Past and Future: Medieval Studies Today (Textes Et Etudes Du Moyen Age, 98) (English, French and Spanish Edition) 9782503594705, 2503594700

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Fédération Internationale des Instituts d’Études Médiévales TEXTES ET ÉTUDES DU MOYEN ÂGE, 98

PAST AND FUTURE: MEDIEVAL STUDIES TODAY

Edited by Maarten J. F. M. HOENEN and Karsten ENGEL

FÉDÉRATION INTERNATIONALE DES INSTITUTS D’ÉTUDES MÉDIÉVALES

Présidents honoraires : Leonard E. BOYLE (†) (Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana et Commissio Leonina) Louis HOLTZ (Institut de Recherche et d’Histoire des Textes, CNRS, Paris) Jacqueline HAMESSE (Université Catholique de Louvain, Louvain-laNeuve) Président : Maarten J. F. M. HOENEN (Universität Basel) Vice-Président et Éditeur responsable : Ana GÓMEZ RABAL (Institución Milá y Fontanals, CSIC, Barcelona) Secrétaire : Marta PAVÓN RAMÍREZ (Centro Español de Estudios Histórico-Eclesiásticos, Roma) Trésorier : Ueli ZAHND (Université de Genève) Membres du Comité : Alexander BAUMGARTEN (Universitatea Babeş-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca) Patricia CAÑIZARES FERRIZ (Universidad Complutense de Madrid) Massimiliano LENZI (Sapienza, Università di Roma) Roberto H. PICH (Pontificia Universidade Católica do Río Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre) Dominique POIREL (Institut de Recherche et d’Histoire des Textes, CNRS, Paris) Anne-Marie TURCAN-VERKERK (École Pratique des Hautes Études, PSL, Paris) Carmela VIRCILLO-FRANKLIN (Columbia University, New York)

Fédération Internationale des Instituts d’Études Médiévales TEXTES ET ÉTUDES DU MOYEN ÂGE, 98

PAST AND FUTURE: MEDIEVAL STUDIES TODAY

Edited by Maarten J. F. M. HOENEN and Karsten ENGEL

Basel 2021

ISBN: 978-2-503-59470-5 E-ISBN: 978-2-503-59471-2 DOI: 10.1484/M.TEMA-EB.5.123488 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. © 2021 Fédération Internationale des Instituts d’Études Médiévales. Philosophisches Seminar Universität Basel Steinengraben 5 CH-4051 Basel (Schweiz)

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Maarten J. F. M. HOENEN – Karsten ENGEL, Preface INTRODUCTORY PERSPECTIVES Matteo NANNI, Medieval Past, Medieval Future Hilde DE WEERDT, On the Future of Medieval Studies. A (Chinese) Historian’s Perspective

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DIGITAL HUMANITIES Gabriel MÜLLER – Ueli ZAHND, Open Scholasticism. Editing Networks of Thought in the Digital Age 49 Xavier-Laurent SALVADOR, De la page numérisée aux sens révélés. Vers une prise en charge automatique du corpus Bible Historiale 81 Maria Amélia Álvaro de CAMPOS, Humanités Numériques et l’étude de la ville médiévale. Le cas de Coimbra 103 Paul TOMBEUR, L’angoissante question de la fiabilité de nos instruments de travail et particulièrement de beaucoup de bases de données 117 HISTORY Vytautas VOLUNGEVIČIUS, European barbaricum? Non-simultaneity of the Middle Ages: Germanic, Slavic and Baltic Societies Antonio ESPIGARES PINILLA, San Agustín en el Vademecum del Conde de Haro Montserrat JIMÉNEZ SAN CRISTÓBAL, La Carta de Léntulo al senado de Roma en el Vademecum del conde de Haro Beatriz FERNÁNDEZ DE LA CUESTA, Pasajes revisitados del primer Conde de Haro en el Vademecum del ms. BNE 9522 Luca POLIDORO, Medieval Studies and Public History. A Challenge for the Present

135 157 171 199 215

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LITERATURE Seraina PLOTKE †, Chances and Opportunities – Medieval Texts and Modern Cultural Paradigms: A Postcolonial Queer Reading of the Medieval Crusade Narrative Herzog Ernst 229 Monica RUSET OANCA, Interpretation of Medieval Texts between Literature and Theology in La Queste del Saint Graal 251 Irene VILLARROEL FERNÁNDEZ, La colección de Miracula Beatae Mariae Virginis del ms. 9289 de la Biblioteca Nacional de España 265 PHILOSOPHY AND THEOLOGY Isabela GRIGORAȘ, Editing Alcuin’s Disputatio de uera philosophia and Ars grammatica. New Findings, Methodology, and Problems Florin CRÎȘMĂREANU, Analogie et anagogie dans les écrits de Maxime le Confesseur. Essai sur une « herméneutique eucharistique » Nadia BRAY, Anaxagoras in the Late Middle Ages. A Doxographical Study of Thomas of York’s Sapientiale Constantin TELEANU, Le progrès des traductions françaises de l’œuvre de Raymond Lulle du Moyen Âge aux temps modernes Nicolás M ARTÍNEZ B EJARANO , With Feet on the Ground. Some Remarks about Vulgarization of Christian Thought on Nueva Granada (1758-1767) Index of ancient, medieval and renaissance authors Index of modern and contemporary authors Index of the manuscripts

285 305 317 337

355 373 379 389

PREFACE

There was a time, not so long ago, when Medieval Studies constituted a major pillar for the understanding of the history of human civilization. The Middle Ages form the bridge between ancient culture and modernity. During this period, the Greek and Roman heritage was transformed in the light of European and Christian values and found expression in new and different forms in music, art, architecture, literature, philosophy, and theology –fields which testify to the cultural evolution of humanity. For this reason, Medieval Studies long held a strong and uncontested position in the curricula of many institutions of higher education, especially in the Western world. Today, things are different. While the medieval contribution to the project of humanity remains beyond doubt, the challenges facing those interested in history have changed definitively. In a globalizing world, the emergence of universities, gothic architecture, polyphony in music, and urban culture can no longer be studied in isolation. Their significance must be assessed in comparison with developments elsewhere in the world, for instance, in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. What does the medieval past mean today for a global and culturally diverse future? Medieval Studies has always excelled as a result of rigorous scholarly methods and inventiveness: it is within this realm that new methods of critical text editing were developed and adopted as standard across the humanities; medievalists were the first to seize the chances and opportunities offered by the digitization of texts; here, interdisciplinary research is the rule rather than the exception. Given this situation, Medieval Studies has an equally bright future ahead of it. Situated at the interface between vast regional diversity and global interaction and exchange, the Middle Ages both question and inform our self-understanding as citizens of a globalizing world, a promising challenge in need of new ideas and strong institutions, in order to place the Middle Ages in relation to human achievements elsewhere in the world. Currently, different responses to the new situation are under discussion, each with its own potential and challenges: e.g., global medievalism, digital humanities, comparative history, rethinking the cultural narrative. In order to present and debate these different approaches and to exchange views about successful perspectives on Medieval Studies, the Fédération

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Internationale des Instituts d’Études Médiévales (FIDEM) devoted its 6th European Congress of Medieval Studies to the theme of «Past and Future: Medieval Studies Today», which was held in Basel, Switzerland, 2–5 September 2018. In a number of plenary talks and discussion sessions, specialists from the fields of Digital Humanities, History, Literary Studies, Philosophy, and Theology shared with the audience their views about the possible futures of Medieval Studies. A selection of the papers presented at this event are collected in this volume. They evince the vitality and multi-perspectivism characteristic of the field today, showing readers that Medieval Studies looks to a future that, while different from the past, promises to be at least as rich and creative.

Introductory Perspectives The volume opens with two introductory papers, each presenting a different perspective on the possible futures of Medieval Studies. At the Congress, these papers were delivered as plenary lectures. In order to allow the reader to feel the excitement that they evoked in the audience, they have retained their original form as addresses, but have been carefully reworked for the volume, especially through the inclusion of references to rich source materials and relevant research literature, which may assist the reader in further investigating the avenues that they open up. In the first paper, «Medieval Past, Medieval Future», Matteo NANNI poses the crucial question that drives our research: «Why we do Medieval Studies»? His answer is as short as it is convincing: it is a matter of taste, enjoyment, and personal preference. This does not mean that it lacks any higher significance. On the contrary, it is precisely through the process of becoming personally engaged with historical objects and events to which we are attracted that we produce meaning and give value to our present life. To be sure, there are other strategies for generating such meaning, but, in the mirror of history, we can reflect on the value of human actions by conceptually re-enacting the endeavors of our ancestors and ponder the merits and demerits of their decisions and accomplishments. We do this from a perspective that allows for the freedom to judge impartially, because, in contrast to our medieval predecessors, we are not existentially involved in events. The past, in short, helps us to build a future in an open

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and responsible way. In dialogue with the works of Pier Paolo Pasolini, Friedrich Nietzsche, and Robin G. Collingwood, Nanni prepares the ground for an engagement with three examples stemming from his own field of competence –namely, medieval musicology– in order to demonstrate what he calls, in the words of Pasolini, «the force of the past», namely the invention of musical notation, the conflict between the mathematical and the natural conceptions of music, and the performance of dance music. The study of these three areas, Nanni argues, helps us to understand ourselves as human beings who give meaning to our lives in various ways, as well as the fact that much of our future is already present in the past. In the second contribution, «On the Future of Medieval Studies. A (Chinese) Historian’s Perspective», Hilde DE WEERDT shifts the focus to the history of North Asia. It was an explicit objective of the FIDEM, by tradition focused on Europe, to enlarge its perspective and open up to a more global perspective on the Middle Ages. Quite naturally, different cultures around the world use different periodizations, and it is therefore hardly possible to define a common, global medieval period. But if we take «medieval» as a temporal marker, as De Weerdt wisely suggests, it allows us to make comparisons between cultures that existed around the globe in the same time period, and which, for that reason, we may suppose to have been in contact. De Weerdt plausibly argues that there were, in fact, contacts between Europe and North Asia, and that an exchange of political ideas and concepts of sovereignty took place. This implies, for example, that we can no longer think of a uniquely European form of nation-building, but that, in speaking about Europe, we must take North Asian influences into account. In the course of her analysis, De Weerdt shows how comparative research can profit from biographical databases and historical geographical datasets. She considers the possibilities inherent in these instruments, but also discusses the methodological problems that their users must be aware of. In the final section of her paper, De Weerdt reflects on both her own and her colleagues’ experiences doing comparative history: they do not look for large-scale universal comparisons, but for challenges that question established assumptions and open up new fields of research. Their aim consists in identifying the significance of regional historical developments and, by virtue of their focus on communication and cross-cultural mediation, they seek to turn future Medieval Studies into a global enterprise.

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Digital Humanities Four papers are included in the section on Digital Humanities, which deals with the huge range of possible uses that electronic tools have for the future of Medieval Studies. To be sure, the use of these tools is no longer something that the field needs to adjust to. On the contrary, within the humanities, Medieval Studies was among the very first fields to embrace these new technologies, as is evinced, for example, by the collaboration between Roberto Busa and IBM on the Index Thomisticus in the late 1940s and the establishment of the Library of Latin Texts by Paul Tombeur and Brepols in the early 1990s. Since then, much new experience has been gained, upon which these papers report and on the basis of which they trace new paths. In the first paper, «Open Scholasticism. Editing Networks of Thought in the Digital Age», a team led by Gabriel MÜLLER and Ueli ZAHND argues for a new approach to theological and philosophical texts from the Middle Ages. Similar ideas may also be applied to other fields of medieval research, however, which is what makes these ideas so revolutionary. The team’s point of departure is the fact –well-known to every student of medieval scholasticism– that standard critical editions have their limitations as far as references to sources are concerned. The sources adduced in the apparatus fontium reflect the state of knowledge at the time when the editors publish their editions. These references cannot be linked to those in other editions or automatically adapted in light of additional textual research. These limitations are extremely serious because medieval philosophy and theology are concerned with ideas and sources, the understanding of which was permanently transformed in a process of exchange between the masters of the period. The large number of scholastic questions and disputations that have survived provide evidence of this practice of transformation. It is thus all the more important that researchers studying these texts have access to a tool that helps them to connect the concepts, arguments, and sources identified in these treatises, so as to mirror the medieval process of exchange and to make transparent the network of ideas lying behind all of these texts. It is against the background of the conviction that scholastic knowledge is shared knowledge that the team led by Müller and Zahnd presents the idea of linked open data and discusses future developments in the application of semantic web technology, two technologies that have the potential to dramatically change research in the field of medieval scholasticism.

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The next paper, «De la page numérisée aux sens révélés. Vers une prise en charge automatique du corpus Bible Historiale», by Xavier-Laurent SALVADOR, focuses on a famous thirteenth-century French translation of the Bible composed by Guyart des Moulins, the so-called Bible Historiale, that has survived in more than 140 manuscripts, many of which contain beautiful illustrations. The work was highly influential and also inspired the first printed bibles of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. After dealing with the different sources, how Guyart des Moulins used them in his translation, and the theological views that guided him in the composition of the work, Salvador discusses the different aspects of the digital edition of the text. This digital edition requires special features that all derive from the particular nature of this vernacular work. Not only was the treatise transmitted in different versions, each with its own manuscript traditions, but the manuscripts also vary with respect to the number and quality of the illustrations. Especially challenging is the task of documenting the relationship between text and illumination, which Salvador therefore discusses in detail. In this connection, he reports on the use of open CV for the digital edition of the Bible Historiale. Because many medieval texts also contain illustrations, Salvador's findings will help future editors to make the period’s heritage of manuscript illuminations accessible in digital form. In the third paper, «Humanités Numériques et l’étude de la ville médiévale. Le cas de Coimbra», Maria Amélia Álvaro de CAMPOS compares the digital approach to historical sources with a traditional one, in order to discover what benefits and problems are associated with each of these procedures. She does this by focusing on archival documents that contain information about the history of Coimbra in the period between the twelfth and fifteenth century. The paper opens with references to her broader project, which constitutes the context of her current research, and gives information about the history of Coimbra as a background to the reflections that she presents here. As Campos reports, much of the social and prosopographical information provided by the historical documents from Coimbra has been entered into databases, allowing for connections to be established between individuals, as well as between individuals and material goods, that are mentioned in a large number of archival documents covering several centuries in total. The databases achieve this in only a fraction of the time that it takes using traditional methods. At the same time, the creation of these databases is a time-consuming activity and requires special attention and expertise. Campos discusses this tension

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with detailed references to the archival documents and the digital tools that can exploit them. This tension is felt in a negative way when the databases are still being assembled. However, once these tools are widely available and can be consulted freely, even by non-specialists, they will help to make historical information more accessible to members of the public, who may thus develop an interest in the Middle Ages, a strategy that is further discussed in Polidoro’s contribution in the history section below. In the final paper of the section on Digital Humanities, «L’angoissante question de la fiabilité de nos instruments de travail et particulièrement de beaucoup de bases de données», Paul TOMBEUR pleads for the creation of high-quality databases, especially ones that provide texts of medieval sources, arguing that the users of these databases need to be well informed about what they can provide and what they cannot. These new tools are a great help for researchers, since they make possible extremely complex textual analyses of huge quantities of sources. But these new techniques also require the human mind to adapt. Researchers must not only understand the nature and the language of the texts they consult, but also have knowledge of the capacities and the qualities of the tools they are using. Otherwise, they will not be able to assess the results of their enquiries to the degree that is necessary to answer their research questions. Not all databases have the same high standards, and a comparison reveals that they may yield significantly different results, depending on the precise nature of the materials included, as Tombeur shows by means of several examples. That they differ seems self-evident, but it is readily forgotten when we are under pressure to finish research projects and do not take the time to carefully inform ourselves about the nature and quality of the tools we are using. That we may easily put convenience before caution is a risk that we constantly need to be aware of, as we head into the digital future of Medieval Studies.

History History has always been a key discipline in Medieval Studies. An engagement with documents, texts, and material remains from a distant past raises methodological questions, induces researchers to assemble teams, and causes them reflect on the future of Medieval Studies as Public History, as the five contributions in this section attest.

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In the first paper, «European barbaricum? Non-simultaneity of the Middle Ages: Germanic, Slavic and Baltic Societies», Vytautas VOLUNGEVIČIUS calls our attention to the methodological problems of comparative history. As is often the case, similar phenomena do not always appear simultaneously in different areas. At the same time, however, their similarity makes possible a structural comparison that may help us to arrive at a better understanding of why and how these phenomena came into being and either dominated the cultural landscape or disappeared. Volungevičius exemplifies the situation at issue by discussing different sets of juridical texts that were in use at different places in Europe before its Christianization. Against this background, he addresses the broader problem of the European historical narrative, whether or not it makes sense to speak of a common European culture, especially in the Early Middle Ages, and what the methodological advantages of affirming this are, as he proposes to do. The next three contributions deal with a common subject of historical study, the Vademecum of the first Count of Haro, Don Pedro Fernández de Velasco. The Vademecum is a fifteenth-century florilegium with Latin, Spanish, and French extracts from different, mostly religious works that were kept in the library of the count. The articles show how teamwork in Medieval Studies is able to shed new light on the religious and intellectual life of the Late Middle Ages. In his contribution, Antonio ESPIGARES PINILLA, «San Agustín en el Vademecum del Conde de Haro», examines the part of the Vademecum that contains extracts from the works of Augustine and pseudoAugustine. This part is special, as it includes fragments that are in French, which is unique in the Vademecum, and some extracts are different in the two extant manuscripts of the compilation, which enables a comparison. In his library, the Count of Haro possessed a number of works by Augustine and pseudo-Augustine. Espigares Pinilla points out that the compiler used these manuscripts from the count’s library. He also shows how the compiler proceeded in making the collection. Remarkably, the compiler transposed some of the fragments into verse, obviously being inspired by the rhythmic prose of the French translation he used as his source. Espigares Pinilla closes his paper by highlighting that this section of the Vademecum testifies to a new sense of religiosity, typical of the Hospital de la Vera Cruz in the late fifteenth century, that focuses on devotion and humility. Also dealing with the Vademecum, in her contribution, «La Carta de Léntulo al senado de Roma en el Vademecum del conde de Haro»,

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Montserrat JIMÉNEZ SAN CRISTÓBAL examines a Spanish version of the apocryphal Epistula Lentuli ad senatum Romanum that is contained in the treatise. The letter was composed sometime in the thirteenth or fourteenth century with the aim of evoking Christological devotion among its readers, which might explain its widespread popularity. The version in the Vademecum has been adapted to fit the religious program of the time. Jiménez San Cristóbal examines the Christological content and the transmission of the letter. In order to arrive at a clearer understanding of this adaptation and to determine which version may have served as its source, she compares it with the letter as it has been transmitted in other manuscripts and concludes that the source was probably a Latin, rather than a Spanish version. Finally, Jimenez San Cristóbal discusses the letter and its adaptation in the context of the spiritual message expressed by the Vademecum. In the third paper devoted to the Vademecum, «Pasajes revisitados del primer Conde de Haro en el Vademecum del ms. BNE 9522», Beatriz FERNÁNDEZ DE LA CUESTA analyzes the marks found in the margins of the two manuscripts of the Vademecum, the original draft and the final copy. These annotations are different in nature and were made by various hands, including that of Don Pedro Fernández de Velasco himself, who read the work attentively over a long period of time. The latter’s engagement with the Vademecum is apparent from the ink of the marks and the underlining in the final copy of the original draft, which, as Fernández de la Cuesta shows, are all by the Count of Haro. Furthermore, using the information provided by these notes, she reveals what the count’s preferred reading was, namely political matters, health issues, and advice about how to select good advisers. As such, the notes in the Vademecum provide the modern reader with valuable insights into the concerns and mindset of a fifteenthcentury Spanish ruler. Luca POLIDORO closes this section with his paper «Medieval Studies and Public History. A Challenge for the Present». Here, he looks to the future of Medieval Studies and makes a plea for opening up the field to a larger public. In this connection, he discusses the notion of Public History, which in his view should help to construct the collective memories of communities. Academics can assist with this and open people’s minds to a balanced perspective that respects history, but that is also prepared to judge the past from a modern perspective, especially when controversial issues are at stake, such as colonialism and migration. Likewise, researchers will

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benefit from this exchange with a wider audience by becoming aware of new approaches and areas of study. Polidoro discusses a number of possibilities for bringing Medieval Studies to the public, focusing on the concept of experiential learning developed by Kolb and Fry, while completing his tour d’horizon by presenting three cases which he considers to be good examples of how Medieval Studies can learn from Public History and vice versa.

Literature Literary texts stimulate human creativity, a process that is not bound to a specific historical period, as if only the products of one’s own contemporary culture had that capacity. The situation is, in reality, rather different. Because it is unusual, the past intrigues us. It allows to see the present in a distant mirror. The three essays in this section show, each in its own way, that medieval literature has the power to raise questions that are relevant today, and to open up interdisciplinary research, linking, for example, literature with theology. In the first essay, «Chances and Opportunities – Medieval Texts and Modern Cultural Paradigms: A Postcolonial Queer Reading of the Medieval Crusade Narrative Herzog Ernst», Seraina PLOTKE draws attention to the fact that within the humanities, Medieval Studies included, there is a growing interest in topics that drastically call into question long-established convictions, especially in the realm of sexuality. In her view, the study of medieval texts not only reveals the past, but also helps us to understand today’s culture as well. She exemplifies this view by means of an extensive analysis of the narrative of Duke Ernst in its Middle High German version (Herzog Ernst B). This narrative plays with identical and opposing gender models of courtship, thus exposing and testing, along with the reader, patterns of meaningful human relationships. As Plotke argues, the way in which the readers make their choices for and against, when interpreting these models, is dependent on their own cultural understanding. A text like Duke Ernst therefore offers perfect material for classroom discussions with students who are finding their way in the world of human relationships. In the next contribution, «Interpretation of Medieval Texts between Literature and Theology in La Queste del Saint Graal», Monica RUSET OANCA discusses theological elements in what is clearly a literary text,

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namely the The Quest of the Holy Grail. Her focus is on the coming together of individual freedom and divine providence, which happens when the story’s characters are confronted with signs of divine foreknowledge. In this connection, she also examines the elements of prophetic visions that are mentioned in the text. In order to reveal the narrative’s theological background, Ruset Oanca refers to the works of Thomas Aquinas, in particular the parts of the Summa Theologiae dealing with human freedom and divine knowledge. It is Ruset Oanca’s conviction that The Quest distinguishes itself by the personal relationships the protagonists have with God, and that this characteristic feature is in line with the teachings of Thomas. Studying The Quest of the Holy Grail therefore requires interdisciplinary expertise from both medieval literary studies and medieval theology. The final paper of this section, «La colección de Miracula Beatae Mariae Virginis del ms. 9289 de la Biblioteca Nacional de España», by Irene VILLARROEL FERNÁNDEZ, focuses on a manuscript that was part of the library of Don Pedro Fernández de Velasco, the first Count of Haro, whose Vademecum is extensively discussed in the history section of this volume. The manuscript in question, which is now in the Spanish National Library, contains a collection of 49 miracles extracted from different sources. Villarroel Fernández provides us with a detailed description of the manuscript, as well as an analysis of the origin and nature of these miracles. She observes, for example, that the miracles are abbreviated and labelled as exempla, which indicates that they were intended to be used in sermons. As such, they were adapted to a practice that was very popular in the Late Middle Ages. More generally, however, they testify to the process of customizing traditional materials to contemporary needs, a technique that Luca Polidoro discusses from the perspective of modern Public History in his contribution in the history section.

Philosophy and Theology The closing section of this volume is dedicated to the two disciplines that make up what came to be referred to as scholasticism, an intellectual enterprise that originated in the Middle Ages, namely philosophy and theology. As the five contributions in this section show, however, scholastic philosophy and theology were not monolithic ventures, but encompassed

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very different approaches and strategies. Since they reveal the intellectual inventiveness of the period, they constitute a necessary part of Medieval Studies, both as it is practiced today and as it will be practiced in the future. In the opening paper, «Editing Alcuin’s Disputatio de uera philosophia and Ars grammatica. New Findings, Methodology, and Problems», Isabela GRIGORAȘ reports about her work on the critical edition of two texts of Alcuin of York. Critical editions are extremely important for future research, since they guarantee a trustworthy textual foundation of the texts we use, inform us about the number, nature, and quality of their witnesses, and reveal details of their reception. Grigoraș discusses several methods of critical editing against the background of the manuscript evidence for her texts, examining their advantages and disadvantages. She closes her paper with an overview of how, in earlier editions, Alcuin’s works were modified through omissions, additions, and changes in wording, thereby enhancing our knowledge of the way in which past editors wanted these works to be understood. In his contribution, «Analogie et anagogie dans les écrits de Maxime le Confesseur. Essai sur une “herméneutique eucharistique”», Florin CRÎȘMĂREANU discusses the notion of analogy of being in the texts of the Greek Church Fathers, in particular those of pseudo-Dionysius and Maximus the Confessor. With this last thinker, he also investigates the relationship between analogy and anagogy –that is, the manner in which understanding of the Scriptures helps the human soul to find its way to God, the perfect being. Inspired by Jean-Luc Marion, Crîșmăreanu shows that this ascension is triggered by the real presence of Christ, exemplified by the meeting of Christ with the two disciples of his who went to Emmaus (Luke 24, 13-35). By reading Maximus the Confessor through the lens of Marion, he demonstrates the fruitfulness of connecting medieval and contemporary thinking. The third paper, «Anaxagoras in the Late Middle Ages. A Doxographical Study of Thomas of York’s Sapientiale», by Nadia BRAY, examines the reception of a pre-Socratic philosopher in a late-medieval philosophical handbook, Thomas of York’s Sapientiale. As Bray shows, the information about Anaxagoras provided in this treatise, which was taken from different sources, is not limited to doxographical information alone. Rather, Thomas of York links the thoughts of Anaxagoras to different philosophical schools, including the Stoics, thus testifying to his understanding of the history of philosophy. For him, the different philosophers active throughout history

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were looking for the same truth. Therefore, unlike for example Albert the Great, Thomas of York perceives the opposition between Stoicism and Aristotelianism to be non-fundamental, which, in turn, determines his characterization of Anaxagoras. At the end of her paper, Bray contextualizes Thomas of York’s concordistic position, linking it to Oxford and opposing it to the cultural climate in Paris and Cologne associated with Albert the Great, thus underlining that late-medieval scholasticism contained very different views on its own philosophical past. In the next contribution, «Le progrès des traductions françaises de l’œuvre de Raymond Lulle du Moyen Âge aux temps modernes», Constantin TELEANU examines how, when, and under what conditions the works of Raymond Lull were translated into French. Lull, who was himself an extraordinarily prolific writer, composed works in a variety of languages. Remarkably, the medieval French translations of his treatises all date from the thirteenth century and were taken from Catalan originals or Occitan renditions. It was only in the seventeenth century that new French translations were produced, bringing to an end a period of several centuries without any new versions in that language. By then, however, the focus was not on Lull’s vernacular, but on his Latin texts. As Teleanu points out, it was the existence of a whole school of adherents to Lull’s thinking which stood behind the renewed interest in this late medieval thinker. Lull is therefore a good example of how thirteenth-century scholasticism was transmitted into different languages and across different time periods. The closing article of this section, and of the volume as whole, «With Feet on the Ground. Some Remarks about Vulgarization of Christian Thought on Nueva Granada (1758-1767)», by Nicolás MARTÍNEZ BEJARANO, continues to examine the modern period, as Teleanu in the foregoing contribution already did. Martínez Bejarano’s focus is on the Wonders of Nature of the Franciscan Friar Juan de Santa Gertrudis, a treatise composed in the second half on the eighteenth century. In this work, Juan de Santa Gertrudis discusses the practice of baptism with reference to his own experiences as a missionary, converting the indigenous Americans. Martínez Bejarano compares the reflections of Juan de Santa Gertrudis with the ideas of Thomas Aquinas and Francisco de Vitoria. Significantly, and in contrast to his scholastic predecessors, Juan de Santa Gertrudis’ concern when converting the indigenous Americans to Christianity was not so much the soul and the force of the rational argument, but rather the natural and cultural world in which the indigenous Americans lived. Do

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the Wonders of Nature reveal that scholasticism, when confronted with a culture different from the one it originated in, was not able to serve as a tool to cope with the problems of religious practice, as it did in Europe? The readers themselves should be the judges here. It is our hope that this volume offers a characteristic glimpse of the variety, sophistication, and creativity of Medieval Studies today. In this connection, we are grateful to the people and institutions that contributed in various ways to the organization of the 6th European Congress of Medieval Studies and to the publication of this volume. We would like to thank the FIDEM Board for supporting the whole project, Ana Gómez Rabal for her reliable assistance in the preparation of the manuscript, the University of Basel for its generous financial grant, the Department of Arts, Media, Philosophy for its uncomplicated hosting of the Congress, and, last but not least, the Congress’ erudite speakers –including both those who, for various reasons, could not contribute to this volume and, especially, the authors of the following chapters– for their learning, originality, and, above all, patience.

INTRODUCTORY PERSPECTIVES

MATTEO NANNI* MEDIEVAL PAST, MEDIEVAL FUTURE

1. Introduction When I was invited to give the inaugural paper for this all-important scientific congress on Medieval Studies Today I thought: «How can I make musicological research useful and fruitful for the conference’s focus?» After working on the idea for some time, I realized that something else was necessary. Something more pertinent, more essential. I began to ask myself: «Why am I studying and teaching the history of medieval music?», «What is the reason for my fascination with medieval culture?», «Why do I like digging in the past more and more?» One could say that Medieval Studies is, as Nietzsche put it, «unfashionable»1, but, actually... I feel very comfortable with that. Perhaps because I need something like a coral reef to practice my own thinking. As Gregory Bateson has so prominently observed, science always looks for a «coral reef with its aggregate of organisms interlocking in their relationships»2. We search for such complexities in order to become aware of ideas that help us to understand ourselves and, at the same time, that help us to project ourselves into the future. So for me, this coral reef is music culture from the Middle Ages. But please do not ask me: «Why the Middle Ages?» It was for me, as the great historian Marc Bloch wrote3, a free choice, and... that is all! Of course, one could look for and find objective evidence that demonstrates why medieval music is so interesting: for instance, revolutionary inventions such as music notation, composition, polyphony, the astonishing evolution of the *

Justus-Liebig-Universität, Gießen, Institut für Musikwissenschaft und -pädagogik, Karl-Glöckner-Str. 21D D-35394 Gießen, [email protected] 1 F. NIETZSCHE, Unfashionable Observations, transl. by R. T. GRAY, Stanford University Press, Stanford 1995 (The complete Works of Friedrich Nietzsche, 2). 2 GR. BATESON, Steps to an Ecology of Mind, University of Chicago Press, Chicago 2000, p. 490. 3 M. BLOCH, The Historian’s Craft, transl. by R. P. PUTNAM, Manchester University Press, Manchester 1992, pp. 17-39. See also R. G. COLLINGWOOD, The Idea of History, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1946, p. 317.

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Ars Subtilior, the compound of irrationality and lucidity in music theory. And these are just a few examples! But actually, it would be missing the point to accumulate evidence upon evidence, regardless of how persuasive it might be. Much more important is the fact that studying and teaching medieval music history is a passion... it is my passion. One of the reasons for coming together here in Basel over these past few days is to exchange our ideas on the future of medieval studies. I do not think that the future of our studies depends on the objects that we deal with. In my opinion it probably also does not depend on which source we study or on the research methods we apply. Rather, I am convinced that it depends on us: on what type of medieval historians we are, or we want to be. Frankly, I do not think that the simple wish to conserve memories of the past is sufficient to substantiate the claim of our question. Neither am I convinced by the antiquarian attitude, nor by the conservative narrative of the Great Book- or Great Ideas-Project. Both are based ontologically on the same authoritarian logic as the megalomania of some medievalists who think that their own objects of research are indispensable to humanity. In fact, I do not want to discuss the question in terms of relevance or utility. I would rather prefer to think about how we deal with the past. In other words, how obvious and natural it is for us, as women and men living in the 21st century, to deal with musical, artistic or philosophical sources from the Middle Ages. And actually for many of us it is indeed obvious. Pier Paolo Pasolini, a poet of the modernity –or somehow, without being aware of it, a poet of the postmodernity– gave us, I believe, a valuable clue to that question in a short poem written in 1962. In this poem the author tells us, of course poetically, about a really good alternative to the idea of preserving and conserving dead history. Pasolini provides evidence to show that the past is not a monumental cemetery. Dealing with history is a free act of affection; it is, again, a passion. Pasolini, who was also a film director, uses this poem in his movie La Ricotta (directed in 1963), a movie within the movie. The plot is simple: a director (played by Orson Welles) is making a movie about the Passion of Christ. During a shooting break, a simple-minded journalist asks him for an interview.

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Image 1: Screenshot from the movie by Pier Paolo Pasolini La Ricotta (1963), https://youtu.be/pMNZLBBuZFY?t=824. Last accessed April 6, 2021. Io sono una forza del Passato. Solo nella tradizione è il mio amore. Vengo dai ruderi, dalle chiese, dalle pale d’altare, dai borghi abbandonati sugli Appennini o le Prealpi, dove sono vissuti i fratelli. Giro per la Tuscolana come un pazzo, per l’Appia come un cane senza padrone. O guardo i crepuscoli, le mattine su Roma, sulla Ciociaria, sul mondo, come i primi atti della Dopostoria, cui io assisto, per privilegio d’anagrafe, dall’orlo estremo di qualche età sepolta. Mostruoso è chi è nato dalle viscere di una donna morta. E io, feto adulto, mi aggiro più moderno di ogni moderno a cercare fratelli che non sono più.4 4

4

I am a force from the Past. My love is in tradition alone. I come from the ruins, from the Churches, from the altar-pieces, from the villages forgotten on the Apennines and on the Pre-Alps, where the brothers lived. I wander on Tuscolana like a madman, on the Appia like a dog without a master. Oh look at the twilights, the dawns over Rome, over Ciociaria, over the world, like the first acts of Post-History, at which I am present thanks to the year of my birth, at the extreme edge of some buried age. Monstrous is he who is born from the womb of a dead woman. And I, adult foetus, wander about more modern than any modern in search of brothers who are no longer.5

5

P. P. PASOLINI, «10.6.1962», in Poesia in forma di rosa, in Bestemmia, vol. 2, Ed. by G. CHIARCOSSI and W. SITI, Garzanti, Milano 1995, p. 637. 5 Translation quoted after S. ROHDIE, The Passion of Pier Paolo Pasolini, Indiana University Press, Bloomington – Indianapolis 1995, p. 14.

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To be a force from the Past does not mean a mere identification with the past or the nostalgic wish to live projected in it. In the poem, the idea of Force means the ability to live in the present, detecting the most vital elements from the past. For a historian who is aware of his or her own condition –or, quoting Pasolini, who is conscious of living the «first acts of Post-History»– the attachment to tradition seems to be a way of being «more modern than any modern». Wandering «in search of brothers who are no more» is a real act of love. The same love that the historian feels for its objects. In other words: the historian needs to have an affinity for the objects he or she is studying. If the historian has a special affinity to the men and women of the past –Pasolini calls them «brothers»– this perhaps is because of a «common human nature uniting the historian»6 to them. But this common nature is not given a priori. It is a product of the communication with the ideas and feelings of those «brothers and sisters who are no longer» to whom Pasolini refers. Some historians have called that idea «empathy»7. We could say that the empathetic relationship between historians and historical objects is the conditio sine qua non for our work. And as long as we have that capacity for empathy, as long as we are able to transmit that fascination and that love of medieval culture to our students, the question about the future of medieval studies is redundant. But let us return to the idea of our meeting: the conference description includes the following question: «Today, what does the medieval past mean for a global and culturally diverse future?» This is indeed a crucial question that offers us a choice: to live the present in a conscious way, or to live it a-historically. In the beginning of his essay On the Utility and Liability of History for Life (the second part of Unfashionable Observations) Friedrich Nietzsche describes the following situation: Observe the herd as it grazes past you: it cannot distinguish yesterday from today, leaps about, eats, sleeps, digests, leaps some more, and carries on like this from morning to night and from day to day, tethered by the short leash of its pleasures and displeasures to the stake of the moment, and thus it is neither melancholy nor bored. It is hard on the human being to observe this, because he 6

COLLINGWOOD, The Idea of History, p. 65. See T. RETZ, Empathy and History. Historical Understanding in Re-enactment, Hermeneutics and Education, Berghahn, New York – Oxford 2018, pp. 155-160. 7

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boasts about the superiority of his happiness –for the one and only thing that he desires is to live like an animal, neither bored nor in pain, and yet he desires this in vain, because he does not desire it in the same way as does the animal. The human being might ask the animal: «Why do you just look at me like that instead of telling me about your happiness?» The animal wanted to answer, «Because I always immediately forget what I wanted to say» –but it had already forgotten this answer (too) and hence said nothing, so the human being was left to wonder.8

In this passage, Nietzsche identifies happiness with living a-historically. However, my aim is not to discuss Nietzsche’s philosophy. I wish only to outline our question: asking about the meaning of the Medieval past for our future implies that memory is relevant to our lives (perhaps at the expense of happiness). It also implies that we consider our lives as a point in time that is invariably stuck between the past and future, as Pasolini shows us. We can choose to design the future aware of the past or to seek happiness, forgetting what we want to say. The awareness that we live in a global world situated between the past and future grants us the status of intermediaries. We are negotiators who mediate between the ideas and mentalities of the past and the ideas and mentalities of the future. From this perspective, we are not crushed between a reactionary conservatism and an iconoclastic severing from history. We can choose a third path. Pasolini’s metaphor of a «Force from the past» grasps fully the dialectic of past and future that I want to outline here. From that perspective we can look to the culture and arts of the past with new eyes –and listen to them with new ears.

2. Theory and Method (Hermeneutics) Actually, I am here today to tell you what my passion for medieval music history is based on, and to reflect on my decision to deal with all that old stuff. In that respect, an author I find very inspiring is Robin George Collingwood. His hermeneutics of history is based on the idea that facing a historical source does not only mean to extract what it exposes or narrates, but to go behind the empirical facts. Following what he calls «the logic 8

NIETZSCHE, Unfashionable Observations, p. 87.

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of question and answer»9 the historian has to look beyond the observable fact. In particular, the historian should always look for the question that lies behind a statement. For him as a philosopher, a question is always a thought, an idea. From an anti-positivistic point of view Collingwood seeks to reenact history in terms of actualizing those thoughts and ideas: «historical knowledge», he points out, «is the re-enactment in the historian’s mind of the thought whose history he is studying»10. His idea recalls a historical approach developed by another very inspiring author: Benedetto Croce. In a discussion of the theory of history, the Italian philosopher asks: «Do you wish to understand the true history of a Ligurian or Sicilian Neolithic man?»; to which he astonishingly and cleverly answers: «First of all, try if it be [sic] possible to make yourself mentally into a Ligurian or Sicilian neolithic man»11. The core idea of this rather idealistic suggestion is that «every true history is contemporary history»12 as well as the history of the past. Every historical experience has to be made in the present. History is somehow always a process of actualization. And it is exactly in this sense that Collingwood defines his theory of re-enactment: «To re-enact an experience or re-think a thought [...] means enacting an experience or performing an act of thought resembling the first, or it means enacting an experience or performing an act of thought literally identical with the first»13. Despite all the pertinent and not so pertinent criticism that followed this philosophy of history, I think this approach still remains valid. (For example, to re-think the notion of historical performance). One of the aspects of hermeneutics that has always caught my attention is the productive idea that art can be considered a testimony of history. Philosophical, theological, scientific and artistic works of the Middle Ages can still be read, heard and, though not always immediately, understood and interpreted. A philosophical summa from scholasticism or a medieval medical tract testifies to the mentality and ideas of an epoch just as much as a musical composition, painting or cathedral. Anyone who reads Dante’s 9 R. G. COLLINGWOOD, An Autobiography and other Writings, Ed. by D. BOUCHER and T. SMITH, Oxford University Press, Oxford 2013, pp. 29-43. 10 COLLINGWOOD, An Autobiography, p. 112. 11 B. CROCE, «Theory of historiography», in History. Its Theory and Practice, transl. by D. AINSLIE, Harcourt, Brace and Company, New York 1921, p. 134. 12 CROCE, Theory of historiography, p. 12. 13 COLLINGWOOD, The Idea of History, pp. 283-284.

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Divine Comedy today will read much more than just a travelogue of the three otherworldly realms. Apart from the immediately comprehensible layer of meaning of the poetic text, he or she will be confronted with a vivid picture of the feeling and thinking men and women of the early 14th century. But what can we understand about this real person? What is conveyed beyond the materiality of a written and notated text or painted surface? The main question is: how can such a hermeneutics of art be more than just a description of artefacts? What is certain is that in every man-made object, sediments of what the world was at the time of the making of this product are always bound together; sediments waiting to be interpreted and understood. All creations produced artificially by humans record historical events, philosophical impulses, religious and political developments, feelings and thoughts of all kinds, as if they are seismographs. Thus, they can be considered historical witnesses. If Harold Powers demands that we should understand the music theorists of bygone days not as witnesses but rather as lawyers14 of musical matters, then it should be added that there is indeed no shortage of witnesses. The artefacts themselves –from a gothic cathedral to Dante’s Terzines, from a neumed tropary to the frescoes by Cimabue and Giotto– are able to bear witness to the past. Anyone who hears a Notre Dame organum today can hear much more than just the elemental polyphony; he or she can feel some of the experience of strangeness that befell the church visitor in Paris around 1170. So, we can conclude that musical works from the Middle Ages document much more than their simple existence. Concurrently, they register what happened in a very specific way, a way which is not given to any other kind of historical witness.

3. Three Examples I. The early forms of musical notation that have spread across Europe since the second half of the 9th century are not central only to music history, but are also relevant to a broader cultural history of visualization. The 14

H. POWERS, «Is Mode Real? Pietro Aron, the Octenary System, and Polyphony», Basler Jahrbuch für historische Musikpraxis, 16 (1992) 10.

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examination of the history of notation from the perspective of theory of writing and notational iconicity (Schriftbildlichkeit)15 is for this reason urgently needed. During the late Carolingian period musicians began to implement different types of musical notation, searching for visual strategies16 in order to write down liturgical songs. The neumes are the best-known forms, but other types of notation were also invented. 9th- and 10th-century treatises transmit other possibilities of the visualization of music, which were initially developed for theoretical purposes, and were soon also implemented for practical use. In the Musica enchiriadis and Scolica enchiriadis, two anonymous writings from the late 9th century, we find for the first time in history a diagrammatic notation.

15 In continuity with J. Derrida’s debate on script a philosophical discussion on writing and on notational iconicity was initiated, see: S. KRÄMER, «Writing, Notational Iconicity, Calculus: On Writing as a Cultural Technique», Modern Languages Notes, 118 (2003) 518-537; S. KRÄMER, «Operative Bildlichkeit. Von der ‚Grammatologie‘ zu einer ‚Diagrammatologie‘? Reflexionen über erkennendes ‚Sehen‘», in M. HESSLER – D. MERSCH (eds.), Logik des Bildlichen. Zur Kritik der ikonischen Vernunft, transcript, Bielefeld 2009, pp. 94-122; S. KRÄMER, «Notational Iconicity: A New Concept in the Humanities», in B. KOCHAN (ed.), Granshan: Design and Identity. The NonLatin Typeface Project, Typographische Gesellschaft, München 2014, pp. 160-165; S. KRÄMER, Figuration, Anschauung, Erkenntnis. Grundlinien einer Diagrammatologie, Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main 2016. 16 Discerning the visual strategies of musical notations is a theoretical perspective which is based both on notational iconicity (see previous footnote) and iconic criticism: G. BOEHM, «Zu einer Hermeneutik des Bildes», in H.-G. GADAMER – G. BOEHM (eds.), Seminar: Die Hermeneutik und die Wissenschaften, Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main 1978, pp. 444-471; G. BOEHM (ed.), Was ist ein Bild?, Wilhelm Fink, München 1994; G. BOEHM, Wie Bilder Sinn erzeugen. Die Macht des Zeigens, Berlin University Press, Berlin 2007. For a specific discourse on medieval musical notation see: M. NANNI, «Das Bildliche der Musik. Gedanken zum iconic turn», in M. CALELLA – N. URBANEK (eds.), Historische Musikwissenschaft, Metzler, Stuttgart 2013, pp. 402-428; M. NANNI (ed.), Die Schrift des Ephemeren. Konzepte musikalischer Notationen, Schwabe, Basel 2015; M. NANNI, «Musikalische Diagramme zwischen Spätantike und Karolingerzeit», Das Mittelalter, 22, 2 (2017) 273-293 and M. NANNI (ed.), Von der Oralität zum SchriftBild. Visuelle Kultur und musikalische Notation im 9. bis 11. Jahrhundert, Wilhelm Fink, Paderborn 2019.

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Image 2: Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Lat. 7212, f. 9r.

This graph is part of a polychrome exemplar of the Musica enchiriadis, which was probably copied in Burgundy by the end of the 11th century17. The type of notation here is regarded as one of the earliest manifestations of the representation of exact pitches. It is a paradigmatic example of the endeavour for diagrammatic visualization of polyphonic music. The question is: in what way is polyphonic singing made visible? This noted diagram has a real visual logic. It is the specificities of this logic that I want to discuss. On the left side of the column is one version of the 4-voice organum of the verse Sit gloria domini; on the right side, a second version of it. The four vertically stacked voices are marked in four different colours: the vox principalis is dark orange; the vox organalis pale yellow; the green-marked voice is doubling the vox principalis; and the blue is doubling the vox 17

Paris, BnF, Lat. 7212, f. 9r.

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organalis. The result is four layers consisting of two pairs of four voices. This diagram brings the polyphonic structure clearly into view. The pitches are arranged vertically in a multicoloured pillar and are marked by special symbols, the so-called Dasia signs18. These signs can be transcribed in modern notation as follows:

Image 3: Transcription of the four-part Organum Sit Gloria domini.

The syllables of the sung text are inscribed in imagined lines in such a way that the melodic progression is traced in the space of the parchment. The pitch of the four parallel voices is represented by its assigned locations 18 On origin and diffusion of this treatise and of this type of notation see A. C. SANTOSUOSSO, Letter Notations in the Middle Ages, The Institute of Mediaeval Music, Ottawa 1989, pp. 18-36; the preface in Musica and Scolica Enchiriadis, Ed. by R. ERICKSON, Yale University Press, New Haven [1995], pp. xix-liv and B. HEBBORN, Die Dasia-Notation, Orpheus-Verlag, Bonn 1995.

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on the Y-axis; the time course is represented through the text flow on the X-axis. Here the text itself becomes a part of the notation as the syllables sketch the contour of the melody on the diagram’s surface. This chart draws iconically the graphic outline of two variants of the melody of the verse. By showing these two variants, the notation gives the reader the possibility to compare them and renders visible the differences between the two melodies. The visual logic that characterizes this score is therefore the same as the so-called timeline diagrams. As a diagram, this early type of notation proceeds with a metaphorical spatiality that is based on the categories of top and down or above and below as «visual correspondences» between what we can hear and what we can see. Top and down become, in late Carolingian music manuscripts, diagrammatic coordinates of musical notation. These concepts replaced the ancient difference between high and low, which was designated by acutus (sharp, pointed, acute) and gravis (heavy, serious, grave). With new forms of diagrammatic notation, the graphic-visual idea of the spatial distance –the spatium between the tones– imposed a new conception of the imaging of music. In other words, this type of notation represents the iconic imprint of a temporal phenomenon on the metaphorical space of the writing surface. These musical sources testify to radical change in the idea of how music is perceived, a change that, as in the case we have just seen, has had a lasting impact to this day. This observation reminds me of Croce’s and Collingwood’s idea that every historical experience has to be made in the present, and that history is always a process of actualization. And this leads us to a second example that may show this idea in a more detailed way. The point is that an interest in medieval culture should not be motivated by romantic nostalgia. I am of course conscious of living in the contemporary world. So I observe that we are now living in a historical and political situation, which, after the big wave of globalization, has recently changed again: we are currently confronted with the onset of localism, nationalism and of authoritarian souverainism, a trend which is rapidly spreading throughout the world. The political ideology of separation, the urge of division is present in the very tangible facts we read in newspapers on a daily basis. Even if this logic seems to penetrate many cultural fields, we can find alternatives to it. However, I do not think it is appropriate to discuss this now. What I want to do is to borrow a concept from this topical issue in order to further the discussion and my reflections. I want to give an example, even if it is

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a bit abstract. If we talk about a subject matter, we often understand it in accordance with the either-or principle. This idea of exclusion, this logic of exclusive classes, was deconstructed and criticized in a very inspiring way by Robin Collingwood. As an answer to the logic of division he proposed the concept of «overlap of classes». With a then still fresh anti-positivistic élan, he recognized that in a philosophical discourse, categories are never «mutually exclusive» as there is always a possibility of negotiation between different categories: «The specific classes of a philosophical genus», so he points out, «do not exclude one another, they overlap one another»19. For me, the essential point of the idea of the «overlap of classes» is that it can be connected to very similar ideas from the past. The result of connecting old and new ideas is to discover new possibilities to understand history, to understand the present and to create new ideas for the future. II. During 13th-century scholasticism, the desire arose among university scholars to establish a system of sciences based on universal logical principles. The starting point for this was the Aristotelian division of science into physics, mathematics and metaphysics.20 On the one hand there are the mathematical disciplines which are based on a demonstrative method that points out the numerical structure of its own objects –the propter quid (διότι). On the other hand, the natural disciplines apply an inductive method to question natural phenomena– the quia (ὅτι). These two cultures of knowledge theorized in Aristotle’s Analytica posteriora aim respectively at an ontological and a phenomenological perspective of knowledge. Therefore, the medieval divisio scientiae21 was founded 19

R. G. COLLINGWOOD, Essay on Philosophical Method, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1933, p. 31. 20 In this context, the epistemological model of subalternation is affirmed within scholasticism, a model which, as Max Haas pointed out, immediately transforms into a more extensive «subalternation theory». M. HAAS, Musikalisches Denken im Mittelalter. Eine Einführung, Peter Lang, Bern 2005, p. 105. See also U. KÖPF, Die Anfänge der Theologischen Wissenschaftstheorie im 13. Jahrhundert, J.C.B. Mohr, Tübingen 1974. 21 I refer to the homonymous treatise written between 1285 and 1295 by Fra Remigio dei Girolami. See the Italian critical edition edited by E. PANELLA, «Un’introduzione alla filosofia in uno ‘studium’ dei frati Predicatori del XIII secolo. ‘Divisio scientie’ di Remigio dei Girolami», Memorie domenicane, 12 (1981) 27-126.

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on the distinction between a method «mos mathematicorum», and a «habitus demonstrativus» based on the evidence of the experience of the senses.22 These two perspectives of knowledge bear a century-old conflict between a mathematical culture that seeks for speculative knowledge and a culture that looks at natural phenomena in an empirical way. Since Saint Augustin the opposition between rationality and sensual perception, between «numerositas» and «materialitas», was discussed vigorously in theology and philosophy. In this context music had a singular role in explaining this opposition. It became a means of coping with the conflict between mathematical and physical sciences in the specific intellectual context of later scholastic Aristotelism. Aristotle’s Analytica Posteriora defined a scientific theory in which both cultures of knowledge –the ontological knowledge of the essence and the physical knowledge of nature– were inserted into a logical structure of supra- and subordination. In this context Aristotle himself repeatedly referred to music. The individual sciences were thus arranged according to the following epistemic scheme: A. Superordinate Geometry Stereometry Arithmetics sciences (geometria)* (stereometria) (arismetica)

Astronomy (astrologia)

Subordinate Optics Mechanics sciences (perspectiva) (mechanica)

Observational Astronomy (apparentia)

Harmonics (armonica)

* Latin translation after: Aristoteles Latinus, Translatio Iacobi23

22 See: P. SCHULTHESS – R. IMBACH, Die Philosophie im lateinischen Mittelalter. Ein Handbuch mit einem bio-bibliographischen Repertorium, Artemis und Winkler, Zürich [1996], p. 170. This paragraph is based on: M. NANNI, Die Leiblichkeit der Musik. Studien zur musikalischen Wissenskultur in Padua und zur frühen TrecentoBallata (1250–1360), Olms, Hildesheim 2018, pp. 142-163.

Aristoteles Latinus, Anal. Post. Transl. Iacobi I.13, 78b22–25, in Aristoteles Latinus, IV.1-4: Analytica posteriora: translationes Iacobi, Anonymi sive «Ioannis», Gerardi et Recensio Guillelmi di Morbeka, Ed. by L. MINIO-PALUELLO and G. DOD, Desclée de Brouwer, Bruges 1968, p. 31-32. 23

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B. Superordinate sciences (scientiae per causis)

Mathematical Harmonics (armonica mathematica)

Mathematical Astronomy (astrologia mathematica)

Subordinate sciences (scientiae particularis)

Acoustical Harmonics (armonica secundum auditum)

Nautical Astronomy (astrologia navalis)

The disciplines indicated above in schema A as subordinate science (i.e., harmonic, optics, observational astronomy and mechanics) received their principles from their respective superordinate sciences (i.e. arithmetic, geometry, astronomy and stereometry). The secondary sciences depended on their respective superordinate (guiding) sciences, since they did not rely on evidence and on a direct perception of their own principles.24 Music, as we can see, receives its rational principles from arithmetics. In the course of his exposition, Aristotle referred to a further order of relationship, which he explained through music and astronomy (Diagram B). Revealing a homonymy expressed by the word armonica (music) Aristotle suggested to distinguish between a mathematical music and an acoustic music: Some of these sciences bear almost the same name; e.g. mathematical and nautical astronomy, mathematical and acoustical harmonics. Here it is the business of the empirical observers to know the fact, of the mathematicians to know the reasoned fact.25 24

See on that SCHULTHESS and IMBACH, Die Philosophie im lateinischen Mittelalter, p. 171. The idea of subordinatio can assume two different forms: 1. subordinatio as subjectum, i.e., following the topic of the discourse; 2. subordinatio as modus sciendi, following the specific method of knowledge. 25 Aristoteles, Posterior analytics I, 78b39-79a3, Ed. and transl. by J. BARNES, Oxford University Press, Oxford 1975, p. 35. «Fere autem univoce sunt quedam harum quedam scientiarum, ut astrologia mathematicaque et navalis est, enim armonica mathematicaque est et secundum auditum. Hic enim ipsum quia sensibilium [Recensio Guillelmi: sensitivorum] est scire, sed propter quid mathematicorum». Aristoteles Latinus, Anal. Post. Transl. Iacobi I.13, 78b22-79a5, p. 32. See also Aristoteles Lati-

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In the medieval tradition the Aristotelian theory of subalternation was developed in order to describe the intrinsic way the different sciences work. Some university companions from the 13th and 14th centuries include distinctive reflections on the categorial status of music. The mathematical harmonic as a doctrine of numerical proportions is considered a form of knowledge subordinated to arithmetic and is, in turn, superordinate to acoustic harmonic, whose object is the sound. The core of the medieval epistemology consists therefore of an explicit structure of different relations of subalternation that originates from the writings of Aristotle.26 The second half of the 13th century is characterized by the emergence and progressive radicalism of the «conflict between quadrivium and natural philosophy»27. On the basis of these new premises the epistemological status of the musical discipline also changed: it evolved from being an exclusively mathematical science into one which is both mathematical and empirical. If, since Boethius, music had been considered a quadrivial science and therefore belonging to the mathematical order of knowledge, from approximately the mid 13th century onwards music was also considered a physical science that belongs to the natural order of knowledge: this is because its object is sound. A conflict between a mathematical and natural concept of music emerged. Thus, some scholastic authors coined the idea nus, Anal. Post. Recensio Guillelmi I.13, 79a21, p. 300. The distinction between a «mathematical» and an «acoustic» form of music is traced back by Aristotle to the forms of knowledge mentioned above: if the former belongs to a mathematical type of knowledge (τῶν μαθηματικῶν εἰδέναι), the latter is rather an observational form of knowledge or aesthetic (τῶν αἰσθητικῶν εἰδέναι). 26 See on this topic R. D. MCKIRAHAN, «Aristotle’s Subordinate Sciences», British Journal for the History of Science, 11 (1978) 197-220 and the introduction by ST. J. LIVESEY in his Theology and Science in the Fourteenth Century. Three Questions on the Unity and Subalternation of the Sciences from John of Reading’s Commentary on the Sentences, Brill, Leiden 1989, pp. 20-53. On the specific musical concept of subalternation see E. HIRTLER, «Die musica im Übergang von der scientia mathematica zur scientia media», in F. HENTSCHEL (ed.), Musik – und die Geschichte der Philosophie und Naturwissenschaften im Mittelalter. Fragen zur Wechselwirkung von «musica» und «philosophia» im Mittelalter, Brill, Leiden 1998, pp. 19-37; F. HENTSCHEL, Sinnlichkeit und Vernunft in der mittelalterlichen Musiktheorie. Strategien der Konsonanzwertung und der Gegenstand der «musica sonora» um 1300, Steiner, Stuttgart 2000, pp. 125128; HAAS, Musikalisches Denken im Mittelalter, pp. 104-112 and C. PANTI, Filosofia della musica, Carocci, Roma 2008, pp. 279-282. 27 HENTSCHEL, Sinnlichkeit und Vernunft in der mittelalterlichen Musiktheorie, p. 125.

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of music as a scientia media. With this remarkable twist, medieval thinkers described music as an art that belongs not only to one class of knowledge, but as an art that participated in both. Around 1270 in his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, St. Thomas formulates the thesis that music belongs to those sciences «quae sunt mediae inter mathematicam et naturalem»28 (that are between the mathematical and natural sciences) and states that «harmonica, idest musica, applicat ad sonos ea quae arithmeticus considerat circa proportiones numerorum» (Harmonics, i.e. music, applies to sound what the mathematician considers numeric proportions) 29. Recognizing the fact that sound is the «material object» of music and number its «formal object», a new concept of science arises, a concept that eludes the logic of division of the either-or principle. III. In the course of the reception of Aristotle’s natural philosophy during the 13th century, sensory perception was again considered an object of theoretical thought. The human body was no longer understood in the sense of a symbolic object and as a simple imago of the soul; it was recognized as an essential object of natural philosophy. In music this revaluation of the body and its senses can be clearly observed in the apparition of the secular genres of dance-songs. As of the late 13th century, the dancing body was no longer frowned upon for its sensuality. Dance was no longer, as in the sense of the minnesong, merely an imagined presence of dance scenes detached from performance scenarios. On the contrary: dance shapes the leading secular musical genres –be it the French formes fixes such as the Ballad, the Virelai, the Rondeau, the English Carole, the Spanish Cantiga or the Italian Ballata. In the case of the Italian Ballata, literary and iconographic sources prove that this genre was dance music. However, in musicology it is a widespread thesis that the Ballata was a genre that evolved from a simple folk and primitive dance form to a higher artistic Poesia per musica that was no longer 28 Thomas Aquinas, Commentaria in octo libros Physicorum Aristotelis II, 3, Ed. Leonina, Éditions du Cerf, Paris 1884, p. 63. Thomas defines these sciences as follows: «Dicuntur autem scientiae mediae, quae accipiunt principia abstracta a scientiis pure mathematicis, et applicant ad materiam sensibilem». Ibid. 29 Ibid.

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danced to30. It seems to me that the separation of music and dance goes back to an ideological narrative that projects puritan ideas back to the Middle Ages. However, whether and how the Ballata was danced can be hardly determined philologically31, since this performative aspect did not find «its way onto the parchment»32. In fact, sources cannot give us any explicit indication about dance movements or dance steps. The question of the performance of dance music in the Middle Ages can therefore only be answered by the music itself. There are rhythmic elements that clearly point to the dance; they even enable us to establish a veritable musical dance idiom. Such a dance idiom can be found, for example, in the Ballatas from the middle of the 14th century. As an example, I would like to draw on the ballata I’ vo’ bene a chi vol bene a me by Gherardello da Firenze. This monodic ballata comes from the codex Squarcialupi33. The rhythmical structure of this ballata is strongly characterized by an alternation of ternary and binary meters.

Image 4: Rhythmic structure of the mutation qualitatis.

30 N. PIRROTTA, «Ballata», in F. BLUME (ed.), Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, vol. 1, Bärenreiter, Kassel 1949, pp. 1157-1164; N. PIRROTTA, «Ballate e ‘Soni’ secondo un grammatico del Trecento», in Saggi e ricerche in memoria di Ettore Li Gotti, vol. 3, Centro di Studi Filologici e Linguistici Siciliani, Palermo 1962, pp. 42-54; H. MAYER BROWN, «Fantasia on a Theme by Boccaccio», Early Music, V/3 (1977) 324-339; M. PASCALE, «Ballata», in A. BASSO (ed.), Dizionario Enciclopedico Universale della Musica e dei Musicisti, Il Lessico, vol. 1, UTET, Torino 1983, p. 236 and U. WYSS, «,Es gilt, ob Tanzen, ob singen tauge‘. Eine Skizze zur Anthropologie des Tanz-Liedes», in D. KLEIN (ed.), Das mittelalterliche Tanzlied (1100–1300). Lieder zum Tanz – Tanz zum Lied, Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2012, pp. 9-10. 31 See NANNI, Die Leiblichkeit der Musik, pp. 307-322. 32 G. HÜBNER, «Gesang zum Tanz im Minnesang», in KLEIN (ed.), Das mittelalterliche Tanzlied (1100–1300), p. 136. 33 Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Med. Pal. 87.

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This phenomenon is induced through notation: imagine having 6 short note values. You can group them in 3 times 2 or 2 times 3. In the first case the resulting meter is characterized by a ternary division; in the second case by a binary division. The interplay between both metrical divisions was called mutatio qualitatis in 14th-century music theory. In I’ vo’ bene a chi vol bene a me this alternation of ternary and binary meter is embedded in a regular structure. As we can see here:

 

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Image 5: Gherardello da Firenze, I’ vo’ bene a chi vol bene a me (Transcription).

The fact that the metric interplay always marks the end of the phrases (either as half or as full close) is a remarkable fact that cannot be explained solely by abstract formal criteria. This metric design reveals more than a simple ornamentation; it clearly refers to a typical dance idiom, namely a step change.

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Image 6: Alternating dance steps.

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As you can see here, in terms of dance movements the change of beat marks an acceleration of the step. In ternary meter the stepping movement runs alla breve –that is in one beat h. –, while in binary meter the movement runs in two beatsm q. q. From a performative point of view, this metric q qsteps which causes the typical change change entails an acceleration of the of balance and body posture in a round dance. Here the musical structure and the moving body are evidently strongly interconnected.

4. Beyond Hermeneutics Approaching the end of this paper I ask myself about the meaning of these examples against the background of the idea that history does not produce applied knowledge but has an invigorating power that can help us to outline future ideas. In other words, I ask: what does it mean for us that we write music down? Every time we read a score, we are confronted by a radical change that happened in the past: the apparition of musical notation during the late Carolingian period. Despite having evolved since then, this event (i.e. the apparition of musical notation) still determines how we read music today. It is only by focusing on this change during the 9th century in its historical context that its meaning is revealed, as we, who are already determined by it, no longer perceive it. Our perception of music under the paradigm of high and low notes, the idea that a melody runs from left to right like a written text, the basic techniques we apply in order to visualize sound, are rooted in the experiences of medieval musicians a long time ago. And what about the relationship between the conflict of a mathematical and an empirical way of explaining nature? What about the question about nature and culture? What about the self-perception of our corporeality or the ideology of a hierarchy between body and soul? It seems to me that human culture always seeks balance: it cannot be constrained by clear-cut categories; it always needs to allow the «overlap of classes». Similarly, the etymology and the transcultural comparison of the idea of music reveals meanings that can astonish and can withdraw its current meaning in its unreflective self-understanding. That critical function supports us to be free again to project new ideas and feelings for the future. Culture inevitably needs to break free, otherwise it becomes fossilized. Of course, this can

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generate new categories that run the risk of being constrained, in turn, by the either-or logic. Therefore, the entire process should be constantly repeated: this is one of the fundamental tasks of cultural studies. Marc Bloch, the French historian who founded the Annales School in Strasbourg 1929 opens the first chapter of his last work Apologie pour l’histoire –a work written only a few months before he was assassinated by the Nazis– with a question posed by a child: «Tell me, Daddy. What is the use of history?»34 The child seems to ask this in an apparently innocent way for the practical benefit of history. But in truth, the question takes aim at something much deeper than that. Bloch’s answer, however, is quite surprising: he states that «if history were judged incapable of other uses, its entertainment value would remain in its favor»35. Nonetheless, his idea that history is «a constant source of pleasure» is not at all a frivolous opinion. This statement bears a truly powerful concept of history: the fascination for knowledge produces in us a passion, and that passion is not only the reason why we can understand the past; this passion gives us also the power to project ourselves into the future. It gives us the tools to imagine our future. Paraphrasing a statement by Leibniz we can say that the origin of future things can be found in past things36. And this is the exact image expressed in Pasolini’s aforementioned poem. It tells us that the «force of the past» does not run out by only interpreting the past. History can assume for us the function of a generator of meaning for the present and future.

Bibliography Aristoteles Latinus, Analitica Posteriora Translatio Iacobi, in Aristoteles Latinus, IV.1-4: Analytica posteriora: translationes Iacobi, Anonymi sive «Ioannis», Gerardi et Recensio Guillelmi di Morbeka, ed. L. MINIO-PALUELLO and B. G. DOD, Desclée de Brouwer, Bruges 1968. Aristoteles, Posterior analytics, Ed. and transl. by J. BARNES, Oxford University Press, Oxford 1975. 34

BLOCH, The Historian’s Craft, p. 3. Ibid., p. 6. 36 Bloch quotes a sentence from the Accessiones Historicae by Leibniz: «the origins of things present which are to be found in things past; for a reality is never better understood than through its causes». Quoted after ibid., p. 30. 35

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G. BATESON, Steps to an Ecology of Mind, University of Chicago Press, Chicago 2000. M. BLOCH, The Historian’s Craft, transl. by R. P. PUTNAM, Manchester University Press, Manchester 1992. G. BOEHM, «Zu einer Hermeneutik des Bildes», in H.-G. GADAMER – G. BOEHM (eds.), Seminar: Die Hermeneutik und die Wissenschaften, Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main 1978, pp. 444-471. –– (ed.), Was ist ein Bild?, Wilhelm Fink, München 1994. ––, Wie Bilder Sinn erzeugen. Die Macht des Zeigens, Berlin University Press, Berlin 2007. B. CROCE, «Theory of historiography», in History. Its Theory and Practice, transl. by D. AINSLIE, Harcourt, Brace and Company, New York 1921, pp. 11-135. R. G. COLLINGWOOD, The Idea of History, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1946. ––, An Autobiography and other Writings, ed. by D. BOUCHER and T. SMITH, Oxford University Press, Oxford 2013. ––, Essay on Philosophical Method, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1933. M. HAAS, Musikalisches Denken im Mittelalter. Eine Einführung, Peter Lang, Bern 2005. B. HEBBORN, Die Dasia-Notation, Orpheus-Verlag, Bonn 1995. F. HENTSCHEL, Sinnlichkeit und Vernunft in der mittelalterlichen Musiktheorie. Strategien der Konsonanzwertung und der Gegenstand der «musica sonora» um 1300, Steiner, Stuttgart 2000. E. HIRTLER, «Die musica im Übergang von der scientia mathematica zur scientia media», in F. HENTSCHEL (ed.), Musik – und die Geschichte der Philosophie und Naturwissenschaften im Mittelalter. Fragen zur Wechselwirkung von «musica» und «philosophia» im Mittelalter, Brill, Leiden 1998, pp. 19-37. G. HÜBNER, «Gesang zum Tanz im Minnesang», in D. KLEIN (ed.), Das mittelalterliche Tanzlied (1100–1300) Lieder zum Tanz – Tanz zum Lied, Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2012, pp. 111-136. U. KÖPF, Die Anfänge der Theologischen Wissenschaftstheorie im 13. Jahrhundert, J.C.B. Mohr, Tübingen 1974. S. KRÄMER, «Writing, Notational Iconicity, Calculus: On Writing as a Cultural Technique», Modern Languages Notes, 118 (2003) pp. 518-537. ––, «Operative Bildlichkeit. Von der ‚Grammatologie‘ zu einer ‚Diagrammatologie‘? Reflexionen über erkennendes ‚Sehen‘», in

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M. HESSLER – D. MERSCH (eds.), Logik des Bildlichen. Zur Kritik der ikonischen Vernunft, transcript, Bielefeld 2009, pp. 94-122. ––, «Notational Iconicity: A New Concept in the Humanities», in B. KOCHAN (ed.), Granshan: Design and Identity. The Non-Latin Typeface Project, Typographische Gesellschaft, München 2014, pp. 160-165. ––, Figuration, Anschauung, Erkenntnis. Grundlinien einer Diagrammatologie, Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main 2016. S. J. LIVESEY, Theology and Science in the Fourteenth Century. Three Questions on the Unity and Subalternation of the Sciences from John of Reading’s Commentary on the Sentences, Brill, Leiden 1989. H. MAYER BROWN, «Fantasia on a Theme by Boccaccio», Early Music, V/3 (1977) 324-339. R. D. MCKIRAHAN, «Aristotle’s Subordinate Sciences», British Journal for the History of Science, 11 (1978) 197-220. Musica and Scolica Enchiriadis, Ed. by R. ERICKSON, Yale University Press, New Haven [1995]. M. NANNI, «Das Bildliche der Musik. Gedanken zum iconic turn», in M. CALELLA – N. URBANEK (eds.), Historische Musikwissenschaft, Metzler, Stuttgart 2013, pp. 402-428. –– (ed.), Die Schrift des Ephemeren. Konzepte musikalischer Notationen, Schwabe, Basel 2015. ––, «Musikalische Diagramme zwischen Spätantike und Karolingerzeit», Das Mittelalter, 22, 2 (2017) 273-293. ––, Die Leiblichkeit der Musik. Studien zur musikalischen Wissenskultur in Padua und zur frühen Trecento-Ballata (1250–1360), Olms, Hildesheim 2018. –– (ed.), Von der Oralität zum SchriftBild. Visuelle Kultur und musikalische Notation im 9. bis 11. Jahrhundert, Wilhelm Fink, Paderborn 2020. F. NIETZSCHE, Unfashionable Observations, transl. by R. T. GRAY, Stanford University Press, Stanford 1995. C. PANTI, Filosofia della musica, Carocci, Roma 2008. E. PANELLA, «Un’introduzione alla filosofia in uno ‘studium’ dei frati Predicatori del XIII secolo. ‘Divisio scientie’ di Remigio dei Girolami», Memorie domenicane, 12 (1981) 27-126. M. PASCALE, «Ballata», in A. BASSO (ed.), Dizionario Enciclopedico Universale della Musica e dei Musicisti, Il Lessico, vol. 1, UTET, Torino 1983, pp. 235-238.

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P. P. PASOLINI, «10.6.1962», in Poesia in forma di rosa, in Bestemmia vol. 2, ed. by G. CHIARCOSSI and W. SITI, Garzanti, Milano 1995, p. 637. Translation: S. ROHDIE, The Passion of Pier Paolo Pasolini, Indiana University Press, Bloomington – Indianapolis 1995, p. 14. N. PIRROTTA, «Ballata», in F. BLUME (ed.), Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, vol. 1, Bärenreiter, Kassel 1949, pp. 1157-1164. ––, «Ballate e ‘Soni’ secondo un grammatico del Trecento», in Saggi e ricerche in memoria di Ettore Li Gotti, vol. 3, Centro di Studi Filologici e Linguistici Siciliani, Palermo 1962, pp. 42-54. H. POWERS, «Is Mode Real? Pietro Aron, the Octenary System, and Polyphony», Basler Jahrbuch für historische Musikpraxis, 16 (1992) pp. 9-52. T. RETZ, Empathy and History. Historical Understanding in Re-enactment, Hermeneutics and Education, Berghahn, New York – Oxford 2018. A. C. SANTOSUOSSO, Letter Notations in the Middle Ages, The Institute of Mediaeval Music, Ottawa 1989. P. SCHULTHESS – R. IMBACH, Die Philosophie im lateinischen Mittelalter. Ein Handbuch mit einem bio-bibliographischen Repertorium, Artemis und Winkler, Zürich [1996]. Thomas Aquinas, Commentaria in octo libros Physicorum Aristotelis II, 3, Ed. Leonina, Éditions du Cerf, Paris 1884. U. WYSS, «,Es gilt, ob Tanzen, ob singen tauge‘. Eine Skizze zur Anthropologie des Tanz-Liedes», in D. KLEIN (ed.), Das mittelalterliche Tanzlied (1100–1300). Lieder zum Tanz – Tanz zum Lied, Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2012, pp. 1-10.

HILDE DE WEERDT* ON THE FUTURE OF MEDIEVAL STUDIES. A (CHINESE) HISTORIAN’S PERSPECTIVE

I would like to thank FIDEM, the University of Basel and, in particular, Professor Maarten Hoenen for inviting me to take part in this conversation about the past and the future of medieval studies and, in particular, to reflect on the ways in which the medieval past can continue to play a role in curricula and, more broadly in the cultural sphere, in the future. A future that, as the organizers have underscored, will look more global and perhaps also more culturally diverse. But, it is also readily evident that we will continue to witness countertrends to globalization and multiculturalism. Medieval studies is already implicated in and relevant for both of these aspects of what we may call the global turn in history and other disciplines in the humanities. On one hand, we in medieval studies have been engaged in revealing connections among medieval societies, initially mainly economic, religious, military and diplomatic, but increasingly also in the areas of material culture, statecraft, technology, or disease1. On the other hand, we have also joined those more critical of the global turn and many amongst us have cautioned against the tendency to focus exclusively on *

Leiden University, Leiden Institute for Area Studies, Matthias de Vrieshof 2, 2311 BZ Leiden, The Netherlands, [email protected] 1 Landmark studies include J. ABU- LUGHOD, Before European Hegemony: The World System AD 1250–1350, Oxford University Press, Oxford – New York 1989; J. BENTLEY, Old World Encounters: Cross-cultural Contacts and Exchanges in Premodern Times, Oxford University Press, Oxford – New York 1993. Examples of more recent studies include J. BLOOM, Paper before Print: The History and Impact of Paper in the Islamic World, Yale University Press, New Haven 2001; M. GREEN (ed.), Pandemic Disease in the Medieval World: Rethinking the Black Death, Medieval Globe, 1 (2014); H. PARK, Mapping the Chinese and Islamic Worlds. CrossCultural Exchange in Pre-Modern Asia, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2012; T. ALLSEN, The Steppe and the Sea. Pearls in the Mongol Empire, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 2019; J. PREISER-KAPELLER, Jenseits von Rom und Karl dem Grossen: Aspekte der globalen Verflechtung in der langen Spätantike, 300–800 n. Chr., Mandelbaum Verlag, Vienna 2018. For an overview of more recent literature and approaches, see N. STANDEN – C. HOLMES (eds.), The Global Middle Ages, Past & Present, 238, supplement 13 (2018).

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direct connections between distant societies –mainly because such a focus may leave out a good part of what medieval lives, polities and economies were like2. In what follows I would like to make a case for studying medieval societies next to each other, to study them comparatively, from the bottom up. I will make the case based on my own experience. I am a historian who has mostly worked on twelfth- and thirteenth-century Song China, but have felt the need in recent years to relax the hold of modern spatial frameworks in both research and teaching. Such frameworks derive from either nationalist or modern geopolitical discourses, have become deeply rooted in academic traditions and structures, and inhibit the pursuit of a broader conception of medieval history. I will attempt to make a case for including at least North East Asian history in medieval studies in two steps. First, I will share with you some observations on a recent debate about whether we find in late medieval North East Asia «the origins of the Chinese nation state»3. Such a debate may look all too familiar and perhaps outmoded, but it remains topical, not only in the context of Chinese and North East Asian history but also in European history. To name but one obvious example, Joseph R. Strayer’s On the Medieval Origins of the Modern State, first published in 1970, was re-issued in 2005 in the Princeton Classics series; this edition has gone through multiple reprints, with the current reprint dating to 2016. Secondly, I will use the example of this debate to illustrate an approach we have taken to set up conversations amongst medieval historians working on medieval English, French, Byzantine, Venetian, or Roman history. We started out by working through regional historiographies, and by gaining an understanding of each area’s primary sources both in terms of what the source base is like and also by looking in-depth at particular cases (available translations did of course impose limits on what we could read together)4. 2

For a brief general critique of global history, see J. ADELMAN, «What is Global History Now?», Aeon, 2 March 2017: https://aeon.co/essays/is-global-history-stillpossible-or-has-it-had-its-moment. Last accessed December 19, 2019. 3 N. TACKETT, The Origins of the Chinese Nation: Song China and the Forging of an East Asian World Order, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2017. 4 I will be referring to two different collaborative projects, one emerging out of local workshops organized by Catherine Holmes, John Watts, Mark Whittow, and others at Oxford University from about 2010 and resulting in a cross-university network, «The Global Middle Ages», coordinated by Catherine Holmes and Naomi

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1. Nations, Empires and States in Chinese Medieval History Historians focusing on Chinese history may object to almost every word in this subtitle: nations, empires, states, and medieval in particular. I see «medieval» as a purely temporal marker for a period that falls in between two periods typically seen as a more remote formative period or Antiquity, and more recent or modern history; the specific features of such intermediate periods are up for discussion5. With regard to the current usage of this more broadly shared model of periodization, I see the temporal marker adopted by Chinese historians in the West, «the middle period» as synonymous with «medieval» –in the case of Chinese history it is common to refer to the period between 600 and 1400 or 1500 as the middle period (the period covering the Sui (581-618)/Tang (618-907) empires through to the early Ming (1368-1644) period; the period of multi-state rule between 200 and 600 is referred to as the early medieval period). I will solely treat «nation», «empire», and «state» as analytical concepts to distinguish among different kinds of polities; they are thus not equivalent to the historical usage of any indigenous terminologies to refer to the polity. The debate about the origins of the Chinese nation or national consciousness centers on the period between the eleventh and the thirteenth centuries. At the time the territories that are now part of the People’s Republic of China were occupied by multiple polities and peoples, including the states ruled by the (Northern) Song Dynasty (960-1127), the Southern Song Dynasty (1127-1279), the Xia Dynasty (1038-1227), the Liao Dynasty 916-1125), the Jin Dynasty (1115-1234), the Duan family (Dali kingdom, 937-1253), and Tibetan and Uyghur polities. The Song Standen. This resulted in the aforementioned special issue in Past and Present with the same title. For a midterm report setting out the goals of the network, see C. HOLMES – N. STANDEN, «Defining the Global Middle Ages», medieval worlds, 1 (2015) 106-117. The other project emerged out of a European Research Council-funded project (FP7/2007-2013) / ERC grant agreement n° 283525) led by Hilde De Weerdt, «Communication and Empire: Chinese Empires in Comparative Context», http://www. chinese-empires.eu/. Accessed 2 July 2019. One outcome of a series of seminars and workshops in this project is a forthcoming edited volume: H. DE WEERDT – J. MORCHE, Political Communication in Chinese and European History, 800-1600, Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam 2021. 5 For the Chinese case, see T. BARRETT, «China and the Redundancy of the Medieval», The Medieval History Journal, 1 (1998) 73-89.

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dynasty (960-1279) has been seen as period of fundamental socio-economic, political, and cultural change in Chinese history ever since the rise of professional history in East Asia in the twentieth century. The eleventh and twelfth centuries were a period of agricultural and demographic growth; a commercial revolution that tied the Song economy to economies further east, south, and west; widespread, albeit uneven, urbanization; the spread of printing, with printing documented in over 200 locations; and the rise of Neo-Confucianism, a radical movement for social and political reform based on the moral cultivation of the self. Politically, these centuries enjoy a paradoxical reputation. In the eyes of some, this period saw the rise of autocratic rulers following centuries of aristocratic rule in which emperors had been the peers of top bureaucrats; for others it was during these centuries that the literati or cultural elites broke through as powerful brokers of imperial power and as local community managers, with their numbers growing exponentially through the adoption of the civil service examination system as a primary means to promotion in officialdom or to local status. Such features suggested to twentieth-century historians that the Song ought to be seen as an early modern or modern state rather than as a medieval polity. Other attributes given to the Song polity that further supported such a claim included the emergence of nationalism or national consciousness. This is perhaps not as well known as some of the other aspects of Song society that I have just mentioned. Already in 1970s Rolf Trauzettel, a German historian, and Hoyt Tillman, an American historian, wrote about «Sung Patriotism as a First step towards Chinese Nationalism» and «ProtoNationalism in Twelfth-Century China»6. In recent years mainland Chinese literary scholars have likewise highlighted the patriotism of a select group of Song poets and intellectual historians placed the emergence of «China» in cultural production in this period, especially its emergence in maps showing the entirety of the Chinese territories –maps that set off the Chinese from the non-Chinese polities and peoples7. 6 R. TRAUZETTEL, «Sung Patriotism as a First step towards Chinese Nationalism», in J. W. HAEGER (ed.), Crisis and Prosperity in Sung China, University of Arizona Press, Tucson 1975, pp. 199-213; H. C. TILLMAN, «Proto-Nationalism in TwelfthCentury China? The Case of Ch’en Liang», Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 39.2 (1979) 403-442. 7 H. DE WEERDT, Information, Territory, and Networks: The Crisis and Maintenance of Empire in Song China, Harvard University Asia Center, Cambridge,

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In The Origins of the Chinese Nation, Nicolas Tackett proposes to «synthesize these varied and –at times– impressionistic observations into a coherent picture»8. Tackett’s project to trace the origins of the modern Chinese nation-state at once parallels Strayer’s attempt to sketch out the medieval origins of the modern state, and also offers a rebuttal to it. Strayer set out how the influence of the catholic church and increasing demand for legal administration led to the formation of states with impersonal institutions that persisted over time, within fixed boundaries, and to which subjects proved loyal. He saw this process of top-down state formation as one of global significance: «The ability of the European type of state to gain economic and political superiority proved so great that in the end it made the Chinese (and other nonEuropean) experience seem irrelevant [...] The modern state wherever we find it today, is based on the pattern which emerged in Europe in the period 1100 to 1600»9. Unsurprisingly perhaps, Strayer’s work has not been a source of inspiration for East Asian historians. Tackett does not refer to it, and the argument that the Chinese nation-state originated in the eleventh-century North East Asian state system should be seen as a clear refutation of the claim that the «Chinese (and other non-European) experience» was «irrelevant». In other ways, however, the current debate about the origins of the Chinese nation echoes Strayer’s concern with the emergence of a durable bureaucratic state with fixed boundaries founded on its subjects’ loyalty. One of the alleged basic features of the medieval Chinese nation-state, features that make it comparable to the modern nation-state, for example, is fixed linear borders. The border demarcation projects initiated by the Song court and its northern neighbors in the eleventh century are remarkable. The high level of activity in the 1070s suggests that the digging of trenches were part of the comprehensive centralization and reform policies under MA 2016, esp. chapter 3; GE ZHAOGUANG 葛兆光, «Songdai ‘Zhongguo’ yishi de tuxian 宋代’中国’意识的凸显», Wen shi zhe 文史哲 280.1 (2004) 5-12. 8 TACKETT, The Origins of the Chinese Nation, p. 5. The following observations are based on my discussion of this work in H. DE WEERDT, «Review of Tackett, Nicolas, The Origins of the Chinese Nation: Song China and the Forging of an East Asian World Order», H-Nationalism, H-Net Reviews, August 2018 https://www.h-net. org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=52962. Accessed July 21, 2019. 9 J. R. STRAYER, On the Medieval Origins of the Modern State, Princeton University Press, Princeton 1970, p. 12.

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the infamous Councilor Wang Anshi (1021-1086)10. Of particular note here is Tackett’s analysis of the projects’ political significance: the «mounds and ditches» were constructed through bilateral effort and therefore led to the mutual recognition of territorial, and therefore bounded, sovereignty. Earlier interstate systems, by contrast, were based on jurisdictional rather than territorial sovereignty. The Song court and its northern neighbors clearly invested more in the demarcation and mapping of contested border zones than earlier regimes. There is no evidence, however, that linear boundaries were constructed everywhere; borders were instead multiplex. Different kinds of challenges were met with different types of border policies, and, border fortification efforts varied in density (and even in their existence) from place to place11. Regardless, one can still pose the question, with Tackett, whether the effort to fix boundaries in some places contributed to a rise in national consciousness. The argumentation that it did have this effect builds on the cultural historical literature that was largely written after the publication of On the Medieval Origins of the Modern State. Inspired by Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities, Tackett proceeds from two basic findings. First, in the eleventh century educated elites empire-wide shared a new feeling of community, a community that included also the peasantry12. Second, the Song state was positioned in an interstate-system which included other strong states, particularly Liao to the north and Xia to the northwest. This inter-state system shaped elite views on cultural and geographic boundaries, and, in Tackett’s reading, it did so mainly through an intense «cosmopolitan sociability unusual in premodern times»13. Cosmopolitanism is typically not a term associated with this period of Chinese history (and nowadays even earlier attempts to portray Tang elites as cosmopolitan are contested), so what is this about? The core contention of The Origins of the Chinese Nation is that the diplomatic activities of the hundreds of men who served as ambassadors or deputy ambassadors to the Liao in the period between 1005 and 1120 shaped 10 On the reforms, see P. J. SMITH, «Shen-tsung’s Reign and the New Policies of Wang An-shih», in D. TWITCHETT – P. J. SMITH (eds.), The Cambridge History of China. Volume 5, Part One: The Sung Dynasty and Its Precursors, 907-1279, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2009, pp. 347-483. 11 DE WEERDT, Information, Territory and Networks, esp. chapter 4. 12 TACKETT, The Origins of the Chinese Nation, p. 15. 13 Ibid., p. 45.



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Song political culture more broadly, and in somewhat contradictory ways. Their experience led to pacificism but also to a reconceptualization of the place of «China» in the world, one based on ethnic rather than civilizational distinction14. Earlier, Chinese authors based their understanding of the difference between Chinese and non-Chinese peoples on civilizational criteria and that meant that anyone who adopted Chinese lifestyles could become Chinese; from the eleventh century onwards, Tackett argues, ethnic criteria came to the fore that assumed these differences were ingrained and therefore fixed –this also implied that they ought to be maintained. In this way China emerged as a nation-state. This reconceptualization of the polity as a national community expressed itself in language. By tracing changes in the usage and meaning of terms relating to China’s geographic space, population and culture over the longue durée, Tackett aims to show that cosmopolitan sociability sorted a wide effect in Song mentalities. This is a complex undertaking, one that also addresses one of the other key questions on the agenda of this congress: in what ways do digital approaches shape the future of medieval studies? In the case of medieval Chinese history we are in a somewhat fortunate position. Over the course of the last twenty or so years the textual corpus of the Tang and Song dynasties has in large part been made available, much of it in full text. Thanks to the early work of historians like Robert Hartwell we can also make use of large-scale biographical databases and historical geographical datasets15. In The Origins of the Chinese Nation Nicolas Tackett, by training a biologist, puts a variety of digital methods to work. He uses very successfully, for example, a mapping of different architectural styles of and holdings in tombs to argue that there was a cultural divide along the Song-Liao border. More relevant here, he also conducts word frequency analyses of terms to refer to the polity. At first glance, we ought to be impressed by this: the comparative word frequency Ibid., pp. 32, 73. D. Sturgeon (ed.), Chinese Text Project, 2006- https://ctext.org; Harvard University, Academia Sinica, and Peking University (eds.), China Biographical Database, 2004- https://projects.iq.harvard.edu/cbdb; P. Bol – L. Berman et al. (eds.), China Historical Geographic Information System 2001– http://www.fas. harvard.edu/~chgis/; H.I. B. Ho – H. De Weerdt (eds.), MARKUS. Text Analysis and Reading Platform, 2014- http://dh.chinese-empires.eu/markus. For an overview of these and other projects, see D. Sturgeon (ed.), Digital Sinology Wiki, 2018- https:// digitalsinology.org/en/wiki/Main_Page. Last accessed December 19, 2019. 14 15

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analysis of select ethnic terms in the large corpora of Tang and Song literary collections indicates that the percentage of usage of the Chinese term for «Han people» (an ethnic term still used for the majority of the Chinese population today –this would be equivalent to saying the English, the French, or the Germans) witnessed a massive increase, from 6 % in the Tang to 53 % in the Song16. On closer examination, however, and this is a challenge I think we will have to get used to in the future when reading quantitative arguments, there are significant methodological problems. Let me briefly explain why word frequencies in and of themselves do not say very much, especially not about the question of whether a Chinese national consciousness emerged during the Song dynasty. The increase in percentage is based on the share of a term that can have ethnic connotations in a narrow selection of terms. Some of these, like «Hua» (civilized, Chinese) and «Zhongguo» (the central states, the middle kingdom) are relevant –both words are still in use for Chinese and China. At the time, there were a range of other terms in use to refer to the polity and/or Chinese territory. Excluding these has a very significant impact on the calculation of results. Even if we accept that there were 94 references to «Hanren» that were exclusively ethnic (and thus not referring to people living in the Han Dynasty), this is a very small number of occurrences across a corpus that, for the entirety of the Song, consists of over 170,000 pieces of text and over 100 million characters (figures are those reported by the vendor). These methodological problems are relevant because, depending on how one reads the calculations and how one interprets them in context, one would reach very different conclusions. The relatively low overall number of occurrences for all terms relating to Chinese populations, for example, might lead to the hypothesis that, overall, terms of self-reference were seldom used in the Song, and, when used, they mainly appeared in the context of interstate conflict. This is rather different from the celebration of national identity in modern nation-states, and is more in keeping with the attitude of an imperial elite who by and large remained focused on court politics and the territorial integrity of the Song state rather than ethnic solidarity. A telling counterexample of this would be that the term «traitor to the Han» (Han jian), a term of abuse for all those who failed to uphold national solidarity in modern times and roughly equivalent to the German 16

TACKETT, The Origins of the Chinese Nation, p. 160.

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word «Volksverräter» (rated Germany’s worst word in 2016), does not appear to have found much usage even at times of war17. Nevertheless, the interstate system that took shape in North East Asia in the tenth to the thirteenth century had an impact on political imaginaries. In my recent work I have mainly approached the question of the impact of the Jurchen occupation of the northern territories on Song political imaginaries by looking at what was published about the polity, by whom and for whom18. It is clear from the surviving record that a structural transformation took place in the production and dissemination of information about court activity, border zones, and the Song polity between the late eleventh and the twelfth centuries. After a period of centralization in the late tenth and eleventh centuries, literati emerged as the producers, distributors, and consumers of a variety of genres previously associated with the court (court gazettes, archival collections of court documents, maps of the Chinese territories, military geographies, border reports, envoy reports, etc.). For example, the earliest surviving printed atlas of the Chinese territories, Lidai dili zhizhang tu (Handy Geographical Maps throughout the Ages), is a commercial edition dating to the 1130s; several more such atlases were produced by literati in the provinces and included in extant catalogs of private book collections. Similarly, commercial printers also reproduced court digests of archival documents complete with topical and chronological indexes and annotations for the use of scholars in preparation for the civil service examinations and, more broadly, as the substance of elite discourse. Two features of this structural transformation are of particular significance. First, in the new literature on the polity literati articulated an imperial mission: the recovery of the northern territories and the restoration of an idealized Chinese Empire were a central concern in the maps, atlases, and digests of official documents. In their readings of transhistorical maps of the Chinese territories and in their policy essays literati stressed territorial sovereignty as well as the fact that Chinese history had been characterized by successive dynasties’ inability to maintain sovereignty over the full extent of the Chinese territories. Such concerns were first voiced in the late eleventh century, most 17

ANON., «Diffamierende Sprache: “Volksverräter” ist das Unwort des Jahres 2016», Der Spiegel, 10.1.2017 https://spon.de/aeTWD. Accessed July 21, 2019. 18 The observations below are based on DE WEERDT, Information, Territory and Networks.

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famously in a memorial submitted by the prominent statesman and historian Sima Guang (1019-86): «In these 1700 or so years [from the move of the Eastern Zhou capital in the eight century BCE until the foundation of the Song] there have only been 500 or so in which the realm was united»19. These concerns first circulated at court, but after the loss of the northern territories scholars voiced them in a broad range of more public media, including stone stelae and printed encyclopedias. Territorial sovereignty over the entirety of the territories believed to have once been ruled by the genealogy of legitimate dynasties became a criterion for dynastic legitimacy. The greater significance attached to territorial sovereignty when compared to ethnicity can help us understand why so many literati were willing to collaborate with the Mongols in the thirteenth century and later with other regimes of foreign descent. The Mongols were explicitly credited by Han Chinese for having achieved what the Southern Song had not: the great unification (da yitong) or the unification of all territories believed to have been historically ruled by Chinese regimes. While there certainly was no shortage of ethnic discourse (the kind that had also been prevalent in earlier times: association of non-civilized peoples with animal terms and animal behavior), the rhetoric of empire and emperorship had in fact changed little since the days of Tang Emperor Taizong (r. 626-49). Even an emperor like Huizong (r. 1100-1126), faced with the invasion of the Jurchens in the metropole, considered all his subjects regardless of ethnic background: «The emperor watches over all and treats all life as his own children. Always concerned, his heart goes out to both Chinese and non-Chinese. Constantly worried, he continues the legacy of the founding fathers of our dynasty». In other words, even though the Song court acknowledged the formation of bureaucratic states in the north with subjects of their own in ways that Tang emperors had not, the imperial ideal of the ruler of the central state as the sovereign of Chinese and nonChinese peoples alike remained unchallenged20. A second aspect of the transformation of the imperial information regime in the twelfth century that is important both in light of later Chinese but also comparative history is the role played by cross-regional literati communication and political networks. Texts about the polity were disseminated and discussed in cross-regional networks that involved both 19 20

SIMA GUANG 司馬光, Zhuanjia ji 傳家集, Siku quanshu, 21.4b. DE WEERDT, Information, Territory and Networks, p. 408.

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those active locally and those with direct connections to the court. An examination of the social backgrounds of the authors of notebooks and the informants mentioned in these logs of conversations and reactions to things read shows that the social backgrounds of both authors and informants expanded in the course of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries: an increasing number did not hold office or an examination degree. The informants’ geographical backgrounds were cross-regional in scope even in the case of authors whose careers were restricted to occasional local assignments21. This is important because the twelfth century has in recent literature been considered the beginning of a local turn in imperial Chinese history. As an unintended consequence of the centralization policies of the tenth and eleventh centuries the number of examination candidates and students grew sharply. This, combined with commercialization and urbanization, brought about the provincialization of cultural elites: rather than pursuing a career and network opportunities in the capital, elite families focused on developing local ties and became mediators in local conflicts, managers of construction projects, and their sons pursued alternate careers in education, medicine, notarial positions, etc. Neo-Confucianism increasingly appealed to provincial elites as it provided a justification for investment in family and local community projects. The reconstruction of literati communication networks shows, however, that local investments could be pursued alongside empire-wide networking. Cultural elites may have married more locally but many continued to network beyond the prefecture. Regional ties provided access to an empire-wide network centered on the court. The composition of the group of fifty-nine scholar-officials accused of promoting «False Learning» around 1198 can be understood in this light. To some this looked like a motley crew of local intellectual schools, to others a listing of the ruling regime’s political enemies; a probe of the remaining record suggests that those listed were part of a hierarchical network in which local connections could be leveraged to gain access to regional and court networks22. 21

DE WEERDT, Information, Territory and Networks, chapters 6 and 7; EAD., Information, Territory and Networks: Accompanying Data and Visualization Site, 2016 http://chinese-empires.eu/reference/information-territory-and-networks/; EAD., Biji in Print Database, 2012 http://chinese-empires.eu/analysis/database/. Last accessed December 19, 2019. 22 H. DE WEERDT – H.I. B. HO – A. WAGNER – QIAO JIYAN – M.K. CHU, «Is There a Faction in this List? », Journal of Chinese History, 4.2 (2020) 347-389. doi:10.1017/ jch.2020.16

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The transformation of the imperial information regime and the greater role of the literati in it reflected a new status quo that would hold for much of late imperial Chinese history: class formation trumped state building from this point onwards in imperial Chinese history23. Class solidarity trumped state building not because the gentry focused on local concerns but because the state had to work through them as mediators of its projects. It is also for this reason that we do not see in the eleventh and twelfth centuries the emergence of the modern nation-state but rather the maintenance and consolidation of empire: provincial elites provided a stable basis for imperial rule, taking care of the state’s business as well as its own (with and without official titles). They accepted that different kinds of powerholders get different deals. Inequality was the operating principle. In this regard the Song polity differed radically from the nation-state: there was no ethnic solidarity that held, even if just theoretically, that all citizens are equal.

2. On Globalizing Medieval History The debate on nations, empires, and states I outlined above suggests that medieval historians working on European and Chinese history have similarly been concerned with the emergence of polities, political imaginaries, and notions of territorial sovereignty that have proven both lasting and, when compared to pre-tenth century history, arguably more geographically fixed. Few will, I hope, still hold, as Strayer did, that «no European state imitated a non-European model» or that «the modern state, wherever we find it today, is based on the pattern which emerged in Europe in the period 1100 to 1600»24. The engagement of seventeenthand eighteenth-century European travelers, philosophers, and senior politicians with the courts and political organization of the Chinese, Ottoman, Persian or Mughal empires, for example, gives the lie to the unidirectional global trajectory Strayer sketched out25. We should not read 23 P.J. SMITH, «Eurasian Transformations of the Tenth to Thirteenth Centuries: The View from Song China, 906-1279», in J. ARNASON – B. WITTROCK (eds.), Eurasian Transformations, Tenth to Thirteenth Centuries. Crystallizations, Divergences, Renaissances, special issue in Medieval Encounters (2004), 279-308. 24 STRAYER, On the Medieval Origins of the Modern State, p. 12. 25 J. OSTERHAMMEL, Unfabling the East: The Enlightenment’s Encounter with Asia, Princeton University Press, Princeton 2018. For a highly polemical statement of

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the modern state back in European medieval history, and, similarly, we should not read the modern nation back into Song and medieval Northeast Asian history. Instead of reaching for universalizing types of comparison, which seek to derive universal rules and patterns for all of human history, I and other colleagues in medieval history instead have been seeking to connect histories separated by nationalist historiographies and structural boundaries imposed by modern academia. We did so in a series of local workshops that have now led to two edited volumes. We have experimented with examining processes and connections across borders by building up from regional expertise. Instead of focusing on fixed entities such as state institutions or particular social groups, we, for example, started exploring how mediation and political communication shaped medieval England, Byzantium, and Song China. We began by asking why it is that historians of medieval West European history have focused their attention more on mediation and Chinese historians on political communication. We found that mediators and communicators in both Song China and medieval England helped disseminate norms and practices of bureaucratic government and thus helped generate areas of unity at both regnal and international levels. The mediating elites differed in nature, but European aristocrats and plutocrats on the one hand, and Chinese literati held structurally equivalent positions. Differences in the dynamics of political organization resulted from the fact that in the Song and late imperial Chinese case the scholar-official elite had the prerogative to mediate, produce, reproduce, and, in some sense, own imperial knowledge. The business of political communication helped define and affirm the social distinction of the literati, even as it propagated imperial authority. In medieval England, on the other hand, the production and exchange of authoritative knowledge was socially and institutionally more diffuse26. Such work is experimental and open-ended and requires collaboration. Some of us have continued to engage in this kind of collaboration even though it is not what our jobs and our training were designed the impact of the encounter with imperial China on Enlightenment political thinking and governance, see M. POWERS, China and England: The Preindustrial Struggle for Justice in Word and Image, Routledge, Abingdon – New York 2018. 26 H. DE WEERDT – J. WATTS, «Towards a Comparative History of Political Communication, c. 1000-1500», in DE WEERDT – MORCHE, Political Communication.

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for. Despite the discomfort that comes with stepping outside the assumptions and expectations of one’s area of expertise, the benefits are tangible. First, juxtaposing and comparing the medieval histories of different places (especially those regions that have typically been excluded from medieval history in history departments) is the best antidote for the kinds of large-scale universalizing comparisons that still dominate the field and public discourse. Comparisons that build up from regional historiographies help us question and un-learn the macro-scale comparative assumptions about civilizational differences and divergences on which the organization of professional history is still based. It is also these kinds of universalizing comparison that have given comparative history a bad reputation. Second, a more inclusive medieval history, or the co-existence of a plurality of medieval histories, may also help undo the blind spots of regional fields and national(ist) historiographies. By crossing the divide between area studies and (European) medieval history, or, in the case of East Asian universities, between Chinese history and world history (understood as the history of world civilizations or societies surveyed sequentially), one hopes that unfounded assumptions such as «China did not have Mirrors for Princes as such but only commentaries on the classic works of Confucius and Mencius»27 or, a commonplace observation among Chinese historians, «China did not have empires, it was unique in having dynasties», will be readily spotted; an inclusive approach should lead to a better understanding of imperial polities, dynasties, or political advice literature in human history and highlight areas of research that deserve more sustained attention, such as the history of East Asian, and more broadly global medieval, mirror literature28. Third, comparison helps us identify and understand the significance of distinctive aspects of regional historical developments. These kinds of individualizing comparisons are perhaps those in which we are most often, and often implicitly, engaged. Rendering them more explicit is then only an effort to critically reflect on and test unspoken assumptions. 27 L. DARLING, «Mirrors for Princes in Europe and the Middle East: A Case of Historiographical Incommensurability», in A. CLASSEN (ed.), East Meets West in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times. Transcultural Experiences in the Premodern World, De Gruyter, Berlin – Boston 2013, p. 234. 28 One excellent example is J. DUINDAM, Dynasties: A Global History of Power, 1300-1800, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2015.

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Fourth, as the above example about the comparative history of processes of mediation and communication illustrates, these tentative explorations have broader methodological implications. We started out from processes and cases, sought out how intermediaries faced common challenges in order to better understand parallel developments, shared responses, differences, and the impact of such differences. Such explorations thus also go in the direction of generalizing comparisons that can narrate and explain variation in both short-term social action and longer-term social organization29. I would like to conclude with some observations on present challenges and hopes for the future. Like Catherine Holmes and Naomi Standen, who have set this out far more eloquently than I can do here and who deserve much credit for creating the collaborations from which I have learned so much, I hope that the future of medieval studies will be more global. This turn towards global medieval history is in my view not about the geographic extent of one’s investigations, or about a new kind of universal periodization, it is first and foremost about method. The points of departure for this kind of global medieval history can be summarized as follows. First, we can make medieval history more global by bringing in regions typically excluded and by drawing on the perspectives from other regions to think about cross-regional processes. Second, we can make medieval history more global by analyzing the global as it was experienced. This means engaging local, regional, and non-elite perspectives on crossregional flows and exchanges, perspectives other than those privileged in global histories that celebrate the positive effects of globalization. Third, we can make medieval history more global by building up from regional expertise, by identifying themes, questions, and sources from regional historiographies. Fourth, the practice of the «Global Middle Ages» as outlined in the above points also brings with it a focus on processes like mediation, communication, mobility, or building trust rather than on fixed and immutable institutions or canonical traditions, on informal networks and connections rather than economic or political centers, on making 29 One example is R. I. MOORE, «The Eleventh Century in Eurasian History: Comparative Approach to the Convergence and Divergence of Medieval Civilizations», Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, 33.1 (2003) 1-21. On different types of comparison in comparative history see C. TILLY, Big Structures, Large Processes, Huge Comparisons, Russell Sage Foundation, New York 1984.

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interventions in global history by scaling up from the bottom, on a critical engagement with modern global history as well as with our own subfields that are still prone to Eurocentrism as well as Sinocentrism30. And, fifth, global medieval historians should also welcome radical critiques of the field itself and those critiques themselves should become more inclusive of the practice of history beyond the western world or Anglophone academia. This reorientation towards a more global outlook in medieval studies will certainly remain a challenge for some time to come. Our institutions are not set up to facilitate research and teaching across the globe. The administrative and financial structure of our universities is often an obstacle to facilitate a more global dimension to student learning. Speaking from my own experience, history departments in most European universities where area studies (or what used to be called oriental studies for the «area» which I have been studying) has been taught for some time are mostly focused on European history or the history of European expansion. This holds especially for pre-nineteenth century history. This means that the medieval histories of Asia, Africa, or the Americas are but a negligible or not at all part of the history curriculum. I would go further and argue that the institutionalization of area studies has over time perpetuated structural inequalities in the academy that by now have mostly negative repercussions for the development of the teaching and research of non-European history. For example, I was trained in Chinese Studies not in history; I teach students in Chinese Studies not history. The fact that Chinese historians do not teach history students (or that Chinese Studies students do not benefit from sitting in the same classrooms as other students in history) means that we get far fewer opportunities to develop ourselves as historians and to include ourselves in 30

For a more elaborate statement of these goals and an explanation of the Global Middle ages as method, see N. STANDEN – C. HOLMES, «Introduction: Towards a Global Middle Ages», in STANDEN – HOLMES (eds.), The Global Middle Ages, Past & Present, 238, supplement 13 (2018) 1-44; STANDEN – HOLMES, «Defining the Global Middle Ages». I have some reservations about presenting the Global Middle Ages as a period rather than as a plurality of different periods. Other areas for improvement include 1) the inclusion of non-anglophone scholarly literatures, 2) the elaboration of the proposed conceptual building blocks and critical vocabularies, 3) a critical reflection on the metanarratives embedded in methodologies that claim to approach sources on their own terms.

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historical debates. Even though Chinese history has grown tremendously over the past fifty years, most of this growth has taken place in the United States where history departments typically have geographic and chronological distribution requirements. At the University of Tennessee my course on Chinese history before 1600 was always fully subscribed by history students because students had to take pre-modern history courses and courses on societies outside of Europe and the Americas. Students in history in European universities have to make a special effort to find us and typically their departments will not encourage this because there are financial disincentives for departments to send their students elsewhere. The same goes for co-teaching where any teaching that area specialists do in history departments typically has to happen on a voluntary basis and as an overload. This situation is less than ideal for those of us who are put in area studies, but it is also problematic for European medieval historians. This arrangement has led to limited interaction among historians working on different parts of the world because they are located elsewhere on campus and it thus results in far fewer opportunities for spontaneous encounters or regular discussions. Things do not have to be that way; and they are changing in some places. There has been considerable interest in (and also some controversy around) the globalizing of medieval history, and historians working on East Asian history have also found their way into some history departments (typically in newer universities that do not have established area studies departments). As you can probably gather from all that I have said I very much hope that this trend will continue –this is not to displace European history, but rather to balance it with the history and the perspective of other places that have also played a critical role in its past and that will continue to play a critical role in the future of European citizens.

