (sic !). Rather than looking for the non-existent religious origins of this custom, it can be explained historically: it was Muslim traders who brought rice to Ethiopia. Ethiopian liturgical chant is quite different from that of Western hymns, being based on principles different. Indeed, unless one gets used to it, one may be tempted to think (especially is one does not understand the language) that they are howling like wolves, as said above 2 , and that they repeat a thousand times 'Alleluia' or 'Lord, have mercy on us, o Christ' (rather than 'Christ have mercy'). In fact, they usually do so only 41 times (still, on Good Friday they do repeat thè refrains several hundred times). Should one inquire why 2

See what a specialist wrote on the subject: (C. MONDON-VIDAILHET, La musique éthiopienne, in A. DE LAVIGNAC & L. DE LA LAURENCIE, Encyclopédie de la musique, part 1, t. 5, p. 3179-3196 [here, p. 3179]: "If we had to evaluate Ethiopian music according to the fame it gained from travelers' opinions it would seem a paradox to be interested in it". However, recent studies on Ethiopian music do better justice to it: Kay KAUFMAN SHELEMAY & Peter JEFFERY, Ethiopian Christian Liturgicài Chant: an Anthology, 3 vols., Madison, 1993-1997voi XXIV 2009 i

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they chant the divine service with a stick in their hand (and) form a circle as a chorus, performing at given moments ritual dances following the rhythm given by a drum, by the systra or by the stick which so surprised the bishop of Saintes, we can answer in a few words: everybody praises the Lord in his or her own culture, For some time now, young African Churches have been trying to adapt the order of service, received from abroad, to their own mind and feelings; in particular, they strove to introduce back into the services rhythm and dance, which were in use in the Biblical times (2 Samuel, 6:5; Psalm 150:4-5). This is something Ethiopia has been doing for no less than fifteen centuries. Ethiopian liturgy uses three modes, or categories of melody, called ge 'ez (the simplest and ordinary one), 'ezl (mourning tone) and araray ('joyful', for feasts). Dances, which are. performed only by dabtara's (church musicians who are often ranked with the clergy, although they are not part of it), accompany an antiphon (refrain), which is repeated as many times as required. The tempo varies according to the mode, with a strong rhythm meant to sustain meditation. The fasts and dietary abstinences kept by Ethiopian Christians, even laymen, are found in other parts of Easter Christianity. Fast days compulsory for any Christian amount nearly to half of the year: every Wednesday arid Friday (except between Easter and Pentecost), the whole of Lent (including Holy Week, it lasts eight weeks) and the 'Fast of the Virgin' preceding the feast of the Assumption (15th of August for Western Christians, 16th Nahase falling on Augustus 22nd in Ethiopia), as well as the eves of Christmas and Epiphany. Fasting means abstaining from any food of animal origin (meat, as well as butter, cheese, eggs...). On days of strict fastings people will neither eat nor drink - not even a glass of water - until evening. On lesser fast days, they may break their fast earlier, but only with vegetarian food. During Holy Week, many Ethiopians fast more severely — as the Christians did in Antiquity — and they would take nothing from Maundy Thursday night until after Easter mass (which is celebrated during the night). Indeed, the vast majority of Ethiopians, even lay people, keep at least compulsory fasts, and this is a visible The Harp

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social fact. Thus, on a fasting day, people would avoid to add milk (a food of animal origin) to their coffee (a strictly vegetarian food, which is thus allowed after the fixed hour). In addition to fasts compulsory for all, priests and monks are obliged to keep other fasts: that 'of Quesqwqam', lasting 40 days ( f r o m end September up to the beginning of N o v e m b e r ) , commemorating the Flight to Egypt (cf. Matthew 2:13-15); that of Christmas (43 days); and the 'Fast of the Apostles', before the Feast of Saints Peter and Paul, the 5th of Hamle, equivalent to June 29th (this fast lasts from one to seven weeks). In any case, many monks and nuns keep a nearly perpetual fast. The assertion that Ethiopians do not go to confession is one of those legends which have been spread abroad for centuries, since the time when the first Western 'missionaries' entered the country. All too often they drew conclusions from bare appearances, rashly condemning anything foreign to their own customs. Concerning the sacrament of penance, in Ethiopia each family usually has its own 'Father confessor', a priest who knows the family and offers its members spiritual guidance. As confessor for the family, he will supervise the religious training of the children, and will take charge of important religious ceremonies (marriages, baptisms, funerals...). It is true, however, that many adults are excluded from confession and communion by their irregular marital situation. A Bit of History In order to leave the legends behind us and be better informed, we should thus have a look at history, and first see how Ethiopia converted to Christianity. Ethiopian culture is the result of a happy blend of cultures. Several centuries before Christ, people from South Arabia, who had already reached a fair level of civilisation, crossed the Red Sea to find a land quite similar to their own (tropical highlands). They decided to stay and intermarried with the local Agaw people. That is why so many features of everyday Ethiopian life have their source in South Arabia: not only the language and its script, but also social orgaflisation, Vol. XXIV 21-109;

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architecture, etc. E.g., if round churches are characteristic of Ethiopia today, this was not originally the case: the plan of the oldest churches followed mainly South-Arabian style. The same could be sáid about social organisation, for instance. It is to this Aksumite society that the Gospel was preached by the middle of the 4th century. A preliminary question must be dealt with: did not Christianity enter Ethiopia from the times of the 'eunuch of Candace, queen of Ethiopia' baptized by Saint Philip, according to the New Testament (Acts of Ap. 8:26-40)? In fact, whatever may have been the consequences of this baptism, we should realise that 'Candace' was the Latin and Greek form of the title employed by the queens of Meroe, a kingdom situated in the middle of today's Sudan. On the other hand, the name 'Ethiopia' was used, in the Greek Bible, to render Hebrew 'Kush', a designation for Nubia, the country South of Egypt. All subsequent conjecture on this baptism is entirely a result of this misunderstanding of the words used by the New Testament. Conversion of king Ezana to Christianity Here is how, at the beginning of the 5lh century, the Latin historian Rufinus of Aquileia tells the story of the conversion of Ethiopia to Christianity (on the basis of what he had read in Gelasius of Caesarea's Ecclesiastical History, a text of which we have only fragments 3 ): Two educated young Christian men, Frumentius and Aidesius, from Tyre (South Lebanon) had travelled to India together with their uncle, a 'philosopher' (learned man). Their journey took them over the Red Sea and Aden Gulf, the usual route. On the way back, the ship was captured by pirates, who killed all the adults and sold the young men into slavery. They eventually became slaves of the king of Aksum, who appointed them tutors to his royal son, still a child, to teach him Greek, the international language of that time. But the king soon died, and the queen-mother, who was in charge of the regency, took the two young men as her counsellors, considering 3

Rufinus, Ecclesiastical History, book 10, chap. 9. The Harp

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that, since they were strangers, they would be in no position to take over power for themselves, as a member of the royal family might have done. The Christian traders who were already in the country found these two young officers to be high-placed allies, able to obtain enough freedom for Christianity to be propagated among local people. Years went by. When the young king reached his majority, he freed his preceptors as thanks for their services. Aidesius returned home and became a priest. Frumentius, for his part, went to Alexandria, then the capital of Egypt, to ask bishop Athanasius to send a bishop to Aksum, which was ready to receive the Gospel. Saint Athanasius had little choice. He did not hesitate to ordain Frumentius a bishop and to send him back to Aksum in order to establish a new Church there. That is how Frumentius — called 'Abba Selama' in Ethiopian sources — became the first bishop of Aksum and was the initiator of Christianity in the country, for which reason he is also called 'Kassate berhan' or the Illuminator. Is this story credible? In any case, we have evidence from other sources for a number of details. For instance, we know from a letter written by Athanasius himself around 356 C.E. that Emperor Constantine II knew that there was in Aksum a Christian bishop called Frumentius, who had been ordained by Athanasius. Moreover, many coins from the reign of king Ezana (middle of 4th century) have been found. The oldest of them bear a pagan symbol (the halfmoon). but at some point the cross replaces the half-moon and remains. Better still, we have several inscriptions concerning this king. While the older ones show he was a pagan and called himself 'son of god Mahrem', later ones are much more discrete, since he says simply he is the son of his father Ella Amida and invokes "the Lord of heaven, who is in heaven and on earth". Eventually a bilingual inscription has been found, in Greek and Ge'ez, in which king Ezana professes Christianity, and invokes Jesus Christ, the Son of God, as well as the Holy Trinity. Such evidence obliges us to consider that, at least in the broad outlines, Rufinus' story is accurate. The most likely explanation is that Gelasius of Caesarea (the historian Rufinus used as a source) met Aidesius. the brother of Frumentius who had become a priest in Tyre (not far from Caesarea). and learned from him what Vol XXIV 2009

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had happened around the middle of fourth century. This would also explain why Rufinus tells so little about what happened in Aksum after Frumentius' return there as a bishop (even not mentioning king Ezana's conversion!): these important events took place after his informant had left Ethiopia! Fortunately, archaeology, mainly with coins and inscriptions, in its turn helps us to reconstruct the historical sequence of events. The conversion of the countryside and the holy hermits The conversion of king and court to Christianity was only the beginning. The Gospel had still to be preached everywhere. In Ethiopia as in other parts of the world, monks took over the evangelisation. Quite inclined as they were to eremitic life, the first Ethiopian monks would settle alone in some desert or half-deserted place, to live there in prayer and to practice asceticism. Frugal as they were, they fed themselves with the produce of the earth, vegetables and wild fruits. Some of them took refuge on nearly inaccessible plateaus, the so-called amba's. in order to be sure not to have their prayer disturbed by visitors. With lime, however, their asceticism became known, and they came to be considered holy people. Some aspiring candidates to monastic life asked to be accepted as disciples. Little by little, this group of holy persons influenced those around them, who asked to become Christians. Married priests and deacons were sent to minister to them, since monks in principle should not be burdened with the care of parishes. This was of course supported by the king and his court, who were pleased with the spreading of Christianity. There were some cases of more 'energetic' interventions — that is how king Caleb (6"' century) would have put to the sword a group of pagan inhabitants of an Ethiopian village, because they had killed several saintly hermits called "the Just" of Barekneha (place-name). However, there is no reason to doubt that, on the whole, the conversion took place slowly and peacefully. The national tradition preserves thus the names of a group of hermits who would have been 'Apostles of Ethiopia', called 'the Nine Saints'. According to the lists 4 , they were Pantaleon 4

The lists do not fit exactly, that is why they are more than nine names! The Harp

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(Pantalewon), Michael the Elder (Za-Mika'el Aragawi) and his disciples Matthias and Joseph, Isaac (Yes.haq) called Garima and his companion Aftse, Libanos (called also Matta') as well as John (Yohanni), his master Ammoni and his disciple Abaydo. The Najran

expedition lh

By the 6 century, Aksum kingdom had become a Christian country... ready to fight for its faith. On the other side of the Red Sea, the country which is now Yemen was quite rich. There were there several small independent kingdoms which made a good profit from sea trade between the Mediterranean see and India, since the ships had to call at their ports, while they also had a thriving agriculture, in particular thanks to the dams which made it possible to water the fields regularly. Some of these little states were Christian, others were Jewish, while others again followed the traditional religions of South Arabia. In the beginning of the 6,h century, a Jewish king contrived to take the Christian city of Najran and, contrary to his former promise, put to the sword all inhabitants who refused to embrace Judaism. Those who had been executed, Saint Arethas and his companions, were called 'the Najran martyrs'. Caleb, king of Aksum, heard of these events, organised a crusade (for which he received a help, at least a symbolical one, from Emperor Justinian and the Roman Empire), took back the city and returned the power to the Christians. Unfortunately, he was no more merciful towards his enemies than these had been to the inhabitants. Such were the customs of the times! This fact is interesting from more than one point of view. It shows that Aksum was powerful enough to rule on both sides of the Red Sea, and that it agreed with the Romans to control over the commercial roads (Emperor Justinian feared above all that this strategic area might fall under Persian influence). It also shows that Christianity had become a state religion in Aksum, so that defending the faith was a sufficient reason to start a war. The Decline of Aksum kingdom: the dark

centuries

However, luck was about to change. The Persian Empire twice invaded South Arabia near the end of the 6"' century (in 575 and Vol. XXIV 2009

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598), and took Jerusalem in 614, but that was its swansong. The Byzantine Emperor, Heraclius, reacted strongly, laid siege to the Persian capital, Seleucia-Ctesiphon (not far from today's Baghdad), in 628, and destroyed it, thus putting an end to this longstanding rival of the Roman Empire. But just at that moment came the rise of Islam, which was to conquer a large portion of Asia and Africa, changing the balance of power in this area. Aksum was in the last days of its splendour. In fact, relations with the new Arab neighbours were not bad: according to Muslim as well as to Ethiopian tradition, mutual trust was such that a group of Mohammed's earliest companions, followed by hundreds of others, took flight from their enemies and sought refuge in Ethiopia before the Hegira. Because they were welcomed there, the Prophet was afterwards to be well disposed towards Christians. This flight is sometimes called "the first Hegira", and it is said to have happened some years before the official one 5 . But the problem was that the Arabs, once they united as Muslims, soon dominated the Red Sea basin from North to South as well as the Arabian coast in the East. They therefore held the commercial sea routes and ruined Aksum's wealth. Internal Ethiopian trade took another route (towards today's Djibouti) which now passed to the South of Aksum. The former capital could no longer afford to sustain its old policy and began to decline. While still keeping the prestige related to its brilliant civilisation, it was no longer able to impose its rule on its former vassals, which became independent. Ethiopia then entered a feudal period which left behind it very little documentation. Unless new discoveries are made (which is quite possible), we shall continue to know very little about it. Egyptian historians tell us that a revolt arose in the 10lh century, when the queen of a pagan people of the South successfully revolted against the Ethiopian king. It would take him much time to retrieve the lands lost on that occasion. The reason for this was that the Ethiopian crown had been weakened for religious reasons. The 5

In Arabic, hijra, thus 'hegira' in English, means 'flight', 'emigration'. The Hegira records the flight of Muhammad from Mecca to Medina in 622 C.E., and marks the beginning of the Muslim era.

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Aboona (Metropolitan bishop of Ethiopia) had sided with one of the two pretenders to the throne, but his rival won and expelled him from the country. Then the bishop died on his way back to Egypt. When the Patriarch of Alexandria heard about that, he refused to send any other bishop, so that there was no bishop in Ethiopia (since the Aboona was the only bishop of and in the country). Therefore no new ordination was possible, and the king's authority was called into question. There were serious troubles, which came to an end only after the arrival of the new bishop. Thanks to the king of Nubia (then a Christian kingdom located in what today is Sudan) the Patriarch agreed to send a new bishop to Ethiopia, thereby restoring normality. The Revival under the Zagwe Dynasty It was only during the 12,h century that the Ethiopian kingdom emerged from a long silence, as can plainly be seen through the buildings of the period. Indeed, in that time the Zagwe (probably a Agaw dynasty) ruled. Although their dynasty was short-lived (something like a century and half), its seven kings left an indelible mark on their capital, the legendary Lalibala, where the rock-hewn churches could be a kind of 'Ethiopian Jerusalem' (whatever may have been the original purpose of its constructors). Ethiopians have always had a strong attraction to the Holy Land, where Jesus was crucified, and making a pilgrimage there was (and still is) the dream of many, though few ever make it come true. Few Ethiopians were able to go there because of the great distance to travel, but even more because one had to go through Muslim countries with which relations had deteriorated over the years. Tradition says they contrived to set up a replica of the Holy City at home. They built 'Roha' (from the Syriac name of Edessa, the blessed city, to whose king, Abgar, Jesus is said to have sent a picture of Himself, according to the so-called 'Abgar story').6 This was later renamed 'Lalibala' from the name of the king Saint Lalibala. As an imitation Jerusalem, this city served as a 'substitute pilgrimage' for those who were unable to go to the Holy Land. 6

People also say that this newly-built city was to compensate for the loss of the actual Edessa, which had fallen into Muslims' hands. Vol. XXIV 2009:

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The seven Zagwe kings, were very devoted to the Church (although they never won the confidence of the clergy). Their memory inseparably bound to the churches they built. Three of the kings, as well as one queen, are numbered among the saints of the Ethiopian Church: King Lalibala and his wife Masqal Kebra, as well as Kings Na'akuto le-Ab and Yemrehanna Krestos. However, the Zagwe soon lost the throne. Their racial origin, their poor relations with the Aksum clergy as well as their own dynastic quarrels doomed them to oblivion. In year 1270 C.E., King Yekunno Amlak, who reigned from 1270 to 1283 and was an Amhara, took the crown by claiming to be a descendent, through his father, of the last Aksum king, thus legitimating himself. King Amda Tsion restores strong power. A revival in literature The change of dynasty did nothing to alleviate the weakest point of the kingdom, dynastic quarrels. The claimants to the throne fought with each other, and the feudal landlords took advantage of the situation regularly to erode the central authority of the state, while the emirs of the smaller Muslim states on the Eastern border were consolidating their power. King Amda Tsion (literally: 'the Pillar of Zion'), who reigned from 1314 to 1344, vigourously wielded the reins of government. He brought the nobility to heel and defeated the Muslim leaders, reducing them to the rank of vassals. In this way, he secured the opportunity for political and literary development which was to continue in Ethiopia during the following centuries. Indeed, the 14lh centuiy gave birth to a literature related to the Imperial court. First of all 'The Glory of the Kings' {Kebra Naghast), was probably written between 1314 and 1322 (possibly using older materials) and reporting legends according which the Ethiopian kings were descendants of Menilek, the son the Queen of Sheba. She is considered to have been queen of Ethiopia, and Menilek is considered the fruit of her union with King Solomon (/ Kings 10:1-10). The authority of the then reigning dynasty benefited much from this legend, and that is why it was called 'the Solomonic Dynasty', a name which remained in use up to the death of the last Emperor, Hayle Selasse (t 1974), although in fact there had been several dynastic changes in the meantime. The Harp

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95 Praised by an anonymous chronicler, Amda Tsion's victories gave rise to a literary genre, the historical chronicle, which met great success, and has been a precious source of information. Christian Ethiopia

However, human beings do not live from bread alone, and secular readings are not enough to make satisfy them. To meet the spiritual needs of the people, Aboona Salama II, in the second half of the 14th century, launched a vast movement of translation from Arabic to Ge'ez, involving a large number of Christian texts (Biblical, Patristic, Liturgical, Canonical...) imported from Egypt, the MotherChurch of Ethiopia. Many of these are still in use today (most of the time next to their Amharic translation). There is no point in quoting the titles of the books translated during this period. It is however worthwhile mentioning the saga of The Miracles of Mary, a collection written in France in the 12lh century. Its Latin version travelled to the Near East with the Crusaders. There it was translated into Arabic, then into Ge'ez. Now, this Ge'ez version has been so completely naturalised that — thanks to the great devotion which Emperor Zar'a Ya'qob (1434-1468) had towards the Virgin Mary — it it became fully part of Church literature and, even today, is read as a part of the divine service. The Rise of Monasticism and Expansion to the South This was a period of political stability as well as remarkable development for Ethiopian monasticism, mainly thanks to some highranking individuals. Two of these were Saint Iyasus Mo'a (f 1292), the founder of the monastery of 'Saint Stephen on the Lake' (Hayk Estifanos) in the Wollo region, and Saint Takla Haymanot, from whom the monastery presently called 'Dabra Libanos' (Western Shawa), draws its origin. These two monasteries were to take a prominent part in the Ethiopian Church, since the head of the monastery of 'Saint Stephen on the Lake' was considered the head of all monks in the country. He was called 'etchaghe' and was endowed with a great authority. Later on, the title of 'etchaghe' passed on to the abbot of Dabra Libanos, and we can find traces of this fight for power in the lives of Ethiopian saints. The most remarkable, however, is the expansion towards South due to the monks. Together with Vol. XXIV 2009

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Christianity, they brought with them the Ethiopian way of life, which in this way expanded slowly into many Southern regions, Amhara, Gojjam, Shawa, Damot... Later on, in the 16th century, other more local expansions brought Christianity farther South, up to Lekemt in Wallaga, and even farther to the South, to the Kafa and the Balé regions (a cave monastery has been found not far from Goba), with an advanced post in the monastery of Berber Maryam, at the latitude of Lake Abbaya. It is typical of Ethiopia that the saintly missionaries were first of all monks, living usually as hermits and spending most of their time in prayer. It is through their intense prayer life, through the influence of their personal holiness, rather than by building schools or hospitals, that they converted pagans. To take an example, one of the most popular saints, Saint Takla Haymanot is usually depicted praying, arms raised as if he were surrounded by fire (a symbol of how fervently he was praying). He stands on one leg while the other, detached from his body, lies on the ground. The story is told that he prayed so long standing on one leg that the other one broke away from his body, while he carried on praying... Not all these 'missions' were voluntary. The monk Batsalota Mika'él, accused the Aboona of simony (i.e. ordaining priests and deacons for money), and the king exiled him to a pagan region (according to some traditions)... As a result, this monk and his disciples introduced Christianity to the area. At the same time, they created a solid link between that country and the Ethiopian king! Later on, after he had returned from exile, this same monk blamed the king for his polygamy, and the king had him whipped and exiled again, but this time he seems to have taken refuge in the monasteries of Tegray. Theses exiles and journeys kept alive the bonds amongst the monasteries. Emperor Zar'a Ya'qob

(1434-1468)

The influence that monks had acquired also had some drawbacks. Any discussion about matters of faith could easily become a major incident, as indeed occurred more than once in the history of the country. In particular, the quarrel concerning the 'Two Sabbaths' The Harp

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(was it required to keep the Jewish Sabbath as well as the Christian Sunday?) led, as early as the first half of the 14th century, to a schism within the Ethiopian Church. No doubt common sense should have advised leaving everyone free to follow his own conscience, but it was only after one century of bitter fighting that such wise compromise was reached, when Emperor Zar'a Ya'qob ascended the throne. This clever emperor, who took a great interest in theology, did not limit himself to the above decision. He himself either wrote or commissioned several religious treatises. There was unfortunately no follow up to the broadness of mind he had shown in settling the Two Sabbaths quarrel. The Emperor henceforth simply imposed his own views without any discussion, sentencing to death the 'heretics' who dared to think differently from him! He was strong and powerful, indeed, and did not hesitate to show it. The close relation which bound (up to 1974) the Ethiopian Church with the Emperor gave every opportunity to the latter to see himself as the guardian and the guarantor of religious orthodoxy, just as Emperor Constantine the Great had done for the Church in the 4lh century. It was also during Zar'a Ya'qob's reign that first contacts were made between Ethiopia and Western Europe. The council of Florence (1439-1443) offered an opportunity to some Ethiopian monks to come in Italy and to be welcomed as representatives of their Emperor. They did not share in the discussions, but aroused much interest in their country. In those days, Europeans deemed it to be the mythical 'Land of Priester John', where the king was a priest, and this interest was going to bear fruits a century later, when in 1548 the Ethiopian New Testament, along with excerpts from the Missal, was be printed in Rome with an Ethiopian type prepared for that particular occasion. Ahmed Gragne's invasion and devastation of Ethiopia (1525-1543) Concerns about religion were not alone in the Emperor's mind as he tried to enforce better relations with other Christians. His land was surrounded by Muslim countries and there was obviously some danger that, some day, they might unite against Ethiopia. This was very nearly the case with Ahmed Gragne (ca. 1506-1543), a Muslim imam in the area around Djibouti who, from 1525 on. started attacking Vol XXIV 2009

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the Ethiopian land, destroying churches and monasteries, burning manuscripts and any works of art he came across, and killing anybody who refused to convert to Islam. It took eighteen years of fighting, with the help of a well-armed Portuguese detachment (led by the son of the well-known seafarer Vasco de Gama, Christopher de Gama, who was killed in battle), to have done with him. Ethiopia was safe, but a considerable portion of its cultural heritage had been lost forever. Portuguese

Jesuits

(1543-1632)

The Portuguese soldiers, called in by the Emperor himself, opened the way for Jesuit missionaries, also Portuguese, to follow, since Rome hoped very much to be able to welcome the Ethiopian Church into the Catholic communion. On the other hand, the king of Spain and of Portugal was very eager to have a foothold near the Horn of Africa for his counters in India and in Eastern Asia... Unfortunately, time was not yet ripe for a true dialogue. Steeped in prejudice and convinced of their own superiority, the more so after the European Wars of Religion between Catholics and Protestants, most missionaries criticized and despised everything which did not fit with their own understanding. Some of them, however, like Pedro Paez (1564-1622), were respectful and tactful, willing to keep at most local practices. They met some limited success. King Susenios became a Catholic. But, as soon as Paez died, his successor Mendes tried to use the king's conversion to impose Catholicism in its Western form on the whole countty (something which was, unfortunately, quite usual at that time, as it happened in South India and elsewhere), giving rise to a general protest and revolt, in which monks and nuns strongly defended orthodoxy and fuelled the rebellion. The king had to abdicate and the new king, his son Fasiladas, immediately banned all foreigners, both Jesuit missionaries and Portuguese laymen. The few who nevertheless remained in the country could do nothing to change the situation. Ethiopia has never forgotten this unfortunate experience, and still maintains a natural distrust of Westerners, especially Catholic missionaries. However, this sad story had at least one good side, the introduction of the vernacular for religious texts. Up to then, the whole of religious texts — not only the services, but also theological treatises, Biblical The Harp

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commentaries, homilies, lives of saints...—were written only in Ge'ez, the old classical language of the Aksum kingdom, that no one had spoken for centuries (except, artificially, in Church circles, like Latin in the 20th century Catholic Church). The Catholic missionaries — surprisingly, since in Western Europe the Catholic Church used only Latin — had learned Amharic. This was the language used at the Imperial court. Catholic missionaries used it for a catechism and several works of propaganda. In this way, they obliged the theologians of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, who were opposed to this Catholic propaganda, to draft their rejoinders in Amharic, the only language everybody would understand. This marked the birth of theological literature in Amharic, which continues even today. Gondar, the royal capital The Portuguese era had other consequences as well. King Fasiladas (1632-1667), who had expelled the foreigners, decided to provide a capital for himself. Until then, the Emperor and his court were permanently housed in military camps, under canvas. They would break camp and move whenever needed. The call for a permanent dwelling-place slowly began to be felt. Zar'a Ya'qob (1434-1468), Galawdewos (1540-1559), Sartsa Dengel (1563-1596) and Susenios (1607-1632) had each chosen a fixed abode which their successor abandoned. Emperor Fasiladas (1632-1667), for is sake, built his palace in Gondar. This would be the capital for more than two centuries. The style of the Gondar palaces is new to Ethiopia, and in some ways reminiscent of European castles. It introduces Indian influence to church architecture, with elements which can have reached Ethiopia only through the Portuguese. The new style of city was a success from the cultural point of view, since this town has attracted intellectuals and artists. Not far from there, around lake Tana, new monasteries blossomed, with their flourishing theological schools, which are still alive, and their wonderful painted churches. From 17th century to the 20th The Ethiopian Church did not undergo major changes during the following centuries, apart from some religious controversies about vo XXIV 2009

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(stated rather simply) the relations between Jesus' divinity and his humanity. It was a time of political disorder known as 'the era of judges' (zamana masafent: 1769-1856), when princes were the making of Emperors as well as their undoing. Theological controversies fitted well into this context, more especially as the parties came from different regions, so that discussions about religion were in fact tending towards regionalism. The matter was settled only when a strong Emperor was able to impose religious unification, first with Emperor Tewodros II (1856-1868), then definitely with Emperor Yohannes IV (1872-1889). However, the most important fact concerning the Ethiopian Church occurred during the 20lh century. Already in 1929, Hayla Selasse — who was then still prince Tafari7 — convinced the Coptic Patriarch to ordain four Ethiopian monks to the episcopate. Some twenty years later, an official agreement between the Coptic Church of Egypt and the Orthodox Tewahedo Church of Ethiopia led to the latter's independence of her Mother-Church. This independence was completed in 1959 when the head of the Ethiopian Church was granted the title of Patriarch. Up to then, indeed, the Ethiopian Church had always been governed by Egyptian bishops whose real power was rather symbolical, given that, most of the time, they did not even know the local language. This fact left all freedom to the Emperor, who was seen as the protector and sponsor of the Church. He was able to deal with the Church as he pleased. In front of him, the 'etchaghe' (head of the monks) was the only person with whom the Emperor had to reckon. Besides, it is no accident that, up to 1974, all official books issued by the Ethiopian Church bore first the Emperor's portrait as "Defender of Faith", in the second place that of the Patriarch. This relation with the Emperor was not without certain advantages. The Ethiopian Church was richly endowed, and there was even a tradition saying she owned one third of the land. Although this is much exaggerated, it is true that the Church enjoyed a great 7

It is only in 1930 that he was crowned under his baptismal name 'Haifa Selasse' (which means: 'Strength of Trinity').

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deal of wealth and disposed of real economic power. The government also favoured her by various means, among other things, by imposing severe restrictions on the activities of foreign missionaries. As an anecdote, one could remind that, up to some time before the 1974 revolution, Ras (= prince) Mengesha, governor of Meqala (the capital of Tegray), forbade any Catholic (no matter whether it be an Ethiopian or a foreigner) to spend the night in his capital! One should however say, to the credit of the Emperors, that, even if their action was not free from political interest, it was they who concerned themselves with restoring unity when a religious controversy threatened to divide the country. More recently, it was Emperor Hayla Selasse who called a meeting in Addis Ababa, in 1965, between the Ethiopian Church and the four other Churches in communion with her (the so-called 'Monophysite' Churches, or to say it better, the 'Oriental Orthodox Churches', as explained below).

The Ethiopian Church and other Christians Christianity

and Ethiopian

identity

Being identified, not without good reason, with the national culture and even to the Ethiopian nation as such, gave the Ethiopian Church a sense of considerable pride. Ethiopian Christians are keenly proud of having preserved the faith of their fathers for sixteen centuries, of having kept their traditions, which are surely as valuable as those of other Christian groups. This might surprise their Western co-religionists, who have recently started to think in a more 'ecumenical' way. As a matter of fact, one might feel that Ethiopian Christians do not strongly feel the need to side with those of other countries. This should not surprise us, however, given that the Ethiopian Church remained so long in relative isolation, and especially that she became independent so recently. This might be the 'price' of the strong concern for Ethiopian christian identity shown by Ethiopian christians. Nevertheless, we should not forget that the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church has been a member of the World Council of Churches from its very beginning, in 1948. Vol. XXIV 2009

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The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church The Ethiopian Church calls herself 'Orthodox'. Sometimes, she is labelled 'monophysite', and some people call her 'Coptic'. What can we say about that? A reminder of historical facts should be of help. In year 451 C.E., the council held at Chalcedon (near Constantinople, known today as Istanbul, in Turkey) defined, among other things, that Jesus Christ (who, as no Christian will deny, was both God and man) is of both divine and human nature,.concluding thus that He had two natures. This wording was rejected by the majority of Christians in Syria and Egypt. Later, Armenians sided with them. By no means denying that Jesus is both God and man, they refused to speak of 'two natures'. In this, they showed themselves to be faithful to one of their greatest theologians, Saint Cyril of Alexandria (bishop 412-444), who wrote: "One is the nature of the incarnated Son of God", They refuse the words 'two natures', because they feel this should mean that there were two different persons in Christ. The other party does not agree, since the Chalcedonian definition says Christ is "One person in two natures"; the discussion is rather technical, and we shall not attempt to enter it here. However, since these Christians held that there is only one nature in Christ, they have been called 'monophysites' (from Greek mono-, 'alone, unique', andphysis, 'nature') 8 . The Ethiopian Church followed then her Egyptian MotherChurch, and was also qualified as 'monophysite' by the Chalcedonian party. Because she was dependant on the Coptic Church, she is sometimes called 'Ethiopian Coptic Church'. This is an unfortunate expression, since the word 'Coptic' means 'Egyptian' and Ethiopians are in no way Egyptian, even if they are in communion with the Coptic Church. 8

These Churches refuse the word 'monophysite' (because mono-, it is said, should refer to an uncompound unity); they would accept 'miaphysite' because, it is said, the Greek word mia (feminine form of 'one', since physis, 'nature', is feminine in Greek) could refer to a compound unity (in other words: a unity made out of two separate units which, once they have been united, keep each its own properties, united thus 'without confusion, nor change, nor division, nor separation'). But the latter word is not in use.

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The problem is that the word 'Orthodox' can ill denote the Ethiopian Church since, at least in the West, it is usually connected with Chalcedonian Orthodox Churches, like those of Constantinople or Moscow. Calling the Ethiopian Church "Orthodox" might therefore lead to confusion. Specialists on ecumenical questions speak of 'Orthodox Oriental Churches', or of 'Pre-Chalcedonian Churches', but such technicalities can easily escape the grasp of the common man. But why should we not apply to the Ethiopian Church the word she applies to herself, i.e. 'Tewahedo'? This Ethiopian word means 'unified', 'made one', and aims at denoting that Jesus Christ united humanity with His divinity. It also refers to the salvation God granted us, since the humanity Christ united with His divinity is our own humanity. In Him, we human beings, can share in the Life of God. We are pleased to add that, in the 20th century, theological research has allowed theologians to look at these problems in a more serene way. Already in 1909, Professor Lebon of Louvain University, a Catholic priest specialized in Eastern Christianity, showed that there was no substantial difference in the teaching about the person of Christ between the 'Monophysites' and the 'Chalcedonian' Churches. During the last decades (since 1970) — thanks to the Vienna 'Pro Oriente' foundation, initiated by Cardinal Koenig—discussions were held between the ecclesiastical authorities, and it has become clear to everybody that the quarrel was mainly a question of words, aggravated by school rivalries and regionalism. As a result, a number of Christological agreements have been signed by leaders of the various Churches. The Catholic Church reached an agreement with each of the Coptic, Syriac and South Indian Churches. For their part, the Chalcedonian Orthodox Churches (Constantinople, Greece etc.) have come to an agreement with 'Oriental Orthodox Churches' (or, if you like, 'non Chalcedonian Orthodox Churches'). Nevertheless, some of the latter, among them the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, remain reluctant to do so. The next stage is to bring the Christian people of our various Churches, and not only their respective ecclesiastical Authorities, to understand and agree with what has been demonstrated by Vol-XXIV 2009 The Harp

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theologians (this is called technically 'the reception'). In the meantime, there is still a lot of work to do. After fifteen centuries during which each of the 'Sister-Churches' has gone her own way, the differences are quite numerous, and we have to learn to know each other and to create anew a sense of belonging together.

