The Harp (Volume 14) 9781463233020

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The Harp (Volume 14)

The Harp

14

The Harp is an annual review of Syriac Christianity

The Harp (Volume 14)

Edited by Geevarghese Panicker Jakob Thekeparampil Abraham Kalakudi

1 gorgias press 2012

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2012 by Gorgias Press LLC Originally published in 2001 All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC.

ISBN 978-1-61143-648-8 Reprinted from the 2001 Kottayam edition.

Printed in the United States of America

Contents Editorial 1. Towards a Closer Communion between The Assyrian Church of The East and The Syro-Malabar Church - Geo Thadikkatt 41. Intercommunion between the Syro-Malabar Church and the Church of the East in India - Mar Aprem,Trichur 49. Chief Literary Figures Who Made Valuable Contributions in the Field of Syriac Study and Literature in India - Zacharias Theckakandom CMI 63. Syriac Bible in India •Baby Varghese 81. The Book of Grades, or Steps -D. /. Lane 89. Syriac Music -Louis Hage 101. The Language of Theology and Linguistic Analysis -P. S. John 111. Acharya Francis Mahieu : (1912 -2002) In Memoriam 113. Book Reviews -John Madey Paderborn 119. SEERf Chronicle for 2001 Vol.XIV 2001

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Editorial A per an inordinately long interval, we have the happiness to greet the -Z ^international readership ofthe HARP. The contents ofthis number of our publication which is occasional now rather than a regular quarterly is varied. The topics, we believe are relevant, timely and interesting. The Syro-Malabar Church in India is numerically next only to the Ukrainian among all the Eastern Churches in Jull communion with the Holy See of Rome. The Assyrian Church in India by contrast is quite small in numbers. But these two churches share a common heritage. There should be greater mutual understanding and acceptance between these two. Thefirstarticle of Fr. Geo Thadikkatt treats this important topic. The second article by Archbishop MarAprem, Metropolitan of the Church of the East in India, further elaborates this matter. The contribution ofFr. Zacharias Theckakandom CMIisa tribute to eminent scholars ofSyriac in India and a recollection oftheir valuable contributions. Fr. Baby Varghese elucidates thefarfrom negligible work oflocalpeople in the production of the Syriac Bible in India. The two contributorsfromabroad fir this number are Dr. D. J. Lane and Dr. Louis Hage who write on topics in which they are experts. Mr. P. iS. John's erudite article is ofconsiderable merit. We are most thankjul to all our contributors. As most of the matterfor the next number is also at hand, we trust that the time lag for its appearance will be very short indeed. We are thankful to all our friends and well-wishersfirtheir tolerance and patience and confident that this generous good will is on-going.

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Towards a Closer C o m m u n i o n between The Assyrian Church of The East and The Syro-Malabar Church Vatican Council II has opened up a new atmosphere of ecumenism and hence it declared in the Decree on Ecumenism: "The restoration of unity among all Christians is one of the principal concerns of the Second Vatican Council. Christ the Lord founded one Church and one Church only. However, many Christian communions present themselves to men as the true inheritors of Jesus Christ; all indeed profess to be followers of the Lord but differ in mind and go their different ways, as if Christ Himself were divided. Such division openly contradicts the will of Christ, scandalizes the world, and damages the holy cause of preaching the Gospel to every creature." (UR 1) The Council wishes that, every effort should be made toward the gradual realization of the unity among different Churches. The means for attaining the unity are prayer and fraternal dialogue on points of doctrine and the more pressing pastoral problems of our time. (UR 18) In this age of increasing awareness on ecumenism and the everincreasing number of dialogues between different Churches, we have every reason to be sympathetic with the Church in India, which is

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not one,1 but divided into many; into Eastern, Western and Protestant Churches. According to tradition, the Eastern Church originated in Malabar, the southern part of India, through the preaching of Apostle St. Thomas. The Church followed the East Syrian tradition, with the continuous hierarchical relationship with the Persian Church. Later with the coming of the Portuguese missionaries, starting in 1498, the Western tradition began to establish its presence in India. The Synod of Diamper in 1599, which attempted a Romanization on the Eastern traditions, and the consequent revoult namely, the Coonan Cross oath in 1653, resulted in the division of the Eastern Church into many factions. The Syro-Malabar Church and the Assyrian Church of the East, kept the Eastern tradition, while the other Church accepted the West Syrian Tradition, and later divided into many churches, at different periods of history. They are: The Syro-Malankara Church, Syrian Orthodox Jacobite Church, Orthodox Syrian Church, Mar Thoma Syrian Church, and the Independent Syrian Church of Malabar. All these Churches have the same history as all the St. Thomas Christians until the sixteenth century.2 Out of these, only Syro-Malabar Church remained in the Catholic Church and a faction of the Orthodox Syrian Church, under the leadership of Mar Ivanios reunited with the Catholic Church, in 1930, accepting the name, the Syro-Malankara Church. While these are some sort of communion between the Catholic Church and other Churches, the road towards full communion is still very long. Our present discussion is limited to the East Syrian Churches. Towards closer communion Even though just after the Second Vatican Council, various Dialogue Commissions were established between different Churches of the Eastern tradition and the Protestant denominations and with 1

There was a movement to make one rite of three sui iuris Churches in India, known as "One Rite Movement" the important meeting of which took place in 1969 in Bangalore. There are people who wish to attain the same aim. However, this is not ecumenism, but only an attempt for the amalgamation of the two Eastern Churches to the Roman Rite, may not be in principle, but at least from the background of what is seen in recent developments.

2

For a detailed study of the history and the present status, see Geo Thadikkatt "Churches of the Eastern Traditions in India" Ephrem Theological Journal 2 (1998), 25-51. The Harp

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the Catholic Church for a closer communion, the Assyrian Church of the East entered in the ecumenical relations with the Catholic Church only very recently. However, after the preliminary discussion, it was found that both the Churches are professing the same faith, regarding Christology, in spite of the differences in the languages used, and the practices. In the field of ecumenical dialogue in the Syriac Churches, in the non-official level, Pro Oriente, an Ecumenical Foundation in Vienna, founded by Cardinal König, in 1964 played a very significant role. The task of Pro Oriente is "promoting academic research, publications and all kinds of contacts that may contribute to a better knowledge of the East, especially with a view to serving the cause of a better understanding between Christians of the East and of the West." 3 In the initial stage, the consultations were between Oriental Orthodox Churches and Roman Catholic Church. Later, the Syriac Commission was formed in 1994, concentrating mainly on the Christology of the Assyrian Church of the East. The fundamental questions dealt with were: 1) Is there Nestorian Heresy in the present day Assyrian Church? 2) Did Nestorius himself teach the Nestorian heresy? 3) How to deal with the Anachamata pronounced by Synods on Theodore of Mopsuestia and Nestorius of Constantinople, two Greek Doctors venerated by the Assyrian Church?4 The first Syriac Consultation was in Vienna in 1994, which paved the way for a better understanding and a closer communion between the Assyrian Church of the East and the Catholic Church.

Nestorius, Nestorianism and the Assyrian Church Thanks to the serious study and research, at the post-conciliar age of ecumenism, the present Catholic understanding regarding Nestorianism has changed profoundly from the time of the origin of the controversy. Regarding Nestorianism, "recent scholarship questions whether Nestorius was himself a 'Nestorian', and maintains that his position was orthodox and that his differences with his great rival Cyril of Alexandria, are to be explained more by the confusion of terminology from which both suffered, particularly the failure to 3

Geevarghese Chediath, ' T h e Pro Oriente Syriac Commission and Ecumenical Dialogue with the Assyrian Church of the East', Christian Orient XVIII, 4 (1997): 175-184, in p. 175.

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Geevarghese Chediath, "The Pro Oriente Syriac Commission and Ecumenical Dialogue with the Assyrian Church of the East", 179. Vol. X I V 2 0 0 1

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distinguish clearly between 'person' and 'nature', rather than from any departure from Church's faith on Nestorius' part." 5 Nestorius affirmed that Jesus Christ is truly and fully God and truly and fully man. He could not anticipate the post-Chalcedonian precision in the use of the three key words physis, hypostasis and prosdpon, and he lost his case at the Council of Ephesus owing to the cunning ecclesiastical politics of Cyril of Alexandria than to any deviation from orthodoxy.6 It is in fact difficult to find Nestorians who have really upheld what their adversaries have attributed to them as their doctrine, namely that there are not only two natures in Christ but two persons, one divine (Logos) and the other human, united in a sort of moral union.7 As George Nedungatt SJ writes: It has been recognized in non-official and official ecumenical statements by Catholics as well as Orthodox that both historical monophysitism and historical Nestorianism have professed the same true faith as contained in the christological dogmas defined by the ecumenical councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon, in spite of differences in terminology and theological expressions which caused misunderstandings and did give rise to mutual anathemas.8 The new understanding on Nestorianism led to an official common declaration, by Pope John Paul II and Patriarch Dinha IV of the Assyrian Church of the East, traditionally called the Nestorian Church, recognizing the orthodoxy of both of the Churches. This important landmark in history took place on 11 November 1994. This Common Declaration recognizes the orthodoxy of the faith of both these Churches, though expressed in different theologies. The key sentences of this Common Declaration read: 5

The New Dictionary of Theology, ed. Joseph A. Komonchak, Mary Collins, Dermot A. Lane, Wilmington, Glazier, 1987/1989, 715. Nestorius, Patriarch of Constantinople, declared that his position was well expressed by Pope Leo the Great, and "he quite often affirmed even that Christ is 'in two natures' or 'a sole prosdpon in two natures"'.Luigi I Scipioni, Nestorio e il concilio di Efeso: Storia, dogma, crìtica. (Milano, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 1974), 431-432.

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Luigi I Scipioni, Nestorio e il concilio di Efeso: Storia, dogma, critica, 409, 417, 420; George Nedungatt, "Interpreting the Synod of Diamper and the Lessons of History", in George Nedungatt, ed., The Synod of Diamper Revisited. (Rome: PIO, 2001), 24.

7

Edward G. Farrugia, "Nestorianesimo" in Edward G. Farrugia, ed., Dizionario enciclopedico dell'Oriente cristiano (Roma, PIO, 2000), 522.

8

George Nedungatt, "Interpreting the Synod of Diamper and the Lessons of History", 21 The Harp

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Our Lord Jesus Christ is true God and true man, perfect in his divinity and perfect in his humanity, consubstantial with the Father and consubstantial with us in all things but sin. His divinity and his humanity are united in one person, without confusion or change, without division or separation. In him has been preserved the difference of the natures of divinity and humanity, with all their properties, faculties and operations. But far from constituting "one and another", the divinity and humanity are united in the person of the same and unique Son of God and Lord Jesus Christ, who is the object of a single adoration. ... The humanity to which the Blessed Virgin Mary gave birth always was that of the Son of God himself. This is the reason why the Assyrian Church of the East is praying the Virgin Mary as 'the Mother of Christ our God and Saviour'. In the light of this same faith the Catholic tradition addresses the Virgin Mary as 'the Mother of God' and also as 'the Mother of Christ.' We both recognize the legitimacy and richness of these expressions of the same faith and we both respect the preference of each Church in her liturgical life and piety... Whatever our Christological divergences have been, we experience ourselves united today in the confession of the same faith in the Son of God.9 In the words of George Nedungatt, "the christological faith professed by the East Syrian Church (alias Chaldean Church, Persian Church, Assyrian Church of the East) was misunderstood in the past and was condemned unfairly as heresy, although it coincided essentially with the Ephesian orthodoxy of the universal Church. The mutual anathemas of the past are as a rule ecumenically regretted today as unfortunate".10 A few days after the Joint Declaration, the sixth General Assembly of the Middle East Council of Churches (MECC) recommended the Executive Council, to accept the Assyrian Church of the East into the full membership. 1 1 The Second Syriac L'Osservatore Romano, 12 November 1994, 5; Acta Apostolicae Sedis 8 7 (July, 1995), 685-687; Christian Orient 16 (March, 1995), 38-41; Common Declaration of Pope John Paul II and Patriarch Mar Dinkha IV, Appendix V in G. Nedungatt. Ed., The Synod of Diamper Revisited. (Rome: PIO, 2001), 369-371; Geevarghese Chediath, "The Pro Oriente Syriac Commission and Ecumenical Dialogue with the Assyrian Church of the East",183-184. 10 George Nedungatt, "Interpreting tHe Synod of Diamper and the Lessons of History", 25. 11 This was finally realised In 1997. Syriac Dialogue II (Second Non-official Consultation) (Vienna, 1996), 222-223. 9

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Consultation of Pro Oriente took place in Vienna in 1996. The Joint Communiqué states: "It became clear in particular, in the course of our dialogue, that there is a necessity to make an absolute distinction between the doctrinal position of the Assyrian Church of the East and the position recognised by all to be heretical, which holds that there are two Sons, two Prosopa, in the same Incarnate Christ, a position which is traditionally described by the Chalcedonians and Oriental Orthodox as "Nestorianism".12 In the liturgical usages of the Assyrian Church of the East, the term qnoma does not mean hypostasis, as understood in the Alexandrian Tradition, but instead the individual nature. Accordingly, the human nature, which the Holy Spirit fashioned and the Logos assumed and united to Himself without any separation, was personalised in the person of the Son of God.13 The Third Syriac Consultation took place in Chicago on 6-10 July 1997. The Joint Communiqué states: "Regarding the issue of anathamata of the past, we decide ourselves to the search for appropriate ways to lift them especially from the liturgical texts, as an act of love and mutual respect. We propose that our several Churches undertake to rewrite histories of the Christological controversies that have separated us, with a view to removing the language of invective used in the past against fathers and teachers whose views cannot be fully endorsed by all. Furthermore we agree not to use polemical language in our descriptions of persons, institutions, and doctrinal formulae of our sister Churches".14 With regard to the expression Theotokos and Christotokos, the Churches agreed to respect the preferred use of each community since they now realize that these terms can express the same apostolic faith. The present discussions are based on sacraments. Now, there is a concentrated effort among the Church leaders to bring about a closer communion. During the following month, in the same city, a joint session between the Chaldean Catholic Church and the Assyrian Church under their Patriarch Mar Raphael Bidavid of Bagdad and Mar Dinha IV of Chicago was held along with some bishops from both sides. 12 Syriac Dialogue II (Second Non-official Consultation), 193. 13 Geevarghese Chediath, 'The Pro Oriente Syriac Commission and Ecumenical Dialogue with the Assyrian Church of the East",181. 14 Quoted in Geevarghese Chediath, 'The Pro Oriente Syriac Commission and Ecumenical Dialogue with the Assyrian Church of the E a s f , 183. T h e Harp