Bibliography J. ABU- LUGHOD, Before European Hegemony: The World System AD 1250– 1350, Oxford University Press, Oxford – New York 1989. J. ADELMAN, «What is Global History Now?», Aeon, 2 March 2017: https:// aeon.co/essays/is-global-history-still-possible-or-has-it-had-itsmoment. Accessed July 21, 2019.

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T. ALLSEN, The Steppe and the Sea. Pearls in the Mongol Empire, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 2019. ANON., «Diffamierende Sprache: «Volksverräter» ist das Unwort des Jahres 2016», Der Spiegel, 10.1.2017 https://spon.de/aeTWD. Accessed July 21, 2019. T. BARRETT, «China and the Redundancy of the Medieval», The Medieval History Journal, 1 (1998) 73-89. J. BENTLEY, Old World Encounters: Cross-cultural Contacts and Exchanges in Pre-modern Times, Oxford University Press, Oxford – New York 1993. J. BLOOM, Paper before Print: The History and Impact of Paper in the Islamic World, Yale University Press, New Haven 2001. L. DARLING, «Mirrors for Princes in Europe and the Middle East: A Case of Historiographical Incommensurability», in A. CLASSEN (ed.), East Meets West in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times. Transcultural Experiences in the Premodern World, De Gruyter, Berlin – Boston 2013, pp. 223-242. H. DE WEERDT Information, Territory, and Networks: The Crisis and Maintenance of Empire in Song China, Harvard University Asia Center, Cambridge, MA 2016. ––, «Review of Tackett, Nicolas, The Origins of the Chinese Nation: Song China and the Forging of an East Asian World Order», H-Nationalism, H-Net Reviews, August 2018 https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf. php?id=52962. Accessed July 21, 2019. H. DE WEERDT – H.I. B. HO – A. WAGNER – QIAO JIYAN – M.K. CHU, «Is There a Faction in this List? », Journal of Chinese History, 4.2 (2020) 347-389. doi:10.1017/jch.2020.16. H. DE WEERDT – J. MORCHE, Political Communication in Chinese and European History, 800-1600, Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam 2021. H. DE WEERDT – J. WATTS, «Towards a Comparative History of Political Communication, c. 1000-1500», in DE WEERDT – MORCHE, Political Communication. J. DUINDAM, Dynasties: A Global History of Power, 1300-1800, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2015. GE ZHAOGUANG 葛兆光, «Songdai ‘Zhongguo’ yishi de tuxian 宋代’中国’ 意识的凸显», Wen shi zhe 文史哲 280.1 (2004) 5-12. M. GREEN (ed.), Pandemic Disease in the Medieval World: Rethinking the Black Death, Medieval Globe, 1 (2014).

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C. HOLMES – N. STANDEN, «Defining the Global Middle Ages», medieval worlds, 1 (2015) 106-117. R. I. MOORE, «The Eleventh Century in Eurasian History: Comparative Approach to the Convergence and Divergence of Medieval Civilizations», Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, 33.1 (2003) 1-21. J. OSTERHAMMEL, Unfabling the East: The Enlightenment’s Encounter with Asia, Princeton University Press, Princeton 2018. H. PARK, Mapping the Chinese and Islamic Worlds. Cross-Cultural Exchange in Pre-Modern Asia, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2012. M. POWERS, China and England: The Preindustrial Struggle for Justice in Word and Image, Routledge, Abingdon – New York 2018. J. PREISER-KAPELLER, Jenseits von Rom und Karl dem Grossen: Aspekte der globalen Verflechtung in der langen Spätantike, 300–800 n. Chr., Mandelbaum Verlag, Vienna 2018. P. J. SMITH, «Eurasian Transformations of the Tenth to Thirteenth Centuries: The View from Song China, 906-1279», in J. ARNASON – B. WITTROCK (eds.), Eurasian Transformations, Tenth to Thirteenth Centuries. Crystallizations, Divergences, Renaissances, special issue in Medieval Encounters (2004), 279-308. ––, «Shen-tsung’s Reign and the New Policies of Wang An-shih», in D. TWITCHETT – P. J. SMITH (eds.), The Cambridge History of China. Volume 5, Part One: The Sung Dynasty and Its Precursors, 907-1279, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2009, pp. 347-483. N. STANDEN – C. HOLMES, «Introduction: Towards a Global Middle Ages», in STANDEN – HOLMES (eds.), The Global Middle Ages, Past & Present, 238, supplement 13 (2018) 1-44. N. STANDEN – C. HOLMES (eds.), The Global Middle Ages, Past & Present, 238, supplement 13 (2018). J. R. STRAYER, On the Medieval Origins of the Modern State, Princeton University Press, Princeton 1970. N. TACKETT, The Origins of the Chinese Nation: Song China and the Forging of an East Asian World Order, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2017. H. C. TILLMAN, «Proto-Nationalism in Twelfth-Century China? The Case of Ch’en Liang», Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 39.2 (1979) 403442.

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C. TILLY, Big Structures, Large Processes, Huge Comparisons, Russell Sage Foundation, New York 1984. R. TRAUZETTEL, «Sung Patriotism as a First step towards Chinese Nationalism», in J. W. HAEGER (ed.), Crisis and Prosperity in Sung China, University of Arizona Press, Tucson 1975, pp. 199-213.

Digital Humanities

Gabriel Müller* and Ueli Zahnd** in cooperation with Hans Cools*** and Roberta Padlina**** Open Scholasticism. Editing Networks of Thought in the Digital Age When Roberto Busa, S.J., as one of the founding legends of the digital humanities goes, asked Thomas J. Watson, the founder of IBM, to help him print a concordance of the entire corpus of Aquinas, the revolutionary aspect of his request was its sheer scale. While concordances are a traditional tool in the study of texts, research questions like the one Pater Busa had asked in his dissertation on Thomas’ doctrine of presence required an overview of Aquinas’ use of terms in all of his writings, an overview which in turn required word-lists that were far too long to be compiled by the manual labor of a single person1. Thus the founding project of digital humanities tout court was a project in the study of scholasticism, and it had as its motivation a relatively traditional kind of question which it sought to answer by means of the automation of the manual aspects of knowledge generation. The automatic means of making texts accessible have changed greatly since 1951, and applications of these means have evolved along with them. The question of how machines can be used to make the study of texts in general and scholastic texts in particular not just more efficient but better, however, is a question that can and should be raised again and again. In this paper, we argue that there is one way in particular in which the study of scholasticism could profit from automation, namely by making University of Basel, Faculty of Theology, Nadelberg 10, CH-4051 Basel, [email protected] ** University of Geneva, Institut d’histoire de la réformation, 5 rue De-Candolle, CH-1211 Genève 4, [email protected] *** University of Basel, University Library, Schönbeinstrasse 18-20, CH-4056 Basel, [email protected] **** University of Basel, University Library, Schönbeinstrasse 18-20, CH-4056 Basel, [email protected] 1 Cf. on the history of Busa’s efforts: T. N. Winter, «Roberto Busa, S.J., and the Invention of the Machine-Generated Concordance», The Classical Bulletin, 75 (1999) 3-20. *

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editions of scholastic texts that follow the principles of linked open data2. In the first section, we start from the concept of text editions in general and examine in what way the publishing model that has evolved around the critical print edition fulfills its purpose, and how both the merits and the drawbacks of print editions stem from this foundation. In section two, we look at the existing models of digital and online editions and how they respond to the same basic challenges. In the third section, we argue that online editions could avoid the drawbacks that are most commonly associated with them by following the linked open data paradigm. The fourth and final section is dedicated to showing that scholastic texts in particular lend themselves to an open and linked approach. We also indicate a project that is already working in this direction. 1. The Problem of Text Edition and its Traditional Solutions Since it is our aim to present the possible advantages of a specific approach to editing and publishing texts, we first need to think about text edition in general. What is a scholarly text edition, and what are the basic purposes of such an edition? We would argue that a scholarly edition is an accessible and reliable representation of a historical textual document that is of interest as an object of study3. In other words: The edition itself, while it might be the result of intensive research, is not the subject of study, but 2

For an accessible introduction to the costs and benefits of linked open data, see https://5stardata.info/en/ (accessed March 31, 2019); see also below, pp. 62f., n. 30-33. 3 For the prevalent definition among digital humanists see P. Sahle – G. Vogeler – M. Broughton – J. Cummings – F. Fischer – P. Steinkrüger – W. Scholger, «Criteria for Reviewing Scholarly Digital Editions, version 1.1», Publikationen des Instituts für Dokumentologie und Editorik, June 2014, https://www.i-d-e.de/ publikationen/weitereschriften/criteria-version-1-1/ (accessed March 31, 2019). See also P. Sahle, «What is a Scholarly Digital Edition», in M. J. Driscoll – E. Pierazzo (eds.), Digital Scholarly Editing. Theories and Practices, OpenBook Publishers, Cambridge 2016, pp. 19-39. For a slightly different concept of digital editions that is founded on distinct notions of «document» and «work» see P. Robinson, «Towards a Theory of Digital Editions», Variants, 10 (2013) 105-131; for the technical dimensions of his approach, see Idem, «Some principles for making collaborative scholarly editions in digital form», Digital Humanities Quarterly, 11.2 (2017) 1-44.



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primarily presents a text that exists in some form already. Nevertheless, editions are crucial foundations of scholarship, because the form of unedited texts precludes the reception of a text by the broader scientific community. Consequently, a text edition can be said to be successful when it fulfills this purpose of giving broader access to a text in a reliable way. This means, on the one hand, that as many texts as possible are made available to scholars who have an interest in studying them, regardless of what methodical approach they might have to these texts4. All other things being equal, it is desirable to have access to more text rather than less. It is also desirable to have a broad audience, which is the case when access is neither restricted by institutional barriers, nor restricted to a specific set of readers. In the digital age, this means that text should also be accessible to machine reading. On the other hand, for an edition to be suited as a tool for scientific study, it must also be reliable5: This means firstly that the text as presented in the edition is stable in time, because otherwise, references to it (and hence any study that uses it as a base) would be unreliable. Second, the edition must also be reliable in the sense that the text constitution must be traceable. In other words, it must be possible to find out who is responsible for any given feature of the text, whether it is the original author, some link in the transmission chain between author and edition, or the editors. This is a fundamental requirement without which it would be impossible to have consistent citations. See G. W. Most, «What is a Critical Edition?», in B. Crostini – G. Iversen – B. M. Jensen (eds.), Ars Edendi Lecture Series, vol. IV, Stockholm University Press, Stockholm 2016, pp. 162-180, here p. 169: «The fundamental purpose in making an edition, what is specific to this activity and characterizes it as such, is to make available texts to which people would not otherwise have access, to put more people into a position to do with these texts things which they could not have done otherwise— above all, to do things that the editor himself could not have possibly envisioned.» 5 Given its broader signification, we use here «reliable» and not «critical»: A critical edition is reliable, of course, but not every reliable edition is based on the demands of textual criticism. On the latter see S. Timpanaro, The Genesis of Lachmann’s Method, trad. G. W. Most, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 2005. On reliability in digital editions see E. Pierazzo, Digital Scholarly Editing: Theories, Models and Methods, Ashgate, Farnham 2015, particularly chapter 8, «Trusting the Edition: Preservation and Reliability of Digital Editions», pp. 169-192. See also below, p. 61, n. 28. 4

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These two points entail that, in addition to the text itself, an edition will also contain information about the text. That includes further information about text constitution (i.e. manuscript sources, transmission, previous editions), but also information about the relation to other texts (i.e. internal and external references, bibliographies). This meta-information is not just a by-product that comes with the main text, but an essential part of the edition6. The text of a critical edition is more reliable and more useful for research precisely because it contains additional information about the relations of the text as presented to the original sources. Print editions have been very successful in meeting these demands. A system of publishers, printers and libraries produces and manages physical objects. The different requirements of editions are in part distributed across institutions: Libraries provide access and archiving, printers and publishers distribute books; publishers and editors guarantee that the important features of the texts are traceable. Some of this only becomes possible because of the properties of the physical object «book»: Paper is very durable in the right conditions, which enables libraries to function as longterm archives. A number of conventions have evolved with respect to the way in which editors include context information about a text, namely by various design decisions: footnotes, references, bibliography, introduction, apparatus and index are all conventional ways to organize the physical space on the pages in such a way as to indicate different layers of text. In sum, print editions work. But nevertheless, print editions have some flaws as well7: Firstly, there are limits regarding text presentation. The form of the book alone suggests that the pages between the covers form a single coherent work, to be read from front to back. In most cases, this is not a problem: Works can be divided into multiple tomes if they are too long, or grouped together into a collection; indices, tables of content, page numbers and titles enable selective reading. But the fact remains that the order of the content on the See the «Principles» section in The MLA Committee on Scholarly Editions, «Guidelines for Editors of Scholarly Editions», The Modern Language Association, June 2011, https://www.mla.org/Resources/Research/Surveys-Reports-and-Other-Documents/ Publishing-and-Scholarship/Reports-from-the-MLA-Committee-on-Scholarly-Editions/ Guidelines-for-Editors-of-Scholarly-Editions (accessed March 31, 2019). 7 See K. Sutherland, «Being Critical: Paper-based Editing and the Digital Environment», in M. Deegan – K. Sutherland (eds.), Text Editing, Print and the Digital World, Ashgate, Farnham 2009, pp. 13-25. 6



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pages is fixed and forces a certain presentation on the reader. The editors will have to decide on this order, set it down in their editorial principles, and will inevitably have to compromise depending on the range of texts in the corpus, the intended readership, and the project resources8. The kind of information that is admissible in a footnote according to the editorial principles must stay fixed in order to achieve a consistent presentation. There will be instances where an otherwise valuable reference must be omitted because it would not be consistent with the purpose of the current edition. Quite apart from the choice of editorial principles, even the most diligent editors cannot describe every possible aspect of their text9: many references will not appear in the footnotes simply because the editors were not aware of them. Furthermore, context information also relies on the physical proximity on the page. This restricts the amount of metainformation that can be feasibly integrated into a print edition. There is only so much space on the page. Also, no addition of new information is possible once the book is printed. This is more because of the way in which the referenceability requirement is realized than because of an inherent feature of the printed book: A reference to a print edition is a reference to a certain book (or to a page or chapter in it). If any part of the book changes, it must be regarded as a different edition. A reference to any part of an older edition is incompatible to a reference to a later edition of the same work, even if everything about the passage referenced stayed the same. Finally, paper books are designed to be read by humans and are therefore ill-suited to be read by machines. This becomes a disadvantage when one would like to delegate some of the reading to a machine, e.g. in the form of a search function or in more elaborate ways of distant reading where one uses automation to find out what texts might be worth studying See F. Vielliard – O. Guyotjeannin (eds.), Conseils pour l’édition des textes médiévaux. Fascicule I: Conseils généraux, Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, École nationale des chartes, Paris 2005, pp. 75ff., as well as C. Loffmann – H. Philipps (eds.), A Handbook of Editing Early Modern Texts, Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, London 2018, pp. 73-84. 9 See M. S. Christensen – J. C. Witt – U. Zahnd, «Re-Conceiving the Christian Scholastic Corpus with the Scholastic Commentaries and Texts Archive», forthcoming in T. Hutchings – C. Clivaz (eds.), Christianity and the Digital Humanities, De Gruyter, Berlin – New York 2021 (Introductions to Digital Humanities: Religion). 8

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in more detail. When the text is available only on paper, any such endeavor includes the additional step of digitization, potentially inducing so much additional labor as to defeat the purpose10. As an example of both the merits and the drawbacks of print editions, we would like to point to the St. Bonaventure edition of William of Ockham11. The St. Bonaventure Ockham is a traditional edition undertaken by a traditional and well-funded publisher (the Franciscan Institute with funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities). Over the span of 21 volumes, it contains all of Ockham’s philosophical and theological writings. Each volume has its own short introduction, mostly concerning the constitution of the critical text, with a stemma of the manuscripts used. The apparatus at the bottom of the page references the manuscripts, and the footnotes below it reference passages elsewhere in the same volume as well as in other volumes of the edition, works by Ockham’s contemporaries and Classical and Patristic sources. At the end of each volume, there are a number of indices. The types of these indices vary but include: a list of the manuscript sources used and the libraries that hold them, a bibliography of works cited by Ockham and by the editors, an index of doctrines, concordances with older editions and a general index. The combination of the apparatus, the footnotes and the indices is an effective way of presenting not just Ockham’s text, but a wealth of information about that text. But as scrupulous as the editors might have been, some mistakes will inevitably be made, both in the presented text and in the meta-information. Furthermore, the room in the apparatus is limited, both because of the limitations of page layout and because editorial labor is a limited resource12. More importantly, even though Ockham’s writings 10 This is even true for online editions that lack a documented markup, see F. Fischer, «Digital Corpora and Scholarly Editions of Latin Texts: Features and Requirements of Textual Criticism», Speculum, 92:S1 (2017) 265-287, here p. 266. 11 William of Ockham, Opera philosophica et theologica, ed. by G. Gál et al., 17 vols., The Franciscan Institute, St. Bonaventure, N.Y. 1967-1988. 12 The editors of volume IV say about their editorial principles: «Per methodum rationalem [intelligimus] viam mediam: nihil omittere quod necessarium vel utile est ad textum criticum restituendum, sed non cumulare superflua quae apparatum criticum sine ulla utilitate stiparent et consummationem editionis ad Kalendas Graecas proferrent» (OTH 4, 18*). The limitations of a general index in paper form might be illustrated by the following example: Ockham appeals to his famous principle of parsimony so often that the corresponding index entry just gives passim (cf. OTH 9, 816, Pluralitas). This is not very helpful if one would like to know, for example, in



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do not change anymore, our knowledge about them does. Manuscripts change hands, new manuscripts and fragments are discovered, and new secondary literature is published. But the printed book is a static, limited snapshot of a text and its context. The citation system ensures that most of the references stay valid, but to stay relevant, an edition needs to be a reasonable representation of the text as it is known by current scholars. For authors who see a lot of controversy, there might be a re-edition that corrects mistakes or adds newer literature. But this entails a large investment of materials in excess of the amendments themselves, because whole volumes have to be replaced. The same problem can occur even when there is no external new information to be integrated. In big edition projects, work will typically concentrate on one part of the text first and publish that before moving on to other texts, which is part of the reason why the publishing dates of different volumes of the same edition are often multiple years apart. In some cases, work on the later volumes can shed new light on issues in earlier ones13. The appropriate place for this newly-gained knowledge would be the earlier volumes themselves, but it would be excessive to re-publish entire volumes because of changes that only affect details. Examples of this can be found in the St. Bonaventure Ockham, where the issue is often one of cross-referencing: For various reasons, it is valuable to note connections between different parts of Ockham’s opus, but the connections can be made only when both passages are edited. One of the later volumes might refer to a connection with an earlier one, but if the connection was not also noted in the earlier volume, a user might not become aware of it even though the editors knew it in the meantime14. While print editions have thus the means what contexts Ockham likes to appeal to the principle. In this case, the mentions are so numerous that to list them all would have taken a disproportionate amount of space in the index. We would like to thank Daniel Simpson, St. Louis, who first drew our attention to this example. 13 Cf. the many changes that occurred during the almost 70 years of editing Scotus, as described by J.B. Percan, «Introduzione/Introduction», in B. Ioannis Duns Scoti Opera Omnia, vol. 15.1, Indices, Typis Vaticanis, Rome 2015, pp. 21-79. 14 For example, Quodlibeta septem III, q. 3 (OTH 9, 212.1-3) refers the reader back to the places in the Sentences commentary that treat of the same question (I, d. 7, q. 1 and q. 2, and d. 2, q. 1), but the corresponding paragraphs in the earlier volumes contain no forwards reference to the Quodlibeta. This is simply due to the fact that the Quodlibeta were published after the Sentences commentary and the editors had more knowledge of the relevant connections.

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to provide a duly reviewed, well-documented and long-lasting text, they have some serious flaws with regard to usability and being up-to-date. 2. Digital Editions As we hope to show in the next paragraph, digital editions have the potential to match print editions in all their strengths while correcting for most of their flaws. The key strength of digital editions, we argue, is their flexibility. That flexibility consists in the fact that data are not grouped together by physical proximity. Of course, data must be visually arranged on a computer screen before a human can make sense of them, but any visual arrangement is generated by the machine (according to some set of rules defined by a human). This means that changes between different visual presentations of the same data can be given over to the machine as well. The added flexibility has a number of potential advantages: Firstly, the amount of references is restricted only by the time and willingness of the editors to make them. It is less of a danger that the page will be cluttered by too much meta-information, because it is possible to have only that information on the digital page which is desirable at the moment. Also, any part of the edition can be changed at any time and be republished as a new version. This makes it possible to improve and correct even minor details of a big project if that is required. Furthermore, references to texts outside the scope of the primary text are a central feature of many editions. In a print book, there are two options: Either cite the referenced text by reprinting it or give a reference. In the first case, there is the possibility of citing an edition that is out of date or even of introducing mistakes, and it will not always be possible to reprint all of the referenced text because that would take too much work or space. In the second case, the references are left to the reader to resolve. But if the source is out of print, in an inaccessible library or otherwise unavailable, the reference does not provide what it promises. In an online environment on the other hand, links can bring the reader directly to the source. In this way, they combine the advantages of both forms of print reference: Like quotes, links introduce no ambiguity in the text of the reference; and like references, links do not duplicate a piece of text, saving on labor and minimizing the risk of introducing questions of origin. As a final advantage, it is possible on the web to have references that run in both



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directions automatically, even if the editor only ever specified it in one of the two related passages15. Although the potential of online editions is considerable, existing online editions rarely fully use it, but unnecessarily imitate print editions16, thereby inheriting some of their drawbacks. Whether an online version of a text fulfills the purposes of a (scholarly) edition as outlined above depends on its technical form. The simplest online texts consist in digital pictures or pdf scans of print media17. This can already be valuable because it gives broad access to texts that might be difficult to reach otherwise. More ambitious editions present themselves in a structured form suitable for web pages, like html18. All the forms of metainformation that distinguish good print edition can be found in good instances of this kind of web edition too: Footnotes, tables of content and bibliographies are easily translated into web formats. Web editions also offer some functions that would not be possible to implement on paper: Most serious online editions enable the reader to search within their text in some form, or even provide automated tools for analysis19. But even though some web editions on the surface present themselves to the reader quite differently than printed books, they share a fundamental paradigm with print editions: Meaning is created on the presentation layer. If web See below, p. 70, n. 47. See J. J. van Zundert, «Barely Beyond the Book?», in M. J. Driscoll – E. Pierazzo, Digital Scholarly Editing, pp. 83-106. For a similar set of problems in archivistics see A.-S. Klareld – K. L. Gidlund, «Rethinking Archives as Digital: The Consequences of ‘Paper Minds’ in Illustrations and Definitions of E-archives», Archivaria, 83 (2017) 81-108. 17 See, e.g., D. Martin Luthers Werke: kritische Gesamtausgabe, ed. by G. Buchwald et al., Hermann Böhlau, Weimar 1883-1929, at http://lutherdansk.dk/ WA/D. Martin Luthers Werke, Weimarer Ausgabe - WA.htm (accessed March 31, 2019), or John Calvin, Opera quae supersunt omnia, ed. by E. Cunitz – J.-W. Baum – E. W. E. Reuss, Schwetschke, Braunschweig 1863-1900, at https://archive-ouverte. unige.ch/unige:650 (accessed March 31, 2019). 18 Most famously, http://www.corpusthomisticum.org (accessed March 31, 2019) with the works of Thomas Aquinas; but see, among others, http://www.augustinus.it/ latino/index.htm (accessed March 31, 2019) for Augustine. 19 See, e.g., http://www.albertusmagnus.uwaterloo.ca/ (accessed March 31, 2019) with works of Albert the Great and powerful search functions; or http://www.intratext. com/LATINA/ (accessed March 31, 2019) with an entire catalogue of Patristic and Medieval texts, including a concordance feature that links all the occurrences of the same word within a particular work. 15 16

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editions make use, just as print editions do, of visual accentuation to highlight certain pieces of information (such as rendering author names in small caps or biblical citations in italics), they only tell the reader’s web browser how to display this or that piece of text, without providing the meaning of this design feature. It is left to the reader to reconstruct the editor’s reasons for a certain text presentation. If an editor decides e.g. to display in italics both biblical verses and titles of works cited, this presentation paradigm makes it impossible to distinguish between the two kinds of accentuation on a technical level. In addition, web editions almost never provide possibilities to rearrange a text and to display, e.g., only those paragraphs in which a particular author is cited, or to synoptically read two paragraphs stemming from different parts of a text, even though this would be quite possible to implement. Finally, just as book editions add text enclosed in bookcases to a library and leave it to the reader to open several books at once, web editions continue to add isolated presentations of text to the web and leave it the user to open several sites at once. Digital humanists call this the «silo problem»20. Given the idiosyncratic ways of storing data in mutually incompatible project silos, it is almost impossible to establish references between different web editions and to research as a corpus the products of several digital editions. Hence, this presentational paradigm is what makes it impossible to use the full potential of web editions. As long as it is active, online editions will not be able to outrival print editions even with all their drawbacks21. As it is, the best that the creators of an online edition can hope for is that it is just as good as a print edition. Because the underlying reason of their limitations is the fact that they do not distinguish precisely enough between the content of their databases and the meaning which that content is supposed to convey, we would argue that the way to improve web editions is a thorough The notion of «information silos» was originally used among business managers to identify departments that lacked the means to communicate with each other, cf. P. Ensor, «The Functional Silo Syndrome», AME Target, 5 (1988) 16. For our field, see D. Stuart, Facilitating Access to the Web of Data: A Guide for Librarians, Facet Publishing, London 2011, pp. 45f. 21 See already P. Robinson, «How We Have Been Publishing the Wrong Way, and How We Might Publish a Better Way», in E. Gabriel (ed.), Electronic Publishing: Politics and Pragmatics, Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, Tempe 2010, pp. 139-156. 20



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separation of content, meaning and presentation22. This can also be made plausible by appeal to the general characterization of digital editions: The distinguishing feature of digital editions is automation, so it should be unsurprising that any advantage that digital editions potentially have over paper editions will stem from the ways in which they automate editorial tasks. In other words, using computers to produce text editions only makes sense in so far as it enables us to let computers do labor that human would otherwise be doing23. But automation which creates meaningful connections must be able to rely on data with an appropriate structure, as can be seen with the potential advantages of web editions mentioned above: Online editions can allow for almost unlimited space for references, but only because the presentation on the screen can be changed dynamically, e.g. to hide long annotations in a situation where they distract from the main text. This is possible if the references can be separated from the main text automatically, so that the machine is able to make the distinction. Likewise, the ability to change minor parts of an online edition depends on the ability to reliably identify which parts to change. This also demands an automated control over the text, since the resulting jump in complexity could not be overseen by humans anymore. Finally, automatic two-way references are only possible if a machine can construct from a given reference from A to B a reference from B to A, so naturally, the machine must have a way to recognize references as such24. Section 3 will elaborate why and in what way a move away from the presentational paradigm and towards an approach founded on the concept of linked open data can improve web editions, and particularly web editions of scholastic texts. But before that, we will have to give the sketch of an answer to a general objection against scholarly web editions that is founded on a difficulty common See Robinson, «Towards a Theory of Digital Editions», p. 113, and A. Pichler – T.M. Bruvik, «Digital Critical Editing. Separating Encoding from Presentation», in D. Apollon – C. Bélisle – P. Régnier (eds.), Digital Critical Editions, University of Illinois Press, Urban 2014, pp. 179-199. 23 To put it more drastically: «Representation for reading purposes only scratches the surface of what a digital text is» (J. J. van Zundert – T. L. Andrews, «Qu’est-ce qu’un text numérique? – A New Rationale for the Digital Representation of Text», DSH, 32 (2017) ii78-ii88, here p. ii83). 24 See Christensen – Witt – Zahnd, «Re-Conceiving the Christian Scholastic Corpus». 22

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to almost any form of digital archive, and which might be termed the storage problem25. Currently, in contrast to the established system of printers and libraries, it is still unclear who will preserve digital editions and guarantee that they will be available decades after they are first published. The reasons for this are partly the quickly changing technical standards of internet technology, and partly the politics of academic publishing; the difficulties in solving this question are part of why today there are few cases where the digital version of a text has become the standard edition for scholarship.26 In the discussion of possible solutions, two aspects should be distinguished: reliability and durability. They indicate two problems that should be viewed as separate and the solution of which will involve institutional changes and cannot be found exclusively by technical means. We will argue that conceptions of web edition that make full use of the appropriate tools have the potential to solve them both, if they have enough institutional support. What do we mean by «reliable» and «durable»? Digital resources have the reputation of not being durable in the sense that they need an excess of maintenance and resources just to ensure that the information contained in them stays available over long periods of time27. The issue is connected directly to the nature of the medium: Whereas paper, when left in a suitable environment, will endure a long time with very little outside interaction, digital presentations depend on a high level of technology and maintenance just to stay available. The maintenance of digital resources also involves adapting existing material to changing technical standards. Thus, it seems like paper editions will necessarily be the safe option if the most important factor is that the information is accessible over the span of multiple decades. For a discussion of this and of several other potential problems with digital editions see J. J. van Zundert – P. Boot, «The Digital Edition 2.0 and The Digital Library: Services, not Resources», Bibliothek und Wissenschaft, 44 (2011) 141-152. 26 As a positive counterexample, one might mention the Digital Averroes Project: http://dare.uni-koeln.de/ (accessed March 31, 2019). 27 Cf. Pierazzo, Digital Scholarly Editing, pp. 169ff., and F. Jannidis, «Digital Editions in the Net. Perspectives of Scholarly Editing in a Digital World», in J. Schäfer – P. Gendolla (eds.), Beyond the Screen: Transformations of Literary Structures, Interfaces and Genres, transcript, Bielefeld 2010, pp. 543-560. 25



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Reliability28 is a connected but distinct issue: Digital resources have the reputation of being unable to guarantee the quality of their information. In other words, web editions lack a system of institutions and mechanisms that could do for them what editorial boards and university libraries do for print editions. These two aspects, durability and reliability, will both need to be addressed before it can be said that web editions truly fulfill all of the functions that print editions do. The perceived untrustworthiness of digital texts is not directly connected to the paper medium, but to the fact that the established mechanisms of ascertaining editorial authority are not yet sufficiently translated from the print medium to the web. There is no reason in principle why similar mechanisms could not be found. Peer review mechanisms on web editions are a promising step in this direction: on the web, reviews can potentially take place on a much smaller scale, down to individual paragraphs29. The role that university publishing houses have played in the past would need very little in the way of adaption to be workable in the context of web edition: just as Harvard University Press stands with its name for the relevance and quality of any printed book published under its name, universities and their libraries could guarantee the quality of a number of web editions hosted on their sites. As will be argued in more detail in section three, the application of the concept of linked open data will also be instrumental in handling the technical aspect of both of the two issues discussed in this section. In brief: It could very well be that the paper medium will always have its place for the purpose of storing text over the long term, but even in this case, the ability to separate the text from its presentation is a prerequisite. To the issue of reliability, the distinction of presentation and content is relevant because it allows for separate ascriptions of responsibility. In this way, the flexibility of digital storage adds to reliability instead of detracting from it: web editions can separate their content into comparatively small bits, each of which can exist in multiple successive versions, so that credit can be given at a very granular level both in terms of the scope of the changes and in terms of their succession. 28 The concept of which we have sketched in the paragraph on the purposes of editions in general: See above, p. 51, n. 5). 29 Cf. Pierazzo, Digital Scholarly Editing, pp. 187-191; for a working system of digital peer review, see below, p. 74, n. 61, and S. Huskey – J. Witt, «Decoupling Quality Control and Publication: The DLL and the Traveling Imprimatur», Digital Humanities Quarterly, 13.4 (2019).

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3. New Solutions to an Old Problem: Linked Open Editions To explain what an alternative paradigm of online edition might look like, we would like –with many others indeed– to promote the idea of linked open data. To that end, let us first explain what we understand by the terms «open» and «linked»30: «Open», when applied to data, does not mean the same thing as «accessible». A text or some piece of information about a text is accessible if there are no obstacles (like a paywall or a private network) that prevent anyone with an internet connection from reading it. For that same piece of information to be «open», it is required that it is accessible, but also that it can be used, modified and shared freely31. The attribute «linked» is even more demanding32. That a bundle of data is «linked» means that any links or references in it are made explicit (for humans and for machines): If there is a noteworthy relation between any two pieces of data, the relation must be recorded in a machine-readable way. This requires that: a.) in the structure of the data, the objects are distinguished from any relations they might have with one another; b.) this distinction must be in machine-readable form, i.e. it must follow a formal open data representation standard. The resulting web of data re-used in different contexts can be called the «Semantic Web» because it is a way of translating human-readable 30 Although they used a different terminology, the concept of linked open data ties up to G. Bodard – J. Guarcés, «Open Source Critical Editions: A Rationale», in Deegan – Sutherland (eds.), Text Editing, Print and the Digital World, pp. 8498. See also J. Wettlaufer, «Der nächste Schritt? Semantic web und digitale Editionen», in R. S. Kamzelak – T. Steyer (eds.), Digitale Metamorphose: Digital Humanities und Editionswissenschaft, 2018 (Sonderband der Zeitschrift für digitale Geisteswissenschaften, 2). 31 «Open data and content can be freely used, modified, and shared by anyone for any purpose» http://opendefinition.org/ (accessed March 31, 2019); see also T. Berners-Lee, «The Many Meanings of Open», https://www.w3.org/DesignIssues/ Open.html (accessed March 31, 2019). 32 See https://www.w3.org/standards/semanticweb/data (accessed March 31, 2019), and C. Bizer, «Linked Data - The Story So Far», International Journal on Semantic Web and Information Systems, 5 (2009) 1-22.



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descriptions of meaning into machine-readable ones. An object that is part of the semantic web has meaning in the sense that it has specific relations to specific other parts of the web33. The standards that have been introduced to put the general idea of a semantic web into practice are not trivial to implement with something as complicated and big as a scholarly edition. This is mainly because a great degree of explicitness and consistency in the data is needed in order to really benefit from the advantages of the concept. It is called the semantic web precisely because each object and each relation between two objects must have a well-defined meaning; thus, the challenge lies not so much in the fact that objects, relations and semantic descriptions have to be implemented in a machine-readable way, but more in the fact that the creators of the data have to come to an agreement on what the relevant objects and relations are and what meaning they should have34. As long as it is the responsibility of the viewer to fill the terms and visual features on the page with meaning, no such agreement is needed. But as soon as meaning is encoded in the data itself, each visual feature that has any meaning at all needs to have an explicitly defined meaning, and, more than that, it needs to have the same meaning in every one of its instances. But for the price of this explicitness and consistency, linked open data has a number of advantages. Generally speaking, the task of converting existing data into linked open data is the task of taking expert knowledge of a specific domain and expressing that knowledge in machinereadable formalisms. The knowledge in the resulting form can be expected to be more reliable than before: Ambiguity is reduced to a minimum35, because any data structure that has meaning must by design have the same 33 See in addition to the aforementioned resources https://www.w3.org/ DesignIssues/LinkedData.html (accessed March 31, 2019). 34 On modeling ontologies, see most recently Ø. Eide – C.-E. Smith Ore, «Ontologies and Data Modeling», in J. Flanders – F. Jannidis, The Shape of Data in the Digital Humanities. Modeling Texts and Text-based Resources, Routledge, London – New York 2019, pp. 178-196; see also J. Flanders – F. Jannidis, «Data Modeling», in S. Schreibman – R. Siemens – J. Unsworth (eds.), A New Companion to Digital Humanities, John Wiley & Sons, Malden – Oxford 2016, pp. 229-237. 35 For a discussion of the pros and cons of ambiguity reduction, see P. H. Hayes – H. Halpin, «In Defense of Ambiguity Redux», in M. Lytras – A. Sheth (eds.), Progressive Concepts for Semantic Web Evolution: Applications and Developments, Information Science Reference, Hershey – New York 2010, pp. 102-122.

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meaning across the entire database, and conversely, by the same token, two different semantic contents can never be expressed by the same database entry. Also, the disambiguation in the data structure forces the experts to create a common terminology and to reflect generally on the best way to express their knowledge. Finally, the internal logic of the terms that are introduced as part of the formalization process is also part of the data. Because of this, the computer can check the consistency of new data with existing data. The resulting data will be as consistent, as explicit and as representative of the expert knowledge as possible. This also leads to linked open data being easier to transport into new technical implementations, making it more durable: the principles governing linked open data are not only independent of any content, but they are also independent of the short-lived technical implementations or presentation36. On top of this, computers can generate additional knowledge by the same means that enable the consistency checking: Any properties of the data from which conclusions can be drawn by simple logic, the computer can use to perform an innumerable amount of calculations, from temporal or geographic reasoning to semantic proximity searches and corpus analyses. After this general introduction on the idea and potential advantages of open linked data, we will now explicate the application of this idea to web editions. We saw in section 2 that some of the limitations of printed books do not apply on the web, but that existing web editions do not make full use of that potential. In section 2.3, we mentioned the issue of durability as a particularly common and warranted objection. At the moment, digital versions of text tend to become inaccessible, be it after some years or some decades. This happens when the provider of the digital text in its original form stops supporting it and no other institution takes over. The defect can be on the technical level of keeping the servers and databases running, or it can arise because the technical standards change so dramatically that the data becomes incompatible with newer reading interfaces. Depending on the conception of a web edition, some editorial work will also be required even in the years after its first publication, for example to review and integrate suggestions by readers. Taken together, this often leads to a Accordingly, the standards for semantic web technology by the World Wide Web Consortium (W3C) speak as broadly as possible of «knowledge about things, groups of things, and relations between things», see https://www.w3.org/OWL/ (accessed March 31, 2019). See also below, p. 65. 36



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situation in which web editions degrade faster than physical books37: Text which was made available from sources becomes unavailable again, and the resources that were spent on the creation of the edition are effectively lost. On the face of it, the solution to this problem is simply to have editions according to open data standards38. If an edition follows open standards, then the parts of its data that are valuable for follow-up projects can be extracted and re-used, and the parts that are not useful anymore can be ignored. But in practice, the technical problems that lead to older web editions (and data collections more generally) becoming inaccessible often arise because it is difficult to separate the useful data from the presentation. Formats like html do not distinguish between data and information about the presentation of that data. Here is where linked data comes in: Because, on the most abstract level, any use of data consists in making connections, the same pieces of data can be used in multiple contexts as long as they can be separated from their context-specific relations. In data that follows the standards of linkedness, it is possible to separate some parts of the data from others according to meaningful connections between them and regardless of the arbitrary layers of their current presentation. To take up the example of text displayed in italics39, if the underlying data distinguishes between instances of biblical citations and titles of works cited and does not merely record that they are both to be rendered in italics, then it is far easier to move the data to another environment where e.g. only the biblical citations of the primary author are of interest and not the references of the earlier editors to earlier secondary literature. Therefore, the first advantage that linked open data brings is that it is reusable, and this is important to the solution of the durability issue. Because content, metadata and presentation are already separated on the level of data structure, data storage does not depend on a specific piece of software; rather, it is easy to extract content and metadata from a format or database that is not up to date anymore and to reuse both in a more recent one. 37 To mention just one example among many: the correspondence of Johannes Eck (1486-1543), digitally edited by V. Pnür, was a leading project in the early years of the web and freely available on http://ivv7srv15.uni-muenster.de/mnkg/pfnuer/EckBriefe.html. Between 2016 and early 2019, however, it was completely offline and, as of July 2019, is available only as a non-curated html snapshot. 38 See already Pierazzo, Digital Scholarly Editing, pp. 181-184. 39 See above, p. 57, n. 19.

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Second, there can be co-existing presentations of the same data. Editions exist in a number of different forms, of which the critical edition of the complete works of a single author is just one example. For most texts, there will be multiple different groups of potential readers, each with different interests and therefore expectations. If the data is sufficiently separated from the presentation (and open), then the demands of a new group of readers can be satisfied by simply creating a new bundle of links to data that is already present, instead of copying the data and creating multiple parallel editions that will become inconsistent with each other as soon as one edition modifies its data40. The data used and finally approved by so many groups becomes thus more reliable. Reliability is also a question of keeping content up to date. The third advantage is that content updates, just as updates to the technical form, become much easier to do, and can even be automated. Content updates that concern only a certain part of an edition will only affect the updated objects and their relations. This has to do with a natural consequence of following the linked open data paradigm: to represent a text as linked is to represent any and all relations between its parts (if they are represented at all) as links between two distinguished digital objects. This means that from the perspective of a single object (e.g. some text passage), there is no essential difference between a reference which points to an object on the same webpage (e.g. to another passage in a different volume by the same author), or to any other resource on the web. The semantic web consists in objects and their relations41. This has the consequence that the cohesion of the single book or work is de-emphasized in comparison to both its smaller parts and the larger network of references it itself is a part of. It is of course still possible to have presentations that focus on a single author or work, but it becomes easier to choose alternative presentations if the research question demands it. Just as a linked edition can be edited in its parts, it can also receive new connections to external resources. Connections to external texts are traditionally indicated in printed books by means of footnotes and a bibliography. Non-linked online editions either use notes and biblio40 Different applications based on the same data can answer thus quite different research interests: on a corpus of Sentences commentaries, one application might enable a user to display, e.g., all the Augustine citations in commentaries of the 13th century, while another might help to collate every caput quaestionis with material on original sin. 41 See https://www.w3.org/standards/semanticweb/ (accessed March 31, 2019).



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graphies too, or they rely on hyperlinks to point to resources available elsewhere on the web. In any case, to look up a reference, the reader must leave the environment of the edition and look at the referenced text in its own environment, whether that is a book, a pdf file or another website. For references to linked data, it becomes possible to have the referenced resource appear in the same view and compare it to the original directly, while the underlying data is still maintained by two separate projects. E.g., an edition might want to display images of manuscript folios alongside their respective transcriptions. For this application, it is not necessary to have a copy of the image files on the same server as the edition because the computer of the user will get them automatically from the library site which they are already on42. In addition, the interoperability of different but related projects, the flexibility of presentation and the ability to add, amend and correct taken together enable a tremendous distribution of labor on the larger scale43: Projects can use the data produced by earlier projects and build on it. Later projects and individuals can add transcriptions, references or commentaries long after work on the original edition is finished. This has at least two consequences. On the one hand, where texts are completely unavailable in digital form, it is worthwhile to make a modest first effort and provide the raw text (e.g. a first transcription), trusting that further work can build on this foundation (e.g. add internal and external references, transcriptions of additional sources, context). On the other hand, instead of endangering the intellectual property rights of the individual contributor, making data available in an open form and under an open license can make each individual contributor’s share of the work more easily traceable. This can be achieved because when collective work is organized in the iterative way just sketched, each version of each resource (e.g. a transcription) can rest untouched even when other resources modify the information taken from it. Because of the linked nature of all the resources, all the dependencies of a resource to its predecessors can be noted. In this way, intellectual debts are made explicit even on a much more granular level than in traditional media. The Scholastic Commentary and Text Archive, which we describe on pp. 7174, below, has an implementation of this idea. See also n. 64. 43 See K. M. Price, «Social Scholarly Editing», in Schreibman – Siemens – Unsworth (eds.), A New Companion to Digital Humanities, pp. 137-149. 42

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Taken together, these advantages are part of the solution to what we have called the reliability and the durability problems above. Web editions have the potential not just to take on all of the roles of print editions, but to fundamentally transform the role of text editions in the humanities. In the next section, we would like to argue that, over and above being an excellent concept for scholarly text editions in general, the characteristics of linked open data fit very well with the nature of scholastic text specifically. 4. Linked Open Editions of Scholastic Texts, and the SCTA Let us start this last section with some general reflections, too; this time about the characteristics of scholastic texts. It might be too obvious to note, but it is a fact that scholastic texts are usually more difficult to access than modern texts because most of them are available only in dispersed manuscripts that are difficult to read. In addition, a substantial part of the corpus of medieval texts belongs to genres with some specific features: most of them are quite rigid in their structure when compared with modern (scientific or literary) prose, and knowledge of this text structure is an important factor in understanding them. The most important feature, however, is that quotations and references are central to most genres of scholastic texts. In a sense, scholastic texts can be considered as networks of intertextuality. Among the most prevalent references are ones to the text an author is commenting on, references to authoritative sources and to the bible, but also references within a single work, within the oeuvre of a single author, and to works of peers. These references themselves are reused and re-referenced within the corpus of scholastic literature, so that each reference presents itself together with its own history of transmission. This history, however, does not follow an ideal stemmatic line, but has all the well-known features of contamination and corruption that makes scholastic intertextuality all the more interlaced and complex. Taken as a bundle of such references with their respective complex histories of transmission, scholastic texts appear thus as part of a huge network, a network where references are nodes that point to other nodes within the same web44. See Christensen – Witt – Zahnd, «Re-Conceiving the Christian Scholastic Corpus». 44



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In scholastic texts, however, these references are never made explicit in any standardized way, of course. On the contrary, most references are implicit to some degree, and the connection to the text cited is seldom unambiguous: sometimes, an author might only allude to an argument brought forward by a peer, and even authoritative texts exist in several versions. In addition, a few very important texts are referenced by quite different kinds of text and author: the Vulgate, Lombard, the Church Fathers, canon law, and Aristotle are used throughout theological, philosophical, and medical corpora. All these characteristics make scholastic texts attractive for linked open publishing and editing. The fact that a big part of the total corpus of scholasticism has not been edited at all is one of the greatest obstacles standing in the way of broad access to scholastic texts. Linked open publishing can be helpful in removing this obstacle because it makes simple, low-key transcriptions of unedited works possible. The readers and scholars making these transcriptions do not need to participate in a complete critical edition. Nevertheless, because those preliminary transcriptions are open data, they can serve as the foundations of a more complete edition, whereas, if the first transcription sits on a closed-off website, potential editors will have to repeat the work that went into it45. With regards to the rigid structure of scholastic texts, a semantic representation can make those structures visible for humans and for machines. Any research question for which not just one or a few, but many texts and their structural items are relevant can benefit from textual data that includes that structure. An example of such a research question might be one where a certain topic is typically connected to a certain place in a common structure, such as questions about arguments typically brought forward in the capita of quaestiones to a particular problem, or the amount of biblical references in clarificationes terminorum of a certain group of authors, and so on46. First and foremost, however, the many references on all levels of the corpus can be modeled much better with an open and a semantic approach 45 At the same time, it is not just easier for the editors of a later edition to make use of the results of earlier transcription work, but it is also easier to give appropriate due, because the older text still exists as a distinct version. 46 For an example concerned with De anima commentaries, see Christensen – Witt – Zahnd, «Re-Conceiving the Christian Scholastic Corpus».

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than either in print or on closed-off websites. Most basically, the nature of a reference consists in the fact that the piece of data which is referenced is not copied, but rests untouched wherever it is. In a semantic web structure, this is exactly modeled: The reference text, the text referenced, and the reference itself are three separate entities and can be introduced, hosted and studied separately and by different people. This way of modeling references in linked open data has a specific payoff for scholastic texts, a payoff that principally consists in the automatic generation of references by implication. Given that, in a semantically linked system, not only the referencing text, but also the text referenced «know» about the link between them, it is possible to automatically make the connection to every other link involving either node of the reference: not only the link between a reference and the text referenced is established, but also the many references to one text referenced –references that might appear in most different texts– are automatically linked to each other. While standard editions track the intertextuality between the edited text and its sources, linked open data allows for getting a grip of whole networks of scholastic intertextuality, for it interlaces an edited text into the scholastic corpus as a whole. This functionality is valuable even for editors who are not interested in levels of intertextuality beyond the text they are editing. If an editor realizes in a later part of her edition that a particular text is cited there for a second time, the link between the first and the second appearance of the citation is immediately established for both appearances as soon as the editor adds it to the latter. What is more, a system built on open semantic standards may even draw an editor’s attention to possible cross-references and sources he might otherwise never have become aware of. In this way, an open linked system is able to automatically produce new knowledge47: knowledge about common references in very disparate texts, about textual dependencies, and about the reception of scholastic resources. In this way, with linked open data intertextuality can be studied on a level that would not have been possible so far. Since references become 47 The quality of this knowledge depends, of course, on the quality of an editor’s work when identifying possible nodes. The caveat of traditional scholarship remains in force: «Trop prouver ne prouve plus rien» (P. Bourgain – F. Vielliard (eds.), Conseils pour l’édition des textes médiévaux. Fascicule III: Textes littéraires, École nationale des chartes, Paris 2002, p. 92).



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machine-readable, we can start to explore the full scale of these references by the combination of distributed labor and automation, crawling the information needed from a staggering number of very different sources. To answer even a superficially simple question like «In what genre of texts was De Trinitate IV,21 cited by Dominicans in the 13th century?» would, for a human reader, take an unmanageably large aggregation of texts and references. However, in a situation where each editorial project openly provides its data and tags its references in a machine readable way, the necessary amalgamation of information to answer such a question is much simplified, and liberates the researcher to use her time for the interpretation of the so collated data. Likewise, the maintenance of this data becomes feasible only because it is distributed among a number of different projects. Nevertheless, each project may keep its specific perspective on the data provided: because the semantic web is open and anyone can add their own connections, there need not be a single interpretation for exactly how to model ambiguous references. Two projects can differ greatly in terms of editorial principles, and it is still possible that they reference each other’s data, just as long as both follow the fundamental principles of openness and linkedness, providing explicit semantics of the data they publish. An example of such a system built on semantic web standards is the Scholastic Commentaries and Texts Archive (SCTA)48. The SCTA is an initiative that aims to provide texts of the broad scholastic tradition precisely in the form of linked open data. At its core, it consists of a set of standards that define how scholastic texts should be made accessible on the web in order to be automatically linked with other scholastic data. These standards focus on the description of scholastic works and the manuscripts that contain them49, on a proposal of rules for encoding transcriptions50, General editor of the SCTA is Jeffrey C. Witt. For other editors and contributors, see https://scta.info/about (accessed March 31, 2019). 49 The so called «Expression Description File» (EDF), see https://github.com/ scta/edf-schema (accessed March 31, 2019) and https://scta.github.io/edf-schema/ (accessed March 31, 2019) for a technical description. 50 This standard mainly consists of a specific subset of TEI rules that the SCTA recommends to use for encoding scholastic texts, see http://lombardpress.org/schema/ docs/index (accessed March 31, 2019). There is also a «Transcription Description File Schema» (TDF), used for the organizing several transcriptions of a text, see https:// github.com/scta/tdf-schema (accessed March 31, 2019). 48

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and on the structure of prosopographical data51. Any project concerned with scholastic texts that is willing to publish its data according to these standards can announce them to the SCTA and automatically becomes part of a huge, interoperable network. Hence, the SCTA essentially functions as a community project. It is an open community that works and elaborates on the standards to adopt, and a growing community of scholars adopt the recommended standards and thereby become part of the network52. It is important to stress in this regard that «to publish» the data of an edition project into the SCTA network and according to SCTA structure guidelines does not presuppose a certain storage system or presentation layer. If a project’s editors distinguish data from presentation, as we have argued they should, the «publication» of the data that is in question here may be a simple interface that provides the raw data in an accordingly structured way, while the project itself can use whatever storage solution and presentation layer the editors prefer. In this sense, the SCTA illustrates a fundamental benefit of applying linked open data principles to text editions: in such a digital environment, standardization does not mean restriction. Just as the billions of sites available on the web follow the http standard to become accessible by web browsers, the SCTA standards define a common access point to scholastic data, while projects can keep their individual appearance and identity. The additional gain of SCTA standards vis-à-vis simple http is, as we described above, that the data underlying the projects is also accessible separately from their individual presentations, so that they are not siloed anymore but can interoperate; and since scholars who prepare a digital edition have to think about standards anyways53, the SCTA invites them to collaborate in doing this in the most beneficial way. An example is the Sentences commentary of Alphonsus Vargas Toletanus that was digitally transcribed by Luciana Cioca as part of the THESIS project at the IRHT, The «People Description File», in development. See https://scta.info/about (accessed March 31, 2019) for principally involved scholars, and http://community.scta.info/ (accessed March 31, 2019) for the larger community. 53 Most often, this is not made explicit, but the decision for a particular storage system and the design of a respective database always is as much an implementation of a data standard, as was the choice of a specific layout in a printed edition, see J. Flanders – F. Jannidis, «Data Modeling in a Digital Humanities Context», in Iidem (eds.), The Shape of Data, pp. 3-25. 51 52



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Paris54. On the project’s site, this transcription can be browsed55, but since it was announced to the SCTA and complies with its standards, it is also available in the SCTA’s own reading room and can profit from the tools available there56, and the question list is automatically included within the Digital Repertory of Commentaries on Lombard’s Sentences, a project of the SIEPM hosted in Basel57. The reason why this interoperability is possible is that an integral part of the SCTA’s architecture is a database which stores the text in a linked open form58. Any text published on the SCTA platform immediately profits from the other texts already available there, and since it can be read and reused in further scholarship, it will also profit from this future scholarship since it remains linked to it. In addition, the associated LombardPress59 provides a set of tools and applications that can be used by any project following the SCTA standards, such as text viewers, a script to create pdfs of chosen passages in the traditional layout of critical editions, and an application to explore quotations throughout the scholastic corpus available on the SCTA. This last tool, in particular, shows the benefits of overcoming the «silo problem» plaguing many web applications. In the SCTA system, contributors are encouraged to mark with specific ids any references to canonical texts that they recognize. Given that this is done in a linked system, the SCTA recognizes then references to a common passage regardless of the actual wording of the citation in a particular text. The tool «ad fontes» can then aggregate all the references to a certain canonical quotation and display the original text and the various referencing paragraphs in the scholastic texts side-by-side. For example, if one types sine fide in the search field under lombardpress.org/adfontes, a canonical quotation that comes up as a result is Hebrews 11:6, along with An ERC funded project (n° 313339) under the direction of Monica Brînzei, see http://thesis-project.ro (accessed March 31, 2019). 55 See http://thesis-project.ro/alphonsusvargas/texts.html (accessed March 31, 2019). 56 See http://scta.lombardpress.org/vargascommentary (accessed March 31, 2019). 57 See https://drcs.zahnd.be/oid/100100 (accessed July 12, 2019). 58 More precisely, in the form of a Resource Description Framework graph following a custom SCTA schema: http://scta.github.io/scta-rdf-schema/scta-rdfschema.html (accessed March 31, 2019). 59 http://lombardpress.org/ (accessed March 31, 2019). 54

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some 30 snippets of scholastic text that quote that passage in some way. It can immediately be seen that not all quotations have exactly the same text. Some quote the Vulgate text almost verbatim, others merely allude to it. In a traditional simple text search, some of the references would probably have been missed, and it is sure that more sophisticated combinations of traditional text searches to find every appearance of a citation would have consumed much more time. Similarly a search for all instances of Hebrews 11:6 will return not only quotations but also mere references: instances that would obviously be missed by a simple word search. This sort of aggregation is invaluable for any research question into the scholastic reception of a classic passage. The tool, in all its present simplicity, can only become more valuable when more texts and their connections are in the database. Finally, to give credit to one of the best established benefits of traditional printing, namely the well developed review system that confirms a book edition’s reliability, the SCTA’s publishing process, in collaboration with the Digital Latin Library60, includes a peer-review system modeled after that of traditional scientific journals, providing as end product a digital imprimatur that serves to guarantee the legitimacy and reliability of the text without confining it to a single publication layout (be that the layout of the SCTA tools or any other compatible format)61. Entries in the SCTA database can achieve «green» or «gold» standard of peer review and be accepted as having the same quality as a publication in the journal Speculum62. In addition to this, however, the SCTA and LombardPress provide further means for producing reliable editions, means that are not available in print. On the one hand, since the data is openly available, any user can suggest corrections or even create an amended version as a basis for further editorial discussion63. On the other hand, the SCTA and LombardPress facilitate the implementation of manuscript images that enable any user to trace all the readings and choices an editor has made64. https://digitallatin.org (accessed March 31, 2019). https://dll-review-registry.digitallatin.org/about (accessed March 31, 2019). 62 https://dll-review-registry.digitallatin.org/reviews (accessed March 31, 2019). 63 Given that the data is linked, the credit for the first version of course remains with the original creator. On this «social» aspect, see K.M. Price, «Social Scholarly Editing», pp. 137-149. 64 In the SCTA «Reading Room», this can already be tried out with some of the manuscripts, e.g. http://scta.lombardpress.org/text/lectio1. For every paragraph in 60 61



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The relatively detailed outline we have given of the SCTA is not to say that the solution implemented there is the only way of producing linked open data editions of scholastic texts. Other systems might be possible65, but at the present time, the SCTA is far and away the best illustration of what linked open editions of scholastic texts could do66. Undeniably, before the benefits of linked open editions can be felt, there is a lot of overhead that will result from the need to make information that is currently implicitly wrapped in the design of books and websites explicit. It can seem like the benefits of linked open data are not worth the additional labor that is required to separate data and presentation. But the work of making common assumptions on what scholastic data should look like explicit is precisely what the strengths of the result rest on. The strengths have been enumerated at the end of section 3 and in section 4, but the most important long-term benefit of linked open data editions lies in the avoidance of a hidden cost of both print and closed web editions: The hidden cost of having to re-edit text that has become unreadable. Pater Busa’s aim in his apparatus for the corpus thomisticum was to create a concordance, that is to say, a very traditional tool of the editorial trade. The corpus he was working on was also a conventional object of an edition project: The complete works of a single famous author. The revolutionary aspect of the endeavor was that the size of that particular text corpus was such that the traditional end required nontraditional means. In Busa’s case, the new means to the old end was the recently the finished edition, the site shows one image per manuscript transcribed. The images displayed there are not saved separately by the SCTA, but rather are crawled on the fly from digital copies hosted mostly on library servers. The International Image Interoperability Framework (IIIF) is the standard which enables this operation: https:// iiif.io/ (accessed March 31, 2019). 65 For the Greek-Arabic tradition, cf. http://www.ancientwisdoms.ac.uk (accessed March 31, 2019), and C. Tupman – A. Jordanous, «Sharing Ancient Wisdoms Across the Semantic Web. Using TEI and Ontologies», in T. L. Andrews – C. Macé (eds.), Analysis of Ancient and Medieval Texts and Manuscripts: Digital Approaches, Brepols, Turnhout 2014, pp. 213-228. 66 For a critical appraisal of the edition of Peter Plaoul’s Sentences commentary which was the original motivation for the creation of the SCTA and of the presentation choices therein, cf. A. Dunning, «Rethinking the Publication of Premodern Sources: Petrus Plaoul on the Sentences», RIDE, 3 (2015) 14 pages, DOI 10.18716/ride.a.3.3. See also Fischer, «Digital Corpora», p. S284-S286.

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invented automatic punch-card machine, and his fame rests on the fact that he had the vision to recognize that there could be a way to apply it to his problem. Web technology is a means that has existed for some time already. It is time to apply it to present problems and to use it to make current editions better. Bibliography T. Berners-Lee, «The Many Meanings of Open», https://www.w3.org/ DesignIssues/Open.html (accessed March 31, 2019). C. Bizer, «Linked Data - The Story So Far», International Journal on Semantic Web and Information Systems, 5 (2009) 1-22. G. Bodard – J. Guarcés, «Open Source Critical Editions: A Rationale», in Deegan – Sutherland (eds.), Text Editing, Print and the Digital World, pp. 84-98. P. Bourgain – F. Vielliard (eds.), Conseils pour l’édition des textes médiévaux. Fascicule III: Textes littéraires, École nationale des chartes, Paris 2002. M. S. Christensen – J. C. Witt – U. Zahnd, «Re-Conceiving the Christian Scholastic Corpus with the Scholastic Commentaries and Texts Archive», forthcoming in T. Hutchings – C. Clivaz (eds.), Christianity and the Digital Humanities, de Gruyter, Berlin – New York 2021, (Introductions to Digital Humanities: Religion). M. Deegan – K. Sutherland (eds.), Text Editing, Print and the Digital World, Ashgate, Farnham 2009. M. J. Driscoll – E. Pierazzo (eds.), Digital Scholarly Editing. Theories and Practices, OpenBook Publishers, Cambridge 2016. A. Dunning, «Rethinking the Publication of Premodern Sources: Petrus Plaoul on the Sentences», RIDE, 3 (2015). Ø. Eide – C.-E. Smith Ore, «Ontologies and Data Modeling», in Flanders – Jannidis (eds.), The Shape of Data in the Digital Humanities. Modeling Texts and Text-based Resources, Routledge, London – New York 2019, pp. 178-196. P. Ensor, «The Functional Silo Syndrome», AME Target, 5 (1988) 16. F. Fischer, «Digital Corpora and Scholarly Editions of Latin Texts: Features and Requirements of Textual Criticism», Speculum, 92:S1 (2017) S265-S287.



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J. Flanders – F. Jannidis, «Data Modeling», in Schreibman – Siemens – Unsworth (eds.), A New Companion to Digital Humanities, pp. 229237. J. Flanders – F. Jannidis, «Data Modeling in a Digital Humanities Context», in Iidem (eds.), The Shape of Data, pp. 3-25. J. Flanders – F. Jannidis (eds.), The Shape of Data in the Digital Humanities. Modeling Texts and Text-based Resources, Routledge, London – New York 2019. P. H. Hayes – H. Halpin, «In Defense of Ambiguity Redux», in M. Lytras – A. Sheth (eds.), Progressive Concepts for Semantic Web Evolution: Applications and Developments, Information Science Reference, Hershey – New York 2010, pp. 102-122. S. Huskey – J. Witt, «Decoupling Quality Control and Publication: The DLL and the Traveling Imprimatur», Digital Humanities Quarterly, 13.4 (2019). F. Jannidis, «Digital Editions in the Net. Perspectives of Scholarly Editing in a Digital World», in J. Schäfer – P. Gendolla (eds.), Beyond the Screen: Transformations of Literary Structures, Interfaces and Genres, transcript, Bielefeld 2010, pp. 543-560. A.-S. Klareld – K. L. Gidlund, «Rethinking Archives as Digital: The Consequences of ‘Paper Minds’ in Illustrations and Definitions of E-archives», Archivaria, 83 (2017) 81-108. C. Loffmann – H. Philipps (eds.), A Handbook of Editing Early Modern Texts, Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, London 2018. G. W. Most, «What is a Critical Edition?», in B. Crostini – G. Iversen – B. M. Jensen (eds.), Ars Edendi Lecture Series, vol. IV, Stockholm University Press, Stockholm 2016, pp. 162-180. J. B. Percan, «Introduzione/Introduction», in B. Ioannis Duns Scoti Opera Omnia, vol. 15.1, Indices, Typis Vaticanis, Rome 2015, pp. 21-79. A. Pichler – T. M. Bruvik, «Digital Critical Editing. Separating Encoding from Presentation», in D. Apollon – C. Bélisle – P. Régnier (eds.), Digital Critical Editions, University of Illinois Press, Urban 2014, pp. 179-199. E. Pierazzo, Digital Scholarly Editing: Theories, Models and Methods, Ashgate, Farnham 2015. K. M. Price, «Social Scholarly Editing», in Schreibman – Siemens – Unsworth (eds.), A New Companion to Digital Humanities, pp. 137149.

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P. Robinson, «How We Have Been Publishing the Wrong Way, and How We Might Publish a Better Way», in E. Gabriel (ed.), Electronic Publishing: Politics and Pragmatics, Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, Tempe 2010, pp. 139-156. ––,  «Towards a Theory of Digital Editions», Variants, 10 (2013) 105131. ––,  «Some principles for making collaborative scholarly editions in digital form», Digital Humanities Quarterly, 11.2 (2017). P. Sahle, «What is a Scholarly Digital Edition», in M. J. Driscoll – E. Pierazzo (eds.), Digital Scholarly Editing, pp. 19-39. P. Sahle – G. Vogeler – M. Broughton – J. Cummings – F. Fischer – P. Steinkrüger – W. Scholger, «Criteria for Reviewing Scholarly Digital Editions, version 1.1», Publikationen des Instituts für Dokumentologie und Editorik, June 2014, https://www.i-d-e.de/ publikationen/weitereschriften/criteria-version-1-1/ (accessed March 31, 2019). S. Schreibman – R. Siemens – J. Unsworth (eds.), A New Companion to Digital Humanities, John Wiley & Sons, Malden – Oxford 2016. D. Stuart, Facilitating Access to the Web of Data: A Guide for Librarians, Facet Publishing, London 2011. K. Sutherland, «Being Critical: Paper-based Editing and the Digital Environment», in Deegan – Sutherland (eds.), Text Editing, Print and the Digital World, pp. 13-25. S. Timpanaro, The Genesis of Lachmann’s Method, trad. G. W. Most, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 2005. C. Tupman – A. Jordanous, «Sharing Ancient Wisdoms Across the Semantic Web. Using TEI and Ontologies», in T.L. Andrews – C. Macé (eds.), Analysis of Ancient and Medieval Texts and Manuscripts: Digital Approaches, Brepols, Turnhout 2014, pp. 213-228. J. J. van Zundert, «Barely Beyond the Book?», in M. J. Driscoll – E. Pierazzo, Digital Scholarly Editing, pp. 83–106. J. J. van Zundert – T. L. Andrews, «Qu’est-ce qu’un texte numérique? – A New Rationale for the Digital Representation of Text», DSH, 32 (2017) ii78-ii88. J. J. van Zundert – P. Boot, «The Digital Edition 2.0 and The Digital Library: Services, not Resources», Bibliothek und Wissenschaft, 44 (2011) 141-152.



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F. Vielliard – O. Guyotjeannin (eds.), Conseils pour l’édition des textes médiévaux. Fascicule I: Conseils généraux, Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, École nationale des chartes, Paris 2005. J. Wettlaufer, «Der nächste Schritt? Semantic web und digitale Editionen», in R. S. Kamzelak – T. Steyer (eds.), Digitale Metamorphose: Digital Humanities und Editionswissenschaft, 2018 (Sonderband der Zeitschrift für digitale Geisteswissenschaften, 2). William of Ockham, Opera philosophica et theologica, ed. by G. Gál et al., 17 vols., The Franciscan Institute, St. Bonaventure, N.Y. 19671988. T. N. Winter, «Roberto Busa, S.J., and the Invention of the MachineGenerated Concordance», The Classical Bulletin, 75 (1999) 3-20.

XAVIER-LAURENT SALVADOR* DE LA PAGE NUMÉRISÉE AUX SENS RÉVÉLÉS. VERS UNE PRISE EN CHARGE AUTOMATIQUE DU CORPUS BIBLE HISTORIALE

Le temps est sans doute venu de clarifier les enjeux linguistiques, traductologiques et numériques de l’étude académique du texte de la Bible Historiale. La prise en charge numérique d’un corpus comme celui de la Bible Historiale en effet ne concerne pas simplement son édition ou tout du moins, son accessibilité, ni sa retranscription diplomatique ou philologique. Il faut tout d’abord savoir que si l’original est perdu, il existe à ce jour en France 144 exemplaires de la Bible Historiale copiés et enrichis au fil du temps1. Et s’il est peu vraisemblable que la toute première version ait fait figurer des enluminures, celles-ci se développent surtout à partir du XIVe siècle. Par ailleurs, comme nous avons pu le démontrer par ailleurs2, la Bible Historiale a considérablement influencé la rédaction d’autres ouvrages à la fois par le modèle mais également par le contenu des interprétations qu’elle présente. C’est encore elle qui inspire les premières éditions des Bibles imprimées : la Bible imprimée à Lyon par Guillaume Le Roy (1476) reprend l’ouvrage inspiré de Guyart des Moulins ; de même Jean de Rély en publiant sa « Bible historiée » en 1487 fonde-t-il son texte sur un manuscrit tardif de la Bible Historiale. Et toutes les Bibles qui ont suivi sont tributaires du travail du traducteur médiéval : la Bible de Jean de Rély fut en effet imprimée de nombreuses fois avant 1550 (Bible Historiée de 1498, 1505, 1510, 1514, 1521, 1529, 1531, 1538, 1543). Par ailleurs, la composition des sources qui alimentent la construction de l’ouvrage sont de deux ordres : il existe dans un premier temps une filière traductologique des sources. Nous recensons deux types de sources : les *

Université Sorbonne Paris Nord, 99 avenue Jean-Baptiste Clément, 93430, Villetaneuse, [email protected] 1 Voir notamment É. FOURNIÉ, « Les manuscrits de la Bible Historiale. Présentation et catalogue raisonné d’une œuvre médiévale », L’Atelier du Centre de recherches historiques. Revue électronique du CRH, 03.2 (2009), n° 84. 2 Voir sur ce sujet X.-L. SALVADOR, Vérité et Écriture(s), Champion, Paris 2004 ; voir également, du même auteur, Archéologie et Étymologie sémantiques : le livre de l’Exode de la Bible Historiale, Zeta Books, Bucarest 2017.

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sources de la traduction du texte biblique à proprement parler d’une part ; et d’autre part, les sources des commentaires. Si l’on raisonne de manière purement formelle, les sources précédemment citées sont au nombre de deux. D’un côté, la Vulgate clémentine, et de l’autre, l’Histoire Scolastique de Pierre le Mangeur. Il existe dans un second temps des sources au second degré qui correspondent aux sources des sources, dont on retrouve l’écho dans le texte lui-même mais dont l’attribution est toujours limitée à Pierre le Mangeur quand ce dernier cite lui-même tantôt Flavius Josèphe, tantôt Raban Maur via la Glose ordinaire, ou un commentaire d’Origène inspiré des histoires naturelles de Pline3. Une fois posé ce constat d’une double irrigation de la Bible Historiale en particulier du Pentateuque, on n’a guère répondu aux enjeux de compositions plus subtils qui conditionnent la formation de l’écriture elle-même. En effet, à y regarder de plus près, il apparaît important de poser la question du choix des mots du traducteur qui agit en arbitre du sens lorsqu’il choisit de retenir telle ou telle anecdote, mais d’écarter la suivante ; d’éluder le sens d’une parabole ou au contraire d’y renoncer. Enfin, la méthode suivie par le traducteur pour élaborer une page de la Bible Historiale ne relève pas de la même éthique traductologique que celle d’un contemporain qui se lancerait dans la traduction de Borgès par exemple. En effet, si la traduction peut consister aujourd’hui à travailler sur le transfert des horizons d’attente d’une œuvre d’un univers culturel à un autre, il en va tout autrement de la traduction biblique des livres de l’Ancien Testament qui, pour le dire en un mot, se désintéresse absolument de l’horizon d’attente du texte hébreu. La traduction biblique médiévale, parce qu’elle est avant tout chrétienne, obéit à une logique argumentative bien différente qui consiste à désincarcérer la source de l’univers hébraïque pour en extraire la logique chrétienne, ou pour le dire en un mot à la façon de Jérôme : de l’hébraica veritas, qui est un euphémisme permettant de nommer la vérité chrétienne qu’il faut donner de la culture juive. Le traducteur dans ce contexte obéit lui-même à une double injonction contradictoire pour un lecteur du XXIe siècle : traduire le texte pour y révéler la logique chrétienne que l’auteur premier ignorait et dans le même 3

On trouvera un répertoire détaillé de l’étagement des sources dans X.-L. SAL« Le discours scientifique et didactique à l’oeuvre dans la Bible Historiale de Guyart des Moulins », in C. SILVI – S. MARCOTTE (éds.), Latinum Cedens. Le français et le latin langues de spécialité au Moyen Âge, Honoré Champion, Paris 2014, pp. 27-47. VADOR,

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temps, protester sa fidélité au texte d’origine. L’analyse des sources de la Bible Historiale ne peut donc pas ignorer à la fois la source textuelle, ni l’interprétation qui en découle au sein de l’Église puisque cette interprétation conditionne le rapport du traducteur à son propre ouvrage ; et sa réception par les familles à qui le texte est destiné. La page de la Bible Historiale, pour tout l’Ancien Testament, présente également un paradoxe qui résiste à l’interprétation et qui a entraîné de nombreux contresens dans la lecture du Livre par l’université française jusque dans les années 80 : le texte se présente comme une glose interlinéaire. La Bible y est traduite dans un premier temps, puis lui succède aussitôt un chapitre intitulé « glosa (sic) » qui reprend le même passage, mais raconté d’un point de vue différent : celui de Pierre le Mangeur. Tout se passe donc comme si le texte était traduit deux fois : une première fois de manière à présenter le texte d’origine et son histoire ; puis une seconde fois de manière à comprendre le sens qu’il faut en retirer. D’un côté : la forme textuelle ; de l’autre : le sens herméneutique. Cette structure par essence polyphonique est déroutante pour un lecteur moderne qui considère que c’est à proprement parler le travail du traducteur de parvenir à délivrer dans un même temps (celui de la phrase ou du verset) le sens et la forme. Il en va autrement dans la perspective de Guyart des Moulins pour qui la traduction glosée est en quelque sorte un gage d’authenticité de la démarche. Quel est l’enjeu institutionnel de ce travail ? Le traducteur est en prise avec une matière exceptionnelle, la pensée juive antique qui est relativement difficile à travailler sans être suspecté d’hérésie. Même si le contexte est différent, on peut imaginer que les conclusions du Concile de Tarragone par exemple en 1234 qui condamnaient au bûcher tous les possesseurs d’une traduction française de la Bible4 pouvaient rester dans les esprits. Comment, dans un tel contexte, protester de l’orthodoxie du travail de traduction ? Il est probable que la solution inventée par Guyart des Moulins soit un modèle herméneutique : il faut encadrer la traduction des interprétations universitaires qui cautionnent le sens révélé. Ce faisant, on assiste à un renversement de la logique démonstrative : la glose, en 4 « Nous avons arrêté que personne ne doit posséder les livres de l’Ancien ou du Nouveau Testament en langue romane [...] qu’il soit clerc ou laïque, il sera tenu pour suspect d’hérésie ». Voir sur ce sujet Collectio quorumdam gravium authorum, qui ex professo vel ex occasione sacrae scripturae, aut divinorum officiorum in vulgarem linguam translationes damnarunt, A. VITRÉ, Paris 1661, p. 624 cité d’après SALVADOR, Vérité et écriture(s), note 74.

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effet, ne commente pas le texte d’origine. Au contraire, elle le justifie et le cautionne. C’est le texte traduit de saint Jérôme qui illustre en quelque sorte le sens que l’Université lui a trouvé. Ce renversement du travail de traduction est une problématique de recherche pour l’analyse et la compréhension du modèle interprétatif de l’université médiévale du XIVe siècle qui voit émerger une nouvelle épistémologie : l’histoire au sens que nous lui donnons aujourd’hui dans les académies occidentales. Il est également à noter que dans ce contexte, le travail sur la glose traduite implique un positionnement intellectuel du traducteur sur l’ouvrage qu’il construit partant de la représentation que l’auteur se fait de son auditoire. Or là encore, l’étude des sources ne peut ignorer un phénomène frappant : le choix opéré par Guyart des Moulins de s’inscrire dans la carrière de l’école héritée de Pierre le Mangeur. Pourquoi est-ce intéressant ? Dans la représentation de la théorie des sens de l’écriture telle qu’elle a notamment été décrite par Gilbert Dahan5, toute interprétation des sens de l’écriture tend vers une forme d’anagogie que servent le Ms. Arsenal 593, f. 13v : littéral, l’historique et le symbolique. C’est Moïse mettant les charbons à la vraisemblablement la manière dont l’école bouche. de Laon conçoit la rédaction de la Glossa Ordinaria. Mais ce modèle exégétique, qui fut sans doute un grand succès dans le monde universitaire, n’a pas servi de modèle au développement des Bibles communes. Et c’est du côté de la façon dont Pierre le Mangeur et Étienne Langton, son disciple, racontent les anecdotes de la Bible que la tradition chrétienne a surtout emprunté la matière qui va fournir au mot « histoire » son sens moderne. C’est en effet depuis les années 1175 que Pierre le Mangeur dispense son premier enseignement

5

Voir G. DAHAN, L’Exégèse chrétienne de la Bible en Occident médiéval, Cerf, Paris 1999 (Patrimoine Christianisme) ; ID., La Polémique chrétienne contre le judaïsme au Moyen Âge, Michel, Paris 1991 ; ID., Les Intellectuels chrétiens et les juifs au Moyen Âge, Cerf, Paris 1990, pp. 239-270.

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et qu’il rencontre, parmi ses étudiants, Étienne Langton, le formant à cette méthode d’analyse qui accorde une prime à l’encyclopédisme des savoirs antiques. Outre son « Histoire Scolastique », le maître en histoires reste accessible aujourd’hui dans un recueil de Quaestiones qui regroupent beaucoup de matériel consigné par de nombreuses prises de notes de ses étudiants pendant les cours. On le voit mener une série de disputes avec ses étudiants, ce qui permet de voir la manière dont il fonctionne dans ses cours. Il laisse également un recueil de sermons, qui constitue un corpus peu connu, dont une partie est publiée dans la Patrologie. Il s’agit d’un ensemble de textes visiblement adressés à des claustrales et des religieux6. Deux collations (Troyes et Oxford) laissent entendre tout particulièrement la voix du Maître qui fonde toute sa pédagogie sur la démonstration des « distinctions » comme si ce recueil de sermons était d’un genre nouveau, ce que nous rattachons pour notre part au souci du maître de faire émerger l’histoire comme science nouvelle dans l’Université. Cette prime au savoir encyclopédique amène le traducteur à construire une éthique de la vérité fondée sur la démonstration d’un sens authentique : selon lui, les histoires de Pharaon sont vraies, dès lors que l’on explique qui était Pharaon7 ; que sa fille possède un nom8 ; que Moïse était bègue9. Ces anecdotes, nombreuses, sont marquantes et constituent une carrière interprétative qui a connu un grand succès par la suite. Cette dynamique de 6

On consultera également A. VERNET, La Bible au Moyen Âge, CNRS, Paris

1989. 7

Exode 1, 14 : « Longtemps apres la mort Joseph, si comme li maistre dist en histoires vint uns nouviaus rois en Egypte car du tems du roy dessouz qui Joseph fu qui par propre nom fu apeléz Nephrem qui Pharaons estoit aussi apeléz ou seurnomméz » (« Longtemps après la mort de Joseph, comme dit le Maître en Histoire, vint un nouveau roi en Égypte ; car du temps du Roi sous qui Joseph vécut on l’appelait ou on le surnommait Nephrem »). 8 Sur ce sujet en particulier, voir notamment X.-L. SALVADOR, « Thermouth, la fille de Pharaon selon la Bible Historiale : apocalypse mariale ? », in C. FERLAMPIN (éd.), Mélanges en l’honneur de Denis Hüe, PUR, Paris 2019. 9 Exode 2, 10 : « Et à ce prouver fist il aporter charbons dedans devant l’enfant, et li enfes en prist si en mist en sa bouche et ardi le bout de sa langue de quoi li ebrieu dient qu’il embloit* toute sa vie et qu’il en ot la langue enpechiée » (« Et pour prouver ce qu’il disait, il fit apporter des charbons ardents devant l’enfant qui les saisit et les mit dans sa bouche. C’est à cause de cela que les hébreux disent que Moïse était bègue »). On trouve une miniature illustrant ce passage dans le manuscrit Arsenal 593, f. 13v.

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réseaux sémantiques d’interprétation caractérise, du point de vue chrétien, l’immanence de la signification : But whereas Roman theory claims of the source and substituting Latin for Greek, patristic criticism seeks more to resolve difference by pointing towards a communality of source and target in terms of the immanence of meaning10.

Dans cette optique, le travail du traducteur consiste à restituer le contexte patristique de l’avénement chrétien du sens. Cette « contextualisation de la Révélation11 » change le rapport au sens et à l’histoire elle-même. Le texte développe une véritable encyclopédie des savoirs, des plantes, des médecines, des recettes, des lieux, des toponymes et de leur sens caché qui constituent pour le Moyen Âge une source considérable d’inspiration. Et on aurait tort, comme le font trop souvent les collègues en histoire des sciences, de déconsidérer l’apport de la traduction biblique au modèle de diffusion des savoirs. Elle constitue au contraire pour reprendre l’heureuse expression d’Étienne Gilson, une « geste culturelle » qui diffuse dans la société médiévale : Sortie d’un milieu scolaire ou monastique, munie d’une explication neuve, la Bible médiévale, alors commentée ou glosée, est aussi diffusée dans une société où elle influence à son tour vision du monde et pratiques sociales [...] la Bible au Moyen Âge requiert de la part des historiens une attention soutenue tant ses lecteurs médiévaux en ont fait le témoin et l’acteur d’une geste culturelle12.

Cette prose historique est construite sur un canevas remarquable qui fait reposer toute interprétation sur l’élucidation du sens introduite par une remarque traductologique fondée sur un modèle syntaxique bien connu désormais et que l’on retrouve sous la plume d’Alphonse X le Sage13 comme 10

R. COPELAND, Rhetoric, Hermeneutics and Translation in the Middle Ages. Academic Traditions and vernacular Texts, Cambridge 1991, p. 33 (Cambridge Studies in Medieval Literature, 11). 11 SALVADOR, Archéologie et étymologie, p. 35. 12 C. GIRAUD, « La Bible au Moyen Âge. Compte Rendu », Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes, 163 (2005), n° 1, p. 318. 13 « Onde por estas cosas yo don Alfonso, por la gracia de Dios rey de Castiella [...] mande y poner todos los fechos sennalados tan bien delas estorias de la Biblia », Alfonso X el Sabio, General e grand estoria, éd. G. SOLALINDE, Centro de Estudios Históricos, Madrid 1930, p. 67.

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sous celle de Guyart des Moulins : « si comme dit le Maitre en histoires ». Ce modèle historique connaît une remarquable évolution à partir du milieu du XIVe siècle, au moment où la Bible s’ouvre à d’autres livres que ceux historiques et intègre notamment le Cantique des Cantiques14. Enfin, les enjeux textuels internes ainsi posés, restent encore deux éléments problématiques dont il faudra un jour démêler l’écheveau. Il s’agit dans un premier temps du rôle joué par l’iconographie du texte. Celle-là présente des enjeux propres en matière d’histoire de l’art d’influences sur la réception de l’ouvrage comme les récents travaux sur la chapelle de Merléac l’ont démontré15. Mais également de s’intéresser proprement aux influences européennes du texte sur les ouvrages qui lui sont contemporains, et le rôle joué par exemple sur certaines gloses interprétatives comme la présence de Satan au deuxième jour, par exemple, dont le motif est repris dans l’iconographie du XIVe siècle16.

1. Les incidentes Nous retiendrons encore trois exemples significatifs. On trouve pour commencer au début de la Genèse une typologie interprétative qui préfigure aux yeux du traducteur la stratification de l’interprétation. Il commence par donner une définition de « l’histoire », mot qu’il oppose à « l’incidens » : Histoire annuelle si est une chose qui est faite en un an ; kalendaire, qui est faite en un mois, effemer, qui est faite soudainement ce est en un jour pour la partie d’un mois et est appelée effemer à la semblance d(e)’un poisson de mer qui le mesmes jour que il est nez muert ou tout empres. Et notez ici que incidens si est une chose qui moult bien chiet dedens histoire et n’est mie de histoire17. 14

Voir sur ce sujet C. GUILLEMET – X.-L. SALVADOR, « L’introduction du Cantique des Cantiques dans la Bible Historiale : de l’écriture de l’histoire à la pensée littéraire dans la traduction biblique », in L. DI TOMMASO – M. HENZE – W. ADLER (éds.), The Embroidered Bible, Brill, Leiden 2017, pp. 899-913 (Studia in Veteris Testamenti Pseudepigrapha). 15 Voir notamment X.-L. SALVADOR (éd.), « Ut Pictura Genesis », actes du colloque Paris-Merléac, Paradigme, Orléans 2019. 16 Ibid., p. 61. 17 D’après notre article, « Une tradition textuelle de la Bible Historiale sur les plafonds de saint Jacques en Merléac: Lucifer au deuxième jour », in SALVADOR

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L’allégorie est ensuite présentée comme un masque interprétatif, un code à déchiffrer : Allegorie est une parole obscure qui autre chose figure et senefie que elle ne dist et ne l’expose mie si comme sont moult de paroles d’evangiles et vaut autant allegorie comme « autre sentence ». Allegorie est la parole qui par un fait figure et moustre un autre fait18.

Puis le traducteur expose la doctrine de la tropologie : Tropologie est une parole ouverte à faire entendre clairement ce que li allegorie dist obscurement19.

L’opposition entre histoire incidente, allégorie et tropologie justifie la construction de toute la Bible Historiale dont l’enjeu devient l’écriture tropologique des vérités serties dans les langues de l’antiquité. Ainsi, dans le récit de la Genèse, se pose la question de la constitution du firmament au second jour. Voilà ce que dit la traduction : Le deuxième jour, Dieu disposa les plus hautes choses de ce monde sensible comme le firmament car les cieux empyrées une fois fait furent mis en ordre et décorés, c’est-à-dire remplis de saints anges. Donc Dieu fit le firmament au milieu des eaux, c’est-à-dire d’une grande hauteur du monde des eaux toutes gelées, semblables au cristal et dures et affermies et très claires et qui contenait à l’intérieur toutes les choses sensibles comme l’écaille de l’oeuf contient au milieu sa moëlle. [« Le secont jour disposa Dieu les plus hautes choses de cest monde sentables si comme li firmament quar li cielx (éd.), « Ut Pictura Genesis », actes du colloque Paris-Merléac, p. 62, d’après Ms. Royal 19 D III, f. 3v (« L’histoire annuelle se dit d’une chose qui se fait en un an ; calendaire, qui se fait en un mois ; éphémère, qui se fait soudainement, c’est-à-dire en un mois et on l’appelle ainsi à la manière d’un poisson de mer qui meurt le jour de sa naissance. Et remarquez ici que incident se dit de quelque chose qui s’insère parfaitement dans le cadre narratif mais qui n’est pas à proprement parler dans l’histoire »). 18 Ibid., p. 62. « Allégorie est une parole obscure qui illustre et dénote autre chose que ce qu’elle dit et ne l’expose pas comme dans l’Évangile. Et l’allégorie veut dire « autre phrase ». C’est le mot qui par un fait illustre en montre un autre. » 19 Ibid., p. 63. « Tropologie est une parole qui expose clairement ce qu’une allégorie dit de manière obscure ».

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empiree sitost comme il fu fais fu tantos ordenés et aournés, ce est a dire a emplir des sains angeles. Donc fist Dieux le firmament en la moienne des eaues, ce est a dire d’une grant hauteur du monde des eaues tout autressint comme (en)gelées qui a la samblance de cristal est bien endurcie et affermée et moult clere et contenoit dedens li toutes choses sentables tout autressint comme l’escaille de l’oe(u)f contient dedens soi le moieul20 »].

Le texte constitue à cet endroit une fidèle traduction de la Vulgate, y compris la glose corrective : « c’est-à-dire de saints anges » qui est fidèlement empruntée à Jérôme de même que l’image de l’œuf21. Mais la traduction ne s’arrête pas là et ajoute: Car le firmament entoure le monde sensible et tout le monde est enfermé dedans à cause de sa fermeté. [« [...] car li firmamens va tout environ cest monde sentable et est touz li mondes enclos dedens li firmament pour sa fermeté22 »].

Cet ajout ne trouve sa source nulle part ailleurs que dans la volonté du traducteur d’exposer la tropologie de l’allégorie de l’œuf. L’œuf est en fait significativement perçu comme une allégorie au regard de Guyart des Moulins parce que son sens est obscur: en décentrant l’enjeu du lieu de comparaison de la coquille qui est ferme, et c’est la vraie chose importante de la glose : de faire comprendre que le monde sensible émerge des glaces, vers la moelle de l’œuf : on perd la force de l’image qui restituait au propos sa vigueur. Le traducteur dès lors se sent autorisé à introduire dans le fil du texte une glose explicative dont il assume l’énonciation. La justification introduite par « car » est donc purement méta-énonciative et porte sur l’autorisation de la parole traduisante: « je dis escaille de l’oeuf car moi traducteur j’ai lu et compris que Y». 20

Ibid., p. 69 (Ms. Royal 19 D III, f. 4r). « Secunda die disposuit Deus superiora mundi sensibilis. Empyreum enim coelum, quam cito factum est, statim dispositum est et ornatum, id est sanctis angelis repletum. Fecit ergo ea die Deus firmamentum in medio aquarum, id est quamdam exteriorem mundi superficiem ex aquis congelatis, ad instar crystalli consolidatam, et perlucidam, intra se caetera sensibilia continentem ad imaginem testae, quae in ovo est, et in eo fixa sunt sidera. », J.-P. MIGNE (éd.), PL 198, 1053-1164 (livre I), http:// source.biblehistoriale.fr/HS[6], consulté le 10/04/2020 à 18h10. 22 SALVADOR, « Une tradition textuelle », p. 69 (Ms. Royal 19 D III, f. 4r). 21

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On voit donc se développer une rhétorique spécifique dans le discours biblique dont l’énonciation peut clairement être attribuée à la mécanique tropologique et dont la responsabilité peut clairement être attribuée au traducteur lui-même. Dès lors, il devient intéressant de ne s’intéresser qu’à la constitution du discours argumentatif du traducteur. Par moment, la logique argumentation l’emporte absolument sur la sémantique. L’exemple le plus à même d’illustrer ce phénomène est en Genèse 2, 23 où le texte explique que la femme est dite « virago quia de viro sumpta est ». Le jeu de mot latin reproduit une forme de paronomase hébraïque sur la racine « ‫‘ «( » ָ ׁהשִּא‬isha »), en en affaiblissant la polysémie semble-t-il. La traduction française : « ceste sera apelée virago quar elle est prise d’omme23 » [« elle sera appelée virago car elle est prise d’homme »] est donc doublement intéressante : d’une part, la justification méta-énonciative de la relation « omme / virago » est explicite, mais reste incompréhensible pour un locuteur francophone. Cela prouve qu’aux yeux du traducteur, la seule chose qui compte le plus demeure l’indice sémantique d’un sens archaïque au détriment la logique du sens. Et d’autre part, le maintien en français d’un énoncé logique sur le plan énonciatif mais totalement dénué de sens sur le plan sémantique souligne l’attachement à une trame textuelle dont l’essence est sacrée « jusque dans l’ordre des mots24 ». C’est en quelque sorte un échec de la traduction ; mais c’est en même temps une réussite du traducteur qui parvient à imposer un énoncé incompréhensible en mémoire d’une chose qu’il fallait comprendre dans le texte source25. Un dernier exemple enfin montre l’enjeu d’entrecroisement des sources dans le discours du traducteur. Il s’agit d’une anecdote tirée d’Exode 2,10 alors que Moïse entraîne les armées de Pharaon pour affronter celles d’Éthiopie. Afin de gagner du temps, il emmène les troupes par la vallée des serpents que lui seul ose affronter car il emmène avec lui des hordes d’ibis (ciconias Aegyptiacas) cachées dans des huches : « Moyses lessoit aler les cicognes hors des huches pour enchacer et devourer les serpens. Si 23

Ms. Royal 19 D III, f. 8r (voir illustration 1). « Verborum ordo mysterium est, [profiteor] non verbum e verbo, sed sensum exprimere de sensu », Ep. LVII, 5 de Jérôme à Paulin de Nole d’après H. KITTEL – J. HOUSE – B. SCHULTZE (éds.), Übersetzung, Translation, Traduction, De Gruyter, Berlin 2004, p. 1164, col. 1. 25 La traduction « barone parce qu’elle est prise de baron » avait été proposée par Macé de la Charité in P. SMEETS (éd.), La Bible de Macé de la Charité, I, Genèse, Exode, Leyde 1967, vv. 354-356. 24



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estoit ensi l’ost asseuré des serpens toute la nuit26 ». Ce passage, qui n’est pas repris dans d’autres traditions bibliques, est fidèlement traduit de Pierre le Mangeur : De uxore Moysi Aethiopissa, « praeferebat eas, ut serpentes fugarent, et devorarent, et ita tutus per noctem transibat exercitus27 ». Cette tradition herméneutique est en fait directement empruntée à Raban Maur, probablement par l’intermédiaire de la Glose ordinaire dont voici l’extrait : « Cumque sciret per deserta serpentibus plena se profecturum, tulit ibides, id est ciconias Aegyptiacas, castraque metatus proferebat eas, ut serpentes devorarent et fugarent : sicque exercitus securus transigebat noctem28 ». Il est intéressant de voir ici l’accumulation de références conjointes contribuant au millefeuilles de la page biblique. Le traducteur est placé en position de choisir et de faire émerger une parole interprétative : il compose une page, et ce faisant, fabrique le sens du texte en même temps qu’il le restitue dans la « bougette française29 ». 2. Un enjeu numérique La Bible Historiale relève de l’analyse d’une «  geste culturelle  » qui s’étend depuis la date de sa composition en 1295 jusqu’au milieu du XVIe siècle et au-delà. Cette globalisation des enjeux éditoriaux du Livre entraîne une véritable information à la fois des lieux de données30 et en même temps des processus de constitution du corpus. Une partie de l’actualité de cette recherche est régulièrement mise à jour sur la plateforme du domaine biblehistoriale.fr qui présente de nombreuses ressources 26

Ms. Royal 19 D III, f. 43 r, col. droite, dernier paragraphe. J.-P. Migne (éd.), PL 198, 1053-1164 (livre VI), http://source.biblehistoriale.fr/ HS[124] consulté le 10/04/2020 à 18h17. 28 J.-P. Migne (éd.), PL 113 (T. 1), p. 189. 29 Bible, Olivétan (trad.), 1535, préface: « Jésus [...] m’a donné cette charge et commission de tirer et déployer icelui thrésor hors des armoires et coffres hébraïques et grecs, pour après l’avoir entassé et empaqueté en bougettes françaises le plus convenablement que je pourrai ». 30 Sur la question du lieu de la donnée et de sa relation avec l’exploitation de la programmation XQuery, voir notamment notre article, « Indexer des documents « du dedans » : quels moyens de répondre à la question du lieu de la donnée (XML, OWL, RDF, REST) ? », Communication, 35/1 (juin 2017) 26 pp. On consultera également du même auteur XML pour les linguistes, avec une préface d’Henri Portine, L’Harmattan, Paris 2016, 194 pp. (Humanités Numériques). 27

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latines, et à terme, de ressources en ancien français dès lors que les textes seront librement consultables. L’enjeu d’édition du texte numérique est axé autour des problématiques d’information textuelle rendant possible l’accès à différentes conceptions de l’objet selon des axes diachroniques, diatopiques et dialogiques. La problématique principale qui découle de la présentation précédente réside dans la conception d’un atlas intellectuel de l’encyclopédie biblique qui permette de situer les sources principales du texte et de ses commentaires, leur présence et leur disparition dans les différentes versions qui nous sont parvenues et la diffusion de ce modèle dans les bibliothèques médiévales et renaissantes européennes, voire dans d’autres lieux patrimoniaux à l’image du travail accompli autour de la chapelle Merléac. Le modèle adopté pour la composition du corpus est essentiellement adossé sur les technologies XML et sur l’identification des lieux de données dans le corpus sur la base d’un étiquetage manuel instruit ensuite dans une base de données, généralement portée par le logiciel Basex. Notons pour l’anecdote que le chevron, si essentiel dans l’usage des Markup languages, est un glyphe ancien. Isidore de Séville dans ses étymologies en formalise l’usage dans ses graphies. Il décrit l’emploi de la Diplè, et explique « > Diplè : nos copistes placent ce signe dans les livres des gens d’Église pour séparer ou pour signaler les citations tirées des Saintes Ecritures31 ». Le signe français, chevron ou anti-lambda, est d’abord employé comme accent circonflexe par les imprimeurs de la Renaissance. Les premiers caractères imprimés du Diplè datent des années 1528 si l’on retient l’impression par Geoffroy Tory du De Crisibus de Galien, ou de 1529 dans le traité d’orthographe Champ Fleury. Renouant avec cette noble origine, l’élaboration du corpus et des bases de données de la Bible Historiale constitue à n’en pas douter un enjeu encyclopédique majeur pour les années à venir auquel participent tous les étudiants qui s’engagent dans la voie des études philologiques. La solitude du chercheur qui s’intéresse à la Bible en France, le mépris avec lequel sont traitées les problématiques de textes en langue vulgaire largement diffusés au profit de textes mono-exemplaires et l’indifférence des Institutions pour la conduite de projets dont les enjeux spirituels et symboliques sont pourtant civilisationnels conduit à imaginer des pistes 31

Isidore de Séville, Etymologiae, 1.21.13 cité d’après E. STEINOVÁ, Notam superponere studui : The use of technical signs in the early Middle Ages, Brepols, Turnhout 2019, p. 11.

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nouvelles. Ce second enjeu, et non des moindres, consiste à exploiter les technologies de reconnaissances optiques pour imaginer une chaîne de traitement linguistique conjuguant la programmation et l’exploitation de ressources lexicographiques en ancienne langue pour automatiser, ou tout du moins approcher, la construction de corpus alignés texte-images sur la base des retranscriptions saisies par les philologues. Le processus que nous avons commencé à mettre en place est conduit en trois étapes : 1. Identification des zones de mots du manuscrit. 2. Détection approximative d’un squelette lexical. 3. Exploitation par comparaison d’une base de données lexicales pour identifier des lemmes-candidats sur la base du squelette retenu à l’étape 2. L’exploitation de la bibliothèque python openCv32 semble particulièrement adaptée à la conduite du premier stade du projet dans la mesure où elle offre un large éventail de procédés de traitement automatique d’images. Comme la plupart des identifications se font sur la base d’images numérisées en noir et blanc par la Bibliothèque nationale de France, l’enjeu algorithmique est relativement simple à décrire : il faut isoler des zones rectangulaires dont la densité de pixels contraste avec les zones intermédiaires entre les mots, et ne retenir que les boîtes ainsi construites dont la surface est susceptible d’accueillir au moins un caractère. En se basant sur la forme et la surface, il est assez aisé de discriminer entre les zones pertinentes (y compris marginales) et d’autres formes de boîtes essentiellement composées d’images résiduelles, de taches ou de traits de dessins comme en marge qui créeraient un bruit supplémentaire. Si l’algorithme de détection de boites de mots est assez rapide à décrire, le programme python qui l’implémente est quant à lui relativement long. Afin de ne pas alourdir la démonstration, nous ne présenterons que quelques passages essentiels de l’exploitation de la bibliothèque openCv. La première étape, essentielle, consiste après avoir importé l’image à appliquer un double traitement d’image : l’érosion et la dilatation. Cela consiste à créer un calque sur l’image en la dupliquant, puis après avoir simplifié l’encodage de l’image pour la réduire à un tableau fait de pixels noirs et de pixels blancs (ou de 0 et de 1, 0 étant un pixel noir et 1, un pixel blanc), à simplifier les traits de l’image en les 32

https://opencv-python-tutroals.readthedocs.io/en/latest/

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« faisant maigrir » au maximum. Ce premier processus a pour effet de faire disparaître du calque des zones pointillées non pertinentes comme les zones de moisissure du manuscrit. Puis dans un deuxième temps, il faut au contraire étendre les traits retenus, et les élargir le plus possible sans déformer la forme initiale : #Exemple d’application d’un pinceau en vue de la dilatation des contours pinceau = cv2.getStructuringElement(cv2.MORPH_ RECT, (5, 5)) dilatation = cv2.dilate(erosion, pinceau, iterations = 1)

Une fois ce premier procédé appliqué au manuscrit, il devient alors nécessaire d’identifier des zones de mots-candidats. Pour ce faire, la bibliothèque openCv autorise l’exploitation de modèles mathématiques qui pondèrent des zones sur la base de la densité de pixels. Cela revient en quelque sorte à identifier les contours des mots : #détection des contours et création du masque _, contours, hierarchy = cv2.findContours(dilatation,cv2.RETR_ TREE,cv2.CHAIN_APPROX_SIMPLE)

Une des forces du modèle mathématique employé par openCv est de retenir la succession d’emboîtement (ou « hiérarchie ») des contours détectés : ainsi, la plupart des mots présenteront une boîte parent et 3 ou 4 niveaux de boîtes de contours détectées à l’intérieur. Or une boîte dépendante n’est vraisemblablement pas un mot. Mais son premier parent l’est sans doute. Le parent commun à toutes les boîtes est la page. Il faut donc déterminer par un calcul de moyenne quel est le rang statistiquement le plus représenté dans la hiérarchie pour décréter le niveau le plus probable de détection des boîtes de mots. Sans rentrer dans le détail, il faut exploiter la fonction python « max() » sur l’ensemble des niveaux de hiérarchie pour déterminer le niveau le plus fréquent, ce dernier étant dépendant de chaque page. On définit une fonction getMostPresent() dont c’est le travail, et on parvient ainsi à définir une variable : seuil = get_mostPresent(hierarchy[:,3],1).

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Cela fait, il ne reste plus qu’à isoler chaque boîte, à les matérialiser sur une copie du manuscrit et à les découper en images pour les stocker dans un répertoire à part. Pour réaliser ce mécanisme, il faut parcourir chaque élément de l’arborescence openCv et, s’il y a correspondance avec le seuil déterminé et qu’il s’agit donc d’un mot, le dessiner ou le découper : #Description d’une itération sur les mots du manuscrit: for i,component in enumerate(zip(contours, hierarchy)): cnt = component[0] epsilon = precision*cv2.arcLength(cnt,True) approx = cv2.approxPolyDP(cnt,epsilon,True) x,y,w,h = cv2.boundingRect(approx) #On détermine les coordonnées de la boîte

Une fois isolées les coordonnées du mot sur la page, il devient très facile de les traiter comme on le souhaite ; par exemple, en dessinant une image de la boîte ou en la sauvegardant dans un autre fichier. #Sauvegarde des images des mots découpés: cv2.rectangle(imageMap,(x-5,y5),(x+w+5,y+h+5),(0,255,0),8) # On dessine une boîte roi = im[Y:Y+h, X:X+w] #On découpe une boîte file = «Lettres/res» cv2.imwrite(file + str(i) + «.png», roi)

Le résultat obtenu est satisfaisant (illustration 2). Puis à partir du découpage des mots, il devient possible grâce à un algorithme développé dans un second temps par Fabrice Issac de reconstruire une image de l’image qui rende compte de la numérotation en ligne du manuscrit et de la disposition des mots sur la ligne (voir illustration 3). L’identification du caractère dans un dernier temps est le processus qui demande le plus long développement. Les meilleurs résultats que nous obtenons se font grâce à l’exploitation d’openCv et de numpy, une bibliothèque de calculs sur tableaux. L’algorithme que nous construisons pour l’instant se fait sur la base de la reconnaissance de formes découpées dans le corpus. Ainsi, en prenant une série d’une centaine de « a » dont on extrait une forme approximative sur la base des méthodes d’érosion

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et de dilatation précédemment décrites, il est possible de proposer une confrontation lettre par lettre et de proposer un modèle statistique d’identification de la lettre. Ainsi pour une lettre comme le « a » gothique typique de la scripta des Bibles Historiques au XIVe siècle (illustration 4), il est possible d’obtenir en sortie une série de tableaux plaqués sur la cible et de redessiner les contours de la forme identifiée (illustration 5). À ce stade, il est possible d’envisager à moyen terme de procéder à une reconnaissance de mots puis, sur la base de comparaison avec les dictionnaires connus, d’imaginer de pouvoir déterminer automatiquement la suite des mots identifiés. Ce type de traitement automatique pourrait permettre dans un premier temps de faciliter l’alignement texte-image lorsque le texte au préalable fait l’objet d’une édition. Puis dans un second temps, peut être, de permettre l’édition automatique des manuscrits numérisés. De fait, la première centaine de mots reconnus, il sera possible de constituer un répertoire de mots récurrents, en particulier les mots courts, de manière à accélérer les processus. Conclusion Nous avons souhaité dans le présent document clarifier les enjeux linguistiques, traductologiques et numériques de l’étude académique du texte de la Bible Historiale. C’est un texte dont la stratification rend le dépouillement du sens difficile, passant par un long apprentissage. Nous avons également souhaité présenter les enjeux technologiques afférents à cette problématique porteurs de problématiques de recherches linguistiques renouvelées. Ces enjeux réels en Humanités Numériques participent à une réflexion enrichie que nous développons dans de nombreux projets connexes, comme projetgordes.fr ou digitens.fr qui bénéficieront à plus ou moins long terme de ces avancées. Bibliographie R. COPELAND, Rhetoric, Hermeneutics and Translation in the Middle Ages. Academic Traditions and vernacular Texts, Cambridge 1991 (Cambridge Studies in Medieval Literature, 11). G. DAHAN, Les Intellectuels chrétiens et les juifs au Moyen Âge, Cerf, Paris 1990.

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––, La Polémique chrétienne contre le judaïsme au Moyen Âge, Michel, Paris 1991. ––, L’Exégèse chrétienne de la Bible en Occident médiéval, Cerf, Paris 1999 (Patrimoine Christianisme). É. FOURNIÉ, « Les manuscrits de la Bible Historiale. Présentation et catalogue raisonné d’une œuvre médiévale » in L’Atelier du Centre de recherches historiques. Revue électronique du CRH, 03.2 (2009), n° 84. C. GIRAUD, « La Bible au Moyen Âge. Compte Rendu », Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes, 163 (2005), nº 1, p. 318. C. GUILLEMET – X.-L. SALVADOR, « L’introduction du Cantique des Cantiques dans la Bible Historiale : de l’écriture de l’histoire à la pensée littéraire dans la traduction biblique », in L. DI TOMMASO – M. HENZE – W. ADLER (éds.), The Embroidered Bible, Brill, Leiden 2017, pp. 899913 (Studia in Veteris Testamenti Pseudepigrapha). H. KITTEL – J. HOUSE – B. SCHULTZE (éds.), Übersetzung, Translation, Traduction, De Gruyter, Berlin 2004. X.-L. SALVADOR, Vérité et Écriture(s), Champion, Paris 2004. ––, « Le discours scientifique et didactique à l’oeuvre dans la Bible Historiale de Guyart des Moulins », in C. SILVI – S. MARCOTTE (éds.), Latinum Cedens. Le français et le latin langues de spécialité au Moyen Âge, Honoré Champion, Paris 2014, pp. 27-47. ––, XML pour les linguistes, avec une préface d’Henri Portine, L’Harmattan, Humanités Numériques, Paris 2016. ––, Archéologie et Étymologie sémantiques: le livre de l’Exode de la Bible Historiale, Zeta Books, Bucarest 2017. ––, « Indexer des documents « du dedans » : quels moyens de répondre à la question du lieu de la donnée (XML, OWL, RDF, REST) ? » Communication, 35/1 (juin 2017) 71-93. ––, « Thermouth, la fille de Pharaon selon la Bible Historiale: apocalypse mariale ? », in C. FERLAMPIN (éd.), Mélanges en l’honneur de Denis Hüe, PUR, Paris 2020 (en cours de parution à l’heure où nous écrivons). –– (éd.), « Ut Pictura Genesis », actes du colloque Paris-Merléac, Paradigme, Orléans 2019. P. SMEETS (éd.), La Bible de Macé de la Charité, I, Genèse, Exode, Leyde 1967. E. STEINOVÁ, Notam superponere studui : The use of technical signs in the early Middle Ages, Brepols, Turnhout 2019. A. VERNET, La Bible au Moyen Âge, CNRS, Paris 1989.

