Ministerium sermonis.: Philological, Historical and Theological Studies on Augustine's Sermones ad Populum (Instrumenta Patristica Et Mediaevalia) (English, French, Latin and German Edition) 9782503531922, 250353192X

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MINISTERIVM SERMONIS PHILOLOGICAL, HISTORICAL, AND THEOLOGICAL STUDIES ON AUGUSTINE'S SERMONES AD POPVLVM

INSTRVMENTA PATRISTICA ET MEDIAEVALIA Research on the lnheritance of Barly and Medieval Christianity

53

MINISTERIVM SERMONIS PHILOLOGICAL, HISTORICAL, AND THEOLOGICAL STUDIES ON AUGUSTINE'S SERMONES AD POPVLVM

Collected and Edited by Gert PARTOENS, Anthony DuPONT, Mathijs

BREPOLS

2009

LAMBERIGTS

INSTRVMENTA PATRISTICA ET MEDIAEVALIA Research on the Inheritance of Early and Medieval Christianity

Founded by Dom Eligius Dekkers

Rita BEYERS

Georges DECLERCQ

Albert DEROLEZ

Jeroen DEPLOIGE

Willy EvENEPOEL

Mathijs LAMBERIGTS

(t 1998)

Paul-Augustin DEPROOST

Jean GoossENS

Gert PARTOENS

Marc VAN UYTFANGHE

Guy GuLDENTOPS

Paul TOMBEUR

Wim VERBAAL

Ali rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.

© 2009 BREPOLS 1'!!I PUBLISHERS (Turnhout - Belgium) Printed in Belgium D/2009/0095/83 ISBN 978-2-503-53192-2

Table of contents WEIDMANN, Clemens: The Corpus of Augustinian Sermons Recently Discovered al Erfurt: With a New Edition of Sermo 207 .

11

WEBER, Dorothea: Pseudo-Augustini Sermo in natali sancti Cypriani: Ein spd.tantikes Ineditum.

39

DE CoNINCK, Luc, CoPPIETERS 'T W ALLANT, Bertrand, DEMEULENAERE, Roland: À propos de la datation des sermones ad populum: s. 51-70A

49

PARTOENS, Gert: Augustine's Sermo 169: Correction of Two Misinterpretations and Proposition of a New Date .

69

YATES, Jonathan: Anti-Pelagian or Anti-Semipelagian? A Close Reading of Augustine's Sermones 168 and 333 .

97

BoGAERT, Pierre-Maurice: Les cantiques bibliques dans l'homilétique africaine. Quelques perspectives de recherche

121

DRECOLL, Volker Henning: The Exegesis of Romans 7 in s. Morin 4 (s. 154A)

143

DuPONT, Anthony: Gratia Fidei in the Anti-Pelagian Sermon es ad Populum. Sermon es 143 and 144: the Rare Appearance of !oh. 16, 7-11 .

157

VAN GEEST, Paul: De Deo loquimur, quid mirum si non comprehendis? (s. 117 ). The Merging of Orthodoxy, Heterodoxy and Negativity in Augustine's Preaching .

199

DROBNER, Hubertus R.: Weihnachten, Neujahr und Epiphanie in Hippo (Nordafrika): Diskussionsbeitrd.ge zu Festgehalt und -Umstd.nden (Sermones 184-204A, 369-370, 373-375) .

221

VAN ÜORT, Johannes: Jews and Judaism in Augustine's Sermones

243

6

TABLE OF CONTENTS

BocHET, Isabelle: Résurrection et réincarnation. La polémique

d'Augustin contre les platoniciens et contre Porphyre dans les Sermons 240-242 REBILLARD, Éric: Augustin et le culte des statues

267

299

DonARO, Robert: Augustine's Use of Parallel Dialogues in his

Preaching on Non violence

327

TOMBEUR, Paul: Saint Augustin dans l'environnement informa-

tique actuel. Possibilités de recherche et problématique générale

345

LAMBERIGTS, Mathijs: Epilogue

367

INDICES (S. Boodts, A. Eelen) .

379

Index locorum Sacrae Scripturae Index operum Aurelii Augustini

381 387

Scholars have since long devoted attention to Augustine's sermones ad populum. Frequently studied topics were the transmission of the sermons, the bishop's homiletic methodology, bis use of Scripture and classical rhetoric, bis view on the episcopate, bis theology of proclamation and bis opinions about the cult of the martyrs. The sermons have also been used to study the North African Church and its liturgical practices at the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth century. The dating and the chronology of the sermons have likewise been the object of many publications. In fact, they are still much debated. Be that as it may, several important lacunas can still be detected in the study of the sermones, such as, e.g., the specific ways in which Augustine's preaching deals with certain theological issues, or the way in which the interaction with bis live audiences influences bis exposition with respect to content and style. Moreover, it should be stressed that many sermones can only be consulted in a 300 year old edition and still await a critical edition that is up to modern standards. The papers contained in this volume of the Instrumenta Patristica et Mediaevalia are all dedicated to Augustine's sermones ad populum and intend to give a renewed impulse to research in this particular field of study. All the papers were delivered at the conference "Ministerium Sermonis. An International Colloquium on Saint Augustine's Sermones ad Populum" (May 29-31, 2008). This conference brought together scholars who have recently made important contributions to the study of Augustine's work in general and bis preaching in particular, as well as specialists in the field of early Christian homiletics and text editions. It was organized by the research units History of Church and Theology (Anthony Dupont) and Literary Studies: Latin Literature (Gert Partoens) of the Catholic University Leuven in collaboration with the Series Latina of the Corpus Christianorum (Brepols Publishers), the Revue bénédictine (Maredsous), the Augustinian Historical lnstitute (Heverlee), and was also supported financially by

the Foundation of Scientific Research Flanders (FWO-Vlaanderen). On May 29-30, the conference was hosted by the Corpus Christianorum Library & Knowledge Centre in the Turnhout beguinage, of which it marked the festive opening. On May 31 it moved to the Holy Spirit College of the Catholic University Leuven. It was chaired by Rita Beyers and Mathijs Lamberigts on behalf of the Corpus Christianorum and the Catholic University Leuven. The papers presented at the conference can be grouped into three major categories: studies dedicated to the transmission of the sermones ad populum, papers dealing with questions concerning chronology, and studies of content related topics (theological doctrine, exegesis and rhetoric). The order in which they are presented in this book more or less reflects this categorisation. We would like to respectfully dedicate this volume to the memory of prof. dr. Thomas F. Martin OSA, president of the Augustinian lnstitute at Villanova University, who offered a lecture at the conference and recently passed away on February 20, 2009. Gert Partoens Anthony Dupont Mathijs Lamberigts

Ministerium Sermonis

The Corpus of Augustinian Sermons Recently Discovered at Erfurt: With a New Edition of Sermo 207 Clemens WEIDMANN (Wien)

1. The Manuscript and Ils Contents When I received the invitation to this colloquium last year, I planned to speak about some problems in the Enarrationes in Psalmos whose edition is in preparation for the CSEL. The choice of the subject has shifted thanks to a surprising and unexpected discovery. In the summer of 2007 Isabella Schiller, who had been working on the large-scale project of the Austrian Academy of Sciences Die handschriflliche Überlieferung der W erke des H eiligen A uguslinus in Eastern Germany (the former German Democratic Republic), 1 returned with a description of a medieval manuscript preserved by the University Library of Erfurt, the Capital of Thuringia. Her description contained several unidentifiable sermons ascribed to Augustine. As soon as we realized that a sequence of three titles was identical with a series of titles listed in the lndiculum, 2 which refers only to authentic works, we knew that the manuscript revealed a small sensation: unknown sermons by Augustine himself. Once again a German library helps us to increase the number of known Augustinian sermons. To mention only the largest discoveries: in 1912, Germain Morin discovered 34 new sermons at Wol-

1 This project was carried out with the financial support of the Austrian Science Fund (FWF). 1 take pleasure in expressing sincere thanks to Prof. Luc De Coninck for kindly providing me with copies of some manuscripts. 2 = Indic., "Operum s. Augustini elenchus a Possidio eiusdem discipulo Calamensi episcopo digestus", in Miscellanea Agostiniana, Il, Roma, 1931, pp. 149233 (ed. by A. W1LMART).

12

CLEMENS WEIDMANN

fenbüttel, and in 1990, François Dolbeau found 26 sermons at Mainz. 3 Compared to these ample collections, the contribution of Erfurt is rather modest. Six sermons can be regarded as new sermons: four of them are completely new, two are complete versions of sermons previously only known in an abridged version. 4 In addition, the manuscript contains a few inauthentic sermons which were hitherto unknown or not accessible in a printed edition. The editio princeps of the six authentic sermons bas already been published in the Journal Wiener Studien. 5 In this paper I wish to discuss some aspects of the contents and the structure of the recently discovered corpus of Augustinian sermons and trace its relationship to extant collections. The manuscript which contains the new sermons, ERFURT, Univ. bibl. Dep. Erf. CA. 12°11, was written in the twelfth century and consists of three codicologically independent sections: The first one is split into two parts which form the beginning and the end of the actual codex, that is to say fols. 1-64 and 225-264. It contains 31 sermons mainly by Caesarius of Arles and Pseudo-Chrysostom on Lent. I will refer to this section using the letter C. The Caesarius sermons derive from three different collections which were described by Morin in the preface to bis edition of Caesarius' sermons: the Collectio Durlacensis, the Collectio Biblica and the Collectio Germa-

3 Sancti Aurelii Augustini tractatus siue sermones inediti ex codice Guelferbytano 4096 detexit adiectisque commentariis criticis primas edidit G. MomN O.S.B., Kempten - München, 1917. The editions of the Mainz sermons have been collected in F. DoLBEAu, Augustine d'Hippone. Vingt-six sermons au peuple d'Afrique, Paris, 1996 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 147). Other new Augustinian sermons discovered in German libraries are sermones Morin 3-8 (from MüNCHEN, BSB Clm 17059), s. Morin 16 (BAMBERG, Staatsbibl. Patr. 22 [B. III. 31 ]), s. Lambot 2 (MüNCHEN, BSB Clm 9524), s. Lambot 25 (FULDA, Hess. Landesbibl. Cod. Aa 14), s. Lambot 26 (MüNCHEN, BSB Clm 27152), s. Lambot 27 (MüNCHEN, BSB Clm 9524; BAMBERG, Staatsbibl. Patr. 164 [B. I. 5]). 4 The proportion (4 completely new: 2 partially new) is similar to that of the Mainz Codex (18: 8); cf. F. DoLBEAU, Vingt-six sermons, p. 179. 5 I. SCHILLER - D. WEBER - C. WEIDMANN, ,,Sechs neue Augustinuspredigten. Teil 1 mit Edition dreier Sermones", Wiener Studien, 121 (2008), pp. 227-284; lm., ,,Sechs neue Augustinuspredigten. Teil 2 mit Edition dreier Sermones zum Thema Almosen", Wiener Studien, 122 (2009), pp. 171-213.

THE CORPUS OF AUGUSTINIAN SERMONS

13

nica. 6 The Chrysostom sermons seem to stem from a collection which was also used by Paul the Deacon for the winter part of bis homiliary. This will become interesting later on when we try to determine the provenance of the collection. 7 The second section comprises folia 65-126 and consists primarily of sermons by different authors for feast-days in September (hence 1 refer to it as section S). Sorne of the sermons are late antique, but we find also medieval sermons, two of them unidentified. It is the last of the three sections, which is in the focus of our interest: it comprises folia 127-187 and contains an old collection of 28 patristic sermons, most of which are ascribed to Augustine (therefore 1 designate it as section A). There are two further texts at the end, a version of Ambrosius Autpertus' commentary on Revelation and a medieval legend on the Holy Cross; but it is clear that they do not belong to the original collection.

6 CCSL 103, pp. LXXIII-LXXV, LIV-LIX, LXII-LXX. For a detailed analysis of the whole manuscript and its texts see the article mentioned in the previous note, pp. 230-250. 7 Cf. p. 20.

Aug. Sermo 274

Ps.-Aug. Sermo app. 215

Greg. in Ezech. 2, 6, 14-15

Aug. Sermo 282 auct. (=Erfurt 1)

Aug. Sermo 205

Aug. Sermo 207 cf. Ps.-Aug. Sermo app. 175, 2-4 Ps.-Aug. Sermo de miseriordia (cf. Sermo app. 310) Aug. Sermo 172

Aug. Sermo 350D (=Erfurt 2)

Aug. Sermo 350E (=Erfurt 3)

Aug. Sermo 350F (= Erfurt 4 = Sermo 164A [Lambot 28] auct.) Ps.-Aug. Sermo Caillau II 52

Aug. Sermo Guelf. 5, 1-4

127r-128v

128v-131r

131r-132v

132v-135r

135r-137v

137v-140r

140r-141r

141r-143v

143v-145v

145v-149v

149v-153v

153v-158v

158v-159v

159v-162r

Al

A2

A3

A4

A5

A6 A7

A8

A9

A10

A11

A12

A13

A14

NAME

FOLS.

A

Sermo sancti Augustini de duobus latronibus in parasceue Sermo sancti Augustini de uigiliis paschae

Sermo sancti Augustini de ministerio rerum carnalium quod fi.t in sanctos Sermo sancti Augustini de elemosillis quae fi.u.nt in omnes

spiritalium

Sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis (in marg. :) sermo sancti Augustini Sermo sancti Augustini de initio quadragesimae Item Augustini de quadragesima Sermo sancti Augustini de ieiu.niorum ritu Sermo sancti Augustini de misericordiae operibus Sermo sancti Augustini de consolatione mortuorum Sermo sancti Augustini de elemosillis rerum

De laude sancti Stephani

Sermo sancti Augustini de sancto Stephano

Sermo sancti Augustini de sancto Vincentio

TRANSMITTED TITLE

Duo latrones (Parasceue) Vigiliae paschae

Eleemosyna

Eleemosyna

Consolatio mortuorum Eleemosyna

Misericordia

Initium quadragesimae Quadragesima Ieiunium

Vincentius (22. 1.) Stephanus (26. 12.) Stephanus (26. 12.) Perpetua et Felicitas (7. 3.)

SUBJECT

Aug.

Aug.

Aug.

Aug.

Aug.

Aug.

Aug.

Aug.

Greg.

Aug.

AUTHOR

no

yes

yes

yes

yes

yes

no?

yes ?

yes

yes

exc.

yes

FULL TEXT yes

Worc. II 1; cf. Beln. 65

Indic. X 6 .192

Indic. X 6 .191

Indic. X 6 .190

Beln. 40

Beln. 20

COMPARE COLL.

z z

>

a=

6

til

~

zrJ"J

til

a= '--

~

C"l t"

til

...... ....

........._

§

~.

"' 14.

"'

s·::i

s:

"'

i;:::

.§

"'~

~

Aug. Sermo Mai 83 (= Sermo Gue!{. 9 abbr.) Aug. Sermo 259 (abbr.)

Aug. Sermo 262 (abbr.)

Aug. Sermo 267 (abbr.)

Aug. Sermo Frangipane 7 (abbr.)

Aug. Sermo Mai 101

Aug. Sermo 298

Ps.-Aug. Sermo Beln. 102 (ahbr.)

(Ps.-)Aug. Sermo 303, 1

163v-164v

164v-166v

166v-168r

168r-169v

169v-172v

172v-175r

175v-177r

177r-180v

180v-182v

182v-183r

183r-184r

184r-185v

185v-187r

A16

A17

A18

A19

A20

A21

A22

A23

A24

A25

A26

A27

A28

Aug. Sermo 313G (=Erfurt 6) Ps.-Ambr. Sermo 59A

Ps.-Aug. Sermo de Cypriano

Aug. Sermo 362A (=Erfurt 5)

Ps.-Leo Sermo 8, 1-2

162r-163v

A15

NAME

FOLS.

A

Sermo sancli Ieronimi presbiteri in natali unius martyris

Item sermo sancti Augustini in natali martyris Cipriani

Sermo sancti Augustini de natali martiris Cipriani

Sermo sancli Auguslini de passione sancti Laurentii

De laude Machabeorum sermo Augustini

In natali apostolorum Petri et Pauli sermo sancti A ugustini

Sermo sancti Augustini de die octauo paschae Sermo sancli Augustini de ascensione domini Sermo sancti Augustini de die pentecostes Sermo sancti Augustini de resurrectione mortuorum in natali Marcellini martiris Sermo sancti Augustini de natiuilate sancti I ohannis baptistae Item sermo Auguslini de natali I ohannis baptistae

Sermo sancti Augustini die dominico paschae dicendus Sermo sancti A ugustini de prima die paschae

TRANSMITTED TITLE

Iohannes Baptista (24. 6.) Petrus et Paulus (29. 6.) Maccahaei (1. 8.) Laurentius (10. 8.) Cyprianus (14. 9.) Cyprianus (14. 9.) Martyr

Iohannes Baptista (24. 6.)

Marcellinus (2. 6.)

Pentecoste

Dies octauus paschae Ascensio

Dies dominicus paschae Prima dies paschae

SUBJECT

Aug.

Aug.

Aug.

Aug.

Aug.

Aug.

Aug.

Aug.

Aug.

AUTHOR

yes

no

yes?

yes?

no

yes

yes?

no

yes

no

no

no

no

FULL TEXT no

cf. Beln. 103

cf. Beln. 102

Cotton 30r2-30vl

Cotton 29vl-30r2

Worc. II 103

Worc. II 94

Worc. II 77

Worc. II 24

COMPARE COLL. cf. Worc. II 12

(.)l

......

[Il

0

~ z

til

[Il

> z

z

>-l

[Il

> c::Q c::

0

"rj

[Il

::c"C c::

0

C'l

til

>-l

:i:

16

CLEMENS WEIDMANN Sermons not published so far are printed in bold script

28 sermons 26 sermons ascribed to Augustine 18 authentic (9 complete, 9 abridged) 6 new sermons (A4, A20, A27: Wiener Studien, 121 (2008); A10-A12: ibid., 122 (2009)) 4 completely unknown (A10, A11, A20, A27) 2 known in an abridged version (A4, A12) 3 spurious sermons have not been printed thus far (A7, A24, A26: pp. 39-48) 2. Major Correspondences AlO

All

A12 A14-A19 A21-A22 A24-A25

Indic. X 6 .190: De elemosynis rerum spiritalium Indic. X 6 .191: De ministerio rerum carnalium quod fit in sanctos Indic. X 6 .192: De elemosynis quae fiunt in omnes Cf. WORCESTER, Cath. Libr. F. 93, s. XI (= Worc. II) Cf. LONDON, British Library Cotton Nero E. 1, vol. II, 29v1-30v2 (= Cotton) Cf. PARIS, Bibl. nat. lat. 3794, s. xn (= Beln.)

Even a superficial glance shows that the Augustinian section forms a sermonary whose parts are arranged according to a liturgical calendar. On the one hand, it contains 13 sermons on various saints: one on Vincent (celebrated on 22 January), one on Perpetua and Felicitas (7 March), one on Marcellinus (2 June), two on John the Baptist (24 June), one on Peter and Paul (29 June), one on the Maccabean brothers (1 August), one on Lawrence (10 August), two on Cyprian (celebrated on 14 September), and finally a sermon on an anonymous martyr which concludes the collection. The chronological order is interrupted by two sermons on Saint Stephen (26 December). On the other hand, 15 sermons celebrate liturgical occasions from Lent to Pentecost; they are inserted appropriately between Perpetua and Marcellinus. Lent is represented by eight sermons dealing with topics such as ieiunium, misericordia, eleemosyna, and consolatio mortuorum. The other seven sermons celebrate Good Friday, the Easter Vigil, Easter Sunday, Easter Montlay, Easter Octave, Ascension and Pentecost; with the exception of the two out of place sermons on Stephen, the Christmas Circle is missing.

THE CORPUS OF AUGUSTINIAN SERMONS

17

When we compare this compilation to collections of Augustinian sermons listed in Pierre-Patrick Verbraken's studies on the authentic sermons of Augustine, 8 it reveals certain similarities with two other liturgical collections, namely the Collectio Guelferbytana and the Collectio Colbertina; the Collectio Colbertina in particular shares many subjects with the Erfurt collection: Saint Vincent, Lent to Pentecost, John the Baptist, Peter and Paul, the Maccabees, and Lawrence; both collections end with sermons on Cyprian and on anonymous martyrs. Although both collections share four sermons (Al, A5, A6, A23), they seem to be independent from one another. 9 Only two sermons of the Erfurt collection are not attributed to Augustine (A3 and A28), an anonymous excerpt drawn from Gregory's homilies on Ezekiel (A3) - it is the youngest text of the collection and the only text not labelled as sermo - as well as a rare sermon, ascribed to Jerome in the manuscript, but printed among the spurious sermons of Ambrose (sermo 59A). The other sermons bear Augustine's name in the title, although eight of them are spurious. From the remaining eighteen sermons, which contain authentic Augustinian material, only one half, that is to say nine sermons, seems to be complete, the other sermons are abridged. It cannot be decided whether the compiler of the collection found the abridged sermons already in his sources or abbreviated them himself. The sermons selected by the compiler allude for the most part neither to concrete historical facts nor to theological controversies; hence most sermons, the authentic as well as the spurious, can be dated only imprecisely or not at all. Therefore we have no evidence that the sermons of the Erfurt collection (at least the authentic ones) derive from the preaching of a single year. Yet, it is certain that the compiler had access to old African material, Augustinian as well as non-Augustinian, for most of the non-authentic sermons (except for A3, A13 and probably A28) also corne from Africa; an African origin can only be presumed for the sermo de misericordia (A8), but it is certain for the sermon on the Maccabeans (A24), which mentions the African martyr Crispina.

B P.-P. VERBRAKEN, Études critiques sur les sermons authentiques de saint Augustin, Steenbrugis - Hagae Comitis, 1976 (Instrumenta Patristica, 12), pp. 197234. 9 See the edition of s. 207 below.

18

CLEMENS WEIDMANN

Which sources were used by the anonymous compiler? What strikes us most is the identical sequence of titles in the manuscript (A10-A12) and the lndiculum X 6 .190-192. At least these three sermons were accessible to the compiler in a manuscript which preserved a series of sermons in the same order as in the library of Hippo. Whereas this identification is beyond any doubt, it seems possible that the source of the compiler contained not only these three pieces, but also sermons listed in the preceding section of the Indiculum X 6 .170-189 because many titles or subjects mentioned in the Indiculum also occur in the Erfurt collection: Vincentius (X 6 .187 /Al), Perpetua et Felicitas (X 6 .185 / A4), quadragesima (X 6 .172 / A5-A6), uigiliae paschae (X6 .174 / A14), ascensio domini (X 6 .179 / A18), Pentecost (X6 .181 / A19), lohannes (X6 .183 / A21A22), Petrus et Paulus (X6 .182 / A23), Cyprianus (X6 .184 / A26A27). 10 Moreover almost none of the sermons in the Erfurt collection that lack a parallel in the section of the Indiculum (Stephanus, Maccabees, Laurentius, an anonymous martyr) are by Augustine. One of the non-Augustinian sources seems to be the same as one used by the famous Beaune sermonary, which was described by Raymond Étaix. 11 Both collections, Erfurt and Beaune, have an identical sequence (although with textual differences) for two sermons on Maccabees and Lawrence (A24 and A25). Sermo 205 (A5) as well as sermo 207 (A7), which is edited below, seem to depend on a similar source, too. W e now turn to the question about where the sermons were collected into a whole. It must first be noted that the large number of abridged and spurious texts suggests a substantial distance from Augustine, in time and perhaps also in space. It can be argued that the Augustinian section of the manuscript cornes from Italy. This is indicated by the following points: 10 As 1 argued in Wiener Studien, 121 (2008), p. 265, n. 79, it is possible to identify the sermon on the resurrection of the dead (A20) with Indic. 1.37: exhortatio fidei, because {ides and the imperatives crede/credite are the main topic in the first and the last chapter, the anti-pagan motive in chapter 1 may have caused an assignation to the rubrique contra paganos. Another example for an Indiculum-title which describes not more than the first chapter of the text can be found in s. Dolbeau 19 = Indic. X 6 .132; cf. F. DoLBEAU, Vingt-six sermons, pp. 147-149. 11 R. ÉTArx, "Le sermonnaire carolingien de Beaune'', Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 25 (1979), pp. 106-149.

THE CORPUS OF AUGUSTINIAN SERMONS

19

- Most of the saints celebrated in the Erfurt collection also occur in the Collectio Guelferbytana and the Collectio Colbertina, both liturgical collections attested in Italy in the early Middle Ages. 12 - The new authentic sermon De resurrectione mortuorum in natali Marcellini martyris (A20) does not mention any celebration of a martyr, nor do we have any evidence from other sources that Augustine preached about a martyr Marcellinus. Therefore, at least the second half of the transmitted title, in natali Marcellini martyris, seems to have been added later. The position of this sermon between Pentecost and John the Baptist indicates that it was assigned to the feast of the Roman martyr Marcellinus who was usually celebrated together with his companion Petrus on 2 June. 13 This most probably happened in Italy. - The sermon on Perpetua and Felicitas (A4) and the other two Augustinian sermons dedicated to the same saints (sermo 280 and 281) were used by an anonymous early medieval compiler to conflate a cento on the Roman martyr Victoria (i.e. sermo Mai 66). He had access to the complete text which is solely transmitted by the Erfurt manuscript. Hence it is sure that A4 (i.e. Augustine's sermo 282 auctus) was extant in Italy in the early Middle Ages. - Finally, very rare Augustinian sermons occur in manuscripts which were copied in Monte Cassino: - The first sermon on John the Baptist (A21) occurs in a slightly abridged version of sermo Frangipane 7, which was edited from the manuscript MoNTE CASSINO 17. - The other sermon on John (A22; = sermo Mai 101) survives only in MADRID Bibl. nac. 194, a homiliary compiled at Monte Cassino in the tenth century, and a few manuscripts linked to the Anglo-Saxon world. 14 - In the Erfurt manuscript, sermo 205 and 207 (A5 and A6 respectively) have a text version which cornes very close to that of MONTE CASSINO 12, a large homiliary of the eleventh century.

12 A. CHAVASSE, "Un homiliaire liturgique Romain du VI" siècle'', Revue Bénédictine, 90 (1980), pp. 194-233. According to the review by J.-P. BouHoT in Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 27 (1981), pp. 352-353 the Collectio Colbertina

cornes from Africa. 13 In the same way s. 65A (s. Étaix 1), which was split into two parts, was respectively assigned to Marcellus or Marinus (cf. CCSL 41Aa, p. 387). 14 MADRID, Bibl. nac. 194, s. x, fols. 116v-117r (Monte Cassino); Vat. lat. 4951, s. xn, fols. 182r-v (Rochester); LONDON, BL Cotton Nero E. I (vol. II), s. x/x1, fols. 30rl-v2; RouEN, BM 1411, s. xm, fols. 265r-v.

20

CLEMENS WEIDMANN In addition, the Pseudo-Chrysostom series of the first section (C) points to Monte Cassino: When Paul the Deacon compiled his homiliary at Monte Cassino, he used a series similar to the one transmitted in the Erfurt manuscript (C23-C31; cf. P. D. I 68-93). The only item of the C section of the Erfurt manuscript alien to the Pseudo-Chrysostom sermons is C29, a hitherto unpublished sermon on Lent which begins like Leo's sermo 39, but continues after a few lines with completely different wording. As far as I can see, this text has been transmitted only by MONTE CASSINO 12 and by several English manuscripts. 15

c

P. D. 16

AUTHOR

MONTE WORCESTER, LONDON,BL CASSINO 12 CATH. LIBR. F. 92 ROYAL 8 E. (= WORC. 1) 17 XVII

C23

Ps.-Chrys. 1 [1]

1 68

95

C24

Ps.-Chrys. 2 [4]

1 70

97

C25

Ps.-Chrys. 4 [5]

1 72

99

C26

Ps.-Chrys. 6 [6]

1 85

117

C27

Ps.-Chrys. 7 [7]

1 88

119

C28

Ps.-Chrys. 15 [27]

1 89

120

fols. 93r-93v

121

fols. 93v-94r

-

C29 sermo, inc.:

p. 88

Hebreorlllll quondam populus et omnes Israheliticae tribus des.: compendio conferatur industriae (cf. Leo Sermo 39

[~])

-

Bedae hom. III 2

1 92

122

C30

Ps.-Chrys. 12 [8]

1 91

123

C31

Ps.-Chrys. 32 [14]

1 93

126

15 This sermon can be found in MONTE CASSINO, bibl. abb. 12, S. XI, p. 88 (cf. CCSL 138, p. XXIV); WORCESTER, Cath. Libr. F. 92, s. XII, fols. 223r-223v; LONDON, BL Royal 8. E. XVII, s. XII, fols. 93v-94r. 16 R. GRÉGOIRE, Les homéliaires du Moyen Âge. Inventaire et analyse des manuscrits, Roma, 1966 (Rerum Ecclesiasticarum Documenta. Series Maior. Fontes, VI), pp. 71-114; ID., Homéliaires liturgiques médiévaux. Analyse de manuscrits, Spoleto, 1980 (Biblioteca degli Studi medievali, 12), pp. 423-486. 17 Numbers according to the analysis by R. M. THOMSON, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Medieval Manuscripts in Worcester Cathedra/ Library, Woodbridge, 2001, pp. 58-62.

THE CORPUS OF AUGUSTINIAN SERMONS

21

No one argument is entirely cogent, but it is more than a tempting speculation to assume that the Erfurt collection of Augustinian sermons was compiled in Southern Italy. There is another region where our collection bas relatives and possible descendants: the Anglo-Saxon world. The Augustinian section reveals some remarkable correspondences with Anglo-Saxon manuscripts*: - The spurious sermo de misericordia (A8) is often transmitted in English manuscripts; Aelfric and other Old English writers used it for their sermons. 18 - The two sermones Mai 83 (A16) and Mai 101 (A22) are transmitted in the lectionary of Rochester, today in the Bibliotheca Vaticana (Vat. lat. 4951); from this manuscript Angelo Mai edited these and other authentic Augustinian sermons. - All sermons from the Easter Vigil until Pentecost (A14-A19) can be found in the famous homiliary of WORCESTER, Cathedra[ Library F. 93, from which André Wilmart edited some previously unknown Augustinian sermons. A most striking fact is that Al 7-A19 are transmitted there in an identically abridged version which cannot

* 1 refer to the manuscripts using these Sig/a (compare p. 31) A = ERFURT, Univ. bibl., Dep. Erf. CA. 12°11, s. XII B, Beln. = PARIS, Bibl. nat. lat. 3794, s. xn (Sermonarium Belnense [Beaune]) Agim. = Vat. lat. 3835 et 3836, s. vm (Agimond) G = WoLFENBÜTTEL, Herzog-August-Bibl. Weiss. 12 (4096), s. Ix/x (Collectio Guelferbytana) = PARIS, Bibl. nat. lat. 3798, s. XII (Collectio Colbertina) 1 M = MONTE CASSINO, bibl. abb. 12, s. XI V = Vat. lat. 3828, s. x R = Vat. lat. 4951, s. XII in. (Rochester) W, Worc. = WORCESTER, Cath. Libr. F. 93, s. XII in. S Sancti Catholici Patres Collectio Tripartita T C Collectorium PL Migne (PL 38-39) l8 W. BECKER, "The Latin Manuscript Sources of the Old English Translations of the Sermon Remedia Pecatorum'', Medium Aevum, 45 (1976), pp. 145152; ID., "The Manuscript Source of JE!fric's Catholic Homily II 7 - A supplementary note'', Medium Aevum, 48 (1979), pp. 105-106; J. E. CRoss, "A Sermo de Misericordia in old English Prose", Anglia, 108 (1990), pp. 429-440. There is no clear indication that the Old English versions derive from just this collection.

22

CLEMENS WEIDMANN

be found elsewhere. In sermo Mai 83 for Easter Montlay (A16), the Erfurt manuscript preserves a text closer to the full version of sermo Guelferbytanus 9 than the collections of Worcester (W) and Rochester (R). The words uidebat ibi suos futuros extant in the W olfenbüttel and the Erfurt collection are omitted in Worcester and Rochester homiliaries, due to aberratio oculorum: Sermo Guelf. 9 (= 229E), 1: In alio quippe euangelio scriptum est, quoniam exclamauit pro eis et ait: "Pater ignosce illis quia nesciunt quid faciunt." Videbat ibi suos futuros, uidebat in se continuo credituros. uidebat ibi suos futuros om. R W Mai

- Fourthly, there is an even more striking correspondence: the two sermons (A21 and A22) are found in the hagiographie collection LONDON, British Library Cotton Nero E. 1, vol. Il, fols. 29vl30v2. This collection consists of various passions and legends that have nothing to do with Augustinian sermons: yet, in this collection we find these rare Augustinian sermons in the same order as in the Erfurt manuscript. - Finally, the unpublished sermon on Lent in the first section of the Erfurt manuscript (C29) - this is the text that starts like Leo's sermo 39, but continues in a totally different way - appears in the first volume of the Worcester homiliary and another English manuscript: LONDON, British Library Royal 8 E. XVll. 19 • If 1 am interpreting the occurrences of these very rarely transmitted sermons correctly, the Erfurt collection (of course not the manuscript itself) must be regarded as one of the sources used by the Rochester, Worcester and Cotton Nero collections. Considering the two places where the Erfurt collection is attested, ltaly and England, we corne to the probable assumption that the Erfurt collection was brought to England from Italy in the seventh or eighth century, after Pope Gregory the Great had despatched Augustine of Canterbury and initiated the Christianisation of England. Hence, the Erfurt collection seems to be another one among the numerous manuscripts which were brought from Southern Italy to England by

19

See above note 15.

THE CORPUS OF AUGUSTINIAN SERMONS

23

missionaries or Anglo-Saxon pilgrims returning home. 20 At least four other collections of Augustinian sermons seem to have been in England before they were brought to the continent: - As François Dolbeau pointed out, Bede the Venerable seems to have known collections of Augustinian sermons similar to those of Mainz Lorsch and Mainz Carthusians. 21 - The same applies to the Collectio Guelferbytana which Bede used. 22 - The oldest manuscript of the collection De bono coniugali, a uncial codex written around 600 C.E. in Italy, Vat. Pal. lat. 210; since this manuscript contains a book-list written in an early eighth century Insular script, it seems very likely that the manuscript was in England before it was brought to the continent by an English missionary. 23 - The Collectio Colbertina, too, which is, according to Chavasse, a Roman liturgical homiliary, 24 seems to have corne to the continent from England, where it was copied in the twelfth century into the codex Parisinus lat. 3798. 1 see a clear sign of English transmission in a variant reading in sermo 298 (A23) on the apostles Peter and Paul: Their words, as Augustine argues, have corne to us and have awakened us from sleep: Sermo 298, 1: et ad nos ista uerba uenerunt [se. apostolorum], et nos de somno excitauerunt, et ad sanitatem fidei ab infidelitatis insania conuerterunt nos G, Afros A Agim., Britannos I B S T C

Inslead of nos some manuscripls, among Lhem Lhe ErfurL collection, read Afros which 1 consider to be authentic (compare sermo 20 C. LAMBOT, "La tradition manuscrite Anglo-Saxonne des sermons de Saint Augustin'', Revue Bénédictine, 64 (1954), pp. 3-8. 21 F. DoLBEAU, "Bède, Lecteur des sermons d'Augustin'', Filologia Mediolatina, 3 (1996), pp. 105-133 (pp. 117-118) (=ID., Augustin et la prédication en Afrique. Recherches sur divers sermons authentiques, apocryphes ou anonymes, Paris, 2005 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes. Sèrie Antiquité, 179), pp. 495-523 [pp. 507-508]). 22 Ibid. pp. 118-119 (pp. 508-509). 23 D. N. DuMVILLE, "The importation of Mediterranean manuscripts into Theodore's England'', in Archbishop Theodore: Commemorative Studies on His Life and Influence, ed. by M. LAPIDGE, Cambridge, 1995 (Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England, 11), pp. 96-119 (p. 113). 24 See above note 12.

24

CLEMENS WEIDMANN

Guelf. 23, 2 [= 299B]: nos in Africa constituti longe inde eramus [... ] sed ut de somno excitaremur). The Collectio Colbertina and later collections depending on it (Sancti Catholici Patres, Collectio Tripartita, Robert de Bardi's Collectorium) read Britannos instead of Afros, which is obviously an attempt of an English writer to adapt this sermon to the needs of a British audience. It seems highly unlikely that this mistake, consciously or not, would have been committed anywhere else but in Britain.

Since the Erfurt collection contains an old corpus of Augustinian sermons, we have reason to expect an excellent text and one that is independent of the younger collections used for the printed editions. 1 shall give a few examples to demonstrate the high quality of its text. Sorne of them display a close affinity to the sermonary of Beaune (referred to by B), which is related to our collection but also draws upon other sources (for example, in sermo 298 on the Collectio Colbertina). From these examples as well as the attached edition of sermo 207 (A6), it is clear that the Erfurt manuscript will have to be used for critical editions, not only of the new sermons but also of all sermons it contains. 1) The first example concerns the final words of sermo 205 (A5): prayer is flying to God on its two wings, mercy and forgiveness. Only three manuscripts, among them Erfurt, preserve the correct reading si ille a quo emittitur; prayer is despatched to God like a bird. The printed text si illud quod committitur is hardly understandable. Sermo 205, 3: Dimittite et dimittetur uobis, date et dabitur uobis. Hae sunt duae alae orationis quibus uolat ad deum, si ille a quo emittitur [se. oratio uolans] ignoscit delinquentibus et donat egentibus AB V MST C PL cf. en. Ps. 42, 8; Sermo 58, 10; en. Ps. 53, 5: "ad a ures tuas emitto eam (se. orationem)" deum rell.; *dominum A 1 ille a quo emittitur A B ( ... immittitur) V M; illud quod committitur ST C PL 1 delinquentibus ... egentibus AB V M; delinquenti ... egenti ST C PL

THE CORPUS OF AUGUSTINIAN SERMONS

25

2) A group of words omitted by homoioteleuton in sermo 172 (A9) can be re-established by the Erfurt collection.

Sermo 172, 1: mortem quippe non exhorret opinio sed natura et ipsam uitam diligit non opinio sed natura AS TC PL cf. Cie. fin. 3, 13, 42

non exhorret opinio sed natura et ipsam uitam diligit A; horret S T C PL

3) Another striking example to demonstrate the high quality of the text is provided by an excerpt from sermo 221, which must be preferred to the complete version of the Collectio Guelferbytana. 25

Sermo Guelf. 5 (= 221 auct.), 3: ac per hoc quisquis caste innocenter ac pie assiduis uigiliis utitur, angelorum uitam procul dubio meditatur; quantum enim carnis huius infirmitas sinit, oneri terreno per caelestia desideria contradicit, exercens molem mortiferam diuturniore uigilia, ut ei meritum comparet in uita perpetua. A B W G Poque (SChr 116)

ac pie assidius uigiliis (uigiliis assiduis tr. B; cf. cap. 2: uigiliarum assiduitatem) utitur A B W; assidue utitur uigiliis G edd. 1 sinit A B W; sit G edd (qui distinguunt post terreno) 1 per caelestia A B W; caelestia G edd 1 contradicit A B W; comprimuntur G edd 1 molem A B W; contra molem G edd

3. Sermo 207 For this sermon no date or place has ever been proposed. What seems certain is that Augustine delivered this sermon at the beginning of Lent and that, with a high degree of probability, he spoke to his flock in Hippo Regius. The three chapters deal with three duties a Christian must observe during his whole life and especially in Lent: (1) almsgiving, (2) fasting, and (3) prayer. 26 Almsgiving is 25 CCSL 41Aa, p. XXV: "La confrontation de la version G du serm. 218C avec celle d'un fragment inséré [... ] tourne au désavantage de G." 26 L. M. J. VERHEIJEN, "Eléments d'un commentaire de la Règle de saint Augustin. III. Les Sermons de saint Augustin pour le Carême (205-211) et sa motivation de la vie «ascétique»", Augustiniana, 21 (1971), pp. 357-404 (repr. in ID.,

26

CLEMENS WEIDMANN

exemplified by the example of Christ's merciful incarnation and death; for Christ's mercy exceeds any good deed man can do by feeding the poor or housing strangers. Fasting includes not only bodily chastity and abstinence from wine or precious food, but also a disposition for spiritual exercise. And finally, prayer which is supported by almsgiving and fasting, bas to be chaste and innocent, abstaining from any evil thought against an enemy. No suggestion bas been made that this text is not complete. 27 Beside the Erfurt codex (A), many other manuscripts transmit the sermo 207. The oldest extant manuscript containing the full text is the codex MONTE CASSINO, bibl. abb. 12 (M), a large collection of patristic sermons copied in the eleventh century at Monte Cassino. 28 The liturgical collection of the Collectio Colbertina (I) also cornes from ltaly and is attested in merely one manuscript, PARIS, Bibl. nat. lat. 3798, written in the twelfth century. Three younger collections depend on this collection (not necessarily this manuscript): the collection Sancti Catholici Patres (S) which bas been compiled in the early twelfth century in France, 29 the Collectio Tripartita (T) and finally the Collectorium of Robert de Bardi (C). Most readings of A are shared by the sermonary of Beaune (B), which contains a slightly abridged and modified version of our sermon. Since there is no clear error common to bath texts, their relationship to one another remains unclear, that is we can not decide

Nouvelle Approche de la Re'gle de Saint Augustin, Bégrolles en Mauges, 1980, pp. 153-200); A. FITZGERALD, "Almsgiving in the Works of Saint Augustine", in Signum Pietatis. Festgabe für Cornelius Petrus Mayer OSA zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. by A. ZuMKELLER, Würzburg, 1989, pp. 445-459 (pp. 455-457); L. SwIFT, "Giving and Forgiving. Augustine on Eleemosyna and Misericordia'', Augustinian Studies, 32, 1 (2001 ), pp. 25-36. 27 After the mention of Christ's mercy (§1), one could expect fasting and prayer to be dealt with in chapters 2 and 3. 28 In M the text of the Bible has sometimes been changed according to the Vulgata: §1, 1. 25 (Ps. 102, 4): de corruptione > de interitu; §2, 1. 31 (Phil. 2, 8): subditus > oboediens. 29 The codex Sc (CAMBRIDGE, St. John's coll. 21) represents an early stage of S, since it preserves the words uel uindicando (§3, 1. 64) which are missing in ail other younger manuscripts (STC).

THE CORPUS OF AUGUSTINIAN SERMONS

27

whether they share one common source or not. 30 The simplified and expanded version of sermo 207, which was used for the Carolingian Sermonary (x), 31 depends on the Beaune collection. A collation of four text-witnesses shows that this collection is quite stable in itself and has less value for establishing the critical text. Nevertheless, for sake of comparison, 1 adopted ail variants of this version which are to be found in the majority of the manuscripts. As we can see, the three major witnesses (AMI) corne from Italy where the text is attested already in the sixth century by two quotations in Cassiodor's commentary on Psalm 50 (§1, Il. 11-19). But even a superficial comparison demonstrates the superiority of the Erfurt text over the other manuscripts. Three examples prove that a straight line of deterioration leads from A (mostly accompanied by B) to M, which represents an intermediate stage, and from M to 1 and the manuscripts of a more recent age (STC): 1) §2, 11. 44-46: suauitates [... ] huius temporis quasi opportunitate colligere (A) > huius temporis quasi opportune (M) > huic tempori quasi opportune (ISTC). 2) §3, 11. 60-62: nec serena cordis petentis intentio carnalium uoluptatum fumantibus nubilis impeditur (AB) > famantibus (M) > fantasmatibus (ISTC). - The adjective fumantibus makes a good contrast to serena. A simple error between a and u (which is common to precarolingian scriptures and the Beneventana) caused a conjectural deterioration to fantasmatibus. 3) §3, 1. 62: sil autem oratio castorum allegatrix uotorum (AB) > castorum (M) > casta (ISTC). After the text had become incomprehensible when the words allegatrix uotorum disappeared due to homoioteleuton, the incomprehensible word castorum was changed to casta. 32

30 In one case B shares an error with the other manuscripts: §2, 11. 38-39 coniugiis (A) / coniugibus (rell.). In s. 298 B depends without any doubt on the Collectio Colbertina; compare above p. 23; both texts omit the same passages: §1 (p. 95, 11. 11-16); §§2-3 (p. 96, 11. 18-p. 97, 1. 12); §§3-5 (p. 97, 1. 25-p. 99, 1. 2); §5 (p. 99, 11. 6-9). Page numbers refer to Sancti Aurelii Augustini Sermones selecti duodeuiginti, quos ad {idem codicum recensuit, prolegomenis notisque instruxit C. LAMBOT, Ultraiecti - Antverpiae, 1950 (Stromata patristica et mediaevalia, 1). 31 Sorne variants indicate influence of a text type which is only found in the younger manuscripts: §1, 1. 9: Graece; §2, 1. 35: aliquantulum; §2, 1. 37: adulteria; §3, 1. 66: facit; §3, 1. 69: a ceterisque (et a M I recc).

28

CLEMENS WEIDMANN

From these arguments it is clear that the manuscripts ISTC cannot preserve the correct reading against the coïncidence of ABM because these errors depend on errors extant only in M. Hence, ail variants common to ABM appear to be authentic, whereas the countless variants of the younger manuscripts, which the Maurine edition is based on, 33 are due to errors. Moreover, even if ISTC share the readings of M against AB, they must be considered as inauthentic whereas AB have an authentic text. The clearest instances where AB must be preferred to the others are: 1) §1, Il. 12-13: qui aeternitate patri manet aequalis (AB): in aeternitate patris (rell.); compare the following mortalitate coaequauit nobis. 2) §2, l. 39: ne in hie t alienis (AB): inhaereat (rell.); compare sermo 164 (PL 38, col. 899, l. 10); sermo Dolbeau 5, 10. 3) §3, Il. 58-59: his duobus adminiculis piarum eleemosynarum et frugalium ieiuniorum oratio [... ] sustollitur (AB): diebus (rell.) - The reading diebus, which seems to be influenced by the expressions per hos [... ] dies and his [... ] diebus in the previous chapter, makes no sense because the effectivity of prayer is not limited to Lent alone. Instead, duobus declares prayer to be supported bath by almsgiving and fasting. According to these examples, which reveal the high quality of A, some less decisive instances have also been adopted into the text. 34 Two examples which concern the addition or omission of more words require discussion: At the end of chapter 2, only A and B preserve the correct and necessary reading est nec eis ipsis inferciendum, which the other manuscripts lack due to homoioteleuton. A less clear instance can be found at the end of chapter 1. Ali manuscripts with the exception of AB conclude the exhortation to give alms with the words: quia ieiunium sine misericordia ei nihil est qui ieiu32 To these strong arguments one can add the Jess striking examples (§1, 1. 910): "Graecum misericordiae nomen (AB) > Graecum misericordia (M) > Graece misericordia (ISTC); (§1, 1. 28) quo tanta > quanto > qua; and (§3, 1. 72): ei > ibi > illi. 33 According to C. LAMBOT, "Les manuscrits des sermons de Saint Augustin utilisés par les Mauristes'', Revue Bénédictine, 79 (1969), pp. 98-114 (pp. 103-104, 109) these manuscripts have been used: 1 CP; PARIS, Bibl. Arsénal 506, s. xv (C); and a lost sermon of Reims, Saint-Rémi. 34 §1, 1. 5: debeant feruere Christiani; §1, li. 5-6: appropinquante; §2, 1. 48: karissimi; §3, 1. 67: suas; §3, 1. 69: et a om.; §3, li. 71-72 illa [... ] oblectetur.

THE CORPUS OF AUGUSTINIAN SERMONS

29

nat which seem to allude to lac. 2, 13: iudicium sine misericordia illi qui non fecit misericordiam. 35 The wording fails to help support the view that A and B omitted these words due to homoioteleuton. Instead, the content as well as the phrases suggest that they are not Augustinian: Firstly, the expression "fasting without mercy does not help him who fasts" is clumsy because of the undefined clause qui ieiunat. Secondly, the sentence does not fit the context, since fasting was not mentioned before. Furthermore, chapter 2 begins with a new exhortation to fast (ieiunemus), which makes less sense if we accept the end of chapter 1 as authentic; one would rather expect an expression like "our fasting amounts to nothing, if we fast without mercy." Finally, the phrase cannot be supported by Augustinian parallels (e.g. ei [... ] nihil est); moreover the words ieiunium sine misericordia occur in some sermons by Petrus Chrysologus, but not by Augustine. 36 Taking these arguments into consideration, I decided to eliminate the words as an inauthentic glass. Concerning the vocabulary of the sermon, three words, which are adopted only from A, are worth mentioning: 1) §2, 11. 38-39: a coniugiis temperandum est (A): coniugibus (rell.). In the sense of matrimonial intercourse, 37 the abstract word coniugium is opposed to adulterium and fornicationes; the other manuscripts simplify the text to coniugibus, but the reading of A is convincingly supported by the similar expression in sermo 206, 3: temperat a coniugio. 2) §2, 11. 52-53: Esau non pingui uitulo uel a lt il i bus saginatis, sed immoderate concupita lenticula reprobatus est (A): uolatilibus (rell.; deest in B). Augustine warns bis audience that the reason for Esau's rejection was bis unrestrained desire for a pottage of lentils, not for luxurious meals like fattened cattle. In this context, near uitulo and saginatis, the reading of A altilibus makes perfect sense. Designating fattened cattle or poultry, the word occurs frequently in authors of the Early Empire like Petronius, Pliny the Elder, Apicius and Juvenal, but only once in Augustine's oeuvre, that is to say in the Quaestiones euangelii where he explains 35 The preceding quotation of Ps. 102, 2-4 is combined with lac. 2, 13 in

s. Dolbeau 11, 14. 36 PETRVS CHRYSOLOGVS, s. 8, 41-42. Compare also s. 24 of the Carolingian Sermonary: Elymosina sufficit sibi sine ieiunio, ieiunium sine helymosina non suf-

ficit. 37 No instance of this meaning is quoted in the Thesaurus linguae Latinae.

30

CLEMENS WEIDMANN

Matth. 22, 4 (qu. eu. 1, 31, 5): quod dixit: tauri mei et altilia occisa sunt, tauros dixit principes plebium, altilia uero omnia saginata. The reading uolatilibus is a clear case of simplification. 3) The word allegatrix ("bearer'', "messenger"), 38 which is attested only in A and - with a slight deviation (alligatrix) - B, merits our special attention. It is a hapax legomenon in Latin literature and can be supported, le:xically, by the words orationes deo non inaniter allegantur (in sermo 172, 2) and morphologically, by orationem [... ] suffragatricem (ciu. 21, 27). Apart from the countless changes suggested by A, one conjecture appears to be necessary (§1, 11. 12-14): (3) eumque qui aeternitate patri manet aequalis, mortalitate coaequauit nobis et (4) formam serui mundi Domino imposuit. Augustine enumerates examples of Christ's mercy: (1) bis descent from heaven, (2) bis incarnation, (3) bis mortality, (4) his appearance in the figure of a slave, grammatically linked with the conjunctions et and -que (1 prefer Cassiodorus' eumque to the reading of all manuscripts eum). Only the last elements were asyndetic if we accept the et nabis reading of most manuscripts, which makes little sense after the newly re-established patri. However, A and B transmitting nabis or et respectively demonstrate that the text bas been corrupted; a transposition (nabis et) seems to be the easiest solution of the problem.

38

Compare above pp. 27-28.