Liturgy and services As a daughter of the Coptic Church, the Ethiopian Church inherited the liturgy and order of service from the Mother Church. We know little about the ancient liturgy in use in Aksum, but we very clearly see that the texts which were translated from Arabic during the Middle Ages are now the standard in the Ethiopian Church. However, it would be quite mistaken to think that the Ethiopian Liturgy is no more than a copy of the Coptic one! It is true, on the one hand, that the order of services as such (mass, baptisms, marriages, funerals...) follows the broad outline of that of Copts, although many changes have been introduced in the way of performing them (development of some antiphons, addition of many prayers, several more censings...), so that the similarities are not easily visible for non-specialists (indeed, an Ethiopian will not 'feel at home' in a Coptic service, and vice-versa). But, on the other hand, the prayer of the hours (the 'breviary', if you like) is entirely proper. After having used a translation of the Coptic service for some time, the Ethiopian Church developed her own totally original system, more in keeping with Ethiopian religious sensitivities. It is there that we find the liturgical dances which are so typical of Ethiopian Christianity. Another feature typical of Ethiopia is that the prayer of the hours is full of poetry. Poetical antiphons are a plentiful. Invocations of the saints include a poem describing in detail the qualities of the saint from each part of his or her body ("Blessed is your hair which..., Blessed are your eyes which..."). The most exalted theological mysteries can be alluded to in a qene, a religious poem with theological content which must necessarily be improvised on the spot (!) by an appointed person, and which is performed in a special way. To conform to the finest criteria of Ethiopian poetry, The Harp;

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this qene must be built on the 'wax and gold' style, i.e. with a double meaning. This is an allusion to the 'cireperdue technique'. To melt a golden jewel or statue, the artist makes a wax model, covers it with clay, bakes it (the wax melts away, of course). The artist then pours molten gold where the wax was. In the same way, a 'wax and gold' qene has a first meaning, quite common {wax), and a hidden deep meaning (gold), which can be understood if we make the effort to think about (to break the clay matrix). One can find books with collections of qene's. Ethiopians are found of them, and some educated pious Christians take out a note-book when the service reaches the point of the qine, to record these poems which, otherwise, would have been lost forever. It is only recently that people started to record them; formerly, nobody would have dared to do so. At solemn feasts, there is a procession with the tabot, a carved wooden board consecrated to the name of the patron saint of the church and symbolically connected to the Ark of the Covenant. The tabot corresponds to the altar stone of the Latin Church, or the Greek antimension. Mass is celebrated upon it. The tabot is sacred, and only priests may carry it and it is forbidden to show it to laymen. That is why, for processions, priests wrap it in precious cloths and carry it on their heads. These processions also provide an opportunity for visitors to admire the colourful Ethiopian liturgical vestments. While the usual liturgical garb of Coptic priests is a simple white tunic and a white head covering (often in the shape of a mitre), the vestments worn by Ethiopian priests and deacons are iridescent. They also wear head coverings and crowns, and a liturgical parasol is likewise used. The Ethiopian Church: a few statistics It is not easy to give statistics for the past. The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church was a state Church, while other Christian denominations were more or less tolerated. There was a considerable number of non-Christian communities (Muslims, Beta Esra'el = Falasha's. traditional 'pagan' religions...). For the present state of affairs, sources do not agree, but one could dare to estimate, allowing wide margins, that Orthodox Christians account for 35% to 50% of Voi. XXIV 20Ù9

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the entire population, while Muslims are estimated at one third to 45%; Protestants might be some 5%, and Catholics less than 1 % (0.75%?). To this number one should add those who have kept the traditional religion of their ancestors. However, distribution is uneven. While the vast majority of people whose native language is Amharic or Tegregnna, as well as some other groups (like the Sidamo), are Christian, the proportion collapses with the Oromo, the largest ethnic group of the country, where the majority is Muslim, with maybe one third of them who are Christian. Nearly everybody is Muslim among the Afar, the Somali and the Tegré speaking groups, in the Eastern and Northern regions. Practitioners of traditional religions are mainly found around the Southern and the Western borders. You can easily imagine that nobody can become acquainted with Christian Ethiopia in a few days. This legendary country fascinated medieval Europe and, despite all improvements offered by modern life, Ethiopia remains a fascinating world which unveils its mysteries only gradually. The centuries-long blending of cultures and various influences has made its richness, building up a multifarious personality hard to know thoroughly. Whether you travel there, read its literature, investigate its iconography, or try to penetrate its theology, you will always — rightly — feel that you understand only at half. The reason for that is simple. As the bearer of the life and of the personality of a nation, the Ethiopian civilisation should be regarded as a person, not as a thing. Nobody wonders that it takes years of friendship to know someone, to readily grasp what he or she thinks and to guess his or her secret thoughts. The Ethiopian mind is also a friend with whom we should go about for a long time in order to be acquainted with it. The more you know it, the more you love it.

A short bibliography

in English

A Short History, Faith and Order of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, Addis Ababa, 1983 (Amharic and English). BAHRU ZEWDE, A History of Modem Ethiopia 1855-1954 (Eastern African Studies), London-Athens (Ohio 45701)-Addis Ababa, 1991. The Harp

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Ethiopia 107 Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, edited by Siegbert UHLIG, Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 2003 ff. (vol. 1 to 3 published up to now: entries A-N, including i.a. Aksum, Aithiopia, Bible, Christianity, Christology, Ethiopian Orthodox (Tàwahedo) Church, etc.

Christian

The Ethiopian Orthodox Church (published by Aymro Wondmagegnehu & Joachim Motovu), Addis Ababa, 1970. TADESSE TAMRAT, Church and State in Ethiopia, 12701527 (Oxford, 1972). The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church. Faith, Order of Worship and Ecumenical Relations, Addis Ababa, 1996 (Amharic and English). Edward ULLENDORFF, The Ethiopians, an Introduction to Country and People, London, 1960. Fr. Dr. Ugo Zanetti Monastère bénédictin B-5590 Chevetogne (Belgium) Former Professor at Louvain University [email protected]

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ST. EPHREM: A GARLAND OF PRAYER SONGS Prayer Songs on Paradise, 2 (continued from page 34) 2. Forge here on earth and take the key to Paradise: the Door that welcomes you cp Jn 10:9 smiles radiantly upon you; the Door, all discerning, conforms its measurements to those who enter it: in its wisdom it shrinks and grows. According to the stature and rank attained by each person, it shows by its dimensions whether they are perfect, or lacking in something. (continued in page 130)

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THE CATHOLIC CHURCHES OF EASTERN TRADITION AND POPE BENEDICT XVI "At first I wish to thank you for your precious support of the mission of the Bishop of Rome who is presiding over the universal charity. It unites you indeed in the love of the eastern Catholic Churches. I am glad to let them have a particular encouragement as a confirmation of the appreciation they merit for their faithful solidarity with the See of Peter... The Congregation [for the eastern Churches] and the ROACO1 make themselves the mouthpiece of the spiritual and material solidarity of all Catholics, so that these communities are enabled to live fully the mystery of the one Church of Christ faithful to their own spiritual traditions."2 These words let us have an impression of the thought of Pope Benedict XVI who entered into the third year of his service of universal pastor of the Church. His bio-data 3 are generally known 1 2 3

ROACO = Riunione Opere Aiuto Chiese Orientali. BENEDICT XVI, Allocution of June 19, 2008, to the participants of the reunion of the ROACO, in L'Osservatore Romano of June 20, 2008 Born as JOSEPH RATZINGER at Marktl/lnn in the diocese of Passau on April 16, 1927, he received the presbyteral ordination, together with his elder brother Georg, on June 29, 1951 for the service in the archdiocese of Munich and Freising. After pastoral service he made a brilliant academic career as professor of dogmatic theology. Pope Paul VI nominated him Metropolitan of Munich and Freising on March 25, 1977. On May 28 of the same year he received the episcopal consecration and a few weeks later he became a cardinal. Pope John Paul II called him to Rome where his last position was that of the Prefect of the Congregation for the Doctrine of Faith. Vol. XXIV 2009

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from many publications. We are here concerned with his relationship to the Christian East as a priest, a bishop and Pope of Rome, especially since the year 2005. Background How did it come that a young Bavarian student of theology began to take interest in the Christian East? A providential encounter in the major seminary of Freising was certainly decisive in this respect. In the room he had to share with three other students, he met a Ukrainian Greek Catholic student from Ternopil who had escaped Soviet imprisonment. His name was Pavlo Kohut. He died as a mitred protopresbyter on November 22, 2006 after 55 years of intense pastoral activity in Alsatia (eastern France).4 We may be happy to possess an interview that Fr. Pavlo had given to Michael Hesemann and Yulia Tkachova.5 Which is the opinion of the Ukrainian regarding Joseph Ratzinger with whom he was together in the seminary for a full year? They remained spiritually close to each other throughout their lives. We quote from the interview: "I immediately knew: This is a man to whom you are not equal, he is something particular. He took interest in me at once and attentively listened to me. In the situation I found myself then, this was very important. In the course of time, we became more and more acquainted. Often we used to take a walk. I told him about my youth, my uncle [killed by the Soviet Secret Service], my parents and that, due to the then prevailing political situation, it was impossible to get any information about them. The »Iron Curtain« was closed, it was impossible to send letters or to receive news. He spontaneously proposed to help me in my difficult situation, for which I am grateful to him still today. At that time I had some problems with the German language. He helped me in writing letters, in solving tasks and correcting 4 5

As a priest he belonged to the Ukrainian Apostolic Exarchate in France; the bishop resides in Paris. Recently these two authors have published a biography of the Holy Father entitled Benedetto (Pattloch-Verlag, München).

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their results. He always took care of me, and one could feel that he liked it. But he did not press himself forward. He was always discrete. He never made himself, as this sometimes happens with young people, important seeking to be in the centre. Whatever he did, he was always extremely concentrated w h e t h e r in his learning, working or speaking to me, he never got diverted by something else. When he listened to me, he was fully attentive and did not occupy himself with other things. He was permanently learning, he was always hungry for new knowledge. Whenever I saw him, he used every minute for learning. At the same time he was very much settled, organised. As one can see, his zeal was worth while!"6 The two friends met again only in 1977. In the meantime, Joseph Ratzinger had become the metropolitan of Munich and Freising and a cardinal. "The conversation was so", says Fr. Kohut, "as if we had separated only yesterday. He immediately asked me whether I could contact my parents. He remembered even small things. He has got a phenomenal memory." He met Cardinal Ratzinger again, when he made a pilgrimage to Rome in 2001 on the occasion of his golden jubilee of presbyteral ordination. During their encounter, the cardinal informed him of the journey of Pope John Paul II to Ukraine. On April 19, 2005, the cardinals elected Cardinal Ratzinger, Dean of the College of Cardinals, as successor of Pope John Paul II. For several reasons he assumed the name Benedict XVI, i. a. to honour the Father of occidental monarchism, St. Benedict, one of the patrons of Europe, and to extol the fighter for peace and freedom, Pope Benedict XV (Giacomo della Chiesa, 1914-1926). When the new Pope took charge of the Petrine ministry, Fr. Kohut was there, too, and Benedict XVI invited his friend to pay him a visit in the Vatican. This visit was realised, when the Holy Father invited all his still living fellow-students to a common celebration of the Holy Eucharist and thereafter to an encounter on November 8, 2005. 6

See www.kath.net/detail.phb?id=15370&print=yes: Osten".. Vol. XXIV 2009!

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We have reported extensively about the togetherness of these two priests, the Bavarian and the Ukrainian. It was Pavlo Kohut's mission to open the gate towards the Christian East, and Joseph Ratzinger did not hesitate to pass through it with the great openness of his heart. The Bishop as a Bridge-builder

(pontifex)

When Professor Dr. Joseph Ratzinger was raised to the fullness of priesthood, the episcopate, at St. Mary's Cathedral (Liebfrauendom), Munich, on May 28, 1977, numerous bishops representing the universal Church were present. Among the bishops who laid hands upon their new confrère was also the Syro-Malankara Catholic bishop of Tiruvalla Zacharias Mar Athanasios ( | September 28,1977), who, at that time happened to be in Germany.7 The small parish of Alapuzha (Alleppey) that has been belonging to the eparchy of Tiruvalla, was at that time in need of a church. The then for the parish responsible priest trustfully addressed a petition to the new Pastor of the Bavarian capital asking for financial help. And here Msgr. Ratzinger's wide heart turned out. Although he had never been to India before, he financed the construction of St. Mary's Malankara Catholic Church in remote Alapuzha, because he knew of the necessity oi the unity of the Episcopal college and the communio of the Catholic Church. When the parish priest, Dr. Abraham Kackanatt, thanked him in the name of all parishioners, Metropolitan Joseph answered within one week, and also this letter reveals his attitude: "Dear Rev. Father Abraham, thank you very much for your letter. Please don't thank me for helping you. I have just done my Christian obligation8 to help somebody in need. I request you to pray for my Archdiocese and me. (sd.) Joseph 7

8

Thanks to Mar Athanasios the eparchy of Tiruvalla was divided and the eparchy of Bathery established on October 28, 1978. Another division took place on January 15, 2003, with the establishment of the eparchy of Muvattupuzha. On May 15, 2006, the eparchy of Tiruvalla, based on a decision of the Synod of Bishops of the Malankara Catholic Church of December s, 2005, was raised to the status of a metropolitan eparchy with the two eparchies of Bathery and Muvattupuzha as its suffragans. Italics are mine (J.M.).

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Ratzinger." The parishioners thought it appropriate to place a marble plaque at the entrance of the church saying: "This church was built with the generous help of Joseph Card. Ratzinger, Archbishop of Mtinchen-Freising, West Germany".9 So Metropolitan Joseph Ratzinger, from the first days of his Episcopal ministry, proved to be truly an authentic pontifex, the builder of a bridge between his native Bavarian capital and a remote (once famous) Indian seaport with its numerically tiny Syro-Malankara community. Benedict XVI in the Service of the Episcopal College and the Universal Church The new Pontiff took charge of his ministry on April 25, 2005. Rightly the question was raised which would be now his attitude towards the Catholic Churches of eastern tradition. Soon it became evident that he remained faithful to himself following entirely the policy of his predecessor. Syriac Patriarchate of Antioch 2008 - Because of grave internal discordances between Mor Ignatios Butros VIII (Abdel Ahad), Patriarch of Antioch, and the majority of the episcopate, the patriarch finally presented his letter of resignation to the Pope of Rome. The Holy Father accepted the patriarch's resignation in early February. For the interim, till an electoral synod would be convoked, he appointed a governing committee composed of three hierarchs: Metropolitan Mor Thcophilos Giwergis (Kassab) of Horns, Hama and Nabk, whose charge is that of Apostolic Administrator of the patriarchal eparchy (Beirut), Metropolitan Mor Gregorios Elias (Tabe) of Damascus, dnd Archbishop Mor Athanasios Matti (Daba Matoka) of Baghdad. The retired patriarch has returned to Jerusalem and Bethlehem where he had served for many years as priest and as bishop before he was elected patriarch. A date for a new electoral synod is not yet known. 9

A. KACKANATT [now Abraham Mar Julios of Muvattupuzha], "A Friend in Need is a Friend Indeed. The 28-year-old relation of a Parish at Alleppey with Pope Benedict XVI", in German News. Monthly Magazine from the German Embassy, New Delhi 46 (May 2005), p. 9.

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Major Archiépiscopal Churches In the patriarchal and major archiépiscopal Churches the Holy Synods elect the patriarch/major archbishop and the bishops.10 The Pope of Rome gives the elections his "assent" (assenso), i. e. his blessing, receiving them thus into the college of bishops with all the rights and obligations inherent in their ministry. The Pope appoints the hierarchs of the other eastern Churches, which are neither patriarchal nor major archiépiscopal, as well as those working outside the patriarchal or major archiépiscopal territories. The Holy Synods can submit their proposals in that case presenting a list with the names of three candidates to the supreme pontiff. Ukrainian Church (Byzantine tradition) This Church was recognised as a major archiépiscopal Church as early as on December 23, 1963. We present here the events that have taken place since the beginning of Benedict XVI's pontificate in chronological order. 2004 - The rise of the independent State of Ukraine after the fall of the USSR allowed the Ukrainian Church the transfer of the see of its protohierarch from L'viv to Ky/,v" . So the metropolitan eparchy of L'viv became vacant. The Holy Synod decided that L'viv, for historical reasons, should get the rank of an archeparchy (honoris causa) with Kyr Ihor (Voznjak), hitherto titular bishop of Nisa in Lycia, as suffragan archbishop12. 2005 - During the reunion of the Holy Synod, Kyr Mykola (Simkajlo) was elected as eparch of Kolomyja-Èernivci. 2006 - The two bishops elected during the reunion of the Holy Synod in December 2005 received the Episcopal chirotony Die Bestellung eines Bischofssitzes »sede vacante« nach dem Codex Canonum Ecclesiarum Orientalium [Moran 'Etho, 27], Kottayam 2Q05. 11 W e a r e using here a n d on the following p a g e s the scientific transcription of the Ukrainian alphabet. 12 This is a singular case making evident that not every archbishop is also a metropolitan. The ordinary of L'viv is an archbishop honoris causa. The CGEO, however, knows alone the major archbishop. 1 0 CF. J . MADEY,

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(imposition of hands): Kyr Bohdan (Dzjurach), titular bishop of Vagada, auxiliary bishop of the patriarchal eparchy of K^v-Halyè, on February 15, and Dionysij (Lachovyè), titular bishop of Egnatia, Curial bishop of Ky^v-Halyè, on February 26 respectively. 2007 - Kyr Irynej (Bilyk), a member of the Order of St. Basil the Great, hithero eparch of Buèaè, was suspended from his office, with the consent of the Holy Father, because of insuperable difficulties and called to Rome where he was appointed a Canon at the Latin patriarchal basilica Santa Maria Maggiore!. He has been the most latinized and latinizing hierarchs. He resides now in Rome in the Pensionnato del Clero, Via della Scrofa 70, not in any monastery of his Order or other institution of the Ukrainian Church! 2008 - The Holy Father blessed the decision of the Holy Synod to establish the major archiépiscopal Exarchate of Luc'k (Volynia). Its first bishop is Kyr Josafat (Oleh Hovera), titular bishop of Caesariana, who was elected on January 15 and received the Episcopal ordination on April 7 by the imposition of hands of His Beatitude Patriarch 1 3 Lubomyr (card. Husar) and the other Ukrainian bishops present at the cathedral of Ternopil. Kyr Josafat was enthroned bis His Beatitude on April 12 in the church of the Annunciation of the Most Holy Mother of God at Luc'k, that has become his cathedral. On May 22, the Holy Synod elected an auxiliary for the deserving eparch of Stryj, Kyr Julijan (Gbur), who after having served as auxiliary of L'viv from 1994 onwards, took over the Stryj eparchy as ordinary. The new auxiliary of Stryj is Kyr Taras (Senkiv), titular bishop of Siccenna. An eparchial priest since 1982, he eventually joined the Minimi (O.M.) of St. Francis di Paola where he was charged with creating a Byzantine-rite branch of this Order.. His Episcopal ordination was on July 20. 13 Although the Annuario Pontificio mentions the Ukrainian protohierarch as Major Archbishop, he is generally commemorated in the Ukrainian Catholic Church as patriarch. Vol. XXIV 2009

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Syro-Malabar Church (Syro-oriental or Chaldean tradition) 2006 - Having obtained the right for electing hierarchs the Holy Synod gave the eparchy of Kottayam14 an auxiliary bishop in the person of Mar Joseph (Pandarasseril), titular bishop of Castellum Ripae. 2007 - With the consent of the Holy Synod, Mar Varkey (Vithayathil, Cardinal of the Holy Roman Church), Major Archbishop of Ernakulam-Angamaly, accepted the resignation of Metropolitan Mar Joseph (Powathil) of Changanassery and Metropolitan Mar Jacob (Toomkuzhy) of Trissur Mar Joseph (Perumthottam), titular bishop of Tucca in Numidia, up to now auxiliary bishop of Changanassery, and Mar Andrews (Thazhat), titular bishop of Aptuca, auxiliary of Trissur, were elected Metropolitans of Changanassery and of Trissur respectively.. The Holy Synod also decided to divide the eparchy of Mananthavady in the metropolitan province of Thalassery and to establish the new eparchy of Bhadravati, also as suffragan to Thalassery. For the first time in the history, the major archbishop of the Syro-Malabar Church, with the consent of the Roman pontiff, could appoint a procurator15 in Rome in accordance with canon 61 of the Code of Canons of the Eastern Churches. The priest Dr. Cherian Kanjirakompil was appointed for this post. Syro-Malankara Church (Syro-Antiochene or West Syriac tradition) One of Pope Benedict XVI's pontifical acts was the confirmation of the Syro-Malankara Church, the youngest among the Catholic Churches of eastern tradition, which had been raised to the status of 14 This eparchy, coextensive with the major Archiepiscopate, is he only one for the ethnic group of the Knanaya or "Southists". It has the rank of an archeparchy honoris causa. Its is not a metropoly, because it d o e s not h a v e any suffragans. T h e appellation "Metropolitan Archbishop" for its shepherd is a duplication. Metropolitans are always at the top of an ecclesiastical province. The Annuario Pontificio is imitating the Latin usage. 15 Cf. J. M A D E Y , Quellen und Grundzuge des Codex Canonum Ecclesiarum Orientalium (Beihefte zum Miinsterischen Kommentar, 22), Essen 1999, 69. The Harp

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a major archiépiscopal Church by Pope John Paul II in February 2005, just a few weeks before his death, in its new rank. He also confirmed the appointment of Cyril Mar Baselios as the first Major Archbishop or Catholicos of Thiruvananthapuram (Trivandrum).. 2007 - On January 1, the Catholicos, with the consent of his Holy Synod, established the eparchy of Mavelikara as a suffragan see of the metropolitan province of Thiruvananthapuram. Yoshua Mar Ignatios, titular bishop of Niguzibi and up to then auxiliary of Thiruvananthapuram, became the first eparch of Mavelikara. On January 18, the sickly catholicos suddenly died. After Mar Ivanios, the "Father of the Church union" with Rome in 1930, and Mar Gregorios (Thangalathil) he was the third Metropolitan of Thiruvananthapuram. Geevarghese Mar Divannasios, eparch of Bathery, fulfilled the obligations of the administrator of the Catholicate and prepared the electoral synod which assembled from February 7 to 10. The assembled synodal Fathers elected as Catholicos the then Metropolitan of Tiruvalla, Isaac Mar Cleemis (Thottunkal), who assumed the name Moran Mor Baselios16 Cleemis Catholicos. With the consent of the Holy Synod, Catholicos Mor Baselios Cleemis transferred Dr. Thomas Mar Koorilos, eparch of Muvattupuzha, to the vacant metropolitan see of Tiruvalla on March 26,2007. Metropolitan Mar Koorilos was the auxiliaiy bishop of Tiruvalla before he was transferred as eparch to Muvattupuzha in 2003. 2008 - After a vacancy of almost one year the eparchy of Muvattupuzha received a new shepherd in the person of Dr. Abraham Kackanatt from the eparchy of Tiruvalla, up to then chief executive officer of the Pushpagiri group of institutions. At his Episcopal ordination in Muvattupuzha on February 9 he received the name Julios (after Pope St. Julius I, 337-352). Romanian Church (Byzantine tradition) 2005 - On December 16, Pope Benedict XVI granted the Romanian Church that had up to now the rank of a Metropolitan 16 T h e n a m e Baselios is, according to M a l a n k a r a tradition, always reserved to the Catholicos. This is also the case in the non-Catholic Malankara Churches. vol X X I V 2 0 0 9

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Church sui iuris, the status of a Major Archiépiscopal Church. Its centre is the metropoly of Fâgâra" & Alba Iulia. Metropolitan Kyr Lucian (Mure°an) was appointed as the first major archbishop. His residence is at Blaj. 2007 - On October 27, the Holy Synod elected Kyr Mihai (Frâf>ilâ) to serve as auxiliary bishop of the major archbishop's eparchy. Pope Benedict XVI appointed him titular bishop of Novae. Appointment of bishops reserved to the Holy Father Patriarchal or Major Archiépiscopal Church Ukrainian Church in North and South America (Byzantine Tradition) 2006 - The Ukrainian metropolitan eparchy of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, received a new auxiliary bishop. Pope Benedict XVI appointed Kyr John (Bura) on January 3 giving him the titular see of Limisa. The new bishop who was born at Wegeleben, Germany, in 1944, received the Episcopal ordination on February 21. 2006/2007 - St. John the Baptist's (Sâo Joâo Batista) eparchy in Curitiba, Brazil, which counts 162,000 faithful was given two auxiliary bishops: in 2006 Kyr Meron (Mazur), titular bishop of Simitthu was ordained bishop on February 26,2006, and Kyr Daniel (Kozelinski Netto), titular bishop of Eminentiana, on September 16, 2007. The two bishops hail from families belonging to the Ukrainian emigration to Brazil. 2007 - Kyr Severian (Stefan Yakymyshyn), eparch of New Westminster, Canada, born in 1930, gave his resignation on June 1. in accordance with can. 210 § 1. Pope Benedict XVI appointed Kyr Kenneth (Novakivs'kyj), a Canadian-born Ukrainian, to succeed him. Kyr Kenneth is widely known from his activities in the major archbishop's curia. He received the episcopal ordination on July 24. 2008 - The Holy Father accepts the resignation of Kyr Michael (Wiwèar), eparch of Saskatoon, born in 1932 in the metropolitan eparchy of Winnipeg, former eparch of St. Nicholas of Chicago. His successor is Kyr Bryan (Joseph Bayda). Both the bishops are The Harp

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members of the Byzantine-Ukrainian branch of the Redemptorist congregation. Syro-Malabar Church 2006 - On July 15, Pope Benedict XVI appointed Mar Gratian (Mundadan), eparch opf Bijnor (outside the territory of the major archiepiscopate) also Apostolic Visitator for the Syro-Malabar faithful living in India extra territorium prprium, i.e. where they do not have a hierarchy of their own. Syro-Malankara Church 2007 - Pope Benedict XVI appointed Dr. Chacko Aerath OIC Apostolic Visitator for the Syro-Malankara faithful living in India outside the territory of the Syro-Malankara Church nominating him titular Bishop of Bapara. The appointment took place of February 2. He received by Episcopal ordination by the imposition of hands of Catholicos Baselios Cleemis in March 10 under the name Jacob Mar Barnabas. The Apostolic Visitator resides in Delhi. Metropolitan Churches sui iuris Ruthenian Church in the United States (Byzantine tradition) 2007 - On December 6, Pope Benedict XVI accepted the resignation of Kyr Andrew (Pataki), 80 years old eparch of Passaic, and appointed Kyr William (Charles Skurla), up to then eparch of Van Nuys, in his place. 2007/2008 - The Holy Father appointed Kyr Gerald (Nicholas Dino), born at Binghanton (USA) in 1940), as the successor of Kyr William for the eparchy of Van Nuys on December 6, 2007. His episcopal ordination took place on March 27,2008. Slovak Church (Byzantine tradition) 2008 - The Slovak Church is one of those Catholic Churches or eastern tradition, which was officially forbidden by the communist rulers after World War II. It has survived in the underground and is now a flourishing community. Pope Benedict XVI who, faithful to the intentions of Vatican II, wishes to see the eastern Churches flourish with new vigour is therefore much concerned to strengthen Vol. XXIV 2009

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120 John Madey them by calling them to take up more self-responsibility. This is why since the pontificate of John Paul II the number of major archiépiscopal (quasi-patriarchal) Churches has been increased. Up to most recent times, the Slovak Church in Slovakia consisted of only one eparchy, namely that of Presov 17 , and the Apostolic Exarchate of Kosice' 8 . The Holy Father considered this as not appropriate for the future and elevated the Slovak Church to the rank of a Metropolitan Church sui iuris on January 30. The actual eparchy of Presov obtained the rank of a metropoly. Kyr Jân (Babjak), the eparch, became the first metropolitan. The Apostolic Exarchate was dissolved, and in its place the new eparchy of Kosice was established. Kyr Milan (Chautur), up to now titular bishop of Cresima and Apostolic Exarch, was appointed Eparch of Kosice. At the same time, the Holy Father established the new eparchy of Bratislava 19 for the western and central parts of Slovakia. Kyr Peter (Rusnâk) has become its first ordinary. His cathedral is the Church of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross in the centre of Bratislava, the Slovak capital. The eparchies of Kosice and of Bratislava are suffragans of Presov. Other Churches (Byzantine tradition) Russian Church 2005 - After decades of persecution and suppression (the Apostolic Exarchates of Russia [Moscow] and of Harbin are mentioned in the Annuario Pontificio as vacant),.the Russian Catholics of eastern tradition are having now, since January 3, 2005, at least an Ordinary. The Holy Father named for this charge the bishop of the Roman Catholic Diocese of the Transfiguration of Christ, Msgr. Joseph Werth, whose residence is at Novosibirsk, Siberia. His jurisdiction as the ordinary of the Byzantine-rite Catholics covers the whole territory of Russia. Bishop Werth, a native of Karaganda, is a Russian citizen of German extraction and belongs to the Society of Jesus. 17 In Ukrainian: Prjasiv, in Hungarian: Eperjes, in German: Preschau. 18 In Hungarian Kassa, in German: Kaschau. 19 In German: Pressburg. The Harp:

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Hungarian Church 2007/2008 - The Hungarian Church following the Byzantine tradition consists of the eparchy of Hajdudorog and the Apostolic Exarchate of Miskolc. Kyr Szilard (Keresztes) was the ordinary of both circumscriptions being, at the same time, the eparch of Hajdudorog and the apostolic administrator ad nutum Sanctae Sedis of the apostolic exarchate. On November 10, 2007, the prelate who was born in 1932, resigned. Pope Benedict XVI accepted his resignation. Since he did not wish to let the Hungarian Church without a shepherd, he appointed as his successor the hieromonk Fiilop (Kocis). The new hierarch received the Episcopal ordination on June 30, 2008. After having served as an eparchial priest since 1989, he went, with the blessing of Kyr Szilard, to the Holy Cross Benedictine Abbey of Chevetogne in Belgium to get there from 1995 to 1990 a monastic formation. After his return to Hungary he founded, together with a confrere, a monastic community of eparchial right at Damoc. Greek (Hellenic) Church 2008 - On April 23, Pope Benedict XVI accepted the resignation of the Apostolic Exarch for the faithful of Byzantine tradition in Greece, Kyr Anarghyros (Printesis), titular bishop of Gratianopolis, because of the latter's illness. At the same time he appointed the priest of the Apostolic Exarchate and Roman university professor Dr. Dimitri Salachas as his successor. Kyr Dimitrios was named titular bishop of Carcabia. He is a canonist of world fame and taught eastern and western canon law at the Pontifical universities Urbaniana, Gregoriana, Angelicum (St. Thomas Aquinas), and the Pontifical Oriental Institute. He also is consultor of the Congregation for the eastern Churches, of the pontifical counsels for the legislative texts and for the promotion of the unity of Christians. He has been belonging to the Bishops' Conference of Greece as an expert of comparative law. Further he is a member of the international commission for the official dialogue between the Catholic Church and the Orthodox Churches. His Episcopal ordination took place on May 24 through the imposition of hands by two of his former students, Kyr Mihai (Fra^ila, titular bishop of Novae and auxiliary to the major Archbishop of Fagara0 & Alba Iulia, Kyr Hlib (Loneyna), titular Vol XXIV 20091

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John Madey 122 bishop of Bareta, Ukrainian curial bishop and Apostolic Visitator for the Ukrainian faithful living in Italy, Ireland, Spain and Portugal, and Msgr. Fraghiskos Papamanolis OFMCap, Roman Catholic Bishop of Syros and Milos and Apostolic Administrator of Crete. While there were protests from Orthodox circles at the time of his predecessor's Episcopal ordination, there were no protests from the mass-media against that of Kyr Dimitrios and accusations of "uniatism" and "proselytism". Some Orthodox priests and theology professors were even present in the cathedral. The Greek-Catholic Cathedral of the Holy Trinity in Athens is also the host for the Ukrainian community and offers its hospitality to the Chaldean refugees from Iraq.

Conclusion In this essay, we have tried to give a survey of the rich activities of Pope Benedict XVI during the relatively short time of his Petrine ministry. We have tried to make evident his spiritual background and his concern for the Churches of eastern tradition. It is the love of Christ that dictates all his actions on their behalf, and the absolute fidelity to the Council Vatican II. Prof. Dr. Johannes Madey Kleinenberger Weg 13 33100 Paderborn, Germany j .madey @ paderborn.com

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THE ECUMENICAL VISION OF M O RAN MOR BASELIOS CYRIL CATHOLICOS (1935-2007) (the first Major Archbishop of the Malankara Catholic Church, + 2007) Moran Mor Baselios Cyril (Malancharuvil) was the first Major Archbishop of the Malankara Catholic Church (February 10,2005 January 18,2007). The Malankara Church entered into full, canonical and visible communion with the successor of St. Peter in Rome, on 20th September 1930 through Mar Ivanios, the then Metropolitan of Bethany in the Malankara Orthodox Church. The Malankara Catholic hierarchy was established by Rome in 1932 and Mar Ivanios (+1953) became its first Metropolitan. He was succeeded by Mar Gregorios (1953-1994) and Mar Baselios, first as Administrator and then Metropolitan (1994-2004). On 10th February 2005 the Malankara Catholic Church was raised to the canonical status of Major Archiépiscopal Church by His Holiness Pope John Paul II. At present Mar Baselios Ceemis (Thottunkal) is the Major Archbishop. According to the Indian and Syriac tradition, the Major Archbishop, as (pater et caputY is called Catholicos. The Malankara Church, separated from the full communion from the Catholic Church after the unfortunate events (the Coonan Cross 1

Cf. J. M A D E Y , The Catholicos of the Malankara Catholic Church, "Studia Oecumenica" 5 (2005) 111-126.

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Oath and the fake ordination of Mar Thomas the Archdeacon by twelve priests in 1653), was trying to reestablish the lost full communion. Down through the centuries there were attempts for reunion and the crowning of these attempts was in 1930 with the reunion of Mar Ivanios with the Roman Apostolic See. Since then the Malankara Catholic Church was promoting the cause of unity of the various separated Christians in Kerala and other parts of India and also inviting to the Catholic fold those who had not yet received the Gospel message. Moran Mor Baselios Cyril Catholicos followed the footsteps of Mar Ivanios and Mar Gregorios, his predecessors, in his ecumenical endeavors. He realized fully that the Lord came to reunite the scattered humankind (Gen 11, 9) in Him and to recreate the new man by uniting in Himself. He is the Omega point, where the distinctions of caste, colour, language and nationality disappear. In Him there is no distinction between Greeks and non Greeks, Jews and non-Jews. All are united in Him as His members. This is what happened at Pentecost. On that day 3000 people were united to His body (Acts 2,41). Our Lord has entrusted this mission to His disciples with the commandment of love, unity and concord, He sent them to the world (Jn 13,35). This is the message the disciples have to preach: the message of love, unity and concord among the nations and people. With this message of love first St. Thomas (A.D.52) and then St. Francis Xavier (1542) came to India. From the 17th century onwards there arose in the Church in India a period of domination of the Western missionaries over the natives and as a result there was a situation of lack of love, mutual distrust, quarrels and finally division. This division in the Apostolic Church in India continued for centuries. All the attempts for reconciliation failed due to one reason or other.2 On this scene appeared in the beginning of the 20,h century, Mar Ivanios, Metropolitan of Bethany (1882-1953) of the Malankara Orthodox Church with his message of love, concord, harmony, peace and unity. He invited to the Catholic fold all the Christians in this land, especially 2

F o r d e t a i l s s e e ARCHBISHOP CYRIL MAR BASELIOS, The

Syro-Malankara

Church, Trivandrum 2 1997, 33-98; X. KOODAPUZHA, Christianity in India, Kottayam 1998,131-156; G. CHEDIATH, The Malankara Catholic Church, Kottayam 2003, 47-92.