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Des sources V. AGRIGOROAEI, « Quelques réflexions au sujet des traductions françaises médiévales de la Bible : un problème de méthodologie », in C. GALDERISI – J.-J. VINCENSINI (éds.), De l’ancien français au français moderne. Théories, pratiques et impasses de la traduction intralinguale, Brepols, Turnhout 2015, pp. 165-181. M. BALLARD, Histoire de la traduction. Repères historiques et culturels, De Boeck, Bruxelles 2013, p. 18 (Collection Traducto). S. BERGER, La Bible française au Moyen Âge : Étude sur les plus anciennes versions de la Bible écrite en prose en langue d’oïl, Imprimerie nationale, Paris 1884. P. M. BOGAERT (éd.), Les Bibles en français : histoire illustrée du Moyen Âge à nos jours, Brepols, Turnhout 1991, pp. 13-46. E. BOYLE, « Innocent III and Vernacular Versions of Scripture », in K. WALSH – D. WOOD (éds.), The Bible in the Medieval World : Essays in Memory of Beryl Smalley, Blackwell, Oxford 1985, pp. 97-107 (Studies in Church History, Subsidia, 4). J. LOWDEN, « The Bible Moralisee in the Fifteenth Century and the Challenge of the Bible historiale », Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 68 (2005) 73-136. C. R. SNEDDON, Translating the Bible in Mediaeval France : Early Bible translations into French in the context of Catholic Europe c. 10501550, Brill, Leiden (en préparation à cette heure). ––, « On the creation of the Old French Bible », Nottingham Medieval Studies, XLVI (2002) 25-44. ––, « The Bible in French », in R. MARSDEN – E. MUTTER (éds.), The New Cambridge History of the Bible, Tome 2 : From 600 to 1450, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2012, pp. 251-67. De technologie numérique G. BRADSK – A. KAEHLER, Learning OpenCV, O’Reilly Press, Farnham 2008. J.-P. COCQUEREZ – S. PHILIPP, Analyse d’Images : filtrage et segmentation, Masson, Paris 1995. J. E. SOLEM, Programming Computer Vision with Python, O’Reilly Press, Farnham 2012.

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R. C. GONZALEZ, Digital Image Processing, Pearson – Prentice-Hall, Upper Saddle River, NJ 20022. Y. LEYDIER, Numérisation et exploration des manuscrits médiévaux, thèse soutenue en 2006 à L’INSA de Lyon sous la direction de Hubert Emptoz.

Illustrations

Illustration 1 : De la création de la femme (Ms. Royal 19 D III, f. 8r), « ceste sera appelée virago car elle est prise dʼomne ».

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MARIA AMÉLIA ÁLVARO DE CAMPOS* HUMANITÉS NUMÉRIQUES ET L’ÉTUDE DE LA VILLE MÉDIÉVALE. LE CAS DE COIMBRA

Malgré les limites de définition assez reconnues par des chercheurs, les Humanités Numériques intègrent, depuis longtemps, le quotidien des historiens. Dans les années soixante-dix, les premières technologies informatiques pensées pour la recherche sont apparues. Dans la décennie suivante, la diffusion des logiciels de gestion des données a permis aux chercheurs de travailler de manière autonome, sans faire appel aux techniciens informatiques. Durant les années quatre-vingtdix, l’apparition des ordinateurs personnels a rendu possible une mise à disposition croissante des moyens technologiques. Enfin, depuis 1997, la révolution d’internet a transformé complètement l’accès à la technologie, aux informations et à la gestion des données de la recherche. L’ordinateur, utilisé jusqu’à présent comme une infrastructure de recueil et d’analyse des données, est désormais l’instrument principal pour la présentation des données et des résultats de la recherche en Sciences Humaines et Sociales1. Le processus que nous venons de décrire sommairement a provoqué une situation où on observe d’une part la banalisation des connaissances et des ressources associées aux infrastructures technologiques de recherche en Humanités et d’autre part, la naissance d’un débat entourant l’autonomisation des Humanités Numériques en tant que discipline * Chercheuse du Centro de História da Sociedade e da Cultura de l’Université de Coimbra (contrat financé par la FCT DL57/2016/CP1370/CT0068), Largo da Porta Férrea, 3004-530 Coimbra, Portugal, [email protected]. Cette étude s’encadre dans le projet post-doctoral Territoires, sociétés et religions : réseaux paroissiaux dans une ville médiévale européenne. L’exemple de Coimbra, financé par la Fondation Portugaise pour la Science et la Technologie (SFRH/ BPD/100765/2014) à travers le Programme Opérationnel Capital Humain (POCH), intégré dans le CHSC-Université de Coimbra (projet UID/HIS/00311/2013), le CIDEHUS-Université de Évora et dans le CRIHAM-Université de Limoges (EA 4270 CRIHAM). Je remercie la lecture et correction du français à Madame MarieÉmeline Sterlin. 1 M. THALLER, « Controversies around the Digital Humanities: An Agenda », Historical Social Research / Historische Sozialforschung, 37-3 (141) (2012) 14-16.

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scientifique2. Ainsi, le manifeste des Humanités Numériques, rédigé à Paris, en 20103, diffuse une définition d’Humanités Numériques en tant que « transdiscipline, porteuse des méthodes, des dispositifs et des perspectives heuristiques liés au numérique dans le domaine des Sciences humaines et sociales ». Ce manifeste souligne aussi qu’elles « s’appuient [...] sur l’ensemble des paradigmes, savoir-faire et connaissances propres [des Sciences humaines et sociales, des Arts et des Lettres], tout en mobilisant les outils et les perspectives singulières du champ du numérique ». Cette présentation n’a pas pour objectif d’apporter des contributions au débat sur l’autonomisation des Humanités Numériques en tant que discipline scientifique. L’expression Humanités Numériques sera ici utilisée surtout en tant que concept opérationnel pour désigner des infrastructures technologiques de recueil, d’analyse et de présentation des données au service d’un projet de recherche spécifique consacré à l’histoire d’une ville médiévale portugaise. En rappelant le thème principal du congrès FIDEM 2018 – Past and Future Medieval Studies Today –, nous proposons une réflexion sur l’utilité et la pertinence de ces technologies par rapport aux méthodologies historiographiques déjà appliquées dans l’étude de cette ville. Pour ce faire, nous nous appuierons sur des résultats déjà publiés ou en train d’être publiés dans le cadre de ce projet et nous essayerons d’expliquer et de justifier les stratégies choisies pour le traitement et la diffusion de l’information. Enfin, nous pèserons le pour et le contre du caractère indispensable de l’utilisation du numérique dans la recherche historiographique. Notre projet postdoctoral Territoires, sociétés et religions : réseaux paroissiaux dans une ville médiévale européenne. L’exemple de Coimbra envisage l’étude de la ville de Coimbra à travers l’étude de ses églises paroissiales, de la composition de ses communautés ecclésiastiques, de la caractérisation sociale de leurs paroissiens laïcs et de l’étude de leurs circonscriptions territoriales, entre le XIIe et le XVe siècle. Esquissé pendant la deuxième décennie du XXIe siècle, le rôle conféré aux infrastructures et outils informatiques est très significatif et il est divisé en trois éléments principaux : la base de données spécialement pensée pour l’analyse 2 Au-delà des autres études mentionnées, voir S. DUMOUCHEL, « Les Humanités Numériques : une nouvelle discipline universitaire? », Billet, Digital Humanities à l’Institut historique allemand (blog), https://dhiha.hypotheses.org/1539 (consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020). 3 Voir M. DACOS, « Manifeste des Digital humanities », Billet, THATCamp Paris (blog), https://tcp.hypotheses.org/318 (consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020).

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sociale et prosopographique4 ; l’édition numérique des sources et la diffusion numérique des résultats de recherche ; la cartographie des circonscriptions paroissiales. Le troisième élément, basé sur l’utilisation des Systèmes d’information géographique (Geographic Information Systems), est encore en train de se développer. Pour sa mise en place, il faut encore recueillir un plus grand nombre d’informations sur l’espace étudié et avoir une plus grande formation en technologies de référenciation de l’espace et de cartographie numérique5. De ce fait, nous avons décidé de ne pas l’exploiter dans le cadre de cet article. La ville de Coimbra6 a joué un rôle décisif pendant la période de l’autonomisation du royaume du Portugal face à la couronne de Léon et de Castille7. À la suite de la conquête chrétienne définitive en 1064, Coimbra était la ville principale et la plus peuplée de l’ensemble des villes localisées dans la région du fleuve Mondego8 ; elle s’est transformée en un lieu de refuge important pour des populations mozarabes venues des territoires méridionaux. Son important dynamisme urbain et économique a été le principal motif pour lequel elle a été choisie, à partir de 1131, comme lieu de résidence de Afonso Henriques qui devient par la suite le premier roi du Portugal9. Lorsqu’il y habitait, Afonso Henriques et ses partisans laïcs et ecclésiastiques – notamment le clergé de la cathédrale et le monastère de 4 Le rôle de la prosopographie dans le cadre de ce projet postdoctoral a été déjà problématisé dans l’article M. A. Á. CAMPOS, « Estudar os homens para conhecer a cidade: a prosopografia do clero paroquial de Coimbra nos séculos XIII-XV (abordagem metodológica) », SIGNUM - Revista da ABREM, 17/1 (10 août 2016) 196-217, http:// www.abrem.org.br/revistas/index.php/signum/article/view/209 (consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020) . 5 Pour l’étude d’une autre chronologie, on peut voire un exemple de cette méthodologie en D. ALVES – A. I. QUEIROZ, « Studying Urban Space and Literary Representations Using GIS: Lisbon, Portugal, 1852–2009 », Social Science History 37, no 4 (2013): 457-81, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24573939 (consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020). 6 Voir figure 1. 7 J. MATTOSO, Identificação de um país: oposição, composição: ensaio sobre as origens de Portugal, 1096-1325, Temas e Debates, Círculo de Leitores, Lisboa 2015. 8 S. A. GOMES, «Mundo rural e urbano», in A. H. O. MARQUES (éd.), Nova História de Portugal, vol. III, M. H. C. COELHO – A. L. C. HOMEM (coord.), Portugal em definição de fronteiras (1096-1325): do Condado Portucalense à crise do século XIV, Presença, Lisboa 1996, pp. 386-400. 9 J. MATTOSO, D. Afonso Henriques, Temas e Debates, Lisboa 2007, pp. 105-125.

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Sainte Croix des chanoines de Saint-Augustin – ont conféré à la ville non seulement la dignité d’une « capitale », ce qui est perceptible à travers les bâtiments religieux et séculiers10, mais aussi le statut de ses habitants laïcs et ecclésiastiques.

Figure 1

Dans la deuxième moitié du XIIIe siècle, le statut de ville la plus importante du royaume de Portugal a été définitivement transférée vers l’embouchure du Tage, dans la ville de Lisbonne. Bien qu’elle ait perdu son statut de première ville portugaise, Coimbra continuait alors à être l’une des plus importantes villes de la couronne, où était fixé l’un des plus anciens sièges épiscopaux et l’un des plus anciens gouvernements municipaux du Portugal. En outre, au XIVe siècle, l’Université portugaise se fixe temporairement à Coimbra à deux reprises, puis s’y établit définitivement après 1537.

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W. ROSSA, Divercidade: urbanografia do espaço de Coimbra até ao estabelecimento definitivo da Universidade, Faculté de Sciences et Technologie de l’Université de Coimbra 2001 (thèse de doctorat inédite).

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L’historiographie relative à la ville de Coimbra a toujours mis en avant le rôle mené par la ville comme première capitale du royaume et l’histoire de ses principales institutions pendant cette période. Pendant les dernières décennies, l’histoire de la ville de Coimbra a bénéficié d’importantes publications, résultant de recherches développées surtout à partir des archives et de l’étude de la cathédrale11, des monastères12 – notamment celui de Sainte Croix13 – et de la municipalité14. Par le biais de l’histoire sociale, nous disposons d’études sur d’importantes familles de la ville et de parcours prosopographiques de personnes notables soit ecclésiastiques, soit laïques15. Pensés dans la longue durée et selon une vision plus large, nous profitons aussi de travaux menés dans le domaine de l’archéologie et de l’urbanisme de la ville, de ses origines romaines à l’essor de la modernité16. Ce projet postdoctoral conçoit la construction de l’histoire de la ville médiévale à partir du croisement d’informations et de données provenant de l’étude des paroisses urbaines et du dépouillement de leurs archives. Ainsi, il faut interroger les communautés paroissiales17 de la ville, par le 11

M. R. B. MORUJÃO, A Sé de Coimbra: a instituição e a chancelaria (1080-1318). Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia, Lisboa 2010 (Textos universitários de Ciências Sociais e Humanas). 12 Parmi d’autres plusieurs études, voir S. A. GOMES, « As ordens mendicantes na Coimbra medieval : notas e documentos », Lusitania Sacra, 2ª/10 (1998)149-215 (en ligne http://repositorio.ucp.pt/handle/10400.14/4962 ; consulte : 14.03.2020) ; M. R. B. MORUJÃO, Um mosteiro cisterciense feminino: Santa Maria de Celas: séculos XIII a XV, Acta Universitatis Conimbrigensis Coimbra, 2001. 13 A. A. MARTINS, O Mosteiro de Santa Cruz de Coimbra na Idade Média, Centro de História da Universidade, Lisboa 2003 (Textos universitários 2), S. A. GOMES, In limine conscriptionis: documentos, chancelaria e cultura no Mosteiro de Santa Cruz de Coimbra: séculos XII a XIV, Palimage Editores, CHSC, Viseu 2007. 14 M. H. C. COELHO, O município de Coimbra: monumentos fundacionais, Câmara Municipal, Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra, Coimbra 2013. 15 Parmi d’autres ètudes, voir L. VENTURA, « O elemento franco na Coimbra do século XII: a família dos Rabaldes », Revista Portuguesa de História, 36/I (2002/2003) 89-114 et M. R. B. MORUJÃO, « La famille d’Ébrard et le Clergé de Coimbra aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles », in A Igreja e o Clero Português no Contexto Europeu, Centro de Estudos de História Religiosa, Lisboa 2005. 16 J. ALARCÃO, Coimbra: a montagem do cenário urbano, Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra, Coimbra 2008. 17 Voir la figure 2. Il existe déjà des études réalisées en format monographique pour des villes comme Londres et Venice. Voir J. R. COLSON, Local Communities in Fifteenth Century London: Craft, Parish and Neighbourhood (PhD Thesis). Royal

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biais de la micro-histoire18 et de la prosopographie. Dans ce projet, les individus sont mis au premier plan, et l’organisation des patrimoines individuels ouvre une fenêtre pour la compréhension de l’espace urbain qu’on envisage également d’étudier.

Figure 2 : Identification des paroisses médiévales de Coimbra. Holloway, University of London, 2011, et P. Vuillemin, Parochiæ Venetiarum. Les paroisses de Venise au Moyen Âge, Classiques Garnier, Paris 2018 (Bibliothèque d’histoire médiévale, 20). 18 F. Trivellato, « Is There a Future for Italian Microhistory in the Age of Global History? », California Italian Studies 2,1 (1 janvier 2011), https://escholarship.org/uc/ item/0z94n9hq (consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020).



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Il s’agit de considérer Coimbra comme un laboratoire pour la compréhension de la construction de la ville portugaise, des transformations sociales ayant eu lieu pendant le Moyen Âge, et de l’affirmation des institutions du pouvoir civil et religieux. Coimbra est, ainsi, observée comme une étude de cas pour comprendre l’organisation sociale des populations urbaines portugaises et leur relation avec l’espace dans lequel elles habitaient. Ainsi, ce projet propose deux grands objectifs : l’étude de la relation des populations urbaines avec des églises paroissiales et des communautés ecclésiastiques qui composaient leurs collégiales, et la définition du rôle des institutions ecclésiastiques dans l’organisation du territoire et de la société urbaine19. Enfin, ce projet veut révéler les premiers siècles du réseau institutionnel urbain qui survit jusqu’à la fin de l’Ancien Régime20. Pour ce faire, la base de données informatique utilisée joue un rôle fondamental, puisqu’elle rend possible le croisement des informations provenant de différentes archives et, surtout, elle convient à la poursuite des études dans la longue durée. Cet outil – le MHK Micro-history Kleio – a été créé à l’Université de Coimbra et sa version actuelle a été enregistrée en 200921. Elle fonctionne avec le langage informatique SQL et elle organise l’information d’après deux catégories : des personnes et des objets, pour lesquels nous introduisons des attributs et des relations. Comme il s’agit d’une base de données spécifiquement dirigée pour l’analyse sociale, la description de la propriété présente encore des limites, cependant il est possible de décrire un immeuble d’après les attributs spécifiques et de créer des relations entre l’immeuble et les personnes 19 Comme exemple d’une étude penchée sur cette relation (Église et territoire urbain), voir H. Noizet, La fabrique de la ville: espaces et sociétés à Tours, IXe-XIIIe siècle, Publications de la Sorbonne, Paris 2007. 20 Ce qui nous fait penser à une vision élargie de la chronologie médiévale, comme celle proposée dans J. Morsel, L’Histoire (du Moyen Âge) est un sport de combat... Réflexions sur les finalités de l’Histoire du Moyen Âge destinées à une société dans laquelle même les étudiants d’Histoire s’interrogent, Lamop, Paris 2007 https:// lamop.univ-paris1.fr/fileadmin/lamop/publications/Histoire_medievale_combat_ Morsel_2007.pdf, p. 31 (consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020). 21 Pour des informations sur ce logiciel et son application à la recherche historiographique, voir J. M. S. A. N. Carvalho, Time link : a evolução de uma base de dados prosopográfica, Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Coimbra, Coimbra 2010 (mémoire de master en ligne sur http://hdl.handle.net/10316/15366 ; consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020).

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– soit des propriétaires, soit des administrateurs, soit des preneurs des contrats d’emphytéose. L’information est insérée dans la base de données à travers la transcription intégrale ou partielle des documents, en langage informatique. Au lieu du remplissage de champs d’analyse spécifiques, nous suivons un formulaire de transcription approprié à chaque typologie des documents. Les individus sont insérés selon la fonction qu’ils jouent dans le cadre des différents actes – les concédants ou les preneurs d’un contrat ; les témoins ; les référés ; etc. – entre les individus on peut établir des relations familiales, sociables, professionnelles et – comme nous l’avons déjà dit – on peut insérer et caractériser des immeubles, pour lesquels il est possible d’établir établir des relations de possession. À la suite de l’insertion des données, cet outil permet de lier l’information provenant des différents documents, de façon à créer des parcours biographiques, établir des réseaux de sociabilité, percevoir des stratégies d’hérédité et des stratégies familiales d’ascension sociale, par exemple. Dans la base de données, nous pouvons lier les occurrences et les associer à un seul individu, selon les attributs personnels qui le caractérisent et les relations sociales et de possession à partir desquelles elles sont inscrites, et ainsi établir des parcours biographiques. Du point de vue opérationnel, cet outil est extraordinairement avantageux puisqu’il permet de gérer les biographies n’importe quand, en ajoutant des informations provenant d’autres documents transcrits ou en éliminant des données d’une biographie quand nous nous apercevons, a posteriori, qu’ils n’y correspondent pas. Cette ressource informatique est très appropriée pour l’application de l’approche prosopographique, par laquelle nous voulons observer différentes communautés urbaines d’après chaque cellule paroissiale. Enfin, elle permet aussi de mettre en ligne des projets d’histoire sociale, ce que nous envisageons de faire dans un avenir proche. En revanche, son plus grand inconvénient est la lenteur du processus de transcription informatique des documents qui double ou triple le temps prévu dans les projets pour l’heuristique des sources. En effet, outre les temps de recherche de l’information et de lecture paléographique d’une documentation quelquefois mal conservée et d’accès difficile, aujourd’hui, le médiéviste doit prévoir des temps larges pour le traitement informatique des données.



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Pour l’instant, nous avons déjà publié 140 biographies22 concernant la communauté collégiale Sainte Juste de Coimbra – qui a fait l’objet de ma thèse doctorale – entre 1175 et 1451, et nous sommes en mesure de présenter environ 50 biographies concernant la communauté collégiale SaintBarthélemy de Coimbra entre 1190 et le début du XVe siècle. Prochainement, nous publierons aussi des biographies des laïcs qui travaillaient dans l’administration des revenus de la prébende de la cathédrale23. La flexibilité du logiciel nous permet d’envisager un travail à long terme – un travail toujours en cours dont nous publierons petit à petit des résultats sous forme d’articles scientifiques. La base de données ne sera jamais terminée et permettra de poursuivre la mise en œuvre de cette approche méthodologique par le dépouillement d’autres archives dans les années qui viennent. Comme nous l’avons déjà dit, le projet envisage surtout la caractérisation des communautés paroissiales et leur lien aux institutions ecclésiastiques, pourtant cette approche minutieuse ouvre la voie à la compréhension des réseaux de sociabilité, des élites urbaines et de la caractérisation des groupes de pouvoir. Par exemple, nous pouvons ambitionner d’identifier et de caractériser les détenteurs du pouvoir municipal pour une période antérieure à celle des documents consultés aux archives municipales de Coimbra24. De même, nous pouvons espérer comprendre l’insertion urbaine et sociale des fonctionnaires du roi (laïcs et religieux) qui résidaient à Coimbra. En conclusion, nous pouvons affirmer que l’avantage de cette base de données est l’optimisation de l’information mise à disposition par un ensemble de documents normalement pauvre d’informations, puisqu’elle permet l’organisation des données, une grande célérité et facilité d’analyse qui nous permet d’envisager la poursuite du projet au-delà de sa date de fin, par l’ouverture d’autres axes de recherche. 22 M. A. Á. Campos, Cidade e Religião: a colegiada de Santa Justa de Coimbra na Idade Média, Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra, Coimbra 2017, pp. 480-586, https://digitalis.uc.pt/pt-pt/livro/cidade_e_religi%C3%A3o_colegiada_de_santa_ justa_de_coimbra_na_idade_m%C3%A9dia (consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020). 23 M. A. Á. Campos, « Un quotidien partagé entre clercs et laïcs : la gestion de la vie communautaire des chapitres séculiers de Coimbra d’après leurs statuts (XIVe et XVe siècles) », in M. A. Á. Campos – A. Massoni (eds.), La vie communautaire et le service à la communauté. L’exemple canonial et ses répercussions dans le monde laïc. (Europe Occidentale, du XIe au XVe siècle). Openedition.org, Lisboa 2020, https:// books.openedition.org/cidehus/11697 (consulté en ligne 01.06.2020). 24 En effet, aux archives municipales de Coimbra nous ne trouvons que quelques décennies de documents antérieurs au XVIe siècle.

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Envisagé dans un contexte académique profondément concerné par des questions de diffusion du travail scientifique et par l’accès libre à partir des sites web des universités, ce projet prévoit la présentation en ligne de tous les résultats, notamment dans l’Estudo Geral25 – le dépôt ou la bibliothèque numérique ouverte de l’Université de Coimbra. Aujourd’hui nous sommes aussi en train de publier l’édition critique d’un document du XIVe siècle, un Obituaire de la collégiale Saint-Barthélemy de Coimbra, produit vers 133526. Cet obituaire contient l’enregistrement des décès ayant eu lieu entre 1176 environ et le début du XVe siècle, ainsi que les dons faits à l’église Saint-Barthélemy. À la lecture de son contenu, nous relevons l’existence d’une grande communauté de bienfaiteurs de l’église, dans laquelle nous remarquons des hommes et des femmes, laïcs et ecclésiastiques, ainsi que de petits noyaux familiaux et sociaux qui ont habité la paroisse et qui ont fait des dons à l’église, lui permettant d’être en possession d’une partie considérable du territoire appartenant la circonscription paroissiale. Son édition critique sera accompagnée d’une introduction sur l’organisation codicologique du manuscrit, sur l’organisation diplomatique du document, et sur le cadre historique de l’église collégiale où il a été rédigé. Après une période de grande méfiance quant à leur viabilité, les éditions numériques sont aujourd’hui parfaitement acceptées et, parfois, considérées comme la meilleure manière de diffuser l’information. Les modèles numériques permettent une édition plus économique des facsimilés, l’intégration des liens et d’autres outils pour mettre en relation les données fournies27. Pour les philologues et les historiens, elle s’est transformée en la manière la plus efficace de publier soit les sources, soit les résultats de la recherche28. Par ailleurs, pour les responsables de la 25

Voir https://estudogeral.sib.uc.pt/ (consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020). M. A. Á. CAMPOS, A comemoração dos mortos no calendário dos vivos. O obituário medieval da Colegiada de São Bartolomeu de Coimbra. (Edição crítica e estudo do manuscrito). Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra. Coimbra 2020, https:// http://monographs.uc.pt/iuc/catalog/book/41 (consulté en ligne 15.06.2020). 27 F. DUVAL, « Pour des éditions numériques critiques. L’exemple des textes français », Médiévales, 73 (2017) 13-29. Il soutient le triomphe des éditions numériques, mais simultanément il pose la question : « Textes ou données ? Lecteurs ou utilisateurs ? », pp. 16-20. 28 Voir, parmi d’autres études, A. E. EARHART, « The Digital Edition and the Digital Humanities », Textual Cultures, 7, 1 (2012) 18-28, https://doi.org/10.2979/ textcult.7.1.18 (consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020). 26

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conservation des archives, celui-ci est un moyen exceptionnel de diffusion de documents, de fonds et de collections en libre accès29. Étant donné l’importance du numérique de nos jours, l’intégration des outils et des ressources numériques dans le cadre d’un projet de recherche envisagé pour une durée moyenne est naturelle et nécessaire à sa bonne qualité. Pourtant, si la construction de ces outils et ressources n’est pas soutenue par une bonne équipe informatique, il devient très difficile pour le médiéviste d’articuler les temps consacrés à l’heuristique avec le temps nécessaire au remplissage des bases de données. En effet, la banalisation des connaissances et des compétences informatiques présuppose que tous les chercheurs soient capables de construire leurs propres outils numériques et cette présupposition met en danger le temps de travail de l’historien au bénéfice de l’informaticien. Ainsi, qu’il s’agisse des plateformes de soutien à la recherche, ou des outils de diffusion des résultats, ces ressources peuvent se transformer en véritables cauchemars pour le chercheur. L’internet, les bases de données, les logiciels de construction de réseaux, la cartographie numérique, les reconstitutions tridimensionnelles, etc. sont des outils informatiques qui ont amplifié, sans aucun doute, l’impact des résultats de la recherche des études médiévales auprès du grand public. À notre avis, il n’y a aucune raison pour que le chemin soit inversé. Cependant, il faudrait que les projets ne compromettent pas les temps de la recherche scientifique au profit des temps de la construction des outils numériques puisque leur raison d’exister n’est autre que la qualité, la validité et la survie de la première.

Bibliographie J. ALARCÃO, Coimbra: a montagem do cenário urbano, Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra, Coimbra 2008. D. ALVES – A. I. QUEIROZ, « Studying Urban Space and Literary Representations Using GIS: Lisbon, Portugal, 1852–2009 », Social Science History, 37-4 (2013) 457-81. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24573939 (consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020). 29

Voir, parmi d’autres études, A. ROCHEBOUET, « Le texte médiéval à l’épreuve du numérique », Médiévales, 73 (2017) 5-12.

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M. A. Á. Campos, Cidade e Religião: a colegiada de Santa Justa de Coimbra na Idade Média, Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra, Coimbra 2017. ––,  «  Estudar os homens para conhecer a cidade: a prosopografia do clero paroquial de Coimbra nos séculos XIII-XV (abordagem metodológica) », SIGNUM - Revista da ABREM, 17-1 (10 août 2016) 196‑217 http://www.abrem.org.br/revistas/index.php/signum/article/ view/209 (consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020). ––,  « Un quotidien partagé entre clercs et laïcs : la gestion de la vie communautaire des chapitres séculiers de Coimbra d’après leurs statuts (XIVe et XVe siècles) », in M. A. Á. Campos – A. Massoni (eds.), La vie communautaire et le service à la communauté. L’exemple canonial et ses répercussions dans le monde laïc. (Europe Occidentale, du XIe au XVe siècle). Openedition.org, Lisboa 2020, https://books.openedition. org/cidehus/11697 (consulté en ligne 01.06.2020). ––,  A comemoração dos mortos no calendário dos vivos. O obituário medieval da Colegiada de São Bartolomeu de Coimbra. (Edição crítica e estudo do manuscrito). Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra. Coimbra 2020, https://http://monographs.uc.pt/iuc/catalog/ book/41 (consulté en ligne 15.06.2020). J. M. S. A. N. Carvalho, Time link: a evolução de uma base de dados prosopográfica, Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Coimbra, Coimbra 2010 (mémoire de master en ligne sur http://hdl.handle. net/10316/15366 ; consulté : 14.03.2020). M. H. C. Coelho, O município de Coimbra: monumentos fundacionais, Câmara Municipal, Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra, Coimbra 2013. M. H. C. Coelho – A. L. C. Homem (coord.), Nova História de Portugal, vol. III, A. H. O. Marques (éd.), Portugal em definição de fronteiras (1096-1325): do Condado Portucalense à crise do século XIV, Presença, Lisboa 1996. J. R. Colson, Local Communities in Fifteenth Century London: Craft, Parish and Neighbourhood (PhD Thesis). Royal Holloway, University of London, 2011. M. Dacos, « Manifeste des Digital humanities », Billet. THATCamp Paris (blog) https://tcp.hypotheses.org/318 (consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020). S. Dumouchel, «  Les Humanités Numériques: une nouvelle discipline universitaire?  » Billet. Digital Humanities à l’Institut historique



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allemand (blog) https://dhiha.hypotheses.org/1539 (consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020). F. Duval, « Pour des éditions numériques critiques. L’exemple des textes français », Médiévales, 73 (2017) 13‑29. A. E. Earhart, « The Digital Edition and the Digital Humanities », Textual Cultures 7, no 1 (2012) 18‑28, https://doi.org/10.2979/textcult.7.1.18 (consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020). S. A. Gomes, In limine conscriptionis: documentos, chancelaria e cultura no Mosteiro de Santa Cruz de Coimbra: séculos XII a XIV, Palimage, CHSC, Viseu 2007. ––,  « As ordens mendicantes na Coimbra medieval : notas e documentos », Lusitania Sacra, 2ª/10 (1998) 149-215 (en ligne http://repositorio.ucp. pt/handle/10400.14/4962 ; consulté : 14.03.2020) ––,  «Mundo rural e urbano», in A. H. O. Marques – J. Serrão (éds.), Nova História de Portugal, vol. III, M. H. C. Coelho – A. L. C Homem (coord.), Portugal em definição de fronteiras (1096-1325): do Condado Portucalense à crise do século XIV, Presença, Lisboa 1996. A. A. Martins, O Mosteiro de Santa Cruz de Coimbra na Idade Média, 1a ed. Textos universitários 2, Centro de História da Universidade, Lisboa 2003. J. Mattoso, Identificação de um país: oposição, composição: ensaio sobre as origens de Portugal, 1096-1325, Temas e Debates, Círculo de Leitores, Lisboa 2015. ––,  D. Afonso Henriques. Reis de Portugal, Temas e Debates, Lisboa 2007. J. Morsel, L’Histoire (du Moyen Âge) est un sport de combat... Réflexions sur les finalités de l’Histoire du Moyen Âge destinées à une société dans laquelle même les étudiants d’Histoire s’interrogent. Lamop, Paris 2007. https://lamop.univ-paris1.fr/fileadmin/lamop/publications/ Histoire_medievale_combat_Morsel_2007.pdf (consulté en ligne  : 14.03.2020). M. R. B. Morujão, A Sé de Coimbra: a instituição e a chancelaria (10801318). Textos universitários de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia, Lisboa 2010. ––,  « La famille d’Ébrard et le clergé de Coimbra aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles », in A Igreja e o Clero Português no Contexto Europeu, Centro de Estudos de História Religiosa, Lisboa 2005.

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––, Um mosteiro cisterciense feminino: Santa Maria de Celas: séculos XIII a XV, Por Ordem da Universidade, Coimbra 2001. H. NOIZET, La fabrique de la ville : espaces et sociétés à Tours, IXe-XIIIe siècle, Publications de la Sorbonne, Paris 2007. A. ROCHEBOUET, « Le texte médiéval à l’épreuve du numérique », Médiévales, 73 (2017) 5-12. W. ROSSA, Divercidade: urbanografia do espaço de Coimbra até ao estabelecimento definitivo da Universidade, Faculté de Sciences et Technologie de l’Université de Coimbra, Coimbra 2001 (thèse de doctorat inèdite). M. THALLER, « Controversies around the Digital Humanities: An Agenda », Historical Social Research / Historische Sozialforschung, 37-3 (141) (2012) 7-23. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41636594 (consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020). F. TRIVELLATO, « Is There a Future for Italian Microhistory in the Age of Global History? », California Italian Studies, 2-1 (1 janvier 2011) https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0z94n9hq (consulté en ligne : 14.03.2020). L. VENTURA, « O elemento franco na Coimbra do século XII: a família dos Rabaldes », Revista Portuguesa de História, 36/I (2002/2003) 89-114. P. VUILLEMIN, Parochiæ Venetiarum. Les paroisses de Venise au Moyen Âge, Classiques Garnier, Paris 2018.

PAUL TOMBEUR* L’ANGOISSANTE QUESTION DE LA FIABILITÉ DE NOS INSTRUMENTS DE TRAVAIL ET PARTICULIÈREMENT DE BEAUCOUP DE BASES DE DONNÉES

Nous voilà réunis pour réfléchir sur le passé, le présent, mais surtout sur l’avenir des études médiévales. Que ce soit à Bâle devrait être un bon présage, la ville où un pape nordique, le fondateur même de l’Université de Louvain, Martin V, convoqua le concile qui porte le nom de cette ville. Nous pouvons nous réjouir de nous rassembler dans une ville universitaire telle que celle-ci : nous sommes à quelques pas de la demeure où Érasme a notamment vécu et où il est mort, à quelques pas de la belle cathédrale où il a dû voir les fresques romanes et où se trouve son mausolée, Érasme de Rotterdam, de Louvain et de Bâle. Réfléchir sur l’état et sur l’avenir de nos études sous l’égide du prince des humanistes, qui a donné son nom aux échanges des étudiants et des jeunes chercheurs en Europe, est assurément de bon augure. C’est là à la fois un rappel, une réalité du présent et un espoir pour demain. Comme Érasme osait le faire, osons résolument entrer en critique. La plupart d’entre vous situent sans doute sur quelle base je prends ici la parole sur le thème évoqué, à savoir tous les travaux informatiques entrepris depuis plus de 50 ans, en un temps où l’usage de termes tels ordinateur et informatique n’existait pas encore. En 1968 fut fondé à Louvain le CETEDOC (Centre de Traitement Electronique des Documents) qui a donné lieu en 2001 au CTLO (Centre Traditio Litterarum Occidentalium) établi à Turnhout, en collaboration étroite avec le Corpus Christianorum, mais prenant en charge l’ensemble des textes latins des origines à nos jours. Tout un ensemble de publications a ainsi vu le jour et je suppose connu tout ce qui est réalisé et publié sous l’emblème « Brepolis Latin ». À cet ensemble va notamment s’ajouter dès à présent et progressivement, à partir de l’accord conclu entre le Corpus Christianorum et les Sources Chrétiennes, la base de données *

Université Catholique de Louvain-la-Neuve, Centre Traditio Litterarum Occidentalium (CTLO), Begijnhof 39, 2300 Turnhout, Belgium, paul.tombeur@ctlo. net

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des textes de la collection des Sources Chrétiennes, latin, grec, langues orientales et traductions françaises. Aujourd’hui je veux faire part de ma profonde inquiétude. Elle est reflétée dans mon titre : la question angoissante de la fiabilité de ce qui est souvent utilisé. Il s’agit tout simplement du risque, oh combien réel, d’une érudition faussée par une informatisation non contrôlée. On trouve aujourd’hui n’importe quoi sur le marché, le vrai et le faux, le partiellement faux, en tout cas le plus souvent du non contrôlé. Assurément ces contrôles ont un prix, mais ils sont indispensables pour garantir une information fiable et de qualité. Il y va de tout un travail historique et philologique de longue haleine. * Puis-je être incisif et vous poser la question : avez-vous lu le livre de Job ? Vraiment lu ? L’avez-vous lu comme un digne et fiable médiéviste, c’est-à-dire en latin ? Et encore, au sein de la Glossa ordinaria, avec ses commentaires multiples, ses graphies et ses abréviations médiévales... ? Quoiqu’il en soit, je vous cite ce passage du chapitre 7 où Job parle à ses « amis », à ses soi-disant amis qui veulent le convaincre que, s’il souffre de tant de maux, c’est qu’il l’a mérité, c’est de sa faute : Ego non parcam ori meo, loquar in tribulatione spiritus mei, confabulor cum amaritudine animae meae.

Vous supporterez donc mon propos qui est un long cri d’angoisse devant, d’une part, tout ce que nous devons scruter, et, d’autre part, devant les moyens et les outils que beaucoup d’entre nous, sinon la plupart, risquent d’employer sans se rendre compte de ce que comportent ces moyens et ces outils. Cela évoque assurément la figure de l’âne à la lyre... Il y a de l’insolence chez Job qui est la conséquence de la vérité affrontée. Il y aura chez moi de l’insolence qui est le fruit des désastres que je constate : désastres qui sont le fruit d’une information fausse ou lacunaire, d’une information qui n’est pas le fruit d’une étude historique et philologique des textes. Il n’y a pas à en douter : pour remédier à de telles situations, il faut nécessairement un laboratoire de recherche au niveau historique et philologique et cela a nécessairement un prix. Il faut ici sans aucun doute dénoncer le piège de la gratuité. La qualité d’un produit

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demande un investissement inévitable auquel on ne peut échapper. Cela est vrai en toute matière. Le contraire n’est qu’illusion. C’est aussi dans une telle perspective qu’il faut constituer pour l’étude notamment du moyen âge des centres d’excellence de haut niveau. En tout domaine il importe de disposer d’artisans de talent et de savoir. Si vous vous inquiétez de l’assurance de mes déclarations et me lancez, tels les interlocuteurs de Job : « usquequo loqueris talia ?», je répondrai selon la position de Job, tels ces mots de la fin du chapitre 12 : « errare faciet eos quasi ebrios », des gens ivres d’informatique, ivres d’erreurs potentielles. Nous pouvons avoir le sentiment d’être dans l’abondance, de nous mouvoir dans une possibilité de connaissance proprement inouïe jusqu’à ce jour, et voilà qu’en réalité nous sommes ou nous risquons d’être dans le dénuement, et ce, parce qu’il n’y a pas de critique des outils informatiques, parce que, surtout, il n’y a pas d’initiation rigoureuse à l’heuristique – ce beau mot de nos programmes universitaires philologiques et historiques de jadis qui a quasiment disparu. Or le monde scientifique, jeunes et moins jeunes, a absolument besoin d’être initié et formé en matière de tout ce qui se présente comme moyens de connaissance. Qu’est-ce qui est valable et qu’est-ce qui ne l’est pas ? Qu’est-ce qui est exhaustif et qu’est-ce qui ne l’est pas ? Qu’est-ce qui est le simple résultat du n’importe quoi que l’on jette dans la corbeille et qu’estce qui, au contraire, est le résultat d’examens historiques et philologiques ? Il s’agit donc de devenir humble et réaliste ; apprendre solidement le métier de médiéviste n’est pas chose aisée et cela est vrai pour le spécialiste de n’importe quelle période de l’histoire textuelle. Nous sommes assurément dans un monde du n’importe quoi, alors que nous pourrions être dans l’illusion d’être bien informés. Il est significatif qu’une expression nouvelle circule désormais, celle des fake news, et qu’on parle de la fake science. Le journal Le Monde du 20 juillet 2018 y a consacré toute une page qui comporte ce grand titre : « Alerte au business de la fausse science » et ce sous-titre : « Tous les ans, de pseudo-revues savantes publient des milliers d’articles qui n’ont pas de valeur scientifique ». Et cette autre page avec ce titre : « Fausse science : un phénomène en croissance rapide ». Hélas, il n’y a pas que des pseudo-revues savantes qui sont concernées. L’erreur se multiplie à foison, parce que répétée de fois en fois elle finit par paraître vraie. Les sciences humaines n’échappent pas au mal décrit. Dans un congrès tel le nôtre qui veut établir un bilan dans la connaissance dudit moyen âge, la situation décrite doit être prise en considération. Cela est d’autant plus redoutable quand on trouve des

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erreurs dues à des scientifiques d’autorité reconnue, car même de grands érudits ou des professeurs de renom n’y échappent pas. Je pourrais aisément accumuler les exemples. Or, pour reprendre une remarque de George Steiner dans Grammaires de la création (p. 31) : Plus qu’homo sapiens, nous sommes homo quaerens, l’animal qui ne cesse de questionner.

En fait, c’est ce que nous devrions être en sachant où aller chercher les réponses à nos questions. J’ai en son temps publié une réflexion sur l’informatique avec ce titre : « Informatique et dévoilement du réel ». J’y notais que nos instruments de travail ne sont en fait que des objets de dévoilement (pour autant qu’ils aient été conçus en respectant l’histoire et le texte). La seule préoccupation doit donc être celle de producteurs d’outils qui permettent au mieux la macroscopie et la microscopie des réalités textuelles, prenant en compte des hypothèses de travail clairement explicitées, permettant découvertes, confirmations ou dénégations : des lieux d’observation à partir desquels le texte est vu (et entendu) et, dans les meilleurs cas, des lieux d’où le texte nous observe. Des objets qui permettent l’imprégnation. Tout cela n’est pas possible ou est faussé par quantité d’instruments informatisés, par des bases de données comportant erreurs et lacunes, n’ayant de surplus fait l’objet d’aucun examen scientifique. On est donc souvent bien loin et même à l’encontre d’une informatique telle que la présentait Jacques Arsac (qui en son temps introduisit les cours de programmation en Sorbonne), une informatique qui représente d’abord une façon de penser et non une façon de dire ni de faire. C’est bien pourquoi l’informatique doit être à la fois science – en tant que façon de penser – et technique – en tant que façon de faire. Le malheur est assurément que certains croient penser parce qu’ils font. Je plaide donc pour une informatique qui prenne en compte tous les acquis de l’érudition. C’est là assurément une rude bataille qu’il faut mener, en dénonçant l’immense manipulation de l’homme que peut être le traitement automatique de l’information. L’informatique bien pensée n’est pas folie, ni risque de perte de mémoire personnelle, comme l’a laissé cependant entendre George Steiner. Seuls les sots s’y laissent prendre. Le texte que je n’ai pas en moi n’est pas le texte ; le texte dont je ne vis pas n’est pas le texte. Toute statistique dans une telle perspective n’est que mise en situation. Dans la seule perspective d’une alliance avec

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l’érudition et le plaisir du vécu du texte, l’informatique est humanisation, puisqu’elle situe en définitive l’homme non comme quelque parallèle d’une intelligence artificielle (dont la seule expression est injure à l’intelligence), mais comme maître du sens. Il apparaît ainsi davantage que nous nous trouvons en une perspective de combat, celle de l’objectivité. Ce combat est d’autant plus difficile à mener que nous avons pris conscience, avec un Marcel Jousse, que « toute objectivité est subjectivité ». La multiplicité des lieux d’observation divers que sont appelés à être les divers outils que nous utilisons, pour autant que ceux-ci répondent aux exigences scientifiques, doit nous permettre d’être les serviteurs d’une déontologie herméneutique (comme le soulignait Edmond Barbotin), une déontologie qui devrait s’imposer « dans l’étude des textes comme dans le dialogue direct ». Là se situe assurément une réelle entrée en connaissance ou mieux encore, en suivant Paul Claudel, une entrée en «co-naissance». Menant le combat de la rectitude depuis tant d’années, je puis illustrer tous ces dires avec maints exemples qui font apparaître combien il est nécessaire de former les jeunes et les moins jeunes pour qu’ils suivent avec modestie et efficacité dame Philologie. Il est assurément urgent de sortir du monde de la non-formation et du prêt à porter informatique. Retenons bien la parole d’Isaïe (5, 13) : Captiuus ductus est populus meus quia non habuit scientiam.

La question, à vrai dire complexe, demeure énoncée sous cette forme : qui a écrit, quoi, quand, selon quel énoncé ? Cette question a une importance particulière pour ceux qui interrogent le monde patristique et médiéval latin, surtout quand on sait que la plupart des chercheurs recourent essentiellement à la Patrologia Latina dont, actuellement, beaucoup ne manipulent pas ou guère les volumes publiés, lesquels font apparaître des réalités que les corpus informatisés cachent bien souvent. Gloire à l’abbé Migne d’avoir publié cet étonnant rassemblement de textes de Tertullien à Innocent III († 1216), mais il faut en connaître les périples et on ne manquera pas, avec un plaisir certain, d’en connaître l’histoire en lisant notamment la version anglaise de l’ouvrage de R. Howard Bloch, Le plagiaire de Dieu. La fabuleuse industrie de l’abbé Migne (1996). Le rassemblement de textes opéré par Migne prend son bien là où il le trouve, éditions du XVIe siècle et de tous les siècles suivants, rarement du XIXe.

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Tout ce qui a été publié par après ne s’y trouve évidemment pas, souvent pas non plus dans le Supplementum et il en résulte qu’il y a quantité de mises à jour et de corrections à faire. La PL du XIXe siècle, en dehors de l’imposant Supplementum ultérieur, a été informatisée en son temps par Chadwyck-Healey et constitue la PLD (Patrologia Latina Database). Cette base de données reprend le tout sans distinction, sans correction aucune, avec des erreurs supplémentaires notamment dues à la saisie des données, sans la moindre mise à jour. On y reprend le tout et on ne distingue pas l’auteur et un titre donné. Bel exemple d’erreur ainsi inévitable : le cas des commentaires aux Psaumes de saint Augustin. Celui-ci n’a jamais utilisé pour ces sermons le titre Enarrationes in Psalmos, titre érasmien comprenant un lemme jamais employé par saint Augustin. Chose plus importante encore : de façon générale, les résumés de chapitres, qui ne sont évidemment pas d’auteur, mais d’éditeur, ne sont normalement pas distingués et certaines introductions d’éditeur figurent même comme si c’étaient des œuvres d’auteur. En dehors de toutes les fautes matérielles, évidemment pas corrigées, on notera bien entendu l’absence de tout ce qui a été établi et publié après Migne. Le cas le plus flagrant et sûrement le plus important concerne un des auteurs le plus prolixes, à savoir saint Augustin dont les œuvres reprises correspondent fondamentalement aux éditions des Mauristes, merveilleux travailleurs sans doute, mais hommes de leur temps. Bien avant sa mort, mon ami le Père Patrick Verbraken, maître en la matière, m’assurait que plus de la moitié des sermons de saint Augustin ne figurent pas dans la PL, ce qu’ignorent même des scientifiques qui travaillent sur la prédication latine tardive et particulièrement augustinienne... Pour l’évêque d’Hippone on mentionnera aussi les sermons que découvrit François Dolbeau et auxquels viennent s’ajouter d’année en année des compléments nouveaux. On soulignera de même tous les problèmes d’attribution et de datation. Il est ainsi aisé de deviner le désastre que constitue la Patrologie Latine sous sa forme PLD reprise telle quelle dans le « Corpus Corporum » de Zurich. Voilà une offre gratuite qu’il faut bien situer et qui ne peut servir de base pour un travail scientifique. C’est d’autant plus regrettable que sont établis par ailleurs des outils informatiques scientifiques, qui évoluent et s’enrichissent d’année en année : l’ensemble des instruments diffusés dans le cadre de « Brepolis Latin », la Library of Latin Texts (LLT) à laquelle est associée la Database of Latin Dictionaries (DLD), sans oublier d’autres bases de données telle notamment l’Aristoteles Latinus Database (ALD) et plusieurs bases de données textuelles associées. Pour l’œuvre

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de saint Augustin, je ne manquerai pas de citer l’imposant AugustinusLexikon, dont l’élaboration de base fut d’ailleurs une collaboration entre le Père Cornelius Maier et le Cetedoc de Louvain-la-Neuve. Dans les travaux menés par le CTLO, on notera aussi que, dans la mesure du possible, c’est-à-dire en respectant les droits d’auteur, on ne manque pas de remplacer, quand il y a lieu, une édition ancienne par une nouvelle édition. Cela se fait évidemment chaque fois qu’il s’agit d’une édition du Corpus Christianorum. Pour les autres cas, les reprises d’éditions nouvelles dépendent de l’attitude des éditeurs, certains n’ayant pas encore compris qu’un livre publié (avec les introductions, les notes et l’apparat critique) est un complément indispensable d’une base de données telle que nous la concevons et non un produit concurrentiel, que du contraire. Que d’exemples pourraient ici être donnés pour illustrer les dangers que courent les scientifiques qui se trompent d’outil. S’il me faut m’en tenir à ce que j’appellerais des exemples phares, je citerai d’abord l’histoire du mot trinitas qui n’a pas servi de titre d’œuvre à Hilaire de Poitiers, ce que semblent faire croire toutes les éditions et des corpus informatiques non critiques. Dans le soi-disant De trinitate d’Hilaire de Poitiers, on ne trouve pas d’attestation du mot deicida, malgré le fait qu’il figure comme tel dans la PLD. L’attestation de la PL (et dès lors de la PLD) correspond à un abstract dû aux Mauristes. Augustin utilise le mot une fois dans le sermon sur le Psaume 65, mais en excusant les Juifs : si ceux-ci l’avaient su qui était Jésus, ils ne l’auraient pas tué et en ce sens ils ne sont donc pas « déicides ». On s’accordera immédiatement sur l’importance de la résonance d’un tel mot dont l’emploi est demeuré très sporadique : selon l’état actuel de notre base de données (en évolution constante d’année en année), le lemme deicida ne figure jamais dans les œuvres de l’antiquité, 9 fois à l’époque patristique, 13 fois seulement au moyen âge (dont la masse des textes insérés est énorme) et 2 fois à l’époque de la « recentior latinitas ». Pour les Pères de l’Église, il s’agit d’un emploi par Augustin, 2 par Pierre Chrysologue et 6 par le diacre Rusticus du VIe siècle, neveu du pape Vigile. L’œuvre d’Hilaire de Poitiers nous offre encore un autre exemple percutant en ce qui concerne l’impact de l’insertion de bases de données de valeur scientifique : c’est l’attestation d’un hapax legomenon de portée théologique indiscutable, à savoir la création par Hilaire du « participe imparfait » du verbe être erans :

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Et uerbum erat apud Deum. Iam sine principio est apud Deum, quod erat ante principium. Est ergo erans apud Deum, et qui abest a cognitionis tempore, non abest ab auctore (De trinitate, II, 14).

L’apparat critique de l’édition du Corpus Christianorum fait clairement apparaître le trouble suscité chez les copistes par cet emploi et souligne du coup l’importance de cette lectio difficilior, incontestablement authentique. L’éditeur, le savant Père Pierre Smulders, qui, en son temps, m’avait dit que cette création était la merveille dudit traité, est revenu sur cette question quelques années après sa publication du traité, pour en souligner toute l’importance, et ce, dans un article publié dans Vigiliae Christianae de 1988 au titre évocateur : « A bold move of Hilary of Poitiers Est ergo erans », soulignant ainsi un emploi audacieux, intrépide et donc significatif, qui se situe bien dans le cadre de l’ensemble de l’œuvre qui est décidément un traité ontologique, qu’illustre par ailleurs la fréquence tout à fait exceptionnelle de l’emploi du verbe être, comme on peut le voir dans l’Enumeratio uerborum, qui est une liste des lemmes publiée en fin du volume de l’édition : il y a 7258 attestations du lemme correspondant au verbe sum avec tous ses emplois. C’est un cas exceptionnel. Ces merveilles morphologico-théologiques ne se repèrent pas dans une base de données selon le Migne du XIXe siècle... Je ne résiste pas à donner un dernier exemple, parce que, hélas, il figure dans une publication « tout public », un petit livre rouge qui s’est vendu comme des petits pains, je veux parler de L’éloge du polythéisme de Maurizio Bettini. Publié en italien en 2014, cet ouvrage à la fois intéressant et contestable en de nombreux passages, a été traduit aux Belles Lettres dès 2016 par Vinciane Pirenne-Delforge. Je ne m’étendrai pas ici sur l’absence de toute publication théologique d’auteurs francophones, sur la seule citation du Catéchisme romain de Jean-Paul II en ce qui concerne l’Église catholique récente (donc pas l’ombre d’un Vatican II), sur des traductions parfois erronées, car il me suffit de découvrir tant dans le texte original que dans les traductions, la citation de l’ouvrage magistral de saint Augustin sous la forme : « Della città di Dio contro i pagani », « De la cité de Dieu contre les païens » (p. 159). Je cite : Il est difficile d’oublier que l’une des œuvres les plus influentes d’un auteur très influent, Augustin, s’intitule précisément De la cité de Dieu contre les païens [...].

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C’est là à vrai dire comme l’expression d’une forme d’antiaugustinisme. En réalité, l’évêque d’Hippone se voit face à ce qu’il considère comme la vieillesse du monde et il marque pleinement sa confiance dans une jeunesse renouvelée. Si Augustin se défend certes contre les attaques injustes adressées aux chrétiens en ce qui concerne les malheurs de Rome à l’époque, lui importe la vision chrétienne, pas le fait d’être contre. Comme le notait si justement Gustave Bardy, dans son Saint Augustin de 1940 (seconde édition), ouvrage que me recommandait si chaleureusement le grand Goulven Madec, un des meilleurs exégètes de saint Augustin (auteurs qui ne figurent pas dans la bibliographie de Maurizio Bettini) : Ne refuse pas de te rajeunir dans le Christ qui te dit : le monde périt, le monde s’évanouit, le monde est travaillé par l’asthme de la vieillesse. Ne crains rien : ta jeunesse à toi se renouvellera comme celle de l’aigle.

Gustave Bardy citait là le Sermon 81, 8 qui se termine par une « réminiscence-citation » du Psaume 102, 5 : Noli adhaerere uelle seni mundo, et nolle iuuenescere in Christo, qui tibi dicit : Perit mundus, senescit mundus, deficit mundus, laborat anhelitu senectutis. Noli timere, renouabitur iuuentus tua sicut aquilae.

C’est donc pour l’évêque d’Hippone un bond en avant et pas en arrière, un énorme plus, et non un moins. Cela plaide assurément en faveur d’un extraordinaire optimisme augustinien, qui devrait tout simplement être l’amorce d’un optimisme chrétien, contrairement à une attitude de retour en arrière. Il est cependant vrai, et on ne s’attend évidemment pas à autre chose, que l’évêque d’Hippone s’oppose aux dieux païens et se place « aduersus eos qui conditori eius deos suos praeferunt ». La Patrologie Latine imprime assurément bien le titre De civitate Dei contra paganos libri viginti duo, et même la Bibliothèque augustinienne le reprend (p. 165) comme les Mauristes et donc d’autres, mais si Augustin utilise dans l’ensemble de ses œuvres l’expression « contra paganos » 7 fois, ce n’est jamais le cas dans la Cité de Dieu. Quant à la PLD, elle atteste l’expression 17 fois pour saint Augustin : 10 se situent tout à fait hors texte et, comme je viens de le souligner les autres 7 ne sont pas en relation avec l’œuvre

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citée. Seul Bovon II, abbé de Corbie († 916) atteste l’expression que l’on retrouve dans le titre de la Patrologie. Comment ne serions-nous pas franchement inquiets quand on constate que des scientifiques utilisent des bases de données non dûment contrôlées ou en restent à des titres d’éditions vieillies ? On ne peut risquer de donner, à partir d’un titre non authentique, une image fausse de la grande œuvre augustinienne. En définitive il faut bien reprendre les Retractationes mêmes d’Augustin (II, 43), c’est-à-dire le livre des « Révisions » : [...] omnes uiginti et duo libri, cum sint de utraque ciuitate conscripti, titulum tamen a meliore acceperunt, ut ‘De ciuitate dei’ potius uocaretur.

Il n’est pas permis de donner de l’œuvre maîtresse de saint Augustin une image fausse par un titre faux. Point à la ligne. Il eût été plus intelligent de renvoyer le lecteur aux pages que Serge Lancel consacra dans son Saint Augustin au « magnum opus et arduum » que constitue, selon les dires d’Augustin lui-même, la Cité de Dieu (p. 547). Il n’y a d’ailleurs que l’embarras du choix en ce qui concerne les références dignes de ce nom, telles les Petites études Augustiniennes de Goulven Madec ou encore la biographie augustinienne de Peter Brown qui souligne à cet égard que dans l’ouvrage incriminé Augustin « passe, de façon massivement et ostensiblement voulu, du monde classique au monde chrétien » (p. 362). C’est peut-être ce que n’aurait pas voulu Maurizio Bettini. En cette ville de Bâle, il me plait de citer un dernier exemple d’une erreur que l’on peut désormais éviter. Elle concerne le mot œcuménique. On lit dans l’ouvrage, par ailleurs excellent, intitulé Histoire du christianisme. Pour mieux comprendre notre temps (2007), une contribution de Bruno Judic qui note : Grégoire [le Grand] fustigeait [...] l’emploi de l’adjectif ‘œcuménique’ (ou ‘universel’) par le patriarche de Constantinople [...].

Une telle affirmation laisse perplexe car, en fait, on ne trouve aucune attestation du mot œcuménique dans l’œuvre de Grégoire, ni en grec, ni en transcription latine, ni à l’époque antique, ni à celle des Pères de l’Église. Il faut attendre le moyen âge pour trouver le mot, et ce, essentiellement dans des textes conciliaires, la plupart des attestations s’y présentant

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selon la graphie ycumenicus. Le mot œcuménique semble figurer pour la première fois chez Budé en 1547 et s’écrira œcuménique en 1599. Quant à œcuménisme en français, c’est un néologisme du XXe siècle qui apparaît en 1927. On voit là notamment combien l’histoire rigoureuse de l’apparition des formes et des lemmes est d’un intérêt prodigieux, mais qu’il faut sans cesse se prémunir des erreurs. Je dirai donc : tel est le « status quaestionis » actuel. Encore faut-il le rechercher. Les affirmations diverses en la matière peuvent et doivent être contrôlées. Dans cette même Histoire du christianisme (que je loue par ailleurs), je suis aussi stupéfié de lire (p. 259) sous la plume de Béatrice Caseau : La mystique, mot apparu au XVIIe siècle seulement pour désigner cette expérience de la présence divine obtenue au terme d’un processus de méditation et de contemplation.

Cela paraît bien étonnant, car dans notre base de données latines je constate pour une interrogation du type «m?stic*» – le point d’interrogation permettant d’intégrer les graphies y/i, et l’astérisque, les diverses désinences possibles – une fréquence des réponses suivantes en ce qui concerne les textes latins : 34 pour l’antiquité, 1816 pour la patristique (jusqu’à la mort de Bède en 735), 10.231 pour le « moyen âge » (jusque 1499) et 601 pour la « recentior latinitas ». Selon le Dictionnaire culturel en langue française publié sous la direction d’Alain Rey, le mot sous la forme misticque apparaît vers 1390 et est issu évidemment du mot latin mysticus. Ce dictionnaire consacre par ailleurs un long article à la mystique (p. 851 à 859) dû à Laurent Vaultier. De tels exemples montrent bien qu’il faut être en état de vérification et de « revérification » continuelle. Inutile de continuer en accumulant les exemples, car la conclusion est simple : il faut être très attentif aux titres des œuvres, contrôler les formes employées, afin d’assurer avec le maximum de certitude que nous pouvons avoir aujourd’hui (et pas au milieu du XIXe siècle) les attestations du passé. Par conséquent, il importe de se méfier et de se détourner résolument de toute informatisation de textes qui n’offre pas de garantie scientifique. Ajoutons sans ambages qu’on est aussi en droit de s’attendre à ce que les érudits qui publient des œuvres de vulgarisation, aient l’honnêteté d’avoir à cet égard une rigueur maximale, car ils sont crus par leur titre même d’érudit et la majorité des lecteurs n’ont pas les possibilités de les contredire, mais les croient sur parole ; ainsi certains érudits trompent-ils

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aussi d’autres érudits ou des personnes qui recourent à eux. Il s’agit donc là tout simplement d’observer une attitude de déontologie élémentaire. * La conclusion se réfère à une question simple : qu’est-ce que le travail et la recherche scientifique aujourd’hui ? Sommes-nous prêts à faire l’effort nécessaire et à investir en ce sens ? Prenons-nous tous les moyens pour ne pas être des faussaires de la science, par ignorance, par la non consultation d’instruments de travail fiables et indispensables ? On nous a demandé en quelque sorte de faire un bilan, en entrevoyant l’avenir de nos disciplines, l’avenir des études médiévales. Plus que jamais il faut le dire et le redire sans cesse : l’avenir est dans une tension vers une qualité maximale. Celleci implique au premier plan une connaissance approfondie du latin de façon générale et du latin médiéval en particulier, tout comme une mise à jour continuelle de l’heuristique. Les médiévistes doivent être de haut niveau ou ne pas être et il faut faire exister les moyens d’y parvenir. Le latin est la langue de l’Occident, de la période qui précède ledit moyen âge et de celle qui le suit. Cette langue a par ailleurs l’avantage d’être la mère des langues romanes et d’avoir fourni la base d’une grande partie du vocabulaire anglais, langue dont certains croient bien à tort qu’elle peut remplacer le latin. Ernest Renan, dans ses Souvenirs d’enfance et de jeunesse, publiés en 1883 (neuf ans avant sa mort en 1892), écrivait cette phrase lumineuse : L’homme ne doit savoir littérairement que deux langues, le latin et la sienne ; mais il doit comprendre toutes celles dont il a besoin pour ses affaires ou son instruction.

Cette affirmation est plus vraie que jamais pour celui qui scrute l’histoire, la pensée, le langage même de l’Occident. Elle s’impose même en ces débuts du XXIe siècle, car il y va de nos racines, de la manière de les scruter et d’y découvrir « l’ancien et le nouveau ». Dom Jean Leclercq disait que l’homme moderne a d’autant plus besoin de tradition parce qu’il lui importe d’inventer davantage. J’ai commencé par le Livre de Job, j’en reviens en terminant à Job. Au chapitre 13, verset 4, il parle des « fabricatores mendacii » et des « cultores peruersorum dogmatum ». L’extraordinaire développement des moyens techniques et, particulièrement, des moyens de communication,

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peut être, hélas, aussi la source d’une extension d’un faux savoir et d’un à peu près faux qui sont une véritable peste qui se répand. Les interlocuteurs de Job sont assurément de véritables modèles pour de faux hommes de science, ou du moins, pour ceux qui, sans s’en douter, se trompent d’outils de connaissance. Le Père Yves Congar parlait de « Vraie et fausse réforme dans l’Église » ; je parlerais de vraie et fausse science. Il faut donc bien faire un examen de conscience scientifique et se détourner de la perspective d’une construction de quelque tour de Babel qui prétend atteindre le ciel et qui nécessairement ne manque de s’effondrer.

Bibliographie citée G. BARDY, Saint Augustin, l’homme et l’œuvre, Desclée de Brouwer, Paris 19402. M. BETTINI, L’éloge du polythéisme, ce que peuvent nous apprendre les religions antiques, Les Belles Lettres, Paris 2016, traduit de l’italien par V. Pirenne-Delforge (titre original : Elogio del politeismo, quello cho possiamo imparare oggi dalle religioni antiche, Il Mulino, Bologne 2014). R. H. BLOCH, Le plagiaire de Dieu. La fabuleuse industrie de l’abbé Migne, Éditions du Seuil, Paris 1996, traduit de l’anglais par P.-A. Fabre (titre original : God’s plagiarist. Being an Account of the Fabulous Industry and Irregular Commerce of the Abbe Migne, University of Chicago Press, Chicago 1994). P. BROWN, La vie de saint Augustin, Éditions du Seuil, Paris 1971, traduit de l’anglais par J. Henri-Marrou (titre original : Augustine of Hippo, a biography, Faber and Faber, Londres 1967). A. CORBIN (dir.), Histoire du christianisme. Pour mieux comprendre notre temps, Éditions du Seuil, Paris 2007. S. LANCEL, Saint Augustin, Fayard, Paris 1999. G. MADEC, Petites études augustiniennes, Études Augustiniennes, Paris 1994. E. RENAN, Souvenirs d’enfance et de jeunesse, Paris 1883. A. REY (dir.), Dictionnaire culturel en langue française, 4 tomes, Le Robert, Paris 2005. P. SMULDERS, « A bold move of Hilary of Poitiers Est ergo erans », Vigiliae Christianae, 42/2 (1988) 121-131.

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G. STEINER, Grammaires de la création, Gallimard, Paris 2001 (NRF Essais). P. TOMBEUR, « Informatique et dévoilement du réel », in C. LEONARDI – M. MORELLI – F. SANTI (éds.), Fabula in tabula. Una storia degli indici dal manoscritto al testo elettronico, Atti del convegno di studi della Fondazione Ezio Franceschini e della Fondazione IBM Italia, Certosa del Galluzzo, 21-22 ottobre 1994, Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, Spolète 1995, pp. 349-352.

Appendice Bases de données établies par le CTLO et Brepolis Latin (réalisations 31 décembre 2018). D’une base de données textuelle on peut passer directement à une base de données dictionnairique et / ou encyclopédique, et vice-versa: – textuelles o Cross Database Searchtool o Library of Latin Texts - Series A & B o Aristoteles Latinus Database o Monumenta Germaniae Historica o Archive of Celtic Latin Litterature – dictionnairiques (Database of Latin Dictionaries) o Dictionnaires descriptifs et de traduction § Forcellini Lexicon § Forcellini Onomasticon § Lewis & Short § Gaffiot § Blaise Patristique § Blaise Médiéval § Souter § Du Cange § Latinitas Italica § Latinitas Hungariae § Latinitas Regni Legionis § Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources § Lexicon Bohemorum

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Dictionnaires thématiques § Lexicon Philosophicum (Chauvin) § Lexicon Philosophicum (Micraelius) § Ecclesiastical Latin (Stelten) § Kirchenlateinisches Wörterbuch § Lateinische Synonymik (Ramshorn) o Dictionnaires médiévaux § Firminus Verris § Anonymus Montepesulianensis § Diccionario latino-español (Nebrija) § Le Talleur – bibliographies et ouvrages encyclopédiques o International Medieval Bibliography o Index Religiosus o L’Année philologique o Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques o International Bibliography of Humanism and the Renaissance o Bibliographie de Civilisation Médiévale o Bibliography of British and Irish History o Europa Sacra o Lexikon des Mittelalters o International Encyclopaedia for the Middle Ages

HISTORY

VYTAUTAS VOLUNGEVIčIUS* EUROPEAN BARBARICUM? NON-SIMULTANEITY OF THE MIDDLE AGES: GERMANIC, SLAVIC AND BALTIC SOCIETIES

Despite their inner modalities, notions like medieval Latin Christendom or feudalism are useful or sometimes indispensable social wholes (historical abstractions) of historiographical work. And even if these etic concepts face the criticism, they remain (occasionally, with variations or epithets) as a requirement for organising the facts of historical reality. Obviously, there are differences in chronology, territory, intensity of different phenomena, their forms and content of medieval Latin Christendom1 as ipso facto subject to region, there are modalities and inconsistencies of European feudalism. These problems are the matters of words, terms, concepts and their substance without which the understanding of history and, first of all, writing history would be impossible. Herewith, all these notions and concepts are also a part or even a foundation of narratives. Therefore, they sometimes seem to be steadfast: They belong to scholarly tradition and strengthen it. Nonetheless there is always a place for new or old new ideas. Could Europe, before arrival of the Christianity, be interpreted as common space with structural similar customary forms of belief, tribal structure of the society and orality? Certainly, the Christianization of different European regions was non-simultaneous, but this process was merely a trigger of changes in particular region. It is suggested that Christianity clashed with the polytheistic, pantheistic societies in the north of the Alps in the period between 5th-14th centuries, and the differences between these societies should possibly be seen in degree than in absolute scale. Without a doubt, with gradual Christianization the social practices, which by the contemporaries were seen as barbaric and heathen, faded. But these forms of customary belief vanished slowly and the changes * Vilnius University, Universiteto g. 7, LT-01513, Vilnius, Lithuania, vytautas. [email protected] 1 J. SZÚCS, Les trois Europes, L’Harmattan, Paris 1985, pp. 55-66; J. KŁOCZOWSKI, Młodsza Europa: Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia w kręgu cywilizacji chreścijańskiej średniowiecza, Państwowy Institut Wydawniczy, Warszawa 1994, pp. 23-57.

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were not entire in all the fields of social reality. And even if one society experienced changes, the other was still stuck in its own present. According Reinhard Koselleck’s theory of multiple temporalities (Zeitschichten), the societies experience simultaneously phenomena and processes with different roots in time and duration. Thus, historian deals with stratigraphy of time (plusieurs strates temporalles) and its multilayered phenomena2. More complex picture could be observed juxtaposing nonsimultaneous societies, if these could be understood as typologically close. This article should be interpreted not as an exact analysis of particular case or problem. It is rather a purposeful intellectual experiment to juxtapose in space and time distant Germanic, Slavic and Baltic societies and consider the question: May these non-simultaneous societies in tension between customary norms of belief and Christianity be interpreted in corpore? Possibilities and limits of thinking and understanding different societies from the point of historical anthropology will be outlined. To begin with, the article will focus on presentation of the problem and possibility of what could be called European barbaricum. Specifically, is there a rationale to speak about European barbaricum? Herewith, some relevant concepts will be discussed. Then, some non-simultaneous historical realities that are interpreted as structural similarities will be juxtaposed. Could these be seen as analogous anthropological situations?

1. The Problem The theoretical background of history as a modern discipline was laid in its scientific infancy in 19th century: History, as an empirical science, focuses on the historical individuality, its particularity, and development. It suggests that the task of historians is to uncover the exceptionality of particular historical phenomena. Indeed, historical science varies nowadays, but despite some exceptions it is still a main stream in historical 2 R. KOSELLECK, «Über die Theoriebedürftigkeit der Geschichtswissenschaft», in ID., Zeitschichten. Studien zur Historik, Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main 2003, pp. 304306. The critical analysis of Koselleck’s theory: H. JORDHEIM, «Against Periodization: Koselleck’s Theory of Multiple Temporalities», History and Theory, 51/2 (2012) 151171. E. LE ROY LADURIE, «La civilisation rurale», in ID., Le territoire de l’historien, Gallimard, Paris 1973, pp. 141-142; ID., «Système de la coutume», in ibid., pp. 223224.

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research. It is welcome because from 19th century until now all high qualified and ranked editions of historical sources were issued in the spirit of classical German source criticism and Historismus. However, the core of historiography is an interpretation, understanding (Johann Gustav Droysen). More than forty years ago, German scholar Reinhard Wenskus criticized the research of so-called Germanic, Slavic, Celtic and Baltic Altertumskunde3 as selective, narrow, and based on the criteria of language4. Instead, he expressed an idea based on the ethno-sociological assumptions. In particular, he claimed that Germanic, Slavic, Celtic and Baltic societies, despite their different (individual) history, had similar tribal institutions. According to Wenskus, all phenomena and, primarily, historical sources about them should be interpreted in relation with each other, and outside the national and lingual segregation. However, his ideas did not become very popular and it is possible to mention some credible causes for this lack of acceptance. First, ethno-sociological assumptions differ from the classical rules of the game in historian’s craft. Second, resulting directly from the first, is the enormous scope of the idea proposed by Wenskus and all the problems related: different languages and amount of information. Presumably, the Polish medievalist Karol Modzelewski began to realize this conception in late nineties of the 20th century Modzelewski juxtaposed Germanic and Slavic social institutions which he discovered as structurally similar in respective historical sources5. Afterwards, he published his opus magnum in which Modzelewski restricted to Germanic 3

So called Antiquity studies include Early Medieval History, archeology, ethnology, linguistics, mythology: Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, De Gruyter, Berlin 1973-2008, Bd. 1-35. In this article the analyze will be restricted to the Germanic, Slavic and Baltic societies. 4 R. WENSKUS, «Probleme der germanisch-deutschen Verfassungs- und Sozialgeschichte im Lichte der Ethnosoziologie», in H. BEUMANN (ed.), Historische Forschungen für Walter Schlesinger, Böhlau Verlag, Köln – Wien 1974, pp. 19-21; F. GRAUS, «Verfassungsgeschichte des Mittelalters», in H.-J. GILOMEN – P. MORAW – R. SCHWINGES (eds.), Ausgewählte Aufsätze von František Graus, Jan Thorbecke Verlag, Stuttgart 2002, pp. 249-251 (Vorträge und Forschungen, 55). 5 K. MODZELEWSKI, «Culte et justice: Lieux d’assemblée des tribus germaniques et slaves», Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 53/3 (1999) 615-636; ID., «Opole, centena, pagus. Versuch einer komparativen Auffassung der Landgemeinde und Territorialverwaltung», in T. WÜNSCH (ed.), Das Reich und Polen, Jan Thorbecke Verlag, Ostfildern 2003, pp. 119-127 (Vorträge und Forschungen, 59).

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and Slavic societies comparing the most important barbaric communal structures (tribe, kin, family) of the first millennium A.D. The optics of Modzelewski’s inquiry is not focused on these structures itself, but to unveil the forms of thinking and worldview. Tribe, kin and family are just clear visible structures which croisée interpretation could lead to a better understanding of pre-Christian Europe. Despite their distance in space and time, different Germanic and Slavic tribes are seen as experiencing similar cultural circumstances (analogous anthropological situation). Finally, contrary to Rémi Brague or Gerard Delanty, he explicated an inconvenient and, therefore, groundbreaking statement: The roots of European civilization lie not only in Roman law, Greek philosophy and science and Jewish-Semitic Christianity cultures, but in the European barbarian origins as well6. Modzelewki’s book, its idea about common barbaric space of Germanic and Slavic tribes (Celts and Balts were deliberately left aside) and nonsimultaneous analogous anthropological situation of different societies was criticised by Stefano Gasparri and Patrick Geary. These prominent historians of Early Medieval Europe oppugned the existence of such a pan-Germanic society and the way how Modzelewski (re)constructed7 it. Paradoxically, the Polish historian never used the term pan-Germanic. Contrarily, the risky way chosen by him was grounded on the conception of longue durée and fundamental structural similarities (mentalité) which, in this case, could be generalized (reduced) as barbaricum. Without trying to catch everyone’s reaction, pro et contra, how could this debate be developed further, bringing together inconsistent positions and their arguments for the discussion? Certainly, it should not be underestimated both individualizing and generalizing points of view. In this place considering the possibilities of generalizations some relevant concepts must be discussed.

6 Id., Barbarzyńska Europa, Wydawnictwo Iskry, Warszawa 2004. The book was translated from polish into main European languages; english: Id., Barbarian Europe, Peter Lang, Berlin – New York – Wien 2014. 7 «Intervista a Karol Modzelewski a cura di Paola Guglielmotti e Gian Maria Varanini», Estratto da Reti Medievali Rivista, XI/1 (2010) 39-47.

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2. Concepts Historiography is full of concepts and despite their discrepancy are in use and, for the sake of frail clarity, most of them should function. The Early Middle Ages which is also just one of many concepts and has its own origins8, as a field of study and research from the 19th century generated plenty of notions which were (re)loaded with over-weighted content. Partially, these notions are used by the scholars nowadays, but a lot of them are criticized as incorrect. Considering the scope of the subject, some remarks should be made about some problematic concepts which were already or will be mentioned later. Such wholes as Germanic, Slavic or Baltic societies never existed as homogenous formations9. These are just generalizations and simplifications that enable to cover a wide space. Under these collective terms lurk different groups which spoke different dialects or even languages, but lived in the neighbourhood10. Franks, Salian Franks, Allemani, Bavarians, Thuringii or Saxons, just the most prominent to mention, are understood as Germanic tribes. The Slavic tribes –without doing any distinction between east and west– such as Polans, Silesians, Masovians, Vistulans or Pomeranians and Dregovichs, Drevlyans, Krivichs or Severians are often mentioned in historical sources of the 10th-12th centuries. Whereas the Balts, for example, Prussians, Curonians, Latgalians, or Lithuanians, appear constantly from the 11th-12th centuries. Is it reasonable to interpret these groups as tribal societies? Although the use of the term tribe, tribal in scholarly literature is contested due to the ideological overtones, it seems there is not yet such a term which could replace it in this context11. In this article, three criteria describe tribal 8 I. N. WOOD, The Modern Origins of the Early Middle Ages, Oxford University Press, Oxford 2013. 9 J. JARNUT, «Germanisch. Plädoyer für die Abschaffung eines obsoleten Zentralbegriffes der Frühmittelalterforshung», in G. DILCHER – E.-M. DISTLER (eds.), Leges – Gentes – Regna. Zur Rolle von germanischen Rechtsgewohnheiten und lateinischer Schrifttradition bei der Ausbildung der frühmittelalterlichen Rechtskultur, Erich Schmidt, Berlin 2006 69-78, here p. 77. 10 W. POHL, «Conceptions of Ethnicity in Early Medieval Studies», Archaeologia Polona, 29 (1991) 39-49, here pp. 40-41, pp. 47-48. 11 Id., «Introduction», in W. POHL – C. GANTNER – R. PAYNE (eds.), Visions of Community in the Post-Roman World: The West, Byzantium and the Islamic World, 300-1100, Ashgate, Farnham 2012, pp. 10-12.

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society: First, the social organization and the hierarchical structure were based on the kinship, blood relationship; second, almost all early written records date back when these societies had faced the Christianity; third, without a reference to interpretatio Romana, all mentioned societies were polytheistic or pantheistic12 before Christianization. Therein, it follows that all these and later on will be mentioned parallels could be reduced to the general understanding of barbaricum, which should denominate the long lasting period of European history somewhere from so-called Völkerwanderung and first Christianization missions till the Christianization of last European pagan polity Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the end of the 14th century. In other words, it was the period when different gentes were understood by the Romans as others (barbari), and this otherness was transported by Christians later. When the former gentes were Christianized, this conception was absorbed by them and transmitted further. Obviously, the understanding of barbaricum as a space straight outside the Roman empire (beyond the limes) approximately between 3rd and 6th centuries13 dominates in historiography. In the European part it is discussed about gentes germanorum. Thus, the problem is that a great number of gentes, which were more remote from civilization centre and, therefore, mentioned in later centuries, remain outside the understanding in corpore what was the transalpine Europe and its tribes between Late Antiquity and first attempts of Christianization which chronologically extremely varies. It is evident that the time gap between these two phenomena (processes) in some of the mentioned societies lasted half a millennium or even more. Despite these challenges, some not numerous examples of the last year show the open-minded re-discovery of neglected barbarians and propose few interpretations of how such a research situation has been achieved14. 12

H. ŁOWMIAŃSKI, Religia słowian i jej upadek, Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warszawa 1986; R. BARLETT, «From Paganism to Christianity in Medieval Europe», in N. BEREND (ed.), Christianization and the Rise of Christian Monarchy: Scandinavia, Central Europe and Rus’ c. 900-1200, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2007, pp. 47-72. 13 P. COSME, «Barbaricum», in B. DUMÉZIL (ed.), Les Barbares, PUF, Paris 2016, pp. 291-296. 14 F. CURTA, «Introduction», in F. CURTA (ed.), Neglected Barbarians, Brepols, Turnhout 2010, pp. 2-5 (Studies in the Early Middle Ages, 32). Already in the twenties of the 19th century Leopold von Ranke declared that Slavic, Lettisch [Baltic] and

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Supposedly, neglected barbarians and the old ones should be seen and interpreted together. Without a doubt, the interpretation proposed here is complicated. It contravenes the main principles of periodization (e.g. the simultaneity of the phenomenon in particular historical space). But as mentioned above, the leading theoretical axis of this article is based on the conception of different duration of similar phenomena and the possibility of their synchronization. It follows that this analysis should be grounded on the structural similarities during the barbaricum whose duration in different societies varied. Under the structural similarities fundamental superindividual, cross-period relative stable phenomena of long duration are understood. It is suggested that despite particular changes these phenomena may remain without substantial transformations. According to the idea which in this article is proposed, Germanic, Slavic and Baltic societies were structured on the tribal organization and belonged to the heterogeneous European barbaricum which in Europe lasted till the last societies were Christianized.

3. Analogous Anthropological Situation? The historical period between the 4th-9th centuries in German historiography is called a historical Zeitfenster (time slot)15 encompassing several processes and phenomena: 1. Migration period, 2. Contacts of Germanic tribes with Romans, 3. Building of early Germanic realms (Reichsgründungen). Unfortunately, this time slot was not characteristic for Slavic and Baltic societies by both its chronology and content. The space between the Baltic and Black seas inhabited by Slavs and Balts had contacts with Roman empire, but these were poorly recorded by written Magyar tribes (!) had a peculiar nature: L. VON RANKE, Geschichten der romanischen und germanischen Völker von 1494 bis 1514, Verlag von Duncker & Humblot, Leipzig 1885 (1824), p. V. 15 G. DILCHER, «Leges – Gentes – Regna. Zur Rolle normativer Traditionen germanischer Völkerschaften bei der Ausbildung der mittelalterlichen Rechtskultur: Fragen und Probleme», in G. DILCHER – E.-M. DISTLER (eds.), Leges – Gentes – Regna. Zur Rolle von germanischen Rechtsgewohnheiten und lateinischer Schrifttradition bei der Ausbildung der frühmittelalterlichen Rechtskultur, Erich Schmidt, Berlin 2006, pp. 37-38.

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sources. The archaeology gives much more information about Roman period in these regions. However, it is fair to admit that the Roman impact on Slavic and Baltic societies could not be measured as substantial. Herewith, the formation of early polities in these European regions was much later and dates back to the 10th century. Finally, the fourth not mentioned phenomenon – leges barbarorum – will be elaborated later. In recognition of all differences, Christianity was that fundamental phenomenon that all these societies of customary forms of belief encountered. In this anthropological situation at the same time were recorded ancient and new realities and practices. In that tension, new social order and new values crystallized, but the past could not disappear traceless immediately. It faded slowly leaving sediments of the past all the time. Hereinafter, some parallels, or in the words of this article, structural similarities, will be developed. When the culmination of Medieval Europe is seen in the 12th-13th centuries and is associated with the Christianity in its organizational, ideological and intellectual internal and external expansion, it implicates that Christianity is an axis of the scholarly understanding what makes Europe to Europe in the Middle Ages. Considering that, the factor of religion or forms of belief is no less important interpreting what Europe was before or during the Christianization as longue durée. At the ultimate phase of Saxon Wars at the end of 8th century, the burning of human remains beside the others customary pagan practice was interdicted by Charlemagne (Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae)16. This rite was practiced by the Slavs and Balts and vanished in the Eastern Baltic sea region just in 14th century. During the expansion of the Teutonic Order and the Christianization to the no-man’s-land in the eastern Baltic region some remarks were made about local customs. In 1249, in the Treaty of Christburg between Teutonic Order and Prussian nobility the latermentioned had to undertake not to burn human remains anymore17. More than one century later, this ritus gentilium, as called in the sources, was recorded in Lithuania. The chronicler of Teutonic Order Hermann von 16 Capitularia Regnum Francorum, ed. A. BORETIUS, Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani, Hannoverae 1881, p. 69 (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, I, 1): «[...] Si quis corpus defuncti hominis secundum ritum paganorum flamma consumi fecerit et ossa eius ad cinerem redierit, capitae punietur [...]». 17 Preußisches Urkundenbuch, Hartungsche Verlagsdruckerei, Königsberg 1882, p. 161, Bd. 1.

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Wartberge stated that in 1377 the remains of grand duke Algirdas were burned up together with his horses, armour and other stuff18. There are some social institutions (e.g. retinue) understood as being characteristic in common to European tribal societies. The inheritance practice, succession order in different levels was one of them. This phenomenon began to change with the arrival of Christianity, however, the transformation was slow. The agnatic primogeniture which could be interpreted as a product of Christianization anchored during the 11th-12th centuries in Western Europe and some centuries later eastern of the river Elbe. But before it became an ordinary practice, in general, the societies discussed in this article had different understandings how the question of inheritance (patrimony) should be solved. In 806 aforementioned Charlemagne left the document known as Divisio Regnorum, whereby, the Frankish realm after his death should be divided between his three sons19. But two of them died before their father. In turn, in the year 817 the Ordinatio Imperii was written down by the initiative of his left legitimate son Louis the Pious. Traditional Germanic inheritance right of all legitimate sons of the monarch and the preservation of realm’s integrity were tried to combine by this document. Thus, the eldest son Lothar I was proclaimed co-emperor. Accordingly, two younger sons Pepin I and Louis the German have got western (Aquitaine) and eastern (Bavaria) parts of the realm20. Finally, in 843 the three grandsons of Charlemagne divided the Frankish empire by the Treaty of Verdun. The line of hereditary succession was not subordinated to the principle of primogeniture (yet). Structural similar examples could be observed in other societies. According the Russian Primary Chronicle (Povest vremenich let), the grand duke Yaroslav the Wise after his death in 1054 left Kievan Rus to his sons21. Actually, Iziaslav I, as the eldest son (agnatic seniority), got 18

Hermanni de Wartberge, Chronicon Livoniae, ed. E. STREHLKE, Verlag von S. Hirzel, Leipzig 1863, p. 113 (Scriptores rerum Prussicarum, 2). 19 Capitularia Regnum Francorum, I, 1, p. 127. 20 Capitularia Regnum Francorum, I, 1, pp. 270-271. 21 Povest’ vremennyh let, Izdatel’stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, Leningrad 1926, p. 161 (Polnoe Sobranie Russkih Letopisej, 1): «[...] se zhe poruchaju v sobe mesto stol” stareishemu synu moemu i bratu vashemu Izjaslavu K”iev” a Svjatoslavu daju Chernigov” a Vsevolodu Perejaslavl’ [a Igorju Volodimer’] a Vjacheslavu Smolensk” i tako razdeli im” grad”i [...]».

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the centre of the realm with Kiev. The other parts of the polity went to the younger four sons. In the following centuries, the eastern Slavic lands were the place of never-ending disputes between the widespread kin of Rurik. From the 10th century the Kingdom of Poland was ruled by the Piast dynasty. The bishop of Kraków Wincenty Kadłubek wrote in his chronicle that the king Bolesław the Wrymouth left a testament after his death, whereby, the realm was divided for his four sons22. The central part of the realm with Kraków went to the eldest son Władysław II the Exile. The younger three sons have got their portions of the realm and as in cases of Frankish empire and Kievan Rus had to recognize the supremacy of the eldest. From this moment, the Kingdom of Poland became a playground of hostility among different members of Piast kin for two hundred years. The written references about the Balts are late and more numerous informative historical sources were found far later. In 1341, the grand duke of Lithuania Gediminas left the last pagan realm in Europe to his seven sons23. Different principalities of the Grand Duchy went to the sons of Gediminas but contrary to Germanic and Slavic cases, the core of the realm went not to the eldest son Jaunutis which after several years was replaced by his elder brother. The main point in this historical situation is contemporaneous understanding about the nature of the realm and what kind of roles the members of ruling family (stirps regia) play. What kind of remarks could be done observing in time and space distant historical situations despite the fact that in Western European historiography the agnatic senjority24 is interpreted just as the phenomenon 22

Kronika Mistrza Wincentego, ed. A. BIELOWSKI, Drukarnia imienia Ossolińskich, Lwów 1872, pp. 363-364 (Monumenta Poloniae Historica, 2): «[...] testamentales mandat concribi codicillos. In quibus et avitarum vices virtutum et regni successionem quatuor filiis legat, certos tetrarchiarum limites disterminans aetenus [...]». 23 Origo regis Jagyelo et Wytholdi ducum Lithuaniae, ed. N. ULASHHIK, Nauka, Moskva 1980, p. 115 (Polnoe Sobranie Russkih Letopisej, 35); S. C. ROWELL, Lithuania Ascending: A Pagan Empire within East-Central Europe, 1295-1345, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1994, pp. 263-288. 24 Considering throne (patrimony) succession problem, agnatic senjority is understood as an order of succession when the brother(s) but not the son(s) of the decedent have anteriority to the inheritance. Interesting situations in Frankish realm: W. SICKEL, «Zum karolingischen Thronrecht», in E. HLAWITSCHKA (ed.), Königswahl und Thronfolge in fränkisch-karolingischer Zeit, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 1975, pp. 68-71 (Wege der Forschung, 247). About the non-existence of primogeniture principle in Merovingian and Carolingian realm:

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of eastern European principalities contrary to the Western Europe? These non-simultaneous societies were built upon horizontal structured kinship, grounded on personal relations among very close blood linked members of the family or kin. The notion of the realm as a territorial whole either did not exist yet or was just in its infancy. Herewith, the principle of primogeniture was just in its formation and understanding that all sons of the monarch have the right to get their part in the realm was in common. It could be even suggested that this principle of inheritance was in use in other levels of the society. The phenomenon of burning human remains was widespread among the politheistic societies and in this place there is nothing to be excited about. This phenomenon and the regard to it, even it was peripherical, are a symptom of particular historical reality –a tension between customary forms of believe and Christianity– which these societies faced. As may be seen, all mentioned historical realities trace back to the societies which were either pagan or some centuries ago officially christianised. Finally, they all faced Christianity and one phenomenon they possessed in common was the collections of law. What kind of historical reality do we find analyzing so-called collections of law? Thus, we are approaching the fourth member of Germanic time slot – leges barbarorum. There are a lot of contestable questions in the European historiography what the ancient Germanic law and its sources were about? Three of them have an exceptional value. First, what was the purpose of all these collections of law? Second, what was their efficiency in reality25? And what do they express? The same questions could be raised dealing with the problems of Slavic and Baltic collections of law. Even if they did not work in practice or if they were nothing more than just verbum regis26, they remain historical sources. Eventually, these collections of law are not the subject of this research by itself. These sources are important as a sign of a particular anthropological situation. In this article, collections of law H. K. SCHULZE, Grundstrukturen der Verfassung im Mittelalter. Das Königtum, Verlag W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2011, p. 77, Bd. 4. 25 H. NEHLSEN, «Zur Aktualität und Effektivität germanischer Rechtsaufzeichnungen», in P. CLASSEN (ed.), Recht und Schrift im Mittelalter, Jan Thorbecke Verlag, Sigmaringen 1977, pp. 449-502 (Vorträge und Forschungen, 23). 26 P. WORMALD, «Lex Scripta and Verbum Regis: Legislation and Germanic Kingships from Euric to Cnut», in P. H. SAWYER – I. N. WOOD (eds.), Early Medieval Kingship, University of Leeds, Leeds 1977, pp. 105-108.

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are interpreted not as an expression of legal norms or some abstract legal systems, but as relicts of thinking between orality and writing culture, as something that couldn’t be done earlier but should be done now. In this case, it is not very important if these sentences sounded new as verbum regis or something what was an ancient customary order. This juxtaposition grounded on the Germanic, Slavic and Baltic legal codes aims to show just the most visible structural patterns which should justify the possibility to speak about these societies in corpore. The early collections of Germanic law (leges barbarorum) were recorded between 5th and 9th centuries. Chronologically it coincided with the Christianization of particular tribes or differed not significantly. Facing Christianity as writing culture, Slavic and Baltic societies left first collections of law. Officially, Kievan Rus’ was Christianized 988 and the Rus’ Justice (Russkaja Prawda) was written between 11th and 12th centuries27. The first so-called polish old customs (Księga Elbląska, Book of Elbląg) were written down at the end of 13th century28. At the beginning of the 13th century, the Livonian Brothers of the Sword settled in Livonia and thus began to Christianize the local tribes29. Later, the so-called Peasant law (bur recht) in mittelniederdeutsch was written. In the middle of the 14th century, after more than a century lasting mutual violence between Teutonic Order and Prussian tribes Iura prutenorum was recorded30. Trying to juxtapose these collections of law, there are some difficulties which rise not only from their origin in time but also from differences of influences. On the contrary to Germanic, Slavic and Baltic collections of law were recorded in vernacular31. Germanic tribes, probably even Saxons, Thuringians and Frysians that were far beyond the limes, expe27 Pravda Russkae, ed. B. D. GREKOV, Izdatelʼstvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, Moskva – Leningrad 1947, T. 2. 28 It is clear that at the time when this source was recorded the historical circumstances were loaded by the relations between Teutonic Order and Polish principalities. Starodawne Prawa Polskiego Pomniki, ed. A. Z. HELCEL, Drukarnia Czas, Kraków 1870, T. 2. 29 «Die altlivländischen Bauerrechte», ed. L. ARBUSOW, Mitteilungen aus der livländischen Geschichte, Nicolai Kymmels Buchhandlung, Riga 1924-1926, Bd. 23. 30 Pomezanija: Pomezanskaja Pravda, ed. V. PASHUTO, Izdatel’stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, Moskva 1955. 31 Rules of Anglo-Saxon law were written in local vernacular as well: Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, ed. F. LIEBERMANN, Max Niemeyer, Halle 1903-1916, 3 vols.

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rienced direct influence of the Roman empire (e.g., law, social and military institutions). Without a dispute, the influence of roman and roman vulgar law, or according to Detlef Liebs, Germanic Roman law32, may be seen in different Germanic collections of law. On the other hand, Byzantine Empire influenced the Rus’ Justice. The other difference is associated with the influence of Germanic law on Slavic (Polish) and Baltic collections of law. The initial Slavic (Polish) and Baltic legal collections were recorded by Teutonic order in different German dialects. According to some scholars, there are a plenty of Germanic legal institutions in all these collections33. Both Roman and Germanic influences (and differences as well) could be interpreted as obstacles for claiming that these societies are typological similar. However, not everything could be explained by influences and reception. How could be interpreted and explained the phenomena, in this article understood as structural similarities? Obviously, societies could not be interpreted exclusively on the strength of what is usually called legal sources (P. Gasparri). But this time the ideas about burning human remains and inheritance practice will be supplemented by Germanic, Slavic and Baltic collections of law. Few characteristically principles, patterns of social reality which may be analysed as structural similarities of Germanic, Slavic and Baltic societies will be observed. These patterns –wergeld, ethnicity, gender– could be interpreted as grounded on contrasts within social organizations. Wergeld (compensation) is a well-known and probably the most discussed phenomenon in historiography of European tribal societies. The amount of wergild (price of man) was conditional, according to the social rank of the victim. In societies where the central power was too weak or was just in formation period, no territorial and long-lasting institutional framework existed at all. Thus, wergeld may be understood 32

D. LIEBS, «Roman Vulgar Law in Late Antiquity», in B. SIRKS (ed.), Aspects of Law in Late Antiquity: Dedicated to A. M. Honoré on the Occasion of the Sixtieth year of His Teaching in Oxford, Oxford University, Oxford 2008, pp. 35-53. 33 F. EBEL, «Von der Elbe zur Düna – Sachsenrecht in Livland, einer Gemengelage europäischer Rechtsordnungen», in E. EICHNER – H. LÜCK (eds.), Rechts- und Sprachtransfer in Mittel- und Osteuropa. Sachsenspiegel und Magdeburger Recht, De Gruyter, Berlin 2008, pp. 37-43, Bd. 1. There is another position which argues that Livonian collections of law contain a local practice or not all practices were imported by the Livonian Brothers of the Sword: Drevnejshie gosudarstva na territorii SSSR, ed. V. PASHUTO, Nauka, Moskva 1980, pp. 46, 49, 53, 91, 104.

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as an instrument to avoid the blood feud (faida), violence among different families and their members and to keep a provisory order. It is suggested that all these societies had more or less similar conditions and chances to seek for justice and implement it. Obviously, the step-by-step formation of central power, monarch institution (Merovingians, Carolingians, Piasts, Rurik) or other power structures (Teutonic Order, Livonian Brothers of the Sword) played a crucial role in the coming of new social and political order. But this process, with all its implicated institutional infrastructure, was slow and the old practices could not be disrooted. Even if wergild was not mentioned in some collections of law, definitely, as a certain institution, it remained implicit and was a kind of strategy of solving quarrels in Germanic, Slavic and Baltic societies. Generally, characteristic to Germanic collections of law was an indication of particular price depending upon social rank of the person and the degree of mischief. That was followed by formula solidos componat, solidos ... iuret, and sometimes was used a form of the term wergild to express a particular man payment34. In Rus’ Justice the phenomenon of wergild was known as vira, virnoje (вира, вирное) which was also understood as the price of man and similarly varied subject to the particular cases which, like in Germanic sources, were extensively casuistic35. Keeping in mind, the Baltic collections of law written in mittelniederdeutsch and mittelhochdeutsch were loaded with wergild casuistic. Respectively, in Livonian Bur recht the word straf was used chiefly, and in Iura prutenorum such expressions as er sal yn gelden, man gildet yn, wirt seyn wergelt, wunden bezahlen were in use36. Even if wergild in Baltic societies was something new, institution was introduced and, thus, changed an old but similar phenomenon (ransom)37, supposedly, this historical reality could help to explain the general phenomenon of inventions, new social practices 34

Lex Salica, ed. K. A. ECKHARDT, Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani, Hannoverae 1969, passim (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, IV, 2); Leges Saxonum et Leges Thuringorum, ed. C. FREIHERR VON SCHWERIN, Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannoverae et Lipsae 1918, pp. 18-20, 57-59 (Fontes iuris Germanici in usum scholarum). 35 Pravda Russkae, pp. 255, 275, 282, 287 (extended edition). 36 «Die altlivländischen Bauerrechte», p. 51; Pomezanija: Pomezanskaja Pravda, pp. 118, 120, 152, 158. 37 G. BIAŁUNSKI, «Zemsta matką sprawiedliwości. Wergeld (główszczyzna) w Prusach Krzyżackich i Prusach Książęcych», Czasopismo prawno-historyczne, 67/2 (2015) 11-29.

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which, without a doubt, were made in times of fundamental social transformations. Finally, it is interesting to provide an example that indicates the society in change. This example refers to the long duration phenomenon which could be interpreted as the rising of new personal and institutional power structures. The first article of Rus’ Justice mentions the possibility of choosing between the wergild and blood feud as a lawful practice of that time for solving conflict38. This recorded historical situation reflects the society in transition when both ways of justice’s restoration were legal, despite the fact that wergild was an instrument to limit or stop persistent violence among families and their members39. In such conflicts crystallized the distinctions –who is who in society which was stratified not only by social ancestry, but also divided by ethnicity40. This factor was also relevant to the size of wergild. The ethnicity is seen here more from the point of those by whom these collections of law were written down and from the viewpoint of insiders to whom these texts concerned. Briefly two major dimensions of this phenomenon may be differentiated. On the one part, these texts were directed to gentes, on the other part, the ethnicity may be interpreted as a crucial category of distinction within these societies. The addressee of all Germanic collections of law were tribes (gentes): Salians, Alemanni, Bavarians, Saxons, Thuringians41. It is not only an indication about the addressee, it also reflects broader characteristic of thinking and the nature or condition of tribal organization. The reference to ethnicity is an interesting expression of the historical situation when all these sources were recorded. The collections were not grounded on definite place or made for territory with well-defined limits, but were directed to the particular tribes which, undoubtedly were heterogeneous. 38

Pravda Russkae, p. 241: «[...] Azhe ubiet’ muzh’ muzha, to m’stiti bratu brata, ljubo otcju, li synu, ljubo bratuchado, li bratnju synovi; ashhe li ne budet’ kto ego m’stja, to polozhiti za golovu 80 griven [...]» (extended edition); p. 245: [...] «i otlozhisha ubienie za golovu, no kunati sja vykupati [...]» (extended edition). 39 WORMALD, «Lex Scripta and Verbum Regis», pp. 111-112. 40 About the methodological and other problems using term ethnicity see: W. POHL, «Introduction – Strategies of Identification: A Methodological Profile», in W. POHL – G. HEYDEMANN (eds.), Strategies of Identification: Ethnicity and Religion in Early Medieval Europe, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 2013, pp. 1-64. 41 Leges Saxonum et Leges Thuringorum, pp. 21, 43.

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And this heterogeneity is well seen in the distinction between members of the particular tribe and the other (e.g. Salian versus Roman)42. The similar patterns may be observed in the Slavic and Baltic societies. First of all, these texts were directed to Semigallians, Curonians, and Pomesanians43. Second, there is a clear distinction between particular groups in all these collections of law. The importance of ethnicity may be observed in regulation of conflict between agents of different origins. Thus, ethnicity could take a shape of social character. Admittedly, it is not always evident what was meant under the reference to ethnicity, but the different sources show that it was in use. Rus’ Justice knew the term rusin (русин) which over time could have denoted the hierarchically high standing person or a group and this group was confronted with wider society –slav (словенин)44. The clear distinction between Polish law, the individuals under its supremacy and the Germans was made as well45. The Iura prutenorum offers similar opposition: local tribes vs. German. The everyday encounter of individuals with different origins had to be regulated46. Germanic, Slavic and Baltic societies all had their others and were the others themselves. Belonging to particular tribal group was, first of all, belonging to the shifting group of constantly changeable Rechtsgewohnheiten. The distinction of ethnicity within tribal societies could be understood as universal thinking category47, but certainly not 42

Lex Ribuaria, ed. R. SOHM, Anton Hiersemann Verlag, Stuttgart – Vaduz 1965, pp. 336-337 (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, V): «[...] Nullus Romanus barbara cuiuslibet gentes uxorem habere presumat, nec barbarum Romana sibi in coniugium accipere presumat [...]». 43 «Die altlivländischen Bauerrechte», p. 43: «[...] Alle frye Seeländer, Cuhren, Semmgaller sallen ähr recht hebben gliekh den andern buhren [...]»; Pomezanija: Pomezanskaja Pravda, p. 124: «[...] deutscher bleibt [...] in seinem deutschen rechte [...]»; p. 150: «[...] Stirbt ein man, der pomezenisch recht hot [...]»; p. 162: «[...] Das Preusch Recht [...] under den preuszen gehalten wirdt [...]» (later edition). 44 Pravda Russkae, p. 15, pp. 41-42, p. 241. 45 Starodawne Prawa Polskiego Pomniki, pp. 15, 33. 46 Pomezanija: Pomezanskaja Pravda, p. 120: «[...] Ist das ein Preusse einen ledigen deutschen todslett [...]»; p. 124: «[...] Ein iglicher deutscher bleibt und sal gericht werden in seinem deutschen rechte [...]»; p. 150: «[...] Stirbt ein man, der pomezenisch recht hot [...]». 47 G. VON OLBERG, «Aspekte der rechtlich-sozialen Stellung der Frauen in den frühmittelalterlichen Leges», in W. AFFELDT (ed.), Frauen in Spätantike und Frühmittelalter, Thorbecke, Sigmaringen 1990, p. 223.

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the only of that time. In this context, one more distinction should be discussed. Aside from the distinctions based on social status, ancestry and their unambiguous expressions in wergild, gender, to be precise, an image and understanding of women in society, may be seen as a common place in Germanic, Slavic and Baltic collections of law. Considering this phenomenon, there is one feature to be mentioned. Generally the limitation of female offspring’s inheritance right of immovable property in advantage of male’s may be observed. German legal historian Karl Kroeschell pointed out that generally in question of immovable property, the Germanic law provided the advantage of brother’s inheritance right in relation to sister’s48 and the well-known article of Lex Salica (terra salica) was used by the historians as generalization and simplification of complicated social reality of that time. On the other hand, it is not clear if such a practice functioned in Germanic societies before the collections of law were recorded. Presumably, in that period the situation of barbaric practices of inheritance were in slowly change which, next to another influences, was triggered by Christianity. Therefore, the juxtaposition of Germanic and Baltic collections of law could be a fruitful for comprehensive analysis. The Slavic and Baltic inheritance practice of patrimony was also directed to male offspring but under particular conditions there was a possibility of female heir’s inheritance right49. In summary, some general statements about the societies in question may be done. When collections of law were recorded, these societies were in tension between an old modus vivendi and a new one. It may be presupposed that in the case of restricted women’s inheritance right, the influence of the Christianity on tribal societies could be noticed. Observing retrospectively, it is negotiable that a chronologically later principle 48

K. KROESCHELL, «Söhne und Töchter im germanischen Erbrecht», in Id., Studien zum frühen und mittelalterlichen deutschen Recht, Duncker und Humblot, Berlin 1995, pp. 35-64 (Freiburger rechtsgeschichtliche Abhandlungen, 20); R. LE JAN, Famille et puovoir dans le monde franc (VIIe-Xe siècle): Essai d’anthropologie sociale, Publications de la Sorbonne, Paris 1995, pp. 233-237. 49 Pravda Russkae, p. 626: «[...] Azhe v bojareh ljubo v druzhine, to za knjazja zadnicja ne idet‘; no ozhe ne budet‘ synov, a dcheri vozmut“ [...]»; Pomezanija: Pomezanskaja Pravda, pp. 120, 140, 150, 152; «Die altlivländischen Bauerrechte», pp. 36, 46: «[...] Sint dar overst kiene söhns so fällt dat gantze gohd der mohder tho met den döchtern [...]».

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of agnatic primogeniture was a product of restriction of female inheritance right in advantage of male heirs. Possibly Christianity was just a catalyst in this long-lasting process of masculinization of patrimony inheritance.