APPENDIX SERMO CCVII CONSPECTVS SIGLORVM A

ERFURT, Universitütsbibliothek, Dep. Erf. CA. 12°11, s. XII, f. 137v140r

B

PARIS, Bibliothe'que nationale, lat. 3794, s. XII, f. 65r-66v (= Sermonarium Belnense)

M

MoNTE CASSINO, Biblioteca dell'abbazia, 12, s. XI, p. 89b-9la

I

PARIS, Bibliothe'que nationale, lat. 3798, s. XII, f. 30va-31 vb (= Collectio Colbertina)

s S1 Sc Sp Sa T

Sancti Catholici Patres TROYES, Bibliothe'que municipale, 219, s. xn, f. llOva-11 lrb CAMBRIDGE, St. John's College, Cod. 21, s. XII, f. 182vb-183vb PARIS, Bibliothe'que Nationale, lat. 3819, s. XII ex., f. 97v-98r LONDON, British Library, Arundel, Cod. 105, s. XII, f. 94ra-94va

Collectio Tripartita CITTÀ DEL VATICANO, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 480, s. xv, f. 126vb-127ra OXFORD, Bodleian Library, 204, s. XIV, f. 194va-195ra To

Tv

c CP Cv

Roberti de Bardi's Collectorium PARIS, Bibliothe'que Nationale, lat. 2030, s. xv, f. 165ra-165vb CITTÀ DEL VATICANO, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 479, s. xv, f. 148vb-149rb

w

consensus codicum A B M I S T C

recc

consensus codicum S T C

Cass Cassiodori expositio psalmi 50, §3 (iuxta CCSL 97, p. 454-455: "ut dixerunt sanctissimi paires")

"

Sermonarium Carolingense, Sermo XXXVI, consensus trium codicum ex: MüNCHEN, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14445, s. x/xI, f. 146v147v PRAHA, Knihovna Metropolitni kapituly, A. CLVI (261), s. x/xI, f. 53v-55v WÜRZBURG, Universitütsbibliothek, Cod. m. p. th. q. 15, s. XI, f. 47r48v ÜLoMouc, Statni vedecka knihovna, II 205, s. xv1, f. 63v-64r

edd

editiones anteriores

*

lectio fortasse melior

STEMMA CODICVM

/ / / /

//

S. XI

M

/

S. XII

A

B

I

recc (STC)

THE CORPUS OF AUGUSTINIAN SERMONS

33

1. In adiutorio misericordiaque Domini Dei nostri tentationes saeculi, insidiae diaboli, mundi labor, carnis illecebra, turbulentorum temporum fluctus et corporalis omnis atque spiritalis aduersitas eleemosynis et ieiuniis et orationibus superanda est. Haec cum per 5 totam uitam debeant feruere Christiani, tum maxime appropinquante sollemnitate dominica, quae suo reditu anniuersario nostras excitat mentes innouans 1 in eis memoriam salutarem, quod Dominus noster unicus Dei filius misericordiam praestitit nobis, ieiunauit orauitque pro nobis. Eleemosyna quippe Graecum misericordiae 10 nomen est. Quae autem maior esse misericordia super miseros potuit quam illa, quae caeli creatorem de caelo deposuit et terreno corpore

w " Cass (inc. 11 caeli)

Tit.: Item Augustini de quadragesima A; item sermo sancti Augustini de XLma B; LXII M; item eiusdem de eodem XVII/; Feria IIII sermo beati Augustini episcopi CXIX (om. S1) Sc S 1 ; LXXXII eria (sic!) rmo beati Augustini episcopi Sp; CXI feria III sermo beati Augustini episcopi Sa; Feria IIII sermo beati Augustini episcopi I T (rubrica add. Tv); incipit sermo sancti Augustini de ieiunio oratione et elemosina feria quarta Cv 1 adiutorio] adiutorium M I recc misericordiaque] A, *et misericordia B "M, misericordiae I recc edd Dei] om. B 2 insidiae] insidias M Tv 4 eleemosynis et ieiuniis et orationibus] orationibus ieiuniis eleemosinisque " et orationibus] atque orationibus I edd, orationibusque B superanda est] (cfr e.g. conf. 5, 8, 2) A, superanda sunt B "· superandae sint M, superandae sunt I recc edd haec] hac A, nec T, in his "• his fortasse melius 5 uitam] suam add. " debent B " (semper add.) debeant feruere] feruere debeant tr. I recc edd Christiani] Christiano (cfr tum] tam M, tune J, cum T 5/6 appropinquante] serm. 206, 1) I recc edd propinquante M I recc (exc. Tv) edd 6 sollemnitate] om. B" I dominica nostras] die redemptionis humanae id est sancto paschali tempore qui anniuersario dominica] paschali recc edd, dominicae passionis reditu fidelium semper" fortasse melius 7 memoriam salutarem] memoriam salutare M, memoria salutari I recc edd quod] om. CP 8 misericordiam] et suam praem. " nobis] om. " 8/9 ieiunauit - nobis] tr. post filius " 9 Graecum] Graece " (Latine add.) I recc edd misericordiae] misericordia B M I recc edd 10 nomen] om. M I recc edd nomen est] nominatur " esse] om. A esse super miseros] om. A 11 caeli misericordia] misericordia esse tr." 11/13 deposuit ... creatorem] mundi creatorem Cass, conditorem omnium" induit ... coaequauit] deposuerit ... induerit ... coaequauerit Cass 11 terreno] humano"

PL 38

1042

1043

34

CLEMENS WEIDMANN

terrae induit conditorem, eumque qui aeternitate patri manet aequalis, mortalitate coaequauit nobis et formam serui mundi Domino imposuit, ut ipse panis esuriret, sitiret satietas, uirtus infir15 maretur, sanitas uulneraretur, uita moreretur? hoc autem, ut nostra pasceretur fames, rigaretur ariditas, consolaretur infirmitas, exstingueretur iniquitas, ardesceret caritas. Quae maior misericordia quam creari creatorem, seruire dominatorem, uendi redemptorem, humiliari exaltatorem, occidi suscitatorem? Nobis de praebendis eleemo20 synis praecipitur ut panem demus esurienti: ille se ipsum ut nobis daret esurientibus, prius pro nobis se tradidit saeuientibus; praecipitur nobis ut peregrinum recipiamus: ille pro nobis in sua propria uenit, et sui eum non receperunt. lpsum denique benedicit anima nostra, qui propitius fit omnibus iniquitatibus eius, qui sanat omnes 25 languores eius, qui redimit de corruptione uitam eius, qui eam coro-

w x (exc. 13/15 mortalitate - moreretur 17/19 ardesceret - suscitatorem 23/25 ipsum - coronat) Cass (exc. 15/17 hoc - caritas 19/74 nobis - pascatur)

13 formam serui] cfr Phil. 2, 7 ille - receperunt] cfr Ioh. 1, 11

20 panem - esurienti] cfr Is. 58, 7 23/27 ipsum - eius] cfr Ps. 102, 2-5

22/23

12 terrae] om. Cass x 12/13 eumque - aequalis] aeternitate et omnipotentia patri semper coaequalem permanentem x eumque] Cass, eum codd edd aeternitate patri] in aeternitate patris M 1 recc edd 13 mortalitate] mortalitati Cass (exc. cod. Germ.) nobis et] scripsi, et B, nobis A, et nobis tr. M 1 recc edd 14 imposuit] imposuerit Cass (cod. Germ.), et pro nobis Cass (exc. cod. Germ.) Cass (exc. cod. Germ.) sitiret satietas] tr. Cass. 1 recc edd satietas] 15 sanitas uulneraretur] om. S" omnipotens saturitas T, fons uitae Cass Cass uita moreretur] om. M hoc autem] hocque ideo fecit x 16 pasceretur - consolaretur] sanaretur x pasceretur] posteretur Tv rigaconsolaretur infirmitas] om. Sc 17 iniquitas] et ut ab retur] rigatur M aeterna poena et morte liberaretur humanitas add. x quae] denique add. Cass 18 seruire - redemptorem] om. Tv seruire dominatorem] om. A uendi] *uenire B 19 suscitatorem] saluatorem J, uiuificatorem Cass nobis] igitur add. x 20 ille] quia praem. x 20/21 ut - prius] om. x 21 pro] om. M se - saeuientibus] ad mortem dedit x 22 ille] pro nobis] om. x 23 uenit] in hune mundum add. x quia praem. x receperunt] id est Iudaei carnales eius propinqui add. x benedicit] benedicat B 1 recc edd 25 redimit] redimes M corruptione] interitu M, et interitu add. B eam] om. M

THE CORPUS OF AUGUSTINIAN SERMONS

35

nat in miseratione et misericordia, qui satiat in bonis desiderium eius. Exerceamus itaque eleemosynas nostras tanto impensius tantoque frequentius, quanto propinquior fit dies quo tanta nobis praerogata eleemosyna celebratur. 30 2. Ieiunemus etiam humiliantes animas nostras propinquante die quo magister humilitatis humiliauit semetipsum, factus subditus usque ad mortem crucis. Imitemur eius crucem abstinentiae clauis edomitas concupiscentias configentes. Castigemus corpus nostrum et seruituti subiciamus, et ne per indomitam carnem ad illicita pro35 labamur, in ea domanda aliquantum et licita subtrahamus. Crapula et ebrietas etiam per dies ceteros deuitanda est: per hos autem dies etiam concessa prandia remouenda. Adulterium et fornicationes semper exsecrandae atque fugiendae: his autem diebus et a coniugiis temperandum est. Facile tibi obtemperat caro, ne inhiet alienis,

w

i.e

(exc. 26/27 in miseratione - eius

39/58 facile - duobus)

31/32 humiliauit - crucis] cfr Phil. 2, 8 33/34 castigemus - subiciamus] cfr 35/36 crapula - ebrietas] cfr Luc. 21, 34 1 Cor. 9, 27

26 satiat] sanat T 28 fit] sit B i.e quo tanta] quanto M, qua I recc edd 28/29 tanta - celebratur] tantam pro nobis ipse dei filius eleemosynam fecit ut nos a morte redemit et ad regna caelorum secum perduxit add. i.e praerogata] praerogat M 29 celebratur] celebretur M, quia ieiunium (iudicium [cfr lac. 30 2, 13] T) sine misericordia ei (dei C) nihil est qui ieiunat add. M I recc edd etiam humiliantes] et humiliemus i.e animas nostras] *nostras animas Ir. A 30/31 propinquante - subditus] simul et carnis desideria mortificemus eo feruentior quo dies appropinquat quo se conditor noster humiliauit pro 30 propinquante] appropinquante M I recc edd 31 subditus] nobis i.e obediens M 32 imitemur] imitemus M 32/33 crucem - configentes] 33 edomitas] edomatas M castigemus] castigando i.e 34 passionem i.e subiciamus] dei subiciendo i.e illicita] illicitam M 35 ea domanda] eam domandam recc domanda] nosmetipsos add. i.e aliquantum] aliquantulum i.e recc et licita] om. B i.e, et licitas M subtrahamus] substringamus B, constringamus i.e 36 etiam] om. B i.e dies ceteros] ceteros dies Ir. i.e est] om. I recc edd 37 etiam] om. i.e adulterium] adulteria i.e I recc edd et] om. S 1 T 38 semper] seper M exsecrandae atque fugiendae] exsecranda atque fugienda I recc edd exsecrandae] sunt add. it: 38/39 coniugiis] (cfr serm. 206, 3: temperat a coniugio) A, coniugibus cett. edd, propriis add. i.e 39 temperandum] abstinendum i.e tibi] enim B obtemperat] obtemperabit recc edd inhiet] inhaereat M I recc edd

36 40

45

50

55

CLEMENS WEIDMANN

quae refrenari consueuerit et a suis. Sane cauendum est ne mutes, non minuas uoluptates. Videas enim quosdam pro usitato uino exquirere inusitatos liquores et aliorum expressione pomorum quod ex uua sibi denegant multo suauius compensare, cibos extra carnes multiplici uarietate ac iucunditate conquirere et suauitates, quas alio tempore consectari pudet, huius temporis quasi opportunitate colligere, ut uidelicet obseruatio quadragesimae non sit ueterum concupiscentiarum repressio, sed nouarum occasio deliciarum. Haec, fratres karissimi, ne uobis persuasa subrepant, quanta potestis uigilantia prouidete. Parsimonia ieiunio coniungatur. Sicut uentris castiganda saturitas, ita gulae irritamenta cauenda sunt. Non humanorum alimentorum genera detestanda, sed carnalis delectatio refrenanda est. Esau non pingui uitulo uel altilibus saginatis, sed immoderate concupita lenticula reprobatus est. Sanctum Dauid aquam plus iusto desiderasse paenituit. Non operosis ergo neque pretiosis, sed in promptu positis et quibusque uilioribus alimentis corpus a ieiunio reficiendum est nec eis ipsis inferciendum, sed potius fulciendum. 1

w (exc. B 41/54 sane - paenituit)

52/53 Esau - est] cfr Gen. 25, 34 52 pingui - altilibus] cfr III Reg. 1, 9; Matth. 22, 4 53/54 sanctum - paenituit] cfr II Reg. 23, 15-17; 1 Par. 11, 1519

40 consueuerit] consueberat M et] om. C 40/54 sane - paenituit] om. B 40 mutes] et add. A 41 uoluptates] uoluntates M 42 exquirere et] om. A inusitatos liquores] inusitatos liquores exquirere tr. I recc edd quod] quos M 45 consectari] consecrari M huius temporis] huic tempori I recc edd opportunitate] opportune M I recc edd 46 sit] fit C 47 occasio deliciarum] deliciarum occasio tr. I recc edd 48 karissimi] om. I recc edd 49 prouidete] prouidere S 1 T parsimonia] parcimonia edd ieiunio] ieiuniis I edd coniungatur] coniungantur M 50 castiganda] castigantia M 51/52 delectatio refrenanda est] est delectatio refrenanda tr. I recc 52 altilibus] A, uolatilibus M I recc edd 53 sanctum] secundum T edd 55 positis et] tr. edd alimentis] *escis A, indumentis M, est add. Sa edd est - inferciendum] om. M I recc edd inferciendum] impertiendum B sed] et 57 fulciendum] refulciendum M M I recc, uel edd

1044

THE CORPUS OF AUGUSTINIAN SERMONS

37

3. His duobus adminiculis piarum eleemosynarum et frugalium ieiuniorum oratio nostra in superna sustollitur, quia nec impudenter 60 a Deo misericordia petitur, cum ab homine homini non negatur, nec serena cordis petentis intentio carnalium uoluptatum fumantibus nubilis impeditur. Sit autem oratio castorum allegatrix uotorum, ne forte non quod caritas, sed quod cupiditas quaerit optemus, ne inimicis mali aliquid imprecemur, ne in quos nocendo uel uindicando 65 non possumus, orando saeuiamus. Certe sicut nos apti efficimur ad orandum eleemosynis et ieiuniis, sic et ipsa nostra oratio faciat eleemosynas suas, cum dirigitur atque profunditur non pro amicis tantum, uerum etiam et pro inimicis, et ieiunet ab ira et odio, perniciosissimis uitiis. Si enim nos ieiunamus a cibis, quanta illa 70 potius a uenenis? Denique nos debitis opportunisque temporibus alimentorum perceptione reficimur: numquam illa escis talibus oblectetur. Perpetua suscipiat ista ieiunia, quia est ei cibus proprios, quem sumere sine intermissione praecipitur. Semper ergo ieiunet ab odio, semper dilectione pascatur. w x (exc. 58 his duobus

60/63 nec - optemus

70/74 denique - pascatur)

58 duobus] diebus M I recc edd adminiculis] enim add. x frugalium] fragilium Ba.c x S{'· 59 in superna] ad caelum x nec impudenter] merito x 61 serena] sena M petentis] paenitentis I carnalium fumantibus] famantibus M, fantasuoluptatum] uoluptatum carnalium tr. I matibus I recc edd 62 oratio] orationibus C castorum allegatrix uotorum] allegatrix] alligatrix B 63 non quod] *quod castorum M, casta I recc edd non tr. A 63/64 optemus - aliquid] om. C 63 ne] cauendum enim nobis est praem. x 64 mali aliquid] om. T., aliquid mali tr. x uel uindicando] om. recc (exc. S,) 66 ieiuniis] et add. Sa nostra oratio] *oratio nostra tr. A, oratio om. x faciat] facit x I recc edd 67 suas] om. M I recc edd atque profunditur] om. x atque] *ac A 68 uerum] sed B x et1] A, om. B x M I recc edd inimicis] amicis M et ieiunet] et (ut T) ieiunat BI recc edd, cum ieiunamus x 69 perniciosissimis] et a praem. M I recc edd, a ceterisque praem. x nos] om. x 69/70 quanto - potius] multo ampli us x illa potius] potius illa tr. edd 69 illa] om. B 70 uenenis] et ita erit deo acceptabilis non solum ieiunium sed etiam eleemosyna et oratio nostra et ita fructu bonorum operum freti et refecti uitam simul et gaudium mereamur aeternum per ... add. x 71 illa] illam MI recc edd escis] esci M 71/72 oblectetur] oblectemus M I recc edd 72 ista] illa T 0 quia] qui A T 0 ei] ibi M, illi I recc edd 74 semper] semperque B pascatur] prestante domino nostro Iesu Christo qui cum patre et spiritu sancto uiuit et regnat deus in saecula saeculorum amen add. B, per dominum nostrum Iesum Christum add. M

Pseudo-Augustini Sermo in natali sancti Cypriani: Ein spatantikes Ineditum Dorothea WEBER (Wien) 1. Überlieferungskontext und Inhalt Die Handschrift Dep. Erf. CA. 12° 11 des 12. Jahrhunderts aus dem Erfurter Collegium Amplonianum (heute: Erfurter Universitiitsbibliothek) 1 enthalt in einem Abschnitt von 28 Sermones, für die beinahe durchgehend Augustinus ais Autor angegeben ist (fol. 127r-187r), neben jenen sechs neuen Texten, die zweifelsfrei genuin augustinische Predigten sind und erst kürzlich ediert wurden, 2 zwei weitere unbekannte Stücke, die allerdings mit Sicherheit nicht von Augustinus stammen: Zum einen auf fol. 180v-182v eine Predigt auf das Martyrium der Makkabaer, deren Incipit und Desinit, jeweils um wenige Satze erweitert, im Codex lat. 3794, fol. 161 v-163v der Pariser Nationalbibliothek einen durchgehenden Text bilden und nach dieser Handschrift von Raimond Étaix ediert wurden; 3 die Version der Erfurter Handschrift enthalt einen neuen umfangreichen Mittelteil. 4 Wôrtliche, zunehmend dichte Zitate aus Ambrosius erweisen diesen Text ais Pseudepigraphon, die Tatsache freilich, dass in ihm die durch Augustinus bekannte, nur lokal verehrte Martyrerin Crispina erwahnt wird, spricht dafür, dass er im spatantiken Nordafrika entstanden ist. Zum anderen findet sich auf fol. 183r-184r, somit unmittelbar vor der ebenfalls anliiillich des 1 Siehe die Beschreibung im Katalog der Amploniana von W. ScHUM, Beschreibendes Verzeichnis der Amplonianischen H andschriften-Sammlung in Erfurt, Berlin, 1887, S. 767-768. 2 1. SCHILLER - D. WEBER - C. WEIDMANN, ,,Sechs neue Augustinuspredigten: Teil 1 mit Edition dreier Sermones", Wiener Studien, 121 (2008), S. 227-284 und ,,Sechs neue Augustinuspredigten: Teil 2 mit Edition dreier Sermones zum Thema Almosen", Wiener Studien, 122 (2009), S. 171-213. 3 ,,Le sermonnaire carolingien de Beaune", Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 25 (1979), S. 106-149 (S. 145). 4 Eine Edition wird von C. Weidmann vorbereitet.

40

DOROTHEA WEBER

Festtags Cyprians gehaltenen neuen Predigt Erfurt 6 unter dem Titel Sermo sancti Augustini de natali martiris Cipriani ein Text, der im Folgenden vorgeslelll und edierL werden soll. Der kurze Sermo - er ist nur wenig langer als der lückenhaft überlieferte Sermo Erfurt 6 - dürfte vollstandig erhalten sein. lm ersten Drittel reflektiert der Prediger seine Situation: Er ist sich dessen bewusst, dass seine rhetorischen Fahigkeiten dem Anlass der Predigt, die zu halten ihn die Tradition (lin. 3 : consuetudo) zwingt, nicht entsprechen. Zwar voll des guten Willens, wagt er doch wegen seiner intellektuellen Unterlegenheit nicht, die Tapferkeit des Heiligen bei dessen Martyrium zu beschreiben. Wenn auch Cyprians Bildung (lin. 13: doctrina) unerreicht bleibt, soll doch zumindest sein mutiger Kampf für die Gemeinde beispielhaft sein: Durch unerschütterliches Bewahren des Glaubens und Festhalten an der Liebe kann namlich jeder zum ewigen Leben gelangen. lm zweiten Kapitel stellt der Prediger Diesseits und Jenseits einander gegenüber: Alle Annehmlichkeiten des Lebens, auf die der gliiubige Mensch verzichtet, werden ihm nach dem leiblichen Tod im Himmel zuteil werden. 2. Lokalisierung, Datierung, Bemerkungen zur Sprache Details aus Cyprians Biographie und Martyrium spielen in der Predigt fast keine Rolle - lediglich die Begriffe doctrina (lin. 4) und sapientia (lin. 7) sind auf seine Person abgestimmt -, so dass Cyprian, seiner Individualitat weitgehend entkleidet, als Martyrer schlechthin erscheint. Dass dieser Predigt als Lesung eine CypriansPassio vorausging, ist daher schwer vorstellbar. 5 Auf der anderen Seite setzt der Prediger voraus, dass der Heilige seiner Gemeinde bekannt war. Diese Beobachtung ist zwar nicht selbst Indiz für eine Lokalisierung des Texts, 6 passt aber zu dem Ergebnis der Analyse, 5 Allenfalls kommt ais Lesung Psalm 115, aus dem die einzigen wôrtlichen Zitate stammen (lin. 20-21; 24-25), in Frage. 6 Zur Verehrung Cyprians auilerhalb Nordafrikas s. Y. DuvAL, Loca sanctorum Africae. Le culte des martyrs en Afrique du 1v• au V Ile sie'cle, Rom, 1982, vol. 2, S. 674 und S. 680 f. Abgesehen von Augustinus sind Predigten auf Cyprian u.a. von Maximus von Turin (s. 10, CCSL 23, S. 35), Maximinus II. (hom. 74-78, PL 57, Sp. 681-692), (Ps.-?) Petrus Chrysologus (s. 129, CCSL 24B, S. 793), Maximinus ([?] Collect. Arian. s. 12, CCSL 87, S. 80) erhalten, dazu kommt eine Reihe anonymer Texte: Pseudo-Fulgentius (s. 72 = s. Fulgentii 6, PL 65, Sp. 740-741, gilt ais unecht), Ps.-Victor Vitensis (hom. de S. Cypriano, PL 58, Sp. 265-268), und Ps.-Augustinus (s. Mai 64 = Caillau 2, 83).

PSEVDO-AVGVSTINI SERMO IN NATALI SANCTI CYPRIAN!

41

welche die Zusammenstellung der Augustinuspredigten in der Erfurter Handschrift auf ein altes nordafrikanisches Corpus zurückführt. 7 Der Sermo auf Cyprian weisl durchgehend Prosarhylhmus auf und verwendet fast ausnahmslos Kombinationen quantitierender und zugleich akzentuierender Klauseln. Dieser Befund schlieBt eine Entstehung im Mittelalter aus und lasst auf einen spatantiken Autor schlieBen, der entgegen seiner eigenen Beteuerung (lin. 7-10) rhetorisch geschult war. Er bedient sich mitunter einer gesuchten Ausdrucksweise 8 und verwendet vorgepragte Junkturen manchmal in ungewohnlicher Bedeutung: In der Verbindung uerbis induere (lin. 4) ist üblicherweise die Metapher der Worthülle kenntlich, die den Kern einer Sache verdeckt, 9 der pseudonyme Autor aber setzt sie als bloBes Synonym von dicere; uotum (lin. 6) erweist sich angesichts des folgenden effectum als Ersatz für uoluntas; careat [... ] uitio (lin. 7) heiBt nicht ,,soll fehlerfrei sein", sondern ,,soll frei sein von Vorwurf" (i.e. ,,darf nicht getadelt werden "); deponitur a corpore (lin. 30) als Aquivalent für subtrahitur membris (lin. 31) konnte lexi-

Siehe SCHILLER - WEBER - WEIDMANN (wie o. Anm. 2), S. 246. lin. 2: exequiae ais Synonym von mors (cf. ThLL 5, 2, Sp. 1848, lin. 48 ff. ohne spii.tantike Belege); 1, lin. 2: animum praesentare (zur Junktur vgl. HIER., ep. 148, 11, CSEL 56, S. 338, lin. 11: si purum ac liberum praesentamus animum [praesentare bedeutet hier aber soviel wie habere]) statt animum intendere; lin. 14 teneamus [... ] uinculum: diese paradoxale Formulierung - normalerweise sind es die Fesseln, die einen festhalten - lii.sst sich am nii.chsten bei Caesarius parallelisieren: s. 22, 2 ( CCSL 103, S. 101 : tenete ergo et custodite, fratres dilectissimi, dulce ac salubre uinculum caritatis; = s. 23, 4, S. 106); s. 25, 2 (S. 113: faciamus ergo misericordiam, fratres, et Christo adiuuante cautionis suae uinculum teneamus); lin. 32-33 (ex nihilo) omnes multiplicamur im Sinne von diuites efficimur (zu dieser Bedeutung von multiplicari siehe ThLL 8, Sp. 1598, lin. 48 ff.; bei GREG. M., moral. 12, 5 ebenfalls mit instrumentalem ex konstruiert); lin. 38 patres familias efficiuntur in caelo: pater familias scheint hier in abgeschwii.chter juristischer Bedeutung ,,Besitzender" (cf. AvG., loc. 4, 80, CCSL 33, lin. 297-298: sic iam uulgo ad insigne diuitiarum et pater familias et mater familias dicitur) bzw. ,,Hausherr" (entsprechend der Verheillung in Ioh. 14, 2) zu bedeuten; zu pater familias ais Bezeichnung eines ehrwürdig-vornehmen Mannes s. ThLL 10, Sp. 691, lin. 1 ff. 9 RvFIN., Greg. Naz. oral. 1, 48, 2 (CSEL 46, S. 39, lin. 9): (scripturae) uili indumento litterae pretiosa intrinsecus contegunt sacramenta; hist. 4, 7 (GCS, N.F., 6.1, S. 309, lin. 22-23): fraudulenti [... ] homines nostrae religionis simulato [... ] nomine induti; PoMER. 1, 24 (PL 59, Sp. 439 B): (declamatores) rebus inanibus pretiosa uerborum induunt ornamenta. 7

B

42

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kalisch von der J unktur deponere corpus (Peri phrase für mori) 10 angeregt sein. Unübersehbar ist sein Hang zu Redundanz sowohl in kleineren sprachlichen Einheilen 11 ais auch in ganzen Salzen. 12 Wie die genannten semantischen Charakteristika sind auch diese Abundanzen meist zu Reimzwecken eingesetzt, derer sich der Autor mannigfach bedient: Die Reime am Kolonende sind ein- oder zweisilbig 13 und reichen von bloB parallel gesetzten, grammatikalisch identen Formen über Substantiva unterschiedlicher Casus bis zu Wôrtern unterschiedlicher Genera. Diese Charakteristika lassen keine Lokalisierung und nur eine recht vage Datierung ins fünfte beziehungsweise sechste Jahrhundert zu, die durch die Beobachtung gestützt wird, dass einige W endungen ihre nachsten Parai-

10 Cf. AMBR., in psalm. 118, s. 22, 25 (CSEL 62, S. 501, lin. 15); AvG., an. quant. 33, 73 (CSEL 89, S. 221, lin. 25); ARNOB. IvN., in psalm. 48 (CCSL 25, S. 69, lin. 37); in psalm. 141 (S. 240, lin. 9); EvsEB. GALLIC., hom. 18, 2 (CCSL 101, S. 214, lin. 32); s. extrau. 8, 1 (CCSL 101B, S. 881, lin. 21) (jeweils deposito corpore). 11 Vgl. lin. 1: possumus et ualemus; 13f.: cerlaminum bella; 16f.: bella conflicluum; 18f.: tormentorum cruce; 27: caritatis dilectio. In 12 (animorum [... ] uotis) ist animorum beinahe synonym mit uolis gebraucht (cf. e.g. NovAT., Cypr. episl. 31, 1, 2 (CCSL 3B, S. 152, lin. 16-17): lia illas animo sitiente perbibimus et uoto esurienle suscepimus, ut [... ]; HrnR., ep. 46, 13, 2 (CSEL 54, S. 343, lin. 14-15): [... ] in Oliueti monte cum ascendente domino uoto et animo subleuari. 12 lin. 2: cogimur [... ] animum praesentare, officium [... ] exhibere; lin. 7-9: careat eloquenlia uilio, ubi simplicitas praetendil obsequium, nec debet illic imperitia sermonis argui, ubi non potest carilas reprehendi; lin. 22-24: uadis ad mortem, ut habeas uilae aelernilalem, uadis ad crucem, ut exalteris in laudem, concedis supplicia, ut fruaris corona; lin. 30-33: quidquid enim deponilur a corpore proficil ad salutem, el quod sublrahilur membris crescil in laudum lilulis, ac sic ex detrimenlis augmenta consequimur et ex nihilo omnes multiplicamur. In diesen Fallen von Doppelung ist der jeweils erste Teil vie! deutlicher unklassisch-manieristisch formuliert ais der zweite. 13 Vgl. praesentare - exhibere - denegare (lin. 2f.), induere - inhaerere (lin. 4f.), accipile - peruidete (lin. 6f.), uerbis - lacrimis - uolis (lin. 1 lf.), uinculum - desiderium - sanctum - remedium (lin. 14-16), mortem - aeternitatem - crucem - laudem (lin. 22-24), proeliis - lriumphis (lin. 25f.), comprobalur - eligilur (lin. 27f.), membris - titulis - detrimentis (lin. 31f.), consequimur - multiplicamur (lin. 32f.), terrena - caelestia - sempilerna (lin. 38-40); zweisilbig: inardesco - compescor (lin. 9f.), confilendo - manendo - credendo - persislendo (lin. 18f.), amorem - uiclorem (lin. 28f.), erogatur - ampliatur (lin. 36f.); unterschiedliche Casus: supplicia corona (lin. 24); unterschiedliche Wortarten: dei - mundi - corpori - adornari (lin. 33-35).

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43

lelen in den Predigten des Caesarius von Arles haben. 14 Der sprachlich-stilistische Aufwand steht jedenfalls in unübersehbarem Gegensalz zur inhalllichen Armul der Predigl. 3. Bemerkungen zum Inhalt Die zwei Themen, mit denen der Autor seine Predigt einleitet, niimlich die Angabe des liturgischen Anlasses, der ihn zu einer Predigt verpflichte, 15 und die Beteuerung seiner rhetorischen Unfiihigkeit, zumal im V ergleich zu Cyprians Eloquenz, wurden des ê:ifteren von Augustinus in Predigten zum Cypriansfest kombiniert, z.B. s. 312, 1 (PL 38, Sp. 1420): Diei tam grati laetique solemnitas et coronae tanti martyris tam felix et iucunda festiuitas sermonem a me debitum flagitat. Sed tantam sarcinam orationes illius mecum portant, ut si quid minus quam debetur exsoluero, non me despiciat loquentem uobis, sed omnes reficiat precando pro uobis; auch die Fortführung in lin. 6f., die das Gegensatzpaar uotum (synonym mit uoluntas, siehe oben) und effectum auf die Persan des Predigers und jene Cyprians appliziert, findet in Cyprianspredigten Augustins Parallelen: In hoc [... ] sermone nostro, quem de illo debitum uestris auribus reddimus, magis approbate uoluntatis affectum quam exigite facultatis effectum. [... ] sil etiam ista mea deuotio, 16 ut si par non sum ad explicandum quod uolo, accepto feratur, quia uolo (s. 313, 1, PL 38, Sp. 1423), bzw. sancta sollemnitas beatissimi martyris [... ] de meritis et gloria tanti martyris exigit aliquid dici. Sed non potest aliquid digne dici; uirtutibus enim eius et gloriae posset forte humana Zingua sufficere, si se uoluisset ipse laudare. V erumtamen et nos deuotione magis quam facultate laudemus eum [... ] (s. 313A [= Denis 14], 1, MA 1, S. 65). Mit lin. 12 geht der Sermo zu der in Miirtyrerpredigten üblichen Aufforderung über, das Verhalten der Miirtyrer nachzuahmen: Der Christ soll Glauben (fidei uinculum), Liebe (caritatis desiderium) und Taufgnade (gratiam dei, baptisma sanctum) bewahren sowie nicht das 14 Zu den unten S. 45 sowie in Anm. 8 (teneamus uincula) und Anm. 20 (ornamenta bonorum operum) angeführten kommt die Anrede o homo (lin. 22), die auch Caesarius gerne verwendet (s. 25, 1, CCSL 103, S. 111; s. 31, 2, S. 135; s. 61, 4, S. 270; etc.). 15 Vgl. dazu auch Ps.-V1cT. VIT., hom. de S. Cypriano 1 (PL 58, Sp. 265): Hodie nos solitum deferre sermonem beati Cypriani natalitia {esta compellunt. 16 Seine inhaltliche Entsprechung hat deuotio in obsequium, caritas und desideria (lin. 8f.) unseres Textes.

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catholicae ueritatis salubre remedium aufgeben - damit kônnte ebenso Bulle (remedium paenitentiae) wie Almosen (remedium eleemosynarum) gemeinL sein. 17 Für ersLeres sprichL, dass Cassiodor in der allegorischen Erklarung der Tore Sions aus Psalm 86, 2 (diligit dominus portas Sion super omnia tabernacula Jacob) dieselben vier Begriffe als christliche Tugenden zusammenstellt, die zum ewigen Leben führen: cuius portas diligit dominus, id est {idem, caritatem, baptisma, paenitentiam, et quidquid in illam ciuitatem acquisitos populos intromittit (in psalm. 86, 2, CCSL 98, S. 790, lin. 56-58). 18 Freilich gibt es keine Hinweise, dass Cassiodor hier eine kanonisch gewordene Quadriga angeführt hiitte, so dass die Kombination von {ides, caritas und baptisma mit Almosen zwar nicht durch eine Parallele gestützt, doch auch nicht ausgeschlossen werden kann, zumal Almosen knapp vor Ende des Sermo unter den Voraussetzungen für das ewige Leben angeführt sind (lin. 35f.: decus enim nostrum eleemosynae nostrae sunt, et quidquid non habentibus erogatur, deo expenditur). Nicht parallelisierbar dürfte die Angabe in lin. 19f. sein, Christus steige zur Krônung des Miirtyrers vom Himmel herab (dominus ad eos descendit coronandos); in ihr kônnen die Vorstellungen kombiniert sein, dass Christus persônlich beim Martyrium anwesend ist (cf. AvG., s. 313A [= Denis 14], 5, MA 1, S. 69 [auf Cyprian]: quando uinceret, si non spectator qui coronam parabat uincenti, subministraret uires laboranti?), und dass sich dem Miirtyrer der Siegeskranz vom Himmel herabsenkt (cf. CYPR., laps. 10, CCSL 3, S. 226, lin. 198-199: cum corona de dei dignatione descendat; GREG. TvR., glor. mari. 96, PL 71, Sp. 789: negantibus quoque cunctis sacrificare daemoniis, uidet custos eorum quadraginta octo coronas pretiosissimas e coelo dilapsas descendere super capita uirorum; HRAB. 17 Angefangen mit AMBR., hex. 6, 8, 50 (CSEL 32, S. 242, lin. 20-21: [... ] si fueris uulneratus, adtende tibi, curre ad medicum, quaere remedium paenitentiae) wird in der Patristik die Bul3e ais remedium paenitentiae bezeichnet; zu remedium eleemosynarum vgl. hingegen GAVDENT., s. 13, 20 (CSEL 68, S. 119-120); AvG., eu. Io. tr. 124, 5, CCSL 36, S. 684, lin. 45; s. 9, 17, CCSL 41, S. 142, lin. 631. Caesarius kombiniert die Junkturen, vgl. s. 18, 7 (CCSL 103, S. 86: ad paenitentiae remedia et elemosinarum medicamenta animas nostras deo auxiliante conuertimus) und 56, 2 (S. 249: [... ] antequam de corpore isto discedat, ad elemosynarum remedia uel ad paenitentiae medicamenta confugerit). 18 Die Deutung der Tore auf christliche uirtutes bezog Cassiodor offenbar von HrnR., in psalm. 86, CCSL 72, S. 221, lin. 1-4 und tract. in psalm. 86, 2 (CCSL 78, S. 111, lin. 50-53).

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MAvR., martyr. 3, 11, PL 110, Sp. 1135: [... ] clauicularius, qui sanctos martyres custodiebat, credens Christo substitutus est uidens coronam de coelo descendere super singulos qui in con[essione perslileranl). Ab lin. 22 stellt der Prediger Diesseits und J enseits einander gegenüber: Auf ein in Schmerz und Mühsal geführtes irdisches Dasein folgt das ewige Leben, das in Triumph und Freuden besteht. In diesem Zusammenhang verdient die W endung uadis ad crucem, ut exalteris in laudem (lin. 23f.) Beachtung: Das ausgefallene exaltari in laudem ist als Analogon zu exaltari in crucem gebildet, einer beliebten Periphrase für crucifigi, in der das Kreuz durch das Verbum exaltare eine ,,erhôhte", positive Konnotation erhiilt; auf diese W eise wird die besonders in martyrologischem Kontext oft angesprochene Umwertung von Leben und Tod auf sprachlicher Ebene zum Ausdruck gebracht. Die Predigt wird durch traditionelle Gedanken abgeschlossen: Die Deutung guter W erke als Schmuck der Seele (bonis operibus adornari, lin. 35) ist im vierten und fünften Jahrhundert in der Exegese des biblischen Gleichnissen von den klugen und den tôrichten Jungfrauen (Matth. 25, 1-13) verbreitet: Die klugen Jungfrauen sind demgemii.13 die Seelen, die, mit dem Schmuck ihrer guten W erke angetan, zum himmlischen Hochzeitsmahl zugelassen sind. 19 Losgelôst von diesem Gleichnis begegnet das Interpretament hiiufig bei Caesarius, etwa s. 31, 2, CCSL 103, S. 136: [... ] anima ornata bonis operibus ab angelis eleuetur in caelum; s. 45, 5, S. 204; s. 58, 5, S. 257; s. 160, 5, CCSL 104, S. 657; s. 188, 6, S. 769. 20 - Die diesem Abschnitt durchgehend unterlegte Deutung des Todes als eigentliches Leben wird im letzten Satz explizit gemacht: Die Gliiubigen, die den diesseitigen Verlockungen wie Miirtyrer widerstehen, werden in ihrem ,Leben' im vollen Wortsinn sich aller Genüsse auf ewig erfreuen: [... ] merentur caelestia, ut in omni uita sua qui bus delectantur habeant sempiterna (lin. 39f.). 19 Vgl. beispielsweise AvG., s. 93, 2, PL 38, Sp. 574: istae quinque et quinque uirgines omnes omnino sunt animae Christianorum, sed ut dicamus uobis, quod deo inspirante sentimus, non qualescumque animae, sed tales animae quae habent catholicam {idem et habere uidentur bona opera in ecclesia dei; ep. 140, 37, 83 (CSEL 44, S. 232, lin. 8); HrnR., in M atth. 4, CCSL 77, S. 239, lin. 809f.: [... ] quia ignoramus homines iudicii diem, sollicite nobis lumen bonorum operum praeparemus, ne dum ignoramus iudex ueniat. 20 Vgl. die Junktur ornamenta bonorum operum, die nur bei Caesarius belegt ist (s. 78, 3, CCSL 103, S. 324; s. 162, 2, CCSL 104, S. 665).

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4. Zur Textkonstitution

lm Erfurter Codex enspricht die Orthographie des Textes den Usancen des zwôlften Jahrhunderts und unterscheidet sich nicht von jener der echten Augustinuspredigten; sie wurde in der Edition normalisiert. An zwei Stellen ist der Text offenbar korrupt: Lin. 18-21: Omnes enim martyres in Dei nomine confitendo, in tormentorum cruce manendo, in {ide credendo, persistendo in uerbo, dominus ad eos descendit coronandos, ut ait psalmus: credidi propter quod locutus sum. In diesem Satz scheint eine grôbere Verderbnis vorzuliegen: Das Psalmzitat führt nicht das vorangegangene dominus ad eos descendit coronandos fort, sondern gehôrt inhaltlich, wie ja auch aus seiner Verwendung in II Cor. 4, 13 zu ersehen ist, zu in {ide credendo oder zu persistendo in uerbo. 21 Selbst wenn man aber das Zitat vor die W orte dominus ad eos descendit umstellt, ist der Text noch nicht geheilt: Dass gerade im letzten Kolon (persistendo in uerbo) der Parallelismus aufgegeben werden sollte, ist befremdlich; auch passen in den Kola die Pronominalbestimmungen in tormentorum cruce und in {ide weniger zu den ihnen zugeordneten Gerundia manendo und credendo als zu den jeweils vorangehenden (confitendo in tormentorum cruce, manendo in {ide). Schlie13lich mutet es seltsam an, dass der Satz anakoluthisch bzw. mit Nominativus absolutus 22 konstruiert ist. Die Textverderbnis ist durch Cruces signalisiert. Lin. 29: An Stelle des überlieferten, sinnstôrenden ambigenda wurde ambienda geschrieben. 23

2! Cf. AvG., s. 306D (= Lambot 8), PLS 2, Sp. 785, lin. 33 ff.: beatus apostolus adhibuit testimonium de scripturis in quo nobis gloriam martyrum commendauit: "propter quod scriptum est" inquit "credidi, propter quod locutus sum et nos credimus, propter quod et loquimur." Si enim tantummodo credidissent et non loquerentur, non paterentur. 22 Dies wii.re die einzige Stelle, an der der rhetorisch geschulte und um Stilniveau bemühte Autor von korrekter Syntax abgehen würde. Zum Phii.nomen des absoluten Nominativs s. J. B. HoFMANN - A. SzANTYR, Lateinische Grammatik, II: Lateinische Syntax und Stilistik, München, 1965 (Handbuch der Altertumswisschaft, 2.2.2), S. 143-144. 23 l\füglicherweise ist ambigenda blol3 eine orthographische Variante für ambienda: zwischen Vokalen hatte g oft den Lautwert vonj, wie etwa aus der frühmittelalterlichen Schreibung magestas für maiestas hervorgeht.

APPENDIX A

ERFURT, Universitütsbibliothek, Dep. Erf. CA. 12° 11, s. xn, f. 183r184r Sermo Sancti Augustini de natali martyris Cypriani

Sancti ac beati martyris Cypriani, ut possumus et ualemus, cogimur exequiis animum praesentare, officium meritis exhibere, ne uideamur consuetudini aliquid denegare. Huius enim passionis fortitudinem non audeo uerbis induere, qui doctrinae eius nequeo 5 uestigiis inhaerere. Sed, dilectissimi fratres, nostrum de infirmitatibus 1 uotum gratulanter accipite et in sancto martyre Cypriano effectum sapientiae peruidete: careat eloquentia uitio, ubi simplicitas praetendit obsequium, nec debet illic imperitia sermonis argui, ubi non potest caritas reprehendi. In laudibus enim eius desideriis inar10 desco et eloquentiae sterilitate compescor. Diuersis diuersa ut nobis data sunt Dei dona seruemus: alius lucet in uerbis, alius mouetur in lacrimis, alius animorum non seiungitur uotis. Ergo talis ac tanti uiri martyris Cypriani etsi doctrinam non possumus, certaminum bella imitemur: teneamus fidei uinculum, habeamus totius caritatis 15 desiderium, custodiamus gratiam Dei, baptisma sanctum, et non dimittamus catholicae ueritatis salubre remedium. Haec sunt bella conflictuum, quia taliter dimicantes Deo adiuuante superabimus. 8/9 nec - reprehendi] cfr 1 Cor. 13, 1 10/12 diuersis - uotis] cfr Rom. 12, 6-8 11/12 alius1 - uotis] cfr 1 Cor. 12, 8-10 1 possumus et ualemus] cfr EvsEB. GALLIC., hom. 45, 7: quidquid possumus et quidquid ualemus; CAES. AREL. serm. 197, 4: quicquid possumus, quicquid ualemus 2 animum praesentare] cfr HIER., epist. 148, 11 (p. 338, 10): si purum ac liberum praesentamus animum 3/10 huius - compescor] cfr AvG., serm. 313, 1; 313A (=Denis 14), 1 3/4 passionis fortitudinem] cfr AvG., c. Julian. op. imper(. 2, 223; CASSIOD., in psalm. 123, 8 5 uestigiis inhaerere] cfr PETR. CHRYS. serm. 95, 5; CAES. AREL. serm. 20, 1; 81, 1 et saepius 6/7 uotum - effectum] cfr AMBR., fug. saec. 1, 1: ... uoti magis eam esse rem quam effectus testatur propheta ... 6 gratulanter accipite] cfr AvG., c. Julian. op. imper(. 2, 9: ... conuicia non solum patienter, uerum etiam gratulanter audire 11 lucet in uerbis] cfr ARNOB. IvN., in psalm. 131, 84: ... omnis adsertio ... lucet quidem in uerbis ... 11/12 mouetur in lacrimis] cfr Peregr. Aeth. 24, 10: possit moueri in lacrimis; 24, 34: moueri non possit in lacrimis 14/15 teneamus - desiderium] cfr CYPR., epist. 73, 26: seruatur a nobis patienter et leniter caritas animi, collegii honor, uinculum fidei, concordia sacerdotii 15 custodiamus - sanctum] cfr AvG., symb. 7, 15: cum baptizati fueritis, tenete uitam bonam in praeceptis dei, ut baptismum custodiatis usque in finem; CAES. AREL., serm. 171, 3: custodite ergo ... in uobis baptismi sacramentum; GREG. TvR., Franc. 2, 3: seruate ... unici baptismatis gratiam custodientes crismatis unctionem

183r

183v

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20

25

30

35

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Omnes enim martyres in Dei nomine tconfitendo, in tormentorum cruce manendo, in fide credendo, persistendo in uerbo, dominus ad eos descendit coronandos, ut ait psalmus: credidi propter quod locutus sumt. 0 mors, si tamen uocanda est mors! 0 homo, uadis ad mortem, ut habeas uitae aeternitatem, uadis 1 ad crucem, ut exalteris in laudem, concedis supplicia, ut fruaris corona; ecce quam pretiosa est in conspectu domini mors sanctorum eius! Ac sic qui stat acer in proeliis, exultat postmodum de triumphis, et ubi tota fidei intentio siue caritatis dilectio comprobatur, ibi finito certamine Dei famulus uictor eligitur. Ergo, fratres, teneamus credulitatis amorem, ut habeat pugna uictorem. 0 quam ambienda ista congressio est, quae lucratur uitam post mortem ! Quidquid enim deponitur a corpore proficit ad salutem, et quod subtrahitur membris crescit in laudum titulis, ac sic ex detrimentis augmenta consequimur et ex nihilo omnes multiplicamur. Ergo, carissimi fratres, multiplicemur amore Dei, non delectatione mundi, et imponamus frenum corpori, ut possimus bonis operibus adornari. Decus enim nostrum eleemosynae nostrae sunt, et quidquid non habentibus erogatur, Deo expenditur et anima diuitiis caelestibus ampliatur. Haec omnia martyres celebrando patres familias efficiuntur in caelo et contemnendo terrena merentur caelestia, ut in omni uita sua quibus delectantur habeant sempiterna. 20/21 Ps. 115, 10; cfr II Cor. 4, 13 24/25 Ps. 115, 15 33 multiplicemur amore Dei] cfr 1 Thess. 3, 12 36/37 quidquid - ampliatur] cfr Matth. 19, 21; Marc. 10, 21; Luc. 18, 22 24 fruaris corona] cfr HrnR., epist. 3, 5: fruatur ille uirtutis corona; 108, 22: illa inpleuit cursum suum fidemque seruauit et nunc fruitur corona iustitiae 25/26 stat - in proeliis] cfr CYPR. epist. 65, 1, 2: ... in proelio fortiter stare; saepius apud Hier. et Greg. M. 26 tota fidei intentio] cfr AMBR., in psalm. 118, serm. 16, 17: animae ... oculi, non corporis, tota fidei intentione defixi; AvG., c. Julian. 4, 33: ... qui non facit opera bona intentione fidei bonae, hoc est eius quae per dilectionem operatur ... 31 subtrahitur membris] cfr EvsEB. GALLIC., hom. 45, 1 (= CAES. AREL., serm. 189, 1; 197, 1): ... ieiunia ac uigiliae et sanctae afflictiones ... membris subtrahunt fortitudinem, sed conscientiis addunt nitorem laudum titulis] cfr Ps.-AvG., sobr. 1 (PL 40, 1106, 5): ... sobrietatis perseuerantia inaestimabilis est animi fortitudo: omnes eam uirtutes et omnes laudum semper tituli concupiscunt, quia sine ipsa ornari aut placere non possunt 35 bonis operibus adornari] cfr e.g. CAES. AREL., serm. 31, 2; 45, 5; 58, 5; 160, 5; 188, 6 36 non- erogatur] cfr GREG. M., epist. 9, 219, 63: ... quod possit non habentibus erogari 37 anima ampliatur] cfr Pass. Macc. 8, 8: cupio ... uos et honoribus cumulare maximis et diuitiis ampliare 38/40 contemnendo - sempiterna] cfr MAXIMIN., collect. Arian. serm. 12, 2: per istam mortem sanctus martyr (Cyprianus) contempsit terrena ut inueniret caelestia, reliquit temporalia ut potiretur aeterna 18/21 confitendo - sum] uide p. 46

29 ambienda] conieci, ambigenda A

184r

À propos de la datation des sermones ad populum: s.51-70A* Luc DE CoNINCK, Bertrand CoPPIETERS 'T W ALLANT, Roland DEMEULENAERE (Bruges) Depuis le début des années '90 les recherches concernant la chronologie des sermons d'Augustin ont été marquées par quelques événements majeurs: deux initiatives de traduction respectivement annotée et commentée, l'une anglaise et achevée depuis 1997, l'autre allemande et dont la parution est actuellement en cours; la découverte de deux collections antiques dans un manuscrit mayençais, suivie d'études approfondies de sermonnaires médiévaux dans l'espoir (réalisée entretemps) de trouver d'autres séries de sermons authentiques; et la disponibilité de plusieurs instruments informatiques, parmi lesquels il faut mentionner surtout la Library of (Christian) Latin Texts et le Corpus Augustinianum Gissense. Notre édition récemment parue des Sermons 51-70A 1 a dûment fait face à la nouvelle situation. Dans cet article nous revenons sur la ligne de conduite que nous y avons suivie dans notre évaluation des datations, les traditionnelles comme les récentes. 1. Prises de position actuelles concernant l'ensemble des sermons Edmund Hill a ajouté à sa traduction justement prisée 2 des annotations occasionnelles, souvent suggestives, dans lesquelles il examine, parmi d'autres questions, celle des circonstances de chaque

* Nous remercions Monseigneur R. GRYSON d'avoir lu notre article avant sa parution et de nous avoir fourni des renseignements et conseils fort utiles. 1 Augustinus, Sermones in Matthaeum, 1, éd. P.-P. VERBRAKEN - L. DE CoNINCK B. COPPIETERS 'T WALLANT - R. DEMEULENAERE, Turnhout, 2008 (CCSL 41Aa). 2 The Works of Saint Augustine. A Translation for the 21st Century, IIl/1-11: Sermons, trad. et not. E.H1LL, New York, 1990-1997.

