The Harp (Volume 11 & 12) 9781463233006

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The Harp (Volume 11 & 12)

The Harp

11 & 12

The Harp is an annual review of Syriac Christianity.

The Harp (Volume 11 & 12)

Edited by Geevarghese Panicker Jakob Thekeparampil Abraham Kalakudi

1 gorgias press 2012

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2012 by Gorgias Press LLC Originally published in 1999 All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC.

ISBN 978-1-61143-646-4 Reprinted from the 1999 Kottayam edition.

Printed in the United States of America

Contents Editorial 1. Significance of the word "RACHME " jbL.5 In the context of the History of salvation -Rev. Dr. P. G.

ThomasPaniker

7. Iconographic Inscriptions and their Significance - Dr. Jean-Paul Deschler

21. The Peshitta and its Rivals -R.B.

ter Haar Romeny

33. The Great Psalm Commentary of Daniel of Salah - David G. K Taylor

43. Early Syriac Hermeneutics - Shinichi Muto

67. Martin Luther and Nestorius A Justification Already 459 Years Ago? - Prof Karl-Heinz Kuhlmann

75. The Ordination of Readers - Philip Tovey

87. Syriac Churches in Dialogue - Geevarghcse Chediath

99. The Ecclesiological and Canonical Background of the So-called »Kerala Agreement« - John Madey

113. Tables and Beds: Shubalmaran's Practical Arrangements for an Ascetic's Life -D.J.

Lane

127. The Literary Tradition of Gregory of Nazianzus in Syriac Literature and its Historical Context - Prof. Dr. Andrea B. Schmidt

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135. Syriac Written Heritage in Kerala: First Glances in the Enquiry - Dr. Françoise Briquel-chatonnet Dr. Alain Desreumaux Rev. Fr. Dr. Jacob Thekcparampil 153. "Praying the Body": Isaac of Nineveh and John of Apamea on Anthropological Integrity - Hannah Hunt 159. Poésie et langage mystique chez Saint Éphrem et les mystiques des I ers siècles de l'Islam - Sr Noha Najjar 175. Salvation History as a Process of Healing in the Theology of Mor Ephrem -Abo Shemunkasho 187. Syrian Orthodox Christians in Germany - Rev. Rüdiger Frey 193. On the Syriac Pharmacopoeia - Fbilippe Gignonx 203. Johannes Pascha (1862 -1911 ): Der Leidensweg eines „kollektierenden Syrers" - von Martin Tamcke 225. A Study in Trinitarian Technical Terms in the Syriac Commentary on the Diatessaron, in the light of the question of Ephraem's possible authorship - CMW Lange 255. The Lexicon for Which W e Long - Dr. Terry C. Falla

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Editorial THE HARP has been silent for several months: The reasons are many. Our readers, we trust, are sogenerous in their kindness and goodwill as to welcome the newest number of S E E R P i publication without complaint that it has appeared late. The contents ofthis issue are mostly learnedpapers presented at the World Syriac Conference held in S E E R I at Kottayamfrom 6 to 12 September 1998. It has not been possible to include all the papers. We shall publish immediately those which are held over as the second part of this issue. The subjects treated in this issue are varied, and all ofthem are of genuine value. We are sure that our readers will welcome everyone ofthese as interesting and informative. We express our appreciation and thanks to all the authors who made available their writings in a manner convenient and helpfulfor us to pass on to our printers. The scientific advances in communication and the progress in methods of publishing have caught up with us also. The Harp also has stepped into the computer age. It is our earnest hope that The Harp will reach you during the early days of the new millenium, the year of the great Jubilee. All those connected with The Harp take great pleasure in offering hearty Christmas, New Tear, Jubilee and millenium greetings to all our readers, friends and well-wishers.

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Rev. Dr. P. G. Thomas Paniker,

Trivandrum

Sngnofncamc® of tDu© w o r d **

RMOHMESB

Qo ifclFu© ©©rafte^t of t h e Mosftoiry ©IF saDvatooiri) No one English term corresponds precisely to the Syriac (rachme) and the exact nuances of the term have been much disputed. The theologically corresponding Hebrew word is chesed. The King James Version sometimes used "kindness" or "loving kindness", but most frequently translated "mercy" as suggested by the regular rendering eXeoc; (eleos) in the Septuagint. There is another Syriac word which is translated "mercy". It is (chart) and its derivatives UL. ' . This word originally has an aesthetic sense and means "grace" or "favour". It is dependent solely on the good will of the giver. The Revised Standard Version decided on four categories of meaning for chesed: - "kindness" in references to a particular act of one person towards another. - "deal loyally" in reference to continuing behaviour of one person to another. - "steadfast love" or "love" in reference to God's consistent behaviour toward individuals or Israel. - "love", "devotion" or "faithfulness" in reference to Israel or individuals in relation to God. The root of the word is rchem pis which is the Peal Form of the verb. The meaning of the word is to love, delight in, desire. Thus we have yf^LaLx fLt meaning love thy neighbour as thyself. In the Active Participle HZ^J, - philanthropic is the common attribute of God. The Pael Form of the verb is rachem^ZS with ^ as preposition which means to have mercy upon, feel pity to etc. Thus we have have mercy upon me- often used as the title of the Psalm 51. The word Vol.XI - XII 1 9 9 8 - ' 9 9

pp: 1 - 5

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Rev. Dr. P. G. Thomas Paniker

2

l i J s is related to the Syriac word for "womb" I. It designates "womb love" the love of mother for a child (1 Kgs 3:26; cf Hos 2:6), the love of brothers and sisters who have shared the same womb (Amos 1:11). It implies a physical response; the compassion for another is felt in the centre of one's body. This mercy also results in action. It is a word frequently predicated of Yahweh who has motherlove (Is 49:15; Jer 31:20) or father-love (Ps 103:13; Is 63:15-16) for Israel. The "womb-love' of Yahweh leads to forgiveness for the wayward children. Three general aspects of the term may be noted before turning to subcategories of usage. First, it is not associated with inanimate objects or concepts- contrast love of silver or righteousness; it always involves persons. Second, it is requested of or done for another with whom one is already in relationship; the term does not appear in contexts where no relationship between the parties has been established. Third, in its most basic form is a specific action, but from a series of such actions the term may also be abstracted to refer to an attitude that is given concrete shape in such actions. 1. Secular Usage. It is useful to distinguish between in intimately personal relationships, usually familial, and in socialogically secondary relationships, usually political. Intimate personal relationships in which an act of chesed is requested or done for another include Sarah and her husband Abraham (Gen 20:13), Abraham and his kinsmen Bethuel and Laban (Gen 24:49), Jacob and his son Joseph (Gen 47:29), and Ruth and her mother-in-law Naomi and Naomi's family (Ruth 3;10). From such narratives a series of common features can be identified that together describe the character of an act of & J I and provide a baseline for assessment of other usage. First, the help of another is essential, the person in need cannot perform the action. Second, help itself is essential; the needy person's situation will turn drastically for the worse if help is not received. Third, the circumstances dictate that one person is uniquely able to provide the needed assistance; there is not ready alternative if help is not forthcoming from this source. Fourth, the person in need has no control over the decision of the person who is in aposition to help, and there are no legal sanctions for failure to provide help. The potential helper must take a free moral decision, based essentially on commitment to the needy person within the relationship. An act of chesed may also be performed or requested in the context of secondary, non-intimate relationships. Examples include Joseph The Harp

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Significance of the word "RACHME" u-i In the context of the History of salvation

3

and the Pharaoh's Cup-bearer (gen 40:14) Rahab and the spies sent by Joshua (Josh 2:12-14), Abraham and Abimelech of Gerar (Gen 21:23). In these narratives the person requesting mercy is careful to show that the relationship between the parties is in good repair, sometimes by pointing to an act of mercy done by the suppliant on a prior occasion when the relative circumstances of need of the parties were reversed. In the secondary relationships there is more frequently a potential for self-interest in an actor's willingness to offer mercy. It is important to note that in all examples chesed is done by the circumstantially more powerful person in a particular situation and is requested or received by the circumstantially less powerful person. The giver and receiver of chesed within a relationship are always determined by the immediate circumstances, not necessarily by the established roles of the participants. The critical need of one of- the parties, not the role, is always the criterion for identifying the recipient of chesed. 2. Theological Usage The significance of the term UaJI cannot be fully understood without reference to the covenant relationship of Yahweh with his people. Israel understood God to be committed to the community in covenant relationship as the One who provided for all needs yet One also always free and uncoercible. The God who is covenanted to Israel is defined as merciful. "The Lord, the Lord, a merciful and gracious God, slow to anger and abounding in mercy (chesed) and fidelity" (Ex 34:6; cf Pss 103:8, 145:8; Joel 2:13; Jonah 4:2). The worshipper can continue to repeat the psalm refrain "His mercy endures for ever" (Pss 100,106,107,118,136). The phrase "abounding in mercy" is used only in reference to God and appears regularly in contexts involving divine forgiveness. Thus "abounding in mercy" conveys the essential way in which divine chesed moves beyond the normal parameters of chesed in human relationships. Forgiveness springs from God's radical commitment to the relationship with Israel. God's forgiveness fulfills a need that is basic to all other needs within the divine-human relationship- the very possibility of the continuation of the relationship. Forgiveness comes as a freely offered act and gift from God. The mercy of God, however, even while it is a gracious gift, implies mutuality. Israel is commanded to exercise mercy in response (Mic 6:8). The most frequent term for mercy in the NT is e^eog with its related words. It is most closely related to chesed in the OT. Luke uses the word five times in the canticles of the infancy narrative in phrases which are clearly dependent upon the OT. Matthew also Vol.XI - XII 1998 - '99

