The Harp (Volume 18) 9781463233068

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The Harp (Volume 18)

The Harp (Volume 18)

Volume 18

Edited by

Geevarghese Panicker Jakob Thekeparampil Abraham Kalakudi

1 gorgias press 2011

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright© 2011 by Gorgias Press LLC Originally published in 2005 All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2011

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ISBN 978-1-61143-652-5 Reprinted from the 2005 Kottayam edition.

Printed in the United States of America

Contents Editorial 1. 5th Syriac Conference - A report 15. The Demon Ashmud - K. Luke 35. Prayer and the cult in the Peshitta version of 1 - 2 Samuel - Alison Salvesen 45. Mar Jacob of Serug on the Virginity of St. Mary - John Panicker 55. The Martyrdom of the Mimes - Cornelia B. Horn 71. TAKSA D' SEGDTA Service of Kneeling -Jacob Vellian 83. Syriac Dialogue 4-5 - Geevarghese Chediath 91. Permanent Diaconate In the Syro-Malabar Church - Thomas Mannooranparmpil 115. Remarks concerning Giwargis Warda's 'Onita about the Catholicoi of the East -Martin Tamcke 125. Liturgical use of the word Rozo: A Preliminary Survey -B.Varghese 135. Recent Challenges to the East Syriac Liturgical Tradition in India - Geo Thadikkatt 147. AKORO (Farmer in the Syriac Tradition) - Stephen Plathottathil 153. The Gist of Syriac Grammar - Emmanuel Thelly 159. Manuscripts Witnessing Confessional Polemics in Mar Aprem's Collection - Istvan Perczel 163. A Syriac unedited Apocalypse : Revelations regarding the Dispensation of the Messiah -Muriel Debie Vol XVII2004:

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173. Some reflections about the origin of the serto script - F.B. Chatonnet 179. The Bridal Chamber of Light: a distinctive feature of the Syriac liturgical tradition - Sebastian S. Brock 193. John Chrysostom in East Syrian Theology of the Late Sixth Century - Karl Pinggém 203. The Hermeneutics of Eusebius of Emesa - Shinichi Muto 217. An Introduction to Mar Thoma Syrian Church Lectionary - George Mathew 225. The Marriage Customs of the Knanaya Community in the Syo-Malabar Church - Thomas Mulavanal 233. Syriac Proto-monasticism and Monasticism in the Light of the First Christian Community in Jerusa Lem - Buda Lorenzo 245. Ephrem, Nisibene Madrosho 42, Stanza 1 - Andrew Palmer 253. The History of the Assyrian Church of the east in the 20th century with special reference to the Syriac Literature in Kerala -MarAprem 265. The Mariological Thought of Mar Jacob of Serugh (451-521) - James Puthuparampil 279. THE SPIRIT OF LIFE Towards a Theology of the Holy Spirit in the Early Syriac Tradition - Emmanuel Kaniyamaprampil 289. Typological Terminology of Jacob of Serugh - Johns Abraham Konat 297. Diakonos - bathmos kalos - msamsono - dargotobo - Jean-Paul Deschler 331. Edessa and the Syriac Language - Adai iacob 337. The ecological vision of St. Ephrem - Joseph Naduyilezhain

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345. The self understanding of the Mar Thoma Church in the context of the Syriac Heritage - K. V. Mathew 351. On Syriac proper names of Iranian origin - Philippe GIGNOUX 357. Imagery of Dust in Ephrem - Thomas Koonammakkal 365. Jacob of Sarug.- on the two goats - D. /. Lane 393. In memoriam 401. Book reviews 409. News

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Editorial This number of the HARP is different and special for more than one respect. Every article herein is a paper presented at the last International Symposium Syriacum held here at SEER1, Kottayam during September 2002. Unfortunately, due to technical reasons, we are obliged to keep a few papers for inclusion in one of the forthcoming issues of our publication. Those who participated in the Syriac Conference here will certainly be happy to have the text of the learned papers they heard and interestedly discussed. For those who were not participants of the Symposium, this publication will, to a certain extent, mitigate their sense of loss for having had to stay away. Recently (on January 9"' 2005, to be exact) SEERI had itsfirst encounter with death. It is particularly sadfor everyone associated with SEERI, because we lost an extraordinary personality and a truefriend of this Institution. The address delivered by our Director, Rev. Dr. Jacob Thekeparampil

on

14.01.2005 at thefuneral here at SEERI of Rev. Dr. David Lane is included in this issue as an obituary. All those who have known Dr. Lane can readily understand our grief and sense of loss. We buried his mortal remains very solemnly and in a genuine ecumenical ceremony. Three Bishops - Catholic and Orthodox - dozens of priests and deacons of various Churches of Syriac heritage, many religious sisters, almost all theformer and present students of Dr. Lane, and a large number of our neighbours irrespective of denominations participated with deep respect and devotion. May he rest in peace!

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5 th Syriac Conference - A Report 1. Introduction: The 5th Syriac Conference was held in St. Ephrem Ecumenical Research Institute (SEERI) Kottayam from 8 th to 14th September 2002. Apart from the inaugural and concluding sessions, the conference had a total of 23 sessions in which scholars from abroad and from India participated and presented papers on different topics on a variety of subjects like History, Patristics, Spirituality, Monasticism, Secular literature, Lexicography, Philology, Bible, Exegesis, Manuscript Studies, Liturgy & Liturgical theology, Apocrypha, Apocalypse, Christianity, Heritage and special studies on saints like Jacob of Sarugh, Aphrem and Aphrahat. 2. Inaugural function: The inaugural function of the conference, which commenced at 15.30 hrs. on 8 th September, was chaired by the president of SEERI, His Excellency Geevarghese Mar Timotheos (Bishop of Tiruvalla). The function was attended by a large gathering including delegates, both from India and abroad. The distinguished guests, delegates and audience were welcomed by Dr. C.A.Abraham (SEERI). Dr. Cyriac Thomas, Vice Chancellor of Mahatma Gandhi University inaugurated the function and Dr. Sebastian P. Brock (Professor of Oxford University) gave the Key-note address. Mgr. Philippe Brizard (Director General 1'Oeuvre d' Orient, Paris), His Excellency Mar George Alencherry (Bishop of Thackalay), Dr. Rifaat Ebied (Professor, Univ. of Sydney) offered felicitations. Dr. Baby Varghese extended the vote of thanks. Recital of Syriac songs by Deacon Joseph Onder and Dr. Behnam Keryo won great applause.

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3. Regular Sessions: The regular sessions started from 9th. There were 4 sessions everyday starting at 09.00 hrs. in the morning and ending at 17.30 hrs. in the evening. Eminent persons functioned as Moderators. Altogether, Syriac scholars presented more than 60 papers in the sessions. Some eminent persons, despite their best efforts, could not attend the conference, they were kind enough to forward their papers for publication in the SEERI periodical "The Harp". 4. Concluding Session: The concluding session started at 15.30 hours on 14.09.2002. It was presided over by His Grace Dr. Philipose Mar Chrysostom, Metropolitan and Head of Mar Thoma Syrian Church, Tiruvalla. Rev. Fr. Abraham, Kalakudi (SEERI), welcomed the gathering. His Excellency Dr. Mar Kuriakose Kunnasserry (Bishop of Kottayam Diocese) gave the Valedictory speech. Evaluation of the conference was done bv Dr. Françoise Briauel-Chatonnet (InSt. of Semitic Studies, Col Paris),] [Whitle; .of Melbourne), Dr. Istvan Perczel (Central Europen Uni st), Rev. Dr. Thomas Koonammakkal (Paurasth) m, Vadavathoor) and Rev. Fr. George Alkan (Syrian Orthodox Church, Sydney). Most of them appreciated the large number of papers presented and also the variety of themes dealt with. Mr. A.M. Mathew (Retd. Chief Engineer) bade vote of thanks to the esteemed guests and audience, which was followed by "Taudi-Sagi" by Dr. Jacob Thekkeparampil (Director, SEERI). Syriac songs recited by Dr. Behnam Keryo and the Syriac prayer songs sung by Rev. Fr. M.P. George and his Choir group added colour to the function. 5. General: (a) Sponsors: - We gratefully appreciate the good-will and generous support of our sponsors and contributors. But for their generous help, the conference would not have been a success! (b) Liturgical Services : - Holy Ourbano in Syriac was celebrated in the SEERI church on some days. Among the celebrants were Dr. Mar Aprem, Metropolitan, Rev. Dr. Jacob Vellian, Rev. Fr. M.P. George and Rev. Fr. Abraham Kalakudi. (c)

Receptions: - The foreign delegates were given receptions by His Excellencies the Bishops of Changanacherry and Kottayam, St.

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Thomas Seminary Vadavathoor, St. Joseph's Monastery Mannanam, Bethany Sisters' Generalate Vadavathoor, Bethany Fathers' Generalate Kalathipady and by Marthoma Theological Seminary Kottayam. A cultural programme was also arranged at Chaithanya on 11th night. Our sincere thanks to the hosts of the receptions and the cultural programme! (d) Excursion: - SEERI arranged a conducted tour to Mulanthuruthy, Trichur, Thozhiyoor etc. on 17th September. Many of the foreign delegates participated. It was really a 'heritage tour' and the participants visited the ancient churches, old manuscripts preserved in some centres and the trip was really an interesting one. (e) Conclusion:- The 5th Syriac Conference was a major success. The credit, to a great extent, goes to the programme Moderators Rev. Dr. Geevarghese Panicker and Rev. Fr. Abraham Kalakudi who controlled the sessions in a disciplined manner with strict observance of timings of the sessions and programmes. 5th Syriac Conference - Presidential address

I am extremely happy to preside over this Inaugural meeting of the 5th Syriac Conference held in St. Ephrem Ecumenical Research Institute and personally welcome and greet one and all of you. For the last fifteen years, SEERI has been making an all out effort for the promotion of the study of Syriac Language and Literature in spite of great odds and difficulties both on the academic level and financial level. With the generous efforts of the staff members and with the encouragement of some generous people from here and abroad, the Institute is progressing well in the programme of Syriac studies. The "Syrian" Christians of Kerala take respectful pride in the epithet "Syrian" and in their Syriac patrimony. In spite of this, the Syrian Christians have not been able to show any scholar among them who has contributed seriously for the cause of the study of Syriac language and literature. The efforts in this line have been peripheral and marginal. The clergy, as a rule, managed with some superficial knowledge of Syriac in liturgical matters. Now even that superficial acquaintance with Syriac language has started to disappear. Even an acquaintance with the extensive range of original Syriac literature and with the translations into Syriac from Greek and other languages: does not exist among the Syrian Christians of Kerala. Vol. XVIII2005