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sermon; en cas d'absence d'une datation fermement acquise 3 , il cherche à situer les homélies sur base de l'axiome d'une évolution générale du style oratoire d'Augustin 4 • Cette méthode a fait l'objet de critiques justifiées 5 • 3 E. HILL se contente parfois d'un simple constat de désaccord entre les études mentionnées par P.-P. VERBRAKEN, Études critiques sur les sermons authentiques de saint Augustin, Steenbrugge - La Haye, 1976 (Instrumenta Patristica, 12), p. 53-196, sans les avoir consultées lui-même. Dans le vol. III/3, p. 94, il écrit au sujet du s. 55: « One scholar dates the sermon to the year 405 and another to 409, 1 do not know on what evidence »; il aurait fallu préciser encore que les auteurs (O. RoTTMANNER et A.-M. LA BoNNARDIÈRE) ne fixent pas de dates proprement dites mais des termini ante quem. On trouvera ci-dessous, concernant les Sermons 56-59, une autre erreur du Père Hill due à une consultation superficielle d'un répertoire. Le manque de précision dans ces notices ne doit pas faire oublier les mérites d'un auteur qui a réalisé une bonne traduction accompagnée d'éclaircissements pour un public non-spécialisé. 4 Par exemple s. 54 (« On the theory, which 1 am inclined to favor, that Augustine grew simpler in his style the older he got, 1 would date this sermon much earlier [... ], say, 400 to 405 »: HILL, vol. III/3, p. 90); s. 63 («The style to me smacks a little of the older Augustine»: ibid., p. 174); s. Mai 25 = 63A («The allusion to Manichee beliefs suggests that it was early, but in my opinion the roughness of the style does not allow us to assign it to the years of Augustine's priesthood, before he was ordained bishop, because then, as a novice and not entirely his own master, he was very meticulous about correctness of style and grammar; the grammar in particular of this sermon is at times rather slovenly »: ibid., p. 178); s. Morin 7 =63B («This short sermon [... ] is much more carefully composed than the fragment 63A. So it is more likely to have been preached when Augustine was still only a priest, or very recently made a bishop, that is to say, between 391 and 395 [... ]. Also - or alternatively - its careful composition may indicate that Augustine was preaching away from home in Hippo, where he felt less at liberty to adopt his more casual style, than among his own people»: ibid., p. 181); s. 70 (« [... ] on purely internal grounds of style (rather more artificial than usual), and to some extent of tone, 1 would be inclined to date it considerably earlier, about 398 »: ibid., p. 241). 5 Voir H. R. DROBNER, «The Chronology of St. Augustine's Sermones ad populum », Augustinian Studies, 31 (2000), p. 211-218, en part. p. 216: «Even if it were true in general that Augustine in the course of his life tended to speak in a less rhetorically ornate manner, there is no reason why he could not have deviated from this general rule in particular cases. On the contrary, for an outstanding ancient rhetorician as St. Augustine undisputably was, rhetoric was nothing but a tool, and one of rhetoric's most basic rules is that one has to adapt one's rhetoric to the respective task and audience at hand »; cf. F. DoLBEAU dans le «Bulletin augustinien pour 2002/2003 », Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 49 (2003), p. 427: « Comme Drobner, je répugne à argumenter à partir du style», et Augustin et la prédication en Afrique. Recherches sur divers sermons authentiques,

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Les deux collections antiques découvertes par François Dolbeau, surtout celle de Mayence/Grande-Chartreuse (K) publiée entre 1991 et 1994 6 , ont donné lieu à des discussions concernant la date des nouvelles homélies, et à des modifications dans la datation d'homélies connues depuis longtemps. La collection K s'accorde avec la section X 6 .101-135 de l'indiculum de Possidius. La section avait été étudiée auparavant par Cyrille Lambot, sans que celui-ci eût disposé du texte de tous les sermons dont elle se compose; elle avait été située par lui en 39T. Le manuscrit mayençais a fourni l'instrument nécessaire pour traiter cette question de chronologie à nouveaux frais. Après s'être rangé quelque temps à l'opinion de dom Lambot8, le prof. Dolbeau privilégie aujourd'hui l'hypothèse qu'à Hippone même on a inséré des sermons plus tardifs dans une collection qui date pour l'essentiel des premières années de l'épiscopat 9 • Il insiste sur le fait que le recueil primitif, comme les autres recueils africains dont on possède des traces sans équivoque, était déjà composé de diverses séquences chronologiques; et il cherche à reconstituer ces blocs cohérents 10 • Comme moyen de support et de apocryphes ou anonymes, Paris, 2005 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Antiquité, 179), p.596: « Il[sc. H.Drobner] refuse les arguments stylistiques de Hill, sans doute à juste titre ». 6 F. DoLBEAU, « Sermons inédits de saint Augustin prêchés en 397 [1 ère 5ème série]», Revue Bénédictine, 101 (1991), p.240-256; 102(1992), p.44-74, 267297; 103(1993), p.307-338; 104(1994), p.34-76; «Nouveaux sermons de saint Augustin pour les fêtes de martyrs », Analecta Bollandiana, 110 (1992), p. 263310; réimpression avec addenda et corrigenda par m., Augustin d'Hippone. Vingt-six sermons au peuple d'Afrique, Paris, 1996 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 147), p. 17-224, 617-626. 7 C. LAMBOT, «Un ieiunium quinquagesimae en Afrique au rve siècle et date de quelques sermons de S. Augustin», Revue Bénédictine, 47 (1935), p.114-124; «Le catalogue de Possidius et la collection carthusienne de sermons de saint Augustin», ibid., 60(1950), p. 3-7. B Les trois premières livraisons de l'édition des nouveaux sermons de la sérieK situent toutes ces pièces en 397 (Revue Bénédictine, 101 (1991) et 102 (1992) =Vingt-six sermons, p.19-99); au début de la quatrième livraison il écrit qu'il a changé d'avis (Revue Bénédictine, 103 (1993), p. 307, n. 1 = Vingt-six sermons, p. 101, Il. 1). 9 F. DoLBEAu, Augustin et la prédication en Afrique, p. 595. 10 F. DoLBEAU, «Bulletin augustinien pour 2002/2003 », p.428: «Rejeter l'idée que l' Indiculum, pour les sermons comme pour les lettres, puisse conserver la trace de séquences chronologiques est une position intenable. Les sermons, mis au net par des tachygraphes, sont diffusés par petits paquets dont un exemplaire

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contrôle de son critère codicologique, il fait appel, parmi d'autres arguments, à celui invoqué bien des fois par Anne-Marie La Bonnardière: les citations bibliques, ou les chaînes de passages scripturaires, limitées à certain(s) stade(s) de la carrière d'Augustin 11 • Combinée avec l'exploitation de parallèles textuels, la méthode de Mme La Bonnardière est appliquée d'une façon systématique par Pierre-Marie Hombert pour ses Nouvelles recherches de chronologie augustinienne, publiées en 2000 12 • Les sermons de la collection K forment la partie centrale de ce gros volume; mais les recherches ne se limitent pas à ces prédications-ci, ni même aux prédications tout court: la totalité des ouvrages cités dans retr. 2, 6-26 est passée en revue dans la première partie du livre. L'auteur profite avec grande adresse des ressources offertes par la technologie moderne, et obtient des résultats inédits et convaincants, surtout là où l'utilisation des parallèles verbaux et scripturaires est étayée par d'autres critères 13 • Toutefois, la méthode n'est pas infaillible et mène quelquefois à des conclusions peu satisfaisantes 14 • est communiqué à l'auteur. Il existe de multiples preuves internes de telles séquences, correspondant à deux ou trois discours successifs. Ces blocs, l'eût-on voulu, ne pouvaient être dissociés, car ils avaient une unité codicologique. La conséquence de cet état de fait est double: les essais d'identification avec les titres de l' lndiculum sont légitimes et même indispensables, pour se faire une idée du groupement des pièces dans le fonds personnel d'Augustin; dans toute discussion portant sur un texte que préserve une série antique, il faut aussi contrôler le contexte codicologique, car il existe une probabilité notable que les sermons du voisinage immédiat soient contemporains ». 11 Voir par exemple Vingt-six sermons, p. 74-75, 507-509, 544-545, 587-588. 12 P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches de chronologie augustinienne, Paris, 2000 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Antiquité, 163). Voir la p. V de son introduction: «L'essentiel de notre méthode a consisté en l'exploitation systématique des parallèles. La confrontation d'un texte avec d'autres textes similaires n'a rien d'original. Depuis toujours, c'est ainsi que l'on date un grand nombre d'œuvres. La seule nouveauté de notre méthode a été la recherche systématique de tous les textes traitant du même thème, utilisant les mêmes versets scripturaires, ou offrant les mêmes développements doctrinaux. » 13 Par exemple P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, p. 243-252 (s. 60), 305-316 (s. 7), 399-416 (s. Dolbeau 11 = 90A), 465-473 (s. Dolbeau 15 = 283 augm.), 527-540 (s. Dolbeau 19 = 130A). 14 Voir, par exemple, cette phrase-ci dans la recension globalement très positive de S. LANCEL, «Bulletin augustinien pour 2000/2001 », Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 47 (2001), p. 437: «Toutes ces analyses ne pèsent pas d'un même poids dans la démonstration ». Le professeur Hombert est conscient de plusieurs diffi-

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Les introductions qui précèdent les sermons traduits par Hubertus Drobner 15 rejettent ou passent sous silence la plupart des datacultés et dangers inhérents à la méthode suivie (HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, p. VI-VII), mais il soutient qu'on peut passer outre pour autant qu'il a été possible d'accumuler des indices allant dans le même sens: «Plus le nombre d'indices conduisant vers la même époque est grand, plus on a de chances d'être dans le vrai » (p. VIII). Lorsque les indices sont faibles et peu nombreux, il a l'habitude de présenter ses conclusions avec des réserves; il arrive toutefois, surtout pour les datations proposées occasionnellement dans des notes en bas de page, que les indices soient en vérité peu convaincants, sans être qualifiés explicitement comme tels. Dans la postface de la traduction italienne des nouveaux sermons (Sant' Agostino, Discorsi nuovi. Supplemento II (Dolbeau 21-31; Etaix 4-5 ), trad. V. TARULLI, not. F. DoLBEAU, Rome, 2002 (Nuova biblioteca agostiniana, Opere di sant'Agostino, Edizione latino-italiana, 3, 35, 2, p. 846), F. DoLBEAU souligne que la méthode des parallèles textuels et scripturaires mène à des accumulations trop serrées autour de certains livres- et dates-clés, à moins qu'on ne compte par quinquennies ou décennies: «La biografia di Agostino e l'attualità della sua epoca racchiudono dei momenti privilegiati [... ], che rappresentano in qualche modo delle linee di demarcazione e servono cosi, da secoli, a ricostruire degli insiemi di opere datate con esattezza. In una ricerca fondata sui parallelismi, questi insiemi ricoprono il ruolo di poli magnetici che attirano verso di loro, corne limatura di ferro, documenti in attesa di datazione. Se il metodo è applicato su vasta scala, corne tende a fare Hombert, esso sfocia su un'immagine necessariamente falsata della produzione letteraria di Agostino, con un'accumulazione eccessiva attorno ad ogni insieme ben datato e una scarsità forzata per i periodi senza punti di riferimento. [... ] Piu un insieme 'datato' è importante, piu è ricco di materiali biblici e di parallelismi possibili, piu si gonfia di documenti incerti e accresce, per un semplice fatto quantitativo, la sua capacità di attirare a sé altri testi. Un nuovo libro che si basasse senza critica su quello di Hombert aggraverebbe solo questo effetto perverso di coagulazione intorno ai fatti salienti della vita di Agostino.»; au sujet des s. Dolbeau 15 = 283 augm., s. Dolbeau 19 = 130A et s. Dolbeau 20 = 14A il propose donc d'élargir le laps de temps établi par l'auteur. 15 Augustinus von Hippo. Predigten zum Buch Genesis (Sermones 1-5), Predigten zu Kirch- und Bischofsweihe (Sermones 336-340/A), Predigten zu den Büchern Exodus, Konige und Job (Sermones 6-12), Predigten zum Weihnachtsfest (Sermones 184-196), Predigten zum Buch der Sprüche und Jesus Sirach (Sermones 35-41), Predigten zum 6sterlichen Triduum (Sermones 218-229/D). Einleitung, Text, Übersetzung und Anmerkungen von H. R. DROBNER (Patrologia. Beitrage zum Studium der Kirchenvii.ter, 7.9-11.13.16), Francfort, 2000-2006, 6 vols. jusqu'à présent; citons aussi quelques publications plus anciennes du même auteur dans lesquelles les datations traditionnelles avaient déjà été rejetées, ou citées avec beaucoup de réserve: « Für euch bin ich Bischof ». Die Predigten Augustins über das Bischofsamt (sermones 335K, 339, 340, 340A, 383 und 396 ). Einleitung und Übersetzung (Augustinus heute, 7), Würzburg, 1993; « Die Osternachtspredigt Augustins s. 221

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tions proposées jusqu'à présent, sans avancer des alternatives. L'auteur s'en est expliqué dans plusieurs articles 16 • Trois critères, semble-t-il, ont sa pleine confiance: le témoignage explicite d'Augustin lui-même 17 , la référence claire à un événement ou une situation fermement datable 18 , et les correspondances étroites et massives avec des ouvrages dictés d'Augustin 19 • Parmi les données et raisonnements qu'il n'admet pas comme arguments suffisamment sûrs 20 il compte la plupart des parallèles thématiques, verbales et scripturaires 21 ; en outre, il recommande une réévaluation critique des possibilités offertes par l'indiculum et les contextes codicologiques des sermons 22 • On n'est pas tenu de partager certaines prises

(Guelferbytanus 5). Einleitung und Übersetzung », Augustinus, 38 (1993), p. 189202; «Augustinus, Sermo in vigilia pentecostes aus den in Mainz neuentdeckten Predigten. Datierung und deutsche Übersetzung », Theologie und Glaube, 83 (1993), p. 446-454; «Augustins sermo Moguntinus über Gal 2, 11-14. Einleitung, Übersetzung und Anmerkungen », ibid., 84 (1994), p. 226-242. 16 H. R. DROBNER, « The Chronology of St. Augustine's Sermones ad populum », Augustinian Studies, 31 (2000), p. 211-218; «The Chronology of St. Augustine's Sermones ad populum II: Sermons 5 to 8 », ibid., 34 (2003), p. 49-66; «The Chronology of Augustine's Sermones ad populum III: On Christmas Day», ibid., 35 (2004), p. 43-53. Ci-dessous nous citons ces articles par les termes « Chronology I-III ». 11 « Chronology I », p. 213; « Chronology II », p. 66. lS « Chronology I », p. 213; « Chronology II», p. 66; « Chronology III», p. 52-53. L'auteur donne quelquefois l'impression que ce critère serait pour lui le seul à fournir une base tout à fait sûre: « Chronology I », p. 215 et « Chronology II », p.66. 19 « Chronology I », p. 215, 217; « Chronology II », p. 62-63, 66. 20 «Not admissible as valid arguments seem to be: alleged series of sermons; similar topic means similar time; similar style means similar time; hypothetical development of thought or style; a chain of hypotheses; numerous allusions to themes only later to be developed in major theological treatises; isolated liturgical connections; psychological assumptions of the author's state of mind; argumentum e silentio. This list is by no means comprehensive »: « Chronology II », p.66. 21 « Chronology I », p. 216; « Chronology II », p. 58-60, 64-65; « Chronology III », p. 47, 48-50. 22 « Chronology II », p. 49-57; « Chronology III », p. 47-48. L'auteur fait montre d'une extrême prudence, qui touche à !'hypercritique, lorsqu'il ècrit: «He preached for nearly forty years. How many times he might have returned to the same topic we do not know. On so fragmentary a basis any identification of a sermon preserved for us with any of those listed by Possidius furnishes us with a fragile hypothesis » (« Chronology Il», p. 55); la rèponse par F. DoLBEAU,

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de positions peu nuancées de l'auteur 23 , pour apprécier le fait même qu'il insiste sur la nécessité d'établir une distinction claire entre les datations avérées et celles qui sont seulement plausibles ou plus ou moins probables 24 : si les chercheurs futurs raisonnent sur des bases qui sont hypothétiques, sans qu'ils en soient conscients eux-mêmes, nos connaissances d'Augustin et de son époque ne progresseront guère. 2. Les répertoires Nous avons l'impression que les répertoires actuellement disponibles en forme imprimée, y compris ceux dont les auteurs se sont efforcés d'être au courant des dernières tendances, ne correspondent pas tout à fait à ce besoin. Le répertoire composé par H. R. Drobner, qui fut une Vorarbeit pour ses traductions commentées et qui a rendu depuis lors d'immenses services à tous ceux qui étudient les sermons, évite radicalement de prendre position dans les questions chronologiques 25 • Les datations des sermons dans l'ouvrage encyclopédique Augustine through the Ages (1999) 26 se basent exclusivement sur la troisième édition (1995) des Kirchenschriftsteller de Hermann Josef

«Bulletin augustinien pour 2004/2005 »,Revue d'Études Augustiniennes et Patristiques, 51 (2005), p. 443-444, est instructive. 23 Au cours de ses analyses de la traduction (Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 49 (2003), p. 424-428; 50 (2004), p.451-452; 51 (2005), p.443-444; 52 (2006), p. 488-490) F. Dolbeau a critiqué la rigueur des exigences posées par le professeur Drobner, et son manque d'intérêt pour les résultats obtenus par les philologues. 24 « There should be a clear distinction between the firmly established dates and ail the others. Those in the latter category can, after ail, be regarded only as hypotheses - be they probable or even plausible hypotheses » (« Chronology 1 », p. 218); «The first requirement, therefore, is the clear distinction between the two basic categories 'dated' or 'undated'. Only afterward may one provide the reader with arguments for further classifications, whether possible or probable. However, those arguments, too, have to be evaluated critically as to the quality of their reliability and their persuasive force » (« Chronology II », p. 66). 25 H. R. DROBNER, Augustinus von Hippo: Sermones ad populum. Überlieferung und Besland. Bibliographie - Indices, Leyde, 2000 (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae, 49). 26 Augustine lhrough the Ages. An Encyclopedia, ed. A. D. FITZGERALD, Grand Rapids - Cambridge, 1999, p. 774-789.

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Frede 27 . Elles n'ont pas été actualisées pour l'édition française de l'encyclopédie parue en 2005 28 , bien que Roger Gryson eût publié entretemps deux compléments des Kirchenschriftsteller 29 , dont le second (2004) renferme quelques rectifications chronologiques indispensables30. Ce dernier complément donne aussi, «sous bénéfice d'inventaire »31, les dates proposées dans l'index des Nouvelles recherches du prof. Hombert 32 . En 2002 José Anoz publia une Cronologia de la producci6n agustiniana33, sous la forme d'un catalogue détaillé des ouvrages d'Augustin avec leur datation la plus récente ou celle qui lui semblait la plus probable. La section des sermones ad populum a été composée avec un soin particulier: ayant traduit les Sermons Dolbeau 34 , l'auteur était préparé à y contribuer du sien. Il a donc proposé quelques datations entièrement nouvelles, exposant ses arguments en bas de page; toutes celles qui remontent à d'autres chercheurs contemporains sont accompagnées de renvois aux publications consultées, et parfois aussi d'une annotation cherchant à justifier la préférence de l'auteur pour telle ou telle date. Le Père Anoz se montrait plutôt indulgent à l'égard des datations hypothétiques: mieux valait pour lui une date incertaine que l'absence d'information chronologique. L'inconvénient inhérent à cette tendance était atténué par le statut de son article: une prise de position individuelle, étalant ses sources, ouverte à la critique. Cette Cronologia a profondément influencé la cinquième édition imprimée (2007) de la Verzeichnis der Sigel für Kirchenschriftstel-

27 H. J. FREDE, Kirchenschriftsteller. Verzeichnis und Sigel, Fribourg-en-Brisgau, 19953 (Vetus Latina, I, 1), p. 221-257. 2s Saint Augustin, la Méditerranée et l'Europe. 1v• - xx1• siécle, éd. A. D. FITZGERALD - A.-M. VANNIER, Paris, 2005, p. 1328-1348. 29 Aktualisierungshefte /Compléments 1999 et 2004, éd. R. GRYSON, Fribourgen-Brisgau. 30 Aktualisierungsheft 2004, p. 23-26, passim. 31 Aktualisierungsheft 2004, p. 19. 32 Aktualisierungsheft 2004, p.23-26; cf. P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, p.640-642. 33 J. ANoz, « Cronologia de la produccion agustiniana », Augustinus, 47 (2002), p. 229-312. Le catalogue des sermons y occupe les pages 266-294. 34 San Agustin. Sermones nuevos. Traduccion y edicion de J. ANoz, Madrid, 2001.

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ler 35 , ce qui n'était pas sans danger: incorporées dans un répertoire de grand prestige, sans renvois à leurs auteurs, marquées rarement de points d'interrogation, les suppositions non-vérifiées peuvent prendre l'aspect de certitudes. C'est donc à bon droit que Monseigneur Gryson lui-même, dans la version on-line du répertoire des auteurs ecclésiastiques latins de la Velus Latina (www.brepolis.net), a mis en question ou corrigé plusieurs notices de l'édition de 2007; et nous espérons qu'il continuera à nuancer les données actuellement disponibles à mesure que la recherche et la critique progresseront. Une hypothèse risquant d'être appréciée au-dessus de sa valeur si l'on ne consulte que l'édition imprimée de la Verzeichnis concerne quatre sermons qui font partie de notre édition critique 36 : les Sermons 56, 57, 58 et Poque 1=59 augm. sur le Pater. L'hypothèse remonte à E. Hill 37 • Le point de départ de l'auteur est l'instabilité du texte scripturaire Matth. 6, 10, la troisième requête du Pater. Dans les Sermons 57 et 58 Augustin la cite assidûment sous la forme Fiat uoluntas tua sicut in caelo ita et in terra. Dans le Sermon 59 augm. le ita a disparu, et la formule correspond à la recension de la Vulgate: sicut in caelo et in terra. Dans le Sermon 56 réapparaissent les deux formules (surtout celle avec ita) et il s'y trouve aussi une troisième: Fiat uoluntas tua in caelo et in terra, sans ita, mais aussi sans sicut. Cette variation correspondrait à une succession chronologique des prédications elles-mêmes: d'abord le Sermon 56, avec son amas chaotique de trois versions; ensuite 57 et 58: car dans ces deux sermons, surtout dans 57, Augustin répète la demande Fiat uoluntas tua sicut in caelo ita et in terra si fréquemment que l'auteur croit y découvrir une raison spécifique: «(Augustine) reinforces the suggestion that a liturgical revision was in progress; he wanted to din the new version into people's heads ». En dernière instance, dans le Sermon 59

35 R. GRYSON, Répertoire général des auteurs ecclésiastiques latins de l' Antiquité et du Haut Moyen Âge, Fribourg-en-Brisgau, 2007 (Vetus Latina, 1, 15 ). 36 Augustinus, Sermones in Matthaeum, 1 (CCSL 41Aa), p. 147-227. Dans les monita et les notes complémentaires (p. 149-151, 175-176, 195-197, 217-219) nous avons omis cette hypothèse, comme d'autres conjectures trop peu justifiées; nous l'aurions toutefois mentionnée, en montrant qu'elle est extrêmement faible, si nous avions su qu'elle allait entrer dans la nouvelle édition de la Sigelverzeichnis. 37 The Works of St. Augustine, vol. IIl/3, 1991, p.117.

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augm., Augustin aurait accepté d'utiliser le texte révisé par Jerôme. Cet ordre chronologique n'est qu'une supposition non-vérifiée. Une consultation de la Library of Latin Texts Online et du Corpus Augustinianum Gissense ne la confirme pas. La leçon du Sermon 59 augm., sicut in caelo et in terra, est courante dans l'œuvre augustinienne, depuis le De sermone Domini in monte jusqu'en l'Opus imperfectum, et consulté sur ce sujet Mgr. Gryson nous a fait savoir qu'elle se présente dans la plupart des manuscrits vieux latins, y compris ceux qui ne sont pas suspects de contamination par la Vulgate: elle ne provient donc pas de la révision hiéronymienne comme telle 38 • La forme textuelle qu'on rencontre dans le Sermon 56, in caelo et in terra, se trouve dans le deuxième livre Contra litteras Petiliani et dans Contra duas epistulas Pelagianorum, c.-à-d. en 401/402 et 420/421; et en 429, dans De dono perseuerantiae, elle est qualifiée comme étant moins usuelle que sicut in caelo et in terra 39 • La version des Sermons 57 et 58, sicut in caelo ita et in terra, est attestée deux fois encore (pas plus) dans la production littéraire conservée d'Augustin: ces deux attestations concernent l'opuscule De perfectione iustitiae hominis (de 414 ou 415 environ) 40 • Si, tirant parti de la rareté de cette version, le Père Hill avait proposé de placer les Sermons 57 et 58 aux environs de 414 ou 415, sans vouloir se prononcer sur la succession des deux autres sermons, nous aurions fait mention de son hypothèse, avec les réserves nécessaires. Mais il n'avait pas effectué ces recherches sur l'emploi des trois formules dans l'œuvre subsistante de l'évêque d'Hippone. Après avoir établi une succession hypothétique, il hasarda une datation absolue situant les s. 57 et 58 effectivement en 413 et 414, non à cause de la correspondance avec perf. iust., mais par suite d'un malentendu. Sur base d'un résumé peu adéquat des prises de position antérieures 41 il était convaincu que la littérature érudite

GRYSON, lettre du 11 sept. 2008. C. litt. Pet. 2, 53, 121; c. ep. Pel. 4, 9, 25-26; perseu. 3, 6. 40 Perf. iust. 10, 21 et 19, 40. 41 À la p. 106 du volume III/3 de sa traduction, à propos du s. 56, E. Hill s'était prononcé de la façon suivante: «Sorne propose the year 410 for the date, others Jess definitely any of the three years 410 to 412. The same date is indeed proposed for the next three sermons, by some scholars at least [... ]. But 1 would have thought it more likely they were preached in different years. So some 38

39

R.

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place les sermons sur le Pater tous les quatre entre 410 et 416. Il décalqua donc sa succession présumée des sermons sur une suite arbitraire d'années successives appartenant toutes à cette première moitié de la deuxième décennie, et parvint ainsi aux dates suivantes: (ca.) 412 le Sermon 56; 413 le Sermon 57; 414 le Sermon 58; 415 le Sermon 59 augm. Faut-il rétablir la datation « classique» de ces quatre allocutions, qui remonte à Adalbero Kunzelmann 42 ? Ces homélies se ressemblent fort entre elles, sauf en ce que l'accent ne tombe pas toujours sur le même élément. Le Sermon 56 développe amplement l'idée que tout être humain est pécheur 43 ; en plus, on y lit qu'en cas de danger de mort pour les enfants non encore baptisés, les parents recourent hâtivement au baptême afin d'obtenir la rémission d'un originale peccatum 44 • Cela convient très bien à l'époque de la controverse déclanchée par Caelestius; mais pas seulement à ce moment-là: dans la quatrième homélie sur l'épître de s. Jean (en 407), Augustin s'est déjà prononcé de la même manière: Si cum nullo peccato nascimur, quid est quod cum in{antibus ad baptismum curritur, ut soluentur ? 45 Il reste donc un doute concernant la date traditionnelle « 410-412 »; et les dates des autres sermons sur le Pater qu'on a citées elles aussi sur foi de Kunzelmann sont plus incertaines encore. Il a placé le Sermon 58 (dans lequel l'accent est mis sur le devoir de pardonner au prochain) à l'époque « 412-416 » parce que la thèse que tout être humain est pécheur y est soutenue avec force 46 ; mais alors comment se fait-il que le commentaire de Ne nos in{eras in temptationem

scholars in fact extend the time range up to the year 416 »; en vérité, la datation traditionnelle considérait l'année 410 comme terminus post quem du s. 56 et comme terminus ante quem des s. 57 et 59, alors qu'elle situait le s. 58 entre 412 et 416. 42 A. KuNZELMANN, «Die Chronologie der sermones des hl. Augustinus», dans Miscellanea Agostiniana, II, Rome, 1931, p.417-520, en part. p.453; p.460-461, n.1; p.466, n.4. 43 Augustinus, s. 56, 11-12 (CCSL41Aa, p.161-164, 1. 209-273). 44 Augustinus, s.56, 13 (CCSL41Aa, p.165, 1.286-287). 45 Augustinus, ep. Io. Ir. 4, 11 (SChr 75), p. 240. 46 Augustinus, s.58, 6 (CCSL 41Aa, p.204, 1.108-111): « Dimitte nobis debita nostra » dicimus; et dicamus, quia uerum dicimus. Quis enim hic uiuit in carne, et non habet debita ? Quis est homo sic uiuens, ut ei non sil ista oratio necessaria ? lnflare se potest, iustificare non potest.

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professe hautement l'initiative et la responsabilité humaines 47 ? Augustin faisait-il face, par cet appel à la volonté des competentes, au défaitisme qui pourrait se dégager de la thèse si explicitement posée? Voilà une question qui ne peut pas être résolue tant qu'on ne dispose pas d'une étude globale de l'adaptation, par Augustin, du fond de sa pensée aux exigences de la pastorale. D'autre part, Kunzelmann situe le Sermon 57 « vor410 »: car Dimitte nabis debita nostra « steht hier ohne jede Spitze gegen Pelagius ». Notons toutefois que ce sermon n'est pas une œuvre de controverse, pas plus que les autres sermons sur le Pater; au cas où il fut prononcé pendant le conflit, il contenait tout ce qu'il fallait pour soutenir le point de vue augustinien, entre autres cette phrase-ci: Quia sine dubio uinceris si ilium adiutorem non habueris, si te deseruerit, ideo ponis in oratione: «Ne nos inferas in temptationem »48 • Quant au Sermon Poque 1 =59 augm., Kunzelmann ne le connaissait pas encore dans sa totalité, tel qu'il a été reconstitué par Suzanne Poque 49 ; I'argumentum silentii dont Kunzelmann se servit pour poser que le Sermon 59 date de« vor 410 » n'a plus grande valeur depuis qu'on peut y lire: Et do tibi consilium: [... ] contra temptationem claude ostium et pone seram, Dei dilectionem; et quis hoc potest, nisi ille adiuuet qui rogatur a nabis ?50 Il est vrai que ce passage ne nous autorise pas non plus à fixer la date du sermon après 410; il n'est pas suffisamment explicite. 3. Datations certaines / plus ou moins probables / erronées ou absentes Résumons maintenant les status quaestionis dressés dans les introductions de notre édition, prenant soin de distinguer les datations qui reposent sur des données sûres de celles qui restent plus ou moins hypothétiques. Les dates qui, à notre connaissance, ne font aucun doute sont nettement minoritaires, et elles sont plutôt vagues. Le Sermon 55 47 Augustinus, s. 58, 9 (CCSL 41Aa, p. 209-210, 1. 208-232): Quicumque enim temptatione uincitur, peccatum ipse committit. [... ] Ergo, ne abstraharis a concupiscentia, noli consentire concupiscentiae tuae. Non est unde concipiat, nisi de te. [... ] Surrexit concupiscentia: nega te illi, noli eam sequi. [... ] 48 Augustinus, s. 57, 9 (CCSL 41Aa, p. 187, 1. 212-214). 49 Augustinus, Sermons pour la Pâque, éd. S. PoouE, Paris, 1966 (SChr, 116), p. 186-199. 50 Augustinus, s. 59, 8 (CCSL 41Aa, p. 226, 1. 131-135).

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est antérieur à l'année 411, car Augustin y considère saint Paul comme l'auteur de l'épître aux Hébreux 51 (ce terminus ante quem a été établi par Anne-Marie La Bonnardière 52). La deuxième pièce qu'on peut citer ici, c'est le Sermon Wilmart12 =61A: dom Wilmart, qui en publia l'editio princeps en 1929, nota à bon droit 53 que l'homélie fut prononcée hors d'Hippone 54 dans une localité qui disposait de reliques de saint Étienne 55 , et qu'elle date donc de 415 au plus tôt 56 (Kunzelmann 57 la situait entre 425 et 430 par mégarde, pensant qu'Augustin faisait allusion au sanctuaire d'Hippone, et c'est son opinion à lui qui a prévalu depuis lors). Le Sermon 62 fut prononcé à Carthage dans le contexte de l'exécution des lois de fin 398 /début 399 sur le retrait des statues cultuelles 58 • Le prof. Yves51 Augustinus, s. 55, 5 (CCSL 41Aa, p. 145, 1. 82-83): Audistis exhortantem Apostolum: «Si separetis uos a disciplina, ergo nothi, et non estis filii » [Hebr. 12, 8]. 52 A.-M. LA BoNNARDIÈRE, «L'épître aux Hébreux dans l'œuvre de saint Augustin», Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 3 (1957), p. 137-162, en part. p.143145; cf. H. R. DROBNER, « Chronology II », p. 62. 53 A. WrLMART, «Un sermon de S. Augustin sur la prière cité par Bède», Revue Bénédictine, 41 (1929), p. 5-14, en part. p. 13-14. 54 Augustinus, s. Wilm. 12 = 61A, 1 (CCSL 41Aa, p. 282, 1. 3-4): Quoniam uoluit Dominus me hinc non discedere debitorem, reddendi quod promisi tempus agnosco. 55 Augustinus, s. Wilm. 12 =61A, 5(CCSL 41Aa, p.284, 1.69-71): Feriunt enim oculos et nolentium, quae hic cotidie fiunt miracula sanitatum per memoriam beatissimi et gloriosissimi martyris praesentis in hoc loco. 56 «Le culte du protomartyr s'est implanté dès 415-420 en Afrique, en deux noyaux distincts et circonscrits (au N.E. de la Proconsulaire et au N. de la Numidie proconsulaire), tous deux liés au monde augustinien»: Y. DuvAL, Loca Sanctorum Africae. Le culte des martyrs en Afrique du 1v' au vu' sie'cle, Rome, 1982, t.11 (Collection de !'École française de Rome, 58), p.631-632. D'autre part, il y a très peu de chances que le sermon date d'après 426, car en cette année eut lieu le dernier voyage de l'évêque d'Hippone dont on possède des traces. 57 A. KuNZELMANN, « Die Chronologie», p. 508. 58 L'objet de ces lois, bien qu'il ne soit pas indiqué nommément dans le sermon, se déduit de la causalité établie entre elles et la tendance des chrétiens à détruire les idoles: Augustinus, s.62, 18(CCSL 41Aa, p.312, 1.397-399, 407409): [... ] quia contra paganos placuit ut leges ferrentur, immo pro paganis, si sapiant [... ], quia ergo uoluit Deus, putant nos ubique quaerere idola, quae, cum inuenerimus in omnibus locis, frangere. Le 27 avril 399 eut lieu à Carthage le IV0 concile de l'épiscopat africain; O. PERLER, Les voyages de saint Augustin, Paris, 1969 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 36), p. 225-228, a cherché à prouver, non sans plausibilité, qu'Augustin y assista et qu'il prononça le s. 62 en cette année-ci; l'évêque d'Hippone serait resté à Carthage jusqu'en juillet.

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Marie Duval 59 a démontré que le Sermon Morin 6 = 62A repose en partie sur le commentaire hiéronymien sur Jonas, dont Augustin ignorait jusqu'à l'existence en 403; et le Sermon Mai126 =68augm. fait allusion à l'affection chronique de la voix dont Augustin souffrait pendant les dernières années de sa vie 60 . Cela fait cinq homélies pour lesquelles on peut fixer une époque, ou un terminus ante ou post quem, avec sûreté: cinq sur 29. Les homélies datées hypothétiquement, mais raisonnablement, sont au nombre de 11. Le Sermon 51 est un très long traité sur la discordance des généalogies du Christ. La question se pose quelles circonstances ont pu occasionner une telle œuvre; or, le dernier éditeur du sermon 61 a souligné que la question était d'actualité au tournant des ive et ve siècles, comme il ressort du troisième livre Contra Faustum et du second De consensu euangelistarum; les citations peu nombreuses d' Isaïe 57, 8 sont concentrées elles aussi autour de l'année 400 62 . L'éditeur est porté à situer le Sermon 51 en l'hiver 403/404, à cause du contexte codicologique (la collection de Lorsch, dont le noyau principal date de cet hiver); P.-M. Hombert63 cite d'étroites concordances verbales avec d'autres sermons appartenant au noyau central de la collection de Lorsch, mais sans procurer un appui vraiment solide. Dans le Sermon 52 Augustin traite l'analogie entre la Trinité et les trois facultés spirituelles humaines (la mémoire, l'intelligence et la volonté); par le fait qu'il limite encore cette analogie aux operationes divines ad extra, il se trouve dans le contexte de trin. 4, 21, 30 et de ep. 169, 5-6, qui datent de ca. 414 et de 415, non encore de

59 Y.-M. DuvAL, «Saint Augustin et le Commentaire sur Jonas de saint Jérôme», Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 12 (1966), p. 9-40. 60 Augustinus, s.Mai126 =68augm., 1 (CCSL 41Aa, p.437, 1.11-12, 15-16): Non est talis (uox nostra) ut sufficiat nisi magno silentio et surtout infirmitate uocis multitudini non sufficimus. A. KuNZELMANN, «Die Chronologie», p. 507-508, attira déjà l'attention sur ces paroles. 61 Augustinus, Sermo 51, éd. F. DoLBEAU dans Sermones in Matthaeum, 1, éd. P.-P. VERBRAKEN - L. DE CoNINCK - B. CoPPIETERS 'tWallant - R. DEMEULENAERE, Turnhout, 2008 (CCSL41Aa), p.5-50, en particulier p. 7. 62 Voir encore F. DoLBEAU, «Une citation d'lsaïe (57, 8, LXX), non reconnue dans les éditions d'Augustin», Augustinianum, 34 (1994), p. 395-396 =Augustin et la prédication en Afrique, p. 155-156. 63 P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, p.83, n.195.

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trin. 10, 11, 18 (section écrite probablement en 417/418 64): la concordance fut constatée dès 1966 par Olivier Du Roy 65 • Le Sermon 53 est la troisième d'un groupe de quatre prédications subsistantes prononcées à Carthage les 19, 20, 21 et 22 janvier d'une seule et même année: c'est ce qui ressort des renvois réciproques entre ces quatre sermons 66 • Il y a des raisons pour supposer qu'un peu plus tard, entre le 25 janvier et le 2 février, Augustin ait prononcé encore le Sermon 69, qui contient une allusion éventuelle au thème principal des sermons du 21 et 22 janvier (la promesse du conspectus Dei eschatologique 67) et figure probablement deux places après eux dans la liste de Possidius 68 • Kunzelmann opta pour 413

64 A.-M. LA BoNNARDIÈRE, « Le De Trinitate de Saint Augustin, confronté au livre XIe de la Cité de Dieu», Annuaire de l'École Pratique des Hautes Études, Section des Sciences Religieuses, 85 (1976-1977), p. 343-346. 65 O. Du RoY, L'intelligence de la foi en la Trinité selon saint Augustin. Gene'se de sa théologie trinitaire jusqu'en 391, Paris, 1966 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Antiquité, 27), p. 439-440. 66 Il s'agit de s.111 (qui annonce pour le lendemain, jour anniversaire de l'ordination d'Aurelius, une cérémonie liturgique dans la basilica Fausti), s. 23 (habitus in basilica Fausti, un sermon sur les rapports entre les pasteurs et leurs ouailles, et sur l'impossibilité d'une représentation matérielle de Dieu), s. 53 (habitus in basilica Tricilarum; Augustin rappelle qu'il a traité la question de l'invisibilité de Dieu la veille et développe dans l'homélie actuelle Matth. 5, 8, Beati mundicordes quoniam ipsi Deum uidebunt; l'homélie est prononcée sollemnitate sanctae uirginis quae testimonium dixit de Christo : Augustinus, s. 53, 1 : CCSL 41Aa, p. 88, 1. 3-4), et en quatrième lieu s. 277 (in festo martyris Vincentii, habitus in basilica Restituta, avec renvoi à ce qui a été dit la veille sur les cœurs purs qui verront Dieu). Le calendrier de Carthage situe la fête de saint Vincent le 22 janvier, et mentionne pour le 21 janvier celle de la vierge martyrisée Agnès. L'indiculum mentionne les Sermons 53 et 277 sous les n°" X 6 .136 et 137 (Ex euangelio de beatitudinibus et de natale sancti Vincenti). Voir D. DE BRUYNE, «La chronologie de quelques sermons de saint Augustin», Revue Bénédictine, 43 (1931), p.185-193, en part. p.188 et 192. 67 Augustinus, s.69,3 (CCSL 41Aa, p.461, 1.35-40): Quod est fastigium construendae fabricae quam molimur ? Quo peruenturum est cacumen aedificii ? Cito dico: usque ad conspectum Dei. Videtis quam excelsum est, quanta res est, conspicere Deum![ ... ] Promittitur nobis conspectus Dei [cf. Matth. 5,8], ueri Dei, summi Dei [ ... ]. 6 68 Après le 25 janvier (X .138 et 139: s. Agileus), l'indiculum place un sermon De euangelio: Venite ad me omnes qui laboratis et onerati estis, et ego uos reficiam [Matth. 11,28](X6 .140); le sermon suivant date du 2 février (X6 .141: Item ex eadem lectione [cf. Matth. 11, 28] per natalem Carteriensium de amore Dei). Or, trois homélies subsistantes traitent la péricope Venite ad me: les s. 69, 70 et

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à cause des thèmes prédominants de l'impossibilité d'une vision matérielle de Dieu et de la condition des corps après la parousie, qui rattachent ces sermons à la lettre De uidendo Deo 69 ; et Othmar Perler s'est rangé au même avis, précisant qu'en janvier 412 Augustin se trouvait dans son propre diocèse et qu'il s'abstint de paraître à Carthage entre la fin de 413 et 416 70 • Il faut toutefois rester sur ses gardes lorsqu'on utilise l'article de Kunzelmann. Nous pensons qu'il s'est trompé en situant le Sermon Morin 11 =53A entre 405 et 411 sur base de l'aphorisme martyrem non facit poena sed causa en combinaison avec Matth. 5, 10 71 : avec ou sans la citation scripturaire, la formule se présente dans les prédications et les lettres de l'évêque d'Hippone jusqu'en 418/419. L'homélie contient un passage 72 où Augustin interprète les paroles de Rom. 7, 22-23 Condelector legi Dei secundum interiorem hominem, uideo autem aliam legem in membris meis repugnantem legi mentis meae non comme la plainte du chrétien en général, comme c'était son habitude avant la confrontation avec Caelestius et Pélage, mais plutôt comme un témoignage de Paul sur sa propre personne; or, dans ce Sermon 53A cette interprétation n'est pas proclamée hautement, mais suggeree avec une imprec1s10n évasive, caractéristique de la façon dont Augustin la présentait au cours des années 412 à 416 73 •

s. Mai 127 = 70A. Le s. 70 n'entre pas en ligne de compte si la série X 6 .136 sqq. date de 413 (voir ci-dessous); X 6 .141 n'a pas survécu, car s.69 et s.Mai 127 ne parlent pas de l'amor Dei. À cause de ses 1. 35-40 (voir la note précédente) les. 69 a plus de chances de correspondre à !'article X 6 .140 que s. Mai 127, dans lequel on n'a trouvé aucun élément datable jusqu'à présent. 69 A. KuNZELMANN, «Die Chronologie», p. 504-505 (se limitant aux Sermons 23, 53 et 277). 70 O. PERLER, Les voyages, p. 310-314. 71 Augustinus, s.Morinll = 53A, 13 (CCSL 41Aa, p.122, 1.271-277): cf. A. KuNZELMANN, «Die Chronologie», p. 442 et n. 3-5. 72 Augustinus, s. Morin 11 = 53A, 12 (CCSL 41Aa, p. 120, 1. 235-241). 73 M.-F. BERROUARD, «L'exégèse augustinienne de Rom., 7, 7-25 entre 396 et 418 avec des remarques sur les deux premières périodes de la crise 'pélagienne' », Recherches Augustiniennes, 16 (1981), p. 101-195, en part. 140-144. Le Père Berrouard lui-même (p. 117) suivait Kunzelmann, et s'interdisait ainsi de confronter notre sermon avec eu. Io. Ir. 41, 10-12 et ep. 157, 3, 16, datant tous deux de 414.

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P.-M. Hombert dans ses Nouvelles Recherches 74 a apporté des éléments persuasifs pour prouver que le public auquel s'adresse Lambot 19 =Sermon 60 augm. est toujours sous le choc causé par la prise de Rome par Alaric. Le Sermon 61 contient un passage nettement antipélagien 75 ; si Augustin y a cité le début de l' Ecclésiaste sous la forme uanitas uanitantium, ce que nous pensons pouvoir déduire d'une particularité dans la tradition manuscrite 76 , il date d'avant 420/421 77 • Ce qui nous reste du Sermon Mai 25 =63A développe le thème du bon grain et l'ivraie dans un sens antidonatiste, qui émerge pleinement dans les traitements de la parabole par Augustin en 400 environ et devient dès lors l'explication préférée 78 • Dans le Sermon Lambot 12 = 64 augm. l'évêque d'Hippone fait probablement allusion à la coercition du donatisme après l'édit d'unité de 405 ou au cours de la deuxième décennie du ve siècle, lorsque le schisme avait été déclaré hors la loi (411)79 • Au cours du Sermon 67 l'union de la nature humaine du Christ avec le Verbum est présentée comme un exemple parfait de la grâce non précédée d'un mérite 80 ; le passage situe cette homélie dans la période d'activité antipélagienne, d'autant plus qu'il contient la for-

P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles Recherches, p. 243-252. Augustinus, s. 61, 1-2 (CCSL 41Aa, p. 265-266, 1. 18-38). 76 Augustinus, s. 61, 11 (CCSL 41Aa, p. 273, 1. 218-219 et les addenda, p. 276). 77 A. KuNZELMANN, «Die Chronologie», p. 464-465 le rangea parmi les homélies qui soulignent l'inclination de la volonté à pécher, et dans lesquelles les pélagiens ne sont pas encore nommés expressément: la combinaison de ces deux éléments indiquerait une date comprise entre 412 et 416. Mais dans un sermon commentant Matth. 7, 7-11 (le bon usage des richesses) le thème de l'incapacité humaine de faire le bien se présentait dûment à n'importe quel stade de la polémique (cf. Matth. 7, 11: uos cum sitis mali); et in casu le ton de l'invective des paragraphes 1-2 n'est plus celui de quelqu'un qui espère que ses adversaires modifieront leur attitude. 78 F. ScoRzA BARCELLONA, «La parabola della zizzania in Agostino. A proposito di Quaestiones in Matthaeum 11 », Annali di Storia dell'Esegesi, 5 (1988), p. 215-223 et G. LETTIERI, « Tollerare o sradicare ? Il dilemma del discernimento. La parabola della zizzania da Ambrogio a Leone Magno », Cristianesimo nella Sloria, 26 (2005), p. 65-121, en part. p. 90-110. 79 Augustinus, s. Lambot 12 =64augm.,4 (CCSL 41Aa, p.359, 1.106-115): voir notre monilum, ibid., p. 349-350. 80 Augustinus, s. 67, 7 (CCSL 41Aa, p. 426-427, 1. 124-146). 74

75

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mule una persona 81 non attestée avant 411, comme l'a constaté Tarcisius-J an van Bavel 82 • Pour le Sermon 70 enfin nous avons proposé 83 une date comprise entre 394/395 et les toutes premières années du ve siècle, tenant compte de l'évolution de la pensée d'Augustin concernant la charité et concernant l'efficacité de la bona uoluntas. Résumons les critères qui se trouvent à la base des hypothèses que nous avons qualifiées de raisonnables. On s'y est servi le plus souvent de l'évolution de la doctrine - ou, en général, des préoccupations - d'Augustin, et de ses versions ou interprétations successives de certains passages scripturaires: il s'agit des Sermons 51, 52, 53, 53A (Morin 11), 61, 63A (Mai25), 67, 69 et 70. Les critères susmentionnés ont rarement abouti à fixer une date précise: on s'est dûment contenté d'un laps de temps plus ou moins étendu, ou d'un terminus ante/ post quem. À l'appui de ces critères on a employé des arguments d'ordre codicologique au sujet des Sermons 51, 53 et 69. Dans les s. 60 et 64 augm. (Lambot 19 et 12) on a signalé des allusions à des événements connus par ailleurs, ce qui amènerait chaque fois un terminus post quem. Parmi les treize homélies comprises entre s. 51 et s. 70A qui n'ont pas encore été évoquées dans ce chapitre, il se trouve six pièces qui n'ont jamais donné prise à une tentative de datation, pour autant que nous sachions. Quant à sept autres, c.-à-d. aux Sermons 54, 56-59 augm., 63, et Étaix 1 =65A, nous pensons qu'il faut faire de sérieuses réserves quant aux résultats obtenus jusqu'à présent 84, les critères invoqués n'étant pas vraiment solides; les chercheurs qui font appel à ces résultats provisoires dans leurs études, et les

Augustinus, s. 67, 7 (CCSL 41Aa, p. 426, 1. 131). T. J. VAN BAVEL, Recherches sur la christologie de saint Augustin. L'humain et le divin dans le Christ d'après saint Augustin, Fribourg, 1954 (Paradosis, 10), p. 20, 22, 37. 83 L. DE CoNINCK - B. CoPPIETERS 't W ALLANT - R. DEMEULENAERE, « Le joug du Christ et l'amour de l'homme pour Dieu. Le sermo 70 d'Augustin d'Hippone », dans Virtutis Imago: Studies on the Conceptualisation and Transformation of an Ancien/ Ideal, éd. G. PARTOENS - G. RosKAM - T. VAN HouDT, Louvain, 2004 (Collection d'Études Classiques, 19), p. 369-394. 84 Ces résultats ont été évoqués ci-dessus au sujet des Sermons 56-59; nous référons aux monita de CCSL 41Aa, p. 127-128, 326, 388-389 pour les Sermons 54, 63 et s. Étaix 1. 81

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connaisseurs qui dressent des répertoires, ne pourraient les mentionner sans les marquer à tout le moins d'un point d'interrogation.

4. Tableau synoptique (à titre d'essai) S. S. S.

51 52 53

s. Morin 11 (53A) s. 54 S.

55 56

S.

57

S.

s. 58

s. Poque 1 (59 augm.) s. Lambot 19 (60 augm.) s. Mai 26 (60A) S.

61

s. Wilmart 12 (61A) S.

62

s. Morin 6 (62A) S.

63

s. s. s. s.

Mai 25 (63A) Morin 7 (63B) Lambot 12 (64 augm.) Mai 20 (64A)

S.

65

s. Étaix 1 (65A) 66 s. 67

probablement Carthage ca. 403/404 probablement ca. 414/415 Carthage, 21 janvier, probablement 413 probablement entre 412 et 416 «postérieur à 411/412 » (? - Hombert) antérieur à 411 Hippone, «entre 410 et 412 » (? - Kunzelmann) Hippone, «antérieur à 410 » (? - Kunzelmann) Hippone, «entre 412 et 416 » (? - Kunzelmann) probablement de peu postérieur à 410 Hippone, probablement entre 412 et 421 hors d'Hippone, 415 au plus tôt Carthage, vers 399 postérieur à 403 probablement postérieur à 400 probablement entre 405 et 420

« ea. 406/407 » (? - Hombert)

S.

s. Mai 126 (68 augm.) S.

69

S.

70

s. Mai 127 (70A)

probablement postérieur à 410 Hippone (?), dernières années Carthage (?), entre 25 janvier et 2 février 413 (?) probablement entre 394/395 et premières années ves.

Augustine's Sermo 169: Correction of Two Misinterpretations and Proposa! of a New Date Gert PARTOENS (Leuven) 1. Introduction The present article focusses on one of Augustine's most complex Carthaginian sermons, viz. s. 169. According to its title as it has been preserved in the ancient Sessorian collection, this sermon was preached in the so-called Mensa Cypriani (Sermo ad mensam sancti martyris Cypriani). 1 This basilica, which had been erected on the very spot where the third century bishop was thought to have died a martyr's death, seems to have been one of Augustine's favourite places for preaching during his stays in the capital of Africa Proconsularis. 2 S. 169 consists exclusively of a systematic exegesis of Phil. 3, 316. Apart from this sermon, only three other passages in the vast Augustinian corpus systematically deal with this Pauline pericope: pecc. mer. 2, 13, 20 (Phil. 3, 6-16), s. 170 (Phil. 3, 6-16) and c. ep. Pel. 3, 7, 19-22 (Phil. 3, 2-19). Unlike s. 170, the sermon under discussion was probably not delivered during a celebration of the Eucharist since there is no indication that the reading of an evangelical pericope preceded it. 3 Moreover the sermon's content

1 For a new critical edition of s. 169 together with a presentation of its exegetical context, see S. BooDTS - M. ToRFS - G. PARTOENS, "Augustine's Sermon 169: A Systematic Treatise on Phil. 3, 3-16. Exegetical Context, Date and Critical Edition", Augustiniana, 59 (2009) 11-44. Ali quotations of s. 169 are taken from this new edition. 2 See L. ENNABLI, Carthage. Une métropole chrétienne du 1v• à la fin du vu• sie'cle, Paris, 1997 (Études d'antiquités africaines), pp. 24-26, n° 9; S. LANCEL, "Carthago'', in AugLex 1, cols. 759-771, esp. col. 769. 3 According to liturgists, the North African Church reserved the gospel reading for the celebration of the Eucharist. See M. KLôCKENER, "Euangelium. 5.

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and formal structure suggest it was delivered during a meeting that must have looked rather like an 'exegetical seminar': the text is a line-by-line commentary that offers by far the most thorough and systematic treatment of Phil. 3 in the whole of Augustine's extant works, even more thorough and systematic than the one offered in c. ep. Pel. 3, 7, 19-22. 4 S.169 §§1-2

Phil.3 V. 3

§§3-4a §4b

V. 4

§5a

V. 5

§5b

V. 6

§6a §§6b-7a

vv. 7-8

§§7b-11

v. 9

§§12-13a

V. 10

§§13b-15 §16a §16b

vv. 11-12

§§16c-18a

vv. 13-14

§18b

vv. 15-16

Nos enim sumus circwncisio, qui Spiritui Dei seruimus

et gloriamur in Christo Iesu et non in carne fidentes. Quamquam ego habeam fiduciam et in carne. Si quis alius in carne putat se habere fiduciam, magis ego: circumcisione octaui diei, ex genere Israel, tribu Beniamin, H ebraeus ex H ebraeis, secundum legem pharisaeus, secundum aemulationem persequens ecclesiam, secundum iustitiam quae in lege est, qua fuerim sine querela. Quae mihi lucra fuerunt, haec propter Christum damna esse duxi. Verumtamen et arbitror omnia damna esse propter eminentem scientiam Christi I esu Domini nostri, propter quem arbitror omnia non solum detrimenta esse, uerum et stercora existimaui esse, ut Christum lucrifacerem et inueniar in illo non habens meam iustitiam, quae ex lege est, sed eam quae per {idem est Christi, quae est ex Deo, iustitia in {ide, ad agnoscendum eum et uirtutem resurrectionis eius et communicationem passionum eius, conformatus morli ipsius, si quo modo occurram in resurrectione mortuorum. Non quia iam acceperim aut iam perfectus sim: sequor autem si apprehendam, in quo et apprehensus sum a Christo I esu. Praires, ego me non arbitror apprehendisse. Vnum autem. Quae retro oblitus, in ea quae ante sunl extentus, secundum intentionem sequor ad palmam supernae uocationis Dei in Christo I esu. Quotquot ergo perfecti, hoc sapiamus. Et si quid aliter sapitis, id quoque uobis Deus reuelabit. Verumtamen in quod peruenimus, in eo ambulemus.

The present article consists of three parts: First, 1 will discuss A. Kunzelmann's dating of both sermons 169 and 170, which, in spite of its general acceptance, is based on inaccurate argumentaL'e. dans la proclamation liturgique'', in AugLex 2, cols. 1148-1150, esp. col. 1149, n. 20: "Il n'existe pas de témoignages pour la proclamation de l'e[uangelium] dans la liturgie des heures africaine." 4 S. 169 is treated extensively together with c. ep. Pel. 3, 7, 19-22 and s. 170 in N. CIPRIANI, "L'utilizzazione di Fil. 3,13-14 nell'opera di S. Agostino", Augustiniana, 56 (2006), pp. 299-320, esp. pp. 313-316.

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tion. Next, 1 will present two passages of s. 169, which have often been misinterpreted and relate to the problem of the sermon's date. In a third and last section 1 will return to the dating problem and present my own view on the date of s. 169. 2. Kunzelmann's dating of s. 169-170

According to A. Kunzelmann s. 169-170 must be dated to 416 and 417 respectively. 5 This hypothesis is based on the following arguments: 1) Both texts make extensive use of biblical verses that play an important role in Augustine's anti-Pelagian works. 6 S. 169: Eph. 2, 8-9 (Gratia salui facti estis per {idem et hoc non ex uobis, sed Dei donum est: non ex operibus; §3); 1 Cor. 1, 31

(Qui gloriatur, in Domino glorietur; §4); Ex. 20, 17 (Non concupisces; §8); Luc. 18, 9-14 (particularly verse 13: Domine, propitius esto mihi peccatori; §9); Ps. 126 (127), 1 (Nisi Dominus aedificauerit domum, in uanum laborauerunt qui aedificant eam; §11); Rom. 10, 3 (Ignorantes enim Dei iustitiam et suam uolentes constituere, iustitiae Dei non sunt subiecti; §11); II Cor. 4, 7 (Habemus thesaurum istum in uasis fictilibus ut eminentia uirtutis sil Dei et non in nobis; §15). S. 170: Tit. 3, 5 (Non ex operibus quae nos fecimus, sed secundum suam misericordiam saluos nos fecit per lauacrum regenerationis; §1); lob 14, 4 sec. Lxx (Nec infans cuius est uita diei unius super terram; §2); Rom. 4, 15 (Vbi enim non est lex, nec praeuaricatio; §2); Rom. 5, 20 (Lex subintrauit, ut abundaret delictum. Vbi autem abundauit delictum, superabundauit gratia; §2); Rom. 7, 7 (Non concupisces; §2); Ex. 20, 17 (Non concupisces; §5); Rom. 7, 22-23 (Condelector legi Dei secundum interiorem hominem, uideo autem aliam legem in membris meis repugnantem legi mentis meae et captiuantem me in lege peccati, quae est in membris meis; §5); Luc. 18, 9-14 ([ ... ] Pharisaeum qui se iustificabat [... ]; §10).

5 See A. KuNZELMANN, "Die Chronologie der Sermones des Hl. Augustinus", in Miscellanea Agostiniana, Il, Rome, 1931, pp. 417-520, esp. p. 471. 6 "Beide weisen eine grosse Zahl von antipelagianischen Schriftstellen auf, [... ]." The verses in question are listed in A. KuNZELMANN, "Die Chronologie", p. 471, n. 3.