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This was a follow-up of the Joint Patriarchal statement issued by both Patriarchs in Smithfield, Michigan on 29 November 1996. After a joint session held on 13-14 August 1997, the concrete measures decided upon include preparation of a common catechism and common liturgical books, as well as the foundation of a common institute in Chicago for the formation of priests and deacons.15 The Joint Synodal Decree for Promoting Unity was signed on 15 August 1997 in Chicago.16 The dialogue is in progress, on the level of Pro Oriente, between the Assyrian Church and the Catholic Church; some hierarchs and theologians are closely associated with this. Archbishop Mar Joseph Powathil of Changanacherry is a member of the Syriac Dialogue of the Pro Oriente along with Mar Aprem Metropolitan of the Assyrian Church of the East from its inception in 1994. Dr. Mathew Vellanickal, Proto Syncellus of Changanacherry is a member of the VaticanAssyrian Joint Committee for Theological Dialogue along with Mar Aprem. When it was constituted, the Vatican-Assyrian official committee was called Mixed Committee for Theological Dialogue. The name was changed into the Joint Committee for Theological Dialogue during its annual session held in Florence in October 2000. While Pro Oriente is an unofficial consultation, Vatican Assyrian Dialogue is an official Dialogue constituted as a result of the Common Christological Declaration signed by Patriarch Mar Dinha IV and Pope John Paul II in Vatican in November 1994. However, for the closer communion between the Assyrian Church in India and the Catholic counter part, the Syro-Malabar Church, there were no dialogues held in India, under the auspices of the Church leaders or among the theologians, so far. What we discuss here is a possibility of bringing these Churches together by finding out the converging and diverging elements in both Churches. Historical Background of the Syrian Churches in India The Eastern Churches in India trace their origin to the apostolate of St. Thomas who, according to the constant tradition and the testimony 15 George Nedungatt, "Interpreting the Synod of Diamper and the Lessons of History", 25. 16 This Joint Synodal Decree is printed in pages 186-188 of the Syriac .Dialoge published by Pro Oriente in Vienna in 1998. Vol. XIV 2001

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of many Church Fathers 17 and historians, 18 came to India, and through his preaching founded the Church here. He converted many including the high caste Hindus to Christianity and established seven Churches19 or communities in South India. The Jewish colonies in the Malabar Coast might have motivated the apostolate of St. Thomas in India.20 The ancient Apostolic Church in India was in close contact with the East Syrian Church right from the early centuries. Between these Churches, there was a sharing of the liturgical, theological, spiritual and disciplinary traditions. Even in the hierarchy, these Churches were bound together. The reasons for such a deep ecclesial affinity are: 1) The common Apostolic origin, namely from St. Thomas the Apostle, claimed by the Church of the St. Thomas Christians and the Mesopotamian (also Persian) Church. 2) The Syriac (Aramaic) language, which was the lingua franca of the Asian continent in the early centuries of the Christian era.21 17 The apocryphal writing: The Acts of Thomas and The Teaching of the Apostles (Didascalia), both written in Syriac in the third century speak of the apostolate of St. Thomas in India. Other early references to St. Thomas in India are seen in the writings of Clement of Alexandria (150-215), Origen (185-253), Arnobius of Sicca (253-327), Eusebius of Caesarea (263-349), St. Ephrem (306-373), Gregory of Nazianzus (324-390), Ambrose (333-397), St. Jerome (342-420) and Isidore of Seville (7th cent.). 18 For an extensive study on this subject, see the following works. Bernard Thomas. Marthoma Nazranical (Malayalam) (St. Thomas Christians), vol. I, (Palai, 1913), vol. II (Mannanam, 1921); Placid J. Podipara, The Thomas Christians. Bombay: St. Paul's, 1970; A. Mathias Mundadan History of Christianity in India: From the Beginning up to the Middle of the Sixteenth Century (Up to 1542) Vol. I (Bangalore: TPI, 1984); Benedict Vadakkekara, Origin of India's St. Thomas Christians: A Historiographical Critique. (Delhi: 1995); Xavier Koodapuzha Bharata Sabha Charitram (Malayalam) (The Indian Church History). (Kottayam: OIRSI, 1989). 19 There is also a tradition that St Thomas established seven and a half Churches. 20 Thomas Puthiakunnel, "Jewish colonies of India paved the way for St. Thomas", in Jacob Vellian, ed., The Malabar Church, OCA 186, (Roma, 1970), 187-191. 21 The discovery of the Aramaic edict of Ashoka (3rd cent. B.C.) in Taxila proves the existence of Aramaic speaking people in North-Western India during preChristian period. B.N. Mukherjee, Studies in the Aramaic Edicts, of Ashoka, (New Delhi, 1984), 48; Abraham.D. Mattam, "The Liturgy St. Thomas Introduced in India and its Development", Vidyajyoti, 59 (1995), 30. The Harp

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3) The remarkable commercial relations between Mesopotamia and India, which contributed much towards the ecclesial relation. 4) The Sumerio-Dravidian cultural affinity.22 There was a great persecution in the Persian Empire, under Saper II (313-381). According to tradition, in 345 AD under the leadership of a rich merchant, Thomas of Cana, about 500 Christian families came and settled in Malabar together with the bishop Mar Joseph, and many priests and deacons.23 Thereafter there were many evidences of bishops coming from the Persian Church. The hierarchy of St. Thomas Christians was very much dependent on the Persian Church. The hierarchical relation with the Persian Church was a continuous one, though there were times in which there were no bishops. It is assumed that hierarchical relation continued to the end of the sixteenth century, the time of the death of Mar Abraham of Angamaly (1597), the Metropolitan of the St- Thomas Christians. The quest of St. Thomas Christians for the East Syrian (Chaldean) bishops continued even up to the nineteenth century. St. Thomas Christians developed a system of ecclesiastical government, where the bishop, coming from Persia, was their spiritual head, and the archdeacon, the head of the community; both had "all India jurisdiction". According to the Eastern tradition the bishop was the centre of the ecclesiastical affairs,24 and he led an ascetic life, as a spiritual head, and exercised, for the most part, the powers only of the Episcopal order.25 The archdeacon was put in charge of the ad ministration of the Church.26 There was an assembly of the parishioners consisting of the adult males and the local priests, which looked after the temporalities of the church, known as 2 2 Xavier Koodapuzha, "Ecciesial identity of the St. Thomas Christians", i n X a vier Koodapuzha, ed., Oriental Churches Theological Dimensions, (Kottayam, 1988), 63-66. 2 3 Nagam Aiya, The Travancore State Manuel, vol.1, (Trivandrum, 1906), 139142. According to Mingana, this (night have happened in seventh century. Aiphonso Mingana, "Early Spread of Christianity in India", 440. 24 James. Aertnayil, Spiritual Heritage of the St. Thomas Christians, (Bangalore, 1982), 38. 25 Placid. J. Podipara, Rise and Decline of the Indian Church of Christians, (Kottayam, 1983), 17.

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26 For the first time the title of Archdeacon is seen in the book De Schmate Dinatistarum, written about 3 6 6 A D . by St. Optatus (PL XI, col.916) cited in Xavier Koodapuzha, "Ecclesiai Identity of the St. Thomas Christians", p.70. Vol. XIV 2001

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Palliyogam. It discussed matters connected with the life and the activities of the parish such as approval of candidates for the priesthood,27 spiritual welfare of the parish, financial administration, reconciliation in times of conflict, and punishment for public scandal, which sometimes amounting to excommunication. From time to time, representatives of all the parishes assemble together under the archdeacon, to decide matters of general interest, which is known as Pothuyogam. This was a form of "Christian Republic"28. The various aspects of the life of the St. Thomas Christians with their specific liturgical, spiritual, theological, disciplinary and social heritage constitute the Law pf Thomas or Thômayude m~ârgam7S which forms their particular life style. Arrival of the Missionaries and the Process of Latinization of the Church The arrival of the missionaries from the West paved the way for the beginning of drastic change in the Church of St. Thomas Christians. This has been initiated by the Portuguese, when they came to India, which changed the destiny not only of political life but also of the ecclesial life. The Portuguese admiral Vasco de Gama, landed at Calicut,.Malabar, in 1498. Both secular and religious priests arrived with him and they converted many people to the Christian faith. The main centres of the Portuguese were Goa and Cochin, where dioceses were erected under the Padroado rule.30 The Portuguese missionaries encountered a Christian community with a different liturgy and discipline in Malabar. 27 The candidates for priesthood had to get the desakkuri, the official approval of the parish community, before they were to be ordained by the bishops. 28 Paulinus de Bartholomaeo, Viaggioalle Indie Orientait, (Rome, 1797). The details about Pothuyogam can be seen in Istoria delta Missione di Malabar (c.1750), Propaganda Archives, Rome, Congr. Part. Vol. 109, f. 90. 2 9 M~ârgam is a Sanskrit word, which signifies the "way of life" or the life style. Thus Mar Thoma Mâ~rgam or Thômayude Mâ~rgam is the style of life bequeathed by Mar Thoma, the Apostle. It is "the life style developed on the basis of the faith, received from the Christ experience of Thomas, developed according to the socio-cultural situation of India and Kerala". Varghese. Pathikulangara, Church in India, (Kottayam 1986), 35. 30 Already in 1455 Pope Nicholas V promulgated the bull Romanus Pontifex, which served as the foundation of Padroado rule The bull states: "All lands and seas that have been discovered or will be discovered belong to the King of Portugal". Hormise Perumalil and E.R. Hambye, ed., Christianity in India, (Allepey, 1972), 49. Vol. XIV 2001

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However, for the first fifty years after their arrival, they seem to have had no doubts regarding the orthodoxy of the native Christians.31 Later, they suspected the Malabar liturgy as having Nestorian errors.32 The missionary work turned out to be the re-christianizing of the "heretic" Malabar Christians.33 The Portuguese missionaries wanted to purge the Syrian liturgy of Malabar of its suspected Nestorian heresies.34 Even though the formal Latinization is believed to be the work of Diamper Synod (1599), long before it, there had been attempts to introduce Roman elements into Malabar liturgy. Mar Joseph, the Chaldean bishop who arrived in India in 1555, had learned to say the mass in Latin under the pressure of the Portuguese.35 He introduced the Roman vestments and azyme (unleavened) bread. The provincial synod of Goa (1585) made ten decrees affecting the Malabar Church. The seventh decree ordered the translation of the Roman ritual and pontifical for the use in the eparchy of Angamaly. The use of Roman books by the Syrians was contrary to the wishes of the Pope, but the Portuguese had become obsessed with the idea that wha t was different from the Latin rite must be in some way heretical.36 31 The letter written in 1578 by Francis Dionysio, the Rector of the Jesuit residence at Cochin testifies to the orthodoxy of the St. Thomas Christians. See Jonas Thaliath, The Synod of Diamper, OCA 152, (Rome, 1958), 13. Cf. Placid. J. Podipara, The Thomas Christians. (Bombay, 1970), 101-115; A.A. King, The Rites of Eastern Christendom, 2 vol., (Rome, 1948), 434; Jacob Vellian, The Beginnings of Latinization of the Malabar Liturgy, Unpublished Doctorial Dissertation, (Notre Dame, 1973), 19; Xavier Koodapuzha, Faith and Communion of the Indian Church of the St. Thomas Christians, (Kottayam, 1982), 113-144. 32 This accusation seems to be more politically motivated than due to the sincere desire to purge the liturgy of the suspected heresies. The way in which they treated those Chaldean bishops, who came with the necessary documents of approbation, proves this. 33 Jungmanri criticizes the interventions of the Western missionaries in the traditions of the Eastern Churches: "In the middle ages and even at the beginning of the modern period the ecclesiastical missionaries could not rid themselves of the notion that the Orientals could become Catholics only if they adopted from the Latin Church as much as possible of her liturgical practices." Josepf Andreas Jungmann, Early Liturgy. (Notre Dam, 1959),. 214-215. 34 The intention of the missionaries, namely, purification of the Malabar Church from its "heresies" is evident from the letter of archbishop de Menezes to Fabjo Biondi, the titular patriarch of Jerusalem on: 19 Dec. 1597. Cf. Joseph; Thekkedatti, History of' Christianity in India, From Middie of the Sixteenth Century, (Bangalore,. H982), 66. 35 Se& J. Thekkedath, ¡History of Christianity, in India, 40-43. 36 A.A.. King, Rites, vol. II, 448. Jal XIV 2001

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It was the 'Synod of Diamper' (1599), which introduced radical changes, which affected substantially the Eastern nature of the Church of St. Thomas, in Malabar. The controversial synod of Diamper canonized latinization.37 Many Latin practices regarding the rite and ecclesiastical laws were introduced. 33 The fourth decree of the eighth session of the synod ordered the Roman mass to be translated into Syriac for the use of the Nazmni Church. 39 However, the synod had envisaged the permissive use of the ancient rites.40 The liturgical architecture was latinized. Prior to the coming of the Portuguese, the Churches in Malabar resembled pagodas. With Portuguese, the interior arrangements of the Churches have been latinized. The calendar was made almost entirely Roman, although a few Eastern commemorations have been retained. Later on many Western devotions and practices have been adopted in different stages of history; such as Benediction, Rosary, Stations of the Cross, and the wearing of the Carmelite scapular.41

Were the St Thomas Christians Nestorian Heretics? Even at the period of time w h e n Christology was not so developed as at present and when there were wrong notions about Nestorianism, were the Portuguese justified in accusing the St Thomas Christians as Nestorian heretics? We may try to analyse the various aspects of this issue. When elected patriarch, John Sulaqa went to Rome and made his profession of the Catholic faith, before Pope Julius III on 20 February 1553, and renounced Nestorianism. 42 Though, Mar Abraham, the last Persian Bishop w h o ruled the Thomas Christians, landed in Malabar as a Nestorian in, 1558, he later became a Catholic by making profession of faith in Rome in 1565.43 Even if 3 7 Jonas Thaliath in his doctoral dissertation on the Synod of Diamper shows the invalidity of the Synod for St. Thomas Christians. S e e J. Thaliath, Synod of Diamper, 112-156; 169-174. 3 8 Placid J. Podipara, The Thomas Christians, 3 9 M A N S I , Sacrorum

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138-139.

1347, Canon 116.