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Rev. Dr. P. G. Thomas Paniker

uses the term in a citation from Hosea: "I will have mercy and not sacrifice" (Mt 9:13; Hos 6:6). The verb occurs frequently in the pleas of the sick to Jesus for healing. The quality of mutuality, found in the OT concept, is also characteristic of the NT description (Mt 18:33). Those who do show mercy are assured of receiving mercy in return (Mt 5:7). God's mercy demonstrates his fidelity to the covenant. The ultimate expression of this mercy is the salvation offered in Jesus (Rom 15:9; Eph 2:4-5; Tit 3:5; IPet 1:3). The biblical notion of mercy continues to be developed in the early church. Clement exhorts the Corinthians to beg for God's mercy and kindness which he longs to give them (lClem 9:1). This mercy is expressed and received most especially in Christ. St. Ephrem addresses Christ as Door of Mercy and Sea of Mercy (Homily on Sinful Woman). In the Homily on Admonition and Repentance Ephrem says: "When thou standest in prayer, cry in thy soul, Have mercy on me." 3. Liturgical Usage The history of salvation is the self-revelation and self-communication of God. This is the whole subject of the liturgy especially of the anaphora. The whole Qurbono is liJfoto M - ^ n . ' . This is the declaration of the people of God when the deacon announces that the Qurbono is being offered at the removal of the veil (suseppo). Here as elsewhere, ULJi is often translated wrongly as "blessing" while chesed (loving kindness or mercy) of the covenant relationship is actually meant by the term. The term is used in the liturgy with different shades of meaning'- . ~ ^ v.nnif eX,er|OOV. All these words mean "have mercy on us." In the liturgy God the Father is often described as IMI (piAavOoamoq and l l i i LLL.ua- This is a very dear theme for the West Syrian Liturgy. Refer the following prayers: ylio jiv)..rr> ¡aSLrfcoo llm..|-w Cue 1>~»*> C l i

¡a».?

UL_o

and the chusoyo prayer before sedro . . v i i f I t is interesting to note that the words and JiL. are used together. This mercy or loving kindness which is promised in the covenant remains the anchor of our confidence and the basis of our supplication for the remission of sins. The Harp

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However, it is in the context of the Epiclesis or the Invocation of the Holy Spirit that the meaning of the term ULJ becomes very significant, f ^ is used often in the Epiclesis of Anaphoras and the Epiclesis of Baptism and the consecration of Muron. According to some scholars the West Syrian Anaphora is formed after the model of the prayer of the Chaburah meal, of the Jews. The third Berakah of the Jewish meal is Rachem - a supplication for the eschatological fulfilment. Thus the word ¡ ¿ J s does not only mean to sympathize with a person in the popular sense of the term. It does not mean simply to feel sorry for someone in trouble. The term is theologically very rich in meaning in the context of the History of Salvation and it can be understood fully only within the covenant relationship of God with his people.

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Dialogue between Alexander and the Brahmins VI. Then Alexander asked one of them, "Have ye no graves here?" The Brahman said, "The place where we live is our house, and it is also our grave; here then we lie down, and bury our bodies continually in it, that our training and our teaching may be in this world and that the term of our life in yonder world may be for ever and aye." And he asked another Brahman, "Which men are the more numerous, those that are dead or those that are alive?" The Brahman said, "Those that are dead are the more numerous, for those who will hereafter come are not to be counted among those who are now alive; and you must know of yourself what innumerable myriads have died through thee and these few Regions that are with thee." He asked another Brahman, "Which is the mightier, death or life?" The Brahman said, "Life; for when the sun rises and becomes warm like life, he covers over the feebleness of night by the beams of his radiance, and becomes strong. So also they who are dead are fallen beneath the darkness of death; but when life rises upon them like the sun, they will again come to life." He asked another Brahman, "Which is the older, the earth or the sea?" The Brahman said, "The earth, for the sea too is placed upon the earth." He asked another Brahman, "Which is the most wicked of all living things?" The Brahman said, "Man." Alexander said, "Tell me how so." The Brahman said, "Ask thyself how many beings go about with thee, that thou mayest wrest the lands and countries of other living beings, thy fellow creatures, from their owners, and hold them thyself alone." Alexander was not enraged at this speech, for he wished to hear. He asked another Brahman, "What is kingdom?" The Brahman s^id, "Greed and brief power, and arrogance, and the insolence of wicked doings." He asked another Brahman, "Which existed first, night or day?" The Brahman said, "Night; for a child is first of all created in darkness in the womb of his mother, and then when he is brought forth, he see the light." The History of Alexander the Great, Ch. Ill, 1-6. (E. A. W. Budge, The History of Alexander the Great, (Amsterdam J 976) Cambridge, 1989

Dr. Jean-Paul

Deschler

I c o n o g r a p h i c Inscriptions a n d their Significance Types and function of captions1 It is often maintained that the Syrian Church knows no icons. Yet this judgement does not fully consider the origins and history of the Church. We must keep in mind that the Syrian Church, like the Byzantine Church, has its spiritual and theological roots in Antioch. Both churches grew up in the common cultural milieu of the eastern Mediterranean and the ancient Orient. Pictorial thinking and practice played a critical role in the formation of these cultures. The study of relevant sources and the results of archaeological research 2 show clearly the fact that the Syro-Chaldean Church did have icons and would have developed further its own eastern iconography and theology of icons, comparable to that of the Byzantine Church, if communion between the two churches had been preserved. This was prevented, of course, by political alienation, by the Mongol disaster and the influence of Islam. From the surviving evidence we discover that the so called1 Nestorian Church had a refined architecture and radiant iconography well into the 14th century« It presents therefore a magnificent example of Christian inculturation. William of Rubruck describes a tent church of the Mongolian Khan with its icons. He further explains how, in the middle of the 13th century, parishioners venerated these icons by bowing respectfully before them. They used to kiss the tip of the fingers after having touched the holy image. In central Asia, icon workshops with Persian and Chinese 1

2

I thank here Simone P. Deschler, Dr. Hannah Hunt, Dr. Kurt Richardson, and Anna M. Urscheler who helped me in translating and improving the English text of this paper. For more details, cf. Dauvillier 1983; Chaillot 1993; Chaillot 1995.

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The Kottayam Cross

traditions must have existed as well. The Chaldean (or "Persian") crosses of the caravan road from Ladakh to Lhasa are inscibed in Soghdian, Kachin, Tibetan and Chinese. Further evidence for the existence of iconographers in this region and period are the texts of the famous stele of Hsi-an Fu (Shianfu, 8 lh century) and of the rock crosses of Kottayam (Fig. I) 3 .

I Analogy of w o r d and image

Icons carry captions, names, titles and other texts. These should not be regarded as unimportant additions or as disturbing items on the plane of the picture, but are, on the contrary, "important accidentals". Our considerations here presuppose the Horos of the Second Nicene Council of 787, where icons are expressly included among holy things (i™era pragmata - 'hiera pragmata')4 • Icons are put upon an equal footing with Holy Scripture both as a medium of proclamation5 and as the subject of veneration. An icon, which represents a person or a scene from Scripture, corresponds in a fundamental way with the biblical wording. By the drawn "items" - the main object as well as the accessories - the icon seeks to express the words of the Scripture. It is no pure coincidence that the Greek words grafein, grafa, caraktar ('graphein, graphe, character') are used not only in the meaning of "write, writing, character (letter)", but also in the meaning of "depict, painting, figure (picture)".6 John of Damascus requests us to record the whole life of the Lord in word and image7, and other theologians speak similarly. Such a parallelism of word and picture occurred also when the biographical icon arose later. The latter can also be called a painted hagiography: For both the linguistic and the pictorial 3