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the members of his Orthodox-Jacobite Church, who were entangled in unending civil litigations and inner conflicts. His great ambition was to unite the people in India in Jesus Christ and in His Spirit. He wanted to weld up the broken relationship with the Catholic Church and put an end to the isolated and marginalized existence of his own community. He invited all people of good will to the sheepfold of love. Many people listened to him and inherited the love, tranquility and peaceful prayer life in the parishes and genuine Christian experience. Mar Gregorios also treaded the same path and led many who were disposed to the voice of the Spirit. Mar Baselios also was called by God to continue this divine mission of unity. The unity of those who believe in Jesus Christ is in accordance with the will of the Lord and is necessary for the proclamation of the Gospel message. They should be one, so that the world may believe. This was what Mar Baselios basically believed and tried to put into practice in the daily life. He says in one of his speeches: "In the course of history, all the different ecclesial traditions have suffered wounds of division and separation"3. He continues, "That Christianity remains divided today is a painful fact, and even a most scandalous one, contradictory and detrimental to the very message it is called to proclaim" Then he quotes the decree on Ecumenism of the Vatican II council4. His aim was not to take away a few people from the other communities and increase the number of the community where he was the head. On the other hand, those who proclaim the name of the Lord should be united and they should proclaim him in one voice and thus enhance the proclamation of the Gospel and to His witnessing. The aim is the unity of the sheep, the Lord redeemed through His blood. Then there is no distinction between "our people and your people". All are the people of God. The Christian Church itself is meant for all people and it includes all. Its purpose is ultimately the growth and progress of all mankind. That is why it is Catholic. He says in the same speech, "the Church of Christ is one and God wills that it should remain one. The real mission and task of the 3 4

The quotations in this article are taken from a Paper presented by Mar Baselios in 1999 (September 29-30) at the Missiological Congress in Parana (Argentina). Unitatis Redintegrassio, (UR) 1. Vol. XXIV 2009

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Church is to render Christ present in our world, to bear witness to Him, by being the sacrament of Christ, and the sacrament of unity, as an effective symbol of unity in and for the world" Mar Baselios Cyril stood for these values. The hierarchical head of the Malankara Catholic Church considers that among the ancient Apostolic Churches (Catholic, Orthodox, Oriental Orthodox and ancient Church of the East) there is no basic difference in the content of faith, but the apparent differences are differences in terminology. There can be difference in the emphasis which each Church gives to the values, and according to the hierarchy of values it is legitimate to tolerate the emphasis given by various Churches. These terminological differences or emphasis do not affect in any way the content of faith. He thinks with the Church and its teaching in the Second Vatican Council and recognizes the mysteries (sacraments), imposition of hands, apostolicity and ecclesiality of the ancient Churches. There could be and there is diversity and plurality in theology, in the administrative set up, catechetical instruction and liturgy and even in the form of spirituality. The Malankara Church believes in the unity of Christians, but it does not believe in uniformity. It believes in the communion oi Churches, but it does not believe in the merging of any Church in another Church.

What is necessary

according to him among the Apostolic Churches is mutual recognition and mutual respect. Down through the centuries all the Churches had one sided growth and developed one sided ecclesiologies on the basis of their isolated existence. This isolation is echoed in the ecclesial life, too. With this isolation, many Churches have inherited a lot of prejudices. Some of the Churches have largely deviated from the Apostolic foundation while others have slightly. The Churches which have moved away from the Apostolic foundation have to come back to the authentic foundation. A l l the Churches must be prepared for self examination and inner conversion. He docs not think that any one of the various theological formulations is the only formulation of the Catholic Church. Each Sister Church can have its own formulations. It is in accordance with the nature of the Church. There should be unity, because division is sinful. There should be concord because division is against the will of the Lord. But the The Harp

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how and when of the unity is with the Lord. It is hidden from our eyes. The Lord of Glory will shower the grace of unity when there is conversion and inner renewal of the Church. Therefore spiritual ecumenism should be practiced first and foremost. In this world of today, filled with prejudices, he tried to remove the false fear and prejudices through dialogue of charity. During the international theological dialogue with the Malankara Orthodox and the Malankara Jacobites in Kerala (two factions of the Oriental Orthodox Church in India), he dealt with them with full respect and self control. He showed special interest in listening to them and in understanding their viewpoints. In the same way he took special effort in making them understand the Catholic way of presentation of various doctrines. He used to present them in a simple language and did not present the truths partially or in a covered language. He understood them and he had no fear of fully presenting the Catholic dogmas, of course in a language intelligible to them. He says, "The fundamental aim of Ecumenism is to regain the unity of the Church by healing the wounds". There are of course hurdles in the path of ecumenism. He says, "A closer study of the present situation of division among Churches reveals that apart from the doctrinal differences, prejudices and misunderstandings play a great role in keeping the communities away from one another preventing them from closer contact and mutual acceptance. This is a major hurdle in carrying out the ecumenical mission. Another problem is that unfortunately the ecumenical movement is often misunderstood than understood.. There are many who are apprehensive of it or opposed to it. It is not a method of unification and absorption of local Churches on the basis of might and power. At the same time ecumenism should not be mistaken for a complacent coexistence of different Christian Churches in their state of division and disunity or in their present positions that contradict each other." He also speaks of the goal of ecumenism: "Ecumenism has a very profound goal, namely the attainment of total communion of all the Apostolic Churches, in which communion alone, the mystical Body of Christ is fully present." Then he continues to describe the ecumenical activities in the 1920s in India: "It may be mentioned S Vol. XXIV 2009

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here about the importance of the Church unity attempts carried out by the Malankara Catholic Church, which may be characterized as the best ecumenical movement of the 20th century. It was an important event in the proper direction towards attaining the fullness of the ecclesial communion between the Apostolic See of Rome and the Apostolic Malankara Church". He could live and work with all the Churches and ecclesial communities in Kerala in cooperation, concord and in a brotherly spirit. When he became the Archbishop of Trivandrum, he opened the Cathedral to the Orthodox for the blessing of a marriage. The Catholicos of the Malankara Orthodox Church himself blessed the marriage. For a long time he was participating in the international theological commission for the ecumenical dialogue with the Malankara Orthodox and also with the Malankara Jacobites. The present author also was from the very beginning till very recently a member of the Catholic participants. Many quoted a statement which he made in an ecumenical Congress at Genova: "Those Churches which have no missionary thrust will have no enthusiasm in ecumenical matters." For Mar Baselios the concern for unity was his primary concern, it was not one of his concerns. He walked through the path of the second Vatican Council and in all earnestness and enthusiasm, without counting its immediate effects. He also argued for the visible communion and often told the Churches to be committed to the ecumenical cause. This attitude is still lacking among some of the Churches in Kerala. He tried to give to the priests and faithful of the Malankara Catholic Church the new ecumenical understanding of the Council. He contributed substantially to the common declaration between the Pope and Syriac Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch for the Inter-Church Marriage agreement 5 , without renouncing one's own ecclesial allegiance. He was committed to guide the Malankara Catholics through the new ecumenical path of the Second Vatican Council. But 5

Cf. J. M A D E Y , The Ecclesiological and Canonical Background of the so-called »Kerala Agreement«, "The Harp" 11-12 (Kottayam 1998-'99) 99-112.

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unfortunately some of the publications of the Malankara Orthodox Church, tried in the past to present a falsified and non objective picture of the ecumenical outlook of the Malankara Catholic Church and its head. But he was the leader of those who expect a better future. He will be with those who desire for goodness. He supported every good initiative for the cause of Christian unity. He is a guiding figure for all those who are earnestly intended in the ecumenical activities. He speaks of the liberty of conscience of individuals to change their allegiance and says that it is not against ecumenism: "It may be stated that ecumenism primarily envisages ecclesial communities and spiritual traditions. Change of ecclesial allegiance of individuals or groups arising from genuine convictions does not stand in the way of ecumenism. Such change aims at answering the immediate and individual needs of souls in concrete situations, the reality or the urgency of which cannot be ignored under the pressure of the efforts for unity made at a different level, namely at the level of the Churches. In fact promotion of Christian unity takes place on both the levels, but the two aspects are clearly distinct, and not opposed. Vatican II places both of them in the same movement worked out and guided by the Holy Spirit."6

Prof. Dr. GEEVARGHESE CHEDIATH St. Mary's Malankara Seminary Nalanchira THIRUVANANTHAPURAM, Kerala 6 9 5 0 1 5 India

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ST. EPHREM: A GARLAND OF PRAYER SONGS Prayer Songs on Paradise, 2 (continued from page 108) 3.

When people see that they have lost everything, that riches do not endure and carnal lusts no longer exist, that beauty and power disappear and vanish. then they recollect themselves and are filled with remorse, because, choked with care, they heard with contempt those words, 'Your possessions are but a passing dream, your inheritance, darkness, cp Mt. 8:12; Lk. 12:16-20. (continued in page 148)

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Joju Anto

PRAYERS OF THE PSALMS IN THE EAST SYRIAN WORSHIP Introduction There is a great role for the psalms and the related prayers in the East Syrian liturgy. All these are used in the order of worship. In the book of Psalms before each marmita' a prayer is given, which generally refers to the first psalm of the marmita and not the whole marmita. In this article I am trying to translate these prayers of marmyata (singular marmita) and the headings of that particular marmyata. We have the translations of the Psalms. I think this translation of the prayers will help the people to understand and to participate in the worship more attentively.

Psalms in General Psalms are religious poems, which were brought together a few centuries before the Christian era opened. It is an integral part of the scriptures of Israel and they were written by the influence of the Babylonian's environment. This is made up of compositions from various periods in Israel's history. The final stage in the compilation belongs somewhere between 400 and 200 B.C. In Hebrew text Psalms entitled "tehillim" means "Praises" or "Songs of praises". In Syriac "Mazmora" (isiio^) means a psalm or 1

Marmita is a subdivision of the psalter containing from one to four Psalms. It depends on the length of the psalm. If it is a big psalm then there will be only one, but if it is a medium one then there will be two and if it is small then there will be three or four psalms.

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a hymn. It is derived from the verb meaning "sing, chant or play on a stringed instrument" and is also from this word and means "psalmody, a psalm, a chant or canticle". In West Syriac Tradition Zoomoro is a song sung before the reading of Epistles. The English title "Psalms" comes from the Latin word "Psalmf and "Psalterium"2 which in turn is derived from the Greek "oaeii'e" (Psalmoi) and "oeogneff" (Psalterion). The first one denotes the music of a stringed instrument of such music and the second one is a collection of songs. Traditionally these religious lyrics were concerning the whole range of the relations between God and Man. The eternal, immutable and omnipotent God is the Creator of the Universe which He upholds and governs by His Divine Providence. Himself all-holy, He demands from creatures' holiness and penitence, but His supreme justice is tempered by His mercy.3 Through these poetical speeches the authors of Psalms were expressing their understanding of God, self and community as they talk to God in language that employs dynamic and often extravagant imagery. The Psalter has a five fold division according to its literary form, probably in imitation of the Pentateuch4; the divisions are indicated by the doxologies at 41:14; 72:19; 89:52; 106:48; and 150:6. These groups are formed from earlier collections. The "Elohist" Psalter (42-83) receives its name from its use of the generic name for God, Elohim, Which has been systematically substituted throughout these poems for the proper name "Yahweh". "Further subdivision of the groups is justified by the indications in the titles to the Psalms, which reflect ancient Jewish tradition. According to its nature we can divide it into five groups. I. 1-41 2 3 4

Anderson. A.A. The New Century Bible Commentary. P. 23 The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, Edited by, F.L.Cros. P. 1343 A title in general use among biblical scholars for the five 'Books of Moses': Genesis, Exodus. Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy. Traditionally these Books were held to have been written, almost in their entirety, by Moses himself however, during the 19th Cent. The 'documentary hypothesis' was developed by scholars, notably J. Wellhausen; according to this theory, the Pentateuch was compiled from previously written documents dating from the 9th to the 5,n Cent. B.C. The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, Edited by, F.L.Cros. P. 1253.

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Praises; II. 42-72, Lamentation, hope and thanksgiving. (Personal); III. 73-89, Lamentation, hope and thanksgiving (Community); IV. 90-106, Praise of rulers. (Kings); V. 107-150, Proverbs -Psalms". 5 "There are indications of earlier groupings which point back to independently existing collections, e.g. the concluding notice after 72 ('The prayers of David the son of Jesse are entered') Evidence from the Dead Sea Scroll shows that the order of the Psalms was not firmly fixed until the Christian era".6 The titles or superscriptions of the Psalms are not part of the inspired text. They were added by pre-Christian Jewish tradition, and they attempt to provide data concerning "authorship" the type of psalms, and even the life setting. Authorship The opinion: - David wrote the psalms The most common designation of authorship is "L-David"(^o^.) which may be interpreted to mean "to", "by", "of', "about", or "for David". The attribution of Psalms to David is more common like the simplistic style of the authorship of the Pentateuch by Moses and of the Wisdom literature by Solomon. Today the common trend among all scholars is to recognize the pre-exilic origins of the majority of the Psalms. This is an ancient Jewish tradition and it probably lies behind the statement of Josephus that David "composed hymns to God in various metres." (Antiquities VII. 12.13.) Similarly, the "mishnah" 7 5 6 7

Bible Nigandu. By Dr. Antony Therathu, 1997. P. 813-818 Thé Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, Edited by, F.L.Cros. P. 1343 Mishnah (In Hebrew- 'repetition', hence 'instruction') is one of the earliest and most authoritative documents of rabbinic Judaism, it is attributed to Rabbi Judah ha - Nasi (d C. AD 229). The Mishnah and Talmud* have had an influence on the life of the Judaism second only to that of the Scriptures. Its authority rests on the view that the oral law was given to Moses on Sinai at the same time as the written law and so is of Divine origin. In a wider sense the word 'Mishnah' was used of teaching and learning of the tradition and then of the tradition itself, the study of which goes back to at least the 2nd Cen. B.C. (The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, Edited by, F.L.Cros. P. 1092.) * Talmud:- The Jewish compilations which embody the Mishnah, or oral teaching of the Jews, and the collection of discussions on the Mishnah. (The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, Edited by, F.L.Cros. P. 1576) Vol. XXIV 2009

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(200 A.D) prefaces the question of Ps 119:72 thus: "it is written in the book of Psalms by David the king of Israel" (Aboth 6:9). This tradition has become part of the heritage of the early Church, and in the New Testament the Psalms are not only freely quoted, but their Davidic authorship is assumed (e.g. Mk 12:36-37; Rom 4:6-8; 11:910; etc...) We do not know how early the authority of David's name became attached to the Psalms as a whole. But we can consider these reasons: (a) the desire to have the prestige of the scriptures enhanced by the authorship of the illustrious figures of the past, (b) The fact that the 73 psalms are connected by their titles with David. (But we can't attach much importance to the titles), (c) The tradition that David was a musician and poet (1 Samuel 16:17-23; 18:10; Amos 6:5; II Samuel 1:17-27; 3:33-34; 23:1-7); (d) The tradition which credits David with organizing the choral side of Israel's public worship (Ezra 3:10;Neh 12:24,36,45-46; II Chor 29:, 30; Ecclus 47:79. Place of the Psalms in the Jewish worship The Mishnah was compiled about A.D. 200 which presents the Jewish traditions of the first two Christian centuries. It tells us something about the place of the psalms in Israel's life during this period. In it there are many quotations from the psalms frequently mentioned in connection with the temple ceremonies. In Tamid 7:4 we are told that the Levites used to sing one psalm daily in the temple: the seven psalms rendered each week were Pss. 28; 48; 82; 94; 81; 93; 92.. A Levitical choir sang Ps. 30 when the first fruits were brought to the temple court (Bikkurim3:4), and the Hallel8 (Ps. 113118) at the celebration of the Passover (Pesahim 5:7; 9:3; 10:7) The Hallel was also recited on each of the eight days of the feast of Tabernacles (Sukkah 4:1,8) and the feast of dedication or Hanukkah (Taanith 4:4-5). But the use of Hallel at Pentecost is not referred to in the Mishnah. But as seen in the temple rituals, the psalms served 8

Praise. A name given by Jews to Psalms 113-18. They are recited at most of the principal Jewish festivals and during the Passover meal, and may have been the hymn sung by Christ and the Apostles after the last Supper (Mti 26:30). Psalm 136 is called 'the Grea* Hallel'. (The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, Edited by, F.L.Cros. P. 731) The Harp

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other purposes, e.g. four psalms (Pss 120; 121; 130; 102) were used on public fasting in time of drought (Taanith 2:3), and the great Hallel (Ps. 136) was recited in gratitude for rain (Taanith 3:9). In the modern times we can see a great dependence on the Psalms. The use of entire psalms in the prayer book can be illustrated from the regular Sabbath services Place of the Psalms in Christian worship The Jewish use of the Psalms both in the Temple ceremonies and in the Synagogues that led the Jewish Christians generally to use Israel's Psalms in the life of the early Church. The Christian hymns found in Luke 1:46-55; Benediction Luke 1:68-79 etc.. are clearly modelled after Psalms, and this familiarity with the Psalter is further illustrated by numerous quotations in N.T. In early Christianity there was no uniform pattern for worship, but it was common and accepted model to use the Psalms in early Christianity. Thus the Psalter became the classical manual for the private devotions of the Church, as well as the principal aid in its liturgical services.9 Place of the Psalter and the prayers in East Syrian worship There is a great role for the psalms and its prayers in the East Syrian liturgy. All these are used in the order of worship. The Psalter consists of 150 psalms and three Old Testament canticles. These 150 psalms are grouped into 20 hullale'0: Each hullala is divided into 2 or 3 marmyata) and each marmita includes 2, 3 or 4 psalms. Before each marmita a prayer is given, which generally refers to the first psalm of the marmita and not the whole marmita. Each psalm has its apt qanona given in red after the first or second 9 The Interpreters Bible Vol. 4. p.10 10 lit.m. praising, a shout of joy, a chant or hymn. But here a hulala = one of the twenty sections into which the East Syrians divide the Psalms (Payne Smith). And as in the Oriental Church, the Psalms appointed to be read in the Church of the East are divided into twenty cathismata, called hullale, and a twenty-first hullala(always bound in the Psalter), consists of the two songs of Moses from the fifteenth chapter of Exodus and the thirty-second of Deuteronomy., the latter being divided into two. Vol. XXIV 2009

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verse (petgama) or at the end of each psalm. The composition of the qanone" are attributed to Mar Ava Catholicos (536-552).12 "Two beautiful features in the East Syrian recitation of the psalms are the appropriate collects before each subdivision of the hulala, gathering up the thoughts of the psalms, and the giyuri, or "farcing", of each psalm, clauses introduced after the first or the first and second clauses, and at the end of the psalm, usually giving it a Christian application. 21st hullala is given under the heading "the canticle of blessed Moses". This hullala has 3 marmyata consisting of the passages from the Old Testament namely: l sl marmita: Exodus. 15, 1-21 + Is. 42, 10-13; 45, 8 2nd

"

rd

"

3

Deut. 32, l-21b Deut. 32, 21c.-43" 1 3 . Prayers of the Psalms i .lioMv? Psalm. 1 #

History and exhortation about kinds of virtues .¿¿\ s Prayer .«jisoiiA •A^J iia ;vi 11.230

2£aoj.a iajfcJJ vci\io vi>o

2oil

Ulrica « 1 . ^ t u u

200110

HjVtV A1 lauo i-oio 2uo 2a2 O, our Lord and our God make us worthy, so that we may be led by the context of virtue that is pleasing to Your Lordship. And may our will be in Your law and meditate on it night and day. Lord of all, Father, Son and Holy Spirit, for ever. Amen. 11 Payne Smith, An appointed chant, hymn esp. a short metrical farcing of a Psalm. 12 Fr. Sylvester Pudichery C . M . I . , Ramsa. An analysis and interpretation of the Chaldean vespers, p. 12, 13. 13 Fr. Sylvester Pudichery C.M.I. Ramsa. An analysis and interpretation of the Chaldean vespers, p. 14

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•en .iMHtya Psalm. 5 •Aaaai J.Sift. l u i . ? A l l ¿nifiOa Prophecy regarding the repentance of the people of Israel in Babel. .¿ u.oiaAi.3 \V

2-030 l u i Jji -Ai3 iiia iizs.0 ii?)

O Lord, listen (hearken) to the words of our prayers and incline Your ear to the voice of our cry (calling). And do not turn Your face from the voice of our supplication. O good one, on whom we place our trust at all our times and hours. Lord of all, Father, Son and Holy Spirit, for ever. Amen. Psalm. 8 .2juaa

Ail

2

Ax liiis^o

Prophecy about Christ our Lord: and announce us also about the distinction of natures. .¿¡A$ Prayer 1scA>30 ? A \,3 Una3 -ciisocs^la las,

iAio ^A

Aaa liuo NiiAla nirio }n\tiio Iscua vS Lx3an3 Im.030 2X30 2s2 Lord our Lord, we are bound (indebted) to thank, to worship and to praise You and is hidden His existence (own essence). You establish whose glory in the mouth of children (youth) and babes. Lord of all, Father, Son and Holy Spirit, forever. Amen. Psalm. 11 ^-A-4 oi^ oool \ ,*na :jui i j Aols: .uOIOttU

u x»ooA itiiAioX OL3a\,3

Attributed to David, when he was chased by Saul, son of Kish; and those who were with him were giving counsel to flee from him. Vol. XXIV 2009

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.¿iao .o«.eft^ia Aa U>xSt ^.»aVii .eie-oiai^a jLj* ^i-isxie LS.iio 2-Qnjj .nMxuiaj lloao luo 2ai Aaa 2'Us ^liA-la ...titio yi^mia 2aua We are bound to thank, to worship and to praise You the hidden one from everyone in his essence, and is revealed and shone with wonder deeds of His providence That heaven and earth are telling about His mighty (majestic) power. Lord of all, Father, Son and Holy Spirit, forever. Amen. .jia .iboM^o Psalm. 22 .•poAxai ^o ¿aa»2 aa

¿A* ^lo^i L^oi

Attributed to David: for the sake of prayer, while he was chased by Absalom. . ¿ vLlAl3 xijixie ao \ «lie 2ao» ^>1» »> .^liJ ^OAA tV 2Jtjoaa 2-oao 2ua 2si Aa? Vol. XXIV 2009

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We are bound to thank, to worship and to praise Your divinity, which is full of mercies, compassion, living hope and salvation to all creatures. Lord of all, Father, Son and Holy Spirit, forever. Amen. .ma .zmls>v> Psalm. 25 •A T-i-n LsaXa ¿q T->4 Ai. laiis* Prophecy about the supplication of people in Babel. .¿.¿is Prayer oiAv? .^¡sisja liu*. ¿¡.is lot Ncri\io vbJo To show about the boldness of Sanherib and Rabshache. Prayer 2atun a-S^io .¡¿LatiX .«Umino jaa«o ujjo (JIM

iuni AM V UU ^A

T->(sJa .) r j; n ouax V

2-oao 2'lao lai Aaa 2i»

.¿^iaa 9

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the History's insistence on the two factions of the Syrian Christians of Kerala, namely the "Northists" and the "Southists" (that is, the original indigenous Christians and the descendants of the immigrant community of Thomas of Kana - the Knanaya Christians) who, according to this History, lived together in Kodungallur before spreading everywhere in Kerala. 2. a. A Roman Catholic apologetic treatise on Papal primacy written between 1665 and 1687 (History 2): In a MS belonging to St Joseph's CMI Monastery, Mannanam, Mannanam MS Syr 44,46 ff. 100r-104r, I have found an interesting short apologetic treatise, in Syriac, on Papal primacy, consisting of three parts: 1. a justification of Simeon Peter being the head of all the Apostles; 2. a refutation of the Antiochian claim that the Syrian Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch is the heir to Simeon Peter; 3. a very brief History of the Indian Church, culminating in the consecration of Mar Alexander de Campo (Mar Chandy Parampil), bishop of the Catholic faction of the Saint Thomas Christians between 1663 and 1687, the date of his death. So this treatise is datable between these years, while the manuscript itself is from the early 19lh century.47 Just as the aforementioned text, this history starts its narrative with the arrival of Saint Thomas in India, this time on the Malabar Coast. Then it continues with the claim, also found in History 1, that after the death of the Apostle the spiritual vigour of the community began to fade. However, while according to History 1, the healing 45 See the "Observations" of T. K. Joseph on Rev. Monteiro D'Aguiar, "The Magna Charta of the St. Thomas Christians," translated a n d annotated by the Rev. H. Hosten, S.J., Kerala Society Papers, series 4 (1930), 193-200, here 199. 46 The numbering follows our handlist's number given at the digitisation of the Mannanam manuscripts. The manuscript's original shelfmark is 090-248-4S. 4 7 For an English translation of this treatise see I. Perczel, "Language of Religion...," 423-425. In that study I erroneously claimed that the manuscript was contemporary to the apologetic treatise that it contains, that is, from the late 17th century (ibid; p. 410). In fact, now, having studied many more Indian Syrian Christian manuscripts, I would date Mannanam Syr 44 to the early 19th century. The Harp

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came from the Middle East, from the Persian Church, according to History 2, the healing came from within India: Later, the priest George, also called Palamarram from Kuravilangad, was the teacher of the Christians, and taught to everybody the good knowledge, and also built many churches, and shepherded all the Christians. After that, men from his family became the Archdeacons and they also built many churches and taught all the Nazranies and shepherded them. So this text assigns a long period of spiritual darkness to the Indian Church, until the appearance of George Palamarram or according to present-day pronunciation - Palamattam/ Pakalomattam.48 George was appointed Archdeacon in 1502 AD by the (Persian) Metropolitan John of India49 - regarding the identity of the consecrator our text keeps silence. The four historical bishops mentioned by History 1 are also passed over in silence; only Mar Abraham is mentioned, with the emphasis that he had learned the truth, came to the Catholic fold and received a new ordination. After that comes the list of the Latin Archbishops of Angamaly and Kodungallur, upon whom much praise is heaped; the Bent Cross Oath is presented as a work of the Devil, until the story comes to the precise day of the ordination of Mar Chandy Parampil, that is, Alexander De Campo. History 2 ends with the sentence: Whosoever has ears to hear, should hear that all those who do not obey and listen to Mar Alexander, Metropolitan and Apostolic Head, will be anathema! 48 The - 17th-century - Syriac has Palamarram. As double tt is written in Modern Malayalam by two ra signs:oo, this phenomenon seems to indicate a phonetic change - what earlier was pronounced rr, has, at a certain moment, become tt. The difficulty of phonetic interpretation lies in the fact that it is hard to decide whether the Syriac transcription with resh follows the pronounciation or the Malayalam spelling. As the Syriac transcription of Malayalam is normally phonetic, I would consider it more likely that here, too, it follows the contemporary pronounciation. 49 See Jacob Kollaparambil, The Archdeacon of Ail India, in: The Syrian Churches Series, vol. 5. (Kottayam: Catholic Bishop's House, 1972), 81-82, quoting a tradition cited by George Kurian, The Syrian Church of Malankara, (Kottayam, 1908), 21. Vol XXIV 20091

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2.b. Commentary: If in History 1 the linear succession of the rightful bishops of Malabar came through the line Saint Thomas the Apostle - Thomas of Cana - Mar Shapor and Mar Prot - Mar Denkha, Mar Thoma, Mar Yaqob and Mar Yahballaha - Mar Abraham - Mar Gabriel, here the legitimate line is that of Saint Thomas - George Pakalomattam - Mar Abraham after his conversion to Catholicism the Latin bishops beginning with Alexio de Menezes of Goa - Mar Alexander Parampil (De Campo). The mention of George Pakalomattam is important because Mar Alexander could only claim the allegiance of an important constituency of the Malabar Syrian Christians as being a relative of the princely Pakalomattam family. It is only natural that George Pakalomattam is not mentioned in History 1, which is enhancing the importance of the East Syrian connection, while it is also natural that the East Syrian bishops are omitted from Histoiy 2, which enhances the importance of the Pakalomattam family and of the Latin bishops. Finally, very valuable is the information that the hereditary priestly position of the Archdeacon originates from George Pakalomattam who, so to say, founded a dynasty through his personal merits. In fact the presently held tradition, also echoed in the seminal study of Jacob Kollaparambil,50 is that the Archdeacon is an ancient office, which was held from times immemorial by members of the Pakalomattam family. As we will see in the analysis of the next two Histories, now there is growing evidence demanding the correction of this view. I will return to this point a little later. 3.a. A well-documented Church History in Malayalam. from the end of the 1 ooa~=> JUo

JSJU.

loot ~Otoi~.ll -OK» J°INmOI> JJ, OH*£> . o s o

There went forth His (good) pleasure, and He came in His love to earthly beings But His Nature remained unchanged in what it was. 82 In another passage Narsai speaks more clearly that though this flesh is from us, His divinity is not undergone any changes. 79 McVEY, Ephrem the Syrian Hymns,p.388 80 HALLLEUX DE., "Mar Ephrem Théologien", p.46. 81 HdFid 26:8. 82 NARSAI, A Homily on our Lord's Birth from the Holy Virgin, PO 40, p.47. vol. XXIV 2009

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"And if it is from us (this) flesh, that He has constructed by His own power, Then His own nature has remained in its own without change". 83 According to Philoxenus, God could become a man without changing from what He was before the incarnation. It is interesting to note that this key word suhlopo has different meanings in the theologies of Philoxenus and Severus. For Philoxenus, suhlopo has an exclusively negative meaning. It means 'change' in the sense of loss of identity. To apply it to either the humanity or the divinity in the incarnation is to say that the humanity in the incarnation ceased to be humanity or the divinity, divinity. For him God is immortal by nature: this means that if he were actually to cease to be immortal, he would cease to be God. Thus God remains immortal in the incarnation, while nevertheless dying, in so far as he is a man.84 De Halleux lays out Philoxenus' basic arguments to demonstrate how the divine nature did not change in the Economy. God came into being without change, firstly because he exists without having become; secondly he did for us and not for himself; thirdly, 'because He came into being by will and not by nature' 85 . For Severus it meant that the 'difference' or distinction between the humanity and the divinity which was preserved in the hypostatic union. He made use of this term positively 86 . The word suhlopo was used to describe the way in which the sets of properties (diloyotho) of the two natures within a hypostatic union continue to exist within the union, while nevertheless avoiding being divided and apportioned out as though each property belonged to a self-subsistent hypostasis or prospon. Here property means the 83 NARSAI, A Homily on our Lord's Birth from the Holy Virgin, PO 40, p.47. 84 The letter to Zeno,p.164. 85 DE HALLEUX, Philoxene, pp 341 ff. 86 LEBON, Chalkedon, pp.537-38. The Harp

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difference of the natures of those elements that come together to the union 87 . Differences between East and West Syrian Fathers on some christological themes are also focussed here. For example the subject of hwo (Jn 1:14), East Syrian Fathers give much emphasis to the 'flesh' whereas West Syrian Fathers argues that it is the 'Word'which is the subject of the verb hwo\ 'He dwelt among us'-this 'us' for East Syrian Fathers is 'one of us' or referring to Christ's human body whereas several West Syrian Fathers refer to the Virgin. Reference to the 'temple' of Christ's body Jn 2.21 frequent in the East Syrian position was regarded with suspicion by West Syrian writers. Rev. Dr. Stephen Plathottathil OIC, Professor, SEERI, Kottayam. Kerala, India. E-mail: [email protected]

87 Severus, First letter to Sergius,p.75; CHESNUT, Three Chrystologies, p.55. Vol XXIV 20091

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ST. E P H R E M : A G A R L A N D O F PRAYER S O N G S Prayer Songs on Paradise, 2 (continued from page 284) 9.

Indeed, that Will for whom everything is easy constrains these abundant fountains of Paradise, confining them with land, like water channels; He summoned them to issue forth in our direction, just as He bound up the waters Prov. 30:4 in the bosom of His clouds, ready to be sent forth into the atmosphere at the bidding of His Will. (continued in page 328)

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Vahan S. Hovhanessian

ARMENIAN MANUSCRIPTS OF THE COMMENTARIES ON THE LETTERS OF THE APOSTLE PAUL ATTRIBUTED TO SAINT EPHREM THE SYRIAN Numerous books and articles have been published during the past century, and especially the past several years, examining the hymns and poetry of the fourth-century theologian, prolific poet, hymn writer and musician, St. Ephrem the Syrian (circa 306-373). Many scholars have researched and examined the influence of this great theologian from Nisibis on the liturgy, spirituality and theology of the Churches in the East and West. In fact, within several years of his death, St. Ephrem's works were already among the most popular spiritual resources for the Christian communities worshipping in Arabic, Armenian, Coptic, Georgian, Greek, Latin and Slavic. St. Ephrem's works clearly hold a special status in the Church writings of the early centuries of Christianity. The Armenian Church venerates St. Ephrem as one of the Doctors of the Church. His memory is commemorated on a feast day twice in the liturgical calendar of the Armenian Church—once on the Saturday closest to January first, and the second time on the VQI.-XXI V 2 0 0 9

311-327

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Saturday closest to October 26. The liturgy, spirituality and theology of the Armenian Church have clearly been influenced by the writings of St. Ephrem.1 This is demonstrated by the many prayers and hymns written by St. Ephrem that have been translated into Armenian and incorporated into the Armenian Church liturgy.2 St. Ephrem's comments on the books of the Bible have also been incorporated into many commentaries and scholia by the Armenian Church fathers. 3 Hundreds of manuscripts preserving the Armenian translation of the majority of St. Ephrem's writings are also an attestation of his extreme popularity among the Armenians of his time and his clear influence on the Church. Of special interest to scholars are his writings which have been preserved only in Armenian and those where the Armenian text offers a reading different from the text found in the Greek and Latin manuscript versions. Among these unique and noteworthy writings we mention St. Ephrem's commentaries on the books of Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Kings Chronicles, Acts and the Letters of the apostle Paul, as well as the greater part of Tatian's Diatessaron. The importance of the Armenian translations of the works attributed to St. Ephrem is twofold. First, these works are important for the critical study and analysis of the text of the books of the Bible because they were written well before the earliest Syriac and Greek versions known to us. In addition, they preserve the theology of the Aramaic-speaking people prior to the influence of Western philosophy and theology. Despite the valuable information in these writings, very little attention has been given to these translations. During the past decade two commentaries—one on the book of Genesis and one on Exodus-Deuteronomy—attributed to St. Ephrem have been translated 1

2 3

Fr. Garegin Zarbhanalian, Matenadaran haykakan t'argmanut'eanc' nakhneac' [Catalogue des anciennes traductions arméniennes (siecles iv-xiii)] (Venice: Mekhitarian Publishing, 1889), pp. 443-466; Abp. Norayr Bogharian, Cisagitut'iwn [Liturgy] (New York: St. Vartan Press, 1990), pp. 8-9. See for example, Vahan Hovhanessian, "A Medieval Armenian Scholion on the Catholic Epistles" in Exegesis and Hermeneutics in the Churches of the East, edited by Vahan Hovhanessian (New York: Péter Lang, 2009), pp. 121-132.