4. Generalization This à la impressionistic text seeks to bring up a discussion between different historiographies and their fields of research. Although the idea of European barbaricum may appear speculative or the argumentation of proposed structural similarities too weak, the suggested ideas may broaden the understanding of the phenomenon in Western historiography known as Early Middle Ages, the European societies in the early phase of Christianization and the barbaricum as a credible common background of Europe before Greek science (philosophy), Semitic Christianity and Roman law. The explanation of structural similarities due to reception from one society or culture to another is possible. Even if this assumption is correct, the problem does not vanish into thin air. Every similarity and difference should be analyzed individually, but not in isolation. It is proposed that the interpretation of Germanic, Slavic and Baltic societies as typologically close (similar) in mentioned chronological framework is a perspective task. Especially when European historiography is looking for more integral points of view. However, it is not claimed that these societies were identical. There were a lot of differences, especially on the political, intellectual and ideological levels. But one of the tasks of science is to show the scale of difference. If we will find out what kind of institutions were similar in these in time and space distant societies, then, the following tasks will be to clarify: How did they varied? What factors caused variations? Is it a reception? What practices were more receptible than others? Consequently, the question of difference between these societies and the phenomena we are juxtaposing is also the (question of) degree of difference (in particular, layers of social reality). Following the strategy of juxtaposition, falsification/verification of isolated statements which were made by historians working in different historiographies and fields is possible. Such kind of juxtaposition of different societies may lead to better understanding of how the power was understood, what kind of provisory universal tools for extending the power

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were implemented, what kind of strategies functioned and, even if we accept that the most part of similar institution in Slavic and Baltic societies were the product of reception, it is a good possibility to think about the nature of reception and the old institutions which were planted in the new soil. Even if proposed juxtaposition of societies will be interpreted as no more than kill-time speculation, nonetheless it could become an impulse for a new revaluation and understanding of leges barbarorum, their nature, purpose, and relation between ideality and reality.

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ANTONIO ESPIGARES PINILLA* SAN AGUSTÍN EN EL VADEMECUM DEL CONDE DE HARO

La biblioteca del primer Conde de Haro, don Pedro Fernández de Velasco, constituye junto con la del Marqués de Santillana uno de los ejemplos más destacados de la bibliofilia hispana del siglo XV; ambas reflejan, cada una con sus características propias, las inquietudes intelectuales y religiosas de la nobleza culta castellana de mediados de dicha centuria. Tras los diferentes estudios realizados por Antonio Paz y Meliá a finales del siglo XIX y principios del XX, publicados todos ellos con el mismo título en la Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos1, y más recientemente de J. Lawrance2, ha sido posible conocer los ejemplares que la formaron, muchos de los cuales se hallan hoy en la Biblioteca Nacional de España; una selecta parte de ellos fue donada antes del año 1455 a la nueva biblioteca del Hospital de la Vera Cruz en Medina de Pomar. Entre sus fondos, formados fundamentalmente por obras religiosas y de devoción, históricas, de autores clásicos grecolatinos y tratados caballerescos, se halla un opúsculo denominado Vademecum, amplia selección de fragmentos extraídos de diversos ejemplares de dicha biblioteca, cuyo compilador siguió fielmente los criterios del propio conde. El Vademecum se conserva actualmente en dos códices de la citada Biblioteca Nacional, el Ms. 9513 y el Ms. 9522, denominado Varias sentencias y posterior al 9513. La obra representa un ejemplo especialmente interesante de florilegio, género al que ha dedicado su estudio desde hace años el grupo de investigación «Los florilegios latinos conservados en España», dirigido por la profesora M.ª J. Muñoz. De él han surgido estudios sobre el Vademecum tanto generales3 *

Universidad Complutense, Departamento de Filología Clásica, Ciudad Universitaria, 28040 Madrid, España, [email protected]. Imágenes procedentes de los fondos de la Biblioteca Nacional de España. 1 «Biblioteca fundada por el conde de Haro en 1455», I (1897) 18-24, 60-66, 156163, 255-262, 452-462; IV (1900) 535-541, 662-667; VI (1902) 198-206, 372-382; VII (1902 b) 51-55; XIX (1908) 124-136; XX (1909) 277-289. 2 «Nueva luz sobre la biblioteca del conde de Haro: inventario de 1455», El Crotalón. Anuario de Filología española, 1 (1984) 1073-1111. 3 Cf. P. CAÑIZARES, «El Vademecum del conde de Haro en el contexto de su biblioteca privada», en M.ª T. CALLEJAS – P. CAÑIZARES – M.ª D. CASTRO – M.ª F. DEL

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como otros más particulares centrados en la presencia de un determinado autor o de una obra concreta en el conjunto de la selección4. Como ya ha observado E. Dekkers, la presencia de san Agustín en los florilegios medievales es abundante y por motivos no únicamente doctrinales: «les écrits d’Augustin, au style pétillant et précis, tout pleins de jeux de mots et de formules bien frappées, se prêtèrent davantage à la composition de florilèges»5. Conocemos colecciones de citas de san Agustín desde Próspero de Aquitania, coetáneo y discípulo del mismo santo que compuso una selección de 392 sentencias extraídas de 24 escritos diferentes, hasta los siglos XIII y XIV donde hallamos citas de sus obras no sólo en florilegios mixtos, como el Manipulus florum de Tomás de Irlanda, sino también en florilegios extraídos exclusivamente de obras agustinianas, como el Milleloquium, que contiene 15.000 extractos agrupados en un millar de títulos, o las Veritates collectae ex variis operibus divi Augustini del franciscano François de Meyrones. La literatura religiosa ocupa un lugar prioritario dentro del Vademecum. Como ya analizamos en un trabajo anterior6, el florilegio bíblico es la sección más amplia de todas las que lo conforman; sus 31 folios –desde el f. 3v al f. 34v– representan casi una cuarta parte del total. Junto a él hallamos extractos de diversos autores fundamentales de la literatura cristiana como BARRIO – A. ESPIGARES – M.ª J. MUÑOZ (eds.), «Manipulus studiorum» en recuerdo de la profesora Ana María Aldama Roy, Escolar y Mayo, Madrid 2014, pp. 183-196. 4 Cf. M.ª J. MUÑOZ, «Las Auctoritates Aristotelis en el Vademecum de la biblioteca del Conde de Haro», en J. MEIRINHOS – O. WEIJERS (eds.), Florilegium Medievale. Études offertes à Jaqueline Hamesse à l’occasion de son émeritat, FIDEM, Lovaina la Nueva 2009, pp. 419-438; «Terencio en dos manuscritos de la biblioteca del Conde de Haro», en J. M.ª MAESTRE – J. PASCUAL – L. CHARLO (eds.), Humanismo y pervivencia del mundo clásico, Homenaje al profesor Antonio Prieto, CSIC, Alcañiz – Madrid 2010, pp. 2519-2533; P. CAÑIZARES, «Una selección de autores cristianos en el Vademecum del Conde de Haro», en B. ANTÓN – M.ª J. MUÑOZ (eds.), Estudios sobre florilegios y emblemas, Universidad de Valladolid, Valladolid 2011, pp. 49-59; «Edición y estudio de un florilegio del Vademecum de la biblioteca del conde de Haro», Revue d’histoire des textes, V (2010) 199-229; M.ª F. DEL BARRIO, «La selección de textos de re militari en la biblioteca del conde de Haro», en M.ª J. MUÑOZ (ed.), El florilegio: espacio de encuentro de los autores antiguos y medievales, FIDEM, Oporto 2011, pp. 159-190. 5 E. DEKKERS, «Quelques notes sur des florilèges augustiniens anciens et médiévaux», Augustiniana, 40 (1990) 27. 6 A. ESPIGARES, «El florilegio bíblico del Vademecum del Conde de Haro», en Actas del VII Congreso Internacional de Latín Medieval Hispánico, SISMEL, Florencia (en prensa).

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san Gregorio Magno, san Bernardo, san Ambrosio o, como examinaremos a continuación, san Agustín. Sabemos que varias obras de san Agustín formaron parte de la biblioteca del Conde de Haro, lo que concuerda perfectamente con los consejos que había recibido de Alonso de Cartagena sobre los autores en los que debía basarse la formación de un caballero y entre los que no podían faltar ni san Jerónimo ni san Agustín, valentissimi pugiles propugnatores ecclesie7. Nos consta que tres de sus obras fueron cedidas a la biblioteca del Hospital de la Vera Cruz. En el catálogo de 1553 aparecen descritas con los números 32 («Libro de San Agustín intitulado Soliloquium animae ad Deum, escrito en pergamino de molde»), 50 («Contemplaciones de San Agustín en un libro escrito en lengua francesa») y 73 («Epístolas de San Agustín escrito en pergamino de mano, en latín; contiene diversas materias»)8. Los fragmentos de san Agustín aparecen citados en el Vademecum junto a otros de san Juan Crisóstomo y de Guillermo de Saint-Thierry de la siguiente manera: Ms. 9513 (f. 117r) y Ms. 9522 (ff. 104r-104 v): Augustinus in sermone de puero centurionis Ms. 9513 (f. 118r-v): Augustinus in sermone in festo magdalene Johannes os aurei in sermone festi beati Jacobi Mathei II Bernardus ad fratres de monte dei Ms. 9513 (f. 119r) y Ms. 9522 (f. 123r, cortado en la primera hoja): Dichos en frances de las contemplaciones de sant agustin

Examinaremos a continuación cada uno de ellos. El primero es un amplio extracto de la Epístola 189 Ad Bonifacium, transmitido a través del Decretum Gratiani, en el que se defiende la compatibilidad de la milicia con 7

Cf. J. LAWRANCE, Un tratado de Alonso de Cartagena sobre la educación y los estudios literarios, UAB, Barcelona 1979, p. 48. 8 LAWRANCE, «Nueva luz sobre la biblioteca del conde de Haro», pp. 1088, 1091 y 1094.

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la moral cristiana, cuestión que suscitó un gran debate entre los humanistas de la época. Como ya ha sido estudiado y editado por P. Cañizares9, nos limitamos a repetir el texto: In Decreto Augustinus in sermone de puero centurionis Multi posunt placere Deo in bellicis armis. Noli estimare neminem Deo placere posse qui armis bellicis ministrat. In hiis erat sanctus Dauid cui Dominus tam magnum prebuit testimonium. In hiis eciam uulgus et plurimi temporis justi. In hiis erat ille centurio qui Domino dixit: «Non sum dignus ut intres sub tectum meum». Hoc ergo primum cogita quando armaris ad pugnam, quia uirtus tua et ipsa corporalis donum Dei est. Sic enim cogitabis de dono Dei, non facere contra Deum. Fides enim, quando promictitur, eciam hosti seruanda est contra quem bellum geritur. Quanto magis amico pro quo pugnatur! Pacem habere voluntatis, bellum autem debet esse necessitatis ut liberet Deus a necesitate et conseruet in pace. Non enim pax queritur ut bellum exerceatur, sed bellum geritur ut pax adquiratur. Esto ergo bellando pacificus, ut eos quos expugnas, ad pacis utilitatem vincendo perducas. «Beati enim pacifici - ait dominus - quoniam fillii Dei uocabuntur». Si autem pax humana tam dulcis est pro temporali salute hominum, quanto magis dulcior est pax diuina pro eterna salute angelorum! Itaque hostem pugnantem necesitas deprimat, non uoluntas. Sicud bellanti et resistenti uiolencia redditur, ita victoris capto misericordia jam debetur, maxime in quo pacis perturbacio non timetur.

Los textos que aparecen en el f. 118 r-v del Ms. 9513, ausentes en el Ms. 9522, «no pertenecen al estado original de la compilación» a juicio de la citada investigadora10. En primer lugar y bajo el título Augustinus in sermone in festo magdalene se presenta un fragmento del segundo capítulo del sermón 99, uno de los muchos que la tradición fue atribuyendo a san Agustín11, titulado De verbis evangelii Lc 7, 36-50: «et ecce mulier quae erat in civitate peccatrix», et cetera, centrado en la cuestión del perdón de los pecados: 9

CAÑIZARES, «Edición y estudio», p. 229 CAÑIZARES, «Edición y estudio», p. 208 11 Más de 500, aunque buena parte de ellos han de considerarse dudosos o claramente espurios. Cf. A. G. HAMMAN, «La transmission des Sermons de Saint Augustin: les authentiques et les apocryphes», Augustinianum, 25 (1985) 311-327. 10

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phariseus qui inuitauerat dominum iesum christum quia ex illo genere erat hominum superborum de quibus ysayas propheta dicit, qui dicunt recede longe ame, noli me tangere, quoniam mundus sum, putauit dominum necisse mulierem

Le siguen cuatro fragmentos de la Homilía XXXV de san Juan Crisóstomo, correspondientes al capítulo XX del comentario In Mathaeum: Cum uictoria fuerit consumata quid aliud restat nisi ut regni gloria subsequatur qui enim seipsum donauit hominibus quomodo regni sui societatem non donabit petentis negligencia reprehenditur ubi dedantis misericordia non dubitatur Si sancti sunt tamen homines sunt, etsi uinci acarne non possunt quasi iam spirituales tamen percuti possunt quasi adhuc carnales

El copista tomó dichos textos directamente del mismo ejemplar de la biblioteca del Conde, actualmente en la Biblioteca Nacional de España (RES/205 Homiliae in Euangelium Sancti Mathaei), donde aparecen claramente marcados al margen. Como oportunamente señala J. Lawrence, «Las Homilías de Crisóstomo, que rechazan la exégesis alegórica en favor de la espiritual y moral, tuvieron un puesto eminente también en las bibliotecas de Santillana y Benavente»12. A continuación se halla la tercera y más breve cita de san Agustín: Set nunquam eis tantum profuisset obssequio quantum profuit odio. Como en el caso de la anterior, se trata de un conocido sermón, el CCXX In natali Sanctorum Innocentium III, el tercero de los dedicados a los Santos Inocentes y cuyo título Innocentibus Herodes plus odio profuit quam obsequio profuisset, sirvió de base para elaborar la cita, que va precedida de la expresión Mathei II, en referencia al texto evangélico Mt. 2,13 que narra la matanza de los niños por Herodes. Al final del f. 118r y principio del 118v, bajo el título Bernardus ad fratres de monte dei, el copista incluyó tres fragmentos de la Epistola ad fratres de monte dei, obra muy difundida en los siglos XIII y XIV –se conservan 276 manuscritos– en buena medida porque fue atribuida desde su origen a san Bernardo, como vemos en el propio Vademecum. 12

LAWRANCE, «Nueva luz sobre la biblioteca del conde de Haro», p. 1086.

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Además de san Bernardo, la Epístola fue considerada obra de otros autores como Guigues II el Cartujo o a Pedro de la Celle13, pero a partir de las investigaciones realizadas por Jean Mabillon a finales del siglo XVII quedó reconocida la autoría de Guillaume de Saint-Thierry (1085-1148), monje cisterciense y figura destacada de la historia de la mística y de la espiritualidad. Muy influido por san Agustín, Saint-Thierry buscó una mayor autenticidad de la vida monástica dando un profundo sentido a la vida contemplativa, como se aprecia en los tres fragmentos elegidos, en especial el primero: aliorum enim est serbire deo vestrum adherere nomen aliud professioni vestre imponite. alium titulum operi vestro inscribite cabe etiam serbe dei ne quos imitare non bis dapnare videaris

La última selección de san Agustín, la titulada Dichos en frances de las contemplaciones de sant agustin, es sin duda la más interesante por varios motivos. En primer lugar, se trata del único texto de todo el Vademecum en lengua francesa. Quizás por influencia de la madre del Conde, de origen francés, en el catálogo de 1553 de la biblioteca del Hospital de la Vera Cruz aparecen tres ejemplares escritos en dicha lengua14: el n.º 40 «Otro tratado intitulado Estímulo del amor de Dios, escrito en lengua francesa», el n.º 52 «Libro escrito de mano en lengua francesa» y el n.º 50 «Contemplaciones de San Agustín en un libro escrito en lengua francesa», códice del que proviene el extracto que estudiamos. Por otro lado, es la única selección del Vademecum de la que poseemos tres versiones. Además de los mencionados Ms. 9513 y 9522, en el f. 1v del Ms. 9449 de la misma BNE, que corresponde al códice n.º 50 del catálogo que acabamos de citar, se halla la primera versión de la selección elaborada por el copista (Figura 1). El tercer motivo reside en la propia obra elegida. Los veinte fragmentos que componen la selección son los siguientes, tal como aparecen en el Ms. 9513:

13 14

Cf. PL 184, col. 297-308. LAWRANCE, «Nueva luz sobre la biblioteca del conde de Haro», pp. 1089 y 1091.

SAN AGUSTÍN EN EL VADEMECUM DEL CONDE DE HARO

Figura 1

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tu emples le ciel et la tere | et portes toutes choses sanz charge et sanz fez

Tu es adez querant | et si ne te fault riens

tu emples tuot | sans estre enclos

Tu es amant | et ne te eschaufes point

tu es courroucie et si es adez paisible

Tu es ialoux | et si es enseur te de tes amours

on tu nes par grace | tu es par vengence

Tu es repens | et si ne te deulz point

de toy le voloyr | est le po uoyr

Tu mues tes euures et si ne mues point ton conseil

tu es en touus lieux | sanz nul lieu ocuper Qui ne ayme dieu il pert ce quil vit

Tu recois celuix que tu trouues et si ne les par dis onques

Qui Renerai auec toy seray benoyst et beneure

Tu nes onques sou ffreteux | et si ne te esyo ys de gayneyr

Tu euures tousiours et ades es en repos

Tu nes point auer et si demandes les usures

Tu es tousiours queyllant et si nes nulefois besongneux

Tu pues estre sentu et ne pues estre veu Ou tout est Riens non fault

Ante la inexistencia de una obra de san Agustín con algún título semejante a «Contemplaciones», nuestra búsqueda de la fuente latina nos ha conducido a un escrito apócrifo, el Manuale15, difundido en la Edad Media también bajo la autoría de san Anselmo o de Hugo de San Víctor 15

Cf. PL 40, col. 951-968.

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165

y muy semejante también a otra obra apócrifa atribuida a san Agustín, el Speculum16: Speculum

Manuale

Dichos en frances de las contemplaciones de san agustin

c. 4: Domine Deus noster c. 1: Tu domine coelum tu emples le ciel et la terre [...] omnia portans sine et terram imples, omnia et portes toutes choses sanz onere portans sine onere charge et sanz fez c. 4: Domine Deus noster c. 1: omnia implens sine tu emples tout sans estre [...] omnia implens sine inclusione enclos inclusione c. 4: irasceris et tranquillus c.1: irasceris et tranquillus tu es courroucie et si es adez es es (Conf. 1,4) paisible c. 5: quia ubi non es per c. 1: quia ubi non es per Quar ou tu nes pas par grace gratiam, ades per vindictam gratiam, ades per vindictam tu es par vengence c. 8: cuius voluntas opus c. 2: cuius voluntas opus Dequi le voloir est le pouoir est, cui velle est posse est, cuius velle posse est c. 8: Qui in omnibus locis c. 2: Qui in omnibus locis tu es en tous lieux sanz nul sine loco haberis sine loco haberis lieu ocuper c. 4: Perdit quod vivit qui te Et qui ne aime dieu il pert ce Deum non diligit quil vit c. 4: cum quo manebo, auec toi je demeure, je regnabo et beatus ero regnerai et serai benoist et hereux c. 4: semper agens, semper c. 1: semper agens, semper Tu euures tousiours et ades quietus quietus (Conf. 1,4) es en repos c. 4: colligens et non egens c. 4: quaerens cum desit tibi

c. 1: colligens et non egens Tu es tousiours queillant et si (Conf. 1,4) nes nullesfoys besongneux

nihil c. 1: quaerens cum desit tibi (Conf. 1,4)

nihil Tu es adez querant et si ne te fault rens

c. 4: amas nec aestuas

c. 1: amans nec aestuans Tu es amant et ne te (Conf. 1,4) eschaufes point

c. 4: zelas et securus es

c. 1: zelans et securus es Tu es jaloux et si es en (Conf. 1,4) secute de tes amours

c. 4: poenitet te et non doles c. 1: poenitet te et non doles Tu es repenz et si ne te deulz (Conf. 1,4) point

16

Cf. PL 40, col. 968-984.

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c.4: opera mutas consilium numquam

sed c.1: opera mutas sed non Tu mues tes euures et si ne mutas consilium (Conf.1,4) mues point ton conseil

c.4: recipis quod invenis et c.1: recipis quod invenis Tu recoys celuix que tu nunquam amisisti et nunquam amisisti trouues et si ne les pardis (Conf.1,4) onques c.4: nunquam inops et c.1: nunquam inops et Tu nes onques souffreteux et gaudes lucris gaudes lucris (Conf.1,4) si ne te eysioys de gayneyr c.4: nunquam avarus et c.1: nunquam avarus et Tu nes point auer et si usuras exigis usuras exigis (Conf.1,4) demandes les usures c.5: qui sentiri potes et c.1: qui sentiri potes et Qui pues estre sentu et ne videri non potes videri non potes pues estre veu On tout est riens ne fault17 17

Muchas de las citas anteriores de ambos apócrifos, como hemos indicado en el cuadro, están tomadas directamente de Confessiones 1,4. En el caso de las dos primeras, parecen claramente una síntesis de Confessiones 1,318. Volviendo al propio texto del Vademecum en sus tres versiones, otro hecho que nos parece destacable consiste en la clara intención del copista de dar carácter poético a los fragmentos seleccionados19. A partir de la prosa rítmica de la traducción francesa, marcada por el oxímoron del original latino, el autor de la selección ha formado series de dos versos, a veces incluso buscando la rima. Esa forma versificada se observa claramente en la primera versión de la selección, el Ms. 9449, se mantiene e incluso se 17

Posiblemente, a partir del texto anexo a la cita anterior: «Qui ubique es et ubique totus; qui sentiri potes et videri non potes; qui nusquam dees et tamen ab iniquorum cogitationibus longe es; qui nec ibi dees, ubi longe es». 18 «Capiunt ergone te caelum et terra, quoniam tu imples ea? an imples et restat, quoniam non te capiunt? et quo refundis quidquid impleto caeloet terra restat ex te? an non opus habes, ut quoquam continearis, qui contines omnia, quoniam quae imples continendo imples?». 19 A este respecto conviene recordar que importantes investigadores han destacado el lirismo y el «estilo sálmico» de muchos pasajes de las Confesiones (Cf. P. COURCELLE, Les Confessions de saint Augustin dans la tradition littéraire: antécédents et postérité, Études Augustiniennes, París 1963, p. 255), lo que invitaba frecuentemente a su traducción en verso (Cf. J. FONTAINE, «Une révolution littéraire dans l’Occident latin: les Confessions de saint Augustin», Bulletin de littérature ecclésiastique, 88 (1987) 173-193).

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refuerza con una marca vertical en Ms. 9513 y está ausente en Ms. 9522. Veamos tres ejemplos: Ms. 9449 (Figura 2)

Ms. 9513 (Figura 3)

Ms. 9522 (Figura 4)

Tu es adez querant et si ne te fault Riens

Tu es adez querant | et si ne te fault riens

Tu es adez querant et si ne te fault riens

Tu es amant et ne te eschaufes point

Tu es amant | et ne te eschaufes point

Tu es amant et ne te eschaufes point

Tu es ialoux Tu es ialoux | et si es Tu es ialoux et si es enseure te de tes amoures et si es enseurte de tes enseur amours te de tes amours

Figura 2

Figura 3

Figura 4

Por último, creemos que tanto la inclusión de estos veinte fragmentos en el Vademecum, como la propia presencia de las Contemplaciones en la biblioteca del Conde de Haro junto a otra obra muy similar como la catalogada con el n.º 32 («Libro de San Agustín intitulado Soliloquium animae ad Deum, escrito en pergamino de molde») constituyen un buen indicio de las inquietudes y los sentimientos religiosos de los nobles acogidos en el Hospital de la Vera Cruz y son muestra de una nueva

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devoción más interior y profunda. En este sentido, para terminar, conviene recordar la relevancia que tuvieron las traducciones de las obras apócrifas agustinianas en la literatura religiosa y mística castellana del siglo XVI. A juicio de M. Bataillon20: A decir verdad, los traductores españoles de comienzos del siglo XVI no acudieron siempre a las obras esenciales de esos Padres. Los vemos traducir [...] de San Agustín la compilación apócrifa titulada Meditaciones, soliloquio y manual. Este último volumen es de capital importancia, porque vulgariza una religión en la cual al amor propio humano se enseña a tomar una actitud de profunda humildad ante la gracia.

La biblioteca del Conde de Haro podría constituir un ejemplo pionero de esa nueva religiosidad.

Bibliografía Agustín de Hipona, Confesiones, rev. de A. ENCUENTRA ORTEGA, Madrid 2010 (Biblioteca Clásica Gredos). M. BATAILLON, Erasmo y España. Estudios sobre la historia espiritual del siglo XVI, F.C.E., México – Buenos Aires 1966. M.ª F. DEL BARRIO, «La selección de textos de re militari en la biblioteca del conde de Haro», en M.ª J. MUÑOZ (ed.), El florilegio: espacio de 20 M. BATAILLON, Erasmo y España. Estudios sobre la historia espiritual del siglo XVI, F.C.E., México – Buenos Aires 1966, p. 47. P. COURCELLE (Les confessions de Saint Augustin dans la tradition littéraire, p. 370) insistió en la misma idea: «Nous assistons en Espagne, au cours du XVIe siècle, à une renaissance du genre des Confessions, fondée sur la traduction des Confessions augustiniennes et de leurs succédanés médiévaux». Por su parte, A. ENCUENTRA en su estudio introductorio a la traducción de las Confesiones (San Agustín, Confesiones, Biblioteca Clásica Gredos, Madrid 2010, p. 76), escribe: «En este siglo [XIII] se sitúan además obras y hechos decisivos en la transmisión y difusión del contenido de las Confesiones a las literaturas posteriores. Nos estamos refiriendo, por un lado, a dos obras anónimas atribuidas falsamente a Agustín pero que se hallan muy imbuidas de las Confesiones y fueron enormemente divulgadas. Se trata de los Soliloquios del alma y de las Meditaciones» y, a continuación, destaca la gran influencia que tuvo la primera edición de 1505 de la traducción de Soliloquios, Meditaciones y Manual en los místicos españoles.

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encuentro de los autores antiguos y medievales, FIDEM, Oporto 2011, pp. 159-190 (Textes et Études du Moyen Âge, 58). P. CAÑIZARES, «Edición y estudio de un florilegio del Vademecum de la biblioteca del conde de Haro», Revue d’histoire des textes, V (2010) 199-229. ––, «Una selección de autores cristianos en el Vademecum del Conde de Haro», en B. ANTÓN – M.ª J. MUÑOZ (eds.), Estudios sobre florilegios y emblemas, Universidad de Valladolid, Valladolid 2011, pp. 49-59. ––, «El Vademecum del conde de Haro en el contexto de su biblioteca privada», en M.ª T. CALLEJAS – P. CAÑIZARES – M.ª D. CASTRO – M.ª F. DEL BARRIO – A. ESPIGARES – M.ª J. MUÑOZ (eds.), «Manipulus studiorum» en recuerdo de la profesora Ana María Aldama Roy, Escolar y Mayo, Madrid 2014, pp. 183-196. P. COURCELLE, Les Confessions de saint Augustin dans la tradition littéraire: antécédents et postérité, Études Augustiniennes, París 1963. E. DEKKERS, «Quelques notes sur des florilèges augustiniens anciens et médiévaux», Augustiniana, 40 (1990) 27-44. A. ESPIGARES, «El florilegio bíblico del Vademecum del Conde de Haro», en Actas del VII Congreso Internacional de Latín Medieval Hispánico, SISMEL, Florencia (en prensa). J. FONTAINE, «Une révolution littéraire dans l’Occident latin: les Confessions de saint Augustin», Bulletin de littérature ecclésiastique, 88 (1987) 173-193. A. G. HAMMAN, «La transmission des Sermons de Saint Augustin: les authentiques et les apocryphes», Augustinianum, 25 (1985) 311-327. J. LAWRANCE, Un tratado de Alonso de Cartagena sobre la educación y los estudios literarios, UAB, Barcelona 1979. ––, «Nueva luz sobre la biblioteca del conde de Haro: inventario de 1455», El Crotalón. Anuario de Filología española, 1 (1984) 1073-1111. M.ª J. MUÑOZ, «Las Auctoritates Aristotelis en el Vademecum de la biblioteca del Conde de Haro», en J. MEIRINHOS – O. WEIJERS (eds.), Florilegium Medievale. Études offertes à Jaqueline Hamesse à l’occasion de son émeritat, FIDEM, Lovaina la Nueva 2009, pp. 419-438 (Textes et Études du Moyen Âge, 50). ––, «Terencio en dos manuscritos de la biblioteca del Conde de Haro», en J. M.ª MAESTRE – J. PASCUAL – L. CHARLO (eds.) Humanismo y pervivencia del mundo clásico, Homenaje al profesor Antonio Prieto, CSIC, Alcañiz – Madrid 2010, pp. 2519-2533.

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A. PAZ Y MELIÁ, «Biblioteca fundada por el conde de Haro en 1455», Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, I (1897) 18-24, 60-66, 156-163, 255-262, 452-462; IV (1900) 535-541, 662-667; VI (1902) 198-206, 372-382; VII (1902 b) 51-55; XIX (1908) 124-136; XX (1909) 277-289.

MONTSERRAT JIMÉNEZ SAN CRISTÓBAL* LA CARTA DE LÉNTULO AL SENADO DE ROMA EN EL VADEMECUM DEL CONDE DE HARO1

1. Introducción El Vademecum del primer conde de Haro, don Pedro Fernández de Velasco (1399-1470), es una miscelánea que contiene una selección de textos clásicos, cristianos y medievales escritos en latín, castellano y francés. Fue confeccionada en 1455 y es representativa de las lecturas preferidas del propio conde2. Se conserva en dos códices de la Biblioteca Nacional de España: el ms. 9513, el manuscrito original, y una copia de este, el ms. 95223. El Vademecum es un ejemplo sintetizador del espíritu de la * Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Departamento de Filología Clásica, Ciudad Universitaria, 28040 Madrid, España, [email protected] 1 Este trabajo se incluye en el marco del Proyecto de I+D «Edición crítica y estudio del Vademecum de la biblioteca del conde Haro» del MINECO (ref. FFI2015-63584), dirigido por la Dra. María José Muñoz Jiménez. Mi más sincero agradecimiento a José Antonio Álvarez Pedrosa, a Patricia Cañizares Ferriz y a María José Muñoz Jiménez por la atenta lectura del original de este trabajo y las preciosísimas sugerencias e indicaciones que me han brindado, que lo han mejorado y enriquecido. 2 El Grupo de Investigación de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid «La literatura latina en extractos: florilegios, antologías y colecciones de la Edad Media y el Renacimiento» se dedica desde hace años al estudio y edición parcial de los contenidos del Vademecum, así como su relación con el resto de libros que pertenecieron al conde de Haro. A lo largo de este estudio iremos señalando la bibliografía pertinente, pero para una primera aproximación al Vademecum vid. P. CAÑIZARES, «El Vademecum del conde de Haro: contexto, génesis e historia del texto», Revue d’histoire des textes, XIV (2019) 279-312 y la bibliografía allí referida. 3 Para la identificación de la miscelánea en los dos códices vid. M.ª J. MUÑOZ, «Identificación, datación y procedencia de dos manuscritos (BNM 9513 y 9522) de la Biblioteca del conde de Haro», Scriptorium, 60 (2006) 246-253. Sobre su elaboración, copia y contenido vid. P. CAÑIZARES, «Dos misceláneas latino-castellanas de la Biblioteca del conde de Haro», en A. A. NASCIMENTO – P. FARMHOUSE (coords.), Actas del IV Congresso Internacional de Latim Medieval Hispânico, Centro de Estudos Clássicos, Lisboa 2006, pp. 263-272; EAD., «Edición y estudio de un florilegio del Vademecum de la biblioteca del conde de Haro», Revue d’histoire des textes, V (2010) 199-230.

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biblioteca e institución en el que fue elaborado: el Hospital de la Vera Cruz, en Medina de Pomar, fundado para acoger a pobres y enfermos de la región, bajo los ideales de caridad, devoción, adoctrinamiento y caballería4. Entre la selección de textos que ofrece el Vademecum encontramos una versión castellana de la Epistula Lentuli ad senatum Romanum que, junto a excerpta bíblicos y otros fragmentos de carácter religioso –de San Agustín, San Gregorio Magno, San Bernardo o San Ambrosio–, contribuye a esa intención adoctrinadora y responde a los intereses espirituales de la aristocracia de la primera mitad del siglo XV castellano5. Sobre el origen del apócrifo Epistola Lentuli ad senatum Romanum poco se sabe6. Fue escrito muy probablemente en el occidente europeo 4

Sobre el Vademecum y el contexto de su biblioteca vid, además de la bibliografía ya citada, P. CAÑIZARES, «Devoción y caballería: la biblioteca del Hospital de la Vera Cruz de Medina de Pomar», La corónica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures & Cultures, 47.2 (2019) 83-101; EAD., «El Vademecum del conde de Haro en el contexto de su biblioteca privada», en M.ª T. CALLEJAS – P. CAÑIZARES – M.ª D. CASTRO – M.ª F. DEL BARRIO – A. ESPIGARES – M.ª J. MUÑOZ (eds.), «Manipulus studiorum» en recuerdo de la profesora Ana María Aldama Roy, Escolar y Mayo, Madrid 2014, pp. 183-196 (Philologica, 1); M.ª F. DEL BARRIO, «La selección de textos De re militari en la biblioteca del conde de Haro», en M.ª J. MUÑOZ (ed.), El florilegio: espacio de encuentro de los autores antiguos y medievales, FIDEM, Porto 2011, pp. 159-190 (Textes et Études du Moyen Âge, 58). 5 Para los contenidos de carácter religioso y doctrinal en el Vademecum vid. P. CAÑIZARES, «Un florilegio de moral práctica perteneciente al Vademecum de la Biblioteca del Conde de Haro», en M.ª A. ALMELA LUMBRERAS – J. F. GONZÁLEZ CASTRO – J. SILES RUIZ – J. DE LA VILLA POLO – G. HINOJO ANDRÉS – P. CAÑIZARES FERRIZ (coords.), Perfiles de Grecia y Roma. Actas del XII Congreso Español de Estudios Clásicos, Sociedad Española de Estudios Clásicos, Madrid 2009, vol. I, pp. 195-204; EAD., «Una selección de autores cristianos en el Vademecum del conde de Haro», en B. ANTÓN – M.ª J. MUÑOZ (eds.), Estudios sobre florilegios y emblemas, Universidad de Valladolid, Valladolid 2011, pp. 49-59; P. CAÑIZARES – I. VILLARROEL, «De enciclopedia a florilegio: el Speculum Doctrinale de Vicente de Beauvais en el Vademecum del conde de Haro», en M.ª J. MUÑOZ – P. CAÑIZARES – C. MARTÍN (eds.), La compilación del saber en la Edad Media, FIDEM, Porto 2013, pp. 131-145 (Textes et Études du Moyen Âge, 69); A. ESPIGARES, «El florilegio bíblico del Vademecum del Conde de Haro», en Actas del VII Congreso Internacional de Latín Medieval Hispánico, SISMEL, Firenze (en prensa); cf. también la colaboración de A. Espigares en este mismo volumen, «San Agustín en el Vademecum del Conde de Haro». 6 Según el primer editor moderno, E. VON DOBSCHÜTZ, Christusbilder: Untersuchungen zur christlichen Legende, J. C. Hinrichs, Leipzig 1899, vol. II,

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entre los siglos XIII-XIV, con el casi seguro objetivo de promover la devoción al Cristo «humano» en el ámbito monástico7. Su difusión debió de ser extraordinaria y es quizá por ello que Ludolfo de Sajonia (1300 ca. 1378), el Cartujano, a mediados del siglo XIV incluyó el texto en la introducción de su Vita Christi8. Esta obra del Cartujano forma parte, en el plano de la literatura, de la tendencia de renovación estética religiosa de los siglos XIV-XV que pretende acercar al lector a Dios, como afirman H. O. Bizzarri y C. N. Sainz de la Maza, quienes la relacionan con «el fenómeno de la vulgarización de un modelo renovado de vida espiritual entre las élites peninsulares en los años finales de la Edad Media»9. La Vita Christi fue muy popular y tuvo una difusión extraordinaria sobre todo a pp. 308**-330** (Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, 18), fue Lorenzo Valla en 1440 quien puso en duda la autenticidad de la carta: utinamque tam uera esset epistola nomine Lentuli missa de effigie Christi, quae non minus improbe ementita est quam priuilegium, quod confutauimus (en De falso credita et ementita Constantini donatione declaratio, ed. Basilea 1540, 786), pp. 324**325**. Para las hipótesis sobre su origen, fortuna, reelaboraciones del texto primitivo y traducciones cf., además, M. ERBETTA, Gli Apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento, vol. III, Marietti, Torino 1981, pp. 137-138; L. MORALDI, Apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento, vol. II, Unione Tipografico-Editrice Torinesi, Torino 1971, pp. 1651-1656; J. K. ELLIOTT, The Apocryphal New Testament: A Collection of Apocryphal Christian Literature in an English Translation, Clarendon Press, Oxford 2009 (1993), pp. 542-543. 7 Cf. H. O. BIZZARRI – C. N. SAINZ DE LA MAZA, «La Carta de Léntulo al senado de Roma: fortuna de un retrato de Cristo en la Baja Edad Media castellana», RILCE, 10 (1994) 43-58, en concreto p. 47, quienes consideran la carta como «el primer intento de descripción latina de Cristo» y sugieren Italia, al igual que ERBETTA, Gli Apocrifi, p. 138, como el lugar de su elaboración. Por su parte, I. BACKUS, «Lettre de Lentulus» en P. GEOLTRAIN – J. D. KAESTLI (eds.), Écrits apocryphes chrétiens, Gallimard, Paris 2005, vol. II, pp. 1123-1129 (Bibliothèque de la Pléiade, 516), en concreto p. 1123, sitúa el texto a finales del s. XIII, principios del s. XIV, en Occidente y argumenta que el objetivo de este era «promouvoir la dévotion à la personne humaine du Christ dans les milieux monastiques»; cf. también EAD., «Christoph Scheurl and his Anthology of New Testament Apocrypha», Apocrypha. International Journal of Apocryphal Literatures, 9 (1998) 133-155. 8 Para la Vita Christi son todavía fundamentales los trabajos de M. I. BODENSTEDT, The Vita Christi of Ludolphus the Carthusian, The Catholic University of America Press, Washington, D. C. 1944 y W. BAIER, Untersuchungen zu den Passionsbetrachtungen in der Vita Christi des Ludolf von Sachsen: ein quellenkritischer Beitrag zu Leben und Werk Ludolfs und zur Geschichte der Passionstheologie, Institut für Englische Sprache und Literatur, Universität Salzburg, Salzburg 1977. 9 BIZZARRI – SAINZ DE LA MAZA, «La Carta», pp. 44-46.

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partir de su primera impresión conocida en latín (Colonia 1474) y después en versiones vernáculas10. La versión de la Epistula que contiene el Vademecum no está ligada a la transmisión dependiente de la obra del Cartujano, pero su inclusión junto a extractos de autores fundamentales de la literatura cristiana concuerda con la renovación religiosa de la época y es representativa de la literatura cristológica o hagiográfica de la figura de Cristo11. La versión castellana presenta reelaboraciones significativas e innovaciones con respecto a sus posibles modelos latinos que dotan al texto «de una clara función en el ámbito cotidiano de la economía piadosa de los fieles, ya que se aseguran “infinitos perdones” tanto para quienes la lean como para quienes colaboren, copiándola, a su difusión», constituyendo «en sí, una breve experiencia de contemplación y meditación devotas, de ahí las indulgencias que se aseguran a sus usuarios»12, es decir, en un primer momento, el conde de Haro y los lectores de la biblioteca del Hospital de la Vera Cruz. 10 La traducción en vernáculo más antigua conocida fue al holandés en 1400, cf. BODENSTEDT, The Vita Christi, p. 20. Para una aproximación a las ediciones y versiones vernáculas de la Vita Christi en la Península Ibérica, remito a M.ª M. LÓPEZ I CASAS, «Una altra traducció al català de La carta de Lèntul al senat de Roma» en A. CHAS AGUIÓN et. al. (eds.), Edición y anotación de textos: Actas del I Congreso de Jóvenes Filólogos. A Coruña, 25-28 de septiembre de 1996, Universidade da Coruña, Servizo de Publicacións, A Coruña 1998, vol. I, pp. 361-362 y la bibliografía allí ofrecida. 11 Entre los códices que pertenecieron a la biblioteca del conde de Haro no hemos localizado, hasta el momento, ningún ejemplar de la Vita Christi de Ludolfo de Sajonia, pero sí de obras de cristología. Según el catálogo que editó J. N. H. LAWRANCE, «Nueva luz sobre la biblioteca del conde de Haro: inventario de 1455», El Crotalón. Anuario de Filología Española, 1 (1984) 1073-1111, en concreto pp. 1085-1086, los asientos 11 y 20 del Catálogo (de 1553) de la biblioteca del conde contenían un «volumen de la Vida de Cristo y otros santos» (correspondiente al asiento lxi del Inventario de 1455: «Vita Christi de fray Frances Ximenes») y unas «Meditaciones de la pasión de Nuestro Señor echas por San Buenaventura (...) en lengua latina» (correspondiente al asiento vi del Inventario de 1455: «Otro libro Vita Christi sobre la Pasión de Nuestro Señor en latín»). Los mss. BNE 12688 y 12689 (asiento 11 del Catálogo) contienen, respectivamente, una Compilación de la Vita Christi (a partir de la Vida de Jesucrist de Frances Eiximenis) y un Flos sanctorum (traducción de la Legenda aurea de Jacques de Voragine), ambas en romance; el ms. BNE 12797 (asiento 20 del Catálogo) contiene el Pseudo-Bonaventura, Meditationes vitae Christi con otras obras devocionales en latín. 12 BIZZARRI – SAINZ DE LA MAZA, «La Carta», p. 50 y n. 21. Sobre la fundación del Hospital de la Vera Cruz y la biblioteca del conde de Haro, vid., además de la bibliografía indicada supra nn. 4 y 11, A. PAZ Y MELIÁ, «Biblioteca fundada por el

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2. La Epistula Lentuli ad senatum Romanum13: contenido y transmisión 2.1. Retrato de Cristo La Epistula Lentuli ad senatum Romanum ofrece una imagen física y psicológica de Cristo que concuerda con la predicación y la piedad de la baja Edad Media, que pudo surgir como respuesta a la curiosidad de los fieles y que puede ligarse con tradiciones más antiguas, esto es, con la preocupación, por ejemplo, de los primeros siglos cristianos por el conocimiento de la apariencia de Jesús14. De hecho, diversos investigadores han encontrado similitudes entre la descripción de este texto y la imagen de Cristo15 en los frescos de las catacumbas de Domitila, las obras de San Juan Damasceno (siglos VI-VII), el Mandylion o imagen de Edessa16, las esculturas de las portadas catedralicias desde finales del siglo XII y las pinturas de Giotto conde de Haro en 1455», Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, I (1897) 18-24, 60-66, 156-163, 255-262, 452-462; IV (1900) 535-541, 662-667; VI (1902) 198-206, 372-382; VII (1902 bis) 51-55; XIX (1908) 124-136; XX (1909) 277-289; C. ALONSO DE PORRES, El Buen Conde de Haro (Don Pedro Fernández de Velasco II). Apuntes biográficos. Testamento y codicilos, Asociación Amigos de Medina de Pomar, Burgos 2009; D. ARSUAGA, «Los libros donados por el primer conde de Haro al Hospital de la Vera Cruz de Medina de Pomar: un testimonio de la bibliografía de un magnate en la Castilla de mediados del siglo XV», Espacio, Tiempo y Forma, s. III, Historia Medieval, 25 (2012) 85-118. 13 Además de la bibliografía indicada, K. MELLOR, «Epistle of Lentulus», e-Clavis: Christian Apocrypha: http://www.nasscal.com/e-clavis-christian-apocrypha/epistleof-lentulus/ ofrece un listado de manuscritos (extraídos de DOBSCHÜTZ, Christusbilder con alguna addenda) y bibliografía actualizada relativa al texto, a la iconografía y a sus versiones (en alemán, armenio, francés, griego, irlandés, italiano, inglés, persa y siriaco). 14 Cf. J.-N. PÈRES, «Untersuchungen im Zusammenhang mit der sogennanten Epistula Lentuli», Apocrypha, 11 (2000), 59-75; R. M. JENSEN, Understanding Early Christian Art, Routledge, London – New York 2000, en especial pp. 94-155; BIZZARRI – SAINZ DE LA MAZA, «La Carta», p. 47. 15 Cf. ERBETTA, Gli Apocrifi, p. 137; BIZZARRI – SAINZ DE LA MAZA, «La Carta», pp. 47-48 y notas; H. JENNER, Christ in Art, Methuen, London 1923, pp. 19-33; E. MÂLE, El arte religioso del siglo XII al siglo XVIII, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México 1982, p. 14. 16 La imagen representa al rey Abgar recibiendo el mandylion (siglo X). Según algunas fuentes, permaneció en la iglesia de San Silvestro in Capite (Roma) desde el siglo XIII hasta que fue trasladada al Vaticano en 1869, cf. MÂLE, El arte religioso, pp. 85-89; F. A. ANGELI – E. BERTI, «S. Silvestro in Capite», Medioevo.Roma Il sito di Roma Medioevale: http://www.medioevo.roma.it/html/architettura/chiese-int/chiese-i03.htm

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(Capella degli Scrovegni, principios del siglo XIV), Masolino (siglo XV) y, por ejemplo, un díptico conservado en Utrech (finales del siglo XV), en el que junto a la imagen de Cristo aparece la epístola en letras de oro17. En este díptico, el texto se presenta como una carta escrita al Senado romano por un personaje que vivió en tiempos de Jesús. El autor es identificado como Publio Léntulo, del que se dice fue gobernador de Judea –antes de Poncio Pilato–18. Se describe un homo magne virtutis, cui nomen est Christus Ihesus, qui dicitur a gentibus propheta veritatis –algo que ningún romano de la época escribiría, llamando por su nombre a Cristo y menos aún como «profeta de verdad»19–, que tiene la capacidad de resucitar 17

El díptico «Tweeluik met Lentulusbrief en portret van Christus», Museum Catharijneconvent, MCC BMR s2, ca. 1490-1500 se puede ver online acompañado de una transcripción del texto (http://adlib.catharijneconvent.nl/ais54/Details/ collect/42341) que reproducimos aquí, con alguna modificación de acuerdo al original y que marcamos en negrita: Temporibus octouiani Cesaris Cum ex vniu[er] sis mu[n]di / partibus. hii qui pro senatu populoq[ue] Romano preerant / provi[n] ciis, scriberent Senatoribus qui rome erant. nouitates / que occurrebant per mu[n] di climata. Publius lentulus / in Iudea preses senatui populoq[ue] Romano. Ep[isto] lam hanc / misit cuius verba hic sunt videlicet / Apparuit temporibus n[ost]ris et ad huc est homo magne / virtutis. Cui nomen est Cristus Jhesus. qui dicitur a / gentibus propheta veritatis. quem eius discipuli / vocant filiu[m] dei. Suscitans mortuos. et sanans / languores. homo quidem statura procerus. et / spectabilis. vultum habens venerabilem. quem / intuentes possunt diligere et formidare. Capillos habens / nucis auellane p[re]mature. et planos fere / vsq[ue] ad aures. Ab aurib[us] vero crispos aliqua[n]tulum. / ceruliores. et fulgenciores ad humeris ventilantes. / discrimen habens in medio capitis. iuxta morem / nasarenoru[m]. frontem planam. et serenissima[m]. / In facie sine ruga et macula aliqua. qua[m] rubor / moderatus venuscat. Nasi et oris multa prors[us] [com]pre / hensio. barbam h[abe]ns copiosam et capill[is] concolorem. / non longa[m]. sed in m[e]dio bifurcata[m]. aspectu[m] simplice[m] / et maturu[m]. ocul[is] glaucis et claris existe[n]tib[us]. / Increpatio[n]e terribilis. et amonitione placid[us] et amabil[is]. / ylaris seruata grauitate. qui nu[m] q[uam] vis[us] e[st] ride[re]. flere / aute[m] sic. In statura corporis p[ro]pagat[us] et rect[us]. man[us] / h[abe]ns et brachia visui delectabilia. In colloquio g[ra]uis / rarus. et modestus. Speciosus forma p[re] filiis homi[num]. / Hec ep[isto]la in annalibus Romanoru[m] comperta est. 18 Tal y como han demostrado los investigadores no hay ningún indicio histórico de la existencia de Publio Léntulo, ni del cargo en tal provincia, ni de la necesidad de escribir una misiva a los senadores en época imperial, cf. DOBSCHÜTZ, Christusbilder, p. 324**-330, ERBETTA, Gli Apocrifi, p. 137; MORALDI, Apocrifi, p. 1652. 19 ERBETTA, Gli Apocrifi, p. 137, llama la atención sobre el tono y la prosa de la carta, no constatadas en época de Augusto o de Tiberio.

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a los muertos y sanar las enfermedades. Se procede luego a ilustrar las características físicas de Jesús: así habla de su estatura y proporciona una descripción ilustrativa del rostro –vultum habens venerabilem, quem intuentes possunt diligere et formidare–; el color, la longitud, el estilo y la textura de su cabello y barba –morem nasarenorum–, su frente, nariz y boca impecables; la descripción de sus ojos y cómo expresan los rasgos que Jesús ejemplifica: resplandecientes y claros, amables, adorables, pero graves. Termina describiendo sus manos, brazos y habla: In colloquio grauis, rarus et modestus. En definitiva, se ajusta a la recuperación de la primitiva tradición iconográfica del Cristo humano, a la vez majestuoso y lleno de amor20.

2.2. Contextos de transmisión manuscrita de la epístola El texto castellano del Vademecum y el latino del díptico de Utrech coinciden, con más o menos variantes, con una de las, al menos, siete recensiones de la transmisión manuscrita latina que el primer editor moderno de la epístola, Ernest von Dobschütz, estableció en 1889, en concreto pertenecen a la recensio c. Dobschütz enumera un total de setenta y dos manuscritos, veintisiete de los cuales se insertarían en esa recensio c –y, por ejemplo, diecisiete en ninguna de las siete establecidas (recensio x), a los que denomina «sin clasificar»–, lo que nos puede dar una idea de la multitud de variantes y por lo tanto del estado líquido del texto al que nos enfrentamos21. Esta diversidad de testimonios y redacciones en latín nos da cuenta también de la enorme difusión que la epístola tuvo, sobre todo durante el siglo XV. Aparte de los setenta y dos manuscritos, el editor ofrece, además, datos de las impresiones y de las versiones vernáculas de la epístola: en su mayoría, testimonios impresos de los siglos XVI y XVII22. El texto del Pseudo-Léntulo en su versión más antigua, esto es, la recensio a (finales del siglo XIII principios del XIV), no se presenta como 20

Cf. BIZZARRI – SAINZ DE LA MAZA, «La Carta», p. 47. DOBSCHÜTZ, Christusbilder, p. 308**, distribuye los manuscritos según la recensio a: seis, recensio b: ocho, recensio c: veintisiete, recensio d: cuatro, recensio e: dos, recensio f: siete, recensio g: uno y recensio x: diecisiete. 22 DOBSCHÜTZ, Christusbilder, pp. 309**-311**: ocho en alemán, tres en inglés, seis en francés, tres en italiano, una en castellano y una en portugués. 21

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una epístola ni tampoco su autoría se atribuye a Publius Lentulus23. Esta recensio a fue la que Ludolfo de Sajonia incluyó en su obra Vita Christi, aunque también la encontramos de forma independiente en numerosos códices e impresos, como, por ejemplo, en la introducción a las obras de San Anselmo de Canterbury impresas en Núremberg en 1491. El texto primitivo de la recensio a se reelaboró en los siglos posteriores y se incluyeron distintas introducciones o contextualizaciones –entre otras modificaciones–, de modo sistemático, lo que, seguramente, propició una mayor difusión como texto independiente. La contextualización inicial, de la que carece la recensio a, diferencia al resto de las recensiones, pues la narratio que sigue a continuación –aunque las variantes son múltiples– presenta un texto más unitario en todas las recensiones. Es precisamente la transmisión manuscrita que la epístola tuvo de forma independiente de la obra del Cartujano la que interesa en este trabajo, ya que, como se ha dicho, la versión castellana que aparece en el Vademecum tuvo un modelo subyacente de la recensio c, la más popular y extendida. Desde la edición crítica y estudio del texto de Dobschütz, el número de manuscritos que conservan el texto ha aumentado y es muy probable que lo siga haciendo gracias a los estudios sobre la epístola en las distintas áreas europeas24. El estudio de la transmisión de la carta de forma indepen23 Según DOBSCHÜTZ, Christusbilder, p 326** y ERBETTA, Gli Apocrifi, p. 137, la primera mención a este personaje ficticio se produce en un manuscrito de Jena encontrado por un miembro de la familia Colonna, en el Campidoglio en 1421, entre los anales romanos. 24 Lógicamente, los datos que ofrecía Dobschütz en 1889 son, ahora, simplemente «orientativos», pues como se puede observar no incluye ningún testimonio latino manuscrito de área hispánica. Estos datos han sido ampliados por distintos investigadores, ya que, por ejemplo, en versión castellana sabemos que, aparte de la versión de J. Huarte de 1566 indicada por el investigador alemán, la carta se encuentra en la traducción de la Vita Christi de Ambrosio Montesino (Alcalá de Henares 1502-3) y de forma independiente en dos versiones anónimas, Biblioteca Nacional de España mss. 9513, 9522 y 10212, y en un volumen impreso por Fadrique de Basilea en Brugos (ca. 1493), conservado en Londres, British Library, IB 53235, cf. BIZZARRI – SAINZ DE LA MAZA, «La Carta», pp. 45, 49 y LÓPEZ I CASAS, «Una altra traducció», pp. 362-364, quien además da cuenta de las versiones catalanas de la epístola: la de la traducción de la obra de Ludolfo de Sajonia realizada por Joan Roís de Corella (Valencia 1495) y otra versión anónima transmitida de forma independiente en un volumen impreso por Carles Amorós (Barcelona 1525). Para versiones en ámbito alemán cf. PÈRES, «Untersuchungen im Zusammenhang»; en inglés: M. P. KUCZYNSKI, «An Unpublished Middle English Version of the Epistola Lentuli: Text and Contexts», The Mediaeval Journal, 2.1 (2012) 37-60.

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diente en ámbito hispánico fue iniciado por Bizzarri y Sainz de la Maza, quienes editaron dos testimonios inéditos: uno en latín (BNE, ms. 4303) y uno en castellano (BNE, ms. 9522)25. También M.ª M. López i Casas ha contribuido en esta línea de investigación, identificando tres testimonios manuscritos conservados en la BNE (ms. 10212, que contiene una copia en latín y su traducción en castellano, y otro testimonio castellano en el ms. 9513) y editando dos testimonios en impresos del siglo XV (uno en castellano y otro en catalán)26. Los mss. 9513 y 9522 de la BNE, como se ha dicho al inicio de este estudio, son el original y la copia, respectivamente, en las que se conserva el Vademecum. Por nuestra parte, con el fin de poder establecer el modelo o modelos subyacentes de la versión castellana que presenta el Vademecum, hemos localizado, hasta el momento, otros nueve testimonios latinos que la conservan de forma independiente en bibliotecas españolas, hasta el siglo XV27: – Barcelona, Archivo Capitular de la Catedral, cod. 26, ff. 115r-115v, siglo XV, junto a disposiciones de la iglesia y la Epístola de Pilatos a Tiberio28, entre otras obras. – Barcelona, Biblioteca de Cataluña, ms. 480, f. 75v, siglo XV, junto a Jean Gerson, Les tres veritats (traductor anónimo), y Francesc Eiximenis, Segon del Crestià 29.

25

BIZZARRI – SAINZ DE LA MAZA, «La Carta», pp. 49-54. El ms. BNE 4303, ff. 59v-60v, siglos XIV-XV, contiene además obras de Pseudo-Eusebio de Cremona y los Dicta Sibyllina. 26 Vid. supra n. 24. 27 También se han encontrado versiones castellanas en manuscritos de siglos posteriores, como, por ejemplo, BNE, ms. 9175 (siglo XVI), Salamanca, BU ms. 2405 (siglos XVI-XVII), o BNE, ms. 10712 (siglo XVIII), aunque no se han tenido en cuenta para este trabajo. Agradezco en este punto la información facilitada por la Dra. Patricia Cañizares, que ha sido fundamental para el desarrollo de la investigación. 28 Cf. P. O. KRISTELLER, Iter Italicum: accedunt alia itinera. A finding list of uncatalogued or incompletely catalogues humanistic manuscripts of the Renaissance in Italian and other libraries, vol. 4 (Alia itinera II), Great Britain to Spain, Warburg Institute – Brill, London – Leiden 1989, p. 482b. 29 Otra obra de Jean de Gerson en versión catalana, La passió de Jesucrist, se encuentra también acompañando la carta de Léntulo en la impresión por Carles Amorós (Barcelona 1525), editada por LÓPEZ I CASAS, «Una altra traducció», cf. pp. 363-365 (vid. supra n. 24).

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– Madrid, BNE, ms. 10119, f. 246v, ca. 1431-1439, junto a las Orationes de Cicerón30. – Madrid, BNE, ms. 17652, f. 139r, siglos XIV-XV, junto a obras de Alain de Lille, Cicerón, Petrarca, Boccaccio y la Epístola de Pilatos a Tiberio31. – Madrid, Biblioteca Histórica de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, ms. 129, f. 64v, siglo XV, en un volumen bajo el título general de Fabulae aesopica y que contiene obras de Esopo, Platón, Petrarca, Cicerón, C. Decembrio, etc32. – Salamanca, Biblioteca Universitaria, ms. 2665, f. 70v, siglo XV, junto a la Vita Christi y Pseudo-Bonaventura, Meditationes vitae Christi33. – Sevilla, Biblioteca Colombina 81-6-6, f. 131v, siglo XIV, junto a tratados gramaticales de Giovanni del Virgilio34. – Toledo, Biblioteca del Cabildo 9-16, f. 3r, siglo XV, junto al Contra vituperatores vite monastice libri III de Juan Crisóstomo en traducción de A. Traversari35. – Toledo, Biblioteca del Cabildo 101-5, f. 57r, siglo XV, junto a obras de Paulus Porcius Romanus, Stefano Porcari y la Epístola de Pilatos a Tiberio36.

30

Cf. M. SCHIFF, La bibliothèque du marquis de Santillane, Paris 1905, pp. 56-58, n.º IX; L. RUBIO, Catálogo de los manuscritos clásicos latinos existentes en España, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Madrid 1984, pp. 375-377, n.º 456 II.3. 31 Cf. M. VILLAR RUBIO, Códices petrarquescos en España, Antenore, Padova 1995, pp. 124-129. 32 Ibidem, pp. 215-221. 33 Cf. O. LILAO FRANCA – C. CASTRILLO GONZÁLEZ, Catálogo de manuscritos de la Biblioteca Universitaria de Salamanca, Universidad de Salamanca, Salamanca 2002, vol. 2, p. 785. 34 Cf. KRISTELLER, Iter Italicum, pp. 629b-630b. 35 Cf. Ibidem, p. 640a; R. GONZÁLVEZ RUIZ – K. REINHARDT, Catálogo de códices bíblicos de la catedral de Toledo, Fundación Ramón Areces, Madrid 1990, pp. 251252, n.º 131 (Monumenta Ecclesiae Toletanae Historica. Series I, Regesta et inventaria historica, 2); A. FERNÁNDEZ COLLADO – A. RODRÍGUEZ GONZÁLEZ – I. CASTAÑEDA TORDERA, Los manuscritos e impresos Bíblicos de la biblioteca Capitular de Toledo, Instituto Teológico San Ildefonso, Madrid 2012, p. 151, n.º 138 (Primatialis Ecclesiae Toletanae memoria, 15). 36 Cf. KRISTELLER, Iter Italicum, p. 647a.

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Una de las dificultades que se encuentran los investigadores, al menos en área hispánica, al rastrear la conservación de la epístola de forma independiente, es que muchas veces falta su mención en los catálogos de las bibliotecas. Esta ausencia se debe, muy probablemente, a su brevedad y a que es un texto al que no se le ha dado importancia: bien por saber que era apócrifo, bien porque en muchas ocasiones no presenta ninguna relación con el contexto de las obras de los códices que lo contienen y ha pasado desapercibido –tanto en latín como en vernáculo–, o, simplemente, por la enorme variedad de títulos bajo los que aparece37. En total, de la Epistula Lentuli ad senatum Romanum se conservan, al menos, once testimonios latinos en bibliotecas españolas de los que, por el momento, hemos podido examinar ocho, a saber: Barcelona, BC, ms. 480; Madrid, BNE, ms. 4303, ms. 10119, ms. 10212, ms. 17652; Madrid, BHUCM, ms. 129; Toledo, BC 9-16 y 101-5. Aunque el estudio de la transmisión del texto latino se abordará en otro trabajo, avanzaremos unas notas en relación al posible modelo latino subyacente del texto castellano. Los ocho testimonios colacionados concuerdan, en mayor o menor medida, con la recensio c en la introducción y en la narratio, excepto los ejemplares de Toledo y el ms. BNE 17652 que carecen de la introducción (solo presentan un título)38. Sin embargo, no hemos podido establecer ninguna filiación de dependencia directa entre ellos, salvo los mss. BNE 10119 y 10212, pertenecientes ambos al Marqués de Santillana y que sin duda tuvieron un modelo común, aunque el copista del ms. 10212 fue más cuidadoso con su modelo39. Tampoco se ha podido establecer una dependencia directa entre la versión del Vademecum con ninguno de los testimonios latinos. A juzgar por los datos que nos ofrece el 37

Para los que remito al estudio de DOBSCHÜTZ, Christusbilder, p. 316**. A saber, BNE 17652: De Ih[es]u ex annalibus Rome in ep[isto]la ventali Lentulus no[mi]ne officialis Romani inpa[r]tibus Iudee ad senatum; Toledo, Biblioteca del Cabildo 9-16: Epistola de Forma Christi a Lentulo ad Romanos; Toledo, Biblioteca del Cabildo 101-5: Epistola Lentuli ad Cesarem que ait Lentulus romanus Iudee preses ad Tiberium in hunc modum [sic]. 39 Por ejemplo, en lecturas como: BNE 10119 ex diversis frente a la más correcta BNE 10212 ex universis; BNE 10119 agentibus fente a BNE 10212 a gentibus, o BNE 10119 capillorum colorem frente a BNE 10212 capillis concolorem, pero BNE 10119 languores frente a BNE 10212 langores, BNE 10119 ventilantes frente a BNE 10212 ventilantibus. La mayoría de las diferencias entre ambos códices –aparte de cuestiones ortográficas– se explicarían por el desarrollo de las abreviaturas que contendría un posible modelo común. 38

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texto castellano, su modelo latino subyacente correspondería con la recensio c, aunque enriquecido con elementos de las otras tres recensiones, nada extraño, por otra parte, dada la contaminación presupuesta en un texto de estas características. En concreto, podría ser uno muy cercano al ofrecido por el ms. BNE 4303 pues la lectura de la introducción «e fallose en los lybros antyguos de Roma en las arcas de los senadores Romanos» podría corresponderse con scripsit epistolam senatoribus que quidem a mille centum annis citra reperta sint in archiuio Romanorum, que solo se ha constatado en ese testimonio. Sin embargo, el ms. 4303 no pudo ser modelo para la traducción del Vademecum puesto que no trae la lectura (ya en la narratio) suscitans mortuos et sanans [omnes] languores, que sí se traduce en el Vademecum: «e este resuçita los muertos e sana todas enfermedades»40. Por su parte, de los testimonios castellanos de la carta conservados de forma independiente a la Vita Christi, no hemos localizado ningún otro ejemplar, por lo que contamos, por el momento, con los dos del Vademecum, BNE 9513 (ff. 67v-68v) y 9522 (ff. 52v-53v), y el conservado en el ms. BNE 10212, a continuación del texto latino (texto latino en los ff. 56v-57r y texto castellano en el f. 57r-57v). Este último, es probablemente una traducción posterior a la copia del texto latino41 que la precede (su modelo) a juzgar por sus características codicológicas: copiada al final del códice, de otra mano y con iniciales coloreadas, frente al resto de los textos que presenta el códice (Fig. 1). Sin embargo, ni el texto latino ni el castellano del ms. BNE 10212 parecen ser modelos de la versión conservada en el Vademecum, pues, aparte de la reelaboración del texto y de las innovaciones que presenta esta versión, hay lecturas que sugieren un modelo distinto: 40 La lectura suscitans mortuos et sanans languores es generalizada en los testimonios latinos de la recensio c, por lo que la omisión del BNE 4303 junto con otros errores, hacen pensar en un modelo deficitario. De los testimonios colacionados, solo el códice de Toledo 101-5 trae la lectura omnes lang[u]ores, pero no parece ser modelo de la versión del Vademecum por la carencia de la introducción y el título que presenta (vid. supra n. 38). 41 El ms. 10212 ha sido datado ca. 1440-1444, cf. M. JIMÉNEZ, El Isagogicon moralis disciplinae de Leonardo Bruni y sus versiones castellanas. Edición y estudio, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Madrid 2010, p. 407, pp. 226-228 para su descripción, en especial n. 369 para la Carta de Léntulo. El códice contiene obras originales y cartas de Leonardo Bruni traducidas en el ámbito de la corte nobiliaria del Marqués de Santillana.

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Epistula 10212)

Lentuli

(BNE Vademecum

183

BNE 10212

profeta ueritatis42

profeta de uirtud

profeta de uerdad

sanans languores

sana todas enfermedades

sana las enfermedades

in admonitione placidus43 en sus amonestaçiones él es graçioso et plazentero et amabilis es blando e amoroso en su amonestar. Et digno de ser amado 42

43

En apéndice ofrecemos el texto de las dos versiones castellanas para demostrar su no dependencia. La traducción del ms. BNE 10212 es más elegante, elaborada y recurre a amplificaciones y otros recursos con una clara intención estilística. Sirvan como ejemplo las siguientes lecturas: Epistula 10212)

Lentuli

crispos aliquantulum ceruliores

(BNE Vademecum

BNE 10212

crespos e algund poco crespos et algund tanto amarillos más dorados

barbam habens copiosam La su barua es bien et capillis concolorem abondosa e cresçida con algund poco de color

la barua bien copiosa et bien poblada de cabellos quasi de la color de los de la cabeça

oculis glaucis variis et los sus ojos claris existentibus resplandesçientes e claros e estendidos

Et sus oios son zarcos et muy claros

manus habens et brachia tyene los braços e las tiene las manos et los uisu delectabilia manos aplazibles a braços tales que solo en toda vista los ver se deleyta el que los mira

De estos ejemplos se puede determinar que el texto del Vademecum tuvo un modelo latino y no castellano. 42

La lectura del Vademecum no ha sido constatada en ningún testimonio latino, si bien es cierto que algunos códices abrevian ueritatis y podría deberse a una interpretación del traductor. 43 blandus leen, por ejemplo, los mss. BNE 4303, Toledo BC 9-16 y 101-5.

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3. Presencia en el Vademecum La presencia de la epístola en el Vademecum está determinada por la acción directa del compilador de la miscelánea: tanto desde el punto de vista del contenido, esto es, por su temática y su ordenación en el contexto de las obras del Vademecum, como desde el punto de vista de la forma en la que aparece, es decir, la recontextualización, la reelaboración y las innovaciones que sufre el texto. Como ya se ha dicho, el Vademecum contiene una selección de obras variadas en cuanto a su temática44. Junto a la epístola conviven, sobre todo, obras de carácter moral, tanto de autores cristianos y medievales como clásicos, y caracterizadas todas ellas por su brevedad. Aunque en general el Vademecum es una miscelánea de sentencias y extractos breves, encontramos textos íntegros, como, por ejemplo, la Historia Constantini45, el pseudoaristotélico Secretum secretorum, la versión latina del diálogo de Luciano sobre la gloria militar y su traducción castellana y las conocidas colecciones de sentencias, el De moribus y los Proverbia atribuidos a Séneca, por lo que la inclusión de la carta de Léntulo, dada su brevedad, no es de extrañar. Tanto en el ms. 9513 como en el ms. 9522 se encuentra la epístola de Léntulo, sin embargo, no sigue el mismo orden en ambos códices, pues la copia en «limpio», esto es, el ms. 9522, sufrió una reordenación del contenido. P. Cañizares Ferriz ha señalado en distintos trabajos el proceso de elaboración y copia de los dos códices y ha constatado que la copia de la epístola en el ms. original, el 9513, fue realizada por la mano del compilador del Vademecum. Sintetizaremos a continuación la parte de esa reelaboración que afecta a la epístola46. Sabemos que el códice facticio BNE 9513 consta de 8 unidades codicológicas en las que intervino el compilador y la epístola se localiza 44

Para el contenido actualizado de las dos copias del Vademecum, cf. CAÑIZARES, «El Vademecum del conde de Haro: contexto, génesis e historia», pp. 284-290. 45 Tal y como ha señalado CAÑIZARES, ibid., p. 302, se trata de un fragmento sobre la conversión de Constantino procedente de los Acta sancti Silvestri. Para esta obra vid. T. CANELLA, Gli Actus Silvestri. Genesi di una legenda su Constantino imperatore, Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, Spoleto 2006 (Uomini e Mondi Medievali, 7). 46 Para el proceso completo cf. CAÑIZARES «El Vademecum del conde de Haro: contexto, génesis e historia», pp. 291-311.

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en los folios 67v-68r, justo al final de la unidad 4 y al principio de la unidad 5 (Figs. 2 y 3). Esto nos indica que el compilador, probablemente el librarius del Conde de Haro, Sancho García de Medina, provisor del Hospital de la Vera Cruz, copió la epístola para «rellenar» espacios y ligar así estas dos unidades con el resto; pero no para ligar unidades de contenido, pues se localiza después de unas Flores et notabilida dicta Aney Lucidi Senece (de las que sólo aparece el incipit)47 y antes del Prologus super librum Aristotelis ad Alexandrum (conocido también como Secretum secretorum). Como se puede ver en la Fig. 2, es curiosa la línea que separa el incipit del florilegio de Séneca del texto de la epístola y también son llamativas las marcas al inicio de la salutatio y de la conclusio (Figs. 2 y 3), pues precisamente suponen las reelaboraciones por parte del compilador que veremos enseguida. Parece que quisieran llamar la atención sobre los textos nuevos48 e indicar la inserción de calderones. Además, la mano de la epístola, esto es, la del compilador, es distinta a la de los otros dos textos. Volviendo a la reordenación, en la copia del ms. 9522 un florilegio que contenía sentencias de la Rhetorica ad Herennium ha sido suprimido. Según Cañizares, el copista prescindió de este texto, pues su contenido no concordaba con el resto de piezas de esta sección, ya que los extractos de las Auctoritates Aristotelis que aparecen inmediatamente después reproducen pasajes de carácter moral, no retórico. Al suprimir de la copia los extractos de la Rhetorica, el copista aprovechó para reordenar esta sección de forma más coherente y para salvar otra de las incoherencias que presentaba el manuscrito 9513: ese incipit que anunciaba un florilegio de Séneca que quedó pendiente de copia en el códice de origen y que va seguido de la versión castellana de la carta de Léntulo. El copista del 9522, tras suprimir los extractos de la Rhetorica ad Herennium, coloca la carta de Léntulo en un lugar más acorde con su temática, después del texto sobre la conversión al cristianismo del emperador Constantino (Historia Constantini), ocupando los ff. 52v-53r. 47 Vid. P. CAÑIZARES, «Un ‘florilegio de autor’ inacabado: Séneca en el Vademecum del Conde de Haro», en E. D’ANGELO – J. ZIOLKOWSKI (eds.), Auctor et Auctoritas in Latinis Medii Aevi Litteris. Author and Authorship in Medieval Latin Literature, SISMEL – Edizioni del Galluzzo, Firenze 2014, pp. 145-155. 48 La miscelánea sufrió modificaciones o planes sucesivos (se añadieron y suprimieron textos) hasta adquirir la configuración definitiva, cf. CAÑIZARES «El Vademecum del conde de Haro: contexto, génesis e historia», pp. 293-294.

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4. El texto de la epístola en el Vademecum: recontextualización, reelaboración e innovación Como ya se ha indicado, el texto del ms. 9522 es copia del 9513, por lo que las diferencias entre ambas versiones son fundamentalmente de carácter gráfico. Las únicas variantes no gráficas entre los dos textos son: «creaçión» (BNE 9513) / «criamiento» (BNE 9522); «considerad con grand» (BNE 9513) / «considerad un grand» (BNE 9522). Además, el copista del ms. 9522 interviene en diversas ocasiones corrigiendo sus propias faltas de copia, mostrando que no era un simple amanuense: «crespos llanos» corr. «llanos», explicable por un salto de línea; «muy mesurado graçioso» corr. «muy graçioso»; e incluyendo dos amplificaciones en el mismo término: «muy mesurado» frente a «mesurado» del ms. 9513. En lo que concierne a la forma y estructura, el compilador del Vademecum no solo interviene en la disposición del contenido, sino que recontextualiza la selección de los textos elegidos adaptándolos al nuevo contexto en el que se insertan. En este sentido la carta de Léntulo es un ejemplo significativo ya que se presenta como una verdadera epístola, siguiendo las partes de las que debe constar una carta según las artes dictaminis medievales49, frente a los posibles modelos textuales de la versión. En las recensiones latinas de la epístola de los testimonios que hemos colacionado encontramos dos partes diferenciadas: la introducción y la narratio. Sin embargo, carecen de salutatio, petitio y conclusio. El compilador del Vademecum, o en su defecto el autor de la traducción, reelabora por completo la introducción, a continuación, incluye una salutatio y un exordium, traduce prácticamente de forma literal la narratio y añade, al final de la narratio, una petitio, una conclusio y termina con un colofón a modo de recompensa a los que leyeran la carta. Además, lo marca gráficamente, en los dos manuscritos (Figs. 4 y 5), por medio de iniciales y calderones que dividen el texto en tres partes: I. introducción, II. epístola (salutatio, exordium, narratio, petitio, conclusio) y III. colofón. Da la impresión de que adaptó conscientemente estas partes pensando en 49 Las partes de una epístola, según las convenciones fijadas por la retórica de las artes dictaminis, eran: salutatio, captatio benevolentiae, narratio, petitio y conclusio, cf. LÓPEZ I CASAS, «Una altra traducció», p. 366, n. 19 y BIZZARRI – SAINZ DE LA MAZA, «La Carta», pp. 49-50, quienes indicaron la estructura epistolar de la versión castellana frente al resto de testimonios de la carta.

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los lectores a los que va dirigido el Vademecum, esto es, a los hidalgos del Hospital de la Vera Cruz y a todos aquellos que desearan aprender y leer en él50. En cuanto a la reelaboración de la introducción, se observa una voluntad estilística muy clara. Mantiene el contenido de la introducción de la recensio c latina, a modo de «contextualización» pero reordenando los elementos: en primer lugar, indica que se trata de una epístola («Esta es vna carta que ynbió»), marcando perfectamente quiénes son el remitente y el destinatario. Con respecto a los posibles modelos latinos, añade el tema de la epístola («recontándoles qué figura e ymagen tenía el saluador del mundo») y prosigue con su localización. En el párrafo siguiente, innova respecto al texto latino e inicia una salutatio propiamente dicha, en primera persona («Yo, Lentulo Romano, ynbio saludar a vós, los senadores de Roma, e a las otras gentes que esta carta vieren») e introduce un exordium –o captatio benevolentiae– dirigido no solo a los senadores sino también a los posibles lectores antes citados («que esta carta vieren»): «E parad mientes con grand diligençia a las cosas que en estos escriptos se contyenen de grand misterio e muy marauillosas». En lo que a la narratio se refiere, se trata de una traducción fiel y literal, sin amplificaciones significativas y con una sintaxis claramente latinizada. Sirvan como ejemplos51: Capillos habens coloris nucis auellane premature et planos fere usque ad aures / «Tiene los cabellos de la cabesça commo color de avellana curada e bien llanos fasta las orejas» Qui nunquam uisus est ridere. Flere autem sic / «Enpero nunca omne le vio reýr e llorar sý»

Sobre la petitio, la conclusio y el colofón finales del texto castellano no hemos encontrado ningún posible modelo latino. En realidad, la petitio 50 El Vademecum, BNE 9513, f. 1., va encabezado por un breve texto introductorio que alude al provecho que el lector debe sacar de las lecturas: «Nota leedor, que quieres leer por saber por quál de los fines yuso escriptos lo fazes, porque con fruto dela lección a ty e al próximo puedas aprouechar, porque la tal lectión no te sea más cargosa que prouehosa», editado en CAÑIZARES «El Vademecum del conde de Haro: contexto, génesis e historia», p. 295. 51 Transcribimos el texto latino del ms. BNE 10212, ff. 56v-57r.

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parece una paráfrasis del exordium del principio («Parad mientes...») que pretende hacer reflexionar sobre el retratado, en esa línea de ensalzar y glorificar la figura de Cristo que es a la vez humano y majestuoso. La conclusio es el cierre de una carta con el lugar y la fecha en la que se supone que se escribió: «Era de Çesar de sesenta e ocho años». En el colofón se ofrecen recompensas, pero en esta ocasión dirigiéndose directamente a los lectores «Ay infinitos perdones por leer esta santa escritura e por la traslaudar en algunas iglesias o monesterios», animando así a la lectura y a la difusión de la carta.

5. Para concluir Ante estas premisas y el estado líquido del texto latino en cuanto a su transmisión, difícilmente se podrá encontrar el modelo latino o castellano de la versión del Vademecum. Se han colacionado muchos de los códices conservados de la biblioteca del conde de Haro y revisado las noticias de los que actualmente no se conservan pero que pertenecieron a la biblioteca del Hospital de la Vera Cruz y, de momento, la búsqueda ha sido infructuosa. Sabemos que el Hospital fue un centro de intercambio librario y por lo tanto no es extraño que se tradujera o copiara a partir de un códice externo a la misma52. En conclusión, el compilador del Vademecum reordena, reelabora e innova para presentar un texto que se ajuste formalmente a la estructura epistolar y, desde el punto de vista del contenido, a los ideales y al espíritu del Hospital de la Vera Cruz y del propio Vademecum.

Bibliografía C. ALONSO DE PORRES FERNÁNDEZ, El Buen Conde de Haro (Don Pedro Fernández de Velasco II). Apuntes biográficos. Testamento y codicilos, Asociación Amigos de Medina de Pomar, Burgos 2009. F. A. ANGELI – E. BERTI, «S. Silvestro in Capite», Medioevo. Roma Il sito di Roma Medioevale, http://www.medioevo.roma.it/html/architettura/ 52

Como sucede con uno de Séneca, Toledo, Biblioteca del Cabildo 17-25, cf. CAÑIZARES, «Un ‘florilegio de autor’», pp. 150-155.

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chiese-int/chiese-i03.htm (actualización: 16.09.2007; consulta: 17.02. 2019). D. ARSUAGA LABORDE, «Los libros donados por el primer conde de Haro al Hospital de la Vera Cruz de Medina de Pomar: un testimonio de la bibliografía de un magnate en la Castilla de mediados del siglo XV», Espacio, Tiempo y Forma, s. III, Historia Medieval, 25 (2012) 85-118. I. BACKUS, «Christoph Scheurl and his Anthology of New Testament Apocrypha», Apocrypha, 9 (1998) 133-155. ––, «Lettre de Lentulus», en P. GEOLTRAIN – J.-D. KAESTLI (eds.), Écrits apocryphes chrétiens, vol. II, Gallimard, Paris 2005, pp. 1123-1129. W. BAIER, Untersuchungen zu den Passionsbetrachtungen en der Vita Christi des Ludolf von Sachsen: ein quellenkritischer Beitrag zu Leben und Werk Ludolfs und zur Geschichte der Passionstheologi, Institut für Englische Sprache und Literatur, Universität Salzburg, Salzburg 1977. M.ª F. DEL BARRIO VEGA, «La selección de textos De re militari en la biblioteca del conde de Haro», en M.ª J. MUÑOZ (ed.), El florilegio: espacio de encuentro de los autores antiguos y medievales, FIDEM, Porto 2011, pp. 159-190 (Textes et Études du Moyen Âge, 58). H. O. BIZZARRI – C. N. SAINZ DE LA MAZA, «La Carta de Léntulo al senado de Roma: fortuna de un retrato de Cristo en la Baja Edad Media castellana», RILCE, 10 (1994) 43-58. M. I. BODENSTEDT, The Vita Christi of Ludolphus the carthusian, The Catholic University of America Press, Washington, D. C. 1944. T. CANELLA, Gli Actus Silvestri. Genesi di una legenda su Constantino imperatore, Centro Italiano di Studi sull›Alto Medioevo, Spoleto 2006 (Uomini e Mondi Medievali, 7). P. CAÑIZARES FERRIZ, «Devoción y caballería: la biblioteca del Hospital de la Vera Cruz de Medina de Pomar», La corónica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures & Cultures, 47.2 (2019) 83-101. ––, «Dos misceláneas latino-castellanas de la Biblioteca del conde de Haro», en A. A. NASCIMENTO – P. FARMHOUSE ALBERTO (coords.), Actas del IV Congresso Internacional de Latim Medieval Hispânico, Centro de Estudos Clássicos, Lisboa 2006, pp. 263-272. ––, «Edición y estudio de un florilegio del Vademecum de la biblioteca del conde de Haro», Revue d’histoire des textes, V (2010) 199-230.

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––, «El Vademecum del conde de Haro en el contexto de su biblioteca privada», en M.ª T. CALLEJAS – P. CAÑIZARES – M.ª D. CASTRO – M.ª F. DEL BARRIO – A. ESPIGARES – M.ª J. MUÑOZ (eds.), «Manipulus studiorum» en recuerdo de la profesora Ana María Aldama Roy, Escolar y Mayo, Madrid 2014, pp. 183-196 (Philologica, 1). ––, «El Vademecum del conde de Haro: contexto, génesis e historia del texto», Revue d’histoire des textes, XIV (2019) 279-312. ––, «Un florilegio de moral práctica perteneciente al Vademecum de la Biblioteca del Conde de Haro», en M.ª A. ALMELA LUMBRERAS – J. F. GONZÁLEZ CASTRO – J. SILES RUIZ – J. DE LA VILLA POLO – G. HINOJO ANDRÉS – P. CAÑIZARES FERRIZ (coords.), Perfiles de Grecia y Roma. Actas del XII Congreso Español de Estudios Clásicos, Sociedad Española de Estudios Clásicos, Madrid 2009, vol. I, pp. 195204. ––, «Un ‘florilegio de autor’ inacabado: Séneca en el Vademecum del Conde de Haro», en E. D’ANGELO – J. ZIOLKOWSKI (eds.), Auctor et Auctoritas in Latinis Medii Aevi Litteris. Author and Authorship in Medieval Latin Literature, SISMEL - Edizioni del Galluzzo, Firenze 2014, pp. 145-155. ––, «Una selección de autores cristianos en el Vademecum del conde de Haro», en B. ANTÓN MARTÍNEZ – Mª. J. MUÑOZ (eds.), Estudios sobre florilegios y emblemas, Universidad de Valladolid, Valladolid 2011, pp. 49-59. P. CAÑIZARES FERRIZ – I. VILLARROEL FERNÁNDEZ, «De enciclopedia a florilegio: el Speculum Doctrinale de Vicente de Beauvais en el Vademecum del conde de Haro», en M.ª J. MUÑOZ – P. CAÑIZARES – C. MARTÍN (eds.), La compilación del saber en la Edad Media, FIDEM, Porto 2013, pp. 131-145 (Textes et Études du Moyen Âge, 69). E. VON DOBSCHÜTZ, Christusbilder: Untersuchungen zur christlichen Legenden, J. C. Hinrichs, Leipzig 1899 (Text und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, 18). J. K. ELLIOTT, The Apocryphal Jesus: Legends of the Early Church, Oxford University Press, Oxford 2008. ––, The Apocryphal New Testament: A Collection of Apocryphal Christian Literature in an English Translation, Clarendon Press, Oxford 2009 (1993). M. ERBETTA, Gli Apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento, Marietti, Torino 1981.

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A. ESPIGARES PINILLA, «El florilegio bíblico del Vademecum del Conde de Haro», en Actas del VII Congreso Internacional de Latín Medieval Hispánico, SISMEL, Firenze (en prensa). A. FERNÁNDEZ COLLADO – A. RODRÍGUEZ GONZÁLEZ – I. CASTAÑEDA TORDERA, Los manuscritos e impresos Bíblicos de la biblioteca Capitular de Toledo, Instituto Teológico San Ildefonso, Madrid 2012, p. 151, n.º 138 (Primatialis Ecclesiae Toletanae memoria, 15). R. GONZÁLVEZ RUIZ – K. REINHARDT, Catálogo de códices bíblicos de la catedral de Toledo, Fundación Ramón Areces, Madrid 1990 (Monumenta Ecclesiae Toletanae Historica. Series I, Regesta et inventaria historica, 2). H. JENNER, Christ in Art, Methuen, London 1923. R. M. JENSEN, Understanding Early Christian Art, Routledge, London – New York 2000. M. JIMÉNEZ SAN CRISTÓBAL, El Isagogicon moralis disciplinae de Leonardo Bruni y sus versiones castellanas. Edición y estudio, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Madrid 2010 (Tesis doctoral, 2009). P. O. KRISTELLER, Iter Italicum: accedunt alia itinera. A finding list of uncatalogued or incompletely catalogues humanistic manuscripts of the Renaissance in Italian and other libraries, vol. 4 (Alia itinera II), Great Britain to Spain, Warburg Institute – Brill, London – Leiden 1989. M. P. KUCZYNSKI, «An Unpublished Middle English Version of the Epistola Lentuli: Text and Contexts», The Mediaeval Journal, 2.1 (2012) 37-60. J. N. H. LAWRANCE, «Nueva luz sobre la biblioteca del conde de Haro: inventario de 1455», El Crotalón. Anuario de Filología Española, 1 (1984) 1073-1111. O. LILAO FRANCA – C. CASTRILLO GONZÁLEZ, Catálogo de manuscritos de la Biblioteca Universitaria de Salamanca, Universidad de Salamanca, Salamanca 2002. M.ª M. LÓPEZ I CASAS, «Una altra traducció al català de La carta de Lèntul al senat de Roma», en A. CHAS AGUIÓN – M. PAMPÍN BARRAL – N. PENA SUEIRO – B. CAMPOS – C. PARRILLA GARCÍA – M. CAMPOS SOUTO (eds.), Edición y anotación de textos: Actas del I Congreso de Jóvenes Filólogos. A Coruña, 25-28 de septiembre de 1996, Universidade da Coruña Servizo de Publicacións, A Coruña 1998, pp. 361-370. E. MÂLE, El arte religioso del siglo XII al siglo XVIII, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México 1982.

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K. MELLOR, «Epistle of Lentulus», e-Clavis: Christian Apocrypha, http:// www.nasscal.com/e-clavis-christian-apocrypha/epistle-of-lentulus/ (consulta: 17.02.2019). L. MORALDI, Apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento, Unione Tipografico-Editrice Torinesi, Torino 1971. M.ª J. MUÑOZ JIMÉNEZ, «Identificación, datación y procedencia de dos manuscritos (BNM 9513 y 9522) de la Biblioteca del conde de Haro», Scriptorium, 60 (2006) 246-253. Museum Catharijneconvent, «Tweeluik met Lentulusbrief en portret van Christus», MCC BMR s2, http://adlib.catharijneconvent.nl/ais54/ Details/collect/42341 (consulta: 17.02.2019). A. PAZ Y MELIÁ, «Biblioteca fundada por el conde de Haro en 1455», Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, I (1897) 18-24, 60-66, 156-163, 255-262, 452-462; IV (1900) 535-541, 662-667; VI (1902) 198-206, 372-382; VII (1902 bis) 51-55; XIX (1908) 124-136; XX (1909) 277-289. J.-N. PÈRES, «Untersuchungen im Zusammenhang mit der sogennanten Epistula Lentuli», Apocrypha, 11 (2000) 59-75. L. RUBIO, Catálogo de los manuscritos clásicos latinos existentes en España, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Madrid 1984. M. SCHIFF, La bibliothèque du marquis de Santillane, Paris 1905. M. VILLAR RUBIO, Códices petrarquescos en España, Antenore, Padova 1995.

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Apéndice53 BNE, Ms. 9513, ff. 67v-68r

BNE, Ms. 10212, ff. 57r-57v

[F. 57r] A la sazón et tienpo que Octauiano Çesar Augusto prinçipaua et in / peraua en el vniuerso, commo de todas las partes del mundo aque / llos que presidían en las prouinçias por el senado et pueblo / romano, escriuese a los senadores que eran en Roma las noueda / des que por los términos et fines del mundo occurrían, escriuió Pu / blio Lentulo, el qual era presidente en Judea, vna letra al senado et / pueblo romano, cuyas palabras son Yo, Lentulo Romano, ynbio saludar a vos, estas que se siguen: los se / nadores de Roma, e a las otras gentes que esta carta / vieren. E parad mientes con grand diligen / çia a las cosas que en estos escriptos se contyenen de / grand misterio e muy marauillosas. Sabed Aparesçió en nuestros tienpos et avn es / que aparesçió en los tienpos de agora, oy en día vn omne de / grand virtud, cuyo en las partes de / Jherusalem, vn omne nonbre es Christo Ihesu, el qual es llamado de grand uirtud, el qual es nonbra [f. 68r] / de las gentes propheta de verdad, al qual do Jhesu Christo e las gentes dizen que eso mesmo sus / disçípulos llaman fijo de es profeta de uirtud. / E sus disçípulos dios; este resusçita los muertos et sana / las llámanlo fijo de dios e este resuçita / los enfermedades, el qual es omne de fermoso muertos e sana todas enfermedades. Él / es et apuesto cuerpo / et conpuesta estatura et muy donoso e apuesto en su cuerpo. E el su graçioso paresçer. Et ha el gesto et senblan / gesto / demuestra que es omne de mucho te honorable por manera que los que lo bien; la forma de su / cuerpo es mediana e miran lo pueden bien amar / et temer, cuyos muy real, la su cara muy hon / rrada e de cabellos son de color de abellana bien gran reuerençia: todos los que le myran / madura, et son / llanos fasta las orejas, et son enclynados a le amar e le temer. Tiene desde las orejas abaxo que penden son cres / los cabe / llos de la cabesça commo color pos et algund tanto más dorados et más de avellana curada e bien / llanos fasta las resplandesçientes et quasi que / le llegan orejas; e de las orejas ayuso son / crespos fasta los onbros. Et tiene por medio de la [F. 67v] Esta es vna carta que ynbió desde Jherusalem vn se / nador de Roma que se llamaua Lentulo Romano / a los otros senadores e pueblo Romano, recon / tándoles qué figura e ymagen tenía el saluador / del mundo nuestro sennor Jhesu Christo, e fallose en los ly / bros antyguos de Roma en las arcas de los se / nadores romanos. El thennor de la qual es este / que se sigue:

53 En subrayado los loci critici para el establecimiento del modelo subyacente. Se respetan las grafías de los originales, salvo las consonantes duplicadas al inicio de palabra, y se desarrollan las abreviaturas, marcándolas con cursiva. Se ha actualizado la acentuación, la puntuación, la separación de palabras y la mayúscula en nombres propios para facilitar la lectura. Se mantiene la división en párrafos de los originales. El signo tironiano se transcribe como «et» en el ms. 10212 por aparecer desarrollada la conjunción en el texto como «et».

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e algund poco amarillos e resplandesçi / entes e desçienden fasta los onbros; por meytad / de la cabesça tyene los cabellos partidos segund la / costunbre de los nazarenos. La su fruente es ll / ana e muy noble syn ruga e syn manzilla al / guna con vn poco de color mesurado que le faze muy / graçioso. En la su nariz e en la su boca non puede / ser notada reprehensión alguna. La su barua es bien / abondosa e cresçida con algund poco de color, pero / non es muy luenga e es partida por medio, la su / acatadura es synple e omilde, los sus ojos res / plandesçientes e claros e estendidos. En sus cas / tigos es espantable e en sus amonestaçiones es / blando e amoroso e es alegre con grand graueza e ho / nestidad. Enpero nunca omne le vio reýr e llorar sý. / Él es bien conpuesto en su cuerpo e derecho e tyene / los braços e las manos aplazibles a toda vista. / En su fablar es graue e fabla tarde e mesurado / e muy tenprado. Fermoso es entre los fijos de / los omnes. Parad mientes e considerad con grand mis / terio quién o qué tan grand es este omne que, adelante d’él, [f. 68v] las gentes se estremeçen e lo aman e se maraui / llan de sus obras uirtuosas commo sy fuesen obras / de dios. E scripta fue esta carta en Jherusalem, año de / la creaçión del mundo de çinco mill e dozientos / e vn años, era de Çesar de sesenta e ocho años. Ay infinitos perdones por leer esta santa escritu / ra e por la traslaudar en algunas iglesias o mo / nesterios. Ergo non aliter apud proximos itinere nobis.

cabeça vna carre / ra que parte los cabellos de vna parte a otra, segund que es vsança [f. 57v] et costunbre de los nazarenos. Et ha la fruente llana et espaçiosa et / muy clara, et la cara syn ruga et syn mácula alguna, bien conpu / esta de tenplado color; de sus narizes et de su boca non se puede dezir / que aya reprehensión alguna; tiene eso mesmo la barua bien / copiosa et bien poblada de cabellos quasi de la color de los de la cabe / ça. Et non la tiene muy luenga et es en dos partes partida por me / dio. Su aspecto et su gesto es suaue et onesto. Et sus oios son zar / cos et muy claros; él es terrible en su jncrepar, quando a algu / no retrahe las cosas que faze; él es graçioso et plazentero en su / amonestar. Et digno de ser amado, él es alegre guardando toda / vía grauedad, el qual nunca fue visto reýr, pero llorar sí. En la / estatura de su cuerpo él es derecho et bien façionado et bien pro / porçionado, tiene las manos et los braços tales que solo en los / ver se deleyta el que los mira; en su fablar es muy graue et tar / dío et muy tenperado, él es fermoso entre los nasçidos.

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Figuras

Figura 1: BNE, ms. 10212, ff. 56v-57r.

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Figura 2: BNE, Ms. 9513, ff. 67v-68r.

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Figura 3: BNE, Ms. 9513, ff. 68v-69r.

Figura 4: BNE, Ms. 9522 ff. 52v-53r.

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Figura 5: BNE, Ms. 9522 ff. 53v-54r.

BEATRIZ FERNÁNDEZ DE LA CUESTA* PASAJES REVISITADOS DEL PRIMER CONDE DE HARO EN EL VADEMECUM DEL MS. BNE 95221

1. Introducción En la primera mitad del siglo XV, don Pedro Fernández de Velasco, primer Conde de Haro (ca. 1399-1470), mandó compilar en un volumen de tamaño fácilmente manejable un conjunto de extractos seleccionados * Beatriz Fernández de la Cuesta, colaboradora honorífica de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, [email protected] 1 Este trabajo se inserta en el marco del proyecto de Excelencia FFI2015-63584, financiado por el Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad del Gobierno de España, que lleva por título «La literatura latina en extractos: florilegios y antologías de la Edad Media y el Renacimiento» y cuya investigadora principal es María José Muñoz. Cf. P. CAÑIZARES FERRIZ, «Edición y estudio de un florilegio del Vademecum de la biblioteca del conde de Haro», Revue d’histoire des textes, V (2010) 199-230; EAD., «Una selección de autores cristianos en el Vademecum del conde de Haro», en B. ANTÓN MARTÍNEZ – M.ª J. MUÑOZ (eds.), Estudios sobre florilegios y emblemas,

Universidad de Valladolid, Secretariado de Publicaciones e Intercambio Editorial – Fundación Ana María Aldama, Valladolid, 2011, pp. 49-59; EAD., «Los excerpta de la Rhetorica ad Herennium del Vademecum del conde de Haro», en M.ª J. MUÑOZ (ed.), El florilegio: espacio de encuentro de los autores antiguos y medievales, FIDEM, Porto 2011, pp. 123-158; EAD., «El prólogo dedicado a Juan II de Vasco Ramírez de Guzmán: edición y estudio», Revista de Literatura Medieval, 23 (2011) 71-86; EAD., «Un ‘florilegio de autor’ inacabado: Séneca en el Vademecum del Conde de Haro», en E. D’ANGELO – J. ZIOLKOWSKI (eds.), Auctor et Auctoritas in Latinis Medii Aevi Litteris. Author and Authorship in Medieval Latin Literature, SISMEL – Edizioni del Galluzzo, Firenze, 2014, pp. 145-155; P. CAÑIZARES FERRIZ – I. VILLARROEL FERNÁNDEZ, «De enciclopedia a florilegio: el Speculum Doctrinale de Vicente de Beauvais en el Vademecum del conde de Haro», en M.ª J. MUÑOZ – P. CAÑIZARES – C. MARTÍN (eds.), La compilación del saber en la Edad Media, FIDEM, Porto, 2013, pp. 131-145; M.ª J. MUÑOZ JIMÉNEZ, «Las Auctoritates Aristotelis en el Vademecum de la biblioteca del Conde de Haro», en J. MEIRINHOS – O. WEIJERS (eds.), Florilegium mediaevale. Études offertes à Jacqueline Hamesse à l’occasion de son éméritat, FIDEM, Louvain-la-Neuve 2009, pp. 419-438; EAD., «Terencio en dos manuscritos de la biblioteca del Conde de Haro», en J. M.ª MAESTRE MAESTRE – J. PASCUAL BAREA – L. CHARLO BREA (coord.), Humanismo y pervivencia del mundo

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por él de obras escogidas de su biblioteca2. Esta antología es conocida como Vademecum y está atestiguada en dos códices conservados en la Biblioteca Nacional de España, ms. 9513 y ms. 9522. Ambos ejemplares son el borrador y la copia en limpio respectivamente. En ambos códices se aprecian numerosas marcas en los márgenes, marcas que tienen distinta naturaleza y han sido trazadas por diferentes manos, si bien una de ellas ha podido ser identificada con la del Conde de Haro, quien las habría realizado en el curso de sus lecturas del Vademecum. Por ello, las marcas de lectura atribuidas a don Pedro constituyen en sí mismas una selección de sus pasajes predilectos, la cual se encuentra a su vez dentro de la selección de pasajes que constituye el Vademecum y que el propio Conde de Haro ideó. Pero el interés de ambas selecciones del Vademecum no se limita al hecho de que nos ofrezca información sobre los gustos e intereses de esa clásico. Homenaje al profesor Antonio Prieto, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Instituto de Estudios Humanísticos, Alcañiz – Madrid 2010, t. IV.5, pp. 2519-2533; EAD., «Las Auctoritates Aristotelis en España», en J. HAMESSE – J. MEIRINHOS (eds.), Les Auctoritates Aristotelis, leur utilisation et leur influence chez les auteurs médiévaux. État de la question 40 ans après la publication, FIDEM, Barcelona – Madrid, 2015, pp. 39-59; P. CAÑIZARES FERRIZ, «Dos misceláneas latino-castellanas de la Biblioteca del conde de Haro», en A. A. NASCIMENTO – P. F. ALBERTO (coords.), Actas del IV Congresso Internacional de Latim Medieval Hispânico, Universidade de Lisboa, Centro de Estudos Clássicos, Lisboa 2006, pp. 263-272; EAD., «El Vademecum del conde de Haro en el contexto de su biblioteca privada», en M.ª T. CALLEJAS – P. CAÑIZARES – M.ª D. CASTRO – M.ª F. DEL BARRIO – A. ESPIGARES – M.ª J. MUÑOZ (eds.), «Manipulus studiorum» en recuerdo de la profesora Ana María Aldama Roy, Escolar y Mayo, Madrid 2014, pp. 183-196; y M.ª J. MUÑOZ JIMÉNEZ, «Identificación, datación y procedencia de dos manuscritos (BNM 9513 y 9522) de la Biblioteca del conde de Haro», Scriptorium, 60 (2006) 246-253. M. JIMÉNEZ SAN CRISTÓBAL, «La Carta de Léntulo al senado de Roma en el Vademecum del conde de Haro», en el presente volumen. A. ESPIGARES PINILLA, «El florilegio bíblico del Vademecum del Conde de Haro», en Actas del VII Congreso Internacional de Latín Medieval Hispánico (Salamanca, 18-21 octubre 2017), SISMEL, Firenze (en prensa). 2 Se trata de la biblioteca del Hospital de la Vera Cruz que el conde fundó en Medina de Pomar y cuya biblioteca dotó con sus propios libros. Se conservan dos catálogos de la biblioteca uno de 1455 con 81 títulos y otro posterior de 1535 con 160 libros registrados. Cf. A. PAZ Y MELIÁ, «Biblioteca fundada por el conde de Haro en 1455», Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, I (1897) 18-24, 60-66, 156-163, 255-262, 452-462; IV (1900), 535-541, 662-667; VI (1902) 198-206, 372-382; VII (1902 bis) 51-55; XIX (1908) 124-136; XX (1909) 277-289.

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importante figura del siglo XV, sino que este compendio y la selección posterior de lecturas en él señaladas son representativos asimismo de la nobleza castellana de la primera mitad del siglo XV y permiten ver en don Pedro Fernández de Velasco el ideal encarnado de caballero de armas y letras en boga en aquellos tiempos3. En el pasado Congreso Internacional de Latín Medieval Hispánico celebrado en Salamanca en otoño de 2017 la doctora María José Muñoz y yo presentamos un primer resultado del examen de las marcas de lectura marginales trazadas en los dos códices que transmiten el Vademecum del Conde de Haro4. Aquel trabajo ofreció interesantes resultados, pero lejos de agotar la materia tratada, ha revelado un fructífero campo de investigación en relación con la dimensión intelectual y espiritual de este importante aristócrata castellano.

2. Naturaleza y tipología de las marcas de lectura El Manuscrito BNE 9513 es un códice facticio. En él se han encuadernado juntos unidades codicológicas de distintas épocas y procedencias y, lógicamente, en su escritura se distinguen numerosas manos. Es a todas luces el ejemplar original del Vademecum5. El ms. 9522 contiene una copia en limpio del Vademecum original, está copiado enteramente por una misma mano y presenta una impaginación y una encuadernación esmeradas con ornamentación de letras capitales. Nos detendremos brevemente en la razón de ser de estos dos ejemplares. El primero fue confeccionado a modo de borrador y el segundo, 3 J. N. H. LAWRANCE, «Nueva luz sobre la biblioteca del conde Haro: inventario de 1455», El Crotalón. Anuario de Filología española, 1 (1984) 1073-1111; D. ARSUAGA LABORDE, «Los libros donados por el primer conde de Haro al Hospital de la Vera Cruz de Medina de Pomar: un testimonio de la bibliofilia de un magnate en la Castilla de mediados del siglo XV», Espacio, Tiempo y Forma, Serie III, Historia Medieval, 25 (2012) 85-118. La relación entre muchos de los textos reunidos en el Vademecum y los libros completos correspondientes de la biblioteca ha sido identificada por CAÑIZARES, «El Vademecum del conde de Haro en el contexto de su biblioteca», pp. 183-196. 4 M.ª J. MUÑOZ – B. FERNÁNDEZ DE LA CUESTA, «Las marcas de lectura en el Vademecum del Conde de Haro», Actas del VII Congreso Internacional de Latín Medieval Hispánico (18-21 de octubre de 2017), SISMEL, Firenze (en prensa). 5 MUÑOZ JIMÉNEZ, «Identificación, datación y procedencia de dos manuscritos», p. 250; CAÑIZARES, «Edición y estudio de un florilegio del Vademecum», p. 201.

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a modo de copia final. Para entender la naturaleza de esta copia tan cuidada del Vademecum es preciso recordar un dato clave de las circunstancias personales de la vida del Conde de Haro, el traslado del conde a Valladolid en abril de 1455 donde tuvo que instalarse una temporada para ejercer de virrey de Enrique IV de Castilla6. Ante una estancia prolongada lejos de su residencia habitual, cualquier lector ávido se plantea la elección de libros que incorporar a su equipaje. Muy probablemente el Conde de Haro, como lector exigente que fue, se encontró en la misma tesitura de tener que escoger sus libros para su viaje a Valladolid. Así pudo surgir el proyecto del Vademecum, una selección de extractos de obras de su biblioteca copiada en un solo libro, una especie de libro de libros. Este fue probablemente, pues, el objetivo primero del Vademecum: un libro para el viaje. Sin embargo, el Vademecum resultó tan satisfactorio, tan ajustado a los deseos y a los intereses del Conde, que este lo siguió utilizando aún mucho después de aquella estancia, ya de vuelta en Medina de Pomar (Burgos), e incluso cuando finalmente se instaló en el Hospital de la Vera Cruz de la misma ciudad en el que residió los últimos diez años de su vida. Que esto es así queda demostrado por las señales de lectura qué él dejó trazadas en su ejemplar personal del Vademecum, el ms. 9522, y de las que hablaremos seguidamente. En el primer trabajo sobre las marcas de lectura en los dos manuscritos del Vademecum la Dra. Muñoz y yo tuvimos ocasión de corroborar la singularidad de las señales realizadas por el propio conde de Haro en ambos ejemplares en tanto en cuanto se pueden identificar con claridad: a diferencia de las diversas marcas que aparecen en el ms. 9513 y que se pueden atribuir a diversas manos, las dibujadas por el Conde son mayoritariamente cruces en forma de aspa, que representan la cruz de san Andrés. Esta cruz de brazos iguales integraba el emblema del Conde de Haro y del Hospital de la Vera Cruz. La misma cruz se observa en los márgenes de los libros de la biblioteca del Conde conservados, que albergan obras completas y de las que se extractaron los pasajes que se copiarían luego en el Vademecum. En ellas dichas marcas indican igualmente fragmentos de especial interés. La cruz aspada se puede reconocer también en el trazado 6

Información pormenorizada de la historia del Vademecum en relación con la vida del Conde ofrece P. CAÑIZARES FERRIZ, «El Vademecum del conde de Haro: contexto, génesis e historia del texto», Revue d’histoire des textes, XIV (2019) 279-312.