4 5 6 7

R e g a r d i n g the two stone slabs with P e r s i a n C r o s s e s a n d Pahlavi inscriptions at Valiapalli, cf. I C H C 1 , 1 1 4 . 3 5 2 ; r e p r o d u c t i o n s 1 1 7 . 3 2 8 . 4 4 0 . 5 7 6 . - S e e a l s o H a g e , 375ff.; Kollaparambil, Cross. C f . M a n s i 13, e s p . 3 7 8 f f . Cf. Ouspensky/Lossky, esp. 30. Schonborn.34.184.206. I m a g . I 8 . 7 3 = III 8 , 7 3 ; cf. S y m e o n of T h e s s . P G 1 5 5 , 9 2 f f . The Harp

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work, it has always been the likeness to Christ which is motive and foundation. Certain icons are not simply representations of purely superficial historical subjects, but charts for texts of prophetic content, which are typologically interpreted - e.g. the theophanic function of the Burning Bush icon. In the image, we can observe a kind of language, whereas the language is full of images: On the one hand, art historians and theologians frequently use expressions like "enunciation" and "(picture) language" when describing icons. On the other hand, the language of the Holy Scriptures - and following them the language of the liturgical texts - is actually so "descriptive", that "the early Church was never spiritually imageless, rather it was spiritually image possessed".8 However, we should note that in the Christian experience, the visual image does not assume the primary role, though it is equal to words (cf. 1 Jn 1,1). There are good reasons for the equality and correspondence of the word and the image in Christian theology. The letters of a written word only represent an image of the (mental) word; 9 the spoken and written word is likewise an "embodiment" of a mental essence. The Incarnation of the Logos provided the defenders of the icon painting and' veneration with the best argument against the iconoclasts. The icon theologians emphasized the analogy of Scripture and image again and again. This close correspondence is expressed in the Kontakion on the Sunday of the Orthodoxy10 by the phrase deed and word. This conformity can be retraced up to the representations of the early Christian art.11 The catacomb painting, the ceiling and wall painting, sarcophagi etc. show clearly the stylistic rootedness in the art of the Greek-Roman antiquity as well as of the Orient; but the transferred pagan items received a Christian reinterpretation (e.g. mythological figures and symbols, rhetorician and mummy portraits, or gestures and attributes). ® W. Nyssen in: Weizmann 413 (German edition). Ehkonizei gar to gramma ton logon... ('Eikonizei to gramma ton logon...'), lo. Damasc. Imag. Ill 23,8f.; cf. I 17,5ff. n The victory over iconoclasm is celebrated on the first Sunday of Lent. A quick glance at the development of the Christian art must be sufficient here. Numerous general presentations and detailed treatises give a good outline: Ainalov, Gerhard, Grabar, Onasch, Talbot Rice. Vol.XI - XII 1998 - '99

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Dr. Jean-Paul

Deschler

II Elements of style and technique In the cultures of the ancient world, a harmonious juxtaposition of writing and picture was natural. The examples are plenteous: the Babylonian cylinder seals, the Greek vase pictures, the Roman ancestral portraits, and particularly the Egyptian painting and the hieroglyphic writing with the flowing transitions from the ideogram to the abstract letter. It is therefore no surprise that soon also Christian p o r t r a i t s were c o m b i n e d with monograms and names. The letters AW and XP (the Ghristogram), which were previously used alone or t o g e t h e r with Christ s y m b o l s , gradually appeared in the nimbus of Christ. Thus, the first centuries show us a juxtaposition of unlabelled portraits and of portraits with monograms, with abridged names (sacral contractions IC XP, MP QY), or names written out in full. But already for J o h n C h r y s o s t o m , Fig. 2 inscriptions on icons are The Annunciation Rejoice, Full of Grace... Lk 1,28 indispensable. In addition to the names, we can find surnames and titles such as Pantokrátwr, Pródromov ('Pantocrator, Prodromos' "Ruler of all, of the Universe, Forerunner"), headings such as génnhsiv, a-inástasiv ('Gennesis, Anastasis' - "Nativity, Resurrection"), or quotations from Holy Scripture 12 , from the Apocrypha, the writings of the holy Fathers, and finally from legends and hagiographies (Fig. 2). All this shows that there is a close relationship between hagiography, iconography, and church poetry - a relationship between icon and liturgy in general, if we include in our consideration the development of Christian architecture. It is delightful to observe the reciprocal relation between scripture and image, as well as the change from the one to the other: on the one hand the illumination of manuscripts, on the other hand the application of inscriptions on pictures, and the use of the former writing-tablets (diptych) as folding pictures. Soon a "canon of iconography" developed (e.g. the cycle of the Church festivals). As a 12

Cf. the Holy Land ampoules and Byzantine wall mosaics.

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1î

Iconographie Inscriptions and their Significance

parallel development we also observe the emergence of a "canon of inscriptions". 1 3 There is obviously a trend from simplicity to complication; a good example are the additional scenes on the Nativity icon. The pictorial subjects undergo an enrichment, whereas the texts are extended and their topic is expanded. Ill Iconography as ideography Which are the actual functions of the different icon captions? Following the course of Christian iconography, we can discern three stages: an evolution leading from the symbolic presentation of the second century (cross, shepherd, ark etc.) through the narrative imagery of the fourth century (mosaic series with educational, catechetical intention) to the devotional image, which the council Fathers of Nicaea defended (the image as reflection of the original). All these iconographical types are to be regarded, in the broader sense, as ideographical systems - they are not a reproduction of the wording, but of the content of a speech - and thus belong, like all communication systems, to the domain of semiotics.14 It is evident that the icon has a considerable value as the Church's "message by other means". We should also take into consideration that the idea of the 'Biblia pauperum' (i. e. "Scripture of the illiterates") is only one aspect of the holy pictures. The second council of Nicaea emphasizes how deeply we can be touched by the sacramental power of the icon. Like deeds, an icon is more convincing than, mere words,15 because it is the expression of an experience. A picture is not connected to a specific language. It also has a meaning for laypeople (non-exegetes, non-theologians), because it can convey more information (redundancy) with the help of context and situation. An image can have more significance than words, both in a positive as well as in a negative sense, depending upon the spectator's disposition and education.16 A picture refers directly to a subject or to its elements; as an animated basis for meditation, it can lead to intuitive insights. '3 Recorded in the manuals for painters (Greek e™rmhneia - 'hermeneia', Russ. podlinniki - 'podlinnik'). In this context we can merely touch on the essential aspects. We have to be aware of the fact that, especially in iconology, religious (and even mystical) subjects need incarnation, and therefore also the "message of the icons" has to be explained by the methods of communication science. * Cf. e.g. Gregory of Nazianzen, PG 37,929. In psychology, picture tests are based on this fact. Vol.XI - XII 1998 - '99

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Dr. Jean-Paul Deschler

However, it is precisely one of the primary strengths of the image which can turn into a weakness: a sumptuous picture leads the contemplator's imagination astray. On the one hand, pictures enliven a text, and build a bridge for imagination. On the other hand, the danger of subjectivity is increased, since the imagination of two subjective minds are involved (the imagination of the artist and of the contemplator, respectively). Pictures therefore increase the danger of deviation from the desired objectivity, whereas a text prescribes the path which the painter and the viewer have to follow, and defines the field in which their imagination is allowed to roam. In the case of errors, there is only one person to be blamed of subjectivity, namely the listener, when he misinterprets the text. In oral and written form, words are clearer than a picture. In addition, they can easily be reproduced, even if artistic talent is unavailable. IV Inscription as objectivation The function of the different captions on icons is to convey information. They mainly serve as means of identification. In the beginning, an added name was used as an instrument of recognition. But while the portraits of the saints were provided with their names, the image of Christ continued to be depicted with the cross or the cruciferous nimbus.17

Fig. 3

Our Lady of the Sign Mother of God, Jesus Christ, The Being One

17

The christological heresies forced the Church to clarify its doctrine at Ecumenical councils. As a consequence of this fact, such designations, e. g. "Mother of God" (Màthr Qeoù - 'Meter Theou', abrigded as MP QY), "Immanuel", or "The Being One"f (O WN 'Ho On': the Divine Name revealed to Moses, cf. Ex 3,14), were made on the icons as proclamation of the dogma and as profession of faith (Fig. 3). At the same time, these designations compensate for the severe deficiencies of pictographic

Cf. e.g. the mosaics in Ravenna and M. Maggiore.