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4

to English by Edward G. Mathews, Jr. The paucity of the available scholarly work is even more startling when we focus on St. Ephrem's commentaries on the Epistles of Paul. In 1917, Joseph Schafers published his work in which he investigated the Gospel citations in the Armenian translation of Ephrem's commentary on Paul's letters.5 He concluded that the biblical quotations in the Armenian translation were based on a Syriac original. Two decades later, Joseph Molitor reached the same conclusion, highlighting the Syriac elements in the Armenian text of Paul's letters in the commentaries.6 Since then, however, not much has been published about these commentaries beyond the examination of the possible Syriac language of its original. This paper offers preliminary observations of the manuscripts and text of the Armenian version of the commentaries on the letters of Paul, highlighting certain aspects of their contents, style and theology in an effort to contribute to the scholarly discussion of their authorship and origin.

The Published Text and MSS Evidence In 1836, the Mekhitarist fathers in San Lazzaro, Venice, published the Armenian commentaries on the books of the Bible attributed to Saint Ephrem. 7 This text was published in four volumes, which included commentaries on the books of the Old Testament and the New Testament, as well as prayers and reflections attributed to 4

See Edward G. Mathews Jr., The Armenian Commentary on Genesis Attributed to Ephrem the Syrian. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium, Vol. 572, Tome 23 (Louvain: Peeters Publishers, 1998), The Armenian Commentaries on Exodus-Deuteronomy Attributed to Ephrem the Syrian. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium, Vol. 572, Tomes 25 and 26 (Louvain: Peeters Publishers, 2001), and Carmel McCarthy, "Saint Ephrem's Commentary on Tatian's Diatessaron by St. Ephrem." Vigiiiae Christianae, Vol. 50, No. 1 (1996): 89-93, and William L. Petersen, Tatian's Diatessaron. Its Creation, Dissemination, Significance and History in Scholarship (New York: E.J. Brill, 1994). 5 Joseph Schäfers, Evangelienzitate in Ephräm des syrers commentar zu den pauiinischen Schriften (Freiburg, 1917). 6 Joseph Molitor, Der Paulustext des HI. Ephräm (Rome, 1938). 7 Uppnjli bifipbLf[i funpfib UunpLnj WLULnbbuiqpnLptiLbg [Writings of Saint Ephrem Khori the Syrian], in four volumes, (Venice, \836"). \oi XXIV 2009

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Ephrem. Volume Three of this work includes Ephrem's commentaries on the letters of Paul [henceforth, Commentary].8 Almost half a century later, the Mekhitarist Fathers published a Latin translation of the same commentary.9 The text of Ephrem's commentaries published by the Mekhitarist Fathers is based on a single manuscript in the collection of the Mekhitarist Monastery in Venice. The publisher describes but does not identify the manuscript used to publish the edition. Comparing the description of the manuscript in the introduction of the book with the colophons of the various Armenian manuscripts in the Mekhitarist Monastery in Venice, helps us identify it as manuscript VI600—the oldest paper manuscript in the Mekhitarist collection. 10 This manuscript, copied in 999AD, includes commentaries on the letters of Paul by Ephrem followed by commentaries on the same letters by John Chrysostom. The published volume includes the commentaries attributed to St. Ephrem only. A preliminary examination of Armenian manuscript catalogues in several collections worldwide has identified twenty-seven manuscripts of Ephrem's commentaries." The following is a list of these manuscripts: 1) V1604 (old #420):12 This manuscript contains 317 folios (17X26.5). Its script is Bolorgir mixed with Erkatagir.13 It is dated to the 11th-12th century. 8 9 10

11

12

13

UklihriLptiLli QnpbqintuuLuh (dqpngh TluiLqnufi [Commentary on the Fourteen Letters of Paul], Commentary, vol. 3, (Venice, 1836). S. Ephraemi Syri Commentarii In Epístolas D. Pauli (Venice, 1893). The introduction describes the manuscript as "a copy of a commentary on the Epistles written with the old Bolorgir script in 999 AD, by a certain Simeon Vardapet in the Arcrun region during the reign of King Gagik the son of Asot." Commentary, vol. 1, p. 9. The list includes the manuscripts in the collections of the Mekhitarist Fathers in San Lazzaro, Venice, [V]; the Armenian Monastery of St. James, Jerusalem [J]; the Antelias collection, Lebanon [A]; the New Julfa collection, Iran [NJ] and the Matenadaran collection, Yerevan, Armenia [M], Barsegh Sargisean, Mayr C'uc'ak hayeren Dzeragrac' Matenadaranin Mxit'areanc'i Venetik [Grand Catalogue of the Armenian Manuscripts in the Mekhitarist Collection in in Venice], vol. 8, cols. 417-422. This is the earliest known Armenian script. It evolved through several

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This version of the commentary is copied by two scribes. The second scribe's portion of the text is in folios 158-240. This manuscript contains the commentaries on the letters of St. Paul attributed to St. Ephrem intermingled with those by John Chrysostom. Folios 8a-66b contain Ephrem's commentary on the letter to Romans, followed by "Reasons for First Corinthians" on folio 66b. The "Reasons for Ephesians" attributed to Ephrem is on folio 258, while "Reasons for Philippians" is on folio 289. 2) V1609 (old #111):14 This Armenian text of the 412 folios (17X23.5) of this manuscript is in Bolorgir. It is dated to 1608AD. It contains the commentaries on the letters of St. Paul by Ephrem intermingled with those of John Chrysostom. The commentary on 3 Cor attributed to St. Ephrem comes immediately after the saint's commentary on 2 Cor and before Gal, on folios 175b-180a. 3) V1612 (old #1514):15 This manuscript has 809 folios (15.5X21.2). The text is in Bolorgir. It is dated to 1719AD. The contents of this manuscript carefully follow those of the previous manuscript (V1609). It includes the commentary on 3 Cor on folios 304-311, which comes after the commentary on 2 Cor and before the one on Gal. 4) V1614 (old #436):16 This manuscript dated to the 18th century has 335 folios (14X19.5). Its text is in Notrgir.17 It contains the commentaries on the letters of St. Paul by Ephrem following an introductory section, folios 2a-54b. St. Ephrem's commentaries end on folio 319b and is followed by a commentary on the letter to Philemon attributed to

14 15 16 17

stages, the earliest of which is attributed to the founder of the Armenian alphabet, St. Mesrob. Sargisean, MayrC'uc'ak, vol. 8, cols. 451-464. Ibid., cols. 469-472. Ibid., cols. 473-478. The main feature of Notrgir (Armenian for "notary script") is its small and cursive characters. It is found mainly in the 17th and 18th-century Armenian manuscripts.

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John Chrysostom. This manuscript includes the commentary on 3 Cor attributed to St. Ephrem which comes immediately after the saint's commentary on 2 Cor and before Gal on folios 152a-56b. 5) V1619 (old #1296):18 This manuscript has 704 folios (16.2X19.2). Its text is a mixed Notrgir, dated to 1844AD. The manuscript contains the commentaries on the letters of St. Paul by Ephrem intermingled with those of John Chrysostom. However, the introductory comment on folio 1 introduces the commentaries as those of John Chrysostom. It reads, "Introduction: Abbreviated Commentary on the [Epistles of] the Apostle Paul by the Blessed John Chrysostom, the Bishop of Constantinople."19 It includes John Chrysostom's commentary on Philemon and lacks Ephrem's commentary on 3 Cor. 6) J234:20 This manuscript in the St. James collection, Jerusalem, has 588 folios (28X20). Its text is in Bolorgir. The manuscript, dated to 1603AD, is a collection of commentaries on the letters of Paul attributed to Anania of Sanahin. It includes commentaries mainly by Ephrem and John Chrysostom, but also of others including Origen. It includes Ephrem's commentary on 3 Cor on folios 242-247a. 7) J1284: 21 This 15th-century manuscript has 576 folios (18X13). Its text incorporated different scripts. This manuscript contains a collection of commentaries on the books of the Old Testament and New Testament including the letters of Paul. The commentary on the letters of Paul is attributed to Yovhannes Vorotnec'i, but in fact is a catena of commentaries attributed to Ephrem and John Chrysostom. Ephrem's commentary on 3 Cor are on folios 357a-364a. 18 Sargisean, MayrC'uc'ak, 19 Ibid, col. 483.

vol 8, cols. 4 8 3 - 4 8 6 .

2 0 A b p . N o r a y r B o g h a r i a n , Grand

Catalogue

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Manuscripts,

vol. 1 (Jerusalem: St. James, 1966), pp. 644-647. 21 Bogharian, Grand Catalogue, vol. 4, 1969, pp. 4 7 6 - 4 7 8 . The Hafp

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8) A26:22 This manuscript in the Antilias collection, Lebanon, has 194 folios (21.8X15.5). The manuscript's text in Notrgir, is dated to 1673AD. Its commentaries on the letters of Paul are attributed to Sts. Ephrem and John Chrysostom. Its commentary on 3 Cor attributed to St. Ephrem is on folios 84a-86a. 9) A61:23 This manuscript is a miscellany which includes 252 folios (20X14). Its text in Notrgir, is dated to the 17th century. Among a variety of documents copied in this miscellany are also the commentaries on the letters of Paul. It includes commentaries on all the letters of Paul attributed to John Chrysostom and Ephrem. Ephrem's commentary on 3 Cor is copied on folios 102a-106a. 10) NJ380: 24 This manuscript in the New Julfa, collection has 280 folios (31X19). This manuscript in Notrgir is a commentary on the letters of Paul attributed to Sts. Ephrem and John Chrysostom. The commentary of Ephrem on each of the letters of Paul comes after the one by John Chrysostom. The manuscript does not include Ephrem's commentary on 3 Cor. 11) NJ381: 25 This is a paper manuscript with 252 folios (16X9.5). The text is in Notrgir. It includes the commentaries on the letters of Paul to the Romans and Corinthians, excluding 3 Cor, attributed to Ephrem and John Chrysostom. 22 Anoushavan Vardapet Tariielian (now Bishop), Catalogue of the Armenian Manuscripts in the Collection of the Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia, 1984, pp. 185-186. 23 Tanielian, Catalogue, pp. 268-270. 24 Smbat Ter Avedisian, Katalog der Armenischen Handschriften in der Bibliothek des klosters in Neu-Djoulfa, Band I, Vienna, MechitharistenBuchdruckerei, 1970, pp. 580-581. 25 Ibid., pp. 581-582. Vol. XXIV 2009

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This manuscript in the Matenadaran collection in Yerevan has 267 folios (17.5X12.5). It is a miscellany in Bolorgir, which contains Ephrem's commentary on Gal, folios 69b-73b, followed by a segment of a commentary on 1 Cor, folios 73b-79b. Part of this commentary is identified in other manuscripts of the Matenadaran as John Chrysostom's commentary on 1 Cor. The third and final commentary in this manuscript is the one concerning the Letter to the Romans, folios 79b-9 la. 13) M1138:27 This is a miscellany dated to 1347AD which has 421 folios (25X17). Its text is in Bolorgir. It includes commentaries on the various books of the Bible attributed to several Armenian and nonArmenian fathers of the Church. The commentaries attributed to St. Ephrem are on the books of Kings and the "Fourteen Letters of Paul." The miscellany includes other writings attributed to St. Ephrem. 14) M1208: 28 This is a miscellany dated to 1739AD copied in Jerusalem. The Armenian script on its 477 folios (20.4X15) is in Notrgir. It is a collection of commentaries: Gevorg of Skewra's commentary on the Book of Isaiah, and a set of commentaries on the 14 letters of Paul attributed to Sts. Ephrem and John Chrysostom. 15) M3009: 29 This miscellany is dated to 1717AD. It has 442 folios (21.7X15.8) with Armenian script in Notrgir. It contains the commentary of Ignatius on the Gospel of Luke followed by the commentaries of 26 O. Yegavian, A. Zeytunian, A. Keoshkerian, General Catalogue of Armenian Manuscripts of the Mashtots Matenadaran, vol. 2 (Yerevan: Nairi Publishing House, 2004), p. 843. 27 O. Eganyan, A. Zeytunian and P. Antabyan, Catalogue of Armenian Manuscripts of the Mashtots Matenadaran, vol. 1, (Yerevan, 1965), col. 485. 28 Ibid., col. 501. 29 Ibid., col. 920. The Harp:

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St. Ephrem on the letters of Paul intermingled with those of St. John Chrysostom. 16) M3012: 30 This 18th-century manuscript has the title "The Commentary of John Chrysostom and Ephrem on the Letters of Paul." Its 342 folios (20.4X15.5) include the commentaries in Notrgir Armenian script. 17) M3276: 31 This manuscript is a 17th-century miscellany with 498 folios (19X13.5). It contains a variety of documents, such as "The Questions of the Muslim King and the Answers by Timothy" and several commentaries on the different books of the Bible by various fathers of the Church. Among the commentaries we find those attributed to St. Ephrem mixed with those of John Chrysostom on the letters of Paul. 18) M3371: 32 The text of the 386 folios (21X15.2) of this manuscript, dated to 1646AD, is in Bolorgir. The manuscript contains the commentaries attributed to Sts. Ephrem and John Chrysostom on the letters of Paul. 19) M3643: 33 This is a 15th-century miscellany with 114 folios (16.5X13) copied in Bolorgir. It includes commentaries on the letters of Paul attributed to Sts. Ephrem and John Chrysostom. The manuscript includes Ephrem's commentary on 3 Cor as well. 20) M3900: 34 This is a 17th-century miscellany with 299 folios (20X13) in Bolorgir. It contains commentaries on the letters of Paul by different authors and other documents. The final part of the manuscript contains the commentaries attributed to St. Ephrem on the letters of Paul. 30 31 32 33 34

Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid.,

col. 921. cols. 978-979. col. 999. col. 1055. cols. 1106-1107.

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All 354 folios (16.5X13) of this manuscript, dated to 1660AD, contain the commentaries on the letters of Paul attributed to Sts. Ephrem and John Chrysostom, copied in Bolorgir. 22) M5443: 3 6 This is a 13th-century miscellany with 408 folios (24.7X16) in Bolorgir. It contains the reasons for writing the letters of Paul attributed to St. Ephrem. 23) M5561: 3 7 This is a 12th-century miscellany with 385 folios (25X17) in Bolorgir. It contains the reasons for the letters of Paul attributed to John Chrysostom followed by the reasons for the letters of Paul attributed to St. Ephrem. 24) M5826: 3 8 This manuscript is dated to 1633AD and has 360 folios. It contains the commentaries on the letters of Paul attributed to Sts. Ephrem and John Chrysostom, in Bolorgir. 25) M7516: 3 9 This is an 18th-century miscellany in Notrgir. It has 287 folios (32.8X21). It contains commentaries on the various books of the Bible including those attributed to Sts. Ephrem and John Chrysostom on the letters of Paul. 26) M7910: 4 0 This 18th-century manuscript is titled, "The Commentary of John Chrysostom and Ephrem the Syrian on the Fourteen Letters of Paul." Its 558 folios (20.7X14.6) are in Notrgir. 35 36 37 38 39 40

Ibid., cols. 1149-1150. Ibid., vol. 2, col. 108. Ibid., col. 133-134 Ibid., col. 192. Ibid., col. 550. Ibid., col. 635.

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This is a 15th-century miscellany with 110 folios (16.7X12.5). It contains several commentaries on the various books of the Bible. The manuscript starts with the reasons for the letters of the apostle Paul. These manuscripts can be classified into three groups: 1) Commentaries on all the letters of Paul; 2) Commentaries on several of the letters of Paul; and 3) Rationale, or reasons, for writing the letters. The third category includes brief introductions to the letters of Paul, usually followed by the commentaries on the corresponding letters. It should be noted that usually in the case of the commentary on Hebrews, an introduction by John Chrysostom, Euthalius, Cyril of Jerusalem and/or Origen are also included. All twenty-seven manuscripts, including one exclusively (Matendaran 5443), contain Ephrem's commentary on Hebrews. This commentary is always inserted after his commentary on 2 Thes and before 1 Tim, thus indicating the location of this letter in the canon of the Pauline corpus of the author of the commentaries. Furthermore, all twenty-seven manuscripts lack the commentary on Philemon. The Mekhitarist publisher of the Armenian commentaries offers a plausible explanation for the absence of a commentary on Philemon, attributing it to the plainness and simplicity of the letter's contents.42 Some of the manuscripts listed earlier include a commentary on Philemon, attributed to St. John Chrysostom and not Ephrem. The commentaries in question are usually part of a miscellany, a collection of several documents in one manuscript, which in many cases includes John Chrysostom's commentaries and sometimes reflections by other Church fathers. Some manuscripts contain exclusively the commentaries of Sts. Ephrem and John Chrysostom on the letters of Paul. The titles of the commentaries in all the manuscripts identify the author of the commentary as "St. Ephrem the Syrian." In some manuscripts the commentaries bear the title "Commentary on the Fourteen Letters of Paul." Since the collection 41 Ibid., col. 1058. 42 Commentary, vol. 1, pp. 8-9. Vol. XXIV 2009

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does not include the letter to Philemon, the fourteenth letter in the list is usually Third Corinthians (3 Cor), which appears after 2 Cor and before Gal. The existence of 3 Cor in Ephrem's commentaries indicates the inclusion of this pseudepigraphon in the New Testament canon of the Syrian church during the fourth century.43 This is further attested by references to 3 Cor in the other writings of Ephrem.44 Thus, the list and sequence of the letters in almost all complete manuscripts of the commentaries of St. Ephrem are as follows: Rom, 1 Cor, 2 Cor, 3 Cor, Gal, Eph, Philip, Col, 1 Thes, 2 Thes, Heb, 1 Tim, 2 Tim and Titus.

Theology and Style Due to the fact that no manuscript containing the original Syriac text of St. Ephrem's commentaries on the letters of Paul has survived, it is impossible to conclude, by comparison, how authentic the Armenian translation is to the original. Until the discovery of the Syriac original version, one can examine the contents of the Armenian text searching for what scholars have identified as typical Ephraemic exegetical principals, theological emphases, and literary styles in the Armenian version of the commentaries on the letters of Paul.45 One of the main characteristics of Ephrem's writings, as in his hymns and commentary on the Diatessaron, is his display of great freedom in what he chooses to comment on.46 This practice can 43 Vahan Hovhanessian, Third Corinthians: Reclaiming Paul for Christian Orthodoxy {Hew York, 2000), 10-12. 44 Hovhanessian, Third Corinthians, 11. 45 Sebastian P. Brock, 'The Poet as Theologian,' Sobornost7 (1977), pp. 243-250; P. Leloir, 'Symbolisme et parallélisme chez Saint Ephrem,' in A la rencontre de Dieu. Mémorial Albert Gelin (Lyon, 1961), pp. 363374; P. Tanios Bou Mansour, La pensée symbolique de saint Ephrem le syrien (Kaslik, Lebanon, 1988); Carmel McCarthy, 'Gospel Exegesis from a Semitic Church: Ephrem's Commentary on the Sermon on the Mount,' in Tradition of the Text, Gerard J. Norton and Stephen Pisano, eds, (Freiburg, 1991), pp. 103-121; St. Ephrem's Commentary on Tatian's Diatessaron, Journal of Semitic Studies, Supplement 2, (Oxford, 1993), pp. 14-23; and P. Yousif, 'Exegetical Principles of St. Ephraem of Nisibis,' Studia Patristica (Oxford, 1990), pp. 296-302. 46 Kathleen McVey, ed., St. Ephrem the Syrian (New York, 1989), pp. 43-44. The- Hatp

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easily be detected in the Armenian commentaries on the letters of Paul. Sometimes Ephrem quotes a paragraph or more of a Pauline letter verbatim with a brief comment or no comment at all. At other times he focuses on one word or phrase and offers a lengthy reflection on it. In the commentary on Romans, for example, we find an interpretation of Wo paragraphs on the word 'called' (Rom 1:1), whereas the commentary on the entire second chapter is one paragraph. 47 Furthermore, the author's personal comments are usually intertwined with the biblical text in the Commentary. At times, one needs to decide whether the inserted words in the text represent Ephrem's personal comments or are variations of the biblical text, which in turn may reflect the version of the Bible used by Ephrem. Elaborating on Gal 1:1-2, for example, the commentary reads, "Paul,48 an apostle not from men, [that is neither from Simeon nor through Simeon], but through Jesus Christ, [He who appeared to me on the way to Damascus], and through God the Father, who raised Him from the dead. [For He revealed concerning His resurrection to all the heretics who are in denial of his resurrection]."49 Similar to his other authentic writings, the Commentary focuses on many dangers threatening the Christian community of Ephrem's time.50 These threats arose mainly from the influence of the teachings of heretics such as Marcion, Bardaisan and Mani on the fourthcentury Syrian Church. According to the commentary attributed to St. Ephrem on Third Corinthians, for example, the main purpose of writing this entire letter was to refute the 'doctrine of the teachers from the house of Bardaisan.'51 In the introduction to the letter to Galatians as well as throughout the commentary, a certain "Simeon" 47 Commentary, vol. 3, pp. 8 and 12. 48 The quoted statements in the Commentary are usually introduced by the Armenian word bay, which is a clear syriacism. 49 Ibid., 124. The square brackets are inserted to highlight the portions of the commentary not found in the biblical text of Galatians. 50 McCarthy, St. Ephrem's Commentary, p. 12. 51 Commentary, pp. 117-8. See also Hovhanessian, Third Corinthians, pp. 126-127, E. Beck, 'Bardaisan und seine Schule bei Ephram,' Le Museon 91 (1978), pp. 271-333. In Galatians, the commentary mentions a certain heretic by the name of Simeon who was disturbing the community in Galatia. Vol. XXIV 2009

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[Shimavon] and his followers are mentioned as those who were disturbing the Christian community in Galatia,52 and the cause for the Apostle to react and write the letter.53 The commentaries on the other letters of Paul target different heretics of the time. Supporting his comments with abundant quotations or indirect references from the Bible, and especially the Old Testament, is another characteristic of Ephrem's writings. This practice is widespread throughout the Commentary. A quick glance at chapter three of the commentary on Romans, for example, reveals over 12 direct and many other references to quotations from the Old Testament used by the author to support his commentary. This does not include the quotations used by the Apostle himself in the text of Romans 3.54 The author's comments on 1 Cor 6 ends with an anthology of quotations from the various books of the Bible, including other letters of the apostle Paul.55 At times, Ephrem intertwines scriptural stories by way of allusion rather than by direct quote.56 Expanding on Paul's question in Rom 3:1, "what is the value of circumcision?" the commentator weaves a compilation of indirect references to verses from Gen 16 and 17.57 Another characteristic of Ephrem's poetic writings and hymns is the development of the theological tension between God's grace and His righteousness or justice. Sebastian Brock asserts that this is one of the many post-biblical Jewish literary genres and theological themes that are not attested in Christian sources except in Ephrem's writings.58 The New Testament is the expression of God's grace as the completion of the Old Testament, which Ephrem sees as an expression of God's justice.59 Ephrem's comments on the phrase 52 This "Simeon" cannot be the apostle Peter since the latter is identified by the name "Peter" in the commentary on Galatians. Commentary, p. 127. 53 See Commentary, pp. 124-5, 128 and elsewhere. 54 Commentary, pp. 13-15. 55 Commentary, p. 63. 56 McCarthy, St. Ephrem's Commentary, p. 17. 57 Commentary, p. 13. 58 S. Brock, The Luminous Eye. The Spiritual World Vision of St. Ephrem (Kalamazoo, 1992), p. 20. 59 Ibid., p. 18. The Harp

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"there is no condemnation for them who are in Christ Jesus" in Rom 8:1, for example, becomes the reason for him to bring in the details of his discussion of grace in the New Testament versus justice in the Old Testament. He concludes, "For there is judgment in the New Testament as there is grace in the Old Testament. Indeed, a taste of both exists in both Testaments. However, the strictness of justice in the Old Testament prevented humanity and locked it in its sin, as much as the abundance of grace in the New Testament tore the receipt of sin and liberated all."60 Ephrem's plays on words in his writings testify to a prolific and at times playful style of writing. This style, obviously, is best recognized in the original language in which the commentaries were written. However, similar plays on words are found throughout the Armenian commentaries on the letters of Paul as well. For example, discussing Paul's comment in Rom 5, in reference to Christ's death and its redemptive consequences for us, the author of the commentary offers a play on the name Adam saying, "He spoke to the face of one sinful Adam. And began to demonstrate to Adam by Adam."61 Obviously, in the mind of the commentator, the three Adams are references to the first created human being, man in general and the New Adam—Jesus Christ. In Chapter Six of his commentary on Romans, discussing Paul's comment on dying with Christ through Baptism, the author personifies "death" saying, "Thus, for example, as Christ rose from the dead and will never die again because death, which was a necessity as a punishment for sin, itself died. Likewise, you have died for the same sin in your dying bodies.' 62 Elaborating on Rom 15:8—"Christ has become a servant of the circumcised"—the commentator says, "Although Christ Jesus was circumcised, the truth is that He became the circumcision. That is to say, He replaced circumcision, in order to confirm the promise of the fathers. Our Lord put on a circumcised body, for the circumcised fathers."63 60 Commentary, p. 30. 61 Ibid., p. 21. 6 2 Ibid., p. 23. 6 3 Ibid., p. 48. Vol. XXIV 2009!

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Ephrem's frequent use of symbolism and his love for paradox, which is considered one of the most distinctive and pervasive characteristics of his literary style,64 is frequently encountered in the Armenian Commentary. Elaborating on the Apostle's teaching regarding the believers dying and rising with Christ through Baptism in Rom 6, the commentator adds, "Likewise we will rise at that time and flourish like a vine-branch over waters that flow within us from Baptism."65 Among the imageiy found several times in the Armenian commentary on the letters of Paul are concepts such as the law of the Old Testament being so powerless that it is likened to a sick person who cannot take care of itself, let alone saving others, or to a slave who himself is powerless. In Rom 8, an ailing person is used as the symbol for the old laws, who according to the Commentary, "were ailing, for they were not capable to forgive and pity the transgressors." 66 Continuing his comments, the author makes a paradoxical comparison, likening the sacred laws of the Jews to a slave, "The laws were slaves, because they were given through a slave. And a slave cannot redeem another slave."67 The followers of the old law are also depicted as ailing people. In the commentary on 1 Cor 1:1, the author refers to the Christians of Corinth as "the church, which has become ailing" because the Corinthians have reverted back to the observance of the old rituals and practices.68 Similar reference is found in the commentary on Gal 1:2 where we read, "To those churches which are in the vicinities of Galatia, which were made sick by the teachings of the Hebrews."69 The sentiment against the Jews of the time of Jesus and the Apostles, expressed in the verse quoted previously, is another characteristic of the authentic writings of Ephrem, which surfaces in several pages of the Armenian commentaries as well. In the 64 Commentary on Genesis, trans. E. G. Mathews and J. P. Amar (Leuven, 1998), p. 44. 65 Commentary, p. 23. 66 Ibid., p. 31. 67 Ibid. Another example of symbolism used in the Armenian commentaries is Israel's image as a sinful and disloyal wife (Rom 7). 68 Ibid., p. 52. 69 Ibid., p. 124. For another example, see p. 128. The Harp

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introductory paragraph to the commentary on Gaiatians, the commentator identifies the trouble-making teachers as "the Hebrews.. .who came to add the observance of the Old Testament."70 He elaborates on Paul's statement in Gal 3:28 modifying it to read, "After the forgiveness of baptism, you are no longer arrogant Jews."71 In addition to the above, theological themes prominent in Ephrem's genuine writings are also encountered in the Armenian version of the commentaries on the letters of Paul. This includes his dealing with the doctrine of incarnation, man's free will versus God's will, and asceticism as well as others. Examining these themes, however, will take us beyond the scope of this brief communication.

Conclusion If anything, this brief glance on the Armenian translation of the commentaries on the letters of Paul attributed to St. Ephrem leads us to conclude that much more is needed to be explored and examined in this valuable collection of commentaries. Our reading of the Armenian text of the Commentary confirms the findings of earlier research, almost a century ago, that the Armenian version must be a translation from a Syriac original. The observations in this paper support the argument that the writing style and theology of these commentaries are in agreement with the style and theology of Ephrem's authentic writings. As such, one can assume an Ephraemic authorship for these commentaries or of a parent version for them. One can also argue for at least attributing its authorship to a student of Ephrem or a member of the Ephraemic school. A conclusive decision demands much longer and comprehensive analyses of the Commentary which takes us beyond the parameters of this paper. Vahan S. Hovhanessian, Ph.D Professor of Biblical Studies, St. Nersess Armenian Orthodox Seminary, New York [email protected] 70 Ibid., p. 124. 71 Ibid., p. 131. Vol XXIV 2009

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ST. EPHREM: A GARLAND OF PRAYER SONGS Prayer Songs on Paradise, 2 (continued from page 310) 10. When He made this intricate design He varied its beauties, so that some levels were far more glorious than others. To the degree that one level is higher than another, so too is its glory the more sublime. In this way He allots the foothills to the most lowly, the slopes to those in between and the heights to the exalted. (continued in page 354)

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LORD'S PRAYER: C O N C E R N FOR 'FATHER'S MATTERS' According to Jacob of Saroug (f 521) Preliminary Remarks: This article deals with the first part of the Lord's Prayer as explained by Jacob of Saroug in his homily (jtiimro) on the Lord's Prayer. The first three petitions of the Lord's Prayer are concerned with Father's matters: the sanctification of God's name, the coming of His Kingdom and the accomplishment of His Will. The last of these petitions, dealing with the Will of the heavenly Father, corresponds to the area of interest and life commitment of Fr. Abraham Kalakudi, who, as a Canon Law expert, always cared for the accomplishment of the Will of the Law-Giver in carrying out the various ministries entrusted to him. This detail motivated me to include this article in this special issue of the Harp that purports to honour Fr. Abraham Kalakudi, who continues to serve SEERI as its Director of Publications. Introduction to Mor Jacob of Saroug's Homily on the Lord's Prayer: This article is based on the Syriac text that was edited by Paul Bedjan in his Homiliae Selectae, Mar —Jacobi Sarugensis, Vol. 1, (Paris 1905), pp 212-248. It is the 10lh homily (mimro) published in Vol XXIV 2 0 0 9

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this volume. Its title is: 'al sluto d'alep Moran l-talmidaw(hy): Abun d- ba-smayo: "On the Prayer, which Our Lord taught His disciples: Our Father who (art) in heaven". Paul Bedjan took this text from the following 5 manuscripts: (i). London, Add. 17157, f. 35 a (ii). Rome, Vat. Syr. 117, f. 273, 35 (iii). Rome, Vat. Syr. 118, f. 147 a (iv). Paris, Syr. 195, f. 22v (v). Paris, Syr. 196, f. 2251 This Homily, having 375 couplets or stanzas (= 750 lines), has not yet been studied scientifically nor translated fully into any of the modern languages. It is, however to be noted, that one of SEERI's M.A. (Syriac) students, Sr. Fereale Elias Younes, dealt with it by partially translating it into French and providing a short French commentary, in her M.A.(Syriac) dissertation in 2004. Sr. Mary Magdalene, a research student of SEERI, will be working on it, evidently on a much wider perspective in view of her Ph.D. thesis to be submitted to the Mahatma Gandhi University, Kottayam, Kerala, India. As already mentioned, the purpose of the present article, very limited indeed, is to expose some of the main ideas of Jacob of Saroug (1521) on the Lord's Prayer, which gradually became the 'Prayer par excellence of the Christians' 2 in their liturgical and spiritual life. As for commentaries on the Lord's Prayer by the Church Fathers and ot her early Christian Writers 3 , and the history 1 2

3

Paul Bedjan, Homiliae Selectae Mar Jacobi sarugensis, vol.1, p. X Cfr 'Notre Père: A. Gonzalez, 'Prière', in Dictionnaire de la Bible, supplément, Vol. VIII (PIT-PRO), Paris 1972, Col. 555-666, especially Col.597-666. "De cette prière du Seigneur, le christianisme a lait sa prière par excellence": Col. 599. Here are a few references regarding the history of the Lord's Prayer: Didache (100 - 150 A.D.) - 'The Lord's instruction to the gentiles through the twelve Apostles, has among its liturgical instructions a prescription on the recital of the Lord's Prayer: "The recital of the Lord's Prayer three times daily is for the faithful a matter of obligation". 'Didache'in J. Quasten, Patrology, Vol.1, Utrecht-Antwerp 1950,1975, p. 31. Tertullian (155-220) De Oratione, contains the earliest surviving expositions of the Pater Noster, Ibid, p.296-297; Origen (185 - 2 5 3 TheHafp

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of its use in Liturgy , Baptism, Eucharist, Breviary etc. and in spirituality, this task, although very important and useful, cannot be undertaken here because of the limited scope of this article. I leave it to future researchers. In the exposition my comments are reduced to the minimum, so that the readers may get a taste of the spiritual

4

AD)De Oratione, especially its 2nd part deals with the Lord's Prayer. This is the oldest scientific discussion on Christian prayer, Ibid., Vol. II, p.66-69. Ephrem (+373): For the text of Ephrem's commentary on the Lord's Prayer in English, and comments on it, see Martin Hogan, Ephrem's Commentary on the Lord's Prayer, Ephrem's Theological Journal, vol.3, no.1, March 1999, p.31 - 4 4 . Cyril of Jerusalem (315387) Catechetical Lectures, Ibid., p.366.; Gregory of Nyssa (335-394) De Oratione dominica, Homilies 2 to 5 explain the various petitions of the Lord's Prayer. Ibid. Vol. Ill, p.267-268.; Theodore of Mopsuestia (+428) Catechetical Homily XI on the Lord's Prayer: in A Mingana Commentary of Theodore of Mopsuestia on the Lord's Prayer and on the sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist, (Woodbrooke Studies, Vol. VI), Cambridge, 1933.: Syriactext, p. 130-142; translation, p. 1-16. Narsai (+c. 502 AD), R.H. Connolly, The Liturgical Homilies of Narsai, (Texts and Studies, vol.VII), Edinburgh909, p. 30,82. Three witnesses of the Lord's Prayer. Mt 6, 9-13; Lk XI, 2-4; Didache VIII, 2. Regarding its recital 3 times a day - see Didache, the most important document of the sub apostolic period: "The recital of the Lord's Prayer three times daily is for the faithful a matter of obligation", see footnote no. 3. On its use at the beginning of all the prayers, Aphrahat (mid 4th cent.) writes: "At the beginning of all your prayers you should pray the Prayer of Our Lord" Demonstration IV, 19: see S. Brock, The Syriac Fathers on Prayer and Spiritual Life, Kalamazoo 1987, p.25. Narsai (t c 502 A.D.) has the following: All prayers begin and end with the Lord's Prayer: "Then all in the altar and without in the congregation pray the prayer which that life giving mouth taught. With it do (men) begin every prayer, morning and evening; and with it do they complete all the rites (or mysteries) of Holy Church. This, it is said, is that which includes all prayer, and without it no prayer is concluded"p.30; see footnote 3. See also 'Additional Notes (2). :" Ishoyab III did not prescribe the recital of the Lord's Prayer either at the beginning or the end of the offices; it was Timothy I who introduced it. Why did he introduce it? For this discussion by George of Arbel," see footnote no. 3, p. 80; For controversy on its use see also: J.S. Assemanus, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino -Vaticana.Vol. II Roma. 448, Vol. Ill I, p. 200. For short references and comments of the Syriac Fathers on the Lord's Prayer, like Martyrius Sahdona (1st half of 7th cent.) Isaac of Nineveh (2nd half of 7th cent.), see S. Brock, The Syriac Fathers ...p.236-237 and 287-288. Vol. XXIV 2009

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thoughts that our author skillfully brought out from the various petitions of the Lord's Prayer.5 The Apostles as the most docile group The direct and the immediate addressees, to whom the Lord dictated His Prayer, are His disciples. It is they who wanted to learn it and asked for it. And Jacob of Saroug sensed the importance of these addressees and dedicated several stanzas to highlight their role. The title of the homily specifies them as the direct beneficiaries. "On the Prayer which Our Lord taught His Disciples". Therefore it is quite logical that the commentator focuses his attention on 'the disciples' and explains who they are and how disposed they are to receive their Master's teaching on Prayer. They are the 'chosen ones' of the Son of God, who holds the key (klido)6 to open every creature, and whose compassion was poured out in full flow on the sick, the blind, the deaf, the dead etc. He walked on earth to uproot the thorns and to sow peace on grounds devastated by the Serpent7. He chose for Him Apostles, in order to send them to countries, so that He might bring through them the whole universe (brito kuloh) back to His Father8. They were the "twelve hours" which the Sun, Christ, took for Himself, in order to gather and make out of them one day (opposed to night) of great light {had 'imomo d-nuhro rabof. They served Him as the twelve steps (dargin), so that He, the Sun, could ascend, descend and shed His brightness (denheh) in countries covered with darkness10. They, the twelve rays (semhe) came out like lightning (barqe) from the sphere of justice after the night that covered the earth". They were 5 6

7 8 9 10 11

For an excellent spiritual commentary on the Lord's Prayer, see, 'Das Gebet des Herrn' in Joseph Ratziivger (now H.H. the Pope Benedict XVI), Jesus von Nazareth, Herder, Freibourg 2006, Ch. V.„ p 161-205. "d-a(n)t hw qlido w-bok metpathon kuJ beryoto". You are the key, and with you are open all creatures. Jacob of Sarug, Homily on Our Father in Heaven (Henceforward: JSHLP (=Jacob of Saroug's Homily on the Lord's Prayer) in P. Bedjan, Horn. Sei... Vol. 1, p.214, line 1, St. 19). Ibid St. 35, p.215,1. 11-12. Ibid St. 36,1. 13-14. Ibid St. 37,1. 15-16. Ibid St. 38,1. 17-18. Ibid St. 39,1. 19-20.