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An attempt to introduce the learning of Syriac language in schools and colleges was made by the late Archbishop Mar Ivanios of Trivandrum together with a few of his friends. Fr. P.T. Geevarghese Panicker (who became later Archbishop Mar Ivanios) while teaching in Serampore College, Kolcutta, together with his friend Theodore H. Robinson was instrumental in introducing the teaching of Syriac language in Serampore college. Later, as Archbishop of Trivandrum together with some friends, Mar Ivanios was also instrumental in starting a course in the University of Madras leading up to B.O.L. degree where the degree of Malpan was conferred. But this attempt did not last long. He was also instrumental in introducing Syriac language as a second language in the colleges under the Madras University. Later on, when the University of Travancore was established, he was also instrumental in introducing the Syriac language as second language in the colleges under the Travancore University. For many years, he remained as the Chairman of the Board of Studies of Syriac in both Universities. The difficulty faced by the colleges to teach Syriac was the non-availability of qualified teachers. As a transitional provision these universities allowed graduates, who took Syriac as second language, to teach Syriac exempting them from the required qualification. Sad to say this transitional provision is still being continued. As a result no serious and in-depth study and learning of Syriac was possible. The learning of Syriac, under these circumstances, became an easy and effortless pursuit to avoid the serious study of second languages in colleges. SEERI thought of remedying this situation by introducing the facilities for teaching postgraduate course in Syriac, thus offering an opportunity for those who want to be adequately qualified to teach Syriac. The Mahatma Gandhi University, after going through the requirements of the course, recognized SEERI as its Regional Centre for Post Graduate studies in Syriac and as Research Institute in 1987. So far, 22 postgraduate (M.A) students have passed out of SEERI and in 2002, a research scholar, Bishop Mar Aprem of the Assyrian Eparchy of Trichur, has secured Doctorate Degree in Syriac from the Mahatma Gandhi University. SEERI has been the venue of 5 Syriac conferences (inclusive of the present conference) where scholars from abroad and from India presented learned papers. These conferences not only have enriched and encouraged the study and research in Syriac, but also as a byproduct conscientized about the existence of Syriac Scholars, especially in Europe and North America and has given a fillip to the study of Syriac and to do research to at least some persons here in India. The Harp

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I am glad that you have come here and graced the occasion by your presence and your valuable papers. I wish the conference all success and invoke Almighty God to bless each and every one of you. (H.E. Geevarghese Mar Trimotheos, Bishop of Thiruvalla)

Felicitations Communication de Monseigneur Brizard, Directeur général de l'Œuvre d'Orient à la A la Vème conférence du S. E. E. R. I. Kottayam, Kerala, 8 septembre 2002 C'est grâce au Père Jacob THEKEPARAMPIL qui m'a invité et à Son Excellence Monseigneur George ALENCHERRY qui m'a conduit jusqu'ici que j'ai l'honneur de prendre la parole à la V° conference mondiale syriaque organisée par le Saint Ephrem Ecumenical Research Institute. Je salue le Président de l'Institut, les autorités présentes et toutes les personnlités éminentes qui prennent part à cette conférence. Cette conférence à laquelle participe tant de représentants des nations du monde et des Eglises constitute donc un moment de communion entre nos Eglises et entre l'Occident et l'Orient au sens ecclésiastique du terme. Je voudrais en quelques mots vous dire quelle contribution apporte l'Œuvre d'Orient que j'ai l'honneur de diriger: institution d'aide, elle se veut d'être aussi un instrument de communion. Si elle ne distribuait que de l'argent, elle pourrait faire I'object d'um profond mépris. Mais elle établit également un pont entre des mondes marques par la foi chrétienne et aux multiples traditions. Elle rejoint ainsi un objectif majeur du S. E. E. R. I. L'Œuvre d'Orient est la seule organisation d'aide de l'Eglise catholique qui soit spécialisée dans l'Orient chrétien. C'est un groupe d'universitaires, des laïcs, de l'Université de Paris, soucieux de développer l'instruction comme moyen d'élévation sociale pour les membres des Eglises catholiques orientales dissé minés dans l'Empire ottoman turc, qui ont créé, il yaura bientôt cent ciniquante ans, ce qui s'appelait alors I Œuvre des Ecoles d'Orient. Ils en confièrent la Direction générale à leur jeune collègue, professeur de langues orientales anciennes à la Sorbonne, Monseigneur Lavigerie, qui deviendra plus tard Archevêque d'Alger et Fondateur des Pères Blancs (Missionnaires d'Afrique). Cette organisation s'esttoujours adaptée aux vicissitudes de l'Histoire au Proche-Orient. Devant le massacre de chrétiens au Liban qui suscite une énorme émotion,'elle élargira son action en faveur des Eglises d'Orient don't la situation se modifiera Vp! XV

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substantiellement à la chute de l'Empire turcet sous les mandats de Puissances alliées. Après la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, l'action sepoursuivra avec la-forte impulsion donnée par le Cardinal Tisserand. La fin du communisme, enfin, ouvrira d'autres horizons à l'Oeuvre d'Orient avec le soutien aux Eglises de tradition byzantine de l'Europe centrale et orientale. Cette Œuvre est un instrument de communion. Les Latins doivent se souvenir qu'ils ont toutreçu de l'Orient: l'Ecriture, l'Alliance, l'Evangile du salut, le témoignage de foi au Christ mort et ressuscité. A l'Œuvre de le rappeler en faisant connaître aux occidentaux les traditions, les rites les cultures des Eglises orientales. A 1' Œuvre aussi de promouvoir toutes initiatives pour que les traditions restent vivantes là où elles sont nées. On a rappelé, tout à l'heure, que le S. E. E. R. I. est né à Paris. II est important que son action et ses études se développent sur place afin que les Eglises orientales puisent à la source vivante de leurs traditions pour s'adapter et se développer. Depuis donc des années, l'Œuvre d'Orient travaille à la promotion des Eglises d'Orient. Elle a ainsi contributé à la création de la S. Congrégation pour les Eglises Orientales à Rome par détachement de ces Eglises de la compétence de la S. Congrégation de la Propagande devenue S. Congrégation pour l'Evangélisation des peuples. L'Œuvré, enfin, est member de la R. O. A. C. O., instrument de distribution et de coordination de l'aide aux Eglises orientales. Telle est donc la contribution de l'Œuvre d'Orient aux Eglises orientales et à la communion entre les Eglises. Je souhaite bon travail à cette assemblée savante et bon développement au S. E. E. R. I.. Que le Seigneur vous bénisse, rende fructueux votre travail et donne la croissance à l'Institut que dirige magistralement le Père THEKEPARAMPIL. (Monseigneur Philippe BRIZARD -Directeur général de l'Œuvre d'Orient, Paris)

Keynote address Today is the birthday of MartMaryam, and this year the 1950th anniversary of the traditional date for the arrival of St Thomas in South India. On a different timescale, it is not quite the seventeenth birthday of SEERI, inaugurated on 14 September 1987, and it is almost exactly fifteen years since the first SEERI World Syriac Conference. The founding of SEERI was an undertaking of great vision, and it has been a wonderful experience to observe its growth, both physically - with The Harp

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its new buildings - and in international standing: by now SEERI is well known all over the world to scholars who have an interest in Syriac studies and the Churches of Syriac liturgical tradition. In 1997 SEERI became an autonomous institution, affiliated to the MG University in Kottayam, with the authority to grant a Master's degree in Syriac, and more recently, also the PhD. It is an especial pleasure to congratulate SEERI's first successful PhD candidate. His Grace Mar Aprem, Metropolitan of Trissur, whose thesis, on the history of the Church of the East in the twentieth century, will quickly take its place, once it is published, as an authoritative account which fills a long-felt need. He has certainly set an excellent example for future doctoral candidates at SEERI.

Dr. Sebastian Brock delivering 5th Syriac conference

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As someone who has, form the outside, been an appreciative observer of SEERI's birth and growth, I would like to take the opportunity here to offer a few reflections on the importance and significance of SEERI, not just for the Churches of Syriac liturgical tradition, but also for all the Churches, worldwide. It is always important to remember that Christian tradition does not just consist of the Greek East and Latin West - that is to say, a Christian tradition that essentially belongs to a European cultural milieu; there is also the third strand, namely the Syriac Orient, often forgotten; and here it is equally important to recall that Christianity Vol. XVtii 2005

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was born, not it Europe, but in Asia, and today the best representative of an indigenous Asian Christianity is undoubtedly the Syriac tradition. From this simple fact several consequences follow on: It means that the Syriac Christian tradition is relevant to all the Churches, and should be studied in seminaries and elsewhere as an essential and integral part of the Christian tradition as a whole. There are two particular reasons why this ought to be done. - In the first place, the Syriac tradition is closest to Christianity's biblical and Semitic roots. This is especially relevant today, when western scholarship is recovering a proper awareness of the Jewishness of Jesus and his Palestinian milieu. It so happens that one of my closest colleagues in Oxford is Geza Vermes, whose book Jesus the Jew, has been particularly influential in this process. - In the second place, Syriac Orient, as the third component of Christian tradition, alongside Greek East, and Latin West, has the potential of being a source of enrichment for all Christians - not of course to the exclusion of Greek East and Latin West, but alongside them, for each tradition complements the other two. As so often is the case, it is not a matter of either/or, but of both /and. Another consequence of the fact that the Syriac tradition is the best indigenous representative of Asian Christianity is that it means that this tradition ought to be studied above all in Asia, and not just in the West. And this is where SEERI has provided an initiative of the greatest importance. In the past, for a whole variety of reasons, the Syriac Orient has usually been overlooked in syllabuses of seminaries, theological colleges and university departments of theology all over the world, and so there is a great need, everywhere, to remedy this situation. How might this be achieved? It would seem to me that it can be best effected by having a few specialized centres, scattered over the whole world, where the Syriac tradition can be studied and taught in depth. These centres would then serve as resources upon which the whole Church would be able to draw. SEERI constitutes exactly such a resource in India, offering both MA and PhD degrees in Syriac. Indeed, SEERI is one of only two places in the entire world where a taught MA course in Syriac studies is available. It is a source of pride for me that the other university offering such a course is my own university, Oxford. The Harp