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writing. It is quite often difficult to express the theological trains of thought, and only an alphabetic script is able to reproduce such abstract contents and formulations in an adequate way - at least to the degree of precision which can be achieved by language. After the iconoclastic period, the inscription of names became therefore a rule. The captions were intended to do justice to the statement of the Council according to which there exists a connection between an icon and its prototype, the connecting element being the name. For further differentiation, additional designations are used which emphasize certain characteristic features. The image of Christ, for example, can be identified by the names "The Ruler of All" (Pantokratwr - 'Pantocrator') or "The Benefactor" (Eu-iergethv 'Euergetes') and the Mother of God is described as "The Merciful" ("Eleousa - 'Eleousa') or "The Caressing" (Glukofilousa 'Glykophilousa')- It is interesting to see that even John of Damascus, the defender of iconography, emphasizes that it is not possible to give a pictorial record of mental features 18 . The "function" of these icons is therefore not determined by the type of the picture, but by such (additional) predicates. The names of toponymic, antonymic and titlonymic icons of the Mother of God (and especially the numerous Russian ones), however, such as 'Pelagonitissa', 'Vladimirskaya', or ' P e c h e r s k a y a ' (Pelagonatisa, Vladimirskaa, Peherskaa), are designations oficonographical types. These different types of icons, which are often not more than mere iconographic variations, remind us of historical and legendary events. The 'Donskaya' (Donskaa), for example, is a memorial of the victory of Grand Duke Dimitri Donskoy and the 'Kazanskaya' (Kazanskaa) dates from the miraculous discovery of the icon by a girl in Kazan'. The painter usually confines himself to the title of the icon as keyword for the depicted event because a detailed legend is not necessary for an expert nor for a pious person who prays. This applies also to scenic icons or icons of festivals, the titles of which could be called pericopes, e.g. "The Nativity" (of Christ), "The Crucifixion", or "The Dormition" (of the Mother of God) (Gennhsiv, Staurwsiv, Koimhsiv - 'Gennesis, Staurosis, Koimesis'). In order to enable the differentiation between the several thousand existing Saints, it is indispensable to indicate specific epithets, surnames or honorary names, which usually derive from the place, activity, character, or way to die, e.g. "The Forerunner", "The Great Martyr", "Gold Mouth" 18

Imag. Ill 16,10-12.

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(Chrysostom), "The Hymnographer", "The Melodist", "The Apostlelike", or "of Egypt" (Fig. 4 and 5)19.

Fig. 4 St. Joseph the Hymnographer Come to our aid, Merciful...

Fig. 5 St

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There are, however, types of portrait or scenic icons which not only have a title but also a detailed legend as a commentary. On the icons called "The Mother of God of the unexpected joy", as much as one third of the board might be reserved for narration. The picture planes as well as the frames are sometimes covered with names and parts of texts concerning the represented subject (prophetic visions). Biographical icons partly display not more than "subtitles" on the different images, partly offer an abundance of narrative texts which are written on the plane and the frames of the picture. The more complicated an icon is - with regard to its theological and compositional aspects - the more explanations are generally needed. As examples I would like to mention the icons called "The Only Begotten Son, Word of God"20 and "The Last Judgment". 19

20

For John the Baptist, Catharine, the church father John, Joseph, Cyril, the penitent Mary. - For further information regarding distinction, see below. Occasionally, the complete text of a hymn can be found on the frames of such "hymn-icons" (together with other texts).

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The words of Jesus and the Saints have faithfully been recorded like a legacy, and therefore document the identity of the figures. We should not forget that it is the message, thus the word, which has produced the icon. It is therefore no surprise that, apart from the indicating texts on the picture, there might also appear words of direct speech between the persons portrayed. A speech quotation transforms the mute portrait into a speaking figure: The represented person is talking to the faithful.21 In the painter's manual, we often find the following indication: He is speaking on a scroll..., or simply: He speaks...22 The viewer experiences a feeling of appeal or exhortation when approaching and praying before such an icon (Fig. 6 and 7). The same effect is achieved even when the text is not legible (e. g. on high iconostases), because the spectator encounters the same spiritual seriousness and the same inner vigour in the traits of the holy face.23

Fig. 6 : Christ Pantocrator Come unto me, all ye that labour... M t 11,28

Fig. 7 : Mother of God Intercessor of Sinners I am the intercessor of the sinners to my Son...

John Chrysostom says therefore about the inscription on a victory memorial column that it announces "like a mouth" the victory (In Ps. 3, PG 55.35). - An art historian or a semiotician would not indicate the portrait to be the "sender" (which is merely an instrument or a signal for him), but the Church, orto precise, ecclesiastical hierarchy. - Regarding the practical-theological meaning of inscriptions, see below. It is logical that for icons with Evangelists,. Council fathers or with the surprised Zacharias, the manual suggests: He is writing, This corresponds to the mechanism which is called by linguists and psycholinguists "phatic function", an important, aspect of the "dialogue", e.g. between a mother and her child, when there is no intention but maintaining contact. Vol.XI - XII 1.998 - '99

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Since the apostles clearly want to express what they have seen and heard (Act 4,20; 1 Jn 1,1), and since faith comes from the words which have been heard (Jn 17,20; Rom 10,17), the icon appeals to us with principal items of the Holy Scripture and of the Church Fathers' writings. The reception of such words naturally stimulates the faithful's answer. This answer appears on many icons in the form of short acclamations and vows but also of longer prayers and hymns, especially on types of images the topic of which has been inspired in this way, as e. g. the "Mother of God, Joy of all distressed" or "Over you the whole creation rejoices". On the icon "Unexpected Joy" (Fig. 8), there is, instead of a scroll, a kind of Fig. 8 "speech stream" which carries M o t h e r of G o d Unexpected J o y the words coming from the A certain man, who was a sinner... mouth of the praying person.24 The saints on the icons can be recognized immediately as different types (e. g. bishops, monks, fig. 9), many of them even as individuals who cannot be mixed up (e. g. Nicolas of Myra, Prophet Elijah). The Eastern iconography, however, did not develop that system of attributes which has been elaborated by the Western Church art, because this would have almost inevitably led to a naturalistic representation (exteriorization), which is refused by the "holy realism". All contemporary, ephemeral and subjective things (buildings, clothing fashion, topicality) are alien to icons, and so an accumulation of torture instruments and other external marks of distinction would be unsuitable. 25 But the inscriptions or the quotations of the saints assume the important function of individual mental attributes. 24

Similarly on icons with Old Testament scenes, God's voice is represented by a beam coming from heaven to the earth; cf. the picture of Abraham's offering in the synagogue of Beth Alpha. Some attributes which refer to the kerygma of Salvation are tolerated, e. g. keys (St. Peter), Tables of the Law (Moses).

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Such texts serve as distinguishing marks and become, especially if the reader knows the hagiographie background, a definite characterization.26

Scroll: The Cyrillic Alphabet. Book: In the beginning was the Word... Jn 1,1 V Inscription serves spiritualization T h e m o s t significant and i m p o r t a n t f u n c t i o n of a d d i n g inscriptions to icons is to attest the intended spiritualization which finally is aimed at by the iconography. A text is able to accomplish the intended dematerialization and- leads away from the sensuality of the material domain (which is found in the old Christian art). The 26

In recent years, some churches in America and Europe have been furnished with frescoes and icons in traditional painting, but with inscriptions in modern vernacular languages (German, English, Finnish, French, Romanian). Vol.XI - XII 1998 - '99

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theological aspect is important: By including the word in his painting, the iconographer invalidates the iconoclastic argument saying Divinity cannot be depicted and painters therefore sacrilegiously mix up Divine and human nature. The iconoclastic synod of 754 talked about "lifeless and dumb pictures" 2 7 ; this ban does not apply to an icon with an inscription. The combination of the visible image and the verbal image on icons attests the Divine Incarnation. Identification by means of inscription: We may resume our considerations with this final theological aspect: The inscriptions testify that between an image and its prototype there is a mystical identity. Certainly, this identity is not established magically by the painter, but is operated by the Holy Spirit, because the naming action includes a kind of epiclesis. For John of Damascus as well as for the iconographer monks on Mount Athos, this ceremony constitutes a proper consecration of the icon. 28 Final reflection For many people in Western countries who have grown up with a largely "cerebral religion", the world of the icon is a veritable revelation, and so is the spirituality of the Syriac hymns. I imagine a great event for the Syrian Churches: a new discovery of the icon, a renewal of the old icon tradition, and the inculturation of a really Indian icon. Selected Bibliography (History of Christian Art, Iconography, Theology of the Icon) Remark: G O T R = Greek Orthodox Theological Review. Brookline, Mass. Hermeneia = Hermeneia. Zeitschrift für ostkirchliche Kunst. Bochum/ Herten 1985ff. PG = Patrologiae cursus completus... Series Graeca. Ed. Jacques Paul Migne, 161 Bde. Paris 1857-66. S V S = St. Vladimir's Seminary Press. Crestwood, N. Y. 27

Mansi 13,345. The Constantinople Synod was forced and held by Constantine Copronyme. 28 Cf. the expressions o->nömati a™giazömenov ('onomati hagiazomenos') and proshgoria ('prosegoria'), lo. Dam., Imag. I 16.31 or I 36.15 as well as the statement of the Nicene Council o-,!, Il/i—), where Adam is the victim,40 and the Serpent is the agent41 of wounding.42 27