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the "twelve renowned brave men", simple, innocent and without malice12. Their wealth and wisdom were not of this world. He chose fishermen, who were neither wealthy nor wise, because the way of the Son does not seek sophistication. In order that He might trample upon the world's wealth and wisdom(s), He chose the simple ones (hedyute) to publish on earth His Gospel (Koruzuteh)13. For Jacob of Saroug, Christ and His Apostles were so interlinked that he multiplies, for purpose of emphasis, verbs expressing communion, illumination and enrichment. They loved Him, held on to Him and were joined to Him; They were illumined by Him, they were mingling with Him and were enriched by Him 14 . They followed their Master, abandoning their houses and possessions: For the sake of His love they abandoned the world and went after Him; They hated possessions in order to possess Him lovingly. - They gave up family, children, brothers, also-parents and ancestral home, and went with Him according to His Will15. His disciples listened to His word, to everything He said and as He said, because they lived to walk in Him alone. He taught them not to possess gold and silver, and they seized His command like a great treasure Penyono rabo16. He taught them not to be worried about what they should speak, and they did not desire to speak out before judges and rulers, if not through Him 17 . Thus far, our author was depicting the high sensitivity and prompt receptivity of the disciples for everything that Jesus said, instructed, 12 13 14 15 16 17

Ibid St. 40,1. 2 1 - p . 216, I. 1. Ibid St. 41-42, p. 216,1. 2-5. Ibid St. 43,1. 6-7. Ibid St. 4-4 - 45,1. 8-11. Ibid St. 46 - 47, I. 12-15. Ibid St. 4 8 - 5 1 , 1 . 16-17.

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taught and did. They cared continuously to do whatever their Master taught. Now the background is ready. The Apostles are prepared and disposed now to receive His teachings on Prayer. Now they are made ready, by our author, to request their Master to teach them to pray. Quoting partially Mathew's wordings, Jacob writes: They said to Him: Teach us, O Lord, to pray, so that they may not ever say even a prayer without Him18. The teaching of the Prayer by the Son was in fact a preparation and initiation for His disciples to speak before His Father. They did not want to utter even a prayer before the Father and also before the Son, if not through the prayer which the Son taught. That is why they asked Him to teach them to pray. They were prepared to speak out neither before His Father, nor before Himself through prayers, without Him19. And the Lord was pleased with their request20. The Lord's Prayer: the Prayer par excellence21 Jacob of Saroug has several stanzas stressing the unique nature of the Lord's Prayer. In it the Son of God placed a 'great weapon' (zaino rabo, 70) and gave it to His Apostles so that they might resist with it the attack of the adversary (akelqarso)22. A person may have in his prayer myriads of petitions; but the Son of God limited them all to ten sentences (me/e)23. In fact our author refers to his own singable version of the Lord's Prayer, composed in 5 stanzas, each consisting of two lines. Again, Jacob of Saroug highlights the sufficiency of this prayer compared to all supplications of all kinds. We read: "The whole force of all the supplications of all who are in need, He confined in this short prayer and gave to His Apostles" 24 . 18 19 20 21

Ibid St. 49,1.18-19. Ibid St. 52, p. 217,1. 3-4; Ibid St.54,1. 7-8. Indebted to A. Gonzalez, Cfr. Note 2. Lord's Prayer has special power and contains divine teachings on prayer, see G.W.H. Lampe, A Patristic Lexicon, Oxford 1961,, 1968, 1972: "Euche" especially (J) on the Lord's Prayer, p. 580-584. 22 JSHLP, St. 70, p. 218, I. 19-20. 23 Ibid, St. 71,1. 19-20. 24 Ibid, St. 72, p. 219,1. 1-2. The Harp

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The prayer that He taught them includes in it petitions for all that one needs for life - holen d- 'olson 25. Hence one should not multiply words nor make supplications for 'superfluities, while praying. The uniqueness of the Lord's Prayer is that the Son of God himself taught it. Jacob of Saroug stresses this feature by incorporating the verb "He taught" ( a l e p ) in so many lines that one cannot simply ignore its significance. Alluding to the Jewish custom of Rabbis teaching their disciples prayers, our author writes that Jesus also taught His disciples a prayer - as a 'great Scribe' ( S o p h r o rabo), who regarded their request as 'something beautiful': -

Teach us, Lord, to pray, they said to Him, so that we may not stir up even a prayer to the Father, if not from you.

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The disciples asked (Him) to teach them to pray; and this question of love brightened and pleased the Son of God.

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And the 'Great Scribe' began to teach the 'partakers of His mysteries' how they should pray, when they pray26.

The teacher of the prayer is not a mere, ordinary scribe; He is the 'Great Scribe'27 and much more than a Scribe. He is the 'Son of God' or simply 'the Lord' or 'Our Lord" (Moran) or the Son of God who desires each day that every one should live. (Bar Aloho dbo'e kulyum nehe kulnos 2S). As a prayer that was taught, it is also a prayer that a Christian has to learn and recite as he has learnt. On account of this reason you have learnt to call the Father 'Our Father' so thatfromthe very start he (Satan) should know 'who your Father is'29. Jacob of Saroug qualifies it as the lovely prayer (mo sapiro) that the Son of God taught us. The compilers of the West Syriac Breviary (Sh?imo) included this appreciation in a full quotation among the 'Sutoro' prayers of Thursday of the week: It is found in the Bo 'utho of Jacob of Saroug for Thursday. It runs as follows: 25 26 27 28 29

Ibid, St. 235, p. 234,1. 13-14. Ibid, St. 53-55, p. 217,1. 5-10. Ibid, I. 9. Jbid St. 302, p. 241,1.3-4. Ibid St. 105, p.222,1. 4-5.

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How lovely is the prayer, which the Son of God taught us. Blessed is he who keeps it in his soul and meditates upon it. All the beauty of justice and perfection is found there for him, who takes pains to make it his prayer30. The Lord's Prayer further suffices to get all the concrete petitions granted by God's providence. This is the prayer that suffices to grant all petitions to the one who prays for divine assistance31. The expression 'purnose alohoye' could also be translated as 'divine supplies' or 'godly sustenance'. Another key feature of this prayer is its power to promote all its discreet users to perfection in God's house: He who wants to be perfect (gmiro) in God's house, should be discreetly standing with this prayer32. In the following few stanzas, Jacob of Saroug continues to underline some more features of this prayer like its divine origin, its guarantee of acceptance and its shaping according to the Father's mind. This is the prayer given by the 'Receiver of prayers';33 He taught us how one should pray while praying. The 'Son who introduces all petitions to His Father' 34 , taught you how you should speak to His Father when you pray. It is according to the mind of the hidden Father that He composed the Prayer and placed in your mouth, so that you may pray to Him according to His mind. 30 The Book of Common Prayer (Awsar Slawoto Vol.1), SEERI, Kottayam.2006, p. 622: Syriac text; p. 623: English translation; JSHLP, St.272-3, p.238,1. 5-8. 31 JSHLP, St. 229, p.234,1. 1-2. 32 Ibid St. 230, p.234,1. 3-4. 33 A title of Christ, considerably common in W. Syriac prayers: mqablono da-slawoto'. A prayer formulated and taught by the "Receiver of Prayers' himself, confers a guarantee of acceptance. 34 Another title of Christ, suggesting the intercessory role of Christ. The Harp

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He wanted to show you, how He wants you to speak to Him (i.e. His Father), because it is according to His will that you should be speaking when you pray. And as you have learnt, so is it just to pray, because all things that are necessary for you will be found in it35. The Lord's Prayer concerns every one. It is addressed to all human beings - 'la-bnainoso kulhun' : -

The Son of God taught this prayer to all human beings, so that they all may benefit from his teaching36.

The Lord's Prayer is every man's prayer. It responds to and is in conformity with human nature. Everything that the nature needs to receive from God is deposited in this prayer. In truth the whole world is to benefit from this prayer by learning it. -

Everything that (human) nature needs to receive from God, He placed it in the prayer and gave to His Apostles, so that the world may learn37.

The Lord's Prayer is destined for the world. It is to be learned and to be recited as one has learnt it. To conclude this first part on Jacob of Saroug's depiction of the Lord's Prayer in general and as a whole, I wish to add one more citation that exhibits it as the glorious and illustrious prayer filled with virtues of justice. -

Glorious, great and filled with the beauties of justice [is] the prayer that the Son of God taught, so that a person may pray38.

Abun -the most powerful invocation The Lord's Prayer begins with Abun - Our Father 39 . This opening word became also its name. This first word is endowed 35 36 37 38 39

JSHLP, St. 231-235; p. 234, I. 5-14. Ibid, St. 312; p. 242,1. 1-2. Ibid, St. 316, P.242,1. 9-10. Ibid, St. 315, p. 242,1. 7-8. For modern comments on 'Abun', see Ratzinger... p.169-176: This invocation makes the L.P. a prayer of great trust. See also George, Bishop of Arabs, Explanation of the mysteries of the Church in Andreas Heinz, Die Euchartiefeier in der Deutung Syrischer Lifurgieerklarer, Sophia-33, Paulinus, Trier, 2000, p.32

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with far and deep implications, as we perceive in the stanzas that build up the first section of Jacob of Saroug's interpretation. Our author develops his thoughts on ' Abun' in 37 couplets (= 74 lines, p. 219, line 3 - p. 222, line 13). Through the very first word, we are taught to call God'Abun' - Our Father. This supreme divine invocation has by itself annihilating repercussions and an exorcism effect on man's adversary. Through the veryfirstword that He taught (us) to call "Abwi" Our Father, the entire strength of the Enemy will be put out. For our captain (rab hailari) knows our enemy, How bold he is and how he hates humans; how jealous, how hostile and how injurious he is; and where he finds an occasion to overcome, he would do harm; the lover of evil is determined to destroy and intent on crime; he is skilled to kill; the provoker of contention rejoices in blood. He teaches destruction and alert for fighting in battle; and as soon as one stands in prayer he (too) will stand at his side. If possible, he would wickedly shut the mouth of every one, when he prays, so that he may not pray. He hates prayer; perturbs it and disturbs it; he tramples upon prayer, and if it is easy for him, he will prevent it40. Through similar verses our author eloquently continues to describe Satan's traps and tricks aimed at preventing people from prayer. It is Satan's habit to disturb those who pray at the starting point itself. For Jacob of Saroug, this is the motivation for the Lord, to place 'Abun' as the first word of the Lord's Prayer. For this reason Our Lord permitted His Apostles to call "Our Father" at the beginning of the prayer He taught. As soon as you draw near to pray, you should say "Our Father" so that the evil one whofightswith you, may know who your Father is. 40 JSHLP, St. 73-79, p. 219,1. 3-16. The Harp

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Let him not comerightat the beginning of the combat with his tyranny, while not knowing that you have a Father above in heaven, and while treating you with contempt as one from a weak race, he may wage the battle with you and heap scorn on you through his tyranny. For this reason you have learnt to call the Father "Our Father", so that from the very beginning he may know, who your Father is. As soon as he hears that you have Father above in heaven, he will be perturbed and his legs will shake as he fights.41 One should call upon the heavenly Father, Jacob of Saroug writes, like a child who cries out for help to his valiant father 42 . The mere calling upon such a father would turn away the enemy of the child: You resemble a child who is weak and has a valiant father; when he is attacked, he calls upon his father to fight; And his adversary, as soon as he hears the child crying out toliis father, will become weak and escape, because he is weak to face the Valiant. Thus, you too should call "Our Father", as you are commanded, so that the evil one may flee on hearing who your Father is 43 . May Your Name (smok) be sanctified! Regarding the theological and spiritual implications in the petition regarding God's holy name,44 at first one notices that it is closely linked to the hallowing of God's holy name in us who are weak. It means our sanctification: "Our Father who art in heaven, may Your name be sanctified" you say to Him; May we be sanctified, because Your Name is in us: Lord, sanctify us. Your name is invoked upon us: may it be sanctified in us for Your sake. You are holy: may it be sanctified in us, the weak ones 45 . 41 Ibid, St. 101-106, p.221,1. 16, p.222, I. 7. 42 For the two dimensions of God's Fatherhood, see Ratzinger 169-176. 43 JSHLP, St. 107 - 109, p. 222,1. 8-13. 44 See Ratzinger... Geheiligt werde Dein Name, p. 176-179. 45 JSHLP, St. 110-111,1. 15-18. Vol XXIV 20091

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As mentioned earlier, the Lord's Prayer brings to us an immense wealth ('utro malyo). It should, in fact make us aware 'how great we are', because we have in our Father a great King and we, though mere dust, attain a sublime stature. It teaches you that you have a Father (who is) a great King; Your soul is exalted: what a rank did your dust reach!46 This rank is that of God's 'adopted sons'. Here our author carefully and repeatedly distinguishes our status as God's sons from that of God's own Son, who is simply 'Bar Aloho' (God's Son) or Bro d-Aloho' (the Son of God), while we the humans become 'bro I'Aloho' (= 'a son to God') children to God47. The Lord's Prayer highlights the sublime benefits of incarnation and the Menschwerdung of God's Son. Man is raised to become a "son" to God like His own Son and a 'brother' to His unique Son, who became 'our Brother'. The Son of God descendedfromthe heights and became man (barnoso), and from within the abyss He made you ascend, so that you became a son to God. To you He became a brother (aho) from within the womb filled with holiness, and made you His brother [ahu(h)y] from within the womb of baptism48. Here are Jacob's own words that describe the divine exchange brought about in the incarnation: He became man for your sake, while being God, so that you may become with Him a son to God, while you, remaining human being. 4 6 Ibid, St. 113, p.222, I. 20-21. 4 7 Ibid, e.g. St. 114, p. 223,1.2; St. 116,1. 6; St. 118,1.9; St. 119,1.12. 4 8 Ibid, St. 114 -115, p. 223, I. 1-4. Christ and we were born from the same womb of baptism: we became His brothers and sons of the heavenly Father. For such thoughts, see: T h e Liturgical commentaries of George, Bishop of the Arabs ( f 7 2 4 ) , Moses Bar Kepha ( t 9 2 3 ) and Dionysius bar Salibi (f1171), in Andreas Heinz, Die Eucharistiefeier in der Deutung Syrischer Liturgieerklärer (Sophia, Quellen Östlicher Theologie, Vol. 33) Trier, 2000, especially pp 96-103. The Harp

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He made Himself poor, while being rich, for your sake, so that you, being poor, may possess (His) wealth for His sake. A son to God, He made you with Himself, from within the waters, so that He, while being the unique (Son), might acquire brothers through the second birth. For, He too, became man through the second birth; through the second birth He made you a son to God 49 . One should always keep in mind this God-given rank and honour while reciting the Lord's Prayer. And in the following stanzas Jacob of Saroug reminds us of this. And so that you may not forget, who your father is, when you pray, He taught you to invoke 'Our Father in Heaven' at the beginning of your petition50. It should make you feel great, because you are of a great race, elevated to the order of God's children and Christ's brothers. 'Abun d-ba-smayo' recited at the very start of the prayer has, thus makes an ennobling effect on the suppliants. It has also a threatening role on the Enemy, who hears it. [He taught you to call 'Abun d-ba-smayo'] so that your soul may be magnified from the remembrance of (your) great race, and that your Enemy may fear, because you have a valiant (warrior) Father51. The Lord's Prayer equals a spiritual panacea for all humiliations and ill treatments arising from the failure of Eve and Adam. The warrior Father in heaven and Baptism (our mother) make us great. - If Satan treats you with contempt on account of Eve, who is your mother, he should turn back in fear, because of baptism, which has given (new ) birth to you.52 49 Ibid St. 116-119, p. 223, lines 5-12. 50 Ibid, St. 120,1. 13-14. 51 Ibid, St. 121, I. 15-16. 52 Ibid, St. 122, I. 18: literally, "because of baptism, which begot you". Vol. XXIV 2009

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When he wrestles with you to conquer you into his tyranny, let his leg shake in the fight at the news of your Father.

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Let him tremble before you because of your Father, who is tougher than him; you, be diligent to do virtuous deeds every day53.

What follows from calling God, as 'Our Father' is that we, the humans, are God's children and brothers of His unique Son. This honour implies also obligations. In considerably numerous stanzas Jacob of Saroug deals with them in detail. Here are a few examples that spell out such obligations: -

Flee from deeds that are not virtuous, because God is your Father, who is full of virtues.

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Be pure and without blemish, because you are (His) son; turn aside and escape from evil things on account of your Father.

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Through sins that you commit, let Him not be despised because of you; He took pleasure to become your Father while knowing you.

- See whom you are calling 'Our Father' in the Holy of Holies, and refine your soul on account of Him, so that He may not be despised. See the great honour to which you ascended because of Him; let Him not be brought down to great disgrace because of you. -

It is through Him that you are magnified; let Him not be diminished through you, if you are a person of discernment;, guard the honour for the Father who is great and through whom you are magnified34.

By invoking God as "our Father" the humans are promoted to a 'race of high rank' (genso rabo) . As such, all those who belong to it should be earnest to promote this 'fair name' (smo sapiro) and please the Father as His children. 53 Ibid, St. 124-125, p. 223, I. 21; 224, I. 1-3. 54 Ibid, St. 126-131, p. 224, I. 4 -15 The Harp

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Our Lord taught you to call the Father 'our Father'; a noble race will seek very much a fair name. From the fact that you call God himself 'our Father', be earnest to please Him in as much as you are a son to God 55 . The powerful invocation 'Abun' gives us 'courage' (lubobo), and brings on our enemy (b'eldaro) fright and fear (duloho). So that your enemy may be scared of you, He taught you, to call 'our Father' the Father, whose name instills fear in all creatures. To you it means courage, when you learn who your Father is, but it is a cause of fear to him who hears that you have a valiant Father56. The Lord's Prayer should remind us of our spiritual 'birth through baptism' (mawlodo d-m'amudito): a birth in which God becomes 'our Father' ('Abun) and we become 'His sons' (bnayo I'Aloho). This status implies that we will be having 'great hope' (sabro rabo l-wot Aloho)'m our Father, who redeemed us from the old slavery to the 'calumniator' (akelqarso). On these point our author has the following lines. Of the birth through baptism He wanted to assure you: when he reminds you that you were spiritually born; so that you may have great hope in God, who became your Father, and to whom you became a son through the second birth. It is to the Father that you call, when you pray, so that He maY come and redeem His sons who were subdued to the calumniator, behold from ever57. In the next few stanzas, one finds a considerably long confession of Adam, expressing his miserable condition of slavery, resulted from the deed of sale written by the deceitful snake (hewyo nkilo) and Eve, without his own involvement as man and husband. You say to Him: I was led into captivity and was sold,. I became a slave, and behold, I am enslaved among foreigners;. 55 Ibid, St. 132-133, p.224,1.15-18. 56 Ibid, St. 134-135, p.224,1. 20 - p.225,1. 3. 57 Ibid, St. 136 - 138, p.225, I. 3 - 9 . Jol XXIV 20091

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Sin bought me and I fell from freedom; They led me far from you and I became a servant of vanity. The evil master, whom I gained, brought me under a hard yoke; and behold I am tormented in prison, filled with sufferings. I am sold o Lord! How can I return to freedom, because by my own will I went after him, who is an evil lord. The cunning snake took from me the pen and the undertaking; between the snake and Eve, they wrote the deed and made me a slave. I gave my mouth and became a slave, while I was a son of freedom, and the calumniator, who bought me, imprisoned me in his vanity58. Man's fall through the hands of Eve meant loss of his freedom and captivity under the heavy yoke of the devil. The sale document that led man into slavery was entirely fraudulent, and consequently null and void. Mor Jacob formulates all such points thus: But You, o Father, You did not Subscribe to my deed; You did not sell me; do not leave me among the wicked. The deed that the snake wrote came to be without You; see, the undertaking of Your hand is not found there. He deceived him in this that the rebel dared to sell the son without his father, and without being terrified. If the child goes to sell himself without his father, who will buy him trusting, that he can possess him? Let the sale take place, if it is an undertaking of the father; but, if not, let them not proceed, the buyer and the seller as well. I am sold o Lord! Are you not enraged, while You are the Father? The deed should not be confirmed which came into being without you. Over me, let not the evil one rejoice, who hopes to keep possession of me; You did not sell me; do not disregard me, while I am yours. Do not set your hand in my deed, so that it may not be confirmed; blot out the deed of sale, which the snake made in great deceit. 5 8 Ibid, St. 139 - 144, p. 225,1. 10-last line. The Harp

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I had Your name, which is Your image, and it is defiled: "our Father, who art in heaven, hallowed be Your name" for your sake! O Father do not leave in prison the children who fled: come and lead them away from the rebellious one, who led them into prison. Everything that took place without You, shall not stand; Because You are the Father; Your word will stand; and take possession of what is Yours. Without her husband Eve sold [her] children to perdition; in the appeal to the judge the deed of a woman will not be accepted. The snake is the scribe and a woman is the seller, and I became miserable more than those in a prison. Being false, their document will not be accepted; tear to pieces, destroy and abolish the whole fraud 59 . The confession is quite often addressed directly to the Father himself, who is invoked to redeem His own image and name, which the humans bear defiled since the deceitful fall through Eve. The Father has all the rights to intervene, because His hand was not set in the malicious undertaking which resulted in slavery to and sway of the devil. The father should take possession of His own property, wickedly confiscated by the rebellious one. You are the Lord, and You have servants bearing your image', and the one who is malicious mocked at them and bought them. He led them out from your ownership full of beauty, and tormented them in prison filled with curses. Do not allow him to continue, who bought Your servants without You; Take them for Yourself, do not allow him to possess them. He wanted to be by force the owner of Your property, You, take possession of what is Yours, and throw the plunderer into perdition. 59 Ibid, St. 145 - 158, p. 226, 1.1- p. 227, I. 7. Vol. XXIV 2009

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You are the owner: o Father, come and redeem what is Yours from the rebellious one, who seeks to own wickedly what is not his own. When you say "Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be Your name", you hold all these thoughts while praying [this prayer]60. All such benefits, according to Jacob of Saroug, are found in the Lord's Prayer, which he calls here ib'outo' 'supplication'. On account of these our Lord taught you to call 'our Father', so that all the benefits may be found by you in [this] supplication. So that you may be resplendent, because you have a great Father, and that the evil one may fear His Majesty, because your Father is great. All the first things which came to be and the subsidiary things which were done to you without the Father, he will loosen them [all]. Because you were young and were sold without your father, the contract of sale should be futile and you should be set free. The sin which bought you through the hands of the snake, became known; And the deed that was made by the Basilisk is to be annulled. The Father desires that His children return to Him; And behold they call to Him, and who can prevent them? On account of this the Son of God taught you to call [Him] 'our Father', so that all good things may be found by you through the name of the Father. When you pray "hallowed be Your name" he teaches you to be holy on account of your Father who is full of holiness;. and that sin may give place in the soul that is not holy, to the awesome fame and to the great name of the Father61. 60 Ibid, St. 159 - 164, p. 267, I. 8 - 20. 61 Ibid, St. 165 - 173, p. 227, I. 21 - 228, I. 16. The Harp:

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May Your Kingdom (malkutok) come towards us! Jacob of Saroug sets apart 36 stanzas - St. 174-211 (p.228232) for highlighting the spiritual implications of the petition for the coming of God's Kingdom. The official version of the Lord's Prayer is silent about where it should come from, and our author specifies the details regarding the place, whence It is to come, and adds the following as consequences of the coming of God's Kingdom. At first in stanza No. 174 Mar Jacob points out that God's Kingdom is to come "to us" or better "to our side" (Iwotan)62: -

May Your name be sanctified; may also Your Kingdom come to us, because, if the Kingdom makes a move to come, the rebels will tremble63.

In his singable version of this petition, Jacob of Saroug adds to the official version a meaningful detail regarding the source of God's Kingdom. It is to come "from where it is ".{men kar diteh)64. The coming of God's Kingdom results in Satan's expulsion. The intended result of this petition is the exorcism of the 'hosts of darkness': -

On account of this Our Lord taught you to invoke the Kingdom, because of the hosts of offensive demons, that surround you, lay snares, hide nets and traps, and shoot arrows of wickedness, on the soul to injure it65.

Satan attacks man in groups as a legion, host and army (legyone, h?ailai-bise, masrito). Only a great and mighty Kingdom can curb such an evil and pernicious army. To face such a force one needs to invoke the mighty Kingdom of God itself. -

62 63 64 65

So that you may not be conquered by the army that is thirsty after blood, invoke the Kingdom, and all of a sudden the unclean demons will flee.

Ibid, St. 174, p. 228,1. 17. Ibid, St. 174,1.17-18. Ibid, St. 66, p. 218,1. 11. ibid St. 175-176, p. 228, I. 17, p.229, I. 1-2.

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The soldiers of the Evil one want to strike your soul and surround it like a walled city in order to break it open.

-

As soon as they hear about the Kingdom of God (lit God's house), that moves to come, the legions of darkness will flee.

-

For this reason our Lord taught you to invoke, when you pray, the Kingdom, and behold, the rebellion will be subdued.

-

The Evil one hears that you are invoking the Kingdom of the Father, and he will understand that he cannot resist His Kingdom66.

Then, Jacob of Saroug makes ample use of negation as a poetical device, which may be qualified as apophatic method, in order to emphasize the supreme importance and power of the Kingdom that one invokes in the Lord's Prayer. It is not to a just m a n (zadiqo), nor to a prophet (nbiyo), nor to an apostle (sliho),

nor to any one chief of the angels like Michael or Gabriel, nor to other angels, that one is invoking. Our invocation is only to the Father's Kingdom. We find these recorded in quite a lively way in the following stanzas. -

It is not to a just man that you are invoking in prayer for help; not to a prophet, so that he may come to your aid when you pray;

-

not to an apostle, so that he may put your enemy to flight from you; nor, for your salvation, to one of the heads of the (angelic) hosts;

- not to Gabriel, so that, as he went to Daniel, he might come to you to strengthen, through the supplication; -

not to Michael, so that, as he joined Joshua, son of Nun, he might draw the sword against those who encircle you; while leaving out armies, captains of armies and rulers, you are invoking the Kingdom itself, so that it may come out against the rebels.

-

Neither the angels nor even the just nor the righteous, did our Lord teach you to invoke for your help when you pray,

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-

but to invoke the very Kingdom itself of God (lit. God's house), before which all the armies of the Enemy tremble.

-

Invoke the Kingdom itself to come to you filled with light, and immediately all the demons, children of darkness, will flee.

-

As soon as the demons hear you invoking the King to come, they will not remain until He comes and finds them.

-

At the news of Him they will flee; who indeed, can wage the warfare against the great King, where He Himself will come to assist?

-

If an angel or a just (person) were to come, the Calumniator will either fight or not fight.

-

But if, indeed, the Kingdom itself stirs to come, how can he have the strength to encounter the pomp of the Majesty itself?

-

For this reason the Son of God taught you to call, when you pray, the very Kingdom itself to come to you67.

One needs to prepare a worthy, suitable place to welcome the Kingdom that comes. -

Because you invited the Kingdom, it will come to you; you also should set up a place suitable for its encampment so that it may be honoured there.

-

Behold the Kingdom you invoke to come! Set up a place, a house pure and entirely filled with holiness68.

The house prepared and furnished for welcoming the Kingdom has, for its door one's mouth, for its middle place or centre, one's heart, and for its court one's soul. -

The door of the house is the mouth: hang on its door curtains of 'Yea' and 'Nay', un-depicted and all unadorned.

-

The centre of the house is the heart (lebo); sprinkle purity: on all thoughts which desire every day virtues.

6 7 Ibid, St. 182-194, p. 229, I. 12, p. 230, I. 16. 6 8 Ibid, St. 195-196, p. 230,1. 17-20. Vol. XXIV 2009

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In the soul which is the court of the house of the King who comes, spread sweet fragrance: good works from all sides.

-

On the floor of the house spread carpets of serene love, because where He dwells, there He desires to see love

-

You invoked in the prayer, 'May the Kingdom come to you'; because you called, it will come: prepare the place,so that it may be honoured there69.

The place worthy of the dwelling of the King is the soul. He will come and dwell, as you invoked Him; He will come to you70. On account of this you learned to invoke the Kingdom; let it come to you! Prepare for it a pure place. -

As soon as it moves to come, the Calumniator will flee and you will be resplendent and will welcome Him in a holy manner.71.

May Your Will (sebyonok) be done on Earth as in Heaven In the present mimro, one finds 24 stanzas (= 48 lines, p. 232 - 234) elucidating the petition regarding the Father's will (sebyono). Our author introduces this petition with an added word "also" (op). T h e l i n e r e a d s : "op sebyonok

nehwe

bar'o

ayk

d-ba-smayo".

"May also Your Will be done on earth as in heaven". This term 'also' implies that it is not enough that one prays only for the coming of God's Kingdom. One should 'also' pray for the accomplishment of God's will on earth among the earthly ones, as it happens in heaven among the heavenly ones. Jacob of Saroug explains to us what "on earth" and "in heaven" means for us when we pray for the accomplishment of the Lord's will.

69 70 71 72

-

You invoke: may your kingdom come to us, 0 Lord; also Your Will, may it be done on earth as in heaven.

-

"May Your Will, O Lord, be done in us" (fez«,), yousay to Him, in men as in the spiritual watchers ('ire)72.

Ibid, Ibid, Ibid, Ibid,

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Here it is clearly stated that the Will of the Father should be done "in", "through" or "by" us (ban), who are calling out to Him. God's will is to be heard, performed and accomplished both by humans and the spiritual or heavenly beings. The humans are to abide by the Will of the Father. This is what they pray in the Lord's Prayer. And the model for going about the divine Will is Christ's own prayer, where God's Will has priority over his own will. -

It is natural to the one who prays before God, that he entrusts all his petitions to His Will.

-

Also our Lord Himself prayed thus when He prayed: and He said to the Father: " not my Will, but Yours".

-

Thus He taught you to be supplicating in your prayers: "Your Will, Lord, be done on earth as in heaven" 73

What is prayed for is the rule of God's Will on earth as in heaven. There should not be on earth any transgressions of God's Will. The angels in heaven who never acted against God's will are models for the humans on earth. As the angels have never transgressed Your Will, so also the human kind should be obedient to You. -

The earth should be thundering with crowds (of humans), who are glorifying You, just as the heavens throng with choirs who are serving You74.

The concern in this petition consists in shaping our will according to God's Will that is bent towards ours. -

Bend Your Will over our will so that ours may be (as) Yours, in order that our will might assent to Yours 75 .

In the next stanza Jacob of Saroug plays remarkably well with 6 verbal forms of "sb 'o" (= to will) in order to stress the need of chiseling out our will for willing everything as He Wills, and what He Wills. 7 3 Ibid, St. 213-215, p. 232,1. 12-17. 74 Ibid, St. 216-217, p.232, I. 18-21. 75 Ibid, St. 218, p. 232,1. 22; p. 233,1 1. Vol XXIV 2009

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Will (sby), so that we may will (nes?be) in You, so that everything that You will (d-sobet), we may also will (dnes?be),

so that we may not also will (nes?be), except that everything of Your Will may happen76. Regarding the same petition that links the earthly ones with the heavenly ones, our author writes that the humans are to glorify the Lord, as the angels glorify Him 77 . In the following lines one notices how skillfully our 'Malpono mhiro' places in parallel the earthly and celestial groups with their proper obedience to God's Will. -

As the orders of the house of Gabriel are serving [so] also let the Churches serve on earth without dispute!

-

As the choirs of the house of Michael shout out in assemblies, [so] may we stir up, in pure love, shouts ofjoy in our assemblies.