4 0 T h o s e who c h a m p i o n e d the liturgical purging, nevertheless, w a n t e d to preserve the old rite as far as possible. M A N N O O R A M P A R A M P I L , Anaphora and Post Anaphora, 26. Cf. also KING, Rites of Eastern Christensom, vol. 2, 453. 41 S e e A.A. King, Rites, vol. II, 4 7 0 - 4 7 1 . 4 2 A, Glamil, ed. Genuinae Relationes inter Sedem Aposolicarn et Assyriorum Orientaiium seu Chaideaeorum Ecclesiam, (Rome, 1902), 23-27. 4 3 Nedungatt, "Interpreting the Synod of Diamper and the Lessons of History", 26. T h e Harp:

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some one may argue that the missionaries might not have known about it, once the Patriarch is learnt to have came into communion with pope of Rome, it is easily known that the St Thomas Christians, who were under the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Babylon also were in communion with Rome. Moreover, the popes had repeatedly recognized and confirmed the right of the Patriarch to appoint bishops for India.44 In the age of heresy hunting, the Portuguese suspected heresy and schism in everything that was different from what they were used to. In their zeal for souls, they wanted to bring the Christians in India into complete uniformity with the Western Church, at a time, when the Western Church had little of ecumenism and more of polemics with the Eastern Churches. 45 There are several testimonies given by different persons who had direct contact with the St Thomas Christians, who asserted the true catholic faith of Mar Abraham. Important among them is that of Father Francisco Dionysio, who came to India in 1563 and was Rector of the Jesuit residence in Cochin (1576-1578), who had written the following iji his "Information on the Christianity of St. Thomas" on 4 January 1578: In general these Christians believe in all the articles of the Nicean Creed and the equality of the divine persons, and the two natures of Christ in one person. And so do also the Archbishop and the Archdeacon. The pope they regard as the Vicar of Christ our Redeemer on earth, and their patriarch as subject to the pope, from whom he has received his powers. 46 Another Jesuit, Antonio Monserratte, saw the continued dependence of Malabar on the Patriarch as an open possibility for 44 Letters were written by Pope Pius IV in favour of Mar Joseph and Mar Abraham in 1564/5 to Patriarch Mar Abdiso, to the Archbishop of Goa and ti> the Bishop of Cochin. GIAMIL, Genuinae Relationes, 69-73; Jacob Kollaparambll, 'The impact of the Synod of Diamper on the Ecclesial Identity of the St. Thomas Christians", in G. Nedungatt. Ed;, The Synod of Diamper Revisited. (Rome, 2001), 150. footnote no. 5 45 Jacob Kollaparambil, 'The Impact of the Synod of Diamper on the Ecclesial Identity of the St. Thomas Christians", 148. At that time the theological reflection and the understanding about Nestorianism It self was different, and not developed to the present stage. 46 Joseph Wicki, Documents Indica 11 (1577-1580), Rome, 1970, Doc. 10, "Relatio P. Francisci; Dionysii S. I. de Christianis S. Thomae," pp. 131-143, at p. 139. Vo! XIV 2001

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the evangelization of India. 47 Francis Ros, the first Latin Bishop to rule the Thomas Christians, qualified St Thomas Christians as "Nestorians" who "profess the Catholic faith." 4 8 The Jesuit missionaries were aware of the fact that the Christians in India belonged to the same Catholic fold.49 After receiving Mar Abraham's profession of faith, Pope Pius TV had written to Patriarch Abdisho on 23 February 1565 suggesting the division of the St Thomas Christians into two circumscriptions and entrusting them to Mar Abraham and Mar Joseph. 5 0 Accordingly, Patriarch Abdisho bifurcated the Church of Malabar and appointed Metropolitan Mar Abraham to the See of Angamaly and Mar Joseph as the metropolitan of the other part,51 without naming a proper See. On 28 February 1565 pope wrote to the Archbishop of Goa asking him to respect the jurisdiction of the Chaldean Patriarch in Malabar. Pope Gregory XIII wrote to Mar Abraham on 29 November 1578 asking him to attend the provincial synod of Goa seeing that he himself had no suffragan bishops to hold a provincial synod. The Third Provincial Council of Goa (1585), in which Mar Abraham took part, decreed in its third session that any future bishop appointed by the Pope or by the East Syrian Patriarch, should first present his letters of appointment to the Archbishop of Goa, the primate of India.52 Less than five years before the Synod of Diamper, the Jesuits held 4 7 S e e George Nedungatt,. "Interpreting the Synod of Diamper and the Lessons of History", 26. 4 8 Roz, "De erroribus Nestorianorum qui in hac India orientali versantur", 15-36. Joseph Wicki writes that the Synod of Diamper relied too much on the k n o w l e d g e of F a t h e r R o s . S e e . J o s e p h W i c k i , "Die S y n o d e n der Thomaschristen (auch Syromalabaren genannt) (1583-1603)" Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 18 (1986), 375. 4 9 The Jesuits arranged to be sent the Jubilee indulgence of the Holy Year 1575 to Mar Abrahanf) and his Church with a Roman prescript dated 28 October 1579. It is unlikely that the Jesuits would have presented Nestorians to the pope for indulgence, and even more unlikely that the pope would have granted them to Nestorians. See. Nedungatt, "Interpreting the Synod of Diamper and the Lessons of History", 28. 5 0 Nedungatt, "Interpreting the Synod of Diamper and the Lessons of History", 28. 51 Kollaparambil, ' T h e Impact of the Synod of Diamper on the Ecclesial Identity of the St. Thomas Christians", 150. 52 Paiva Manso, Bullarium Patronatus Portugalliae Regum, Lisbon, 1872, Appendix I, 73-76; Nedungatt, "Interpreting the Synod of Diamper and the Lessons of History", 28-29. The Harp

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their fourth Provincial Congregation at Goa (22-29 October 1594), which requested the Father General to propose to the pope the appointment of Archdeacon George as the future successor of Mar Abraham. 53 There are papal documents recognizing patriarchal jurisdiction in India and requiring its respect by Goa and Portuguese missionaries.54 From all the evidences seen so far, "undoubtedly, we can conclude that the Latin missionaries were aware of the fact that the Thomas christians belonged to the same Catholic Church as governed by the pope as the supreme common pastor and that the Patriarch of Babylon was long since in the Catholic communion and had pontifically approved jurisdiction in Malabar."55 The accusation of Nestorianism and the subsequent corrective methods were only a cover to bring the St Thomas Christians under the control of the Roman liturgical tradition and the ecclesial control of Padroado jurisdiction. The net result was the divisions in the Church.

The Origin and Development of the Assyrian Church The Church of Selucia-Ctesiphon, commonly known as the East Syrian Church gradually attained the status of a Patriarch in 410 A.D. Christianity in Persia faced intermittent persecution until the Persian Church in 424 formally proclaimed its full independence of Christian churches elsewhere, and acknowledged Theodore of Mopsuestia, as guardian of right faith, in February 486. This position was reaffirmed under the patriarch Babai (497-502), and since that time the church has been known as Nestorian.56 Union with Rome was first realized in 1553, when the elected patriarch John Sulaqa went to Rome and made his profession of the Catholic faith. From this period on, those Nestorians who became Catholics were referred to as Chaldeans.57 53 Documenta Indica, XI, 650-652; Nedungatt, "Interpreting the Synod of Diamper and the Lessons of History", 29. 54 See Giamll, Genuiriae Relationes, documents V-XXVI, 15-100; For a summary of these and other documents see Andrews Thazhath, Juridical Sources of the Syro-Malabar Church: A Historico-Juridical Study. (Kottayam, 1987), 121133. 55 Nedungatt, "Interpreting the Synod of Diamper and the Lessons of History", 29. 56 Nestorius had been anathematized at Ephesus in 431 for denouncing the use of the title Theotokos ("God-Bearer") for the Blessed Virgin, insisting that this compromised the reality of Christ's human nature. 57 Other unions were realized in 1 6 7 2 , 1 7 7 1 , and 1778. the current unbroken line of "patriarchs of Babylonia" originating in 1830. Vol XIV 2001

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The Holy See at Rome in 1681 made Bishop Joseph Patriarch of Diarbekir. The patriarchal residence was at first in the monastery Rabban Hormizd, then in Mosul, and finally in Baghdad.58 The Church, which is not under communion with Rome, is known as the Church of the East or the Assyrian Church. At the end of the seventeenth century, there were three patriarchs, the two Nestorians living at Rabban Hormizd and Qudshanis, while the Catholic Patriarch was at Diarbekir.59 But at Rabban Hormizd, John Hormizd, united with Rome, in 1778. When Hormizd was made Patriarch, the line of Joseph was merged with that of Hormizd.60 Coming to the situation in India, a section of the Church which was under the influence of the Latin Church on their liturgical and ecclesial traditions, earnestly tried to get bishops from Persia, and has kept intact most of the East Syrian traditions.61 Mar Thoma Rocos was sent to Malabar by Catholic Chaldean Patriach, Mar Joseph Audo, against the wish of Rome, in 1862 and was forced to return in the same year. In 1865, the Apostolic See of Rome had made it clear that the Chaldean Patriarch had authority in India.62 Mar Elia Johannan Melius came in 1874 and lived in Kerala for 8 years before going back to Persia. 63 The Malpan brought by Mar Melius named Augustine was made a cor-episcopa. He served the Church during the period from 1882 to 1908. Since he was not a proper bishop, Mar Abdiso Thondanatta is considered as a real Metropolitan. In this period, there was a transition from the Catholic faith to complete Nestorian obedience and practice.64 5 8 Encyclopaedia Britannica C D 1997. 5 9 Mar Aprem, The Chaldean Syrian Church of the East, 17. 6 0 Thus, as Mundadan remarks, "The present Catholic line is that of the rival of Sulaqua of 1552, while that of schismatics is that of Sulaqa himself." A. Mathias Mundadan, Arrival of the Portuguese in India and the Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob (1498-1552), (Bangalore, 1967), 23. 61 Mar Aprem, the present head of the Assyrian Church tries to prove this. H e has discovered the Syriac manuscript of Kashkul copied at Kothamangalam, prior to the Synod of Diamper, and writes, "the simple fact that this prayer book has survived without any alteration or mutilation justifies the major conclusion of the present writer that the Chaldean Syrian Church in Trichur is the faithful remnant of the pre-Portuguese Syrian Christianity in the South West coast of India". Mar Aprem, The Chaldean Syrian Church of the East, (New Delhi, I S.P.C.K, 1983), 50-51: 62 Cherian Vancatt, Suriani Church her auest for autochthonous bishops, (Kottayam, 1994), 498. 63 Mar Aprem, The Chaldean Syrian Church of the East, 38; G e o Thadikkatt "Churches of the Eastern Traditions in India'', 37-38. 64 Mar Aprem, The Chaldean Syrian Church of the East, 38. T h e Harp

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In 1908 a Persian bishop, Mar Abimelek Timotheos was welcomed and he organised a community at Trichur which is known as the Assyrian Church of the East.65 This Church is also known under different titles as the Chaldean Syrian Church, the Babylonian Church, Mesopotamian Church, East Syrian Church, the Church of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, or the Selucian Church. This Church is also k n o w n as " N e s t o r a i n C h u r c h " , t h o u g h t o d a y this s o u n d s unacceptable because of the stigma of heresy attached to the word. 66 They gave up the latinized liturgical texts, and restored many of their early liturgical traditions. 67 The Assyrian Church is counted as one of the Eastern Orthodox Churches, because it has been separated from the Greek and other Orthodox Churches since the Council of Ephesus of 431 A.D. The Assyrian Church of the East became a member of Kerala Christian Council (K.C.C) in 1969 and a member of National Council of Churches in India (N.C.C.I) in 1971. Although this Church does not have intercommunion relationship with any of the Churches, it is co-operating with several Churches in India, especially through the fellowship of N.C.C.I.68

Specific Features of the Qurbana of the Church of the East and the Syro-Malabar Church The Assyrian Church of the East and the Syro-Malabar Church use the same liturgy. Hence, a small discussion about the liturgical developments would be useful to understand the background. As far as we could trace, there is no shred of evidence to show that St. Thomas Christians developed a liturgy of their own on the basis of the elements they received from the Apostle St. Thomas. 69 Moreover, the famous liturgical centres, which developed the liturgy, 65 The Church was divided into two: Bishop's Party, led by Mar Aprem and Patriarch's Party, led by Mar Timotheos. However, both parties succeeded to reach reconciliation on November 1 3 , 1 9 9 5 and formed a single community, with Mar Aprem as the head of the Church. Geo Thadikkatt "Churches of the Eastern Traditions in india", 37-38. 66 Mar Aprem, The Chaldean

Syrian Church of the East, 14.

67 Xavier Koodapuzha, Oriental Churches 1996), 110.

An Introduction,

(Kottayam, OIRSI,

68 Mar Aprem, The Chaldean Syrian Church of the East, 10-11. 6 9 Placid J. Podipara, The Thomas Christians and Their Syriac (Allepey, 1974). 46. Vol. X!V 2 0 0 1

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wielded their own influence, not by destroying or completely ignoring the traditions of original communities, but by fusing them properly and harmoniously in relations to certain specific Apostolic heritage. A kind of giving and taking happens during this period, and the Thomas Christians might have naturally adopted their liturgy from the East Syrian Church which was the only known liturgy developed outside the Roman boundaries. 70 Moreover, it is an accepted fact that liturgy was not developed in all centres where the Apostles preached. Such centres accepted wholeheartedly from those centres, which were near and dear to them.71 The liturgy of the Apostles is commonly known as the Anaphora of Addai and Mari. The earliest texts of the anaphora are entitled simply Qudhasa' dshlyhe' ("The Sanctification of the Apostles"). It is suggested that the original reference was to the twelve apostles, the identification with Addai and Mari being secondary. The real import of the title is to claim the apostolic origin for the anaphora.72 It may be considered the common heritage of the Churches of St. Thomas. The name of Addai and Mari might have been added only in the 11th century, as the available documents show.73 It took definite forms in Edessa74, according to circumstantial evidences,75 and later developed in the East Syriac Church.76 W.F. Macomber holds this opinion, considering the importance of the Aramaic language and its relation 7 0 T h o m a s M a n n o o r a m p a r a m p i l , The Anaphora and the Post Anaphora Syro-Malabar Qurbana. (Kottayam, 1984), 16. 7 1 Podipara, The Thomas

Christians

and Their Syriac

Treasures,

of the

46.

7 2 A. Gelston, Eucharistic Prayer of Addai arid Mari, ( N e w York: O x f o r d University Press. 1992), 2 2 - 2 3 . 7 3 G e o r g e Vavanikunnel, Qurbana of the Apostles (Alwaye: A S M L Studies, n.d.), 1-10.

and the Syro-Malabar

Church.