Cf. Parad 15.8; Crucif 8.14. Cf. Parad 4.4: ^ K u f o 29 Cf. Eccl20.6. 30 Cf. Epiph 10.1; Nis 57.2; 60.29. 31 Cf. Epiph 7.15; Nat 1.62. 32 Cf. Nat 17.12; Nachtrage, Sermo II, 154; Virg 26.10. 33 Paul uses the term lUo^i-a to denote the fallen human condition. Thus Paul speaks of the I U < » ^ of the flesh (Rom 6:19; 8:13; Gal 4:13), and of 'our sick state' (vtosuw>, Rom 5:6; 8:26; Heb 4:15). Accordingly, Christ's incarnate state can be described as , when He was 'clothed in the sick condition' ( JUAi,); and because of sin 'nature came to pains' (UitaX 1U, U-aX).43 Pains affected the entire creation' (.¿^IbK-u»,).44 The subjects of sickness are not just individual people,45 but also the 'universe' (V^Jl),46 the world as a body,47 [human] nature.48 Also some geographical places, such as Nisibis, Harran and Egypt, are described as sick.49 The cause of being wounded is sin and man's free will that is considered as sickness for sinners; even more, it is the cause of sickness.50 Ephrem relates this to his days too: The Arians are considered 'wounded' because of their sin. Consequently, Ephrem wants to expel the Arian who has 'been wounded' from the community.51 Therefore, not only humanity suffered, became weak and will,52 but also the whole of nature.53 Death and the Satan enslaved and humbled man54 and had authority over Adam and his children.55 Adam was killed by the Evil One and he died.56 Ephrem understands the death of Adam as liberation from the curse of pains. Otherwise Adam would suffer all the time on the earth of thorns.57 However, the natural death as the end of physical suffering does not overcome the moral and spiritual suffering. After the fall, Adam needed to be healed from his wound. Because of him mankind on earth was wounded too and was desperate for heavenly medicine. While pain and suffering exist outside Paradise, from within Paradise fragrance wafts like a 'physician to heal the ills of a land that is under 43

Fide 35.2; cf. Nis 28.1 where Ephrem speaks of in plural. Sog 1.20. 45 Nis 5.22; 21.18; Fide 47.11; 68.22; Parad 3.11; 3.18; 8.5; 11.10; Virg 39.7. 46 Nis 34.9. 47 Nis 21.18. " Nis 34.9; Virg 14.13. 49 For Harran and Egypt see Nis 34.1-8; for Nisibis Nis 4.16. 50 Eccl 2.19; Eccl 8.3. 51 Fide 15.7. 52 Cf. Virg 37.3. 53 Cf. Fide 35.2. 54 Cf Nat Sog 1.11. 55 Cf. CGen 2.32. 56 Cf. Crucif 8.14; Parad 15.8. 57 Cf. CGen 2.35. 44

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a curse.' The land of Paradise was created in a healthy state and remained so after the fall of Adam and Eve. The earth still benefits from Paradise which is the 'life-breath'. («Ao»^) of our earth.59 As there is a river of water that flows forth out of Paradise into the world (cf. Gen 2:10) and makes clean its fountains that had become polluted by curses,60 so there is also a fountain of 'perfumes' which penetrates our souls by breathing.61 The fragrance of Paradise is not just the air that we breathe because Ephrem does mean this literally. It has, rather, a metaphorical sense that symbolises the Medicine of Life >u»)62 Even Paradise serves as a fountain of well-being (LoiXa-) for life on earth, the fragrance/breath proclaims metaphorically the sending of the Medicine of Life.63 The reason for the coming of the Medicine of Life is the 'diseases world' (Lp» Ui^), its 'sickness' (Uoiioa) and 'our morality' (vU*-»).64 In Ephrem'shymn 3 On Paradise, he employs | u « . \ . to denote the perfect state of man, contrasted with )Lo«_;_a , his fallen state.65 Being in the sick state, IUw.\.. remains a theoretical and almost unrealistic idea that man cannot reach on his own.66 In contrast to the pain in the world, Paradise is the 'company of restoratives' ^Parad 11.9. 59 Parad 11.9-10. 60 Parad 11.11, just as that »sickly water« had been made wholesome by the salt (cf. 2 Kgs 2:21). In hymn 4 On Virg Ephrem compares the oil and the sacraments of the church with Eden's four rivers (Cf. Virg 4.14). 61 Parad 11.12: Our inhalation is healed by this healing breath from Paradise; springs receive a blessing from that blessed spring which issues forth from there. 62 For the background of the phrase in ancient Mesopotamian religion see Widengren, Mesopotamian Elements in Manichaeism. 129-38. A comprehensive treatment of the title in a sacramental setting may be found in P. Yousif, L'Eucharistie chez Saint Ephrem de Nisibe. OCA, no 224 (Rome, 1984) 317ff. 63 Parad 11.9-12. M Parad 11.9-10. ^Parad 3.11. ^The Lord is never explicitly mentioned in connection with the term ) t o w . \ . , but instead, the 'oil' ( U * * ) 'gives medicine to the sick state' ( | U o u ^ \ ^ u u u ) and functions as 'the wall of good health' ( ! U « . S . ) cf. Virg 4.10. In Eccl 28.10, Ephrem speaks of llnvi.N., Uio, and considers it as a 'weapon for the body' (Eccl 28.10). By J U « . S - t U»o, Ephrem means self discipline in fasting and ascetical training, 'so that [his body] might be restored' Eccl 28.9), and also be spiritually strong against 'desires' ( I K ^ ^ t ) and 'our debts' ( ^ j . « - , Eccl 28.10). Vol.XI - XII 1998 - '99

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(liioXa-, While man is not able to reach either or the perfect state of lUw.N.. on his own (this would have been granted to him if Adam had been obedient to the Lord's commandment), the Lord alone remains as the 'treasure of restoratives' -(LuiXo-, l ^ ) , 6 8 and descended to the world to be 'the fountain of restoratives among the sick' (LaUio K i . i 17« Sa^. -i«).69 For example, the Lord 'brought a treasure of restoratives for the sinful woman's pain',70 and everyone who accepted Jesus as the Lord received 'the treasure of restoratives for his pains'.71 The Lord's right hand was full of restoratives.72 The term is used for the restored health that the Lord granted to the individual people,73 as well as to mankind in general.74 It is the Lord Who visited 'our sick state' [\U«i-w)7S and 'in many ways approached it in order to heal it', 76 Even though oil gives medicines to the human sick state, 77 as Paradise does, 78 because of their supernatural aspect, the Lord is the real healer; no one else could heal humanity from its fallen state. While some prophets, such Elisha, 79 Abraham and Joseph 80 are mentioned as agents of healing in some way for J-"»-»«-» or the main agent is still the Lord, 81 the 'Physician' (L»0/ 8 2 the 'Healer of all' ( V . U1-), 83 'Medicine' (U-). 8 4 Those before Jesus 'healed a little' ( ^ X o whereas 'the Son descended to visit the servants because their sickness continued and 67

Parad 5.13. 68 _ Dom 13. 69 Dom 42; c t Jn 7:37. 70 Dom 14; cf. Lk 7:36-50. 71 'CDiat 7.5. 72 CDiat 73 CDiat 6.22b {mt 8:8; Lk 7:6); or u - i . - of the woman with the haemorrhage, ? CDiat 7.2 (Lk 8:45f); cf. CDiat 7.9; 7.20. 74 Such as cf. CDiat 6.2lb. 75 Nat 3.1. 76 Fide 75.18. ^ Virg 4.10. Parad 11.9. 79 on Nis 43.9. Nis 34.1; 34.8-9. Dom 42; Virg 25.13; 37.3; Fide 35.4; 36.1; 75.18; Nis 4.16; 34.5; 39.3; CDiat 16.8; Nat 3.1. 82 Nis 34.1;34.9;40.2; Virg 25.13; Parad 11.9. 83 Nis 4.16:34.5. 84 Nis 19.11; Fide 9.11; see furthermore Crucif 8.1; Nis 11.3; 21.18; 43.9-10. The Harp

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lasted long.85 The verbs 'to heal' (-«>!),86 'to restore' (t^ 1 ), 8 7 'to visit' (a-»)88 and 'to bind up' (• 3 j x ) 89 occur in direct connection with the term and emphasises the healing act of the Lord. The verb 'to heal' (~*>l) is also used for the prophet Elisha who 'healed the sick water Uj«),90 or for Abraham who 'visited' (o,ixjo)r 'bound up and healed' ( — ^ the whole body of sick Egypt,91 and for Joseph and Moses who 'healed' (.-»() Egypt that was likewise sick92 However, 'the Lord is the heavenly Physician' (U»»i, U » 0 who 'hunts' ( j f j ) the sick from death,93 medicine 'flows' from Him,94 and He is able to 'provide medicine' (J"""»), in a metaphorical sense, for the fruits that are sick.95 Therefore, the Son of God became the 'Binder up, Physician and Medicine' L » i o oin one manuscript. Virg 5.11.