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2) Since both sermons deal with the interrelationship between the Law and divine Grace (s. 169, 7-8; s. 170, 3), both homilies belong according to Kunzelmann to the years 416-417. 7 3) Kunzelmann places s. 169 shortly before s. 170 on the basis of the following three observations: a) S. 169, 13 contains a sentence that in his opinion does not fit with Augustine's doctrine of predestination as it is developed from 417-418 onwards: 8 Qui ergo fecit te sine te, non te iustificat sine te. 9 b) S. 170, 2 attacks Manichaeism in the same way as other sermons dating from 417-418 do (Kunzelmann is thinking especially abouts. 151-156 which date from September-October 417 and attack the Manichaeans on several points within the context of a systematic exegesis of Rom. 7, 5 - 8, 17). 10 c) The negative use of the word massa in s. 170, 3 (Quam de nostra massa suscipere dignatus est) is supposed to be a further indication of the latter sermon's belonging to the years 417-418.11 Kunzelmann's dating of both sermons has been accepted by all authoritative repertoria: they are dated to 416 and 417 respectively in the lists of P.-P. Verbraken, É. Rebillard and R. Gryson. 12 In her 7 "[ ••• ] beide sprechen über das Verhaltnis von Gesetz und Gnade (169, 7-8; 170, 3). Letzteres legt schon, wie wir oben sahen [cf. A. KuNZELMANN, "Die Chronologie", p. 459], die Annahme der Jahre 416-417 nahe." B "Vielleicht müssen wir Serm. 169 etwas früher ansetzen wegen einer Bemerkung, die nicht gut zur Pradestinationslehre passt [for this doctrine of predestination, see A. KuNZELMANN, "Die Chronologie", p. 459]." 9 See A. KuNZELMANN, "Die Chronologie", p. 471, n. 4. 10 "In Serm. 170, 2 findet sich überdies ein Hinweis auf die Manichaer, wie wir sie ahnlich in anderen Sermones der Jahre 417-418 finden (151, 152, 153 etc.)." For the attacks on the Manichaeans in s. 151-156, see Sancti Aurelii Augustini sermones in epistolas apostolicas, I, ed. by G. PARTOENS, Turnhout (CCSL 41Ba), 2008, p. LVI, n. 4. 11 "Auch der Ausdruck "massa" deutet auf dieselbe Zeit." For the use of massa as dating criterion, see A. KuNZELMANN, "Die Chronologie'', p. 459. 12 See P.-P. VERBRAKEN, Études critiques sur les sermons authentiques de saint Augustin, Steenbrugis - Hagae Comitis, 1976 (Instrumenta patristica, 12), p. 95; É. REBILLARD, "Sermones'', in Augustine through the Ages. An Encyclopedia, ed. by A. D. FITZGERALD, Grand Rapids (Mich.) - Cambridge (U.K.), 1999, pp. 773-

AUGUSTINE'S SERMO 169

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Recherches de chronologie augustinienne, A.-M. La Bonnardière, however, was inclined to situate s. 169 around 420 based on some resemblances between this homily and the c. ep. Pel. 13 O. Perler, J.-L. Maier and A. Verwilghen considered both Kunzelmann's and La Bonnardière's hypothesis as possible, 14 whereas F. Dolbeau returned to the former's dating because of two formal parallels between s. 169 and s. 348A augm., which was surely preached in 416. 15 Dolbeau's suggestion was accepted in turn by P.-M. Hombert in his Nouvelles recherches de chronologie augustinienne and by N. Cipriani in a recent article on Augustine's use of Phil. 3, 1314. 16 However, in spite of this authoritative support, 1 think that most of Kunzelmann's arguments are highly questionable: ad 1) Kunzelmann was right in dating both sermons to the Pelagian controversy. Moreover, with regard to s. 169, this hypothesis is strengthened by additional pro of:

a) The homily contains some cases of the typically anti-Pelagian uses of biblical verses identified by P .-M. Hombert, the treatment of Gal. 6, 3 (Qui autem se ipsum putat esse aliquid, cum nihil sit, se ipsum seducit, §18) and Phil. 3, 16 (with the interpretation of ambulare as proficere) being the most convincing cases. 17 b) At the beginning of §6 Augustine compares Paul's impeccable conduct under the Law as it is referred to in Phil. 792, esp. p. 780; R. GRYSON, Répertoire général des auteurs ecclésiastiques latins de /'Antiquité et du Haut Moyen Âge, 1. Introduction. Répertoire des auteurs: A-H, Freiburg, 2007 5 (y etus Latina, 1.1 5), p. 240. 13 See A.-M. LA BoNNARDIÈRE, Recherches de chronologie augustinienne, Paris, 1965 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 23), pp. 84-87. 14 See O. PERLER - J.-L. MAIER, Les voyages de saint Augustin, Paris, 1969 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 36), p. 334; A. VERWILGHEN, Christologie et spiritualité selon Saint Augustin. L'hymne aux Philippiens, Paris, 1985 (Théologie historique, 72), p. 126. 15 See F. DoLBEAU, Augustin et la prédication en Afrique. Recherches sur divers sermons authentiques, apocryphes ou anonymes, Paris, 2005 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 179), pp. 254-255. 16 See P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches de chronologie augustinienne, Paris, 2000 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 163), p. 370, n. 18; N. CIPRIANI, "L'utilizzazione di Fil. 3,13-14", p. 313. 17 See P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, pp. 337-338 and pp. 380-382 respectively.

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3, 6 (secundum iustitiam quae in lege est, qua fuerim sine querela) to the equally impeccable conduct of Zachariah and Elisabeth mentioned in Luc. l, 6: Addit: secundum iustitiam quae in lege est, qua fuerim sine querela. Nouit caritas uestra dictos esse sine querela ambulasse in omnibus iustificationibus Domini Zachariam et Elisabeth. In omnibus, inquit scriptura, iustificationibus Domini ambulasse sine querela. Ecce hoc erat et Paulus noster, quando Saulus erat. (s. 169, 6)

Leaving s. 169 aside, the earliest association between Phil. 3, 6 and Luc. 1, 6 in Augustine's extant works is found in pecc. mer. 2, 13, 20, where it is provoked by the Pelagian reference to Zachariah and Elisabeth in favour of the claim that it is possible to be without sin in this life. 18 In this passage, Augustine states that the words incedentes in omnibus mandatis et iustificationibus Domini sine querela (Luc. 1, 6) do not support his opponents' claim, because in Phil. 3, 7 ff. Paul condemns his conduct under the Law, which he nonetheless describes in Phil. 3, 6 with the formula sine querela. This argument against the Pelagian use of Luc. 1, 6, which we also encounter in later works against the Pelagians, 19 is the probable background of the association of Phil. 3, 6 and Luc. 1, 6 in s. 169. c) A final argument in favour of dating the sermon to the Pelagian controversy may be deduced from the sermon's manuscript transmission. lts archetype must have been a representant of the ancient Collectio Sessoriana, a collection of Augustinian sermons probably composed in Carthage 20

1s See pecc. mer. 2, 13, 19; O. WERMELINGER, Rom und Pelagius. Die theologische Position der r6mischen Bisch6fe im pelagianischen Streit in den J ahren 411432, Stuttgart, 1975 (Papste und Papsttum, 7), p. 288, n° 24; B. DELAROCHE, Saint Augustin lecteur et interprète de saint Paul dans le De peccatorum meritis et remissione (hiver 411-412), Paris, 1996 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 146), pp. 45-47, pp. 265-267 and p. 371, n° 34. 19 See, e.g., gr. et pecc. or. 1, 48, 53. 20 Compare F. DoLBEAU, Augustin et la prédication en Afrique, pp. 93-94 + n. 16: "la collection Sessorienne cite neuf basiliques différentes de la métropole d'Afrique, sans jamais employer Carthagine" + "La clientèle visée par l'éditeur du recueil devait être carthaginoise."

AUGUSTINE'S SERMO 169

75

and containing a comparatively large number of anti-Pelagian sermons. The composition of its most important witness, ROMA, Bibl. Naz. Viti. Em. 1357, which dates from the end of the eighth century, shows this. In the following overview the sermons that have without doubt been preached against the Pelagians are preceeded by an asterisk:

?

*s. 294S-l pat.S-2 S. 391 S-3 S. ll2S-4 diu. qu. 59s-5 diu. qu. 60s-5 diu. qu. 62s-7 S. 292S-S *s. 131 S-9 *s. 163S-l0 *s. 26S-ll *s. 155S-12 *s. 30S-13 *s. 153S-14 *s. 154S-15 *s. 155S-l6 *s. 156S-17 *s. 174S-18 S. 169S-l9 s. 2ss-20 S. 52S-21 *s. 71 S-22

Basilica M aiorum no sermo ad populum not authentic Basilica Restituta no sermo ad populum no sermo ad populum no sermo ad populum Mensa Cypriani 21 Mensa Cypriani Basilica Honoriana Basilica Theodosiana Basilica M aiorum Basilica Tricilarum Carthage Mensa Cypriani Basilica Scilitanorum Basilica Gratiani Basilica Celerinae Mensa Cypriani Carthage 22 ? ?

ad 2) The fact that s. 169-170 both deal with the relation between the Law and divine Grace does not necessarily imply that they were preached in 416-417. The subject was at the centre of Augustine's thinking from the earliest phase of the controversy (compare e.g. De spiritu et littera of 412). Moreover 21 See P.-P. VERBRAKEN, "Mise à jour du Fichier signalétique des Sermons de saint Augustin", in AEVVM INTER VTRVMQUE. Mélanges offerts à G. Sanders, ed. by M. VAN UYTFANGHE - R. DEMEULENAERE, Steenbrugis, 1991 (Instrumenta Patristica, 23), pp. 483-490, esp. p. 487. Verbraken gives no reason for linking s. 292 with the Mensa Cypriani. Compare however the title of s. 292 in ROMA, Bibl. Vallicelliana, Cod. A. 7 (x1), f. 172: Sermo Sancti Augustini habitus ad mensam beati Cypriani. In natali sancti Iohannis. 22 See P.-P. VERBRAKEN, Études critiques, p. 59.

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Kunzelmann's claim is contradicted by very concrete examples, e.g. by s. 145, which is almost entirely dedicated to Rom. 7 and the interrelationship between the Law and divine Grace. This sermon, however, is traditionally dated to May 397. 23 More recently P .-M. Hombert has dated the sermon to 412-415 following on a suggestion by A.-M. La Bonnardière. 24

ad 3a) Contrary to the opinion of Kunzelmann the words Qui ergo fecit te sine te, non te iustificat sine te in s. 169, 13 do fit in with Augustine's doctrine of predestination. The paragraph in question argues precisely that the faithful owe their justification entirely to God's Grace and not to their own merits. Within this context the sentence quoted by Kunzelmann only counters the objection that this view on justification abolishes the freedom of the human will. 25 The same objection is countered in a comparable, albeit more thorough, way as late as 426-427 in De gratia et libero arbitrio 15, 31 17, 33. 23 See P.-P. VERBRAKEN, Études critiques, p. 88; É. REBILLARD, "Sermones", p. 779. 24 See P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, pp. 253-264. Compare R. GRYSON, Répertoire général, p. 239. 25 s. 169, 13: Hanc ergo, fratres mei, iustificalionem et habeamus in quantum habemus, et augeamus in quantum minores sumus, et perficiamus cum illuc uenerimus ubi dicetur: Vbi est, mors, uictoria tua? Vbi est, mors, aculeus tuus? [I Cor. 15, 55] Sed totum ex Deo: non tamen quasi dormientes, non quasi ut non conemur, non quasi ut non uelimus. Sine uoluntate tua non erit in te iustitia Dei. Voluntas quidem non est nisi tua, iustitia non est nisi Dei. Esse potest iuslitia Dei sine uoluntate tua, sed in te esse non potest praeter uoluntatem tuam. Demonstratum est quid agere debeas; iussit lex: 'Non facias illud, non illud; fac hoc atque illud.' [... ] intellexisli quid facias: roga ut facias, si cognoscis uirtutem resurrectionis Christi. Traditus est enim propter delicta nostra et resurrexit propter iustificationem nostram [Rom. 4, 25]. Quid est propter iustificationem nostram? VI iuslificet nos, ut iustos facial nos. Eris opus Dei, non solum quia homo es, sed etiam quia iustus es. Melius est enim iustum esse quam hominem esse. Si hominem te fecit Deus et iustum tu te facis, melius aliquid facis quam fecit Deus. Sed sine te fecit te Deus. Non enim adhibuisti aliquem consensum, ut te faceret Deus. Quomodo consentiebas qui non eras? Qui ergo fecit te sine te, non te iustificat sine te. Ergo fecit nescienlem, iuslificat uolentem. Tamen ipse iustificat; ne sit iustitia tua, ne redeas ad damna, ad detrimenta et stercora [cf. Phil. 3, 7-8]: inuenire in illo non habens iustiliam tuam, quae ex lege est, sed iustitiam per fidem Christi, quae est ex Deo iustitia ex fide, ad agnoscendum eum et uirtutem resurrectionis eius et communicationem passionum eius [Phil. 3, 9-10].

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ad 3b) Apart from the fact that several sermons dating from before 417-418 contain passages directed against the Manichaean view on the Mosaic Law, 26 Kunzelmann seems to have overlooked the fact that the reference to the Manichaeans in s. 170, 2 fonctions within an argument that is present in s. 169 as well. In both homilies Augustine poses the question as to the precise relation between Phil. 3, 6b (secundum iustitiam quae in lege est, qua fuerim sine querela) and Phil. 3, 78 (Quae mihi lucra fuerunt, haec propter Christum damna esse duxi. Verumtamen et arbitror omnia damna esse propter eminentem scientiam Christi Iesu Domini nostri, propter quem arbitror omnia non solum detrimenta esse, uerum et stercora existimaui esse, ut Christum lucrifacerem). In both cases the bishop starts bis answer by refuting the claim that the Mosaic Law and the Grace spoken about in the gospels have a different origin. In s. 170 this claim is identified as Manichaean; in s. 169 it is simply said to be heretical. 27 Since it is highly probable that the latter claim also bas the Manichaeans in view, 28 the explicit reference to these heretics in s. 170, 2 looses its relevance for determining the relative chronology of both sermons. s. 170, 2: Videte, fratres, et uim sermonis huius intuemini, quomodo Paulus apostolus damna existimat et stercora [cf. Phil. 3, 7-8], ubi sine querela dicit se conuersatum fuisse [cf. Phil. 3, 6]. H ac impletor legis, hac reus legis, uno eodemque tempore, ante baptismum, ante gratiam. Sed non sine causa damna esse dicit - 29 ne subintrent cogitationes noxiae, hoc ideo dixisse apostolum Paulum, quod alius dederit legem, alius Euangelium: sicut Manichaeus 26 See en. Ps. 123, 14 (between 12 February 405 and June 411) and en. Ps. 146, 13 (before 417-418). For the datings, see H. MÜLLER, "Enarrationes in psalmos'', in AugLex 2, cols. 804-838, esp. cols. 825-828. 27 A reason for countering the heretical claim may have been the fact that the Manichaean condemnation of the Mosaic Law was partly based on Phil. 3, 8. See F. DRECRET, "L'utilisation des Épîtres de Paul chez les manichéens d'Afrique", in Le epistole paoline nei manichei, i donatisti e il primo Agostino, ed. by J. Rrns, Rome, 1989 (Sussidi patristici, 5), pp. 29-83, esp. p. 59. 28 Compare The Works of Saint Augustine. A Translation for the 21st Century, Sermons, III/5: (148-183) on the New Testament, transl. and notes by E. HILL, ed. by J. E. RoTELLE, New Rochelle (New York), 1992, p. 226 and p. 236, n. 19. 29 Anacoluthe. Compare E. HILL, Sermons, III/5, p. 239 + p. 245, n. 3.

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mente peruersa sentit, et reliqui haeretici, qui dixerunt, alium fuisse datorem legis quae data est per Moysen, alium autem largitorem euangelicae gratiae; ilium quidem Deum malum, illum uero Deum bonum. (PL 38, col. 927) s. 169, 7: Quaestio maior exorta est: si secundum iustitiam quae in lege est, uersabaris sine querela [cf. Phil. 3, 6] et hoc in detrimentis luis, in damnis, in stercoribus computas, ut Christum lucrifacias [cf. Phil. 3, 7-8], ergo iustitia illa a Christo prohibebat? Obsecro te, expone hoc paululum. Deo potius dicamus, illuminet et nos a quo et ipse illuminatus est qui epistolam islam scribit nobis non atramento, sed Spiritu Dei uiui. Videtis, carissimi, quam sil arduum, quam difficile intellegere hoc: cum constet legem sanctam esse et mandatum sanctum et iustum et bonum [cf. Rom. 7, 12] constetque omnino inter fideles catholicos - ita ut nemo dissentiat nisi qui non uult esse catholicus - hanc legem non datam nisi a Domino Deo nostro, secundum islam iustitiam quae in lege est, conuersari sine querela impedimentum fuisse apostolo ne ueniret ad Christum, nec eum uenisse ad Christum, nisi hoc quod fuit secundum iustitiam quae in lege est sine querela, inter damna et detrimenta et stercora computasset. ad 3c) The negative use of the word massa is not restricted to sermons dating from 417 or later. Earlier examples are e.g. s. 293, 8 (24 June 413; PL 38, col. 1333: hac medietate reconciliatur Deo omnis generis humani massa ab illo per Adam alienata + quis ab hac massa irae ad misericordiam distingueretur?) and s. 294, 15 (27 June 413; PL 38, col. 1344: humani generis massam uolens ostendere apostolus de origine uenenatam). 30

W e may conclude on the basis of these observations that Kunzelmann was right in ascribing s. 169-170 to the period of the Pelagian controversy, but that bis arguments for dating them to respectively 416 and 417 are insufficient. Moreover, 1 do not think that the two formal parallels between s. 169 and s. 348A augm. as signalled by professor Dolbeau suffice in themselves to situate the former in

For both dates, see P.-P. VERBRAKEN, Études critiques, pp. 130-131; É. RE"Sermones'', p. 785; P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, pp. 385-386; R. GRvsoN, Répertoire général, p. 249. 30

BILLARD,

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79

416. Moreover, the first parallel is also found in s. 176, which possibly dates from the first years of the controversy. 31

* s. 348A augm., 8: Et cum sil melior homo iustus quam homo hominis enim nomen naturae est; iustitiae nomen, felicitatis et beatitudinis -, cum ergo melior sil homo iustus quam quicumque homo, illi dicunt quia Deus hominem fecit, iustum autem ipse homo se fecit, ut uideatur plus sibi dare homo quam illi dederat Deus. 32 s. 169, 13: Eris opus Dei, non solum quia homo es, sed etiam quia iustus es. Melius est enim iustum esse quam hominem esse. Si hominem te fecit Deus et iustum tu te f acis, melius aliquid facis quam fecit Deus. Sed sine te fecit te Deus. s. 176, 5: [... ] si ille nos fecit ho mines, nos autem ipsi nos fecimus saluos, aliquid illo melius fecimus. Melior est enim saluus homo quam quilibet homo. Si ergo Deus te fecit hominem et tu te fecisti bonum hominem, quod tu fecisti, melius est. Noli te extollere super Deum [ ... ].33

* s. 348A augm., 12: Rogaui pro te. Quid? Ne deficiat. Quid? Manus tua? pes tuus? oculus tuus? Zingua tua, aliqua paralysi, id est dissolutione membrorum? Non, sed ne deficiat fides tua [Luc. 22, 32]. 34 s. 169, 11: An putatis sic dictum esse: Qui inuocauerit nomen Domini, saluus erit [Ioel 2, 32], quasi a febre aut a peste aut a podagra aut aliquo corporis dolore? Non sic, sed saluus erit: iustus erit.

3. Two misinterpretations: Augustine's reading of Phil. 3, 3a and J3b-J4 in S. 169 a. Textual criticism at the service of exegesis: Augustine's reading of Phil. 3, 3a Augustine deals with Phil. 3, 3a on only three occasions: trin. 1, 6, 13 (400-403), c. ep. Pel. 3, 7, 22 (winter 420-421) and s. 169, 1

3l See G. PARTOENS, "Le sermon 176 de saint Augustin sur 1 Tim. 1, 15-16, Ps. 94, 2/6 et Le. 17, 11-19. Introduction et édition", Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 49 (2003), pp. 85-122, esp. pp. 85-90. 32 See F. DoLBEAU, Augustin et la prédication en Afrique, p. 262. 33 See See G. PARTOENS, "Le sermon 176 de saint Augustin", pp. 118-119. 34 See F. DoLBEAU, Augustin et la prédication en Afrique, p. 264.

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(repeated in §§3 and 4). 35 In all of these cases the bishop goes into a problem posed by the verse's transmission in Latin as well as Greek manuscripts. 36 For this reason the three texts have often been said to echo one another: 37 A trin. 1, 6, 13: [... ] dicente apostolo: Nos enim sumus circumclSlo, Spiritui Dei seruientes [... ] Plures enim codices etiam latini sic habent: qui Spiritui Dei seruimus; graeci autem omnes aut paene omnes. In nonnullis autem exemplaribus latinis inuenimus non Spiritui Dei seruimus, sed spiritu Deo seruimus. (CCSL 50, p. 43) B s. 169, 1: Ergo cum legeretur, audistis dicentem apostolum Paulum:

Nos enim sumus circumcisio, qui Spiritui Dei seruimus. Scio plerosque codices habere: qui spiritu Deo seruimus. Quantum autem inspicere potuimus, pl ures graeci hoc habent: qui Spiritui Dei seruimus. C c. ep. Pel. 3, 7, 22: Nos enim sumus circumcisio qui spiritu Deo

seruimus - uel, sicut nonnulli codices habent, qui Spiritui Deo uel Spiritui Dei seruimus - [... ]. (CSEL 60, p. 512) If one reads these passages attentively, however, they rather seem to contradict than to echo one another. 1 see three major contradictions:

1) Fragments A and B first quote Phil. 3, 3a with the words Spiritui Dei, whereas the first quotation in fragment C contains the words spiritu Deo. 38 2) Regarding the manuscripts' distribution of the variant readings, A is contradicted by B. According to A, the reading Spiritui Dei can be found in most of the Latin codices (plures [... ] codices etiam latini) and in almost all of the Greek manuscripts (graeci [... ] omnes aut paene omnes), whereas B states 35 1 have not taken into account the implicit reference to Phil. 3, 3 in en. Ps. 125, 2. 36 For a synthesis of Augustine and biblical textual criticism, see E. ScHuLzFLÜGEL, "Augustins textkritische Beschiiftigung mit dem Bibeltext", in Augustin Handbuch, ed. by V. H. DRECOLL, Tübingen, 2007, pp. 237-241. 37 Compare A.-M. LA BoNNARDIÈRE, Recherches de chronologie augustinienne, pp. 84-85. See also footnote 1 (M. MELLET) to trin. 1, 6, 13 in Saint Augustin, La trinité, 1: Livres 1-V II: Le myste're, transi. and notes by M. MELLET T. CAMELOT, intr. by E. HENDRIKX, Paris, 1955 (BA, 15), pp. 118-119. 38 S. 169, 3 quotes the verse with the variant reading spiritu Deo, whereas s. 169, 4 retains Spiritui Dei.

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that Spiritui Dei is indeed the reading of most Greek manuscripts (plures graeci hoc habenf), but not of the Latin ones. Now the majority of the Latin codices (plerosque codices) is said to contain spiritu Deo. C seems to confirm B when stating that the variants Spiritui Deo/Dei can only be found in nonnulli codices, which 1 assume to be Latin ones. It is striking that only the texts in which the first quotation of Phil. 3, 3a contains the words Spiritui Dei, viz. A and B, mention the testimony of the Greek codices, whereas C, which first quotes the verse with spiritu Deo, does not say anything about the Greek manuscripts. Although A and B contradict each other with respect to the readings of the Latin manuscripts, they both seem to base their preference for Spiritui Dei on the authority of the Greek transmission. 39 3) According to A, the rendering of Phil. 3, 3a with Spiritui Dei is of the utmost importance. Following the words quoted above, Augustine says that those people who prefer spiritu Deo are mistaken (errant) and refuse to accept the authority of the Greek codices (auctoritati grauiori cedere detrectant). 40 The situation is different in B and C. Although B prefers the same reading as A (Spiritui Dei) based on the testimony of the Greek manuscripts, it immediately adds to the words quoted: Sed non ibi quaestio est. M anifestum est enim utrumque et congruum regulae ueritatis, quia et Spiritui Dei seruimus et non carne, sed spiritu Deo seruimus. The same attitude towards the critical problem seems to be present in C, which lists the variant readings as simple alternatives and abstains from further remarks. As far as 1 know, the only one who has tried to do justice to the contradictions between the three texts is James Lionel North in a recent article entitled The Transformation of Some New Testament Texts in Fourth- and Fifth-Century Disputes about Ilvevµa. Relying on Kunzelmann's dating of s. 169 this scholar claimed that Augus39 Augustine considered the testimony of the Greek Bible to be an important criterium for the emendatio of its Latin translation. See doct. chr. 2, 22; ep. 261, 5; W. HüBNER, "Emendatio, editio", in AugLex 2, cols. 797-801, esp. col. 798. 40 See CCSL 50, p. 44.

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tine's reconstruction of Phil. 3, 3a went through the following linear evolution: 1) At the very beginning of the fifth century Augustine gave preference to the reading Spiritui Dei over spiritu Deo in fragment A. This preference was based on the testimony of almost all of the Greek manuscripts as well as on a presumed majority of the Latin ones. 2) In 416 - fragment B - the bishop was prepared to accept the reading spiritu Deo as authentic: "In §§1 and 3-4 he [= Augustine] still reads, We who serve the Spirit of God, repeating that it is supported by most of the Greek mss. that he could find, but now W e who serve God by the Spirit is coming up fast on the rails, spurred on by most mss. (by which he must mean Latin mss.). So now Augustine is ready to compromise and retain both readings; [... ] So he 'anthropologises' We who serve God by the Spirit and then conflates: W e both serve the Spirit of God and we serve God not in flesh but in spirit." 41 3) By 420-421 - fragment C - Augustine is thought to have reversed his initial position: "The reading he disapproved of in 399 (spiritu deo) and would conflate only after reinterpretation in 416, five years later is now his first choice, though he recognises two others, the old spiritui dei and, a new permutation, spiritui deo [... ]." 42 The reason for this change of opinion was obvious, at least to North: "Gone are the arguments from 'most Latin mss.' and the 'weightier authority' of 'all or nearly all Greek', and the reason is to hand. In the early fifth century the revision of the Old Latin Bible connected with the name of Jerome was gaining ground, and its reading here was 41 See J. L. NORTH, "The Transformation of Sorne New Testament Texts in Fourth- and Fifth-Century Disputes about Ilvsvµa: Disputando Inclarescet Veritas", in The Holy Spirit and Christian Origins. Essays in Honor of James D. G. Dunn, ed. by G. N. STANTON - B. W. LoNGENECKER - S. C. BARTON, Grand Rapids (Mich.) - Cambridge (U.K.), 2004, pp. 335-348, esp. p. 346. It should be pointed out against North that s. 169, 3 and 4 quote Phil. 3, 3 respectively with spiritu Deo and Spiritui Dei in both the Maurist edition and the new one. North seems to depend on the translation of E. HILL (Sermons, III/5, pp. 223-224), in which both quotations are rendered as We who serve the Spirit of God (Spiritui Dei). 42 See J. L. NoRTH, "The Transformation", p. 346.

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We who serve God by the Spirit [= spiritu Deo]. [... ] Its endorsement by his friend Jerome made all the difference." 43 Several objections may be raised against North's interpretation of fragments A, Band C: 1) C does say something about the distribution of the variant readings, at least with regard to the Latin manuscripts: the words Spiritui Dei/Deo - Augustine says - are transmitted by

nonnulli codices. 2) Augustine probably did not know the translation of Paul's letters which was eventually included in the Vulgate. 44

3) Last but not least: there is no real proof for postulating that Augustine ever changed his opinion as to the authenticity of the reading Spiritui Dei. This becomes clear if one reads fragments A, B and C within their broader theological context. Fragment A belongs to an argumentation quoting Phil. 3, 3a in order to prove that the Holy Spirit is truly divine and has existed from all eternity. If it were of a created nature - the argument runs - Phil. 3, 3a (Spiritui Dei seruimus) would contradict Paul's condemnation of idolatry in Rom. 1, 25 (Seruierunt creaturae potius quam Creatori). However, this argument would lose its cogency if Phil. 3, 3a contained the reading spiritu Deo and not Spiritui Dei. Augustine acknowledges this problem and offers a twofold answer: 1) He claims that the reading Spiritui Dei has been transmitted by nearly all Greek witnesses and a majority of the Latin ones. 2) He adds that those who do not abide by the authority of the manuscript transmission and mistakenly continue to uphold the reading spiritu Deo, have to accept that the Holy Spirit's divine nature can be deduced from other Pauline verses too, among others from 1 Cor. 6, 19-20 (Nescitis quia corpora uestra templum in uobis est SpiSee J. L. NoRTH, "The Transformation", pp. 346-347. The 'Vulgate' translation of Paul's letters was probably not made by Jerome (see P.-M. BoGAERT, "La Bible latine des origines au moyen âge. Aperçu historique, état des questions", Revue théologique de Louvain, 19 (1988), pp. 137159 and pp. 276-314, esp. p. 159; E. ScHuLz-FLüGEL, "Der lateinische Bibeltext im 4. Jahrhundert", in Augustin Handbuch, ed. by V. H. DRECOLL, Tübingen, 2007, pp. 109-114, esp. p. 112). It was added much later to Jerome's translation of the Gospels (see P.-M. BoGAERT, "La Bible latine", p. 289). 43

44

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ritus sancti quem habetis a Deo? Glorificate ergo Deum in corpore ues-

tro ). Two aspects of this argumentation deserve particular attention: 1) Augustine does not say that the reading spiritu Deo is heretical in itself; this reading only makes disappear an important biblical argument in favour of the Holy Spirit's divine nature. 2) Augustine claims that his preference for Spiritui Dei is partly based on the majority of the Latin manuscripts' testimony. However, this claim is contradicted not only by Augustine's own remarks in fragments B and C, but also by the way in which Phil. 3, 3a was known to the bishop's Latin contemporaries. A quick glance at the Beuron-edition of the Letter to the Philippians and its critical apparatus shows that the reading Spiritui Dei must have had a rather limited circulation. 45 Do these observations imply that the bishop was intentionally distorting the truth when appealing to the testimony of the Latin codices? 1 do not think so, for in fragment A and its immediate context Augustine is repeating an argument proposed by saint Ambrose in the second book of his De Spiritu sancto (2, 6, 44-47). In this text the Milanese bishop states, after having proved the Holy Spirit's divine nature on the basis of Phil. 3, 3a and Rom. 1, 25, that the reading spiritu Deo in the former verse can not be upheld because it is transmitted in only a few Latin codices and is contradicted by the testimony of the Greek ones. Moreover, Ambrose suggests that the reading spiritu Deo is a Pneumatomachian forgery : Quod si quis de latinorum codicum uarietate contendit, quorum aliquos perfidi f alsauerunt, graecos inspiciat codices et aduertet quia scriptum est nvevµan Oeov Àa-r:eefovreç, quod interpraetatur latinus Spiritui Dei seruimus. (Ambr., spir. sanct. 2, 6, 46; CSEL 79, pp. 103-104) 46

Augustine's remark in fragment A concerning the distribution of the variant readings in the Latin manuscripts thus seems to stem immediately from Ambrose's De Spiritu sancto, whereas the contra45 See Epistulae ad Philippenses et ad Colossenses, ed. by H. J. FREDE, Freiburg, 1966 (Vetus Latina, 24.2), pp. 180-181. 46 Ambrose depends on earlier models too. Compare Ps.-Didym., trin. 2, 11 (PG 39, cols. 664-665). See Didymus der Blinde, De Spiritu sancto. Über den Heiligen Geist, transl. and notes by H. J. SrnBEN, Turnhout, 2004 (Fontes Christiani, 78), p. 242, n. 253.

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dicting claims of fragments B and C may have been inspired by studying a certain amount of Latin manuscripts. Let us now move to fragment B taken from s. 169. Regarding the authenticity of the reading Spiritui Dei, this sermon is totally in accord with fragment A. The lectio preceding the sermon quoted Phil. 3, 3a with exactly this variant, and Augustine explicitly says that he prefers it on the authority of the Greek manuscripts. However, this time the bishop is fighting the Pelagians and not the Pneumatomachians. Because in this context the combination of Phil. 3, 3a and Rom. 1, 25 no longer plays any role and the choice of spiritu Deo is - as 1 have said earlier - not heretical in itself, Augustine now presents the latter reading, which is attested by the majority of the Latin manuscripts, not as the authentic one - which remains Spiritui Dei - but simply as a variant which does not affect what he bas to say about Phil. 3, 3a in this anti-Pelagian sermon: Sed non ibi quaestio est. Manifestum est enim utrumque et congruum regulae ueritatis, quia et Spiritui Dei seruimus et non carne, sed spiritu Deo seruimus. The situation looks the same in fragment C: Augustine is not fighting the Pneumatomachians, but quotes Phil. 3, 3a within an anti-Pelagian exegesis of Phil. 3, 2-19 (c. ep. Pel. 3, 7, 19-22). This time Augustine quotes the verse first according to the majority of the Latin manuscripts (spiritu Deo), but immediately adds that some manuscripts (nonnulli codices) read Spiritui Dei and still others Spiritui Deo. The alternatives are presented without further comment in a brief parenthesis and none of them affect Augustine's further argumentation. Again it looks as if the bishop considers the critical question to be of no importance within a specifically antiPelagian context. To say it with the words of s. 169, 1: non ibi quaestio est. If this interpretation is correct, fragment C does not imply necessarily that by 420-421 Augustine considered spiritu Deo as an authentic reading. In fragment C the question as to the authenticity of the different variant readings is not under discussion. b. Augustine's syntactical interpretation of Phil. 3, 13b-14 In this paragraph 1 will go into Augustine's syntactical interpretation of the word unum in Phil. 3, 13b-14 (Vnum autem, quae retro oblitus, in ea quae ante sunt extentus, secundum intentionem sequor ad

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palmam supernae uocationis Dei in Christo Iesu). Traditionally the word is considered to be the direct object of an elliptical facio, dico, scio, etc.: "I do/say/know one thing: forgetting what lies behind, stretched out to what lies ahead, according to intention 1 pursue to the palm of the upward call of God in Christ Jesus." 47 On the level of content this interpretation equates the word unum with the predicate sequor and its subordinate constituents. The one thing Paul does/says/knows is that he is striving for the palm of the upward call of God in Christ Jesus. The unum therefore corresponds to the Christian's life sub gratia. Although Augustine's quotations of the verses concerned are often translated according to this interpretation, 1 have found only few instances where their immediate context obliges us to do so. A very clear example is s. 170, 7-8, where the word unum is said to mean "living by faith in the hope of eternal salvation": 7. [... ] Adhuc apostolum audi apertius dicentem: Si quo modo occur-

ram in resurrectionem iustorum; non quia iam acceperim, aut iam perfectus sim. Et contexit deinde: Fratres, ego me non arbitror apprehendisse. Quomodo comparai iustitiam iustitiae, salutem saluti, {idem speciei, peregrinationem ciuitati? S. Attendite quomodo hoc impleal: Fralres, ego me non arbilror apprehendisse. Vnum autem. Quid unum, nisi ex {ide uiuere, spe salutis aeternae, ubi erit plena et perfecta iustitia, in cuius comparatione damna sunt quae transitura sunt, et stercora quae reprobanda sunt? (s. 170, 7-8; PL 38, col. 931) In spite of this example and the traditional interpretation of the word unum, Augustine's explicit statements on the syntactical structure of Phil. 3, 13b-14 all make unum depend directly on the predicate sequor. 48 This alternative interpretation involves a significant change in the meaning of unum. On the level of content, the word no longer corresponds with sequor and its subordinate constituents, but now refers to the heavenly reward Paul says he is striving for: "One thing, though, 1 pursue. Forgetting what lies behind, stretched out to what lies ahead, according to intention 1 pursue to the palm of the upward call of God in Christ Jesus." The word now 47 Compare G. J. P. O'Daly, "Time as Distentio and St. Augustine's Exegesis of Philippians 3,12-14", Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 23 (1977), pp. 265-271, esp. p. 270 + n. 15; N. CIPRIANI, "L'utilizzazione di Fil. 3,13-14'', p. 305. 48 Compare N. CIPRIANI, "L'utilizzazione di Fil. 3,13-14 '', pp. 303-306.

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corresponds with the object of Paul's striving and not with this striving itself. The oldest extant homily offering this interpretation is s. 306B, which is traditionally dated before 399 (although a date after 412 has also been proposed). 49 In this text Augustine explicitly states that unum directly depends on sequor: Ordo uerborum est: Vnum autem sequor. Exactly the same formula will be used much later in s. 255, 6 (May 418) 50 and c. ep. Pel. 3, 7, 22 (winter 420421). 51 Vnum est, ad quod omnes festinamus, et qui tardius, et qui celerius ambulamus. Hoc ait ipse apostolus: Vnum autem, quae retro oblitus, in ea quae ante sunt extentus, secundum intentionem sequor ad palmam supernae uocationis Dei in Christo Iesu. Ordo uerborum est: V n um au tem sequor. Vt autem hoc diceret, supra quid dixit? Fratres, ego me ipsum non arbitror apprehendisse. Ecce qui non remanet, qui non se arbitratur apprehendisse: ecce qui non uult peregrinari, ecce qui non haeret in uia, ecce qui gaudebit in patria. (s. 306B, 2; MA 1, pp. 91-92) The same syntactical interpretation of Phil. 3, 13b-14 also appears in the following famous description taken from the eleventh book of the Confessiones (397-401): Sed quoniam melior est misericordia tua super uitas [cf. Ps. 62 (63), 4 ], ecce distentio est uita mea, et me suscepit dextera tua [cf. Ps. 17 (18), 36 and 62 (63), 9] in Domino meo, mediatore Filio hominis inter te unum et nos multos [cf. 1 Tim. 2, 5], in multis per mulla, ut per eum apprehendam, in quo et apprehensus sum, et a ueteribus diebus colligar sequens unum, praeterita oblitus, non in ea quae futura et transitura sunt, sed in ea quae ante sunt non distentus. sed extentus. non secundum distentionem. sed secundum intentionem 49 Before 399: P.-P. VERBRAKEN, Études critiques, p. 164; É. REBILLARD, "Sermones'', p. 785. After 412: R. GRYSON, Répertoire général, p. 250. 50 See O. PERLER - J.-L. MArnR, Les voyages de saint Augustin, pp. 341-342; P.-P. VERBRAKEN, Études critiques, p. 119; É. REBILLARD, "Sermones", p. 783; P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, passim; R. GRYSON, Répertoire général, p. 246. 51 According to G. Wijdeveld (Aurelius Augustinus, Carthaagse preken, transl. and notes by G. WrJDEVELD, Baarn, 1988, p. 176, n. 19), the words Ordo uerborum est: Vnum autem sequor in s. 255, 6 should be considered as a medieval gloss. However, since these words can be found at several places in Augustine's works, this hypothesis seems highly improbable. Moreover, Augustine often uses the combination ordo uerborum in reference to the syntactical structure of a biblical verse he is analyzing.

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sequor ad palmam supernae uocationis, ubi audiam uocem laudis [cf. Ps. 25 (26), 7] et contempler delectationem tuam [cf. Ps. 26 (27), 4] nec uenientem nec praetereuntem. (conf. 11, 29, 39; CCSL 27, pp. 214-215) 52 As a result of syntactically interpreting unum as the direct obj ect of sequor, this passage involves Phil. 3, 13b-14 in a platonic opposition between the divine and timeless One (unum) and the multiplicity characteristic of temporal human existence (multos, multis, multa). Moreover, the words in ea quae ante sunt extentus are involved in the opposition between the mind's distentio in temporal multiplicity and its extentio towards the divine One. This will be a recurrent feature in Augustine's later dealings with Phil. 3, 13b-14. Another recurrent feature will be the linking of these verses with Ps. 26 (27), 4 (Vnam petii a Domino, hanc requiram, ut inhabitem in domo Domini per omnes dies uitae meae, ut contempler delectationem Domini). In some cases this link will be made through the equation of the unum as direct object of sequor in Phil. 3, 13b-14 with the unam which is the direct object of petii in the psalm verse. 53 Both features characterise Augustine's exegesis of Phil. 3, 13b-14 in s. 284, 4, which P.-M. Hombert bas dated to May 8, 418: 54 Con{let nos igne caritatis, ut uno corde sequamur unum, ne in mulla decidamus ex uno, et in multis dispergamur relicto uno. De hoc enim uno apostolus loquebatur, cum diceret: Fratres, ego me ipsum non arbitror apprehendisse. Quid? Vnum autem. Quid unum? Ea quae retro sunt oblitus, in ea quae ante sunt extentus, sequor. Vnum sequor; unum, inquit, sequor: sed non me arbitror apprehendisse; quia deprimit corpus, quod corrumpitur, sensum multa cogitantem. Ecce quo ibant martyres; quando feruebant, multum strepitum non curabant, quia unum amabant. Desiderium uidete martyrum: Vnam, inquit, petii a Domino. Vnam petii: uale, inquit, facio multitudini saeculari. Vnam petii: unam utique beatitudinem, un am felicitatem, un am ueram, non multas falsas. Vnam, inquit, petii a Domino, banc requiram. Quae est ista una? Vt inhabitem in domo Domini omnes dies uitae meae. Vtquid hoc? Vt contempler delectationes Domini [Ps. 26 (27), 4]. (s. 284, 4; PL 38, cols. 1290-1291) 52 For this passage, see N. CIPRIANI, "L'utilizzazione di Fil. 3,13-14", pp. 303305 (with further bibliography). 53 Compare en. Ps. 38, 6 (CCSL 38, p. 407). 54 See P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, pp. 213-227.

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The interpretation of unum as the direct object of sequor as well as the involvement of Phil. 3, 13b-14 in the oppositions unum vs. mulla and extentio vs. distentio also relates to the linking of Paul's verses with Luc. 10, 41-42: Martha, Martha, circa mulla es occupata: porro unum est necessarium. According to Augustine's exegesis of the Lukan pericope of Christ visiting Martha and Mary, the former stands for the Christian's involvement in the multiple acts of charity (distentio), whereas Mary is said to strive for the One in the same way as the apostle Paul does according to Phil. 3, 13b-14 (extentio). 55 This contemplative attitude of Mary and Paul, which is an act of faith, will be transformed into a direct contemplation of the Word at the end of time (collectio). Augustine makes the link between Phil. 3, 13b-14 and the Lukan pericope on three occasions in his extant writings: the Pauline verses function once within an exegesis of Luke's text (s. 255, 6: May 418) and twice in a systematic treatment of Phil. 3 (c. ep. Pel. 3, 7, 22: winter 420-421; s. 169, 17). 56 Both s. 255, 6 and c. ep. Pel. 3, 7, 22 contain the explicit statement on the syntactical structure of Phil. 3, 13b-14 we have already encountered in s. 306B, 2: Duae sunt uitae: una pertinens ad delectationem, allera pertinens ad necessitatem. Quae ad necessitatem, laboriosa est: quae ad delectationem, uoluptuosa est. [... ] Ecce quomodo Maria Dominum uidebat in carne, et Dominum audiebat per carnem, sicut audistis, cum Epistola ad Hebraeos legeretur, quasi per uelum [cf. Hebr. 10, 20]. Nullum erit uelum, quando uidebimus (acie ad (aciem. Maria ergo sedebat, hoc est uacabat, et audiebat, et laudabat: Martha uero circa plurimum ministerium occupata erat. Et dicit ei Dominus: Martha, Martha, circa multa es occupa ta: porro unum est necessarium [Luc. 10, 41-42]. Vnum uerum: mulla non erunt necessaria. Antequam perueniamus ad unum, multis indigemus. Vnum nos extendat, ne mulla distendant et abrumpant ab uno. Ipsum unum dixit apostolus Paulus, quia nondum perceperat. Ego, inquit, non me arbitror

55 For Augustine's treatment of Luc. 10, 38-42 in general, see A.-M. LA BoNNARDIÈRE, "Marthe et Marie, figures de l'Église d'après St. Augustin", La vie spirituelle, 86 (1952), pp. 404-427; id., "Les deux vies. Marthe et Marie (Luc 10, 38-42)", in Saint Augustin et la Bible, ed. by A.-M. LA BoNNARDIÈRE, Paris, 1986 (Bible de tous les temps, 3), pp. 411-425. 56 The Lukan pericope is linked with Phil. 3, 16 in s. 104, 5 (compare P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, pp. 378-382). However, the opposition between the multiple and the One does not play any role in this paragraph.

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apprehendisse. Vnum autem, quae retro oblitus, in ea quae ante sunt extentus. Non distentus, sed extentus. Vnum enim extendit, non distendit. Mulla distendunt, unum extendit. Et quamdiu extendit? Quamdiu hic sumus. Cum uenerimus, colligit, non extendit. Vnum autem, quae retro oblitus, in ea quae ante sunt extentus, secundum intentionem. Ecce extensionem: nunquam distensionem. Secundum intentionem sequor, ad palmam supernae uocationis Dei in Christo Iesu. Ordo uerborum est: Vnum autem sequor. Tune ergo ueniemus, et uno perfruemur [... ]. (s. 255, 6; PL 38, cols. 1188-1189) Fratres, inquit, ego me ipsum non arbitror apprehendisse. Vnum autem quae retro sunt oblitus, in ea quae ante sunt extentus secundum intentionem sequor ad palmam supernae uocationis Dei in Christo Iesu. Ordo uerborum est 'unum autem sequor'. De quo uno bene intellegitur et Dominus admonuisse Martham, ubi ait: Martha, Martha, sollicita es et turbaris circa plurima. Porro unum est necessarium [Luc. 10, 41-42]. (c. ep. Pel. 3, 7, 22; CSEL 60, p. 513) Sometimes Augustine has even connected the word unum with the words non [... ] apprehendisse in the preceding sentence: ego me ipsum non arbitror apprehendisse. The coordinating conjunction autem proves indeed that from a purely syntactical point of view unum does not fonction in the non [... ] apprehendisse sentence, but ideally, i.e. on the level of content, it is possible to subordinate the former to the latter if one considers unum to be the direct object of sequor. This happens in the fragment of s. 284, 4 (May 8, 418) 1 quoted earlier:

De hoc enim uno apostolus loquebatur, cum diceret: Fratres, ego me ipsum non arbitror apprehendisse. Quid? Vnum autem. Quid unum? Ea quae retro sunt oblitus, in ea quae ante sunt extentus, sequor. Vnum sequor; unum, inquit, sequor: sed non me arbitror apprehendisse [... ]. (PL 38, col. 1290) A comparable example is s. 169, 16-17, where the verses Phil. 3, 13b-14 have evoked ail of the associations spoken of earlier: 16. [... ] Ego me ipsum non arbitror apprehendisse. Vnum autem. Hoc me non arbitror apprehendisse: unum. Mulla habeo et unum nondum apprehendi. Vnam petii a Domino, hanc requiram. Quid petisti, quid requiris? Vt inhabitem in domo Domini per omnes dies uitae meae. Vtquid? Et contempler delectationem Domini [Ps. 26 (27), 4]. Ipsum est unum quod dicebat nondum apprehendisse apostolus, et quantum illi deerat, in tantum

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perfectus nondum erat. 17. M eministis, fratres mei, euangelicae illius lectionis ubi duae sorores Dominum susceperunt: Martha et Maria [cf. Luc. 10, 38-42]. Certe recolitis: Martha in multo ministerio conuersabatur et occupata erat circa curam domus, quippe Dominum hospitio receperat et discipulos eius. Satagebat omni cura religiosissima, ne sancti apud eam ullam paterentur iniuriam. Cum ergo esset occupata circa multum ministerium, Maria soror eius sedebat ad pedes Domini et uerbum eius audiebat. Illa in labore stomachabunda quod illam uideret sedentem et de suis laboribus nihil curantem, interpellauit Dominum: 'Placet', inquil, 'libi, Domine, quod soror mea deseruil me et ecce tantum in ministerio laboro?' Et Dominus: 'Martha, Martha, circa multum es occupata; porro unum est necessarium. Maria meliorem partem elegit, quae non auferetur ab ea. Tu bonam, sed ista meliorem. Tu bonam - bonum est enim conuersari in obsequio sanctorum - sed ista meliorem. Denique quod tu elegisti, transit. Ministras esurientibus, ministras sitientibus, ministras lectulos dormituris, praebes domum habitare uolentibus: omnia ista transeunt. Erit tempus ubi nemo esuriat, nemo sitiat, nemo dormiat. Ergo cura tua auferetur a te. Maria meliorem partem elegit, quae non auferetur ab ea.' Non auferetur: contemplari elegit, Verbo uiuere elegit. Qualis erit uita de Verbo sine uerbo? Modo ista uiuebat de Verbo, sed sonante uerbo. Erit uita de Verbo, nullo sonante uerbo. Ipsum Verbum uita est. Similes ei erimus, quoniam uidebimus eum sicuti est [I Ioh. 3, 2]. lpsa erat una ut contemplaretur delectationem Domini. Hoc in saeculi huius nocte non possumus. Mane astabo tibi et contemplabor [Ps. 5, 5]. Ergo: ego, inquit, me non arbitror apprehendisse. Vnum autem. 18. [... ] (s. 169, 16-17) This fragment has the following structure: 1) Augustine first quotes unum autem in a way that makes unum ideally dependent on non [... ] apprehendisse; 2) Next he elaborates on the meaning of the unum Paul had not yet reached by linking Phil. 3, 13 with Ps. 26 (27), 4 and Luc. 10, 38-42. In this elaboration we again encounter the opposition between the One and the multiple as well as albeit implicitly - the distinction between distentio, extentio and collectio; 3) After the elaboration Augustine returns by way of a conclusion (ergo) to the starting point of his argument by quoting Phil. 3, 13 again in a way that makes unum ideally dependent on non [... ] apprehendisse. If my interpretation of s. 169, 16-17 is correct, it is mistaken to translate the words unum autem at the end of §17 as if they syntactically depended on an elliptical facio, dico or scio, which corresponds to the traditional syntactical interpretation of Phil. 3, 13b-

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14. 57 Another mistake is made by the translator E. Hill, who claims that at the end of §17 Augustine "was being very willful in punctuating Paul's text like this." 58 In my opinion Augustine is not punctuating this text in a way different from what he usually does: he simply breaks off the sentence after autem in order to make unum ideally dependent on non [... ] apprehendisse and this dependence on the level of content implies - as 1 argued earlier - a syntactical dependence of unum on the following predicate sequor. Hill makes a second mistake when he compares Augustine's way of quoting Phil. 3, 13 in s. 169, 16-17 (Ego me ipsum non arbitror apprehendisse. Vnum autem) with the quotation of the same verse in the fragment from s. 170, 8 which 1 quoted at the beginning of this paragraph (Praires, ego me non arbitror apprehendisse. Vnum autem. Quid unum, nisi ex fide uiuere, spe salutis aeternae, etc.). 59 In the latter text the word unum is explained according to the traditional interpretation, which is not the case in the former.

4. The date of s. 169: a new hypothesis Since s. 169 was preached in Carthage and dates from the period of the Pelagian controversy, we may assume that it was delivered during one of the following visits Augustine paid to the capital of Africa Proconsularis: 60 May 411 September 61 /December 62 412 June 413

-+ -+ -+

September 411 February 413 September 413

57 See Œuvres compleYes de saint Augustin évêque d'Hippone, vol. xvn, transi. by M. PÉRONNE, Paris, 1872, p. 577: "Ainsi donc, dit !'Apôtre, je ne pense point être encore arrivé au but. Mais il est une chose que je fais." The Nuova biblioteca Agostiniana prudently abstains from any syntactical interpretation: "Percià l'Apostolo dice: Non ritengo ancora di esservi giunto. Questa cosa soltanto." 58 See Sermons, 111/5, p. 237, n. 45. 59 See Sermons, 111/5, p. 246, n. 13. 60 For this list, see O. PERLER - J.-L. MAIER, Les voyages de saint Augustin, pp. 454-477 and P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, p. 49, pp. 270-271, pp. 453-454 and pp. 548-549. 61 See P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, p. 270. 62 See O. PERLER - J.-L. MAIER, Les voyages de saint Augustin, p. 458.

AUGUSTINE'S SERMO 169

Summer 63 /September 64 416 Summer 417 April 418 May 419 June 421 Lent 424

-+ -+ -+ -+

93

Autumn 416 Autumn 417 65 /Winter 417-418 66 Summer 418 September 419

-+

?