7 4 E d e s s a in Syriac is O r h a y a n d n o w k n o w n as U r h a in Turkey. E d e s s a is in O s r h o e n e , part of northern M e s o p o t a m i a . 1 S e e K O L L A M P A R A M P I L , A n t o n y G e o r g e . " T h e T r e a s u r e s of Liturgical P a t r i m o n y of t h e East Syrian Tradition, in A . G . K o l l a m p a r a m p i l & J . P e r u m t h o t t a m . Bride at the Feet of the Bridegroom. Studies in East Syrian Liturgical Law. A Tribute to Archbishop Mar Joseph Powathil. ( C h a n g a n a c h e r r y : H I R S Publications, 1997), 69. 7 5 G r e g o r y Dix, The Shape of the Liturgy. (London: S C M Press, A d a m & Charles Black, 1960), 177. H o w e v e r , there a r e s o m e a u t h o r s w h o think that A d d a i a n d Mari h a s its origin f r o m Antioeh. A r c h d a l e A. K i n g thinks that A d d a i a n d M a r i r e p r e s e n t s E d e s s a in a b o u t f o u r t h c e n t u r y . A P R E M , Sacraments of the Church of the East, 53. 7 6 T h o m a s M a n n o o r a m p a r a m p i l , Anaphora The Harp

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to the Semitic culture and antiquity of the liturgy. Moreover, Edessa was the ecclesiastical centre, and later the centre of study in the East,78 outside the Roman Empire. The liturgy was not imposed on St. Thomas Christians by an external power,79 but was an organic development of the liturgy founded by St. Thomas, with mutual co-operation and consolidation with the great liturgical centres of the East, especially of the East Syrian traditions. The St. Thomas Christians of Malabar had the developed form of East Syrian liturgy at least since the fourth century.80 The Malabar faithful could very well appreciate the Eastern liturgy in Syriac language developed in a Church of the same apostolic origin.81 There were certain Indian elements, like the temple architecture, added to the East Syrian liturgy, however, not harming the spirit of the Eastern Syrian liturgy. The ecclesial life went on peacefully for nearly fifteen centuries without many remarkable incidents. The Assyrian Church of East in India uses three anaphoras for the Eucharistic Celebration. Along with the Anaphora of Addai and Mari, they have anaphoras of Mar Theodore and Mar Nestorius in use. The second and third anaphoras might have been included by Catholicos Mar Aba I (540-52) in the 6th century. Anahpra of Mar Theodore is in use from the first Sunday of Annunciation until the Sunday of Hosanna.82 The Liturgy of Nestorius is celebrated only

77 William F. Macomber, 'The Maronite and Chaldean Versions of the Anaphora of the Apostles", OCP, 37(1971), 76. 78 Placid J. Podipara, The Pre-Sixteenth Century History of the Malabar Church (lecture Notes) (Rome, 197'6), 33. 79 Thomas Mannoramparampil, Anaphora and the Posi-Anaphorä of the SyroMalabar Qurbana, 24-25. 80 Cf. Placid J. Podipara, Thomas Christians, 73-74; A. Mathias. Mundadan, History of Christianity in India. I. (Bangalore, 1989), 89-98. 81 The petition sent to Pope Gregory XIII in 1578 by some of the leading native Christians has the expression:"... and that our liturgical prayers are in the Syriac (Chaldaic) language transmitted to us by our Father St. Thomas." This shows that for the St. Thomas Christians the East Syrian liturgy was not something imposed upon them by a foreign Church, Cf. A.A. King, Rites, vol.II, 445; P.J. Podipara, Rise and Decline of the Indian Church of Thomas Christians, (Kottayam, 1979), 7-8. 82 See. H.W. Codrington, Studies of the Syriac Liturgies, (London, 1952), 62. Vol. XIV 2001

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five times a year. Catholicos Iso'yab III (650-59) was largely responsible for the final standardization of the Chaldean rite through his editions of Taksa, the Hudra (the antiphonary for Sundays), and his commentary on the ceremonies of the office, Eucharistic liturgy and other liturgical rites.84 The Syro-Malabar Church also was using the anaphoras of Theodore and Nestorius, which were forbidden for use in the in the Synod of Diamper in the name of Nestorian heresy. 83

In the Assyrian Church of the East, the first complete taksa in Aramaic was printed at Urmi in 1890 by the Archbishop of Canterbury's Mission, as requested by the Primates of the Church of East. This was translated into English by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK), London, in 1893.85 Rev. Joseph de Kelaita revised, enhanced and corrected the Aramaic version in 1928, comparing it with all the available, reliable and ancient manuscripts, thus making it complete and entire.86 This was entitled The Liturgxj of the Holy Apostles Adai and Mari together with the Liturgies of Mar Theodorus and Mar Nestorius and the Order of Baptism. An English translation was published in 1967 in Trichur, with the same title.87 The Malayalam translation is also made at the same time and put into common use in Kerala. There are not many publications by the theologians of the Church of the East, with an exception of Mar Aprem, the present head of the Church in India, who made some valuable contributions in the field of history and theology through his valuable books.88 83 The days on which they are used are the Epiphany, the Friday of John the Baptist, the Memorial of Greek Doctors, the Wednesday of the Rogation of the Ninevites, and the Passover. Adai and Mari, p. 47. See. H.W. Codrington, Studies of the Syriac Liturgies, 62. 84 Grant Sperry-White, Grant. "Eucharist, History of, in the East" P. E. Fink, ed. The New Dictionary of Sacramental Worship, Collegeville, (Minnesota, 1990), 412. 85 DARMO, "Preface", The Liturgy of the Holy Apostles Adai and Mari together with the Liturgies of Mar Theodorus and Mar Nestorius and the Order of Baptism. K.A. Paul, and George Mooken, (publishers), (Trichur, 1967), iii. Here after quoted as Liturgy of the Holy Apostles Adai and Mari. According to Mar Aprem, it is believed that A.J. Maclean, who translated East Syrian Daily Offices was the main translator of this liturgy. See. Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, (Trichur, 1978), 49. Footnote n. 1; p.51 86 Darmo, "Preface", Liturgy of the Holy Apostles Adai and Mari, iii. 87 Liturgy of the Holy Apostles Adai and Mari. 88 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 49. I he Harp

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The Qurbana of the Syro-Malabar Church, in which many Latin elements were introduced by the Synod of Diamper (1599) and Rosian Statutes (1606) continued in a hybridised form for nearly three and a half centuries. The process of restoration, which was inaugurated in 1934 culminated in the restoration of the Qurbana when the Plenary Congregation of the Cardinals, which met on 27 May 1957 accepted and revised Qurbana Missal, comprising the Ordo communis and 3 Anaphorai. Pope Pius XII approved the decisions of the "Plenaria" on June 26,1957. Two documents were then published from Rome: Ordo Celebrationis Quddasa iuxta usuni Ecclesiae Syro-Malabarensis (1959) containing the rituals of the Qurbana and Supplementum Mysteriorum sive Proprium Missarum de tempore et de Sanctis iuxta Ritum Ecclesiae Syro-Malabarensis (1960) containing readings proper for the seasons and the hymns. 8 9 The "Taksa d' Qudasa" containing the ordinary Mass with only the Anaphora of Addai and Mari, was published from Alwaye on M a y 1 2 , 1 9 6 0 , in Syriac. It is to be noted here that this is not the solemn form of the Qurbana and the other two Anaphoras approved b y Rome were not published. O n July 3, 1962, the new Missal printed at Alwaye in bilingual edition (SyriacMalayalam) officially came into force. In 1968 a text of the Qurbana prepared by the liturgical committee, w a s a p p r o v e d "ad experimentum" on 8 August, by the S a c r e d Congregation and came into use on 15 August. After a long study, discussions and consultations, which lasted for many years, the Raza, the mosl solemn form of celebration of Qurbana of the Syro-Malabar Church, was prepared by the Central Liturgical Committee. After study and revision the text was approved by the Episcopal Committee on November 2 , 1 9 8 5 and was forwarded to Rome on December 8. The Holy See approved the Qurbana text of .Raza on December 19, 1985. During his visit to India, Pope John Paul II inaugurated the Raza at Kottayam on February 8,1986. The text for the Solemn and Simple forms began to be used on July 3,1989. Only the Anaphora of Addai and Mari is put to use today.

Different Aspects of the Celebration of the Qurbana In the Assyrian Church, following the ancient custom of the Bast Syrian Church, generally there is no daily celebration of the Qurbana, but is celebrated only on rare occasions such as festivities and a few 89 Report on the State of Liturgical Reform; in the Syro-Malabar Church given by (fie sacreci Congregation for the Oriental Churches, Rome, 12-8-19S0. Roman Documents on the Syro-Malabar liturgy. (Kottayam, 1999),22. Vol. XIV 2001

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Sundays; mainly because of the shortage of priests. In parish churches Qurbana is celebrated only twice or thrice a week. The whole liturgy is considered as the subject of fear and awe by the faithful. At the same time, rich in rituals, such as incense, bell-ringing and colourful vestments make the liturgy more appealing to the people. Every celebration is a solemn celebration, 91 which takes more than one hour. As a recent development, there is a custom of reducing the prayers; and reciting, instead of singing, to reduce the duration of the celebration. Though we use the term Qurbana,92 in the Assyrian Church, the actual word used in the Taksa is Qudasa,93 For the SyroMalabar Church, there is daily celebration of the Qurbana, in all parish churches, monasteries and houses of formation; and the faithful regularly participate in it. Except on Sundays and Feast days, generally the simple Qurbana is celebrated, which may take thirty to forty minutes. 90

The celebration of the Qurbana needs much spiritual and material preparation, as it is a divine act carried out by h u m a n hands, authorised by the Church. In the Assyrian Church, as the preparation for the Qurbana, there is a special service for the preparation and baking of the bread for Qurbana,94 and a service of Husaya, which is a service for absolution, done on the previous evening. Now absolution 90 In some churches in Iraq liturgy is celebrated not even once a week due to the lack of priests. Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 57, footnote n. 2. 91 By nature and in the mode of celebration the Syriac liturgy is always a sung liturgy. The solemnity of the liturgical celebration does not consist in merely singing the prayers of the Qurbana. In the general practice in the Syriac tradition, as Geevarghese Panicker points out "in solemn liturgies, he [the celebrant] is surrounded by several officiating deacons, subdeacons, readers, and singers, all wearing special liturgical vestments, who place themselves on both sides of the altar serving divine mysteries'1. Gheevarghese Panicker. "Liturgy of St. James and Theology of the Trinity." Studia Liturgica 30,1 (2000), 120. 92 The word Qurbana derives from the Syriac root, Qreb, which means to come near, to draw. Its Pael form is Qareb, meaning to bring, take, carry, lay near, apply. It has also got meaning to offer, to present, to celebrate liturgy, to present and offering, gift. The derivative form Qurbana, means an offering, gift, oblation, celebration of liturgy, presentation of an offering, gift or oblation. Payne Smith, J. A Compendious Syriac Dictionary. (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1985), 517. 93 The Taksa in Syriac is known as Taksa d'Qudasa d'Slihe. As the word Qudasa is used now a.days, to mean the sacraments in general, we use the term Qurbana, to specify the Eucharistic celebration. 94 Liturgy of the Holy Apostles Adai and Man, 174-85. The Harp

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is done just before the administration of the Holy elements, on Sundays and Feast days; and normally avoided for weekday celebration. It is a general form of confession, as the auricular confession is not practised. The Liturgy of the Hours in the morning and evening is compulsory for the clergy. 95 For a Sunday Eucharist, the remote preparation is done on the Saturday evening, with the evening prayer, 96 a service of mixing the wheat flour and olive oil. On Sunday morning, as the immediate preparation, the priest recites the Night and Morning Prayers together, and bakes the bread. 97 As is evident from the rites, the Assyrian church uses leavened bread (ilakhma) and not the unleavened bread (pathira).98 There is no private Qurbana in the Church. Eucharist cannot be celebrated without a deacon to assist the celebrant. The deacon plays an active role in the celebration of the Eucharist in any Eastern Church. In the Anaphora of Addai and Mari, the proclamations are done by the deacon. Before the prayer by the celebrant the deacon reminds the faithful of the importance of the following prayer by saying, "Let us pray: peace be with us." It is the deacon, who reads the epistle, whereas the first and second readings are done by lectors. After the Gospel proclamation by the celebrant, the deacon proclaims the Karozutha. The deacon helps to distribute the communion by offering kasa to the faithful. In the Assyrian Church the faithful drink from the kasa, while in the Syro-Malabar Church, the Eucharistic bread is moistened by the blood, either by the priest or by the communicant himself. In the Syro-Malabar Church, a priest alone can offer a private Qurbana, with out even a server to assist.99 There are no permanent 95 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 62. 96 What is recited on Saturday evening, is the Sunday evening prayer, as according to the liturgical practice in the East, the day begins on the previous evening, with vespers or evening prayer, 97 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 62-63. 98 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 63, footnote n. 1. 99 As Robert Taft rightly observes, it goes without saying that 'private Mass' is foreign to the Eastern spirit, and concelebration is practiced as a manifestation of the unity of the local church in the Eucharist. Robert Taft, Beyond East and West - Problems in Liturgical Understanding. (Washington: Paulist Press: 1984), 117. Even in the Roman rite, where private mass is common, though there is provision made for Mass without a congregation, it is said as a norm that, "Mass should not be celebrated without a minister except in serious necessity". See, General Instruction on the Roman Missal (1970), 211. What is given an exemption is accepted in the Syro-Malabar CnmcVi as a norm many a times, as the result of the Latinization. Vol. XIV 2001

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deacons in the Church and hence deacons are not generally available for the celebration of the Qurbana, who are substituted by the sacristan or the altar boys. It is evident that the one who substitutes cannot acquire all the roles of the one who is substituted, and hence what the sacristan or altar boy can do is only to recite the prescribed prayers. The role of the deacon is not simply to say some prayers, but to do service at the altar. The bread used is unleavened, and the priest or the deacon has no role in its preparation. The Liturgy of the Hours has become a private prayer of the priest. The congregational singing of the Liturgy of the Hours in the evening and morning in the church where the faithful also participated is no longer seen in the SyroMalabar Church. In the Assyrian Church, the altar is considered a holy place, and is placed at the Eastern end of the sanctuary. Only the ordained ministers are allowed to enter the altar and that too with fasting and with proper vestments and special shoes. The two minor orders of Readers and subdeacons were allowed only to the steps, not inside the altar. If these rules are violated, the altar will have to be consecrated with oil or without oil; according to the nature of the desecration as prescribed in the canon law.100 In the Syro-Malabar Church also altar is considered holy, as the throne of God and also as the sepulchre of our Lord;101 Sanctuary is heaven on earth, called sornos in Malayalam, which means throne,102 often it remains at the level of the sanctuary floor.103 Along with book of Evangalionm (on the right side) and sacred vessels (at the time of the liturgy of the Eucharist) the St. Thomas Cross (on the left side) is kept on the altar,

100 Mar Aprem, Sacraments

of the Church of the East, 60.

101 Varghese Pathikulangara, Qurbana. The Eucharistie Chaldeo-lndia Church. (Kottayam, 1998), 140.

102 Varghese Pathikulangara,

Celebration

of the

Qurbana, 60, 140.