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I think it is true to say that there is a growing awareness, worldwide, of the significance and importance of the Syriac tradition. In the academic field this can be readily witnessed by the rapid growth in the number of books and articles being published which are devoted to the Syriac Churches and their literature and history. But also outside the academic world there are various indications that awareness of, and interest in, the Syriac tradition is on the increase. At this point, I should like to indicate some of the main areas where the Syriac tradition has really worthwhile things to offer to all the Churches, and not just to those of Syriac liturgical tradition. The genius of the Syriac tradition could perhaps be said to lie in its ability to make the Christian message of salvation meaningful through the use of everyday images, such as the simple action of putting on and taking off of one's clothes. This is an aspect which undoubtedly has immense pastoral potential. These everyday images of salvation are above all to be found in the liturgical texts of the Syriac Churches, and of course the liturgy, whose basis is the praise of God, is at the very heart of the Church's reason for existing. The Syriac liturgical tradition, both East and West, is extraordinarily rich, above all in its poetic texts. Three kinds of liturgical poetry deserve to be singled out for special mention here: the wonderfully profound prayer songs of St Ephrem; the beautiful exegetical verse homiles of Jacob of Serugh; and the delightful dialogue poems where biblical characters engage in stylized arguments, where humour and theological issues are happily mingled together. All three of these possess great potential for revival of use and for adaptation to modern needs, both catechetical and educational. It is particularly good to see that ShERl has taken the initiative in publishing some examples of these poems in Malayalam translation. Another area where the Syriac tradition has important things to offer to Christians of all the Churches is in the area of spirituality. I refer here above all to the writings, so full of insight, of the Syriac Fathers on prayer and the spiritual life; many of these have the rare ability to speak across the barriers of time, space and cultures. Perhaps the most astonishing example of this is provided by the writings of St Isaac of Nineveh (St Isaac the Syrian), which have provided the inspiration behind the monastic revivals in the Coptic Orthodox Church in Egypt and on Mount Athos in the Greek Orthodox Church in recent decades. Nor is it the case that writers such as Isaac are of relevance only in a monastic context: Isaac's writings, now translated Vol. X Vili 2 0 0 5

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into a dozen or more modern languages, are read with great appreciation by many lay people as well. Another Syriac Father whose works are of particular relevance to all Christians is St Ephrem. Underlying his poems is a profoundly meaningful view of the created world and of the role of human beings within it. The spiritual dimension of his theological vision is especially relevant in the context of the environmental crisis of the modern world. It has always seemed to me that St Ephrem would make an excellent patron saint for all who have a deep concern for the environment. Let me mention a further area where the Syriac Fathers have great relevance today. This lies in their understanding of how to read the Bible creatively from the standpoint of faith. Qnce again it is St Ephrem in particular who has things to say on the subject which are of real value and importance at a time when there is so much misuse around of reading the biblical text. For the most part, outside specialist circles, these riches in the Syriac tradition usually remain neglected and forgotten today. This makes it all the more important to make its texts accessible to all in translation, so that they can be built upon and benefitted from. One could indeed describe this tradition as a pearl of great value that lies hidden, awaiting to be recovered. SEERI's mission to all the Churcnes, but above all to the Churches of Syriac liturgical tradition, is to make this hidden pearl available to everyone, through its teaching, through its publications, and by building up, as a resource for all the Churches, what is one of the best libraries in the world for Syriac studies. Furthermore, it seems to me very important that those in positions of authority in the different Churches in India should make the most of these resources provided by SEERI, not only by supporting SEERI morally (and where possible financially), but also - and most importantly - by encouraging any seminarians and students who have a calling and an aptitude to study the Syriac tradition, and sending them to SEERI so that they can acquire a solidly-based knowledge of the riches hidden within this tradition: as a result these people will come away empowered and enabled to draw on the wealth to be discovered in this Syriac tradition, and to pass it on to others, to the great benefit and enhancement of their future ministries within their various Churches. (S.P.Brock)

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Felicitatory Speech (September 8,2002) St. Ephrem Ecumenical Research Institute has attained good reputation in the ecclesiastical Circles and among educated people in Kerala and to some extent even outside Kerala. Its fame reaches out to other countries also, for which this International Syriac Conference itself is a proof. The affiliation of this Institute to the Mahatma Gandhi University is surely a colourful feather on its cap. It is not only the courses of Syriac Language and Literature conducted here that give testimony to the contributions of this Institute but also the different seminars and conferences of liturgical, ecumenical and cultural nature that are hosted by this Institute. My presence here today is primarily as a guide to Monseigneur Philippe BRIZARD, Director General of Oeuvre d'Orient in Paris. It was earlier mentioned here that SEERI was formed in Paris. It was Oeuvre d'Orient and many meaningful people in Paris who gave the inspiration and initial support to Dr.Jacob Thekkeparampil to build up this Institute. By the hard work and strenuous feats of organisation during these years Dr. Thekkeparampil has developed the Institute to its present stature. For this unique achievement he deserves our congratulations without reservation. I do appreciate also the wholehearted co-operation that his expert colleagues, Fr. Geevarghese Panickar and Fr. Abraham Kalakudi give to him. Mention was made here how Syriac was introduced as second language in the pre-degree and degree courses of Kerala University. I am one of those who did the pre-university and degree courses with Syriac as second language. During my priestly studies too I continued the study of Syriac language. When I was sent to the Catholic Institute of Paris for higher studies in Biblical Theology I had to deepen my knowledge of Syriac. When rr ly professor of Syriac, Fr. Charles PERROT knew that I am a priest from the Syro-Malabar Church he told me that it was I who could have taught him rather than he taught me. I then felt a little ashamed of my lack of sufficient knowledge of Syriac even though I hailed from the most ancient church of Syriac tradition in India. It appears to me that one of the worries of Fr. Thekkeparampil is that, inspite of the earnest efforts from the part of SEERI, the Bishops of the Churches of Syriac tradition in India are not sufficiently availing themselves of the opportunities of this Institute for the good of their Vol. XVI112005;

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churches. Unfortunately, bishops and priests now have many secular distractions that take away their time from serious studies of liturgical languages and ecclesiastical sciences. Real research into the ancien t languages opens to us many aspects of a traditional society or religious community. Similarly, the study of Syriac Language and Literature will reveal to us the riches of the ancient churches of Syriac tradition both in India and in the Middle East. It will help us also to discover the common heritage and to build up ecumenical relationship and greater communion among the churches. Therefore SEERI is offering great opportunities to further mutual understanding and co-operation among the churches of Syriac tradition. The service that SEERI offers is therefore unique and really praiseworthy. The library of the Institute is also unparalleled in its collections and conveniences. Fr. Thekkeparampil after his two doctorates, one in Paris and another in Germany, has brought all the documents and books related to the studies of this Centre and have enriched this library. But the question remains how many are making good use of these collections or how many are encouraged to do so My hearty congratulations to Bishop Mar Ephrem who has meritoriously taken his doctorate from Mahatma Gandhi University through this Institute! Being in Tamilnadu I am now engaged in the translation of our liturgical texts from Syriac to Tamil. It has been a discovery for me to understand the closeness that exists between the structure and genius of these two languages. The epigrammatic expressions of these two languages are a clear example for the fact that the thinking pattern of these ancient languages is almost similar. For example, the trisagion in the Syro-Malabar Liturgy can be translated into Tamil with the same rhythm that it has in Syriac: Kanthisa Alalia, Kanthisa hailsana, Kanthisa lamayosa, Esraham alein is in Tamil Tliuyavare nir Sarvesa, Thuyavare nir vallavare, Thuyavare nir amarare, eng.al mel arid kurntharuhim. More than the words it is the rhythm that runs parallel in both the languages. Even in modern secular Tamil we see similar epigrammatic expressions. What Kalaignar M. Karunanidhi spoke about the contradictory nature of popu! ar i ty, his political party enjoys in the Tirunelveli (Nellai) and Kanyakumari (Kumari) Districts is noteworthy: Nellai engalukkit ellai, Kumari engalukku thollai (Nellai is our frontier and Kumari is our headache). I don't want to test your patience any more by talking in this vein. I thank you very much for your patient attention and I congratulate once again SEERI for the good work they do for the churches and The Harp

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society at large. My best wishes and prayers for the success of this 5th International Syriac Conference! May God bless you all. (George

Alencherry)

TAUOI L-Kulkun Sagi Your Grace Philipose Mar Chrysostom, Dearly beloved brothers, Sisters and friends, Thank you, every one of you, for your encouraging presence. I am standing here only to express this thanks - TAUDI. SEERI was conceived in Europe - during the period of my studies there. It was born at Kottayam on the 14th of September on the feast of the exaltation of the Cross, in 1985 i.e. Seventeen years ago. Since then, the care and nurturing by friends like you from all over the world, made SEERI grow - not only in buildings, but more in the cause of Syriac language and literature by rendering opportunity for study and research to all those who are interested in Syriac without caste, creed or community. SEERI has grown in academic stature through the academic and material help of generous persons like you, and also through the condescending care of the Mahatma Gandhi University, especially through the watchful care of the Vice Chancellors. You, friends from abroad have come all the way from Australia, Japan, Iraq, Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Russia, Hungary, Germany, Italy, France, Belgium, Holland, Canada and U.S.A. Your presence in spite of many odds and unfavourable circumstances, has made this conference really International. Without your presence and contributions, this conference would not have reached the dimension it has reached now. Politically the disturbing wave-length prevailing now in India does not permit us to communicate in the wave length which would have delighted your minds and hearts. This has also led us to be short of the relevant communications to be wanting in fulfilling all your expectations. I ask pardon for this lacuna. In spite of the many inconveniences, discomforts and anxieties, I dare to say, that the fifth Syriac conference of SEERI was a grand success. Thanks to your encouraging, generous and esteemed presence and contributions on all levels, both academic and mundane. I appreciate your bearing with the pains and the sleepless nights, Vol. XVIII2005

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and the hot and humid weather and with the untimely rain. May the good Lord reward your long suffering, patience and generosity. I am indeed very grateful to all the people who participated in the Seminar: Heads of Churches, Archbishops, Bishops, priests, sisters, lay people and also to every one who contributed in many ways to make this conference a success. I beg Taudi Sagi, thanks to all of you. I request you to pay a visit to our Library and see how order has been created in the Library in the arrangement of books through the patient and persevering effort of Lutz Greisiger from Halle, Germany. I owe my thanks, above all, to the good Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ in whose victorious and exalted Cross we take refuge today. I also remember with gratitude our patron Saints Mar Aprem and Mar Thoma, the apostle who guide us in our commitment for the cause of Syriac studies. Altering the words of Shakespeare a little, may I be permitted to utter this exclamation. 'When to the sessions of silent thoughts, I summon up remembrance of persons who were present in this conference, be assured, that Taudi Sagi will be echoing from my heart and to each and every one of you'. May God be praised and may He enable all of us to meet again in 2006 in SEERI, Deo Volente, for the Vlth Syriac Conference! Thank you! (Jacob

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The D e m o n A s h m u d Many years ago, while attending Sunday School, I heard the teacher enumerating the names of demons in Syriac, viz. Akel Karsa, Ashmud 1 , Barodinan, etc. Ashmud is a demon mentioned in the book of Tobit2, and he is said to have killed seven men who had married Raguel's daughter Sarah, with whom he had fallen in love (3:8,17,).