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de la propia firma del conde, y en diversos elementos decorativos de su hospital. En combinación con las aspas sencillas aparecen otros signos tales como cruces cursivas, esto es, unas aspas trazadas sin levantar la pluma semejantes a una ligadura de et. Junto a las cruces aspadas también aparecen manículas. Por último, hay unas serpentinas o llaves verticales que engloban párrafos enteros. Todos estos signos mantienen siempre el mismo diseño y la misma tinta cuando aparecen combinados. Sin duda alguna fueron realizados por una sola mano, que no es otra que la de don Pedro Fernández de Velasco. Además, éstas son las únicas marcas existentes en del ms. 9522. Por otro lado, en el ejemplar modelo, el ms. 9513, están también presentes en cierto número, pero allí conviven, como hemos adelantado, con otras indicaciones marginales realizadas por otras manos con finalidades y sentidos distintos7. La diversidad y la combinación de estas marcas pueden tener el siguiente significado: las aspas resaltan la palabra o frase principal dentro de un extracto. Las manículas indican mayor énfasis en el subrayado y, probablemente, una segunda lectura del mismo extracto, puesto que casi siempre están dibujadas junto a un aspa, que indicaría la llamada de atención dibujada en una lectura previa. Las llaves, finalmente, indican ampliación de la idea principal de un pasaje destacada anteriormente con una cruz de san Andrés y abarcan un extracto largo. De todo ello se deduce que el repertorio de señales salidas de la mano de don Pedro no es, por tanto, arbitrario, sino que responde a una diferenciación jerárquica de contenidos. Por otro lado, en la observación directa del códice 9522 es posible discriminar diferentes tintas en las marcas marginales: dos colores distintos, el negro, muy tenue, y el marrón, que se presenta en, al menos, dos tonos claramente reconocibles, uno más rojizo y otro más oscuro. Esta peculiaridad se observa, además, a lo largo de todo el códice. La aparición de idénticos signos trazados con tintas diferentes significa que hubo 7

El ms. 9513 se integró prontamente en la biblioteca del Hospital de la Vera Cruz fundada por el primer Conde de Haro y a la cual dotó con sus libros. Era este hospital un centro de retiro para ancianos hidalgos, todos caballeros de la Orden de la Vera Cruz que el propio conde fundó. Don Pedro debió de guardar para su uso personal el ejemplar en limpio del Vademecum, el manuscrito 9522. En cambio, el ms. 9513 debió de ser de uso comunitario una vez incluido en los fondos de la biblioteca del Hospital. Cf. CAÑIZARES, «El Vademecum del conde de Haro: contexto, génesis e historia», p. 199. Una descripción detallada de la tipología de marcas en el ms. 9513 ofrecen MUÑOZ –FERNÁNDEZ DE LA CUESTA, «Las marcas de lectura» (en prensa).

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diferentes sesiones de lectura, pues las tintas eran artesanas y se elaboraban en una cierta cantidad. Cuando la tinta se agotaba debía prepararse tinta de nuevo, cuyo color raramente coincidía con exactitud con el tono de las preparadas anteriormente. Por tanto, la diversidad de tintas en las marcas refleja lecturas sucesivas en un dilatado espacio de tiempo. Puede afirmarse, por tanto, sin género de dudas, que don Pedro llevó a cabo un subrayado progresivo y acumulativo del Vademecum, leyendo y releyendo sus pasajes preferidos en el manuscrito 9522 durante años, desde la probable fecha de copia de éste en limpio en 1455 hasta su fallecimiento en 1470.

3. Sentencias preferidas Cabe preguntarse a continuación cuántos y cuáles son los pasajes subrayados. En el manuscrito 9522 hemos contabilizado trescientos veintitrés pasajes señalizados con marcas marginales, realizadas, como decíamos, exclusivamente por el Conde. Si se tiene en cuenta que el Vademecum ocupa en este ejemplar ciento veintisiete folios, la media resultante es elevada. La abundancia de estas marcas demuestra que la miscelánea fue, sin lugar a dudas, objeto de numerosas relecturas por parte de don Pedro Fernández de Velasco. Pero no todas las marcas se distribuyen de forma homogénea en este manuscrito, pues en algunas obras se concentran de forma significativa y en otras están totalmente ausentes8. Las más destacadas son cuatro: el Secretum secretorum de Pseudo-Aristóteles, la Biblia, el De regimine principum de Gil de Roma (Aegidius Romanus) y el De consideratione de San Bernardo. Es evidente, pues, que una vez realizada la selección de obras para la composición del Vademecum, el Conde de Haro en sus lecturas volvió repetidamente sobre determinados textos que configuran una nueva selección de pasajes, sus predilectos dentro de la selección general de la miscelánea. Pues bien, de las obras antes indicadas es, sin duda, el Secretum secretorum la más veces señalada en los márgenes del volumen. Aparece 8

El elenco de obras extractadas en cada uno de los ejemplares se describe detalladamente en CAÑIZARES, «Edición y estudio de un florilegio del Vademecum», específicamente en las pp. 202-205.

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intitulado aquí «Prologus super librum Aristotelis ad Alexandrum», y le sigue en el códice un resumen del Secretum que comienza: «Memoriale novissimum heroici Aristotelis...». Es ésta una obra pseudoaristotélica9 de carácter didáctico y epistolar, que ofrece una supuesta carta de Aristóteles a su discípulo Alejandro Magno en la que le transmite sus enseñanzas acerca del arte del buen gobierno, de medicina, etc. El original de esta obra no se conserva, pero parece haber sido compuesto en ámbito árabe intensamente cristianizado y helenizado, y se incorporó al corpus de obras aristotélicas10. Alcanzó una gran difusión en la Edad Media incluida entre obras de literatura sapiencial. De las numerosas traducciones realizadas de esta obra tanto al latín como a distintas lenguas romances11, en el Vademecum fue copiada la versión latina de Felipe de Trípoli12. El Secretum secretorum, como un manual de educación de gobernantes, pertenece al género de la literatura didáctica regia donde este tipo de obras recibe diversas denominaciones como «De regimine principum», «espejos de príncipes» o «libros de castigos»13. Esto nos lleva a la segunda obra más marcada del Vademecum, el De regimine principum de Gil de Roma (Aegidius Romanus), que está intutilada aquí «Cotaciones De regimine principum edicte a Agidio 9 Cf. G. LACOMBE – A. BIRKENMAJER – M. DULONG – AET. FRANCESCHINI, Aristoteles latinus, codices descripsit Georgius Lacombe, pars prior, Libreria dello stato, Roma 1939, vol. 1, pp. 93-94 y pp. 193-196. M. GRINASCHI, «L’origine et les métamorphoses du Sirr-al-´asrâr (Secretum Secretorum)», Archives d’Histoire et Litterature du Moyen Âge, 43 (1976) 7-112. 10 La noticia más antigua de esta obra la proporciona Ibn Gulul en torno al 975 en su obra Tabaqât-al-’attibba’-wa-l-hukamâ. Pseudo-Aristóteles, Secreto de los secretos. Poridat de las paridades, estudio y edición de H. O. BIZARRI, Publicacions de la Universitat de València, Valencia, 2010, pp. 13-14. 11 Esta obra alcanzó una enorme difusión en la Alta Edad Media ya que condensaba lo que se conocía entonces de la doctrina política aristotélica hasta la traducción de la Política de Aristóteles por Alberto Magno en 1260. Fue una obra usada en el ámbito escolar y hasta papal. Cf. Secreto de los secretos, ed. BIZARRI, p. 14. 12 CAÑIZARES, «El Vademecum del conde de Haro: contexto, génesis e historia», p. 202. 13 Es un género muy cultivado en época medieval cuyo representante más célebre en la literatura castellana es la Glosa Castellana al Regimiento de Príncipes de fray Juan García de Castrojeriz, de 1494. Cf. Fr. Antonio de Guevara, Relox de Príncipes, estudio y edición de E. BLANCO, ABL Editor, Madrid 1994, p. XXXVII (Escritores Franciscanos Españoles).

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Romano». Inmediatamente después en el ms. 9522 comienza un texto con una reescritura de esta obra, cuyo encabezamiento reza «Res militares est quedam species prudencie», como también sucedía en el caso del Secretum secretorum. El resumen del De regimine trata cuestiones militares tomadas del De re militari de Vegecio14. Ambas aparecen significativamente al comienzo del Vademecum tras las sentencias bíblicas. Pertenece también al área temática de la formación de nobles y príncipes la traducción latina de Juan de Aurispa del XII Diálogo de los muertos de Luciano de Samósata, un diálogo sobre la gloria militar puesto en boca de Aníbal, Alejandro, Minos y Escipión, que comienza «Cum in rebus bellicis semper...» y, a continuación, su traducción castellana encabezada «Como en algund tiempo leyesse...». Así pues, de las cuatro obras notablemente más destacadas por el Conde en su Vademecum, que hemos enumerado, dos se insertan en el género de la educación de gobernantes. Esto revela que la formación del buen gobernante es uno de los ejes temáticos del Vademecum. Se suma a los otros dos hilos conductores identificados anteriormente en la miscelánea15: la caballería, la devoción cristiana y la moral16. 14

P. Cañizares ha observado que en el ms. 9522 los extractos han sido reordenados por su contenido en comparación con su disposición en ejemplar original, el ms. 9513, donde se siguen muchas veces de manera acumulativa. Esto ha sucedido manifiestamente en el caso del resumen de Aegidio romano. Cf. CAÑIZARES, «Edición y estudio de un florilegio del Vademecum», pp. 203-204. Para el estudio de esta sección en el Vademecum, cf. M.ª F. DEL BARRIO VEGA, «La selección de textos de re militari en la biblioteca del Conde de Haro», en M.ª J. MUÑOZ (ed.), El florilegio: espacio de encuentro de los autores antiguos y medievales, FIDEM, Porto 2011, pp. 159-190. 15 CAÑIZARES, «Edición y estudio de un florilegio del Vademecum», pp. 211-212; EAD., «Un florilegio de moral práctica perteneciente al Vademecum de la Biblioteca del Conde de Haro», en M.ª A. ALMELA LUMBRERAS J. F. GONZÁLEZ CASTRO – J. SILES RUIZ – J. DE LA VILLA POLO – G. HINOJO ANDRÉS – P. CAÑIZARES FERRIZ (coord.), Perfiles de Grecia y Roma. Actas del XII Congreso Español de Estudios Clásicos, Sociedad Española de Estudios Clásicos, Madrid, 2011, vol. I, pp. 195-204. 16 Debe tenerse en cuenta que la formación política de los príncipes era por entonces algo intrínsecamente unido a su educación moral. Esto se debe al vínculo inseparable de política y ética en Aristóteles, y desde la Antigüedad hasta el Renacimiento. «La política aristotélica está anclada en su ética... pero estas raíces están casi totalmente fuera de la obra titulada Política; en rigor la Ética a Nicómaco es la primera parte de una obra total cuya continuación es la Política» afirma J. Marías en su introducción a la Política aristotélica, cf. Aristóteles, Política, edición bilingüe y traducción de J. MARÍAS y M.ª ARAUJO, Instituto de Estudios Políticos, Madrid, 1989, p. XXII.

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Además, ello permite afirmar que el tema de la instrucción de príncipes no sólo interesó en gran medida a don Pedro en la época en que seleccionó las obras que debían ser incluidas en su Vademecum, sino que este interés se mantuvo vivo en él aún en los largos años en que lo usó como libro de cabecera. Así pues, debieron de interesar considerablemente a don Pedro Fernández de Velasco las lecciones del supuesto Aristóteles sobre estos temas, pues el Secretum secretorum en el manuscrito 9522 cuenta con ciento un pasajes destacados que se reparten a lo largo de los veinticuatro folios que ocupa esta sección. En cambio, en el ms. 9513 esa obra presenta treinta y un pasajes señalados. La prolongada labor de relectura en el ejemplar 9522 por parte del ricohombre explica esta diferencia. Prácticamente todos los capítulos de la selección del Secretum secretorum están indicados con un aspa u otro tipo de signo. Los capítulos tratan cuestiones muy diferentes. Ahora bien, más de la mitad de los extractos señalados podrían agruparse en cuatro grandes áreas temáticas, que describiremos por orden de aparición en el Vademecum: a) Un primer grupo de pasajes señalados en los primeros capítulos se refiere al comportamiento correcto del rey con respecto a la administración del dinero. Se elevan a diez los extractos destacados en los que se recomienda reiteradamente al rey no ser excesivamente parco con los súbditos y al mismo tiempo evitar los gastos superfluos. En el primer capítulo de la obra, denominado «Distinctio regum», hay seis pasajes destacados entre los que aparece marcado con un aspa una sentencia que representa bien este bloque temático: «Sed inter omnes reges peior est rex qui largus est sibi et avarus subditis» (f. 76r). La importancia de la buena economía para don Pedro Fernández de Velasco queda de manifiesto en un pasaje en el que una serpentina o llave vertical destaca todo un párrafo. A su vez en ella está integrada un aspa, combinación de señales que es una rareza en el códice. Subrayamos en el pasaje las líneas destacadas con aspas en el margen: Cavendum est itaque a superfluitate expensarum. Quicumque enim rex expendat et devastet immoderate bona sui regni, ea indignis hominibus largiendo, talis rex depopulator regni, et rei publice destructor, et indignus regimine regni. Bene merito prodigus appellatur, eo procul est a suo regno sua prudentia (f. 76v).

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Probablemente todo el pasaje resultó interesante a don Pedro en una primera lectura, cuando marcó todo el párrafo con la serpentina, y en alguna lectura posterior destacó una frase del párrafo trazando uno de los brazos de la cruz aspada sobre la propia llave, para enfatizar la idea principal. Y, aún en una relectura posterior, el Conde trazó una segunda aspa que destacaría la frase final del párrafo, pues está introducida de manera forzada en el exiguo espacio libre entre la llave y el texto. El control del gasto es una cuestión primordial para cualquier gestor, cuanto más para un rey o para un ricohombre, como don Pedro Fernández de Velasco, quien, además de virrey, fue dueño y señor de extensos territorios y cuantiosos bienes: en origen la Merindad Mayor de Castilla Vieja y la menor de la Bureba, así como otros señoríos progresivamente incorporados como las merindades menores de Santo Domingo de Silos, de Burgos de Monzón, de Villadiego, de Rioja y Montes de Oca, etc.17; un vasto patrimonio territorial y señorial que su abuelo, de quien heredó su nombre de pila, había comenzado a acumular desde finales del s. XIV y que su padre, Juan Fernández de Velasco, como camarero del rey y merino mayor de Castilla Vieja hasta su muerte, consolidó y amplió gracias al pago de sus servicios por parte del rey Juan II de Castilla18. b) A su vez, del conjunto del Secretum secretorum, el asunto que ostensiblemente interesa más al Conde, pues está presente en innumerables extractos marcados a lo largo de todo el códice, es la instrucción del buen gobernante. En el capítulo «Modus expendendi» lo que se destaca, además de la esperable exhortación al ahorro, es una serie de recomendaciones más generales sobre el modo correcto de comportarse en la vida para todo príncipe o noble: «Evita ergo superflua donativa, debes igitur honorare honorandos, linguam reprimere, iniuriam ad tempus dissimulare et fugere stultitiam» (f. 77r). La misma instrucción sobre el comportamiento se observa en el capítulo «De regali ornamento», donde aparecen siete pasajes destacados. La selección de extractos comienza advirtiendo de la importancia de que el rey se muestre ante sus súbditos con un atuendo adecuado a su 17

D. ARSUAGA LABORDE, Pedro Fernández de Velasco, primer Conde de Haro: estudio de la figura de un ricohombre en la Castilla del Cuatrocientos, Tesis doctoral inédita dirigida por Paulina López Pita, UNED, Madrid, 2015, pp. 75-76. 18 Ibid., p. 54.

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honor y majestad. Sin embargo, no son los pasajes de esta naturaleza los señalados, sino otros; de nuevo, los que tienen que ver más con la forma de comportarse, los que hablan más del cultivo interior que del cuidado exterior. En este caso, se ha destacado todo el párrafo con tres marcas: aspa, cruz cursiva y llave; en él se aconseja al rey ser parco en palabras. Debet tamen rex a multiloquio abstinere, nisi neccesitas illud exigat: melius est enim quod anime hominum semper sint sitibunde ad regis elogia quam suis sermonibus saturentur in audiendo (f. 79r).

c) En el Secretum secretorum, sin embargo, hay además otra materia que centra los intereses del Conde de Haro. Son considerablemente numerosos los fragmentos que describen los cuidados que debía procurarse el rey para preservar la salud. Concretamente se elevan a treinta y nueve los pasajes destacados que tratan distintos aspectos de los cuidados corporales y proporcionan recomendaciones acerca del régimen alimentario, del sueño, del ejercicio físico, sobre las precauciones y hábitos saludables apropiados en las distintas estaciones del año, sobre el buen vino y la bebida moderada, sobre la continencia sexual, etc. He aquí algunos de los capítulos leídos con el número de signos marginales en cada uno: «Documenta ad conservationem sanitatis regis»: dos pasajes destacados (f. 82v), «Que sunt agenda vel comedenda ad conservationem sanitatis»: tres pasajes (f. 83v), «Qualiter debet observare rex post somnum»: dos pasajes (f. 85r), «De modo exercitii et de modo comedendi»: tres pasajes (f. 85r), «Qualiter debet rex continere post comestionem»: cuatro pasajes (f. 86r), «De cognitione boni vini et de modo bibendi moderate»: cinco pasajes (f. 90v). Es tal la atención que don Pedro dedica a esta cuestión que también en otros capítulos que tratan otros temas son precisamente aquellos que proporcionan recomendaciones de salud los que el Conde se ha molestado en subrayar. Así, por ejemplo, en los capítulos que describen las cuatro estaciones del año don Pedro se interesa, además de por algún rasgo descriptivo de ellas, por la dieta e higiene específicas que deben seguirse en cada época del año. Todos estos no son sino aspectos diversos de la medicina de la época y constituyen un núcleo relevante del Secretum secretorum, pues eran conocimientos necesarios para la formación de todo príncipe o gran señor. Cuál fue la importancia que el conde concedió a este asunto de la salud puede comprenderse si se tiene en cuenta que el uso del manuscrito

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9522 se corresponde con los últimos quince años de la vida del noble. En ellos el Vademecum fue su libro de cabecera y la abundancia de este tipo de pasajes destacados una y otra vez muestra hasta qué punto estos consejos pudieron cobrar importancia para él de manera progresiva en aquella etapa final de su vida. d) Un último y sorprendente asunto de interés en la miscelánea es la forma de reconocer a los consejeros adecuados para asistirle en el ejercicio del poder real y sobre la identificación acertada de los consejos prudentes. Curiosamente el procedimiento de selección de personal se basa en el capítulo atribuido a Aristóteles sobre la fisiognomía humana. Esta preconiza que determinados rasgos físicos revelan rasgos de carácter, ya sean cualidades o defectos. En el Vademecum esta sección ocupa varios folios y los pasajes que de ella se han destacado son quince, que pertenecen a su vez a varios capítulos que el tratado pseudo-aristotélico relaciona entre sí: «De modo querendi consilii prudentis»: cinco pasajes marcados (f. 92r), «De modo probandi baiulos»19: dos pasajes marcados (f. 93r), «Qualiter per phisonomiam cognoscunt conditiones personarum»: un pasaje marcado (f. 94r), «Qualiter mores hominis secundum eandem phisonomiam considerantur iuxta dispositionem sui cordis»: siete pasajes marcados (f. 94v). A este capítulo pertenecen unas sentencias subrayadas que recomiendan tomar precauciones con personas con rasgos físicos singulares. He aquí una muestra: «Cave ab homine diminuto in aliquo membro» (f. 95r); «Multitudo autem capillorum in pectore et ventre significat hominem horribilis et singularis nature» (f. 95r). La época que le tocó vivir a don Pedro Fernández de Velasco, el reinado de Juan II de Castilla y luego de Enrique IV, fue precisamente una época de conflictos constantes en el estamento nobiliario, de afinidades y enemistades alternantes, de lucha por el control del poder y por la ascendencia sobre el rey. Buena prueba de ello fueron figuras como Álvaro de Luna durante el reinado de Juan II, y Juan Pacheco con Enrique IV. La elección de consejeros avezados y fieles debió de ser entonces una cuestión de primera necesidad. Cuanto más para don Pedro Fernández de Velasco, quien tuvo que ejercer de virrey. De lo que cabe dudar es de la eficacia de este peculiar sistema de selección. 19

En el ms. 9522 aparece erróneamente baylinos.

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En definitiva, de los más de trescientos extractos destacados por don Pedro Fernández de Velasco en los márgenes del ejemplar en limpio del Vademecum, el ms. BNE 9522, unos cien pertenecen a la obra Secretum Secretorum. Aunque en ella se han destacado extractos de diversos temas se pueden identificar cuatro grandes bloques temáticos que constituyeron sus intereses primordiales: en primer lugar, por la acumulación de un gran número de marcas se sitúa la instrucción del buen gobernante, tema nuclear del propio Secretum secretorum; en segundo lugar, la salud, tema que se puede achacar a la edad avanzada a la que el conde leyó y meditó estos textos; por último, la administración económica y la elección certera de consejeros, asuntos cruciales para un ricohombre que, además de gestionar su propio patrimonio territorial y señorial, ocupó el cargo de virrey. El conde de Haro, en suma, encarnó en su persona la figura del noble dedicado a la política, las armas y las letras característico de la Castilla prehumanista de la primera mitad del siglo XV. De él, además de su Vademecum, la miscelánea con sus lecturas de cabecera, conservamos también las indicaciones a sus pasajes predilectos, marcas que él dejó escritas en los márgenes de su ejemplar personal, el manuscrito 9522. Ellas constituyen un segundo nivel de selección, un ramo de textos aún más escogidos en los que hemos podido identificar temas recurrentes. Los pasajes señalados de manera reiterada en el curso de sus lecturas dan cuenta finalmente de la esencia de sus inquietudes, miedos e intereses, en suma, de su pensamiento. A través de sus pasajes marcados podemos reconocer en don Pedro Fernández de Velasco ante todo a un ávido lector, pero también al político, al gran señor, al caballero, al hombre de edad provecta... quien se entregó a la lectura y a la reflexión sobre sus textos favoritos de su Vademecum subrayando su libro de cabecera y volviendo sobre los subrayados hasta el final de sus días. Bibliografía Fr. Antonio de Guevara, Relox de Príncipes, estudio y edición de E. BLANCO, ABL Editor, Madrid 1994 (Escritores Franciscanos Españoles). Aristóteles, Política, edición bilingüe y traducción de J. MARÍAS y M.ª ARAUJO, Instituto de Estudios Políticos, Madrid, 1989. Pseudo-Aristóteles, Secreto de los secretos. Poridat de las paridades, estudio y edición de H. O. BIZARRI, Publicacions de la Universitat de València, Valencia, 2010.

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D. ARSUAGA LABORDE, «Los libros donados por el primer conde de Haro al Hospital de la Vera Cruz de Medina de Pomar: un testimonio de la bibliofilia de un magnate en la Castilla de mediados del siglo XV», Espacio, Tiempo y Forma, Serie III, Historia Medieval, 25 (2012) 85-118. ––, Pedro Fernández de Velasco, primer Conde de Haro: estudio de la figura de un ricohombre en la Castilla del Cuatrocientos, Tesis doctoral inédita dirigida por Paulina López Pita, UNED, Madrid, 2015. M.ª F. DEL BARRIO VEGA, «La selección de textos de re militari en la biblioteca del Conde de Haro», en M.ª J. MUÑOZ (ed.), El florilegio: espacio de encuentro de los autores antiguos y medievales, FIDEM, Porto 2011, pp. 159-190 (Textes et Études du Moyen Âge, 58). P. CAÑIZARES FERRIZ, «Dos misceláneas latino-castellanas de la Biblioteca del conde de Haro», in A. A. NASCIMENTO – P. F. ALBERTO (coords.), Actas del IV Congresso Internacional de Latim Medieval Hispânico, Universidade de Lisboa, Centro de Estudos Clássicos, Lisboa 2006, pp. 263-272. ––, «Edición y estudio de un florilegio del Vademecum de la biblioteca del conde de Haro», Revue d’histoire des textes, V (2010) 199-230. ––, «El prólogo dedicado a Juan II de Vasco Ramírez de Guzmán: edición y estudio», Revista de Literatura Medieval, 23 (2011) 71-86. ––, «El Vademecum del conde de Haro: contexto, génesis e historia del texto», Revue d’histoire des textes, XIV (2019) 279-312. ––, «El Vademecum del conde de Haro en el contexto de su biblioteca privada», en M.ª T. CALLEJAS – P. CAÑIZARES – M.ª D. CASTRO – M.ª F. DEL BARRIO – A. ESPIGARES – M.ª J. MUÑOZ (eds.), «Manipulus studiorum» en recuerdo de la profesora Ana María Aldama Roy, Escolar y Mayo, Madrid 2014, pp. 183-196. ––, «Los excerpta de la Rhetorica ad Herennium del Vademecum del conde de Haro», en M.ª J. MUÑOZ (ed.), El florilegio: espacio de encuentro de los autores antiguos y medievales, FIDEM, Porto 2011, pp. 123-158 (Textes et Études du Moyen Âge, 58). ––, «Un ‘florilegio de autor’ inacabado: Séneca en el Vademecum del Conde de Haro», in E. D’ANGELO – J. ZIOLKOWSKI (eds.), Auctor et Auctoritas in Latinis Medii Aevi Litteris. Author and Authorship in Medieval Latin Literature, SISMEL – Edizioni del Galluzzo, Firenze, 2014, pp. 145-155. ––, «Un florilegio de moral práctica perteneciente al Vademecum de la Biblioteca del Conde de Haro», en M.ª A. ALMELA LUMBRERAS

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J. F. GONZÁLEZ CASTRO – J. SILES RUIZ – J. DE LA VILLA POLO – G. HINOJO ANDRÉS – P. CAÑIZARES FERRIZ (coord.), Perfiles de Grecia y Roma. Actas del XII Congreso Español de Estudios Clásicos, Sociedad Española de Estudios Clásicos, Madrid, 2011, vol. I, pp. 195-204. ––, «Una selección de autores cristianos en el Vademecum del conde de Haro», en B. ANTÓN MARTÍNEZ – M.ª J. MUÑOZ (eds.), Estudios sobre florilegios y emblemas, Universidad de Valladolid, Secretariado de Publicaciones e Intercambio Editorial – Fundación Ana María Aldama, Valladolid, 2011, pp. 49-59. P. CAÑIZARES FERRIZ – I. VILLARROEL FERNÁNDEZ, «De enciclopedia a florilegio: el Speculum Doctrinale de Vicente de Beauvais en el Vademecum del conde de Haro», en M.ª J. MUÑOZ – P. CAÑIZARES – C. MARTÍN (eds.), La compilación del saber en la Edad Media, FIDEM, Porto, 2013, pp. 131-145 (Textes et Études du Moyen Âge, 69). A. ESPIGARES PINILLA, «El florilegio bíblico del Vademecum del Conde de Haro», en Actas del VII Congreso Internacional de Latín Medieval Hispánico (Salamanca, 18-21 octubre 2017), SISMEL, Firenze (en prensa). M. GRINASCHI, «L’origine et les métamorphoses du Sirr-al-´asrâr (Secretum Secretorum)», Archives d’Histoire et Litterature du Moyen Âge, 43 (1976) 7-112. G. LACOMBE – A. BIRKENMAJER – M. DULONG – AET. FRANCESCHINI, Aristoteles latinus, codices descripsit Georgius Lacombe, pars prior, Libreria dello stato, Roma 1939, vol. 1, pp. 93-94 y 193-196. J. N. H. LAWRANCE, «Nueva luz sobre la biblioteca del conde Haro: inventario de 1455», El Crotalón. Anuario de Filología española, 1 (1984) 1073-1111. M.ª J. MUÑOZ JIMÉNEZ, «Identificación, datación y procedencia de dos manuscritos (BNM 9513 y 9522) de la Biblioteca del conde de Haro», Scriptorium, 60 (2006) 246-253. ––, «Las Auctoritates Aristotelis en el Vademecum de la biblioteca del Conde de Haro», en J. MEIRINHOS – O. WEIJERS (eds.), Florilegium mediaevale. Études offertes à Jacqueline Hamesse à l’occasion de son éméritat, FIDEM, Louvain-la-Neuve 2009, pp. 419-438 (Textes et Études du Moyen Âge, 50). ––, «Las Auctoritates Aristotelis en España», in J. HAMESSE – J. MEIRINHOS (eds.), Les Auctoritates Aristotelis, leur utilisation et leur influence chez les auteurs médiévaux. État de la question 40 ans après la

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publication, FIDEM, Barcelona – Madrid, 2015, pp. 39-59 (Textes et Études du Moyen Âge, 83). ––, «Terencio en dos manuscritos de la biblioteca del Conde de Haro», en J. M.ª MAESTRE MAESTRE – J. PASCUAL BAREA – L. CHARLO BREA (coord.), Humanismo y pervivencia del mundo clásico. Homenaje al profesor Antonio Prieto, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Alcañiz – Madrid 2008, t. IV.5, pp. 2519-2533. M.ª J. MUÑOZ – B. FERNÁNDEZ DE LA CUESTA, «Las marcas de lectura en el Vademecum del Conde de Haro», Actas del VII Congreso Internacional de Latín Medieval Hispánico (18-21 de octubre de 2017) Universidad de Salamanca, Salamanca, (en prensa). A. PAZ Y MELIÁ, «Biblioteca fundada por el conde de Haro en 1455», Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, I (1897) 18-24, 60-66, 156-163, 255-262, 452-462; IV (1900), 535-541, 662-667; VI (1902) 198-206, 372-382; VII (1902 bis) 51-55; XIX (1908) 124-136; XX (1909) 277-289.

LUCA POLIDORO* MEDIEVAL STUDIES AND PUBLIC HISTORY. A CHALLENGE FOR THE PRESENT

Medieval Studies The changing focus in the academic world confronts the humanities with a major challenge: those domains that concentrate on culture, art and literature of older historical periods will have to rethink and redefine their strengths and relevance. Now that national research budgets are decreasing rapidly, the humanities will have to reassess their contribution to research, as well as its public understanding and social relevance. Scholars, researchers and students of Medieval Studies, whatever their special area of interest is, know that interdisciplinary study is no recent invention but an approach older than the modern system of organizing knowledge by «disciplines». In effect, Medieval Studies is an expression which has been around for more than half a century now and was one of the first attempts by academics to rethink traditional disciplinary subdivision. Instead of splitting up the humanities into boundaries based upon the type of evidence –history for documents, archaeology for material remains, literature for fiction, and art history for art– someone interested in Medieval Studies considers them differently, with a broader approach. Through the study of the Medieval period, it is possible to come to an understanding of civilization in terms of both its unity and diversity. Medieval Studies offer coherence, rather than fragmentation. If an understanding of the connections between the past and present is to be developed, Medieval Studies is surely central to that understanding. Medieval Studies has developed enormously over the last fifty years. We all should be very proud that the notion of «Medieval Studies», as we understand it today, has greatly matured; but can this record be maintained? Just as the humanities have become increasingly marginalised within current society and often in the academy too, so medievalists have become marginalised within the humanities. Many humanities departments, faced *

Università degli Studi di Firenze (Sagas) – Università degli Studi di Siena (Dssbc), [email protected]

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with pressure to decide on replacing faculty members who have left or retired, have opted simply to reduce or phase out coverage of the Middle Ages from their curriculum, or perhaps to replace tenured professors with adjunct lecturers, usually as a «temporary» measure1. Indeed, the number of full-time Medieval Studies positions has now decreased considerably, and the tendency does not seem to stop. Similarly, many highly qualified medievalists have not been successful in finding regular employment, with the result that some have given up and left academic life altogether, while those that hang on do so at considerable personal and financial expense. We are told far too often by senior administrators that studying the Middle ages is not relevant. Is that true? Do we care? If so, what are we doing about it? Most academics, and certainly those who are active scholars, are far too overworked and over-stressed these days to think very far beyond the circumstances of their immediate situation; others refuse to waste their energies in what they perceive to be a losing battle. Of particular important for the future of Medieval Studies is how we can enrich and expand the themes, the environments and methods of our research, in order to make Medieval Studies more engaging and more connected to the world of the present and the future (as it should be). Reducing the gap between historical representation, as it is presented by experts in university lecture halls, and society’s understanding of medieval culture is not considered a vital avenue for research. However, for the past few years, there has been an increased need for academic institutions to contribute to a broader understanding of Medieval Studies by the general public, a need that may result in greater financial support. Medievalists may well need to consider the importance of a wider dissemination of knowledge, raising the basic levels of knowledge, and increased cultural sharing as common goals between the wider public and those interested in Medieval Studies as a discipline.

Public History: Walking in our World A new wave of scholars is stretching the interdisciplinary boundaries of Medieval Studies even further, by looking at it through the lens of Public 1

J. OSBORNE, «Some Reflections on Medieval Studies in Canada», Florilegium, 20 (2003) 11-13.



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History. Or perhaps these scholars are stretching the boundaries of Public History by looking at the medieval world primarily through sociology and popular culture: is it «simply» a new way of looking at a very, very old topic? The first to provide a definition of «Public History» in 1975 was Robert Kelley (1925-1993), a professor at the University of California Santa Barbara, where in 1976 the first Public History university program started. Kelley was an historian of the ideas, a consultant for the office of the California Attorney General and, for a two-year period (1960-1962), special assistant to Clark Kerr, president of the University of California2. Kelley defined Public History as what «refers to the employment of historians and historical method outside of academia»3. In a more recent definition (1991) by Alfred J. Andrea, Public History is the application of «historical skills and perspectives in the services of a largely non-academic clientele, and of the dimension of historical time in helping to meet the practical and intellectual needs of society at large»4. Public History, in the most general sense, accepted by the Board of Directors of the American National Council on Public History (NCPH), is »a movement, methodology, and approach that promotes the collaborative study and practice of history; its practitioners embrace a mission to make their special insights accessible and useful to the public»5. Established in 1980, the National Council on Public History is the leading association of public historians in the United States6. 2

A profile of Kelley can be read here: http://oac.cdlib.org/view?docId=hb5g5 0061q;NAAN=13030&doc.view=frames&chunk.id=div00056&toc.depth=1&toc. id=&brand=oac4 (last consultation: april 30, 2019). 3 Quotation in T. Cauvin, Public History: A Textbook of Practice, Routledge, New York – London 2016, p. 10 from R. Kelley «Public History: Its Origins, Nature, and Prospects», The Public Historian, 1 (1978) 16-28. 4 A. J. Andrea, «On public history», Historian, 53 (1991) 381. Andrea, a scholar of the Crusades, was president of the World History Association in 2010-2012; see his profile in http://www.uvm.edu/cas/history/profiles/alfred-andrea (last consultation: April 30, 2019). 5 «What is Public History?», in NCPH http://ncph.org/what-is-public-history/ about-the-field/ (last consultation: February 28, 2019). 6 Active through its website, the organization of annual meetings and scientific awards, the NCPH has a blog since 2012 –History @ work– and publishes a quarterly magazine, The Public Historian, which began publishing in 1978.

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An appropriate definition of the field of study of Public History is given by the Australian Center for Public History, which is located at the University of Technology in Sydney. Australia is one of the few countries other than the United States of America to offer a study program that can be completed with a research degree at the doctoral level in the field of Public History. In Italy, in the context of the joint PhD program in Historical Studies between the Universities of Florence and Siena, a specific curriculum in Public History was activated in the academic year 2018-2019. According to the Australian Center, Public History is the practice of history by academically trained historians, working for public agencies or as freelancers outside the universities. Public historians may work in heritage conservation, commissioned history, museums, media, education, interactive multimedia and other areas. They are people who have asked: what is history for? And they are concerned with addressing the relationship between audience, practice and social context. Public History, however, is an elastic term that can mean different things to different people, locally, regionally, nationally and internationally. The democratization of «history making» and the rise of professional historians’ associations have also blurred simple definitions7. The institutionalization of the Public History was major academic news in the field of humanities at the end of the last millennium. This discipline has now broken through the history departments of major universities and traditional cultural institutions, such as libraries, museums and archives, both public and private. Public History means teaching and disseminating to a wide audience a certain type of history, applied to the problems of today in the public arena. Further, it also puts history in direct contact with different communities that coexist within national and global spaces, enhancing a sense of individual identities and also a sense of collective belonging. Public History, however, is not only the history spread by innovative methods: it is also a process that concerns the collective memories of the communities. Public History opens the possibility of enlarging the «official» representation of history with new points of view, becoming the instrument by which we put the present in dialogue with the past. The public historian investigates a past comprised of different narratives from different public 7

Australian Centre for Public History https://www.uts.edu.au/research-andteaching/our-research/australian-centre-public-history/about-acph/what-publichistory (last consultation: February 28, 2019).

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communities. Public history interprets sources, offers an historiography, increases public knowledge of history, and creates a permanent record of collective memories outside of academic environments. The hope is that public historians can help people to discuss even controversial topics such as colonialism, migration and borders. Public history makes use of various media to reach and involve a wide audience. Digital media offer the public historian an immense arsenal of new ways to present historical knowledge and to interact with the public. The internet has been a major force in promulgating public history, with websites that are changing our relationships with the past.

Contemporary Man and the Middle Ages: An Ambiguous Relationship Contemporary man has a very limited and unclear understanding of the Middle Ages. On the one hand, stereotypes rooted in the Enlightenment and Positivism drive a limited sense of the term medieval as only applied to an era of darkness and barbarism. On the other hand, in the wake of the intellectuals of the Romantic period, many see in the Middle Ages a sort of idealized golden age of Western civilization. The «official» Middle Ages have inspired works of great historians and intellectuals, from Voltaire to Chateaubriand to the historiography of the first half of the twentieth century. On the other hand, an «idealized» Middle Ages, the one perceived or imagined, has inspired paintings, drama, and, more recently, cinema, television, and video games8. The Middle Ages find ample space in contemporary culture as an age in which numerous novels, films, TV series and videogames are set –just think of the success of the works inspired by the events of the Templars. What makes authors accept commonplaces about medieval society that scholars have long denied? The answer is that «the stereotypical and imaginative (largely «romantic») idea of the Middle Ages is far more captivating than historical reality, especially if the aim is to create stories»9. 8 A. BENVENUTI – I. GAGLIARDI, «Il Medioevo nella percezione contemporanea: alcuni spunti per una riflessione», Babel. Littératures plurielles, 16 (2007) 299. 9 G. ALBINI, «Il Medioevo e l’idea di Medioevo, tra realtà e finzione», in V. COLOMBI – G. SANICOLA (eds.), Public History. La storia contemporanea, Fondazione Giangicomo Feltrinelli, Milano 2017, pp. 53-56.

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Experiencing the Middle Ages In addition to the analytical study of representations of the Middle Ages, it is necessary to concentrate on the methods of communication to the general public. A sort of experiential learning, a method of educating through first-hand experience, could be applied successfully. Skills, knowledge, and experience are acquired outside of the traditional academic classroom setting and may include events and games. The concept of experiential learning was first explored by John Dewey and Jean Piaget, among others. It was made popular by education theorist David A. Kolb, who, along with Ron Fry, developed the experiential learning theory, which is based on the idea that learning is a process whereby knowledge is created through transformation of experience. It is based on four main elements which operate in a continuous cycle during the learning experience: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Concrete experience Reflective observation Abstract conceptualization Active experimentation

The Diversity of the Middle Ages A thematic approach can aid the public understanding of medieval society. Exploring medieval society in terms of its social and cultural diversity (race, class, ethnicity, gender, religion, sexuality) can enhance people’s understanding of similar issues of homogeneity or diversity today.

The Diversity of Medieval Studies It may be useful to consider: how does scholarship in Medieval Studies explore diversity? Where is there room for development in the wider historiography and theory regarding the Middle Ages? In what ways has Medieval Studies promoted or inhibited our modern understanding of social and cultural diversity?

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The Diversity of Medievalists How to modern teachers, curators, re-enactors, and students of Medieval Studies reflect our own, modern society? What ought our aspirations for diversity be, and what have been our successes and our failures? How does professional teaching, research, and public engagement reflect or shape the diversity of medievalists? When and Where are the Middle Ages? Finally, we must ask ourselves how we can use the category of medieval to think critically about approaches to the past beyond European cultures to better reflect our modern, global world. «Medieval» has been, perhaps bizarrely, a spatial as well as a temporal construct, generating much concern. The concept of “Medieval” should extend to Eurasia, Africa, the Americas, Australia, and the Pacific. A comprehensively global approach demands new working methods, central to which is collaboration, which brings its own challenges. Ensuing dialogues may help to redefine categories such as politics and cosmology and provide new avenues for exploring concepts such as networks, mobility, and value. New ways of thinking may not completely clarify the distinctions between medieval and modern, but they will provide alternative options for exploring the relationships between the two. New Approaches: Networking the Middle Ages Networks allow us to understand and visualise the relationships between people, places, things and ideas in new and revealing ways that go beyond and often unsettle traditional ways of thinking. Drawing on the application of modern network theory and reconsidering its roots in medieval thought will enable us to reassess conventional Medieval Studies. To Be a Public Medievalist If the scientific objectives of Public History are clear, Public History has several, scientific objectives. On the one hand, Public History strives

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to address and answer questions the reflect the needs of the community. At the same time, Public History is sometimes limited by the more narrow perspective of universities and public or private foundations, each with its own peculiar focus. Increasingly, both Public History and the traditional scholarship of universities should be encouraged to collaborate, to function as laboratories of a historiographical practice aimed at bringing together the actors of the modern world and to train the specialists of tomorrow, whatever their field of action is. A joint effort to explore history by both traditional scholars in universities and students in the public domain may be aided by the web and social media which can help to bridge the gap and to establish new links between the sphere of training and the job market. Public History creates a tension with the scholarly field of history that requires it to renew its way of telling the past. Public History makes the historian an intermediary capable of uniting the academy with the larger society in order to foster an historical inheritance that reflects this new collective identity. Public History provides opportunities for academic medievalists to explore new fields of research. Public History also brings academic medievalists into a public discussion about medieval history and its applications in the modern world. Scholars and students of Medieval Studies and Medieval History need to embrace a new occupational perspective which includes activities in the public realm, including: – producers and authors for television and radio, able to create TV or radio programs, – historical communication experts, who use their knowledge and their ability to enhance institutional or corporate identities that are rooted in the Middle Ages, – project managers of cultural and research projects, – storytellers and screenwriters, who know how to write about history and put history on stage, – event organizers, who are able to put on Middle Age re-enactment performances, – exhibition curators, who can create fascinating historical exhibitions related to the Middle Ages.

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Some Captivating Experiences Below are three examples of ways in which Medieval Studies can enhance Public History.

1. Festival del Medioevo10 (Italy) The Festival del Medioevo is held every year, from Wednesday to Sunday, in the last week of September in Gubbio. It is a unique cultural event. During the festival, free and open to all, dozens of historians, essayists, philosophers, writers, directors, architects and journalists make presentations around a common theme, on the stage of the Santo Spirito Convention Center, a large medieval building derived from a 13th century monastery. In the Medieval Book Fair, numerous publishing houses present essays, novels, biographies, thematic insights and the great classics of the Middle Ages to the vast public of passionate enthusiasts: they encourage a wider audience to read and learn more about the Middle Ages. The Middle Ages and the modern public come together in an event dedicated to the art of copying and drawing calligraphers from around the world. From Italy and from various foreign countries scribes revive the secrets of the scriptorium. In addition to the experts, there are the students of the Art School of Gubbio, who demonstrate the vitality of ancient crafts. Initiatives reserved for children are hosted in the large rooms of the Sperelliana Library, in which role-playing art workshops and readings are offered for children aged 3 to 10 years.

2. Mercato delle Gaite11 (Italy) An accurate philological study of the Municipal Statutes from 1250 to 1350 is at the origin of the Mercato delle Gaite, a dip into the medieval past that every year brings Bevagna –a small town in the Umbria region near Perugia– back in time. The entire town is engaged in the festival with costumes, archers, arts, and music. 10 11

See http://www.festivaldelmedioevo.it (last consultation: April 30, 2019). See http://www.ilmercatodellegaite.it/ (last consultation: April 30, 2019).

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The Gaite –San Giorgio, San Giovanni, Santa Maria, and San Pietro, the four neighbourhoods of the town– challenge each other reconstructing medieval crafts. It is an event of great charm. Over the years the Gaite have proposed the reconstruction of different medieval crafts, experimenting and directing their research in a different way. San Giorgio has, for a long time, been known for its manufacture of iron, for its mint, and for making musical instruments, but today, it is involved in a painters’ workshop and in hemp processing. San Giovanni achieves excellence in paper manufacturing and glass processing. San Pietro over time has reconstructed the trades of the baker and the apothecary and the workshop for wax processing. Finally, the Santa Maria has revived both the processing of hemp for the production of cloth and resistant cordage, and that of wool and currently of silk. First of all, the event –of which Franco Franceschi, professor of Medieval History at the University of Siena, is the scientific director– is characterized by focus on the economy and material culture of the Middle Ages, and by the desire to make the ordinary exciting, namely preparing food, and producing and exchanging goods. The event, above all, remains a competition, with its disputes and its controversies, made possible by the commitment of many enthusiasts. Finally, emphasis is placed upon philological rigor and historical verisimilitude in the reconstructions. The «life pictures» set up in Bevagna are unprecedented in their adherence to the society of the Middle Ages, differentiating them from other re-enactments, even the best-designed ones.

3. Abbey Medieval Festival12 (Australia) Each year in July, Caboolture’s Abbey Museum runs a vibrant festival to raise funds for maintaining its priceless collections. Re-enactment groups come from all over Australia and adhere to a very strict code of authenticity, and visitors can experience all aspects of medieval life, including jousting tournaments, sword-fighting demonstrations, archery, exotic foods, music and dancing and even living history encampments. The Abbey Medieval Festival is one of Australia’s premier living history events. For over two weeks there are banquets, jousting, a tournament 12

See https://abbeymedievalfestival.com/ (last consultation: April 30, 2019).

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weekend and a Medieval fun week just for kids, all of which transport the whole family through time to experience life in the Middle Ages. The kids can learn the art of illumination, calligraphy, and needlework, practice their archery skills, or give page training a try where they will learn what it was like for a young boy starting knight training. They will also be able to paint their own knight shield, wooden doll, headband or crown. They can also have fun in an archaeological and play games from the Middle Ages.

Bibliography G. ALBINI, «Il Medioevo e l’idea di Medioevo, tra realtà e finzione», in V. COLOMBI – G. SANICOLA (eds.), Public History. La storia contemporanea, Fondazione Giangicomo Feltrinelli, Milano 2017, pp. 53-56. A. J. ANDREA, «On public history», Historian, 53 (1991) 381-386. A. BENVENUTI – I. GAGLIARDI, «Il Medioevo nella percezione contemporanea: alcuni spunti per una riflessione», Babel. Littératures plurielles, 16 (2007) 299-315. T. CAUVIN, Public History: A Textbook of Practice, Routledge, New York – London 2016. R. KELLEY, «Public History: Its Origins, Nature, and Prospects», The Public Historian, 1 (1978) 16-28. S. NOIRET, «La Public History, medicina necessaria nell’Unione Europea oggi», in V. COLOMBI – G. SANICOLA (eds.), Public History. La storia contemporanea, Fondazione Giangicomo Feltrinelli, Milano 2017, pp. 42-48. J. OSBORNE, «Some Reflections on Medieval Studies in Canada», Florilegium, 20 (2003) 11-13.

LITERATURE

SERAINA PLOTKE †* CHANCES AND OPPORTUNITIES – MEDIEVAL TEXTS AND MODERN CULTURAL PARADIGMS: A POSTCOLONIAL QUEER READING OF THE MEDIEVAL CRUSADE NARRATIVE HERZOG ERNST

When considering the future of medieval studies, its short-term and long-term prospects within the broader academic discourse, the chances and opportunities for medievalists to contribute findings to significant research networks and address social challenges are paramount. In the last decades the humanities have given rise to paradigms and debates, which have greatly influenced Western thought, notable examples being gender and queer studies as well as postcolonial studies. These approaches have in common that they are relevant both within the confines of Western academia and outside of it, where a wider public engages with the ideas brought forward by these paradigms through the arts, in culture, and in politics. Questions of «doing gender» and sexual identities seem virtually ubiquitous. Similarly, we are confronted with conflicts which root in the difficult history of the relationship between Orient and Occident on a daily basis. Using these paradigms when analyzing medieval texts thus not only sheds light on the past, it also enhances our understanding of today’s constellations and our ways of negotiating them in academia as well as more widely in the public, as can be shown by the following example1. The medieval narrative of Herzog Ernst (Duke Ernst), relayed to us via different German and Latin –mostly anonymous– versions, combines elements of German imperial history with Crusade motifs. After being expelled from his social context, the hero undertakes an Odyssey through the Orient, proves himself in foreign lands and, following a *

Seraina Plotke was Professor of German Medieval Studies at the University of Bamberg (Germany). 1 This article is an adaptation and translation (with permission of the publisher) of an earlier German version published in: I. BENNEWITZ – J. EMING – J. TRAULSEN (eds.), Gender Studies – Queer Studies – Intersektionalitätsforschung. Eine Zwischenbilanz aus mediävistischer Perspektive, Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2019, pp. 75-90. The present article, including all quotations from Middle High German, was translated into English by Austin Diaz with the help of Alyssa Steiner.

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successful purification, is reintegrated at home. The plot, here taken from the Middle High German version Herzog Ernst B, unfolds as follows: the Bavarian Duke Ernst, whose widowed mother marries the Emperor Otto, is calumniated by the latter’s jealous nephew. The emperor allows Ernst’s territories to be overrun in war, whereupon the duke assassinates his rival –Otto barely escapes. Ostracized by the Emperor, Ernst decides to undertake a crusade in the Holy Land to pay for his sins. He reaches Constantinople by land, where he finds a warm welcome, and boards a ship bound for Jerusalem. A violent storm throws Ernst and his companions off course, first to Grippia, a land of crane-headed men, and then to the magnetic mountain, from whence they are saved by birds of prey carrying them away. They then come to the land of the one-eyed Arimaspi, called Cyclops, who practice courtly rituals. Their king grants Ernst a fiefdom. The duke battles all manner of strange people like Sciapods, Panotti, miniature pygmies and giants from Canaan. After six years, he sails away with merchants, fights alongside the Christian ruler of Ethiopia against the pagan king of Babylon and arrives, at last, in Jerusalem. German pilgrims establish contact with the emperor so that Ernst, in the end, returns to his homeland and is reconciled with his stepfather. Earlier research ascribes the German Herzog Ernst versions2 to the so-called «Spielmannsepen»3. Even though the term itself now is generally 2

On the different versions and their dating see: H. SZKLENAR – H. J. BEHR, [Art.] «Herzog Ernst», in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon, started by W. STAMMLER, continued by K. LANGOSCH, 2., new edition ed. by K. RUH [= VL2], vol. 3, De Gruyter, Berlin – New York 1981, col. 1170–1191; J. HAUSTEIN, «Herzog Ernst zwischen Synchronie und Diachronie», in H. TERVOOREN – H. WENZEL (eds.), Philologie als Textwissenschaft. Alte und neue Horizonte, Berlin 1997, pp. 115-130 (ZdfPh, 116, Sonderheft) here pp. 125-127; J. BUMKE, «Zur Überlieferungsgeschichte des Herzog Ernst und zu einer neuen Ausgabe des Herzog Ernst A», Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, 119/3 (2000) 410-415. With consideration of the printing tradition: S. SPETH, Dimensionen narrativer Sinnstiftung im frühneuhochdeutschen Prosaroman. Textgeschichtliche Interpretation von ‘Fortunatus’ und ‘Herzog Ernst’, De Gruyter, Berlin 2017, pp. 316-342 (Frühe Neuzeit, 210). A contextualization of Herzog Ernst B can be found in A. CLASSEN, «Herzog Ernst im Licht der hochhöfischen Dichtung des 13. Jahrhunderts», Euphorion. Zeitschrift für Literaturgeschichte, 85 (1991) 292–314. 3 See: P. PIPER (ed.), Die Spielmannsdichtung, 2 vols., Berlin 1887 (Deutsche National-Litteratur. Historisch-kritische Ausgabe, 2); W. J. SCHRÖDER, Spielmannsepik, Metzler, Stuttgart 1961 (Sammlung Metzler, 19); M. CURSCHMANN, Der Münchener Oswald und die deutsche spielmännische Epik. Mit einem Exkurs zur Kultgeschichte

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deprecated, a quick survey of the relevant handbooks and comprehensive volumes shows a broad consensus as to which texts are to be named so-called «Spielmannsepen»4: in addition to Herzog Ernst this includes King Rother, Salman and Morolf, Orendel and Oswald. Apart from the fact that none of these texts are attributed to a specific author and do not correspond to a classical or French model, arising rather from German oral narrative material, there are textual correspondences as well. A significant feature found in all these texts is a particular interest in the East: the action takes place mostly in the Orient where the protagonist must survive some adventure relating to the Crusades5. In reference to Stephen Greenblatt, these texts «negotiate» the cultural relationship between Europe and the Orient, in that they play out the specific relationship with certain configurations and patterns of action, each time defining the different cultural positions inherent in the relationship anew6. Among these configurations and patterns we find bridal quests, the odyssey as a journey of discovery or the symbolic debasement and exile7. und Dichtungstradition, Beck, München 1964 (MTU, 6); W. J. SCHRÖDER (ed.), Spielmannsepik, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 1977 (Wege der Forschung, 385). There is no exact English translation of the term, which denotes epics of wandering minstrels in the twelfth century. Instead, Anglophone scholarship widely uses the term «bridal-quest epic» to denote texts which fall under this definition, however, excluding «Herzog Ernst», as the bridal-quest aspect is less pertinent in this text (T. KERTH, King Rother and His Bride: Quest and Counter-quests, Camden House, Rochester, NY 2010, p. 4). Alternatively, «minstrel epic» appears to be the most established term. 4 See J. BAHR – M. CURSCHMANN, «Spielmannsdichtung», in K. KANZOG – A. MASSER (eds.), Reallexikon der deutschen Literaturgeschichte, vol. 4, De Gruyter, Berlin 1979, pp. 105-122; N. H. OTT, «Spielmannsdichtung. II. Deutsche Literatur», in Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 7, LexMA Verlag, München – Zürich 1995, col. 2115-2116. 5 On the specific features of the term «Orient», as it is used in these texts see S. PLOTKE, «Kulturgeographische Begegnungsmodelle: Reise-Narrative und Verhandlungsräume im König Rother und im Herzog Ernst B», in A. HONOLD (ed.), Ost-Westliche Kulturtransfers. Orient – Amerika, Aisthesis Verlag, Bielefeld 2011, pp. 51-73, here pp. 54-56 (Postkoloniale Studien in der Germanistik, 1). 6 On the term «negotiations» see S. J. GREENBLATT, Shakespearean negotiations. The Circulation of Cocial Energy in Renaissance England, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1988; S. J. GREENBLATT, Marvelous Possessions. The Wonder of the New World, University of Chicago Press, Chicago 1991. 7 On this PLOTKE, «Kulturgeographische Begegnungsmodelle», pp. 56-57.

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In almost every aforementioned text a dangerous courtship plays a central, plot-driving role. The all-male protagonists strive for and win a bride in King Rother, Orendel, Oswald and Salman and Morolf, a task often woven together with other structural elements of the adventure trip like a secret or violent kidnapping of the bride or a battle against the pagans8. Only in Herzog Ernst does the courtship framework seem to lack relevance, as the journey and fight with the pagans is disconnected from the search for a spouse, distinguishing the text from the above bridal-quest epics, which also fall under the definition of the «Spielmannsepen». However, the narrative scheme of courtship arguably constitutes an essential part of Herzog Ernst, the catch being that the heteronormative plot pattern is discarded in favor of an experimental negotiation of a samesex relationship model, which can only develop during a journey to parts unknown. Herzog Ernst’s story navigates a number of social spheres of action and socially-defined spaces of interaction in which determined cultural patterns of meaning are exposed and tested. Relationships impacted by social constellations and power structures like the hierarchal conformity between king and vassal, the construction of the Orient and the Occident, but also same and opposing gender relations are played out. The plot weaves all of these relationships together, leading to a specific variant of the narrative schema of heroic departure and testing abroad, as is often found in the narratives from different epochs. The focal point of the diverse conglomerates of cultural patterns of behavior problematized in Herzog Ernst B arises with the protagonist’s experiences in the Orient. These can serve as a reflection of the imperial turmoil and calumniation, which the duke suffers9: the machinations of 8 See S. BOWDEN, Bridal-quest epics in medieval Germany. A revisionary approach, Modern Humanities Research Association, London 2012; R. KOHNEN, Die Braut des Königs. Zur interreligiösen Dynamik der mittelhochdeutschen Brautwerbungserzählungen, De Gruyter, Berlin 2014 (Hermaea, N. F., 133). 9 On the different aspects of this problem see A. STEIN, «Die Wundervölker des Herzog Ernst (B). Zum Problem körpergebundener Authentizität im Medium der Schrift», in W. HARMS – C. JAEGER (eds.), Fremdes wahrnehmen – fremdes Wahrnehmen. Studien zur Geschichte der Wahrnehmung und zur Begegnung von Kulturen in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit, S. Hirzel, Stuttgart 1997, pp. 21-48; O. NEUDECK, Erzählen von Kaiser Otto. Zur Fiktionalisierung von Geschichte in mittelhochdeutscher Literatur, Böhlau, Köln 2003, pp. 126-190 (Norm und Struktur, 18); M. STOCK, Kombinationssinn. Narrative Strukturexperimente im ‘Straßburger Alexander’, im ‘Herzog Ernst B’ und im ‘König Rother’, Niemeyer, Tübingen 2002,

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intrigue torpedo his social standing at home; the loss of honor and status lead him to a journey abroad, where references outside the system help him overcome the obstacles to domestic ascendancy. As his journey through the Orient brings the protagonist fame and honor, which facilitate the restitution of his position, the depiction of the Other must be read with these premises in mind. In the conception of Herzog Ernst B the Orient, populated by hybrid creatures, serves as a training ground for cultural practices outside of the established and sanctioned societal norms. While on his adventure, the hero is allowed to explore behavior patterns and models of interactions denied to him at home. This negotiation, however, happens polyphonically, as the events are told in light of different competing assessements10. In Herzog Ernst B the Oriental regions are gauged narratively as the expelled hero experiences fantastical things on foreign terrain, hazards dangerous encounters, and undergoes trials. The narrative appropriation of the unknown world is constituted of two different types of encounters: firstly, the violent, asymmetrical confrontation that fails and, secondly, a meeting of mutual respect that facilitates social cooperation, leading, over time, even to literal understanding. The first encounter with the Other happens in Grippia, a majestic city outfitted with the greatest luxury that is, nevertheless, deserted when Ernst and his companions reach its shore11. The Grippia episode takes a prominent place in the narrative continuum, marked not only by its length, pp. 149-228, here pp. 170-226 (MTU, 123); F. M. DIMPEL, «Wertungsübertragungen und korrelative Sinnstiftung im Herzog Ernst B und im Partonopier», Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift für Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte, 89/1 (2015) 4169, here pp. 47-63; J. WEITBRECHT, Heterotope Herrschaftsräume in frühhöfischen Epen und ihren Bearbeitungen. König Rother, Herzog Ernst B, D und G, in M. BENZ – K. DENNERLEIN (eds.), Literarische Räume der Herkunft, Berlin 2016, pp. 91-119, here pp. 97-103 (Narratologia, 51). 10 On contrapuntal polyphony see E. W. SAID, Culture and Imperialism, Alfred A. Knopf, London 1993; Moreover, see A. HONOLD, «The Art of Counterpoint: Music as Site and Tool in Postcolonial Readings», in T. DÖRING – M. STEIN (eds.), Edward Said’s Translocations. Essays in Secular Criticism, Routledge, New York – London 2012, pp. 187-204. 11 A reflection of the Grippia-episode throughout the various versions can be found in: H. BRUNNER, «Der König der Kranichschnäbler. Literarische Quellen und Parallelen zu einer Episode des Herzog Ernst», in H. BRUNNER (ed.), Annäherungen. Studien zur deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit, E. Schmidt, Berlin 2008, pp. 21-37 (Philologische Studien und Quellen, 210).

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but also textually as the odyssey releases the hero from regular time and space dimensions12. It, at the same time, is an experimental place that, unlike later stops of the journey, does not originate in classical literary tradition13. When it comes to negotiating the relationship between the familiar and the foreign, the meeting with the Grippians is characterized by an imperial, violent attitude from the beginning. Before even meeting the residents of this seemingly welcoming, almost paradisiac city, Herzog Ernst and his companion, Graf Wetzel, sense an ambush and ready themselves «ê daz wir von in ligen tôt, / wir frumen etlîchen tôten / ze verhe verschrôten» (v. 2330-2332, «before we suffer death at their hands, we will bring many of them to death and chop up their bodies»). They intend to invade the city «mit gewalt» (v. 2347, «with force»), but only find majestic wealth and wonderfully adorned tables, undisturbed by a single person. As Ernst and Wetzel scrutinize everything, taking in the unbelievable luxury Grippia has to offer, the narrator continually praises the high art and technique with which the buildings and facilities are invested14. With 12

The transition from the native sphere into the foreign is marked by stepping onto the ship as well as the storm, which sends the men on their odyssey. The storm destroys the ships of the byzantine escorts and Ernst’s ship is drifted off course to a place, «da weder sît noch ê / nie kein mensche hin kam» (v. 2166-2167, «where no one had ever come to»). Moroever, the conventional dimensions of time are suspended: before departure, the ship is loaded with enough supplies for six months for both Ernst and his men (see v. 2075-2078). After five days they get into the strom (see v. 2132-2147), after which they only have enough supplies for three months (see v. 2177-2187). Boarding the ship and the storm both have a liminal character as they mark the threshold, which signifies the beginning of the adventurous probation. The Middle High German text is cited according to the following edition: B. SOWINSKI (ed., transl.), Herzog Ernst. Ein mittelalterliches Abenteuerbuch, in der mittelhochdeutschen Fassung B nach der Ausgabe von K. BARTSCH mit den Bruchstücken der Fassung A, Phillip Reclam, Stuttgart 2000. 13 On sources and the tradition of translation see H. SZKLENAR, Studien zum Bild des Orients in vorhöfischen Epen, Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, Göttingen 1966, pp. 153177; S. M. CAREY, «Undr Unkunder Diet. Monstrous Counsel in Herzog Ernst B», Daphnis. Zeitschrift für mittlere deutsche Literatur und Kultur der frühen Neuzeit, 33 (2004) 53-77; BRUNNER, «Der König der Kranichschnäbler». 14 See for example v. 2590-2591: «Sie wâren des versûmet nieht / sin waern geworht mit vollen» («nothing about it had been neglected, it had been made to perfection»); v. 2658: «mit listen sô was daz gestalt» («it was constructed with careful consideration»); v. 2683: «das geschach mit sinne» («this happened with care»).

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reference to his own strength and ability to put up a fight, Ernst desires to test the exquisite bathing facilities. Despite Wetzel cautioning restraint, Ernst prevails and they bathe15. With this act, the Bavarian duke shows his usurping stance regarding foreign goods; this notion of his own supremacy is made even clearer when the residents of Grippia suddenly return. They are men-like creatures with impressive physiques and splendid clothes, but the neck and head of cranes. With their long, pointy beaks they emit loud, unintelligible cries. As they enter the city, they usher in an Indian princess, kidnapped to marry their king16. Contemptuously observing the crane-headed men from a point of ambush17, Ernst and Wetzel conclude these hybrid creatures are no match for them18. In obvious contrast to the protagonist’s presumptuous estimation of 15

For more on this scene see: STOCK, Kombinationssinn, pp. 203-205; DIMPEL, «Wertungsübertragungen», pp. 51-53. 16 The scholarship on «Herzog Ernst» sometimes distinguishes between the «marvelous Orient» and the «Orient of the Crusades» (see SZKLENAR, Bild des Orients, p. 66; STOCK, Kombinationssinn, p. 190). Such a differentiation is not applicable in light of the Grippia-episode, as the massacre of the Grippians explicitly references the religious conflict (e.g. see v. 3752-3776, 3800, 3854). The interaction with the cranemen, in particular during the killing of the Grippians, is thus declared as a crusade (see O. NEUDECK, «Ehre und Demut. Konkurrierende Verhaltenskonzepte im Herzog Ernst B», Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur, 121/2 (1992) 177-209, here p. 198). 17 In the Grippia-episode, the annexation of space also happens through the gaze: Ernst and Wetzel possess, as CARSTEN MORSCH shows, the «sovereign gaze», which attributes them the supremacy over the Grippians (C. MORSCH, «Lektüre als teilnehmende Beobachtung. Die Restitution der Ordnung durch Fremderfahrung im Herzog Ernst (B)», in W. HARMS – C. S. JAEGER – H. WENZEL (eds.), Ordnung und Unordnung in der Literatur des Mittelalters, Hirzel, Stuttgart 2003, pp. 109-128, here p. 127). 18 Not only the narrative voice makes the condescension towards the foreign creatures explicit (v. 2935: «sie huoben sie vil unhô» [«they thought little of them»]), it is the character speech, which denotes the (supposed) own hegemony. For instance, Ernst thinks: «uns kan doch von in niht geschehen» (v. 2939, «nothing can happen to us because of them») and: «ich mac des wol gelachen / daz in die helse sint sô kleine» (v. 2948-2949, «I can only laugh about it, their necks are so thin»). His companion Wetzel asserts: «diz volc hât gein uns kleine wer. / ob noch groezer waere ir her, / sô vorchte ich sie vil kleine. / ich wil alters eine / tûsent bestân und mê. / den geschiht allen von mir wê, / koment sie mir ze mâze» (v. 2967-2973, «these people only have little defense against us, even if their army were bigger, I would not fear them. I can tackle a thousand and more all on my own. I will hurt all of them, if they are even on par with me»).

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these foreign people, the narrator’s description of the Grippians highlights their genteel rituals, elegant clothes and courtly manner. The curtains of silk, velvet and fine linen, bedecked with gold, pearls and gems, are described in great detail; likewise the exquisite table manners of the craneheaded men are praised19. The glaring divergence of evaluations presented by the narrator’s speech, on the one hand, and the narrative figures’ appraisal of the unknown people, on the other, denotes the fragility of the depiction of the Other in Herzog Ernst B. The simultaneously polyphonic nature of the text renders the contradictory perspectives in the different estimations of the Grippians visible20. This depiction of the crane-headed men lends itself to a contrapuntal reading –in the manner of Edward Said–, as two «juxtaposed» stories are told side-by-side21: one presents a highly civilized society profiting from advanced technological achievement and leading a marvelously luxurious life –although they have just kidnapped a princess in a brutal raid–, the competing story reports the laughable appearance of the creatures, who appear completely incapable of fending off any kind of attack. Cultural and martial supremacy and feeble grotesque oppose each other. This polyphonic description shapes the Grippia episode and reveals a latent ambivalence in the assessment of the Orient. The literally inscrutable and unintelligible Otherness of the craneheaded men is embodied in the comical cawing they emit22. Ultimately, it is 19

Their chamberlains «gebârten zühteclîche» (v. 3183, «behaved mannerly»), the steward «was hübesch unde wîse» (v. 3191, «courtly and wise»), the water to wash is being served in «guldîn becken swaere» (v. 3177, «heavy golden bassins»), food and drink in golden containers and on silver plates (v. 3186-3189). For more on the luxurious facilities see also v. 2996-3093. 20 According to M. BACHTIN this can be called dialogism (see on his theory of polyphony: M. BACHTIN – R. GRÜBEL – S. REESE (transl.), Die Ästhetik des Wortes, aus dem Russischen, Suhrkamp, Frankfurt/M. 1979, pp. 192-219). 21 The method of contrapuntal readings, according to SAID, means to read «with a simoultaneous awareness of the metropolitan history that is narrated and those other histories against which (and together with which) the dominating discourse acts» (SAID, Culture and Imperialism, p. 59). 22 The narrative voice repeatedly highlights the problem of language. Even before Ernst sees the Grippians returning into the city, he hears their «wunderlîche stimme / starc unde grimme» (v. 2819-2820, «wondrous voices, powerful and terrible»). In regards to the Indian princess, the narrative voice comments on the manner of speech of the Grippians in the following way: «Swie sie liuten glîch wâren, / ir sprechen und ir

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this cawing that awakens in the duke the desire to crush the Grippians like animals: «wir slahens als daz vihe nider. / dâ sint sie ungewarnet wider. / wir trenkens mit ir bluotes flôz» (v. 3295-3297, «We will crush them like animals. They’re not armed. We’ll drown them in their blood»). The attack ends in disaster. The Indian princess is murdered by the Grippians and while Ernst and Wetzel kill many opponents, they eventually have to flee, with great effort, to their ship, barely escaping the defense. Aside from the physical massacre, an actual interaction with the foreign people does not happen, even though the luxury and the courtly way of life would have ensured points of contact. Only in Arimaspi with the Cyclopes, where Ernst and his companions land after further wandering, a meeting of mutual respect takes place despite the rare and rakish appearance of the one-eyed giants23. Over the gebâren / kunde disiu niht verstân. / sie horte wîp unde man / schrîen nâch der kraniche site. / waz sie bediuten dâ mite, / daz ist mir vil unbekant» (v. 3151-3157, «however much they resembled people, they could not understand their speech and conduct. She only heard women and men crow like cranes. I do not know what they were expressing thereby»). As Ernst watches the princess and empathises with her he remarks: «sie vernimt ir sprâche niht: / si kan ir sprâche niht verstân» (v. 3282-3283, «she does not understand their language and cannot understand them»). 23 v. 4514-4517: «die liute wâren wunderlîch / die daz lant heten besezzen. / sie wâren vil vermezzen: / des mugen wir niht gelougen» («the people living in this country were wondrous. They looked rakish; this we cannot deny»). In contrast to the Grippians, the Cyclops and the other fantastic peoples, whom Ernst encounters, are all rooted in centuries-old literary traditions. The majority belong to the socalled mirabilia of the Orient, which are already described in the Greek and Roman historiographies and ethnographies and entered medieval epic from there. Using the example of Latin and French Crusades literature Friedrich Wolfzettel has shown that there where real interaction with the Orient based on empirical knowledge occurs, the traditional fantastical worlds loose their hermeneutical function as a mirror of the self: «Je näher das Fremde infolge der politischen und militärischen Herausforderungen rückt, je weniger es mit den bisherigen Schemata der mirabilia fassbar ist, das heißt je ungeeigneter die im Grunde märchenhafte Literatur der Chansons de geste für die Bewältigung dieser neuen Erfahrungen erscheint, desto deutlicher muss diese Dialektik ihre hermeneutische Funktion offenbaren» (F. WOLFZETTEL, «Die Entdeckung des ›Anderen‹ aus dem Geist der Kreuzzüge», in O. ENGELS – P. SCHREINER (eds.), Die Begegnung des Westens mit dem Osten. Kongreßakten des 4. Symposions des Mediävistenverbandes in Köln 1991 aus Anlaß des 1000. Todesjahres der Kaiserin Theophanu, Thorbecke, Sigmaringen 1993, pp. 273-295, here p. 275, «the closer the foreign draws because of political or military challenges, the less the schema of the mirabilia is tangible. This means the less suitable the fairytale-like literature of the

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course of many years living in their kingdom, during which he earns fame and honor through his support of the Cyclopes, fighting with them against the fantastical neighboring peoples and brokering peace, the duke develops into an honorable vassal24, who recognizes and accepts his feudal lords despite corporeal stigmatization25. When Ernst finally arrives in Jerusalem, his original destination, the duke has not only an odyssey through a foreign world and encounters with astonishing populations behind him, but also a multi-tiered learning and purification program26. He is now ready to return home, where he and the emperor are reconciled upon his arrival. The circle is closed, the duke can regain his social position thanks to an extra-systemic probation. Far from his homeland, Ernst has been acquainted with societies that in their various forms can be read as antithetical to German imperial culture. The Orient, which has been crossed narratively, shows an ambivalence that simultaneously serves as a mirror of the Occident. Regarding customs and achievements, the exotic people are in no way inferior to the duke’s native society: the courtly behavior of the foreign creatures corresponds to the depiction of elite conduct in his homeland. At the same time, the corporeal stigma serves as an external manifestation, Chansons de geste is for coping with the new experiences, the more the dialectic must disclose its hermeneutical function»). 24 STEIN shows how Ernst proves his suitability as a duke through his interaction with the respective people (STEIN, «Die Wundervölker», p. 41). 25

For the reading of Ernst’s stay in Arimaspi see B. HAUPT, «Ein Herzog in Fernost. Zu Herzog Ernst A/B», in J.-M. VALENTIN (ed.), Akten des XI. Internationalen Germanistenkongresses Paris 2005, vol. 7: Bild, Rede, Schrift – Kleriker, Adel, Stadt und ausserchristliche Kulturen in der Vormoderne – Wissenschaften und Literatur seit der Renaissance, Lang, Bern – New York 2008, pp. 157-168, here pp. 163-167 (Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik A, 83). 26

To read Ernst’s journey to the Orient only as a journey of repentance for the committed murder, which makes the duke into a miles christianus like NEUDECK, «Ehre und Demut». In contrast, I. KASTEN interprets Ernst’s Orient journey as a process of growing into adulthood (I. KASTEN, «Emotionalität und der Prozess männlicher Sozialisation. Auf den Spuren der Psychologik eines mittelalterlichen Textes», Querelles. Jahrbuch für Frauenforschung, vol. 7: I. KASTEN – G. STEDMAN – M. ZIMMERMANN (eds.), Kulturen der Gefühle in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit, Metzler, Stuttgart – Weimar 2002, pp. 52-71, here p. 55). K.-P. EBEL, «Huld im Herzog Ernst B. Friedliche Konfliktbewältigung als Reichslegende», Frühmittelalterliche Studien, 34 (2000) 186-212, interprets the journey as «Programm einer deditio» (p. 207, «a program of deditio»).

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which visually or acoustically highlights issues and problems, which must be overcome in favor of a functioning empire and societal order27. Following this logic, the events in Grippia correspond to the confusion at home with the errant communication and lack of rapprochement constituting the most important moment. Unlike later with the Cyclopes, no possibility of accord exists here. Just as with the futile attempt to convince the emperor of Ernst’s innocence at home, there is a lack of both intelligible language and an attitude of respect in Grippia. Analogous to the confusion of war at home, the encounter with the Grippians ends in a catastrophe. In Arimaspi, however, Ernst eventually learns the language of the inhabitants, whom he treats with respect from the beginning despite their rakish appearance; he learns to understand the people, as the narrator explicitly emphasizes. He therefore overcomes the Cyclopes’ appearance, depicted as an obstacle of otherness; he becomes a member of their society and a reliable vassal of their king, that is, an important supporter of the sovereign power. As it happens, it is not just the problems of societal power structures and interaction spheres regarding the relationship between ruler and vassal as well as the dichotomy of homeland and the other that is brought to light through the depiction of the striking travel experience and subsequent restoration of the Duke’s social standing. In connection with the narrative scheme of the heroic journey and happy homecoming, this text tackles a further cultural pattern, namely the question of the necessity of fulfilling heteronormative forms of relationship. Unlike the other texts labeled «Spielmannsepen» –indeed unlike the majority of medieval epics– the protagonist’s journey in Herzog Ernst B does not end in marriage, despite the fact the courtship model drives the plot. Actually, there are two instances of this cultural pattern occuring, though neither is explicitly connected with the hero. While the emperor Otto’s marital endeavors superficially succeed as regards Ernst’s widowed mother28 –the forthcoming nuptials can, however, not prevent her son’s 27

STEIN, «Die Wundervölker», p. 34 highlights that the problem of the wanting communication at home is mirrored in the Grippians’ uncourtly sounds. According to STOCK, Kombinationssinn, p. 207, the throat-cutting of the crane-men corresponds with the beheading of the slanderer at the attack on the emperor. 28 The features of Otto and Ernst’s mother’s courthip are explored in F. KÜENZLEN, «Werbungsbriefe an Adelheid. Heiratsanträge im Herzog Ernst B und im Ernestus des Odo von Magdeburg», in O. AUGE – C. DIETL (eds.), Universitas. Die mittelalterliche und frühneuzeitliche Universität im Schnittpunkt wissenschaftlicher Disziplinen,

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expulsion–, the pattern of the bridal quest is invoked during the Grippia episode through the predatory kidnapping of the Indian princess, but not fulfilled. The recipient’s expectations awakened by the intertextual script of heroic challenge create the following goals for Ernst: to rescue the princess from this dangerous situation and to win her for himself29. The continuous emphasis on her beauty30 as well as the need to preserve her «Christianity»31 threatened by the impending marriage to the Grippian’s Georg Wieland zum 70. Geburtstag, Francke, Tübingen 2007, pp. 13-30, here pp. 15-20. 29 Along this line of thought see also: EBEL, Huld, pp. 202-203; STOCK, Kombinationssinn, p. 208. 30 Already the first mention of the Indian princess is told in conjunction with a description of the Grippian robbery (v. 2906-2911): «da genas dô nieman inne / wan des küniges tohter von Indîâ. / diu behielt daz leben alleine dâ / [...] durch die schoene an ir libe» («No one was saved apart from the princess of India. She kept her life as the only one because of her beauty»). Moreover, the explanation for the selection of the bride for the Grippian king is the following: (v. 3094-3105): «die hete der künic dzuo erkorn, / daz si fuorten ziwschen in / daz aller schoenste megetîn / daz ie wart geborn mê. / ir hût was wîzer dan der snê. / nie schoener kint dorfte werden. / ir hâr unz ûf die erden / mohte wol gelangen. / mit golde bevangen / was der juncfrouwen lîp. / ez wart nie dehein wîp / ze dirre werlt baz getân» («the king had chosen them to lead the most beautiful girl to ever have been born between them. Her skin was white as snow. Never would her beauty be surpassed. Her hair reached the ground. Her body was ensheathed in gold»). Moreover, the narrative voice adds characterization like «mit der schoenen juncfrouwen» (v. 3139, «with the beautiful girl»), «die juncfrouwen wol getân» (v. 3172, «the beautiful girl»), «diu frouwe minnesam» (v. 3240, «the lovely girl»), «der edelen frouwen» (v. 3251, «the noble woman»), «diu frouwe wol getân» (v. 3260, «the beautiful woman»), «dise frouwen wol getân» (v. 3424, «this beautiful woman»), «daz vil edele wîp» (v. 3428, «the very noble woman»), «daz hêrlîche wîp» (v. 3463, «the magnificent woman»), «dem vil edelen wîbe» (v. 3500, «the very noble woman»), «daz schoene megetîn» (v. 3578, «the pretty girl»), «die jungvrouwen minneclîch» (v. 3583, «the lovely girl»), «die frouwen wol getân» (v. 3601, «the beautiful woman»). Ernst himself also speaks of «disem minneclîchem wîbe» (v. 3269, «this lovely woman»), «disiu frouwe wol getân» (v. 3278, «this beautiful woman»), «dise frouwen wol getân» (v. 3305, «this beautiful woman»), «diu frouwe wol getân» (v. 3318, «this beautiful woman»), «frouwe wol getân» (v. 3470, v. 3478, «beautiful woman»), vil edel wîp (v. 3480, «very noble woman»); Similarly Wetzel says: die frouwen wol getân (v. 3330, «the beautiful woman»), «dem schoenen wîbe» (v. 3336, «the beautiful woman»). 31 See also U. GOERLITZ, «... Ob sye heiden synd ader cristen ... Figurationen von Kreuzzug und Heidenkampf in deutschen und lateinischen Herzog Ernst-Fassungen des Hoch- und Spätmittelalters (HE B, C und F)», in U. GOERLITZ – W. HAUBRICHS

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pagan prince emphasise the Indian princess’s function as a bride for Ernst. The Bavarian duke seems the natural replacement for the intended groom32. But as outlined above, this attempt to free the princess from her crane-headed captors ends in catastrophe; the princess lies dead and Ernst and Wetzel barely escape. In fact, this failure to follow the heteronormative pattern because to the death of the potential partner only marks the end of a chain of events already virulently deviant from the pre-established schema. The vacancy emerging from this heteronormative plot-structure as regards to the protagonist is filled by Ernst’s companion count Wetzel during the Grippia episode when the duke explores the exotic city alongside trialing a samesex relationship model. The text has already made clear that a profound triuwe-relationship33 (allegiance and loyalty) connects Ernst and Wetzel when introducing the main character, referring via prolepsis to the life-long loyal relationship between the two young nobles34: «vil manic ellende / wart versouchet von (eds.), Heiden und Christen im Mittelalter: Integration oder Desintegration?, J. B. Metzler, Stuttgart 2009, pp. 65-104, here p. 79 (Zeitschrift für Literaturwissenschaft und Linguistik, 156). 32 A different reading of the scene can be found in: S. BOWDEN, «A false dawn. The Grippia episode in three versions of Herzog Ernst», Oxford German Studies, 41/1 (2012) 15-31, here pp. 28-30. 33 For more on how the different facets of triuwe influence the character constellation in Herzog Ernst B see: M. SCHULZ, «Ane rede und Ane reht. Zur Bedeutung der triuwe im Herzog Ernst (B)», Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur (PBB), 120 (1998) 395-434. 34 In recent decades, a lot of fruitful scholarship on medieval male friendships and their social status has emerged. E.g.: C. S. JAEGER, Ennobling love. In search of a lost sensibility, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 1999; A. BRAY, The Friend, University of Chicago Press, Chicago – London 2003, pp. 13-41; K. VAN EICKELS, «Kuss und Kinngriff, Umarmung und verschränkte Hände. Zeichen personaler Bindung und ihre Funktion in der symbolischen Kommunikation des Mittelalters», in J. MARTSCHUKAT – S. PATZOLD (eds.), Geschichtswissenschaft und «performative turn». Ritual, Inszenierung und Performanz vom Mittelalter bis zur Neuzeit, Böhlau, Köln 2003, pp. 133-159; H. PUFF, Sodomy in Reformation Germany and Switzerland 1400–1600, University of Chicago Press, Chicago 2003; W. E. BURGWINKLE, Sodomy, masculinity, and law in medieval literature. France and England, 1050-1230, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2004; K. VAN EICKELS, «Tender Comrades. Gesten männlicher Freundschaft und die Sprache der Liebe im Mittelalter», Invertito. Jahrbuch für die Geschichte der Homosexualitäten, 6 (2004) 9-48; A. KRASS, Ein

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in beiden, / und wurden doch nie gescheiden / durch deheiner slahte nôt, / unz sie ze leste shiet der tôt» (v. 132-136, «Some lands were explored by the both of them, and they never separated in any emergency. Until they were separated by death»)35. Wetzel also remains true to Ernst during the confusion that takes place before the latter’s expulsion. The discovery tour through Grippia appears then to serve both young men not only as a survey of the unknown world, but also as an opportunity to explore restricted lifestyles. Both the narrator and Ernst continually emphasize that they find themselves alone in the foreign city –moving, therefore, outside of every social sanction36. The starting point for their physical convergence comes with the discovery of a majestic bedroom in the palace of the crane-headed men. The detailed description of the Herz und eine Seele. Geschichte der Männerfreundschaft, S. Fischer, Frankfurt/M. 2016, pp. 147-221. 35 Shortly before it is also reported that Wetzel and Ernst receive their accolade at the same time (see v. 118-125). For more on this see STOCK, Kombinationssinn, p. 178, who recognizes in Ernst a character defined by the creation of couples: «Ernsts selbstbestimmte Schwertleite ist also nicht nur eine Initiation innerhalb eines (feudal organisierten) Personenverbands [...], sondern ist auch eine Initiation zu einem Leben “im Paar”. Die Identität des Protagonisten wird durch diese Paarungen bestimmt. Man könnte in diesem Zusammenhang von einer relationalen Identität sprechen. Je nach Erzählsequenz sind unterschiedliche Paarbindungen wichtig. In der Dominanz der jeweiligen bilateralen Bindung bildet sich das ab, was den Herzog in einer bestimmten Sequenz ausmacht.» («Ernst’s self-determined accolade is not only an initiation within a (feudally organized) association of people [...], it is also a intitiation into a life “as a couple”. The identity of the protagonist is determined by the respective coupling. You could call this relational identity. Depending on the narrative sequence, different couples are important. The dominance of the respective bilateral relation points to what defines the duke in th respective sequence.»). 36 Already at the first intrusion into the city of Grippia the narrative voice records: (v. 2312-2314): «dô sâhen die küenen man / nieman an den zinnen, / weder ûze noch innen» («the brave men did not see anyone on the battlement, neither inside nor outside»). The city is also empty: (v. 2362-2363) : «dô si in die burc drungen / dô was dâ nieman innen» ( «as they entered the city, there was no one»). Ernst highlights this when he suggests to use the bathing facilities (v. 2707-2713): «als ich mich versinne, / hie ist niht lebendes inne / daz uns künne geschaden / unze daz wir gebaden. / wil ieman zuo der bürge komen, / daz haben wir schiere vernomen / und bereiten uns ze wer» («As far as I can tell there is nothing living, which could hurt us while we bath. We will be able to tell if someone is to come into the city and we can prepare our defense»).

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ostentatious bed makes clear that it can only be a bridal chamber37. Gold, gems and pearls, as well as spreads of silk and ermine adorn the bed, the posts are carved with lions, dragons, asps and snakes38. Next to the bedroom, Ernst and Wetzel find the already mentioned baths. They undress, use the same bath and immediately afterwards lay down in the previously described bed «und ruoten nâch ir bade dô» (v. 2757, «and relaxed after their bath»)39 – which the narrator comments in the very next verse: «des wart vil maniger sît unfrô» (v. 2758, «That made many unhappy later»). As with the later encounter with the Grippians, the story here appears to be told by several voices, as the polyphony of different juxtaposed value systems comes to the fore. The dragons, asps, and snakes carved on the bedposts recall the story of Adam and Eve and the sin of sexual seduction. While the shared bath and subsequent relaxation in bed supply, on the explicit level of narration, an opportunity to extol the artful exoticism and the empowerment of foreign luxury, this scene also finds the duke the closest to actual marriage in the entire story: in a highly symbolic act, Ernst and Wetzel use exactly that bed, which –as they later find out– is meant for the king and the stolen Indian princess. In particular, the fact that more happens in the bed than is told,40 can be inferred particularly from the narrators commentary that connects this scene with subsequent misfortune. 37 The bedroom’s luxurious outfit is described over multiple dozen verses (see v. 2570-2639). The fact that the bed is prepared for a wedding night is among other things apparent from the two golden goblets with precious wine, which stand ready (see v. 2634-2639). 38 See v. 2578-2611. 39 Here again the narrative voice highlights that Ernst and Wetzel make sure that no one else is in the palace and that they are on their own (v. 2750-2753): «durch den vil liehten palas / sie begunden gâhen, / dâ sie nieman sâhen, / in die kemenâte» («As they did not see anyone, they went through the empty palace to the bedroom without hesitation»). 40 The fact that two noble men share a bed does not actually seem to be the punctum saliens in the scene. There is in fact historical evidence that suggests that kings and dukes would have shared a bed, in particular to epitomize stalemates and peace agreements. In these cases the ceremonial act happens in attendance of the court (see K. VAN EICKELS, Vom inszenierten Konsens zum systematisierten Konflikt. Die englisch-französischen Beziehungen und ihre Wahrnehmung an der Wende vom Hoch- zum Spätmittelalter, J. Thorbecke, Stuttgart 2002, pp. 341-393 (MittelalterForschungen, 10); K. VAN EICKELS, «Tender Comrades», here pp. 27-38). The singularity of the situation in Herzog Ernst B arises because of the circumstance that Ernst and Wetzel share the bed in private and while being naked.

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The men lying together in a marriage bed modifies the narrative’s motif. Here, the exotic model is used to make the physical proximity of same-sex partners plausible41. The narrative schema invoked by the expulsion from home and the challenge in foreign lands, the re-routing of a career outside the system, is, in Herzog Ernst B, intertwined with a male friendship that coincides with the lack of heteronormative fulfillment42. As with the other elements of the chain of events in Grippia, which are shaped by ambiguous assessments, the depicted testing of a same-sex configuration is fragile. Most importantly, however, the schematic pattern has overdetermined relationship, in that the bath and bed scene can also be read as the illicit appropriation of the cultural achievements of the hybrid foreigners, defusing the explosive force of a marriage of men. Ultimately, the latter only gains its compelling virulence in the light of the vacancy, which arises because of the hero’s marital fate, and which remains until the end in Herzog Ernst B. That we can situate the protagonist within a heteronormative marriage pattern comes only from intertextual relationship forms and pre-established cultural modes of action. Until the end, Wetzel remains the main significant other for the duke. Even though he is mentioned increasingly less, he is present, as evidence in the text suggests43, at the happy homecoming and takes part in the reconciliation 41 For more on this see R. LAZDA-CAZERS, «Hybridity and Liminality in Herzog Ernst B», Daphnis. Zeitschrift für mittlere deutsche Literatur und Kultur der frühen Neuzeit, 33 (2004) 79-96, here p. 91. 42 The motif of friendships among men, which are characterized by faithfulness and loyalty and last into death is common in medieval literature. Famous examples are the various versions of the narrative «Amicus and Amelius», which was popular both in Latin and in vernacular adaptations. There are indeed a number of parallels between the friendship between Ernst and Wetzel and these literary friendships between men, however, here the same-sex friendship goes hand in hand with the model of heteronormative love. For more on this see: S. WINST, Amicus und Amelius. Kriegerfreundschaft und Gewalt in mittelalterlicher Erzähltradition, De Gruyter, Berlin – New York 2009 (Quellen und Forschungen zur Literatur- und Kulturgeschichte, 57 [291]); L. OETJENS, Amicus und Amelius im europäischen Mittelalter. Erzählen von Freundschaft im Kontext der Roland-Tradition. Texte und Untersuchungen, Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden 2016 (MTU, 145). 43 For instance, when Ernst talks to one of his lieges back in Bavaria, the text mentions that he should go to the assembly of the court in Bamberg to see the emperor again. The respective liege advises Ernst (v. 5838-5839): «dâ sult ir, herre hin komen, / ir und grâve Wetzel verholn» («you and count Wetzel should go there secretly»).

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with the emperor. This resonates with the narrator’s remarks when introducing these two characters at the very beginning, in particular that they remained together, «unz sie ze leste schiet der tôt» (v. 136), «Until they were separated by death.» Bibliography M. BACHTIN – R. GRÜBEL – S. REESE (transl.), Die Ästhetik des Wortes, aus dem Russischen, Suhrkamp, Frankfurt/M. 1979. J. BAHR – M. CURSCHMANN, «Spielmannsdichtung», in K. KANZOG – A. MASSER (eds.), Reallexikon der deutschen Literaturgeschichte, vol. 4, De Gruyter, Berlin 1979, pp. 105-122. I. BENNEWITZ – J. EMING – J. TRAULSEN (eds.), Gender Studies – Queer Studies – Intersektionalitätsforschung. Eine Zwischenbilanz aus mediävistischer Perspektive, Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2019. S. BOWDEN, «A false dawn. The Grippia episode in three versions of Herzog Ernst», Oxford German Studies, 41/1 (2012) 15-31. ––, Bridal-quest epics in medieval Germany. A revisionary approach, Modern Humanities Research Association, London 2012. A. BRAY, The Friend, University of Chicago Press, Chicago – London 2003. H. BRUNNER, «Der König der Kranichschnäbler. Literarische Quellen und Parallelen zu einer Episode des Herzog Ernst», in H. BRUNNER (ed.), Annäherungen. Studien zur deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit, E. Schmidt, Berlin 2008, pp. 21-37 (Philologische Studien und Quellen, 210). J. BUMKE, «Zur Überlieferungsgeschichte des Herzog Ernst und zu einer neuen Ausgabe des Herzog Ernst A», Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, 119/3 (2000) 410-415. W. E. BURGWINKLE, Sodomy, masculinity, and law in medieval literature. France and England, 1050–1230, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2004. S. M. CAREY, «Undr Unkunder Diet. Monstrous Counsel in Herzog Ernst B», Daphnis. Zeitschrift für mittlere deutsche Literatur und Kultur der frühen Neuzeit, 33 (2004) 53-77. A. CLASSEN, «Herzog Ernst im Licht der hochhöfischen Dichtung des 13. Jahrhunderts», Euphorion. Zeitschrift für Literaturgeschichte, 85 (1991) 292-314.

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T. KERTH, King Rother and His Bride: Quest and Counter-quests, Camden House, Rochester, NY 2010. R. KOHNEN, Die Braut des Königs. Zur interreligiösen Dynamik der mittelhochdeutschen Brautwerbungserzählungen, De Gruyter, Berlin 2014 (Hermaea, N. F., 133). A. KRASS, Ein Herz und eine Seele. Geschichte der Männerfreundschaft, S. Fischer, Frankfurt/M. 2016. F. KÜENZLEN, «Werbungsbriefe an Adelheid. Heiratsanträge im Herzog Ernst B und im Ernestus des Odo von Magdeburg», in O. AUGE – C. DIETL (eds.), Universitas. Die mittelalterliche und frühneuzeitliche Universitat im Schnittpunkt wissenschaftlicher Disziplinen, Georg Wieland zum 70. Geburtstag, Francke, Tübingen 2007, pp. 13-30. R. LAZDA-CAZERS, «Hybridity and Liminality in Herzog Ernst B», Daphnis. Zeitschrift für mittlere deutsche Literatur und Kultur der frühen Neuzeit, 33 (2004) 79-96. C. MORSCH, «Lektüre als teilnehmende Beobachtung. Die Restitution der Ordnung durch Fremderfahrung im Herzog Ernst (B)», in W. HARMS – C. S. JAEGER – H. WENZEL (eds.), Ordnung und Unordnung in der Literatur des Mittelalters, Hirzel, Stuttgart 2003, pp. 109-128. O. NEUDECK, Erzählen von Kaiser Otto. Zur Fiktionalisierung von Geschichte in mittelhochdeutscher Literatur, Böhlau, Köln 2003, pp. 126-190 (Norm und Struktur, 18). ––, «Ehre und Demut. Konkurrierende Verhaltenskonzepte im Herzog Ernst B», Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur, 121/2 (1992) 177-209. L. OETJENS, Amicus und Amelius im europäischen Mittelalter. Erzählen von Freundschaft im Kontext der Roland-Tradition. Texte und Untersuchungen, Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden 2016 (MTU, 145). N. H. OTT, «Spielmannsdichtung. II. Deutsche Literatur», in Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 7, LexMA Verlag, München – Zürich 1995, col. 2115-2116. P. PIPER (ed.), Die Spielmannsdichtung, 2 vols., Berlin 1887 (Deutsche National-Litteratur. Historisch-kritische Ausgabe, 2). S. PLOTKE, «Kulturgeographische Begegnungsmodelle: Reise-Narrative und Verhandlungsräume im König Rother und im Herzog Ernst B», in A. HONOLD (ed.), Ost-Westliche Kulturtransfers. Orient – Amerika, Aisthesis Verlag, Bielefeld 2011, pp. 51-73 (Postkoloniale Studien in der Germanistik, 1).

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H. PUFF, Sodomy in Reformation Germany and Switzerland 1400–1600, University of Chicago Press, Chicago 2003. E. W. SAID, Culture and Imperialism, Alfred A. Knopf, London 1993. W. J. SCHRÖDER (ed.), Spielmannsepik, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 1977 (Wege der Forschung, 385). ––, Spielmannsepik, Stuttgart 1961 (Sammlung Metzler, 19). M. SCHULZ, «Ane rede und Ane reht. Zur Bedeutung der triuwe im Herzog Ernst (B)», Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur (PBB), 120 (1998) 395-434. B. SOWINSKI (ed., transl.), Herzog Ernst. Ein mittelalterliches Abenteuerbuch, in der mittelhochdeutschen Fassung B nach der Ausgabe von K. BARTSCH mit den Bruchstücken der Fassung A, Phillip Reclam, Stuttgart 2000. S. SPETH, Dimensionen narrativer Sinnstiftung im frühneuhochdeutschen Prosaroman. Textgeschichtliche Interpretation von ‘Fortunatus’ und ‘Herzog Ernst’, De Gruyter, Berlin 2017 (Frühe Neuzeit, 210). A. STEIN, «Die Wundervölker des Herzog Ernst (B). Zum Problem körpergebundener Authentizität im Medium der Schrift», in W. HARMS – C. JAEGER (eds.), Fremdes wahrnehmen – fremdes Wahrnehmen. Studien zur Geschichte der Wahrnehmung und zur Begegnung von Kulturen in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit, S. Hirzel, Stuttgart 1997, pp. 21-48. M. STOCK, Kombinationssinn. Narrative Strukturexperimente im ‘Straßburger Alexander’, im ‘Herzog Ernst B’ und im ‘König Rother’, Niemeyer, Tübingen 2002 (MTU, 123). H. SZKLENAR, Studien zum Bild des Orients in vorhöfischen Epen, Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, Göttingen 1966. H. SZKLENAR – H. J. BEHR, [Art.] «Herzog Ernst», in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon, started by W. STAMMLER, continued by K. LANGOSCH, 2., new edition ed. by K. RUH [= VL2], vol. 3, De Gruyter, Berlin – New York 1981, col. 1170-1191. K. VAN EICKELS, «Tender Comrades. Gesten männlicher Freundschaft und die Sprache der Liebe im Mittelalter», Invertito. Jahrbuch für die Geschichte der Homosexualitäten, 6 (2004) 9-48. ––, «Kuss und Kinngriff, Umarmung und verschränkte Hände. Zeichen personaler Bindung und ihre Funktion in der symbolischen Kommunikation des Mittelalters», in J. MARTSCHUKAT – S. PATZOLD (eds.), Geschichtswissenschaft und «performative turn». Ritual,

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Inszenierung und Performanz vom Mittelalter bis zur Neuzeit, Böhlau, Köln 2003, pp. 133-159. ––, Vom inszenierten Konsens zum systematisierten Konflikt. Die englischfranzösischen Beziehungen und ihre Wahrnehmung an der Wende vom Hoch- zum Spätmittelalter, J. Thorbecke, Stuttgart 2002 (MittelalterForschungen, 10). J. WEITBRECHT, Heterotope Herrschaftsräume in frühhöfischen Epen und ihren Bearbeitungen. König Rother, Herzog Ernst B, D und G, in M. BENZ – K. DENNERLEIN (eds.), Literarische Räume der Herkunft, Berlin 2016, pp. 91-119 (Narratologia, 51). S. WINST, Amicus und Amelius. Kriegerfreundschaft und Gewalt in mittelalterlicher Erzähltradition, De Gruyter, Berlin – New York 2009 (Quellen und Forschungen zur Literatur- und Kulturgeschichte, 57 [291]). F. WOLFZETTEL, «Die Entdeckung des ›Anderen‹ aus dem Geist der Kreuzzüge», in O. ENGELS – P. SCHREINER (eds.), Die Begegnung des Westens mit dem Osten. Kongreßakten des 4. Symposions des Mediävistenverbandes in Köln 1991 aus Anlaß des 1000. Todesjahres der Kaiserin Theophanu, Thorbecke, Sigmaringen 1993, pp. 273-295.

MONICA RUSET OANCA* INTERPRETATION OF MEDIEVAL TEXTS BETWEEN LITERATURE AND THEOLOGY IN LA QUESTE DEL SAINT GRAAL

As the Middle Ages were times when Christian religion was the paradigm used to evaluate all cultural activity, any rigorous analyses of medieval texts must take into account their religious dimension. For La Queste del Saint Graal, even more than for other literary works, the theological meanings of various narrative details need to be considered.

1. La Queste del Saint Graal as «L’Évangile de Galaad» One of the first studies dedicated to La Queste is the 1921 analysis undertaken by Albert Pauphilet1 and his commentaries on the strong Cistercian influence on the text remain a point of reference for all researchers on the field. He mentions the lack of earlier studies regarding this text, and emphasises its uniqueness, as it is not a romance, since it has a deep spiritual undertone, which is incontestably different from any of the other books presenting Lancelot’s adventures, and, yet, it is not a mystical work about the virtues or history of the Grail, as it introduces characters in the legend of the Grail, which changes a potentially theoretical text into an enthralling narrative2. On several occasions he [the author] has clearly expressed the desire to distinguish between himself and other story tellers and even to oppose his work to theirs. [...] He breaks with the most cherished ideas of other romance writers, he despises those whom they extol, and humiliates those whom they celebrate. He promotes, from the * University of Bucharest, Romania, Bucharest, Sos Pantelimon, nr. 309, cod. 021621, [email protected] 1 A couple of years later Albert Pauphilet also supervised a critical edition of La Queste del Saint Graal, which is still the best available version, despite its limitations. 2 A. PAUPHILET, Études sur La Queste del Saint Graal attribuée à Gautier Map, É. Champion, Paris 1921, p. 1.

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beginning of the narrative and on every occasion, a reversal of values, an upheaval of the Romanesque world (my translation)3.

The anonymous author deliberately attempts to create this hybrid elusive atmosphere in La Queste not in order to confuse the reader, but to force him to regard reality from a new perspective: not focussing on ordinary knightly pursuits, but becoming open to vivid spiritual experiences whose hidden meaning, i.e. the «senefiance», is revealed by a cleric. The most relevant events that occur during this quest, and which characterise La Queste, are therefore a «semblance» of transcendental events. Witnessing such an episode might be intriguing, and baffling, but once the explanation is given and the «senefiance» is shared, it becomes a moment when God’s power and wisdom are made obvious for everyone to see. Such an incident is life-changing, but one needs the appropriate disposition to notice it. Perhaps the most important difference between the old mentality (looking for people’s appreciation) and the new spiritual one (endeavouring to do God’s work) is explained by the religious man sent by Nascienz the hermit, who states that «this quest is not about terrestrial things» and it will not consist of natural events, but on the contrary there will be «miraculous adventures»4. It is this type of spiritual happenings that are important and must be recognised and understood, whereas ordinary 3

«À plusieurs reprises il [l’auteur] a nettement exprimé le désir de se distinguer des autres conteurs et même d’opposer son œuvre à la leur. [...] Il romps avec les idées les plus chères aux autres romanciers, méprise ceux qu’ils exaltaient, humilie ceux qu’ils célébraient. C’est, dès le début du récit et en toute occasion, comme un renversement des valeurs, comme un bouleversement du monde romanesque», A. PAUPHILET, Études sur La Queste del Saint Graal, pp. 14, 17) 4 «Car ceste Queste n’est mie queste de terriennes choses, ainz doit estre li encerchemenz des grans secrez et des privetez Nostre Seignor et des grans repostailles que li Hauz Mestres mostrera apertement au boneuré chevalier qu’il a esleu a son serjant entre les autres chevaliers terriens, a qui il mostrera les granz merveilles dou Saint Graal, et fera veoir ce que cuers mortex ne porroit penser ne langue d’ome terrien deviser» (La Queste del Saint Graal, ed. A. PAUPHILET, Champion, Paris 1921, p. 19). «For this is no search for earthly things but a seeking out of the mysteries and hidden sweets of Our Lord, and the divine secrets which the most high Master will disclose to that blessed knight whom He has chosen for his servant from among the ranks of chivalry: he to whom He will show the marvels of the Holy Grail and reveal that which the heart of man could not conceive nor tongue relate» (The Quest of the Holy Grail, trad. P. M. MATARASSO, Penguin Books, Harmondsworth 1969, p. 47).

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jousts (unless there is a hidden «senefiance» attached to them) or contests are vain and meaningless, as they are done to achieve hollow fame and glory. In addition, Pauphilet also discusses the figurative-spiritual significance of several adventures emphasising the strong connection between Galahad and Jesus Christ. Actually, the first chapter of his study is entitled «L’Évangile de Galaad», and retells the text, mentioning several miracles performed by Galahad which have a correspondent in Jesus Christ’s activity, thus placing Galahad in a Christ-like position. Moreover, erotic love is not permitted, and no ladies are allowed to accompany the knights, as it was the custom before. At the same time, another important difference is the exaltation of the Christian virtue of chastity, which replaces the courtly love or «fin’amor», which had been at the heart of previous romances5. The most innocent (Galahad) becomes the most valiant and successful in battle, especially because he is chaste, proving that prowess stems from spiritual purity and religious devotion. Moreover, the idea of love (and the admiration of women) as the drive for achieving great fame in courageous adventures is completely reversed, as the presence of beautiful, seductive women is an impediment for any real progress in the Quest and sinners (joyful lovers, like Gawain or adulterers, like Lancelot) can find no adventures unless they repent, like in Lancelot’s case. Lancelot had been «the best knight because his love for Guinevere enhanced his prowess in the achievement of his knightly obligations and challenges...»6, but it is clearly stated at the beginning of the text7 that he was superseded by Galahad. In La Queste the only women who may converse with the questers are nuns or anchoresses (like Perceval’s aunt) and chaste, saintly virgins (like Perceval’s sister) and more than this, these wise women become their guides. The characters and their distinct identities are essential for the narrative process, as the stress is clearly on individual stories, which are woven 5 For instance, there is great importance attached to the role of lovers or wives as companions in Chrétien de Troyes’ texts: Érec et Énide, Cligès, etc.). 6 D. KELLY, «Interlace and the Cyclic Imagination», in C. DOVER (ed.), A Companion to the Lancelot-Grail Cycle, D. S. Brewer, Cambridge 2003, pp. 55-64, p. 61. 7 When «une Damoisele» asserts this openly in front of the king and all his court, La Queste, ed. PAUPHILET, pp. 12-13.

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to produce a composite fabric where the threads, that create the overall pattern, are visible and identifiable. «The complex interlacing structure» of the Cycle was discussed both by Elspeth Kennedy8 and by Douglas Kelly9. Pauline Matarasso also insists in her book The Redemption of Chivalry on the characters, i.e. the questers, and their symbolism. Starting from the relevance of biblical allusions within La Queste, Matarasso finds a unifying principle for the entire cycle: «If the Queste is seen as the New Testament of chivalry fulfilling the Old Testament typified in the Josephus section it gains immensely in literary unity»10. More importantly, the conclusion of her entire analysis is that in La Queste «the mystical sense is primordial»11. Her work agrees with Étienne Gilson’s study La Mystique de la Grâce dans La Queste Del Saint Graal (1925), which emphasises the mystical reverberations of the text. Gilson supports the interpretation of the Holy Grail as the divine grace, which may reside in everyone. «For all these thinkers, reality is so deeply imbued with mystical and religious significance that it is impossible for them to clearly differentiate between the natural order and the supernatural»12. The world, as it appears in La Queste, is a place where the supernatural is diffused within the natural order, and the reader must be aware that the literal meaning is always supported by a spiritual significance (hidden behind an allegory, for instance). Even more, not only a story or an object is more than what it seems, but also an ordinary event is often awarded a symbolical connotation, i.e. the «senefiance», which reveals the mystical dimension present in all the questers’ actions.

8

E. KENNEDY, «The Making of the Lancelot-Grail Cycle», in C. DOVER (ed.), A Companion to the Lancelot-Grail Cycle, D. S. Brewer, Cambridge 2003, pp. 13-22. 9 KELLY, «Interlace and the Cyclic Imagination», pp. 55-64. 10 P. MATARASSO, The Redemption of Chivalry: A study of the Queste del Saint Graal, Librarie Droz, Genève 1979, p. 242. 11 MATARASSO, The Redemption of Chivalry, p. 243. 12 É. GILSON, Études de Philosophie Médiévale, Commission des publications de la Faculté des lettres, Palais de l’université, Strasbourg 1921, p. 28 («Pour tous ces penseurs la réalité est donc si profondément pénétrée de signification mystique et religieuse qu’il leur est impossible de discerner nettement le naturel du surnaturel». My translation).