103 Severien Salaville, An Introduction to the Study of Eastern Liturgies, Adapted by John M. T. Barton, (London, 1938), 134. 104 it is a Gospel Lectionary in the Psitta version of the Bible. Varghese Pathikulangara, Qurbana, 141. Tho Harp

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as a perfect symbol of Our Lord's Resurrection.105 However, there is no restriction for anybody to enter the sanctuary or near the altar.106 In the Assyrian Church, the altar veil107 is shut and drawn twice during the service. The sanctuary veil has given rise to much controversy in the Syro-Malabar Church. The Roman documents have only passing references such as, "rubric concerning the veil (Latin text, p. 11) is to be restored" 108 and that its use "is left to the discretion of the local Ordinary." 1 0 9 Moreover, the Bishops' Conference resolved, "The sanctuary veil for the celebration of the simple form of the Mass is not compulsory".110 According to the prescriptions of the liturgical books, at least during the celebration of the Solemn and Most Solemn forms of theQurbam, the sanctuary veil is to be used.111 In practice, there are churches which use veil, so also churches which do not have veil. In the Assyrian Church of the East, the Bema is placed near the altar inside the Madbkha, one step higher than the floor of the sanctuary. The priest comes down from the Bema for the Gospel reading, sermon and for the distribution of the communion, to the front of the Qestrorna. In all other occasions the priest remains in the Bema. In the Syro-Malabar Church, bema is an elevated platform with 105 The four ends of the cross, just like blooming new buds proclaim the new life, which we have gained through participation in Jesus' Resurrection. The flowery cross reminds us always as mark of early Christianity and its victory over death through Jesus Christ. The empty cross like empty tomb Is a symbol of the Resurrection. So also is the descending of the Holy Spirit. See. Varghese Pathikulangara,. Church and Celebration. 2nd Printing. (Kottayam, 1986), 17-21. Varghese Pathikulangara, Ourbana, 60, 141-42. Ouseph Vazhuthanappally,. "A Historico-Archaelogical site study and research on Mar Thoma Sliva", Christian Orient, X, 2, (1989): 80-89. 106 It has become a practice, may be out of the ignorance of the people. Altar boys and sacristans are seen running around the altar with outmost carelessness. It only shows the lessening of the sense of the sacred and reverence for holy places. 107 The altar veil found in the Assyrian churches today is considered to be of a later period. 108 Observations on "The Order of the Holy1 Mass of the Syro-Malabar Church 1981" (March 1,1983), C. 12. a. 109 Directives on the Order of Syro-Malabar Qurbana in the Solemn and Simple formé (April 3, 1989), n. 13. 110 Official Report of the SMBC, December 2-3,1986, n. 17. 111 Varghese Pathikulangara, Qurbana, 138-39. Vol. XIV 2001

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in altar for the Gospel and cross, chairs for the bishop, archdeacon and other ministers, and lecterns.112 The ideal place is the middle of the Haykla (nave),113 though in some churches, it is placed in the sanctuary itself, or in the front portion of the nave. The solemn procession from the sanctuary to the bema at the beginning of the liturgy is unique to the East Syriac tradition, and is seen in the SyroMalabar Church today. The liturgy of the Word takes place on the bema. Historically this procession was instituted for the practical purpose of the entry of the bishop." 4 According to the Solemn Order of Raza, all the celebrants (the main celebrant, archdeacon, deacons and ministers) go to the bema to begin the Qurbana. In the Assyrian Church, at the time of the Qurbana, the priest, deacons and the faithful face the East. The priest faces the congregation only for the Gospel reading, sermon, blessings and the request of prayer, while the deacon faces the people for the OT and Epistle Readings. In the Syro-Malabar Church, the Qurbana was celebrated facing the east, from time immemorial. The facing the people position of the celebrant came into common use not more than thirty years ago.115 This became a common practice in the SyroMalabar Church, after (or along with) introduction of 1968 Qurbana, as a spontaneous development and it was suddenly put into common use in almost all churches, without any authorization.116 The Synod of bishops of the Syro-Malabar Church in their meeting in 15-20, November 1999 decided to introduce the east-ward facing position of the Qurbana from the time of the rite of presen tation of the gifts to the Communion, which was to come into force on July 3, 2000. In some dioceses, this decision is not implemented. 112 Paul Maniyattu, 'The Meaning of Mission and Proclamation in the East Syrian Qurbana: A Liturgical Theology of the Mission" Ephrem Theological Journal, 3,1 (1999), Footnote n. 2, p. 46. Pauly Maniyattu, Heaven on Earth: The Theology of Liturgical Spacetime in the East Syrian Qurbana. (Rome, 1995), 151-184. 113 In the words of Congregation for the Oriental Churches, "It is laudable that the Liturgy of the Word be celebrated at a bema in the center of the nave". Directives on the Order of Syro-Malabar Qurbana in the Solemn and Simple forms (April 3,1989), n. 16. 114 Paul Maniyattu, Paul. "The Meaning of Mission and Proclamation in the East Syrian Qurbana", 47. 115 Antony Nariculam, New Directives on the Syro-Malabar Liturgy: A Study. (Alwaye, 1988), 18-19. 116 Final Judgement of the S. Congregation for the Oriental Churches concerning the Order of the Syro-Malabar Qurbana (July 24, 1985) n. 40 a. I hp Ha.p

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In the Qurbana there are three kinds of prayers known as Qdnona, Kusdpa and G'hantha, which the Assyrian Church follows strictly according to its nature. The Qdndna is said aloud, while the priest stands and stretches forth his hand above his head. Kusdpa is said silently while kneeling.117 G'hantha is the prayer of the inclining, said with bowed head and in a low voice, without stretching forth the hands before the altar. At every G'hantha the priest prostrates himself before the altar, at the beginning and at the end. He shall stand about one cubit away from the altar. He shall bow his head as low as to his knees and at the conclusion of every G'hantha he shall prostrate himself and kiss the middle of the altar. G'hantha is said in a voice audible only to those in the Kanke (Sanctuary) but not secretly, in heart nor with a loud voice as to be heard by those in the Haikla (nave).'18 The genuflexions of the celebrant towards the four sides of the bema before the Gloria of the anthem of the mysteries are a special feature of this liturgy.119 In the Syro-Malabar Qurbana, the G'hantha prayers are to be said by the celebrant with a slight inclina tion of the head, folded hands, and in a voice low yet audible to the community.120 However, as a practice, the celebrant, with the exception of some silent prayers, recites or sings all the prayers aloud. Most of the priests do not seem to be practicing the variations in tone or posture for different types of prayers. In the Assyrian Church, the priest prepares the bread and wine in the a room adjacent to the sanctuary before the beginning of the Qurbana, and while the ministers come to the sanctuary for the celebration the priest carries the peelasa, while the deacon carries the kasa and they place them in the Bethgazas.m The sanctuary veil is opened and the priest begins the Qurbana at the altar with " In name 117 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 58. 118 Liturgy of the Holy Apostles Adai and Man, 24-25, 119 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 59. 120 Order of the Solemn Form of Raza of the Syro-Malabar Church, approved by the Holy See on December 1 9 , 1 9 8 5 . (Trivandrum, 1986), General Instructions, n. 12, p. 3. 121 In the Syro-Malabar Church, at the time of the Karozutha, the archdeacon prepares the chalice and paten in the Raza, whereas in the solemn Qurbana this is done by the deacon. In the Raza after the dismissal of the catechumens, the deacon goes to the southern beth gazza, takes the chalice, raises it to the forehead and carries it to the middie o U h e aftav and hands "A over to the archdeacon. Vol X!V 2 0 0 1

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of the Father... ". H e comes d o w n to the Bemu, with cross in hand, at the time of the prayer before Lakhu Mara.123 122

In the S o l e m n Raza, the m o s t s o l e m n f o r m of E u c h a r i s t i c celebration in the Syro-Malabar Church there is a special rite after the psalms, n a m e l y the A n t h e m of the Sanctuary and the Kissing of the Cross. 124 According to the Solemn Order of Raza, all the celebrants (the main celebrant, archdeacon, deacons and ministers) go to the bema to begin the Qurbana. After priestly prayer w h i c h follows the psalm w h e n the choir begins the anthem of the sanctuary, the first deacon takes the cross and gives it to the celebrant, w h o receives it, kisses it, and extends it to be kissed b y the archdeacon, deacons, ministers a n d the people. 1 2 5 In the Assyrian Church, after the deacon finishes reading the Apostles (Epistle) the priest descends f r o m the Bema and comes to the door of the Madbkha,126 for the reading of the Gospel. After the Karozutha and the imposition of the hands, there is a rite of prostration. 122 Almost all the solemn services of the Syro-Oriental rite begin with 'glory to God in the highest'. The Qurbana of Mar Joseph began with "Our Father". John Matheiken,. Malabar Liturgy in the Light of the Rozian Statutes. (Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation) (Rome: Pontificium Institutum Orientale, 1960), 137-138. To begin the Qurbana with the sign of the cross is not the East Syrian tradition. All the known manuscripts and commentaries, the pre-Diamper and the Menezian Taksas, the restored Qurbana of 1957, 1960 and 1962 and Ordo Celebrationis are silent on it. There is no such mention of the sign of the cross at the beginning in most of the non-latinized oriental liturgies. The sign of the cross was introduced first in 1774 Taksa owing to the Latin influence. It first appeared in MS Paris Syr. 90, which was written in Malabar in 1689. The exchange of words: "Your mandate, Mandate of Christ" between the priest and the server, as seen in the East Syriac Qurbana, is not seen in the Assyrian Church. 123 Liturgy of the Holy Apostles Adai and Mari, 6. 124 According to the most ancient original style of Raza celebration, the bishop or the main celebrant goes directly to the sanctuary from the sacristy only at the beginning of Anthem of the sanctuary. Other priests and ministers, however, go to the Bema to begin the celebration. After the psalms and the priestly prayers, the sanctuary veil is removed for the bishop to proceed to the Bema. The choir then begins the Anthem of the sanctuary and everybody in the community kisses the bishop's hand-cross. Varghese Pathikulangara, Qurbana, 163-64; See for more about the Cross, Geo Thadikkatt, "The Cross in different Ecclesial Traditions", Paulachan Kochappilly. ed. The Folly of the Cross, (Bangalore, Kottayam, 2000), 263-279. 125 Order of the Solemn Raza of the Syro-Malabar Church, 13. 126 Liturgy of the Holy Apostles Adai and Mari, 10. The Harp

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te sanctuary veil is closed arid the priest prostrates himself towards e four sides of the Bema: first to the East twice, then to the right ie. After this to the East once. He then rises up. Again to the East dee, then to the left once and again to the East and to the West each once. The deacons advance to meet the priest, who says the Gloria and the Anthem of the Mysteries. He comes down and blesses all the congregation. When the priest reaches the deacons, they prostrate themselves before him. 127 Then the sanctuary veil is opened. However, this rite is not followed in the present day celebration of Qurbana. Similar to that of the Assyrian Church of the East, there is also prostration in the Raza of the Syro-Malabar Church. After the Dismissal of the Catechumens, the first deacon after kissing the Gospel receives it from the second deacon. Then the second deacon after kissing the cross receives it from the deacon. They place the Gospel and the cross on the altar and stand facing the people. During the anthem of the mysteries the celebrant kneels and kisses the veil on the floor three times and stands erect, arid makes a sign of the cross over it while singing: "The Body and Blood of Christ". He does so on the four sides of the veil, moving to the right after every singing. The deacons walk down towards the celebrant singing prescribed prayers. While the deacons reach near die veil, all prostrate together and kiss the veil. The celebrant blesses the deacons, all stand up and the celebrants kiss the sacred Paina of the celebrant.128 This ceremony is done only in the Raza in the Syro-Malabar Church In the Syro-Malabar Church, the preparation of bread and wine is done at Bethgazas, at the time of the Karozutha, before the prostrations. According to the rite in both Churches, then the priest goes to place the mysteries on the altar. The washing of the hand by the celebrant is done at this time in the Syro-Malabar Church, while in the Assyrian Church; it is done at a later stage. The priest takes the peelasa and the deacon the kasa and begins Oneetha, followed by the Onitha d'Raze "The body of Christ and His precious Blood (are) on the holy altar....". 129 Those within the Madbkha repeat the same. In the Assyrian Church, after the commemorations, the priest comes to the door of the Madbkha, prostrates himself, then stands up and, stretching forth his hands upwards, says the Nicene - Constantinople 127 Liturgy of the Holy Apostles Adai and Mari, 14-15. 128 Order of the Solemn Raza of the Syro-Malabar

Church, 33-35.

129 Liturgy of the Holy Apostles Adai and Mari, 15.

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Creed. The priest enters the sanctuary with three prostrations. Then the priest prostrates himself before the altar. Then he washes his hands.130 At the time of the Dkilath (Awful art Thou), the veil of the altar is drawn.131 All the available documents show that there was no Institution narrative in the Anaphora of Addai and Mari. Many scholars are of the opinion that this Anaphora is complete in itself even with out the Institution narrative. 132 Though there is no explicit Institution narrative, this liturgy has an equivalent to it in the Eucharistic prayer in the form of a brief allusion to the Last Supper in the following words: "have, by tradition, received the example from Thee".133 In the Assyrian Church of India, though the words of Institution are inserted now, it is recited inaudibly like G'hantha prayers. The worshippers in the Nestorian churches cannot say whether it is recited or not.134 In the Syriac liturgy printed at Mosul in 1928 by Rev. Joseph Kelaitha, the words of Institution are not mentioned. In 1944 Alphonse Raes brought to light folio 101 of manuscript Vat. Syr. 66 of Mar Joseph (1566), on which an Institution- Narrative is written. He reaches the conclusion depending on the words of Gouvea and Raulin that Mar Joseph added the words of Institution in the Anaphora of AM, which were found missing in the text. The Institution narrative is not seen in its proper place, but at the beginning of the Anaphora of the Apostles, with a note where to recite it,135 When the liturgy was first printed in India in 1961 along with a Malayalam translation, for the Assyrian Church, the words of Institution were printed in a separate page and inserted in its proper place. The fact that this page is not numbered is proof in itself of the dilemma of the Assyrians with regard to its place in the liturgy of 130 Liturgy of the Holy Apostles Adai and Mari, 17-19. 131 Liturgy of the Holy Apostles Adai arid Mari, 55. 132 Gregory Dix, The Shape of the Liturgy. (London, 1960), 181; Varghese Pathikulangara, Qurbana, 228-29. 133 Liturgy of the Holy Apostles Adai and Mari, 39. 134 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the Easi, 67-8. 135 Codex Vat. Syr. No. 66; Alphonsus Raes, An Explanation of the SyroMalabarese Holy Mass. (Kottayam:, 1958), 41; John Matheiken,. Malabar Liturgy in the Light of the Rozian Statutes (Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation) (Rome, 1960),17; Jacob Vellian, 'The Synod of Diamper and the Liturgy of the Syro-Malabar Church", in G. Nedungatt. Ed., The Synod of Diamper Revisited. (Rome, 2001), 178. The Harp

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\uuai and Mari. It was included in the English translation of 1967. ."he 'moment of consecration', according to the Assyrian Church is he epiclesis. T h e l i t u r g y is c o m p l e t e w i t h o u t the " w o r d s of institution", but with the epiclesis. 137 In the Syro-Malabar Church, the words of Institution are recited audibly. Before the restoration, there was a practice of elevation of bread and cup after the words of institution. 138 This is not done after the restoration of the Raza. The priest b o w s after the words of Institution as the commemoration " W h e n your are gathered together...". 136

In the Assyrian Church, the celebrant gives the C o m m u n i o n in the form of bread to the faithful, while the cup is offered by the deacon. For receiving c o m m u n i o n m e n and then w o m e n proceed to the Western end of the altar in a row and first receive the bread from the celebrant standing on the southern side and then m o v e s to the northern side to receive the cup from the deacon. 139 In the SyroMalabar Church, as mentioned earlier the Communion is given in the form of bread and wine f r o m the same place and the cup is not offered to the faithful for drinking. The rite of saying farewell to the altar is seen at the end of the Qurbana, in the Syro-Malabar Church; which is a later addition, 1 4 0 while it is not seen in the Assyrian Church. 136 A note is added to the text 'This is not written in the Apostles' Liturgy". See. Liturgy of the Holy Apostles Adai and Mari, 34. 137 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 70. 138 According to the Western view which became common around 1200, it was accepted that the change in the bread was accomplished once the relevant " words of institution" had been pronounced, and therefore before the words over the chalice were uttered. Therefore, it soon became customary for the celebrant to genuflect in adoration immediately after the words of Institution oi the bread and of the wine. The consecrated species were elevated, so that the people might kneel and gaze and offer their own adoration. Johannes H Emminghaus,. The Eucharist. Essence, Form, Celebration, trans. Mathew J. O'Connell. (Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1978), 80-81. The elevation of the host and chalice immediately after the Institution Narrative is a 12th century innovation in the Latin Church. Bowing and kneeling down after each elevation is also seen as a sign of adoration, whereas no Eastern Chufches do these Actions at this time of the Eucharist. 139 Ma r Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 61. 140 In the 1774 edition of the Taksa six prayers which were not in the East Syr iac were added, one among them was a prayer of bidding adieu to the altair. Jacob Vellian, "The Synod of Diamper and the Liturgy of the SyroMalabar Ghurch", 189. Vol XiV 200"