-+

Summer 424

Although it does not seem possible now to privilege one of the moments listed, a few indications at least suggest that the sermon was preached only after Augustine's absence from Carthage between September 413 and Summer/September 416: 1) There is the strong resemblance between s. 169, 1 and c. ep. Pel. 3, 7, 22 with regard to the variant readings for Phil. 3, 3a. Both texts pose the question as to the authenticity of the variant readings within a comparable context, viz. a systematic analysis of a substantial part of Phil. 3, but immediately dismiss the question as irrelevant for the bishop's actual, viz. anti-Pelagian, purposes. 2) Although the association of Phil. 3, 13b-14 with Luc. 10, 3842 seems rather obvious once the word unum in the former is interpreted as the direct object of sequor, it is found at only three occasions in the bishop's extant works: s. 169, 17 aside, we encounter it in s. 255, 6, which is contemporary to the condemnation of Pelagius at the Council of Carthage in May 418, as well as in c. ep. Pel. 3, 7, 22, which must be dated to the winter of 420-421. The rare association of Phil. 3, 13b and Luc. 10, 38-42 contrasts sharply with the relatively numerous quotations of both passages separately in Augustine's extant works. 67 3) A third argument in favour of dating s. 169 to 416 or later may be deduced from Augustine's treatment of Phil. 3, 9 (et See O. PERLER - J.-L. MArnR, Les voyages de saint Augustin, p. 464. See P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, p. 453. 65 See O. PERLER - J.-L. MArnR, Les voyages de saint Augustin, p. 464. 66 See P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, pp. 548-549. 67 For Phil. 3, 13, see the list of homiletic references in S. BooDTS - M. ToRFS G. PARTOENS, "Augustine's Sermon 169'', 11-44 as well as P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, p. 614 (more than 60 references in the whole of Augustine's extant works). For Luc. 10, 38-42, see P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, pp. 378-380. 63 64

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inueniar in illo non habens meam iustitiam, quae ex lege est, sed eam quae per {idem est Christi, quae est ex Deo, iustitia in {ide). From an early date this verse was used to oppose the justice one attains by fulfilling the Law through one's own effort and the justice one attains through the faith in Christ, which is a divine gift. For this reason Augustine often linked the verse with Rom. 10, 3 (Ignorantes enim Dei iustitiam et suam uolentes constituere iustitiae Dei non sunt subiecti): (between February 405 and June 411 ; 68 linked with Rom. 10, 3) pecc. mer. 2, 13, 20 (winter 411-412; not linked with Rom. 10, 3) (409-410 69 or after 411-412; 70 linked with S. 54, 4 Rom. 10, 3) en. Ps. 38, 8 (December 412; 71 not linked with Rom. 10, 3) en. Ps. 142, 5 (411-418; 72 linked with Rom. 10, 3)73

en. Ps. 124, 6

W e encounter the same use of the verse in numerous la ter texts, especially in treatises against the Pelagians. 74 In some of these texts, however, the verse's exegesis is enriched with a further element, viz. the question of what the apparent contradiction implied in the words meam iustitiam quae ex lege est means: how can Paul, when referring to bis life under the Jewish Law, speak of 'my' justice if this justice cornes from the Law and the Law is God's gift? Augustine's answer is always the same and rather obvious: the Law is God's gift, but the justice which cornes from the Law becomes 'mine' if 1 pretend to fulfil it on my own. The question seems to have been very important for Augustine: a) It receives quite some attention in s. 130A (§§10-11) and 169 (§§7-8) - in the former See H. MÜLLER, "Enarrationes in psalmos", cols. 825-826. 69 See P.-P. VERBRAKEN, Études critiques, p. 66; É. REBILLARD, "Sermones", p. 775. 70 See P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, p. 533, n. 13; R. GRYSON, Répertoire général, p. 234. 71 See P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, pp. 599-602. 72 See H. MüLLER, "Enarrationes in psalmos'', cols. 823-824. 73 This list of early uses of Phil. 3, 9 has been borrowed from P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, p. 533. Two other early quotations of the verse (c. Sec. 2, 26 and en. ps. 65, 6) serve other purposes than the one sketched above. 74 See P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, p. 533. 68

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sermon it is even called a molesta quaestio - and Augustine keeps returning to it until the end of his life. b) Severa} times the bishop expresses his fear that if mistakenly interpreted, the apparent contradiction in Phil. 3, 9 might be solved in a way that abolishes the Law's divine origin. 75 In spite of this importance, the extant texts testifying to this specific development in the exegesis of Phil. 3, 9 - 1 leave s. 169 aside all date to 415 or later.

s. 130A, 10-11 ep. 186, 3, 9 c. ep. Pel. 3, 7, 20 gr. et lib. arb. 12, 24 c. lul. imp. 2, 158

(415; 76 not linked with Rom. 10, 3) (autumn 417; linked with Rom. 10, 3) (winter 420-421 ; linked with Rom. 10, 3) (426-427; linked with Rom. 10, 3) (428-430; linked with Rom. 10, 3)

For these three reasons 1 propose to date s. 169 to one of Augustine's Carthaginian visits of 416-419, 421 or 424. We may even take a further step and join A.-M. La Bonnardière in situating the homily in the neighbourhood of c. ep. Pel., with which it shares the three features just indicated. This hypothesis would imply that the two most thorough and systematic treatments of Phil. 3 in Augustine's extant works both date from around 420. But since we are now entering the field of pure speculation, it seems wiser to resist the temptation to situate the sermon within too narrow a margin.

See ep. 186, 3, 9; c. ep. Pel. 3, 7, 20; c. lui. imp. 2, 158. See P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, pp. 527-540; R. re général, p. 260. 75 76

GRYSON,

Répertoi-

Anti-Pelagian or Anti-Semipelagian? A Close Reading of Augustine's Sermones 168 and 333 1 JONATHAN YATES

(Villanova University)

1. Introduction When the invitation to this conference arrived, which, of course, 1 immediately accepted, my first idea for a paper was to present an analytical survey of (at least some of) the most important ways in which the Epistle of James had impacted Augustine's preaching and the ways in which his references to that letter might be used to shed some light on the date and context of a few of his sermones ad populum. As 1 began to review the data, however, 1 quickly realized that this was far too ambitious and far too complicated a topic given the parameters of both the conference and this volume. 2 It 1 That this composition's title, precisely because it uses the term 'Semipelagian', may be viewed by some as problematic, unhelpful, unjust, or simply as passé must be acknowledged at the outset. Though 1 am well aware of contemporary objections regarding the use of this term in discussions about and analyses of Augustine's exchange with those monks of North Africa (Hadrumetum) and Southern Gau! (Provence and Marseilles), the decision to include it in my title and to use it throughout the paper itself was deliberate. Indeed, while there can be no question that the term is anachronistic (by at least 1100 years) and while its use may well generate or continue an unnecessary bias in the mind of the reader against the questions raised and/or against the positions held by Augustine's monastic interlocutors of the period after 426, the fact remains that 1 know of no better and, certainly, of no more convenient term. For a detailed discussion of the problem from the standpoint of contemporary scholarship as well as a different conclusion, see, e.g., D. ÜGLIARI, Gratia et certamen. The Relationship between Grace and Free Will in the Discussion of Augustine with the so-called Semipelagians, Leuven, 2003 (BETL, 169), pp. 5-9, where Ogliari concludes that "the blanket terms Massilians and Massilianism remain the best available option." 2 This is not least because Augustine includes references to a sizable majority of Iac.'s 108 verses in his preaching. In fact, he employs references and clear allusions to lac. in several dozen of his sermones ad populum; it goes without

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seemed that the best thing to do was to particularize the paper's focus by radically limiting its scope. Once 1 began to look closely, 1 realized that, of the many interesting instances in which the Bishop of Hippo presented verses from lac. to bis congregation, bis use of lac. 1, 17 was certainly among the most interesting; in fact, 1 quickly became convinced that the works and contexts in which this verse appears could serve as an interesting point of departure for a reevaluation of the 'accepted wisdom' regarding both the purpose and the chronology of ss. 168 and 333. 3

saying that if the search is expanded to include his other (at least formallyspeaking), homiletic compositions such as the Enarrationes in Psalmos, the number of references increases dramatically. 3 While a volume of this nature is not the proper forum for a detailed discussion of the best methodology for the type of analysis that will be attempted in what follows, it will, however, be immediately obvious that what follows is an attempt to apply the techniques and procedures similar to those developed by A.-M. La Bonnardière, and subsequently refined and adapted by P .-M. Hombert and others, to these two sermons. This is another way of saying that internai evidence - and especially a close analysis of the citations and clear allusions to Scripture - will be at the very center of my argument. And, while it may be true that dating the sermons using close parallels or quotations found in other, more securely datable works is, to say the least, for some scholars methodologically suspect, it does not follow that linking the sermons to works that are securely dated and that are more or Jess theologically unique is in every case equally suspect. In my view, the works that Augustine composed to clarify the questions raised by the monks living in Hadrumetum and Marseilles offer us a more reasonable opportunity for at least two reasons. First is the generally recognized fact that, while the questions that these monks raised as well as the conclusions that they drew from Augustine's writings had occurred to him prior to 426, the precise answers that he provided them with were new to his corpus. Indeed, a close comparison of the tone and wording that Augustine adopted in his unfinished work against Julian of Eclanum, which certainly dates from the period 426430, and the tone and wording that he consistently adopted in his addresses to the monks, shows that he typically addressed them more considerately than he did Julian. Second is the fact that Augustine's so-called Semipelagian discussions were obviously rendered 'close-ended' by Augustine's death in August of 430. In short, his death necessarily produces a chronological 'window' that is narrower and, hence, easier to control and evaluate than that which can plausibly be assigned to the other phases of his career.

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2. Kunzelmann and the status quaestionis regarding the chronology of ss. 168 and 333 It seems that 'ground zero' as it were for the analysis of these two sermons' date and context is Kunzelmann's 1931 chronological study of the Bishop of Hippo's sermons. 4 Kunzelmann's conclusion is brief and very much to the point: "Wir müssen für Serm. 168 also die Zeit kurz vor 416 annehmen (Vgl. p. 456). Aus gleichen Gründen ist in dieselbe Zeit Serm. 333 zu setzen." 5 Kunzelmann's reasons for assigning this date to s. 168 - and by extension to s. 333 - are basically three in number. First is that the manuscript superscription tells us it is de gratia Dei, and, therefore, must have been directed against the Pelagians. Second is that there is a very particular list of scriptural passages that Augustine cites within the body of s. 168. In fact, by adding up all the evidence contained in Kunzelmann's text and footnotes, the reader ends up with a list of some sixteen verses or passages from Scripture - mostly from the Pauline letters and the Gospel of John - that make it all but certain that we are dealing with an anti-Pelagian set of compositions. 6 In the body of his text, Kunzelmann notes that s. 168 contains clear references to Rom. 1, 33-35; I Cor. 1, 31; I Cor. 4, 7 and 1 Cor. 15, 10. Kunzelmann's third reason for this particular date is that, once it is admitted that these two sermons are anti-Pelagian, the facts that the Pelagians are nowhere overtly named and that they are not explicitly called heretics must also be accounted for. Once one recognizes this conspicuous silence, reasons Kunzelmann, 4 A. KuNZELMANN, "Die Chronologie der Sermones des Hl. Augustinus'', in Miscellanea Agostiniana, II, Rome, 1931, pp. 417-520, esp. pp. 469-470. While the discussion of s. 333 found here is admittedly very brief, it nevertheless shows that the comments of E. Hill are a bit wide of the mark. In the notes to his recent English translation he daims that "[ ... ] sermon [333] passes entirely uncommented upon by any of the scholars [... ]" For this, see The Works of Saint Augustine. A Translation for the 21st Century, Sermons, III/9: (306-340A) on the Saints, transi. and notes by E. HILL, ed. by J. E. RoTELLE, Hyde Park (New York), 1994, p. 202 and n. 1. 5 A. KuNZELMANN, "Die chronologie'', p. 470. 6 Cf. ibid., p. 470. In his footnotes (esp. n. 3, which is where he supports his claim that ss. 168 and 333 should be linked), Kunzelmann lists Ps. 61, 6; Prou. 8, 35; I Cor. 4, 7; II Tim. 4, 6-8; Rom. 9, 16; I Cor. 15, 10; loh. 3, 27; loh. 6, 44; loh. 15, 5; I Cor. 2, 12; Phil. 1, 29; Phil. 2, 12f.; Eph. 2, 6f. and lac. 1, 17.

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one is compelled to date these sermons to the time shortly before 416 since "[d]as Jahr 416 ist ein Wendepunkt in Augustins Kampf gegen die Pelagianer." 7 In short, then, it seems that Kunzelmann's case for the dating of these two sermons to the year 415 or early 416 is based upon the facts that: (1) their main theme is grace; (2) they contain multiple references to a particular set of Scriptures - most of which are from Paul - and (3) neither of them make a direct reference to the Pelagians by name, much less to the Pelagians as heretics. With all due respect to Kunzelmann, and despite the fact that at least for s. 168 - his conclusions have been followed without further argumentation by A.-M. La Bonnardière, 8 P.-M. Hombert, 9 Thomas Martin, 10 and T. G. Ring, 11 as well as by the compilers of the Augustinus-Lexikon, the Augustine through the Ages encyclopedia, and the summary chronological charts in the most recent Italian and English translations - 1 do not regard his reasons as compelling or even as particularly helpful. Therefore, in what follows 1 will offer a suggestion, with some supporting argumentation, for re-dating and re-contextualizing both of these sermons. Before 7 Cf. ibid., p. 470. Also noteworthy though much too far afield to address directly in this paper is the fact that Kunzelmann uses this assertion as the point of departure for his dating of no less than 9 other sermones including ss. 125, 169, 170, 297, 298, Guelf. 23 (299B), Guelf. 24 (299C) and 315. s A.-M. LA BoNNARDIÈRE, "Tu es Petrus. La péricope Matth. 16, 13-23 dans l'œuvre de saint Augustin", Irénikon, 34 (1961), pp. 451-499, esp. p. 462 and p. 465, where the date is listed as "v. 416" or "avt 416"; the article's discussion of s. 168 can be found on p. 467. 9 P.-M. HoMBERT, Gloria Gratiae. Se glorifier en Dieu, principe et fin de la théologie augustinienne de la grâce, Paris, 1996 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 148), pp. 205-206. Hombert's only reference to the date of the sermon is in n. 149 where he writes simply "Vers 416" before referring the reader to La Bonnardière's article cited in note 8 supra. 10 T. F. MARTIN, "Vox Pauli: Augustine and the Claims to Speak for Paul, An Exploration of Rhetoric at the Service of Exegesis", Journal of Early Christian Studies, 8/2 (2000), pp. 237-272, esp. pp. 255-258. Martin's only reference to the date of s. 168 cornes on p. 255 and without any supporting references or notations. 11 T. G. RING, "Der Anfang des Glaubens: Verdienst oder Gnade?", Augustiniana, 54 (2004), pp. 177-202 (= Mélanges offerts à T.J. van Bavel à l'occasion de son 80' anniversaire), p. 178, where, without further comment or support, Ring inserts "vor 416" between brackets as he introduces a brief discussion of the sermo's contents.

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beginning, however, it must be acknowledged that the case I will make, precisely because it relies so heavily on internal data drawn from the sermons themselves, cannot conclusively prove that Kunzelmann is wrong; on the contrary, the most that I can hope to show is: (1) that his argument is far too simplistic; (2) that any serious attempt at dating these two sermons must start from somewhere close to scratch 12 and (3) that once begun, that serious attempt must delve much more deeply into both their contents and their contexts than did he. a. Must We Place ss. 168 and 333 in the Same Time and Context? Given the substantial problems with Kunzelmann's position, it seems that the next obvious question is: Are there any compelling reasons for placing ss. 168 and 333 in the same time period and context as a straightforward reading of Kunzelmann's text claims that we should? In order to test this claim, we must first recall that Kunzelmann thought he could do so on the grounds that both sermons are marked by (1) citations of several of the same passages of Scripture; (2) the presence of some particular turns of phrase ("Ausdrücke") and (3) the absence of direct reference to the Pelagians. As far as their alleged reference to the same Scriptures goes, a close look reveals that, even if we assume that the presence of similar Scriptural references suffices to link them chronologically, they don't actually have a very high percentage in common. In fact, according to my own analysis, s. 168 makes just over twenty citations or clcar allusions to the Bible; s. 333 - despite being a slightly shorter in length - makes more than forty. 13

12 By "somewhere close to scratch" 1 mean to highlight the fact that, whatever other weaknesses Kunzelmann's arguments contain, they do begin with the valid and, it seems to me, all-but-obvious premise that both of these sermons are anti-Pelagian. Of course, the problem is that this claim in and of itself doesn't help us to date or to contextualize them with any specificity beyond 412-430. 13 Of course, given the fact that the end of s. 333 as we now have it was ail but certainly an addendum made by a later hand to an original composition of Augustine's and that this portion of the sermon is little more than a catena of nine of the Bishop of Hippo's most prominent anti-Pelagian texts, the ratio of Scriptural citations per line of text in s. 333 is abnormally high. For a discussion of the claim that this later hand was actually that of Caesarius of Arles as well as of the significance of this addendum for this paper, see below.

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As noted above, in Kunzelmann's view, the most important of the common texts used for placing these sermons in approximately the same time period are Rom. 11, 34-35; 1 Cor. l, 31; 1 Cor. 4, 7 and 1 Cor. 15, 10. This is an altogether curious claim in light of the fact that only the latter two of these four actually appear in both sermons. Another significant problem with this list is that, even when one restricts oneself to the anti-Pelagian period, there is nothing about either the mere presence or about Augustine's usage of these texts - either independently or in combination - that could compel one to date these sermons to anytime "near 416". It is both true and well-known that Augustine used all four of these texts with substantial frequency and in very particular ways when he was in anti-Pelagian mode, but it is also true that he uses all of them - as well as several more - throughout the entire period of 412-430. It is probably also worth mentioning that several of these texts were used in similar ways as early as the 390's. 14 Moreover, since it should also be obvious that there is nothing at all about the claim in the superscription that the sermon is de gratia Dei that could possibly compel one to date any work under such a superscription exclusively to shortly before 416, it would seem that the only argument that is left to Kunzelmann is bis claim that these sermons are best dated to just before 416 because they neither mention the Pelagians by name nor label them as heretics. Even if one is willing to overlook the fact that this is an argumentum e silentio, one is still left to confront the facts that: (1) Augustine was surely not required to mention the Pelagians by name every time he preached a sermon based upon bis views of the grace of God during the period 412-430; and that (2) throughout the period 412430 - and most famously in bis so-called Semipelagian period of 426-430 - Augustine was repeatedly confronted with the views of "brothers in Christ" who, from bis point of view, were simply confused about the proper understanding of the message of the gospel in general and about the nature and timing of God's gift of grace in particular. After all, in a very real sense, it was confusion about the 14 The definitive study of the presence of 1 Cor. 1, 31 and 1 Cor. 4, 7 in the works of Augustine is that of P.-M. Hombert cited in n. 9 supra. For very helpful summary charts of ail Augustine's uses of these vv. in chronological order, see pp. 19-24. Interestingly, both of these vv. occur in Augustine as early as 394-395 and both of them occur in his corpus of work more than 150 times!

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contents and implications of Augustine's teaching on God's grace as found in ep. 194 that served as a major point of departure for the Semipelagian controversy. 15 In other words, given the nature and tone of the discussions in which Augustine was engaged during the period of 426-430, it must remain at least theoretically possible that the absence of any explicit mention of the Pelagians in these sermons could be due to the fact that Augustine had the difficulties with the (probably) well-meaning monks at Hadrumetum and/or in Southern Gaul, whom he clearly had good reason not to label as either "Pelagians" or "heretics'', on his mind as he formulated his words and organized his thoughts. In sum then, I do not see any compelling reason to follow Kunzelmann and tie these two sermons together chronologically. That is, while they certainly do share many details in common, 16 there are at least as many differences in the references to Scripture that they contain - not to mention how they use even those texts that they do have in common - to more than mitigate the claim that they must stem from the same time period. 17 To link them with a 15 For a detailed discussion of the role that ep. 194 played in the instigation of the Semipelagian controversy - and esp. at Hadrumetum - see, e.g., D. ÜGLIARI, Gratia et certamen, pp. 28-33 and p. 41. (cf. n. 1 supra) 16 The most immediately obvious similarity is that both sermons incorporate a summary of Paul's biography. Specifically, both sermons mention: (1) that Paul's conversion was from persecutor (persecutor) to preacher (praedicator). For an helpful if brief discussion of these antithetical labels in the preaching of Augustine, see T. F. MARTIN, "Vox Pauli", p. 258 as well as n. 90 (cf. n. 10 supra); (2) that Paul's conversion included a name change from Saul to Paul; (3) that Paul was present at St. Stephen's famous speech and execution as recorded in Act. 7; (4) that in Act. 9 no Jess an authority than Jesus himself labels Paul his chosen instrument (uas electionis) and (5) that in Gen. 49, 27, Paul's native tribe of Benjamin is labeled the tribe of a ravenous wolf (lupus rapax), an image which, in turn, is regarded by Augustine as helpful for explaining how the pre-Christian Paul, that is Saul, could have been so predatorial and bloodthirsty in his pursuit of the earliest believers in J esus. For more on this fifth and final point, see below. 17 For example, a major difference between the two is that s. 168 very clearly cites lac. 2, 19 and, more importantly, does so within a cluster of verses that is arguably one of Augustine's most frequent and most elaborate. lac. 2, 19, which cornes right in the middle of the problematic pericope of 2, 14-26, that is, in the middle of lac.'s (allegedly) anti-Pauline claim that works are in fact necessary for one to possess genuine faith and that for anyone to claim that they might be able to be justified by "faith alone" is not only wrong, it is to have a faith

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degree of certainty would require a much more detailed analysis of internal data than bas been performed heretofore. b. A Closer but Brief Look at s. 168 While one may well be able to defend the thesis that s. 168 is something less than a rhetorical masterpiece, it is, at least in my view, a very solid homiletical effort. In fact, 1 would argue that it contains several features that any truly excellent sermon should: it is rhetorically creative; it is theologically astute - especially with regard to how it uses the New Testament - and, most importantly, is it pastorally sensitive in that, in addition to being relatively brief, it concludes with a very clear and very precise application for the congregation's life of faith. 18 Taken together with the unsatisfactory

that is really no better than the faith of those demons who, although they believe that Jesus is the Christ, do not believe in such a way that they are justified and, hence, have no reason to expect to be saved. While such a discussion might arguably be said to be slightly out of place in a sermon dedicated to the proposition that any genuine faith is a faith that has been received from God as a gift, it is also true that, given Augustine's 'mature' views on the nature of faith, it was probably a good idea to remind the audience that there is more than one kind of faith. Augustine's 'punchline' on these two kinds of faith, that is the fundamental way one is able to distinguish between the non-salvific faith of demons and the salvific faith of those who have truly believed as a result of God's gift, is provided by a reference to the claim of Gal. 5, 6 that "true faith" is "faith which works through love ({ides quae per caritatem operatur)." Any such discussion about the nature of true faith in comparison to the false faith of the demons is wholly absent from s. 333. For more on the presence of lac. 2, 19 and Gal. 5, 6 in close proximity in this sermon, see below. 18 In paragraph 8, and basing himself upon his prior argument that faith in any form - and in particular its very genesis - is a gift of God, Augustine exhorts his congregation to, as it were, put what he regards as Paul's claim about the nature of faith to the test. He tells them ail to "pray for those who have not yet corne to believe (orale pro illis qui nondum crediderunt)." Following this general claim and through a series of rhetorical questions, he exhorts them to pray for their friends who do not yet believe; he exhorts believing husbands to pray for their unbelieving wives; he exhorts believing wives to pray for their unbelieving husbands, etc. He then concludes by claiming that when anyone prays for the conversion of an unbeliever he or she is actually praying for nothing except that "God would give that person faith." Something which, in turn, proves (ergo) - at least to Augustine's satisfaction - that "faith is a gift of God." His case concluded, the Bishop of Hippo then adds a concluding, albeit friendly, warning that "[n]obody should get a swollen head, nobody claim the credit for himself, as

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way in which Kunzelmann addressed the issue of its date and context, it is all the more remarkable that it bas received so little attention from scholars. This is especially true given that, as 1 shall now discuss very briefly, its manuscript superscription would seem to provide us with a very helpful key for re-dating and re-contextualizing it. According to the superscription, s. 168 is primarily concerned with just one verse of Scripture and just one theological idea: a quick read makes it appear as if the sermon is dominated by Eph. 6, 23 and by the idea that "faith is a gift of God's mercy ([ ... ] {ides misericordiae Dei donum est)." 19 The first detail to consider is the fact that s. 168 uses Eph. 6, 23 at all. In the modern, i.e., versified editions of the New Testament, Eph. 6, 23 is the penultimate verse of this Pauline composition and is the third verse of the author's four-verse conclusion: "Peace to the brothers and love along with faith from God the Father and the Lord Jesus Christ (Pax fratribus et caritas cum {ide a Deo Paire et Domino I esu Christo)." Given its position in the letter, it is probable that most modern readers and exegetes - and, perhaps, at least a few readers and exegetes from the ancient world - read through these verses quickly and without giving them much deep consideration. This was not the case with Augustine: he employed the verse on some twenty occasions, although, as far as 1 am aware, s. 168 is the only extant sermon or enarratio or homiletic effort of any kind in which it appears. 20 When this is combined with the fact that though he had given himself anything. Whoever boasts should boast in the Lord [I Cor. 1, 31 ]." 19 In fact, the v. is not referenced until the very beginning of paragraph 2, but even then it is not immediately discussed: first cornes a brief excursus on the nature of true faith that takes up the first half of paragraph 2. After this Augustine begins to explain the order in which the "good gifts" mentioned in Eph. 6, 23, which he thinks uniquely mark a life of true faith, are supplied by God. Interestingly, while Augustine clearly acknowledges the order in which Paul originally wrote his benediction to the Ephesians, he firmly asserts that these essential elements actually enter the lives of believers in precisely the opposite order: that is, while Paul wishes the Ephesians "peace [... ] and charity with faith (pax [... ] charitas cum (ide)'', for Augustine, it is faith that produces love that, in turn, produces the life of meritorious works that culminates in the peace of eternal life. 20 Although it reckons the final number of distinct 'hits' differently, the Beuron Velus Latina edition of Ephesians is in agreement with the substance of this claim. Most importantly, the data in the VL supports the conclusions that this is

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Eph. 6, 23 appears in s. 168 no less than nine of these twenty times, it becomes very clear that we are dealing with a very special case: almost half of Augustine's uses of this verse occur in this one sermon which, again, just happens to be the only sermon in which it was ever employed. Second is the chronology of these other eleven uses: while all of them bail from works that have been conclusively dated, none of them stem from a period earlier than 418: Eph. 6, 23 occurs once in ep. 194, which rather famously dates from 418, and once in c. ep. Pel. which dates from 419/420, but all nine of the remaining uses of Eph. 6, 23 bail from the last five years or so of the Bishop of Hippo's life, that is from between 426 and 430. It shows up once in the last part of the third Book (3, 33, 46 to be precise) of doctr. chr.; once in the retr.; once in perseu.; and twice each in gr. et lib. arb., in praed. sanct., and in c. lul. imp. If not quite compelling, these facts would nevertheless give support to the conclusion that, if we are granted the assumption that there is likely to be some connection between Augustine's repeated and detailed use of Eph. 6, 23 in s. 168 and these other groups of works, 21 we have at least one reasonably solid reason for dating s. 168 to either the period 418-420 or to the period 426-430. Furthermore, although it is obviously more tenuous, if we are granted the assumption that the frequency with which Augustine cited Eph. 6, 23 in s. 168 is somehow related to the fact that he was (almost) just as frequently employing this verse in works composed for the benefit of the monks of Hadrumetum and Marseilles as well as in bis final work

the only homiletic effort that Eph. 6, 23 appears in and that, regardless of genre, none of the works in which it appears can be dated to before ca. late 418, i.e., before ep. 194. For this, see Epistula ad Ephesios, ed. by H. J. FREDE, Freiburg, 1964 (Vetus Latina, 24.1), pp. 324-325. 21 At this juncture, it seems worthwhile to note that even H. Drobner, who has published multiple articles raising doubts about Hombert's methodology for establishing the chronology of Augustine's sermons and who, by extension, would probably question elements of this paper's analysis, concedes that the appearance of ideas - and esp. clusters of connected ideas and/or multiple parallels in Augustine's homiletic efforts generally follows its established usage in other treatises. For this principle, see, e.g., H. DROBNER, "The Chronology of St. Augustine's Sermones ad populum", Augustinian Studies, 31/2 (2000), pp. 211-218, esp. p. 217.

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directed against Julian of Aeclanum, we have at least some cause to prefer the period 426-430 over that of 418-420. On the other band, the ways in which other passages of Scripture show up in s. 168 can be said to offer evidence in favor of the period 418-420 over that of 426-430. For example, there is the fact that s. 168 contains all the elements of the 'textual cluster' of lac. 2, 19, Marc. 3, 11 (and/or synoptic parallels), Matth. 16, 15-17, and Gal. 5, 6. While this cluster occurs in several of Augustine's sermons, it is significant that, thus far, none of those in which it is found have been dated by scholars later than 418, just as it is also significant that both lac. 2, 19 and Gal. 5, 6 are found in very close proximity in paragraph 11 of ep. 194. A second and potentially more significant example is found in the almost identical way that s. 168 and ep. 194 both employ Rom. 10, 14-15 in order to 'prove' that no one can truly pray unless he or she bas been given the gift of true faith before they begin to pray. Two brief excerpts will suffice to demonstrate this. The first cornes from s. 168, 5: "Have faith; but in order to have faith, pray in faith. But you wouldn't be able to pray in faith, unless you had faith. It is only faith, after all, that prays. How, you see, will they call upon one in whom they have not believed? Or how will they believe one whom they have not heard? But how will they hear without a preacher? Or, how will they preach, if they are not sent? [Rom. 10, 14-15]. That's why

l'm talking, because 1 have been sent. Listen ta me, listen to him through me." 22 Now, compare this with the following lines from ep. 194, 10: "Hence in order that a man at prayer might not extol himself or the merit of his prayer, [... ] the faith prays that was given ta him when he did not pray, and unless it had been given, he could not 22 For the English, see The Works of Saint Augustine. A Translation for the 21st Century, Sermons, III/5: (148-183) on the New Testament, transi. and notes by E. HILL, ed. by J. E. RoTELLE, New Rochelle (New York), 1992, p. 210; for the Latin, PL 38, col. 913: H abete {idem: sed ut habeatis {idem, orale {ide. Sed orare {ide non possetis, nisi {idem haberetis. Non enim orat, nisi {ides. Quomodo enim inuocabunt, in quem non crediderunt? Aut quomodo credent ei quem non audierunt? Quomodo autem audient sine praedicante? Aut quomodo praedicabunt, si non mittantur? Ideo loquimur, quia missi sumus. Audite nos, audite ilium per nos.

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pray. For how will they calf upon him whom they have not believed? Or how will they believe in him of whom they have not heard? How will they hear without someone to preach? And so, faith cornes {rom hearing and hearing cornes through the word of Christ. [Rom. 10, 14.17]." 23 In sum, even if the foregoing evidence is regarded as something less than fully dispositive with respect to the most likely date and context for s. 168, it does seem to have demonstrated that the two best choices are ca. 419/420, i.e., about the time that Augustine was composing ep. 194, or sometime within the period 426-430, i.e., during the period of the so-called Semipelagian controversy when the themes and claims contained in ep. 194 were once again 'on the table' for Augustine and for many of the dedicated Christians in the Bishop of Hippo's sphere of influence. What seems very likely is that a date of about or just before 416 is tao early: in fact, that date is too early by at least three and, perhaps, by as many as ten to fourteen years. c. A Closer but Brief Look at s. 333

S. 333 is a relatively brief homiletical effort that has not received much attention from scholars. The attention it has received has focused almost exclusively on its form, a fact which had led to questions about its authenticity, both in whole and in part. Sorne, apparently including the editorial team of the Augustinus-Lexikon, regard it a spurious; 24 others are content to merely doubt its authenticity; 25 still others (apparently) accept it as authentically Augustinian, but are at pains to note that the form in which it has 23 For the English, see The Works of Saint Augustine. A Translation for the 21st Century, Letters, II/3: (156-210), transi. and notes by R. TESKE, ed. by B. RAMSEY, Hyde Park (New York), 2004, p. 293; for the Latin, CSEL 57, pp. 183-184: Quapropter, ne se uel ipsius orationis meritum extollat, [... ] {ides oral, quae data est non oranti, quae utique nisi data esset, orare non posset. Quomodo enim inuocabunt, in quem non crediderunt? Aut quomodo credent, quem non audierunt? Quomodo audient sine praedicante? Igitur {ides ex auditu, auditus autem per uerbum Christi. 24 S. 333 does not appear in the summary charts of Augustine's works that have been generated by the editors of the Augustinus-Lexikon. 25 See, e.g., Sant' Agostino, Discorsi V (273-340/A) su i santi, introd. by A. QuACQUARELLI, transi. and notes by M. RECCHIA, Roma, 1986 (Nuova Biblioteca Agostiniana, 33), p. XLIX. Here, in the volume's summary chart, one reads

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corne down to us is probably an Augustinian Vorlage that bas been re-worked to some degree by at least one redactor. 26 Although some would see the work of the redactor beginning as early as the middle of the sixth paragraph of this seven-paragraph composition, 27 even the most conservative among those espousing this third position admit that the whole of paragraph 7 must have been added by a second band. 28 This variance of opinion must be attributed, at least in part, to the fact that this redactor was quite familiar with Augustine's style and, moreover, was apparently quite 'Augustinian' in bis theology. 29 The point at which all three of these views reconverge is around the hypothesis that the redactor may have been

simply "autenticità dubbia"; note well, however, that the charts in previous volumes of this series simply leave the 'Data' column for s. 333 blank. 26 Such would seem to have been the view of the Beuron scholars for some time now. Note, e.g., that W. Thiele, the editor of the Velus Latina volume dedicated to the Catholic Epistles, listed the use of lac. 1, 17 found in paragraph 6 of s. 333 under the code CAE in the apparatus (cf. VL 26/1, p. 16). Of course, this choice accounts for the absence of the reference to s. 333 under the uses of 1, 17 given in their apparatus for Augustine (cf. ibid., p. 15). That it is still the view of the V etus Latina team is confirmed by the presence of the same evidence in the 5th and most recent edition of the Verzeichnis der Sigel. For this, see R. GRYSON, Répertoire général des auteurs ecclésiastiques latins de l' Antiquité et du Haut Moyen Âge, 1. Introduction. Répertoire des auteurs: A-H, Freiburg, 2007 5 (Vetus Latina, 1.1 5), s.v. "AU, s. 333" and s.v. "CAE, s. 226." Although he is very clear about the relationship between s. 333 and Caesarius of Arles's s. 226, it appears that Drobner remains at least theoretically open to the possibility that at least some of s. 333 is genuinely Augustinian: see H. R. DROBNER, Augustinus von Hippo: Sermones ad populum. Überlieferung und Bestand. Bibliographie - Indices, Leiden - Boston, 2000 (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae, 49), p. 183. 27 E.g., the Maurists believed the work of the redactor began almost exactly in the middle of paragraph 6. For this, see PL 38, col. 1467. 28 For this position, see Œuvres compleYes de saint Augustin évêque d'Hippone, vol. XIX, transi. by M. PÉRONNE, Paris, 1873, p. 97 and n. 1. 29 While, as noted supra, this section is thoroughly Augustinian, it is also little more than a catena of some of Augustine's favorite 'anti-Pelagian' scriptural verses. In fact, the section of the addendum that completes paragraph 6 contains just one explanatory comment; otherwise, it merely strings together nine verses of Scripture (lac. 1, 17 is referenced once, the other 8 are all from either Paul or the Gospel of John). It is almost as if the redactor thought that their cumulative effect would be sufficient both to re-make and to re-prove Augustine's point once and for all.

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Caesarius, the sixth century Bishop of Arles. 30 Of the several reasons that make Caesarius a good answer to the question of the identity of the redactor is that, in addition to his regular episcopal duties, Caesarius is known to have been a self-styled 'trainer of preachers' who, despite being a well-educated and gifted orator in his own right, regarded it as perfectly legitimate (and almost his duty) to excerpt from the work of his predecessors and, occasionally, to reproduce large portions of their sermons in toto. 31 The degree to which this opinion has become commonplace is supported by the fact that the most recent critical edition of s. 333 appears as s. 226 in the CCSL edition of the works of Caesarius, an edition which itself was the culmination of several decades of labor by Dom Germain Morin. 32 Before turning to the actual content of the sermon, allow me to note that, in what follows, 1 will be assuming a version of the view of this third camp: that is, 1 will be assuming that the majority of the sermon is genuinely from Augustine and 1 will be assuming that someone, whether or not it was actually Caesarius, redacted the sermon and, in the process of doing so, appended (at least) the final few lines to what may well have been a fragmentary text by the time it came into his hands. Despite the fact that the sermon is all but certainly anti-Pelagian, as far as 1 am aware, no one has put forth a date for

30 In fact, speculation about the identity of the redactor as Caesarius goes back at least to the edition of Augustine's sermons prepared by the Maurists (cf. PL 38, col. 1467, n. a). For a thorough and helpful treatment of Caesarius, his life, his thought, his work and his context, see W. E. KLINGSHIRN, Caesarius of Arles. The Making of a Christian Community in Late Antique Gaul, Cambridge, 1994. For Klingshirn's comments on Caesarius's preaching, see the "Introduction" (esp. pp. 9-14) and "Chapter 6: Christian Rhetoric and Ritual Action" (esp. pp. 146-151). 31 Cf. W. E. KLINGSHIRN, Caesarius of Arles, p. 12: "[ ... ] we may generally assume that whenever Caesarius borrowed from other preachers, he did so because he believed that this material was relevant to the audience he addressed, not because he was incapable of producing material of his own." 32 For Morin's edition, see CCSL 104, pp. 892-897. In the words of M. M. Mueller, s. 226 was "borrowed from other sources, but exhibiting the style and thought of Caesarius to an appreciable extent." See Saint Caesarius of Arles, Sermons, transi. by M. M. MuELLER, New York, 1956 (The Fathers of the Church. A New Translation, 31), pp. xxiv-xxv.

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it - or at least one based that is upon sustained argumentation. 33 The closest implicit proposal 1 have found is in A.-M. La Bonnardière's monograph dedicated to Augustine's use of the book of Proverbs. 34 By bringing the information she gives in her brief discussion of the sermo on page 67 - including what she writes in n. 26 - together with her summary chronological chart on page 209, it is possible to infer that she was at least open to the possibility of dating s. 333 to about 418 or 419. 35 At the same time, it must be noted that her only explicit comment connected to the sermon is the confession that "it is difficult to date some of the anti-Pelagian sermons with exactitude." 36 My own research thus far into s. 333 certainly confirms the truth of this claim. The reason for this is actually quite simple: despite several rare and even idiosyncratic details, neither the composition nor the content of the sermon is distinctive enough to support an argument regarding the specifics of its date or the precise intellectual or ecclesiastical context in which it was produced. One advantage to this lack of distinctiveness, however, is that its transitions are clearly delineated just as its structure is easy to follow. It begins with a brief encomium to the martyrs in general and to their God-given virtue of patience (patientia) in particular; to this Augustine then tacks on a reminder against the evil of pride and the necessity of regarding anything good as having corne directly and exclusively from God's hand and not from ourselves. This idea is set firmly in place by a citation of one of Augustine's favorite anti-Pelagian verses, 1 Cor. 4, 7: Quid enim habes, quod non accepisti? 33 E. Hill, on the basis of the all but obvions anti-Pelagian internai evidence, offers 415-420 for a date but does not support this opinion with argument. He also stops short of offering any overt opinion regarding either its authenticity or its integrity - at least beyond noting the opinion of the Maurists that is mentioned in n. 27 supra. For Hill's remarks, see E. HILL, Sermons, 111/9, p. 202. 34 A.-M. LA BoNNARDIÈRE, Biblia Augustiniana. AT. La livre des Proverbes, Paris, 1975 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité), p. 67. 35 To be clear, it should be noted that the chronological chart has only "?"; however, she has also placed it in between ep. 194, written in 418, and c. ep. Pel, a work written about 419/420. In the aforementioned note to p. 67, La Bonnardière writes only that "le Sermo 333 a été prêché pour une fête de Martyrs." 36 Cf. ibid.: "Il est difficile de dater avec exactitude quelques sermons antipélagiens [... ]."

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With paragraph 3, the sermon shifts its focus to the biography of the apostle Paul. Interestingly, it begins with a few remarks about the end of bis life and bis 'passion' before reviewing what is known about bis pre-conversion existence and especially bis role as a persecutor of Christians. This section, which easily accounts for the bulk of the sermon's seven-paragraphs, culminates with an imaginary dialogue between Paul and Augustine about the precise means by which Paul was converted and about who, precisely, should receive the credit for all the good things that Paul was able to accomplish. Not surprisingly, this section concludes by applying that most Augustinian of claims, viz. "So when God crowns your merits, he is not crowning anything but bis own gifts", 37 directly to the life of Paul and, albeit implicitly and only by extension, to the life of Augustine, to the lives of bis audience, and to the lives of bis readers. Paragraphs 6 and 7 comprise the sermon's conclusion. 38 In addition to being mostly an exhortation to adopt and hold certain dispositions, it is also, as noted above in some detail, the section of the sermon that bas most obviously been re-shaped by the band of a redactor. At its heart, it is a warning against falling under the influence of persuasive, but thoroughly worldly, arguments that would allow one to believe that we generate our own faith, a position which is thoroughly evil precisely because it is rooted in pride. All with ears to hear are told that they must confess their frailty (fragilitas) and implore God for more mercy (misericordia), since it is uniquely through bis mercy that more and more of bis good gifts (munera) or benefits (beneficia), including faith and restored free will (liberum arbitrium), are communicated to us. Given this sermo's relative indistinctiveness, are there any arguments based on internal evidence that might contribute to the

37 Cf. E. HrLL, Sermons, II I/9, p. 201; for the Latin, cf. CCSL 104, p. 896: [... ] cum ergo Deus coronat merita tua, nihil coronat nisi dona sua. 38 That Hill is either (a) working from the Migne text and not from that of the CCSL, or (b) that he has inadvertently omitted a portion of the text is made clear at the beginning of paragraph 7: Hill's translation does not include the line H aec ergo et his similia diligenter ac fideliter cogitantes, non acquiescamus eis, qui liberum arbitrium in superbiam extollentes praecipitare mugis quam eleuare conatur; sed humiliter consideremus illud, quod apostolus dicit: Deus est, qui operatur in uobis et uelle et perficere. Cf. PL 38, col. 1467 and CCSL 104, p. 896.

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debates over its authenticity or its date and context of composition? My research thus far bas led me to believe that there are a few, though even these can only be put forward with tentativeness and are rooted in the way that the composition employs Scripture. In my view the strongest piece of internal evidence for the date of s. 333 is related to a fact that bas already been alluded to (via the reference to the work of A.-M. La Bonnardière): it is one of only six homiletic compositions (three sermones [ss. 173; 333; and 136B (= s. Lambot 10)] and three enarrationes in Psalmos [en. Ps. 77 and en. Ps. 118, s. 11 and en. Ps. 118, s. 23]) by the Bishop of Hippo to employ the LXX version of Prou. 8, 35 or, more specifically, the phrase praeparatur uoluntas a Domino. This is especially relevant when one notes that, according to the study of A.-M. La Bonnardière, Augustine used this phrase a total of about fifty-five times and that, of these, (1) none were made before 411-412; 39 (2) only three were made before 415 and (3) as many as thirtyseven of them, i.e., fully two-thirds of them, were made later than 425. 40 This chronological observation becomes even more interesting in the face of the fact that, in s. 333, Augustine used this phrase in a relatively sophisticated manner: not only does he apply it to the case of the martyrs that are being feasted on that day - as opposed to using it to defend bis views on the incapabilities of all of post-lapsarian humanity as he typically did in bis early explicitly anti-Pelagian writings - but he also adds the interesting step, via a citation of Ps. 56 (57), 8, of equating the will (uoluntas) of Prou. 8, 35 with the broader concept of the heart (cor). 41 Also noteworthy is that this whole line of thought, while explicitly directed toward honoring the martyrs of past generations, is also indirectly intended toward the encouragement of those in Augustine's audi39 See pecc. mer. 2, 18, 30, where Prou. 8, 35 is incorporated into a relatively straightforward discussion of the nature of the post-lapsarian human will and the process of justification. 40 A.-M. LA BoNNARDIÈRE, La livre des Proverbes, pp. 66-70 and pp. 209-210 (cf. Il. 34). 41 Although it obviously doesn't prove much with respect to s. 333, note that at c. ep. Pel. 2, 9, 20 (cf. CSEL 60, p. 482), a text written about 419/420, we find a similar, if somewhat Jess direct sentiment expressed via Prou. 8, 35: Ecce Deus admonet, ut praeparemus uoluntatem in eo, quod legimus: hominis est praeparare cor, et tamen, ut hoc f aciat homo, adiuuat Deus, quia praeparatur uoluntas a Domino.

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ence who feared that, through a failure of their will, they might not persevere unto salvation. 42 The same Augustine who held such particular views with respect to both election and perseverance as gifts of God, here informs bis congregation that God will preserve them in the very same way he preserved the martyrs. God will preserve them by continuing to prepare their hearts which, at least here, is the same thing as bis continua! preparation of their wills to want and desire the salvation that He also wants for them: "Oh certainly, [Christ] foretold [that the martyrs] would suffer many bard things, in order by forewarning them to make them better prepared, and so that they could say to him, My heart is ready [Ps. 56 (57), 8]. What does my heart is ready mean, if not my will is ready? So the martyrs have their wills ready for martyrdom; but the will is prepared by the Lord [Prou. 8, 35 LXX]." 43 In sum, the fact that Prou. 8, 35 is employed in paragraph 1 of s. 333 at all, much less that it is employed as part of a larger and relatively sophisticated exegesis, offers us at least some proof that s. 333 is best regarded stemming from the period after 419/420, if a still later date of about 426-430 does not prove to be an even better fit. Still more internal evidence for the authenticity of s. 333 (though it might also prove helpful with respect to the sermo's date) is rooted in its many parallels to the series of three sermones known as ss. 299A, 299B, and 299C (a sermon also known as s. Guelf. 24). While s. 299, which was originally dated to about 418 by the Maurists, has recently been re-dated by P.-M. Hombert to about 412/ 413, 44 it is noteworthy that no such reevaluation bas yet been offered for s. 299A; in fact, s. 299A remains undated. Much more 42 Cf. paragraph 1, where after citing from Luc. 21, 18 Jesus's words that "Not a hair of your head shall perish", Augustine says: Si sic custodiuntur superflua tua, in quanta tutela est anima tua? 43 For this translation, see E. HILL, Sermons, 111/9, p. 198; for the Latin, see CCSL 104, p. 892: Sane mulla dura eos passuros esse praedixit, ut praedicendo faceret paratiores, dicerentque illi: Paratum cor meum. Quid est, paratum cor meum, nisi 'parafa uoluntas mea'? Paratam ergo habens martyres uoluntatem in martyrio: sed praeparatur uoluntas a Domino. 44 For Hombert's arguments, which include both the internai evidence of scriptural citations and evidence gleaned from the manuscript tradition, see his Nouvelles recherches de chronologie augustinienne, Paris, 2000 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 163), pp. 387-398.

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germane to the case at hand, however, is that P .-M. Hombert has recently offered a date of "after 417" for ss. 299B and 299C. Prior to his efforts at re-evaluation, these two either went undated or, at least in the case of s. 299C, they were thought to stem from June 29 sometime during the span of 416 and 420. 45 Of particular interest both for the authenticity and for the chronology of s. 333 is the extensive and numerous similarities between the way it and s. 299C use Scripture. In fact, 1 have thus far been able to highlight at least seven distinct uses of Scripture that occur in both ss. 333 and 299C over and above their use of II Tim. 4, 78 - one of the texts that P.-M. Hombert used as a basis for his argument for re-dating s. 299C. Interestingly, these all-but-identical uses of Scripture are over and above the many thematic and linguistic parallels that both of these compositions share in common. The texts that occur in both ss. 299C and 333 and, what is more, that usually occur in the very same order and with the same exegesis and/or application are: Gen. 49, 27; Rom. 11, l; Act. 9, 15; 1 Cor. 3, 2; Ps. 127, 1; 1 Cor. 15, 9-10 and Rom. 9, 16. By way of example, note that the third paragraphs of both sermons are paragraphs in which Gen. 49, 27; Rom. 11, 1 and 1 Cor. 3, 2 all occur in the same order and within the span of just a few lines. First cornes a passage from s. 333, 3: "[Paul] himself, after all, was a ravenous wolf [Gen. 49, 27] of the tribe of Benjamin [Rom. 11, 1]; he said so himself. Now it was said in prophecy Benjamin is a ravenous wolf; in the morning he goes ravening, in the evening he will divide the food [Gen. 49, 27]. Previously he devoured, later on feeds the sheep. [... ] Notice how he divides up the food. He knows what is suitable for whom; he divides, that is to say, he distributes, he distinguishes; he doesn't 45 This is the date range given in the summary chart found in Augustine through the Ages, s.v. "Sermones'', p. 785. A somewhat less specific date of "après 417" has been assigned to Sermones 297, 299B and 299C by P.-M. Hombert. For this, see Nouvelles recherches de chronologie augustinienne, pp. 395-396 (cf. n. 44). Alternatively, if one sees a very close connection between ss. 299C and 298, the former might well be datable to June 29, 426-430 as that is the date assigned to the latter by C. LAMBOT, "Collection antique de sermons de saint Augustin'', Revue Bénédictine, 57 (1947), p. 107. This date for s. 298 was also adopted by O. PERLER, Les voyages de saint Augustin, Paris, 1969 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Sèrie Antiquité, 36), pp. 377-378; cf. also pp. 474-475 of the appended summary chart.

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dispense it at random and indiscriminately. He speaks wisdom among the perfect [I Cor. 2, 6]; while for some who are not capable of taking solid food he divides it and says, I gave you milk to drink [I Cor. 3, 2]." 46 Now, compare this with a passage from s. 299C, 3: "About Saul [... ] the prophet had given advance notice: Benjamin, a ravenous wolf [Gen. 49, 27]. What's Benjamin got to do with it? Listen to Paul himself: For I too am an Israelite, of the race of Abraham, the tribe of Benjamin [Rom. 11, l]. A ravenous wolf; in the morning he will ravage, in the evening he will di vide the food [Gen. 49, 27]. First he will gobble up, afterward he will feed. [... ] he was dividing the food now that he was a preacher; he knew what to give to whom; [... ] I mean, it was as dividing the food, dividing it, not throwing it around at random, as dividing the food, you see, that he said, And I, brothers, was unable to speak to you as spiritual people, but as of the flesh; as babies in Christ I gave you milk to drink, not solid food [... ] [I Cor. 3, 2]." 47 What makes these parallels still more interesting and important for the relationship between these two sermons is that, except for s. 279, which uses it three times but which clearly dates from much earlier, that is, from 401, and en. Ps. 78, a composition that has been dated by several scholars to either early 418 or to after 419/ 46 For the English, see E. HILL, Sermons, III/9, p. 200; for the Latin, CCSL 104, pp. 894-895: Ipse enim lupus rapax, de tribu Benjamin, ipse dixit. Dictum autem erat in prophetia: Beniamin lupus rapax, mane rapit, et ad uesperam diuidit escas. Prius consumpsit, posterius pascit. [... ] Vide quemadmodum diuidat escas. Nouit quid cui congruat: diuidit, non passim, non confuse erogat. Diuidit, hoc est, distribuit, distinguit; non passim confuseque dispensai. Loquitur sapientiam inter perfectos: quibusdam uero non ualentibus capere solidum cibum diuidens dicit: lac uobis potum dedi. 4 7 For the English, see The Works of Saint Augustine. A Translation for the 21st Century, Sermons, III/8: (273-305A) on the Saints, transi. and notes by E. HILL, ed. by J. E. RoTELLE, Hyde Park (New York), 1994, p. 251; for the Latin, see MA l, p. 523: De Saulo [... ] propheta praemiserat: Beniamin, lupus rapax. Vnde Beniamin? Ipsum audi Paulum: Nam et ego Israhelita sum, ex genere Abraham, tribu Beniamin. Lupus rapax: mane rapiet, ad uesperum diuidet escas; prius consume!, postea pascet. Diuidebat [... ] escas iam ille praedicator, nouerai quid cui daret: [... ] diuidens enim escas, diuidens, non passim proiciens, diuidens enim escas dicebat: Et ego, fratres, non potui loqui uobis quasi spiritalibus, sed quasi carnalibus; tamquam paruulis in Christo lac uobis potum dedi, non escam [... ].

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420, 48 the phrase from Gen. 49, 27 lupus rapax or "ravening wolf" 49 does not appear anywhere else in Augustine's corpus - either with or without the accompaniment of Rom. 11, 1 and/or 1 Cor. 3, 2. In fact, though a close look at the Latin for both sermons makes it clear that we are not dealing with the Late Antique equivalent of 'cutting and pasting', it seems to me that the parallels between ss. 333 and 299C are so numerous and so explicit as to make it at least possible to use them as part of a much larger argument regarding the authenticity of s. 333. For example, if such a detailed analysis were undertaken, it just might generate an especially strong case against the authenticity of s. 333, if it were able to show clearly that the exegetical and/or theological contents of s. 333 were directly dependent on, or derivative from, the contents of s. 299C. d. Summary and Conclusion As anyone who bas attempted to assign a new date to the many undated or doubtfully-dated homiletical compositions of the Bishop of Hippo is well aware, a conclusion approaching certainty can only rarely be achieved. lndeed, much like a prosecutor who bas neither a 'smoking gun', nor a signed confession, nor unassailable eyewitness testimony, about the best one can hope for is to build a case based upon the preponderance of the evidence and then give it to the jury. That having been said, the foregoing bas demonstrated that, in the case of s. 168, the aeeepted wisdom about its date and context of its composition is without a solid basis and, therefore, is most probably incorrect. At the same time, this study bas also endeavored to bring together evidence demonstrating why s. 168 should not be dated prior to late 418 and, better still, why it can with some probability be dated to either 419/420 or 426-430. Its use of passages of Seripture sueh as Eph. 6, 23 and its close ties to the 48 For a brief discussion of this conclusion as well as relevant bibliography, see H. MüLLER, "Enarrationes in psalmos'', in AugLex 2, cols. 804-838, esp, col. 830 and n. 22. 49 The Vulgate of Gen. 49, 27 reads: Beniamin lupus rapax mane comedel praedam et uespere diuidet spolia; cf. the contemporary English NRSV version: "Benjamin is a ravenous wolf, in the morning devouring the prey, and at evening dividing the spoil."