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2. Finding the Grail as Preordination Perhaps the dimension which has been less analysed is the dogmatic component, which is not insignificant, although it might seem less obvious. The text seems to take for granted that everything in the future is known and thus events occur according to a preordained order. Thus, one important dogmatic aspect that will be discussed is the contrast between divine foreknowledge and individual freedom.13 The issue of predestination is relevant because from the beginning it is repeatedly stated that some knights are expected to fail and others to succeed in the Quest and that there is a knight who was chosen to be shown the marvels of the Holy Grail.14 However, the author also shows how the hermits and priests constantly urge all knights to make unceasing efforts to confess and repent in order to follow the correct path, which proves that everyone is taught how the quest should be pursued and they all have the obligation to strive to be chaste, so, theoretically, every knight is given the opportunity to fulfil the Quest. At the same time, Galahad himself is sometimes in need of instruction, and Perceval’s sister fulfils this role. In other words, Galahad, too, has to be always alert, in order not to fall into temptation. Pauphilet agrees with this assessment when he says: «The author of the romance had to take care to recall that his [Galahad’s] splendid destiny was not written in advance and that he had to make it (or create it) continually» (my translation)15. It is worth commenting on the other knights’ desire to travel with him, and his constant, albeit gentle, refusal. This attitude can easily be negatively interpreted, and thus one can rightfully say that Galahad is represented as 13 Although for lack of space I cannot discuss properly another dogmatic aspect, I believe it is important to mention the author’s insistence on the veracity of the doctrine of Transubstantiation in La Queste, a doctrine which was debated and finally established in the second part of the 13th century. The reality of the complete change of the initial bread and wine into the real body of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist is openly supported by the events described in the text. At the mass celebrated at Corbenic, Lancelot witnesses how the priest raises a baby from the chalice, while celebrating the mass; and later on also at Corbenic, Jesus himself rises from the chalice proving, thus, beyond any doubt that Jesus Christ is present in the Eucharist. 14 La Queste, ed. PAUPHILET, p. 47. 15 PAUPHILET, Études sur La Queste del Saint Graal, p. 31: «le romancier a du moins pris soin de rappeler que sa [Galahad’s] destinée splendide n’était point écrite d’avance et qu’il devait la faire lui-même continuellement».

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not only miserly with insightful advice –if he has any to give, which is not at all clear in the text– but in fact perennially unaware of the significance of his own adventures. Everyone tries to follow Galaad, but he is not consciously a leader; he befigures, but does not imitate, the Good Shepherd16.

However, his reserved attitude might be regarded as another sign that the Quest is an individual effort of discovering and/or shaping one’s personal identity, in other words, each has to strive to follow his own path17. Moreover, some characters, who reveal the questers’ preordained future, do not consider it to be unchangeable. One such example is Perceval’s aunt, who gives Perceval a lot of information about the history of the Holy Grail and that of the Round Table. She also points out that many people know the identity of the three knights who will accomplish the Quest (Perceval being one of them), but she expresses her fear that Perceval might miss his chance of fulfilling his destiny (i.e. of completing the Quest). She urges him to stop fighting Galahad and to remain chaste: «since God has prepared for you to have this honour, it would be a great misfortune if you sought your death»18 In other words, God has offered Perceval an opportunity, which, because of his ignorance (or foolishness), he might miss. Thus, his future, despite being well-known in many places19, depends on Perceval’s actions, and subsequently he has to exert himself hard in order to fructify his fortune. Commenting on this situation in La Queste, Étienne Gilson points out that the text supports the position in which the human will is free to express itself, but, at the same time it is connected with God:

16

L. WOOD, «The Ethics of Election in the Queste del Saint Graal», New Medieval Literatures, 15 (2013) 185-226, here p. 198. 17 While Galahad was indeed constant in his endeavours, the other two successful questers had to make difficult choices to resist temptations. Perceval, for instance, is given and rides a black horse, which would have killed him, if he had not made the sign of cross at the last moment. Later on he is charmed by a beautiful temptress, and again the sign of cross is salvific. 18 The Quest, trad. MATARASSO, p. 96. «[...] puis que Dieu vos a ceste honor apareilliee a avoir, mout seroit granz damages se vos entretant queriez vostre mort», La Queste, ed. PAUPHILET, p. 73. 19 The Quest, trad. MATARASSO, p. 96.

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all human action is essentially voluntary; this action will therefore remain voluntary and human, whether good or bad; but for it to be good, it will be necessary for grace to bring it divine assistance, and for human will to cooperate with divine grace; without this help and the cooperation it brings, our will becomes a slave to evil and the devil (my translation)20.

This dogmatic position (characteristic to the text) is similar to the theology written down later on in the same century by Thomas Aquinas in his Summa Theologiae, where it is clearly stated: I answer that, Man has free-will [...] man acts from judgement, because by his apprehensive power he judges that something should be avoided or sought. [...] this judgment, in the case of some particular act, is not from a natural instinct, but from some act of comparison in the reason, therefore he acts from free judgment and retains the power of being inclined to various things21.

However, Aquinas also asserts in the first part of his Summa Theologiae that «The knowledge of God is the cause of things»22, in other words, God’s knowledge «causes creatures and [...] the actions of creatures»23. Consequently, for Aquinas, God is not passive and the fact that divine foreknowledge is real also shows that God is constantly involved in all events which He influences. Therefore, in Aquinas’ theology human freedom and the causality of God’s foreknowledge are not mutually exclusive. He clarifies and refines this point of view, by stating that people have the freedom to act according to their inclination and to make their own choices24, and he «argues that 20 «[...] toute action humaine est essentiellement volontaire; cette action restera donc volontaire et humaine, qu’elle soit bonne ou qu’elle soit mauvaise; mais pour qu’elle soit bonne, il faudra que la grâce lui apporte le concours divin, et qu’elle y coopère ; sans ce concours et la coopération qu’elle y apporte, notre volonté devient esclave du mal et du démon», É. GILSON, «La mystique de la grâce dans La Queste Del Saint Graal», Romania, 51 (1925) 321-347, here p. 326. 21 Th. Aquinas, Summa Theologica, I, q. 83, a. 1. 22 Ibid., q. 14, a. 8. 23 J. WIPPEL, Metaphysical Themes in Thomas Aquinas, The Catholic University of America Press, Washington, D.C. 1995, p. 256 (Studies in Philosophy and the History of Philosophy, vol. 10). 24 «Nevertheless, we must observe that a natural form, being a form that remains in that to which it gives existence, denotes a principle of action according only as it

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God’s causation of our acts of willing does not destroy the fact that the will has dominion over its own acts»25. And, later on, he reiterates: «the will retains the power of following the passions or repressing them»26. So human beings have the freedom to act according to their will, which is subject to their reason, and in strong connection with their natural inclination, in other words, their inner nature. Consequently, the solution to the apparent conundrum that man is simultaneously free and moved by God is the stress on the fact that «God moves every created agent to act in accord with its own nature»27. It is God who acts when he creates each man (and man’s power of action) and also it is He who keeps every creature in being, because God is in things «as giving them being, power and activity»28 and by this continuous presence He sustains the created being. The important detail that has to be mentioned is that He operates in each thing according to its own nature. Aquinas reiterates this idea: «all creatures need to be preserved by God. For the being of every creature depends on God, so that not for a moment could it subsist, but would fall into nothingness were it not kept in being by the operation of the Divine power»29. Thus, in an apparently paradoxical way, human freedom of action is ensured by God’s attention for every human being. It is exactly because of this constant divine care that man can exert his freedom, and can act either in accordance with God’s commandments (or against them).

3. Features of the Theology that Characterises La Queste I believe that it is time to put together the previous observations and to present several features of the theology underlying La Queste. There has an inclination to an effect; and likewise, the intelligible form does not denote a principle of action in so far as it resides in the one who understands unless there is added to it the inclination to an effect, which inclination is through the will» (Th. Aquinas, Summa Theologica, I, q. 14, a. 8.). 25 WIPPEL, Metaphysical Themes, p. 261. 26 Th. Aquinas, Summa Theologica, I, q. 115, a. 4. 27 WIPPEL, Metaphysical Themes, p. 263. 28 Th. Aquinas, Summa Theologica, I, q. 8, a. 2. 29 Ibid., q. 104, a. 1. In the same argument he quotes first Gregory of Nyssa and then Augustine to support this important position.

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were opinions that stated that although «a deeply religious story, it has little basis in the [...] teachings of the Church»30. Such a position could infer that there might be contradictions between the official position of the Church and several ideas promoted by this text, an opinion I do not share. What I found distinctive and special in La Queste is that it advocates for a personal relationship with God. Matarasso, introducing her English translation of La Queste of the Saint Graal, presents this story (situated in between Prose Lancelot and Mort Darthur) as «a spiritual fable»31, a description which once more insists on the importance of the protagonists. There are also commentators that assert that La Queste might be interpreted as a story whose purpose was to convey the religious doctrine in such a way as to make it acceptable, i.e. both interesting and appealing, for the aristocracy32, which is my opinion, too. The presence of prominent knights is consequently a must, as these are characters with whom the audience could associate. It might be because of this interest in attracting an aristocratic audience that La Queste is centred on persons. One might say that the theology specific to this work is a personal theology, which insists on each character’s personal relationship with God. I have argued in another paper33 that one cannot really identify a community of the Grail or of the questers of the Holy Grail. On the contrary, each has his own personal story and adventure(s) and the fact that the three questers finish their journey to Sarras together is just a step in their personal tales, which are different, and finally end differently. This idea is present in Matarasso’s study: «The guidance afforded to the knights engaged in the Grail Quest is tailored to the particular need of each»34. 30 R. BARBER, «Chivalry, Cistercianism and the Grail», C. DOVER (ed.), A Companion to the Lancelot-Grail Cycle, D. S. Brewer, Cambridge 2003, p. 3. 31 The Quest, trad. MATARASSO, p. 9. 32 Emmanuèle Baumgartner mentions «...the anonymous author’s desire to compose what others have called a new Gospel for chivalry, a Gospel that would give chivalry the means of achieving its own salvation by moralizing its way of life», in E. BAUMGARTNER, «The Queste del Saint Graal: from semblance to veraie semblance», in C. DOVER (ed.), A Companion to the Lancelot-Grail Cycle, D. S. Brewer, Cambridge 2003, p. 111. 33 M. OANCĂ RUSET, «Community and Communion in the Quest of the Holy Grail». HyperCultura 4.2 (2015) http://litere.hyperion.ro/hypercultura/wp-content/ uploads/2017/10/Ruset-Oanca-Monica.pdf (last accessed 09.07.2019). 34 MATARASSO, The Redemption of Chivalry, p. 98.

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One of the features that describe the narrative technique in La Queste is the interaction of knights’ different and distinct destinies, an aspect which is pointed out by Andrea M. L. Williams: One cannot think about structure in the Lancelot-Grail cycle without considering the technique of interlace. [...] In fact, in La Queste del Saint Graal, the interlacing of numerous narrative threads is perfectly suited to the purpose of the work, which is to encourage the reader to make comparisons between the success or otherwise of the various knights engaged in the Quest35.

I would like to add that not only is such a comparison between their deeds invited, but there is also an emphasis on the fact that each of these characters shapes his own special and unique connection with God. Their path is a direct response to God’s guidance through visions (explained by the hermits), whereas their success or failure their inner relationship with God. It is evident that all characters are united when they participate in the celebration of the mass, but this is just one such occurrence (of the very few moments of collaboration). Ultimately, each knight (successful or not) is a model or a symbol for a specific persona and each represents a certain type of relationship with God, too. Whereas most of the knights (Gawain, Hector, Ywain) cannot have any significant spiritual connection with God and their devotion is superficial and essentially worthless, Bors and Perceval are Christians who have a profound and fruitful relationship with God, and it is this deep bond which helps them achieve great things. Ultimately, Galahad is considered the perfect and much awaited knight, and his arrival is associated with the completion of the Adventures of the Grail36, an expression similar to the biblical phrase describing Jesus Christ’s arrival as the fulfilment of prophecies from the Old Testament. An important detail is the tone of the La Queste, which is not humble. The lack of humility is perhaps the only aspect which differentiates Galahad’s persona from that of the conventional saints, as, although he is not overtly proud, Galahad is never humble, or subservient. One of the best ways to describe the text is using Matarasso’s words: «All the images 35

A. WILLIAMS, The Adventures of the Holy Grail: A Study of La Queste del Saint Graal, Peter Lang, Bern 2001, p. 31. 36 La Queste, ed. PAUPHILET, p. 40.

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in the Queste are triumphal images»37. These triumphant images create a feeling of grandiose and sublime, in such a way that the supernatural is expected and becomes part of the norm. It seems as if unbridled enthusiasm and profound fervour characterise the entire text. The knights are anxious to leave and to prove themselves, and it is quite painful to realise how misguided many of them are. On the contrary, those who open themselves to the divine receive visions and witness miracles. One of such episodes is Galahad’s healing of the beggar at the gates of Sarras. The crippled man is called to help the successful questers carry the silver table and is instantly cured of his infirmity. Such an episode brings to mind Christ’s miraculous healings. I would point out that in this instance I disagree with Karen Pratt who believes that «Galahad’s healing role is also reminiscent of the unspelling powers of Celtic heroes»38. Rather, I think that his ability to cast out demons or the make the mendicant on crutches walk is a further attempt to promote Galahad as an image (i.e. «semblance») of Christ, and ultimately a further proof of his hinted (and unique form of) sainthood, which is finalised with his ascent into heavens at the end of this spiritual parable. Galahad and actually all the other Grail heroes try to create a personal relationship with God. Such an attempt must not be regarded in any way outside the Church, but rather as further proof of their spiritual growth, as God is essentially personal. This feature is not restricted to the fact that within the Holy Trinity there are three persons united by strong interpersonal relationships, but also that God constructs a personal relationship with each Christian. Far from being a Protestant perspective, such an idea is supported by Thomistic theology, as argued for by LaCugna: The religious mind has no real interest in a God who is one-sided, self-sufficient, and not ‘really related’. But the religious mind becomes ecstatic upon discovering that the name of the God who is so deeply involved with creation amounts to a promise always to-be-there. For relationality is at the heart of what it means for God to be God39.

37

MATARASSO, The Redemption of Chivalry, p. 51. K. PRATT, «The Cistercians and the Queste del Saint Graal», Reading Medieval Studies, 21 (1995), pp. 69-96, here p. 72 39 C. LACUGNA, «The Relational God: Aquinas And Beyond», Theological Studies, 46 (1985) pp. 647-663, p. 663. 38

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La Queste promotes a direct relationship with God, for each of the knights, which is not mediated, but rather guided by clerics or nuns. All characters are spiritually shepherded, and they receive the Holy Sacraments (Confession, or Eucharist), but ultimately they do not rely on the others’ intercessions and feel only remotely united with their fellow questers by their faith. It is because such a direct relationship is possible, that we can talk about mystical theology as the core of this text. The mystical connection with God can be the thread that emphasises the believer’s identity and at the same time provides a space in which all Christians are connected by their ultimate purpose: salvation (represented allegorically by the quest for the Holy Grail).

Conclusions The theology that represents the scaffolding of La Queste is in accordance with the teaching of the Christian theology, not only as it is presented in the Cistercians’ writings, but also as it would be written down by Thomas Aquinas, in the same century. The interplay between the causal effects of divine foreknowledge and human freedom is solved according to Aquinas’ perspective that a man is free to act and indeed responsible for his actions, while at the same time being observed by God, who knows his actions and inclinations from eternity. The feeling that is projected by this work is of an unstoppable optimism, as God’s will has been done and all the three questers, despite several hesitation-s, have succeeded in fulfilling their destiny, as it was prepared by God. Galahad’s last movement is his glorious ascension to heaven facilitated by the angels, and accompanied by Saint Josephus, the bishop –Joseph of Arimathea’s son. It is inferred that Perceval, also, will attain salvation in due time. Although the Holy Grail is taken away from the believers (and it is implied that the people’s sins prevent it from remaining available to them), the text preserves a positive approach to life. Christians are not abandoned or forsaken by God, but rather they are invited to shape their own unique, personal relationship with God. By Bors’ return to the Arthurian court, the King’s knights, who are made aware of the final episodes of the Quest, are given the opportunity to learn a Christian lesson, and to improve themselves. It is clear therefore, that there is spiritual life in Camelot, even without the open presence of the Holy Grail.

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Bibliography La Queste del Saint Graal, ed. by A. PAUPHILET, Champion, Paris 1921. The Quest of the Holy Grail, trad. by P. M. MATARASSO, Penguin Books, Harmondsworth 1969. St. Thomas Aquinas, The Summa Theologica, translated by Fathers of the English Dominican Province, Vol. 1, Vol. 3, Cosimo Classics, New York 2007. R. BARBER, «Chivalry, Cistercianism and the Grail», in C. DOVER (ed.), A Companion to the Lancelot-Grail Cycle, D. S. Brewer, Cambridge 2003, pp. 3-12. E. BAUMGARTNER, «The Queste del Saint Graal: from semblance to veraie semblance», in C. DOVER (ed.), A Companion to the Lancelot-Grail Cycle, D. S. Brewer, Cambridge 2003, pp. 107-115. É. GILSON, Études de philosophie médiévale, Commission des publications de la Faculté des lettres, Palais de l’université, Strasbourg 1921. ––, «La mystique de la grâce dans La Queste Del Saint Graal», Romania, 51 (1925) 321-347. D. KELLY, «Interlace and the Cyclic Imagination», in C. DOVER (ed.), A Companion to the Lancelot-Grail Cycle, D. S. Brewer, Cambridge 2003, pp. 55-64. E. KENNEDY, «The Making of the Lancelot-Grail Cycle», in C. DOVER (ed.), A Companion to the Lancelot-Grail Cycle, D. S. Brewer, Cambridge 2003, pp. 13-22. C. M. LACUGNA, «The Relational God: Aquinas And Beyond», Theological Studies 46 (1985), 647-663. P. MATARASSO, The Redemption of Chivalry: A study of the Queste del Saint Graal, Librarie Droz, Genève 1979. M. OANCĂ RUSET, «Community and Communion in The Quest of the Holy Grail». HyperCultura 4.2 (2015) http://litere.hyperion.ro/ hypercultura/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/Ruset-Oanca-Monica.pdf (last accessed 09.07.2019). A. PAUPHILET, Études sur La Queste del Saint Graal attribuée à Gautier Map, É. Champion, Paris 1921. K. PRATT, «The Cistercians and the Queste del Saint Graal», Reading Medieval Studies, 21 (1995) 69-96. A. M. L. WILLIAMS, The Adventures of the Holy Grail: A Study of La Queste del Saint Graal, Peter Lang, Bern 2001.

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J. WIPPEL, Metaphysical Themes in Thomas Aquinas, The Catholic University of America Press, Washington, D.C. 1995, p. 256 (Studies in Philosophy and the History of Philosophy, vol. 10). L. WOOD, «The Ethics of Election in the Queste del Saint Graal», New Medieval Literatures, 15 (2013) 185-226.

Irene Villarroel Fernández* La colección de Miracula Beatae Mariae Virginis del ms. 9289 de la Biblioteca Nacional de España 1. El manuscrito 9289 de la BNE y la biblioteca del conde de Haro El manuscrito 9289 de la Biblioteca Nacional de España1, datado en el siglo XIV, perteneció a la biblioteca de don Pedro Fernández de Velasco, primer conde de Haro, una de las más importantes y representativas bibliotecas de la nobleza castellana de la primera mitad del siglo XV, que se custodia actualmente en la Biblioteca Nacional de España2. Entre * Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia, Paseo Senda del Rey 7, 28040 Madrid, España, [email protected]. Este estudio se ha realizado en el marco del Proyecto de Investigación de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid «Los exempla latinos medievales conservados en España II» (PGC2018-096458-B-I00), dirigido por la Dra. Patricia Cañizares Ferriz, a quien agradezco su inestimable guía y apoyo para la elaboración de este estudio. 1 Biblioteca Nacional de España, Inventario general de manuscritos de la Biblioteca Nacional, vol. XIII (8500-9500), Madrid 1995, p. 274. Disponible en línea en: http://www.bne.es/es/Micrositios/Guias/Inventario_Manuscritos/resources/docs/ invgenmss13x1x.pdf (última consulta: 29/12/2020). 2 Sobre la biblioteca del conde de Haro, cf. J. N. H. Lawrance, «Nueva luz sobre la biblioteca del conde de Haro: inventario de 1455», El Crotalón. Anuario de Filología Española, 1 (1984) 1073-1111; C. Alonso de Porres Fernández, El buen Conde de Haro (Don Pedro Fernández de Velasco II). Apuntes biográficos. Testamento y codicilos, Asociación de Amigos de Medina de Pomar, Burgos 2009; A. Paz y Meliá, «Biblioteca fundada por el conde de Haro en 1455», Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, I (1897) 18-24, 60-66, 156-163, 255-262, 452-462; IV (1900) 535-541, 662-667; VI (1902) 198206, 372-382; VII (1902) 51-55; XIX (1908) 124-136; XX (1909) 277-289; D. Arsuaga Laborde, «Los libros donados por el primer conde de Haro al Hospital de la Vera Cruz de Medina de Pomar: un testimonio de la bibliofilia de un magnate en la Castilla de mediados del siglo XV», Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie III. Historia Medieval, 25 (2012) 85-118, disponible en línea en: http://revistas.uned.es/index.php/ETFIII/article/ view/1680 (última consulta: 29/12/2020); Id., Pedro Fernández de Velasco, primer conde de Haro: un estudio de la figura de un ricohombre en la Castilla del Cuatrocientos, tesis inédita, UNED 2015, pp. 31-33; 293-298, disponible en línea en: http://e-spacio. uned.es/fez/view/tesisuned:GeoHis-Darsuaga (última consulta: 29/12/2020).

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los volúmenes que componían esta biblioteca, de la que conservamos un inventario realizado en 1455 y un catálogo elaborado en 15533, destacan las obras de carácter religioso, junto a títulos de temática histórica, filosófica, devocional, militar y caballeresca4. Dentro de las obras de carácter religioso sobresalen, asimismo, diversos libros dedicados a la Virgen, como Breviarios y Psalterios, así como Vitae y Miracula de Nuestra Señora, que tuvieron un notable auge en las bibliotecas aristocráticas durante el siglo XV. Este manuscrito, que ocupa el asiento número 7 del inventario de 1455 y el número 25 del catálogo de 1553, está formado por 82 folios en pergamino escritos a doble columna en letra gótica libraria, excepto los dos últimos folios, y presenta el siguiente contenido5:

3 Conservados ambos en el manuscrito Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, RES/141: el catálogo de 1553 en los folios 1r-19r y el inventario de 1455 en los folios 20r-22v. 4 Entre los volúmenes de la biblioteca del conde de Haro sobresale, por el carácter representativo de sus intereses intelectuales, el denominado Vademecum (conservado en dos copias manuscritas: Madrid, BNE, 9513 y Madrid, BNE, 9522), una miscelánea de textos clásicos, cristianos y medievales escritos en latín, castellano y francés, sobre la lectura de la Sagrada Escritura y el conocimiento de los principios de la filosofía moral en sus diferentes facetas, así como textos de contenido histórico, militar y caballeresco. El Grupo de Investigación de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid «La literatura latina en extractos: florilegios y antologías de la Edad Media y el Renacimiento» ha realizado numerosos estudios sobre el Vademecum, entre los que destacan, en relación con la biblioteca del conde: M.ª J. Muñoz Jiménez, «Identificación, datación y procedencia de dos manuscritos (BNM 9513 y 9522) de la Biblioteca del conde de Haro», Scriptorium, LX (2006) 246-253; P. Cañizares Ferriz, «El Vademecum del conde de Haro en el contexto de su biblioteca privada», en M.ª T. Callejas Berdonés – P. Cañizares Ferriz – M.ª D. Castro Jiménez – M.ª F. del Barrio Vega – A. Espigares Pinilla – M.ª J. Muñoz Jiménez (eds.), «Manipulus studiorum» en recuerdo de la profesora Ana María Aldama Roy, Escolar y Mayo, Madrid 2014, pp. 183-196; Ead., «El Vademecum del conde de Haro: contexto, génesis e historia del texto», Revue d’histoire des textes, n. s. XIV (2019) 279-312. 5 Una completa descripción de este manuscrito se encuentra en la Base de Datos ELME http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12238/6, asociada al proyecto «Los exempla latinos medievales conservados en España II» (PGC2018-096458-B-I00), dirigido por la Dra. Patricia Cañizares Ferriz. Este manuscrito está disponible en línea en http:// bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000096152&page=1 (última consulta: 29/12/2020).



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– Adhortationes sanctorum patrum ad profectum perfectionis monachorum (ff. 1r-56r). Inc. Interrogauit quidam beatum antonium dicens6. – Incipiunt alia aliunde (ff. 56r-70v). Inc. Quidam sutor intelligens ad litteram7. – Miracula beatissime Virginis Mariae que fuerunt excepta (sic) de quodam libro miraculorum eius (ff. 70v-81v). Inc. Quidam monachus sacrista erat lubricus. – Fluat stilla de mamilla / gloriose virginis / que calorem et ardorem / extinguat libidinis (f. 81v). – [Citas del maestro Jacobus de Vitriaco] (ff. 81v-82v). Inc. Magister iacobus de uitriaco dixit. Quod quidam templarius nimia. En el códice el librarius del conde de Haro agregó en el vuelto de la hoja guarda inicial el título Sanctorum patrum exempla optima est liber iste amen –referido, seguramente a la primera obra copiada en el manuscrito–, en el primer folio un índice de las obras que componían el códice en ese momento –puesto que los dos últimos textos, una breve poesía y las citas de Jacobus de Vitriaco, se agregaron posteriormente– y, por último, la foliación antigua presente en el manuscrito8. 2. La colección de Miracula Beatae Mariae Virginis La colección de Miracula Beatae Mariae Virginis recogida en los folios 70v-81v del manuscrito 9289 de la Biblioteca Nacional de España está formada por cuarenta y nueve milagros bajo el título, ya anteriormente mencionado, Incipiunt miracula beatissime Virginis Marie que fuerunt excepta (sic) de quodam libro miraculorum eius. Cada milagro está La fuente textual de estas adhortationes son los libros V, VI y VII de las Vitae Patrum, conocidos como Verba seniorum. 7 Obra compuesta por exempla atribuidos a Odón de Queritón, maestro inglés del siglo XIII, que incluía en sus sermones numerosos exempla. 8 El librarius aprovecha la tabula de la primera obra (f. 1r) para añadir en el margen los folios con los que se corresponde cada ítem de la tabula, y agrega en el margen inferior la referencia al resto de obras presentes en el manuscrito: LVI secuntur exempla notabylissima de dictis et uictis patrum et incipiunt y LXX secuntur myracula beate Virginis. De ello se desprende que las dos últimas obras del manuscrito no se encontraban en él cuando el librarius realizó el índice. 6

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precedido bien de una rúbrica que sintetiza el contenido del miraculum, por ejemplo, De illo qui se occidit et reuixit o De abbatisa ab infamia liberata, o bien del epígrafe exemplum, en vez del a priori esperable miraculum. Presentamos, a continuación, los íncipits de los milagros que conforman los Miracula Beatae Mariae Virginis del manuscrito 9289. Hemos agregado una numeración de los mismos, según el orden en el que están recogidos en el manuscrito, y añadido entre paréntesis las rúbricas o epígrafes que los introducen9. 1. Quidam monachus sacrista erat lubricus in carne 2. Quidam clericus Carnoti erat prauus in moribus (De clerico Carnotensi) 3. Quidam clericus similiter eam reuerenter honorabat (Exemplum) 4. Quidam nobilis uolens ire Iherusalem (Exemplum) 5. Quidam pauper nichil habens sed de labore et de elemosina uiuens (De paupere liberato) 6. Fur quidam ebbo licet latro esset tamen uirginem (De latrone liberato) 7. In monasterio sancti Petri in colonia quidam frater (De monacho resuscitato) 8. Dominus Hugo abbas Cluniaci narrabat (De illo qui se occidit et reuixit) 9. Quidam frater timebatur de stimulo carnis (Exemplum) 10. Cuidam etiam accidit alia uice quod cum haberet quendam fratrem (Exemplum) 11. Quidam sacerdos honeste uite imperitus sciencia (De sacerdote qui unam tantum missam scilicet salue sancti sciebat) 12. Duo germani fuerunt Rome quorum unus uocabatur Petrus (De duobus germanis saluatis) 13. Quidam rusticus erat ualde cupidus (Exemplum) 14. Sapie (sic) in monasterio sancti Saluatoris fuit quidam monachus prior (De priore) 15. Legitur in floribus sanctorum scriptum alibi (Exemplum) 16. Risis (sic) quidam clericus habebat in reuerencia (Exemplum) 17. In ciuitate Bituriensi accidit grande miraculum (Exemplum) 18. Quantum sit beata Virgo iusta et misericors (Exemplum) 19. In Britania maiori fuit quidam domina (De illa domina cui augmentauit beata uirgo tristiciam) 20. In urbe Toletana in die Ascensionis (Exemplum) 21. Quidam monachus fuit quem domina (De illo quem domina nostra ostendit familiarem) 22. De muliere que filiam non habebat (Exemplum) Hemos transcrito los íncipits respetando la grafía presente en el manuscrito; sólo se ha modificado el uso de las mayúsculas para los nombres propios. 9



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23. Quidam episcopus pro consuetudine habebat loco sanctorum (Exemplum) 24. Alio quoque tempore idem accessit ad edem Virginis (Exemplum) 25. In quodam monasterio fuit quedam abbatissa (De abbatissa ab infamia liberata) 26. Et quidam maris spacia multa percurrisset (Exemplum) 27. Abbas quidam narrauit quod cum fuisset (Exemplum) 28. Quidam uir religiosus erat qui multum diligebat (Exemplum) 29. Fuit quidam Laodicensus ecclesie archidiachonus (Exemplum) 30. In Libia est quedam ymago Virginis sine homine facta (Exemplum) 31. Fuit quidam monachus qui gloriose laudes post horas (Exemplum) 32. In Burgundia fuit eciam quidam monachus (De monacho subito mortuo) 33. Quedam santimonialis fuit in quodam cenobio (De illa que comisit stuprum) 34. Presul fuit quidam qui habebat clericum (De clerico liberato ab amore puelle) 35. Quidam presul de Francia bonus nomine honorabat multum dominam (Exemplum) 36. De quadam ymagine quam uidens proiecit (De imagine) 37. Fuit Lagdunum (sic) mulier quedam nomine (Exemplum) 38. Miles quidam fuit nobilis qui parum omnes sanctos (Exemplum) 39. In cumba est ecclesia sancti Michaelis (Exemplum) 40. Cum quidam fere XXX uenirent suassionem (Exemplum) 41. Quidam archiepiscopus Toletanus Hyldefonsus ualde uirginem diligebat (Exemplum) 42. Fuerunt duo magistri magni Parisius Naufrancus et Berengarius (Exemplum) 43. Quidam sutor fuit qui in uerbis dominam magnam habebat (Exemplum) 44. Cum sanctus foronorus acciperet quendam tunicam a quodam usurario (Exemplum) 45. Quidam uulneratus in quodam exercitu contra sarracenos 46. Accidit quod quidam miles moriens cuidam alteri amico suo (Exemplum) 47. Quidam clericus magne scientie et fere in omni uirtute (Exemplum) 48. Narrauit sanctus Basilius fuit in quodam monasterio feminarum (Exemplum) 49. Quidam colonus cuiusdam patricii (Exemplum)

El hecho de que el copista del manuscrito rubrique gran parte de estos miracula bajo el epígrafe exemplum no es casual, ya que la mayoría de ellos no aparecen en su forma completa, sino que han sido modificados y abreviados, a modo de exempla, conservando, sin embargo, los puntos esenciales del milagro. Ambos géneros, los miracula y los exempla, son dos formas narrativas breves con muchos puntos en común, lo que favorece que, sobre todo a partir del siglo XIV, cuando proliferan las colecciones de exempla para uso de los predicadores, estas incluyan muchos milagros en su repertorio, ya que el exemplum es una forma breve que asimila fácilmente otras tipologías narrativas, como la fábula, el cuento, la parábola y, en este caso, el milagro.

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Esta abreviación del milagro es significativa para la búsqueda de las fuentes, pues al adaptar el milagro al género del exemplum se producen diversas modificaciones en el relato miraculístico, entre ellas, la alteración del íncipit. Así pues, estos, en su mayoría, no coinciden con los recogidos en los repertorios canónicos, lo que dificulta su búsqueda. Una muestra de esta variación se puede observar en los siguientes ejemplos, en los presentamos la correlación de los íncipits de algunos miracula del manuscrito 9289 con los íncipits de los mismos recogidos en el «Index miraculorum B.V. Mariae quae saec. VI-XV latine conscripta sunt» de Poncelet10. Tabla I. Comparativa de los íncipits del ms. Madrid, BNE, 9289 y MBVM Ms. Madrid, BNE, 9289

MBVM

11. Quidam sacerdos honeste uite 12. Duo germani fuerunt Rome 13. Quidam rusticus erat ualde cupidus 14. Sic in monasterio sancti Saluatoris fuit 15. Legitur in floribus sanctorum scriptum 16. Risis (sic) quidam clericus habebat

1604. Sacerdos quidam erat parrochie 413. Erant duo fratres in urbe Roma 480. Erat quidam vir secularis rurali 99. Apud civitatem que Papia dicitur

563. Fuit et alius Iulianus non quidem sanctus 866. In territorio civitatis, quae dicitur Pisa, erat... clericus 17. In ciuitate Bituriensi accidit grande 234. Contigit quondam res .. Bituricensi miraculum 18. Quantum sit beata Virgo iusta et 1649 + 1727. Sicut ex iam relatis de misericors Sancta Dei 19. In Britania maiori fuit quidam 120. Asserunt antiqui relatores Britaniam domina 20. In urbe Toletana in die ascensionis 12. Ad excitanda humilium corda 21. Quidam monachus fuit quem 1187. Olim fuit quidam monachus in domina

10 A. Poncelet, «Index miraculorum B.V. Mariae quae saec. VI-XV latine conscripta sunt»,  Analecta Bollandiana, 21 (1902) 242-360, disponible en línea en: http://csm.mml.ox.ac.uk/?p=poncelet (última consulta: 29/12/2020), al que nos referiremos a partir de ahora con las siglas MBVM. Junto a los íncipits hemos añadido la numeración correspondiente a cada miraculum en el manuscrito de la BNE y en la obra de Poncelet.



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De ellos, los milagros locales, es decir, aquellos asociados a una ciudad o región, como es el caso de Roma (e.g. 12) o Britania (e.g. 19), suelen conservar su adscripción, aunque se modifique su expresión. En otros casos, sin embargo, como e.g. 15 o 18, es preciso tener en cuenta el relato completo para verificar, de manera inequívoca, su correlación con los milagros recogidos en los repertorios canónicos11. 3. Una aproximación a las fuentes textuales Los miracula incluidos en esta colección del siglo XIV siguen, en general, una de las ramas de la producción hispánica de colecciones de milagros, representada por cinco testimonios manuscritos centrales12: – Copenhaguen, Det Kongelige Bibliotek, Thott 128 folio (ff. 1-74). 2.ª mitad del s. XIII. – Lisboa, Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Alc. 149 (ff. 21r-138v). s. XII-XIII. – Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, 110 (ff. 7v-81v). s. XIII. – Tarragona, Biblioteca Pública del Estado en Tarragona, 55 (ff. 1r50r). Principios siglo XIII13. – Zaragoza, Biblioteca Capitular, 879 (ff. 293v-311r). s. XIII14. Además del ya citado de Poncelet, véase A. Mussafia, «Studien zu den mittelalterlichen Marienlegenden», Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften: Philosophisch-historische Klasse, 113 (1886) 917-994; 115 (1887) 5-92; 119 (1889) 1-66; 123 (1890) 1-85; 139 (1898) 1-74. 12 Sobre la producción hispánica de las colecciones de milagros de la Virgen, cf. F. Bautista, «Desarrollo y difusión de las colecciones de milagros de la Virgen: de los orígenes anglo-normandos a la recepción y producción hispánica (siglos XIIXIII)», en A. Arizaleta – F. Bautista (eds.), Los modelos anglo-normandos en la cultura letrada en Castilla (siglos XII-XIV), Presses Universitaires du Midi, Toulouse 2018, pp. 217-237. 13 Disponible en línea en: https://bvpb.mcu.es/es/consulta/registro.do?id= 396850 (última consulta: 29/12/2020). 14 A estos cinco testimonios manuscritos centrales hemos de añadir el manuscrito El Escorial, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Q.III.9 (ff. 71r-119r). s. XII, que no había sido citado hasta ahora como perteneciente a esta rama de la tradición. 11

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Estos manuscritos, tal como afirma Bautista15, aunque presentan a veces grandes diferencias entre sí, sobre todo por supresión de piezas, remontan a un antecedente común, ajustándose a una misma ordenación y estructura y transmitiendo una idéntica redacción de los milagros. La colección de milagros transmitida por esta rama de la tradición hispánica está compuesta por cerca de ochenta milagros –cuarenta y ocho milagros de tipo general y una colección de milagros locales de la abadía de Notre Dame de Soissons de Hugo Farsito, además del milagro del niño que ofrece pan a una imagen de Cristo (MBVM 1671) al final– y entronca con las colecciones de milagros de origen inglés. De los miracula transmitidos en la colección representada por estos cinco manuscritos, el códice 9289 contiene una selección de treinta y dos milagros de tipo general e introduce alguna variación en la ordenación de los milagros, tal como se puede observar en la siguiente tabla: Tabla II. El ms. Madrid, BNE, 9289 en relación con la producción hispánica de colecciones de milagros16 Íncipit MBVM Fuit in Toletana urbe Erat quidam monachus in quodam Quidam clericus in Carnotensium Alter quoque clericus in quodam Vir quidam pauper degebat Sicut exposuit Gregorius Papa In monasterio Sancti Petri Neque hoc silere debemus quo Sacerdos quidam erat parrochie 15

p. 218.

N.º MBVM 590 468/850 1357 69 1761 1651 + 674 819 1150 1604

Alc. Ma 1 1 2 2 3 3 4 4 5 5 6 6 7 7 8 8 9 9

Z 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

C 1 – – – – – – – –

Th 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Ha 41 1 2 3 5 6 7 8 11

Bautista, «Desarrollo y difusión de las colecciones de milagros de la Virgen»,

Esta tabla se basa en la tabla I recogida en el artículo de Bautista, «Desarrollo y difusión de las colecciones de milagros de la Virgen», p. 233, a la que se han añadido los datos procedentes del ms. Madrid, BNE, 9289. Las abreviaturas utilizadas en la tabla son las siguientes: MBVM = Miracula Beatae Mariae Virginis (según índice de Poncelet); Alc = ms. Lisboa, Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Alc. 149; Ma = ms. Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, 110; Z = ms. Zaragoza, Biblioteca Capitular, 879; C = ms. Tarragona, Biblioteca Pública del Estado en Tarragona, 55; Th = ms. Copenhaguen, Det Kongelige Bibliotek, Thott 128 folio; Ha = ms. Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, 9289. 16



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413 Erant duo fratres in urbe Roma 480 Erat quidam vir secularis rurali 99 Apud civitatem que Papia dicitur 862 In supradicta urbe fuit quidam 1616 Sancti Michaelis arcangeli nomine 491 Est et alia ecclesia in honore s. Mich. 866 In territorio civitatis qui dicitur Pisa 1092 + 1093 Miraculum me referre non piget 234 Contigit quondam res ... Bituricensi 1649 + 1727 Sicut ex iam relatis de Sancta Dei 120 Asserunt antiqui relatores Britaniam 12 Ad excitanda humilium corda 1210 + 811 In loco, qui Tumba dicatur, est 1187 Olim fuit quidam monachus in 790 In Gallie partibus est quoddam 1117 Moris erat sancto Dunstanno 45 Alio item tempore prefata pastorum 164 + 562 Celebre est illum medicum certatim 384 + 417 Duo Beate Dei Genitricis Mariae 59/557 Aliud quoque Sancte Dei Genitricis 1520 Quidam vir religiosus erat qui 646/559 Fuit quidam religiosus Leodicensis 517bis Factum est autem priusquam 1609/261 Sacrossancta sancte Marie Dei 1161 Non est silendum quod Probus Dei 1653 Sicut iterum audivi, fuit quidam 808 In Libia etenim civitate que proxima 858 In sancta Getsemani que est inter 540 Frater quidam qui in cenobio 1186 Olim erat cognitus alter quidam 1307 Quedam sanctimonialis sicut fertur Fratres operamini neque seducamini 545 + 1674 705/1230 Huc venite et audite omnes servi 1226bis Presul erat Deo gratus ex 324/878 De illa autem vere incontaminata 1666 Sollemnem memoriam Sancte Marie 167 Chiviacus villa est episcopi 795 In Grannopolitano territorio, vir 632 Fuit quidam miles nobilitate

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

– 2 3 4 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

10 11 12 13 – 14 15 16 17 18 – 19 20 21 22 – 23 24 25 26 27 28 – – – – – – 29 30 – 31 32 33 – – – – 34

273

12 13 14 – – – 16 – 17 18 19 20 39 21 22 23 24 25 26 – 28 29 – – – – 30 – 31 – 33 – – 34 /35 – – – – 38

Sin embargo, el manuscrito de la biblioteca del conde de Haro transmite otros miracula externos a esta tradición. De este modo, encontramos algunos milagros que aparecen recogidos en el Liber Mariae escrito por Juan Gil de Zamora en la segunda mitad del si-

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glo XIII17, quien hizo uso para la confección de su obra de la tradición hispánica de los miracula, de forma más o menos intensiva, modificando, sin embargo, la ordenación transmitida por los manuscritos anteriores, y añadiendo nuevos materiales. Así pues, tres milagros de la colección de miracula del manuscrito 9289, los números 27, 32 y 36, se corresponden con los milagros tract. XVI, cap. 2, mir. 3 (MBMV, n.º 2), tract. XVI, cap. 1, mir. 9 (MBMV, n.º 1106) y tract. XVI, cap. 6, mir. 6 (MBMV, n.º 760) de la obra de Gil de Zamora y no se encuentran entre los transmitidos en los cinco manuscritos de la tradición hispánica anteriormente mencionados. Como en el caso de los miracula de la tradición hispánica, presentan un íncipit distinto al recogido en el Liber Mariae de Gil de Zamora y han sido abreviados respecto a su fuente18. Asimismo, hemos hallado una correspondencia entre el milagro número 42 del ms. 9289, ausente en los repertorios canónicos, y un extracto del libro II, capítulo 5 del Chronicon Henrici Knighton, Monachi Leycestrensis, una crónica inglesa del siglo XIV, que recoge la historia de Inglaterra desde el año 959 al 1366; y entre el milagro número 15 del ms. 9289 y el excerptum de la Legenda Aurea, XXX, 79-128, sobre Juliano el apóstata (MBMV, n.º 563)19. 17 De esta obra conservamos dos copias manuscritas: el ms. Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, 9503, disponible en línea en: http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer. vm?id=0000041856&page=1 (última consulta: 29/12/2020), y el ms. Burgo de Osma, Biblioteca Catedralicia, 110. Para un estudio y edición del Liber Mariae de Gil de Zamora, cf. O. S. Bohdziewicz, Una contribución al estudio de la prosa latina en la Castilla del siglo XIII. Edición crítica y estudio del Liber Mariae de Juan Gil de Zamora, Tesis doctoral, Buenos Aires 2014, disponible en http://repositorio.filo.uba. ar/handle/filodigital/4412 (última consulta: 29/12/2020). 18 Así encontramos Abbas quidam narratur quod cum fuisset (ms. BNE 9289) frente a Abbas quidam in medio maris britannici (Liber Mariae); In burgundia fuit eciam quidam monachus qui frente a Monachus quidam in Burgundia fuit aegritudine y De quadam ymagine quam uidens proiecit frente a In civitate Constantinopolitana Iudaeus quidam imaginem. Cabe advertir que nuestra investigación sobre las fuentes de esta colección de miracula aún está abierta, pues quedan todavía más de una decena de milagros por identificar y hemos de profundizar en diversos aspectos de su tradición. 19 En ambos casos también encontramos una forma abreviada y modificada respecto al texto del Chronicon y de la Legenda Aurea y los íncipits han sido alterados: Fuerunt duo magistri magni Parisius en vez del original Secularis ille magister Lanfrancus in mundo famosus y Legitur in floribus sanctorum scriptum alibi frente a Fuit et alius



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4. De miraculum a exemplum Los miracula del manuscrito de la biblioteca del conde de Haro, como hemos señalado anteriormente, no se presentan en su forma completa, sino abreviados y rubricados como exempla. Para adecuarlos al nuevo género, por un lado, se han omitido pasajes no centrales del relato y, por otro, se ha llevado a cabo una reelaboración de los pasajes conservados. A continuación, presentamos dos ejemplos de esta adaptación realizada en el manuscrito 9289, uno procedente de los miracula recogidos en el Liber Mariae de Gil de Zamora y otro de la tradición hispánica de los siglos XII y XIII. El milagro número 32, introducido por el epígrafe De monacho subito mortuo, recoge el relato de un monje de la región de Borgoña que era muy devoto de la Virgen. Este, una noche, fatigado por el tiempo que llevaba velando, se quedó dormido, pero al instante se despertó y empezó a rezar sus oraciones acostumbradas. Mientras rezaba, lanzó un fuerte grito, seguido de unas voces angustiosas, que fueron oídas por el resto de los monjes. Estos, asustados, acudieron a su encuentro y en el camino tres de ellos escucharon más voces, que no fueron capaces de entender. Finalmente, cuando llegaron a la habitación del monje, lo encontraron muerto. Puesto que se trataba de una muerte extraña, los monjes deliberaron si se le podía dar sepultura con el resto de los difuntos, en lo que algunos no estaban de acuerdo. A estos monjes disidentes se les apareció el difunto esa misma noche y les dijo que se encontraba en la gloria de los santos por intercesión de la Virgen y que los gritos que habían escuchado se debían a que cuando se estaba muriendo se le aparecieron unos demonios que se querían llevar su alma, pero que, gracias a la intercesión de la Virgen, que premió su devoción, subió al reino de los cielos.

Iulianus non quidem sanctus. Para una edición crítica del Chronicon Henrici Knighton, cf. Chronicon Henrici Knighton, ed. J. R. Lumby, Eyre and Spottiswoode, London 1889, disponible en línea en: https://archive.org/details/chroniconhenric00lumbgoog (última consulta: 29/12/2020); en el caso de la Legenda Aurea, cf. Iacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, ed. G. P. Maggioni, Edizioni del Galluzzo, Firenze 1998.

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Tabla III. Adaptación del miraculum al exemplum (1) Gil de Zamora, Liber Mariae Ms. Madrid, BNE, 9503 (ff. 121v-122r)

Ms. Madrid, BNE, 9289 (n.º 32, f. 77r)

Monachus quidam in Burgundia fuit egritudine detentus, qui dulcissimum Dei Filium intime diligebat et almifluam Matrem eius non minus, sed pariter diligebat atque suis laudibus et multum deditus ad hec idem sepe alios incitabat. Hoc peregit omni tempore quo uixit in corpore. Nocte uero quadam, lacrimis fessis ac uigiliis, obdormiuit paululum super stratum proprium, sed statim euigilans, nondum bene dormiens, mox Marie psallere cepit deuotissime matutinas proprias, atque preces reliquas, quas solitus fuerat et ei deuouerat. Dum hec itaque ageret, exclamauit fortiter dehinc magis anxius cepit uoces edere quibus fratres territi et nimis attoniti, unusquisque ilico suo surgit lectulo atque illuc properat qua uoces audierat. Et dum illuc pariter currerent uelociter, ecce tres de monachis qui erant cum aliis sursum uoces plurimas audierunt in aera, sed quid uellent dicere nequiuerunt dignoscere, quia ad hoc forsitan tam digni non fuerant ut scirent celestia que fiunt in aere; tamen currunt cicius ad egrum cum fratribus, sed iam uocem eius clauserat grauior infirmitas. Ad quem, cum perueniunt, mortuum repereriunt. Adhuc, cum firmiter nesciuissent si uiueret, et ut scirent cicius, accedebant propias auscultantes tacite et nimis sollicite, si tam cito spiritus recessisset, sed in uanum fit, quia iam discesserat morte quidem subita uigor uite.

In Burgundia fuit eciam quidam monachus, qui dominatrici et filio eius ueneretur, famulabatur.     Nocte igitur quadam lacrimis fessus uigiliis obdormiuit sed statim euigilans Marie cepit horas dicere et laudes alias quas sibi promiserat.   Dum hec ageret clamauit fortiter et magis anxie cepit uoces emittere, quibus frates territi surgunt de lectis suis currunt ad lectum eius. Inter hos tres de monachis audiunt sursum in aera uoces plurimas sed quid uellent dicere non discernunt.       Inueniunt monachum mortuum.

Como se puede observar en la tabla III, en la que se recoge el inicio de este milagro, la adaptación del miraculum presente en el manuscrito 9289 transmite los rasgos principales del relato: la veneración a la Virgen, los rezos del monje, los gritos que hacen acudir al resto de habitantes del monasterio y el hallazgo del difunto; sin embargo, se han obviado otros



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aspectos que complementan el relato, pero que no son necesarios para la comprensión del hecho principal: su devoción como ejemplo para el resto de la comunidad, la razón por la que los otros monjes no eran capaces de entender ciertas voces que oían o los intentos por ver si le quedaba algún rastro de vida. Esta abreviación del milagro, para adaptarlo a la forma del exemplum, no sólo implica la omisión de los pasajes no centrales del relato, sino también la reelaboración de los fragmentos que se conservan. Así, por ejemplo, se simplifica la expresión – tomando como referencia a los fratres, se obvia el pronombre indefinido unusquisque y se hace concordar la oración con el mismo sujeto, de unusquisque ilico suo surgit lectulo a surgunt de lectis –y se aclara el contenido– los fratres no se apresuran al lugar qua uoces audierat sino que directamente corren ad lectum eius. Asimismo, con el fin de enlazar una oración con el pasaje anterior, que en el texto original no se encuentra a continuación, se utiliza el sintagma preposicional inter hos en vez de presentar los nuevos personajes mediante ecce tres de monachis, qui erant cum aliis. Por último, también se producen modificaciones en el léxico como la sustitución del verbo properare por currere o dignosco por discerno. El milagro número 39, introducido por el epígrafe exemplum, transmite un relato acerca de una mujer embarazada que acude al santuario de Saint Michel. En el camino que da acceso al santuario empieza a subir la marea y todos huyen, excepto la mujer que no se puede mover por el miedo y el dolor de un parto próximo. Ante ello empieza a pedir auxilio, pero nadie la socorre, hasta que comienza a invocar a la Virgen, que se aparece para protegerla del agua y allí mismo da a luz. En ese lugar permanece hasta que, al replegarse el mar, puede dirigirse hacia el santuario, donde entra con su hijo y se encuentra con el resto de peregrinos que ya la creían muerta. Por todo ello rezan a la Virgen y le dan las gracias por este milagro. Tabla IV. Adaptación del miraculum al exemplum (2) Ms. Copenhaguen, Det Kongelige Bibliotek, Thott. 128

Ms. Madrid, BNE, 9289 (n.º 39, f. 79r)

In loco qui Tumba dicitur quedam eclesia In cumba est ecclesia sancti Michaelis ad in honore sancti Michaelis archangeli quam multa deuotio populi accedit. Est honorifice admodum constructa est. Ille itaque transitus ad eam per locum marinum uero locus oceano undique cinctus ipsius estu, qui grece reuma dicitur, nimis terribilis propter accessum maris Malina

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nuncupatum et recessum Ledona dictum omnibus aduenientibus et limina sancti archangeli petere desiderantibus bis in die sinum pretendens. Non autem ut cetera maria gradatim, uerum precipiti cursu cum magno fremitu ac strepitu terrificoque sonitu accurrens, sepe intercipit iter agentes et ideo isdem locus Periculum Maris appellatur. Omnium itaque terrarum populi hunc locum in sollempnitate sancti archangeli Michaelis iugi deuocione frequentant, angelica suffragia per hoc se posse adipisci sperantes. Quadam igitur festiuitate ipsius archangeli turbis ad eius limina properantibus, ecce iam in medio arene maris positis, affuit inter ceteros quedam mulier paupercula uicino partu omnino iam grauida, cum ecce subito terribilis sonitus maris intonat, et cunctis prepeti cursu modo amentium fugientibus, ipsa miserrima mulier nichil humani auxilii habens, sola remansit, usu eciam pedum pre nimio timore, dolore et labore destituta. Irruerant enim in eam, ut de alia quadam diuina pagina narratur, dolores subiti. Quid ageret, quo se uerteret, ignorabat. Clamabat cum eiulatu miserabiliter auxilium petens, sed unusquisque tueri se ipsum cupiens audire dissimulabat. Quod forte non casu sed magis diuina gestum uoluntate constat, quatinus ex hoc Christi bonitas maxime in tribulaciones presens eiusque piissime matris Marie omnibus claresceret. Igitur absente humano auxilio recurrit ad diuinum, Deum lacrimabili uoce inuocans et eius genitricem Mariam sanctumque Michaelem archangelum.

et mare ex insperato ueniens homines rapit.        

  Inter igitur ascendentes affluit una mulier propinqua partui et uehemente mari ceteris fugientibus ipsa etiam pro timore et lasitudine fugere non ualens preoccupata fuit et          

quia ut dicitur ubi deest humanum auxilium adest diuinum,

Como en el ejemplo anterior, presentamos el inicio del milagro, en el que se puede observar la abreviación del relato. En él se conservan los rasgos esenciales: el santuario rodeado por el agua, la mujer embarazada que desea huir pero no es capaz y la llegada del auxilio divino, pero se ha obviado la explicación de la subida de la marea, los nombres en griego relacionados con el mar o la posible razón de que este hecho «no ocurrió



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por casualidad, sino que más bien fue buscado por la voluntad divina, para que en ello quedara a todos manifiesta la bondad de Cristo, que se hace patente sobre todo en momentos de aflicción, y la bondad de María, su piadosísima Madre». Para adecuar el texto conservado del miraculum al exemplum, se producen, en este caso, entre otras modificaciones de envergadura, la adición o supresión de oraciones de relativo –al principio del pasaje se ha omitido la oración adjetiva, de in loco qui cumba dicitur a in cumba, pero, en cambio, para constreñir en una única oración la importancia del santuario en el que se produce el milagro, al que acuden numerosos peregrinos de todas las partes del mundo, se añade en el exemplum una breve oración de relativo ad quam multa deuotio populi accedit, que lo resume de manera clara– o la reelaboración de oraciones de contenido similar, como es que ante la ausencia del auxilio humano, permanece el auxilio divino: quia ut dicitur ubi deest humanum auxilium adest diuinum en vez del original absente humano auxilio recurrit ad diuinum. Conclusiones En resumen, la colección de milagros transmitida en el manuscrito 9289 de la Biblioteca Nacional de España, proveniente de la biblioteca del conde de Haro, es singular en cuanto a sus fuentes y a la forma de los miracula. Respecto a sus fuentes, si bien se basa en una de las ramas de la producción hispánica de colecciones de milagros de los siglos XII y XIII, ha añadido nuevos materiales de otras procedencias, como el Liber Mariae de Gil de Zamora. En cuanto a su forma, los milagros han sido modificados y abreviados, conservando los puntos esenciales del relato, pero acercándose a la tipología textual del exemplum, una forma narrativa que conoció un gran rendimiento a finales de la Edad Media en el Occidente europeo, y así es entendido por el copista del manuscrito que los rubrica con el epígrafe exemplum.

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Bibliografía C. Alonso de Porres Fernández, El buen Conde de Haro (Don Pedro Fernández de Velasco II). Apuntes biográficos. Testamento y codicilos, Asociación de Amigos de Medina de Pomar, Burgos 2009. D. Arsuaga Laborde, «Los libros donados por el primer conde de Haro al Hospital de la Vera Cruz de Medina de Pomar: un testimonio de la bibliofilia de un magnate en la Castilla de mediados del siglo XV», Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie III. Historia Medieval, 25 (2012) 85118. ––,  Pedro Fernández de Velasco, primer conde de Haro: un estudio de la figura de un ricohombre en la Castilla del Cuatrocientos, tesis inédita. UNED 2015. F. Bautista, «Desarrollo y difusión de las colecciones de milagros de la Virgen: de los orígenes anglo-normandos a la recepción y producción hispánica (siglos XII-XIII)», en A. Arizaleta – F. Bautista (eds.), Los modelos anglo-normandos en la cultura letrada en Castilla (siglos XII-XIV), Presses Universitaires du Midi, Toulouse 2018, pp. 217-237. Biblioteca Nacional de España, Inventario general de manuscritos de la Biblioteca Nacional, vol. XIII (8500-9500), Madrid 1995. O. S. Bohdziewicz, Una contribución al estudio de la prosa latina en la Castilla del siglo XIII. Edición crítica y estudio del Liber Mariae de Juan Gil de Zamora, Tesis doctoral, Buenos Aires 2014. P. Cañizares Ferriz, «El Vademecum del conde de Haro en el contexto de su biblioteca privada», en M.ª T. Callejas Berdonés – P. Cañizares Ferriz – M.ª D. Castro Jiménez – M.ª F. del Barrio Vega – A. Espigares Pinilla – M.ª  J. Muñoz Jiménez (eds.), «Manipulus studiorum» en recuerdo de la profesora Ana María Aldama Roy, Madrid 2014, pp. 183-196. ––,  «El Vademecum del conde de Haro: contexto, génesis e historia del texto», Revue d’histoire des textes, n. s. XIV (2019) 279-312. Chronicon Henrici Knighton, ed. J. R. Lumby, Eyre and Spottiswoode, London 1889. Iacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, ed. G. P. Maggioni, Edizioni del Galluzzo, Firenze 1998. J. N. H. Lawrance, «Nueva luz sobre la biblioteca del conde de Haro: inventario de 1455», El Crotalón. Anuario de Filología Española, 1 (1984) 1073-1111.



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M.ª J. Muñoz Jiménez, «Identificación, datación y procedencia de dos manuscritos (BNM 9513 y 9522) de la Biblioteca del conde de Haro», Scriptorium, LX (2006) 246-253. A. Mussafia, «Studien zu den mittelalterlichen Marienlegenden», Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften: Philosophisch-historische Klasse, 113 (1886) 917-994; 115 (1887) 5-92; 119 (1889) 1-66; 123 (1890) 1-85; 139 (1898) 1-74. A. Paz y Meliá, «Biblioteca fundada por el conde de Haro en 1455», Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos I (1897) 18-24, 60-66, 156-163, 255-262, 452-462; IV (1900) 535-541, 662-667; VI (1902) 198-206, 372-382; VII (1902) 51-55; XIX (1908) 124-136; XX (1909) 277-289. A. Poncelet, «Index miraculorum B.V. Mariae quae saec. VI-XV latine conscripta sunt», Analecta Bollandiana, 21 (1902) 242-360.

PHILOSOPHY AND THEOLOGY

ISABELA GRIGORAȘ* EDITING ALCUIN’S DISPUTATIO DE VERA PHILOSOPHIA AND ARS GRAMMATICA. NEW FINDINGS, METHODOLOGY, AND PROBLEMS

Over the last three years, I have been working on the elaboration of a modern critical edition of Alcuin of York’s Disputatio de uera philosophia and Ars grammatica (henceforth Dph and Ag). I edited Dph for my master’s thesis in medieval studies and I am currently editing Ag as part of my doctoral thesis, which will also contain a translation into English and a commentary of the text. The purpose of this paper is to show some of the novelties that my work as an editor has brought so far, a few considerations about the methodology, and some difficulties that I have encountered. The reader should keep in mind that the results presented in this paper are part of a research in progress. Before delving into the subject of my study, I have to clarify a particular aspect regarding the titles of the two works to which I refer. I chose to adopt the titles proposed by Marie-Hélène Jullien and Françoise Perelman in Clavis Scriptorum Latinorum Medii Aevi1. Most of the manuscripts do not present titles for these writings, and when they do, it is always a different one. The text of Dph is preceded by a title in only two manuscripts2: «Incipit gramatica Albini» M4, «Incipit disputatio Alchuini et discipulorum eius» P5. In the case of Ag, five manuscripts introduce it through a headline: «Expositio duorum discipulorum Albini in Donati Arte feliciter» B (in margine), «Albini magistri dialogum de arte grammaticę lege feliciter» F1, «Alchuini opusculum quod uocatur ΕΝΚΙΡΙΔΙΟΝ feliciter incipit» P5, «Albini grammatici et rethoris liber de octo partibus orationis» S4, «Schola Albini grammatici de grammatica et partibus *

PhD student, University of Fribourg / University of Bucharest; Chemin de la Fenettaz 5, 1722 Bourguillon, Suisse, [email protected] / isabela.stoian@gmail. com 1 Clavis scriptorum Latinorum Medii Aevi. Auctores Galliae 735-987, Tomus II. Alcuin, Ed. by M.-H. JULLIEN – F. PERELMAN, Brepols, Turnhout 1999, pp. 21, 162 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis). 2 The S1 manuscript also seems to have had a title, which has been erased. For the manuscript sigla used here, see Appendix A.

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orationis et eorum accidentibus per dialogum» V2. Moreover, all printed editions published so far present the two texts under the title Grammatica. The fact that many a manuscript transmits the two works together (see below), and that the past editors printed them under the same title does not necessarily imply that Dph and Ag should be considered together as a unitary text. While Dph is an introduction to the study of liberal arts in general, Ag is an actual grammatical treatise. Dph argues for the importance of the seven liberal arts in reaching true wisdom and in defending the Christian faith, and is based on Boethius’ De consolatione Philosophiae. Ag, on the other hand, represents the first liberal art and its main sources are the grammatical works of Priscian and Donatus. It is possible that Alcuin’s intention was to publish the two works together as the first writings of a larger series dedicated to the seven liberal arts (such as Cassiodorus’ Institutiones, book II). Therefore, in this paper I advise that Dph and Ag be considered as separate works with different messages, while highlighting that they are part of a common project (that of promoting the study of liberal arts). Furthermore, the reader of this study might find it useful to have at hand a table with the codices and the editions that transmit these two works (see Appendix A). When a manuscript contains both writings, I mention whether the same hand copied them3 or whether there are particular aspects to take into consideration. With regards to the editions, I indicate the manuscripts that were used or if the edition represents just a republished variant (from the five editors who have published Alcuin’s Grammar so far, only two actually edited it: Canisius and Forster; the others simply republished a former version, without any major changes). Even Migne’s last edition in Patrologia Latina brings very little modifications to Forster’s text, and they are, in some cases, inappropriate editorial choices or typographic mistakes. Another aspect, which I would like to point out, is that Canisius seems to have established the tradition of publishing the two works of Alcuin under the same title (Grammatica). His editio princeps is based on a single manuscript, S1, which transmits only the texts of Dph and Ag. The transmission of the two texts together might also be a factor that determined the choice of manuscripts made by Frobenius Forster. 3

This is the case in a majority of manuscripts. Sometimes a second or even a third hand took over the transcription, with no apparent pattern; only in one case (M2) is there a change of scribe between the two works.

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I do not claim that the manuscript list in Appendix A is exhaustive since I cannot affirm that I found all the extant codices which transmit Alcuin’s Dph and Ag. There are medieval booklists that mention Alcuin’s name or grammatical work among other grammarians or grammars4. I could not always identify to which known codex they might refer. There are certainly some other lost or unidentified manuscripts, which (if known) would complete the stemma codicum that I am preparing for my edition. However, I will summarize here the instruments that I used when I started my research for the codices and editions which transmit Alcuin’s Dph and Ag. I started my research with a look into the Clavis Scriptorum Latinorum Medii Aevi by Jullien and Perelman. I then verified the information provided in Clavis by comparing it to the details offered in Bischoff’s Katalog5, to the data and catalogues accessible online, and to the indications furnished by secondary literature. After this research, I discovered only one more humanistic manuscript that transmits Ag (the S4 manuscript). The most interesting findings came out while I collated and analysed the manuscripts themselves. At the end of my investigation, I realised that Clavis contains erroneous or deficient data. Since this is a reference work in the editorial demarche, I find it important to indicate the necessary emendations. Thus, I present in Appendix B a table with the differences between the information found in Clavis and the results of my research, in regard to the manuscripts and the editions. I do not emend here the inaccuracies found in the sources of Clavis or in the subsequent articles and studies based on it. In addition to the manuscripts that transmit Dph and Ag, two other codices contain glossaries of these works: 1. Fulda, Hochschul- und Landesbibliothek, Aa 2, IXth-Xth c., ff. 31v-35v – contains a glossary that concerns both Dph and Ag. 2. München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14737, IXth-Xth c., f. 226v6 – contains 23 glosses in Latin and Old German that refer only to 4 See M. IRVINE, The Making of Textual Culture. ‘Grammatica’ and Literary Theory, 350-1100, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1994, pp. 339-344. 5 B. BISCHOFF, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts (mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen), Teil I: Aachen-Lambach, Teil II: Laon-Paderborn, Teil III: Padua-Zwickau, Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden 1998, 2004, 2014. 6 The online description and most of the catalogues indicate f. 226v, which is the last folio of the manuscript. However, as far as I can read the foliation from the

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words found in the grammatical text (however, two terms are not found in Ag, nor in Dph). Another novelty of my research regards the stemmata codicum of these two texts and the methods that I have been using in order to elaborate them. What I have done so far is to collate all the manuscripts7 with the Migne edition, which I used as a base text. The choice of this base text mainly resides in the fact that, by collating each manuscript version with the last printed edition, I could immediately see how the other editors worked and how my new edition will be different from theirs. I had no difficulties in reading the manuscripts, since they do not pose palaeographical problems. The main challenge so far has been to establish the connection between the codices and to determine the manuscripts that will be of importance in editing the texts. In order to figure out the stemmata codicum I am using a method that is inspired by Jacques Froger’s La critique des textes et son automatisation8 and that I learnt from Dominique Poirel during the DEEM courses9. In contrast to the widely known «Lachmannian» approach, «Froger’s method» consists in identifying the important individual and common readings (errors and variants alike), in discerning the different groups of manuscripts (that share common readings) and the cleavages between them, and in establishing a non-oriented stemma. Finally, in order to orient the stemma, the editor still has to make judgments based on the errors that the manuscripts transmit. In my opinion, this method continues to support the idea of a single original archetype, which might not be the most adequate assumption for Alcuin’s Dph and Ag. I have not yet determined the final stemmata codicum, nor am I completely sure about the exemplars to be used in my edition, since I still have to make judgments regarding the digitized version of the manuscript, the folio that transmits the glosses is 225v (see the manuscript description and digital reproduction on http://daten.digitale-sammlungen. de). 7 So far I have collated almost all the manuscripts twice, with the exception of those which, after the first collation, proved to be apographa and whose models are extant. 8 J. Froger, La critique des textes et son automatisation, Dunod, Paris 1968. 9 Research Director at Institut de Recherche et d’Histoire des Textes, Dominique Poirel was one of my lecturers of textual criticism during the Diplôme Européen d’Études Médiévales courses in Rome (2016).

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relationships between the manuscripts. There are, however, some groups of codices which seem to share a common archetype or which have quite a clear connection between them. Below, I give some examples. BNP1 – I initially thought that P1 is the model of B and N, but finally I observed that P1 has a few individual readings that cast serious doubts over my hypothesis. What is certain is that N and P1 (before correction) share an impressive amount of readings that do not exist in other manuscripts, so they form a subgroup on their own. The BNP1 group has some connections with P5 and S1, but I have not yet ascertained their nature. AT – these two manuscripts share a few common readings and mistakes, however their connection does not seem to me very strong. They might also have a relation with the group of manuscripts mentioned above. M4P3S3 – this group is of particular importance, as it transmits a portion of the Ag text that does not exist in other manuscripts: «Communia trium generum desinunt in i, m, r, s, x, ut: hic et haec et hoc frugi, nequam, par, prudens, audax» (cf. PL 101, 862D). A later scribe copied this portion in margine in the B manuscript. M4 innovates a lot, whereas P3 and S3 have a very tight relation – most probably the same archetype since P3 has some individual readings that make me hesitant to sustain that it is a model for S3. Both P3 and S3 originally lack the last part of Ag (almost a page). S3 remained incomplete, whereas a later scribe (probably during the late Xth c.) completed P3. Furthermore, I presume a contamination between P3 or S3 (or their archetype) and B, since B has some corrections compatible with P3 and S3. However, the completed lacuna of P3 does not entirely follow the textual variant of B, nor of any other manuscript that I know. Thus, a later scribe completed the text of P3 by copying it from a codex that I could not determine so far. The fragments of M1 have some common readings with P3S3. LP2P6 – P2 contains a folio that transmits just a fragment from Ag and that has common readings with L and P6. On the other hand, I strongly believe L copied P6. M2S4 – these manuscripts share some common errors, which make me think that S4 copied M2. However, I collated the Milan manuscript just once, in situ10, and I still have some doubts to clear up. One of my strongest 10

Due to the exaggerated prices that the Biblioteca Ambrosiana asks for manuscript reproductions.

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doubts regarding this group concerns an addition at the end of the paradigm of the verb fero (cf. PL 101, 884D11) that exists in S4 and not in M2, but is similar to the reading offered by L and P6: S4, f. 28v12: «infinitiuo modo tempore praesenti ferre praeterito perfecto et plusquamperfecto tulisse futuro latum ire uel laturum esse». L, ff. 21r-v; P6, f. 126r: «infinitiuo modo tempore presenti ferre preterito tulisse futuro latum ire impersonali modo fertur ferebatur latum est uel latum fuit latum erat uel latum fuerat feretur gerundi modo ferendi ferendo ferendum latum latu participia duo habet ferens et laturus».

F1F2V1V2 – this group of manuscripts is by far one of the easiest to distinguish and, at the same time, the most intriguing. F2 is clearly the archetype of the group. It has very few individual (but unimportant) readings, and a lacuna that could be easily restored (the perfect subjunctive paradigm of the verb edo is missing among the conjugation forms). Moreover, there are many clear arguments for asserting that the other three manuscripts copied it: errors that only exist in F2 are transmitted to the other three codices; marginal additions alia manu in F2 appear integrated in the text in the other three codices; all four manuscripts share a considerable number of common readings. In addition, I would like to illustrate two particular situations: 1) A mutilus folio with a humanist addition supra lineam in F2 determined either lacunae or the taking over (partially) of the addition13 in the other manuscripts14: F2, f. 99r, the bottom line: «hor]reo rubeo palleo et cet...» (the addition supra lineam alia manu: «et cetera que non sunt») This portion does not exist in the PL. However, Canisius observed that the infinitive form of the verb fero is missing; the marginal note infinitiuus desideratur is also transmitted by the PL. 12 The folios of this manuscript are not numbered; this passage is copied on the 28th folio (if we count from the first written one). 13 As it happens in V2, which is a deluxe codex that could not have blank spaces in the text. In addition, this manuscript also innovated the text a lot. 14 The Vatican manuscripts are available online: V1 – https://digi.vatlib.it/view/ MSS_Chig.L.VII.241; V2 – https://digi.vatlib.it/view/MSS_Urb.lat.308. 11

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F1, f. 106r, ll. 19-20: «parti]cipia inuenias ut caleo tepeo horreo rubeo palleo opus tibi ut» V1, f. 59v, l. 18: «Rubeo palleo.

opus tibi ut»

V2, f. 184r, l. 14: «caleo tepeo horreo rubeo palleo: quae non sunt opus»

2) A foolish mistake made by the copyist of V1 clearly points to the fact that this manuscript was copied from F2: F2, f. 42r, ll. 10-11: «ut reor XV CICC̅ 15 AD HAEC SAXO RESPONDIT; FA» V1, f. 32r, ll. 6-7: «aetatis. ego XIIII annorum. tu ut reor XV. CICC̅ Ad hęc saxo respondit: fa. Ita tamen ut si quid altius sit interrogandum uel»

However, I observed that the three manuscripts F1, V1, and V2 share some important errors and variants that do not exist in F2, nor in any other codex that I know. Moreover, F1, V1, and V2 present substantial individual readings, which exclude the possibility of having a model among them. I have yet to find a satisfying answer for the curious case of this manuscript group. For the last part of this study, I would like to present some extracts from Dph and Ag, which will suffer important emendations in the new edition that I am preparing. After I collated all the manuscripts, I observed a considerable number of inversions, transpositions, omissions, additions and word changes that appear in the old editions and that did not originally exist in Alcuin’s texts. For this paper, I chose only a few examples, which I found eloquent and interesting to display since they could illustrate the necessity of a new edition of Dph and Ag. Of course, many other examples will have to be discovered in the edition itself. I have to make a few observations about the content and the form of the edited passages that I am going to present here. The references are still to the last published edition in PL, vol. 101. Since the second and the third 15

I tried to reproduce the fragment as it looks in the manuscript. It is, of course, a -ciam (from faciam) written with a type of open a.

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editions of Dph and Ag represent faithful copies of the editio princeps, I will not mention them in the apparatus16. However, considering that I have yet to determine with certainty all the codices that are apographa, I will mention for now all the manuscript readings that differ from the text I edited. In the following examples, I will single out only those terms and phrases that make the difference between the past editions and the one that I am preparing. Each example comes with a translation that I made. I added a short argumentation of my editorial choice when I considered it necessary. Disputatio de uera philosophia M. Est equidem facile uiam uobis demonstrare sapientiae si eam tantummodo propter rerum scientiam, propter puritatem animae, propter ueritatem cognoscendam, etiam et propter seipsam diligatis (cf. PL 101, 850B)

M. It is truly easy to show you the way of wisdom if you love it only for the knowledge of things, for the purity of the soul, for knowing the truth, and even for its own sake.

______________________________ tantummodo] propter Deum add. edd.

propter rerum scientiam] om. hc

Canisius himself added propter Deum, which was used in all the other editions, but which appears in no manuscript. On the contrary, Canisius omitted propter rerum scientiam, recovered by Forster. It is interesting to observe, however, that Forster adopted the reading propter Deum, even though the manuscripts he collated did not have it. However suitable this expression might be in context, it is still a pious addition on the part of the editors, and not a reading that is faithful to Alcuin’s text, as it is transmitted by the manuscripts.

16 Besides the manuscript sigla mentioned in Appendix A, I will also use the following ones: hc = Henricus Canisius (editio princeps); ff = Frobenius Forster (editio quarta); pl = Jacques-Paul Migne (editio quinta); a.c. = ante correctionem; add. = addidit; a.m. = alia manu; coni. = coniecit; edd. = editores; eras. = erasit; gloss. = glossam; in marg. = in margine; om. = omisit; p.c. = post correctionem; post..., pr. = post..., prius...; s.l. = supra lineam; trp. = transposuit; ut uid. = ut uidetur.

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D. Perfectorum esse arbitramur D. We believe that it is proper to those huiusmodi rationis frenis animarum who are perfect to restrain the chariots currus coercere. (cf. PL 101, 851A) of their souls by the reins of such a thinking.

______________________________ currus] cursus M4P5(p.c.) hc(dubitanter coni. in marg.) ff pl, moderamina add. gloss. s.l.a.m. S1, curas post, curras pr.(ut uid.) S2

Canisius was not sure whether currus was the right reading and proposed by conjecture cursus; Forster found cursus in M4 and chose it as the correct reading. However, this choice loses the Platonic image of the soul’s chariot (cf. Phaidros 246a-254e), which has been transmitted by almost all the manuscripts. Even the interlinear gloss from S1 points to the metaphorical meaning of currus. Alcuin was probably inspired by Boethius’ De consolatione Philosophiae17 when he used this metaphor. What is interesting is that the Anglo-Saxon scholar seems to be the only writer (or, at least, among the very few) who advanced this Platonic idea during the Early Middle Ages. Quid de diuitiis congregandis studetis, quae uel deserunt, uel deseruntur, quae effundendo quam seruando melius nitent? (cf. PL 101, 851D)

Why do you strive for gathering fortunes, which either leave or are left, which shine better when they are wasted than when they are saved?

______________________________ nitent] non legitur M4, splendent add. gloss. s.l. P1, ditent ut uid.p.c.a.m. S1, ditant edd. ([Ms. nitent] add. ff)

Canisius emended the text by replacing nitent with ditant, a reading preferred by Forster too. However suitable for the meaning of the text ditant is («...which enrich better when they are wasted than when they are saved»), nitent is the reading that appears also in Boethius’ De consolatione Philosophiae: «[...] effundendo magis quam coaceruando melius nitent, si quidem auaritia semper odiosos, claros largitas facit»18. 17

Cf. Boethius, Cons. Phil. III, carm. 9, 17-18, in Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius, De consolatione Philosophiae. Opuscula theologica, Ed. by C. MORESCHINI, Saur, Monachii, Lipsiae 2000, p. 80 (Bibliotheca Teubneriana). 18 Boethius, Cons. Phil. II, prosa 5, par. 4, l. 8-10, op. cit., p. 41.

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Et quos toties promisisti, septenos And show us the seven steps of the forasticae disciplinae gradus nobis secular instruction, which you have ostende. (cf. PL 101, 853D) promised us so many times.

______________________________ forasticae] exterioris add. gloss. s.l.a.m. S1, theorasticae edd.([Ms. forastice] add. ff)

Canisius emended the text by using a hapax, that is, theorasticae («speculative») instead of forasticae («secular»), a reading also preferred by Forster. I think it is very important to restore the original reading forasticae, because it is a key word to understand the true scope of Dph. Alcuin is actually saying that the students should use the instruments of secular education in order to reach true wisdom (with the help of God’s grace), which will finally enable them to defend the Catholic faith. In other words, the term forasticae underlines the main idea of the Carolingian educational system: lay studies for theological purposes. Quanto melius est interius ornari, quam exterius, animam perpetuo splendore polire! D. Quae sunt animae ornamenta perpetua? (cf. PL 101, 852A)

How much better it is to be adorned inside than outside, to polish the soul with an eternal brightness! D. Which are the eternal ornaments of the soul?

______________________________ perpetuo] perpetuam M3M5S1(p.c.a.m.)S2 edd.

perpetua] om. M3M5 hc, eras. S1, s.l.a.m. S2

In this example, I chose the meaning «eternal brightness» instead of «eternal soul» since the question that follows points towards this sense. Ars grammatica Vitia sunt, quae in eloquiis cauere The faults of language are those which debemus et sunt XII. (cf. PL 101, we should beware of in speeches and 858C) there are twelve of them.

______________________________ XII] tredecim S4, VII edd.

It is interesting to explore the reason why Canisius changed the number XII19 for the number VII, and no other editor corrected it. I find it difficult 19

The twelve faults of speech are mentioned by Donatus in his Ars Maior, III, 2, 3, l. 5, in L. HOLTZ, Donat et la tradition de l’enseignement grammatical, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris 1981, p. 658.

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to believe that it was a mere lack of attention. Another explanation could be that Canisius changed the number for a simple reason: his theological background. The Dutch canonist might have had in mind the word uitium as a theological term, and he might have mistaken the seven capital vices for the twelve faults of speech. The other editors did not correct Canisius, since the number made sense to them too. This situation is similar to the one mentioned above, in which Canisius added the expression propter Deum in the text of Dph. F. Quot modis diminutiua fiunt? S. Tribus modis. Aut necessitatis causa [...]. Aut urbanitatis causa [...]. Aut adulationis causa, ut patriciolus, Sergiolus. (cf. PL 101, 861C)

F. In how many ways are diminutives formed? S. In three ways. Either for necessity [...]. Or for courtesy [...]. Or for flattery, such as patriciolus, Sergiolus.

______________________________ patriciolus] pueris ABF1F2M2NP1S1S4TV1 hc, in pueris M3(forte puerulis a.c.)P2P6, puer P5V2, in puerulis dicitur M4 ff pl (et Edit. pueris Sergiolis add.in marg. ff, in textu pl)

Only two manuscripts, P3 and S3, have the reading patriciolus, which might be the one originally transmitted by the hyparchetype of Ag since it appears also in Priscian’s Institutiones grammaticae20. Item s uel t uel x antecedentibus us masculina et quartae declinationis sunt, ut risus, metus, sexus. (cf. PL 101, 866A)

Likewise, when an s or a t or an x precedes –us, they are masculine names and they pertain to the forth declension, such as risus, metus, sexus.

______________________________ uel t] om. pl

This omission might be caused by an editorial lack of attention or it could be a typographic mistake (as well as in the case of the following example). However, this does not diminish the importance of the error that it creates.

20

Priscianus Caesariensis, Institutionum grammaticarum libri I-XII (ex recensione Martini Hertzii), in Grammatici Latini, vol. 2, Ed. by H. KEIL, Teubner, Leipzig 1855, liber 3, pp. 101-102, l. 22, l. 1, p. 112, l. 19.

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Feminina uero haec sunt: fornax, silex, ilex, And these are feminine: fornax, silex, ilex, carex, salix, radix, cornix, filex, meretrix, carex, salix, radix, cornix, filex, meretrix, cicatrix, celox. (cf. PL 101, 866C) cicatrix, celox.

______________________________ celox] uelox pl

Idem componitur ex is pronomine et Idem is formed from the pronoun is demum aduerbio. (cf. PL 101, 871C) and the adverb demum.

______________________________ aduerbio] aduerbo a.c. S1, prouerbio ff pl

An habes, France, de aduerbio satis? F. Do you have enough about the adverb, Non satis, tamen pausemus ad horam. Frank? F. Not enough, but let us take a (cf. PL 101, 889A) break for a short time.

______________________________ an] en M4 ff pl, om. S1V2 hc

tamen pausemus] trp. M4 ff pl

Virgilius: Summis incuruant uiribus Vergil: «The men bend their bows with arcus pro se quisque uiri. (cf. PL 101, upmost vigour, each according to his 899) strength».

______________________________ summis] om. V2, sum s V3, al. Validis add.in marg. ff, tum ualidis flexos pl

Migne corrected this verse accordingly from the Aeneid. However, originally Alcuin did not take this example directly from Vergil’s work, but from Priscian’s Institutiones grammaticae21. This might point out that Alcuin did not know these verses by heart or that he just paid credit to Priscian’s authority. The same reading appears again in Alcuin’s Orthographia22.

21 Priscianus Caesariensis, Institutionum grammaticarum libri XIII-XVIII (ex recensione Martini Hertzii), in Grammatici Latini, vol. 3, Ed. by H. KEIL, Teubner, Leipzig 1859, liber 14, p. 49, ll. 19-20 22 Alcuino, De Orthographia, ed. critica a cura di S. BRUNI, SISMEL – Edizioni del Galluzzo, Firenze 1997, par. 310, p. 25.

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In modo in compositione priuatiuum In compound words, in is either neest, ut iniustus, improbo, modo gative, such as in iniustius, improbo, or intentiuum, ut imprimo, incuso. (cf. intensive, such as in imprimo, incuso. PL 101, 900B)

______________________________ improbo] improbus S1T(p.c.a.m.) edd.

intentiuum] intentiua V2, intensiuum edd.

I chose the reading improbo («I disapprove, condemn») rather than the reading improbus («wicked»), not only because most of the manuscripts transmit it, but because in this particular phrase it is a lectio difficilior. The reading iniustus, improbus (two adjectives) is easy to imagine next to the example of imprimo, incuso (two verbs). However, in the next sentence, Alcuin writes the following example for the preposition sub: «[...] subrideo, id est paululum rideo, subtristis» – that is to say, a verb and an adjective are used, just like in the case above.

Conclusions There is still a lot of work to be done until the completion of the modern critical edition that I am working on. However, even at this stage of my research, important new elements are emerging, which confirm the necessity of my work. Each phase of my investigation has revealed either faulty data to be emended in the preceding studies or interesting aspects to be taken into consideration for the future ones. Moreover, I have discovered that the past editors made use of a limited number of manuscripts and that they proved to be «more Catholic» than Alcuin. The additions they made to the texts, as well as the omissions and the word changes, might have been proposed with good intentions, but they seem to betray the intention of the author (as far as we can suppose it from the witnesses we have). Therefore, for a more correct understanding and interpretation of Dph and Ag, it is imperative to provide a reliable critical edition.

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ISABELA GRIGORAȘ

Appendix Appendix A city (sigla)

library, shelfmark

century

Dph

Ag

observations

Angers (A)

Bibliothèque Municipale, 493 (477)

IX

ff. 54r-58r

ff. 58v-103v the same hand

Bern (B)

Burgerbibliothek, 123

IX

ff. 53r-55v ff. 55v-78v

Firenze (F1)

Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Ashburnham 876

XV

–

ff. 76v-112v

Firenze (F2)

Biblioteca Nazionale, Conv. soppr. J X 46

IX

–

ff. 42r-110v

Laon (L)

Bibliothèque Municipale, 448

IX

–

ff. 6v-29r

Merseburg (M1)

Archiv des Domkapitels, I 204

IX

–

fragmenta

fragments from four folios

Milano (M2)

Biblioteca Ambrosiana, O 95 sup.

X

ff. 32v-33r ff. 1v-31v

different hands (originally different mss?)

München (M3)

Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 6404

IX

ff. 2r-4v

ff. 5r-29v

the same hand (a bifolio between f. 4 and f. 5 is lost, thus the last lines of Dph and the first part of Ag are missing)

München (M4)

Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14823

XI/XII

ff. 1v-7v

ff. 7v-68v

the same hand

the same hand

EDITING ALCUINʼS DISPUTATIO DE VERA PHILOSOPHIA

299

München (M5)

Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14689

XII

ff. 22v, 24r-v

-

incomplete

Napoli (N)

Biblioteca Nazionale, IV A 34

IX

ff. 168r169v

ff. 169v187r

the same hand

Paris (P1)

Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 7559

IX

ff. 69r-73v ff. 73v-120r

the same hand

Paris (P2)

Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 10403

IX/X

–

f. 19r-v

fragment

Paris (P3)

Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 13957

IX

–

f. 9r-46v

Paris (P4)

Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 4841

IX

–

f. 93r

Paris (P5)

Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 8319

IX

ff. 85r-86r, ff. 60r-84v 88r-v, *89r

Paris (P6)

Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 13377

IX

–

ff. 107r134v

Sankt Gallen (S1)

Stiftsbibliothek, 268

IX

pp. 3-18

pp. 19-165

Sankt Gallen (S2)

Stiftsbibliothek, 878

IX/X

pp. 322323, 340344

-

Saint-Omer (S3)

Bibliothèque Municipale, 0666

X

–

ff. 3r-42v

final part missing

St Andrews (S4)

University of St Andrews Library, ms 38904

XV

–

43 ff.

no foliation

this ms contains the last three lines that are missing from P6 the same hand (f. 89r is struck through and recopied on f. 86r)

the same hand

300

ISABELA GRIGORAȘ

Trier (T)

Stadtbibliothek 1104/1321

IX

ff. 93v97v

ff. 97v-132v the same hand

Vaticano (V1)

Biblioteca Vaticana, Chigi L VII 241

XV

–

ff. 32r-64v

Vaticano (V2)

Biblioteca Vaticana, Urb.lat. 308

XV

–

ff. 150v191v

Vaticano (V3)

Biblioteca Vaticana, Reg.lat. 251

IX

–

ff. 38’r-52v

abridged text (f. 38 is numbered twice)

Wien (W)

Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, 2404

IX

f. 8v

–

fragment

Washington (W2)

Hay-Adams House, XV 1054

–

ff. 125r190v

lost manuscript

Editio princeps: Henricus Canisius (ed.), Antiquae lectionis tomus V. bipartitus, in quo L. vetera monumenta nunquam visa pauculis exceptis, quorum catalogum versa pagina indicat. Omnia nunc primum ex manuscriptis codicibus edita, Ingolstadii 1604 (pp. 988-1050) < S1 Editio secunda: Helias Putschius (ed.), Grammaticae Latinae auctores antiqui [...] Quorum aliquot nunquam antehac editi, reliqui ex manuscriptis codicibus ita augentur et emendantur, ut nunc primum prodire videantur, Hanoviae 1605 (coll. 2075-2142) < Canisius Editio tertia: Andreas Quercetanus Turonensis (ed.), B. Flacci Albini, sive Alchuuini abbatis Karoli Magni Regis, ac Imperatoris, magistri opera quae hactenus reperiri potuerunt: nonnulla auctius et emendatius; pleraque nunc primum ex Codd. MSS. edita. Acceßere B. Paulini Aquileiensis Patriarchae contra Felicem Vrgel. Episc. Libri III. qui etiam nunc prodeunt, Lutetiae Parisiorum 1617 (coll. 1255D-1320B) < Canisius Editio quarta: Frobenius Forster (ed.), Beati Flacci Albini seu Alcuini abbatis, Caroli Magni Regis ac Imperatoris, magistri opera. Post primam editionem, a viro clarissimo D. Andrea Quercetano curatam, de novo collecta, multis locis emendata, et opusculis primum repertis plurimum aucta, variisque modis illustrata, Ratisbonae 1777 (pp. 265-300) < Quercetanus, M3, M4 (P5 – known, but not used in the edition)

EDITING ALCUINʼS DISPUTATIO DE VERA PHILOSOPHIA

301

Editio quinta: Jacques-Paul Migne (ed.), B. Flacci Albini seu Alcuini, abbatis et Caroli Magni Imperatoris magistri, opera omnia, juxta editionem illustrissimi et reverendissimi d. Frobenii, abbatis sancti Emmerami Ratisbonensis, novissime ad prelum revocata et variis monumentis aucta: tomus secundus, Paris 1863 (Patrologia Latina, 101, coll. 849C-902B) < Forster Appendix B Disputatio de uera philosophia & Ars grammatica Clavis (pp. 21-23, 162-163)

emendations / additions

The last 4 editions mentioned – Migne, The first edition: Henricus Canisius, Forster (without any reference to pages), Antiquae lectionis. Tomus V, pp. 988-993 Putschen, Quercetanus (Duchesne) (Dph), 993-1050 (Ag) Forster’s edition: pp. 265-268 (Dph), 268300 (Ag) Van Putschen H. Grammaticae latinae Helias Putschen seems to have republished auctores antiqui [...] – «d’après Bern 123» Canisius’ edition, since there is no notable difference between the two of them. Putschen’s edition is not based on Bern 123 «Irvine M., éd. en préparation pour la Martin Irvine is no longer pursuing the collection CCCM» project Ars grammatica Clavis (pp. 21-23)

emendations / additions A 24th extant manuscript: United Kingdom, St Andrews, ms 38904, 43 ff.

23 manuscripts mentioned

(p. 21) Angers, BM 493 (477) (IXe) f. 59- ff. 58v-103v 114 (p. 22, the description of IRHT) Laon, BM ff. 6v-29r 448 (IXe) f. 6v-9 (p. 21) Paris, BnF lat. 7559 (IXe) f. 74-120

ff. 73v-120r

e

(p. 22) Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibl. 268 (IX ) pp. 19-165 p. 19-168 (pp. 21-22) Saint-Omer, BM 666 (Xe) f. 1 sq ff. 3r-42v (p. 22) Trier, Stadtbibl. 1104/1321 (IXe) f. ff. 97v-132v 103-132

302

ISABELA GRIGORAȘ

(p. 22, S. Scapinello) Milano, Bibl. Xth c., ff. 1v-31v; the text is complete Ambrosiana O 95 sup. (XIe) f. ?-31v («mutilé du début») (p. 22) Washington, Hay-Adams House This manuscript is lost 1054 (XVe) f. 125-190v

Disputatio de uera philosophia Clavis (pp. 162-163) 12 manuscripts mentioned

emendations / additions A 13th extant manuscript: Milano, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, O 95 sup., ff. 32v-33r23 (the text is incomplete)

(p. 163) Angers, BM 493 (477) (IXe) ff. 54r-58r f. 54-9 (p. 162) Paris, BnF lat. 8319 (IXe) f. 85-6

ff. 85r-86r, 88r-v, *89r24; f. 89r has a fragment of Disputatio that is struck through by two lines and copied again on f. 86r

(p. 162) Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibl. 268 (IXe) pp. 3-18 p. 1-18 (p. 162) Trier, Stadtbibl. 1104/1321 (IXe) ff. 93v-97v f. 93v-102v 23

24

Bibliography Alcuino, De Orthographia, ed. critica a cura di S. BRUNI, SISMEL – Edizioni del Galluzzo, Firenze 1997. B. BISCHOFF, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts (mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen), Teile I-III, Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden 1998, 2004, 2014. Boethius, Anicius Manlius Severinus, De consolatione Philosophiae. Opuscula theologica, Ed. by C. MORESCHINI, Saur, Monachii – Lipsiae 2000 (Bibliotheca Teubneriana). 23

Cf. BISCHOFF, Katalog, Teil II: Laon-Paderborn, p. 164. Cf. P. COURCELLE, La consolation de Philosophie dans la tradition littéraire, Études Augustiniennes, Paris 1967, p. 373. 24

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H. CANISIUS (ed.), Antiquae lectionis tomus V. bipartitus, Ingolstadii 1604. P. COURCELLE, La consolation de Philosophie dans la tradition littéraire, Études Augustiniennes, Paris 1967. F. FORSTER (ed.), Beati Flacci Albini seu Alcuini abbatis, Caroli Magni Regis ac Imperatoris, magistri opera, Ratisbonae 1777. J. FROGER, La critique des textes et son automatisation, Dunod, Paris 1968. L. HOLTZ, Donat et la tradition de l’enseignement grammatical, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris 1981. M. IRVINE, The Making of Textual Culture. ‘Grammatica’ and Literary Theory, 350-1100, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1994. M.-H. JULLIEN – F. PERELMAN (eds.), Clavis scriptorum Latinorum Medii Aevi. Auctores Galliae 735-987. Tomus II. Alcuin, Brepols, Turnhout 1999 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis). H. KEIL (ed.), Grammatici Latini, vols. 2-3, Teubner, Leipzig 1855, 1859. J.-P. MIGNE (ed.), B. Flacci Albini seu Alcuini, abbatis et Caroli Magni Imperatoris magistri, opera omnia juxta editionem illustrissimi et reverendissimi d. Frobenii, abbatis sancti Emmerami Ratisbonensis, novissime ad prelum revocata et variis monumentis aucta: tomus secundus, Paris 1863 (Patrologia Latina, 101). H. PUTSCHIUS (ed.), Grammaticae Latinae auctores antiqui, Hanoviae 1605. A. QUERCETANUS TURONENSIS (ed.), B. Flacci Albini, siue Alchuuini abbatis, Karoli Magni Regis, ac Imperatoris, magistri opera, Lutetiae Parisiorum 1617.

FLORIN CRÎȘMĂREANU* ANALOGIE ET ANAGOGIE DANS LES ÉCRITS DE MAXIME LE CONFESSEUR. ESSAI SUR UNE « HERMÉNEUTIQUE EUCHARISTIQUE »

1. Introduction La doctrine de l’analogie est le résultat de certaines interprétations anciennes et médiévales. À juste titre, la plupart des exégètes considèrent que les textes d’Aristote sont à l’origine de ce qu’on allait appeler plus tard, dans la scolastique, l’analogia entis. Filtrées par les écrits des commentateurs néoplatoniciens, les idées d’Aristote pénètrent l’Occident latin avant le Corpus aristotélicien lui-même. L’analogie aristotélicienne était devenue par le biais des commentateurs une doctrine importante dans la scolastique latine1. Cependant, indépendamment de ce courant, une autre tradition de l’analogie avait pénétré l’Occident par l’intermédiaire du Corpus aréopagitique. Ayant un moindre impact sur les textes des scolastiques, l’analogie dionysienne, entendue comme participation quantum potest, apparaît pourtant dans les ouvrages d’importants auteurs tels Érigène, Hugues de Saint-Victor, Albert le Grand, Nicolas de Cuse et alii. Dans cet article, je n’envisagerai pas l’analogie d’origine aristotélicienne, développée et nuancée dans des réseaux parfois très complexes par les scolastiques, mais l’analogie entendue comme participation quantum * Research Department, Faculty of Philosophy and Socio-Political Sciences, «Alexandru Ioan Cuza» University of Iaşi, Romania, [email protected] 1 Sur le sujet, voir J.-F. COURTINE, Inventio analogiae. Métaphysique et ontothéologie, J. Vrin, Paris 2005. À son tour, Pierre Aubenque estime que «la doctrine de l’analogie de l’être n’est pas seulement contraire à la lettre de l’aristotélisme, mais aussi à son esprit: sous prétexte de clarifier et d’expliciter, mais en réalité parce que le christianisme avait apporté une tout autre perspective métaphysique, qui substituait au problème de l’un et du multiple celui des rapport entre un Dieu créateur et un monde créé, le commentarisme médiéval introduit ici un infléchissement qui, pour avoir été décisif dans le destin de la métaphysique occidentale, n’en est pas moins infidèle à ce qu’il y a d’essentiellement problématique et ambigu dans la démarche d’Aristote» (P. AUBENQUE, Le problème de l’être chez Aristote, PUF, Paris 1962, p. 199).

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potest, à savoir mesure ou capacité de réception – dans ce cas, des dons divins –, mais aussi l’interprétation anagogique (spirituelle), car les deux impliquent totalement la personne engagée dans l’ascension spirituelle, dans l’espoir de la déification (θέωσις). Les deux paradigmes, qui n’ont pas, apparemment, trop de points communs, je les vois s’entrecroiser dans l’épisode du chemin d’Emmaüs (Luc 24, 13-25), en ce qui Jean-Luc Marion appelle, de façon très inspirée, l’« herméneutique eucharistique »2. C’est sur l’enjeu de ce type d’herméneutique, présent aussi, à mon avis, dans les écrits de Maxime le Confesseur (580-662), que j’essaie de parler en ce qui suit.

2. Analogie et anagogie dans les écrits maximiens Il y a des cas, et non seulement des cas isolés, où l’on fait une confusion entre les termes d’analogie (ἀναλογία) et anagogie (ἀναγωγία). Par exemple, selon une définition de dictionnaire : « anagogíe f. (d. anagogic, d’après analogie ; fr. anagogie). Interprétation mystique du sens littéral [!] d’une œuvre, en particulier des Écritures »3. Bien que les deux termes, initialement techniques en grec, ont le même préfix e: ana = élever, en haut, il ne faut pas aucunement les confondre ; agôgos = qui dirige ; logos = rapport, parole, raison, etc. Donc, l’anagogie représente ce qui conduit vers haut, tandis que l’analogie signifie le rapport (proportionnel) entre deux ou plusieurs entités. Je considère que les deux termes, analogie et anagogie, que Maxime utilise dans ses œuvres sont importants pour comprendre le message qu’il a désiré nous transmettre, puisque dans l’architectonique extrêmement savante des ouvrages maximiens, nul élément composant n’est placé au hasard. Anagogia est un terme technique utilisé dans le christianisme pour l’exégèse des Écritures, premièrement par Origène. Wolfgang Bienert affirme que « bei Origenes ist das Wort ἀνάγογή ein Terminus seiner Bibelexegese »4. Alors, avec l’auteur l’alexandrin, le terme d’anagogie est 2 J.-L. MARION, Dieu sans l’être, PUF, Paris 1991, le chapitre «L’herméneutique eucharistique», pp. 210-214. 3 A. SCRIBAN, Dicționarul limbii românești, Institutul de Arte Grafice “Presa Bună”, Iași 1939, p. 99. 4 W. BIENERT, «Allegoria» und «Anagoge» bei Didymos dem Blinden von Alexandria, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 1972, p. 63.

ANALOGIE ET ANAGOGIE

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associé avant tout à l’exégèse des Écritures5. A son tour, Maxime, lecteur attentif de l’auteur l’alexandrin, utilise souvent l’expression «contemplation anagogique» (κατ̉ ἀναγωγὴν θεωρίᾳ). Il ne faut pas se laisser tromper par le concept d’analogie, en lui attribuant uniquement le sens strictement épistémologique qu’il n’acquerra que plus tard, dans la scolastique latine. Le terme d’« analogie » n’a pas, pour la tradition orientale (et je pense ici notamment à Denys l’Aréopagite et à Maxime le Confesseur), le sens que la scolastique occidentale lui a attribué. Par exemple, pour Denys, les termes « analogie » et « analogue » signifient « selon le pouvoir ou la capacité de chacun de recevoir les dons divins » (l’analogie des récepteurs, telle que formulée par Albert le Grand). L’analogie dionysienne est la raison et la condition de possibilité de l’hiérarchie dans le cadre de laquelle chaque créature s’ouvre vers la Cause créatrice « autant qu’elle peut » (quantum potest, comme diront plus tard les théologiens latins). Cette ouverture signifie la réceptivité de la créature envers Celui qui est le principe de l’hiérarchie, Jésus Christ, Dieu Incarné, auquel les êtres participent et qu’ils essaient d’imiter, chacun selon ses pouvoirs. Un exégète comme Luigi Gioia, dans une étude traitant précisément de l’analogie et l’anagogie chez Augustin, affirme, à un moment donné, qu’on pourrait parler d’une équivalence finale entre la science divine et la science humaine, c’est-à-dire que « nous participons à la connaissance qu’a d’Ellemême la Sagesse, par l’action révélatrice et réconciliatrice de Jésus. En un mot, nous aimons et nous connaissons Dieu par l’intermédiaire de Dieu »6. A son tour, Vladimir Lossky, en visant le même registre double, soutient que dans la relation entre les « analogies divines » et celle « finies », de la créature, on retrouve la question de la double nature de Jésus Christ, ce qui constitue le thème principal de la théologie de Maxime le Confesseur7. En ce qui me concerne, je considère qu’on ne peut pas accepter sans réserves la distinction que le théologien Vladimir Lossky propose, entre les « analogies divines » et les « analogies finies », parce que l’analogie est par 5 G. EBELING, « Hermeneutik », dans Die Religion in der Geschichte und Gegenwart, Bd. III, Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 1959, pp. 242-262, surtout p. 247. 6 L. GIOIA, « La connaissance de Dieu Trinite chez saint Augustin: par-delà les embarras de l’analogie et l’anagogie », dans E. DURAND – V. HOLZER (éds.), Les sources du renouveau trinitaire au XXe siècle, Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 2008, p. 139. 7 Vl. LOSSKY, « La notion des ‘analogies’ chez Denys le pseudo-Aréopagite », Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Âge, 5 (1930) 309.

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excellence une démarche humaine, Dieu n’ayant pas besoin d’analogies, de quelle nature qu’elles soient. Un argument dans ce sens nous est fourni par Hugues de Saint-Victor, qui lie l’analogie à la condition humaine, ce qui limite sa perspective spéculative : analogiam conditionem dicit humanam: « l’analogie de la nature humaine, c’est-à-dire sa propriété ou sa condition, ou encore son adéquation, est ce qui appartient à l’homme [...] et ce que l’homme accepte d’être et de pouvoir »8. Donc, chez Hugues de Saint-Victor, l’analogie signifie « la condition humaine », ce qui est propre à la nature humaine. L’un des premiers penseurs chez lesquels on rencontre la participation quantum potest est Origène : tous ceux qui voient ne sont-ils pas également illuminés par le Christ, mais chacun l’est à la mesure dont il peut recevoir la lumière [...]. Ce n’est cependant pas de la même manière que nous allons tous a lui, mais ’chacun y va selon ses possibilités propres’9.

Tandis que chez Proclus l’analogie désigne une capacité de réception (In Timaeum II, 27, 13), pour Damascius, au contraire, l’analogie exprime notre incapacité de connaître le Dieu ineffable10. À son tour, Jean Philopon, commentateur d’Aristote et chrétien monophysite ayant vécu au VIe siècle est parmi les premiers à parler d’une « analogie des étants »11, pour exprimer la participation graduelle des substances à un principe premier, chacune selon ses capacités. Ce sens participatif de l’analogie dionysiaque et maximienne apparaît également chez Jean Scot Érigène (env. 815-877), qui a traduit en latin, entre autres, les ouvrages de Denys et de Maxime. L’érudit irlandais, très sensible à la dimension apophatique du discours dionysiaque et à la nécessité 8 Hugo de Saint-Victor, In Hierarchiam Coelestem Sancti Dionysii Areopagitae secundum interpretationem Joannis Scoti, PL, vol. 175, col. 969D. 9 Origène, Homiliae in Genesim I, 7 (trad. L. DOUTRELEAU, Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 1943, p. 72; SC 7). 10 Damascius, Traité des premiers principes, Tome I: De l’ineffable et de l’Un, texte établi par L. G. WESTERINK et traduit par J. COMBÈS, Les Belles Lettres, Paris 1986, p. 69 ; voir aussi O. BOULNOIS, «Analogie», dans Dictionnaire critique de théologie, sous la direction de J.-Y. LACOSTE, Troisième édition revue et augmentée par O. RIAUDEL et J.-Y. LACOSTE, Quadrige – PUF, Paris 2007, p. 50. 11 Jean Philopon, De Aeternitate Mundi contra Proclum, éd. H. RABE, Teubner, Leipzig 1899, p. 568 ; voir aussi P. AUBENQUE, « Sur la naissance de la doctrine pseudoaristotélicienne de l’analogie de l’être », Les Études Philosophiques, 3-4 (1989) 304.