1

The name appears as Asmodaios (Greek), Asmodeus (Latin), Ashmedai (Hebrew), Ashmodi, and so on. On spirits and demons, cf. M. Boyce, A History ofZoroastrianism. I. The Eariv Period (Handbuch der Orientalistik. I. Abteilung,VIII Band , I. Abschnit, Lieferung 2, Heft 2A. Leiden, 1975) pp.85-108 (demons, monsters, etc.). C. Colpe et alii," Geister," Reallexikom fur Antike und Christentum (Stuttgart, 1950off.) XI, cols. 546-797. k. van der Toorn et alii, Dictionary of Deities and Demons and the Bible ( Leiden , 1995 ) p. 157 ( M. V. Hutter, "Asmodeus"). Reference many also be made to W. Sundermann, "Namen von Göttern, Dämonen und Menschen in iranischen Versionen des m a n ichff¡sc h e n Mythos," Altorientalische Forschungen 6 (1979) pp. 95-133.

2

There is a large number of studies appearing in the West, which deal with the book of Tobit and the problems connected with it, but they are not available in this part of the globe. The latest commentary is Helen S ch u q n e l-Straumann. Tobit. Herders theologischer kommentar zum Alten Testament. Freiburg,2000, (not accessible). P. Deselaers, Das Buch Tobit. Studien zu seiner Entstehung. Komposition und Theologie. Orbis biblicus et orientalise 37. Freiburg (Schweiz), 1982. F. Zimmermann, The Book of Tobit. New York, 1958 (Greek text, commentary and translation).

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The lascivious demon is part of folklore , and I would like to note here that even now Muslims think that the jinns4 will violate any virgin whom they happen to meet all alone in solitary places5. Post-biblical tradition, both Jewish and Christian, has created stories about him, for Tobit was a book that was highly popular in both the communities. From Qumran there came to light tiny fragments of the book in Hebrew and Aramaic6, which proves that the original was composed in one of the two languages. It is the purpose of this study to analyse the demon's name and other matters connected with him7. 3

I. Etymology of the Name Ashmud The demon's name goes back to two Avestan words, agshma -

3

In the Acts of T h o m a s there is the story of a woman with whom the devil had intercourse. One day, as she was coming out of the bath, a stranger approached her and expressed his desire to have sex with her. After nightfall he came and raped her, and she finally had recourse to the apostle Thomas, who commanded the evil spirit to make himself visible, which he did. Only the apostle and the woman saw him, and he, weeping told her: " I quit you, O my dear wife, whom I found long ago and was at rest on you ..." At the end, unable to resist Thomas' command, he disappeared, leaving behind him fire and smoke. O n the story, cf. A. F. J. Klijn, The Acts of Thomas. Introduction Text Commentary (Supplements to Novum Testamentum 5. Leiden, 1962) pp. 87-91 (text), 236-246 (commentary). Another folkloristic theme in Tobit is the dead man's gratitude to the one who had helped him: a man was murdered and many years, he w a s in trouble, there came a stranger who helped him, and was none other than the dead man buried by him.

4

O n these queer beings, cf. P. T. Hughes, Dictionary of Islam (repe., Delhi, 1988) pp.133-138 (p. 136: the jinns carry off beautiful women and keep them as wives and concubines). D. B. Macdonald. Encyclopaedia of Islam (9 vols. Repr., Leiden, 1987)111045-1046.

5

There have been cases in which the girls to be given marriage were found without the tokens of virginity; when questioned, they answered that they were violated by jinns, and the judges found this explanation quite satisfactory, and thus they escaped death.=\

6

K.Beyer, Die aramäischen Texte vom Toten Meer (Göttingen, 1984)pp.298300. J. A. Fitzmyer, "The Aramic and Hebrew Fragments of the Book of Tobit from Qumran Cave 4, 'The Catholic Biblical Quarterly 67 (1l;995) pp.655-675.

7

We shall not cite texts from the Avesta, because it will be difficult for most readers In India to understand them. Of the fifty-volume Sacred B o o k s of the East, edited by ;Max Müller in the nineteenth century, eight volumes are set apart for the Sacred Books of Iran (Avesta 3 vols. Pahlavi tests 5 vols.). The Translations are hopelessly out of date, but they may serve as a first introduction to Zoroastrian scriptures.

ffllfflfgi

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and d a e v a 8 , Which, in sandhi or euphonic combination, will become aeshmo daeva . The orthography given here is the one found in the manuscripts of the Avesta, though the actual pronunciation seems to have been aishma daiva9, but since this is a purely technical matter that has nothing to do with our topic, we shall not discuss it. The Indo-European (abbr. IE) base of the first word is eis-10 which conveys the idea of forceful, violent movements ,and which survives in the names of rivers, such as Lithuanian Eis-ra. Ies-ia (from Eis-ia). Eis- la (from Eis-ja), Greek Isaras. Latin Isarcus. New High Germen Eisack (in Tyrol), old Prussian" Instrutis , "Inster," celtic Isara, etc. From the basic sence here indicated are derived the meanings "to excite, incite, urge, force," etc., meanings which survive in several languages of the IE family. In Sanskrit we come across isqlii/'to set in motion, swing," igapvati, "to drive," £5211,"to hasten, run/'igira-" vigorous , energetic,"_etc12. The root eis- appears in Old Latin eira (from eisa)13, Classical Latin |ra, "anger, rage, passion, impetuosity, violence," etc. 8

The word aeshma occurs several times in the Avesta, and the passages are listed in M. Winternitz, A General Index to the Names and Subject-Matter of the Sacred Books of the East ffhe Sacred Books of the East 50. Repr., Delhi, 1977) pp.7-8. 9 H. Lommel, Die Religion Zarathustras nach dem Avesta dargestellt (repr., Hildesheim, 1 971 ) pp. 78-80. 10 J. Pokorny, Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch (2 vols., repr., Bern, 1994) I, pp. 299-301. 11 This was the language spoken in Prussia in areas contiguous to the Baltic Sea, and is related to Latvian and Lithuanian; it died out around 1700, and the sources preserving it are few and the fragmentary. Excellent account in E. Fraenkel, Die baltische Sprachen, ihre Beziehungen zueinander und zu den indogermanischen Schwesteridimen. Indogermanische Bibliothek. III. Reihe: Untersuchungen. Heidelberg, 1950. 12 M. Mayrhofer, Kurzgefasstes etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindischen (3 vols. Indogermanische Bibliothek. II. Reihe: Wörterbücher. Heidelberg, 19561976) I. P. 94 (références to other cognate forms). 13 An interesting development in Latin is rhotacism, or the change of intervocalic stor : lEausos- (Sanskrit usas-) Latin aurora: IE -âsôm fending of the genitive plurel) Latin -arum ; compare gero : gestus. queror : questus. quaero : quaestor. and so on. The oldest Latin inscription runs: Manios med vhe vhaked Numasio = classical Manius me fecit Numerio ( Praenestine fibula, circa 600 B. C.). Details in M. Leumann, Lateinische Laut- und Formenlehre. Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft. II. Abteilung, IL Teil, I. Band. Repr., Munich, 1960. L. R. Palmer. The Latin Language. The Great Languages. 6th impr.; London, 1968. Voi.XVili 2005

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The o-grade of the root, i. e. ois-14, occurs in Homeric oiö, oiomai. oiomai 15 , Classical oimai," to suppose, think, deem." Greek includes too the action noun16 oima, in Homer," impetus, spring of a lion, swoop of an eagle;" there is also the verb oimao , "to swoop, pounce up on the prey," oistros,"a sting, anything that drives a man mad, madness, fury, frenzy" (not in Homer), oistrao. "to sting to madness, drive one crazy;" from Lithuanian we may cite aistra, "serious distress,'"aistrus," seriously distressed,"and so on. Avestan aeshma - presupposes IE ois-ma-.which has as its exact equivalent Greek oima17. The root aesh- is well attested in the Avesta , occurring with the prefixes paiti- .para-, para- and frä- , fra- ,and the main meaning is "impellere"18. The noun formagshma - denotes the cruelty shown to cattle, cruelty consisting in the senseless slaughter of livestock and the orgies of meat-eating and drunkenness. According to Herodotous 7:43 Xerxes (486-465), at the river Scamander, sacrificed 1000 cattle19, and Yasht 5 preserves a list of mythical begins who offered 14 Pokorny, op. cit.. pp. 299-301. The basic I E vowels were e and o, which played an important part in grammar; compare Greek leg-o: log-os. Latin teg-o: tog-a ( hence eis-: ois-). This procedure is know a s ablaut or vowel gradation, which is either qualitative (eis-: ois-) or quantitative (bhar-ati: bhar-am). Discussions in E. Benveniste, Origines de la formation des nome en Indo- Europe'en. 4th impr. , Paris,1973. J. Kurylowic, Indogermanische Grammatik. II. Akzent. Ablaut. Indogermanische Bibliothek. I. Reihe: Lehr-und Handbücher. Heidelberg, 1968. 15 H. Frisk, Griechisches etymologisches Wörterbuch (3 vols. Indogermanische Bibliothek. II. Reihe: Wörterbücher. Heidelberg, 1972-73)II,pp.362,366. For the Homeric forms, of. R. J. Cunliffe, A Lexicon of the Homeric Dialect. Repr., Norman, 1963. 16 Action and agent nouns are distinguished from each by the position of the accent: the former are neuter in gender and have the accent on the root (e.g. bra'h-man- ,"the Absolute), while the latter are masculine and have the accent on the suffix (e. g. brah-man-. "member of the highest caste). Cf. Benveniste, N o m s d ' a g e n t e t n o m s d ' a c t i o n . Paris,1948 (laterimpressions). Examples in Luke, "TheTerm Brahman in Modern Reserch," Indian Theological studies 30 (1993) pp. 145-170. 17 The original form included the consonant s, and the loss of it is a special development in Greek. Cf. Frisk, op.cit., p.362. 18 C. Bartholomae, Altiranisches Wörterbunch (repr., Berlin,1979) cols. 25-32. 19 " When the army reached the Scamander... Xerxes had a strong desire to see T r o y . . .and when he had seen what he wanted to see and heard the story of the place from the people there, he sacrificed a thousand oxen to the Trojan Athene." Full text in A. de Se'lincourt, Herodotus, : Histories (Penguin Classics. Repr., Harmondsworth,1977)p.460. The Harp:

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horses, etc. in thousands . There are adjectives compounded of aeshjna-,namely, aeshma karta-. "operated by Aeshma/'aeshma - d r u t - , " flowing from Aeshma despatched by Aeshma to do mischief, "andaeshma-varedha-." increasing, making grand Aeshma ".21 Through these combinations are not very frequent in the Avesta, they signify the violent and cruel aspects of the word under discussion. The fury and cruelty associated with the orgies came to be personified as a daeva -/'demon," and thus the abstract notion aesh ma - became personal being22. Videvdat 11:9-12 introduces him as the leader of the demons Nasu, khru ,khraghni, Buidhi, Kundi, Buidhiza, Kundiza, Busyasta, kapasti and Pairika 23 . With Aeshma are associated minor deities such as Vidhatu, who is the confederate of Vay (= Sanscrit V a ya ), and whose name means "Dissolution"(of the body). Generally, however, this demon is calledAsto Vidhatu , "Bone- braker/smasher, "and Avestan ast- ," bone," is the same as Sanskrit asthi-, Greek osteon. Latin os (plural ossa) and Hittite hasti - ,24etc. 20 We summarize here three verses: Haoshyanha offered a hundred male horses, a thousand cattle, and a ten thousand sheep; Ylma (Sanskrit Yama) offered a hundred male horses , a thousand cattle, and a ten thousand sheep ; Azhay Dahaka offered a hundred male horses, a thousand cattle and a ten thousand sheep. Translation of the Yasht in F. Wolf, Avesta. Die heiligen Bücher der Parsen (repr., berlin, 1960) pp. 166-182. 21 Bartholomae, op. cit.. cols. 35-36. 22 Personification of abstract notions is a well-know procedure in the religion of the I n d o - l r a n i a n s . T h e Am ashaSp antas ,"the B o u n t e o u s I m m o r t a l s ," of Zoroastrianism have been understood as the outcome of this tendency. Cf. H. S. Nyberg , Die Religionen des alten Iran ( Mitteilungen der VorderasiatischÄgyptischen Gesellschaft 43. Repr., Osnabrück , 1966) pp. 279-283. In the Rgveda 'sraddhä-, "faith." anumati-, "favour" (of the gods), aramati-, "devotion ," etc. have become divinities. On the basis of the query kasmai-. devaya havisa vidhema." to what god should we pay worship and oblation ?" (10:121), occurring in the every verse, there has been created the name ka, which came to be used of the supreme god. Brief account in A. A. Macdonell, A VedicReader for Students (6th impr.,Madras, 1965) pp. xx-xxii. 23 On the catalogue of demons, cf. Nyberg, op.cit. ,pp.340-343. G. Widenqren. Die Religionen Irans (Die Religionen der Menschheit 14. Stuttgart, 1965) pp. 114117. Vol. XVIII2005

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Middle Persian sources have transcribed asto vidhatu as astvidhat. and the demon bearing this name is the mightiest of the infernal lot, the leader of Ahriman's armies, the personification of rage and fury; he is the demon of death, who throws his halter round the neck of man, and only the righteous whose good works have exceeded their sins, will be able to escape him25. The Old Persian26 inscriptions of the Achaemenid emperors employ the root aish - (= Avestan aesh- ) which, in the causative stem aishava- (= Avestan aeshava) indicates the sending of an army. In the celbrated Behistuninscription Darius I (522-486) says: pasava adant fraishavam Uvjam , "After that I sent an army to Elam" (1:82)27. Let us now examine the word daeva-, "demon." The term here is the exact equivalent of Sanskrit deva-, "god," and they both go back to IE deiwos. a very old and important expression that must now be analyzed28. Its base dei-, "to be bright," survives in Homeric deelos (from develos). "visible," post-Homeric delos (from deyalos ), id., Homeric arizelos ( from ari-dvelog). "very clear," etc. With the addition of the extensions ^W; there arose the forms deveu-/dyeu- /diw- / dvu. "shining , bright, brilliant, shining sky (venerated as a god), clear day." The base

24 Mayrhofen op.cit. I, p. 67. pokorny, op.cit., p. 783 (cf. too pp.29,930). 25 This is part of Iranian eschatology. Details in Boyce, op.cit.. pp. 109-139. J. Duchesne- Guillemin. La religion de I 'Iran ancien ("Mana." Introduction â I ' historié des religions. I. Les anciennes religion orientales 3. Paris, 1962) pp. 36 ,145, 219, passim. Lommel. op.cit. .pp. 205-236. Nvberg. op.cit., pp. 216-217.226232, passim. Widengren, op.cit.. pp.37-40,66-68,102-108, passim. R. C. Zaehner, The Dawn and Twilight of Zeroastrianism (London, 1961) pp. 302-326. 26 The history of the Iranian languages is devisible in to three phases, old Iranian, Middle Iranian, and New Iranian; Old Iranian includes Avestan (the language of the scriptures) and old Persian, and Middle Iranian, Pahlavi, (Arsacid, Sasanian ), Sogdian, khwaresmian, etc. Details in K. Hoffmann et alii, Iranistik. Linguistik. Handbuch der Crientalistik. I. Abteilung, IV. Band, I. Abschnitt. Repr., Leiden, 1967.1. M. Oranskij. Les langues iraniennes. Travaux de I ' Institute d 'Etudes Iraniennes de I 'Universit'e de la Sorbonne Nouvelle 9. Paris, 1977 (translated from Russian ). R. Schmitte (ed.). Compendium Linguarum Iranicarum. Wiesbaden , 1989. 27 The name Elam (occurring also in the Hebrew Bible) is of Sumerian origin, and denotes the geographical area in south-west Iran, now known as khuzistan. The original name was Uja / Huja (in classical documents Uxii), and the form Ü vja in Persian is derived form Uja. 28 Pokorny, op.cit.. pp. 183-187. 31g|i§|§

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dveu- (nominative dveu-s) survives in Sanskrit dvau-h . "sky," Greek zeus29; One of the earliest IE gods was dyeus-pater,whose name becomes in Sanskrit dveus-pitar30. in Greek Zeus-pater31, in Latin Iuppiter (from Iu-piter )32, etc. Here belong also Old Latin Diovis (nominative), Classical Latin Iovis (generative), Oscan33 Diuvei, "Iovi," Umbrian34 Iupater. etc. The parent language had also the form with -o-, as in deiwos, "the heavenly, brilliant one, god, God," and it is this form that underlies Latin deus (via deos) and dfvus, Oscan deivai, "divae." deivinais. "divinis," and Umbrian deueia. "divinam," etc. In the Aryan dialects of Iran and India the vowels e and o became a, so that deiwos will appear as daivas, and this common Aryan form occurs in Sanskrit as deva-s (with the change of the diphthong to e) and in Iranian as daeva-s (with the diphthong preserved intact). Whereas the) etymological origins of the forms is clear enough, the reasons for the peculiar semantic evolution that took place in Iran remains obscure. We shall here briefly expose the status questionis. The Aryans admitted the existence of two classes of celestial beings 35, 29 The combination dy yields in Greek z and also_d (cf. dios) 30 O n this god, cf. Boyce, op.cit.. pp. 37-40 (data in the R gvecia). H. 01 -denberg, Die Religion des Veda (repr., Stuttgart, n. d.) pp. 31-37. cf. too Frisk, op.cit.. pp. 296-297,610-611. R. Schmitt. Dichtung und Dichtersprache in indogermanischer Zeit (Wiesbaden. 1967) pp. 149-152 (exhaustive references not available in the Third World). 31 The expression occurs in the Homeric epics, in H e s i o d ' s Theoaonia. and other ancient sources (Schmitt, op.cit.. pp. 150-151, nn. 907-910). 32 The long vowel can be represented by a long consonant (in ordinary parlance, double consonant). 33 Oscan is the language spoken by the inhabitants of Campania, who are called in the ancient texts Osci (form earlier Opsei: cf. Greek Opikoi); it was the main language of central Italy in the age prior to the Raman conquest of the area. Brief discussions in Leumann. op.cit.. pp. 40-43. Palmer. op.cit. pp. 5-11. 34 This, a s the very name indicates, was the language of Umbria (a region closely associated with St. Francis of Assisi); there are the forms iupater. iuuipater and iuuepater (Schmidt, op. cit., p. 151). 35 Other IE grours too admitted two classes of celestial beings; thus the Germanic peoples had their A s e n and Wanen (both plurals). The former is a derivative of Old Norse ass (Anglo-Saxon ¿ s ) "pagan god," which is formed from Germanic a n s , "god" (preserved, for example, in names such as Ans-helm, Ans-emunds .Os-mund.etc.)- The latter is cognate with Old Norse vanir. Old S a x o n wanam. "bright, shining," etc. Cf. F. Kluge-W.Mitzka, Etymologisches Wörterbunch der deutschen Sprache (20th ed.,Berlin, 1967) pp.33-34. Vol. XVIII2005

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whom they called asuras (Iranian ahuras ) and devas (Iranian daevas)/ a n d while the former remained remote from man were concerned with the maintenance of the order of the universe, the latter functioned as man's helpers and intervened in his daily life; quite naturally they were objects of cults as well, the old god dyeus-p ater becoming a deus otiosus. In the course of time the asuras were transformed into devils in India, but in Iran the development was just the reverse; the daevas were reduced to the status of demons, and the earliest witness to this change is the Gathas of Zarathushtra37. 36