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themes, ideas, and wording of other late texts, such as ep. 194, make it likely that it was composed at a point in Augustine's life when the ideas central to that letter were very much on the forefront of bis mind. The foregoing bas also demonstrated that, as A.-M. La Bonnardière noted years ago, the case of s. 333 is far more complex. Its complexity is due to its relatively indistinct contents as well as to the fact that, at least in the form in which it bas corne down to us, it bas all but certainly been corrupted by at least one redactor. At the same time, the foregoing bas demonstrated that, through a closer look at a few other texts, such as s. 299C, that share much in common with it, and through a close analysis of the ways in which s. 333 uses passages of Scripture such as the LXX version of Prou. 8, 35, a more accurate assessment of both the issue of its authenticity and the issue of its proper date and context within the life of Augustine is probably attainable. Assuming that it is (mostly) authentic, there are some very compelling reasons for dating s. 333, much like s. 168, to either the period 419/420 or the period 426-430. Indeed, it may well turn out that these two sermons do belong to the same time period and context; however, pace Kunzelmann, linking them together simply on the basis of their shared 'anti-Pelagianness' or their similar uses of Scripture that appear with great consistency and ubiquity throughout the works Augustine produced between 412-430 is simply insufficient. If they both end up being assigned to the same period and the same theological context, it will be due to reasoning and analysis that is more detailed, careful, and complex than anything he offered us back in 1931. e. Proposal for Future Research on Augustine's sermones ad populum When it cornes to the issue of dating the heretofore undated and/ or inconclusively dated sermons of the anti-Pelagian and Semipelagian periods, a thoroughgoing analysis of the citations, allusions, and exegesis of Scripture in Augustine's ep. 194 - especially if that study were conducted alongside or in conjunction with a contrastive analysis of the ways in which Scripture is referenced and interpreted in the four main Semi-Pelagian compositions of De gratia et libero arbitrio, De correptione et gratia, De praedestinatione sanctorum and

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De dono perseuerantiae - would prove very beneficial. Such a study might allow scholars to make significant strictes toward more accurate dates for the many sermons, like ss. 168 and 333, that are all but certainly anti-Pelagian but are also, at least potentially, addressing the issues that became central in the period of the Semipelagian Controversy - that is, to the precise issues that, to a significant if less than exact degree, go back to the ways in which the contestants in that debate were reading and interpreting the contents of ep. 194. This type of study might also pay some dividends in the area of determining where the work of the Bishop of Hippo stops and where that of 'Augustinian' redactors like Caesarius of Arles starts in those sermons that are thought to be something less than perfectly authentic. Indeed, such a study might also help to clarify the reasons why particular sermons proved especially interesting to those preachers who, like Caesarius, were consciously and actively mining the compositions of the past for the spiritual betterment of their own generation.

Les cantiques bibliques dans l'homilétique africaine. Quelques perspectives de recherche Pierre-Maurice BoGAERT (Abbaye de Maredsous) Le point de départ de cette communication est la constatation qu'Augustin a abondamment commenté les psaumes dans sa prédication, mais très peu les cantiques bibliques, ces compositions poétiques comparables aux psaumes et dispersées dans les autres livres bibliques de l'Ancien et du Nouveau Testament*. Si l'on pouvait dire simplement qu'il ne les a pas commentées ou utilisées comme cantiques, la constatation suffirait. Mais, d'une part, il y a des exceptions, nous le verrons. Et, d'autre part, on ne peut isoler complètement Augustin de son contexte africain et, au moins après lui, l'usage liturgique des cantiques est avéré en Afrique 1 • Homilétique africaine. Que faut-il mettre sous cette étiquette? Il y a les grands noms: Augustin, Fulgence, Quodvultdeus, et autour d'eux des nébuleuses, plus ou moins denses, d'anonymes souvent désignés comme Pseudo-Augustin, Pseudo-Fulgence, etc. 2 • La frontière entre l'Afrique et l'Italie ou l'Espagne est d'ailleurs très poreuse. Quodvultdeus est passé en Italie, la bibliothèque d' Augustin également. Et nous constaterons dans l'étude de l'un ou l'autre cantique qu'il faut considérer de façon privilégiée les séries mozarabes. Aussi bien une recherche systématique sur les cantiques dans

* Grâce aux interventions qui ont suivi la présentation de ce texte sous une forme encore provisoire lors du colloque, j'ai été amené à préciser ou à nuancer quelques affirmations. 1 Les ouvrages fondamentaux restent J. MEARNS, The Canticles of the Christian Church Eastern and Western in Early and Medieval Times, Cambridge, 1914; H. SCHNEIDER, Die altlateinischen biblischen Cantica, Beuron, 1938 (Texte und Arbeiten, I.29-30). Pour la tradition grecque: H. SCHNEIDER, « Die biblischen Oden im christlichen Altertum », Biblica, 30 (1949), p. 28-65, 239-272, 433-452, 479-500. 2 Voir à ce sujet les réflexions méthodologiques de F. DoLBEAU, «À propos des sermons d'Olomouc: un post-scriptum», Revue Bénédictine, 112 (2002), p. 236-245.

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les sermons ne devrait-elle pas se fixer d'emblée une limite géographique. Pour l'Afrique, n'oublions pas non plus les usages concurrents des donatistes, puisque le corpus découvert par le P. François-Joseph Leroy pourrait avoir cette origine et que deux homélies portent sur des cantiques de l'Ancien Testament 3 • La question est pour moi ancienne. Dom Cyrille Lambot m'avait confié la publication d'un sermon africain sur le Cantique de la Vigne (ls. 5, 1-9a) dont la parenté avec les autres œuvres de Quodvultdeus me paraît encore aujourd'hui suffisamment assurée 4 • C'était en 1965. On sait que l' Indiculum des œuvres d'Augustin compilé par Possidius mentionne parmi les tractatus diuersi (section X 6 ), aux numéros 22 et 23, un De cantico Esaiae et un De cantico Exodi, le premier perdu, le second paraissant conservé tant bien que mal dans le Sermon 363 5 • Il faudra y revenir. Si l'on ajoute à cela le témoignage de Verecundus, plus tardif, mais pareillement africain, il faut peut-être s'interroger plus attentivement sur la question de l'usage des cantiques par Augustin. Comment avancer dans la recherche? Distinguons deux types de questions. 1) Quels sont les cantiques à rechercher, en supposant que certains peuvent avoir été utilisés sans qu'ils soient présentés comme tels? Quand les cantiques étaient-ils utilisés dans la liturgie? Où copiait-on les cantiques et où pouvons-nous les trouver? 2) En partant du plus récent vers le plus ancien, que peut-on dire de l'époque d'Augustin?

3 F. J. LEROY, «Vingt-deux homélies africaines nouvelles attribuables à l'un des anonymes du Chrysostome latin (PLS4) », Revue Bénédictine, 104(1994), p.123-147; m., «L'homélie donatiste ignorée du corpus Escorial (Chrysostomus Latinus, PLS IV, sermon 18) », ibid., 107 (1997), p. 250-262; m., «Les 22 inédits de la catéchése donatiste de Vienne», Recherches Augustiniennes, 31 (1999), p. 149-234. - Noter l'homélie34 Detribuspueris (Dan.3) et l'homélie35 DeHabacuch propheta. De« audiui ». 4 [P.-] M. BoGAERT, «Sermon sur le cantique de la vigne attribuable à Quodvultdeus »,Revue Bénédictine, 75(1965), p.109-135. 5 A. W1LMART, « Operum S.Augustini Elenchus aPossidio [... ] digestus [... ] », dans Miscellanea Agostiniana,II, Rome, 1931, p.149-233; voir p.192.

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Je procéderai en trois temps. D'abord, il faut examiner attentivement le témoignage de Verecundus. Ensuite il faut se demander, en s'aidant d'une comparaison avec le Psautier de Vérone, si le Psautier du Sinaï peut nous apprendre quelque chose sur l'usage africain ancien. Enfin on peut interroger l'homilétique africaine et la prédication augustinienne pour voir si elles ne trahiraient pas l'usage de tel ou tel cantique. Ces deux dernières questions ne recevront pas ici une réponse complète. Je voudrais au moins les avoir posées correctement. 1. Questions préliminaires L'heuristique d'un tel travail doit partir d'un inventaire des cantiques bibliques connus et utilisés anciennement et ensuite à les rechercher dans les homélies. Voici un essai sommaire d'inventaire. J'y place tous les cantiques de l'Ancien Testament transmis dans l'ancienne version, une vingtaine. Pour les plus rares, j'indique, non exhaustivement, des références aux manuscrits 6 • Ex. 15; Deut. 9, 26-29 (VL 419); Deut. 32; Iud.5 (Verecundus); IReg.2; Tob. 3,2-6 (VL460); Tob. 13, 1-18 (VL460); Tob. 13, 3-23 (VL 410, 411, 419); ludith 16 (VL 330, 460); IIMach.1, 24-30 (Oratio Neemiae; VL 109, 410, 411, 419); Is. 5, 1-7(9); Is.26, 1-8 (VL414, 415, 419); Is.26, 9-20; Is. 38, 10-20; Is. 66, 10-16 (VL270, 424); Lam. 5, 122 (vieux latin ou vulgate); Dan. 3, 26-45 et 49-90; Hab.3; Ion.2. On verra, à propos de Ion. 2, que ce cantique a été chanté très tôt dans la version de Jérôme. Il se pourrait qu'il en soit de même pour Lam. 5. Je n'ai pas retenu les nombreux cantiques vulgates de la tradition mozarabe; encore ne faut-il pas les perdre de vue. Il y aurait ensuite à relire l'ensemble de la littérature, surtout homilétique, pour y repérer, d'une part, les citations de ces cantiques afin de voir si elles s'enracinent dans un usage liturgique et, d'autre part, pour y noter les mentions de cantiques sans citation à proprement parler. Les tables de dom Germain Morin à son édition des sermons de saint Césaire permettent ainsi de reconnaître l'usage de quatre cantiques - mais nous sommes plus tard et en Gaule, non en Afrique 7 • Sur ces mentions en passant, je ne m'arrêterai pas, sinon 6 VL suivi d'un numéro renvoie à R. GRYSON, Altlateinische Handschriften. Manuscrits vieux latins, Freiburg, 1999 et 2004 (Vetus Latina, 1.2A et 1.2B).

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pour dire que la recherche est à poursuivre. Il est plus facile de faire l'inventaire des cantiques par le biais des citations, étant entendu que la recherche porte ici sur l'homilétique africaine ancienne. Il y trois lieux de transmission du texte (ou parfois simplement de la mention) des cantiques: 1) Beaucoup de psautiers font suivre les psaumes de séries de cantiques bibliques qui varient selon les lieux et les temps. Dans ce cas, l'usage liturgique est certain, mais non la ou les affectations précises de tel ou tel cantique. Dans notre travail, limité à l'antiquité, on peut ne tenir compte ni des séries de cantiques utilisés dans l'usage monastique bénédictin ni des séries milanaises révisées dont l'une (Siméon) sera souvent recopiée à la suite des psautiers triples ou quadruples. Il faut être plus attentif aux usages wisigothiques qui ont pu se conserver dans la liturgie mozarabe où les cantiques sont très nombreux, mais ils constituent manifestement une évolution locale qu'on ne peut purement et simplement appliquer à l'Afrique 8 • 2) Les livres liturgiques de tout genre mentionnent l'emploi de cantiques à tel ou tel moment. Un lieu privilégié fut très tôt la vigile pascale. Le texte peut être donné in extenso ; plus souvent le titre seul est indiqué. 3) Le troisième lieu est sans doute le plus ancien, mais il est aussi le plus difficile à étudier. Les manuscrits bibliques latins por2 7 Caesarius Arelatensis, Sermones, éd. G. MoRIN, Turnhout, 1953 (CCSL 104), p.1018-1019: sont utilisés le Cantique de la Vigne, celui d'ls. 26, celui des jeunes gens dans la fournaise de Dan. 3, et celui du Deutéronome (Deut. 32). B De ce point de vue, le prologue pseudo-isidorien Plura nouimus cantica est intéressant. Attesté dans un manuscrit du vm 0 -1x• siècle (Escorial a.I.13) et dans deux autres (celui de San Millan, VL413, évoque en conclusion un total de 153 pièces), il peut confirmer l'exubérance de la tradition hispanique en matière de cantiques. Sa véritable portée devrait cependant être appréciée, car il pourrait introduire un livre de prières. Voir: Taionis et Isidori nova fragmenta et opera, éd. E. ANSPACH, Madrid, 1930, p. 86-87; W. M. WmTEHILL, «A Mozarabic Psalter from Santo Domingo de Silos», Speculum, 4 (1929), p. 461-468, 3 pl. (voir p. 465466): il s'agit du ms.PARIS, BNF, fonds Smith-Lesouëf 2/1 (autrefois à Nogentsur-Marne, VL416); H. SCHNEIDER, Die altlateinischen biblischen Cantica (cité n. l), p.155-156. Voir aussi T.AYuso MARAZUELA, La Velus Latina Hispana. t. V. ElSalterio, Madrid, 1962, vol.1, p.269 et 329.

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tent souvent, pour les cantiques comme pour les lectures liturgiques, des indications marginales. Bien plus, il arrive que, à l'intérieur d'un type de texte (le plus souvent vulgate), un cantique soit donné dans un autre type de texte (le plus souvent Velus Latina). C'est le cas du Complutensis 1 (VL 109) 9 • Le Lectionnaire de Luxeuil (VL 251) est sur la frontière, car il donne souvent de très longues tranches de texte biblique vulgate, à l'intérieur duquel les cantiques sont en vieille version latine 10 •

2. Les usages africains a. Le témoignage de Verecundus Dom Olivier Rousseau a jadis attiré l'attention sur les premières phrases du commentaire de Verecundus à propos des cantiques bibliques, trop peu considérées selon lui par les ouvrages fondamentaux de James Mearns et de Heinrich Schneider 11 • Il en retient la ressemblance de la série fondamentale de quatre cantiques (Ex.15; Num. 21, 17-18; Deut. 32; Iud. 5) chez Origène et chez Verecundus. Avant d'aller un peu plus loin, voici le texte édité par Roland Demeulenaere et ma traduction 12 • Cantica quaedam, quae in diuersis libris dispersa ad similitudinem Dauidicorum psalmorum Esdras scriba legis collegit, libroque psalmorum adiunxil, ut eodem sono cantuque psallantur, quo soient ipsi quoque psalmi cantari. Ex quibus sunt canticum Moysi, quod est in Exodo decantatum, cum Pharaonis exercitus deperisset. Secundum est canticum Numerorum, quod prin-

Esdras, scribe de la Loi, a réuni quelques cantiques ressemblant aux psaumes de David dispersés dans divers livres (bibliques) et il les a adjoints au livre des psaumes pour qu'ils soient chantés sur le même mode et sur la même mélodie sur lesquels les psaumes eux-mêmes sont habituellement chantés. En font partie: le Cantique de Moïse, qui est chan-

9 P.-M. BoGAERT, «Judith dans la première Bible d'Alcala (Complutensis 1) et dans la version hiéronymienne (Vulgate)», dans Philologia Sacra. Biblische und patristische Studien für Hermann J. Frede und Walter Thiele, éd. R. GRYSON, Freiburg, 1993 (Aus der Geschichte der lateinischen Bibel, 24.1), p. 116-130; voir p. 120-121. 10 C'est le cas pour le Cantique de !'Exode (Ex. 15, 13-21), celui de Daniel (Dan. 3, 64-89) et celui de Jonas sur lequel nous reviendrons. 11 O. RousSEAU, «La plus ancienne liste de cantiques liturgiques tirés de !'Écriture», Recherches de science religieuse, 35(1948), p.120-129; voir p.123. 12 Verecundus Iuncensis, Opera, éd. R. DEMEULENAERE, Turnhout, 1976 (CCSL93), p.3.

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cipes decantarunt, dum baculis puteum defodissent: quod quidem propter breuitatem nimiam in ecclesiastica psalmodia cantari non solet. Tertium est Deuteronomii: « Ad tende, caelum, et loquar ». Quartum Debborae. Cetera autem quae de prophetarum corpore desecata descendunt, usus ea cantandi instituit. Ceterum, quoi sint numero cantica, non demonstrantur, quia frequenter ab aliis alia uidimus decantari.

té dans !'Exode lorsque avait péri l'armée de Pharaon; le deuxième est le Cantique des Nombres, que les princes ont chanté lorsqu'ils creusaient un puits de leurs bâtons - mais il n'est pas d'usage de le chanter dans la psalmodie des églises en raison de son excessive brièveté-; le troisième est celui du Deutéronome « Adtende caelum et loquar »; le quatrième est celui de Débora. Quant aux autres, qui proviennent détachés du corpus des Prophètes, il (Esdras) a institué l'usage de les chanter. Il reste qu'on ne peut fixer leur nombre, car nous constatons souvent que les cantiques chantés diffèrent d'une (église) à l'autre.

Ce texte mérite un commentaire détaillé 13 • 1) Il y a des cantiques (bibliques) utilisés dans la liturgie et d'autres qui ne le sont pas; Verecundus connaît les deux. Parmi ceux qui ne sont pas utilisés, il nomme celui des Nombres (Num. 21, 17-18), trop bref. J'ajoute qu'il commentera le cantique de Débora, cantique qui n'est attesté d'aucune façon dans les usages liturgiques anciens. 2) L'influence de la liste d'Origène a été notée ainsi que son intermédiaire probable, Jérôme traduisant la première homélie d'Origène sur le Cantique des Cantiques 14 • Elle justifie suffisamment la mention des cantiques des Nombres et de Débora parmi les qualre canliques de base. 3) Verecundus atteste que, de son temps, les cantiques bibliques étaient copiés à la suite des psaumes, puisqu'il en attribue l'initiative à Esdras. Cet usage n'est pas connu en hébreu, du moins sous cette forme 15 ; il se rencontre en grec dans un manuscrit de la bible complète, l'Alexandrinus, du ve siècle. En latin, le plus ancien témoin conservé est le Psautier de Vérone, copié vers 600 dans le Nord de l'Italie (VL 300). Le témoignage de Verecundus nous fait remonter un peu plus Voir R. DEMEULENAERE (cité Il. 12), p. XXXIV-XXXV. O. RoussEAU, «La plus ancienne liste» (cité n. 11). 15 À Qumrân, des rouleaux de psaumes intercalent des pièces pour nous non canoniques entre des psaumes canoniques. 13

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haut (première moitié du VIe siècle) et nous transporte en Afrique. L'usage doit être plus ancien, mais de combien? 4) Verecundus attribue à Esdras la réunion des cantiques aux psaumes. Derrière cette attribution improbable pourrait se cacher la présence parmi les cantiques de la Confessio Esdrae (IV Esdras 8, 20-37) que l'on rencontre comme cantique dans plusieurs séries anciennes, celles du Psautier de la Reine (Reginensis, VL 330), du Psautier du Sinaï (VL 460), de la liturgie mozarabe. La Confessio Esdrae est tirée de l' Apocalypse d'Esdras (IV Esdras) dont le chapitre 14 (v. 18-47) rapporte le rôle décisif dans la reconstitution du corpus des Écritures après leur destruction. Mais il ne semble pas qu'il y ait aucune trace de la Confessio Esdrae dans l' œuvre conservée de Verecundus. Dans l' I nstructio (§§ 4 et 8) en tête de ses Tractatus super Psalmos, Hilaire de Poitiers signale par deux fois la tradition selon laquelle Esdras a compilé le psautier, mais il ne parle pas des cantiques 16 • 5) La phrase finale est pour dire la multiplicité des usages liturgiques: ab aliis alia uidimus decantari. Verecundus ne note pas de discussion sur la légitimité de l'usage. Cette phrase laisse présager ce que la liturgie mozarabe nous fait découvrir, l'usage d'innombrables cantiques bibliques dont certains sont des centons. 6) Il n'est pas sûr que la liturgie africaine fasse usage des cantiques du Nouveau Testament, en particulier du Magnificat et du Benedictus. Quant à Verecundus, il cite deux fois le cantique des anges Gloria in excelsis. 7) La présence de la Priére de Manassé parmi les cantiques commentés est intéressante. Verecundus sait que ce cantique n'est pas dans les livres canoniques. Pour en justifier l'usage et l'autorité, il a recours d'abord aux Paralipomènes (II Par. 33, 12-13.19) qui mentionnent la conversion et la prière de Manassé; il mentionne par deux fois le prophète Ozihel qui a 16 Hilarius Pictaviensis, Tractatus super Psalmos. Instructio Psalmorum. In Psalmos !-XCI, éd. J.DOIGNON, Turnhout, 1997 (CCSL61), p.5 et 9. H.ScHNEIDER, Die altlateinischen biblischen Cantica (cité n. 1), p. 12, estime que le §4 s'applique aussi aux cantiques. Je ne crois pas qu'on puisse entendre ainsi ce passage.

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mis par écrit les gesta du roi pécheur et pénitent - il s'agit d'un dérivé de l'hébreu Hozay (~tin, Vulgate: Ozai) dont la source serail à relrouver (ce n'esl pas la Seplanle) 17 • Pour assurer sa position, il fait appel, une seconde et dernière fois, à Esdras chargé de récupérer les écrits perdus, dont celui-ci 18 • La Prie're de Manassé se trouve anciennement dans certains manuscrits grecs et dans des listes grecques des cantiques 19 , ainsi que chez quelques Latins 20 • 8) On aura observé les nombreuses références de Verecundus à l'usage liturgique (salent; in ecclesia psalmodia cantari non solet; usus ea cantandi; ab aliis alia uidimus decantari). Après cette introduction, Verecundus ne suit pas l'ordre des cantiques qu'il vient de suggérer. La succession suivante est donnée par le V ossianus: Cantique de l'Exode Cantique de Moïse Cantique de Jérémie Cantique d'Azarias Cantique d'Ézéchias [... ] Cantique d'Isaïe [... ] Hab. 3 (le début manque) Prière de Manassé Ion.2 Débora (Iud. 5)

Ex.15 Deut.32 Lam.5 Dan. 3, 26-45 Is. 38, lüss (la fin manque) Is. 26 (Mettensis)

On peut tenir pour assuré que Verecundus a commenté le cantique d'Is. 26 et que sa place devrait se trouver dans la lacune entre 17

Les spécialistes de la littérature pseudépigraphique ont parfois omis la référence à Verecundus. Tous semblent ignorer l'écrit attribué à Ozihel par Verecundus. 18 Éd. R. DEMEULENAERE (cité Il. 12), p. 148. 19 H. SCHNEIDER, «Die biblischen Oden » (cité n. 1), p. 53 (Alexandrinus), 64(Hésychius, etc.), 246, 269. 20 En plus de Verecundus, il faut mentionner le Psautier du Sinaï (VL460), la tradition mozarabe, les psautiers milanais de la révision de Siméon et leur descendance. Plus tard, I'OratioManasse s'est introduite dans les bibles à la suite des Paralipomènes. La Règle du Maître (Italie, début du vr• siècle) la cite (A. DE VoaüÉ, «Un emprunt de la Règle du Maître à la Prière de Manassé», Revue d'ascétique et de mystique, 43 (1967), p. 200-203); à cette date, la Règle ne peut guère connaître la Prie're de Manassé que par le psautier ou la liturgie.

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les Cantiques d'Ézéchias et d'Habakuk 21 . On ne peut dire si Verececundus a commenté d'autres cantiques, soit dans la lacune, soit après celui de Débora. En consacrant un commentaire spécifique aux cantiques, Verecundus paraît avoir voulu compléter les commentaires existant sur le Psautier. Pour lui, les cantiques se psalmodient, autrement dit, ils sont à placer au même rang que les psaumes. Ses commentaires ne sont cependant pas des homélies; ils ne nous disent pas non plus les circonstances de l'usage liturgique de tel ou tel cantique. Son témoignage, capital pour l'Afrique, est tardif. Peut-on remonter plus haut? b. Le Psautier de Vérone et le Psautier du Sinaï: leur strate commune Pourrait-on, telle est l'hypothèse de travail, argumenter de la ressemblance d'un psautier copié dans le Nord de l'Italie vers 600 avec un psautier copié en Afrique vers 1100 environ? Le premier, le Psautier de Vérone (VL 300) a cette particularité que le texte des psaumes est très proche de celui utilisé le plus souvent par Augustin et quelques autres Africains. On peut supposer qu'Augustin, converti à Milan, l'a introduit en Afrique. La paléographie et les particularités du calendrier invitent à placer en Afrique du Nord l'origine du psautier découvert il y a maintenant une soixantaine d'années dans la bibliothèque du couvent Sainte-Catherine au Sinaï (VL 460). La date est plus difficile à fixer. En raison de la présence de documents liturgiques similaires copiés sur papier, il faut aujourd'hui suivre Jean Vezin et rajeunir quelque peu le psautier, copié, lui, sur parchemin 22 . Mais qu'il soit copié au xe ou au xrre siècle, le psautier est en toute hypothèse un témoin isolé et tardif de l'Afrique chrétienne. Sur deux points, le Psautier du Sinaï ressemble à celui de Vérone: d'un côté, le texte des deux psautiers est très semblable, et il est donc aussi très semblable à celui cité habituellement par Augustin; de l'autre, les six premiers cantiques apparaissent selon le même ordre dans les deux psautiers, et il n'y a pas, à ma connaissance, d'autre exemple de cette succession. Cepen21 H. SCHNEIDER, Die altlateinischen biblischen Cantica (cité n. 1), p. 17; R. DEMEULENAERE (cité Il. 12), p. XVIII. 22 J. VEZIN, «À propos des manuscrits latins du Sinaï. Problèmes de localisation et de datation», Antiquités africaines, 38-39 (2002-2003), p. 313-320.

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dant le texte même des cantiques ne présente pas le même degré de ressemblance que celui du psautier. Il convient donc de distinguer deux aspects dans la comparaison des cantiques: la structure des deux séries et leur texte. Quelques travaux publiés et quelques sondages me permettent d'être catégorique sur la question du texte, mais des nuances importantes seraient à faire dans chaque cas, et c'est prématuré. Ici je m'en tiendrai surtout à la structure des séries. La série des cantiques dans le Psautier du Sinaï 23 Une étude sur la prière de Dan. 9, qui constitue le cantique 13 dans la série du Sinaï, a permis des constatations que je vais appliquer à la présente problématique 24 • Pour mémoire, voici l'ordre des cantiques: (Dan. 3, 68. 73-83); Ex. 15; Deut. 32; IReg. 2; Is.5, 1-7; Ion. 2; Hab.3; Is. 26, 9-21; Is. 61, 1-62, 7 vulg.; Lam. 5, 1-22 vulg.; IV Esdr. 8, 20-36; Or. Man.; Dan. 3, 26-45.52-56; 13-15: Dan. 9, 4-19 vulg., remanié; Tob.13, 1-18; Tob.3, 2-6; 16: Iudith 16, 1-17; 17-18: Luc. 1, 46-55; Luc.1, 68-79.

0: 1-6: 7-12:

1) Il est frappant d'observer que, pour les six premiers cantiques, le Psautier du Sinaï suit l'ordre du Psautier de Vérone et il est seul à le faire. Le Psautier de Vérone n'a d'ailleurs que ces six cantiques de l'Ancien Testament suivis du Magnificat. Ce groupe de six cantiques pourrait constituer une première strate dans la série du Sinaï, même si, à la différence des psaumes, les affinités textuelles ne sont pas étroites. Ces six cantiques sont tous attestés par ailleurs, et ils sont parmi les plus répandus. Leur succession ne correspond pas à une célébration liturgique donnée. Dans la série des six, nous aurons à observer l'influence de la traduction de Jérôme sur le seul cantique de Jonas.

23 Pour le texte, voir M. ALTBAUER, Psalterium Latinum Hierosolymitanum. Eine frühmittelalterliche lateinische Handschrift Sin. Ms. N' 5, Wien - Kiiln - Graz, 1978. Une édition critique par A. Thibaut est annoncée. 24 P.-M. BoGAERT, «La prière de Daniel (9,4-19) selon le Psautier latin du Sinaï. Un remaniement liturgique~, Revue Bénédictine, 114 (2004), p. 349-362.

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2) Trois cantiques de la série du Sinaï se caractérisent d'une autre façon. D'une part, ils ne sont attestés dans aucune autre série, pas même dans la très abondante série mozarabe; d'autre part, un examen textuel révèle que leur texte a été retouché pour en actualiser la portée. La refonte est drastique pour la prière de Dan. 9 empruntée à la traduction de Jérôme (Vulgate), elle est plus délicate pour les cantiques de Tob. 13 et Tob. 3 empruntés à une forme de la Velus Latina 25 • Ces trois cantiques pourraient bien constituer la strate ultime de la série du Sinaï, tournée vers Jérusalem. 3) Entre la strate primitive (n°s 1à6) et la strate ultime (n°s 13 à 15) et après cette dernière se placent des cantiques (n°s 7 à 12 et 16 à 18) que l'on retrouve ailleurs, avec cette particularité que le cantique de Judith (Iudith 16) ne se retrouve comme cantique que dans le Psautier de la Reine (VL 330). On y rencontre l'Oratio Manasse et la Confessio Esdrae. L'accord de Verecundus avec le Psautier du Sinaï et la liturgie mozarabe suffit à établir un usage africain assez ancien de l' Oratio Man asse comme cantique; plus tard, on la retrouvera dans la série milanaise des cantiques révisée par Siméon, dans les psautiers triples et finalement aussi dans les bibles à la suite des Chroniques. Quant à la Confessio Esdrae, elle n'apparaît comme cantique que dans le Psautier de la Reine et dans la liturgie mozarabe. On peut noter encore que le Psautier de la Reine et celui du Sinaï ont en commun le cantique Is. 61, 162, 7 sous une forme vulgate à l'intérieur d'une série vieille latine. Cette strate intermédiaire reprend des pièces dont l'usage liturgique était connu; elle n'est originale que par sa relative abondance. La présence des traductions de Jérôme est attestée à tous les stades, mais elle n'est que latérale et progressive. Au premier stade, on la rencontre dans le cantique de Jonas où elle influence la vieille version; on la retrouve au stade intermédiaire avec le cantique d'ls. 61, 1-62, 7 et le cantique (prière) de Jérémie (Lam. 5); elle revient dans la strate ultime avec le cantique tiré de Dan. 9 et retouché.

25 J.-M. AuwERS, « Vetus Latina 7/1 : Tobit», dans Velus Latina [... ] 47. Arbeitsbericht der Stiftung. 36. Bericht des Instituts, Beuron, 2003, p. 15-16.

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La série du Psautier de Vérone Les cantiques du Psautier de Vérone ont été longuement étudiés par Heinrich Schneider. Il a noté - et pour nous ce point est important - que le texte du cantique de Jonas était la traduction de Jérôme, influencée par la Velus Latina 26 • Mais il faudra plutôt inverser l'affirmation. Il suffit de rappeler ici la succession des cantiques dans ce psautier copié dans le Nord de l'Italie vers 600: Ex. 15, 121; Deut. 32, 1-44+31,30; IReg. 2,1-10; Is.5, 1-9; Ion.2, 3-10; Hab.3, 2-19; Luc. l, 46-55; Dan.3, 51-90. c. Le livret de Jonas à Oea (Tripoli)

L'épisode La lettre 71 d'Augustin à Jérôme (ep. 102 dans la collection de Jérôme), datée de 403, rapporte que la lecture (lectitari) et le chant (decantatum) de la nouvelle traduction de Jonas par Jérôme avait entraîné des troubles dans la communauté d'Oea 27 • Cette traduction avait donc pénétré assez profondément en Afrique vers 400. Elle pouvait être connue dans la traduction des Douze Prophètes dédiée à Paula et Eustochium en 390-392 ou séparément, mais de façon moins commode, dans le Commentaire sur Jonas, envoyé à Chroma ce en 396. Celui-ci, véhiculé aujourd'hui dans des ensembles plus vastes, a certainement bénéficié d'abord d'une diffusion distincte, mais il n'était vraisemblement pas facile d'en extraire seulement le texte biblique. Augustin disposait apparemment du commentaire dès403, mais aussi et certainement quand il écrit la lettre 102 à Deogratias en409 28 • Lorsqu'il rédige le livre XVIII du DeciuitateDei (avant 427), il dispose aussi de la traduction nouvelle des Douze 29 • L'épisode de la lecture contestée du Jonas nouveau à Oea est cependant pour nous le fait majeur. Rappelons-en les termes: H. SCHNEIDER, Die altlateinischen biblischen Cantica (cité n. 1), p. 42. C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de l'Afrique romaine au Bas-Empire. t. II. Notices d'histoire municipale, Paris, 1981, p. 371-372. 28 Y.-M. DuvAL, «Saint Augustin et le Commentaire sur Jonas de saint Jérôme», Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 12(1966), p.9-40; Jérôme, Commentaire sur Jonas. Intr., texte critique, trad. et comm. par Y.-M. DuvAL, Paris, 1985 (SC323). 29 A.-M. LA BoNNARDIÈRE, Biblia Augustiniana. A.T. Les Douze Petits Prophe'tes, Paris, 1963, p. 14. 26

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Nam quidam frater noster episcopus cum lectitari instituisset in ecclesia cui praeest interpretationem tuam, mouit quiddam longe aliter abs te positum apud Ionam prophetam quam erat omnium sensibus memoriaeque inueteratum et toi aetatum successionibus decantatum.

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Un de nos confrères dans l'èpiscopat avait décidé d'emprunter les leçons (lectitari) dans !'église qu'il préside à ta traduction. On s'émut d'un passage du prophète Jonas, rendu par toi bien autrement qu'il n'était inscrit depuis longtemps dans!' esprit et dans la mémoire de tous, et chanté par tant de générations successives. (trad. J. Labourt 30)

La traduction de Jérôme a été lue (lectitari) dans la liturgie et elle a aussi été chantée (decantatum). Il me paraît presque certain que cette mention du chant ne porte pas sur l'ensemble du livre mais sur le cantique uniquement (Ion. 2, 3-10). Bien que la question épineuse de la cucurbita/hedera ne soit pas mentionnée ici par Augustin, on peut penser qu'elle est sous-jacente au trouble survenu, mais elle n'intervient que dans le récit (4, 6ss), non dans le cantique. Or c'est aussi la partie chantée qui fait difficulté: le peuple, on peut le penser, connaît par cœur le chant et son répons. Le premier enseignement de ce texte est donc que, dans certaines communautés d'Afrique, le cantique de Jonas est chanté, et il l'est à l'occasion de la lecture intégrale du livre. C'est une tradition vénérable, non une innovation. Le second enseignement est que la traduction nouvelle de Jérôme a servi à la lecture et au chant. Dans le lectionnaire de Luxeuil (VL251), le texte du livret de Jonas est celui de Jérôme, à l'exception du cantique qui est donné dans l'ancienne version. Mais l'usage d'Oea, plus radical, pourrait nous éclairer sur le fait que les Psautiers du Sinaï et de Vérone donnent, contre toute attente, le cantique de Jonas dans un texte fortement marqué par la Vulgate.

Le cantique de Jonas dans les psautiers du Sinaï et de Vérone Dans la présentation de ces deux textes, nous inscrivons en gras les particularités qui ne peuvent s'expliquer que par l'influence de la traduction de Jérôme. Ce sont les tournures non attestées dans des témoins vieux latins qui correspondent à la syntaxe et au vocabulaire de l'hébreu, souvent reflétées dans les courtes gloses conservées d' Aquila, de Symmaque et de Théodotion 31 • De plus, dans la seule 30 Saint Jérôme, Lettres. t. V, Paris, 1955 (CUF), p. 98-99. Pour le texte, voir Augustinus, Epistulae, Pars II. Ep. XXXI-CXXII II, éd. Al. GOLD BACHER, Vienne, 1898 (CSEL 34.2), p. 253. 31 Nous utilisons les différents apparats de Duodecim Prophetae, éd. J. ZIEGLER, Gôttingen, 1943 (Septuaginta, 13), p. 247-248.

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colonne du Psautier de Vérone, l'italique indique l'identité verbale avec la version de Jérôme, sans qu'il faille l'attribuer automatiquement à un emprunt. Il serait tentant de conclure que le Psautier du Sinaï donne la version vieille latine, avec des retouches hiéronymiennes, tandis que le Psautier de Vérone donne la version hiéronymienne retouchée par la vieille latine. Mais un processus d'alignement progressif sur la version de Jérôme est historiquement plus vraisemblable, aidé par le fait que la version de Jérôme n'est que partiellement distincte de l'ancienne. 32 PSAUTIER DU SINAÏ (VL 460) Canticnm Ioneae 3. Exclamabi de tribulatione mea ad dominum deum meum et exaudibit me. De bentre inferni clamabi et exaudisti.

4. Proiecisti me in altitudine cordis maris et flumina me circumdederunt. Omnes gurgites tui et fluctus tui super me transierunt. 5. Et ego dixi expulsus sum ab oculis tuis. berumtamen rurswn bidebo templum sanctum tuum. 6. Circumfusa est michi aqua usque ad anima mea. Abissus ballabit me, pelagus cooperuit caput meum. Nobissime introibit caput meum (7.) in scissuris montium, 7. descendit in terra cuius sere tenaces eterne. Et sublebabis de corruptione bitam meam ad te domine deus meus. 8. Ideo dum angustaretur in me anima mea tui domine recordatus sum. Ut perbeniat oratio mea ad templum sanctum tuum. 9. Obserbantes autem falsa et mendacia frustra misericordia tua derelinquerunt. 10. Ego autem in bocem laudis et confessionis inmolabo tibi (Et) quaecumque bobi reddam pro sainte domino.

33 PSAUTIER DE VÉRONE (VL 300) Incip Can Ionae Clamaui de tribulatione mea ad Dominum Deum meum et exaudiuit me. De uentre inferni clamaui et exaudisti uocem me am. Proiecisti me in profundwn in corde maris et flumina circumdederunt me. Omnes gurgites lui et fluctus lui super me transierunt. Et ego dixi abiectus sum a conspectu oculorwn tuorum: uerumtamen rursum uidebo templum sanctum tuum. Circumdederunt aquae usque ad animam,

abyssus uallauit me, pelagus operuit caput meum. Ad extrema montium descendi; terrae uectes oncluserunt me in aeternum. Et sublebabis de corruptione uitam meam Dominus Deus meus. Cum angustiaretur in me animam meam,

Domini recordatus sum ut ueniat ad te oratio mea ad templum sanctum tuum. Qui custodient uanitates frustra misericordia tua dereliquerunt. Ego autem in uoce laudis et confessionis immolabo tibi; quaecumque uoui reddam pro salute Domino. Amen.

Texte d'après M. ALTBAUER (cité n. 23). Texte d'après J. BLANCHINus, Vindiciae Canonicarum Scripturarum, Rome, 1740, p. 271-272. 32 33

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Il faut justifier le choix des leçons certainement hiéronymiennes. Nous utiliserons les témoignages vieux latins d'Hilaire de Poitiers 34 , des Prophètes de Constance (VL 175) 35 , de Verecundus, du lectionnaire de Luxeuil (VL251) 36 , de Sedulius (VL250) 37 , du Manuale Ambrosianum 38 et de la forme vieille latine de la série mozarabe 39 •

Verset 4:

In profundum in corde. Le deuxième in ne s'explique ni par le grec (sauf Théodotion: de; oc~ucrcrov è:v xocp8l~), ni par l'hébreu, mais ils sont de Jérôme; seul Jérôme retient le mot profundum; les autres ont altitudine(m). Gurgites. Le choix de ce mot est propre à Jérôme; les autres ont turbulenta (Constance, Luxeuil), suspensiones (Hilaire), suspensurae (Sedulius), excelsa (Verecundus, mozarabe vieux latin), altitudines (M anuale Ambrosianum), pour le grec µe:-re:c.>pLcrµol (Aquila: cruv-rpLµµol; Symmaque: yv6qioL). Verset 5:

A conspectu oculorum. Cette tournure longue est conditionnée par l'hébreu, suivi par Théodotion et Symmaque. Verumtamen rursus/m uidebo. Les autres, suivant le mot à mot du grec &.pot 7tpocr8~crw -roü è:m~À1hjiotL, ont forsitan adiciam ( apponam) ut respiciam. Jérôme suit l'hébreu ou, plus probablement, Symmaque: fowc; 7t'OCÀ~v 7tpocr~À1hjiw.

34 Hilarius Pictaviensis, Tractatus in Psalmos, éd. J. Dm GNON, Turnhout, 1997 (CCSL 61), p. 295-296 (in psalm. 68, 5). 35 A. DoLD, Konstanzer altlateinische Propheten- und Evangelien-Bruckstücke mit Glossen, Beuron, 1923 (Texte und Arbeiten, I, 7-9), p. 59-60. 36 P. SALMON, Le lectionnaire de Luxeuil (Paris, ms. Lat. 9427 ). Édition et étude comparative, Rome, 1944 (Collectanea Biblica Latina, 7), p. 110. 37 Bibliorum Sacrorum Latinae Versiones Antiquae, seu Velus Italica, éd. P. SABATIER, Reims, 1743 (réimpr. Turnhout, 1987), t. II, p. 937-938. 38 Manuale Ambrosianum [... ], éd. M. MAGISTRETTI, Milan, 1905, Pars Prima, II, p. 169-170. Sur les manuscrits utilisés, voir Pars Prima, I, p. 74. 39 D'aprés PL 86, col. 535-536; Mo selon H.SCHNEIDER. En PL86, col. 877878, le texte du cantique est celui de Jérôme, mais les antiennes sont vieilles latines.

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Aquae. Le pluriel correspond évidemment à l'hébreu mayîm, tandis que le grec à le singulier f.î;>)wp, suivi par la V etus Latina. Vallauit. Il semble bien que le choix de ce mot soit dû à Jérôme. Pelagus. L'hébreu ~io (Sûf ou sôf) peut s'interpréter de la mer (Rouge) ou de la fin. Aquila et Jérôme ont fait le premier choix:« la mer m'a recouvert»; cette version a pénétré dans les deux psautiers du Sinaï et de Vérone, ce qui ne surprend pas, mais aussi dans le texte de Sedulius et dans le texte vieux latin mozarabe. Le grec avait retenu le second sens è:crxoc't''Y), et à sa suite les Latins: postremo (Constance, Luxeuil), postremum (Manuale Ambrosianum), ultima (Verecundus), nouissime/o (Sinaï, mozarabe vieux latin, Sedulius). Ce qui frappe surtout, c'est, chez Sedulius, Verecundus et le mozarabe vieux latin, le doublet: ils ont introduit la leçon de Jérôme, pelagus, sans renoncer à l'ancienne, nouissime/o ou ultima. Versets 6-7 (la division n'est pas la même en latin et en grec):

Ad extrema montium. Le grec crx~crµocc; justifie les traductions vieilles latines scissurae ou fissurae (var. fixurae). Verset 7:

Concluserunt me in aeternum. La tournure ne s'explique que par l'hébreu. Le grec lit XOC't'OXOL OCLWVW~, ce que les anciens Latins rendent tenaces (continentes) aeternae (-ni, -na). Subleuabis. La forme hébraïque peut se lire comme une deuxième personne du masculin ou une troisième du féminin. Jérôme a choisi la première traduction; la Septante la seconde (&.voc~~'t'Cù). Verset 8:

Cum angustiaretur in me. Les témoins vieux latins ont tous rendu le grec È:xÀe:bte:~v par une forme de deficere. Jérôme innove, suivi par le Psautier de Vérone et approximativement par le Psautier du Sinaï. On notera que le ideo dans ce dernier est une déformation du in eo quod de la Velus Latina (grec: è:v -r(!.i); celle-ci n'est jamais loin.

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Verset 9:

Vanitates frustra. Là où Aquila et Jérôme ont un substantif et un adverbe (e:br:7j, frustra), le grec a deux substantifs. Le Psautier du Sinaï et Sedulius ont additionné les deux formes: falsa et mendacia frustra (Sinaï), uana et mendacia frustra (Sedulius). Dans le Psautier de Vérone, reste-t-il des leçons caractéristiques de la Velus Latina, ne pouvant s'expliquer que par le grec des Septante? Oui. Au v. 4, le pluriel flumina circumdederunt; au v. 8, le curieux accusatif animam meam; au v. 9, la faute commune chez les Latins: misericordia(m) tua(m) où le tua n'est recommandé ni par l'hébreu ni par la LXX (il s'agit de la misericordia des hommes, non de Dieu); au même v. 10, les mots et confessionis ne s'expliquent que par le grec et la velus latina 40 • d. Note sur le Cantique de la Vigne (Is. 5, 1-7/9) 41 Le Cantique de la Vigne (ls. 5, 1-7/9) est connu comme tel d'Origène42, d'Ambroise 43 et de Philon de Carpasia 44 • Heinrich Schneider a noté aussi que dans le Sinaiticus, le grand codex de la Bible grecque datable du IVe siècle, une main du VIe siècle a précisé dans le texte, à propos d'Is. 5, 1, qu'il s'agissait d'une ~~~ 45 , le mot grec pour canticum. Cependant les sources liturgiques grecques ne connaissent pas ce cantique; il ne se trouve ni dans la série des quatorze (Constantinople) ni dans celle des neuf (Jérusalem). Chez les Latins, l'usage est bien attesté, par Ambroise, on l'a dit, et par les Consultationes Zacchaei 2, 10, 6 que l'on place aujourd'hui dans H. SCHNEIDER, Die altlateinischen biblischen Cantica (cité n. 1), p. 143. [P.-]M. BoGAERT, «Sermon sur le cantique de la vigne [... ] » (cité n.4); J.-C. HAELEWYCK, «Le cantique de la vigne. Histoire du texte vieux latin d'Is 5, 17(9a) », Ephemerides theologicae Louanienses, 65 (1989), p. 257-279. 42 Les témoignages, souvent transmis en latin (Jérôme, Rufin), sont rassemblés par H. SCHNEIDER, Die altlateinischen biblischen Cantica (cité n. 1), p. 12-14. 43 Ambrosius, Explanatio Psalmorum XII, éd. M. PETSCHENIG, Vienne, 1919 (19992 ) (CSEL64), p.85-86: est etiam quaedam uinea in pectoribus fidelium, etc. 44 PG 40, col. 29. 45 H. SCHNEIDER, «Die biblischen Oden » (cité n. 1), p. 41; Codex Sinaiticus. The Old Testament. Facsimile, éd. H. et K. LAKE, Oxford, 1922, fol. 65 verso, col. 1, après le milieu. 40

41

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l'entourage de Sulpice Sévère en Gaule au début du ve siècle 46 • Dans la liturgie de Rome, le Cantique de la Vigne était chanté à la vigile pascale 47 • On le chantait aussi souvent (saepe) à Arles, au témoignage de Césaire (s. 15) 48 • On le retrouve parmi les cantiques mozarabes (Mo 31 et Ml 56), sans affectation explicite; dans l'ancienne liturgie hispanique (bréviaire d'Ortiz), il faisait partie des quatre cantiques de la vigile pascale 49 • Sa présence dans la série des six cantiques de l'Ancien Testament des psautiers de Vérone et du Sinaï constitue donc bien une particularité latine. Jean-Claude Haelewyck a montré que les Psautiers de Vérone et du Sinaï avaient conservé les traces d'une vieille origine africaine, parfois en commun avec la tradition mozarabe. Puisque Quodvultdeus cite le cantique presque exactement dans les mots du Psautier de Vérone et puisque le texte de ce cantique présente dans les deux psautiers, de Vérone et du Sinaï, des affinités marquées, il est probable qu'il faut faire remonter assez haut en Afrique l'utilisation du Cantique de la Vigne. Faut-il penser que, comme pour le texte des psaumes, la série des six cantiques a été importée d'Italie au temps d'Augustin? Je ne le crois pas. Ambroise ne connaît pas cette série propre aux psautiers de Vérone et du Sinaï; il ne mentionne ni le Cantique d'Anne ni celui de Jonas. Augustin lui-même n'utilise que très peu les cantiques. Le succès du Cantique de la Vigne chez les Latins peut être le résultat de deux phénomènes complémentaires. D'une part, il était chanté à Rome et dans l'ancienne liturgie hispanique à la vigile de Pâques; d'autre part, Origène l'avait mentionné et, à travers Jérôme et d'autres, tel Verecundus, son statut de cantique, perdu chez les Grecs, s'en trouvait assuré en Occident. Inscrit dès lors dans des listes de cantiques à la suite du psautier, il devenait dispo-

46 Questions d'un païen à un chrétien (Consultationes Zacchaei christiani et Apollonii philosophi), éd. J.-L. FEYERTAG - W. STEINMANN, t. Il. Livres II et Ill, Paris, 1994 (SC 402), p. 70-73. 47 Voir H. SCHNEIDER, Die altlateinischen biblischen Cantica (cité n. 1), p. 6569: les sacramentaires et Ordines ainsi que le Liber Commonei (VL 111); p.162163: le psautier triple de Corbie (VL325). 2 48 Caesarius Arelatensis, Sermones, éd. G. MoRIN, Turnhout, 1953 (CCSL 103), p. 75. 49 H. SCHNEIDER, Die altlateinischen biblischen Cantica (cité n. 1), p. 142.

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nible à tout usage au même titre que les psaumes. Le sermon de Quodvultdeus sur le Cantique de la Vigne ne laisse rien paraître d'un contexte pascal. e. Quel cantique d'lsaïe Augustin a-t-il commenté? Nous l'avons rappelé, Possidius mentionne un tractatus d'Augustin sur un cantique d'Isaïe. Le sermon est perdu. Mais quel pouvait être ce cantique? Deux candidatures se présentent: le cantique De uinea (Is. 5, 1-7 /9) ou le cantique De nocte (Is. 26, 9-20). Au moment où je publiais le sermon de Quodvultdeus sur le Cantique de la Vigne, en 1965, j'ai pensé qu'Augustin avait pu lui aussi avoir commenté ce cantique 50 • Mais Jean-Claude Haelewyck a présenté de meilleurs arguments en faveur du cantique De nocte 51 • Il disposait pour cela de la documentation du Velus Latina Institut mise en œuvre pour l'édition de la VetusLatina d'lsaïe sous l'égide de Mgr Roger Gryson. Je reformule ici son argumentation en fonction du présent travail. 1) Augustin ne cite jamais Is. 5, 1-7 /9 comme venant d'un cantique. 2) Dans le Sermon 363 De cantico Exodi, Augustin rapproche un passage de ce cantique, Ex. 15, 3 (Dominas nomen est illi), de Is. 26, 13 (Posside nos) qu'il attribue à Isaïe, sans dire qu'il s'agit d'un cantique, mais en impliquant l'assemblée (cui dicimus in lsaiam). Haelewyck reste prudent. Je m'avance un peu plus dans son sens. On pourrait inférer de ce témoignage non seulement, comme il le fait, la vraisemblance d'un usage liturgique d'ls. 26, 13 (et donc son appartenance à un cantique), ainsi que la vraisemblance qu'Augustin l'ait commenté dans le sermon perdu, mais encore le voisinage liturgique des deux cantiques, Ex. 15 et Is. 26, 9-20. La citation très brève posside nos s'explique mieux si l'auditeur doit se rapporter à un texte qu'il vient d'entendre. On pourrait ajouter encore que le Sermon Dolbeau 16 (s. 72 augmenté) se termine à peu près sur la citation en 50 Bulletin de la Bible latine, t. V, n° 389, annexé à la Revue Bénédictine, 76 (1966), p. [98]. 51 J.-C. HAELEWYCK, «Le cantique 'de nocte'. Histoire du texte vieux latin d'Js.26,9b-20(21) ~.Revue Bénédictine, 99(1989), p. 7-34; voir p.33-34.

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fanfare d'Is. 26, 10: Tollatur impius ne uideat claritatem Dei, passage cité fréquemment par Augustin 52 • Ne serait-il pas aussi chanté? f. Le Sermon 363 de S. Augustin De cantico Exodi: quelques

remarques préliminaires On l'a dit, Possidius mentionne un tractatus De cantico Exodi (X 6 , 23) qui peut être le s. 363 53 • Celui-ci n'est pas transmis dans les conditions les plus favorables et déjà les mauristes avaient suggéré qu'il était vraisemblablement raccourci. Le sermon fait sa première apparition dans une collection De diuersis rebus transmise par la grande compilation de Clairvaux en dix volumes (TROYES, BM 40; fol. 129r-130v) 54 • Dom Lambot, de qui je tire toutes mes informations, avait d'abord dénommé cette collection De cantico nouo, en la faisant commencer plus haut avec quelques textes non authentiques; son n°1 était alors PL 40, col. 677. Dans les publications imprimées, lui et dom Verbraken ont retenu deux désignations plus générales: Dediuersis désigne l'ensemble de la collection, qui portait déjà ce nom dans le modèle du manuscrit de Troyes, et De Vetere Testamento désigne le premier volet de cet ensemble: 33 articles ayant trait à l'Ancien Testament. Le s. 363 était le n° 9 de la collection De cantico nouo; il est le n° 4 du De Vetere Testamento et du De diuersis. De cette collection, il est passé dans la Tripartite (1, 9) et de la Tripartite dans le Collectorium (1, 26). Par ailleurs, le texte est longuement cité par Jean de Naples dans son Expositio in Heptateuchum (PARIS, BNF, lat. 12309, fol. 94v-99v). L'édition de cette compilation est une nécessité pour plus d'une rcchcrchc 55 • Le

52 P.-M. BoGAERT, «La Bible d'Augustin. État des questions et application aux sermons Dolbeau », dans Augustin prédicateur (395-411). Actes du Colloque international de Chantilly 1996, éd. G.MAnEc, Paris, 1998 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 159), p. 33-47; voir p. 41-42. 53 Le Père Jacques Sirmond a utilisé les mss PARIS, BNF, lat. 2030 (Collectorium) et Paris, Arsenal 506. Les mauristes connaissaient le ms. PARIS, BNF, lat. 1974, fol. 336-337v, mais ne s'en sont pas servis. 54 J'ai travaillé sur le texte de Migne (dont j'ai numéroté les lignes) et sur un microfilm du manuscrit de Troyes. 55 A.-M. GENEVOIS, «Autour de Jean Diacre et de son Expositio in Heptateuchum », dans Du copiste au collectionneur. Mélanges en l'honneur d'André Vernet, éd. D. NEBBIAI-DALLA GuARDA- J.-F. GENEST, Turnhout, 1998 (Bibliologia, 18), p.35-48.

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texte du s. 363 dans Migne (PL39, col. 1634-1638) dépend, à travers les Mauristes, de l'édition de de Jacques Sirmond (1631). Dans le s. 363, le contexte baptismal, et donc pascal, est explicite. Le texte commenté est désigné à trois reprises comme un canticum (lignes 40, 80, 237). Une comparaison avec les autres textes vieux latins du cantique met en évidence deux particularités de vocabulaire qui, si elles ne suffisent pas à montrer l'authenticité, sont néanmoins bien augustiniennes. En Ex. 15, 12, on a trois fois transuorauit (lignes 133, 139, 145) au lieu de deuorauit. Le même verbe est employé dans la même citation en Quaestiones Exodi 54, sur Ex. 15, 12 (CCSL 33, p. 94), et des formes de transuor- se retrouvent ailleurs chez Augustin. En Ex. 15, 1 et21, on lit equum et equitem proiecit in mare (lignes 32, 37, 244). Equitem est rare; partout ailleurs on trouve ascensorem56. Mais c'est le texte d'Augustin: on le retrouve, hors de tout contexte liturgique précis, en en. Ps. 105, 12 (ligne 7) et dans un contexte pascal (le cantique a été chanté) dans le s. 223E (= Wilmart 5) 57 • Ces deux observations assurent la fidélité des copistes et l'authenticité augustinienne du s. 363. Il n'y a guère de doute que l'on chantait le cantique de l'Exode dans l'une au moins des églises où Augustin fut amené à prêcher.