- As the splendid crowd of Seraphims sing holy, [so] let the ranks of humans in all the earth sing holy to you. -

As the chariot offrighteningappearance engages itself in blessings, [so] may the Church cry out trembling: "Blessed be the Lord, in his place"

-

All the orders of the glorifying ones in heaven, let them obey You and serve spiritually .

-

Let the whole earth minister to everything that is of Your Will, as the heavens would never transgress Your orders.

-

Let the priests on earth, as the angels in heaven, obey and serve You in holy fashion.

-

In all forms, in all types and in all manners let everything that is of Your Will be done on earth, as it is in heaven 78 .

76 Ibid St. 219, p. 233, lines 2-3. 77 Ibid, St. 220,1. 4-5 78 Ibid, St. 221-228, p. 233, I. 6-21. The Harp

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Conclusion Thus far, I was dealing with the first part of the Lord's Prayer, exposing some of the main thoughts which Mor Jacob of Saroug formulated in his Memro on the Lord's Prayer. I could go on to treat also other petitions. This however would exceed the limits of the present article. Hence the exposé ends here. It is hoped that its readers would, from now on, pray the Lord's Prayer differently, delving deeply into all the profound thoughts which Mor Jacob of Saroug brought to the surface, and harvesting all the benefits which the Son of God deposited for us and for the world in the Prayer He taught. For, "the Word prays to the Father in union with the believer whose mediator He is" 79 . Rev. Dr. Jacob Thekeparampil, Director, SEERI, Kottayam India. E-mail: [email protected]

79 Origen, On Prayer, 10 (PG = Patrologia Greca 11, 445) cited from Agnes Cunningham, Prayer Personal and Liturgical (Message of the Fathers of the Church 16) Delaware 1985, p. 143.

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ST. EPHREM: A G A R L A N D O F PRAYER S O N G S Prayer Songs on Paradise, 2 (continued from page 328) 11. When the just ascend its various levels to receive their inheritance, with justice He raises up each one to the degree that accords with his labours; each is stopped at the level whereof he is worthy, there being sufficient levels in Paradise for everyone: the lowest parts for the repentant, the middle for the righteous, the heights for the victorious, while the summit is reserved for God's Presence. (continued in page

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THE NEW TEXT OF T H E S A C R A M E N T S IN T H E SYRO-MALABAR CHURCH The newly approved text of the sacraments came into use on 6th January 2004.0ur aim is to have a general glance at the formation process of the text and evaluate it. Latinization East Syrian sacramental texts had been in use among the St. Thomas Christians till the 16th century. In 1585 the Goan Council decided to translate the Rituale Romanum of the Latin rite into Syriac in order to be given to the Church of Thomas Christians Fr. Roz S.J. translated it into Syriac with the particularities of the diocese of Braga in Portugal and supplied it to the priests at the Diamper synod in 1599. It was this text which was printed in 1775 and reprinted in 1845 with the addition of some sacramentals that were in use in Malabar till the restoration of the liturgy. This rite separated confirmation from baptism and limited the power of conferring it to bishops and to the priests who had special permission for the same in accordance with the Latin discipline. Though the rite of baptism for adults was printed in Rome and published, it did not come into use. Mar Louis Pazheparampil translated a new rite for confirmation from the Roman rite and used it. It is believed that the Syriac translation of the Latin rite of the blessing of marriage was of Fr. Roz S.J. The special blessing for the Vol-XXIV 2009

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newly wed was given in it outside the Qurbana. Bishop LeonardMarcelline Statute of 1879 prescribed that it had to be conferred during the Qurbana. Therefore very often the then newly wed had to go to the Church on the next day of marriage to receive the blessing. This law was made compulsory even before Leonard Metropolitan went to Rome for the First Vatican Council. He translated the Propria of the Latin rite of marriage into Syriac, printed it in Rome in thin paper and pasted it in the appropriate place of certain copies of the second edition of the Malabar Taksa. He added the rite of extreme unction which Fr. Roz had distributed in the Diamper Synod, the prayers for commending the souls of the dying to God and the formula of conferring Apostolic blessing to the dying. It was used till the restoration of the liturgy. It was explicitly mentioned in the text that a priest requires the permission of the bishop to impart such an apostolic blessing. The Latin code 468/2 gave this permission to priests who assist the sick. There remained the question whether this common permission was applicable to Malabar priests also. Mar Jacob (1505-1550/2) translated the Latin rite for confession from Latin to Syriac and Mar Joseph made some small changes in that translation .It seems that it was the translation of Fr. Roz that was used here till the restoration of the liturgy. Restoration It was a historical event that Pope Pius XI on the first of December 1934 gave His historic decision to restore the liturgy of the Malabar Church to its pristine purity. On March 10,1954 a three member committee consisting of Fr. Raes S.J., Fr. Cyril Korolovsky and Fr. Placid Podipara C.M.I, was appointed in Rome to restore the text of the liturgy .On November 17, 1965 the Latin translation of the texts of the sacraments of confession, anointing of the sick and marriage with their notanda (explanation) and their Malayalam translation were given from Rome. The SMBC1 held on Feb. 10, 1966 decided to ask CLC 2 to study the above mentioned documents and to prepare the texts of 1 2

SMBC = Syro-Malabar Bishops' Conference Central Liturgical Committee The Harp

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the sacraments, and to request the Holy See to send to it the texts of the sacraments of Baptism and Confirmation. It also decided that the discipline regarding the administration of the sacrament of Confirmation be revised along with our ritual for the same. For the time being, priests may administer the sacrament only after the children have reached the age of reason .as is now the custom. The sacrament may be conferred earlier in case of danger of death. On March 14,1966 the Chairman of the Episcopal Commission for liturgy sent to all the bishops the draft texts of the sacraments of penance, anointing of the sick and matrimony. The agenda for SMBC dated 23.3.1966 includes discussion on these sacraments. It gives in bracket: "Request has been made to the Sacred Congregation to send all the texts already prepared by the commission in Rome so that they may be studied by our commission and co-ordinated". The SMBC also sought explanation regarding the sources of these texts .It was suggested in the SMBC of 23rd March, 1966 that the revision and vernacularisation of the liturgy must be completed within the next three years if possible and that a few priests devote their full time to the work. It was also reported that Rev;Fr. Abel C.M.I, had been appointed General Choir Director and that each Diocese must have a diocesan director of the choir. They all should occasionally meet together and do the needful for the perfection and co-ordination of the liturgical music. A number of suggestions were made for the abbreviation and modification of the draft text of the sacraments of penance, anointing of the sick and matrimony. The suggestions were noted down so that they might be passed on to the liturgical committee which would be making a more profound study of the texts. On 23rd March the Convener of CLC sent the texts of the three sacraments to all the members of the CLC. On March 5, 1966 the Oriental Congregation sent the texts of the sacraments of Baptism and Confirmation in Latin, their Malayalam translation and the explanation of the texts in Italian. Introduction to the restored texts of Matrimony, penance and anointing of the sick was sent from Rome on 2.3 1966 and was forwarded to the bishops on 12.9.66.The letter of Mar Parecattil to the Hierarchs of the Syro-Malabar Ri te on Sept. 12,1966 states: "Please find enclosed herewith a copy of the proposed text of the ceremonies of Baptism, Vol XXIV 2C09

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forwarded by the Sacred Congregation .A copy of the same has been handed over to our liturgical Committee for their scrutiny, study and comments. It will be good if the ceremonies are examined by other priests and laymen as well, so that our liturgical functions may be acceptable and appealing to all. I believe that final decisions shall be taken only after having carefully assessed the utility and value of the restored texts in the light of the Council Directives". The explanatory note from Rome on the sacraments of confession, anointing of the sick and marriage says: The Latin text was studied and approved by the Commission in its sessions on 22 and 29 March, 12 and 19 April and 10 May 1955.Since it is the question of sacraments it is opportune to report in particular that which concerns the matter and form of these sacraments.

Marriage Two things before the marriage are the agreement of marriage and the blessing of marriage dress and of the crowns. These can be done according to the desire of those who marry. There are two parts for the blessing of marriage. 1. Those who get married should express their consent in the present time. 2. They are to be crowned and should receive the imposition of hands. They are given sweets in the church or in its vicinity after the final blessing or after the Qurbana. A priest should bless this food beforehand. The papal document on marriage Crebrae allatae sunt (Feb.22,1949) canon 85, 86 prescribe that the priest after making sure of the consent of the bride and bridegroom by asking them whether they wish to be bound mutually give them blessing. Two formulae are given for the rite of betrothal. The first one has been influenced by the Latin rite and the second one was adapted from the Chaldean rite. The Harp

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Confession The commission chose one formula from the five formulas of the Chaldean Pontifical which clearly expresses pardon of sins. It is not in the indicative form but in optative form: "Lord, let Thy grace and mercy descend and absolve Thy servant from all sins".

Anointing: gingeli This sacramental formula was framed taking elements from the Chaldean rite. Matter is olive oil. Since olive oil is not produced in India, coconut oil and gingeli oil are available there; the commission discussed whether it is convenient to prescribe olive oil. They may have to import olive oil as they import wine. As regards the blessing of oil several documents -Pope Clement VIII.(1595) -prove that it need not necessarily be blessed by bishop. The celebrant can bless it during the rite of the administration of the sacrament. The explanatory note dated on March 2, 1966 and forwarded by the bishop of Ernakulam to all the bishops on 12.09.1966 says: "On Nov. 17, 1965 the liturgical commission in charge of preparing the restored text of the Syro-Malabar Liturgy proposed to initiate the reform of the Ritual and with this scope it presented the restored rites of three sacraments: marriage, penance and anointing of the sick. Today the same commission presents the restored rite of two sacraments: Baptism and confirmation, which in Orient are celebrated in one sole ceremony and there the mode of giving it and communion outside the Mass are added". Such a project was prepared in 1955, as is seen in the words of the meetings of the commission on 15,22, Feb. and 1,8,15,22 March 1955. At that time an edition of an ordinary rite and of a shortened rite was aimed at the sacraments of baptism ad confirmation. Today we are persuaded that only a short rite, still shorter than that which had been prepared may be in the stage of being substituted for that of the Western rite (translated in Syriac) today in use in the SyroMalabac Church. Vol XXIV 2001'

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However, the characteristics of the Chaldean liturgy have been preserved; thus in baptism the benediction of baptismal water is to be in every ceremony and the benediction of oil is necessary for prebaptismal anointing These two benedictions,longest in the ordinary rite, have been abbreviated to the maximum: an epicletical prayer not too long, preceded by a short introduction. The Chaldean rite has preserved one of the more ancient ways of baptizing .The one who is to be baptized is placed in water or he descends there till his neck, and the priest putting his hand on his head immerses him three times. This way of baptizing is described in the Catechism of Theodore of Mopsuestia and figured in the oriental icons which represent the baptism of the Lord in Jordan. We preserve in the text that way of doing, because it is in the characteristic of the rite. Knowing that now in India with the children of a few days after the birth that way of baptizing is impracticable, we permit to do the triple infusion of water on the head of the baptismal candidates without putting them in the water till the neck. More difficult problem to be solved is met in the rite of Confirmation. Ancient and genuine rite of Chaldean Church has given always an exceptional importance to pre-baptismal anointing as it appears in the writings of St. Ephrem, of Narsai and others. Only in the 7lh century after the reform of Patriarch Ishoyahb, a post baptismal consignation on the forehead of the neophytes appears, which in some documents, not in all, is made with oil. Besides, this oil is not holy chrism used in other oriental and occidental rites for the post baptismal anointing and the formula which accompanies the consignation does not express conveniently the particular grace of that sacrament but appears rather as a general conclusion of the baptismal rite. Special attention is made to the word of the phrase which stands in the past time: "baptized and perfected in the name of the Father, Son and the Holy Spirit, for ever, Amen". From the other part, after baptism in the imposition of hands on the neophytes also, while pronouncing a rather long prayer in which some expressions which could signify the sacramental grace of confirmation are found, the priest speaks of truly Christian life: "We confide that your grace (Lord), may protect them (*neophytes) in The Harp

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chastity of life and purity of works, that they may present themselves full of faith and justice by the venerable advent of Christ our Saviour". The ecumenical council and the Holy Father could delineate that the matter sufficient for the sacrament of Confirmation be the imposition of hands alone (without the accompaniment of any consignation or anointing and that the sacramental form has been expressed with words it reports) see above. Such a declaration is authoritative (which had been much desired) and necessitated by long preparatory studies and not by easy procedure. Our commission therefore keeping the imposition of hands has decided to present as sacramental matter of Confirmation the holy chrism blessed by bishop and as form that which is found in the Ritual of the Maronites (Beirut). They are substantially equal to the formula kept in the manuscripts of the Syrian rite and of the Maronite rite collected in Denzinger. Behold the proposed formula: "By the charity of Christ God, sweet smell of true faith and seal of the fullness of the grace of the Holy Spirit (name) is signed in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, for ever. Amen." Regarding the rite of giving Holy Communion outside the Mass, it does not make repeat the rite of the Holy Communion during the holy Mass, making it precede the one rubric and making it followed by a conclusion which also is derived from the Mass. The proposed rites do not present other special difficulties. The commission dares therefore hope that the sacred Congregation accepts the project given for its decision and that a Malayalam version of these ceremonies could be proposed to the hierarchy of the SyroMalabar Church as has been made for the three sacraments of matrimony, penance and anointing of the sick"

The First Draft In a letter of Cardinal Parecattil to all the bishops on 8.2.66 he informed that a committee of three under the Msgr. Kurian Vanchipurackal had been appointed to frame the draft of the sacraments, .if was mentioned in the SMBC of Feb. 10, 1966 thav Vol. XXIV 2009

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Comparison with the Latin text Latin Text

Malayalam Text

A. Holding hands-prayer, Onitha, blessing of dress and crowning.

1. Formula agreement. The place of blessing dress and crown is Changed.

B. Rite of marriage 1. Our Father, Ps 45, prayer, Onitha

Our Father, prayer Ps 45, prayer

2.

2. Kindling candles on the table while "This is the bread which is coming to this world.... Lord of all, readings, Gospel.

3. Asking consent, blessing of Tali, tying of tali Blessing of ring (this is given by bridegroom To bride, bridegroom gives mantrakodi to Bride or puts on her head, crowning

3. Blessing of tali, asking consent, priest makes hold their right hand together. Placing urara on their hands prays, tying of tali, blessing of ring, priest gives ring to bridegroom who puts it in her finger. If there are two rings, bride puts a ring in his f i n g e r , b l e s s i n g of mantrakodi, priest gives it to bridegroom who puts it on her head. Instead of chain (mala) flower garland or varanamaliyam is put on her neck. If Crown is used instead of mala, it is blessed saying the prayer if they are crowned. At the same time, onita is Sung.

4. If convenient, the priest holding the crowns and puts them on the table. He says the prayer on the bridegroom, and then on the bride.

4. Karozutha, prayer, blessing, prayer over bridegroom, making sign of the cross on them and sprinkling hanana water on t h e m . The huttamma is different from that of the Latin text.

5, If there is Qurbana, it begins with Lord of all. Propria are given. If there is no Qurbana, the rite ends with the final blessing.

5. Propria of the Qurbana

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The Latín text gives shortened form of the agreement which is called kai pidutham (holding hands). The stewards of the bride and bridegroom come to the parish priest and make the matrimonial agreement before him and before those who are present. This ceremony takes place in the presbytery or in the sacristy of the Church. On the eve of marriage, manthrakodi and other nuptial dresses and the crowns generally of flowers are brought to the house of the parish priest who blesses them. The parish priest can also go the house of the marriage parties and bless these things. The Malayalam text does not give this rite of agreement. The texts of marriage are as a whole faithful to the Latin text given from Rome. Both texts have made ring optional. The articles for the use of marriage rite are placed on a small table placed in front of Questroma. The Latin text says that the spouses come and stand in front of the table, bridegroom on the rite side and bride on the left, facing east. Malayalam text says that they stand there facing the altar. The priest begins the ceremony in the sanctuary facing the altar, comes to the small table at the time of the psalm and continues the rest of the ceremony. The Malayalam text gives the following instructions which are not found in the Latin text: 1. The rite of marriage can be done with or without the Holy Qurbana. 2. If there is Qurbana the gifts are prepared on a small table during the karozutha. The spouses place the small particles of Host in the paten for their holy communion. Before the conclusion of the karozutha the celebrant washes his hands, brings the gifts to the altar and performs the rite of offertory. Holy Communion can be given in two species. Instead of the usual huttamma the final prayer of the rite of marriage is recited. 3. Kalabham and panineer can be used for the rite of marriage. 4. The parties can choose either varanamalyam or crown or Rosary. Two sets of the chosen items should be entrusted to the priest in advance. Vol. XXiV 20091

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5. In order to kindle the light during the Lakumara, signifying Christ who is the light of the world, a candle or koluvilakku should be placed on the small table. 6. The priest who blesses the marriage should be present in the Qurbana from the beginning, wearing the vestments, if some body else celebrates the Qurbana in Malayalam. 7. If the Qurbana is not in Malayalam, it should begin from the beginning and not from the offertory. 8. The hymns are in Karnatic tune. Penance The prayers for those who are under censure are left out in the Malayalam draft. Anointing of the sick The Malayalam text has added several prayers such as the prayer before Lakumara, scriptural readings, prayers of the anointing the different parts of the body, karozuthas, blessings at the time of death etc. 1. The rites for the service for the sick are confession,, holy communion and anointing of the sick 2. Even if one does not confess,firstabsolving prayer is to be pronounced .Only after that, Holy Communion or anointing of the sick is administered. 3. If the sick does not die immediately after the anointing, he can be given absolution or prayers for the dying are said over him at the time of death. 4. If there is no oil blessed by the bishop, priest can bless it in the Church. Blessing oil in houses is limited to extraordinary circumstances. The Harp

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Baptism Malayalam draft is a faithful translation of the Latin text. But in the Latin text there is giving of candle. There are also no prayers for giving dress and candle. Chrismation is conferred after the procession with the singing of trisagion. The Malayalam text has added prayers to give dress and candle .The hymn sung during the procession to the sanctuary is new. If the receiver of baptism is a child, the following parts are added to the Latin text .The celebrant says: "peace be with you". In order to show that the baptized is received into the community, others also give peace: "Dear brothers, ...". Thus the karozutha and its concluding prayer can be recited .If the baptized is capable of recognizing the Holy Eucharist; it is given to him following the ordinary rite. The huttamma is new. Confirmation is not given. The rite of baptism for the dying is also specially given. The Malayalam draft gives the following guidelines for baptism: 1. The common norm is that the oil of catechumen and water are to be specially blessed for each baptism. 2. Yet, for the sake of convenience the oil blessed by bishop need be used. The water once blessed can be used for several times. 3. If the priest who baptizes blesses the oil, instead of pouring myron into the water in the form of the cross, after dipping his finger into the myron he makes the sign of the cross in the oil .In the same way, when the water is blessed, instead of pouring oil into it, it is enough that he dips his finger in the oil and makes the sign of the cross with that finger. 4. Baptism is conferred, by pouring water on the head. On solemn occasions , if there is special prescription from the bishop the child can be made to sit in the baptismal pond and pour water on its head or immerse it in water three times to confer baptism. 5. If it is adult baptism, Ps 51 is recited after the epistle. 6. When the priest gives baptism to the children in danger of death, it is good to confer also Confirmation .In that case, it can be Vol. XXIV 2009

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conferred by reciting only the formula for giving Confirmation. For the adult, Holy Communion also can be given. 7. Giving white dress to each child is also to be encouraged. 8. The children baptized at home, if they are out of danger of death, are to be brought to the church and complete the rite of baptism and register its name.

Suggestions for a revised text Since the first draft did not satisfy many people a new committee was appointed to prepare the text on the basis of the given draft and the Latin text .The committee prepared a revised draft and circulated it for study. Suggestions for improvements and modifications in it were called for. Many dioceses submitted their suggestions For example we may mention some suggestions from the diocese of Kothamangalam:

Marriage 1. A formula of promise is to be added, in which the bridegroom and bride should, putting their right hands on the Bible, promise marriage fidelity to each other. 2. In the sacraments especially in Baptism and Confession the sacramental formula should be given in indicative form. 3. In the rite of marriage, blessing and giving ring need not be made compulsory. Nothing about them need be mentioned in the text. 4. Instead of hannana water, panineer may be used. But kalabham, Chandanam, sweets, crowns, varanamalyam (marriage garland), etc. are not to be used. Nothing about them should be mentioned in the text 5. The custom of giving rosaries should be continued. The priest blesses them by saying the prescribed prayers and gives them to bride and bridegroom. 6. The prescription that one who celebrates the Qurbana in The Harp

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7. Nothing is to be mentioned about the newly wed placing host in the paten. 8. There is no need of kindling oil lamp or candle on the small table. 9. Local differences for tying tali and giving mantrakodi need not be mentioned. 10. The tune for the hymn Mass should be such that every body is able to sing. 11. Do not reve the ancient custom of holding hands of the guardians of the candidates of marriage (kai pidutham) in the rite of agreement of marriage.(betrothal).The rite of betrothal can be thus: The priest wearing urara comes and stands in the middle of the Church before the candidates of marriage. He asks them to express their consent and when they have done so he recites the formula of blessing 12. The consent is asked thus "(name) with free mind and full heart, according to the law of Christ and the procedure of the Church (name) do you accept him (or her) as husband (wife)? Answer: I accept. 13. The beginning of every rite of sacraments should be "sthuthi to God in the highest". It should begin with the prayer "Our Father", This prayer should be the same everywhere. 14. The epistle should be till "flesh of flesh". 15. Before the Gospel reading "The Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ written by St. Mathew" should be added. 16. When consent is asked, instead of the address 'brother or sister', he calls the name of the candidate. 17. Psalm prescribed for blessing mantrakodi is to be omitted. Vol. XXIV 2007';

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Baptism 1. Nothing need be said about dress. As usual giving of white cloth is enough. Omit the use of chandanathiri 3. The rubrics after exorcism should be omitted. 4. Make clear which the official vestments are. 5. Omit in the Gospel reading "go and preach the Gospel in the whole world". 6. In the formula of giving baptism one Amen is sufficient. 7. There should be uniformity in the creed to be said in all the sacraments.

CLC reconstituted On the first of January 1968 the CLC was reconstituted by adding one member each from every diocese. Thus a new committee with 19 members was formed. Though they might be perhaps eminent in other fields, most of them were not experts in liturgy. If we evaluate later course of developments in liturgy, the appointment of Abel as Choir Director and the formation of the new CLC can be considered as an important step towards diverting liturgical restoration and reform to a new direction. The remark of Mar A.D. Mattam is worth attending: "The main reason for such a change is that before making any change in liturgy theological, historical and pastoral study had not been done" Each one proposes suggestion without any study .This is also the outcome of having enlarged the CLC by incorporating new members who have no knowledge of the liturgy or who evaluate matters only in the light of Latin liturgy". The decision No 19 of the SMBC held on 12-14, August 1974 was to appoint liturgical experts instead of diocesan representatives: "To bring more experts into the liturgical committee, the bishops may substitute them in place of the present diocesan representatives according to the precedence followed so far". Mar Januarius writes to Mar Kunnacherry on June 4, 1973 on working scheme for the Syro-Malabar liturgy. The first step suggested is to dissolve the CLC: The Harp

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"The existing committee for Liturgy should be dissolved since they have played the part and we thank them for their valuable contributions. Any further involvement of this committee is not desirable in the given context as faith in them is apparently vanishing". In the Roman Synod of 1980 on August 26th Archbishop Mar Joseph Powathil spoke thus: "I was a member of that Central Liturgical Committee and I remember how the committee has been unnecessarily expanded some time before 1968 to make the role of the experts very insignificant." Those who have studied their own liturgy and are interested in it should become members in CLC which is the highest body under the synod which deals with important liturgical matters and also in diocesan liturgical committees. It is observed that by avoiding those who have even doctorate in liturgy or oriental theology certain dioceses and religious congregations send as their representatives those who are known for their anti-orientalism or those whofindeligibility asfriendsor supporters of the ideology of the superiors concerned. Instead of framing genuine liturgy such people try to represent the ideology of their superiors. Another cause of the failure of CLC is that the members are very often changed. The new members do not have any idea of what happened till they became members. Since they do not know what has happened before hand, they cause very often objections, disputes and unnecessary discussions. The main reason why Syro-Malabar Church could not profit from the service of the liturgical experts who hold high academic qualifications is that they are unanimous in their liturgical stand and therefore are seen as opponents by the so-called anti-oriental majority of bishops. This is interpreted to be the reason why they could not find a liturgical expert with doctorate in the board of directors of the newly founded Liturgical Research Centre. A letter written by Mar Sebastian Valloppilly to Cardinal Philippe, the Prefect of the Oriental Congregation throws light on the same subject: "It is to be said that there aré in fact many people who have studied liturgy. All the liturgy scholars have the same idea regarding the reform of our liturgy. But their opinion is not always attended to. Therefore I request the Congregation to examine the texts before approving them". Vol. XXIV 2009

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In spite of all these observations and suggestions on the CLC members, we can notice that the same trend of filling it with members who have no special knowledge of one's own liturgy and very often have aversion towards it continues. The only qualification expected from such members, it seems, is that they should represent the mind of the bishop or superior who sends them. It is not the knowledge and experience that matter but loyalty to the superior. Although several dioceses and religious Congregations have well qualified members with doctorate in liturgy and in oriental matters they are not found in the CLC while some others with no special studies in this field and oppose liturgical renewal according to the teaching of Vatican II are nominated to this committee. We may observe that some well known scholars in liturgy are not seen in any official bodies which handle liturgy or any related matters. If people without sufficient study or oppose liturgical restoration form the majority. CLC can become a channel of anti-orientalism in liturgical and oriental matters. If some body dares to express his view fearlessly and stands firm, he may be slowly eliminated from CLC or cornered in such a way that he is isolated or neglected in the CLC. For many what is important is their career and not what is good for an oriental Church. So it is important to please the superior and to side with the majority who handle the power and award chances of future. It is a sad fact that such an unethical situation exists also in the Church as in any other society.

The liturgical Background of Bishops and priests The bishops and the superiors of the Religious Orders who sent the members of CLC are responsible for the accusations against the members. Mar Sebastian Valloppilly writes to the Oriental Congregation on 26.08.1980 about the bishops who approved the text of the 1968 Qurbana and the 1969 text of the sacraments: I may add in this connection that of the seven bishops who gave imprimatur: two were ex alumni of the propaganda college, Rome, three including myself ex alumni of the Papal seminary, Kandy and two from the Pontifical seminary Alwaye. In the first two seminaries hardly anything was taught about the Syro-Malabar liturgy and very little in the third one. The new priests coming out from these seminaries The Harpi

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were fully Latin oriented if not entirely Latinized". We should admit with all humility that most of the priests and religious have got Latin formation in seminaries, houses of religious institutes and theological faculties. If the mind of the majority is the criterion of the nature of liturgical restoration and renewal it would be better to introduce the Latin liturgy in the Syro-Malabar Church rather than introducing hybrid liturgy. A good number of such people consider the preDiamper liturgy and even the Latin liturgy as the most ideal one for the Malabar Church and therefore to resist the restoration of the original liturgy is taken to be a mark of the love for the Church.

The working of liturgical Committee The letter of Fr. Chavelil to bishops on 17lh June 1968 states: "I hope that Fr. Jacob Vellian has already forwarded to your Excellency copies of the restored sacraments, to be given to the members of the diocesan liturgical committee. Even though this text was meant for public circulation, according to the unanimous opinion of the members, the central committee has decided not to give it out without making some necessary corrections. So a subcommittee was constituted to rewrite certain prayers and to make changes in the rubrics in consultation with diocesan committees. So I request your Excellency to instruct the convener of the diocesan liturgical committees to send to Fr. Vellian the opinion of the committees before the 30,h of this month." On 16.07.68, Fr. Vallamattam writes to the members of Kothamangalam Diocesan Liturgical committee on the rite of sacraments: "I am sending a copy of the newly prepared draft for your study. It is proposed to discuss the issue at the first meeting of the committee to be held at the Bishop's house on!3.07.68".This committee submitted a number of suggestions to the Bishops onl5th July. On 17.07.1968 Fr. Vellian writes to Fr. Vallamattam 3 "The suggestions on sacraments were sent to Fr. Abel yesterday. The sub-committee for preparing the text of the sacraments was held last week. I gave all suggestions there. Fr. Abel has been asked to 3

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prepare the new text and print it before the first of August and send it to the members of the committee and the members of the Diocesan committee members. The meeting is on 8th. I do not think that it was of any use that the text which I prepared was studied and suggestions were given, since new text is prepared. Let us see whether the suggestions are received when it comes". The letter of Fr.Chavelil onJuly20 1968 says: "The next meeting of Liturgical committee will be held on Thursday 8th August. The following items are included in the agenda: sacraments, Ash Wednesday, holy Week functions, consecration of the Church and Propria and karosootha. Will you please contact diocesan liturgical committee and get the opinion of the members regarding the first four points mentioned above? A copy of the sacraments prepared by the sub-committee will be sent to you before the first of August". On 25 July 1968 Mar Parecattil writes to all bishops: "By the end of this week you will be receiving from Mar Louis Press, Ernakulam fifteen copies of the revised draft of the sacraments which will again be scrutinized by the Central Liturgical Committee, which is to meet on August 8th 1968 at the Pontifical Seminary, Alwaye. Before that I should like to know your comments on the same, which please forward directly to Rev. Fr. James Chavely, St. Joseph's Seminary Alwaye -3, so that they may reach him on or before August 5th".

The text of Fr. Abel The text prepared by Fr. Abel contained the rites for child baptism, for Confirmation, anointing of the sick and marriage. As appendices it gives the rite of blessing saith (holy oil), the rite of blessing oil for anointing of the sick, the rite for conferring baptism and confirmation for those who are in danger of imminent death, betrothal and instruction on marriage which can be read instead of sermon after the Gospel reading. The promise of fidelity in the marriage rite appears for the first ti me in this text. The text of Fr. Abel was sent on 03.08.68 to diocesan centres .The response from Palai diocese rejected the draft because of three reasons: 1. It differs from the text given from Rome The Harp

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2. The present draft does not agree with the early draft. 3. It differs from the Chaldean structure of the sacraments. Cardinal Parecattil admitted these facts and tried to justify them. On 3.8.68 the diocesan liturgical committee of Kothamanaglam drafted the suggestions for the CLC. The CLC meeting held on 7.8.68 at Alwaye discussed this draft of Fr. Abel. Fr. Valiamattam and Fr. Silas were asked to examine this text. The CLC held on 19, 20 Sept. 1968 at Mangalapuzha presided by Cardinal Parecattil, discussed the suggestions from dioceses and put to vote.

Baptism Whether question is needed at the beginning of the baptismal rite, Yes 8/18; no 10/18; maybe optional 1. Trisagion may be sung oil reaching the altar - unanimous.

Confirmation "May God help you to confess your sins" - 5/18 "May the merciful God bless you"-13/18.

Anointing the sick Laku mara is optional. It is to be printed - 9/18; Not to be printed 8/18; one neutral. Organs to be anointed - unanimous. Special prayer for anointing each organ - 11/18; No - 7/18. There should be special prayers for anointing the organs of priests -12/18; not necessary - 6/18.

Marriage Ring is made optional. No - 4/18.Varanamalyam is optional. No - 4/18. There is no objection to give either ring or garland or both. Psalm to be compulsorily introduced after our Father - 10/17. Water blessed early may be used -16/17. No anointing of mailanchiyideel I- 10/17; There can be mailanchiyideel - 7/17. Add intercessory prayers -17/17. Adult baptism - certain additional prayers, questions etc. to be followed -17/17. Vol. XXiV 2009

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Fr. Vellian, Fr. Silas, Fr. Valliamattam and Fr. Chavelil examined on 23.10.68 the draft prepared in accordance with the decision of the CLC on 19-20 September. Fr. Vallamattam and Fr. Silas CMI were appointed to check the text of the sacraments. The 1968 text was accepted despite the objection of several experts. Cardinal Parecattil claims that Fr. Chavelil got the imprimatur of all bishops except of those of Mar Sebastian Valloppilly and Mar Parecattil4. It means that SMBC as a body did not approve this text. It was printed in December 1968 and was published by the CLC on 11.02.1969. It began to be used by many without understanding the real nature of it which has not been approved even ad experimentum by SMBC or Rome .From 1981 onwards Fr. Abel claimed copy right for this text. Fr. Abel lost his claim for the copy right of the burial services in the legal battle. It was widely believed that he lost the copy rights of all the books for which he claimed the right. Later the CMI Congregation handed over this right to the synod. In the light of the past experience the synod from 28 Oct .till 15 Nov. 1996 authorized the curia to obtain the copy rights for all the liturgical texts to be used in the SyroMalabar Church from the competent civil authorities.

Objections raised The text was heavily criticized because it did not reflect the genius and theology of the East Syrian sacraments and was different in structure. To use a text without the formal approval of SMBC and of the Holy See was a serious indiscipline. The diocesan Liturgical Committee of Kanjirapally proposed the following for the SMBC: "It is remarked that the present texts of the Sacraments, Holy Week ceremonies etc. are not according to the real liturgical spirit and traditions of our Rite. Hence, the Bishops' Conference is requested to set right the situation". On CLC it says: "The work of the restoration of our liturgy as envisaged by the Council Vatican II must be entrusted to a Committee of experts in Oriental Liturgy, Theology, traditions, Church History, pastoral Theology etc. 4

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Hence, a reconstitution of the present central Liturgical Committee of the Syro-Malabar Church is highly necessary including experts from abroad. For the efficient and quick work of the C.LC, there should be clearly formulated and approved norms". (No. 9). Bishop Vallopally writes on June 29,1974 on the SMBC of 1974: "Since the subject of the meeting is liturgy, the members of the Liturgical Committee should be invited to attend the meeting at least one day, preferably on the second day. If the present Liturgical Committee is not competent it should be reorganized. Once a committee is appointed their voice should be heard and respected. Since the members of the Conference are not experts on Liturgical matters, some experts should be appointed to advise the Conference on liturgical matters".