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While keeping the liturgical identity, certain adaptations have come into practice in the Assyrian Church in India, mainly because of the direct or indirect influence of the Syro-Malabar Church. Some of them include the more frequent celebration of Qurbana in some parishes; and especially the daily celebration of the Qurbana in the Big church, known as Valiapalli, located at Trichur, near the residence of the Metropolitan.141 The rubric connected with the altar veil, drawn twice during the celebration of the Qurbana is not observed.142 Accordingly, the veil is drawn when the priest enters the sanctuary for the Qurbana and is closed at the end of the celebration. According to the tradition of the Assyrian- Church, the reservation of the Sacrament is not permitted and the Sacrament cannot be taken out of the church. In India, with the special permission of the Metropolitan, the Sacrament is administered to the sick people in houses and hospitals.143 Sacraments in the Assyrian Church of the East and in the Syro-Malabar Church Sacraments are the visible signs of invisible grace, which are composed of matter and form. The comprehensive and common doctrine of the Catholic Church on the seven sacraments cannot be traced before the middle ages. The main source, for the doctrine for the sacraments, is the Council of Trent, even for today, in the postVatican era. Though there is difference among the Churches regarding to which are the sacraments, there is a basic unity about the number of sacraments, which are "seven, no more, and no fewer" (DS 1601). "They are means of grace because they are "powers of sanctification" (DS 1639) or "instrumental causes" (DS 1529) signifying and containing (DS 3858) the grace proper to. them and in such a way that they mediate and produce it ex opere operato (DS 1608,3544ff), i.e., not by virtue of the personal merits of the minister or recipient."14"'

141 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 57-58, footnote n. 1. 142 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 58. 143 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 59. 144 Raphael Schulte, "Sacraments" Karl Rahner et. a/ed., Sacramentum Mundi, Vol. V. (London, 1970), 380. The Harp

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There are seven sacraments in the Church of the East, according to the famous canonist Mar Abdisho (+1318). They are the following: 1) The Priesthood, which is the ministry of all the other sacraments, 2) Holy Baptism, 3) The oil of unction, 4) The oblation (Qurbana) of the Body and Blood of Christ, 5) Absolution, 6) The Holy Leaven, 7) The sign of the living cross. Abdisho states that some Christians, who do not possess the Holy Leaven, call Marriage, the seventh sacrament.145 Out of this, Qurbana and Baptism are considered more important than the others. The Assyrian Church does not count Marriage and Anointing of the sick (known also as "Extreme Unction") as sacraments, as accepted by the Catholic Church; instead they count Holy Leaven and the sign of the Cross 146 , to make the number to reach seven Baptism: The Assyrian Churches practice infant baptism.147 But at the same time, there are big baptismal fonts (six feet deep) for the older people. This is to be used, if there are converts. Usually babies are baptised.148 However, this can not be taken as a strict rule. Before the baptism, the baby is to be anointed with olive oil from the flagon of oil kept inside the altar. Anointing is done by the priest, "with three central fingers (sic) from up downwards and from right to left, and not from down upwards, with the sign of the cross". The formula of anointing is "(N) is anointed in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit for ever". The whole body is to be anointed by the priest, while in the case of women there is strict rule that it should be done by the deaconesses.149 For the anointing if there is no separate room beside the Baptistry, screens must be hung around the Font in place of walls.150 145 Abdisho, Marganeetha,Memra IV, K e p a l e o n 1, p. 39; M a r A p r e m , Sacraments of the Church of the East, 13 146 The age is generally considered as of about 40 days in the case of girls and about 56 days in the case of boys for baptism. Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 14. 147 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 17-18. Though the Protestant influence is seen in the importance given to Qurbana and Baptism, this is contrary to the Protestant practice, especially of the Pentecostals and Baptists who insist that only believers can be baptised. 148 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 13. Badger, however, remarks that the children are generally baptised on the eighth day. He writes, "Such an anomaly as a child born of Christian parents remaining unbaptised even for three months is happily unknown among them". See. Badger, vol. II, 166. 149 Liturgy of the Holy Apostles Adai and Man, 156. 150 Liturgy of the Holy Apostles Adai and Mar/,. 170-171. Vol. XIV 2001

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The Assyrian Church of the East practices baptism by complete immersion, and not pouring water over the head, or sprinkling water.151 The Baptism service is completed only with the imposition of hands, which is the Confirmation service at the later stage, as seen in the Syro-Malabar Church today. This is done inside the main hall of the Church and not in the baptistery. The priest and deacon with the oil, cross, gospel, censer etc., enter the church through the altar and recite the prayers of the imposition of hands on the newly baptised in the presence of the faithful. The Assyrian Church of the East teaches that the confirmation of Baptism is called 'seal' as well as 'anointing'.152 Traditionally in the Syro-Malabar Church, the baptistry (Beth Mamoditha) was constructed close to the sanctuary. In the centre of it was the baptismal font. The walls of the baptistry may be decorated with paintings or icons of our Lord's baptism in Jordan, by water symbols in the Bible or even the scenes from the salvation history.153 In the Syro-Malabar Church child baptism is prevalent, though there is no strict rule about the number of days after birth. According to the present custom baptism is done by pouring of water on the head, with the baptismal formula. The confirmation is not given along with baptism.154 Priesthood: There are nine orders of priesthood in the Assyrian C h u r c h . T h e y "are: 1. Patriarcha ( P a t r i a r c h ) , 2. Metrapolitha (Metropolitan), 3. Apiscopa (Bishop), 4. Archidiacon ( A r c h d e a c o n ) , 5. Piryadotha (Rural D e a n ) , 6. Qashisha (Priest), 7. Shamshana ( D e a c o n ) , 8 Heevpadyakhna (Sub d e a c o n ) a n d 9. Karoya (Reader). 1 5 5 K e e p i n g

faithfully the ancient Eastern custom, the Assyrian Church of the East has married clergy. They havethe custom of permanent deacons, who assist at the Quriana, baptism and other sacraments, where their role is essential for the celebration. They have also deaconesses, whose only role is to anoint the body of women, with oil during baptism. At present, the Syro-Malabar Church has only the

151 Though immersion in water of the adults is practised by the Baptists and Pentecostalists, the immersion of babies is a special characteristic of this Church. Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 21. 152 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 27. 153 Varghese Pathikulangara, Qurbana, 146-47. 154 The process of revision initiated aims at giving baptism by immersion, to be followed by anointing, traditionally known as confirmation. 155 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 27. The Harp

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ordination for bishop, priest, deacon, and those of the minor orders. The Syro-Malabar Church has only celibate priests. They have no permanent deacons or deaconesses. Oil of Unction: The oil of Unction is known in Syriac as Misha d'Mshihutha. The Assyrian Church of the East has "still kept up in the Church of God a Succession of that which was consecrated by the Apostles."156 The matter of this sacrament is pure olive oil, which is blessed and kept in the chest inside the altar. The renewal of this oil is done by the priest at the time of the baptism service. Abdisho explains that this sacrament is for protection from the damage from the changes of the world and from the opposition of the devil. The oil of Unction is mainly used for the baptism service and for blessing the altar.157 The Syro-Malabar Church uses oil for anointing at the time of baptism, anointing of the sick and for anointing the sacred places and things. However, this is not a sacrament. Absolution: This is a sacrament for absolution and repentance. In the Taksa of the Assyrian Church of the East there is an order of Htisaya (Absolution), prepared by Mar Ishoyab Catholicos. The service of absolution is a long service, almost for half an hour. Psalm 51 and several priestly prayers constitute the main service. This service is to be used "during the time of the celebration of the Mysteries", compulsory on Sundays.158 Oil is required if the offence is committed of his own free will and without any cause. The formula is "(N) is signed, renewed, sealed and purified, in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit for ever". This service is usually done at present in India just before the distribution of the Communion during the Qurbana. In some churches, this used to be done immediately after the sermon.159 Syro-Malabar Church does have this sacrament; they practice private auricular confession. The Holy Leaven: This sacrament is considered as a later addition, which is used as the office for the renewal of the holy leaven, known as Malka. The service is found at present only in the Taksa of 156 Mar Abdisho,

MarganeethaAQ.

157 In the West Syrian tradition the oil is boiled with perfumes to consecrate it as Muron, which is a very rare and an expensive service, which require the presence of the Patriarch and many metropolitans. 158 For weekday Qurbana, the faithful receive Holy Communion without the • Absolution 159 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 35-38. Vol. XIV 2001

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Joseph Kellaitha, printed at Mosul in 1928. The service mainly consists of prayers and psalms. It is observed with great solemnity on Maundy Thursday before the service of the washing of the feet. The ingredients used are: two parts of pure and well sifted wheat flour and two parts of the finest and best salt, as well as a little of the purest olive oil and three drops of water. These things are mixed together carefully while the reading of psalms will continue. The balance of the Holy Leaven mixed on the previous Maundy Thursday and kept inside the altar is brought, accompanied by candles, censer and is mixed with the new. Then, the renewed Holy Leaven is put inside the bottle and taken to the altar. This is done only in the Valiapalli in Trichur. Other parish churches take this in small bottles and keep inside the altar of the respective churches.161 It is the leaven, which they received from the Bread of Jesus in the Last Supper, which keeps the continuity of the Eucharist down through the centuries from the time of Christ.162 Syro-Malabar Church does have this sacrament. 160

Sign of the Life Giving Cross: This sacrament, considered as a substitute to marriage, is also exclusive to the Assyrian Church. However, there is doubt how the sign of the cross can become a sacrament. Through the cross, all attain salvation. It is believed that the sign of the cross will appear in the sky at the second coming of our Lord. Cross is the only object of veneration in the Assyrian Church of the East. They do not use crucifix or images. The feast of the finding of the Cross is celebrated on 26 September. The cross is kept in the churches, inside the altar, on the roof top, in front of the church etc. It is also kept on the table in the nave, the worshippers can kiss it whenever they enter as well as they go out of the church. When the blessing is given for any service the priest or Bishop holds the cross in his hand. During the wedding ceremony, the bride gives a golden cross to the bridegroom in return for the ring, which he puts on her finger.163

160 Taksa of Joseph Kellaitha, (Mosul, 1928), 180-192. 161 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 38-41. 162 Continuity of Qurbana is kept by the mixing of the dough of the previous baking as well as the addition of a small portion of the Malka. The latter is done only the morning. Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 41,60. 163 Mar Aprem, Sacraments of the Church of the East, 41 -44. The Harp

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Though not considered a sacrament, in the Syro-Malabar Church also there are different usages for the cross according to the liturgical celebrations and the life of a Christian in relation to the worship, and also in the normal Christian life.164 St. Thomas Cross occupies a primary place of worship in the Syro-Malabar Church, in place of the crucifix. Four main elements in the St. Thomas Cross165 are: (1) Three steps at the bottom, (2) the [lotus] leaf shaped covering the steps, (3) the cross without the figure of Jesus with fruit like appearance / projection at the four ends and (4) the descending position of the dove at the summit of the cross touching it gently.166 "The cross without the figure of Jesus and with flowery arms symbolizing joy points to the resurrection theology of St. Paul, the Holy Spirit on the top shows that Christ rose through the work of the Spirit. The lotus symbolizing BudhiSm and the cross over it shows that Christianity was established in the land of the Budha. The 3 steps indicate calvary and the rivulets, channels of grace flowing from the cross."167 Some of such occasions can be mentioned here. 1. The cross is kept on the altar and is adored equally with the holy Eucharist. 2. The cross at the top of the churches is one of the distinguishing marks of a church from a Hindu temple, and especially from a Budha pagoda, as many of the churches represented the pagoda style. 3. The open air granite cross in front of the church within the boundary wall. 4. The church processions are common and go around the open air granite cross once and around the church thrice. 5. The cross and the Bible are carried in processions in connection with the feasts. 6. St. Thomas Christian men used to wear the cross on the tuft of their hair and women hang it on their necks. 164 Joseph Vazhuthanapally, Archaeology of Mar-liba, (Kottayam, 1990), 43-45. 165 J. Vazhuthanapally, who had done extensive studies on the meaning and archeological evidences of the Saint Thomas Cross prefers to call is Saint Thomas -ITba. See. J. Vazhuthanapally, Archaeology of Mar -liba, 23-24. 166 J. Vazhuthanapally, Archaeology of Mar -liba, 25. 167 T. Puthiakunnel, Syro-Malabar Clergy, (Ernakulam, 1964). cover page; Quoted in Geo Thadikkatt, 'The Cross in different Ecclesial Traditions", pages 263-279 P. Kochappilly. ed. The Folly of the Cross, (Bangalore, DViatmararn Publications. Kottayam, Denha Service, 2000), 269. Vol. XIV 2001

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7. The blessings were made by the priest in the form of the cross and sometimes raising the cross and the faithful make a sign of the cross on themselves from left to right, meaning one is blessing oneself with the sign of the cross. 8. The term "liba (Syriac word meaning cross) is given to persons (Slibakutty), places (Slibapuram) and institutions (Mar Sliba Church).168 Marriage and Anointing of the Sick: In the Syro-Malabar Church, marriage and anointing of the sick are sacraments, instead of the sign of the Cross and Holy leaven, as seen in the Assyrian Church of the East. The Syro-Malabar Church considers marriage as a sacrament along with other Catholic Churches and believes that Christ has raised marriage to the dignity of a sacrament. The marriage is a contract made by two persons of opposite sex by which each acquires an exclusive and irrevocable right over their bodies, for the procreation and education of children. The secondary end of marriage is the mutual aid, both material and spiritual. Its essential properties are unity and indissolubility. Marriage symbolizes the love of Christ for the Church.169 Marriage is regulated by divine law, Church law and civil law. Anointing of the sick is also a sacrament in the SyroMalabar Church, called "Extreme unction" in the medieval period, celebrated for the sick or dying Christian, for the health of body and soul. Administrative System According to ancient custom, the parish administration was based on palliyogam and pothuyogam, the meetings, which decided the various needs of the parish and also of a group of parishes, respectively. Various social and religious aspects of the domestic, personal, social and religious life of the Thomas Christians, feasts and fasts, the celebrations connected with them and different liturgical celebrations, the church architecture and the very life style of the people were very similar to their neighbours, the high caste Hindus. This shows that while they had accepted the East Syrian liturgy, theology, spirituality and discipline they continued the life-style of the society in which they lived. 168 Geo Thadikkatt, 'The Cross in different Ecclesial Traditions", 269-270. 169 "Marriage* Sacrament of", Robert C. Broderick, ed., The Catholic Encyclopedia. (Nashiville, 1976), 372. The Harp