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de dépasser les catégories prédicatives du langage théologique, en faveur d’une relation de participation de la créature au Créateur, a été un adversaire acharné de l’usage prédicatif du discours sur Dieu: si vera est negatio in divinis rebus, non autem vera, sed metaphorica affirmatio12. Qui plus est, l’Érigène allait rendre à l’Occident (presque parfaitement, considèrent Jean Borella13) l’analogie par corrationabilitas14, c’est-à-dire, plus exactement : proportionnalité (proportionaliter [...] hoc est corrationabiliter). Dans ce point il s’harmonise avec la traduction que donne Boèce au terme. Érigène ressuscite ainsi un sens classique de l’analogie, mais sans aucun rapport aux mathématiques, car il se réfère à « l’analogie proprement dite », c’està-dire la participation à la lumière divine. Avec les textes maximiens, on se trouve, je crois, devant une réciprocité dans le genre de celle-là que Maxime lui-même invoquait : « Dieu et l’homme sont l’un de l’autre modèle (παραδείγματα) »15, où les deux voyageurs d’Emmaüs (probablement, Luc lui-même et un certain Cléophas) ont ouvert à Jésus la porte de la maison, leur capacité de recevoir (l’analogie), tandis que Lui, Il ouvre leurs yeux pour qu’ils comprennent (l’anagogie). L’expression κατὰ ἀναλογίαν est importante dans ce contexte. Il convient de la comparer à la formule tantum-quantum. Maxime souligne souvent le fait qu’il y a un rapport de proportionnalité entre l’humanisation de la Parole et la déification de l’homme : « l’homme devient Dieu autant que Dieu devient homme ». La plupart des commentateurs appellent ce principe « la formule tantum-quantum »16. 12

Iohannes Scottus Eriugena, Expositiones in Ierarchiam caelestem, edidit J. BARBrepols, Turnhout 1975, p. 34 (CCCM, 31). 13 J. BORELLA, Penser l’analogie, Ad solem, Genève 2000. 14 Justa analogiam, id est corrationabilitatem (Eriugena, Expositiones in Ierarchiam caelestem, éd. J. BARBET, p. 60) ; voir et Iohannis Scotti Annotationes in Marcianum, éd. C. LUTZ, Cambridge, Massachusetts 1939, p. 78 : analogia ανά praepositio, λογός ratio, inde componitur analogia, id est corrationabilitas secundum Augustinum vero, et secundum alios proportio. Le terme corrationalitas (pas celui de corrationabilitas) est utilisé première fois d’Augustin, dans De musica VI, 17, § 57 (PL, vol. 32, col. 1192) ; voir aussi P. LE BŒUF, « Un commentaire d’inspiration érigénienne du ‘De musica’ de saint Augustin », Recherches Augustiniennes, 22 (1987) 243-316. 15 Maxime le Confesseur, Ambiguum 10, trad. E. PONSOYE modifiée, Les Éditions de l’Ancre, Paris – Suresnes 1994, p. 158. 16 J.-C. LARCHET, La divinisation de l’homme selon saint Maxime le Confesseur, Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 1996, p. 376, n. 60. Les exégètes de l’œuvre maximien BET,

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Selon Jean-Claude Larchet, la formule tantum-quantum est frappante17. A propos de cette formule, Hans-Urs von Balthasar affirmait qu’elle est d’une « précision presque géométrique »18. Ayant esquissé quelques éléments relatifs à l’analogie et à l’anagogie, nous pouvons donc passer à la partie seconde de mon exposé, où j’espère éclaircir la relation entre les deux registres, celui de la réception et l’autre de l’interprétation ou l’explication que les disciples doivent recevoir.

3. L’herméneutique maximienne, une « herméneutique eucharistique » « Theology is not first a speculative science, but it a hermeneutical labor »19. Toutefois, qui est-ce qui pourrait légitimer notre démarche interprétative concernant les Écritures ? Pourquoi notre interprétation est la plus juste ? A la différence de l’herméneutique moderne, dans la postérité de Schleiermacher, dont se revendiquent toutes les directions herméneutiques philosophiques, l’exégèse patristique ne se propose jamais de découvrir des sens qu’un certain auteur aurait cachés. D’autant moins, je ne connais nul Père de l’Église qui ait tenté de comprendre un auteur mieux que celui-ci s’était compris lui-même. De pareilles questions ne les préoccupaient pas. L’intérêt unique des Pères portait sur l’aspect suivant : en réalité, « ce ne sont pas les Écritures qui sont interprétées, mais c’est Jésus Christ qui est interprété à travers les Écritures »20. Les Écritures ont comme commencement, centre et finalité Jésus Christ, elles sont entièrement christocentriques, vu que même « Moïse a écrit de moi » (Jean 5, 46) ou « Vous sondez les Écritures, parce que vous pensez avoir en elles la vie éternelles: ce sont elles qui rendent témoignage de moi » (Jean définissent cette formule à partir de l’expression grecque souvent invoquée par Maxime: τοσούτον-όσον (tantum-quantum) – Quaestiones ad Thalassium, 22; CCSG 7, p. 145.13-14 (SC 529, p. 271) ; ibid., 64 ; CCSG 22, p. 237.784-786 (SC 596, p. 109). 17 LARCHET, La divinisation, p. 380. 18 H.-U. VON BALTHASAR, Kosmische Liturgie. Maximus der Bekenner: Höhe und Krise des griechischen, Johannes Verlag, Einsiedeln 1961, p. 278. 19 D. B. HART, The Beauty of the Infinite. The Aesthetics of Christian Truth, William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rapids – Cambridge 2003, p. 32. 20 J. BEHR, The Mystery of Christ: Life in Death, St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, Crestwood, NY 2006, p. 14, 64 et passim.

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5, 39). Avant l’apparition des Évangiles, on considérait comme Écritures ces textes-là qu’on appelle de nos jours l’Ancien Testament. Pour les auteurs des textes du Nouveau Testament, l’expression ‘la Parole de Dieu’ ne signifiait pas les Écritures, comme on le croit à présent, mais Jésus Christ Lui-Même et les Évangiles L’annonçant, Lui, Celui qui a connu la crucifixion et l’ascension, comme Seigneur21.

Alors, Dieu crucifié et ressuscité, ainsi connu, devient le point de départ dans la lecture des Écritures. Ces Écritures, Jésus les explique aux disciples sur la route d’Emmaüs. Il est le Chemin, dans quel autre contexte pouvait-Il expliquer, sinon sur un chemin. Lorsqu’il se révèle aux disciples, qui croyaient avoir compris, il se rend invisible. L’acte herméneutique est sans fin, il représente une permanente ascension vers Dieu, avec Jésus Christ. Pour cette raison, l’herméneutique biblique n’est pas, en fait, réductible au travail philologique et critique sur le texte scriptural, mais elle est, plutôt, une forme d’interaction avec Dieu, qui inspire les Écritures, une forme méditative de communion par l’écran du texte22.

L’herméneutique des Pères de l’Église n’est pas une technique : « ni une doctrine des techniques d’interprétation, mais une herméneutique originaire qui, pratiquée à l’intention sotériologique, constitue l’existence individuelle elle-même »23. Même si l’on tient compte de ces observations, peu à peu, « l’étude des Pères [...], la patristique arrive se diriger de plus en plus vers tout sujet autre que la théologie, en se transformant de ‘Patristique’ en ‘Études de l’Antiquité tardive’ »24. Pour revenir à Maxime, il est évident qu’on a affaire dans ses textes à une ontologie du texte des Écritures, car il parle dans son important 21

BEHR, The Mystery of Christ: Life in Death, p. 57. V. M. NICULESCU, Teologie și retractare [Théologie et rétractation], Sapientia, Iași 2003, p. 65. 23 B. TĂTARU-CAZABAN, «Homo interior între metafizică și mistică speculativă» / « Homo interior entre métaphysique et mystique spéculative», dans Hugues de SaintVictor, Meditații spirituale [Méditations spirituelles], traduction du latin par Miruna et Bogdan TĂTARU-CAZABAN, Éditions Univers Enciclopedic, București 2005, p. 202. 24 BEHR, The Mystery of Christ: Life in Death, p. 16. 22

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Ambiguum 33 (PG, vol. 91, col. 1285C-1288A) des trois matérialisations ou « épaississements » du Logos dans le corps, dans les raisons des choses et dans les paroles des Écritures, matérialisations par lesquelles le Logos veut nous ramener peu à peu vers Lui-même. « Le but de l’incarnation de Dieu a été notre salut »25. Ce qui nous intéresse maintenant, c’est seulement l’ontologie du texte sacré, vu que Jésus s’est incarné dans les lettres et les syllabes des Écritures, or, si cela est vrai, que pourrait-on dire de ce mystère ? Rien, sans l’aide de Jésus, qui explique les Écritures, c’est-à-dire Lui-même, sur la route d’Emmaüs. La Bible nous dit de manière explicite : « Personne n’a jamais vu Dieu ; le Fils unique, qui est dans le sein du Père, est celui qui L’a fait connaître (ἐξηγήσατο) »26 (Jean 1, 18). La Vulgate de Jérôme traduit par enarravit. C’est Jésus qui est le véritable interprète, qui explique les textes parlant de Lui. Dans ce sens, le fragment qui décrit le chemin d’Emmaüs est particulièrement significatif : « Alors Jésus leur dit : O hommes sans intelligence, et dont le cœur est lent à croire tout ce qu’ont dit les prophètes ! Ne fallait-il pas que le Christ souffrît ces choses, et qu’Il entrât dans Sa gloire ? Et, commençant par Moïse et par tous les prophètes, il leur expliqua dans toutes les Écritures ce qui Le concernait » (Luc 24, 25-27)27. Si l’on accepte cette clé christologique de lecture de l’Écriture, on peut dire que « jusqu’à ce que Christ soit formé (μορφωθῇ) en nous » (Gal. 4, 19)28, nous n’accéderons pas au sens véritable de l’Écriture, mais seulement à des ombres de celle-ci. L’idée que Jésus est l’interprète des Écritures, Maxime aurait pu l’avoir empruntée à Origène, qui nous dit : 25

Maximi Confessoris Liber asceticus, editus a P. VAN DEUN adiectis tribus interpretationibus latinis sat antiquis editis a S. GYSENS, Turnhout, Brepols 2000, p. 5.5-6 (CCSG, 40). 26 Le texte de Jean est, sous cet aspect, bien similaire à la conception de Philon d’Alexandrie, qui reprend une thèse stoïcienne, à savoir : le terme de έρμηνεία se réfère au « logos qui s’extériorise » (Aristote, Poétique, VI, 1450b 13: « j’entends par langage l’expression (έρμηνεία) à l’aide des paroles ». Il est fort possible que expression ait été le sens le plus fréquent à cette époque-là, le christianisme précoce). 27 Ce qui J.-L. Marion appelle « herméneutique eucharistique » (J.-L. MARION, Dieu sans l’être, pp. 210-214). 28 Maxime le Confesseur, Quaestiones ad Thalassium, 22, CCSG 7, p. 143 ; SC 529, p. 269); et «en celui-là qui se trouve sur le chemin du faire (πρακτικός), le Logos, en s’épaississant par les figures (τρόποι) de la vertu, devient corps » (Capita theologica..., II, 37). Mais, au-delà de cette « formation » de Jésus pour les méritants, Il est présent dans l’homme avec le Baptême (Capita de caritate, 4, 73 ; SC 9, p. 168).

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avant l’arrivée de Jésus, la Loi et les Prophètes n’incluaient pas l’annonce qu’implique le mot ‘évangile’, car Celui qui éclaircissait les mystères que celle-ci cache n’était pas venu encore. Parce qu’il est venu et il a réalisé la matérialisation des Évangiles, le Sauveur a fait, par l’Évangile, de toutes choses, une seule Évangile29.

L’explication des Écritures que Jésus offre aux disciples est à comprendre aussi par les paroles de Maxime : « La Parole de Dieu nous apprend la théologie par cela qu’elle s’incarne, en illustrant en Soi le Père et le Saint Esprit » (θεολογίαν μὲν γὰρ διδάσκει σαρκούμενος ὁ τοῦ Θεοῦ Λόγος, ὡς ἐν ἑαυτῷ δεικνὺς τὸν Πατέρα καὶ τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον)30. Ce qui signifie que « le modèle de l’herméneute n’est autre que Jésus Christ, dans lequel et par lequel Dieu s’interprète Lui-même et qui, sur le chemin d’Emmaüs, avait ouvert les cœurs des apôtres, afin qu’ils comprennent le projet messianique des Écritures. En tant que Logos incarné et sagesse, Jésus commence cette tradition exégétique à tous ses niveaux, soit littéral, soit spirituel »31. Le caractère fini de la nature humaine rend impossible à contenir, à interpréter Celui qui est infini, d’où le besoin d’être guidé, dirigé. A un moment donné, Jésus Christ assume Lui-même ce rôle, sur le chemin d’Emmaüs (Luc 24, 27). Ce qui se passe sur ce chemin – l’explication des Écritures – représente le modèle de tout cercle herméneutique. En ce qui concerne l’exégèse maximienne, il faut ajouter encore un élément, le silence, qui m’apparaît comme liée à la question de l’analogie, de la réceptivité (quantum potest). Dans ce sens, saint Ignace de l’Antioche (Ad Magnesios VIII, 2) considérait que le silence, la quiétude nous sont nécessaires pour recevoir les paroles du Seigneur, silence qui implique à la fois notre présence et notre réceptivité. Dans le même registre, comme en anticipant en quelque sorte intentio lectoris dont parle Umberto Eco32, Maxime se réfère à 29

Origène, Commentarii in Evangelium Ioannis I, 33 (SC 120, pp. 78-79). Maxime le Confesseur, Orationes Dominicae brevis expositio (PG, vol. 90, col. 876C) ; voir aussi F. HEINZER, « L’explication trinitaire de l’économie chez Maxime le Confesseur », dans F. HEINZER – C. SCHÖNBORN (éds.), Maximus Confessor. Actes du Symposium sur Maxime le Confesseur, Fribourg, 2-5 septembre 1980, Éditions Universitaires de Fribourg, Fribourg 1982, pp. 159-172 (Paradosis. Études de littérature et de théologie anciennes, 27). 31 NICULESCU, Teologie și retractare, p. 66. 32 U. ECO, Les limites de l’interprétation, trad. M. BOUZAHER, Grasset, Paris 1992, notamment le chapitre « Intentio lectoris. Notes sur la sémiotique de la réception », pp. 19-47. 30

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ceux-ci (les lecteurs, les auditeurs) quand il conseille le silence, qui s’installe surtout à cause des récepteurs, d’habitude des non-initiés : la valeur et la profondeur d’une interprétation ne dépende pas exclusivement de l’interprète, mais aussi de ceux auxquels est destinée, adressée l’explication. Quant à cela, Maxime est assez explicite lorsqu’il affirme que : Les docteurs de l’Église, qui, par la grâce qui est en eux, sont capables de parler abondamment sur la recherche proposée, ont estimé qu’il valait mieux, parce que la réflexion de beaucoup d’entre eux n’était pas capable d’atteindre la profondeur de ce qui est écrit, honorer plutôt ce passage par un silence, puisqu’ils ne pouvaient rien dire de plus profond. Et même si certains en ont parlé, après avoir discerné la capacité de leurs auditeurs, ils n’en ont d’abord parle que partiellement en vue de l’unité de ceux qu’ils enseignaient, et ont laissé de cote la majeure partie des points examiner. C’est pourquoi moi aussi je jugerais mieux de passer sous silence ce passage, si je ne soupçonnais que je chagrinerais votre âme qui aime Dieu33.

La réponse à la question que nous avons formulée en début de cette section, qui est-ce qui pourrait légitimer notre démarche interprétative ?, nous apparaît déjà comme très simple : c’est Jésus Christ Lui-même qui le fait. L’interprétation des Écritures n’est pas un acte seulement humain, mais il est divino-humain, théandrique. Jean-Luc Marion précise que le texte des Écritures ne s’éclaircit qu’au moment où « le référent lui-même (la Parole non-dite) transgresse le texte pour l’interpréter à nous : en nous expliquant moins le texte mais surtout en S’expliquant Lui-même en même temps que lui et à l’intermédiaire de lui, en le traversant d’un bout à l’autre »34. Donc, pour Marion, l’épisode qui se passe sur le chemin d’Emmaüs (Luc 24, 13-49) inclut une leçon fondamentale : « Seule l’Eucharistie parfait l’herméneutique, et l’herméneutique s’accomplit en Eucharistie, elle ne trouve sa place que dans l’Eucharistie »35. Après que Jésus Christ disparait, les disciples ressentent une nostalgie, ce qui signifie que la dimension eschatologique est évidente, dans les Évangiles Jésus Christ est décrit comme « Celui qui vient » (Matthieu 11, 3 ; 21, 9 ; 23, 39). 33

Maxime le Confesseur, Quaestiones ad Thalassium, 43, trad. F. VINEL, Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 2012, p. 31. 34 MARION, Dieu sans l’être, p. 207. 35 Ibid., p. 212.

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Bibliographie P. AUBENQUE, Le problème de l’être chez Aristote, PUF, Paris 1962. ––, « Sur la naissance de la doctrine pseudo-aristotélicienne de l’analogie de l’être », Les Études Philosophiques, 3-4 (1989) 291-304. H. U. VON BALTHASAR, Kosmische Liturgie. Maximus der Bekenner: Höhe und Krise des griechischen Weltbilds, Johannes Verlag, Einsiedeln 19612. J. BEHR, The Mystery of Christ: Life in Death, St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, Crestwood, NY 2006. W. BIENERT, «Allegoria» und «Anagoge» bei Didymos dem Blinden von Alexandria, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 1972 (Patristische Texte und Studien, 13). J. BORELLA, Penser l’analogie, Ad solem, Genève 2000. J.-F. COURTINE, Inventio analogiae. Métaphysique et ontothéologie, J. Vrin, Paris 2005. Damascius, Traité des premiers principes, Tome I: De l’ineffable et de l’Un, Texte établi par L. G. WESTERINK et traduit par J. COMBÈS, Les Belles Lettres, Paris 1986. G. EBELING, « Hermeneutik », dans Die Religion in der Geschichte und Gegenwart, Bd. III, Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 1959, pp. 242-262. U. Eco, Les limites de l’interprétation, traduction de M. BOUZAHER, Grasset, Paris 1992. L. GIOIA, « La connaissance de Dieu Trinite chez saint Augustin: pardelà les embarras de l’analogie et l’anagogie », dans E. DURAND – V. HOLZER (éds.), Les sources du renouveau trinitaire au XXe siècle, Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 2008, pp. 97-139. D. B. HART, The Beauty of the Infinite. The Aesthetics of Christian Truth, William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rapids – Cambridge 2003. F. HEINZER, « L’explication trinitaire de l’économie chez Maxime le Confesseur », dans F. HEINZER – C. SCHÖNBORN (éds.), Maximus Confessor. Actes du Symposium sur Maxime le Confesseur, Fribourg, 2-5 septembre 1980, Éditions Universitaires de Fribourg, Fribourg 1982, pp. 159172 (Paradosis. Études de littérature et de théologie anciennes, 27). Hugo de Saint-Victor, In Hierarchiam Coelestem Sancti Dionysii Areopagitae secundum interpretationem Joannis Scoti, PL, vol. 175, col. 923A-1154C.

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Iohannes Scottus Eriugena, Expositiones in Ierarchiam caelestem, éd. J. BARBET, Brepols, Turnhout 1975 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 31). J.-C. LARCHET, La divinisation de l’homme selon saint Maxime le Confesseur, Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 1996. V. LOSSKY, « La notion des ‘analogies’ chez Denys le pseudo-Aréopagite », Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Âge, 5 (1930) 279-309. J.-L. MARION, Dieu sans l’être, PUF, Paris 1991. Maxime le Confesseur, Centuries sur la charité, Introduction et traduction de J. PEGON, S. J., Paris, Les Éditions du Cerf 1945 (Sources Chrétiennes, 9). Maximi Confessoris Quaestiones ad Thalassium: una cum latina interpretatione Ioannis Scotti Erivgenae iuxta posita I (Quaestiones I-LV), ediderunt C. LAGA – C. STEEL, Brepols, Turnhout 1980 (Corpus Christianorum, Series Graeca, 7). Maximi Confessoris Quaestiones ad Thalassium: una cum latina interpretatione Ioannis Scotti Erivgenae iuxta posita II (Quaestiones LVILXV), ediderunt C. LAGA – C. STEEL, Brepols, Turnhout 1990 (Corpus Christianorum, Series Graeca, 22). Maxime le Confesseur, Au sujet de diverses difficultés rencontrées chez les saints Denys et Grégoire (Ambigua), Avant-propos, traduction et notes par E. PONSOYE, Introduction par J.-C. LARCHET, Commentaires par le Père D. STĂNILOAE, Les Éditions de l’Ancre, Paris – Suresnes 1994. Maximi Confessoris Liber asceticus, editus a P. VAN DEUN adiectis tribus interpretationibus latinis sat antiquis editis a S. GYSENS, Brepols, Turnhout 2000 (Corpus Christianorum, Series Graeca, 40). Maxime le Confesseur, Quaestions à Thalassios, trad. F. VINEL, Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 2010, 2012, 2015 (Sources Chrétiennes, 529, 554, 569). V. M. NICULESCU, Teologie și retractare [Théologie et rétractation], Sapientia, Iași 2003. Origène, Homiliae in Genesim, trad. L. DOUTRELEAU, Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 1943 (Sources Chrétiennes, 7). A. SCRIBAN, Dicționarul limbii românești, Institutul de Arte Grafice “Presa Bună”, Iași 1939.

NADIA BRAY* ANAXAGORAS IN THE LATE MIDDLE AGES. A DOXOGRAPHICAL STUDY OF THOMAS OF YORK’S SAPIENTIALE

In his article «Filologia e filosofia medievale: il contributo italiano», by considering the Italian contribution to the advancement of knowledge concerning medieval studies, Loris Sturlese points out that the framework in which the main lines of research are developing today was consolidated in the early 1980s following the lessons in method of the previous generation, whose leading scholars were Eugenio Garin, Mario Dal Pra, Sofia Vanni Rovighi, and Bruno Nardi. This framework surely marks a development of the role of national historiography in the field of medieval studies1 on the international stage. The result of the internationalization of medieval studies can be seen, as unanimously recognized, in three main characteristics of current medieval philosophical historiography: 1. an increasing interest in editions of the texts, established through critical comparision between the whole tradition of the extant manuscripts and always accompanied by a precise critical apparatus of the textual variants, of the quoted sources and precise indices; 2. an attempt to interpret the works of the authors according to a regional approach, i. e. in relation to their specific cultural contexts; 3. a contribution towards freeing the reconstruction of the history of medieval thought from its ideological straitjacket «which has limited the very availability of philosophical texts»2, thereby showing the existence of a «series of complex cultural micro-contexts, in reciprocal contact and competition, animated by proper dynamics and mutual interactions all in need of investigation»3. In this way, as Sturlese has shown, the past of medieval studies has modified the field of current studies, teaching us the methods and the tasks of our researches and, in general, the perspective from which we look at the Middle Ages. * Università of Salento, Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici. Studium 2000 - edificio 5 - Via di Valesio, 24 - Lecce (LE), Italy, [email protected] 1 L. STURLESE, «Filolologia e filosofia medievale: il contributo italiano», Bollettino della Società Filosofica Italiana, n. s. 222 (2017, settembre-dicembre) 27-47. 2 Ibid., p. 31. 3 Ibid.

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Now, it’s exactly on the grounds of such indispensable lessons and on the documentary material which they have produced that it seems reasonable to include among the most recent and fruitful approaches adopted for studying the philosophical texts of the Middle Ages the «doxographical method». Coined by Hermann Diels in 1879, the word «doxographus», used «to describe writers engaged in a particular way of presenting ancient philosophy», belongs to the lesson of one of the leading scholars of the past4. Nevertheless, because of the opportunities offered by the precise indices of the names and of the sources documented in modern critical editions, and not least thanks to the increasing accessibility of medieval texts (manuscripts, prints and modern editions) digitalized, transcribed and placed in databases as well as in search engines, the doxographical approach, understood as a method useful for collecting doctrines ascribed to authors explicitly mentioned in the texts5, seems likely to become characteristic of future medieval research and has in fact already been adopted in several works with interesting results. From the application of the doxographical method a more detailed and multi-faceted description of the historic profile of Plato emerges in The platonic tradition in the Middle Ages. A doxographical approach, edited

4

Cf. J. MANSFELD – D. T. RUNIA, Aëtiana. The method and intellectual context of a doxographer, v. 1: The sources, E. J. Brill, Leiden – Köln – New York, 1997, p. 101. Invented by Hermann Diels in his Doxographi Graeci, Reimer, Berlin 1979, the terms «doxographer» and «doxography» have passed into general use in classical and patristic scholarship and was discussed in an article by B. WYSS, «Doxographie», in Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, A. Hiersemann, Stuttgart 1959, Bd. 4, pp. 197-210. On the question whether it was Diels or rather H. Usener who actually coined the neologism, see R. PFEIFFER, History of classical scholarship from the beginnings to the end of the Hellenistic age, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1968, p. 84. 5 According to MANSFELD and RUINA, Aëtiana, p. xiii, the doxographical tradition as studied and implicitly defined by Diels is strictly limited to the physical part of philosophy. Since then, the term has gradually evolved to include even and oddly enough the overviews of the doctrines of a determined author, as specified by MANSFELD and RUINA, in several works such as, in H. FLASHAR, Grundriss der Geschihcte der Philosophie, begr. v. Fr. Ueberweg. Die Philosophie der Antike, Bd. 3, Ältere Akademie – Aristoteles – Peripatos, Basel – Stuttgart 1983, pp. 322-447, as well as in C. P. JANZ, Die Briefe Friedrich Nietzsches. Textprobleme und ihre Bedeutung für Biographie und Doxographie, Theologischer Verlag, Zürich 1972.

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by Stephen Gersh and Maarten J. F. M. Hoenen in 20026. In addition a more precise knowledge of the sources used by Meister Eckhart in his works and of their value in the author’s thought can be appreciated in the two volumes of Studi sulle fonti di Meister Eckhart, edited by Loris Sturlese in 2008 and in 20127. Following these important examples, it is on the basis of the doxographical method, adopted in the monograph La tradizione filosofica stoica nel Medioevo. Un approccio dossografico published in 2018 for Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, and to which I allow myself to refer, that a reconstruction of medieval knowledge concerning the identity of the Stoic philosophical tradition, an identification of the sources through which it was accessible in the Middle Ages and the development of the discussion on some of its main doctrines have been offered8. The aim of the present article is to refer to one of the most important issues which the book raises concerning the differences between and even contrapositions within the reception of Stoicism in authors of the XIVth century and also to investigate this issue once more using the doxographical approach. In particular, since Albert the Great, as has been documented, interpretes Stoicism as a philosophy which contradicts the main assumptions of Aristotelism and since Thomas of York, on the other hand, uses Stoic sources as if they were coherent with Aristotelian philosophy9, the position of both authors will be compared. Furthermore, since Albert connects his criticism against Stoic philosophy with his criticism against Anaxagorean philosophy, the explicit mentions of Anaxagoras in the works of Thomas of York will be doxographically collected and analysed in order to look 6

S. GERSH – M. J. F. M. HOENEN (eds.), The platonic tradition in the Middle Ages. A doxographical approach, De Gruyter, Berlin – New York 2002. 7 L. STURLESE (ed.), Studi sulle fonti di Meister Eckhart, I: Aristotele, De anima. Augustinus, De Trinitate. Avicenna, Opera. Dionysius, Opera. Liber de causis. Proclus, Opera. Seneca, Opera, with contributions from A. BECCARISI, N. BRAY, A. PALAZZO, G. PELLEGRINO, F. RETUCCI and E. RUBINO, Academic Press, Fribourg 2008 (Dokimion, 34); L. STURLESE (ed.), Studi sulle fonti di Meister Eckhart, II: Aristotele, Metaphysica. Cicero, Opera. Liber XXIV philosophporum. Moses Maimonides, Dux neutrorum, Origenes, Opera. Plato, Timaeus. Thomas Aquinas, Opera, with contributions from A. BECCARISI, N. BRAY, D. DI SEGNI, C. PALADINI, A. PALAZZO, F. RETUCCI and E. RUBINO, Academic Press, Fribourg 2012 (Dokimion, 37). 8 N. BRAY, La tradizione filosofica stoica nel Medioevo. Un approccio dossografico, Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, Roma 2018. 9 On the reception of Stoic philosophy in Albert the Great, cf. BRAY, La tradizione filosofica stoica nel Medioevo, pp. 91-122.

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closely at Thomas’s interpretation of them and to show how different it is from that of Albert10. The study will take the following four-part form: 1. In the first part an indication of the doxographical occurrences of the name of Anaxagoras in Thomas of York’s Sapientiale will be provided; 2. in the second part the passages of the Sapientiale where the name of Anaxagoras has been explicitly associated with that of the Stoics will be considered in order to show the similarities between Thomas’s and Albert’s interpretation of Anaxagoras; 3. in the third part the differences between the two positions will be underlined; 4. in the fourth part the attitude of Thomas and Albert with regard to a passage of Aristotle’s third book of the De caelo will be considered and will be proposed as a decisive point leading to the two opposing interpretations given by the two authors under consideration. I. Thomas of York mentions the name of Anaxagoras 13 times in seven texts of his Sapientiale11. 10

On Anaxagoras in philosophical historiography see M. L. SILVESTRE, Anassagora nella storiografia filosofica: dal 5. sec. a. C. al 6. sec. d. C., Edizioni dell’Ateneo, Roma 1989; P. TZAMALIKOS, Anaxagoras, Origen, and Neoplatonism: The Legacy of Anaxagoras to Classical and Late Antiquity, De Gruyter, Berlin 2016 (Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte, 128); on the question of the reception of the presocratic in the Middle Ages, see O. PRIMAVESI – K. LUCHNER (eds.), The Presocratics from the Latin Middle Ages to Hermann Diels: Akten der 9. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 5.-7. Oktober 2006 in München, F. Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 2011 (Philosophie der Antike, 26). 11 On Thomas of York, see F. RETUCCI, «Tommaso di York, Eustrazio e la dottrina delle idee di Platone», in A. BECCARISI – R. IMBACH – P. PORRO (eds.), Per perscrutationem philosophicam. Neue Perspektiven der mittelalterlichen Forschung. L. Sturlese zum 60. Geburtstag gewidmet, Meiner, Hamburg 2008, pp. 79-110; EAD., «The Sapientiale of Thomas of York, O. F. M.: The fortunes and misfortunes of a critical edition», Bullettin de philosophie médiévale, 52 (2010), 133-159; EAD., «Nuovi percorsi del platonismo medieval. I commentari bizantini all’Etica Nicomachean nel Sapientiale di Tommaso di York», Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale, 52 (2013) 85-120. The passages of Thomas of York’s Sapientiale drawn from books I, II, V, VI, VII will be proposed according to the transcription of the following manuscript: Firenze, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Conv. Soppr., cod. A.VI. 437 = F; the passages drawn from book II will be cited according to the critical text of Sapientiale II, 1-18 provided by Marco MANIGLIO in his doctoral dissertation, La

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According to Augustine’s Epistola ad Dioscorum, explicity quoted in Sapientiale I, c. 16 and V, c. 4 and in VII, c. 9, Anaxagoras is the author of the definition of God as sapientia infinita and as mens: DEUS EST SAPIENTIA, IN QUO ET A QUO ET PER QUEM SAPIUNT, QUE SAPIUNT OMNIA. Hec est enim sapientia infinita, a qua omnium modus est et descriptio secundum Anaxagoram, secundum quod recitat Augustinus Ad Dioscorum epistula 38, que secundum Ciceronem dicta est mens ordinatrix et moderatrix omnium, «habens sensum», secundum quod recitat Augustinus in eadem (Sapientiale I, c. 16, f. 19v). Unde et Anaxagoras dixit Dei sapientiam infinitam, in qua et a qua est omnium descriptio et moderatio, prout recitat Augustinus Ad Dioscorum. Et Plato dixit eam plenam figuris propter numerum idearum, sicut recitat Seneca in Epistola (Sapientiale V, c. 4, f. 131v). Verum etsi secundum proprietatem sermonis recuset sapientia Christianorum nomen anime in Deo, nomen tamen mentis admittit Augustinus propter diversum modum significandi utriusque nominis. Nam nomen mentis significat id quod significat per modum absolutionis, secundum quod dicit Tullius De Tusculanis questionibus lib. I quod «Deus est mens quaedam soluta et libera, segregata ab omni concretione mortali». Unde Anaxagoras Deum dixit mentem quoniam ab ipso quasi a mente est omnium descriptio et modus. Ipse enim sicut mens omnium moderatrix et ordinatrix secundum quod recitat Augustinus Ad Diascorum. Patet igitur ex hiis quid et qualiter intellegi debeat in sermone sapientium quo dixerunt Deum animam mundi et quid non (Sapientiale VII, c. 9, f. 65rb).

According to Averroes’s Commentary on Aristotle’s De caelo, explicitly quoted in Sapientiale II c. 5, Anaxagoras maintains the idea of the newness of the world: creazione del mondo nel Sapientiale di Tommaso di York. Edizione critica e studio del Sap. II, 1-18, which was realized under the direction of Prof. Dr. Alessandra Beccarisi (Università del Salento) and Prof. Dr. Dr. h. c. Andreas Speer (Universität zu Köln) and was discussed in 2018 as a doctoral degree of the Dottorato in Filosofia: forme e storia dei saperi filosofici of the Università del Salento in co-guardianship with the Universität zu Köln.

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Secunda est credere ipsum generabilem et corruptibilem. Et haec est Anaxagorae ex philosophis et hanc tenere dicit tres leges Maurorum, Christianorum et Iudeorum (Sapientiale II, c. 5, ed. MANIGLIO, p. 38,32-34).

Anaxagoras is the assertor of the conception of the infinite divisibility of matter (Sapientiale II, c. 7; VI, c.18): Alii posuerunt illud confusum esse mixtum ex omnibus ut Anaxagoras et illi posuerunt unam mundi generationem et nullam corruptionem [...] Iste autem fuit Anaxagoras, ponens sic unum principium mixtum et confusum ex omnibus, posuit illud principium infinitum et principia infinita extrahi ab illo. Et in hac opinione aliquid veritatis in hoc quod posuit mixtionem et non segregationem accidentis a substantia. Aliquid vero fuit falsitatis, videlicet quod posuit omnia sic admisceri et infinita de infinito extrahi. Iterum in hoc quod posuit omne simile generari ex suo simili (Sapientiale II, c. 7, f. 66va). Ponentes autem infinitum accidens dixerunt ipsi subesse aliquam substantiam, sed diversificati sunt, quia quidam, ut Anaxagoras, dixerunt subesse aliquas partes infinitas consimiles; aliqui infinita corpora indivisibilia, ut Democritus, sicut habetur ab Aristotele in eodem (Sapientiale VI, c. 18, f. 192r).

and of a dualistic theory of the principle of reality (Sapientiale II, c. 8): Respicientes vero ad alias causas dixerunt aliter et horum fuerunt duo modi, quorum quidam dixerunt principia infinita et quidam finita. Dicentes principia infinita dixerunt duo manieres, nam quidam dixerunt infinita et tamen non alia a principiatis et quidam dixerunt ea infinita et alia a principiatis. Prima opinio fuit Anaxagora qui dixit ab uno principio confuso extrahi infinita et ideo quilibet in quolibet, et extracta non esse aliud ab eo a quo fit extractio nec differre nisi per apparentiam in exitu, sicut superius dictum est et in hoc liquet quomodo posuerunt unum solum principio et tamen plura. Alii autem dixerunt principia infinita utpote corpora indivisibilia infinita in multitudine, id est numero, et morphea, id est forma differentia a principiatis utpote Democritus et Leucippus sicut habetur I De generatione capitulo 1. Nihilominus alia fuit differentia inter illas, quia Anaxagoras non salvavit generationem

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cum non posuit alietatem sed generationem posuit alterationem. Isti posuerunt generationem cum posuerunt alietatem sicut habetur de hac differentia ab Aristotele I Generationum capitulo 22. Si quis autem quaerat differentiam inter Empedoclem ponentem unum confusum et plura principia ab ipso indifferentia secundum substantiam et Anaxagoram idipsum ponentem, manifesta est ab Aristotele I De generatione capitulo 1, quod Empedocles posuit illud confusum ex quatuor elementis tantum et ideo posuit principia seu elementa simplicia. Anaxagoras vero composita ut carnem et os. Et ideo quoad hoc melior fuit opinio Empedoclis quia salvavit diffinitionem elementi. Anaxagoras vero non sicut habetur ab Aristotele, II Metaphysice capitulo 5 [...] Respicientes vero ad plures causas diversimode sicut dixi posuerunt duo. Nam quidam posuerunt duo videlicet naturam et causam ut nomine causae intelligas efficientes sicut Stoici, prout habetur a Seneca in Epistola 67. Et his concordare videtur Trismegistus, Ad Asclepium, qui point duo principia, deum et yle, qui aliis nominibus nominant in eodem libro voluntatem et naturam. His etiam consona est positio Anaxagorae, qui point duo principia: unum confusum et mixtum, sicut superius dictum est, et alterum intellectum segregantem sicut habetur ab Aristotele II Metaphysicae capitulo 4 (Sapientiale II, c. 8, ed. MANIGLIO, pp. 69,18-71,63).

II. Among the passages above proposed, the main text that will be examined contains an explicit connection between Anaxagoras and the Stoics. It is a textual passage from Thomas’s second book of his Sapientiale, dedicated to a discussion of the theories of the ancient philosophers regarding the nature and number of the principles of the world. Following the structure and arguments proposed by Aristotle in the Physica, and after having refuted Parmenides and Melixus’s monistic theories, Thomas goes on to discuss the theories of the pluralists, distinguishing those who recognized the principles of reality as infinite from those who recognized them as finite: Respicientes vero ad plures causas diversimode sicut dixi, posuerunt duo. Nam quidam posuerunt duo, videlicet naturam et causam, ut nomine causae intelligas efficientem sicut Stoici, prout habetur a Seneca in Epistola 67. Et his concordare videtur Trismegistus ad Asclepium, qui ponit duo principia, deum et ylon, que aliis

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nominibus nominant in eodem libro voluntatem et naturam. His etiam consona est positio Anaxagorae, qui ponit duo principia: unum confusum mixtum, sicut superius dictum est, et alterum intellectum segregantem, sicut habetur ab Aristotele II Metaphysicae capitulo 412.

For having established the infinite divisibility of matter, a doctrine I will come back to, Anaxagoras belonged to the first group; for having recognized, however, the intellect to be alongside matter, Anaxagoras also belongs in the second and, in particular, with those, who, just like the Stoics and Hermetics, fixed the number of principles at two13. Drawing on data from Seneca’s Epistola 6514, from Aristotle’s Metaphysics15 and the hermetic Asclepius16, Thomas shows the correspondence of the principles differently referred to, as the diagram shows, by the Stoics (nature and cause) and by Hermes (yle and God or nature and will): they correspond to the Anaxagorean mixtum (mixture) together with its segregating intellect. Stoics

natura

causa

Seneca, Epistola 65

Hermes

yle

Deus

Asclepius

Natura

voluntas

unum confusum mixtum

Intellectus segregans

Anaxagoras

Aristoteles, Metaphysica II, c. 4

Just as in Albert, Thomas of York’s position regarding the comparison between the above mentioned philosophical traditions is not extrinsic. 12

Cf. Thomas Eboracensis, Sapientiale II, c. 8, ed. MANIGLIO, pp. 70,54-71,63. On the reception of Hermetism in Thomas of York’s Sapientiale, see D. PORRECA, «Hermes Trismegistus in Thomas of York: a 13th Century fitness to the prominence of an ancient Sage», Archives d’Histoire Doctrinale et Littéraire du Moyen Âge, 72 (2005) 147-275; and also «Focus sulle fonti: stoicismo ed ermetismo. Il rapporto stoicismoermetismo nel Sapientiale», in MANIGLIO, La creazione del mondo nel Sapientiale di Tommaso di York, pp. XXXVII-XLVII. 14 Cf. Seneca, Epist. 65, n. 2-3; ed. by L. D. REYNOLDS, Oxford University Press, Oxford 1965, pp. 175,26-176,8. 15 Cf. Aristoteles, Metaphysica (I,8) 989a30-b24. 16 Cf. Asclepius, XIX, ed. by C. MORESCHINI, in Apulei Opera quae supersunt, III: De philosophia libri, Teubner, Stuttgart – Leipzig 1991, p. 59,5-7. 13

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In c. 9, entirely dedicated to a discussion on various stated theories, Thomas refers again to the Stoic and Hermetic conception of matter: Stoici vero et Trismegistus si preter causam precise non posuerunt nisi materiam, sufficienter posuerunt, quod non est verisimile. Estimo autem, quod nomine materie intellexerunt non solum positionem nudam receptivam, sed materiam cum potentis activiis. Et talis materia non est expers forme, quia tamen materia etiam cum illis formis imperfectis seu potentiis est totaliter materialis respectu cause prime; ideo dixerunt duas causas, videlicet causam et materiam. Unde Trismegistus, cum premittit «fuit mundus et yle» subdit «quem Grece mundum credimus et mundum concomitabatur spiritus». Igitur per ylen non intellexerunt materiam sine forma, sed cum forma nondum perfecta vel ordinata quam alio nomine nominavit chaos Plato sicut supra manifestavi tibi in sermone de creatione. Similiter intelligendus est alius sermo Trismegisti, quod due erant: «unum, unde fiunt omnia, id est materia»; alterum «a quo fiunt», id est voluntas, cuius nutu efficiuntur alia17.

As we can see in the above quoted passage, Anaxagoras is not explicitly cited. However, the Stoic and Hermetic concept of matter is described in the selfsame terms in which Aristotle in his Metaphysica describes Anaxagoras’s matter: it is matter, materia, with form, cum forma, not yet perfect, nondum perfecta, or ordered, vel ordinata. What is more in c. 9 Anaxagoras’s concept of matter is in fact also shared by Plato who called it by another name, namely, chaos, «alio nomine nominavit chaos». Still in the same text, Thomas of York refers to a sermon on the creation, sermo de creatione, in order to deepen his arguments. This text of the Sapientiale corresponds to cc. 4-6 of book II, dedicated in fact to a discussion on the theories of philosophers and theologians regarding the newness or the eternity of the world18. In particular, in c. 5, the theories of Plato and Anaxagoras are cited and compared with the apparently opposing one of Aristotle. Unlike Aristotle, who seems to maintain that the world is 17

Cf. Thomas Eboracensis, Sapientiale II, c. 9, ed. MANIGLIO, pp. 79,101-80,115; cf. Asclepius, XIX, ed. MORESCHINI, p. 59, 5-7; ibid. XIV, op. cit., p. 53,9-10; Aristoteles, Metaphysica (I, 8) 989a30-b21. 18 Cf. Thomas Eboracensis, Sapientiale II, cc. 4-6, ed. MANIGLIO, pp. 28-58.

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eternal, Anaxagoras, like Plato, maintains that it is generated19. In addition, Anaxagoras, but not Plato, maintains that the world is corruptable and his position is that which even turns out to be in greatest agreement with Muslim, Christian and Jewish law: Secunda est «credere ipsum generabilem et corruptibilem. Et haec est Anaxagorae ex philosophis et hanc» tenere dicit «tres leges Maurorum, Christianorum et Iudeorum. Tertia est Platonis», quid dicit «ipsum generabilem et non corruptibilem»20.

Later in chapter 5 the likeness between Anaxagorean and Platonic doctrine becomes clearer: Tertiam vero opinionem, que est Platonis, non impugnat Aristoteles quantum ad intellectum ipsius Platonis, sed secundum solum [secundum] sermonem, prout dicit Themistius in defensionem Platonis, prout recitat Averroes Super III Celi et Mundi cap. 5. Cum enim dixit Plato mundum fuisse ex re inordinata et non formata verum intellexit secundum ipsum Themistium secundum unam viam intelligendi inordinatum et informatum. Quorum utrumque «dicitur» dupliciter, hoc est «duobus modis, quorum unus est non esse», hoc est simpliciter privatio ordinis et forme, et sic non dixit Plato inordinationem precesisse ordinationem; «alius est dispositio naturalis» vel qualitas non plene ordinata, sed adhunc habens dispositionem ad perfectam ordinationem, et sic dixit Plato mundum ex inordinato generatum, quod verum est. Unde cum dicit mundum venisse «ab inordinatione ad ordinationem» non intellexit ipsum venisse a qualitate non naturali ad naturalem», «sed ex privatione qualitatis ad qualitatem; et hec est dispositione materie prime apud Aristotelem»21.

As we can read, Thomas of York refers to the Platonic idea of the world and explains it by introducing Themistius’s interpretation drawn 19

Cf. Thomas Eboracensis, Sapientiale II, c. 5, ed. MANIGLIO, pp. 36,1-38,31, ex Averroes, In De caelo I, comm. 102, ed. by F. J. CARMODY – R. ARNZEN, Leuven 2003, p. 195,42-45; p. 196,46-48 (Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médievales. Bibliotheca 4.1.1 – 2). 20 Cf. Thomas Eboracensis, Sapientiale II, c. 5, ed. MANIGLIO, p. 38,32-34, ex Averroes, In De caelo I, comm. 102, ed. CARMODY – ARNZEN, p. 196,46-48. 21 Cf. Thomas Eboracensis, Sapientiale II, c. 5, ed. MANIGLIO, pp. 38,51-39,65 ex Averroes, In De Caelo, III, comm. 25, ed. CARMODY – ARNZEN, p. 543,102-124.

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from Averroes’s commentary on the third book of Aristotle’s De caelo. The Platonic definition of the world as unordered matter, re inordinata, reproposes the Anaxagorean idea of the all in all mixed and confused principle, «principium mixtum confusum ex omnibus», present in c. 822 and, just as c. 9 promised23, it is the very same matter with form not yet perfect or ordered («materia ... cum forma nondum perfecta vel ordinata») ascribed in that chapter to the Stoic, Hermetic and Platonic philosophical traditions. To summarize, let’s list some conclusions concerning the first part of the analysis. For now, both Albert and Thomas maintain that Anaxagoras, Plato and the Stoics all held the same view. For all three, and in Thomas’s opinion this was also true for the Hermetic tradition, 1. there are two principles of reality, matter and form; 2. matter is never detached from form, nor 3. is it ever absolutely absent, but exists as disorder subjected to the segregating action of the intellect. III. The differences in the two positions can be best seen in the strongly critical judgement of the Stoic interpretation of Anaxagoras’s doctrine to be found in Albert but not in Thomas. Stoicism, as previously stated24, was for Albert the result of a decidedly unsuccessful attempt to translate into Aristotelian terms and theoretical models, philosophical doctrines which Aristotle himself explicitly criticised. In this particular case the Stoic idea of perfect reason is, according to Albert, a translation of the Platonic doctrine of reminiscence, that is to say of a theory of knowledge that Aristotle openly confuted25. In fact, described in Aristotelian terms, knowledge is a form of transmutation of the material substratum which acquires forms which it did not have in a previous state. In the Platonic version which Aristotle criticizes –and which the Stoics however accept, the transmutation consists not in the acquisition of forms previously extraneous to matter, but in the manifestation of forms pre-existing in the material substratum which 22

Cf. Thomas Eboracensis, Sapientiale II, c. 8, ed. MANIGLIO, p. 71,61. See, as above underlined, Thomas’s reference to the close examination on the question of matter in ibid. c. 9, op. cit., p. 80,110-112. 24 Cf. above, pp. 319-320. 25 Cf. Aristoteles, Analytica Posteriora (I,1) 71a29-30. 23

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pass, indeed, from the occulto to the apertum26 and which, according to Thomas, are only apparently (per apparentiam) different from the forms hidden in matter27. Both Albert and Thomas, as can be clearly seen, ascribe this doctrine to Anaxagoras. Nevertheless, Thomas, as already outlined in the analysed texts, has no problem accepting Anaxagoras’s point of view, not only does he declare it to be in accord with that of the Stoics and Trismegistus and even with that of Plato, but he actually uses it to defend, with philosophical arguments, the belief of the «newness» of the world held by the most important religions28. While sharing Anaxagoras’s position on the question of the newness of the world, in the same chapter 5, precisely in the passage which has been analysed above in order to underline Thomas’s assumption about the coherence between the conception of matter held by Plato, the Hermetics and the Stoics29, the author takes from Themistius a further observation which, as will be shown, Albert sees as the most resounding mistake in the history of thought: he attributes in fact the doctrine of the pre-existence of form in matter also to Aristotle30. So we have two opposing interpretations of Anaxagoras’s theory of matter. Firstly, Thomas’s interpretation that Anaxagoras’s doctrine

26 Cf. Albertus Magnus, In Analytica posteriora I, tr. 1, c. 5, ed. A. BORGNET, Paris 1893, pp. 15b-18: 18a; cf. BRAY, La tradizione filosofica stoica, pp. 108-109. 27 Cf. Thomas Eboracensis, Sapientiale II, c. 8, ed. MANIGLIO, p. 69,18-25: «Prima opinio fuit Anaxagorae, qui dixit ab uno principio confuso extrahi infinita, et ideo quilibet in quolibet, et extracta non esse aliud ab eo, a quo fit extractio, nec differre nisi per apparentiam in exitu, sicut superius dictum est». 28 Cf. Thomas Eboracensis, Sapientiale II, c. 5, ed. MANIGLIO, p. 38,32-34, which has been quoted and analysed on pp. 321-322 of the present contribution. 29 Cf. Thomas Eboracensis, Sapientiale II, c. 5, ed. MANIGLIO, pp. 38,51-39,65 ex Averroes, In De Caelo, III, comm. 25, ed. CARMODY – ARNZEN, p. 543,102-124. 30 Cf. Thomas Eboracensis, Sapientiale II, c. 5, ed. MANIGLIO, p. 39,65-72 ex Averroes, In De Caelo, III, comm. 25, ed. CARMODY – ARNZEN, p. 543,102-124; on the notion of matter in Aristotle, see for example E. BERTI, «Ὓλη nei testi aristotelici», in D. GIOVANNOZZI – M. VENEZIANI (eds.), Materia. XIII Colloquio internazionale, Roma, 7-9 gennaio 2010, L. S. Olschki, Roma 2011, pp. 41-52; Ch. HELMIG, «Aristotle’s notion of intelligible matter», Quaestio, 7 (2007) 53-78. On Albert’s conception of matter see A. RODOLFI, Il concetto di materia nell’opera di Alberto Magno, SISMEL – Edizioni del Galluzzo, Firenze 2004; and on the discussion of the notion of matter in the late Middle Ages, see S. DONATI, «Materia e dimensioni tra XIII e XIV secolo: la dottrina delle dimensiones indeterminatae», Quaestio, 7 (2007) 361-393.

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corresponds to those of the Stoics, of the Hermetics, of Plato and of Aristotle, and secondly Albert’s interpretation that Anaxagoras’s doctrine is at the basis of the Stoic and the Platonic theory of matter, but is totally different from that of Aristotle. Who is right? How did these authors come to such different and even opposing conclusions? IV. In order to answer this question, it is important to know the content of the source which both Albert the Great and Thomas of York are interpreting. For both authors a useful Aristotelian point for discussing Anaxagoras’s doctrine on the question of matter and the question of the pre-existence of form is the third book of his De caelo. This is a fundamental work for the debate on the eternity of the world and Thomas himself recalls it explicitly. But what does Aristotle say about Anaxagoras in the De caelo? And how do Albert and Thomas react to the evidence in Aristotle’s words? As well as being, as we have said, the ancient philosopher who supports the generation and the curruption of the world, Anaxagoras is criticized in the De caelo for his doctrine on the infinite divisibility of matter. As far as the doctrine of the pre-existence of form is concerned, however, there is no discussion of this in the De caelo with explicit reference to Anaxagoras. Aristotle refers instead in this work to Empedocles and to Democritus to criticize their theory of the pre-existence of elements in matter and, in particular, to deny that occultata elements can be generated ab invicem, issuing one from the other, egredientia alia ex aliis31.

31

Aristoteles, De caelo, transl. Gerhardi Cremonensis, ed. I. OPELT, in Alberti Magni Opera Omnia, vol. 5,1, ed. by P. HOßFELD, Aschendorff, Münster 1971, p. 233: «Volo autem inquirere, quomodo facta sunt elementa ab invicem. Dico ergo, an sit, secundum quod dixerunt Empedocles et Democritus, an secundum illud quod dixerunt (305b1) illi qui resolvunt corpora ad superficies et laminas, aut est hic modus alius et alia causa, praeter quam diximus. Dico ergo, quod imitatores quidem Empedoclis et Democriti ignoraverunt in sermone suo et obliti sunt, quod ipsi non affirmaverunt generationem veram et quod ipsi confitentur, quod elementa generantur ab invicem. Verum ipsi affirmaverunt per illud generationem fallacem; quod est, quonima ipsi dixerunt, quod elementorum alia sunt occultata in aliis et sunt egredientia alia ex aliis, sicut ortus et partus».

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IV. 1. Albert’s Interpretation The idea of the presence of elements –and not of form– in matter and the attribution of this doctrine to Anaxagoras which we find in Albert, does not appear then in the De caelo and in fact neither does it appear in Thomas of York’s Sapientiale. The expression latentia formarum (hiddenness of the forms), introduced by Albert in his comment on the passage from the third book of the De caelo, is also absent from the De caelo and is inferred, instead, from Averroes’s commentary on the Physics, where it describes the idea, first of all attributed to Anaximander, but also ascribed to Empedocles and Anaxagoras32. Likening Anaxagoras’s position to that of Empedocles and Democritus, explicitly mentioned in the De caelo, Albert submits it to the selfsame refutative arguments as Aristotle, but uses an exegisis which also is originally his own. Quicumque ergo ponunt non fieri rem ex potentia neque per alterationem et transmutationem et confitentur, quod ex nihilo nihil fit secundum naturam, necesse est, quod dicant quod aut forma generati actu est intus aut est a datore extra. Et si quidem dicant eam actu esse, intus tunc ponunt latentiam formarum et generationem nihil esse nisi exitum occulti actu existentis ad apertum, sicut Empedocles, Democritus et Anaxagoras dicunt. Qui autem ponunt a datore formarum esse formas, dicunt sicut Plato formas omnes dari a causis separatis et extrinsecis. Duae enim opiniones mediae sunt inter istas, quod videlicet forma generati fiat ex nihilo vel ex potentia. Convenerunt autem philosophi in hoc quod non fit ex 32 Cf. Averroes, Physica 1 comm. 32, ed. Venetiis 1562-1574 (Aristotelis Opera cum Averrois commentariis, 4), f. 21va: «Sed dicunt quod contraria et universaliter omnia diversarum specierum et formarum sunt existentia in actu in illo uno principio secundum latentiam et generatio nihil aliud est quam exitus illarum rerum latentium ex illo uno: ut dixit Anaximander naturalis. Dicendum quomodo conveniunt quidam eorum, qui dicunt principia esse plura uno cum istis in hac opinione, scilicet in hoc, quod generatio ex principiis est secundum dissolutionem et exitum et dixit. Et similiter illi, qui dicunt, etc. Talem opinionem de modis generationis opinantur illi, qui dicunt quod principium est unum, et qui dicunt principia esse plura, ut Anaxagoras et Empedocles. Isti enim attribuunt generationem rerum exitui earum a mixto»; cf. U. R. JECK, «Albert der Große über Anaximander», in W. SENNER – H. ANZULEWICZ (eds.), Albertus Magnus. Zum Gedenken nach 800 Jahren: neue Zugänge und Perspektiven, Akademie Verlag, Berlin, 2011, pp. 15-28.

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nihilo secundum naturam. Relinquitur igitur illa quae est, quod educantur omnes ex materia, in qua sunt potentia, per alterationem et transmutationem substantialem33.

The idea that forms are hidden in matter, be they Empedocles’s four elements, Democritus’s atoms or Anaxagoras’s omeomeries, in short in any of its possible or conceivable variants, is incompatible with the Aristotelian conception, since it inevitably implies that forms are hidden but actually present in matter («quod forma generatis actu est intus»), thereby contradicting the Aristotelian concept of deprived matter. IV. 2. Thomas’s Interpretation and His Two Adjustments What is Thomas of York’s position regarding the De caelo text? His reading, although not shared by a strict «peripatetic», such as Albert undoubtedly claimed to be, entails a couple of adjustments which are not as naïve as they may first appear. The first adjustment regards Aristotle’s criticism of Anaxagoras’s concept of the infinite divisibility of matter. Thomas shows that he knows about this criticism in Sapientiale II, c. 7 and yet he attenuates and relativizes it. In fact he observes: «Illa ratio», that is to say the criticism made by Aristotle of Anaxagoras’s doctrine, «supponit quod caro habeat quantitatem terminatam in parvitatem», that is that Anaxagorean matter is physical matter, thereby leaving open the possibility of thinking of it as incorporeal and allowing him to compare the Anaxagorean doctrine of matter also to Platonic matter34. According to Thomas’s interpretation, Anaxagorean matter, as we have seen already, is never separated from form. It is precisely because of this assumption of the inseparability of form and matter, that Aristotle recognizes the value of Anaxagorean doctrine as capable of explaining movement and adopted it, thereby preferring it to that of Plato. Platonic matter is in fact, according to Aristotle, completely separated from form, 33 Albertus Magnus, De caelo et mundo, Lib. 3, tr. 2, c. 6, ed. HOßFELD (ed. Colon. 5/1), pp. 233,51-234,1. 34 Cf. Thomas Eboracensis, Sapientiale II, c. 7, ed. MANIGLIO, p. 65,201-205: «Illa ratio supponit, quod caro habet quantitatem terminatam in parvitate et funditur super sermonem Aristotelis De anima cap. , qui dicit, quod natura constantium est terminus magnitudinis et augmenti, super quod quidam principium fundatur ratio precendens similiter et subsequens».

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and therefore incapable of explaining movement. Being separated from form could be conceived as simply pre-existing disorder, chaos –a notion which, according to Averroes’s commentary on the De caelo, would have in fact contradicted the Aristotelian principle of ontological precedence of order over disorder. Using the defence of the Platonic concept of matter given by Themistius and documented within the same passage of Averroes’s commentary on the De caelo, Thomas explains that Platonic matter is not absolute disorder, but rather a not completely ordered situation, which is a perfect description of the Anaxagorean notion appreciated by Aristotle, that is to say of the first conception of the inseparability between form and matter in the history of thought, and which, therefore, according to Thomas, can easily correspond –and this is something Albert would never have accepted!– to the Aristotelian concept of the privation of matter35.

Conclusions A study of the reception of Anaxagoras’s doctrine in Thomas of York’s Sapientiale is surely an enquiry which starts from details. Based on the work of transcription of the Sapientiale undertaken by the research team coordinated by Fiorella Retucci and which will lead to the critical edition of the work36, the doxographical research of the explicit mentions of Anaxagoras leads to the following conclusions. Thomas of York knows various doctrines ascribed to Anaxagoras, taken from different sources (Augustine, Averroes, Aristotle). He recognizes the value of Anaxagoras’s doctrines with regards to the definition of the intellect as cause of movement (according to Aristotle’s judgement), to his position about the newness of the world (according to Averroes’s statement). On the other hand, Thomas shares Aristotle’s criticism of Anaxagorean doctrines regarding the infinite divisibility of matter, attenuating it. In this way he leaves us an Anaxagoras who, for example, by thinking of matter 35 Cf. Thomas Eboracensis, Sapientiale II, c. 5, ed. MANIGLIO, pp. 38,51-39,65 ex Averroes, In De Caelo, III, comm. 25, ed. CARMODY – ARNZEN, p. 543,102-124: the text has been already quoted at p. 326. 36 The first two volumes of the critical editions of Thomas’s of York Sapientiale edited by F. RETUCCI (Sapientiale l. I, 1-18) and A. PUNZI (Sapientiale l. III, cc. 1-20) are forthcoming with Brepols (Corpus Philosophorum Medii Aevi) under the auspicies of the Union Académique Internationale.

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as incorporeal, is probably different from the Anaxagoras who Aristotle presumed to criticize. In particular, with regard to Thomas’s understanding of Anaxagorean doctrine of matter, 1. Thomas likens the philosophy of Anaxagoras to that of Aristotle and to that of Plato, highlighting the shared aspects of the thinking of both philosophers, and indeed shortening the distance between the philosophy of Plato and that of Aristotle and achieving a concordistic interpretation of the two philosophies. 2. By likening Anaxagorean matter to that of the Stoics and Hermetics, he achieves the goal of his Sapientiale, that is, he demonstrates that, despite apparently different positions, philosophies and philosophers throughout the history of thought share the same truth which is also the same as the theological one. 3. In so doing he commits what for Albert are two errors: on the one hand, he does not give due consideration to the distinction between philosophical and theological questions and, on the other hand and worst of all, as we have said, he replicates the errors of the Stoics who tried to bend the philosophy of Aristotle to that of Plato, pretending that there is concordance between the two. These two possibilities, taking the perspective of Thomas, or these two errors, taking the perspective of Albert, document the different readings of ancient philosophy provided by one and the other author. Such difference between the positions is not due merely to the difference of their individual interpretations, rather it confirms the complexity of two different cultural contexts, «animated by proper dynamics and mutual interactions», that of Paris-Cologne for Albert and that of Oxford for Thomas of York. The concordistic interpretation between the Aristotelic, Platonic, Stoic and Hermetic philosophy proposed in Oxford by Thomas of York, on the one hand, and the rigorous attempt to achieve a careful distinction between those philosophical traditions, proposed in Paris-Cologne by Albert the Great, on the other hand, as I hope to have demonstrated, have their main foundation in two opposing interpretations of the teachings of the same ancient Greek philosopher, whose works had not been read by anyone for such a long time that little more was known about him other than his name, Anaxagoras.

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Bibliography Albertus Magnus, De caelo et mundo, in Alberti Magni Opera Omnia, vol. 5,1, ed. by P. HOßFELD, Aschendorff, Münster 1971, pp. 233,51234,1. ––, Analytica posterioria, in B. Alberti Magni Opera Omnia, vol. 2, ed. by A. BORGNET, Vivès, Paris 1893. Apulei Opera quae supersunt, III: De philosophia libri. Asclepius, ed. by C. MORESCHINI, Teubner, Stuttgart – Leipzig 1991, pp. 39-86. Aristoteles, Opera, ex recensione I. BEKKERI, edidit Academia Regia Borussica, Berlin 1831-1879; ed. altera quam curavit O. GIGON, De Gruyter, Berlin 1970, 5 voll. ––, De caelo, translatio Gerhardi Cremonensis, ed. I. OPELT in Alberti Magni Opera Omnia, vol. 5,1, ed. by P. HOßFELD, Aschendorff, Münster 1971, pp. 1-273. Averroes, Commentum magnum super libros De caelo et mundo Aristotelis, ed. by F. J. CARMODY – R. ARNZEN, Leuven 2003 (Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médievales. Bibliotheca 4.1.1 – 2) Aristotelis De physico audito libri octo cum Averrois Cordubensis variis in eosdem Commentariis, Venetiis, 1562 (Aristotelis opera cum Averrois commentariis, 4). E. BERTI, «Ὓλη nei testi aristotelici», in Materia. XIII Colloquio internazionale, Roma, 7-9 gennaio 2010, D. GIOVANNOZZI – M. VENEZIANI (eds.), L. S. Olschki, Roma 2011, pp. 41-52. N. BRAY, La tradizione filosofica stoica nel Medioevo. Un approccio dossografico, Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, Roma 2018. S. DONATI, «Materia e dimensioni tra XIII e XIV secolo: la dottrina delle dimensiones indeterminatae», Quaestio, 7 (2007) 361-393. H. FLASHAR, Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie, begr. v. Fr. Ueberweg. Die Philosophie der Antike, Bd. 3, Ältere Akademie – Aristoteles – Peripatos, Basel – Stuttgart 1983, pp. 322-447. S. GERSH – M. J. F. M. HOENEN (eds.), The platonic tradition in the Middle Ages. A doxographical approach, De Gruyter, Berlin – New York 2002. Ch. HELMIG, «Aristotle’s notion of intelligible matter», Quaestio, 7 (2007) 53-78. C. P. JANZ, Die Briefe Friedrich Nietzsche. Textprobleme und ihre Bedeutung für Biographie und Doxographie, Theologischer Verlag, Zürich 1972.

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U. R. JECK, «Albert der Große über Anaximander», in W. SENNER – H. ANZULEWICZ (eds.), Albertus Magnus. Zum Gedenken nach 800 Jahren: neue Zugänge und Perspektiven, Akademie Verlag, Berlin 2011, pp. 15-28. M. MANIGLIO, La creazione del mondo nel Sapientiale di Tommaso di York. Edizione critica e studio del Sap. II, 1-18 (Doctoral dissertation). J. MANSFELD – D. T. RUNIA, Aëtiana. The method and intellectual context of a doxographer, v. 1: The sources, E. J. Brill, Leiden – Köln – New York 1997. R. PFEIFFER, History of classical scholarship from the beginnings to the end of the Hellenistic age, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1968, p. 84. D. PORRECA, «Hermes Trismegistus in Thomas of York: a 13th Century fitness to the prominence of an ancient Sage», Archives d’Histoire Doctrinal et Littéraire du Moyen Âge, 72 (2005) 147-275. O. PRIMAVESI – K. LUCHNER (eds.), The Presocratics from the Latin Middle Ages to Hermann Diels: Akten der 9. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 5 (7. Oktober 2006 in München), F. Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 2011 (Philosophie der Antike, 26). F. RETUCCI, «The Sapientiale of Thomas of York, O. F. M.: The fortunes and misfortunes of a critical edition», Bullettin de philosophie médiévale, 52 (2010) 133-159. ––, «Nuovi percorsi del platonismo medieval. I commentari bizantini all’Etica Nicomachean nel Sapientiale di Tommaso di York», Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale, 52 (2013) 85120. ––, «Tommaso di York, Eustrazio e la dottrina delle idee di Platone», in A. BECCARISI – R. IMBACH – P. PORRO (eds.), Per perscrutationem philosophicam. Neue Perspektiven der mittelalterlichen Forschung. L. Sturlese zum 60. Geburtstag gewidmet, Meiner, Hamburg 2008, pp. 79-110. A. RODOLFI, Il concetto di materia nell’opera di Alberto Magno, SISMEL – Edizioni del Galluzzo, Firenze 2004. Seneca, Epistulae morales ad Lucilium, ed. L. D. REYNOLDS, Oxford University Press, Oxford 1965. M. L. SILVESTRE, Anassagora nella storiografia filosofica: dal 5. sec. a. C. al 6. sec. d. C., Edizioni dell’Ateneo, Roma, 1989. L. STURLESE, «Filolologia e filosofia medievale: il contributo italiano», Bollettino della Società Filosofica Italiana, n. s. 222 (2017, settembredicembre) 27-47.

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–– (ed.), Studi sulle fonti di Meister Eckhart, I: Aristotele, De anima. Augustinus, De Trinitate. Avicenna, Opera. Dionysius, Opera. Liber de causis. Proclus, Opera. Seneca, Opera, with contributes of A. BECCARISI, N. BRAY, A. PALAZZO, G. PELLEGRINO, F. RETUCCI, E. RUBINO, Academic Press, Fribourg 2008 (Dokimion, 34). –– (ed.), Studi sulle fonti di Meister Eckhart, II: Aristotele, Metaphysica. Cicero, Opera. Liber XXIV philosophporum. Moses Maimonides, Dux neutrorum, Origenes, Opera. Plato, Timaeus. Thomas Aquinas, Opera, with contributes of A. BECCARISI, N. BRAY, D. DI SEGNI, C. PALADINI, A. PALAZZO, F. RETUCCI, E. RUBINO, Academic Press, Fribourg 2012 (Dokimion, 37). Thomas Eboracenis, Sapientiale, Firenze, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Conv. Soppr., cod. A.VI. 437 = F. P. TZAMALIKOS, Anaxagoras, Origen, and Neoplatonism: The Legacy of Anaxagoras to Classical and Late Antiquity, De Gruyter, Berlin 2016 (Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte, 128). B. WYSS, «Doxographie» in the Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, A. HIERSEMANN, Stuttgart 1959, Bd. 4, pp. 197-210.

CONSTANTIN TELEANU* LE PROGRÈS DES TRADUCTIONS FRANÇAISES DE L’ŒUVRE DE RAYMOND LULLE DU MOYEN ÂGE AUX TEMPS MODERNES

1. Introduction C’est au tout début de l’activité littéraire que Raymond Lulle (12321316) s’intéresse progressivement à l’agrandissement de l’auditoire de son œuvre gigantesque. Le rayonnement de l’Art de Lulle auprès de laïcs s’étend encore au moyen de diverses traductions. Il s’agit principalement de traductions tant en langue d’oc qu’en langue d’oïl. La langue d’oc devance la langue d’oïl à l’égard des traductions médiévales de l’œuvre de Lulle, mais son usage littéraire s’amoindrit au cours des siècles. Le recours occasionnel de divers traducteurs de l’œuvre de Lulle à l’occitan s’avère essentiel, même s’il reste très réduit, puisqu’il y a quelques traductions françaises qui ne traduisent aucun original catalan ou latin, mais leurs auteurs anonymes reforgent souvent des traductions occitanes. Il s’ensuit que la langue d’oc contribue davantage à l’essor médiéval des traductions françaises. Le poids grandissant de la langue d’oïl s’impose à l’occitan qui décline constamment à l’avantage du français conquérant. C’est pourquoi A. Llinarès constate qu’un accueil de l’Art de Lulle en France dépend occasionnellement de l’émergence littéraire du français jusqu’à l’aube des Temps Modernes, lorsqu’il s’agit de traduire des ouvrages catalans ou latins de Lulle qui intéressent tantôt des laïcs tantôt des lettrés: L’influence de Lulle en France a été considérable pendant plusieurs siècles. Un bon tiers de ses nombreux ouvrages a été écrit en France, à Montpellier, et à Paris notamment. Certains ont été traduits en français, à l’instigation de disciples enthousiastes, du vivant même de l’auteur. Mais l’œuvre de Lulle ne rencontre pas toujours un accueil favorable.1 * Université Paris Sorbonne, Centre Pierre Abélard, 1 Rue Victor Cousin, 75005, Paris, France, [email protected] 1 A. LLINARÈS, « Le lullisme de Lefèvre d’Étaples et de ses amis humanistes », in A. STEGMANN (éd.), L’Humanisme français au début de la Renaissance, Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, Paris 1973, p. 127 (De Pétrarque à Descartes, 29).

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Le français est-il adéquat à l’accueil de l’Art de Lulle ? Quel accueil convient-il à l’Art de Lulle au moyen du français ? Il est bien connu que Lulle s’exerçait pour sa part à l’art du traducteur. Il enseigne d’abord à Montpellier la logique d’Algazel traduite compendieusement en latin avant d’être versifiée en catalan. À partir de l’original arabe du Libre de Contemplació de 1273-1274 – obra d’aràbic en romanç [...] l’exemplar aràbic; translació del Libre de Contemplació d’aràbic en romanç [...] compilació d’aràbic –, Lulle devient le premier2 traducteur de son œuvre philosophique. Il traduit tant de l’arabe en latin que de latin en catalan ou de catalan en latin. Le volet de l’auditoire de Lulle est double – laïc et latin –, puisque Lulle expose son œuvre tant aux illettrés des cités fréquentées qu’aux lettrés des universités. Mais Lulle méconnaît la langue d’oïl, bien qu’il s’approchât la langue d’oc au moyen de divers dialectes occitans. Il importe que certaines traductions françaises de l’œuvre de Lulle soient réalisées au moyen des traductions occitanes. C’est le propos de notre investigation de comprendre comment la diffusion de l’œuvre de Lulle s’enjoint à la traduction en français dès le Moyen Âge jusqu’aux Temps Modernes, afin de conclure qu’il y a quelques spécificités frappantes du progrès des traductions françaises sans la compréhension desquelles le futur des études lulliennes ne saurait être qu’un miroir déformant de son illustre passé farci de malentendus historiographiques. On n’y explore qu’un volet français de la diffusion des ouvrages de Lulle que L. Badia appelle « transversale »3 pour autant qu’elle procède au moyen de langues vernaculaires. Le traducteur médiéval accomplit d’abord la traduction de quelques ouvrages catalans que Lulle rédigeait au cours du premier cycle de son Art quaternaire. Il s’agit des ouvrages composés par Lulle entre 1274 et 1289, dont quelquesuns bénéficient de traductions contemporaines de Lulle, mais qui ne seront reprises qu’au cours du XXe siècle. C’est étonnant qu’il n’y ait aucune traduction française de l’original latin des ouvrages de Lulle au Moyen Âge, parce que seulement quelques ouvrages latins de Lulle seront traduits en français à l’aube des Temps Modernes. Ce sont exclusivement des 2 Raymond Lulle, Livre de Contemplation en Dieu, V, 40, 352.30, Introduction, traduction du catalan et notes de C. TELEANU, Schola Lvlliana – Messkhy Publications, Paris – Metz 2016, p. 621 (Encyclopédies du Moyen Âge, 1). 3 L. BADIA – J. SANTANACH – A. SOLER, « Le rôle de l’occitan dans la production et la diffusion des œuvres de Raymond Lulle (1274-1289) », in G. LATRY (éd.), La voix occitane, Presses Universitaires de Bordeaux, Bordeaux 2009, p. 372.

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ouvrages latins que Lulle composait au cours de la phase ternaire de son Art, entre 1290 et 1316, après son premier séjour à l’Université de Paris où Lulle enseignait davantage la méthode de son Art ternaire.

2. Traductions médiévales Le travail de Pierre de Limoges initie la tradition des traductions françaises de l’œuvre de Lulle qui connaît deux étapes assez distinctes par leurs spécificités. Il y a une première étape médiévale qui inclut la traduction de quelques œuvres catalanes de Lulle en français. Le dépliement de l’éventail catalan des titres traduits au Moyen Âge montre qu’un public français de l’œuvre de Lulle se constituait d’abord des laïcs censés être des « lullistes » qui relèvent du lullisme laïc ou populaire. C’est davantage au long du Moyen Âge que la traduction française de l’œuvre de Lulle concerne des titres catalans. Ce sont des ouvrages traduits exclusivement au cours du XIIIe siècle, dont l’original est catalan, bien que le traducteur français recoure parfois à l’occitan. Le premier tome des Obres de Ramon Llull publie une traduction4 médiévale du Libre de l’orde de cavalleria de 1274-1276, dont la tradition se compose de vingt-deux manuscrits français. Le traducteur anonyme recourt à l’original catalan. C’est la plus importante tradition manuscrite des traductions françaises de l’œuvre de Lulle qui diffuse particulièrement la nouvelle doctrine de son art de chevalerie. Il y a une nouvelle traduction5 française de l’art de chevalerie de Lulle – l’ordre de chevalerie translate de latin en francoys imprime nouuellement a Paris – qui date du 6 septembre 1504, mais que Jean de Vignay achève à partir de manuscrits latins. C’est bien cette traduction que Symphorien Champier réédite à Lyon en 1510 avant d’envoyer son ouvrage Le recueil ou croniques des hystoires des royaulmes d’Austrasie ou France Orientale dite à présent Lorayne au duc de Lorraine qui voudrait s’instruire à l’art de chevalerie. 4 Raymond Lulle, Livre de l’Ordre de chevalerie, Transcripció directa den M. OBRADOR Y BENNASSAR, Comissió Editora Lulliana, Palma de Mallorca 1906, pp. 249-291 (Obres de Ramon Llull, 1). 5 Jacques de Cessolles, Le jeu des échecs moralisés, Antoine Vérart, Paris 1504, ff. 59-82. Raymond Lulle, Le trésor des humains, Jean Du Pré, Paris 1482, ff. 1-66. Raymond Lulle, Le trésor des humains, Paris 1482, ff. 1-82.

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Le seul manuscrit du Livre de la Doctrine puérile de 1274-1276 contient une traduction française – Paris, BnF, Ms. Fr. 22933, ff. 1-60, XIIIe siècle – qui date, tout comme la plus ancienne traduction occitane – Milano, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. E 4 Sup., ff. 5v-71r, XIIIe siècle –, de la fin du XIIIe siècle. Mais leurs témoins manuscrits sont assez différents. Le manuscrit français reproduit vraisemblablement une autre traduction occitane qui servit plus tard à la traduction latine. Le traducteur y ajoute une traduction partielle du Livre du gentil et des trois sages de 1274-1276 – Paris, BnF, Ms. Fr. 22933, ff. 60v-119v, XIIIe siècle –, dont quelques belles miniatures s’ordonnent à l’agencement illustratif du prologue. C’est vraisemblablement Jean Du Pré qui publie en 1482 une édition incunable du manuel catéchétique de Lulle, dont G. Schib croyait qu’elle remonte essentiellement à l’ancienne traduction française : « La comparaison de l’incunable avec le ms. Fr. 22933 de la Bibliothèque nationale montre qu’il s’agit d’une seule et même traduction »6. Il s’agit plutôt de la contrefaçon que de la traduction du manuel catéchétique de Lulle au début de l’impression renaissante des traités de Lulle, tandis que la traduction médiévale décalque la variante occitane : 7

8

Hon, al comensament [deu] hom mostrar a son fiyl les cozes qui son generals en [lo mon] perqué sapia deveylar a les specials; e fassa hom configer en vulgar a sson fiyl al comensament d’assó que apendrá, per tal que entena so que configerá; enapréss cové que a aquel sia feta construcció en aquel libra mateyx, lo qual sia treledat en latí, cor ennans entendrá lo latí.7

On, al comensamen deu hom mostrar a son fil las chausas qui son generals el mon per so que sapcha devallar a llas especials; et fassa hom aiostar en vulgar a son filh al comensamen de so que apenra, per tal que entenda so que aiostara; enapres coven que ad aquel sia facha construccios en aquel libre meteis, le qal sia translatatz en lati, car enans en entendra lo lati.8

6 G. SCHIB, « Le trésor des humains. Incunable contenant la traduction française de la Doctrina pueril de Ramon Llull », Romania, 93/369 (1972) 113. 7 Ramon Llull, Doctrina pueril, Edició crítica i estudi de la tradició de J. SANTANACH I SUÑOL, Patronat Ramon Llull, Palma de Mallorca 2005, pp. 7-8 (Nova Edició de les Obres de Ramon Llull, 7). 8 M. C. MARINONI, La versione occitanica della «Doctrina Pueril» di Ramon Llull, Edizioni Universitarie di Lettere, Economia e Diritto, Milano 1997, p. 5.

LE PROGRÈS DES TRADUCTIONS FRANÇAISES DE R. LULLE

Donc au commencement doit on monstrer a son fils les choses qui sont generales au monde, pource quil sache descendre a speciales, et face lhomme son fils apprendre a assembler les lettres en roumanz au commencement quand il entendra mieulz ce quil assemblera en roumanz quil ne feroit en latin. Et apres convient que li maistres li face construction en celui liuvre mesme, le quel liuvre soit translate en latin et en avant, car lenfant ne pourroit entendre le latin.9 9

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Au commencement donc doibt on monstrer a son fils les choses generales du monde affin quil les sache deffendre du mal. Et luy doibt on faire apprendre tant quil sache bien assembler les lettres premierement en francoys pour ce que il les entendra mieulx quil ne feroit en latin. Et apres pour apprendre latin couuient que li maistre li face construction en cestuy liure mesme qui cy apres soit translate et mis en latin. Pour ce que l’enfant y pourroit mieulx et plus tost apprendre sa construction quil ne feroit en ung autre liure.10

10

Le compilateur de l’édition incunable adapte la doctrine du manuel de Lulle à l’instruction française des enfants. La page de garde de l’incunable reproduit une notice du traducteur français qui précède la table des matières, afin de résumer le contenu doctrinal du manuel. Le commencement de l’enseignement de Lulle à l’Université de Paris rapproche Lulle de quelques maîtres auprès desquels Lulle promeut diverses variantes de son Art quaternaire. Cependant Lulle pourvoit occasionnellement à l’éducation des laïcs. C’est pourquoi Lulle s’approche de quelques lettrés de la Sorbonne censés traduire certains titres de son abondante œuvre catalane. Il s’agit d’abord de Pierre de Limoges – socius Sorbonae – qui achève une première traduction française du Romanz d’Évast et de Blaquerne de 1276-1283 – Paris, BnF, Ms. Fr. 24402, ff. 1r-102r, XIIIe siècle –, mais que Pierre de Limoges lègue ensuite à l’usage des maîtres de Sorbonne – Iste liber est pauperum magistrorum de Sorbona, ex legato magistri Petri de Limovicis, quondam socii domus [...], in quo continetur romancium de .v. statibus mundi – qui s’intéressaient à l’apprentissage de l’œuvre de Lulle au moyen du français. Il se peut que Pierre de Limoges traduise cet ouvrage initiatique à la sollicitation expresse de Lulle qui s’élançait conjointement à la conquête des lecteurs français et latins. 9

Raymond Lulle, Livre de l’enseignement puéril, Paris, BnF, Ms. Fr. 22933, f. 1v, XIIIe siècle. 10 Raymond Lulle, Le trésor des humains, Paris 1482, f. 3r.

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Le volume manuscrit de la traduction française de Pierre de Limoges contient des indices importants qui concernent la manufacture des traductions. Le détail du compte des dépenses de Pierre de Limoges – Pro pergameno, viii s. viii d. p., pro scriptura, xxix s. iiii d., pro correctura, ii s. x d., pro illuminatura, xiii d., pro ligatura, xviii d., cum custodia: xlii s. iiii d. par. – dérive de son « code-barres » manuscrit. Un quartet de manuscrits – Paris, BnF, Ms. Fr. 24402, ff. 1r-102r, XIIIe siècle ; Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. Phill. 1911, ff. 2r-132v, XIIIe-XIVe siècles ; Paris, BnF, Ms. Fr. 763, ff. 1r-196r, XIVe siècle ; Paris, BnF, Ms. Fr. 12555, ff. 1r-272r, XVe siècle – conserve la traduction française du roman de Blaquerne, tandis que la traduction française du roman de Félix ou Livre des merveilles ne transmet qu’un seul manuscrit – Paris, BnF, Ms. Fr. 189, ff. 1r-298r, XVe siècle – qui remonte soit à l’original catalan soit à une version occitane.

3. Traductions modernes Ce n’est qu’à l’aube des Temps Modernes que la traduction française des ouvrages de Lulle change de paradigme. Il s’agit de traduire davantage des titres latins après une forte percée universitaire du lullisme à la Renaissance qui s’avère propice à l’envol de la publication des traductions de nombreux titres latins, dont une bonne partie reste encore manuscrite. Le traducteur recourt seulement à l’édition latine des ouvrages de Lulle qui ne sont traduits qu’au cours du XVIIe siècle. Le scribe de l’hagiographie Vita coetanea – écrite à Paris entre août et septembre 1311 – se réfère à l’intention de Lulle de réduire la structure des seize figures de son Art quaternaire à l’agencement de quatre figures11 principales de l’Ars inventiva veritatis que Lulle compose à Montpellier, en 1290, après son départ décevant de l’Université de Paris, où Lulle commentait laborieusement la variante démonstrative de son Art quaternaire : « Quibus omnibus in Monte Pessulano rite expletis, iter arripiens venit ad Ianuam. Ubi moram faciens non multum praedictum librum, scilicet Artis inventivae, transtulit in arabi11

Raimundus Lullus, Ars inventiva veritatis, De prologo, 6-26, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, XXXVII, Edidit J. USCATESCU BARRÓN, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 2014, p. 7 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 265).

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cum »12. Il s’ensuit que Lulle quitte encore Montpellier pour Gênes, où Lulle fait traduire en arabe cette première variante de son Art ternaire. Le manque de tout manuscrit arabe de l’Art inventif de Lulle ne permet pas de connaître son travail de traducteur en arabe. Il n’y a aucune autre traduction de l’Art inventif de Lulle jusqu’au XVIIe siècle. C’est en France qu’un traducteur anonyme s’efforçait de traduire entièrement la première variante de l’Art ternaire, afin de rendre accessible la méthode inventive de l’Art de Lulle à l’auditoire français des lullistes modernes. Il s’agit du titre de l’Art inventif de la vérité – Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, Ms. 2675, ff. 1r-124v, XVIIe siècle –, mais cette traduction reste encore manuscrite. Mais Lulle n’intéresse pas seulement des penseurs modernes qui enquièrent une méthode universelle. Il convient encore à l’intérêt des encyclopédistes. Par conséquent, quelque traducteur français se chargeait de traduire une célèbre exposition encyclopédique que Lulle octroyait à l’Art ternaire. Il s’agit de l’Arbre de Science que Lulle finit à Rome entre septembre 1295 et avril 1296, dont le seul manuscrit français – Carpentras, Bibliothèque Inguimbertine, Ms. Fr. 294, ff. 1v-343r, XVIIe siècle – ne conserve que la traduction de l’Arbre de questions par lequel Lulle questionnait chaque Arbre de son encyclopédie. Presque trois mois après son encyclopédie de sciences, Lulle rédige Liber Apostrophe seu de articulis fidei en juin 1296, dont une traduction française moderne – Paris, BnF, Ms. Fr. 2573, XVIIe siècle – est encore inédite. Le traitement des articles de foi est ensuite fait par Lulle tant en latin qu’en catalan. Il ne s’applique pas seulement à la théologie. Le même traitement plurilingue réforme quelques années plus tard la logique. C’est à Gênes, en mai 1303, que Lulle finit la compilation latine de la Logica nova, une année avant que Lulle regagne Montpellier, où Lulle traduit une variante catalane en juillet 1304 qu’A. Bonner édita dans le tome IV de la Nova Edició de les Obres de Ramon Llull qui s’avère très fidèle à l’original latin :

12

Raimundus Lullus, Vita coetanea, IV, 235-238, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, VIII, Edidit H. HARADA, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 1975, pp. 283-284 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 34).

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Ad Dei laudem et gloriam hunc librum Raimundus in Janua civitate finivit in mense Maii 1303 ab incarnatione Domini nostri Jesu Christi.13

13

Fení aquest libre Ramon a lausor e a honor de Deu en la ciutat de Jenoa en lo mes de mayg MCCCIII de la Encarnació de nostro senyor Deus Jesuchrist. E fo translatada de latí en romans aquesta logica en la vila de Monpesler el mes de Juliol MCCCIIII de la Encarnació de nostro senyor Deu Jesucrist.14

14

Le tome III de la Bibliotheca Universa Franciscana mentionne une Logica materialis que Juan de San Antonio voyait dans un manuscrit15 de la Bibliothèque Royale de Madrid – Logica materialis, ac de fallacijs idiomate gallico. Habetur ms. in 4. in Regia Bibliotheca Matritensi –, mais qui ne figurait pas dans les catalogues antérieurs. Il s’agit bien du manuscrit – Madrid, BNE, Ms. 3506, ff. 1r-298r, XVIIe siècle – qui contient une traduction française de l’original latin de la Logica nova, bien que son traducteur reste anonyme. Le traducteur de la variante française ne semble aucunement traduire la variante catalane. Il ne recourt pas directement à l’édition16 latine de 1744 qui n’est qu’un décalque de l’édition17 latine de 1512, mais son travail de traduction procède au moyen de quelque manuscrit latin qui recompile la première édition latine. De quel manuscrit latin s’agit-il ? Le colophon de cette traduction française mentionne la logique matérielle, mais cette mention s’inspire 13

Raimundus Lullus, Logica nova, § De fine libri, 1361-1363, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, XXIII, Edidit W. EULER, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 1998, p. 179 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 115). 14 Ramon Llull, Lògica nova, Edició crítica i estudi de la tradició de A. BONNER, Patronat Ramon Llull, Palma de Mallorca 1998, p. 163 (Nova Edició de les Obres de Ramon Llull, 4). 15 Juan de San Antonio, Bibliotheca Universa Franciscana, Tomus III, Ex Typographia Causae V. Matris de Agreda, Matriti 1733, p. 37. 16 Raymundus Lullus, Beati Raymundi Lulli Doctoris Illuminati, et Martyris Tertii Ordinis Sancti Francisci, Logica nova jam Valentiae impresa anno 1512. Et nunc Palmae cum libris Logica parva, de Quinque Praedicabilibus & decem praedicamentis, et de Natura, Miquel Cerdà – Miquel Amorós, Mallorca 1744, ff. 1-164. 17 Raymundus Lullus, Raymundi Lully Doctoris illuminati de nova logica, de correlatiuis nec non et de ascensu et descensu intellectus, Edidit Alfonso de Proaza, Jordi Costilla, València 1512, ff. 3r-49r.

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bien du même titre – Logica materialis seu naturalis – qu’un manuscrit18 latin – Paris, BnF, Ms. Lat. 15097, ff. 54r-132v, XVIIe siècle –, mais que J.-M. de Vernon tirait du catalogue de l’abbaye de Saint-Victor de Paris, dont la comparaison avec la traduction française conduit à la conclusion que le traducteur anonyme n’utilisait aucune des éditions imprimées. Il utilisait notamment ce manuscrit latin de l’abbaye victorine de Paris, afin de parfaire la traduction française. Si le manuscrit latin date de l’an 1650, on peut admettre que la traduction française est évidemment postérieure. Paris, BnF, Ms. Lat. 15097, ff. 54r-132v, XVIIe siècle.

Madrid, BNE, Ms. 3506, ff. 1r-298r, XVIIe siècle.

Invocation: Dieu avec ta grace et benediction nous commençons cest œuvre nouveau, et brief, ou nous compilons une nouuelle logique.

Invocation: Deus cum tua gratia et benedictione nouum et compendiosum hoc opus incipimus et nouam logicam compilamus.

Incipit: Considerans que lancienne logique s’acquiert avec un tres grand trauail, a cause de la prolixité, par ceux qui la recherchent, et estant acquise ne se retient long temps en la mémoire qu’avec une grande difficulté, a cause de sa labilité, c’est pourquoi pour eviter telle longueur, et labilité, nous avons pensé de trouver (moyennant le secours divin) une logique nouvelle et sommaire, qui s’acquiert sans une trop grande difficulté et trauail par ceux qui la recherchent, et estant acquise se conservera plainement dans la mémoire, et sy retienne totalement, et fort facilement.

Incipit: Considerantes veterem et antiquam logicam ab eam inquirentibus propter sui prolixitatem cum labore nimio plenius acquiri, et acquisitam propter sui labilitatem cum nimia difficultate in memoria retineri diutius, idcirco ad prolixitatem et labilitatem huiusmodi evitandam cogitavimus, divino mediante auxilio, novam et compendiosam logicam invenire, quae ab eam inquirentibus citra nimiam difficultatem acquiratur, et laborem, in memoria plenarie conservetur, ac inibi totaliter teneatur et facillime.

18

Jean-Marie de Vernon, L’histoire véritable du bienheureux Raymond Lulle, martyr du tiers ordre S. François et la réparation de son honneur, Renat Guignard, Paris 1668, p. 386.

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Explicit: Et cecy est signifié par la première et troisième espece de la regle C et par la troisieme espece de la regle D.

Explicit: Et hoc per primam et tertiam speciem regulae C et etiam tertiam speciem regulae D significatum est.

Colophon: Fin de matérielle.

Colophon: Explicit.

la

logique

Le traducteur s’intéresse ensuite à l’Art d’entendre ou de l’entendement – Paris, Bibliothèque Mazarine, Ms. Fr. 3505, ff. 1r-75v, XVIIe siècle –, puisqu’il accomplit une traduction française du Liber de intellectu de janvier 1304 qu’A. Llinarès publie après une première édition19 latine. C’est un biographe moderne de Lulle, Antoine Perroquet, qui s’adonnait ardemment à l’éloge20 de quelques lullistes français dans son Apologie de la vie et des œuvres du bienheureux Raymond Lulle, afin de rendre hommage à l’école lulliste qui émerge en France au début du XVIIe siècle. Il s’agit d’abord de Robert Le Foul, Seigneur de Vassy, qui octroyait quelques traductions françaises tant des œuvres21 de Lulle que des apocryphes lullistes à l’édition22 de son ouvrage Le fondement de l’Artifice universel de l’Illuminé Docteur Raymond Lulle, mais la lecture de la traduction française du libelle De auditu cabbalistico de Pierre Mainardi (1456-1529) montre que ce n’est qu’une contrefaçon de l’original latin que Lulle confiait à la variante brève de son Art ternaire. Le rayonnement de l’ouvrage du Seigneur de Vassy devient capital. Il circonvenait décisivement à l’attisement de l’intérêt des lettrés français censés étendre la diffusion de l’œuvre latine de Lulle à l’auditoire français. 19 A. LLINARÈS, « Le Liber de intellectu de Raymond Lulle », Archive d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Âge, 38 (1971) 193-270. 20 Antoine Perroquet, Apologie de la vie et des œuvres du bienheureux Raymond Lulle, Sebastien Hip, Vendôme 1667, pp. 77-78. 21 Raimundus Lullus, Ars brevis, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, XII, Edidit A. MADRE, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 1984, pp. 192-255 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 38). Id., Liber de venatione substantiae, accidentis et compositi, VII, 3-269, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, XXII, Edidit A. MADRE, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 1998, pp. 83-91 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 114). Id., De conversione subiecti et praedicati et medii, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, VI, Edidit H. RIEDLINGER, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 1978, pp. 262-275 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 33). 22 Robert Le Foul, Le fondement de l’Artifice universel de l’Illuminé Docteur Raymond Lulle, Antoni Champenois, Paris 1632.

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Une copie du manuscrit de l’ouvrage apologétique de Perroquet – Londres, British Library, Ms. Sloane 2385, ff. 1r-51v, XVIIe siècle – accompagne la traduction française tant du libelle De auditu cabbalistico de Pierre Mainardi que de l’Ars brevis de Lulle – Perroquet : La vie et le martyre du docteur illuminé le bienheureux Raymond Lulle; Mainardi : Le petit oeuvre ou Tracté de l’ouyr cabalistique, ou l’introduction à toutes les sciences; Lulle : Art bref –, mais ces traductions remontent à l’édition du Seigneur de Vassy qui assure la diffusion de plusieurs ouvrages de Lulle en français au cours du XVIIe siècle. Il se peut que ce manuscrit soit à l’origine d’un autre recueil – Paris, BnF, Ms. Fr. 19965, ff. 1-173, XVIIe siècle – qui se compose généralement des mêmes titres à l’exception de l’ouvrage de Perroquet – Lulle : Art bref ; Mainardi : Le petit œuvre ou Tracté de l’ouyr cabalistique, ou l’introduction à toutes les sciences ; Lulle : Les 12 principes de la philosophie de Lulle, qui peuvent aussy estre dictz Lamentation ou plainte de la philosophie contre les Averoïstes –, mais son copiste ajoute une traduction française du Liber lamentationis Philosophiae de février 1311 qui était inédite. C’est évident que ces deux recueils de traductions françaises remontent directement à l’édition de l’ouvrage du Seigneur de Vassy qui s’inspirait manifestement de l’encyclopédie Raymundi Lulli Opera ea quae ad adinventam ab ipso artem universalem, dont quelques réimpressions s’ensuivent jusqu’au milieu du XVIIe siècle, afin de publier en 1634 une traduction23 française du dernier24 Art de Lulle, Ars generalis ultima de novembre 1305-mars 1308, par laquelle Robert Le Foul octroyait une traduction française à l’ensemble des ouvrages de Lulle qui étaient inclus dans cette encyclopédie. Mais la traduction moderne des ouvrages de Lulle ne s’arrête pas à l’usage des incunables ou des éditions latines imprimées à partir de l’encyclopédie de Lazare Zetzner, même si celle-ci reste incontournable jusqu’à l’Editio Moguntina qu’Yves Salzinger publie au cours des premières décennies du XVIIIe siècle. Le travail des traducteurs s’y sert 23 Raymond Lulle, Le grand et dernier Art de M. Raymond Lulle, Mestre des Arts liberaux et tres illustre Professeur dans la sacree theologie, Louis Boulanger, Paris 1634, pp. 1-722. 24 Raimundus Lullus, Ars generalis ultima, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, XIV, Edidit A. MADRE, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 1986, pp. 5-527 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 75).

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encore de manuscrits latins. C’est bien le cas de la traduction25 française du Livre de l’instruction des clercs –Paris, Bibliothèque Mazarine, Ms. Fr. 3501, ff. 21-39v, XVIIe siècle– que M. Obrador y Bennassar ajoute à son édition26 latine du Liber clericorum de mai 1308, mais par lequel Lulle réforme la discipline cléricale. Il apparaît encore au XVIIe siècle une traduction française de la Metaphysica nova et compendiosa de janvier 1310 sous le titre Nouvelle métaphysique – München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Ms. Clm. 10585, ff. 9-28, XVIIe siècle – mais qui reste encore inédite. Le manuscrit français provient de la collection27 de P. Baudouin, Seigneur de Montarcis, selon J. N. Hillgarth et F.-P. Goy, qui était un disciple du Seigneur de Vassy auprès duquel quelques lettrés s’initiaient à l’Art de Lulle au moyen du français. Le magistère de Lulle devant les philosophants de Paris s’étend en février 1310 à l’exposition des questions28 naturelles du Liber novus physicorum et compendiosus, afin de débattre contre la physique averroïste. La physique neuve de Lulle connaît une seule traduction française du Traicté de la Physique – München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Ms. Clm. 10580, ff. 45r-52v, XVIIe siècle ; Paris, BnF, Ms. Lat. 13961, ff. 1r-25v, XVIIe siècle –, mais elle convient bien à la diversification des traductions françaises. Le manuscrit de Munich est antérieur au manuscrit29 de Paris qui date de 1630, selon A. Llinarès, lorsqu’il provient du même cercle de lullistes français qui se développe au début du XVIIe siècle. Il se peut que cette traduction française de la physique neuve de Lulle procède du travail de M. C.-F. Delaville qui s’en inspire au couvent des Capucins de la ville de Soissons – Paris, BnF, Ms. Fr. 14801, ff. 1-124, 25 Raymond Lulle, Livre de l’instruction des clercs, Transcripció directa den M. OBRADOR Y BENNASSAR, Comissió Editora Lulliana, Palma de Mallorca 1906, pp. 295-384 (Obres de Ramon Llull, 1). 26 Raimundus Lullus, Liber clericorum, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, XXII, Edidit A. MADRE, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 1998, pp. 316-354 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 114). 27 F.-P. GOY, « Pierre Baudouin de Montarcis, un lulliste français du Grand Siècle », Studia Lulliana, 56 (2016) 53-154. 28 Raimundus Lullus, Liber novus physicorum et compendiosus, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, VI, Edidit H. RIEDLINGER, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 1978, pp. 64-83 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 33). 29 A. LLINARÈS, « Un inédit de Raymond Lulle en français. Le Traicté de la Physique », Estudios Lulianos, 11/1 (1967) 47-66.

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XVIIe siècle –, afin de parfaire une paraphrase de la physique neuve de Lulle qui ajoute à l’épilogue la date de 5 octobre 1633, avant de rédiger entre 1645 et 1647 trois opuscules – Phisique de Raymond Lulle ; Considération sur l’estre divin, faict en l’an 1645, par M. C.-F. Delaville sur les principes de R. Lulle ; De l’Analise philosophique; Discours et questions par les principes de Raymond Lulle sur la Divinité, faict l’an de Nostre Seigneur 1647, à Paris – qui abordent diverses questions tant de théologie que de philosophie. Le florilège lulliste de M. C.-F. Delaville – Paris, BnF, Ms. Fr. 14801, ff. 5-29, XVIIe siècle – contient encore une exposition Sur le traicté de la conversion du subject et predicat par le moyen, mais qui remonte certainement à la traduction française de l’opuscule De conversione subjecti et praedicati et medii de juillet 1310 – issue de l’ouvrage de traducteur du Seigneur de Vassy – qui connaît quelques éditions30 latines jusqu’au milieu du XVIIe siècle. Il y a en français une seule traduction manuscrite du Liber disputationis Petri clerici et Raimundi fantastici d’octobre 1311, qui date du XVIIe siècle, sous le titre de la Dispute de Raymond et Pierre – Paris, Bibliothèque Mazarine, Ms. Fr. 3501, ff. 9-20, XVIIe siècle –, mais elle remonte à l’original latin de l’édition31 parisienne de 1499 que J. Lefèvre d’Étaples accompagnait encore de quelques traités. C’est en 1991 que M. Senellart en publie une nouvelle traduction32 française. 30

Raymundus Lullus, Dialectica seu logica nova venerabilis eremitae Raymundi Lullii diligenter reposita: restitutis que nuper fuerant sublata. Et additis Tractatu de inuentione medii. Item tractatu de conuersione subiecti & predicati per medium, Jodocus Badius, Paris 1516. Raymundus Lullus, Dialectica seu logica noua Venerabilis Eremitae Raemundi Lulli diligenter reposita: restitutis quae nuper fuerant sublata. Et additis Tractatu de inuentione medii. Item Tractatu de conuersione subiecti & praedicati per medium, Paris, Jodocus Badius, 1518. Raymundus Lullus, Raymundi Lulli Opera ea quae ad adinventam ab ipso Artem universalem, Lazarus Zetzner, Strasbourg 1598. Raymundus Lullus, Raymundi Lullii Opera ea quae ad adinventam ab ipso artem universalem, Lazarus Zetzner, Strasbourg 1609. Raymundus Lullus, Raymundi Lullii Opera ea quae ad adinventam ab ipso artem universalem, Lazarus Zetzner, Strasbourg 1617. 31 Raymundus Lullus, Phantasticus Remundi, Guiot le Marchand, Paris 1499, ff. 81r-85v. 32 Raymond Lulle, Le Fantastique, ou la dispute de Pierre le clerc et de Raymond le fantastique (1311), Traduction de M. SENELLART, in J. GREISCH (éd.), Penser la religion. Recherches en philosophie de la religion, Éditions Beauchesne, Paris 1991, pp. 17-52.

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Conclusions Le progrès de la traduction en français des ouvrages de Lulle semble bien inégal. Il varie fortement dès le XIIIe siècle jusqu’à la fin du XVIIe siècle. Quelques titres sont traduits seulement au cours du XIIIe siècle. Il s’agit de traductions françaises faites à partir soit de l’original catalan soit des traductions occitanes. Il y a une séparation très nette entre le palier médiéval des traductions françaises – faites à partir du catalan ou occitan – et le palier moderne des traductions françaises – faites à partir du latin –, lorsqu’elle montre qu’aucune traduction française n’apparaît après la fin du XIIIe siècle jusqu’au début du XVIIe siècle. Aucune traduction médiévale n’est reprise à l’époque moderne. C’est évident que la diffusion des manuscrits français de l’art de chevalerie est bien plus importante que la tradition manuscrite des autres ouvrages. La palette des traductions se diversifie davantage au cours du XVIIe siècle. Elle s’adapte à l’intérêt de divers auteurs des Temps Modernes pour la science encyclopédique, la doctrine de l’intellect ou bien la méthode universelle. Le renom du Grand Siècle s’applique bien à l’illustration du rayonnement des traductions françaises de l’œuvre de Lulle qui fleurissent au cours du XVIIe siècle. Il y a – peut-on admettre – toute une école lulliste – maîtres et disciples y compris – qui s’intéresse à l’Art de Lulle au moyen des traductions françaises. Une nouvelle approche du futur des études lulliennes en France ne peut que s’inspirer du passé de la traduction de l’œuvre de Lulle pour étendre significativement son empreinte traditionnelle. Plus actuelle que jamais, la traduction en français de l’œuvre de Lulle ne doit pas manquer la rencontre avec le futur de l’ensemble des études médiévales.

Bibliographie L. BADIA – J. SANTANACH – A. SOLER, « Le rôle de l’occitan dans la production et la diffusion des œuvres de Raymond Lulle (1274-1289) », in G. LATRY (éd.), La voix occitane, Presses Universitaires de Bordeaux, Bordeaux 2009, pp. 369-408. J. de Cessolles, Le jeu des échecs moralisés, Antoine Vérart, Paris 1504. F.-P. GOY, « Pierre Baudouin de Montarcis, un lulliste français du Grand Siècle », Studia Lulliana, 56 (2016) 53-154.

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R. LE FOUL, Le fondement de l’Artifice universel de l’Illuminé Docteur Raymond Lulle, Antoni Champenois, Paris 1632. A. LLINARÈS, « Le Liber de intellectu de Raymond Lulle », Archive d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Âge, 38 (1971) 193-270. ––, « Le lullisme de Lefèvre d’Étaples et de ses amis humanistes », in A. STEGMANN (éd.), L’Humanisme français au début de la Renaissance, Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, Paris 1973 (De Pétrarque à Descartes, 29). ––, « Un inédit de Raymond Lulle en français. Le Traicté de la Physique », Estudios Lulianos, 11/1 (1967) 47-66. R. Lulle, Ars brevis, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Edidit A. MADRE, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 1984 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 38). ––, Ars generalis ultima, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Edidit A. MADRE, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 1986 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 75). ––, Ars inventiva veritatis, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Edidit J. USCATESCU BARRÓN, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 2014 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 265). ––, Beati Raymundi Lulli Doctoris Illuminati, et Martyris Tertii Ordinis Sancti Francisci, Logica nova jam Valentiae impresa anno 1512. Et nunc Palmae cum libris Logica parva, de Quinque Praedicabilibus & decem praedicamentis, et de Natura, Miquel Cerdà – Miquel Amorós, Mallorca 1744. ––, De conversione subiecti et praedicati et medii, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Edidit H. RIEDLINGER, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 1978 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 33). ––, Dialectica seu logica nova venerabilis eremitae Raymundi Lullii diligenter reposita: restitutis que nuper fuerant sublata. Et additis Tractatu de inuentione medii. Item tractatu de conuersione subiecti & predicati per medium, Jodocus Badius, Paris 1516. ––, Dialectica seu logica noua Venerabilis Eremitae Raemundi Lulli diligenter reposita: restitutis quae nuper fuerant sublata. Et additis Tractatu de inuentione medii. Item Tractatu de conuersione subiecti & praedicati per medium, Paris, Jodocus Badius, 1518. ––, Doctrina pueril, Edició crítica i estudi de la tradició de J. SANTANACH I SUÑOL, Patronat Ramon Llull, Palma de Mallorca 2005 (Nova Edició de les Obres de Ramon Llull, 7).

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––, Le Fantastique, ou la dispute de Pierre le clerc et de Raymond le fantastique (1311), Traduction de M. SENELLART, in J. GREISCH (éd.), Penser la religion. Recherches en philosophie de la religion, Éditions Beauchesne, Paris 1991, pp. 17-52. ––, Le grand et dernier Art de M. Raymond Lulle, Mestre des Arts liberaux et tres illustre Professeur dans la sacree theologie, Louis Boulanger, Paris 1634. ––, Le trésor des humains, Jean Du Pré, Paris 1482. ––, Le trésor des humains, Paris 1482. ––, Liber clericorum, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Edidit A. MADRE, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 1998 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 114). ––, Livre de Contemplation en Dieu, Introduction, traduction du catalan et notes de C. TELEANU, Schola Lvlliana – Messkhy Publications, Paris – Metz 2016 (Encyclopédies du Moyen Âge, 1). ––, Livre de l’instruction des clercs, Transcripció directa den M. OBRADOR Y BENNASSAR, Comissió Editora Lulliana, Palma de Mallorca 1906, pp. 295-384 (Obres de Ramon Llull, 1). ––, Livre de l’Ordre de chevalerie, Transcripció directa den M. OBRADOR Y BENNASSAR, Comissió Editora Lulliana, Palma de Mallorca 1906, pp. 249-291 (Obres de Ramon Llull, 1). ––, Liber novus physicorum et compendiosus, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Edidit H. RIEDLINGER, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 1978 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 33). ––, Liber de venatione substantiae, accidentis et compositi, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Edidit A. MADRE, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 1998. (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 114). ––, Logica nova, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Edidit W. EULER, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 1998 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 115). ––, Lògica nova, Edició crítica i estudi de la tradició de A. BONNER, Patronat Ramon Llull, Palma de Mallorca 1998 (Nova Edició de les Obres de Ramon Llull, 4). ––, Phantasticus Remundi, Guiot le Marchand, Paris 1499. ––, Raymundi Lully Doctoris illuminati de nova logica, de correlatiuis nec non et de ascensu et descensu intellectus, Edidit Alfonso de Proaza, Jordi Costilla, València 1512.