Zarathushtra preached an ethical monotheism, which had its roots in faith in the one God who is the creator and the lord of history , and he is called his Ahura M iz d a , " the wise lord 38 . "The historical origin of Ahurn M iz d a remains obscure, but it may be surmised that the prophet chose one of the ahuras of traditional religion, proclaimed him to be the Ahura, and added the qualifications Mizda, "wise,"denouncing at the same time the daevas of popular religion as devils. As we have already seen , their cult was characterized by drunken orgies. Several theories have been put forward to account for the unusual phenomenon in the history of Indo-Iranian religion, which may for ever remain unexplained. To conclude, if Aeshma. fury personified, received the title daeva-, it was because this expression had become the name par excellence of the devil. II.Contracts between J e w s and Persians It must,first of all, be noted that there are three opinions regarding 36 IE s, in some instances, becomes h in Iranian: Sindhu: Hindu, some-: haoma -. s e n a - : haena-,asmi :ahmi("Iam"),etc. 37 TheGatha's are the prophet's prayers, laments, supplications, etc. (comparable to Jeremiah's confessions),and not as it used to be held, poetic summaries of his sermons in prose. A distinction must be made between G athlc (at times quite archaic) and Yonger Avestan (compare the distinction between Vedic and Sanskrit). 38 The second half of the name used to be written Mazda'h , which is something outmoded. To Iranian mazda- corresponds Vedic medha -," wisdom, insight," and in the Avesta it has its own special inflection. Discussions in K. Rudolph," Zarathustra-Priester und Prophet. Neue Aspekte der Zarathustra- bzw. Gatha-Forschung," in B. Schlerath (ed.), Zarathustra (Wege der Forshung 169. Darmstadt, 1970 pp. 270-313 (for details, Cf. the books cited in not 2 5 above). The Harp

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the relationship between the Jews and the Persians. F. Spiegel and R. pettazzoni 40are of the view that Judaism influended the religions of Iran. The Jewish scholar Scheftelowitz41 denies Judaism's dependence on Persian religious traditions. Most scholars, however, admit Israel 's indebtedness to Persian ideas. G. A. Bartton writes: Asmodeus" is clearly, as his name indicates, of Persian origin. The author of the book had come under Persian influence, probably by living in the East , that its demonlogy or demonological vocabülary influenced him more than did that of the canonical, or even apocryphal, writings of his people42. "O. Eissfeldt obseves: "The ideas about angels and demons, borrowed from Parsism, as the alien name Asmodi still shows clearly, have been completely adapted to Jewish thinking and do not conflict with the belief in God43. "U. Mann notes:" Iran kann als Heimat der E. Vorstellung im engeren Sinn ansehen werden 44 ." A brief account of the religious situations in Persia during the sixth -fourth centuries will certainly help us to understand how Persian beliefs could have influenced the Jewish people. The data of Zarathushtra (in Greek Zoroaster) is a moot problem45, and we take it for granted that the great prophet of the Aryan race died before 550 B. C. and that he exercised the ministry in Eastern Iran. He was able to convert V is h tä s p a, the ruler of the land, who also became the protector of the new faith. With the emergence, however, of Cyrus ( 559-530) 39 Spiegel," Der Einfluss des Semitismus auf das Avesta," Arische Studien (Leipzig , 1874) I, pp. 45-61. 40 Pettazzoni, La religione di Zarathustra. Rome, 1920. 41 Scheftelowitz. Die altpersische Religion und Judentum. Stuttgart, 1920. There have been other Jewish scholars who held the opposite view; cf. A. Kohut, Die jüdische Angelologie und Dämonologie in ihrer Abhängigkeit vom Parsismus. Abhandlungen für die Kund des Morgenlandes43. Leipzing, 1866. Latest discussions in J. Shaked," Iranian Influence on Judaism." The Cambridaae History of Judaism (Cambridge, 1984ff.) I, pp. 308-325. 42 Barton. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (13 vols. Repr., Edinbergh • 1981) IV, pp. 600-601. 43 Eissfeldt, The Old Testament. An introduction (New York, 1976) p. 584. Cf. too A. Bentzen, Introduction to the Old testament (2 vols. 3rd ed., Copenhagen, 1957) II, p. 225. 44 Mann, Theologische Realenzyklopädie (Berlin, 1974ff.) IX, p. 581. What we have cited is a statement made by the well-known Islamologist Annmarie Schimmel, Religion in Geschichte und Geaewart (7 vols. Studienausgabe. Tübingen, 1987)11, col. 1300. Zaehner. op. cit.. pp. 57-58. 45 Luke," Zarathushtra /Zoroaster," Indian Theological Studies 20 (1983) pp. 227252. Vol. XVIil 2005:

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and the incorporation of the eastern areas, the Zarathushtrian religion became one among the many religions of the vast empire. Cyrus was not a religious fanatic, and he never showed any special appreciation of any particular religion, but this did not in any way dampen the fervor and zeal of the followers of the great prophet of the Aryan race. The faith he preached came to be propagated with zeal and zest by the "minor prophets" who came after him, and the Avesta itself preserves a reminiscene of their missionary activity, namely, Yasna 42 : 6, which is the last verse of the Gatha Haptarigha'iti, "the G atha of the Seven Chapters 46 ;" the relevant passage runs as follows : "We venerate 4 7 ... the return of the priests, who travel far (to those w h o ) , in the other lands, seek for Asha48." From the historical point of view what this statement implies is vigorous and hectic missionary activity, an eager quest after proselytes, and only on this supposition can we account for the acceptance, on the part of the majority of the people of Iran, the religion of the Zarathushtrian minority49. There is the distinct possibility that some of the members of the Jewish community living in Babylon were carried off with the propaganda of the Zarathushtrian missionaries50, but at any rate it was quite easy for them to get acquainted with the religious belief and 46 This is the designation of Yasna 35-42 (actually eight chapters), written in prose and representing a twofold evolution, namely, the endeavour to systematize Zarathushtra's teachings, and the repaganization of his religion. Analysis of the section in Zaehner, op. cit.. pp. 62-78. 47 In the original vaza-maide , corresponding exactly to Sanskrit form vaia-mahe , " we worship ; " it occurs frequently the Avesta. 48 Zaehner, op. cit.. p. 78,calls the missionaries by the name" minor prophets." A s h a (Avestan asha-)." truth," is one of the basic concepts of Zoroastrianism ,and its equivalent in the Vedas is rta, "cosmic order, truth; "the Old Persian texts preserve the form arta- ( cf. the name Artaxerxes ). There are highly technical studies dealing with the meaning of asha- (e. g. H. L u d e r s . M L u p i . l . V a r u n a LJnddje Wasser. II. V a r u n a u n d d a s r t a / Gottingen, 195,1957).The only observation we would like to make is that in India the Vedic term came to be replaced by satya-.but in Iran its equivalent remained in use and became an important theological term. 49 Christianity was once a minority religion in the R o m a n Empire, but after Constantine's conversion it b e c a m e the majority religion (with tragic consequences). 50 Zoroastrian monotheism certainly had its,impact on the Jews, and it certainly made the absorption of Persian ideas by the Jews quite easy. ¡||l|§|||

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vocabulary of the Persians. Contacts with the Persians continued even after the age of Alexander, down through the Arsacid era (247 B.C. - A. D. 22751), but since this period is of no significance for us, we shall not touch upon it. As for the book of Tobit, though we do not know the exact date of its composition, a pre-Alexandrian orgin in the fourth century is quite likely for the Qumran fragments of the book represent excellent Imperial Aramaic52. If it is argued that it is a work that saw the light of day in the Arsacid period, what we have said about Persian influence will remain valid: this was a time of close and friendly contrac ts between Jews and Persians53. Mention must now be made of some other factors which, in their own way, facilitated the adoption by the Jews of the name aeshmo daeva. There are two forms of the name of the demon, namely, 'Ashmiodai and Ash e mdai 54 , which represent two variants created by the Jewish community. Of course, the one with -o- is closer to the original. Now the demon's name will recall to the mind of a speaker of H e b r e w / A r a m i c the verb shamad./sh e mad must be carefully analyzed 55 .

51 The Arsacids brought about a revival of Iranian tradition after the Greek conquest of the country. There is the eight-volum Cambridge History of Iran: vol. Ill deals with the Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian ages. An old work dealing with Parthia isN. C. Debevoise. A Political History of Parthia. Chicage, 1938 (repr., 1968). Widengren has published three studies on the relations between the Jews and the Parthians and Sasanians; they are listed in his Religionen Irans, p. 374. Cf. too K. Schippmann, Grundzüge der parthischen Geschichte. Grundzüge30. Darmstadt, 1980. 52 Imperial Aramic was the language of administration in the Achaemenian empire. Exhaustive survey in M. Folmer, The Aramaic Language in Persia. A Study of Linguistic Variation. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 68. Louvaia,1995. Brief account in E. Lipin'ski. The Semitic Languages. Outline of a Comparative Grammar (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 80. Louvain, 1997) pp. 61 -70 (Aramaic); cf. too pp. 605-610 (comprehensive bibliography). 53 The Parthians were followed by the Sasanians (226-651); with the Arab conquest of Tran there commences a new age in Persian history. 54 As a parallel to Ashmodi / Ashmodaios / Asmodaeus we may cite Matthai / Matthaios / Matthaeus: 55 N. Lohfink. Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Alten Testament (Stuttgart, 1971ff.) VIII, cols. 178-198. Vol. XVIII 2005:

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The stems in use in Hebrew are the passive / reflexive ( "to be destroyed, exterminated") ones. The first stem has as its object man in general (Gen 34:30. Jdg 21:16), people at large (Dt 4:26.7:23), sinners (Ps 37:38.92:8), foes (Ps 83:11), and name (Is 48:11). The second stem is used of families ( l K g 13:34.15:24) name (ISam 24:22), nation (Dt 1:27. 2:12,21-23 ), gods (2Kg 10:28. 26:14 ),false prophets ( Ez 14:9 ), high places ( Lev 26:30. Num 33:52), and so on. The infinitive of the causative stem is hashmed (occurring, for example, in Is 14:23), and there is too finite form 'ashmid," I will cause to exterminate." In Aramic these forms become 'ashmed and 'ashmid, and by way of the process of dissimilation these words can give rise to 'ashmud , "Ashmud." Rabbinic sources speak of a demon called shemadon (fromshamad 56 ),but it is not clear whether this name has been inspired by Ashmedai or vice versa. It may be that the Jews in Persia interpreted the demon's name as an elative of shamad. In Arabic the elative is a special form of adjectives, which denotes intensity or superiority and corresponds to the comparative and superlative degrees. Here are three examples from Arabic 57 : kabura," to be great," kabir, adjective, and 'akbar, elative58 ;hasuna, "to be beautiful," hasan, adjective, and ahsan , elative kataba ," to write," kalit, active participle, 'aktab, elative,"the great scribe." The verb shamad can give rise to 'ashmad. which could then be changed to 'ashmud. on the analogy of the imperfect pattern vaqtulu. III.Ashmud in Jewish and Christian Litrature Jewish tradition makes a distinction between halakhah( also 'alakhah ) practical application of the Torah in daily life , and 56 M. Jastrow. A Dictionary of the Taraumim. the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi. and the Midrashic Literature (2 vols. Repr., New York, 1950) 11, pp. 1191 -1192. 57 On this point, cf. K. Brockelmann, Arabische Grammatik (Lehrbücher fürdas Studium der orientalischen und afrikanischen Sprachen 2.16th ed.,1965) pp. 6869. W. Wright, A Grammar of the Arabic Language (2 vols. Repr, Cambridge, 1964) I pp. 140-141. Compare Hebrew 'akzab." lying false." from käsab , lie, deceive;" 'akzar." fierce, cruel, "from käzar," etc 58 There is the Muslim proclamation Allahu 'akbar." Allah is very great;" this is know as takbir, a verbal noun created from kabura. The Harp

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haggadah (also aggadah ) ,edifying stories , and while in the former the devil has no importance , in the latter he comes up for mention many times. In the gentile world belief in devils was quite widespread, and exorcisms were an integral part of daily life60. The Jewish people in the late post- exilic age were engaged in exorcism, and they argued that king Solomon was an expert in devil-driving61. According to Josephus 62 , Solomon had mastered the art (techne ) of exorcism, and he also composed several incantations (epodpi^) r a n c [ / reciting his incantations , and uttering his name , Jewish exorcists subdued demons; this ability came to be counted as part of wisdom64. 59

59 Colpe et alii, Raellexikon fürAntike und Christentum IX, cols. 668688 (Talmudisches Judentum). L. Ginsberg, The Legends of the Jews. IV. From Joshua to Esther (Philadelphia, 1917) pp. 168-176. 60 The Sumerians and Accadians had their exorcists, and there is a vast literature on the subject. Cf. A. Falkenstein, Die Haupttypen der sumerischen Beschwörung. Leipziger Semitistische Studien. Neue Folge I. Repr. .Leipzig, 1968. Id. InA. FalkensteinW. von Soden, Sumerische und akkadische Hymnen und Gebete (Bibliothek der alten Welt. Zurich, 1953) pp. 214- 217,221 -231. W. Kuntmann.Die babylonische Gebetsbeschwörung. Leipziger Semitische Studien. Neue Folge 2. Repr., Leipzing, 1968. There are three collections of Mesopotamian incantations, viz. Shurpu. "burning," Maolu, id.,andUtukiLimnuti,"evilspirts." 61 The Koran too speaks of Solomon's power over the demons; references in R. Blachere , Le Coran (Paris, 1980) p.737. Gnostic documents also attest the same tradition ; cf. S. Giversch, "Solomon und die Dämonen." E s s a y s on the Nag Hammadi Texts in Honour of Alexander Böhling (Nag Hammadi Studies 3. Leiden, 1972) pp. 16-21. 62 Cf. his The Antiguities of the Jews. Book 8. chapter 2. section 5. Translation In W. Whiston, Josephus: Works (repr., Grand Rapids, 1982) p. 173. 63 Among the Greek epöde ( a | s o epaoide) meant "a song sung to / over," and hence too "enchantment, charm, spell." The form epcides," singing to/over," as substantive, designates "the enchanter, charmer, utterer of spells." There are other meanings as well, which, however, are secondary and so need not cited here. More details in H. G. Llddel et alii, A Greek- English Lexicon (repr., Oxford, 1977) p.679. 64 In Mesopotamia too skill in exorcism wae counted as part of wisdom. "Babylonian has a term' wisdom' (nemegu) and several adjectives for 'wise'(engu, mildu .hassu. etpeshu), but only rarely are they used with a moral content... Generally 'wisdom' refers to skill in cult and magic lore, and the wise man is the initiate. One of the texts edited below begins, 'I will praise the lord of wisdom,' wher Marduk is the lord, and his wisdom is skill intires of exorcism" (W. G. Lambert, Babvlonias Wisdom Literature /jepr ., Oxford,1967 p. 1). Vol. XVIII2005:

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The second Targum to Esther , while interpreting lKg 4:33 (RSV 5:13) states that Solomon ruled over the devils, and he even understood their language. The targums to the hagiographa are of very late origin66, so that their testimony is not of much significance. Josephus status 67 that the Essenes were wont to investigate the secrets of medicinal roots, and the properties of stones meant for the cure of all manner of ailments. It is now generally recognized that the Qumran sectarians were Essenes, and in the light of this we can understand some of the details in the Genesis Apocrvphon 68 and the Prayer of Nabonidus 69 . According to the Apocrvphon when the king of the Egypt took Sarah into his harem, in answer to Abraham's prayer ,God sent a pestilent spirit 70to afflict the ruler and his men; the demon is also called evil spirit.71 The patriarch prayed for the spirit was expelled. Abraham was, then, a potent exorcist. Nabonidus (555-539 ), the last ruler of the Neo- Babylonisn empire,was afflicted by malignant 65 P. de Lagarde, Hagiographachaldaice (repr., Osnabrück, 1967) pp. 223-270, A. Sperber. The Bible in Aramic. IVA. Translation from Translation to Midrash. Leiden, 1967 (Targum Esther is a misnomer for midras). 66 The Targums arose in the later post-exilic age when Aramaic became the lingua france of the common people, and Hebrew remained the language of scholars. Remnants of a targum on Leviticus 16 came to light from 4Q, and a most damaged copy of a targum on Job from HQ; they may date from the second century B.C. Cf. G. fohrer, "400rNab, IIQTgJob und die Hioblegende." Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 75 (1963) pp. 93-97. 67 Cf. his The Wars of the Jews. Book 2, chapter 8, Section 6:"... they inquire after such roots and medicinal stones as may cure their distempers" (Whitson, op.cit.. p. 477). 68 Beyer, op. cit.. pp. 165-188. Fitzmyer. The Genesis Apocrvphone of Qcave I. A Commentary. Biblica et orientalia 18A. 2nd ed., Rome,1971. B. Jongeling et alii , Aramaic Texts from Qumran (Semitic Study Series. N S 4. Leiden, 1976) pp. 77119. 69 Beyer, op. cit.. pp. 222-224. Jongeling et alii, op.cit.. pp. 123-125. R. Meyer, "Das Qumranfragment 'Das Gebet des Nabonid,"' Theologische Literaturzeitung 85 (1960) cols. 831-834. Id., D a s Gebet des Nabonid. Eine in den Qumranhandschriften widerentdekte Weisheitserzählung. Sitzungsberichte der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzing. Philogischhistorische Klasse 107/3. Berlin, 1962. 70 The text hasru ah mktsh .(= maktash), "spirit of pestilence, pestilent spirit," from the root k e tash, "to smite" (Beyer, op. cit., p. 616). 71 In the orginal rflah b'ysh' (= b e ishä'). "spiritus malus, evil spirit" (Beyer, op. cit. p. 528). Latest survey in Gluska-Kottsieper, Theologisches Wörterbunch zum Alten Testament (Stuttgart. 1971 ff.) IX, cols, 106-112.

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boils for seven years, arid he was cured by a diviner who was a Jew . Here again we have a typical caseof exorcism. 72

From Qumran there came to light recently a queer recension of Ps 9173, which, according to the rabbis, was an exorcism, a song referring to evil demons, a song for the (expulsion of) demons. It is remarkable that Solomon's name occur just before the term demon. A rabbinic legend says that when Solomon fell into the sin of idolatry, God punished him by ousting him from the throne, and installed Ashmedai in his place, but when he repented, he was reinstated, and then he wrote the book of Koheleth74. The rabbis have dealt at length with Ashmedi, the king of she dim , " devils 75 ," and Solomons's encounters with him. While building the temple, Solomon needed the stone-cutting shamTr," flint, diamond76 ," for it was forbidden to use iron instruments for dressing the stones to be used for the sacred edifice. The archdemon Ashmedai alone knew where the doamond was kept: it was hidden in a mountain well, from which he used to drink water , and he then covered it up. Solomon 72 The exorist is called aazar (= L X X qazarenos ), from he verb * , " to cut, split." Cf. Beyer op. cit.. p. 542. Jastrow, op. cit. I, pp.229-230. E. Vogt, Lexicon linguae aramaicae Veteris documentis antiques illustratum (Rome, 1971) p. 34. 73 This is a wisdom psalm, describing G o d a s the one who protects the believer from the manifold dangers caused by agents, both human and demonic. O n the mythical elements, cf. Luke, Israel before Yahweh. A n Exposition of Selected Psalms (Pontifical Institute Publications 32. Aiwaye, 1978) pp. 130-137,232-235. 74 E. Levine, The Aramaic Version of Qohelet (New York, 1978) p. 2 5 (cf. too the books cited in n. 59 above). The present story seems to have been inspired by the account of Nebuchadnezzar's madness, expulsion from the throne, repentance and restoration (Dan 4:26-34). 75 Ir. Mesopotamia the shedu were benevolent minor deities associated with karibu (=Hebrew k e rub). lamassu and the like. A. L. Oppenhem, Ancient Mesopotamia. Portrait of a Dead Civilisation (Chicago, 1964) pp. 198-206 (p. 198) observes that the Shedu safeguard the individual's well-being and sex potency. In the Hebrew Bible the word occurs just twice (Dt 32:1. P s 106:37) in connection with the sacrifice of children; the Shedim in concrete are the gods of Canaan. Rabbinic tradition speaks of a demoness called shedah , and Solomon, before his sin, had power over her and other demonesses (Jastrow, op. cit.ll, pp.1523-1524). 76 The Rabbins held that M o s e s used the s h a m i r ' , "flint,adamant, diamond;" to cut jewels for the Ephod, and after the destruction of the temple the diamond ceased to exist. For the building of the temple too it was utilized by Solomon (Jastrow. op. citjl, p.1596). Vol XVill 200o