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Keeping faithfully the ancient tradition, the Assyrian Church of the East has a democratic system of ecclesiastical government, governed by her own constitution, with representative assembly, executive council and Episcopal Synod. They elect nine Almâya Trustees (Trustees from among the laity) by democratic means. This constitutes the central administrative council. Bishops are also elected by the representatives of priests and laymen, to be approved by the Patriarch. The Syro-Malabar Church is an archiépiscopal Church, with a Major archbishop as the head of the Church. There is a Synod of bishops, meeting once or twice a year. However, there is no common representative body in the Church. The Pastoral Council in the eparchy and parish council in the parish are formed in the Latin model after Second Vatican Council. The numerical strength of both Churches is beyond any comparison. The Assyrian Church in India has about 30,000 faithful, one archdiocese, 28 parishes, 38 priests, 33 deacons and one nun. Whereas the Syro-Malabar Church, is second only to the Ukrainian Church among the Catholic Oriental sui iuris Churches, with more than 3.5 million faithful, 25 dioceses; out of which 10 are outside the proper territory of Kerala and adjacent states, and one in U.S.A. There are about 3000 diocesan priests, 6000 Religious priests from many Religious Congregations, both Indigenous and foreign, 2250 parishes, and nearly 30000 nuns. More over it is estimated that more than 70 per cent of the Religious men and women working in India belong to the Syro-Malabar Church. There are also missionaries working in all parts of the world. The Syro-Malabar Church also can be proud of numerous educational institutions, charitable works like hospitals, dispensaries, social service centers and various other activities; which needs much space io explain and is beyond the purview of this discussion. Conclusion

The discussion on the Assyrian Church of the East and the SyroMalabar Church assumes much importance in this age of Ecumenism. The Decree on the Catholic Churches of the Eastern Rite of Vatican Council II, Orientalium Ecclesiarum speaks about the preservation of the spiritual heritage of the Eastern Churches: "All members of the Eastern Rite should know and be convinced that they can and should always preserve their legitimate liturgical rite and their established Vol. XIV 2001

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way of life, and that these may not be altered except to obtain for themselves an organic improvement. All these, then, must be observed by the members of the Eastern rites themselves. Besides, they-should attain to an ever greater knowledge and a more exact use of them, and, if in their regard they have fallen short owing to contingencies of times and persons, they should take steps to return to their ancestral traditions" (OE 6). The greatest need of the Syro-Malabar Church at present is the process of restoration, which signifies the same process of returning to the ancestral traditions, which Vatican II has clearly envisaged. This is a procedure of regaining the East Syriac heritage, which was lost because of the Latinization. Though this process was initiated by Pope Pius XI as early as in 1934, we cannot claim that there is much progress in this regard. Along with the process of restoration goes also a process of renewal, as the Church is not static one, but it is a continuous process of growth. The Syro-Malabar Church is in the process of regaining her identity, which was lost because of the Latinization for nearly three centuries. At present, the Church is not sure about her liturgical, theological, canonical and spiritual identity even at this age of advanced theological studies, where the Church could boast of her more that 300 doctors in theology and allied subjects. The Assyrian Church has kept intact most of the East Syriac heritage, and could boast as an Eastern Church. The numerical strength or the number of institutions need not be a criterion for the distinction. The Church has the primary duty and obligation to the fact of "being the Church", keeping faithfully the identity and individuality of the Church, especially in the liturgical and spiritual life. The dialogue initiated by Pro Oriente and the participation in it by the members of both Assyrian Church and the Syro-Malabar Church could be a starling point for a closer communion. As for now the Nestorian heresy is no more attributed to the Assyrians, because of the recent notion on Nestorianism, and a fler the heads of the Assyrian Church and the Catholic Church have signed an agreement. What is the need of the time is an open heart for co-operation and a better understanding of each one's position in the Church and before her founder, Jesus Christ with a true spirit of the Gospel. It is high time that both Churches open their doors for each other, to bury the past and form one Nazrani Church, belonging to the Thomas Christian community.

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Intercommunion between the Syro-Malabar Church and the Church of the East in India The word inter communion is used by the Anglicans as well as several other churches. I am told that the Catholics do not like the word inter- communion. According to some, the Catholic Church is the only true church. Therefore, only the expression full communion is valid in the Catholic Church. Pope John Paul II and Catholicos Patriarch Mar Dinkha IV concluded their Common Christological Declaration, signed on 11 Novemberl994 with the following practical and positive note. Living by this faith and these sacraments, it follows as a consequence that the particular Catholic churches and the particular Assyrian churches can recognize each other as sister Churches. To be full and entire, communion presupposes the unanimity concerning the content of the faith, thé sacraments and the constitution of the Church. Since this unanimity for which we aim has not yet been attained, we cannot unfortunately celebrate together the Eucharist, which is the sign of the ecclesial communion already fully restored. Nevertheless, the deep spiritual communion in the faith and the mutual trust already existing between our Churches entitle us from now on to consider witnessing together to the Gospel message and co-operating in particular pastoral situations,

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including especially the areas of catechesis and the formation of future priests. In thanking God for having made us rediscover what already unites us in the faith and the sacraments, we pledge ourselves to do every thing possible to dispel the obstacles of the past which still prevent the attainment of full communion between our two Churches, so that we can better respond to the Lord's call for the unity of his own, a unity which has of course to be expressed visibly. To overcome these obstacles, we now establish a Mixed Committee for theological dialogue between the Catholic and the Assyrian Church of the East. As a result of the signing of the Common Christological Declaration a Mixed Committee for Theological Dialogue was appointed by the two Churches. The MCTD has met in 1995, 96,97, 98,99,2000 and 2001. The latest meeting took place in Rome, Italy on 7-11 November 2001. In the meeting in Arezzo in 2000 the name of Mixed Committee for Theological Dialogue (MCTD) was changed into Joint Committee for Theological Dialogue (JCTD). The latest development was the announcement from Vatican regarding the Holy Qurbana among the members of the Chaldean and Assyrian churches. Chaldean and Assyrian Churches Sign Pact on Eucharist Access to Communion Approved in Special Cases VATICAN CITY, OCT. 26,2001 (Zenit.org).- The Chaldean Church and the Assyrian Church of the East have taken a decisive step toward East-West unity by offering access to the Eucharist to each other's faithful in special instances. An agreement published Thursday by the Vatican Press Office states that, when "necessity requires, Assyrian faithful are permitted to participate and to receive Holy Communion in a Chaldean celebration of the Holy Eucharist." The text was prepared by the Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, in agreement with the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith and the Congregation for the Oriental Churches. The guidelines permitting this change were signed July 20, but the Vatican has only now made them public, thus accepting The Harp

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the proposals of Patriarch Mar Dinkha IV of the Assyrian Church of the East, and Patriarch Mar Raphaël Bidawid of the Chaldean Church. The Chaldean patriarch is attending the Synod of Bishops in Rome. The guidelines constitute notable progress in ecumenical relations. However, as the document indicates, the measure "is not equal to full Eucharistie communion," although it spells real progress "toward that blessed day when it will be possible to celebrate the Holy Eucharist in peace." This is a special decision from the pastoral point of view/as the faithful of these Churches often live in minority situations, and sometimes have great difficulty in gaining access to the Eucharist. The majority of these faithful live in Iraq, Iran and Turkey. Assyrian Christians number about 400,000. They aré in Iraq, the Mideast, Northern Europe, the United States and Australia. The Chaldeans number 800,000 and they live primarily in Iraq. Both communities suffer from great poverty. The Vatican note explains that for many it is difficult to have a "normal sacramental life," hence the importance of this decision. The Assyrian Church of the East isolated itself from the rest of Christianity after the Council of Ephesus in 431, which condemned the heresy of Patriarch Nestorius, who believed that Jesus had only one nature. In 1552, following a series of individual conversions of bishops, part of this Church re-established communion with Rome, giving birth to the Chaldean Church. Its see is in Baghdad. Both the Chaldean and Assyrian Churches have continued to share the same theological, liturgical and spiritual tradition. A joint Christological declaration, signed by Mar Dinkha IV and John Paul II in Rome in 1994, eliminated the error of attributing monophysitism to the Assyrians, thus overcoming the cause of the schism." This announcement is applicable to the Assyrian Church and the Catholic Chaldean Church. Naturally a question arises in the minds of many doubting Thomases whether the privileges granted Vol. X!V 2001

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to the Chaldean Catholic Church is available to the Syro Malabar Church, as the Catholic Chaldean and the Syro-Malabar Church are both under the Pope. Technically speaking the privilege granted to one oriental church will not be automatically applicable to the other Catholic Churches. If it is not a reality yet, it is high time to make fresh move in this direction. The latest development is the official Dialogue held in Rome in November 2001. The Press release of this dialogue is given below. Personally, I was absent due to illness. But all nine other members were present. There is a possibility of some documents to be prepared and approved by both sides by next year. Ecumenical actions are not fast. It needs time for study and preparation by both sides.

Press Release The Joint Committee for Theological Dialogue (JCTD) between the Catholic Church and the Assyrian Church of the East held its 7th annual meeting from 7-11 November 2001, at the Domus Intemationalis Paulus VI in Rome. The members of the JCTD first took notice, with particular gratitude, of the recently issued "Guidelines for Admission to the Eucharist between the Chaldean Church and the Assyrian Church of the East" and the related article "Admission to the Eucharist in Situations of Pastoral Necessity. Provision between the Chaldean Church and the Assyrian Church of the East" (in: L'Osservatore Romano, Venerdì 26 Ottobre 2001, p. 7-8; Weekly Edition in English, 31 October 2001, p. 4). Given the great distress of many Chaldean and Assyrian faithful, in their motherland and in the diaspora, impeding for many of them a normal sacramental life according to their own tradition, and in the ecumenical context of the bilateral dialogue between the Catholic Church and the Assyrian Church of the East, the request had been made to provide for admission to the Eucharist between the Chaldean Church and the Assyrian Church of the East, in cases of pastoral necessity. The principal issue for the Catholic Church in agreeing to this request, related to the question of the validity of the Eucharist celebrated with the Anaphora of Addai and Mari, when used in Vol. XIV 2001

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its short formula, i.e. without coherent or "ad litteram" recitation of the Institution Narrative. After a long and careful study, from a historical, liturgical and doctrinal perspective, the Catholic Church authorities concluded that the Anaphora of Addai and Mari can be considered valid. Based on this recognition, the present guidelines subsequently were elaborated by the. Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, in agreement with the Congregation for the Doctrine of Faith and the Congregation for the Oriental Churches. They open the way for the competent authorities of both the Chaldean Church and the Assyrian Church of the East to establish particular procedures and provide appropriate pastoral means to implement this Eucharistic provision, taking into account concrete circumstances and conditions. Since the third phase of the JCTD program deals with questions related to the constitution of the Church, three papers were discussed regarding "Petrine Ministry": Petrine Ministry in the New Testament (Fr. Matthew Vellanickal); Can two Primacies be in Communion? The Identity of St. Peter and Place of the See of Rome, according to the Church of the East Liturgical and Patristic Tradition (H.G. Mar Bawai Soro); Petrine Ministry in the First Millennium (Dom Emmaunuel Lanne, o.s.b.). Both the Catholic Church and the Assyrian Church of the East acknowledge the particular role given to Peter by Jesus Christ, a role which can be defined as a "ministry of unity". Both their liturgical traditions, moreover, give witness to that particular position and mission of Peter. Some conclusions of this discussion will now be brought together into a draft text, which eventually may become a comprehensive JCTD document on the Cons titution of the Church. In continuation of last year's discussion on Christology, two papers were presented by H.G. Mar Bawai Soro:" Nestorius of Constantinople; the relationship between the Church of the East and the context and content of his condemnation at Ephesus ", and "Theodore of Mopsuestia and the relationship between him, his teachings and the Church of the East, with a special reference to the Three Chapters Controversy". As per the continuation of this matter, a methodological Vol. XIV 2001

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proposal was agreed upon, aiming at the elaboration of a JCTD document on " Understanding the Christological Patrimony of the Church of the East". This document would be based on the already existing achievements, reached by theologians and academic colloquia, as well as on further historical and doctrinal research. On Friday the 9th of November, priests of both the Chaldean Church and the Assyrian Church of the East, who study or live in Rome, joined the JCTD meeting. They all assisted in the celebration of Holy Qurbana, which was presided over by H.G. Bishop Bawai Soro. Afterwards they were invited for supper and met with JCTD's members. On Saturday the 10th of November, the JCTD meeting had the honour of welcoming H.B. Patriarch Mar Raphael Bidawid, who happened to be in Rome. His Beatitude underscored the importance of the JCTD's activities, particularly in view of the further rapprochement between the Chaldean Church and the Assyrian Church of the East. The next meeting of the Joint Committee is planned to be held in Rome, from the 5th to the 10th of November 2002. Two major themes will be on the agenda. First, regarding the constitution of the Church, three papers will be prepared on Petrine Ministry in the canonical sources of the Church, including the Code of Canon Law of the Latin Church, the Code of Canon Law of the Eastern Catholic Churches and the canonical tradition of the Church of the East. Besides, regarding Christology, a first outline of a possible future document on " Understanding the Christological Patrimony of the Church of the East" will be submitted for further deepening and completion. The participants from the Catholic Church were: Bishop Marc Ouellet (co-chair), Archbiishop Cyrille Selim Boustros, Bishop Antoine Audo, Reverend Father Sarhad Jammo, Reverend Father Matthew Veil anickal and Reverend Father Johan Bonny. The participants from the Assyrian Church of the East were Bishop Mar Bawai Soro (acting co-chair), Reverend Archdeacon Yonan Y. Yonan, Reverend Father George Toma and Reverend Father William Yakob. Metropolitan Mar Aprem was prevented from taking part in this meeting. Rome 11 November 2001 Ttie Harp

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Although the Vatican committee began functioning in 1995 it was felt that there should be a direct dialogue between the Chaldean Catholic Church and the Assyrian Church. They share common cultural and linguistic ties. They have same liturgy and the same liturgical tongue. Fr.Profw. Sarhad Jammo and Bishop Bawai Soro who were members in the Vatican-Assyrian Dialogue committee held initial talks. In 1996 the Patriarchs met in Southfield, Michigan, USA on 29 November. The Holy Synod of the Assyrian Church of the East held in Chicago in June 1997 gave approval to the proposal to have closer cooperation between the Assyrian Church and the Chaldean Church. On August 13 and 14,1997 a committee selected by the Holy Synod of 1997 June and the Chaldean Patriarch and their Committee met in Chicago. In this important meeting in August 1997 in Chicago several prelates were present along with their Patriarchs. What is required to day in India is for the Syro-Malabar Church to formulate a policy similar to the Chaldean Catholic Church. As Vatican has spoken on the validity of the liturgy of Addai and Mari (even without the Words of Institution), either Vatican or the Syro Malabar Synod can issue a statement based on the pastoral needs. May I cite some incidents? 1. A small child of our church member in Bombay passed away. As our church has no regular parish in Bombay and not even a resident priest the family had to approach several churches and priests to get the child to be given some Christian burial. They ran from pillar to post. I do not remember exactly where I was at that time. Maybe I was engaged in some serious ecumenical dialogue. The ordinary layman does not understand the decisions or deliberations of the church dignitaries. What that man understands is what can he do to get a Christian burial for his child. 2. In Delhi we have a small parish. We have an honorary priest. It is very difficult to find a place to conduct a Qurbana. Most of the churches are occupied on Sunday mornings. The halls are used for the Sunday school classes. The CSI Malayalam congregation worshipping in the Lady Harding Medical College Hospital kindly permitted me to use their chapel after their Qurbana. But I' o clock noon our members are finding it difficult, Vol. XIV 2001

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as fasting is required for our Qurbana. What we would need is a Qurbana between 9 and 11. Finally I began to celebrate in private homes or in a shamiana in the backyard of a member of our church. At present the Mar Thoma Centre, the residence of the Mar Thoma bishop of Bombay-Delhi diocese, has permitted the use of their chapel. In 1996 or so there was an ecumenical seminar in the DBCLC, next to the Syro Malabar Archbishop's house in Trichur.There were some discussions to have a closer ecumenism. Some Syro Malabar priests raised some points regarding the validity of the sacraments of the Church of the East in Trichur .Archbishop Joseph Powathil of Chenganacherry was there and expressed a hope that there would be some further discussions in this matter. Since then the two statements appeared namely the Vatican statement on the Chaldean and Assyrian and the Press release of the Vatican-Assyrian Dialogue Committee issued recently in October and November respectively. In the light of it now is the ripe time to realize the hope and prayer expressed in the Common Christological declaration of 11 November 1994," of full communion between our two churches."