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––, Raymundi Lulli Opera ea quae ad adinventam ab ipso Artem universalem, Lazarus Zetzner, Strasbourg 1598. ––, Raymundi Lullii Opera ea quae ad adinventam ab ipso artem universalem, Lazarus Zetzner, Strasbourg 1609. ––, Raymundi Lullii Opera ea quae ad adinventam ab ipso artem universalem, Lazarus Zetzner, Strasbourg 1617. ––, Vita coetanea, in Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Edidit H. HARADA, Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 1975 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, 34). M. C. MARINONI, La versione occitanica della «Doctrina Pueril» di Ramon Llull, Edizioni Universitarie di Lettere, Economia e Diritto, Milano 1997. A. PERROQUET, Apologie de la vie et des œuvres du bienheureux Raymond Lulle, Sebastien Hip, Vendôme 1667. J. DE SAN ANTONIO, Bibliotheca Universa Franciscana, Tomus III, Ex Typographia Causae V. Matris de Agreda, Matriti 1733. G. SCHIB, « Le trésor des humains. Incunable contenant la traduction française de la Doctrina pueril de Ramon Llull », Romania, 93/369 (1972) 113-123. J.-M. DE VERNON, L’histoire véritable du bienheureux Raymond Lulle, martyr du tiers ordre S. François et la réparation de son honneur, Renat Guignard, Paris 1668.

NICOLÁS MARTÍNEZ BEJARANO1 WITH FEET ON THE GROUND. SOME REMARKS ABOUT VULGARIZATION OF CHRISTIAN THOUGHT ON NUEVA GRANADA (1758-1767)

1. Introduction Friar Gregorio García reports that the Spanish ships that approached American coasts were seen by Natives not as ships but as low flying clouds2. On the other side, Christopher Columbus said that in the Caribbean Sea he saw sirens, but «not as beautiful as they are painted»3. Those first ways of seeing will disappear with time, and both Spaniards and Natives learned to see ships and manatees; however, this transition was a process laden with problems and carried through Christianity. This religion played the double role of meeting point between European culture and American peoples, and an instrument to subjugate the Indians. In both cases, Christianity underwent important changes. A precise way of thinking and living, with strong roots in European history, such as Christianity, cannot be transported from Europe to America without change. In order to highlight the basic problems of Christian thought in American reality, and to distinguish some of the changes that it suffered, I study the experience of missionary Friar Juan de Santa Gertrudis between 1758 and 1767, in the south of what is now Colombia. From his experience in America, Friar Juan wrote the book Wonders of Nature (Maravillas de la naturaleza), in which he relates his daily life among Native American communities. There are many reasons why Friar Juan’s experience is relevant, but above all, because his work deals with both abstract doctrines and concrete practices. This experience is developed in the process of founding a small town, where he teaches Natives both 1 Universidad Nacional de Colombia sede Bogotá, Departamento de Filosofía, Ciudad Universitaria, Edificio 239, [email protected] 2 Gregorio García, Orígenes de los indios de el Nuevo Mundo, e indias occidentales, averiguado con discurso de opiniones por el padre presentado Fr. Gregorio García, de la Orden de Predicadores, Imprenta Francisco Martínez Abad, Madrid 1729, p. 30. 3 Cristóbal Colón, Diario de a bordo, ed. by V. MUÑOZ PUELLES, Ediciones Generales Anaya, Madrid 1985, p. 180.

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Christian Religion and European customs. Friar Juan calls the people of this region the Encabellados4. His daily life within the Encabellados allows him to experience the abysmal differences between his own tradition and the tradition of the Natives. In this process, he understands that European culture is far from being natural, instead of that, it is a culture built upon a very particular kind of education and social coexistence. Unlike the European academics, who only knew the urban centers, Friar Juan proceed into the deep reality of the so-called New World. Here he finds not a syncretism organized by the Spanish power, as it happened in the cities of Nueva Granada (Bogotá, Cartagena, Tunja, Popayán, etc), but in fact a different culture. Friar Juan deals with this difference through vulgarization of Christianism, in order to devise an apprehensible religion to Natives. So as to see the changes of Christian doctrine with its vulgarization, I organize this article in three moments: i) exposition of the problems found by Friar Juan; ii) exposition of Friar Juan’s attempts to create meeting points; iii) contrast between Friar Juan practice and Christian doctrine, exposed by Thomas Aquinas and Francisco de Vitoria. The central axis of this contrast is the practice of baptism. Friar Juan de Santa Gertrudis was born in Palma de Mallorca ca. 1724 and died there in 1799. In the manuscripts of his memoirs, Wonders of Nature, found in the Biblioteca Pública del Estado «Can Sales» [Ms. 401404]5 in Palma de Mallorca, Friar Juan describes himself as follows: [...] son of the Holy Province of Mallorca, Friar Minor, of the Regular Observance, Apostolic Missionary and Student in College of San Buenaventura in Baeza, Student of Virgen de la Gracia in the city of Popayán in the Nuevo Reyno [sic.] de Granada in Peru, Conversor of the Conversions of the River called Putumayo, and founder of the town called Agustinillo of the nation of Indians called Encabellados6. 4

In the time of Friar Juan, the Native people of western Tucanos were known as Encabellados. This indigenous group was scattered in the Amazon rainforest shared by Colombia, Peru, Ecuador and Brazil. There are different branches of this people who are still living, such as Secoyas, Coreguajes or Mijunas. The Christian missions that arrived in this zone were mainly Franciscans and Jesuits. 5 The digitized manuscript is online in the Biblioteca Virtual del Patrimonio Bibliográfico (http://bvpb.mcu.es). 6 «[...] hijo de la Santa Provincia de Mallorca, Religioso Menor, de la Regular Observancia, Missionero Appostolico [sic.] y Alumno en el Collegio de San Buena-

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Probably Friar Juan studied at the Lullian University in Mallorca, and it is possible that he had knowledge there of Friar Junípero Serra (17131784), who had the chair of Prima de Teología between 1744 and 1749 at this University7. But the importance of the possible studies in this University goes beyond, since it allows us to have a general overview of the sources studied by Friar Juan. One of these sources comes from Scotism. «During 17th and 18th centuries nowhere in the Hispanic Kingdoms, the thought of Scotus was so integrated and received as much attention as in the Llullian and Literary University of Mallorca»8. Even if Friar Juan did not study at the Llullian University, he must have been in contact with the doctrines of Duns Scotus and Ramon Llull, for being part of the Franciscan Order: During the 17th century, there was a revival of Scotism in the Hispanic Kingdoms and the convent schools of Mallorcan Franciscans were pioneers in this recovery of the Subtle Doctor. Mallorcan Franciscans considered that both Llull and Scotus were the doctors of their religion9.

Although Friar Juan did not leave an important work about Scotus, he did work about Ramon Llull. The manuscript work Medicina Luliana is, according to Rafael Ramis-Barceló, probably the best synthesis of llullian medicine10. ventura de Baeza, Collegial [sic.] del de la Virgen de Gracia en la ciudad de Popayán del Nuevo Reyno [sic.] de Granada en el Perú, Conversor de las Conversiones del Reyno [sic.] llamado Putumayo, y fundador del pueblo llamado Agustinillo de la nación de los indios que se llaman Encabellados.» 7 «Durante los siglos XVII y XVIII, en ninguna parte de los Reinos Hispánicos el pensamiento de escoto estuvo tan integrado y recibió tanta atención como en la Universidad Luliana y Literaria de Mallorca.» R. RAMIS-BARCELÓ, «Las cátedras escotistas de la universidad luliana y literaria de Mallorca (1692-1824)», Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, Annus 108 (Iunuarius - Iunius 2015) 301-318, here: p. 317. 8 RAMIS-BARCELÓ, «Las cátedras escotistas», p. 301. 9 «Durante el siglo XVII, hubo un resurgir del escotismo en los Reinos Hispánicos y las escuelas conventuales de los franciscanos de Mallorca fueron pioneras en la recuperación del Doctor Sutil. Los franciscanos mallorquines consideraron que tanto Llull como Escoto eran los doctores de su religión»; RAMIS-BARCELÓ, «Las cátedras escotistas», p. 302. 10 R. RAMIS-BARCELÓ, «Un esbozo cartográfico del lulismo universitario y escolar en los reinos hispánicos», Cuadernos del Instituto Antonio de Nebrija, 15/1 (2012) 61-103, here p. 95.

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The first experience that Friar Juan had on conversion to Christianity was perhaps focused on conversion of Arab and Hebrew peoples in the Mediterranean rim. But this experience proved insufficient when he arrived in America. In this new process of conversion, he not only had to explain aspects of the Christian doctrine, but basic concepts of the Abrahamic worldview such as what is heaven or what is soul. This explanation was, more or less, overlooked with Arabs and Hebrews. However, Friar Juan’s problems were not only in concepts but also in customs. He had to set up concrete forms of European life, ranging from how to speak to how to walk or how to sleep. The first thing to be considered here is that the American experience blows up the Mediterranean problems on religious conversion. Although it is true that European culture arrived in America from 1492, the reality is more tangled. Firstly, the Spanish authorities, both political and religious, did not control the entire territory. One of those territories out of a complete Spanish subdue was the Amazon jungle. Friar Juan came to this region, specifically to what is known now as Departamento de Putumayo (Colombia). At that time, the Encabellados had a kind of autonomy from the Spanish government, even when they had already been influenced by European culture. In this manner, there were Indians who spoke Spanish and others who were Christians, but in general, the community retained its ancestral traditions. With a situation like that, Friar Juan could not operate solely in terms of conquest or colonization; he was not a soldier and his purpose was not only to subjugate. Even more, he did not only pursue to convert to Christianity, because the mere Christian doctrine is useless in a community with radical differences with European life both in concepts and in practices. Then, Friar Juan’s labor was not mere conquest, nor colonization, nor conversion, but a process I would like to call culturalization11. 11

The noun culturalization is included in the Oxford Dictionary (https:// en.oxforddictionaries.com), and is defined as: «The process of adapting to one’s cultural environment; the acquisition of values and behaviour compatible with the society of which one is a member» (retrieved June 10, 2019). However, the precise meaning that I give to this term in this work is a little different. In the Oxford Dictionary we find two related terms: noun acculturation and verb culturalize. The German language accepts the term Kulturalisierung. In the Diccionario de la Lengua Española (by the Real Academia Española –Royal Spanish Academy– and Asociación de Academias de la Lengua Española –Association of Academies of the Spanish Language–) we do not find the noun culturalización but the verb culturizar and the noun culturización (https://dle.rae.es, s. vv. culturizar and culturización).

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Culturalization is a comprehensive process which tries to turn the most basic forms of one culture to the forms of another one. It is not just to embrace certain cultural framework or to learn a language. This process fathom into the most intimate practices: eating, seeing, hearing, orienting oneself in time and in space. However, unlike another process of cultural relation, culturalization is a process in which different parts of the relation undergo changes. Clearly, in culturalization there is imposition and violence, but there are also attempts to meet and to convince. Two aspects of culturalization which differentiate it from conquest and colonization are: i) modification of basic life forms, without pursuing immediate economic or political profit; ii) any part involved in this process will undergo cultural changes. About the first point, it is important to emphasize the comprehensive character of culturalization. It is a process that ascends and descends from concepts to practices. To understand this process, we can make the contrast with the relations between Arabs, Christians, and Hebrews. These relationships could go towards conquest or colonization, but in both processes, the teaching of basic ways of thinking and living is absent, such as: God is good or it is not allowed to be naked in public spaces. That is what I understand by «with the feet on the ground», the moment in which we see that those abstract concepts need concrete practices to make sense. For example, the concept of «man» needs certain social practices, such as names for each individual. This study seeks to understand a concept not from an abstract analysis but from the contrast with practice, that is as when one tries to understand an object not seeing into it but seeing its relations with other objects. This perspective allows me in first place, to see the strength of the concepts in a reality different from the one that gave life to it; and in second place, to see the conflictive origin of the American thought. This perspective studies the continuities and discontinuities of the scholastic ideas into the missionary practices. Culturalization changes when circumstances change. From the precise case of Spanish and Portuguese process of culturalization in America, I would like to emphasize the importance of superficiality. I took this idea from the book Aspectos del vivir hispánico by Américo Castro. One of the aspects of the Hispanic life is the importance of seeming (parecer) more than being (ser)12. Castro sets the example of Don Quixote, who seeks «to show himself with dignity, despite the emptiness of his actions –a pure spectral 12

p. 19.

A. CASTRO, Aspectos del vivir hispánico, Alianza Editorial, Madrid 1970,

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gesture»13. These «gestures» become more complex in culturalization and take mainly three forms: i) images; ii) theater plays; iii) recitations. Even though Friar Juan lives in the 18th century, when so many changes have happened since 1492, he is nearly immune to modernity. He continues into the medieval framework both in his ideas and form of writing. As Enrique Anderson Imbert says, there are two genres that, despite being of medieval appearance, «are those that, in contact with the new American reality, acquire creative force: the chronicle and the theater»14. In fact, Friar Juan is considered as the last Indian chronicler. In this sense, we can apply this idea of Anderson Imbert to him: «[...] men who came to New World were driven by the spiritual forces of the Renaissance, but in their heads, they still had a medieval framework»15.

2. Daily Disagreements The studies about Nueva Granada have been forgotten and relegated in the shadow of the studies about Mexico and Peru. An example of this can be seen in William H. Prescott’s The Conquest of Peru: The most brilliant passages in the history of Spanish adventure in the New World are undoubtedly afforded by the conquest of Mexico and Peru, – the two states which combined with the largest extent of empire a refined social polity, and considerable progress in the arts of civilization16.

There are several reasons for this oblivion of Nueva Granada, a region that included the current Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador and Panama. Some of them, on the one hand, are connected with the lack of central organization and political power of Native peoples. Unlike Nueva España with Mayans and Aztecs, or Peru with Incas, Native peoples in Nueva Granada were scattered. On the other hand, two symbols that for the European point of view represented a civilized culture, such as the written 13

Ibid. E. ANDERSON IMBERT, Historia de la literatura hispanoamericana, t. I, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México 1970, p. 17. 15 Ibid. 16 W. PRESCOTT, The Conquest of Peru, Dolphin Books, New York 1960, p. 11. 14

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tradition or the buildings in stone, were scarce and even nonexistent. That is why the force of the exercises for rescuing Native traditions, as the labor in Nueva España made by Friar Bernardino de Sahagún did not exist in Nueva Granada. Here the conquistador or the missionary both occupied the territory and made the interpretation of nature and peoples, they rarely recollected Native narrations. For that reason, Friar Juan says that people in Nueva Granada, or «Piru», as he called it, lived «without idolatry»17; that is, without any shadow of religion or culture. Nonetheless, Friar Juan ends up learning the language of the community to which he was assigned. As soon as he acquired some knowledge of this language, he tries to preach in it, but in the process he finds this hurdle: «The language of the Natives is very precarious, because it only has terms of the things that they have seen»18. The lack of words for objects was not a big problem. The word «spoon» refers to a nonexistent object in the life of this community, but when Friar Juan carries a spoon he carries both the object and the word. The problem begins with words which do not refer to material objects. What happens with words like «God», «spirit» or «heaven»? Friar Juan uses the following method: i) to introduce foreign terms, even when they are not really understood, and sometimes ii) to explain those terms with material examples. About the first step, Friar Juan says: «[...] when I saw that their language did not have terms to express so many things, it was necessary to introduce terms of the Spanish language into it»19. The second step is made by different ways, and is focused on the concept of salvation. Friar Juan narrates the story of a sermon he gave to a dying woman: [...] I tried to inform this old Indian about the precise and necessary. That is: there is one God, there is a trinity, and God is remunerative as Saint Paul said. All this was exemplified by material objects that I found in the creatures and with the simpler terms I could find20.

Regrettably, Friar Juan did not explain which those «simpler terms» were. However, later on, he provides us an example of what could be an 17

Fray Juan de Santa Gertrudis, Maravillas de la Naturaleza, Biblioteca de la Presidencia de Colombia, Bogotá 1956, Libro II, C. 1, p. 233. 18 19

Ibid., Libro II, C. 1, p. 182.

Ibid., Libro I, C. 7, p. 213. 20 Ibid., Libro I, C. 7, p. 215.

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explanation with simpler terms. He is speaking to some Natives about monogamy: «I gave the example that parrots, macaws, and spiders had just one female; in the same way lions, tigers and bears. Likewise, men should behave»21. But this example did not work: After those reasons, the Indians said to me that roosters use different chickens [...]. Seeing that, I realized they were inspired by the Devil. I explained then that God created different animals to show which men would be saved and which would not22.

After this conversation, Friar Juan used these examples less frequently and preferred to teach the Indians to recite Our Father in Latin. The importance of this recitation lies not in the depth of the religious prayer, but in the mere gesture. When Friar Juan bumps into a problem at the conceptual level, what he does is to dodge it and continue on the path of recitation. He wants to believe that when the Indians say fiat voluntas Tua, sicut in caelo, et in terra they understand something for the mere sake of saying it. We do not have notice of the Natives’ reactions about the concepts used by Friar Juan, but it is possible to have an idea of this, reading the stories about his astonishment at writing. Friar Juan narrates a story told by another missionary: And he said: Indians maintain that we religious are sorcerers. They say: The Father of La Concepción, verbi gratia, sends a paper with painted black scribbles to the Father of San Diego, verbi gratia, and with this paper the Father of San Diego can know what Father of La Concepción says. That is witchcraft, they say. It is clear that as Indians are witless because they do not know what literature is23.

But Indians were far from being witless. Another story dated in 1701 by Eduardo Galeano, shows the impression caused by writing in the Chiriguanos Indians, from Guaraní people. This is how they tried to integrate this practice into their poetic interpretive framework: 21

Fray Juan de Santa Gertrudis, Maravillas de la Naturaleza, Biblioteca Banco Popular, Bogotá 1970, Libro IV, C. 6, p. 68. 22 Ibid. 23 Fray Juan de Santa Gertrudis, Maravillas, ed. 1956, Libro I, C. 7, p. 181.

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As the Chiriguanos Indians did not know paper, and did not know that they needed it, they did not have any word for paper. Today they give it the name of God’s skin because the paper is used to send messages to friends who are far away24.

The role of writing in Friar Juan’s community was related to giving the Natives a new name. Those names come from Christian religion (Juan, José, María...), changing Natives’ ancestral names, corresponding to rivers, trees or mountains. By so doing, Friar Juan constitutes an individuality that did not exist before. He does not create only Christians but persons; he gave Indians an identity coming from the other side of the Atlantic. This new identity goes beyond the name and takes place in new spaces, such as churches and houses with separate bedrooms, because for Friar Juan the communal home is a sign of brutality25. He forms a society in the image of Spanish societies, where Spanish dresses replace the ancestral communal nudity. Reactions to these changes range from laughter to incomprehension and fear. But the changes are not only about space and name, Friar Juan also modifies orientation in time, replacing the division of time in moons and suns by one in hours, weeks and months26.

24

E. GALEANO, Memoria del fuego, t. II: Las caras y las máscaras, Siglo XXI Editores, Buenos Aires 1984, p. 4. 25 Fray Juan de Santa Gertrudis, Maravillas, ed. 1956, Libro I, C. 7, p. 204. An important contrast must be made in later studies between this kind of testimonies about the individualization process in America, and the works of G. DUBY and P. BRAUNSTEIN about individualization in Europe in their Historia de la vida privada. De la Europa feudal al Renacimiento, Taurus, Madrid 1988. It is a common place in the second volume of this opus to say that individualization comes from a strong past of communal life in castles and monasteries (p. 505). On the other hand, Michel Foucault said that man is an invention of recent date. See M. FOUCAULT, The order of the things, Routledge, New York – London 2005, p. xxv. Contrary to this perspective, Friar Juan considers private life as natural and wants to impose it by ignoring the complex process behind this way of life. That which in Europe was born slowly, in America the Europeans wanted to impose by force. 26 Fray Juan de Santa Gertrudis, Maravillas, ed. 1956, Libro I, C. 4, p. 114 and C. 6, p. 146.

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3. Attempts at Religious Meetings Friar Juan focused on teaching how to repeat and not on how to understand the Christian conceptual framework. Sought to overcoming this conceptual waive, Friar Juan direct his missionary efforts on passions like fear. Using it, he introduces ideas such as the superiority of the missionary or the salvation of the soul. The fear was introduced by popular beliefs prior to the arrival of Friar Juan. For example, the ancient belief that there were privileged beings who could know things that happen in different places or times. In that regard, he decided to spread the rumor that in the church there was a statue of a saint which told him everything what happened27. But Friar Juan introduced fear in extraordinary shows as well, like a mise en scene of the Last Judgment made in the city of Tunja28. Fears related to death were the most used. A clear example of this appears when Friar Juan has to baptize an agonizing child. The parents were frightened and requested him to baptize the boy before his death; but the boy had been already baptized by an Indian and for that reason Friar Juan refused to do it. Several days passed until the family warn Friar Juan that if he did not baptize the child they would not give him more food. Under this threat, he accepted and baptized the boy. On the next day the boy died. Upon hearing this news, Friar Juan was delighted, because this death allowed him to illustrate two problems: the salvation of the soul and the importance of cemetery. After the boy’s death, the parents wanted to bury him anywhere in the forest. To dissuade them, Friar Juan resorted to legends about witches; this belief was managed by him to invent that those witches would use the boy’s bones to their rituals if the parents do not bury the boy in a cemetery. After this story, the Indians were convinced about the importance of the cemetery. The next morning, the child’s grandfather reveals to Friar Juan that he has dreamed of an angel, and that the angel gave Friar Juan a book and a scepter. This dream was interpreted by Friar Juan as a divine message. This story demonstrates that, even when the explanation about concepts did not work, at least one important idea was not far from being understood: there is something called soul that can be either saved or condemned. This fear emerged in the Natives when Friar Juan refused to baptize the boy. Natives did not understand the conceptual 27 28

Ibid., Libro II, C. 1, p. 237. Ibid., Libro II, C. 7, pp. 372-378.

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importance of baptism, but they took the pragmatic side of the practice: with baptism, a good life is guaranteed after death. Grandfather’s dream is also important, since we see how some superficial actions, such as showing stamps of angels and saints or disguising people for religious holidays, could form the unconscious images of the Natives’ minds. Going back to baptism, this is how Friar Juan tells us how the ritual was: So, how is the boy? I ask. I saw him and he was really ill. Then I said: bring me a crock with water. I took some salt out of my luggage, then I took my stole and a bunch of flowers and I lit a match. I blessed the water and with it I baptized the child sub conditione29.

The action was based more on objects than on a precise religious meaning. However, we should not think that this is a slip in the work of Friar Juan, on the contrary, focusing on objects and not on their meaning is a constant in him. This attitude could be explained by the difficulty of teaching concepts, but in Friar Juan’s experience I think that the reasons go further and touch a prejudice that often remains hidden in missionaries: Friar Juan considers Indians to be less human than Europeans. Based on this prejudice, Friar Juan thinks that actions that are not allowed in a community of Christians, for example lying, are allowed among «savages». Unlike the case of the child, certain christian instruction was crucial for the baptism of adults. About this kind of baptism, we can see a sort of method of culturalization that could be summarized as follows: 1) social reforms (i.e., Christian name for Natives or teaching and imposing customs for eating and sleeping); 2) new terms in language (from spoon to soul); 3) catechesis. In catechesis we can see three steps: 3.1) make a questionnaire30; 3.2) give examples in the material world; 3.3) introduce fear. About the catechesis, he said that the three points he tried to teach were: unicity of God, Trinity, and God as a remunerative Being31. Finally, it is important to note that baptism was preceded by some social reforms and in turn it preceded other reforms. One example of these last reforms is found in the following advice:

29

Ibid., Libro II, C. 3, p. 287. Ibid., Libro I, C. 7, p. 214. 31 Ibid., Libro I, C. 7, p. 215. 30

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Manuel Chica warned me not to try to take away the women from one man, this must be a project in time, he said. After baptism they would receive the light and even then it is very hard to change their customs32.

4. Contrast To make the contrast between the Christian thought and the practice of Friar Juan, I will focus on the conceptions of Francisco de Vitoria and Thomas Aquinas about baptism. Vitoria considers that salvation of Indians could be just achieved in the New World by education. In this way, education and catechesis become a crucial axis for the future of American peoples, much more than mere conquest. This education must follow a rational way and is intimately linked with baptism: But the main thing of man is the reason and [...] the power which is not transformed in action is useless. So [the Indians] would be many thousands of years, without their fault, outside the state of salvation, because having been born in sin and not having baptism; they would lack reason to inquire what is necessary to their salvation33.

However, this faith in reason is very difficult to maintain in the new social conditions of the New World. The process of catechesis and education is usually more effective through superficiality and gestures than through reason. In fact, Friar Juan tried to avoid any rational discussion with Indians, as we saw in the conversation about monogamy and animals. Since the very beginning, the practice of baptism in Friar Juan left behind the profound relationship with reason and knowledge. Nevertheless, Vitoria recognizes that there could be cases where baptism and reason are not necessarily linked. He quotes the problem of baptizing the children of infidels treated by Duns Scotus and Hugh of Saint Victor: 32

Ibid., Libro I, C. 7, p. 190. «Pero lo principal del hombre es la razón, y, por otra parte, inútil es la potencia que no se traduce en acto. Así estarían muchos miles de años, sin culpa suya, fuera del estado de salvación, pues habiendo nacido en el pecado y no teniendo bautismo, carecerían de razón para indagar lo necesario a su salvación», Francisco de Vitoria, Relecciones sobre los indios y el derecho de guerra, Espasa-Calpe, Madrid 1975, Primera Parte, § 23, p. 50. 33

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[...] as Scotus said in Ordinatio Book IV, distinction 4, question 9, treating the baptism of children of infidels, people must be mostly forced to obey a superior lord rather than an inferior one. Then if it is possible to force barbarians to obey their kings, with greater justification it is possible to force them to obey Christ and God34.

And later: And Hugh of Saint Victor (Book II, section 9, chapter 5) said that none is excused by ignorance of the precept of receiving baptism, because if one does not put an obstacle with one’s guilt, it is possible to hear and to know the necessary, as it is demonstrated by Cornelius’ example (Acts of the Apostles, 10)35.

Despite the above, Vitoria maintains that education is more important than force, and in order to justify this opinion he resorts to Thomas Aquinas: Nonetheless, our conclusion is expressly derived from Saint Thomas Aquinas and we will prove it. The people who never hear about faith, no matter how sinful they are for other reasons, they have an invincible ignorance and that ignorance is not sin. [...] That is clear for what Saint Paul says: And how can they believe in the one of whom they have not heard? And how can they hear without someone preaching to them? (Epistle to the Romans, 10)36

34 «[...] según dice Escoto en el libro IV [de su Ordinatio], distinción 4a, cuestión 9a, tratando del bautismo de los niños de los infieles, las personas deben ser mayormente obligadas a obedecer a un señor superior que a un inferior. Luego, si se puede forzar a los bárbaros a obedecer a sus príncipes, con mayor razón se les podrá obligar a que obedezcan a Cristo y a Dios», Ibid., Segunda Parte, § 7, p. 70. 35 «Y Hugo de San Víctor (libro II, parte 9a, cap. V) dice que a nadie excusa la ignorancia del precepto de recibir el bautismo, porque si no pone obstáculo con su culpa, podrá oír y saber lo necesario, como se demuestra por el ejemplo de Cornelio (Actas de los Apóstoles, 10)», Ibid., § 7, p. 72. 36 «Mas, a pesar de todo esto, nuestra conclusión se deduce expresamente de Santo Tomás. Lo probaremos. Los que nunca oyeron hablar de la fe, por muy pecadores que sean por otros conceptos, ignoran invenciblemente, y tal ignorancia no es pecado. [...] Lo que antecede es claro por aquello que dice la Epístola a los Romanos (10): ¿Cómo creerán si no han visto, y cómo oirán sin haber quien les predique?», Ibid.

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Vitoria stresses that missionary should be focused on reason and not on force; and not any kind of reason but a profound one. That is why he condemns superficiality: «Indians could not be forced to guess which religion is truer if no motives of greater probability are presented by one of the two parties. Otherwise is to believe too fast»37. In fact, in the Fourth Proposition, Vitoria defends a demonstration of the religion through probable and rational arguments38. Comparing the theory of Vitoria and the practice of Friar Juan, I think that it is possible to use the term vulgarization to connect them. About this term I quote Loris Sturlese: «According to an anonymous Italian text from around 1280, “to popularize wisdom” (volgarizzare la scienza) means “to belittle divinity” (menomare la deitade)»39. And later: The double meaning of volgarizzare –“to translate” and “to popularize”– illustrates the two-faced ambiguous nature of philosophical and scientific culture in the Latin Middle Ages, a ‹transitional› culture that on the one hand depended totally for its development and progress on translations of Greek, Arabic and Jewish sources, and on the other hand was subjected to an increasing demand for broadening and popularization in the vernacular by an emerging audience of non-professionals40.

Sturlese emphasizes the problem of language, in the use of the vernacular by Dante Alighieri and Meister Eckhart. According to Sturlese, in these two authors there is a new character of popularization: «From Dante and Eckhart onwards, popularization no longer meant adaptation and simplification»41. Coupled with the above, I think that this term could be spread out and be used to study the process of translation of European culture in American soil. 37

«[los indios] no pueden ni están obligados a adivinar qué religión es más verdadera si no se presentan motivos de mayor probabilidad por una de las dos partes. Los contrario será creer con demasiada prisa, cosa propia de los corazones livianos, según dice el Eclesiástico», Ibid., § 10, p. 75. 38 Ibid., § 13, p. 77. 39 L. STURLESE, «New trends in the Medieval Philosophical Historiography», in R. HOFMEISTER-PICH – A. CULLETON – A. STORCK (eds.), XIV International Congress of the SIEPM, Editoria Fi, Porto Alegre 2017, p. 244. 40 STURLESE, «New trends», p. 245. 41 Ibid.

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From a theological point of view, Friar Juan removes the spiritual weight of baptism. In Augustine of Hippo and Thomas Aquinas, baptism is a crucial moment in personal and social life. It is the beginning of a new life both here on earth and then after death. As Augustine says: Baptismus datur, ut moriamur, et reviviscamus42. But this new life does not begin only with a ritual with water and oil; the new life requires above all a personal attitude. As Thomas Aquinas said, the sacrament of baptism «[...] could be impeded for who receives it, for example, if the person approaches receiving it with simulation and without disposal»43. After Friar Juan, Indians had another social organization, new words in their language and the rudiments of a new religion, as well as new ways of orienting themselves in time and space, and new forms of seeing and hearing. But these crucial changes are not enough to affirm that his baptism ceremony fulfilled the indications of Aquinas or Vitoria. Friar Juan does not begin appealing to the soul of Indians, in fact, it is complicated to use the term «soul» to refer to Indian lives, because in their societies there were no practices that configured a strong inner life. First it is necessary to «create» a soul before converting it to Christianity. He begins with community and slowly introduces changes in daily life, which go on to form a certain individuation. The new life emerges not from abstract reasoning directed toward individuals but from concrete social changes. It is possible to say that Friar Juan failed in his try to convert Indians; Friar Juan himself recognizes that in eight years among them he could not teach them to cross themselves well44. But it is true that he attained, more or less, a comprehensive culturalization. This task was focused on teaching a new way to interpret the world, even in the smallest details: Friar Juan said that the banana seeds had the shape of a cross45, and he also said that he hears male birds sang «Dios te dé [God give you]», and the female sang «Dios te dará [God will give you]»46. The world becomes a world molded by Christianity, both in their current contemplation and in the historical explanation. For example, Friar Juan said that American Indians were 42 Agustín de Hipona, Enquiridión, in Obras de San Agustín, Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, Madrid 1948, C. XLII, p. 526. 43 Tomás de Aquino, Artículos de la fe y sacramentos de la iglesia. Al arzobispo de Palermo, in Escritos de catequesis, Ediciones Rialp, Madrid 1974, pp. 326-327. 44 Fray Juan de Santa Gertrudis, Maravillas, ed. 1956, Libro I, C. 7, p. 213. 45 Ibid., Libro I, C. 1, p. 40. 46 Ibid., Libro I, C. 4, p. 96.

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the thirteenth tribe of Israel47. In conclusion, Friar Juan did not explain to Indians the conceptual world of Christianity, but he achieved to introduce into them the seeds of the Christian and Spanish sight, even when this seed was always seen by Natives with a pinch of irony: A new Father came to Natagaima and in the first year, he saw that every month the Indians made a celebration of Saint John the Baptist, and then in the afternoon they made a procession. In this procession, Indians exhibit a statue of the saint’s full body. [...] One day the Father asked an Indian why they were so devotees of Saint John the Baptist, and the Indian said: Father, you do not know, they do not make the celebration for Saint John the Baptist but for another saint hidden inside the statue. [...] The Indian lowered the statue and [...] took off the top part of it and showed a cavity where there was an Indigenous idol. And the Indian said: this is the other saint they reverence48.

Bibliography E. ANDERSON IMBERT, Historia de la literatura hispanoamericana, t. I, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México 1970. A. CASTRO, Aspectos del vivir hispánico. Alianza Editorial, Madrid 1970. Agustín de Hipona, Enquiridión, in Obras de San Agustín, Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, Madrid 1948. Cristóbal Colón, Diario de a bordo, ed. by V. MUÑOZ PUELLES, Madrid 1985. G. DUBY – P. BRAUNSTEIN, Historia de la vida privada. De la Europa feudal al Renacimiento, Taurus, Madrid 1988. 47

Ibid., Libro I, C. 5, p. 118. It is important to see that the discovery of America allows both to strengthen and to controvert the Christian tradition. An example of the first thing we have in Joseph de Acosta, who in his Historia natural y moral de las indias said that it is possible to put aside the narration of Noah’s Ark to explain the origin of animals in the New World. On the other side, attitudes like that of Friar Juan are also common. From p. 156 to p. 159 of his Historia de la literatura hispanoamericana (First Volume), ANDERSON IMBERT made an interesting study about this case in the 18th century. 48 Fray Juan de Santa Gertrudis, Maravillas, ed. 1956, Libro II, C. 5, p. 327.

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M. FOUCAULT, The order of the things, Routledge, New York – London 2005. Francisco de Vitoria, Relecciones sobre los indios y el derecho de guerra, Espasa-Calpe, Madrid 1975. E. GALEANO, Memoria del fuego, t. II: Las caras y las máscaras, Siglo XXI Editores, Buenos Aires 1984. Gregorio García, Orígenes de los indios de el Nuevo Mundo, e indias occidentales, averiguado con discurso de opiniones por el padre presentado Fr. Gregorio García, de la Orden de Predicadores, Imprenta Francisco Martínez Abad, Madrid 1729. Juan de Santa Gertrudis, Maravillas de la Naturaleza, Libros I y II, Biblioteca de la Presidencia de Colombia, Bogotá 1956. ––, Maravillas de la Naturaleza, Libro IV, Biblioteca Banco Popular, Bogotá 1970. W. PRESCOTT, The Conquest of Peru, Dolphin Books, New York 1960. R. RAMIS-BARCELÓ, «Un esbozo cartográfico del lulismo universitario y escolar en los reinos hispánicos», Cuadernos del Instituto Antonio de Nebrija, 15/1 (2012) 61-103. ––, «Las cátedras escotistas de la universidad luliana y literaria de Mallorca (1692-1824)», Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, Annus 108 (Iunuarius - Iunius 2015) 301-317. L. STURLESE, «New trends in the Medieval Philosophical Historiography», in R. HOFMEISTER-PICH – A. CULLETON – A. STORCK (eds.), XIV International Congress of the SIEPM, Editoria Fi, Porto Alegre 2017, pp. 244-245. Tomás de Aquino, Artículos de la fe y sacramentos de la iglesia. Al arzobispo de Palermo, in Escritos de catequesis, Ediciones Rialp, Madrid 1974.

INDEX OF ANCIENT, MEDIEVAL AND RENAISSANCE AUTHORS Aegidius Romanus: 204-206 Aelius Donatus, grammaticus: 285f., 294, 303 Aesopus: 180 Albertus Magnus: XVIII, 55, 205, 305, 307, 319f., 324, 327-330, 332-335 Alcuinus Eboracensis (sive Flaccus Albinus): XVII, 285-288, 291294, 296f., 300-303 Algazel: 338 Algirdas, magnus dux: 143 Alphonsus de Cartagena: 159, 169 Sapiens: 86 Vargas Toletanus: 72f. Ambrosius de Montesino: 178 Mediolanensis: 159, 172 Traversari: 180 Anaxagoras: XVII, 317, 319-333, 335f. Anaximander Milesius: 330, 335 Andreas Quercetanus: 286, 295, 297, 300f., 303 Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius: 17, 286, 293, 302, 309 Anonymus (Ioannis): 15, 23 Anselmus Cantuariensis: 164, 178 Antonius de Guevara: 205, 211 Aristoteles (sive Pseudo-Aristoteles): 14-18, 23, 25f., 69, 184f., 204-207, 210f., 305, 308, 312, 315, 319, 321-334, 336

Aristoteles Latinus: 15f., 23, 130, 205, 213 Auctoritates Aristotelis: 158, 169, 185, 199f., 204, 213 Secretum secretorum: 184f., 199-214 Asclepius Trallianus: 324, 334 Augustinus Hipponensis (sive Pseudo-Augustinus): XIII, 15, 55, 66, 71, 122-126, 129, 158162, 164f., 168f., 172, 307, 309, 315, 319, 321, 332, 336, 369f. Averroes: 60, 321, 326-328, 330, 332, 334 Avicenna: 319, 336 Beda Venerabilis: 127 Bernardinus de Sahagun: 361 Bernardus Claraevallensis: 159, 161f., 172, 204 Boethius vide Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius Boleslaus III, dux polonicus: 144 Bolesław vide Boleslaus Bonaventura de Balneoregio (sive Pseudo-Bonaventura): 174, 180 Bovon II, abbas: 126 Canutus Magnus: 145 Carolus Magnus: 27, 45, 142f. Charlemagne vide Carolus Magnus Chen Liang: 30, 45 Christophorus Columbus: 355, 370 Cicero vide Marcus Tullius Cicero Cimabue (Cenni di Pepo): 9

374

INDEX OF ANCIENT, MEDIEVAL AND RENAISSANCE AUTHORS

Claudius Galenus: 92 Cleopas: 309 Conde de Haro vide Petrus Fernández de Velasco Damascius: 308, 315 Dante Aligherius: 8f., 368 Democritus: 322, 329-331 Didymus Alexandrinus: 306, 315 Dionysius Areopagita (sive PseudoDionysius): XVII, 307f., 315f., 319, 336 Donatus vide Aelius Donatus Duchesne vide Andreas Quercetanus Echardus de Hochheim: 319, 336, 368 Empedocles Agrigentinus: 323, 329-331 Erasmus Roterodamus: 117, 122, 168 Euricus, rex: 145 Eusebius Sophronius Hieronymus: 84, 89f., 159, 312 Eustratius: 320 Flavius Claudius Iulianus: 274 Josephus: 82 Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus, senator: 286 Vegetius Renatus: 206, 212 Franciscus (sive Francesc, Francesco) de Mayronis: 158 de Victoria: XVIII, 356-369, 371 Eiximenis: 174 Petrarcha: 180 Gedeminne, magnus dux: 144 Gerardus Cremonensis: 15, 23, 329, 334

Gherardellus de Florentia: 19, 20 Giottus Bondonis: 9 Giovanni vide Ioannes Gregorius I Magnus, papa: 126, 159, 172 García: 355, 371 Guiardus Molinaeus: XI, 81, 84, 87-89, 97 Guigo II Carthusiensis: 162 Guillelmus (sive Guilelmus, William) de Ockham:, 54f., 79 de Sancto Theodorico: 159, 162 Regis: 81 Shakespeare: 231, 246 Guyart des Moulins vide Guiardus Molinaeus Helias Putschius: 286, 295, 297, 300f., 303 Hermannus de Wartberge: 142f., 154 Hermes Trismegistus: 323-325, 328 Hieronymus vide Eusebius Sophronius Hieronymus Hilarius Pictaviensis: 123f., 129 Hugo de Sancto Victore: 164, 305, 308, 311, 315, 366 Farsitus: 272 Huizong: 36 Iacobus (sive Ioacopo, Jacques, Jacobus) Cessoles: 339, 350 de Voragine: 174, 275, 280 Faber Stapulensis: 337, 349, 351 Veneticus: 15, 23 Vitriaco: 267

INDEX OF ANCIENT, MEDIEVAL AND RENAISSANCE AUTHORS

Iacopo vide Iacobus Iaroslaus Sapiens: 143 Iaunutis, magnus dux: 144 Ibn Gulul: 205 Ignatius Theophorus: 313 Igor Yaroslavich: 143 Innocentius III, papa: 98, 121 Ioannes (sive Giovanni, Ioannis, Jean, Joan, Joannes, Johannes, Juan) Antiochensis (Chrysostomus): 159, 161, 180 apostolus: 312f. Aurispa: 206 Boccacius: 19, 25, 180 Calvinus: 55 Damascenus: 175 de Prato: 339f., 352 de Santa Gertrudis: XVIII, 355358, 360-366, 368-371 de Vinacis: 339 de Virgilio: 180 Duns Scotus: 55, 77, 357, 367 Eckius: 65 García de Castrojeriz: 205 Gerson: 179 Gil de Zamora: 273-276, 279f. Huarte: 178 Philoponus: 308 Radingiensis: 17, 25 Roís de Corella: 178 Scotus Eriugena: 305, 308f., 315f. Ioannis vide Ioannes Iogaila, magnus dux et rex: 144, 155 Iosephus de Acosta: 370 Isiaslaus I: 143

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Isidorus Hispalensis: 92 Iuniperus Serra: 357 Iziaslav vide Isiaslaus Jacobus vide Iacobus Jacques vide Iacobus Jaunutis vide Iaunutis Jean vide Ioannes Joan vide Ioannes Joannes vide Ioannes Jogaila vide Iogaila Johannes vide Ioannes Juan vide Ioannes Juniperus vide Iuniperus Ladislaus II Exul, rex polonicus: 144 Leonardus Aretinus: 182 Leucippus: 322 Lotharius I, imperator: 143 Lucas, evangelista: XVII, 309 Lucianus Samosatensis: 184, 206 Lucius Annaeus Seneca (sive Pseudo-Seneca): 184f., 188, 212, 319, 321, 323f., 335f. Ludolphus Carthusiensis, de Saxonia: 173f., 178 Ludovicus I Pius, imperator: 143 Germanicus: 143 Macé de la Charité: 90, 97 Marcus Tullius Cicero (sive PseudoCicero): 180, 319, 321, 336 Rhetorica ad Herennium: 199, 212 Marqués de Santillana: 157, 161 Martinus V, papa: 117 Lutherus: 55 Matthaeus, apostolus: 159

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Maximus Confessor: XVII, 305316 Meister Eckhart vide Echardus de Hochheim Melixus: 323 Moses, propheta: 85, 90, 310, 312 Moses Maimonides: 319, 336 Nicolaus Cusanus: 305 Odo de Cheriton: 267 Magdeburgensis: 239, 247 Olivetanus: 91 Origenes: 82, 306-308, 312f., 316, 319, 336 Parmenides: 323 Paulinus Aquilegiensis: 300 Paulus apostolus: 361, 367 Porcius Romanus: 180 Pedro vide Petrus Petrus (sive Pedro, Pierre, Pietro) Aron: 9, 26 Candidus Decembrius: 180 Cellensis: 162 Chrysologus: 123 Comector: 82-84, 91 de Limovicis, 339, 341f. Fernández de Velasco, comes: XIIIf., XVI, 157-159, 167-170, 265-267, 273, 275, 279-281 Lombardus: 69, 73 Maynardus: 346f. Plaout de Palma: 75f. Philippus Tripolitanus: 205 Philo Alexandrinus: 312 Pierre vide Petrus Pietro vide Petrus Pippinus I, rex de Aquitania: 143

Plato: 180, 293, 318-321, 325f., 328-331, 333-336 Priscianus, grammaticus: 286, 295f. Proclus Diadochus: 308, 319, 336 Prosperus Tiro Aquitanus: 158 Pseudo-Aristoteles vide Aristoteles Pseudo-Augustinus vide Augustinus Hipponensis Pseudo-Bonaventura vide Bonaventura de Balneoregio Pseudo-Cicero vide Marcus Tullius Cicero Pseudo-Dionysius vide Dionysius Areopagita Pseudo-Lentulus vide Publius Lentulus Pseudo-Seneca vide Lucius Annaeus Seneca Publius Lentulus (sive Pseudo-Lentulus): 176-178, 184f. Terentius Afer: 199, 214 Vergilius Maro: 296 Quintus Septimius Florens Tertullianus: 121 Raimundus Lullus: XVIII, 337-353, 357 Remigius Girolami Florentinus: 14, 25 Rhabanus Maurus: 82, 91 Rusticus, diaconus: 123 Sancho García de Medina: 185f., 188 Seneca vide Lucius Annaeus Seneca Shenzong: 32, 45 Sima Guang: 36

INDEX OF ANCIENT, MEDIEVAL AND RENAISSANCE AUTHORS

Stephanus Langton: 84 Porcarius: 180 Sventoslaus II de Kiovia: 143 Sviatoslav vide Sventoslaus Symphorianus Champerius: 339 Taizong: 36 Tertullianus vide Quintus Septimius Florens Tertullianus Thalassius Caesariensis, abbas: 310, 312, 314, 316 Themistius: 326, 328, 332 Thomas de Aquino: XVI, XVIII, 18, 26, 49, 55, 257f., 261-264, 319, 336, 366f., 369, 371 Eboracensis: XVIf., 317, 319333, 335f. Hibernicus: 158

377

Vasco Ramírez de Guzmán: 199, 212 Vicentius (sive Wincent) Bellovacensis: 199, 213 Cadlubonis, episcopus: 144, 154 Vigilius, papa: 123 Vsevolod I de Kiovia: 143 Vyacheslav Yaroslavich: 143 Vytautas, magnus dux: 144, 155 Wang Anshi: 32 William vide Guillelmus Wincent vide Vincentius Władysław vide Ladislaus Yaroslav vide Iaroslaus

INDEX OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY AUTHORS Abu-Lughod, J.: 27, 43 Adelman, J.: 28, 43 Adler, W.: 87, 97 Affeldt, W.: 150, 156 Agrigoroaei, V.: 98 Ainslie, D.: 8, 24 Alarcão, J.: 107, 113 Alberto, P. F.: 171, 189, 200, 212 Albini, G.: 219, 225 Aldama Roy, A. M.: 158, 169 Allsen, T.: 27, 44 Almela Lumbreras, M. A.: 172, 190, 206, 212 Alonso de Porres Fernández, C.: 175, 188, 265, 280 Alves, D.: 105, 113 Anderson, B.: 32 Anderson Imbert, E.: 360, 370 Andrea, A. J.: 217, 225 Andrews, T. L.: 59, 75, 78 Angeli, F. A.: 175, 188 Antón Martínez, B.: 158, 169, 172, 190, 199, 213 Anzulewicz, H.: 330, 335 Apollon, D.: 59, 77 Araujo, M.: 206, 211 Arbusow, L.: 146, 153 Arizaleta, A.: 271, 280 Arnason, J.: 38, 45 Arnzen, R.: 326, 328, 332, 334 Arsac, J.: 120 Arsuaga Laborde, D.: 175, 189, 201, 208, 212, 265, 280 Aubenque, P.: 305, 308, 315

Auge, O.: 239, 247 Bachtin, M.: 236, 245 Backus, I.: 173, 189 Badia, L.: 338, 350 Bahr, J.: 231, 245 Baier, W.: 173, 189 Ballard, M.: 98 Balthasar, H. U. von: 310, 316 Barber, R.: 259, 263 Barbet, J.: 309, 315 Barbotin, E.: 121 Bardy, G.: 125, 129 Barlett, R.: 140, 153 Barnes, J.: 16, 23 Barrett, T.: 29, 44 Barrio Vega, M. F. del: 157f., 168f., 172, 189f., 200, 206, 212, 266, 280 Bartsch, K.: 234 Basso, A.: 19, 25 Bataillon, M.: 168 Bateson, G.: 3, 24 Baum, J.-W.: 57 Baumgartner, E.: 259, 263 Bautista, F.: 271f., 280 Beccarisi, A.: 319-321, 335f. Behr, H. J.: 230, 248 Behr, J.: 310f., 315 Bekker, I.: 334 Bélisle, C.: 59, 77 Bennewitz, I.: 229, 245 Bentley, J.: 27, 44 Benvenuti, A.: 219, 225 Benz, M.: 233, 249

380

INDEX OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY AUTHORS

Berend, N.: 140, 153 Berger, S. : 98 Berman, L.: 33 Berners-Lee, T.: 62, 76 Berti, E.: 175, 188, 328, 334 Bettini, M.: 124-126, 129 Beumann, H.: 137, 156 Białunski, G.: 148, 153 Bielowski, A.: 144, 154 Bienert, W.: 306, 315 Birkenmajer, A.: 205, 213 Bischoff, B.: 287, 302 Bizer, C.: 62, 76 Bizzarri, H. O.: 173-175, 177-179, 186, 189, 205, 211 Blanco, E.: 205, 211 Bloch, M.: 23f. Bloch, R. H.: 121, 129 Block, M.: 3 Bloom, J.: 27, 44 Blume, F.: 19, 26 Bodard, G.: 62, 76 Bodenstedt, M. I.: 173f., 189 Boehm, G.: 10, 24 Bogaert, P. M.: 98 Bohdziewicz, O. S.: 274, 280 Bol, P.: 33 Bonner, A.: 343f., 352 Boot, P.: 60, 78 Borella, J.: 309, 315 Boretius, A.: 142, 153 Borges, J. L.: 82 Borgnet, A.: 328, 334 Boucher, D.: 8, 24 Boulnois, O.: 308 Bourgain, P.: 70, 76 Bouzaher, M.: 313, 315 Bowden, S.: 232, 241, 245

Boyle, E.: 98 Bradsk, G.: 98 Brague, R.: 138 Braunstein, P.: 363, 370 Bray, A.: 241, 245 Bray, N.: XVII, 317-336 Brînzei, M.: 73 Broughton, M.: 50, 78 Brown, P.: 126, 129 Bruni, S.: 296, 302 Brunner, H.: 233f., 245 Bruvik, T. M.: 59, 77 Buchwald, G.: 57 Bumke, J.: 230, 245 Burgwinkle, W. E.: 241, 245 Busa, R.: X, 49, 75, 79 Calella, M.: 10, 25 Callejas Berdonés, M. T.: 157, 169, 172, 190, 200, 212, 266, 280 Campos, B.: 191 Campos, M. A. Á.: XI, 103-116 Campos Souto, M.: 191 Canella, T.: 184, 189 Canisius, H.: 286, 290, 292-295, 297, 300f., 303 Cañizares Ferriz, P.: 157f., 160, 169, 171f., 184f., 187-190, 199-206, 212f., 266, 280 Carey, S. M.: 234, 245 Carmody, F. J.: 326, 328, 332, 334 Carvalho, J. M. S. A. N.: 109, 114 Caseau, B.: 127 Castañeda Tordera, I.: 180, 191 Castrillo González, C.: 180 Castro, A.: 359, 379 Castro, M. D. vide Castro Jiménez Castro Jiménez, M. D.: 157, 169, 172, 190, 200, 212, 266, 280

INDEX OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY AUTHORS

Cauvin, T.: 217, 225 Charlo Brea, L.: 158, 169, 199, 214 Chas Aguión, A.: 174, 191 Chiarcossi, G.: 5, 26 Christensen, M. S.: 53, 59, 68f., 76 Chu, M. K.: 37, 44 Cioca, L.: 72 Classen, A.: 40, 44, 230, 245 Classen, P.: 145, 155 Claudel, P.: 121 Clivaz, C.: 53, 76 Coelho, M. H. C.: 105, 107, 114f. Collingwood, R. G.: IX, 3, 6-8, 13f., 24 Colombi, V.: 219, 225 Colson, J. R.: 107, 114 Combès, J.: 308, 315 Congar, Y.: 129 Cools, H.: 49-79 Copeland, R.: 86, 96 Coquerez, J.-P.: 98 Corbin, A.: 129 Cosme, P.: 140, 153 Courcelle, P.: 166, 168f., 302f. Courtine, J.-F.: 305, 315 Crîșmăreanu, F.: XVII, 305-316 Croce, B.: 8, 13, 24 Crostini, B.: 51, 77 Culleton, A.: 368, 371 Cummings, J.: 50, 78 Cunitz, E.: 57 Curschmann, M.: 230f., 245f. Curta, F.: 140, 153 D’Angelo, E.: 185, 190, 199, 212 Dacos, M.: 104, 114 Dahan, G.: 84, 96 Dal Pra, M.: 317 Darling, L.: 40, 44

381

De Weerdt, H.: IX, 27-46 Deegan, M.: 52, 62, 76, 78 Dekkers, E.: 158, 169 Delanty, G.: 138 Delaville, C.-F.: 348f. Dennerlein, K.: 233, 249 Derrida, J.: 10 Deun, P. van: 312, 316 Di Segni, D.: 319, 336 Di Tommaso, L.: 87, 97 Diaz, A.: 229 Diels, H.: 318, 320, 335 Dietl, C.: 239, 247 Dilcher, G.: 139, 141, 153f. Dimpel, F. M.: 233f., 246 Distler, E. M.: 139, 141, 153f. Dobschütz, E. von: 172, 175-178, 181, 190 Dod, G.: 15, 23 Dolbeau, F.: 122 Donati, S.: 328, 334 Döring, T.: 233 Doutreleau, L.: 308, 316 Dover, C.: 253f., 259, 263 Driscoll, M. J.: 50, 57, 76, 78 Droysen, J. G.: 137 Duby, G.: 363, 370 Duindam, J.: 40, 44 Dulong, M.: 205, 213 Dumézil, B.: 140, 153 Dumouchel, S.: 104, 114 Dunning, A.: 75f. Durand, E.: 307, 315 Duval, F.: 112, 114 Earhart, A. E.: 112, 115 Ebel, F.: 147, 154 Ebel, K.-P.: 238, 240, 246 Ebeling, G.: 307, 315

382

INDEX OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY AUTHORS

Eckhardt, K. A.: 148, 155 Eco, U.: 313, 315 Eichner, E.: 147, 154 Eickels, K. van: 241, 243, 248 Eide, Ø.: 63, 76 Elliott, J. K.: 173, 190f. Eming, J.: 229, 245 Emptoz, H.: 99 Encuentra Ortega, A.: 168 Engel, K.: VII-XIX Engels, O.: 237, 249 Ensor, P.: 58, 76 Erbetta, M.: 173, 175f., 191 Erickson, R.: 12, 25 Espigares Pinilla, A.: XIII, 157-170, 172, 190f., 200, 212f., 266, 280 Ferlampin, C.: 85, 97 Fernández Collado, A.: 180, 191 Fernández de la Cuesta, B.: XIV, 199-214 Fischer, F.: 50, 54, 75f., 78 Flanders, J.: 63, 72, 76f. Flashar, H.: 318, 334 Fontaine, J.: 166, 169 Forster, F.: 286, 292-295, 297, 300f., 303 Foucault, M.: 363, 371 Fournié, É.: 81, 97 Franceschini, A.: 205, 213 Froger, J.: 288, 303 Fry, R. E.: XV, 220 Gabriel, E.: 58, 78 Gadamer, H.-G.: 10, 24 Gagliardi, I.: 219, 225 Gál, G.: 54, 79 Galderisi, C.: 98 Galeano, E.: 362f., 371

Gantner, C.: 139, 155 Garin, E.: 317 Gasparri, S.: 138, 147 Ge Zhaoguang: 31, 44 Geary, P.: 138 Gendolla, P.: 60, 77 Geoltrain, P.: 173, 189 Gersh, S.: 319, 334 Gidlund, K. L.: 57, 77 Gigon, O.: 334 Gilomen, H. J.: 137, 154 Gilson, É.: 86, 254, 256, 257, 263 Gioia, L.: 307, 315 Giovannozzi, D.: 328, 334 Giraud, C.: 86, 97 Goerlitz, U.: 240, 246 Gomes, S. A.: 105, 107, 115 Gómez Rabal, A.: XIX Gonzalez, R. C.: 99 González Castro, J. F.: 172, 190, 206, 213 Gonzálvez Ruiz, R.: 180, 191 Goy, F.-P.: 348, 350 Graus, F.: 137, 154 Gray, R. T.: 3, 25 Green, M.: 27, 44 Greenblatt, S. J.: 231, 246 Greisch, J.: 349, 352 Grekov, B. D.: 146, 156 Grigoraș, I.: XVII, 285-303 Grinaschi, M.: 205, 213 Grübel, R.: 236, 245 Guarcés, J.: 62, 76 Guglielmotti, P.: 138, 154 Guillemet, C.: 87, 97 Guyotjeannin, O.: 53, 79 Gysens, S.: 312, 316 Haas, M.: 14, 17, 24

INDEX OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY AUTHORS

Haeger, J. W.: 30, 46 Halpin, H.: 63, 77 Hamesse, J.: 199f., 213 Hamman, A.: 160, 169 Harada, H.: 343, 353 Harms, W.: 232, 235, 247f. Hart, D. B.: 310, 315 Haubrichs, W.: 240, 246 Haupt, B.: 238, 246 Haustein, J.: 230, 246 Hayes, P. H.: 63, 77 Hebborn, B.: 12, 24 Heinzer, F.: 313, 315 Helcel, A. Z.: 146, 156 Helmig, C.: 328, 334 Henri-Marrou, J.: 129 Hentschel, F.: 17, 24 Henze, M.: 87, 97 Hertz, M.: 295f. Hessler, M.: 10, 25 Heydemann, G.: 149, 155 Hiersemann, A.: 318, 336 Hillgarth, J. N.: 348 Hinojo Andrés, G.: 172, 190, 206, 213 Hirtler, J.: 17, 24 Hlawitschka, E.: 144, 156 Ho, H. I. B.: 33, 37, 44 Hoenen, M. J. F. M.: VII-XIX, 27, 319, 334 Hofmeister-Pich, R.: 368, 371 Holmes, C.: 27-29, 41f., 45 Holtz, L.: 294, 303 Holzer, V.: 307, 315 Homem, A. L. C.: 105, 114f. Honold, A.: 231, 233, 246f. Honoré, A. M.: 147, 155 Hoßfeld, P.: 331, 334

383

House, J.: 90, 97 Hübner, G.: 19, 24 Hüe, D.: 85, 97 Huskey, S.: 61, 77 Hutchings, T.: 53, 76 Imbach, R.: 15f., 26, 320, 335 Ioannes Paulus II (Karol Józef Wojtyła), papa: 124 Irvine, M.: 287, 301, 303 Issac, F.: 95 Iversen, G.: 51, 77 Jaeger, C. S.: 232, 235, 241, 246248 Jannidis, F.: 60, 63, 72, 76f. Janz, C. P.: 318, 334 Jarnut, J.: 139, 154 Jeck, U. R.: 330, 335 Jenner, H.: 175, 191 Jensen, B. M.: 51, 77 Jensen, R. M.: 175, 191 Jiménez San Cristóbal, M.: XIV, 171-198, 200 Jordanous, A.: 75, 78 Jordheim, H.: 136, 154 Jousse, M.: 121 Judic, B.: 126 Jullien, M.-H.: 285, 287, 303 Kaehler, A.: 98 Kaestli, J.-D.: 173, 189 Kamzelak, R. S.: 62, 79 Kanzog, K.: 231, 245 Kasten, I.: 238, 246 Keil, H.: 295f., 303 Kelley, R.: 217, 225 Kelly, D.: 253, 254, 263 Kennedy, E.: 254, 263 Kerth, T.: 231, 247 Kittel, H.: 90, 97

384

INDEX OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY AUTHORS

Klareld, A.-S.: 57, 77 Klein, D.: 19, 24, 26 Kłoczowski, J.: 135, 154 Kochan, B.: 10, 25 Kohnen, R.: 232, 247 Kolb, D. A.: XV, 220 Köpf, U.: 14, 24 Koselleck, R.: 136, 154 Krämer, S.: 10, 24 Krass, A.: 241, 247 Kristeller, P. O.: 179f., 191 Kroeschell, K.: 151, 154 Kuczynski, M. P.: 178, 191 Küenzlen, F.: 239, 247 Lachmann, K.: 51, 78 Lacombe, G.: 205, 213 Lacoste, J.-Y.: 308 LaCugna, C. M.: 261, 263 Lancel, S.: 126, 129 Langosch, K.: 230, 248 Larchet, J.-C.: 309f., 316 Latry, G.: 338, 350 Lawrance, J. N. H.: 157, 159, 161f., 169, 174, 191, 201, 213, 265, 280 Lazda-Cazers, R.: 244, 247 Le Bœuf, P.: 309 Le Foul de Vassy, R.: 346-349 Le Jan, R.: 151, 154 Le Roy Ladurie, E.: 136, 155 Leclercq, D.J.: 128 Leibniz, G. W.: 23 Leonardi, C.: 130 Leydier, Y.: 99 Li Gotti, E.: 19, 26 Liebermann, F.: 146, 153 Liebs, D.: 147, 155 Lilao Franca, O.: 180, 191

Livesey, S. J.: 17, 25 Llinarès, A.: 337, 346, 348, 351 Loffmann, C.: 53, 77 López i Casas, M. M.: 174, 178f., 186, 191 Lossky, V.: 307, 316 Lowden, J.: 98 Łowmiański, H.: 140, 155 Luchner, K.: 320, 335 Lück, H.: 147, 154 Lumby, J. R.: 275, 280 Lutz, C. E.: 309 Lytras, M.: 63, 77 Mabillon, J.: 162 Macé, C.: 75, 78 Madec, G.: 125f., 129 Madre, A.: 346-348, 351f. Maestre Maestre, J. M.: 158, 169, 199, 214 Maggioni, G. P.: 275, 280 Maier, C.: 123 Mâle, E.: 175, 192 Maniglio, M.: 320, 323-328, 331f., 335 Mansfeld, J.: 318, 335 Marcotte, S.: 82, 97 Marías, J.: 206, 211 Marinoni, M. C.: 340, 353 Marion, J.-L.: XVII, 306, 312, 314, 316 Marques, A. H. O.: 105, 114f. Marsden, R.: 98 Martín, C. vide Martín Puente Martín Puente, C.: 172, 190, 199, 213 Martínez Bejarano, N.: XVIII, 355371 Martins, A. A.: 107, 115

INDEX OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY AUTHORS

Martschukat, J.: 241, 248 Masser, A.: 231, 245 Massoni, A.: 111, 114 Matarasso, P.: 252, 254, 259-261, 263 Mattoso, J.: 105, 115 Mayer Brown, H.: 19, 25 McKirahan, R. D.: 17, 25 Meirinhos, J.: 158, 169, 199f., 213 Mellor, K.: 175, 192 Mersch, D.: 10, 25 Migne, J.-P.: 91, 121f., 124, 129, 286, 288, 292, 295-297, 301, 303 Minio-Paluello, L.: 15, 23 Modzelewski, K.: 137f., 154f. Montarcis, P. B. de: 348, 350 Moore, R. I.: 41, 45 Moraldi, L.: 173, 176, 192 Moraw, P.: 137, 154 Morche, J.: 29, 39, 44 Morelli, M.: 130 Moreschini, C.: 293, 302, 324f., 334 Morsch, C.: 235, 247 Morsel, J.: 109, 115 Morujão, M. R. B.: 107, 115 Most, G. W.: 51, 77f. Müller, G.: X, 49-79 Muñoz Jiménez, M. J.: 157f., 168f., 171f., 189f., 192, 199203, 206, 212-214, 266, 280f. Muñoz Puelles, V.: 355, 370 Mussafia, A.: 271, 281 Mutter, E.: 98 Nanni, M.: VIII, IX, 3-26 Nardi, B.: 317 Nascimento, A. A.: 171, 189, 200, 212

385

Nehlsen, H.: 145, 155 Neudeck, O.: 232, 235, 238, 247 Niculescu, M. V.: 311, 313, 316 Nietzsche, F.: IX, 3, 6f., 25, 318, 334 Noiret, S.: 225 Noizet, H.: 109, 115 Oanca (Ruset), M.: XV, 251-264 Obrador y Bennassar, M.: 339, 348, 352 Oetjens, L.: 244, 247 Olberg, G. von: 150, 156 Opelt, I.: 329, 334 Osborne, J.: 216, 225 Osterhammel, J.: 38, 45 Ott, N. H.: 231 Padlina, R.: 49-79 Paladini, C.: 319, 336 Palazzo, A.: 319, 336 Pampín Barral, M.: 191 Panella, E.: 14, 25 Panti, C.: 17, 25 Park, H.: 27, 45 Parrilla García, C.: 191 Pascale, M.: 19, 25 Pascual Barea, J.: 158, 169, 199, 214 Pashuto, V.: 146f., 154, 156 Pasolini, P. P.: IX, 4-7, 23, 26 Patzold, S.: 241, 248 Pauphilet, A.: 251-253, 255f., 260, 263 Payne, R.: 139, 155 Paz y Meliá, A.: 157, 170, 174f., 192, 200, 214, 265, 281 Pellegrino, G.: 319, 336 Pena Sueiro, N.: 191 Percan, J. B.: 55, 77

386

INDEX OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY AUTHORS

Perelman, F.: 285, 287, 303 Pères, J.-N.: 175, 178, 192 Perroquet, A.: 346f., 353 Pfeiffer, R.: 318, 335 Philipp, S.: 98 Philipps, H.: 53, 77 Pichler, A.: 59, 77 Pierazzo, E.: 50f., 57, 60f., 65, 7678 Piper, P.: 230, 247 Pirenne-Delforge, V.: 124, 129 Pirrotta, N.: 19, 26 Plotke, S.: XV, 229-249 Pnür, V.: 65 Pohl, W.: 139, 149, 155 Polidoro, L.: XII, XIV-XVI, 215-225 Poncelet, A.: 270-272, 281 Ponsoye, E.: 309, 316 Porreca, D.: 324, 335 Porro, P.: 320, 335 Portine, H.: 91, 97 Powers, H.: 9, 26 Powers, M.: 39, 45 Pratt, K.: 261, 263 Preiser-Kapeller, J.: 27, 45 Prescott, W.: 360, 371 Price, K. M.: 67, 74, 77 Primavesi, O.: 320, 335 Puff, H.: 241, 248 Punzi, A.: 332 Putnam, R. P.: 3, 24 Qiao Jiya: 37, 44 Queiróz, A. I.: 105, 113 Rabe, H.: 308 Ramis-Barceló, R.: 357, 371 Ranke, L. von: 140f., 156 Reese, S.: 236, 245 Régnier, P.: 59, 77

Reinhardt, K.: 180, 191 Renan, E.: 128f. Retucci, F.: 319f., 332, 335f. Retz, T.: 6, 26 Reuss, E. W. E.: 57 Rey, A.: 127, 129 Reynolds, L. D.: 324, 335 Riaudel, O.: 308 Riedlinger, H.: 346, 348, 351f. Robinson, P.: 50, 58f., 78 Rochebouet, A.: 113, 116 Rodolfi, A.: 328, 335 Rodríguez González, A.: 180, 191 Rohdie, S.: 5, 26 Rossa, W.: 106, 116 Rowell, S. C.: 144, 156 Rubino, E.: 319, 336 Rubio, L.: 180, 192 Ruh, K.: 230, 248 Runia, D. T.: 318, 335 Ruset Oanca vide Oanca (Ruset) Sahle, P.: 50, 78 Said, E. W.: 233, 236, 248 Sainz de la Maza, C. N.: 173-175, 177-179, 186, 189 Salvador, X.-L.: XI, 81-101 Salzinger, Y.: 347 San Antonio, J. de: 344, 353 Sanicola, G.: 219, 225 Santanach, J.: 338, 340, 350f. Santi, F.: 130 Santosuosso, A. C.: 12, 26 Sawyer, P. H.: 145, 156 Scapinello, S.: 302 Schäfer, J.: 60, 77 Schib, G.: 340, 353 Schiff, M.: 180, 192 Schleiermacher, F. D. E.: 310

INDEX OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY AUTHORS

Schlesinger, W.: 137, 156 Scholger, W.: 50, 78 Schönborn, C.: 313, 315 Schreibman, S.: 63, 67, 77f. Schreiner, P.: 237, 249 Schröder, W. J.: 230f., 248 Schulthess, P.: 15f., 26 Schultze, B.: 90, 97 Schulz, M.: 241, 248 Schulze, H. K.: 145, 156 Schwerin, C. Freiherr von: 148, 155 Schwinges, R.: 137, 154 Scriban, A.: 306, 316 Senellart, M.: 349, 352 Senner, W.: 330, 335 Serrão, J.: 115 Sheth, A.: 63, 77 Sickel, W.: 144, 156 Siemens, R.: 63, 67, 77f. Siles Ruiz, J.: 172, 190, 206, 213 Silvestre, M. L.: 320, 335 Silvi, C.: 82, 97 Simpson, D.: 55 Sirks, B.: 147, 155 Siti, W.: 5, 26 Smalley, B.: 98 Smeets, P.: 90, 97 Smith, P. J.: 32, 38, 45 Smith, T.: 8, 24 Smith Ore, C.-E.: 63, 76 Smulders, P.: 124, 129 Sneddon, C. R.: 98 Sohm, R.: 150, 155 Solem, J. E.: 98 Soler, A.: 338, 350 Sowinski, B.: 234, 248 Speer, A.: 321

387

Speth, S.: 230, 248 Stammler, W.: 230, 248 Standen, N.: 27, 29, 41f., 45 Stedman, G.: 238, 246 Stegmann, A.: 337, 351 Stein, A.: 232, 238f., 248 Stein, M.: 233 Steiner, A.: 229 Steiner, G.: 120, 130 Steinkrüger, P.: 50, 78 Steinová, E.: 92, 97 Steyer, T.: 62, 79 Stock, M.: 232, 234f., 239f., 242, 248 Storck, A.: 368, 371 Strayer, J.: 28, 31, 38, 45 Strehlke, E.: 143, 154 Stuart, D.: 58, 78 Sturgeon, D.: 33 Sturlese, L.: 317, 319f., 335, 368, 371 Sutherland, K.: 52, 62, 76, 78 Szklenar, H.: 230, 234f., 248 Szúcs, J.: 135, 156 Tackett, N.: 28, 31-34, 44f. Tătaru-Cazaban, B.: 311 Tătaru-Cazaban, M.: 311 Teleanu, C.: XVIII, 337-353 Tervooren, H.: 230, 246 Thaller, M.: 103, 116 Tillman, H.: 30, 45 Tilly, C.: 41, 46 Timpanaro, S.: 51, 78 Tombeur, P.: X, XII, 117-131 Tory, G.: 92 Traulsen, J.: 229, 245 Trauzettel, R.: 30, 46 Trivellato, F.: 108, 116

388

INDEX OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY AUTHORS

Tupman, C.: 75, 78 Twitchett, D.: 32, 45 Tzamalikos, P.: 320, 336 Ueberweg, F.: 318, 334 Ulashhik, N.: 144, 155 Unsworth, J.: 63, 67, 77f. Urbanek, N.: 10, 25 Uscatescu Barrón, J.: 342, 351 Usener, H.: 318 Valentin, J.-M.: 238, 246 Vanni Rovighi, S.: 317 Varanini, G. M.: 138, 154 Vaultier, L.: 127 Veneziani, M.: 328, 334 Ventura, L.: 107, 116 Verbraken, P.: 122 Vernet, A.: 85, 97 Vernon, J.-M. de: 345, 353 Vielliard, F.: 53, 70, 76, 79 Villa Polo, J. de la: 172, 190, 206, 213 Villar Rubio, M.: 180, 192 Villarroel Fernández, I.: XVI, 172, 190, 265-281 Vincensini, J.-J.: 98 Vinel, F.: 314, 316 Vitré, A.: 83 Vogeler, G.: 50, 78 Volungevičius, V.: XIII, 135-156 Vuillemin, P.: 108, 116 Wagner, A.: 37, 44 Walsh, K.: 98

Watson, T. J.: 49 Watts, J.: 28, 39, 44 Weijers, O.: 158, 169, 199, 213 Weitbrecht, J.: 233, 249 Welles, O.: 4 Wenskus, R.: 137, 156 Wenzel, H.: 230, 235, 246f. Westerink, L. G.: 308, 315 Wettlaufer, J.: 62, 79 Whittow, M.: 28 Wieland, G.: 240, 247 Williams, A. M. L.: 260, 263 Winst, S.: 244, 249 Winter, T. N.: 49, 79 Wippel, J.: 257f., 264 Witt, J. C.: 53, 59, 61, 68f., 71-74, 76f. Wittrock, B.: 38, 45 Wolfzettel, F.: 237, 249 Wood, D.: 98 Wood, I. N.: 139, 145, 156 Wood, L.: 256, 264 Wormald, P.: 145, 149, 156 Wünsch, T.: 137, 155 Wyss, B.: 318, 336 Wyss, U.: 19, 26 Zahnd, U.: X, 49-79 Zetzner, L.: 347, 349, 353 Zimmermann, M.: 238, 246 Ziolkowski, J.: 185, 190, 199, 212 Zundert, J. J. van: 57, 59f., 78

INDEX OF THE MANUSCRIPTS Angers Bibliothèque Municipale 493 (477): 289, 295, 298, 301f.

Copenhagen Det Kongelige Bibliotek Thott 128 folio: 271-273, 277f.

Barcelona Archivo Capitular de la Catedral 26: 179

El Escorial Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de San Lorenzo de El Escorial Q.III.9: 271

Biblioteca de Cataluña 480: 179, 181 Berlin Staatsbibliothek Phill. 1911: 342 Bern Burgerbibliothek 123: 285, 289, 295, 298, 301 Burgo de Osma Biblioteca Catedralicia 110: 274 Carpentras Bibliothèque Inguimbertine Fr. 294: 343 Città del Vaticano Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Chigi L VII 241: 290f., 295, 300 Reg. lat. 251: 296, 300 Urb. lat. 308: 286, 290f., 295-297, 300

Firenze Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana Ashburnham 876: 285, 290f., 295, 298 Med. Pal. 87: 19 Firenze Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale Conv. soppr. cod. A.VI. 437 = F: 320, 336 Conv. soppr. J X 46: 290f., 295, 298 Fulda Hochschul- und Landesbibliothek Aa 2: 287 Laon Bibliothèque Municipale 448: 289f., 298, 301 Lisboa Arquivo da Academia das Ciências Série Azul, Ms. 1168: 112

390

INDEX OF THE MANUSCRIPTS

Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal Alc. 149: 271-273 London British Library IB53235: 178 Sloane 2385: 347 Royal Library 19DIII: 90f. Madrid Biblioteca Histórica, Universidad Complutense de Madrid 129: 180f. Biblioteca Nacional de España 110: 271-273 3506: 344f. 4303: 179, 181-183 9175: 179 9289: XVI, 265-279 9449: 162, 166 9503: 274, 276 9513: XIIIf., XVI, 157, 159f., 162, 167, 171, 178f., 182-187, 192-194, 196f., 199-214, 266, 281 9522: XIIIf., XVI, 157, 159f., 162, 167, 171, 178f., 182-187, 192, 197f., 199-214, 266, 281 10119: 180f. 10212: 178f., 181-183, 187, 193195 10712: 179 12688: 174 12689: 174 12797: 174

17652: 180f. 17892: 357 RES/141: 266 RES/205: 161 Merseburg Archiv des Domkapitels I 204: 289, 298 Milano Biblioteca Ambrosiana E 4 sup.: 340 O 95 sup.: 286, 289f., 295, 298, 302 München Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm 6404: 294f., 298, 300 Clm 10580: 348 Clm 10585: 348 Clm 14689: 294, 299 Clm 14737: 287 Clm 14823: 285, 289, 293, 295f., 298, 300 Napoli Biblioteca Nazionale IV A 34: 289, 295, 299 Oxford Bodleian Library Laud Misc. 202: 85 Palma de Mallorca Biblioteca Pública del Estado «Can Sales» 401-404: XVIIIf., 356

INDEX OF THE MANUSCRIPTS

391

Paris Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal 593: 84f. 2675: 343

Sankt Gallen Stiftsbibliothek 268: 285f., 289, 293-297, 299-302 878: 293f., 299

Bibliothèque Mazarine Fr. 3501: 348f. Fr. 3505: 346

Sevilla Biblioteca Colombina 81-6-6: 180

Bibliothèque nationale de France Fr. 189: 342 Fr. 763: 342 Fr. 2573: 343 Fr. 12555: 342 Fr. 14801: 348f. Fr. 19965: 347 Fr. 22933: 340f. Fr. 24402: 341f. Lat. 4841: 299 Lat. 7212: 11 Lat. 7559: 289, 293, 295, 299, 301 Lat. 8319: 285, 289, 293, 295, 299f., 302 Lat. 10403: 289, 295, 299 Lat. 13377: 289f., 295, 299 Lat. 13957: 289, 295, 299 Lat. 13961: 348 Lat. 15097: 345

St Andrews University of St Andrews Library 38904: 285, 287, 289f., 294f., 299, 301

Saint-Omer Bibliothèque Municipale 0666: 289, 295, 299, 301

Troyes Médiathèque de Troyes 621: 85

Salamanca Biblioteca Universitaria 2405: 179 2665: 180

Washington Hay-Adams House 1054: 300, 302

Tarragona Biblioteca Pública del Estado en Tarragona 55: 271-273 Toledo Biblioteca del Cabildo 9-16: 180f., 183 17-25: 188 101-5: 180-183 Trier Stadtbibliothek 1104/1321: 289, 295, 297, 300-302

392

Wien Österreichische thek 2404: 300

INDEX OF THE MANUSCRIPTS

Nationalbiblio-

Zaragoza Biblioteca Capitular 879: 271-273

Collection « Textes et Études du Moyen Âge » publiée par la Fédération Internationale des Instituts d’Études Médiévales

Volumes parus : 1.

Filosofia e Teologia nel Trecento. Studi in ricordo di Eugenio Randi a cura di L. BIANCHI, Louvain-la-Neuve 1995. VII + 575 p. 54 Euros

2.

Pratiques de la culture écrite en France au XVe siècle, Actes du Colloque international du CNRS (Paris, 16-18 mai 1992) organisé en l’honneur de Gilbert Ouy par l’unité de recherche « Culture écrite du Moyen Âge tardif », édités par M. ORNATO et N. PONS, Louvain-la-Neuve 1995. XV + 592 p. et 50 ill. h.-t. 67 Euros

3.

Bilan et perspectives des études médiévales en Europe, Actes du premier Congrès européen d’études médiévales (Spoleto, 27-29 mai 1993), édités par J. HAMESSE, 54 Euros Louvain-la-Neuve 1995. XIII + 522 p. et 32 ill. h.-t.

4.

Les manuscrits des lexiques et glossaires de l’Antiquité tardive à la fin du Moyen Âge, Actes du Colloque international organisé par le «Ettore Majorana Centre for Scientific Culture» (Erice, 23-30 septembre 1994), édités par J. HAMESSE, Louvain67 Euros la-Neuve 1996. XIII + 723 p.

5.

Models of Holiness in Medieval Studies, Proceedings of the International Symposium (Kalamazoo, 4-7 May 1995), edited by B.M. KIENZLE, E. WILKS DOLNIKOWSKI, R. DRAGE HALE, D. PRYDS, A.T. THAYER, Louvain-la-Neuve 1996. XX + 402 p. 49 Euros

6.

Écrit et pouvoir dans les chancelleries médiévales : espace français, espace anglais, Actes du Colloque international de Montréal (7-9 septembre 1995) édités par K. FIANU et D.J. GUTH, Louvain-la-Neuve 1997. VIII + 342 p. 49 Euros

7.

P.-A. BURTON, Bibliotheca Aelrediana secunda (1962-1996). Ouvrage publié avec le concours de la Fondation Universitaire de Belgique et de la Fondation Francqui, Louvain-la-Neuve 1997. 208 p. 27 Euros

8.

Aux origines du lexique philosophique européen. L’influence de la « latinitas », Actes du Colloque international de Rome (23-25 mai 1996) édités par J. HAMESSE, Louvain-la-Neuve 1997. XIV + 298 p. 34 Euros

9.

Medieval Sermons and Society : Cloisters, City, University, Proceedings of International Symposia at Kalamazoo and New York, edited by J. HAMESSE, B.M. KIENZLE, D.L. STOUDT, A.T. THAYER, Louvain-la-Neuve 1998. VIII + 414 p. et 7 ill. h.-t. 54 Euros

10. Roma, magistra mundi. Itineraria culturae medievalis. Mélanges offerts au Père L.E. Boyle à l’occasion de son 75e anniversaire, édités par J. HAMESSE. Ouvrage publié avec le concours de la Homeland Foundation (New York), Louvain-la-Neuve épuisé 1998. vol. I-II : XII + 1030 p. ; vol. III : VI + 406 p. 11. Filosofia e scienza classica, arabo-latina medievale e l’età moderna. Ciclo di seminari internazionali (26-27 gennaio 1996) a cura di G. FEDERICI VESCOVINI, Louvain-la-Neuve 1999. VIII + 331 p. 39 Euros 12. J.L. JANSSENS, An annotated Bibliography of Ibn Sînæ. First Supplement (1990-1994), uitgegeven met steun van de Universitaire Stichting van België en het Francqui26 Euros Fonds, Louvain-la-Neuve 1999. XXI + 218 p. 13. L.E. BOYLE, O.P., Facing history: A different Thomas Aquinas, with an introduction by J.-P. TORRELL, O.P., Louvain-la-Neuve 2000. XXXIV + 170 p. et 2 ill. h.-t. 33 Euros

14. Lexiques bilingues dans les domaines philosophique et scientifique (Moyen Âge – Renaissance), Actes du Colloque international organisé par l’École Pratique des Hautes Etudes – IVe Section et l’Institut Supérieur de Philosophie de l’Université Catholique de Louvain (Paris, 12-14 juin 1997) édités par J. HAMESSE et D. JACQUART, Turnhout 2001. XII + 240 p., ISBN 978-2-503-51176-4 35 Euros 15. Les prologues médiévaux, Actes du Colloque international organisé par l’Academia Belgica et l’École française de Rome avec le concours de la F.I.D.E.M. (Rome, 26-28 mars 1998) édités par J. HAMESSE, Turnhout 2000. 716 p., ISBN 978-2-503-51124-5 75 Euros 16. L.E. BOYLE, O.P., Integral Palaeography, with an introduction by F. TRONCARELLI, Turnhout 2001. 174 p. et 9 ill. h.-t., ISBN 978-2-503-51177-1 33 Euros 17. La figura di San Pietro nelle fonti del Medioevo, Atti del convegno tenutosi in occasione dello Studiorum universitatum docentium congressus (Viterbo e Roma, 5-8 settembre 2000) a cura di L. LAZZARI e A.M. VALENTE BACCI, Louvain-la-Neuve 2001. 708 p. et 153 ill. h.-t. 85 Euros 18. Les Traducteurs au travail. Leurs manuscrits et leurs méthodes. Actes du Colloque international organisé par le « Ettore Majorana Centre for Scientific Culture » (Erice, 30 septembre – 6 octobre 1999) édités par J. HAMESSE, Turnhout 2001. XVIII + 455 p., ISBN 978-2-503-51219-8 55 Euros 19. Metaphysics in the Twelfth Century. Proceedings of the International Colloquium (Frankfurt, june 2001) edited by M. LUTZ-BACHMANN et al., Turnhout 2003. XIV + 220 p., ISBN 978-2-503-52202-9 43 Euros 20. Chemins de la pensée médiévale. Études offertes à Zénon Kaluza éditées par P.J.J.M. BAKKER avec la collaboration de E. FAYE et Ch. GRELLARD, Turnhout 2002. XXIX + 778 p., ISBN 978-2-503-51178-8 68 Euros 21. Filosofia in volgare nel medioevo. Atti del Colloquio Internazionale de la S.I.S.P.M. (Lecce, 27-28 settembre 2002) a cura di L. STURLESE, Louvain-la-Neuve 2003. 540 p., ISBN 978-2-503-51503-8 43 Euros 22. Bilan et perspectives des études médiévales en Europe (1993-1998). Actes du deuxième Congrès européen d’études médiévales (Euroconference, Barcelone, 8-12 juin 1999), édités par J. HAMESSE, Turnhout 2003. XXXII + 656 p., ISBN 978-2-503-51615-865 Euros 23. Lexiques et glossaires philosophiques de la Renaissance. Actes du Colloque International organisé en collaboration à Rome (3-4 novembre 2000) par l’Academia Belgica, le projet « Le corrispondenze scientifiche, letterarie ed erudite dal Rinascimento all’ età moderna » et l’Università degli studi di Roma « La Sapienza », édités par J. HAMESSE et M. FATTORI, Louvain-la-Neuve 2003. IX + 321 p., ISBN 978-2-503-51535-9 39 Euros 24. Ratio et superstitio. Essays in Honor of Graziella Federici Vescovini edited by G. MARCHETTI, V. SORGE and O. RIGNANI, Louvain-la-Neuve 2003. XXX + 676 p. – 5 ill. h.-t., ISBN 978-2-503-51523-6 54 Euros 25. « In principio erat verbum » . Mélanges offerts à Paul Tombeur par ses anciens élèves édités par B.-M. TOCK, Turnhout 2004. 450 p., ISBN 978-2-503-51672-6 54 Euros 26. Duns Scot à Paris, 1302-2002. Actes du colloque de Paris, 2-4 septembre 2002, édités par O. BOULNOIS, E. KARGER, J.-L. SOLÈRE et G. SONDAG, Turnhout 2005. XXIV + 683 p., ISBN 2-503-51810-9 54 Euros 27. Medieval Memory. Image and text, edited by F. WILLAERT, Turnhout 2004. XXV + 265 p., ISBN 2-503-51683-1 54 Euros 28. La Vie culturelle, intellectuelle et scientifique à la Cour des Papes d’Avignon. Volume en collaboration internationale édité par J. HAMESSE, Turnhout 2006. XI + 413 p. – 16 ill. h.t., ISBN 2-503-51877-X 43 Euros

29. G. MURANO, Opere diffuse per «exemplar» e pecia, Turnhout 2005. 897 p., ISBN 2-503-51922-9 75 Euros 30. Corpo e anima, sensi interni e intelletto dai secoli XIII-XIV ai post-cartesiani e spinoziani. Atti del Colloquio internazionale (Firenze, 18-20 settembre 2003) a cura di G. FEDERICI VESCOVINI, V. SORGE e C. VINTI, Turnhout 2005. 576 p., ISBN 2-503-51988-1 54 Euros 31. Le felicità nel medioevo. Atti del Convegno della Società Italiana per lo Studio del Pensiero Medievale (S.I.S.P.M.) (Milano, 12-13 settembre 2003), a cura di M. BETTETINI e F. D. PAPARELLA, Louvain-la-Neuve 2005. XVI + 464 p., ISBN 2-503-51875-3 43 Euros 32. Itinéraires de la raison. Études de philosophie médiévale offertes à Maria Cândida Pacheco, éditées par J. MEIRINHOS, Louvain-la-Neuve 2005. XXVIII + 444 p., ISBN 2-503-51987-3 43 Euros 33. Testi cosmografici, geografici e odeporici del medioevo germanico. Atti del XXXI Convegno dell’Associazione italiana di filologia germanica (A.I.F.G.), Lecce, 26-28 maggio 2004, a cura di D. GOTTSCHALL, Louvain-la-Neuve 2005. XV + 276 p., ISBN 2-503-52271-8 34 Euros 34. Écriture et réécriture des textes philosophiques médiévaux. Mélanges offerts à C. Sirat édités par J. HAMESSE et O. WEIJERS, Turnhout 2006. XXVI + 499 p., ISBN 2-503-52424-9 54 Euros 35. Frontiers in the Middle Ages. Proceedings of the Third European Congress of the FIDEM (Jyväskylä, june 2003), edited by O. MERISALO and P. PAHTA, Louvain-laNeuve 2006. XII + 761p., ISBN 2-503-52420-6 65 Euros 36. Classica et beneventana. Essays presented to Virginia Brown on the Occasion of her 65th Birthday edited by F.T. COULSON and A. A. GROTANS, Turnhout 2006. XXIV + 444 p. – 20 ill. h.t., ISBN 978-2-503-2434-4 54 Euros 37. G. MURANO, Copisti a Bologna (1265-1270), Turnhout 2006. 214 p., ISBN 2-50352468-9 44 Euros 38. «Ad ingenii acuitionem». Studies in honour of Alfonso Maierù, edited by S. CAROTI, R. IMBACH, Z. KALUZA, G. STABILE and L. STURLESE. Louvain-la-Neuve 2006. VIII + 590 p., ISBN 978-2-503-52532-7 54 Euros 39. Form and Content of Instruction in Anglo-saxon England in the Light of Contemporary Manuscript Evidence. Papers from the International Conference (Udine, April 6th-8th 2006) edited by P. LENDINARA, L. LAZZARI, M.A. D’ARONCO, Turnhout 2007. XIII + 552 p., ISBN 978-2-503-52591-0 65 Euros 40. Averroès et les averroïsmes latin et juif. Actes du Colloque International (Paris, juin 2005) édités par J.-B. BRENET, Turnhout 2007. 367 p., ISBN 978-2-503-52742-0 54 Euros 41. P. LUCENTINI, Platonismo, ermetismo, eresia nel medioevo. Introduzione di L. STURLESE. Volume publié en co-édition et avec le concours de l’Università degli Studi di Napoli « l’Orientale » (Dipartimento di Filosofia e Politica). Louvain-laNeuve 2007. XVI + 517 p., ISBN 978-2-503-52726-0 54 Euros 42.1. Repertorium initiorum manuscriptorum Latinorum Medii Aevi curante J. HAMESSE, auxiliante S. SZYLLER. Tome I : A-C. Louvain-la-Neuve 2007. XXXIV + 697 p., ISBN 978-2-503-52727-7 59 Euros 42.2. Repertorium initiorum manuscriptorum Latinorum Medii Aevi curante J. HAMESSE, auxiliante S. SZYLLER. Tome II : D-O. Louvain-la-Neuve 2008. 802 p., ISBN 978-2503-53045-1 59 Euros

42.3. Repertorium initiorum manuscriptorum Latinorum Medii Aevi curante J. HAMESSE, auxiliante S. SZYLLER. Tome III : P-Z. Louvain-la-Neuve 2009, 792 p., ISBN 978-2503-53321-6 59 Euros 42.4. Repertorium initiorum manuscriptorum Latinorum Medii Aevi curante J. HAMESSE, auxiliante S. SZYLLER. Tome IV : Supplementum. Indices. Louvain-la-Neuve 2010. 597 p., ISBN 978-2-503-53603-3 59 Euros 43. New Essays on Metaphysics as «Scientia Transcendens». Proceedings of the Second International Conference of Medieval Philosophy, held at the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio Grande do Sul (PUCRS), Porto Alegre / Brazil, 15-18 August 2006, ed. R. H. PICH. Louvain-la-Neuve 2007. 388 p., ISBN 978-2-503-52787-1 43 Euros 44. A.-M. VALENTE, San Pietro nella letteratura tedesca medievale, Louvain-la-Neuve 2008. 240 p., ISBN 978-2-503-52846-5 43 Euros 45. B. FERNÁNDEZ DE LA CUESTA GONZÁLEZ, En la senda del «Florilegium Gallicum». Edición y estudio del florilegio del manuscrito Córdoba, Archivo Capitular 150, Louvain-la-Neuve 2008. 542 p., ISBN 978-2-503-52879-3 54 Euros 46. Cosmogonie e cosmologie nel Medioevo. Atti del convegno della Società italiana per lo studio del pensiero medievale (S.I.S.P.M.), Catania, 22-24 settembre 2006. A cura di C. MARTELLO, C. MILITELLO, A. VELLA, Louvain-la-Neuve 2008. XVI + 526 p., ISBN 978-2-503-52951-6 54 Euros 47. M. J. MUÑOZ JIMÉNEZ, Un florilegio de biografías latinas: edición y estudio del manuscrito 7805 de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid, Louvain-la-Neuve 2008. 317 p., ISBN 978-2-503-52983-7 43 Euros 48. Continuities and Disruptions Between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Proceedings of the colloquium held at the Warburg Institute, 15-16 June 2007, jointly organised by the Warburg Institute and the Gabinete de Filosofia Medieval. Ed. by C. BURNETT, J. MEIRINHOS, J. HAMESSE, Louvain-la-Neuve 2008. X + 181 p., ISBN 9782-503-53014-7 43 Euros 50. Florilegium mediaevale. Études offertes à Jacqueline Hamesse à l’occasion de son éméritat. Éditées par J. MEIRINHOS et O. WEIJERS, Louvain-la-Neuve 2009. XXXIV + 636 p., ISBN 978-2-503-53146-5 60 Euros 51. Immaginario e immaginazione nel Medioevo. Atti del convegno della Società Italiana per lo Studio del Pensiero Medievale (S.I.S.P.M.), Milano, 25-27 settembre 2008. A cura di M. BETTETINI e F. PAPARELLA, con la collaborazione di R. FURLAN. Louvainla-Neuve 2009. 428 p., ISBN 978-2-503-53150-2 55 Euros 52. Lo scotismo nel Mezzogiorno d’Italia. Atti del Congresso Internazionale (Bitonto 25-28 marzo 2008), in occasione del VII Centenario della morte di del beato Giovanni Duns Scoto. A cura di F. FIORENTINO, Porto 2010. 514 p., ISBN 978-2-50353448-0 55 Euros 53. E. MONTERO CARTELLE, Tipología de la literatura médica latina: Antigüedad, Edad Media, Renacimiento, Porto 2010. 243 p., ISBN 978-2-503-53513-5 43 Euros 54. Rethinking and Recontextualizing Glosses: New Perspectives in the Study of Late Anglo-Saxon Glossography, edited by P. LENDINARA, L. LAZZARI, C. DI SCIACCA, 60 Euros Porto 2011. XX + 564 p. + XVI ill., ISBN 978-2-503-54253-9 55. I beni di questo mondo. Teorie etico-economiche nel laboratorio dell’Europa medievale. Atti del convegno della Società italiana per lo studio del pensiero medievale (S.I.S.P.M.) Roma, 19-21 settembre 2005. A cura di R. LAMBERTINI e L. SILEO, Porto 2010. 367 p., ISBN 978-2-503-53528-9 49 Euros 56. Medicina y filología. Estudios de léxico médico latino en la Edad Media, edición de A. I. MARTÍN FERREIRA, Porto 2010. 256 p., ISBN 978-2-503-53895-2 49 Euros

57. Mots médiévaux offerts à Ruedi Imbach, édité par I. ATUCHA, D. CALMA, C. KONIGPRALONG, I. ZAVATTERO, Porto 2011. 797 p., ISBN 978-2-503-53528-9 75 Euros 58. El florilegio, espacio de encuentro de los autores antiguos y medievales, editado por M. J. MUÑOZ JIMÉNEZ, Porto 2011. 289 p., ISBN 978-2-503-53596-8 45 Euros 59. Glossaires et lexiques médiévaux inédits. Bilan et perspectives. Actes du Colloque de Paris (7 mai 2010), Édités par J. HAMESSE et J. MEIRINHOS, Porto 2011. XII + 291 p., ISBN 978-2-503-54175-4 45 Euros 60. Anselm of Canterbury (1033-1109): Philosophical Theology and Ethics. Proceedings of the Third International Conference of Medieval Philosophy, held at the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre / Brazil (02-04 September 2009), Edited by R. Hofmeister PICH, Porto 2011. XVI + 244 p., ISBN 978-2-50354265-2 45 Euros 61. L’antichità classica nel pensiero medievale. Atti del Convegno de la Società italiana per lo studio del pensiero medievale (S.I.S.P.M.), Trento, 27-29 settembre 2010. A cura 59 Euros di A. PALAZZO. Porto 2011. VI + 492, p., ISBN 978-2-503-54289-8 62. M. C. DE BONIS, The Interlinear Glosses to the Regula Sancti Benedicti in London, British Library, Cotton Tiberius A. III. ISBN 978-2-503-54266-9 (en préparation) 63. J. P. BARRAGÁN NIETO, El «De secretis mulierum» atribuido a Alberto Magno: Estudio, edición crítica y traducción, I Premio Internacional de Tesis Doctorales Fundación Ana María Aldama Roy de Estudios Latinos, Porto 2012. 600 p., ISBN 978-2-503-54392-5 65 Euros 64. Tolerancia: teoría y práctica en la Edad Media. Actas del Coloquio de Mendoza (1518 de Junio de 2011), editadas por R. PERETÓ RIVAS, Porto 2012. XXI + 295 p., ISBN 978-2-503-54553-0 49 Euros 65. Portraits de maîtres offerts à Olga Weijers, édité par C. ANGOTTI, M. BRÎNZEI, 65 Euros M. TEEUWEN, Porto 2012. 521 p., ISBN 978-2-503-54801-2 66. L. TROMBONI, Inter omnes Plato et Aristoteles: Gli appunti filosofici di Girolamo Savonarola. Introduzione, edizione critica e comento, Prefazione di G. C. 55 Euros GARFAGNINI, Porto 2012. XV + 326 p., ISBN 978-2-503-54803-6 67. M. MARCHIARO, La biblioteca di Pietro Crinito. Manoscritti e libri a stampa della raccolta libraria di un umanista fiorentino, II Premio de la Fundación Ana María Aldama Roy de Estudios Latinos, Porto 2013. 342 p., ISBN 978-2-503-54949-1 55 Euros 68. Phronêsis – Prudentia – Klugheit. Das Wissen des Klugen in Mittelalter, Renaissance und Neuzeit. Il sapere del saggio nel Medioevo, nel Rinascimento e nell’Età Moderna. Herausgegeben von / A cura di A. FIDORA, A. NIEDERBERGER, M. SCATTOLA, Porto 2013. 348 p., ISBN 978-2-503-54989-7 59 Euros 69. La compilación del saber en la Edad Media. La Compilation du savoir au Moyen Âge. The Compilation of Knowledge in the Middle Ages. Editado por M. J. MUÑOZ, P. CAÑIZARES y C. MARTÍN, Porto 2013. 632 p., ISBN 978-2-50355034-3 65 Euros 70. W. CHILDS, Trade and Shipping in the Medieval West: Portugal, Castile and England, Porto 2013. 187 p., ISBN 978-2-503-55128-9 35 Euros 71. L. LANZA, «Ei autem qui de politia considerat ...» Aristotele nel pensiero politico medievale, Barcelona – Madrid 2013. 305 p., ISBN 978-2-503-55127-2 49 Euros 72. «Scholastica colonialis». Reception and Development of Baroque Scholasticism in Latin America, 16th-18th Centuries, Edited by R. H. PICH and A. S. CULLETON, 49 Euros Barcelona – Roma 2016. VIII + 338 p., ISBN 978-2-503-55200-2

73. Hagiography in Anglo-Saxon England: Adopting and Adapting Saints’ Lives into Old English Prose (c. 950-1150), Edited by L. LAZZARI, P. LENDINARA, C. DI SCIACCA, 65 Euros Barcelona – Madrid 2014. XVIII + 589 p., ISBN 978-2-503-55199-9 74. Dictionarium Latinum Andrologiae, Gynecologiae et Embryologiae. Diccionario latino de andrología, ginecología y embriología (DILAGE), dir. E. MONTERO CARTELLE, 95 Euros Barcelona – Roma 2018. LI + 1045 p., ISBN 978-2-503-58163-7 75. La Typologie biblique comme forme de pensée dans l’historiographie médiévale, sous la direction de M.T. KRETSCHMER, Turnhout 2014. XII + 279 p., ISBN 978-2-50355447-1 54 Euros 76. Portuguese Studies on Medieval illuminated manuscripts, Edited by M. A. MIRANDA and A. MIGUÉLEZ CAVERO, Barcelona – Madrid 2014. XV + 195 p., ISBN 978-2-50355473-0 49 Euros 77. S. ALLÉS TORRENT, Las «Vitae Hannibalis et Scipionis» de Donato Acciaiuoli, traducidas por Alfonso de Palencia (1491), III Premio de la Fundación Ana María Aldama Roy de Estudios Latinos, Barcelona – Madrid 2014. CLXXVI + 245 p., ISBN 978-2-50355606-2 55 Euros 78. Guido Terreni, O. Carm. (†1342): Studies and Texts, Edited by A. FIDORA, Barcelona – 55 Euros Madrid 2015. XIII + 405 p., ISBN 978-2-503-55528-7 79. Sigebert de Gembloux, Édité par J.-P. STRAUS, Barcelona – Madrid 2015. et 24 ill. h.-t., ISBN 978-2-503-56519-4

IX

+ 210 p. 45 Euros

80. Reading sacred scripture with Thomas Aquinas. Hermeneutical tools, theological questions and new perspectives, Edited by P. ROSZAK and J. VIJGEN, Turnhout 2015. XVI + 601 p., ISBN 978-2-503-56227-8 65 Euros 81. V. MANGRAVITI, L’«Odissea» marciana di Leonzio tra Boccaccio e Petrarca, IV Premio de la Fundación Ana María Aldama Roy de Estudios Latinos (accésit), 79 Euros Barcelona – Roma 2016. CLXXVII + 941 p., ISBN 978-2-503-56733-4 82. Formal Approaches and natural Language in Medieval Logic, Edited by L. CESALLI, F. GOUBIER and A. DE LIBERA, with the collaboration of M. G. ISAAC, Barcelona – 69 Euros Roma 2016. VIII + 538 p., ISBN 978-2-503-56735-8 83. Les « Auctoritates Aristotelis », leur utilisation et leur influence chez les auteurs médiévaux, édité par J. HAMESSE et J. MEIRINHOS, Barcelona – Madrid 2015. X + 362 p., ISBN 978-2-503-56738-9 55 Euros 84. Formas de acceso al saber en la Antigüedad Tardía y en la Alta Edad Media. La transmisión del conocimiento dentro y fuera de la escuela, editado por D. PANIAGUA y M.ª A. ANDRÉS SANZ, Barcelona – Roma 2016. XII + 311 p., ISBN 978-2-503-56987-1 50 Euros 85. C. TARLAZZI, Individui universali. Il realismo di Gualtiero di Mortagne nel XII secolo, IV Premio Internacional de Tesis Doctorales de la Fundación Ana María Aldama Roy de Estudios Latinos, Barcelona – Roma 2017. XL + 426 p., ISBN 978-2503-57565-0 55 Euros 86. Lieu, espace, mouvement : physique, métaphysique et cosmologie (XIIe-XVIe siècles), Actes du Colloque International, Université de Fribourg (Suisse), 12-14 mars 2015, édités par T. SUAREZ-NANI, O. RIBORDY et A. PETAGINE, Barcelona – Roma 2017. XXIII + 318 p., ISBN 978-2-503-57552-0 49 Euros 87. La letteratura di istruzione nel medioevo germanico. Studi in onore di Fabrizio D. Raschellà, a cura di M. CAPARRINI, M. R. DIGILIO, F. FERRARI, Barcelona – Roma 2017. X + 330 p., ISBN 978-2-503-57927-6 49 Euros

88. Appropriation, Interpretation and Criticism: Philosophical and Theological Exchanges between the Arabic, Hebrew and Latin Intellectual Traditions, Edited by A. FIDORA and N. POLLONI, Barcelona – Roma 2017. XI + 336 p., ISBN 978-2-50357744-9 49 Euros 89. Boethius, On Topical Differences, A commentary edited by F. MAGNANO, Barcelona – 59 Euros Roma 2017. XCIV + 400 p., ISBN 978-2-503-57931-3 90. Secrets and Discovery in the Middle Ages. Proceedings of the 5th European Congress of the Fédération Internationale des Instituts d’Études Médiévales (Porto, 25th to 29th June 2013), edited by J. MEIRINHOS, C. LÓPEZ ALCALDE and J. REBALDE, Barcelona – 65 Euros Roma 2017. XV + 489 p., ISBN 978-2-503-57745-6 91. J. DELMULLE, Prosper d’Aquitaine contre Jean Cassien. Le « Contra collatorem », l’appel à Rome du parti augustinien dans la querelle postpélagienne, V Premio Internacional de Tesis Doctorales de la Fundación Ana María Aldama Roy de Estudios Latinos, Barcelona – Roma 2018. XLIV + 381 p., ISBN 978-2-503-58429-4 55 Euros 92. Il calamo dell’esistenza. La corrispondenza epistolare tra Ṣadr al-Dīn al-Qūnawī e Naṣīr al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī, cura e traduzione dall’arabo di P. SPALLINO e dal persiano di 65 Euros I. PANZECA, Barcelona – Roma 2019. 424 p., ISBN 978-2-503-58411-9 93. From Charters to Codex. Studies on Cartularies and Archival Memory in the Middle Ages, edited by R. FURTADO and M. MOSCONE, Basel 2019. XVI + 328 p., ISBN 978-2-503-58556-7 50 Euros 94. El lenguaje del arte. Evolución de la terminología específica de manuscritos y textos, editado por A. GÓMEZ RABAL, J. HAMESSE y M. PAVÓN RAMÍREZ, Basel 2019. XXXI + 243 p., ISBN 978-2-503-58791-2 50 Euros 95. I. VILLARROEL FERNÁNDEZ, «Flores philosophorum et poetarum»: tras la huella del «Speculum doctrinale» de Vicente de Beauvais, VII Premio Internacional de Tesis Doctorales de la Fundación Ana María Aldama Roy de Estudios Latinos, Basel 2020. XII + 754 p., ISBN 978-2-503-59067-7 69 Euros 96. E. BERNABÉ SÁNCHEZ, «Signa iudicii»: orígenes, fuentes y tradición hispánica, VIII Premio Internacional de Tesis Doctorales de la Fundación Ana María Aldama Roy de 55 Euros Estudios Latinos, Basel 2020. VIII + 400 p., ISBN 978-2-503-59342-5 97. Before and After Wyclif: Sources and Textual Influences, edited by L. CAMPI and 49 Euros S. SIMONETTA, Basel 2020. XXX + 266 p., ISBN 978-2-503-59406-4 98. Past and Future: Medieval Studies Today, edited by M. J. F. M. HOENEN and 65 Euros K. ENGEL, Basel 2021. XX + 392 p., ISBN 978-2-503-59470-5

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