attributed

Fide 19.11: U i » » ; cf. Nis 19.11. Nis 5.21. 96 Nis 34.11; Nat 3.20. 97 Nis 4.20. 98 Fide 15.1; Nat 3.20; Fide 15.1. 99 Nat 3.20. , 0 0 Nis 4.16-17. 94

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sinful woman is considered as 'medicines' that she prepared in front of the Lord; the Lord healed her thorough the medicines that she had brought.101 Like wise, fasting can be medicines that perform healing.102 Ephrem also attributes medicaments to certain people, in that they can perform spiritual healing; thus Jonah possessed medicine, 103 and Ephrem challenges the spiritual shepherds to take medicine for their work.104 In all passages, apart from two,105 Ephrem uses the title 'Medicine of Life' only for Jesus Christ whose presence Ruth had already recognised in Boaz106and Tamar in Judah.107 Likewise, for Moses its symbol was hidden in the unleavened bread ((u^a)108, and in the lamb (fcj.0109- S i n c e the Tree of Knowledge produces the 'poison of death' (Ra^^) 1 1 0 and caused man's death, in turn, the 'Medicine of Life' (IL. >»») serves as food to nourish everyone for life. Thus, Ephrem often uses the title 'Medicine of Life' in connection with 'bread' (l—A.),111 'unleavened bread' (M-a),112 'lamb' (Ul),113 'fruit' (hh), m 'cluster' (0«^») or 'bunch' (l*-K) 115 and 'body' ( l ^ ) 1 1 6 . Sin, like man's controversy, can 'deprive' (t^sj 117 man of the Medicine of Life. Therefore, for Ephrem it is highly important how man approaches the Medicine of Life and responds to Him/It. Jesus, 1 0 , Dom

44. 4.1; 10.4. ,03 Virg 49.17. 104 Nis 19.11. ,os ln Virg 49.18 t i - j w » is used for Jonah's voice; and lei 1.7 refers to .„prayerNat 1.13. 107 Eccl 11.10. 108 Azym 18.15. Cruc 2.4. "°Eccl 19.7. "'Nat 4.99; 19.16; Epiph 8.23; Azym 14.14-16. m A z y r n 18.16. m F i d e 5.16. 1l5 Fide 12.8; nat 3.15. 1,6 Epiph 7.6; Fide 54.10; see furthermore Dom 15; Nat 4.33; Nat 26.9; Epiph 7.23. The aspect of knowledge also plays a significant role in the narrative about Paradise, for it is strictly linked witht the poison of death. In turn, Ephrem speaks of '[Jesus] teaching' ( « j A ^ o - , Dom 15) and 'speech/words' ( o o a ^ K s , Fide 2.19) as the Medicine of Life. "'Fide 54.10. ,02 lei

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the Son of God, descended from heaven as the Fruit which can be either the 'Medicine of Life' (UL- ju».) or the 'Medicine of Death' (llui)»»). In On Faith 5.16, the heavenly Fruit is the Medicine of Life for those who are faithful and possess good deeds, presumably fasting, praying and being generous towards fellow human beings; or the same Fruit can be the 'poison of death' (llo» jm®). Here, Ephrem emphasises the valid role of man's deeds.118 Eventually mortal Adam tasted the Medicine of Life Who is Jesus Christ and was revived.119 The final healthy state of man will be found in the eschatological Paradise where Satan laments, for there is no death and no growing old.120 By contrast, in eschatological Paradise the crippled, deformed, blind and deaf will be restored to good health, so that they will 'rejoice to behold the beauty of Paradise'. 121

" 8 Fide 5.16: It can be the Medicine of Life as well as the medicine of death. " 9 Cf. Nat 26.9. 120 Parad 7.22; 14.11. 121 Parad 7.13. Vol.XI - XII 1998 - '99

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" The air of this earth is wanton as a prostitute with whom the twelve months consort: each one in turn makes her comply with its own whims while she produces fruits from them all; whereas the chaste and pure air of Paradise is unpolluted in its purity by the dalliance of the months. " — From St. Ephrem, Hymns on Paradise, introduced and translated by S. Brock,(New York): X,5,p.149

Rev. Rüdiger Frey, Germany

Syrian Orthodox Christians in Germany At present there are around 20,000 Syrian Orthodox Christians living in Germany. They call themselves Aramaens and are concentrated in 35 congregations. They came to Europe as foreign workers or as asylum-seekers. Their country of origin is Syria or the region of Tur Abdin in Southeast Turkey. In those countries for centuries they have been discriminated against and persecuted in the practise of their Christian faith. Once again in this century they have had to live in painful situations as a minority. In the first world war the government executed a large part of the Christian population in a genocidal action and in the following period they did not get a chance to develop freely either. So, many of them decided or were forced to emigrate. Some arrived in Germany. The majority of these people have been living in Germany for such a long time so have applied for German citizenship. They have done so, because there is no more hope of returning to their home country and living there in freedom according to their faith. In Germany they live as strangers. Mostly they are regarded as Turks, and people don't recognize them as Christians. To a large extent the German population keeps a distance from them and is fearful of encounter. So there is little information about them, about their history, their spiritual life and their living situations. Inspite of these difficulties, most of the Aramaens have got a job and are able to live modestly. One hope especially has come true: They have acquired the freedom to practice their faith without any hindrance. Mostly they use the churches of German congregations or have built their own churches. They have their priests and deacons and celebrate mass regularly. As for their community life, they have also formed cultural associations and sportclubs. Today they have plenty of contact with German churches at different levels, and they are represented in ecumenical bodies. By their cooperation in these organisations they received manifold assistance in the education of qualified personnel and in their Vol.XI - XII 1998 - ' 9 9

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administrative and legal affairs. Otherwise they cope for themselves, only supported by some church institutions and individuals. An intensive exchange of ideas hardly takes place. Although they live for the most part in their o w n circles, as other foreign populations do, they in • itably take part in the life of German society. The influence oi, >b, school and television conspire to drag them into this society. This happens especially to the younger generation. That means that they are growing up in two cultures which are quite different: the culture of their motherland, as it is taught them by their parents and by the church - and the culture of Germany, with its w a y of thinking and life. This is most obvious when they have to learn two languages, one of which will be their first language. To render communication possible in job and society that would normally be German. This automatically involves an alienation from their original culture. The same result follows from the fact that many of them don't know their country of origin. So they consider their education in school more relevant to their situation than their education at home. This leads to a lot of problems and conflicts within the families and also in the church. That will now be our main point of consideration.

The German context The Aramaens come from a clearly fixed social and ecclesiastical order. In Germany they encounter a society with nearly boundless liberties. They don't find a uniform society but a pluralism of trends and ways of thinking, which exist simultaneously side by side. There are fundamentalist groups and liberal ones, Christians and Marxists, modern world views and ancient religious ones. The reason for the abundance of ideas is the fact that everybody is allowed to think, to believe and to practise, what they will, provided it doesn't violate the laws of humanity. So everybody may decide what he wants to think or to believe and which group he wants to join. The social living situations mean that the individual is no longer living in an extended family and doesn't feel any social pressure to hold to the same ideas and faith as his parents. Corresponding to this liberty there is a readiness to criticize everything. Every certainty is removed. In these matters the standard is human intelligence and scientific reasoning. It seems that a rule has come into force, which says, "Everything which can be explained by experience and intellect may be accepted". This implies that there are no authorities, which are accepted unquestioriingly as, for example, the Bible or the priest. Authorities have to prove themselves as such. The Harp

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For this reason the traditional teaching of the faith has to prove its worth in each generation. So the church has to listen to the contemporary questions and find answers according to its tradition. This dialogue is necessary for the liveliness of any faith or truth. A discussion is also necessary so that an ideal may gain acceptance and is followed. It seems that this discussion hardly takes place. This is one reason why the churches don't succeed in conveying the truth of their faith well. This especially concerns the younger generation who get the impression that the church and its faith are not important for life. In the course of German history the churches occupied important positions of power. But they have lost them as they have lost their monopoly of moral teaching. Today they are factors on market of ideas where many other forces are competing for influence. The most powerful competitor is the world of business, which determines thinking, morality and standards in favour of an ideology of growth. This persuasive influence has a strong impact on decisions in society. So political decisions are often made by considering economic interests, but not in respect for justice, peace and conservation of the creation. Economic interests also enter into ethics. For example there is a very popular idea: Better produce mines and tanks than to have unemployment. Or: Better I get the job than my neighbour. This way of thinking, which has gained strength recently, leads to a sharper personal competition and a loss of solidarity. On the other side of the coin is the propaganda for a better life and wealth, which comes into every house through television and advertising. This ideology is very attractive. It conjures up the dream of a life without sorrows and puts a very high value on material goods. Inrealitythe aim is only to get more profit by selling more useless things. The result is a growing gap between winners and losers. At the same time the decline of the importance of the churches in Germany and its consequences offers a chance of a new commitment for the churches. In this intellectual context they are able to take their stand more independently than before and they no longer run the risk of being confused with the capitalistic system. All these developments are not anti-religious. They take place in a secular society, which considers scientific thinking an almost absolute standard. Nevertheless many contemporaries are missing a spiritual sense of life and they are looking for new ways of having religious experiences. They are trying many possibilities, such as the combination of elements of different religions, so that sometimes a patchwork-religion is the result. Many of these developments take place outside the churches. Vol.XI - XII 1998 - '99