3. Conclusions La recherche n'est pas achevée. Cette communication vise à attirer l'attention sur les indices à observer. Son auteur, qui connaît un peu les questions de la bible latine, est moins au fait des aspects liturgiques et il n'est averti de ceux de l'homilétique que par osmose dans le milieu où il travaille. Quelle place ont eu les cantiques bibliques dans l'homilétique africaine? Pour répondre, il a fallu faire l'inventaire de la matière disponible. Les attestations les plus anciennes se rencontrent chez Augustin, mais elles y sont rares, liées à la vigile pascale. Certains Africains, peut-être donastistes, commentaient des cantiques dans 56 S. v. ascensor; le ThLL 2, col. 759, dit à son propos uocabulum christianae aetatis. 57 Sancti Augustini Sermones post Maurinos reperti, éd. G. MomN, Rome, 1930 (Miscellanea Agostiniana, 1), p. 687, 1. 17.

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leur liturgie, et Quodvultdeus a prêché sur le Cantique de la Vigne (ls. 5) hors du contexte pascal. Quant aux commentaires de Verecundus, ils ne sont pas des homélies, mais ils attestent à l'évidence que les cantiques constituent un appendice au psautier au milieu du vie siècle. Les psautiers de Vérone et du Sinaï présentent à cet égard des ressemblances qui autorisent à remonter à une source africaine. Le fait que très tôt le cantique de Jonas se présente parfois sous une forme influencée par la traduction de Jérôme peut être mis en relation avec l'épisode d'Oea, rapporté par Augustin. C'est un« traceur » intéressant dans l'histoire des cantiques. En 561, le concile espagnol de Braga a dû intervenir, selon Schneider 58 • Ce serait le signe d'une controverse. Mais il faut se garder d'une équivoque, peut-être très ancienne, sur le sens du mot canticum. S'il s'agit de cantiques bibliques, ceux-ci n'avaient pas à être distingués des psaumes; il s'agissait seulement d'une question d'usage selon les lieux. S'il s'agissait d'hymnes non bibliques, c'était une autre question. Elle a été traitée récemment 59 • Il ne fait pas de doute que c'est en Espagne que l'utilisation des cantiques bibliques a trouvé la plus large application. L'Espagne wisigothique relayaitelle un usage africain? La question est fondée, même si la solution n'est pas disponible.

58 Martinus Bracarensis Episcopus, Opera omnia, éd. C. W. BARLOW, New Haven, 1950 (Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in Rome, 12), p. 112. Le cap. XII du concile de Braga dit ceci: De canonicis scripturis. Item placuit ut extra psalmos uel canonicarum scripturarum Noui et Veteris Testamenti nihil poetice compositum in ecclesia psallatur, sicut et sancti praecipiunt canones. H. SCHNEIDER, Die altlateinischen biblischen Cantica (cité n. 1), p. 145, interprète ce texte comme autorisant les cantiques scripturaires. Mais on pourrait l'entendre autrement: «Qu'en dehors des psaumes aucune composition poétique même de l'Ancien ou du Nouveau Testament ne soit chantée [... ] ». Une variante (Isidore Mercator) notée par Barlow omet les mots extra ps. uel can. script. Noui et, ce qui préciserait encore l'interdiction. 59 P. BERNARD, «La dialectique entre l'hymnodie et la psalmodie, des origines à la fin du vresiècle: bilan des connaissances et essai d'interprétation», Rivista Internazionale di Musica Sacra, 26 (2005), p. 11-163.

The Exegesis of Romans 7 in s. Morin 4 (s. 154A) Volker Henning DRECOLL (Tübingen) For this conference about the ministerium sermonis 1 decided to concentrate on the new edition of s. 151-156. 1 New editions should not be merely shelved and used for future quotations, but should inspire new readings of known and - of course - even unknown texts. In the Partoens edition, the perhaps least known text is s. Morin 4 = s. 154A, printed in the edition's appendix. 2 This paper will deal with this sermon and especially with its exegesis of Rom. 7. Partoens' edition is of the highest quality we could wish for the whole corpus of Augustine's sermones ad populum. The editor worked with considerable care and presented his results in a splendid praefatio. The edition's main goal is to present the text of ss. 151-156, and therefore Verbraken's observations were reconsidered, 3 the tradition of the collection De uerbis Apostoli in the manuscript tradition was analysed, the independent traditions of ss. 151152 and of ss. 153-156 were elaborated upon. 4 Additionally, the praefatio contains not only impressive material about the manuscript tradition, but even about the historical and theological place of the sermons. Josef Lôssl contributed interesting pages about the context of the sermons in the years 417-419. 5 Reading s. Morin 4 and this part of the introduction gave rise to the idea to compare the hermeneutics and the interpretation of Rom. 7 in this sermon and the other sermons, especially s. 151 and s. 154. 1 Sancti Aurelii Augustini sermones in epistolas apostolicas, I, ed. by G. PARTOENS, Turnhout, 2008 (CCSL 41Ba). 2 Cf. G. PARTOENS, CCSL 41Ba, pp. 171-180. 3 Cf. P.-P. VERBRAKEN, "La collection des sermons de saint Augustin «De verbis domini et apostoli », Revue Bénédictine, 77 (1967), pp. 27-46. 4 Cf. G. PARTOENS, CCSL 41Ba, pp. LXXXVII-CUI. 5 J. LôssL, "Dating Augustine's Sermons 151-156: Internai Evidence'', in G. PARTOENS, CCSL 41Ba, pp. XXIII-LV.

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The hypothesis of Lôssl, which was very helpful and fostered my own reading of s. Morin 4, runs as follows: 1) Lôssl starts by observing that the interpretation of Rom. 7, 19 in s. Morin 4 is significantly different from that in s. 154, 4. In the former sermon, Augustine, according to Lôssl, interprets the speaker's situation as that of the humanum genus in general, so Paul "puts a mirror before people, in which they can see themselves." 6 2) The interpretation of Rom. 7 as the general, human situation is compared with the Pelagian position sketched by Jerome in bis Dialogus aduersus Pelagianos 2, 2 (CCSL 80, p. 55, 11. 2637). 7 There the fictional Pelagian Critoboulos argues that Paul is not speaking ex persona sua, but ex persona generis humani, quae uitiis subiacet ob carnis fragilitatem (ibid., p. 55, 11. 36-37) and, as is shown in Dialogus aduersus Pelagianos 2, 3, this means that Paul speaks ex persona peccatoris (ibid., p. 56, 1. 11), id est as a persan before redemption. And of course, the fictional orthodox persan in this dialogue, Atticus, shows that Paul is not speaking ex persona humani generis in general, but of the baptised, who experience the burden of the corpus mortis, linked to desire and sin, and these are explained as the perturbationes of the Platonic and Stoic tradition in Dialogus aduersus Pelagianos 2, 6 (ibid., p. 61, 1. 1 - p. 63, 1. 32). So, in Jerome's eyes, there are iusti and sancti, but even they are not without sin, because they still have desire and its effects within them. According to Lôssl, the interpretation of Rom. 7 in s. Morin 4 resembles the Pelagian interpretation of Rom. 7 in Jerome's Dialogus aduersus Pelagianos.

3) S. 154 (esp. chapter 4) contains a "new interpretation" 8 of Rom. 7 that resembles the interpretation of Jerome's orthodox Atticus. Paul is talking about himself, in the present, and giving an example for the life of the baptised: The baptised is not able to fulfil the law, he is willing to do so, but he cannot fulfil what he wants to do - and therefore he must

J. LôssL, "Dating Augustine's Sermons'', p. XLII. Sancti Hieronymi Presbyteri Opera, III, Opera Polemica, II, Dialogus aduersus Pelagianos, ed. by C. MoRESCHINr, Turnhout, 1990 (CCSL 80). 8 J. LôssL, "Dating Augustine's Sermons", p. XLII. 6

7

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look for spiritual guidance in the spiritual law and the direct help of grace, resisting bis desires and becoming aware that perfection belongs to eternal life. 4) With regard to the difference between s. Morin 4 and s. 154 Lôssl raises two questions: a. "Could this [scil. the difference of s. Morin 4 compared with s. 154] be a sign that Augustine is only just getting used to bis new way of interpreting the passage, not feeling too secure yet with bis argument?" This would suggest that Augustine sometimes offers bis new interpretation, and then, in the next sermon, "not feeling too secure with it'', he offers bis old interpretation. b. "Or could it be that s. Morin 4 does not fit in the time frame of the other six sermons and that it was held at a considerably earlier date, at any rate before 416?" 9 This would suggest that s. Morin 4 belongs to an earlier stage, and the difference between these two sermons can be understood as a clear and straight development in the thought of Augustine. As 1 understand the praefatio, Lôssl would prefer this second possibility. Before addressing the exegesis of s. Morin 4, 1 should make a note on the style of this sermon. It seems slightly strange when compared with other sermons of Augustine. Initially 1 struggled with the idea that we would have to eliminate this sermon from our corpus of Augustinian sermons. 1 finally decided that this is implausible. The exegesis of the Canaanite woman and of the psalm fit quite well with Augustine. This leads to the following question: is there a kind of stylistic depravation in this sermon? Two solutions are possible: 1) Augustine "did not think he had quite such a sophisticated audience in front of him" 10 - so we may exaggerate only a bit saying: stupid words for stupid listeners?

9 Bath quotations: J. LôssL, "Dating Augustine's Sermons", p. XLII. 10 The Works of Saint Augustine. A Translation for the 21st Century, Sermons, 111/5: (148-183) on the New Testament, transi. and notes by. E. HILL, ed. by J. E. RoTELLE, Brooklyn (New York), 1992, p. 83.

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2) Augustine's scribe was, in this case, not capable of capturing exact expressions. Perhaps the dictating of this sermon differed from the regular procedures, perhaps the writer could only fix the main subjects and thoughts, missing the exact style of Augustine's language. Every hypothesis here has its dangers, but it should be kept in mind that s. Morin 4 is not simply a normal piece of Augustinian writing, e.g. that can be analysed for conspicuous words etc. However, in my opinion, the exegesis' main leanings can be traced back to Augustine himself. My reading of the exegesis of Rom. 7 in s. Morin 4 runs as follows:

Augustine refers to the reading of a part of Rom. 7. And since he quotes Rom. 7, 16 (s. Morin 4, 1; CCSL 41Ba, p. 175, 11. 6-7) and Rom. 7, 22-23 (ibid., 11. 10-12), the reading was Rom. 7, 15-23. Before quoting Rom. 7, 24-25 he says uidete quid dicit in sequentibus (ibid., 1. 13), so it is probable that it ended with Rom. 7, 23. 11 In the eyes of the preacher, this reading leads to a listening, a concept in the listeners, that Paul deals with quid agatur in homine (ibid., 11. 3-4). And he continues: Vnusquisque se considerans inuenit quia uerum dixit apostolus (ibid., 11. 4-5). This self-examination leads to the following result: What the apostle says is true. We have three subjects here: a) Paul, b) we, the listeners (or readers) of the sermon, c) homo or unusquisque. The question 1 will pursue in the analysis of s. Morin 4, 1-3 is: Should the homo, mentioned in 11. 34, be understood as the humanum genus of Critoboulos who sketches the situation of the non redeemed or non baptised person, or of the burdened existence of the baptised, as Atticus declares? After bis introduction Augustine starts with a paraphrase of Rom. 7, 15-16. The person speaking in Rom. 7 does what he does not want to do. He hates what he does because he agrees with the law and does not want to do what the law prohibits. The next sen11 The observation that the three biblical passages interpreted by s. Morin 4 are not known pieces of the "liturgie des heures africaine" and therefore the sermon must be held "lors d'une célébration eucharistique" (cf. G. PARTOENS, CCSL 41Ba, p. 173) is quite convincing. For the sequence of apostolusf psalmusf euangelium, cf. G. PARTOENS, "Augustin als Prediger", in Augustin Handbuch, ed. by V. H. Drecoll, Tübingen, 2007, pp. 242-247, esp. p. 244.

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tence, introducing Rom. 7, 22-23, reads as follows in Partoens' edition: Sed quod nolo, hoc facio, quia est in me aliud quod pugnat contra uoluntatem meam (ibid., 11. 8-9).

The problem here is that the words facio, quia are not in the manuscript we have, Munnich Clm 17059, 12 but a conjecture posed by Edmund Hill. 13 That one should assume a lacuna already the opinion of Morin, in both editions, followed by and now Partoens. In a first step Morin read: 14

only prowas Hill

Sed quod nolo, hoc , est in me aliud quod pugnat contra uoluntatem meam.

Then the sentence has the meaning: there is something in the speaker that does not agree with the spiritual law, that struggles against the will. Then, in his second edition, 15 Morin changed his opinion, now assuming that Augustine continues to paraphrase Rom. 7, and therefore according to Rom. 7, 16-17 one should fill the lacuna with a verb of acting, ago (ago can be found in Rom. 7, 19) or facio (facio can be found in Rom. 7, 16 .20): Sed quod nolo hoc , est in me aliud quod pugnat contra uoluntatem meam.

This means: The sentence stresses that the speaker does something that he does not want to do. Hill continued this way, inserting just a quia, so there is now a causal connection: The speaker does something that he does not want to do because something in him struggles against his will:

12 The manuscript is quite old, namely 9th century. Cf. B. B1scHOFF, Die südostdeutschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit, 1, Die bayrischen Di6zesen, Leipzig, 1940 (second edition 1960) (Sammlung bibliothekswissenschaftlicher Arbeiten, 49), p. 132. 13 Cf. E. HILL, Sermons, III/5: (148-183) on the New Testament, p. 83, n. 2. 14 G. MoRIN, "Les sermons inédits de saint Augustin dans le manuscrit latin 17059 de Munich'', Revue Bénédictine, 10 (1893), pp. 481-497, esp. p. 490, n. 9: "Il semble qu'il y a en cet endroit quelque chose d'omis. Peut-être faut-il répéter les mots est in me?" 15 Sancti Augustini sermones post Maurinos reperti, ed. by G. MORIN, Roma, 1930 (Miscellanea Agostiniana, 1), p. 601.

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Sed quod nolo hoc est in me aliud quod pugnat contra uoluntatem meam.

At first this seemed very close to Rom. 7, 20 or Rom. 7, 17, but 1 failed to find any causal connection in Rom. 7: There is none. So perhaps looking for a causal connection is inappropriate here. Perhaps it would be better to ask about the goal of the sentence that introduces Rom. 7, 22-23. In my opinion, the goal is to show that there is something in the speaker that struggles against the assent of the will to the spiritual law - it is exactly this point that is shown by the quotation of Rom. 7, 22-23. Therefore perhaps we should prefer not to follow Morin's shift, but corne back to his first proposal: the conjecture est in me. This first conjecture is quite good because it is a dittography, but in terms of Augustine's style, it is somewhat difficult to imagine. So my proposa! is to insert just an est: Sed quod nolo, hoc : est in me aliud quod pugnat contra uoluntatem meam. 16

The hoc est is an expression of explanation with many hits found in the Corpus Augustinianum Gissense, used often, if only a part of a biblical sentence is mentioned, followed by hoc est and Augustine's explanation (cf. e.g. s. dom. m. 1, 20; 2, 46; exp. prop. Rm. 11; 20; 22; 34; exp. Gal. 9; 12; 18; 20 etc.). Here, quod nolo would be the direct quotation, followed by hoc est, and then the explanation follows: there is something in the speaker that struggles against his own will. This introduces the quotation of Rom. 7, 22ff perfectly. According to this interpretation the acting is not important, but the internal struggle in homine (cf. s. Morin 4, 1; ibid., p. 175, 1. 13) is. My question again is: where is the place of this internal struggle, who is meant by the homo mentioned here again? And what is the relation between this homo on the one side and the speaker of Rom. 7,

16 In the discussion of this paper during the conference three possible proposais for further reconsiderations were made: i. si (instead of sed) quod nolo hoc , est in me aliud [... ] (D. Weber); ii. sed quod nolo, hoc agit in me aliud [... ] (H. Müller); iii. sed quod nolo hoc est in me aliud [... ] (P. Tombeur). The first proposai is possible, but needs two modifications of the text, the second is striking, because only one word is inserted, but in my opinion, compared with the haplography of est est this alternative is not the more probable solution, the third proposai is possible, too, but it implies the acceptance of a stylistic crudity.

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Paul and the listeners, on the other. The answer can be found in the second chapter of the sermon. Here Augusline slarls wilh bis inlerprelalion Lhal unusquisque homo 17 may observe himself. Paul holds up a mirror where anybody can recognise himself (s. Morin 4, 2; ibid., p. 175, Il. 16-17). This situation is explained as follows: In the person's mind (mens) there is joy in the assent to the law, but what the law prohibits pleases our flesh (caro), so mens and caro fight against each other. This is the fight in the unus homo, and it is an internai battle. Then Augustine continues with an example: Somebody sees a woman and is filled with desire for ber. Amal castitatem et caro delectatur iniquitate (ibid., Il. 25-26). There is a battle, mind and flesh struggle, but the mind is not alone. The law is on the side of the mind, so law and mind should fight together against the flesh, and together, they should win. But according to Rom. 7, 23 there is a second law that captures the mind, so the mind is overcome by the flesh. Therefore the person must invoke the help of the saluator for evading the deceptor, that is the devil (ibid., Il. 26-31). And with this logic Augustine refers back to Paul. Qualis erat apostolus (ibid., l. 32). He is the example for the listeners. He is the example given here. The rhetoric of this passage means: Please, dear listeners, look at Paul who is speaking of bis own struggle, of the battle he had. Even Paul was in danger of losing, of being captured by bis own flesh, if the Crucified had not helped him. Only grace can help resist the evil that delights the flesh. Hence Augustine continues: Spectat te ergo Christus pugnantem (s. Morin 4, 3; ibid., p. 176, l. 38). The listener of the sermon is the person wherein the struggle is, where the battle is in progress. Therefore the speaker of Rom. 7 is identified with a) Paul and b) the listeners - both are redeemed persons. It seems qui te clear that the homo unusquisque is not the humanum genus in general, but everybody present to Augustine's words, that is: those listening to the sermon. My reading of chapter 3 affirms this. There the situation of the listener is described as a theatrum where flesh and mind fight, the

17 The combination of unusquisque and homo is not used very often by Augustine, but cf. Gn. adu. Man. 1, 35; c. Faust. 19, 24; trin. 9, 9; c. coniug. 1; Io. eu. tr. 32, 5; en. Ps. 122, 2; S. 46, 6; S. 265, 12; S. 266, 2; S. 268, 1.

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place of this fight being the conscientia. Christ helps in this struggle. And this is not a struggle where to win means to get an award, with no further thought about the loser, but the victory of the mind is helpful and good even for the flesh (ibid., 11. 38-53). Even the interpretation of Psalm 129, 1-2 in chapter 4 and the gospel reading about the Canaanite woman (Matth. 15, 21-28) fit this interpretation. This applies to the believer's situation, he who must pray to Christ for the help needed. In the last chapter Augustine sums up the intention of his sermon. The goal of the sermon is to show that we must pray to God, begging for the good, praying continuously (s. Morin 4, 6; ibid., p. 175, 11. 121-123). God delays fulfilling our prayers to train us: ldeo enim Deus differt petentes, ut exerceat desiderantes (ibid., 11. 123-124). We must pray for a good life in the present and for the eternal life. Only God can help us achieve a good life, otherwise we will be captured (ibid., 11. 124-131). All worldly things (women, riches) can be dangerous, we do not know if they will help us achieve eternal life (ibid., 11. 131-135). Instead, we should concentrate on loving God and our neighbor, on peace and love, looking to the moment where we must appear before Christ, saying: Domine, te adiuuante fecimus quod iussisti, te propitio accipiamus, quod promisisti (ibid., 11. 136-143). In my eyes this last chapter of s. Morin 4 clearly shows the intention of the sermon: W e have to pray for help in our present situation. "We" means the Christian listeners of the sermon, who follow Paul's example in Rom. 7. This differs considerably from the position held by Critoboulos in Jerome's Dialogus aduersus Pelagianos. And I would like to go even further: The interpretation of Rom. 7 in s. Morin 4, 1-3.6 presupposes that a) Rom. 7 can refer to Paul himself, and b) that the situation sketched there is the situation of a baptised person, who is praying to God for continuous help. Of course, for the historical setting of the exegesis of Rom. 7, Berrouard's article is groundbreaking. 18 Additionally, Thomas Martin's investigation of the rhetorical purpose of the exegesis of Rom. 7

18 Cf. M.-F. BERROUARD, "L'exégése augustinienne de Rom. 7, 7-25 entre 396 et 418 avec des remarques sur les deux premières périodes de la crise «pélagienne»'', Recherches Augustiniennes, 16 (1981), pp. 101-195.

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is helpful. 19 He distinguishes three stages of Augustine's interpretation of Rom. 7: Stage 1 (386-401, including Confessiones): Rom. 7, 24-25 is "a moving expression of a rhetoric of conversion." 20 This means that the speaker of Rom. 7 is not yet baptised. Augustine "gives a sub lege, pre-conversion, pre-baptism reading to the text." 21 But implicit signs begin to emerge indicating wider sub gratia possibilities. 22 Stage II (402-417, including s. Morin 4): "The rhetoric of conversion gradually gave way to a rhetoric of captivity." 23 If so, Paul speaks of the life of the baptised in Rom. 7 "revealing much about Augustine's own developing understanding of Christian life." 24 Even sub gratia there is an on-going trial and struggle, an internai battle in the baptised. Stage III (418-430): Rom. 7, 24-25 is interpreted with a background in the antithesis of corpus mortis and the redemption leading to eternal life. The verses consequently offer a wide range of possible interpretations concerning mortality, the original state of the body, its corruption and so on. 25 Following the chronology of La Bonnardière, 26 Martin puts s. 151-156 in the third stage, but he stresses Rom. 7 as a cry of cap-

19 Cf. T. F. MARTIN, Rhetoric and Exegesis in Augustine's Interpretation of Romans 7 :24-25A, Lewiston, 2001 (Studies in Bible and Early Christianity, 47). 20 Cf. T. F. MARTIN, Rhetoric and Exegesis, p. 217. 21 Cf. T. F. MARTIN, Rhetoric and Exegesis, p. 217. Cf. p. 88: "Paul's cry made its way into a remarkable variety of contexts." 22 In my opinion, however, even in his first attempts to interpret the text, Augustine understands it as speaking about the continuing struggle in the baptised, cf. V. H. DRECOLL, "Gratia", in AugLex 3, cols. 182-242, esp. cols. 227-228 and now in detail 1. Bochet, Le firmament de l'écriture. L'herméneutique augustinienne, Paris, 2004 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 172), pp. 186-199. 23 Cf. T. F. MARTIN, Rhetoric and Exegesis, p. 217. It should be kept in mind that for the period 402-410 there are only few texts interpreting Rom. 7 that can be dated exactly. 24 Cf. T. F. MARTIN, Rhetoric and Exegesis, p. 218. 25 Cf. T. F. MARTIN, Rhetoric and Exegesis, pp. 218-219, esp. pp. 180-183. 26 Cf. A.-M. LA BoNNARDIÈRE, "La date des sermons 151 à 156 de saint Augustin", Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 29 (1983), pp. 129-136.

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tivity - linked to the cry for eternal redemption. 27 S. Morin 4 he dates to the second stage. 28 This same point, however, is stressed also in the final section of s. Morin 4. Perhaps it would be better to assume that s. 151-156 stand at the bridge between the second and the third stage. This might even be true for s. Morin 4, although we must remain uncertain here. In any case, it is dangerous to fix a certain date of a single sermon by the argument that there is a certain similarity to another, perhaps more easily dated sermon or work of Augustine. A similarity between texts is not a decisive criterion for dating them in the same time frame. 29 Even if we can date one text but have another text with similar wordings or thoughts, this is not a compelling enough reason to give a similar date to the second text. Augustine is quite flexible in his thought, and of course he can develop similar thoughts over time, as well as develop different themes. Therefore 1 would be careful in dating s. Morin 4. The arguments for dating s. 151-156 in October 417 (based on the series of sermons Cf. T. F. MARTIN, Rhetoric and Exegesis, pp. 170-173. Cf. T. F. MARTIN, Rhetoric and Exegesis, pp. 138-139; this is the widely accepted consensus: cf. G. PARTOENS, CCSL 41Ba, p. 173, n. 6. 29 Therefore I am not convinced by "la méthode des parallèles" proposed by P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches de chronologie augustinienne, Paris, 2000 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Antiquité, 163), esp. pp. VII-VIII. In my opinion this method is a kind of 'vacuum cleaner', condensing several hardly datable texts into a short period (through similar exegetical elements); for the years 400-410 Hombert started with several sermons he dated to the end 403/ beginning 404 - and of course, he attributes the greater number of the works listed in retr. 2, 6-26 to this period (cf. the table in Hombert p. 8). From 404 onwards Augustine became rather quiet for the next five years, but started writing again voluminously in 411, and the very full time of the years 411-413 becomes even fuller through the attribution of e.g. trin. 2-4 and other works to this period. In the eyes of Hombert, the method is very precise. Following his arguments we would have to deny that the composition of conf. 10-13 was in 401, but would have to assume that they were composed in 403. So the method has its sharpness. However, Augustine worked on several works at the same time, finishing them sometimes only after a couple of years (even ep. 19* suggests this to me), so I doubt if "la méthode des parallèles" is able to locate works to the exact year or couple of months - even if we accept that Augustine forgot many exegetical thoughts only a couple of weeks after he developed them (which I personally rather doubt); for a more detailed review of Hombert's book see my survey: V. H. DRECOLL, "Zum Stand der Augustinforschung", Theologische Literaturzeitung, 134 (2009), 876-900. 27

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in the collectio Sessoriana, several hints from one sermon to other earlier sermons of this series and several of their titles) are - though they are not completely compelling - very well balanced and probable. 30 But even if we have no certainty about the exact dates of the sermons, the stages distinguished by Martin are interesting for two reasons: 1) Even in texts earlier than 417 Augustine suggests that the dynamics of Rom. 7 can help to interpret the situation of a redeemed-baptised person. 2) The question of whether Paul is referring to himself is only one point in a wider, rhetorical setting. The rhetoric of battle and struggle can refer to Paul and to the baptised listeners, so there is a strong convergence between them. If we accept this, we should not be concerned about comparing s. Morin 4 to s. 154. It seems possible that Augustine could have read Jerome's Dialogus aduersus Pelagianos and was reflecting on some of bis impressions in s. 154, the fictional dialogue as style included. 31 And it is true that this is missing in s. Morin 4. But this creates no fondamental difference. For comparison we can turn to s. 151. Within the series of s. 151156, there are two groups: s. 151 and s. 152 on the one side, s. 153156 on the other. The latter are classic homilies that follow the text of Paul sentence by sentence. The first two sermons, however, are different. They deal with Rom. 7-8, too, but quite freely, referring to different passages of the Pauline text - without following the strict verse order in the Pauline text. 32 The title of s. 151 given in the edition (De apostolo ubi dicit: non enim quod uolo, facio bonum, sed quod nolo malum, hoc ago; ibid., p. 13, 11. 1-3) is quite close to that of s. Morin 4 (Tractatus Sancti Augustini de eo quod apostolus ait quia non quod uolo, ago, sed quod odi, hoc facio; ibid., p. 173, 11. 1-2). The former refers to Rom. 7, 15, the latter to Rom. 7, 19, but if we compare the two phrases, the theme of the two sermons is quite similar. Indeed, the exegesis of

30 Cf. G. PARTOENS, CCSL 41Ba, pp. IX-XXII; J. LôssL, "Dating Augustine's Sermons", pp. XXIII-XXVIII. 31 Cf. J. LôssL, "Dating Augustine's Sermons'', pp. L-LI and XLI n. 94. 32 Cf. G. PARTOENS, CCSL 41Ba, pp. LVI-LXIV.

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Rom. 7 in s. 151 resembles that of s. Morin 4 in the following points: 1) Rom. 7 is understood as rhetoric of battle and captivity. Severa! words used in s. Morin 4, e.g. pugnare/pugna, lucta/luctare and similar words of fighting etc. are used even in s. 151, so in spite of differences in detail, the field of battle-words is used in both sermons. 33 2) This struggle refers to the baptised (cf. s. 151; ibid., p. 16, 11. 42-43) and to the speaker in Rom. 7, the ego of Paul (cf. S. 151, 6; ibid., p. 23, 11. 145-146). 3) Augustine uses an example to show the battle in the baptised: In s. Morin 4 the example is the desire for a woman, in s. 151 it is drunkeness. In the baptised the dynamics of the flesh, here called concupiscentia, starts its activity, inviting the person to get drunk. The baptised wants to remain sober. If he agrees to the concupiscentia, he will be captured. Therefore he must ask God for help (cf. s. 151, 4; ibid., pp. 18-21, 11. 74108). Sobrietas and castitas, the desire for the woman or the alcohol, the necessity of praying to God - both examples show the dynamics of concupiscence. 4) Rom. 7 is not dealing with the acts of the redeemed or nonredeemed, but with the internal struggle within the baptised. Of course Paul does not say that he would act sinfully, but Cf. pugnare: s. Morin 4, 3 (CCSL 41 Ba, p. 176, li. 38.41); s. 151, 3 (p. 18, S. 151, 4 (p. 19, Il. 78.87.89.92); S. 151, 5 (p. 21, J. 113); S. 151, 6 (p. 25, 1. 159); s. 151, 6 (p. 26, 1. 174) - pugna: s. 151, 6 (p. 24, 1. 154); s. 151, 6 (p. 26, 1. 173) - expugnare: s. 151, 3 (p. 18, 1. 73)- repugnare: s. 151, 4 (p. 19, 1. 92); s. 151, 6 (p. 25, 1. 161) - lucta: s. Morin 4, 3 (p. 176, 11. 40.50) - luctare: s. 151, 4 (p. 21, 1. 106); s. 151, 6 (p. 24, li. 149-150) - rixa: s. Morin 4, 2 (pp. 175-176, Il. 21.26) - certamen: s. 151, 4 (p. 19, 1. 79) - certare: s. 151, 2 (p. 16, li. 38-39) - contendere: s. Morin 4, 2 (p. 175, Il. 19-20); s. Morin 4, 3 (pp. 176-177, li. 39.48.52) - bellum: s. 151, 2 (pp. 14-15, 11. 18.20.26.36); s. 151, 6 (p. 26, 1. 175), s. 151, 8 (p. 28, li. 193-194) - rebellare: s. 151, 3 (p. 18, 1. 72) hostis: s. 151, 2 (p. 16, 1. 37); s. 151, 3 (p. 17, Il. 28-29); s. 151, 4 (pp. 19-20, li. 79.95); s. 151, 6 (p. 25, li. 166.169); s. 151, 8 (p. 28, 1. 194) - uincere: s. Morin 4, 2 (p. 176, Il. 26.30); s. Morin 4, 3 (p. 176-177, Il. 45-53); s. 151, 4 (pp. 20-21, li. 104-106); s. 151, 8 (p. 29, 1. 212). 1 leave aside the terminology of victory (triumphus, uictoria etc.), sports (athleta, pancratium, corona etc.) and captivity and defeat. 33

li. 72-73);

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the ago/facio etc. of Rom. 7 implies concupiscentia, the other law of Rom. 7, 23 (cf. s. 151, 5; ibid., p. 21, 11. 113-120; S. 151, 6; ibid., pp. 23-24, 11. 145-152). 5) Paul offers his own internal struggle as an example for the baptised. He puts himself ante oculos (cf. s. 151, 6; ibid., p. 24, 1. 154; cf. the expression Paulus speculum posait in s. Morin 4, 2; ibid., p. 175, 1. 17). 6) The actual state of the baptised has its goal in eternal life (cf. s. Morin 4, 6; ibid., pp. 179-180, 11. 124.131.136), mentioned in s. 151 as triumphus (cf. s. 151, 2; ibid., p. 15, 11. 27-28; s. 151, 7; ibid., p. 26, 11. 176-177). So in my opinion, s. 151 is quite close to s. Morin 4. The comparison with s. 151 confirms even the analysis of the intention of s. Morin 4: The preacher wants to motivate his listeners to pray for the good and then for eternal life. Coming back to the question at the beginning of this paper, 1 doubt if there is much distance between s. Morin 4 and s. 154 (or the group s. 151-156). Therefore we should be wary about assigning it an earlier date. S. Morin 4 could belong to the exact same time as s. 154, autumn 417 or the beginning of 418 - but many other dates are also possible. Carthage is possible, but so is Hippo or any other place. Further clarifying steps are not possible at the moment. But of course we can draw a hypothetical picture. It is fascinating to see how Augustine stresses prayer in s. Morin 4. One can compare this with the significance of prayer in the council of Carthage on 1 May 418. 34 The piety of prayers and humility, especially the faith expressed in the Lord's prayer, was one of the most important points convincing the majority of the North-African bishops to condemn Pelagianism and to follow Augustine. They did not accept his 34 Cf. Concilia Africae A. 345 ? A. 525, ed. by C. MuNIER, Turnhout, 1974 (CCSL 149), pp. 67-77. For an analysis of the canons, cf. V. H. DRECOLL, "Innerkirchlicher Diskurs und Meinungsführerschaft - Augustins Gnadenlehre in synodalen Texten aus dem Pelagianischen Streit", in Die christlich-philosophischen Diskurse der Spütantike: Texte, Personen, Institutionen (Akten der Tagung vom 22-25. Februar 2006 am Zentrum für Antike und Moderne der Albert-Ludwigs-Universitat Freiburg), ed. by T. FuHRER, Stuttgart, 2008 (Philosophie der Antike, 28), pp. 205-220, esp. pp. 219-220.

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whole doctrine of grace and predestination, but they followed him because Augustine was able to show how his theology fit the daily life of the baptised. This could be the wider context of s. Morin 4 and s. 151-156. "Could be" - because, of course, we should not be overconfident in dating s. Morin 4 to any particular year of Augustine's life.

Gratia Fidei in the Anti-Pelagian Sermones ad Populum Sermones 143 and 144: the Rare Appearance of Ioh. 16, 7-11 Anthony DuPONT (Leuven)

1. Introduction: Gratia in the Anti-Pelagian Sermones ad Populum My doctoral research in Louvain is devoted to the study of gratia in Augustine's sermones ad populum. More specifically, it addresses the question of whether a thematic analysis of Augustine's treatment of gratia in his sermones adds something to, or even refines, his doctrine of grace, in other words, whether the sermones can be considered as a locus gratiae. Augustine is from the very beginning of his Christian life interested in grace, but in his early writings he does not deal with this topic in an explicit or systematic way. He develops his idea of grace mainly through controversy with the Pelagians. This famous debate also left its mark on the sermones-corpus of Augustine. The corpus contains a collection of sermones that can be labelled as anti-Pelagian. Without going into detail, this group of sermones can be considered anti-Pelagian pamphlets in the line of Augustine's polemical treatises against Pelagians. The grace-centered themes - especially in line with the Pauline position - of that polemical literature reappear in these sermones. The fall is the result of liberum arbitrium, of human uoluptates, of superbia. As a consequence of the peccatum originale, the human will was distorted, man lost the capacity to be good, and death came in the world. Human nature is sick - uitiata - but man cannot cure himself: only the sinless Christ Medicus is able to accomplish this, only Christ is without sin, since He is born outside the uoluptas of libido carnalis. Augustine emphasises here that Christ took upon Himself the penalty of sin, but not sin itself. Every man is thus sinful in a twofold way: personal sin and sin inherited from Adam - all sinned in Adam and this first sin is transmitted by the propagation of the flesh. Because of Adam's

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sin, infants have to be baptised. Infant baptism is vital for salvation. According to the 'Pelagian interpretation' its purpose is restricted to making it possible for babies to enter into the Kingdom of Heaven because, as Pelagians reason according to Augustine, since infants are sinless, they do not need to be saved. Augustine instead exhorts his audience to practice humility: to accept redemption as grace and not to proudly attribute it to their own merits. He reproaches Pelagians for wanting to establish their own justice: they refuse to submit themselves to God's justice, proudly claiming that a life without sin is possible, and they deny as such the strength of prayer (post-baptismal, especially the prayer ne nos inferas in temptationem, Matth. 6, 13) and the necessity of (baptismal and post-baptismal) grace. In the in-depth exploration of the concept of gratia, Augustine cornes to a reflection on the essence of belief as a gift from God. This translates into the position, especially in his dealings with Pelagius and Julian of Aeclanum, that the initium fidei, the growth in faith and the perseuerantia, cannot and should not be (entirely) written on the conto of man, but should be considered as the result of gratia. That all good things in human life, all human merits are gifts from God, is a constant refrain in Augustine's anti-Pelagian sermones and in his sermones in general. Augustine's sermons on belief are in this sense connected with his general considerations on grace - everything is a gift - and associated more specifically with the anti-Pelagian topic of grace: the unbelief of the gentes versus the belief of Christians, the superbia of the unbelieving philosophers and Jews, the relationship between law and gospel, the relationship between faith and works, the necessity of faith for the salvation of man, and the other gifts of God's gratia, such as dilectio given by the Holy Spirit, infant baptism (baptised paruuli are regarded as fideles), predestination (vocation, election). In other words, the gratia-theme of {ides always appears in Augustine's sermones-corpus in the context of other gratiathemes. This contribution focuses on two anti-Pelagian sermons devoted entirely to the topic of {ides by explaining Ioh. 16, 7-11: sermones 143 and 144. After these two case studies, a twofold comparison will be made: the theme of {ides in the anti-Pelagian sermons and Augustine's use of Ioh. 16, 7-11 in general.

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2. Sermones 143 and 144 a. Sermo 143 In the chronologies of the sermons the present consensus situates sermo 143 in the period 410-412, the very beginning of the Pelagian controversy. 1 Nothing is known about the location, occasion and its target group. The sermon deals with the pericope loh. 16, 7-11: Christ's promise to send the Iloly Spirit to pass judgement on the world. 2 The subject matter of the coming of the Holy Spirit could point to Pentecost. This does not have to be the case, however. Maybe Augustine just made use of this liturgical reading, or even explicitly chose it, in order ta deliver a sermon on the sin of unbelief. Augustine cornes straight to the point. The medicine for all wounds of the soul is belief in Christ. 3 Credere in Christum allows 1 GRYSON - FISCHER - FREDE: 410/412, HoMBERT: -, KUNZELMANN: 410-412, PELLEGRINO: 410-412 (refeITing to KuNZELMANN and FISCHER), REBILLARD: 410-412, VERBRAKEN: 410-412 (KUNZELMANN, BEURON, DIDEBERG). R. GRYSON B. FISCHER - H. J. FREDE, Répertoire général des auteurs ecclésiastiques Latins de l' Antiquité et du Haut moyen âge, 5e édition mise à jour du Verzeichnis der Sigel für Kirchenschriftsteller, Freiburg, 2007 (Vetus Latina, Die Reste der altlateinischen Bibel, 1.1), pp. 231-269; P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches de chronologie augustinienne, Paris, 2000 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 163); A. KuNZELMANN, "Die Chronologie der Sermones des Hl. Augustinus", in Miscellanea Agostiniana, II, Rome, 1931, pp. 417-520; M. PELLEGRINO, "General Introduction", in The Works of Saint Augustine. A Translation for the 21st Century, Sermons, III/1: (1-19) on Uze Old Testament, transi. and notes by E. HILL, ed. by J. E. RoTELLE, Brooklyn (New York), 1990, pp. 13-163, pp. 138-163; É. REBILLARD, "Sermones", in Augustine Uzrough the Ages. An Encyclopedia, ed. by A. D. FITZGERALD, Grand Rapids (Mich.) - Cambridge (UK), 1999, pp. 773792; P.-P. VERBRAKEN, Études critiques sur les sermons auUzentiques de Saint Augustin, Steenbrugis - Hagae Comitis, 1976 (Instrumenta Patristica, 12), pp. 53196. 2 Ego ueritatem dico uobis, expedit uobis ut ego uadam. Si enim ego non abiero, paracletus non ueniet ad uos: si autem abiero, mittam eum ad uos. Et cum uenerit ille, arguet mundum de peccato, et de iustitia, et de iudicio. De peccato quidem, quia non crediderunt in me: de iustitia uero, quia ad Patrem uado, et iam non uidebitis me: de iudicio autem, quia princeps hui us mundi iudicatus est. [Ioh. 16, 7-11 in s. 143, 1, PL 38, col. 785, li. 12-20]. 3 P. C. J. EIKENBOOM, in his analysis of the Christus medicus theme in Augustine, indicates the occurences of medicina in the opening of a sermon, namely in s. 123, 1, s. 143, 1, s. 351, 1. P. C. J. EIKENBOOM, Hel Christus-medicusmotief in de preken van Sint Augustinus, Assen, 1960, p. 120. Cf. A. DUPONT, "Christus

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man to be cleansed of original sin as well as persona! sins. Every human being is contaminated with peccatum orginale because of Adam, in quo omnes peccauerunt - through which they all are made naturaliter to become filii irae (cf. Rom. 5, 12 and Eph. 2, 3). People have added persona! sins to this original sin by not resisting the concupiscentiae carnis. Opposed to this original sin in Adam stands the salvation of Christ - begotten without carnalis et mortifera delectatio, not carried in sin in the womb, He himself being without sin (1 Petr. 2, 22). Salvation exists in being incorporated into the body of Christ through faith (per (idem). While human sin through and in Adam happens naturaliter, salvation happens through belief, via adoption by God, to become filii Dei: ln eum quippe credentes, filii Dei fiunt; quia ex Deo nascuntur per adoptionis gratiam, quae est in (ide lesu Christi Domini nostri. 4 Augustine summarises his whole doctrine of (original) sin and Christology in a few sentences, and he does this on the basis of the antithesis Adam-Christ: without belief in Christ liberation from sin is impossible. 5 Augustine remarks that all sins are rectified by believing in the Lord. Then he asks the rhetorical question: which sin will the Holy Spirit pass judgement on when he cornes, seeing that Christ had announced in Ioh. 16, 8: [Paracletus] arguet mundum de peccato, et de iustitia, et de iudicio? Ioh. 16, 9 answers that this is the sin of not believing in Christ. This concerns the most fondamental sin, the sin which binds all sins together. Only to the extent that the faithful hold on to their belief in Christ - through which they become children of God and co-heirs of Christ by adoption (as Ioh. 1, 12 states: dedit illis potestatem filios Dei fieri, credentibus in eum) - do they not sin. This sin of unbelief was added to the sins of those who do not believe since the coming of Christ (cf. Ioh. 15, 22), and this sin of unbelief holds together all their other sins. This applies notably also to the unbelief of the Jews. 6 For those who do believe,

Medicus. De genezing van de mens door de arts Christus in de preken van Augustinus", in Oorlog en Vrede. Augustinus in confrontatie met het heden, ed. by B. BRUNING, Leuven, 2006, pp. 71-99. 4 s. 143, 1. [PL 38, col. 785, 1. 7]. 5 s. 143, 1. 6 A. DUPONT, "The Relation between Pagani, Gentes and Infideles in Augustine's Sermones ad Populum: A Case study of Augustine's Doctrine of Grace", Augustiniana, 58/1-2 (2008) pp. 95-126.

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this absence of unbelief is the reason that their sins have been forgiven. Augustine thus states that salvation stands or falls with belief in Christ. 7 The Holy Spirit cornes and will judge according to the sin of unbelief. The arrival of the Holy Spirit is a gift of grace, bestowed upon the faithful. Whether or not we should consider faith itself as grace, as a gift of the Holy Spirit, bas not been sharply set down by Augustine. We could even contend that Augustine heightens the confusion by saying: Non autem esset meritum grande credentium et beatitudo gloriosa, si semper Dominus in resuscitato corpore humanis oculis appareret. 8 Is it then a human merit to believe in the Lord without seeing bis risen body? Also in the continuation of this Sermo, Augustine does not clarify whether faith itself is already a gift of grace, but this position can be considered the implicit consequence of the reasoning behind this sermon. Augustine continues bis sermon by explaining that the gift - hoc magnum munus - of the Holy Spirit exists in a spiritual longing for Christ - not with the eyes of the flesh such as with Thomas (cf. lob. 20, 28-29), but with purified minds - in the (risen) form in which Christ is equal to the Father (and therefore not in the form of the Incarnation). With Rom. 10, 6-10, Augustine argues that salvation consists of belief in the risen Christ and in iustitia. 9 When Augustine here thus states that seeing Christ spiritaliter is a gift of the Spirit, we can conclude that he means that belief in Christ is a gratia-gift of the Spirit. This he confirms in the further development 7 s. 143, 2. On the "glorification célèste en Dieu" in Augustine, and more specifically on "se glorifier dans l'ultime miséricorde de Dieu'', P.-M. Hombert indicates that s. 143, 2 (together with perf. iust. 15, 33) has the following significance: "L'heure du jugement sera celle de l'ultime décision: se glorifier en Dieu ou en soi-même; se glorifier de sa propre justice, en s'affirmant sans péché, ou «se glorifier dans la miséricorde»[ ... ]." P.-M. HoMBERT, Gloria gratiae. Se glorifier en Dieu, principe et fin de la théologie augustinienne de la grâce, Paris, 1996 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 148), p. 554 (n. 203). B s. 143, 3 [PL 38, col. 786, 1. 4]. 9 s. 143, 3: Paul preached the H. Spirit in a holy drunkenness, (like every prophet and preacher) is thus dependent upon God to preach. See in this context also s. 144, 6. A general theme within the sermones is that the faithful should not listen to the preacher, but only to God. S. 144, 6 formulates this very specifically: one must not listen to Augustine, but to Christ, the imperator. F. SCHNITZLER, Zur Theologie der Verkündigung in den Predigten des hl. Augstinus, Freiburg, 1968, (Untersuchungen zur Theologie der Seelsorge, 24), p. 60 (n. 76); p. 100 (n. 80).

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of the sermon: Cum ergo hanc beatitudinem, qua non uidemus et credimus, nullo modo haberemus nisi eam a Spiritu Sancto acceperimus; [ ••• ]. 10

On the basis of Rom. 10, 6-10, in which Paul links belief in the resurrection of Christ with belief in iustitia, Augustine returns to the initial pericope from Ioh. 16. For the Holy Spirit cornes to arguere the iustitia of the world (Ioh. 16, 8-10). The iustitia fidei is to be found in believing spiritaliter in Christ, not carnaliter. That is why Christ said to Mary of Magdala noli me tangere (Ioh. 20, 17), this means: "do not believe in me carnaliter, but spiritaliter" .11 Here, it becomes once more unclear to which degree belief is a completely gratuitous gift of grace when Augustine states that this belief spiritaliter is the only belief with which we can be justified, with which we deserve (mereri) to contempla te the W ord. May be Augustine intended it to be more subtle, for he states that if the bodily Christ would not have gone away, belief spiritaliter - which is necessary to be justified - would never have been possible. 12 To put it briefly,

s. 143, 4 [PL 38, col. 786, 1. 37]. s. 143, 4. Quoting noli me tangere in s. 143, 4: "St. Augustine emphasizes the divine origin of the gift of faith, as well as its independence of material evidence, [... ]" (p. 156; n. 102). Augustine distinguishes the knowledge the apostles had before and after Ascension: respectively sensual and spiritual faith. Only by the latter can man reach real knowledge, however imperfect, of the divine nature (p. 177; n. 238). Believing spiritually is God spiritually uidere, tangere (p. 178, n. 244; p. 179, n. 253). W. A. ScHUMACHER, Spiritus and spiritualis. A Study in the Sermons of saint Augustine, Mundelein, 1957 (Pontificia Fac. Theo!. Sem. S. Mariae ad Lacum, Diss. ad Lauream, 28). Cf. E. TESELLE, "Credere", in AugLex 2, cols. 119-131, col. 127. Cf. E. TESELLE, "Faith", in Augustine through the Ages, pp. 347-350, esp. p. 349. Cf. A. DuPONT - W. DEPRIL, "Marie-Madeleine et Jean 20, 17 dans la Littérature Patristique Latine", Augustiniana, 56/1-2 (2006), pp. 159-182. M. Pontet connects this spiritual faith, expressed in s. 143, 4 as mystice dictum, with Augustine's exegetical principle of indicating the spirit (differentiated from the letter) of Scriptures. M. PONTET, L'exége'se de saint Augustin prédicateur, Paris, 1944 (Théologie, 7), p. 167. 12 Christ, as man, brings man to knowledge of Christ as God: per Christum in Spirito sancto ad Deum Palrem. B. STUDER, Gratia Christi - Gratia Dei bei Augustinus von Hippo. Christozentrismus oder Theozentrismus?, Rome, 1993 (Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum, 40), p. 118 (n. 247). A. Becker indicates the solidarity between Head and members, constituting one body, here in s. 143, 4. A. BECKER, De l'instinct du bonheur à l'extase de la béatitude. Théologie et pédagogie du bonheur dans la prédication de Saint Augustin, Paris, 1967, p. 254. 10 11

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belief spiritaliter is necessary to develop contemplation, but this necessity has been made possible by Christ and is in this respect a gift of Christ. 13 Augustine adds further that man, reconciled by God, can see Him spiritaliter. 14 Reconciliation with God is in other words a second condition, a second gift of God, which leads to a correct contemplation of God and therefore to salvation. Augustine ends his consideration on iustitia with the pericope: iustus ex {ide uiuit (Rom. 1, 17; Gal. 3, 11; Hab. 2, 4). 15 Again Augustine offers no opinion on whether this {ides can be earned by human merit or is God's gratuitous gift. He explains the pericope with a sentence in which human passivity (perficimur) and activity (uiuimus) are coupled with each other: siue ergo quia in illo resurgentes, et in illo ad Patrem uenientes inuisibiliter et in iustificatione perficimur; siue quia non uidentes et credentes ex {ide uiuimus, quoniam iustus ex {ide uiuit [... ]. 16 However, yet again Augustine does not clarify the exact status of {ides, about whether it belongs to human activity or passivity. The third subject of the Holy Spirit's judgement, the iudicium (Ioh. 16, 8.11), is touched on briefly at the conclusion of the sermon. The devil has been dispelled from among believers, he is no longer internally present, in contrast to unbelievers. However, the devil still attacks believers from the outside, and Christ allows this to test believers. How they deal with this external attack is the object of the iudicium. Those who withstand this external attack martyrs preeminently - do this in the power of Christ. 17 Successful

13 s. 143, 4: Semper quidem diuinitate nobiscum est: sed nisi corporaliter abiret a nobis, semper eius corpus carnaliter uideremus, et nunquam spiritaliter crederemus; qua {ide iustificati et beatificati, idipsum uerbum Deum apud Deum, per quod {acta sunt omnia, et quod caro factum est, ut habitaret in no bis, corde mundato contemplari mereremur [PL 38, col. 786, 1. 42]. Despite the fact Augustine does not indicate this, his definition of iustitia as spiritually believing in Christ Who can no longer be physically seen - a general theme in his writings and sermons - is in this sermo clearly inspired by his explanation of loh. 16, lO(b-)c: (quia ad Patrem uado ), et iam non uidebitis. 14 S. 143, 4. 15 s. 143, 4 [PL 38, col. 787, 1. 9]. 16 s. 143, 4 [PL 38, col. 787, 1. 11 ]. 17 A. DUPONT, "Imitatio Christi, Imitatio Stephani. Augustine's Thinking on Martyrdom based on his Sermons on the Protomartyr Stephen'', Augustiniana, 56/1-2 (2006), pp. 29-61.

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resistance to the devil is grace, a gift of the Holy Spirit: Sed in quo uicerunt, nisi in illo in quem crediderunt, et quem non uidentes dilexerunt, et quo dominante in cordibus suis pessimo dominatore caruerunt? Et hoc totum per gratiam, hoc est, per donum Spiritus Sancti. 18 With this, Augustine emphasises the element of grace in the workings of the Holy Spirit. However, Augustine does not make explicit whether this working of grace also bestows the gift of belief. This emerges again in the last sentence of the Sermo, in which he briefly restates his explanation of loh. 6, 7-11: Recte itaque idem Spiritus arguit mundum, et de peccato, quia non credit in Christum: et de iustitia, quia qui uoluerunt crediderunt, quamuis in quem crediderunt non uiderunt; et per eius resurrectionem se quoque in resurrectione perfici sperauerunt: et de iudicio, quia ipsi si uellent credere, a nullo impedirentur, quoniam princeps huius mundi iam iudicatus est. 19 This closing sentence situates faith rather with the human will - uelle - than with divine initiative. Augustine's explicit use of the theme of peccatum originale - the impact of Adam's sin on human nature, in which the whole of humanity sinned - to open his sermon points to the Pelagian controversy. The fact that he places the concupiscentia carnis under persona! human sin and not explicitly under the consequences of original sin, could possibly indicate an early stage in the controversy, namely, that he does not yet resort to his doctrine of sin which he developed later during the Pelagian controversy. To conclude, we can establish that the connection between {ides and gratia is certainly not absent in this Sermo. Human faith is placed within the framework of God's merciful way of acting, but at the same time this belief is also a human, moral responsibility. Man has the moral duty to corne to the correct faith (in Christ - {ides), to justice (through a spiritual faith - iustitia) and to withstand the devil (iudicium). Belief is apparently the active human component in the salvation process. Whether this is an answer to a preceding divine initiative is, however, not clear.

18

19

s. 143, 5 [PL 38, col. 787, li. 34-37]. s. 143, 5 [PL 38, col. 787, 1. 38].