1974 SMBC The request of Mar Sebastian Vayalil to hold a special meeting of SMBC to discuss the liturgy was accepted. As a preparation for it suggestions and opinions regarding liturgy and the evaluation of the liturgical activities till then were invited from dioceses. On this special meeting Mar Sebastian Vayalil writes: "Discussions were held efficiently and zealously. Some members tried to postpone any decision by raising objections. On August 14, the last day of the meeting, I insisted: "Today before we disperse a decision should be taken. Mar Joseph Powathil the bishop of Kanjirapally and the eparch of Satna fully agreed to this appeal. Others also, understanding the situation fully agreed5. One of the strong demands of the Fathers was that the text of the sacraments must follow the text given by the Holy See. Hence a thorough revision of the existing text was needed. Some of the relevant decisions of the SMBC were the following: - Regarding the reform of the liturgy, the Conference decided that restoration, revision and adaptation of the liturgy should go together, keeping the identity of the rite and having in view its organic growth in the light of Vatican decrees. 5

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- It was further resolved that hereafter the Bishops' conference alone should give approval for liturgical texts, subject to the approval of the Holy See. The individual ordinaries may publish para-liturgical texts, after hearing the diocesan liturgical committee. - The Central Liturgical Committee may form sub-committees for a). Holy Mass b). Sacraments and Sacramentals c). Pontifical d). Breviary e). Calendar f). Experimentations in Liturgy. These subcommittees may also co-opt Consultators. - The Findings of the sub-committees should go to the Central Liturgical Committee for their evaluation and presentation to the Bishops' Conference for final approval. A new sub-committee Basing on this decision of 1974 August 14, a committee under the chairmanship of Mar Kuriakose Kunnacherry was appointed to prepare a new text of the sacraments on the basis of original sources. The letter of a member On 1 January 1977, a member of the inter-diocesan committee wrote to Pope Paul VI. 1 quote some relevant parts on the sacraments: "After the Council things became worse. Cardinal Parecattil introduces his own reform. In 1968, the Eucharistic Liturgy, reformed by the Sacred Oriental Congregation was again reformed with the result that it became a deformed liturgy... Besides this, the ritual of the other sacraments was also drawn up and the texts of these are not based on the older sources as the Council decree suggests. On the other hand the pre-councilor practices of the Western Church have found their way into these books. Cardinal Parecattil, acting so it seems, on his own individual initiative and on the advice of a few of his priests, has published many liturgical books in the local language. The other bishops, however, were not and are still not consulted on these matters. I know this as a member of the Liturgical Committee of the Archdiocese of Changanacherry and also of the inter-diocesan committee. Your Holiness can verify this fact and the truth of this statement from the bishops themselves". The Harp

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In spite of the command of Pope Pius XI to go to the Chaldean traditions, Cardinal Parecattil has drawn up a new Pontifical with many Latin Innovations and it is in such a rite that he uses for ordination and episcopal consecration services. Further, there is being used in some places another text for the Eucharistic Sacrifice called the "Indian Mass". Some time back the Sacred Congregation for Divine Worship forbade the use of such texts and this prohibition had been published by the Secretary of the Catholic Bishops' Conference of India. However, the Cardinal encourages the use of such a 'Mass' in the Dharmaram College, Bangalore 29,... For the continued use of this type of 'Liturgy' they argue that since the Sacred Congregation for Divine Worship has no jurisdiction over Eastern churches, the prohibitions are not binding on us. But the question is: who gave him permission to use such texts for the Liturgy? Is Cardinal Parecattil competent for it? To my knowledge the Sacred Congregation for the Oriental Churches has never given such permission. The motive for the 'Indian Mass' is, they say, to adapt to the Indian culture. However this adaptation is very selective and superficial .For example, in spite of the loud and fervent advocations of Indianization nothing so far is done to conform to the spirit of penance and renunciation, so dear to the Hindus. The blind copying of Hindu practices has provoked derision from the part of the thinking Hindus. Just to give one of many examples, Mr. Soma Varma Raja, a high class Hindu belonging to a royal family and at present Professor and Head of the Department of the Malayalam language at Bharata Mata College, Ernakulam ... spoke to me last year with disapproval of the meaninglessness of such 'external shows' as he put it. Because of the confusion existing everywhere our bishops sat together more than two years back and made arrangements for the creation of various committees for preparing the texts for the different sacraments. I am working in two such committees. I have, right at the beginning, pointed out that the work of the committee has to be submitted to Rome for approval. The reason for my contentions is Vol. XXIV 20091

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that the Sacred Congregation for the Oriental Churches has already given the texts of the sacraments to our bishops and to outdo the Act of the Sacred Congregation is beyond the power of the bishops. Still, after the setting of the Committees, Cardinal Parecattil published some books of a liturgical nature (e.g. a much contestable Breviary). On all these problems I have consulted with some of our bishops and eparchs. They are apparently in a difficult and delicate situation and are keeping silent just to avoid confrontation with Cardinal and thus causing scandal...."

The letter of the Oriental Congregation and the reaction Probably basing on this memorandum The Oriental Congregation wrote on 3rd January 1977 to all the members of SMBC as 'reserved matter' regarding the reform of the liturgy. Cardinal Parecattil writes to other bishops on this letter: "I presume it is the result of the complaints gone from some quarters...It may be noted that at the meeting of the Syro-Malabar Bishops' Conference held here from 12,h to 14 the August 1974, the Central Liturgical Committee was authorized to form six sub-committees with a Bishop each as "President and Animator". These sub-committees could co-opt consultors who, as such can have no power of voting. A time limit of one year was fixed for the study of the various subjects. However, the calendar was to be prepared within three months; so also the guidelines for the experimentation centers. B ut, so far only from one or two such committees I have received some reports and I am wondering if the sub-committees are now functioning at all. In any case the time allotted to them has expired.... The slow progress of the liturgical renewal is, at least, partly, due to the fact that the subcommittees, with the exception of the one for calendar, failed to execute the task they undertook.... Regarding the new liturgical texts the resolution of the Conference reads as follows: "It was further resolved that hereafter the Bishops' Conference alone should give approval for liturgical texts, subject to the final approval of the Holy See". He therefore argued that he had not given approval after the 14th August 1974 and that all unauthorized liturgical texts which began to be used before that date could continue to be used. An individual The Harp:

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bishop cannot give approval to a text of the sacraments and therefore the decision of SMBC cannot be misinterpreted to allow the continued use of texts of the sacraments which lack the approval of the legitimate authority of the Church which is the Holy See. The question now asked is, if the texts of the sacraments are invalid, what is the validity of their administration? Experts of canon law believe that although the texts are invalid their administration is valid on the ground that the priesthood of the celebrant is valid. So the administration is not legitimate but valid. Mar Parecattil who was the Chairman of the liturgical Commission throws light on the culpable inertia of the members of the subcommittees who were entrusted with the preparation of the different items of the sacraments. He asks whether the subcommittees function at all. This question could be raised very often throughout the past history of the preparation of the liturgical texts. When the question of the preparation of a text came, a subcommittee for the same was appointed under a convener. After a long time the CLC was again held for some other purpose and another committee was appointed. Thus several committees are appointed and there was often no question whether the committees functioned at all and how much a subcommittee worked. There are certain people who were always made conveners, but never cared to work or made the committee to function. Even if a committee did the work and the text was handed over to the responsible person, there was no immediate discussion on it. After years when the question of the text came, the text already prepared was forgotten or neglected and a fresh one was appointed again to prepare the text. The real reason for such a situation is that the members of such committees are mainly occupied with other duties and offices and do not take the work in the subcommittee seriously. Secondly these members are not duly qualified for the same. The third possible reason is the delaying tactic to hinder the genesis of liturgical texts which will replace the unauthorized ones .The supporters of the unauthorized texts created the impression that they are the best ones and believed that by their continued use and propaganda in favour of them they can gain legitimate approval. For example, take the case of the texts of the sacraments. Although a subcommittee was Vol. XXIV 2009 The Harp

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appointed in 1974, the draft they prepared appeared only in 1985. Another example is the Pontifical. A committee was appointed under Mar Sebastian Valloppilly to prepare the text. This committee, according to His Excellency, submitted to him only a hand written copy of the Episcopal Consecration till 1981. Since I was asked by him I translated from the Syriac original the rites of ordinations till priesthood ( 1982), the rite of the Episcopal consecration(1983) and the Consecration of Church with related items such as the consecration of dappa etc. (1982) and the rite of blessing the Holy Oil (1982). They were printed in four volumes and were sent to all bishops and the members of CLC in 1981 and 1982 and 1983. The hymns for these rites were also printed and sent to them. But we do not hear about them anywhere till the CLC meeting on 13,14 March 1991, in which a fresh committee was appointed to collect the sources.

Anonymous text On September 1, 1985 a draft of the sacraments was sent to the members of the Central Liturgical committee. It was really an anonymous text without mentioning the author, place and the date of publication. It seems to be the text prepared by the subcommittee appointed after the 1974 SMBC. Some of the notable points of the texts are the following: 1. For baptism the text proposes one for children and another for the grown up. These two differ chiefly from the beginning of the rite till going to the baptistery 2. Every month a day can be fixed for baptism. Children to be baptized are baptized together with the participation of the parish community. The text proposes the following feast days suitable for baptism: Denha, Presentation of Our Lord in the temple, Annunciation, Holy Saturday, Pentecost, Sacred Heart feast, Dukrana of St.Thomas, Ascension of Lord, Finding of the Cross, Mission Sunday, All Saints' Day and the feast of Holy Infants. 3. The rite of Chrismation is given separately 4. A text for individual confession and another text for penitential rite are given. The Haip

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5. Rites for betrothal, baptism at home, blessing the sick, rite for giving Holy Communion to the sick, visit of the sick, giving viaticum and administering anointing of the sick with viaticum are also included in the text The draft was discussed in the CLC held on 09.10.1985. Since there was nobody to answer the questions raised by the members, it was rejected in the same meeting.

Another committee And a special committee consisting of Fr. Jacob Vellian, Fr. Thomas Mannooramparampil and Fr. Thomas Elevanal was appointed in the same meeting to collect the sources and commentaries on the Syro-Malabar Sacramentary. The report of SMBC on December 3,1990 ;'No 14: The Chairman of the episcopal Liturgical Commission said that he has not received any draft of the sacraments , pontifical etc prepared by the subcommittees which were working on it in the past. The commission was authorized to appoint, if necessary, new sub committees and to proceed with the preparation of the sacraments, pontifical etc." The convener made available to the CLC the Malayalam texts of Baptism and Matrimony by the Nestorians.

Joint letter of some CLC members In the meeting of the CLC on 13.3.1991 some CLC members gave a letter to the Chairman reminding that the convener had promised the following materials:1. Koodasakal -a printed draft of 108 pages. 2. The text of the sacraments in Latin sent from Rome. 3. The texts in Malayalam of the sacraments of Baptism and Matrimony used by the Nestorians of Trichur. They made the following observations: 1. Koodasakal is a draft which had been rejected in the previous meeting of the CLC in which a new sub-committee was appointed for the preliminary studies and for proposing a new draft. Vol. XXIV 2009

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2. Latin Text: The Latin text sent from Rome is only an abbreviated one in the form of a guideline. Hence, it cannot be taken as a complete text. 3. The texts of the Nestorians of Trichur are inadequate for a proper study. Hence, it would be very useful and proper to provide the Syriac texts by the Chaldeans and Nestorians with their translations and studies. They gave the following suggestions: 1. The texts of the sacraments have to be prepared in the light of original and authentic liturgical sources. Its original structure, content and theology should not be mutilated or impoverished. 2. The official text should be full and complete in which the possibility for option may be indicated without violence to its basic structure. 3. The Roman directives, the code of canon Law for the Oriental Churches and the texts of the East Syrian Church have to be respected in the preparation of the new text. 4. In order to speed up the work more effectively the original sub-committee may be divided into three committees opting new members into their competence 5. The enarxis and the Liturgy of the Word of all the sacraments should follow a common liturgical pattern of our Syro-Malabar Church.

Sub-committees In the same m e e t i n g the C h a i r m a n M a r S e b a s t i a n Mankuzhikary brought to the attention of the members the history of the draft of the sacraments made available to the members. He went through the CLC report of October 1985 which had already made an initial discussion on the draft. Then the house decided to appoint sub-committees to draft the new text of the sacraments Thus, a) A Sub-committee for Baptism and Confirmation (Fr. Jacob Vellian-Convener, Fr. Silas CMI and Fr. James Chavely), The Harp

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b) A sub-committee for Matrimony (Fr. Thomas Mannooramparampil-convener, Fr. Abraham Parampil, Fr. Mathew Valiamattam and Msgr. Joseph Veliyath) c) A subcommittee for penance and sacrament of the sick (Fr. John Theckanath-convener, Fr. Thomas Elevanal and Fr. Bosco Puthur and Fr. Joseph Perumthottham) The following terms of reference were fixed for the subcommittees: a). The sources shall be made available to the respective subcommittee members and the General Convener. b). The sources are to be translated into English or Malayalam if they are in any other language. c). A brief commentary on the sources, their variations etc are to be prepared. d). A draft of he respective sacraments in Malayalam too is to be prepared. Another sub-committee consisting of Fr. Abraham Parampil (Convener), Fr. Jose Poovannikunnel and Fr. Norbert Edattukaran will make a study on the sacramental theology of our Church and make available their findings to the conveners of the sub-committees and the general convener by the end of April 1991. This fourth committee did not submit the study on the sacramental theology. The sub-committees had to make the drafts available by the middle of August 1991 to be circulated among the CLC members.

A new Draft The subcommittees claimed to use the following sources: 1. Baptism and confirmation. Latin text from Rome, Syriac text of the Chaldeans, Malayalam text of the Nestorians and English translation in G.P. Badger, Nestorians and Their Rituals. 2. Matrimony: Latin text (Rome), Italian translation of the Chaldean sacrament of matrimony (P. Jousif), English translation in G P. Badger, "Nestorians and Their Rituals". Vol. XXIV 2009

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3. Penance: Latin text (Rome).Italian translation of the 'Order of Penance (P. Jousif), Rite of Absolution (Darma), The Liturgy of the Eastern Penance (L. Ligier). 4. Sacrament of the sick: Latin text (Rome) and Antiochean text. August 12,1991 Fr. Narikulam writes to Fr. Mannooramparampil, the convener of sub-committee for Matrimony: "According to the decision of the Liturgical Committee held on March 1991 the subcommittee for the sacraments are to submit the draft". The newly prepared text was discussed in the CLC held in Sept. 25-26, 1991. After an exchange of views on the draft of Baptism and of Confirmation, the House took the follo wing decisions: 1. The structure of the enarxis and the Liturgy of the Word should be as in the Qurbana. However, on certain occasions some elements of the enarxis may be omitted. 2. The sacramental action may be placed after the Liturgy of the Word. 3. Texts for child baptism and Adult baptism should be prepared separately 4. The text of Adult Baptism may be prepared in view of incorporating the system of catechumanate. 5. These texts are to be prepared in view of administering the Sacrament of Baptism both alone and within the Qurbana. 6. The text of Adult Baptism may be prepared in such a way that the Sacraments of Initiation (Baptism, Confirmation and Eucharist) can be given together. After going through the draft of matrimony the members proposed many amendments with regard to the structure, content and language. The crowning ceremony is to be left optional. Regarding the private confession, it was suggested to incorporate the prayers given in the Latin draft sent from Rome. At the same time, the prayers of the present draft also may be retained with certain modifications. The formula for absolving a penitent in danger of death should be The Harp

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added to the text. The draft of the sacrament of the sick has to be revised in the light of the suggestions given by the members.

Adhoc committee An ad hoc committee was appointed to prepare the next draft. The members of this committee were Fr. Paul Manavalan, Fr. Thomas Elevanal, Fr. Domitian Manickathan and Fr. Antony Narikulam. The report says: "Besides, the conveners of the three sub-committees Fr. Jacob Vellian, Fr. Thomas Mannooramparampil and Fr. John Theckanat will join the adhoc committee to prepare the texts of the respective sacraments. The second draft will be circulated among the CLC members for their observations and suggestions. After obtaining them, a third draft will be prepared to be sent to the Bishops for their study and approval".

Special Commission for Liturgy On March 31,1993 the Oriental Congregation for the Oriental Churches writes: "The Congregation, in fact, is urged to remind the Syro-Malabar Episcopate that, for a more authentic rooting in the tradition and for the necessary adaptation to the demands of the contemporary world, the question of the revision of the liturgical patrimony of that Church, remains as on the primary duties on its path: it is ali the more important, given the fact that it has been raised to the status of a Major Archiépiscopal Church. For this reason the Holy See wants to keep up particularly close connection of cooperation with the Bishops, in view of taking the decisions in such matters that are within your competence. For this purpose it (the Congregation) intends to reconstitute as early as possible a Special Commission for the Syro-Malabar Liturgy, in its own circle, which can stimulate, encourage, follow and evaluate the work of the Ma jor Archiépiscopal Commission for Liturgy. As soon as the commission is constituted, it will make an evaluation of the general situation and will send a list of priorities, in such a way that the work of reform in the other sectors of liturgy will be done". Vol XXIV 2009

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Second draft and third draft But without convening this committee the secretary of the Episcopal commission drew up the expected draft and sent to CLC members and requested to send their suggestions and observations to the Pontifical delegate Mar Abraham Kattumana. The secretary writes to CLC members on 20.4.93 giving the reason why he did so: "The other day I was asked by the Pontifical Delegate, Archbishop Abraham Kattumana, to make the draft of the sacraments available for discussion in the forthcoming synod to be held on May 20-25, 1993. Since there is no time to convene the ad hoc committee and prepare the draft as per decision of the CLC, I have incorporated the suggestions of the CLC members in the second draft..." The reason given for avoiding the ad hoc committee is not convincing since there was ample time to convene this committee .So the draft was not the work of CLC. I wrote to the Pontifical delegate on 8.5.93 on this problem: "I find that the texts which have been circulated differ from those which were prepared by the subcommittee .The style of the prayers is not oriental. Their contents differ from the original prayers and are theologically poor. They seem to be the readjustments of the texts which are now in use. The use of thé indicative form cannot be justified .Orientals use declarative or optative form. A text for the betrothal has been prepared by the subcommittee .It has to come together with the text for the marriage. I strongly believe that the texts should be discussed and finalized by the Central Liturgical Committee before they are submitted to the legitimate authority. Since they are defective and therefore unacceptable a few written suggestions may not serve the purpose. "The reply of the Pontifical Delegate actually avoided the real problem of avoiding the ad hoc committee He wrote to me on May 13, 1993 thus: "As you know, the SMBC liturgical commission is no more competent to prepare the third draft on the sacraments. I preferred therefore to receive the material already prepared by the commission and to Circulate among the Bishops so that they can study the texts and make their observations in the synod. In the light of those IhjHaip

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observations a new draft will be prepared by the new liturgical commission which will be elected in the forthcoming synod". If the secretary can prepare the draft why cannot the CLC or ad hoc committee? In the light of the proposed changes a second draft was prepared and submitted to the Pontifical Delegate in April 1993 which was sent to the members of the Synod as well as to the members of the CLC. The CLC held on 28-29 July 1993 discussed this draft. The report says:" The second draft of the sacraments was taken up for discussion .Fr. Antony Narikulam, the secretary, explained the genesis of he second draft. After a brief exchange of views the House decided to split into three groups to discuss the drafts of Baptism and Confirmation, Matrimony, Sacraments of Penance and the sick respectively.... Many amendments were proposed in the group and general discussions. Almost all the amendments were accepted unanimously. There was divergence of opinion about the use of the sacramental formula in Baptism and Penance. One group strongly argued for the indicative form and the other for optative or declarative form. Finally it was decided to leave the matter to the Bishops' Synod for a decision. Another point to be cleared is whether the embolism said after the Lord's Prayer is variable or not. The need of conferring the sacrament of Confirmation separately from Baptism is a felt need in our Church. Whether this goes against the canonical regulations or not is a matter to be taken up with the legitimate authorities. The house entrusted an ad hoc committee consisting of Fr. Thomas Ele vanal, Fr Paul Manavalan and Fr. Antony Narikulam to incorporate the decisions and suggestions of the members into the third draft. The sub-committee conveners too will join this ad hoc committee to finalize the third draft of the sacraments of Baptism and Confirmation, and Matrimony respectively. Experts in Malayalam language may be invited to help the ad hoc committee." An ad hoc committee was again entrusted with the task of incorporating the decisions and suggestions of the members into the next draft. It was this draft which was submitted to the synod. The letter of the Holy Father to the Syro-Malabar Bishops Holy Father writes on 25th Oct. 1993: "

It is a source of

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and even against the Holy See, addressed in a tone quite different from that which befits affectionate sons of the Church.. .In particular the liturgy of the Church, which is the source of true communion, cannot be a motive for opposition. The Supreme Pontiff therefore calls upon the Bishops of the Syro-Malabar Church to be always and in every way workers for peace, in order to merit the blessedness promised by the Lord, and to intervene strongly wherever pressure groups may have sown division among Christ's flock. The directives of the Holy See, worked out in the honest pursuit of the authentic good of the Syro-Malabar Church, should be observed and carried out in a constructive spirit, without unhelpful murmurings or sterile opposition. With humility and charity the Pastors of the Syro-Malabar Church should work together so that the Church can move forward ever more decisively and clearly, in conversion of heart and the sincere search for good, in order to live out the authentic patrimony of Eastern Christianity, with prudence but clarity of objectives, cultivating not with a spirit of division but with impartial attention what the Fathers, the liturgy and the Tradition have preserved as a living legacy....". This letter has helped to hinder open objections and controversies But at the same time, in the preoccupation to make everything unanimous there were only discussions on particular points without voting in official bodies. The result is that texts approved in this way need not and do not do full justice to the original texts, their theology and spirituality. Although all the texts are officially passed as unanimous, they are not in fact unanimous. The best proof for it is seen in the correspondences of bishops with Rome. Some bishops are said to have informed Rome of their objection to certain points in the sacramentary even after having passed it in the synod.

Remarks on the draft If we compare the draft texts with the Latin text from Rome and other sources like the Chaldean and the Nestorian it becomes evident that the new texts are not faithful to the original. So it is not The Harp:

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a real restoration of our authentic sacramental system. This is against the principles of liturgical restoration .In the preparation of the draft texts sources mentioned are not fully taken into consideration. The structure is defective. Each sacrament has its own identity and completeness. At the same time all the sacraments are culminated with the Holy Eucharist. The Eucharist begins with lakumara after the administration of the sacrament. The general tone and style of prayers are Latin. The epicletic form of prayer should be maintained. For example, prayer of blessing and oil of baptism.

Marriage All the important elements of the Chaldean and Nestorian sources are not included in the draft. For example, ring and crown. - Structure. Structure is different .In the traditional structure, if there is the Qurbana after the rite of marriage, it begins with the Onitha d' quanke or lakumara. Enarxis is not repeated. But in the draft the liturgy of the Word is given first and the rite of marriage is added after the karozutha. In the Latin rite liturgy of the Word is considered to be a preparation for services .In the Oriental traditions liturgy of the Word is considered to be part of the celebration itself. - Qanona of marmitha, kindling of candles, proclamation of the deacon, joining the hands of the couples, use of the holy water, asking question to the witnesses , making the promise of fidelity, giving the mantrakodi, and giving the rosary are not given in the Latin text. - Almost all prayers are free compositions.

Confession Out of the three blessings in the draft the first two are not given in the Latin text. The third in the draft is partially faithful to the Latin text. - Out of the three prayers of absolution in the draft two are not given in the Latin text. The third is a part of the Latin text. Vol XXIV 20091

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- Prayers of absolution for censures given in the Latin text should be restored - Prayers of absolution for censures given in the Latin text should be restored. Prayer of dismissal in the draft is the development of the idea of the corresponding prayer in the Latin text. Taksa d'husaya is to be translated and used in the Church.

Anointing of the sick The Latin text remains as an independent text without the liturgy of the Word. The new draft begins with the liturgy of the Word. No prayer in the draft is a faithful translation from the Latin text. Sacraments of initiation should be administered together .It is the prescription of CCEO 695. Deprecatory form should be used as in the characteristic formula of the Orientals.

Baptism - Prayers of the draft are not in conformity with the Latin text. - Various theological implications are left out in the prayers of the draft when compared to the Latin text. - The rich symbolism is much lost and the diaconal ministry is much reduced. - The onithas are much abandoned. - G'hantha prayers before the blessings of water and oil should be reinstated. - Anointing should be done as is prescribed in the Latin text. - Use of holy water is not seen anywhere in the Latin text. - Communion could be given after "Our Father - The coronation ceremony is left out.

Approval by the Synod The texts of baptism and Chrismation were approved in the November session of the synod in 1993. The report of the first The Harp

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assembly of the Second Synod of Bishops says: "The third main item on the agenda was the draft texts of the rite of Baptism and confirmation. As members of the Commission for Liturgy and resource personnel Rev Drs. Antony Narikulam, Jacob Vellian, Thomas Mannooramparampil and John Theckanath were present for the discussion. As regards the joint administration of the three sacraments of initiation the final decision was to administer baptism and confirmation together while the Holy Communion was to be administered separately for the time being. For the missions, however, a certain amount of freedom was left in the joint administration of Baptism and Confirmation. Regarding the rite of baptism of adults a considerable amount of freedom was left to the local hierarchs .The text was approved by the synod with the proposed modifications .It was also decided not to reopen discussion on the text. The rite o f Confirmation was prepared in such a way that it could be administered either jointly with baptism or separately .It was pointed out that a separate text was necessary taking into consideration the circumstances where baptism may be administered separately as well as the fact that there are many children who are baptized but yet to be confirmed. The text of confirmation also was approved with modifications and with the decision not to reopen discussions on it". The session of the synod on November 25,26,27, 28 and 1 December 1993 "The remaining part of the draft of baptism of infants was discussed and approved with modifications. The question of the creed in the baptismal rite was decided in favour of recitation by the community. As to the question, if communion also could be administered to the child baptized, the answer of the house was not favourable. The draft of the rite of baptism of adults was taken up for discussion. Though one of the Fathers pointed out that such a ritual was not needed for Kerala the general opinion that a ritual was necessary was accepted by the house. The Fathers from the mission dioceses found the structure, particularly the first three parts, of the text not well suited for their local situations. Therefore they were given freedom to adapt them to the local situations if needed, while the fourth part, namely, the rite of baptism Was to be followed as in thé draft. Vol XXIV 2009

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In the afternoon session the draft of the rite of Chrismation was discussed and passed with modifications. By way of information the pontifical Delegate read out the relevant parts from an instruction of the Holy See which required all liturgical texts, even those to be used ad experimentum to get the prior approval of the Holy See. As regard the liturgy of the Hours that is being used ad experimentum it was pointed out that the SMBC gave the permission to print it, but without discussing the text in its sessions." The report of the synod on 22.3.1994 says: "The draft of the sacrament of reconciliation was taken up for discussion. As experts Fr. Antony Narikulam, Jacob Vellian, Thomas Mannoramparampil and Jacob Theckanath were invited to the session. The draft was approved with the decision that it could be incorporated into a longer text for a general penitential service because such a service had existed in the Syro-Malabar Church. Proposals to add general instructions also were accepted. The drafts o f the sacraments of the anointing of the sick and of marriage too were discussed and were approved with modification. The texts were considered final except for certain prayers specified for amelioratgion. "The other sacraments were approved in March 1994.The synod held on October 28 - Nov 15, 1994 again discussed the texts, approved t h e m and decided to send them to R o m e f o r n e c e s s a r y "recognitio"; On 6lh November 1996, the synod gave also its approval to publish the sacraments in a booklet form experimentally as soon as the required permission is obtained from the competent authorities in Rome". On 3"' November 1998 in the Synod the Apostolic Administrator shared with the synod members the information he got regarding the text of the sacraments. He was told that there was difference of opinion among the consulters of the congregation in this matter. Therefore a pontifical commission has been appointed to look into the matter. Apostolic Administrator was asked by the Congregation to choose two experts to collaborate with the pontifical commission. The text was sent to Rome on 25'" November 1997. The Harp

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Further Discussions VI Synod (1998) held 19-20,March 1998atNavSadhana, Varanasi. The Apostolic Administrator acknowledged four documents from the Holy See The first was a letter from the Prefect of the Oriental Congregation saying: 1). that the full exercise of the faculties foreseen in the Codex Canonum Ecclesiarum Orientalium in liturgical matters be conferred on the Synod of Bishops of the Syro-Malabar Church.2). One of the decisions was "to entrust the commission for Liturgy and two persons from each of the idea groups to study the material already collected concerning the views of the faithful on Liturgy". The synod held from3-14 November 1998 says: "As regards the approval of the text of the sacraments submitted to the Congregation for the Oriental Churches more than a year ago the Apostolic Administrator informed the bishops that according to the information he received from the Congregation a Pontifical Commission will soon be constituted to study the matter further .He said also that two experts from the Syro-Malabar Church will be included in this commission.."

The suggestions from Rome The special commission finalized the text .As a result The Oriental Congregation sent on March 31, 2000 the following suggestions for the consideration of the synod. A. Baptism of infants: General instructions 1 & 3: Should read "previously blessed oil may be used only in case of emergency" instead of "yet taking into consideration the long standing tradition and pastoral need in the Syro-Malabar Church previously blessed oil may be used". 2 & 4: should read "except in case of emergency the water needed for baptism is always to be blessed on the occasion of the baptism itself'. 3& 8 should read: .. .must be done with the Holy Gospel book". Holy Bible is not the name of a Christian liturgical book in any Catholic tradition of East or West. Vo! XXIV 2009

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The Rite of Baptism 4. Page 3: The traditional first anointing is to be inserted before the procession to the bema. This anointing is done with previously blessed oil from earlier baptisms. The formula is "(Name), you are signed with the oil of anointing in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, Amen". 5. Page 4: It should be clearly indicated that following the Trisagion the traditional prayer before the readings (= O Lord Our God, enlighten) is to be recited, as in the 1969 Ernakulam Ritual. 6. Pages 5-6: The traditional eastern response to the karozutha is "Lord, have mercy". The one in the text, "Lord hear our prayer", an obvious latinization, is not to be admitted. 7. Page 6: The karozutha II is to be added and it should conclude with the traditional "prayer of inclination". Though recommended, and is to be preserved as part of the basic structure of the traditional litanies of the Syro-Malabar rite, it need not always be taken, when time is short. 8. Page 6: During the procession to the font it would be suitable to sing the traditional baptismal Onitha d-raze of the rite of baptism "Holy and awesome is His Name, His greatness without limit. Your baptism with water has sanctified our souls". The blessing of the oil and water 9. Pages 7ff: Change the rubrics where necessary to show that the oil is always to be blessed during the rite, except in emergencies. 10. Page 7: The omission of the traditional Ghantha (Preface) and Sanctus destroys the traditional "anaphoral" structure of the rite. It might be considered suitable to include at least an abbreviated form of the traditional, Ghantha (= from your grace, O our maker...") plus the Sanctus, inserted after: Deacon: "peace be with us". 11. Page 8: Since the oil is always to be blessed, the rubric and prayer may be omitted. 12. Page 8: In the second prayer over the water, the beautiful and traditional image of the womb, from the baptismal Gospel of The Hatp

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Jn.3 should be retained as in the original Syriac prayer: "The water which gives remission of sins.. .and is mixed with the holy oil so it may become a new womb giving birth spiritually through the baptism of forgiveness."

Baptism 13. Pages 8-9: The traditional method of baptism throughout antiquity and in traditions of the Christian East is by immersion. Consequently, the rubrics following the title "Baptizing" are to be changed as follows. The first rubric: "The celebrant pouring "water" thrice, at the name of each Person of the Holy Trinity. Or else the child may be made to sit.. .poured on the child's head thrice, at each mention of one the three persons of the Holy Trinity". This second way is especially suitable when the child is already several months old and too big to be conveniently immersed by the other method. 14. Page 8: The baptismal formula should begin "(N) is baptized in the name .. .unless the Malayalam language requires the inversion as in the text. And "Amen" is to be exclaimed by all thrice* after each name of the Holy Trinity.

Chrismation (Confirmation) and Crowning 15.page 9: After the conferral of the candle , ending : " May Jesus the light... Amen" , the text of the sacrament of Chrismation (referred to in the proposed text by the latinizing term "Confirmation", which is to be changed to the correct Eastern term "Chrismation" here and in all instances) is to be inserted, beginning with the karozutha on page 3 in the proposed "Confirmation" text, and ending with the "Amen" on page 5, line 11, of the same text. 16. The form of Chrismation (= proposed form for the "Confirmation") rite, page 5, lines 1-2 must be changed to the traditional East - Syrian and Syro-Malabar formula: Priest "N" has been baptized and is (now) perfected in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, forever. People: "Amen". 17. After Chrismation, the ancient and traditional crowning could be suitably restored, with the traditional formula or some variant Vol-XXIV 2009

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considered suitable to both the Biblical themes of the newly -baptized as bridegroom (bride) baptized into Christ the heavenly bridegroom (Mt.25:1-13) and Indian culture. The traditional formula is: "May the crown of (Name) be unto joy and exultation and for days of rejoicing, now and for ever. Amen". 18. Then the baptismal rite continues as on p. 10 with the rubric "{after the anointing....}" The above correction in Parasl6-16 is obligatory and admits of no exceptions whatever, regardless of present custom.

Holy Communion 19. Immediately following the administration of Chrismation .i.e., after "Amen" on page 10 of the proposed baptismal rite, line 15, rubrics are to be added to indicate that Holy Communion under both species always and without exception is to be administered to the neophyte(s) with the customary formula, (unless the rite takes place during the Qurbana in which case communion is to be first to the newly baptized at the time of communion, before all others communicate) This change, too, is obligatory and admits of no exceptions. 20. In the case of an infant too small to consume even a small particle of the consecrated Body of Christ intincted in the Precious Blood, Holy Communion may be administered by the priest dipping a communion spoon or the index finger of his right hand into the Precious Blood and moistening the infant's tongue with it. B. The Rite of the Sacrament of Penance: General Instructions 1. P.l. The form and structure of this highly praiseworthy common reconciliatory service cannot be left to the whim of individuals but must be prepared as a common rite, using traditional elements from the Rite of Reconciliation in the east -Syriac tradition and from the Liturgy of the Word of the Qurbana. Note that an anointing with blessed oil is a suitable and traditional part of such a rite. 2. P. 4. Omit "Generally" and at the end add this sentence: "For the common reconciliatory service the priest must vest in the The Harp

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vestments commonly used for the administration of the Sacred Mysteries (baptism, Marriage etc.). C. The Rite of Anointing the Sick: General Instructions 1. What is said above for the Mystery of Penance regarding the possibility of a common rite is applicable here too, and such an instruction should be inserted into the text. 2. P.2. what was said concerning the Rite of Baptism for Infants here and throughout this and all other texts: "Bible" is not the name of a liturgical book in any catholic rite of East or West, and the correct name (Evangeliary or Gospel book or Gospel lectionary) is to be substituted in every instance ,here and elsewhere in all texts that have been submitted for Judgement. 3. P.3: should be corrected to read: "It is fitting that the oil for anointing be blessed at each administration of the sacrament, for which the necessary arrangements must be made." 4. P.6: Here too, what was said concerning the karozutha II in Rite of Baptism for Infants applies mutatis mutandis. Furthermore, if karozutha I commemorates the Pope before the local eparchial hierarch, it should also commemorate the Major Archbishop. 5. Pp.7 and 12: The text of the form of the sacramental anointing should be exactly the same in both cases, and the reading on p. 12 ("... to obtain spiritual and bodily healing.. .".rather than health), is preferable. D. The Rite of Holy Matrimony: General instructions 1. What has been said already about the term "Bible" applies here too and throughout. 2. P.7. What was said earlier regarding adding Karozutha II in Rites of Baptism for infants and Anointing of the Sick applies, mutates Mutandis, here too. 3. P 9: the prayer of Blessing of the Mantrakodi seems rather banal and without any biblical thematic. Perhaps variant prayers could be added, such as the traditional prayer for the blessing of the crowns ("Clothe, O Our Lord and God, your espoused Church with the habit of your glory..."). Vol XXIV 20091

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4. P. 10: in the pledge, the word "swear" is too strong, and must be changed .The Christian marriage Rite is a covenant, and does not include an "oath", but rather a "Pledge" or a commitment" or "promise". The word "swear" is too juridical - and furthermore is in no way traditional. E . The Rites of Christian Initiation for adults 1. What was said above regarding the Rite of Baptism for Children (i.e. the entire Christian Initiation ritual including Chrismation and Eucharist) is, mutates mutandis, applicable here too, especially regarding all corrections indicated in the texts of the formulae. 2. In general ,in the present proposed Rite for Adults , the beginning of Stages I,II,III is too abrupt, just as is true in the new and excellent R C I A ( or Roman Rite o f Christian Initiation for Adults).Since the abruptness is not customary in Eastern liturgical services, it would be better to preface the present beginning of each of these Stages I-III with some of the usual opening elements of Syro-Malabar services (e.g., "Glory to God in the highest . . . " repeated, then "Let us pray .Peace be with us") followed by a moment of silence or an opening prayer - but not the "Our Father", which must not be used until later, after the Lord's prayer has been transmitted to the candidates.