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The conflict

Such a confusing situation in Germany must be very difficult to handle especially for young people who are growing up between two cultures. They are subjected to a grueling test of strength between their Syrian Orthodox heritage and the standards of the Western World, which seduce them in subtle ways to consumerism and the cult of wealth. Gradually the signs of the influence of the world around them are beginning to appear. They ask for mass to be held in a language they are able to understand. The language which they want to listen to is German, because they are not so well versed in the language of their parents and of their church. In looking towards their future many anticipate that the Syrian Orthodox Church will lose its importance for them. By saying this they mean that their church, which was one of the reasons for parents' emigration, is no longer capable of sharing in their lives and providing them with a viable identity. This tendency has troubled the clergy, who have the difficulty of attracting the youth to church activities. So the living situations in two cultures pose a lot of problems, especially for the younger generation. It makes their identity uncertain and challenges them to make an appropriate response. What can be done in order to guarantee both the preservation of their faith and their integration in German society? As to a living faith, one obvious possibility is for them to consider their own spiritual roots, to reflect on the church fathers and their theology and to study church history and the Bible. Maybe similar situations occurred in the past, when the Christian faith had to hold the field against another religion. How did the forefathers of the Aramaens manage it? What is the lesson of their religion? How did the forefathers of the Aramaens manage it? What is the lesson of their experience for the situation today? What answers do the Bible and the church fathers give regarding modern life, so that religion can be mobilised as an ally in the struggle against a materialistic ideology? How can the reality of faith be taught and preached? These questions point to the necessity of improving religious education. When parents are no longer able to answer the questions of their children, the church has to create an educational system, which relates to the experiences of young people and looks for answers in the Bible and in the Syriac tradition. It cannot be sufficient merely to repeat old dogmas. Otherwise the church will fall back into a fundamentalist position. The Harp

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There should also be-special training for the priests. To be able to work in this new country, it is not sufficient to know the liturgy and the traditional teaching. They need a knowledge of German society and its problems, so that they will be able to help their parishioners. Their theological training should meet the challenges of this culture to find the answers. It is possible that according to the situation of the parishes different answers may be found, as the evangelists have written four different versions of the gospel. Therefore the grass-root level needs the support of the hierarchy. For better integration in German society it might be an advantage for the Aramaens to overcome their self-isolation and to start a dialogue with people living around. In this way they take steps towards people of another culture. It might be helpful to find partners with whom a close contact and cooperation can be built up. Information about the social and political context can be more easily discovered by this means than by reading books. It is even possible to start such cooperation by a project in the social sector as an initiative for jobless young people or by helping students do their homework. Such actions would show the involvement of the Aramaens towards integration in German society. The social sector may also be the place where the problems and conditions of life in Germany can be learned most easily. The situation of the Aramaens in Germany cannot be compared with that of refugees in former times, for instance the Huguenots, who had to leave France because of their protestant faith. A great number of them were accepted by Germany. But the authorities used the refugees as a work force to improve the economic situation of Germany. Therefore they were accorded privileges and they were protected by the government against accusations by the German population. They were able to keep their tradition for more than a hundred years, so that their services of worship were held according to their own liturgy and in their own language. This success was due to a different political situation than the present one, where Aramaens don't all have the status of asylum-seekers. This paper and my conversations with Aramaen brothers and sisters are an attempt to give an idea of an intercultural and interfaith dialogue. May it continue and lead to a better understanding and to a cooperation, which redounds to the glory of God.

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" There the abundant flow of their produce is ceaseless, for each month bears its own fruit, its neighbor, flowers. There the springs of delights open up and flow with wine, milk, honey and cream. Grass flourishes in December, after it January produces wheat; February, divested of its cold and now radiant, bears sheaves in Paradise. " — From St. Ephrem, Hymns on Paradise, introduced and translated by S. Brock, (New York): X,6,p.l49-150

Philippe

Gignoux

, París

On the Syriac Pharmacopoeia In a recent French Encyclopaedia 1 on 'medicinal plants', which is an illustrated guide on a hundred plants widely used in the world for their curative virtues, I point out something missing in its historical pharmacopoeia, for the writer passes from the Greeks to the Arabs without a word on the transmission of the science of plants by the Syriac Christians. It is an injustice which I would like to repair in presenting to you some of my research on herbal-medicine. My work is based on two Syriac sources which have been easily available to me: - The Book ofMedicines, published by E. A. Wallis Budge in 1913; - the Syriac manuscript no. 423, recently deposited at the Bibliothèque Nationale, de France, a n d classified by Françoise Bricquel-Chatonnet in a new Catalogue 2 , the first part of which is identical to the Mingana manuscript 594 A, a later copy dated 1932. I have not yet used the second part of the manuscript 423, which seems to me to be less related to the pharmacopoeia and is composed of translation of miscellaneous authors. Both these sources have quite a different method of presentation: the Book ofMedicines provides us with recipes with their titles, various ingredients and the required quantity, the mode of preparation and the uses, whereas the Syriac ms. 423 presents a succession of plants followed by different and numerous uses, as Pliny the Elder wrote in his Natural History3. ' Apparently translated from an English work, London 1996 (Dorling Kindersley Limited), and published by Larousse-Bordas, 1997, 336 p. Manuscrits syriaques, Catalogue, Bibl. Nationale de France, Paris, 1997, p. 3 162-163. This ms. 423 is a copy for the Consul Pognon in 1901. I already compared, though superficially, these sources in my paper presented at the 7 Symposium Syriacum in Uppsala (sept. 1996). That syr. ms. 423 depends somewhat on Pliny should need another research which I could not make here. Vol.XI - XII 1998 - *99

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The comparison of these two sources should demonstrate a good number of parallels which could be the object of an additional research. I would like to give just an example concerning pepper: According to the Syr. ms. 423, there are three sorts of pepper, to which the same curative qualities of ginger are approximately attributed, and which are especially beneficial to those who do not see well at night. There are round pepper, black pepper and white pepper, whose specific virtues are indicated. In the Book of Medicines, there is also mention of these three peppers in the recipes called Hiera -1 come to this point later on - the round peppers (syr. glylt'), the long peppers (syr. 'rykt'), and the white peppers. The peppers that are called 'long' could correspond to the black ones. Budge thought it better to add what is not in the text: H, p. 51, "black, white and long", or II, p. 343 "round, long, white", whereas the Syriac text just speaks about "three peppers" and qualifies them in other passages as round, long or white. But the two traditions are almost identical.4 Nowadays we distinguish three types of pepper seeds: black, red and white5. 1. The titles of the medicines The recipes of Syriac pharmacopoeia do not of course include only plants but, as we can see in the lists of ingredients, also animal and mineral substances6. But it is the plant substances which predominate, though they are also closely associated with mineral and with animal products. Everything in the plant can be used: root, stalk, leaf, flower and fruit with its seeds. The Book of Medicines published by Budge includes about 650 recipes. First I would like to classify their names. Most of them do not have any specific names or are simply designated by the Syr. word sammana, or according to the name of the first ingredient of the recipe. 4

6

There is not even black pepper as mentioned in the Budge Glossary p. 781. Encyclopédie des plantes médicinales, p. 248. See Horst Fichtner, Die Medizin im Avesta, Leipzig, 1924, p. 35: « d i e "Heilmittel" aus dem Pflanzen-, Tier- und Mineralreich Davon stehen die pflanzlichen Heilmittel o b e n a n » . The Harp

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On the Syriac Pharmacopoeia

1) Quite a number of these recipes are referred to by Syr. 'yr' from Greek iega either simple (syr. pSyt'), or qualified by syr. pyqr' from Greek Jiixga "antidote", or again by the name of the inventor: Asclepiades, Archigenes, Galen, Theodoretus, or even again called /gúddaya rabta, which should mean "for a great group of ailments", if Syr. gwdy' is from MP.gund "group, gathering", since the recipe is said to heal all the ailments of the head. 2) Unguents or pomades are an important category of recipes and dried powders are called by the same name (syr. tyS') 3. Tablets or pills: syr. Syp'. One of them is particularly interesting, which Budge has not well understood7: it is the pill « f o r those who suffer from the spirit which the Persians call by means of sys'gn». This badly written Iranian word can be transcribed as sesenagan, which means "related to the god Sesen, a Semitic god dedicated to magic, as demonstrated by M. Schwartz.8 of course it denotes a psychical sickness. 4) Infusions: syr. Slq'. 5) Gargles: syr. 'wr Y. 6) Plasters or bandages can also contain plant extracts: syr. 'sb'. 7) Purgatives or emetics: syr.

mnpsn'.