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despatched his right hand man Benaiah ben Jehoiadah with a chain and a ring bearing the divine n a m e , and a skin of wine. He drilled a hole in the cover, emptied the water, and filled the well with wine. Aghmedai drank the wine , which made him sleepy , and when he was asleep , Benaiah bound him. The apocryphal/pseudepigraphic work known as The Testament of Solomon77 has a chapter dealing at length with Ashmedai (5:1-13). God gave Solomon a magical ring which assures him of full power over demons (2:5-7). At the king's command Beelzeboul brought to him the evil demon Asmodeus, who claimed that was the son of an angel78. People at times call him the Great Bear79 and the Son of a Dragon (5:1-5). The demon described to the king his various activities: he spreads wickedness among men, hatches plots agains the newly married, mars the beauty of virgins, makes their hearts grow cold, spreads madness about women through the stars, and even commits murder (5:6-8). To Solomon's question who frustrated his designs, he gave answer saying that it was Raphael, and also the smoke from the burning of the lever and gall of the sheatfish. Asmodeus begged Solomon not to cast him in to the waters of the abyss; the king therefore bound him with an iron chain and entrusted him with the work of moulding clay for the vessels to be used in the temple. The demon complained bitterly, but he did what was told , and Solomon, taking the liver and gall of the fish, and a branch of a storax 80 , lit a fire under him , and thus was subdued the powerful demon (5:11-13). The Christian tradition regarding Asmodeus, according to some scholars 81 , survives in cryptic passages, such as Mt 12:42 (something 77 D. c. Duling," The Testament of Solomon," in J. H. Charlesworth (ea-i5 (the Holy Spirit). Besides these, there occurs several times the term "the Spirit" in relation to God, or the Lord, or the Messiah. Accordingly, we see the use of various expressions like, KVnWs o-i r^o-i6 (the Spirit of God); r^-fan m^ai !a-i (the Spirit of the Lord) which is seen only in the Odes and finally ^..ra.i wiuo-i rdwct-i7 (the Spirit of the Messiah) which is typically a New Testament expression for the Spirit and is found only in Aphrahat. Furthermore, these early works reveal in one way or other the important activity of the Holy Spirit in the life of a believer. We shall now explain some of the prominent themes related to the Holy Spirit that are presented in the abovementioned early Syriac Sources.

2. The Spirit of the Messiah and the Believers According to the deeper understanding of the early Syriac tradition, a Christian believer is one who is led by the Spirit of the Messiah. The reason behind this thought can be traced back to a correct perception that the early Syriac tradition had held of the person of Jesus, the Messiah. That means, Jesus the Messiah is the only one who came with the fullness of the Spirit of God. This is clearly explained by Aphrahat. For him, it is evident that the fullness of the Spirit of God resides only in the Messiah. Before Jesus, the Prophets received the Spirit. But each prophet received only 1 2 3 4 5

6 7

This is the simple term and is the same everywhere. Cf. Lk 2,27; 4,1,32; 2 Cor 3,6; Eph 3,5. Cf. Old Syriac and Peshitta Mt 1,18; Lk 1,35 (Old Syriac is not extant); Jn 14,26; Eph 1,13 It is not found in the Old Syriac, or in the Pershitta Gospels. But in the Peshitta Rom 1,4 we have a similar form, but another grammatical variant, ¿.GXa mOA For the Old Syriac, see Mk 13,11; Lk 2,25. In the Peshitta it is found only in Eph 4,30 (K-mW* nAM-.io Kiuoi = the Holy Spirit of God) and in 1 Thess 4 , 8 (kWvj His Holy Spirit. 'His' refers to God). It is found in Peshitta Ps 51, 11. But in the original Peshitta text a feminine adjective was used in Ps 51,13: k h » v^qi and it is stili preserved in the oldest manuscripts. For example, see the Psalms printed in the Peshitta New Testament: riwra rcin.t» re^k.* S*ryanice Incil ve Mezmurlar, United Bible Societies, Stuttgart, 1986, p. 43. Also, in Aphrahat's citation of Ps 51, 13 in Dem.6,16 (1/300) we see the feminine form « w i n See for example Mt 3,16; 12,28; 1 Cor 2,11. Cf. Bom 8,9; 1 Pet 1,11.

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according to what he was able to bear. Jesus the Messiah is then the only one who possesses the Spirit of the Father without any limit and he is the one to whom the Father has entrusted everything without any exception. To bring this idea into the fore Aphrahat makes recourse to Jn 3, 34b where one reads that "he (God) gives the Spirit without measure." In fact, to the reader it is not clear who the recipient of this action of God giving the Spirit without measure. But in the understanding of Aphrahat it is Jesus who received the Spirit from His father without measure. This we read in Aphrahat as follows: And the Messiah received the Spirit not by measure, but his Father loved him and delivered all into his hands, and gave him authority over all His treasure. For John said: The Father did not give the Spirit by measure to His Son but He loved him and gave all into his hands (Jn 3,34-35). And also our Lord said: All things have been delivered unto me by my Father (Mt 11,27).8 In the theological understanding of Aphrahat, from the moment of the coming of the Spirit in fullness upon the Messiah, the Spirit received a new title, that is, the Spirit of the Messiah. The Spirit and the Messiah are inseparably related to each other and they work together for the salvation of human beings. Through this vision which is thoroughly biblical, we think, Aphrahat rightly points toward a pneumatological Christology which is very fundamental in understanding the person of the Messiah. Moreover, if the Messiah is filled with the Spirit, the followers of the Messiah also are called to be filled with the Spirit of the Messiah. This is what, as we see next, prompted the early Syriac writers to provide a right place to the Spirit in the re-living of the Mysteries of the Messiah.

3. The Holy Spirit and the Celebration of the Holy Mysteries In the beginning of Christianity it is the celebration that preceded the doctrine. A liturgical celebration was indeed the place where the faith of the community is demonstrated. Therefore, in search of the theology of the Holy Spirit one has to see what role is given to the Holy Spirit in the celebration of the mysteries or the sacraments.

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3.1. Prebaptismal Anointing and the Reception of the Holy Spirit One particularity of the early Syriac Christian initiation rite was the giving of an anointing with oil which was technically called by the liturgical scholars as a "prebaptismal anointing9". One clear example of this rite of anointing before baptism is seen in the Acts of Thomas. Through a litany-like prayer of invocation, the Holy Spirit is invited to come and dwell in the oil of anointing. By analysing closely the wordings of this primitive Epiclesis we have seen that the prayers addressed to the Holy Spirit were meant to make the Spirit present in the oil of anointing which was applied over the whole body of the new convert, the candidate for baptism. Thus we see that the rite of prebaptismal anointing underscored the truth that it is the Spirit of the Messiah who strengthened a believer and led him or her to profess the faith in the Messiah. Indeed, according to the early Syriac tradition represented by the Acts of Thomas it is the coming of the Spirit that inaugurated a believer's Christian life. We think that this is very much similar to the experience the Apostle Peter and his companions who came out of their timidity and preached boldly their faith in the Risen Jesus only after they have received the Holy Spirit at the first Pentecost as one reads in the Acts of the Apostles. Tt reminds us again of the words of St. Paul in 1 Cor 12,3: no one can say "Jesus is Lord" except by the Holy Spirit.

3.2. The Holy Spirit and Baptism Another strong emphasis on the action of the Holy Spirit is given in the context of baptism. In the Odes of Solomon, exactly speaking, in Ode 11,1-2 there is a very interesting mention about the Holy Spirit which we think can legitimately be interpreted as an allusion to Christian baptism. It reads as follows: 1. My heart was pruned and its flower appeared, Then the grace sprang up in it, And it produced fruits for the Lord. 9

See G. WINKLER, 'The Original Meaning of the Perbaptismal Anointing and its Implications," in Worship 52 (1978), pp. 24-25; B. VARGHESE, Les onctions baptismales dans la tradition syrienne, CSCO 512, Louvain, 1989.

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2. For the Most High circumcised me by His Holy Spirit («^.•va cnmoHa), Then He uncovered my inward being

towards Him,

1

And filled me with His Love In the old covenant, the circumcision remained as a sign of the total belongingness of the people of God to Yahweh. Similarly in the new covenant, it is the baptism that makes a believer to belong totally to the Messiah. And in this process of becoming fully of the Lord Messiah, the Odist notes well that it is the baptism that functions as a new 'circumcision' and that takes place in the Holy Spirit. Hence in the mystical and spiritual vision of the Odist, the role of the Holy Spirit is very decisive in making a believer to belong completely to the Messiah. The early Syriac tradition was indeed, very much conscious of the role that the Holy Spirit plays in the mystery of baptism. This can be explained from the 6th Demonstration of Aphrahat. Aphrahat speaks there elaborately and repeatedly of the reception of the Holy Spirit at baptism. He writes: For from baptism we receive the Spirit of the Messiah (riiwxaatsjOT r^MiT-a.i CTxuoi ^A-m-a " U i ^ j 1 I n that hour in which the priests invoke (^io) the Spirit, She opens (rx^Xa) the heavens and descends (r«Ws) and hovers over (rdaoj-fcu) the waters. And those who are baptised put Her On 12 . Through these words Aphrahat specifies that the baptised truly receives the Holy Spirit from baptism. By putting on the Holy Spirit the baptised person is reborn 13 . Indeed, the principal emphasis of Aphrahat's baptismal theology is placed on the baptismal rebirth in the Holy Spirit which is the positive effect of baptism.

3. 3. The Holy Spirit and Eucharist What role did the early Syriac Christianity attribute to the Holy Spirit in the celebration of the Eucharist? A close analysis of an archaic 10 J. H. CHARLESWORTH, The Odes of Solomon. The Syriac Texts. Edited with Translation and Notes, Missoula, 1977 (1973), p. 52. 11 Cf. Acts 1,5. 12 Dem. 6,14(1/292-293). 13 Cf. Dem. 6 , 1 4 (1/193).

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