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Chief Literary Figures Who Made Valuable Contributions in the Field of Syriac Study and Literature in India Introduction In the modern age it is imperative that one should acquire expertise in the English language which is universal in its sweep and is an essential tool in the competitive world. So also, in our mothertongue, Malayalam which is progressing by leaps and bounds. In the case of Latin also it is true. Latin is a very ancient tongue, which has for long been a vehicle for scientific thought and cultural exchange. However, it may be open to doubt at least in certain quarters, whether it is worthwhile or necessary to try to rejuvenate and acquire expertise in a language like Syriac, which, though was a vibrant tongue centuries ago, has of late become dormant in the literary arena. As the Syrians, (those following the Chaldean Rite) has been using Syriac for their Divine Services, it was accepted that for the priests of that Rite it was essential to learn that language. However, it is true that foreigners of other communities and other Rites expend considerable amounts of money and energy to revive the language. As one sees this, one suspects that Syriac has some special quality as against other languages. What could those Vol. X I V 2 0 0 1

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special attributes of Syriac be, which do attract others strongly to it? A prime attribute would be its ancient origin. A great scholar by the name SOBENSIS has stated as follows: ... s>a2

tjv ioi^i -iVo 5i3o

»,«ooi J»:c:>.B

"The first language was the Chaldean language (Syriac). It was in this language that God talked to our Father Adam". The Syro-Chaldean Church established by St. Thomas, the Apostle, was using Syriac as the liturgical language. In the following pages I am trying to introduce some eminent personalities who have valuably contributed to the study of Syriac language in India. I limit myself to those persons of the East Syrian Catholic Community of Malabar. Indeed there are great scholars in this field among the Catholics and Orthodox (West Syrian) Communities of Malabar. Among the Christian Community of Trichur using the Syriac language in their Liturgy, there are also scholars of importance. Having said something by way of introduction, I shall come to some persons in particular. Parti 1:1 Kalapurakal (Thekkekandathil) ANTHRAYOSE KATHANAR (19th March 1864 - 24th Nov. 1944) Malpan Andrew Kalapura was a great devotee of St. Ephrem, the Harp of the H. Spirit. He imbibed the deep meaning of the saint's words «

i t o i i ? jJiSols ¿ a "

"Every beginning in God will reach a happy ending". This firm belief induced and successfully led him through every endeavour and activity which he confidently undertook in diverse circumstances. 1:2 A Brief sketch of His Life Kunjanthreose was born as the fourth child of Eapen and Anasthasia (Kalapurackal) Thekkekandathil on 19th March 1864 in the Parish of Pala, the present cathedral church of the diocese of Pala. The Harp

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After completing the primary education under local Asans (Tutors) according to the custom in vogue at the time, the boy joined the Malpanate (Minor Seminary) where Kaniarakath Mani Malpan was training candidates to priesthood. 1:3 When he finished his studies in the Malpanate, Anthreose joined the seminary at Mannanam on 8th Dec. 1883 and continued his studies. On the establishment of a common seminary by the ecclesiastical authorities at Puthenpally (Verapoly) for all the students for priesthood, Cleric Andrew was sent there on 10th Jan. 1891. He completed his studies and was ordained a priest on 31st Mar. 1895. 1:4 Interestingly, even before ordination deacon Andrew was appointed professor of Syrian Liturgy in h is 'Alma Mater' on the first of February 1895. The event leading to the appointment is worth noting. In connection with the celebration of the feast of St. Ephrem, deacon Andrew delivered a speech in Syriac about his favourite patron. It was so elegant and impressive that the authorities forthwith appointed him professor. From 1895 onwards up to the year 1932 Malpan had been teaching at Puthenpally. On the shifting of the s e m i n a r y to M a n g a l a p u z h a (Aluva) he also w e n t over to Mangalapuzha and continued as professor up to 1938, when he retired due to old age. 1:5 His Contribution to the Syriac Language and Literature Before the establishment of a common seminary, the training of the Syro-Malabar clergy was that of a Malpanate system. Under the Malpan the cleric studied thoroughly the ritual language. With the erection of a common seminary, both for Syrians and Latins, the importance of the study of the Syriac language decreased, while that of Latin increased. At the time when Fr. Andrew was appointed professor, Syriac was not included in the regular curriculum. Syriac was taught for an hour only on holidays. The first attempt of the young Malpan was to rectify this situation. His efficiency, persistence and tactful handling of the problem brought about a change in this state of affairs. As time went by the cultic language of the Syrians came to enjoy the same prestige as that of Latin. At the time of his appointment as Malpan there was scarcity of printed text books in the language. During the Malpanate system of training as well as in the beginning of the common seminary, only manuscript books were mainly available. To print necessary text books he founded the Mar Thoma Sliha Press in. the year 1901. Vol. / I V 2001

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Zacharias Theckekandom

He published the Syriac-Malayalam dictionary in the year 1906. He had taken steps to publish a Malayalam-Syriac dictionary. But he could not complete it. It may be useful to refer to the Foreword to the dictionary. "On carefully going through the draft it was noticed that many words of common usage that was currently in use for scientific discourse have not been included therein. I have taken the liberty to include those words. I have also specially included quite a few Syriac words of similar meaning and made, wherever relevant, appropriate changes as I considered necessary. In so finalising the dictionary, I have mainly relied on the dictionary of the Syriac Language by Archbishop Mar Thoma Audo. In addition, I have utilised the Syriac-Latin dictionary of Rev. Brun, the Kasteli Dictionary and different Karzon dictionaries." In the year 1913 a grammar book under the title - crojotoocrfl ajejnjooo "SURIYANIMOOLAPADHAM - was published by our Malpan. In the said book Fr. Andrew gives a Syriac translation of 'ORIENTALIUM DIGNITAS' of Pope Leo XIII with the Latin text. His love of the Syriac language, perhaps is evident from the fact that the Syriac translation is given first in the book, followed by the Latin Text, paragraph by paragraph. The letter (1895) of Mar Geevarghese Audiso V, the Chaldean Patriarch of Babylon is also given in Syriac in this book. The liturgical books used at that time were mainly manuscripts, and that too not in an orderly form. Our Malpan collected the scattered manuscripts and printed them in an orderly manner. A list of 35 books thus published is given in the book ANTHEREOUS MALPANACHAN'raraLomaoffiocTumaiajocn^aa (pp. XI-XIV) St. Thomas Offset Printers, Pala 1997. But the list is incomplete. As Syriac was the liturgical language of the Syro-Malabar Church, it was used in sacred worship for communication with God. A mention may be made about a few of them. The first to come is the 'THAKSSA' (Missal). In the year 1905 Malpan Andrew visited the Holy Father Pope Pius X in Rome and got permission to print THAKSSA including new feasts. On his return he printed it in his own Mar Thoma Sliha Press. The second important work to be mentioned is 'MAGNATHIS RUHANAYASA.' .¡LisilioS a ^ i y « ; »

ii&A

Books to get proficiency in Syriac literature were rare at that time. Fr. Andrew came to know about the said book written by the The Harp

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Chaldean Catholic Patriarch of Babel, Mar Joseph II. He bought a copy of the manuscript; had it corrected, edited and printed it in 1910. This corrected manuscript is kept at the Mangalapuzha seminary library. Anyone going through the manuscript of about 360 pages and observing the correction in the margins and in between lines, will easily be convinced how proficient was Fr. Andrew in the Syriac language. It also bears witness to his heroic endeavour to propagate the same. This book was printed at Mar Thoma Sliha Press, Putheripally (Verapoly) in the year 1910. It contains 400 pages, divided into two parts. Each part is divided into chapters (Kepaleon) and each chapter in turn is divided into sections (Pusake). The first part is contained in pages 1 - 172 and has eight chapters and all the chapters, except the third, are divided into sections. The second part is contained on pages 173 - 397. It has 24 chapters, of which eleven are divided into sections while the others have no sections. The two parts do not have special titles, while each chapter has a title at the beginning of the chapter. We also find a title for each section given in the body of the text and on the top of each page where it is contained. Pages 398 to 400 contain the contents of the book, not so much in the form of the modern table of contents. The contents are printed in Malayalam, while the body of the book is in Syriac. Where the Syriac text ends on page 397, we find a list of the names of diseases referred to on page 353 in the sixth section of the 22nd chapter. We find here the names of the diseases and their Malayalam equivalents. This is not an organized treatise, nor a specialized book. There is no uniform subject treated in this work. We find a number of subjects of catechetical and pastoral interest. This work can be described as a catechetical and spiritual treatise for the common man. Altogether some ninety five topics are treated at varying length. For example in the first chapter of the first part we find subjects like the Holy Name of Jesus, the things that a true Christian should do, mortal sin and venial sins, responsibility of the parents in teaching the children, the responsibility of the household, the capital sins, the four ends of man. In the second part we find subjects like the divine grace, about daily prayers, about holy water, about relics of saints, about the Eucharistic celebration, the Sunday observance, confession, communion, purgatory, prayer for the dead etc. From a catholic point of view it may interesting to note that out of the 74 Pasoke in the book, 61 end with an intercessory piayei to the Mother of God, and that too in different forms of expressions. vol. XIV 2 0 0 1

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Chapter 24th of the second part is a treatise on the Blessed Virgin Mary ending with a hymn in her honour, taken from the canonical prayers of Saturday evening. I would be failing in my duty, if I do not mention another one, though very small. - Colloquial phrases and short and easy dialogues

.i^Apsi U'ia

>..r.»y

It is not known whether any other Malpan in Kerala has ever made an attempt to make Syriac conversation easy for beginners. This is a small booklet of 4** x 3** size containing 24 pages. It was printed at Mar Thoma Sliha Press in 1922. This book was meant to help the student to make conversation in Syriac language. Conversational phrases include phrases and expressions meant for 13 life situations like meeting a friend, parting, asking and thanking, affirming and denying, probability, joy, sorrow, blame, anger, consulting, news, going and coming. First the English expression and then the Syriac equivalents are given. This work shows the great interest and love of the author for the Syriac language and how he liked his students attempt speaking in Syriac. This booklet is an example of his desire to propagate the Syriac language as a language of daily discourse, a medium of communication with men. For various matters pertaining to the Syro Malabar Church and its liturgy, the Malpan had been corresponding with Fr. Paulóse David, the representative of the Chaldean Patriarch in Rome and consultant with the Sacred Congregation for Oriental Rites. It is recorded that these correspondences were carried out in Syriac. His command of the language and scholarly erudition were greatly appreciated by Fr. Paulóse David and others. He was of the opinion that at least some of the Syro-Malabar clergy, should go over to Babel and other Syriac centres for higher studies. Chev. V. C. George narrates a particular instance when our Malpan offered to one of his disciples all helps, including financial, for higher study abroad. 1:6 To sum up this exposition on the great Indian Syriac scholar of the 20th century, may I quote the words from the editorial of "DEEPIKA" daily on the 27th of November .1944. "The great services to the growth and development of Syriac language in Kerala rendered by Fr. Andrew Kalapura, an eminent scholar in Syriac and professor of Syrian Liturgy, in the seminaries at Puthenpally and Mangalápuzha for about forty years, will ever be Thfi Harp

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Chief Literary Figures Who Made Valuable Contributions... Literature in India

remembered with great gratitude and love. His activities for the good of humanity covered all spheres of life." APPENDIX: A list of books and publications by the late Malpan. NB. Almost all the above books are found in the 'Provincial Archives St. Joseph Province, Thiruvananthapuram St. Joseph's Monastery Mannanam, Kottayam - 686 561 KERALA APPENDIX 1. Mannanam

1898

2. Puthenpally

1900

41*1»» 4 * » Mf^?

3. Ordo chaldaicus Rituum et lectionum juxta morem Ëcclesiae Malabaricae, Puthenpally 1906 4. Puthenpally

1907

5. Puthenpally

1907

6. Puthenpally

1908

7. Puthenpally

1909

8. Puthenpally

1910

9. Puthenpally

1912

>{¿¿1**

s**f*d4 jjUfV

4**»

U**»« MM

-Hi*

ijA*i

10. Ordo Missae Syro-Chaldaeo-Malabaricae cum Translatione Latina. Puthenpally 1912 11. orojctoorol ajejruooo (Grammar) Puthenpally 12. Puthenpally •

y^A

1913

1913 Ui4 »*

lii&fcvt

13. Puthenpally

1917

.uf^ut ¡4J>¿; 4 * »

•>**i¿*pa

Uiyfa ai*»* Afc^» The Haip

56

Zacharias Theckekandom

19. Puthenpally

1921

J ^ ? U i a f a « kLUm n9J*

20. Puthenpally

1921

. i'44Sfa ^Juu**!,

21. Puthenpally

1922

-f^-?»^

22. Puthenpally 1922 ^ »Sifwo ifU** 23. An English Version of the Rasa or The Syriac Pontifical High Mass, Puthenpally 1924 24. Puthenpally .iwHui??, 25. Puthenpally

1928 HM r*

Hkf^

1929

iijuHM .ifUty

26. Puthenpally

.«¿uJAty ¿¿Lupus*?

27. Puthenpally

. i B i pa

28. Puthenpally

jjJdjj, 4*4»

29. Puthenpally

»Xi&f

30. Puthenpally 31.fflnJojcnoaScniacruca.o(Oo Puthenpally 32. Puthenpally

.t^i^y

¡J^ifLBj uk&pA, l^fJi? ¿Lajojt&p

33. Puthenpally 34. Puthenpally 1908 Syriac version of the vestition and profession of sisters (carmelites) 35. Puthenpally 1904 The Services of H. Week - (syriac) "ratacBsruo enjc/osnjo Bfflc9i«5K5>mo"fldfeooocroDaao osrno 36. Puthenpally 1917 Prayers before and after Qurbana tfttruooio (3(ll0Qi]