Stage One 3. p. 1: Since one of the first elements of the ancient East-Syrian "Rite of Adult Baptism" comprised the writing down of the candidates' names, it might be suitable for the question to be: " What is your name?" as in the RCIA. Then if new Christian names are to be given to the candidates who already have non-Christian names, the celebrant might respond to the candidate's reply with " You shall henceforth be called N " - of course only after having heard beforehand from the candidates themselves what Christian name they wish to choose. 4. p.5: The ancient opening Rite concluded with a procession to the (closed) doors of the baptistery. Where there is a baptistery or its equivalent in the Church or nearby in a separate building, stage The Harp

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one might suitably conclude with such a procession, to the chant of an "Onitha or psalm plus refrain with reference to a theme like the "opening unto us of the doors of salvation", and a concluding prayer.

Stage Two 5. As was already noted about the Rite of Baptism for children, the traditional response to the karozutha petitions is "Lord, have mercy", which must be retained here as well.

Stage Three 6. p. 12: What was said about the karozutha (the response; the addition of Karozutha II) in the rite for children applies here too.

Stage Four 7. All the corrections will respect to the formulae, etc., already made regarding the Rite of Baptism for Infants, apply here too. 8. p.18: In the rubric entitled General instructions for the Act of Baptizing, what is said above in the Rite for Children (A.R 13) concerning placing baptism by immersion as the first option is to be applied here too. The same rubric should also contain a reference to the possibility of baptizing adults by immersion in "living water", i.e. in a river indeed, one should envisage the construction of suitable baptisteries, at least in cathedral churches, to permit the baptism of adults by immersion, as had already been done since Vatican II in numerous churches in the West. 9. Nothing is said in a separate way concerning the proposed Rite of Confirmation, because no such rite separate from the other rites of Christian Initiation exists - nor will one be allowed to existin the authentic traditions of the Christian East. Chrismation may be administered separately only when some emergency, unusual, or abusive and anomalous situation requires that Chrismation be "supplied "to a candidate who should have received the sacrament at Baptism but did not .In such cases the sacrament is administered as indicated above about Initiation of Infants/adults, omitting whatever Vol XXIV 2009

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pertains exclusively to Baptism, and always including the reception of the Eucharist under both species, as already indicated. In the session of Synod held from 10 to 22 July 2000 the Major Archbishop made it clear that the Congregation would approve the Malayalam text if passed unanimously by the synod. The synod decided to ask the Major Archbishop to write to the Congregation to give approval for using the texts on an experimental basis.

Final Approval Integrating the above given suggestions from the Holy See, the synodal commission published a draft for the study and discussion: Kudctsakal, published by Syro-Malabar Synodal commission for liturgy, June 2001. On Nov.5-17, 2001 the synod finalized the text, suggesting five modifications in the Roman document of 3rd March 2000.lt was sent to Rome for further approval on 14th December 2001. Oriental Congregation approved the text on 22 June 2004. Regarding the suggested modifications the reply of Rome is dealt with in the letter of the Major Archbishop to the bishops on July 10, 2004. The letter of the Major Archbishop to all the Bishops of the Syro-Malabar Church Your Grace/Excellency, I am glad to inform you that the Holy See has given the "prior review" (recognitio) to the text of the sacraments which had the consent of the Syro-Malabar Bishops' Synod .With regard to the five points submitted to the Synod held from 5-17 November 2001, the Holy See has decreed the following: 1. To the question whether the previously blessed oil could be used for the first anointing in baptism, the Congregation replied thus: Since the blessing of oil consists in a single prayer, only nine lines long, it taxes the imagination to fathom the possible "valid pastoral reasons" that demand the use of previously blessed oil .But the change is accepted since the Synod desires it. 2. To the proposal of the synod to leave the traditional first The Harp

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anointing in baptism as optional, the Congregation replied that this anointing is obligatory. 3. To the proposal to retain all three forms of administering baptism, namely, immersion, infusion and pouring water over the head, the Congregation replied thus: "According to the desire of the Synod, the option of baptizing by pouring may be added as a third option. Thus the order of the rubric should be re-arranged as indicated in paragraph 13 of "Observation of the Congregations for the Oriental Church on the revised text of the sacraments in the Syro-Malabar Church", Prot 200/93 of 31st March 2000, placing this option in this order a) baptism by immersion -and let the rubric state that this, as the true tradition, is preferred; B) by sitting the child in the font and pouring the water over his/her head) by pouring as in the original first rubric. Thus, to meet the desires of the Synod, none of the three options is forbidden, but their order is re-arranged so as to give precedence where it belongs to the age-old universal tradition of Baptism, in accord with the constantly reiterated insistence of the Holy See for generations and not to the latinisation of Eastern usage which the Holy See has incessantly condemned. 4. The proposal of the Synod not to ask the Christian name in adult baptism in the first stage, but rather in the fourth stage was accepted by the Congregation. 5. The proposal of the Synod not to have the anointing during the general penitential service was accepted by the Congregation...." The final text integrating the amendments from Rome was published by the Major Archbishop through a decree on the first December 2004 Promulgation of the Text of sacraments Decree After due consultation and deliberation in the concerned forums and with the approval of the Synod of bishops of the Syro-Malabar Church in its sessions held from 28,h October to 15th November 1996 and from 5th to 16 November 2001 and after having obtained the Recognition of the congregation for the Oriental Churches on 22 Vol. XXIV 2009

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June 2004, the undersigned Varkey Cardinal Vithayathil, C.Ss.R., the Major Archbishop of the Syro-Malabar Church hereby promulgates the text of the sacraments appended to this decree, namely, Child Baptism and Chrismation, Adult Baptism and Chrismation, Sacrament of Reconciliation, Sacrament of Matrimony and Sacrament of Anointing of the sick, to be effective from 6th January 2005 and with the same Act declares that all other texts hitherto in use for administering the above-mentioned sacraments stand abrogated from 6th January 2005. All contrary dispositions, notwithstanding. Given from the Syro-Malabar Major Archiépiscopal Curia at Mount St.Thomas on l sl December 2004 (Sd) +Varkey Cardinal Vithayathil, C.Ss.R. Major Archbishop of the Syro-Malabar Church The commission for liturgy has published the Taksa of the sacraments. Two separate books for the use of the community are published namely (1) the text of the sacraments of Child Baptism and Chrismation, Sacrament of Reconciliation, Sacrament of Matrimony and sacrament of Anointing of the sick (ii) the text of he Adult Baptism and Chrismation.

Observations 1. The intervention of Rome has helped to retain important oriental characteristics of the texts of the sacraments 2. A comparative study of the texts of the sacraments with their respective sources, Latin text from Rome and the Nestorian and Chaldean liturgy reveals that the present texts are not the true translation but an adjustment. It is not a restoration of the original texts but a free formulation with new prayers and rites. Important prayers that have been used for centuries in the administration of the sacraments have a special significance as part of the heritage of the Church and the source of theology. They are helpful for proper The Harp

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catechism. Therefore these prayers should not be treated lightly and changed to suit one's own taste or individual way of thinking. 3. The original Syriac text should be the basic text of each sacrament. The complete form of each sacrament should be made available. Even for scientific study and evaluation this is essential. 4. The structure is different. Each text of the sacrament has its identity and completeness .To bring all the sacraments under the same pattern, as is done in texts will destroy the structure of each sacrament and distort the symbolisms and genius specific to each. When a sacrament is administered together with Qurbana, it begins with 'Lord of all' .But the new text gives the liturgy of the Word first and after the karozutha after the Gospel the rite proper begins. 5. The prescription of three readings is not Syro-Oriental 6. Hymns should be in Syriac tone and style, and should be faithful to the original. On l5 lh Feb. 2004, the CD of the songs of the recently promulgated liturgy of the sacraments was given to the members of the CLC. There is widespread complaint that the hymns of the sacraments and the tunes were not discussed in the CLC and the Synod. Neglecting the Syriac tunes the songs are given new tunes with which people are not familiar and are difficult for the ordinary people to sing. When the hymns for the Holy Qurbana were set the understanding was that the hymns of all the items of the liturgy are to be in the Syriac tunes. In the Research seminar on the Liturgical Music of the Church held 19-21,2005,10 lh the suggestion was to preserve the Syriac patrimony in the Liturgical Music. At the same time there should be provision for Karnatic and Hindustani Music. . 7. The use of holy water is not given in the Syriac text. 8. It is a very welcome matter that depreciative form is used in the sacramental formulas. 9. The new text encourages that the three sacraments of initiation are conferred together, although a fraction of the church is not happy over it. The oriental Canon Law art.951 ordains that baptism and Chrismation are to be given together. All the oriental Vol XXIV 2009

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Churches -both Gatholic and non-Catholic - follow the tradition of conferring the two sacraments together. Baptism is the sacrament of rebirth and Chrismation that of growth. Chrismation is considered the fulfillment of baptism: "(name) has been baptized and is (now) perfected in the name of the Father, and of the son and of the Holy Spirit, for ever and ever. Amen" This formula expresses this idea. The present text says that the Holy Communion is to be given to the baptized as soon as possible after the baptism. This is in conformity with CCEO 697: "Sacramental initiation in the mystery of salvation is the reception of the Divine Eucharist, and thus the Divine Eucharist is administered after baptism and Chrismation with holy Myron as soon as possible according to the norms of the particular law of each Church sui Juris". The church should be proud that most of the priests try to confer the three sacraments of initiation together. The feeling of the minority is reflected in the report of CLC held on 2829 July 1993: "The need of conferred the sacrament of baptism is a felt need in our Church. Whether it goes against the canonical regulation is a matter to be taken up with the legitimate authorities". Baptism of the grown up This is a new rite. Till now the Church had no such a rite. 1. It is divided into four stages. 2. The recommendation that it is conferred with the participation of the parish community throws light of the communitarian nature of the sacrament. 3. The suggestion for the baptismal pond is praiseworthy 4. All the elements including the crowning have been given in the rite. 5. The three sacraments of initiation are conferred together. If we examine each text separately we find: 1. Marriage- the structure of the Latin text is not followed. - Form of prayer has been changed. - Prayers are almost entirely new. The Harp

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2. Baptism - Prayers of the draft are not in conformity with the Latin text - Various theological implications are left out in the prayers if compared with the Latin text. G'hantha prayers before the blessings of water and oil should be reinstated. Anointing should be done as is prescribed in the Latin text. - Use of holy water is not seen anywhere in the Latin text. - Communion could be given after 'Our Father'. 3. Reconciliation. The draft does not have any conformity with the Latin text except in a very few places. . 4. Anointing of the sick. No conformity with the Latin text. The introductory part is an addition. Prayers and psalms etc are entirely different from the Latin text. English translation of the texts of the sacraments was prepared by the secretariat and was sent to the Fathers of the Synod for observation before the approval in the session of the synod in August 2006. They have also come into use in the Church. It is very evident that the present approved texts of the sacraments are not at all faithful to the liturgical heritage of the SyroMalabar Church .Yet, the Church as whole has accepted them as compromise texts with the hope that they will be revised in future so as recover the lost liturgical identity of the Church. It is also a sad fact that some priests of some dioceses or even all the priests of certain dioceses with the tacit or explicit consent of their own hierarchs continue to use the unauthorized texts of Fr. Abel or the texts of their own creation. The original Syriac text should be the basic text of each sacrament. The complete form of each sacrament is to be translated and made available. A simple text can serve the ordinary purpose. But this should follow the order and texts of the Latin text from Rome. Rev. Dr. Thomas Mannooramparampil Professor (Emerites), Powrasthy Vidyapittam Vadavathoor, Kottayam Vol XXIV 2009

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ST. EPHREM: A GARLAND OF PRAYER SONGS Prayer Songs on Paradise, 2 (continued from page 354) 12. Noah made the animals live in the lowest part of the Ark; in the middle part he lodged the birds, while Noah himself, like the Deity, resided on the upper deck. On Mount Sinai it was the people who dwelt below, the priests round about it, and Aaron halfway up, while Moses was on its heights and the Glorious One on the summit. (continued in page 424)

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IMMEDIATE PREPARATION FOR BAPTISM IN THE EAST SYRIAN LENT Traditionally the season of lent is considered a time for doing penance and fasting, and thereby reforming the Christian life in individuals and in community. Through ardent prayers, Christians prepare themselves to celebrate the feast of the death and resurrection of the Lord. Further, it is the time when the catechumens undergo intense training .... in prayer, penance and doctrine ..... to receive baptism in the Easter vigil in the context of the assembly of the faithful. Expositio tells us that in order to show the relation of baptism to the death and resurrection Christ, "we put off our baptism to the Easter vigil"1 The Breviary gives the proper for a Mass of Baptism after the Evening Service of Holy Saturday2. This is in addition to the Mass of the Resurrection on Sunday morning. 1 Expositio Officiorum, part 2, p. 87 2 The anthem of the Rails (qanke), for example, has baptismal allusion: You who are baptized in Christ have put on Christ from water and spirit; and you will reign with him in heavenly dwelling..... You are baptized in the one Spirit; you have put on one Spirit. You have known one Lord in whose name you will be called and with him you will rejoice in the dwelling full of goodness". Vol XXIV2009!

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The catechumen is trained in different ways and through various stages: catechetical instruction, imposition of hands and procession to the baptistery. Two types of East Syrian lectionaries have come down to us in manuscript form: a monastic tradition with a lectio continua of the Superior Monastery of Mossul, and a Cathedral tradition with Lectio Selecta of the Cathedral of Beth-Koke, of Seleucia-Ctesiphon. But for Lent both have the same readings with minor variations (Gospel readings of the 2nd and 3rd Saturdays)3. It is noteworthy that the only Church which retains the readings from the Law and Prophets in addition to the ones from the Epistles and Gospel, is the East Syrian. The books read in Lent, as we have seen above, are Genesis, Josue, Isaias, Romans, Matthew and John. With a few exceptions they are used in lectio continua4. Egeria testifies that during Lent in Jerusalem the bishop instructs those who are to be baptized, "beginning with Genesis" 5 . It is noteworthy that eight of the Lenten homilies of John Chrysostom are on the book of Genesis.6 This is because it covers a good part of the history of salvation dealing with persons who prefigured Christ. Deluge and Exodus are figures of Baptism. The book of Josue gives the whole story of the 'pass-over' of the Israelites from Egypt to the Promised Land. The Epistle to the Romans (ch. 1-15) is a narration about the justice of God and story of the justification of mankind in Christ. An exhortation to virtuous life is the content of chapters 12-15. The reading of Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday of the seventh week is 3

4 5 6

The monastic tradition is considered earlier by C. Mouses: Les Livres Liturgiques de l'Eglise Chaldeen (Beyrouth, 1955), p. 18. The oldest Ms of the lectionaries is Vat. Sir. 24 of the 13lh century, of the Gospel readings is of Sachau Codex 12 of the 7th or the 8th century and the earliest of the epistularies is British Museum Add. 146888 of the 12th century. For a Ms study of the cathedral tradition, cf. W. Macomber, "Thé Chaldean Lectionary System of the Church of Beth-Koke, "Orient. Christ. Periodica 33 (1967, pp. 483-516) See the Appendix. H. Pefrei Journal de Voyage, op. cit. p. 257 P.G. 53-54: col. 581-620. The Harp

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taken from Hebrews ch. 1, 4, 6, 9 where the priesthood of Christ is presented as the fulfillment of the Old Testament priesthood. The theme of the first Sunday, called Sunday of Entrance into the Fast, is fast. The first reading (Ex. 34: 1-7, 27-35) is about the fast of Moses. The second reading (Is 58: 1-12, 14) warns against hypocritical fast. The epistle to the Ephesians (4: 17-5: 4, 15-21) read on this day tells about the interior renovation. The Gospel is from Matthew (3:16-4:11) and it is the narration of the fast of Jesus in the desert. These are readings very suitable to the beginning of Lent. Probably to stay in keeping with the practice of lectio continua, the same Gospel, with the relevant theme of the Sermon on the Mount was continued to be red till the fourth week. On the Tuesday of the fourth week begins the readings from the Gospel of John which is continued until the Thursday of Passover. Why this change? According to Expositio the fourth week is the time of enrollment of those who are to be baptized on the Easter Vigil:" On Monday of the middle week of Lent those who are to be baptized come and inscribe their names; the priest, with two deacons, comes down and recites over them the prayer of the imposition of hands, morning and evening till the baptism"7. The passage of the Gospel chosen for thi s day is John 5:1-18 which is the curing of the paralytic at the pool of Betsaida. in patristic tradition, a baptismal allusion is attached to this miracle by immersion.8 Keeping the spirit of lectio continua, once again, we get the continuation of reading selected for a particular day. Monday of the last week has the ordinary Vespers without any allusion to the Holy Week. The proper of the anthem of Vespers is about Christ, the shepherd. Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday are days of Mysteries. Anthem of Communion of these days begins alike: "In sorrow, let us receive the body of the Son, and drink in faith his chalice, who suffered for us". Thursday is the close of the fast, and hence there is a full Eucharistic Liturgy commemorating the Last Supper, also through the Gospel reading, John 13: 1-17. 7 8 9

Expositio Officiorum, part 2, p. 88. The Breviary does not give nay formula for the imposition. Cf., for instance, St. Ephrem, In Festum Eiphaniae, in S. Ephrem Syri Hymni et Sermones, ed. by Lamy, vol.1 (Melchinia, 1882), p. 106. Expositio Officiorum, part 2, p. 90

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Procession to the Baptistery According to Expositio Officiorum there is a procession to the baptistery from the 7th Monday to Saturday. In this week there is only one Imposition of Hands:" In the beginning of the last week they enter into baptistery; this is done in the morning. It is so because at the end of the night of the Old Testament Our Lord and John came to begin the new dispensation. They come out with the Cross from the apse because Christ came down from heaven and the Spirit was accompanying John.... Six days before baptism they enter into the baptistery five days and on the sixth day is baptism Today once in the evening the priest, with the prayer of the imposition of hands, blesses those who are to be baptized".9 The Breviary does not give us any ceremony or prayer for the imposition of hands which takes place in the evening, but we have a separate office for the procession to the baptistery. It is given after the Morning Prayer (Sapra)10 Rev. Dr. Msgr. Jacob Vellian Archbishop's House, Kottayam. 686001 Kerala, India. 10 The office of the procession to the baptistery has the following structure: anthem of baptism, first supplication shuraya, second supplication, tesbohtha (hymn) and Trisagion. The anthem of baptism (onitha d'amada) is sung during the procession to the baptistery: 'The doors of the spiritual bride chamber re opened to men for the remission of sins. Love and mercy are given to all men from above through the gift of the Spirit. Therefore, you, who are called, enter into that joy which is prepared for you, with pure heart and true faith. And praise Christ our Redeemer" (Monday). " those who with repentance approach the true faith are born of God, arid all those who keep away from this are deprived of the gifts of life and eternal redemption" (Tuesday). " It was not from the fountain of Jacob, nor from the water brought forth by Moses, nor from the river Jordan which was sanctified by your baptism by John, but from your side, O Christ that the fountains of life did flow, in which our debts were remitted and we were purified from our sins. To you be glory" (Thursday). In the supplications (Karozutha) the deacon reminds the assembly of the great spiritual gift contained in baptism, admonishes them to approach it with faith and purity, and further, exhorts the faithful to pray for those who are to be baptized. "Therefore, let us all, being the beloved children of holy baptism, pray for these, our sons and daughters, who are about to received the sign of life " (2nd Karozutha). Supplications are common to all the days of procession. Cf. Breviarium, vol 2, p. 71. The Harp

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HUNTER

RECONSTRUCTING CHRISTIANITY IN SOUTH-WEST IRAQ: REASSESSING HIRA 1 Alois Musil recorded Hira's location on the border between the mutually hostile Bekr ibn Wa'il and Tarleb tribes on the right bank of the Euphrates in south-west Iraq, 150 km south of Baghdad, near modern Najaf and Kerbala2. The origins of Hira are unclear, but its name being derivative of hirta "encampment" suggests that it probably originated as a caravanserai or some type of seasonal settlement3. Sandwiched between Mesopotamia and Arabia, Hira was on the commercial route linking South Arabia and Palmyra with Mesene, or southern Mesopotamia, from whence there was 1 2 3

Paper read at the 6th World Syriac Conference Kottayam, Kerala (September 2006). A. Musil, The Middle Euphrates: A Topographical Itinerary (New York: 1927) 285. A.F.L. Beeston, "al-Hirtä", Encyclopedia of Islam (Leiden: 1971) v. Ill, 462 noted that this sense of the word was not extant in classical Arabic, but was present in epigraphic South Arabian. This connection is upheld by W. Eilers, "Iran and Mesopotamia" in The Cambridge History of Iran (Cambridge: 1983), III (1), 487 who states that "the Dlace was settled by tribes from 'Umän and southern Arabia".

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extensive contact down the Gulf and to India . Textile fragments, dated to the Roman period, that were found at the cave complex of Al-Tar, not far from Hira, intimate the wealth and luxury of the trade that traversed these regions. This paper commences with a brief excursus into the history of Hira from its commercial origins to the emergence of Christianity under the Lakhmid dynasty when it became a strategic buffer zone between Mesopotamia and Arabia. It then reviews Syriac sources to show their association of Hira with the Lakhmid dynast Nu'man and its Arab population. Finally, in a bid to reconstruct the Christian matrix of Hira, the paper turns its attention to archaeological evidence from Hira, drawing on unpublished material from the excavation that David Talbot-Rice conducted in the 1931 under the aegis of the University of Oxford. The combination of literary references and material evidence highlights Hira's role as a Christian Arab city during the Early Ummayid dynasty and that still maintained a significant profile into the eleventh century.

The Lakhmid dynasty and Christianity From origins in trade, Hira rose in political prominence during the Sassanid period during the fourth and seventh centuries when it developed into a strategic buffer kingdom between Mesopotamia and Arabia. The Lakhmid dynasts who ruled Hira independently of the Sassanids appear to have been adherents of the Arabian goddess 'Uzza. However they tolerated, on the whole, a variety of religions, including 'eastern' Christianity, in both its Miaphysite and Diophysite expressions. Additionally, many Christian 'heresies', including adherents of Julian of Halicarnassus, as well as Manichaeans were at Hira 5 . In short, a heterogeneous collection of faiths congregated 4

5

D. Talbot-Rice, "The Oxford excavations at Hira, 1931", Antiquity 6 (1932) 276. Elsewhere he suggests that city's rise in the second and third centuries may have been to some extent due to the fall of Hatra that likewise was situated between the borders of the Roman and Persian empires. See D.Talbot-Rice, "Hira", Journal of the Royal Central Asian Society XIX (1932) 254. Re the Manichaean presence at Hira, see C. Schmidt and H.J. Polotsky, "Ein Mani-Fund in Ägypten Originalschriften des Mani und seiner The Harp

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at Hira - perhaps in response to the Lakhmid tolerance, but possibly also for the salubrious climate, the fresh-air of Hira to which Arab poets made frequent reference 6 . The origins of Christianity at Hira are obscure (as with the rest of Mesopotamia), but certainly the Church of the East was wellentrenched by the fifth century 7 . The Synodicon Orientale compilation of the listing of synods held by the Church of the East, records that a bishop of Hira attended the Synod of Isaac that was held at the Sassanid capital, Seleucia-Ctesiphon, in 410 CE 8 , Further indication of the prestige that was associated with Hira emerges in its hosting of the synod of Dadisho in 424 CE at which the Persian church declared its autonomy from the Byzantine realms 9 . The holding of this important synod at Hira may have been expedient, since it was technically 'without' the Sassanid empire and consequently decisions may have conveyed some echo of independence from the Persian administration. Hira was renowned also as the burial-place of several Church of the East patriarchs10.

6 7 8 9 10

Schüler", Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin [philos.-hist. Klasse] 1933, 28 - 29. H.H. Schaeder, Review of C. Schmidt and H.J. Polotsky, "Ein Mani-Fund in Ägypten", Gnomon IX (July 1933) 345, identifies the Sasanid monarch as Narsai ((293-302 AD), although S.Lieu, Manichseism in Mesopotamia and the Roman East (Leiden: 1994) 76 cautiously cites the king as Vähram II (276-93 AD) in his note of this event which was recorded by the Coptic Acts Codex (P15997) from Medinet Madi citing king Amarw or 'Amr of Hira (272-300 AD) as a defender of the Manichaeans. For a Julianist bishop: ordained at Hira, see W. Wright, Catalogue of Syriac manuscripts in the British Library (London: 18702) 755, DCCLXXVIII [Add. 14,629] föl. 21b with a chart of the fraudulent hierarchy of Julianist bishops, that includes 'Sergius in al-Hira'. See, Musil, op. cit., 102 n. 57 citing Tabari. For a listing of bishops see G. Rothstein, Die Dynastie der Lahmiden in al-Hira (Halle: 1898) 22 sqq. J-B. Chabot, Synodicon Orientale (Paris: 1902) 53. Musil, op. cit., 102-3 n.57 for a useful listing Erica C.D. Hunter, "Dadisho, Katholicus" in E. Yarshater (ed.) Encyclopedia Iranica (London: 1982-J vol. VI, fasc. 5, 556. S. Trimingham, Christianity amongst the Arabs in pre-lslamic times (London: 1979) 199 n. 124. Patriarchs buried at Hira include Dadisho (420-55 AD) and Ishoyabh I (581-94 AD).

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Miaphysites were also at Hira. Philoxenus of Mabbug wrote a letter to Abu Nafir, the 'commander' (oônâôçëUôçô) of Hira giving an account of the the major fourth-fifth century Diophysite theologians, as well as the promulgations of the Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon11. That he felt it incumbent to do so indicates the strength of the Miaphysite presence both in the desert regions of Syria bordering Mesopotamia and at Hira12. This was an aftermath of the request in 542 by al-Harith ibn Jabala (529-569 CE), sheikh of the Arabic Ghassanid tribe, to Empress Theodora to find two bishops for his people. One of the two metropolitans was Theodore, bishop of Bostra, i.e. Basrah who was a monk from Arabia who lived at Hira. His diocese, incorporating many of the Arab bedu tribes, stretched almost to Jerusalem13. Later, the Arab writer Ibn Hauqal would note that the Bcrnu Ghassan [on the Syrian frontier] were of solely of Monophysite persuasion, whilst the Banu Hira [on the Persian border] were a mixed bag: among them were certain clans called 'Ibad who were Christians, mostly Nestorian, though some were Monophysite, for Monophysite bishops are recorded in the 6th and 7th centuries"14. Over and above any sectarian identification however, Hira is frequently associated with its 'Christian' kings and royal patronage. In all actuality only one, Nu'mân III (583-603 CE), took the Christian mantle15. Prior to his conversion, various female members of the 11 W. Wright, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum (London: 1871) vol. II, p. 920 for DCCCLVI.6 [Add. 14,529], 12 D. Talbot-Rice, "Hira", Journal of the Royal Central Asian Society, XIX (1932) 256 mentions that Simeon of Beit Arsam converted some of the nobles and built churches around 490. John of Ephesus refers to this proselytism in his Lives of the Eastern Saints. See f. 21. 13 For details of the bedu tribes that were Christian, see I. Gilllman and H-J. Klimkeit, Christians in Asia before 1500 (Curzon: 1999) 83. 14 Idem, citing L.E. Browne, The Eclipse of Christianity in Asia from the Time of Mohammed till the Fourteenth Century (1933) repr. New York 1967, 13. 15 Talbot-Rice, op.cit., 259 and J.-M. Fiey, Assyrie Chretiènne: contribution à l'étude de l'historié et de la géographie ecclèstiques et monastiques du nord de l'Iraq (Beirut: 1965-8) v. Ill, 210. The tenth century Arabie Chronicle of Seert claimed that the conversion of Nu'm a ri was the result of a cure from demoniac possession. The 'conversion topos' The Harp

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Lakhmid dynasty had become Christian and gave their names to institutions, thus perhaps imparting an imperial prestige and affiliation. The voluminous work, Mu 'jam al-Buldan (Dictionary of the Countries) by Yaqüt al-Hamawi included excerpts of the now lost Churches and monasteries of al Hira and the genealogies of the Ibadites (i.e. the servants, the epithet of the Christians at Hira) by Hishamal-Kalbi (819-21CE). Al-Hamawi recorded several royal foundations, including a monastery monastery named after the Christian daughter of Nu'man II, al-Lajja 16 and a monastery, commemorating Mary, that was built in the vicinity of the Lakhmid hunting-lodge at Khawarnak17. The medieval Islamic historian Abu1-Feda' recorded that two large churches at Hira were also endowed by the dynasty18. However, despite the royal patronage, it was not all 'plain sailing' for the Christians. Mundhir III, in the early sixth century, reputedly sacrificed 400 nuns to al-Uzza19.

Hira in Syriac sources Paradoxically, it was Arab Islamic historians who highlighted the fact that Hira was renowned for its profusion of churches and monasteries 20 . Their interest was whetted by the campaigns of

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is well attested in Syriac literature and little credence can be placed on its authenticity. It is more likely that the decision of Nu'man was politically motivated since his reign coincided with one of the giants of the Sasanid rulers, Khusrau Parvez whose ire the Catholicus of the Church of the East, Ishoyahb I, had encountered, before fleeing to Hira. The Shahanshah, interpreting the Lakhmid ruler's conversion to Christianity as a rebellious act of independence, lured the dynast to SeleuciaCtesiphon and promptly imprisoned him, effectively terminating the dynasty. See Patrologia Orientalis XIII (1920) 468-9 and 478-81. See Fiey, op. cit., 215 and n. 2. Musil, op. cit., 105 n. 58. The hunting-lodge was built by a Byzantine architect. Ibid, 103 n. 57 referring to Mundir ibn Imrulkajs, a descendent of Nu'mân. Talbot-Rice, op.cit., 256. The late Jean-Maurice Fiey made a valuable compilation of the scattered references amongst Arabic material, but pointed out in L'Assyrie Chrétienne (vol. Ill) that much of the information is very vague making the identification of the monasteries difficult.

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Khaled along the west bank of the Euphrates to Syria and the seminal connection of the region with the conquest of Sassanid Mesopotamia by Islamic troops. Syriac writers, by contrast, mention Hira sporadically, usually in the context of its Arab population. Thomas of Marga's eighth century work, Historia Monastica noted how Abraham of Kaskar (c .491/500 - 586 CE), who studied at the famous School of Nisibis, was for a time a missionary to the Arabs in the Lakhmid kingdom of Hira21. The vita of Rabban Mar Eliya in the Historia Monastica reiterates the connection between Nisibis and Hira. Ernest Wallis Budge claimed that whilst Mar Eliya built a monastery on the Tigris by Hesna 'Ebhraya i.e. Mosul, his roots were in Hira, described by the Historia Monastica as "the great city of the Tayyaye (Arabs)"22, but came to northern Mesopotamia to be "instructed in doctrine in the city of Nisibis"23. Likewise, the missionary, Mar Shubhal-isho, originated from Hira and the Historia Monastica explicitly mentions his Arab roots in that he was descended from "the race of the children of Ishmael, and his city was Herta-dheNa'man" 24 . The sixth century Syrian Orthodox bishop, John of Ephesus, also upheld the Arab Lakhmid connection of Hira when he wrote in his Lives of the Eastern Saints that Mar Simeon, 'the Persian debater' traveled "as far as the camp of the Saracens of the tribe of Nu'man which he often visited; so that he gained a large number of Saracens in it, and he induced the magnates who were converted by his words to build a Christian church in it"25. Gregory Bar Hebraeus' Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, recounting the attempt by a Jew from Hira to force the citizens of Najran to recant their Christian faith, endorsed the traditional link of the town with south Arabia26. 21 E.A.Wallis Budge, The Book of Governors. The Historia Monastica of Thomas, bishop of Marga A.D. 840 (Kegan Paul, London: 1893) vol. ii, 37 n.1. 22 Ibid, vol. II, 51, n. 2 that this epithet was originally restricted to the Arabs of the Tayyi tribe, but later became a general epithet and was even applied to Christian bedu tribes. 23 Ibid, vol. I, 28 (Syriac), vol. II, 51 (English translation). 24 Ibid, vol. I, 253 (Syriac), vol. II, 469 (English translation). 25 E. W. Brooks (ed. and trans.) "John of Ephesus, Lives of the Eastern Saints", in Patrologia Orientalis XVII (1923) 140. 26 J-B. Abbeloos and T.J. Lamy, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum (Louvain: 1872) vol. ii, cols., 201-4: A ^ x W The Harp

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Archaeological evidence: Talbot-Rice's excavations These literary sources are supplemented by archaeological evidence. In 1931, a team from the University of Oxford, under the directorship of David Talbot-Rice, investigated twelve mounds in the north-east corner of Hira, at its closest point to the most ancient part of Kufa 27 . Talbot-Rice described the excavations as being "essentially of a preliminary character" and hoped that there would be subsequent seasons 28 . The stratigraphy of the site was relatively simple: it consisted of only two layers of inhabitation. Many of the trenches dug by Talbot-Rice's showed a well-developed and affluent settlement. As well as residential quarters, including several mansions, which featured doorways with particularly fine stucco-work, Talbot-Rice discovered two churches. Although their walls had been re-plastered several times, excavations revealed no major destruction levels, shedding important light onto the city's condition in the Late Sassanid-Early Islamic periods. Hira seems to have capitulated quickly when Khaled led his Arab troops in the Muslim push into Mesopotamia29, possibly because it had no stout defensive walls, but rather seems to have consisted of fortified buildings (?a?r, pi. ??or) with gardens and fields between them 30 .

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