8) Antidotes, called either from Greek in Syr. 'ntydwtws, Iranian:

or from

péroz-anoS (Syr. pyrwz'nwS) which means "victorious, triumphant antidote" and which preceded by the word antídotos9.

- Syr. pr'nwS could be interpreted in Iranian *farr-andS "glorious antidote" or as pttrr-anoS "complete antidote".10 The later is probably better. Others are called by the name of the first quoted ingredient: antidote of rue, of musk, of pearls, of lichen. We have also a Gold antidote, a Caesar antidote, and a Greek or Persian Philo antidote." 7 1,56,1.21-22:

"Badsisajan" (i.e. convulsions). The author guessed the meaning but his transcription is totally erroneous.

g

BM 1,426,9; II, 502, where Budge has read "Piroz the Good"! BM 1,310,17; II, 352: Budge reads Parandsh.SuppIt272 does not explain the word origin. " BM 1,425,12-13 and 23. s

10

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9) A great number of medicines carry the names of their inventors: Andron, Asclepiades, Democrates, Dioscorides, Philo, Ptolemeus, Severianus, Solon, Theodoretus. 10) Others are called by the name of the country they come from: Egyptian, Indian, Lycian, Persian, Phoenician, Susian, Lebanese (?: 1,82,1.5) Three names of recipes are particularly interesting, for they are defined by three Middle Persian forms, which Budge had not recognized: 1)gugari$n, written in syr. gwgr§nu by the epithet "kingly" (Syr. Shryr'n digestive".13

"action of digest", qualified MP sahryaran), so "royal

=

This word is attested in another passage: «digestive which through the lemon.. ..» 1 4 , which Budge did not understood. In Classical Persian we must have

*gugareS.

2) gusariSn, in Syr. gsr§nK "action of drink", thus "potion", the word being qualified by "Susian", that confirms the Iranian origin (syT.d-mtqr'hwzy'). Cf. Mod. Persian gosardan, gosar - "to drink" (Lazard 1990,354). The Supplement p. 78 erroneously identified this word and translated it vaguely by "remedy". 3) afsariSn in Syr. psrySn16 "refreshment", qualified by syr. prsy' = parsya "Persian", so that the Supplement p. 32 has recognized the MP spelling. It is a coolant, a kind of eye-wash in powder to be applied on eyes with troubled sight. These three words, together with the above-mentioned antidotes whose origin is undoubtedly Iranian, attest to the role played by Iran in the ancient pharmacopoeia and in any case to their entry into the Syriac language in the Sasanian period, if not before. ,21

have already proposed this interpretation at the 7th Symposium Syriacus (in the Press). 13 BM I, 361,8. 14 BM 1,393,5; II, 458: « A n o t h e r Gurgarshan in which the broad-leaved pepperwort is an ingredient.»; The two attestation are exactly written in Syriac in the same manner, but Budge has transcribed differently both words. 15 B M I , 307,17. 16 BM I, 92, 14-15; II, 102: Budge wrongly identified the word, transcribing it as Abserisarr, he apparently thought of a compound form like *ab-sresan "mixture of water". The Harp

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2. Some Middle Persian plant names Now I would like to present several plant names whose Iranian origins have not previously been recognized. Of course I will not be exhaustive in the restricted frame of my paper. a) Balilag, Syr. blylq'17 "myrobalan". A doublet is attested as Syr. hlylq' = MP halilag (MacKenzie, CPD 39; Lazard 1990,459 sv. halile).1* The first is called "Terminalia Belerica", the second "Terminalia Chebula". In one recipe (BM 1,138,6), the two kinds of myrobalan are quoted together (Syr. hlylq' blylq'), but Budge wrongly read the second one as Beltlke (BM II, 147), and in his Glossary, p. 737, he transcribed it in the same manner for all the attested passages. b) Banafsag, Syr. bnwSg19 "violet"; there exists another form in Syr. mnySk'20 which is known in Turkish, according to the Supplement p. 197. The first form comes from MP wanafSag (MacKenzie, CPD 86). This inherited Syriac form, whose spelling could be *banaivSag, is closer to Modern Persian than to MP, since initial w has become b as in banafSe (Lazard 1990,64). c) *Bring, Syr. 21 brng "rice": this form is interesting because of the final consonant - g, for the word in Pahlavi is written bine (Great Bundahisn 117,2), which is to read brinj (MacKenzie, CPD 19). The -c must represent -z however, if we compare with Greek |3Qi£a-. As Old Ir. ganza- became ganj, one should have brinj coming from *brinz, very close to Greek. Anyway that does not explain the Syriac form, but since rice was unknown in Sasanian Iran22, the word could have different spellings. d) *Espind esped, Syr. 'spynd 'spyd23 "white mustard". The second word was wrongly interpreted in the Thes. Syriacus p. 313, where 'spyd is translated by "santal", which does not come from Iranian (cf. Pahl. candal, MacKenzie.CPD 21), or by " mustard". This word is an adjective "white", quite comparable with Man. Parthian 'spyd (Boyce p. 22) whereas Pahl. has spyt = sped. ' 7 BM I, 311,19. Supplt. P. 55 quotes arabic bilaj or Balflaq. this little tree, which grows in Central Asia and India, is also originally known in Iran and Pakistan. Cf. Laufer 1919, p. 378 and 581. " BM I, 51,17; 137,7; 162,2.Supplt p. 100: 'Terminalia Chebula". BM I, 58, 3, 5. Supplt. P. 57 wrongly quotes I, 67, 4. 21 BM I, 39,17, i i » etc. BM 1,215, 5. Supplt 64 vocalized the Syr. as barang. 23 Cf. Laufer 1919, p. 372-373. BM 1,88,4. Brockelmann p. 196, rightly corrected on p. 145,9 'sync/into 'spynd. Vol.XI - XII 1998 - ' 9 9

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Besides, the first word also with initial alef, is closer to Mod. Persian esfand (Lazard 1990, p. 23) than to Pahl. spandan (Wizifshiha i Zadspram 3,48). 24 e) Gunn(e)-sag, Syr. gwnsq25 "orchis", coming from MP gund i sag, literally "testicles of dog". The Supplement 69's attempt to explain the Syr. form is not convincing, whereas Payne Smith 65 identified the corrected form as a Persian word meaning "orchid". The Thes. Syr. 684 transcribed it as gund-e sag. Steingass 1099 also quotes the word. It is clear that gund has become gunn-. But the expression is a caique of Greek o q / i / j which means 1) testicle (Herod), 2) bulbous plant, and it was transposed in Latin by saytrium because of its aphrodisiac effects. Pliny described this plant beautifulluy: « V e r y high on the list of wonders is the plant orchis, or serapias, which has the leaves of leek, a stem of span high, and a purple flower. The root has two tubers, like testicles, so that the larger, or, as some put it, the thinner, taken in water excites desire The Greeks speak of a satyrion that has leaves like those of the lily,.. ..when they wish to indicate this aphrodisiac nature of a plant, they use the name satyrion,... .the seeds of which resemble testicles» 26 f) Kakanag, Syr. qqng27: this word has been variously translated. Budge has "halicacabon" (cornel-tree); Steingass 1007: Arabic kaknaj, Pers. Kakune "wintercherry" nightshade, a gum produced by a tree in the mountains of Heart". But Budge is probably wrong. The plant name is certainly Iranian, but what is interesting is the fact that initial k-remained in the Persian and Arabic forms, and did not became qthrough Syriac, contrary to the general rule, as we shall see now. g) Kakulag, Syr. qqwlg28 "cardamom" [Elleteria Cardamomum] is one of the numerous words whose initial k- changed into q- in Syriac but remained in Arabic, and in Mod. Persian: cf. qaqole (Lazard 1990, p. 313)< arab. Qaqolat29. The change from MP kakulag to Persian 24

*** • •• — Budge II, .95, translated the expression by « d r i e d mustard leaves»,but did not recognize the Iranian words. x BM 1,294, 9: gwyhsq was rightly corrected by Brockelmann p. 198 into gwnsq. Pliny, Bk XXVI, 62, 95 (p. 337, 339). 28 BM I, 315,7. a BM I, 361,11; ms. Syr. 423, p. 39. In the same manner, MP kakom "stoat" (CPD 48) became in Persian through Arabic qaqom (Lazard 1990, p.313). The Harp

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199 qaqole can only be explained as mediated by Syriac. I have to point out that the same change is attested in Greek words in Syriac: Syr. qwqwnylh' (ms. Syr. 423, p.67)