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b. Sermo 144

A few years later, Augustine preaches sermo 144 - chronologies situate this sermon around 416 - and on the same pericope: Ioh. 16, 8-11. 20 Location, target group and (liturgical) occasion are unknown. Just as with sermo 143, Pentecost may have been the occasion of this Sermo, but the text itself gives no clues. Augustine limits his explanation largely to peccatum and iustitia. The iudicium he deals with very briefly. Sermo 144 explains the peccatum in the same way. When the Holy Spirit cornes He will judge the world exclusively on the sin of not believing in Christ. The Spirit will judge only this because all sins are included in the sin of unbelief, and likewise all sins are forgiven through faith (per {idem) in Christ. Up to this point, the sermons are quite similar. However, sermo 144 emphasises the character of grace much more. The grace of God is the gift of God. The highest gift is the Holy Spirit. 21 It is called grace because it is not a payment or a reward for a meritorious service, but rather a gift being granted post ueniam delictorum. Augustine gives the reason for this very briefly and even cryptically: seeing that the whole of mankind (since Adam) is sinful, no human being exists who could earn grace. 22 At this Augustine does 20 GRYSON - FISCHER - FREDE: around 416, HoMBERT: -, KuNZELMANN: 412416, PELLEGRINO: 412-416 (referring to KUNZELMANN and FISCHER), REBILLARD: 412-416, VERBRAKEN: 412-416 (KUNZELMANN, DU RoY, BEURON), around 416 (LA BoNNARDIÈRE), LA BoNNARDIÈRE: around 416. A.-M. LA BoNNARmÈRE, Biblia augustiniana. A.T. Le Livre des Proverbes, Paris, 1973 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 67), pp. 195-234. A. Kunzelmann shows that sermones 143, 2 and 144, 1 have the topic of original sin in common. The difference in dating is, according to Kunzelmann, because s. 144 (that because of clear links with Jo. eu. Ir. 95 [416-417] has to be situated between 412-416) has an emphasis on the gratuity and the unmerited character of grace that is more anti-Pelagian. This implies an earlier date (410-412) for sermo 143. A. KuNZELMANN, Die Chronologie der Sermones des Hl. Augustinus, p. 463; p. 467. 21 The Spirit as gratia, as donum in s. 144, 1: cf. A.-M. LA BoNNARDIÈRE, Le Livre des Proverbes, pp. 133-134. O. Du RoY, L'intelligence de la foi en la Trinité selon saint Augustin. Géne'se de sa théologie trinitaire jusqu'en 391, Paris, 1966 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité), p. 378 (n. 1). 22 s. 144, 1: Gratia quippe Dei, donum Dei est. Donum autem maximum ipse

Spiritus Sanctus est; et ideo gratia dicitur. Cum enim omnes peccassent, et egerent gloria Dei; quia per unum hominem peccatum intrauit in mundum, et per peccatum mors, in quo omnes peccauerunt: ideo gratia, quia gratis datur. Ideo gratis datur,

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Znot hesitate to make the anti-Pelagian hint so typical of him: Deus superbis resistit, humilibus autem dat gratiam (lac. 4, 6; I Petr. 5, 5; Prou. 3, 34 23 ). Augustine further continues by specifying the correct form of credere. In sermo 143 this was spiritaliter credere. Now, Augustine describes it as credere in which {ides, spes and dilectio (credere, sperare, diligere) coïncide. 24 Through faith, Christ enters the believer and the believer becomes a member of Christ's body, and this is only possible if hope and love are also present. 25 Augustine's explanation of iustitia in sermo 144 takes a different perspective from that of sermo 143. While in sermo 143 he defines iustitia as the right form of human belief, in sermo 144 iustitia belongs to Christ. Peccatum belongs to man, iustitia to Christ. Here, in his explanation, he stresses Ioh. 16, lüb quia ad Patrem uado (and not lüc, as in sermo 143). The iustitia from and for Christ is that He ascends to the Father. This allows Augustine again to emphasise the context of grace. Christ's coming to earth was not something which mankind deserved, it was no expression of iustitia, but of God's misericordia. 26 In this misericordia Augustine sees above all a moral lesson for the believer. Man can only reach iustitia, in extending himself misericordia (to others) and by following Christ's example of humility (by becoming human as God, Phil. 2, 3-8). Because

quia non quasi merces redditur post discussionem meritorum, sed donum datur post ueniam delictorum [PL 38, col. 788, li. 20-27]. 23 "[ ... ] (Prou. 3, 34) tient dans son œuvre une place de premier plan. Deus superbis resistit, humilibus autem dat gratiam représente une des sentences sapientales auxquelles Augustin reste fidèle du début à la fin de sa carrière." A.-M. LA BoNNARDIÈRE, Le Livre des Proverbes, p. 123. 24 s. 144, 2. The demons also believed in Christ, however not in the correct way with spes and dilectio. For the unity between Caput and corpus (p. 138; p. 265, n. 94), the solidarity with the risen Christ by which the faithful also here shares (partly) the Resurrection of Christ (p. 112; p. 249, n. 53), the claim that the faithful Christian is just as far as being a member of Christ (p. 151; p. 273, n. 69) in s. 144, 2, see. E. FRANZ, 'Tolus Christus'. Studien über Christus und die Kirche bei Augustin, Diss. Bonn, 1956. 25 S. 144, 2. 26 s. 144, 2-3. Faith must understand the return of Christ to the Father rather than the coming of Christ to the world: B. STUDER, Jésus-Christ, notre justice, selon saint Augustin, in Studia Patristica 17 /3 (1982), pp. 1316-1342, esp. p. 1324 (n. 141).

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of God's humility, it is iustitia that He ascends to the Father (again Phil. 2, 9-11). 27 The believers, being part of Christ, will share in Christ's Ascension. 28 Believers already, together with Christ the 27 s. 144, 4. About Phil. 2, 6-11 and the connection between iustitia and misericordia in s. 144, 4: "In Sermon 144.3.4, the bishop questions his listeners about John 16 :10 'Concerning justice, because 1 go to the Father.' Why does the Savior call the act of his return to the Father justice, rather than his coming? Would it be because it was mercy which brought him while it was justice which made him return to the Father [s. 144, 4]? Augustine wanted his listeners to realize that the work of mercy is inseparable from the work of justice. He made them aware that they could not attain the perfection of justice if they ignored the works of mercy and love (according to Phil 2:3-5). Far from being limited by each other, mercy and justice were called to harmoniously complement one another in each heart. The prototype for such a synthesis was the Son himself. He had lived it and assumed it in his act of kenosis as described in Phil 2:6-7 [s. 144, 4]. The importance of this sequence was that mercy was the basis not only of Christ's kenosis, but also the entirety of human action surrounding justice in the imitation of the destroyed Son." A. Verwilghen also observes that this is the only place where Augustine uses Phil. 2, 3-4 to explain Phil. 2, 5-11. A. VERWILGHEN, "Jesus Christ: Source of Christian Humility'', in Augustine and the Bible, ed. and transi. by P. BRIGHT, Notre Dame, 1999 (The Bible through the Ages, 2), pp. 301-312, esp. p. 307 (cf. p. 311: nn. 16-17, nn. 37-38). Cf. A. VERWILGHEN, Christologie et spiritualité selon saint Augustin. L'hymne aux Philippiens, Paris, 1985 (Théologie historique, 72), pp. 431-432 (n. 93); P. CuRBELIÉ, La justice dans la « Cité de Dieu », Paris, 2004 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 171 ), p. 208. 28 S. 144, 5, regarding the unity of Christ and the Church, is extensively studied in the Augustine research. T. J. van Bavel points out that Augustine quotes loh. 3, 13 to emphasise the unity of the person of Christ (against Apollinarists) or to endorse, as here in s. 144, 5 (and in s. 91, 7; 362, 16; Io. eu. tr. 12, 8), that one must be a member of Christ to be able to ascend to heaven. Van Bavel adds that a combination of both ideas can be found in the Pelagian Controversy (pecc. mer. 1, 31, 60 and s. 294, 9) (p. 35; n. 84) The solidarity, expressed in s. 144, 5 between the members and the head of the Tolus Christus lies in the humanity of Christ (p. 78; n. 12). This unity between Christ and his members does not imply that there is no longer any difference between God and man: Christ is one (unum) with the Father in another way (aliter) (namely divinity) than with man (namely humanity) (p. 112; n. 32). T. J. VAN BAVEL, Recherches sur la christologie de saint Augustin. L'humain et le divin dans le Christ d'apre's saint Augustin, Fribourg, 1954 (Paradosis, 10). Cf. M. HERZ, Sacrum commercium. Eine begriffsgeschichtliche Studie zur Theologie der r6mischen Liturgiesprache, München, 1958 (Münchener Theo!. St., System. Abt., 15), p. 86 (n. 267). A. Verwilghen connects s. 144, 5 with Phil. 2, 5-11: "Dans le Sermo 144, 4 (5), probablement de 416, Augustin met en garde ses auditeurs à propos du type d'unité entre le Père et le Fils d'une part, et entre le Fils et l'humanité

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head, form the one Christ, albeit still only in belief and hope. After the final resurrection of the dead, when this hope is fulfilled, the iustificatio of man will also be fulfilled. This iustificatio is fulfilled by the Lord. 29 In other words, peccatum separates the believers from

d'autre part. Alors que l'unité entre le Père et le Fils est de l'ordre substantiel selon Ph 2, 6 [... ], l'unité entre Fils et les membres est de l'ordre historique selon Ph 2, 7a-b [s. 144, 5]." A. VERWILGHEN, Christologie, p. 191 (n. 205). P.-M. Hombert sees loh. 3, 13 in s. 144, 5, used similarly in pecc. mer. 1, 31, 60 and s. 294, 10: "Elle [explication de Io. 3, 13] figure encore, vers 416, dans le S. 144, 5, un texte très riche qui synthétise toute la doctrine de l'unus Christus, Tête et Corps. On y relève le même vocabulaire: incorporare, cohaerere, ou encore l'expression compingere in corpore [s. 144, 5]. L'enseignement est donc constant, puisque les textes de Gal. 3, 16 et Gal. 3, 39, qui figurent dans cette prédication servaient pareillement à commenter Io. 3, 13 dans le Tr. in eu. /oh. 12, prêché au printemps 417 [Io. eu. tr. 12, 9]." P.-M. HoMBERT, "L'exégèse augustinienne de Io. 3, 13 entre Orient et Occident", in L'esegesi Dei Padri latini. Dalle origini a Gregorio Magno. XXV III incontro di Studiosi dell' Antichità cristiana, Roma, 6-8 maggio 1999, Rome, 2000 (Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum, 68), pp. 335-361, p. 337 (n. 5). P.-M. Hombert discusses s. 144, 5 in the context of the glorification des membres: "Fort de certitude, le chrétien peut se glorifier, mais en confessant que sa gloire, c'est celle du Christ au ciel. Se glorifier, c'est donc confesser le Seigneur de la gloire, reconnaître l'absolue seigneurie du Christ qui seul nous transforme et nous lève [... ]." P.-M. HoMBERT, Gloria gratiae, p. 487 (n. 165) (cf. p. 483; n. 151, p. 484; n. 158). Further, for the unity between Christ and the semen Abrahae: P. BoRGOMEO, L'Eglise de ce temps dans la prédication de saint Augustin, Paris, 1972 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 48), p. 221 (n. 57); J. CAROLA, Augustine of Hippo. The Role of the Laity in Ecclesial Reconciliation, Rome, 2005 (Analecta Gregoriana, 295), pp. 165-166, esp. p. 174; M. PONTET, L'exégése, pp. 399 (n. 54); p. 406 (n. 94); p. 411 (n. 124). 29 S. 144, 6 contains elements of Augustine's thesis that Christ as man is head of the Church: "Dans le Sermon 144, la caro Christi est ni plus ni moins que le synonyme de caput nostrum." P. BoRGOMEO, L'Eglise de ce temps, p. 229 (n. 98). As the faithful, via the Tolus Christus, share in the Resurrection of the Lord, they also share in the iustitia of Christ. "We may not separate ourselves from that righteousness in respect of which the world must be convicted in Christ's going to the Father: because we are risen with Christ, we may become righteousness of God in Him: the Christ who goes to the Father is 'the whole Christ with us (lotus nobiscum)', the Christ to whose wholeness we belong." J. BuRNABY, Amor Dei. A Study of St. Augustine's Teaching on the Love of God as the Motive of Christian Life, Londen, 1938 (The Hulsean Lectures for 1938), p. 240. Cf. E. LAMIRANDE, L'Eglise céleste selon saint Augustin, Paris, 1963 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 48), p. 179.

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the unbelievers, while iustitia refers to the designation of believers who lead a moral life. 30 However, Augustine leaves no doubt as to whether man deserves this iustitia. He repeats several times that iustitia is directed to man, and completed by God, in other words, that man himself does not bring this about. Although the point of departure in sermons 143 and 144 is the same, namely Ioh. 16, 7-11 and the theme of justification by faith 3 1, differences with respect to content can be seen in the explanation of this Scriptural text. In both sermons peccatum stands for not believing in Christ. Iustitia in sermo 143 relates to believing spiritaliter, while sermo 144 ascribes iustitia to the Ascension of Christ. In both sermons the iudicium concerns the relation to the believers: in sermo 143 how the faithful withstand the devil is subject of this iudicium, and in sermo 144 this is the iniqui or impii. The conclusion is that sermo 144, more than the preceding sermon, underlines the element of gratia and connects God's grace with {ides and credere, but Augustine does not explicitly state that faith itself should be regarded as grace. The choice of right belief (in which faith, hope and love coïncide) apparently belongs within the moral range of man's duties (extending to (1) misericordia and humility - iustitia,

30 This appeal to moral life also resounds in Augustine's short explanation of iudicium in the conclusion of his sermon (s. 144, 6). The iudicium applies to the iniqui (ail who have their heart only in this world are called "world") and to the impii (who form one body with the devil). Cf. s. 143, 5, in which the iudicium also refers to resistance to the devil. On the opposition body of Christ - corpus diaboli: "Cette expression 'corpus diaboli' est une réminiscence évidente des Regulae de Tyconius." M. PONTET, L'exége'se, p. 430 (n. 51). 31 On the theme of justifying faith in s. 143 and s. 144: "Ce thème de la foi dans la résurrection du Christ a trouvé une expression particulièrement significative dans les passages où Augustin commente Jean 16, 7-11: sur la venue du Paraclet qui viendra confondre le monde en matière de péché, de justice et de jugement, c'est-à-dire de justice parce que Jésus va au Père et que les disciples ne le verront plus [n. 138: s. 143, 4, s. 144]. Le commentaire le plus développé en est donné dans un sermon qui remonte aux premières années de la controverse pélagienne [n. 139: s. 144]. [... ]En un mot, la justice que Dieu nous communique dans le Christ est fondée sur la résurrection dans laquelle le chef a précédé tous ses membres. Sans la foi dans le Christ ressucité, l'homme ne peut donc obtenir la justice de Dieu." B. STUDER, Jésus-Christ, notre justice, p. 1324.

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(2) withstanding the devil - iudicium) as man's personal (active) contribution to iustificatio.

3. Comparisons a. Brief Synopsis of Gratia Fidei within Augustine's Thinking Eugene TeSelle draws distinctions in Augustine's work between credere Deum (the nature and content of faith), credere Deo (on God's role in human belief) and credere in Deum (the role of faith in the salvation of mankind). 32 On the basis of TeSelle's analysis of credere in Deum it emerges that in Augustine's approach to {ides and credere, two separate poles can be discerned. 33 On the one band there is the gratia-pole. "Augustine often implies that faith is incomplete hecause it seeks or "impetrates" the grace by which the works of the law can be fulfilled (exp. Gal. 44; spir. et litt. 12.22; 30.52; 32.56; 33.57; f. et op. 21.39; ep. 157.8; nat. et. gr. 16.17; ench. 31.117; gr. et lib. arb. 14.28)." 34 This faith, which receives grace (impetrare), is active through love (Gal. 5, 6), and this love is the highest gift from God. Without this gift of love no other gift leads to God. From the year 412 this faith is called {ides gratiae. 35 32 E. TESELLE, "Faith'', p. 348. E. TESELLE, "Fides'', in AugLex 2, cols. 1333-1340. E. TESELLE, "Credere". 33 E. TESELLE, "Faith'', pp. 349-350. TESELLE, "Credere'', cols. 126-129. E. TeSelle analyses Augustine's concept of faith. Faith has consequences for human salvation. By faith, man is reborn (s. 143, 2) and adopted as a son of God (cf. Ioh. 1, 12, e.g. in s. 143, 2), Christ lives in man (Eph. 3, 17, e.g. in en. Ps. 122, 4). By faith humanity cornes to God (ciu. 19, 19), the human heart is cleansed (gr. Christi et pecc. or. 2, 29), man is liberated from sin (Io. eu. tr. 42, 16). E. TESELLE, "Fides", col. 1336. TeSelle concludes: "Thus in Augustine's later writings faith is ascribed a more direct role in justification (De Veer 1972). While Augustine continues to say that the only faith that justifies is the faith that is active through love (Gal 5, 6), he also begins to emphasize that 'ail is not from sin' (Rom 14, 23); sins are absolved through faith itself, and without true faith even good works become sins (c. ep. Pel. 3.5.14)." E. TESELLE, "Faith'', p. 349. TeSelle situates s. 143, 2 here and states that Augustine shows "quasi-juridical overtones based on Io. 16, 9." E. TESELLE, "Credere'', col. 130. 34 E. TESELLE, "Faith'', p. 349. 35 f. et op. 16, 27; 21, 38; 27, 49. Already in his early writings Augustine makes the distinction between law and gospel, between works and faith (ep. 23, 4), between submission to the law by fear and justification by faith (c. Faust. 19, 7).

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On the other hand Augustine regularly quotes iustus ex {ide uiuit (Hab. 2, 4 in Rom. 1, 17 and Gal. 3, 11). Belief as such is a form of iustitia. 36 Belief can therefore be considered as a correct use of the human will. 37 Belief deserves a praemium 38 , a merces. 39 This belief as a human act can be a changing or even erring belief. 40 That is why Augustine draws a distinction between the act of faith and the content of faith. 41 This act of faith has to be formed by the content of faith, by Scripture, by Christ. 42 Christ is the source and the norm of faith. 43 Augustine's view on faith as gratia and faith as something that can be earned evolves, and he increasingly emphasises grace. 44 Volker Henning Drecoll' s chronological overview of the development of Augustine's gratia-concept shows also the evolution of Augustine's thinking about {ides within the context of grace. 45 In Expositio quarundam propositionum ex epistula apostoli ad Romanos (probably 394/395), Augustine claims that God's calling precedes

E. TESELLE, "Fides", col. 1336. Around 395 Augustine begins to speak about gratia fidei (exp. Gal. 1, 15sq.; 18sq.; 32; 44; 46; ep. Rm. inch. 16; en. Ps. 32, 1, 3) indicating the new dispensation replacing the law. A year later the concept gratia fidei means that faith itself is a gift of grace (Simpl. 1, 2, 2; 7). E. TESELLE, "Fides", cols. 1335-1336. 36 exp. Gal. 21; pecc. mer. 2, 32, 52; as is also the case in s. 143, cf. infra. 37 c. ep. Pel. 1, 3, 7; c. Max. 2, 23, 7. 38 pecc. mer. 2, 52. 39 en. Ps. 109, 8. 40 trin. 13, 3. E. TESELLE, "Fides", col. 1337. 41 trin. 13, 5; 14, 11. 42 Io. eu. Ir. 37, 6. E. TESELLE, "Fides", cols. 1337-1338. 43 perf. iust. 41; praed. sanct. 31; ep. 118, 32. E. TESELLE, "Fides", col. 1337. 44 "In A's first encounters with Paul he thinks of faith as 'meriting' the further gift of the Spirit, through whom good acts are possible (exp. prop. Rm. 6064; exp. Gal. 15sq.). Later faith becomes a gift based on predestination (Simpl. 1, 2, 2); even merits are God's gifts (trin. 13, 14), and the reward of faith is 'grace for grace' (Io. eu. Ir. 3, 9). Throughout, A. differentiates between faith as the initial phase and love as its completion: 'fides impetrat Spiritum Sanctum, per quem caritas Dei diffusa est in cordibus operantium iustitiam' (exp. Gal. 44); 'per fidem inpetratio gratiae contra peccatum' (spir. et litt. 52); 'id, quod lex imperat, fides impetrat' (ep. 157, 8); 'ut per fidem impetremus orando, ut possimus facere quae iubemur' (gr. et lib. arb. 28)." (E. TESELLE, "Credere", col. 128.) "This 'impetratio' by faith can also be called, in a few writings from around 412, the 'f. gratia' (f. et op. 38) or the 'violentia fidei' (ibid. 39) that cannot be resisisted (en. Ps. 86, 6)." E. TESELLE, "Fides", col. 1337. 45 V. H. DRECOLL, "Gratia", in AugLex 3, cols. 182-242.

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man's faith. Without a calling there is no belief. 46 It is God who calls man to belief. This divine election, vocation with which God brings the human uelle to faith, without taking into account the possible human merits, is at the forefront in Ad Simplicianum 1, 2 (396/398). The end of De spiritu et liftera (412) underlines that liberum arbitrium is not nullified or destroyed (euacuare), but rather strengthened per gratiam. 47 Hereby Augustine differentiates between potestas/posse, the possibility, and uoluntas/uelle, the movement of the will through which potestas becomes reality. Fides belongs to the potestas of a human being. 48 On the basis of 1 Cor. 4, 7 Augustine concludes that the uoluntas with which man believes is donum Dei. 49 Drecoll's conclusion concerning De Spiritu et liftera is that man is given the will to believe. This will is directed through delectatio by the Holy Spirit and is not per sufficientiam propriae uoluntatis intrinsically orientated. 50 De gratia Christi et de peccato originali 1, 12 (418) expounds that gratia is the persuadere of the believer by God, the gift of belief, of caritas, the internally active power of the Holy Spirit. 51 In the intensification of bis view on grace in the Hadrumentum controversy, Augustine writes in Epistula 194, 9 (end of 418 - beginning of 419) that {ides is a gratuitum Dei donum. 52 De gratia et libero arbitrio (426/427) states explicitly that belief is possessed only Deo miserante and is therefore certainly no meritum. 53 God works on the human will praebendo uires efficacissimas uoluntati. 54 Augustine adds in De correptione et gratia (426/427) that faith as well as perseuerantia are a magnum munus on behalf of God, a gift for which man prays in our Lord's Prayer. 55 That initium fidei and the perseuerantia are grace is forcefully stated in the so-called 'semi-Pelagian controversy', as emerges from De praedestinatione sanctorum (428/429) and De dono perseuerantiae (428/429),

46

47 48 49 50

51

52

53 54 55

Exp. prop. Rm. 62. V. H. DRECOLL, "Gratia", cols. 194-195. spir. et litt. 52. spir. et litt. 54. spir. et litt. 57. spir. et litt. 59. V. H. DRECOLL, "Gratia", cols. 206-207. V. H. DRECOLL, "Gratia", col. 214. V. H. DRECOLL, "Gratia", col. 220. gr. et lib. arb. 17. gr. et lib. arb. 32. V. H. DRECOLL, "Gratia", col. 221. corrept. 10.

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particularly {ides inchoata as well as {ides perfecta are donum Dei. 56 Belief and works, credere and uelle, originate in the Holy Spirit. Yet bath are, at the same time, also nostrum, because non fit nisi uolentibus nobis. 57 The human will is seduced by the Holy Spirit and is won by gratia Dei. 58 b. An Overview of Gratia Fidei within the Anti-Pelagian Sermones lob. 16, 7-11 is absent in other sermones considered to be antiPelagian, but the general theme of {ides is not. This section gives a synthesis of traces of the gratia fidei in the anti-Pelagian sermones. For the sake of a clear presentation, the anti-Pelagian sermones are divided into early anti-Pelagian (before 416/417) and late anti-Pelagian (from 416/417). The chronologies of É. Rebillard and R. Gyrson are consulted for dating these sermons, taking into account possible redatings by P.-M. Hombert. 59 • Traces before 416/417 Sermo 174 (411-413) 60 introduces the subject of faith within the context of God's priority (Rom. 8, 30). Man does not corne to the one who will cleanse him of sin, if first God has not seen that man is in sin. Vt uideremus, uisi sumus; ut diligeremus, dilecti sumus. 61 Augustine applies this principle of God's priority to Zacchaeus. Christ had already welcomed Zacchaeus in Zacchaeus' heart. ~ext, Zacchaeus could receive him in bis bouse. Christ was already in Zacchaeus' heart. It was Christ Himself speaking to Himself the words coming from Zacchaeus' mouth. Christ lives through faith in the heart of those who believe. Augustine quotes here Eph. 3, 17: habitare Christum per {idem in cordibus uestris. 62 Christ thus already lives in the heart of Zacchaeus. The question is whether this prior residing points towards the fact that belief in Christ bas been given to Zacchaeus, or whether this belief is actually Zacchaeus' own

56

57 58 59

60 61

62

praed. sanct. praed. sanct. praed. sanct. Cf. footnote

16. 7. 8. 1 REBILLARD: 411-413, GRYSON: 413, s. 174, 4 [PL 38, col. 942, 1. 55]. s. 174, 5 [PL 38, col. 943, 1. 14].

HoMBERT:

411-413.

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response to that inhabiting. Augustine says about Zacchaeus: Qui magnum et ineffab ile beneficium putabat, transeuntem uidere, subito meruit in domo habere. Infunditur gratia, operatur {ides per dilectionem; suscipitur Christus in domum, qui iam habitabat in corde. 63 That Zacchaeus receives grace is evident, but whether this is also the case with his belief is less clear. Has faith been given to him, or is it his own initiative? The general tone of the sermo denies any human merit and underlines that infants are brought to baptism by the faith of others. Perhaps the answer lies somewhere in between, by distinguishing different moments in faith. In the first movement Christ puts faith in Him in the heart of man. This is Christ's initiative. Next, man must, following here the example of Zacchaeus, assent of his own free will to this prior given faith. This is the human initiative following upon the divine initiative. In sermones 290 and 293 Augustine preaches on the antithesis between the faith of Mary 64 and the doubts of Zachariah, the father of John. Sermo 290 (for the feast of John the Baptist (24th of June) in the period 412-416) 65 points to the difference between the reactions of Zachariah and Mary to the angel's promise that they will each have a child. Zachariah inquired about the way in which and the means through which this would happen, and this he did from disbelief. He and his wife were already old. For this disbelief he was punished with muteness (Luc. 1, 20). 66 Mary asks the same question (Luc. 1, 18), but with her it was not like Zachariah a question coming from disbelief, but merely a request for more information. Mary did not doubt the promise, she had no lack of hope. 67 Augustine exclaims: 0 uere gratia plena (cf. Luc. 1, 28). 68 Quis hanc explicet gratiam? Quis huic gratiae gratias agenda sufficiat? 69 What exactly the gratia-status of Mary's faith is, Augustine does not explain. s. 174, 5 [PL 38, col. 943, li. 4-5]. A prevalent theme within the sermones is the opposition between the conception of man and that of Christ. Man is born from the concupiscentia and the sexual act of the parents. Christ on the contrary is born from the faith of Mary, a virgin. Cf. in the corpus of anti-Pelagian sermones: s. 72A, 7; 152, 8; 153, 14; 214, 6. 65 REBILLARD: 24/06/412-416, GRYSON: 24/06/412-416, HOMBERT: -. 66 s. 290, 4. 67 S. 290, 5. 68 s. 290, 5 [PL 38, col. 1315, 1. 2]. 69 s. 290, 5 [PL 38, col. 1315, 1. 4]. 63 64

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The continuation of the sermo can point in a certain direction. On the basis of Mary's words in Luc. 1, 53 Augustine draws a distinction between from the one hand humiles and indigentes (the hungry from Luc. 1, 53) and from the other hand the superbi and inflati (the rich from Luc. 1, 53). Here Augustine draws a parallel with the contrast between the Pharisee (full of superbia and not of iustitia, Luc. 18, 10-12) and the publican (who humbly confesses his own sinfulness, Luc. 18, 13) in the temple. 70 This comparison is explicitly worked out in an anti-Pelagian way at the end of the sermon. Those who call themselves rich, pride themselves and say: si uolo, iustus sum; si nolo, iustus non sum. 71 The Pharisees, the rich, think that - although they receive from God caro, sensus, anima, mens and intelligentia - the iustitia is their own, that they can decide for themselves, that it is within their potestas to be iustus. Augustine replies that this is completely wrong and ends with the call to the rich man based on 1 Cor. 4, 7, to thank the Lord at least for what he, the rich man, claims to possess, namely caro, sensus, anima, mens and intelligentia. On the same feast of John the Baptist, 24th of June, in the year 413 Augustine uses in sermo 293 72 the same contrast between Mary and Zachariah. Mary and Zachariah give almost the same response to the angel, yet with a different intention in their heart. Zachariah asks the question (Luc. 1, 18) from disbelief, Mary on the other hand, from belief (Luc. 1, 34). God penetrates the thoughts hidden in both replies. Because of his disbelief Zachariah is struck with dumbness. 73 Mary however believed, Fit 7o S.

290, 6. s. 290, 7 [PL 38, col. 1316, 1. 3]. 72 REBILLARD: 24/06/413, GRYSON: 24/06/413, HoMBERT: 24/06/413. See the study of this sermon in the context of infant baptism: A. DUPONT, "Gratia in Augustine's Anti-Pelagian Sermones ad populum. The Case Study of Sermo 294: Discussion on the Baptismus Paruulorum", in Patristic Sermons and Theology. Proceedings of a Conference Held ai the University of Erfurt, ed. by J. LEEMANS, Leiden, 2009 (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae), forthcoming. The heteronymous nature of faith is a part of Augustine's plea for baptismus paruulorum. Infantes, burdened with the illness of another, are saved by the faith of another. This is the faith according to the tradition of the Church, transmitted by the ancestors. One should not deviate from this faith. s. 176, 2 (412-414). Hoc ecclesia semper habuit, semper tenuit: hoc a maiorem {ide percepit; hoc usque in finem perseueranter custodit [PL 38, col. 950, 1. 48]. 73 s. 137, 3 (rather 412-416): Jesus saw the faith of Peter in his confession (Ioh. 21, 15-17). 71

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prius aduentus fidei in cor uzrgzms, et sequitur fecunditas in utero matris. 74 However, this wording does not make clear whether Mary's belief is her own doing, or whether it has been given to her. The theme of the conversion of Saul to Paul regularly crops up in Augustine's sermones. 75 In sermo 299 (29/06/413)7 6 Augustine emphasises that God rewards Paul for the gifts - the waged good war, the completed race, the kept faith - which God Himself has given to Paul. Paul returns to God what he already has received from God - Augustine quotes here I Cor. 4, 7. 77 Saul - the persecutor - does not deserve his conversion. It was granted to him not because of his merits, but gratuitously from God's misericordia. This happened so that Paul could be seen as a paragon for all who will believe in Christ: that no one should ever despair of seeking forgiveness when even Saul was granted forgiveness. 78 This anti-Pelagian sermon deals with more than the topic of {ides. This theme is however present in a twofold manner: (1) in ilium fidei and (2) the perseuerantia - without these technical terms having been used - are both gratia gifts. (1) Saul definitely did not deserve his conversion and his faith. This was given to him completely without his merit and gratuitously. (2) In addition, keeping his belief is also not his own doing, but a gift from God. Augustine's concluding exhortation points on the one hand to an active component of man in this perseuerantia. He asks the faithful to hold on to their belief, stand firm against those who question the stability of the faith. About the group, patently obvions as the 'Pelagians', and who increase in number according to Augustine, he says: sed non uincant patientiam nostram: nec tamen euertant {idem nostram. 79 The faithful are in this sense themselves responsible for the righteousness of their belief and 74

s. 293, 1 [PL 38, col. 1327, Il. 37-39].

For the theme of the conversion of Saul to Paul, see A. DuPONT, "Imitatio Christi, Imitatio Stephani. Augustine's Thinking on Martyrdom based on his Sermons on the Protomartyr Stephen'', Augustiniana, 56/1-2 (2006), pp. 29-61, also for further primary and secondary literature. 76 Traditionally, this sermo is situated on June 29, 418. P.-M. Hombert argues convincingly - based on elements of content, clear links with the (anti-Pelagian) writings of that period and the manuscript tradition - in favour of June 29, 418. P.-M. HoMBERT, Nouvelles recherches, pp. 387-398. 77 S. 299, 3; S. 299, 5. 78 S. 299, 6. 79 s. 299, 12 [PL 38, col. 1376, 1. 24]. 75

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have to defend themselves: aduersus nouitates disputationum, humanarum utique, non diuinarum. 80 With this, on the other band, Augustine refers again to the divine character of belief. Sermo 115 (412-413) 81 combines {ides and oratio. Prayer without belief is pointless. Si {ides deficit, oratio perit. 82 Belief is the fons orationis. In order to pray, man has to believe. Belief results in prayer. Prayer results in a firm belief. A perfect belief, however, cannot be found here on earth, not even among the apostles. The apostles ask the Lord to increase their faith (Luc. 17, 5), just as the man in Marc. 9, 24 who professed to believe and at the same time asked the Lord to help him overcome his unbelief. 83 Here, in bis typical anti-Pelagian polemic, Augustine wants to stress the humility of the true believers (in contrast with the 'proud' Pelagians). 84 This points to the aspect of grace in belief. This belief, though, is also a task for man, for he must pray, pray that God will help bis faith - a prayer which rests on faith. Sermo 143, 4 (410-412) 85 cites Hab. 2, 4 (Rom. 1, 17; Gal. 3, 11) iustus ex {ide uiuit, without making clear exactly how Augustine understands this verse. In sermo 363, 2 (412-416) 86 Augustine combines this pericope with the verse Rom. 4, 5: credendo in eum qui iustificat impium, ut deputetur {ides eius ad iustitiam. Based on this Augustine says about God's people (the fideles, baptised ones): per {idem iustificati sunt [... ], sed gubernasti iustitia tua populum tuum, non praesumentem de iustitia sua, sed ex {ide uiuentem sub gratia tua: populum tuum hune, quem liberasti. 87 In other words, Augustine is careful not to give the impression that man deserves iustitia through faith. I ustitia and {ides, as is evident from Rom. 1, 17 and Rom. 4, 5, are bound closely together. Iustitia, however, does not corne from man, but is the result of grace. In brief, this also applies s. 299, 12 [PL 38, col. 1376, 1. 25]. 413, GRYSON: 412/413?, HoMBERT: -. 82 s. 115, 1 [PL 38, col. 655, 1. 19]. 83 S. 115, 1. 84 For this reason Augustine introduces the opposition between the humble publican's way of praying and the prideful way of the Pharisee (Luc. 18, 9-13). See here also sermo 290, 6-7. 85 REBILLARD: 410-412, GRYSON: 410-412, HOMBERT: -. 86 REBILLARD: Easter Vigil? 412-416, GRYSON: Probably Easter Vigil 414, 80

81 REBILLARD:

HOMBERT: -.

87

s. 363, 2 [PL 39, col. 1637, 1. 14].

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to {ides. Within the anti-Pelagian sermons, Rom. 4, 5 appears only once more: in sermo 160, 7 (415-416). 88 Romans 4, 5 and Rom. 10, 4 link iustitia and {ides together. However, Augustine points out forcefully that this iustitia is the work of God and not that of man. With these 'early' anti-Pelagian sermones it can be concluded that the topic of gratia fidei bas not yet been explicitly, thematically dealt with. In contexts in which {ides bas corne up, the emphasis is mainly on the aspect of gratia in human life, without immediately elucidating its tie with {ides. Augustine approaches the topic of the priority of God. He does not yet indicate, in a more technical terminology, that the initium and perseuerantia fidei are given by God, in reciprocity with man who responds to divine initiative, prays, and perseveres. That true belief is in essence connected to caritas, one can find rather early as well as rather late in the anti-Pelagian sermones. Sermo 145 (412-415) states that God has given caritas to man by bis believing in Scripture. 89 Man did not give this caritas to himself: the Holy Spirit did this (Rom. 5, 5). 90 In sermo 71 (417/419-420) Augustine explains that when Christ says in Marc. 16, 16 that all those who believe and are baptised will be saved, Christ does not mean with this all believers and baptised people, but only those who believe through love (Gal. 5, 6). 91 In the same sermon Augustine further declares: primum ergo in nos, ad accipiendam uitam aeternam, quae in nouissimo dabitur, de bonitate Dei munus uenit ab initio fidei, remissio peccatorum. 92 The remissio peccatorum cornes, in other words, as a gift from God's goodness and stems from the initium fidei. However, whether this initium fidei cornes also as a gift from God, Augustine does not make clear. Traces {rom 416/417 onward In this volume sermo 168 bas been discussed by J. Yates. I will briefly mention a few of its most important aims with regard to

397, GRYSON: 415-416, HoMBERT: 415-416. s. 145, 4: Credendo de scripturis Deus tibi dedit caritatem, magnum bonum, caritatem omnia superantem [PL 38, col. 793, 1. 53]. 9o S. 145, 4. 91 S. 71, 16. 92 S. 71, 19 [RB 75, p. 833, 1. 90]. 88 REBILLARD: 89

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{ides. Sermo 168, delivered around 416 93 - in the same period as sermo 144 - can be summarised as follows: Verum dicis: tu credidisti, sed non tibi tu {idem dedisti. Vnde autem credidisti, nisi ex {ide? Fides in te donum Dei est. 94 In this sermon, Augustine does not so much place {ides in the domain of man, but in the domain of God, and he does this based on three themes: the faith of Abraham, the conversion of Paul and prayer. Augustine indirectly points out at the beginning of bis sermon that the fullness of Abraham's faith exists in attributing everything to God. Abraham believes that God bas the power to fulfil bis promises. Augustine continues by stating that we are the children of Abraham's promise (Gal. 4, 28), of Abraham's faith. We are this because God keeps bis promise - a human being cannot himself keep promises without God - and because this belief bas been given to us. 95 The good and Christian faith works per dilectionem (Gal. 5, 6), distinguished from the faith of demons (lac. 2, 19; Marc. 1, 24; 3, 11), who believe out of fear. Like the demons, Peter also acknowledges Christ to be the Son of God. Peter professes this belief not out of fear, but out of love (Matth. 16, 16-17). Belief with love and love with belief lead to true pax, without pestis and without hostis, a peace that is the ultimate goal of all good desideria. 96 Precisely this peace, this faith and this love corne entirely from God. All good things corne from God. Augustine argues this with the Scriptural quotations from 1 Cor. 1, 31; 4, 7; Eph. 6, 23. Augustine concludes that man has received everything. Furthermore, the perfect faith believes that all good things corne from God, that even faith itself cornes from God. Quae est {ides plena et perfecta? Quae credit ex Deo esse omnia bona nostra, et ipsam {idem. 97 This is exactly the perfect faith of Abraham. 98 For Augustine, Saul's conversion into Paul is a paradigmatic example of faith as a matter of grace. Saul was unbelieving, he per-

before 416, GRYSON: near 416, 1 [PL 38, col. 911, 1. 50]. 1. 2. 3 [PL 38, col. 913, 1. 4]. 3.

93 REBILLARD: just 94 95

96 97

98

s. 168, s. 168, S. 168, s. 168, S. 168,

HoMBERT: -.

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secuted Christians. 99 He possessed only merita damnationis, he did not have merita liberationis. Yet, he received misericordia. God himself decides to grant misericordia to such an evil man, God himself says: hoc uolo. 100 Granting misericordia, in other words thus the saving belief, depends entirely on God's act of will. Paul received from God that for which he would deserve to be crowned. 101 Paul's work is, in other words, meritorious, but even this merit he received from God. 102 Augustine connects the theme of faith as gift of Gad with the theme of prayer. To pray in faith, one must have faith, since it is faith that prays. Man cannot pray in faith if he has not first received this faith. One does not merely pray for perseverance (perseuerare) in the good one already has, and for the addition of the good that one does not yet have as if faith, with which this is being asked, cornes first and is given to God by man. This belief, which directs the prayer to God, is also a gift from God. Faith as well as prayer is given to man by God. The faith, with which man prays to God and which man thereby offers to God, man has first received from God. Referring to 1 Cor. 4, 7 Augustine concludes: ergo de Dei [sic] das Deo: ex eo quod tibi dedit, a te accipit. 103 Augustine ends his sermon in this vein: with a pastoral exercise to make the faithful realise that faith itself is a gift. Ergo, fratres mei, ut noueritis etiam {idem a Domino Deo esse nabis, orale pro illis qui nondum crediderunt. 104 This allows Augustine to conclude that, because faith is a donum Dei, humility should be exercised. Nemo se extollat, nemo sibi arroget, quasi sibi aliquid dederit. Qui gloriatur, in Domino glorietur [I Cor. 1, 31 ]. 105 Sermo 163A, 3 (after 416) 106 , a very short sermon on the need for God's grace in the battle against concupiscentia carnis, quotes Gal. 5, 22-23: Fructus enim spiritus gaudium est, pax, longanimitas, benig99 s. 168, 3. Augustine describes in a very explicit way Saul's bloodthirsty role in the stoning of Stephan. See also A. DuPONT, "Imitatio Christi, Imitatio Stephani". lOO S. 168, 4. lOl S. 168, 7. l02 S. 168, 7. 103 s. 168, 5 [PL 38, col. 914, 1. 9]. 104 s. 168, 8 [PL 38, col. 915, 1. 13]. 105 s. 168, 8 [PL 38, col. 915, 11. 23-24]. 106 REBILLARD: after 416, GRYSON: after 416, HoMBERT: -.

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nitas, bonitas, {ides, mansuetudo, continentia. 107 On the one hand, spiritus can refer here to the battle of the spirit against the flesh, a battle which man must undergo, but is not able to take on without God's aid. On the other hand spiritus can point to the fruits of the Holy Spirit, given by God. The theme of (infant) baptism returns also in the 'later' sermons 181 and 260D. Sermo 181 (416/417) 108 states that the believer cornes to faith through the bath of rebirth. All sins are forgiven through baptism. Now, the believer lives under grace, in faith, and has become a member of Christ, a temple of God. 109 Baptism makes man a believer, but not a iustus, someone without sin. 110 In sermo 260D (416/417) 111 Augustine explains that baptised infants are called believers. 112 Infants have no personal share in their baptism as confirmation of their belief. Older catechumens, however, do. Augustine says to the newly baptised in sermo 260D: "You are called believers, live then also piously." Therefore Augustine asks them to follow the example of good Christians, and not of drunkards, adulterers, liars who call themselves believers. 113 Sermo 165, 2 (417) 114 discusses the role of the human will in the act of faith. Paul asks God for strength in Eph. 3, 13. According to Augustine, in Eph. 3, 13-16 Paul indicates that in order to receive gratia diuinae bonitatis, man must open uoluntas, so that God, 163A, 3 [MA 1, p. 626, 1. 13]. REBILLARD: 416-417, GRYSON: near 416, HOMBERT: -. 109 s. 181, 1: Sed accessit per {idem ad lauacrum regenerationis homo fidelis, et omnia dimissa sunt ei; iam sub gratia uiuit, in {ide uiuit, membrum Christi factus est, templum Dei factus est: [... ] [PL 38, col. 979, 1. 52]. l10 S. 181, 1-2. 111 REBILLARD: Sunday after Easter after 412, GRYSON: Sunday after Easter 416-417, HoMBERT: -. 112 s. 260D, 2: Vos christiani estis, baptizati estis, fideles estis, membru ecclesiae estis, et habetis maculas et rugas? [PL 38, col. 980, 1. 53]. S. 181, 8 explains that Christians with good faith do not commit deadly sins, but only daily sins that can be erased by daily prayer. See also the early s. 294 (27th of June 413, feast of martyr Guddens: REBILLARD: 27/06/413, GRYSON: 27/06/413, HoMBERT: 27/ 06/413). s. 294, 14: Nam ideo et consuetudine ecclesiae antiqua, canonica, fundatissima, paruuli baptizati fideles uocantur [PL 38, col. 1343, 1. 4 7]. s. 294, 17 : Jam superius disputaui, credit in altero, qui peccauit in altero: dicitur, credit; et ualet, et inter fideles baptizatos computatur [PL 38, col. 1346, 1. 27]. 113 s. 260D, 2. 114 REBILLARD: near 417, GRYSON: 417, HoMBERT: -. 107 S. 108

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through bis Spirit, will strengthen man with uirtus. This strengthening happens according to Eph. 3, 16c-18: in interiore homine habitare Christum per {idem in cordibus uestris [... ] atque ita in charitate radicati et fundati ut possitis comprehendere cum omnibus sanctis [... ] quae sil latitudo, longitudo, altitudo et profundum. 115 Whether this {ides of Eph. 3, 17 belongs to the gratia to be received from and for God, or to the man's preparation of the uoluntas, Augustine does not make explicit. He does, however, state in the continuation of bis sermon that comprehendere of Eph. 3, 18 refers to the insight into the four dimensions (width, length, height, depth) of the cross given to man. 116 Sermo 131, delivered on Sunday the 23rct of September 417 at Carthage 117 , against the inimici gratiae Christi 118 , claims that belief is gratia: [... ] ipsum credere doni esse, non meriti [... ]. 119 Augustine substantiates this position with lob. 6, 65 (nemo uenit ad me, nisi cui datum fuerit a Paire meo) and lob. 6, 44 (nemo uenit ad me, nisi Pater, qui misit me, traxerit eum). The Father does not bring (ducere) man to Him, but draws (trahere) man. 120 This uiolentia cornes to the heart, not to the flesh. This is not a bard or painful uiolentia, but in contrast dulcis, suauis. It is this suauitas which draws man. Also a sheep is drawn by grass when hungry. A sheep is not physically (corpore) forced, but drawn by a craving (desiderio}. 121 On the one band, faith is a task. Augustine calls on bis audience to believe in the crucified one, to withstand the stormy winds and waves of this 115 s. 116 S.

165, 2 [PL 38, col. 903, 11. 38-43]. 165, 3-5. 117 REBILLARD: 23/09/417, GRvsoN: 23/09/417, HoMBERT: -. 118 S. 131, 9. 119 s. 131, 2 [PL 38, col. 730, 1. 8]. 120 "After 396 Augustine held that one cornes to faith because one is called (Simpl. 1.2.10). While belief is voluntary (spir. et litt. 30.52-32.56), it is based on calling or suasion by the one who is believed (34.60)." Augustine supports this with loh. 6, 44: nemo uenit ad me, nisi Pater, qui misit me, traxerit eum. This is not a drawing forth that implies necessitas/obligatio, but happens through uoluptas/delectatio arousing a voluntary consent (Io. eu. tr. 26, 3). E. TESELLE, "Faith'', p. 349. 121 s. 131, 2: Isla uiolentia cordi fit, non carni. Quid ergo miraris? Crede, et uenis; ama, et traheris. Ne arbitreris islam asperam molestamque uiolentiam: dulcis est, suauis est; ipsa suauitas te trahit. Nonne ouïs trahitur cui esurienti herba monstratur? Et puto quia non corpore impellitur, sed desiderio colligatur [Auga 54 (2004) p. 67/29] [PL 38, col. 730, 1. 8].

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life's ordeals and enticements. Augustine asks to believe in Christ, because: ubi credis, ibi uenis. 122 On the other hand belief is grace. For the cross assures us that man does not sink. Augustine also emphasises that whoever does not accept the ship of faith has only himself to blame. Those who do accept must not attribute this to themselves (arrogere). Here, Augustine refers back to Ioh. 6, 66. In other words, belief must be given according to Augustine. This understanding should inspire one to humility and gratitude. 123 In the remainder of the sermon Augustine underlines that man has received iustitia from God as gratia, that God is at work in man. Sermo 158 (around 418)1 24 , devoted to the explanation of Rom. 8, 30-31, emphatically posits that belief is a gift from God which precedes human initiative. God does not call man because man honours Him. No, man honours God because God has called him. 125 When man turned away from God, God called man. While man was a sinner, man became justified by God. 126 On the basis of Hab. 2, 4 (Rom. 1, 17; Gal. 3, 11) in sermo 158, 4, as in sermo 143, 4, iustitia and {ides are connected with each other. Fides is given to man. Christians already have some iustitia - namely by believing what they cannot see (Ioh. 20, 27-29) - but that iustitia still has to grow by receiving the Holy Spirit and by making daily progress. 127 Here it does not concern the {ides of demons (lac. 2, 19) - {ides out of fear - but the {ides of Peter (Matth. 16, 16-17) in which hope and love are present, and therefore a belief that works through love (Gal. 5, 6). 128 Belief and hope disappear when they have reached their goal, namely to see God. 129 In this context Augustine quotes Eph. 3, 17 to underline that Christ is present in the human heart through faith. 130 Belief is in other words God's initiative, which man has to answer in the right way, and in this answer of faith he

122 s. 123 S. 124 125

126 127

12s

131, 2 [Auga 54 (2004) p. 67/36] [PL 38, col. 730, 1. 20]. 131, 3. REBILLARD: not before 418, GRYSON: near 418, HoMBERT: -. S. 158, 3. S. 158, 1; 3; 4. S. 158, 5. s. 158, 6. Cf. s. 168, 2 for the oppostion of the demons' {ides to Peter's

{ides. 129 S. l30 S.

158, 7; 8. 158, 8.

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is helped by the Holy Spirit. Sermo 260D, 1 (416/417) 131 quotes Hab. 2, 4 (Rom. 1, 17; Gal. 3, 11): iustus ex {ide uiuit. This Augustine does to establish the identification between believing and being just. The saints are all faithful and are - on the basis of this pericope - all iusti. This biblical verse occurs late (s. 26, 5; 158, 4; 260D, 1) as well as early (s. 143, 4; 363, 2) in the anti-Pelagian sermones, and it connects iustitia with {ides. Apart from its rather vague use in the early sermo 143, this verse is used by Augustine in sermo 363 and also in later writings, to indicate that {ides, just like iustitia, is given to man and is not earned by man. Here, we can conclude that Augustine regards the relationship between iustitia and {ides as an expression of the gratia-aspect of f ides based on this pericope. The theme of belief, and the connection with iustitia, is treated at length within the opposition between law/works and belief, a theme that surfaces particularly in the sermones. In sermones 270 (416) 132 and 272B (417) 133 , two Pentecost sermons with an antiPelagian interpretation, the theme that the law is fulfilled by belief is at the forefront. This belief is considered in parallel with grace, the gift of the Holy Spirit, the caritas given by God. 134 Sermo 152 (417/418) 135 is an explanation of Rom. 7, 25 - 8, 3. Augustine distinguishes three different kinds of law within Paul: the law of sin and death, the Mosaic law, and the law of the Spirit of life (Rom. 8, 2). This last one is the law of misericordia, of belief and not of deeds. This law liberates man from the law of sin and death, it is the law of grace. The Mosaic law cannot accomplish this, since it only shows the sin but does not take it away. 136

131

Cf. supra. REBILLARD: Pentecost 416?, GRYSON: Pentecost 416, HoMBERT: -. 133 REBILLARD: Pentecost, 10/06/417, GRYSON: Pentecost near 413/415, HoMBERT:-. 134 s. 270, 3-4; 6-7; s. 272B, 3; 7. 135 REBILLARD: October 417, GRYSON: May 418, HoMBERT: -, PARTOENS/ LôssL: late September-early October 417 or May 418. 136 s. 152, 5: Lex misericordiae, lex fidei, non factorum [CCSL 41Ba p. 38, 11. 104-105] [PL 38, col. 822, 1. 6]; s. 152, 7: Ac per hoc lex illa, de qua dictum est: Lex enim spiritus uitae liberauit te a lege peccati et mortis [Rom. 8, 2], lex est fidei, lex est Spiritus, lex est gratiae, lex est misericordiae [CCSL 41Ba, p. 40, 11. 150-152] [PL 38, col. 823, 1. 7]. 132

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In sermo 156 (417/418) 137 Augustine draws attention to the fact that Paul makes clear to the pagans that belief gives the assistance needed to fulfil the law. Without belief the law cannot be fulfilled, this is contrary to the Jews who believe that the law and one's own uires are sufficient to direct the liberum arbitrium and to be able to arrive at iustitia. God gives iustitia to omnes credentes (Rom. 10, 3-4). However, Augustine does not clarify what the relation is between {ides and liberum arbitrium, what the human share is in {ides and in that iustitia which belief obtains (impetrare), and whether this {ides, which assists in fulfilling the law and begs for help, is earned or given. 138 Augustine answers this partially in the continuation of his sermon, in which he describes the right belief - the belief of the faithful and not of the demons. Belief can only work well through love (cf. Gal. 5, 6), and this love is given to man through the Holy Spirit (Rom. 5, 5): it is a donum Dei. 139 Augustine preaches similarly in sermo 163 (24th of September 417) 140 , with the emphasis on the contrast between belief and law. Whoever wants to escape from the threats of the law - Augustine refers here to the law of sin - must seek refuge in the assistance of the Holy Spirit. Quod enim lex imperat, {ides impetrat. 141 In this ser137 REBILLARD: October 417, GRYSON: May 418, HoMBERT: -, PARTOENs/ LôssL: 17/10/417 or May 418. l38 s. 156, 4: Commendat autem hoc assidue commendans {idem gentibus, qua {ide impetrent adiutorium et impleant legem: non per legem, sed uires implendi impetrantes per {idem. Ad hoc assidue dicit et commendat ista apostolus propter Iudaeos, qui de lege gloriabantur et libero arbitrio suo legem sufficere arbitrabantur. Ac per hoc quia libero arbitrio suo legem sufficere arbitrabantur ignorantes Dei iustitiam - id est ex {ide iustitiam a Deo datam - et suam uolentes constituere - quasi suis uiribus impletam, non clamante {ide impetratam - iustitiae Dei, sicut dicit, non sunt subiecti. Finis enim legis Christus, ait, ad iustitiam omni credenti [Rom. 10, 3-4]. [CCSL 41Ba, p. 141, 11. 98-108] [PL 38, col. 851, 1. 50]. 139 s. 156, 5. 5: [... ]quia {ides bene operari non potest nisi per dilectionem. Ipsa est enim fidelium {ides, ne sil daemonum {ides - quia et daemones credunt, et contremiscunt [lac. 2, 29]. Illa est ergo laudabilis {ides, ipsa est uera gratiae fides quae per dilectionem operatur [Gal. 5, 6]. VI autem habeamus dilectionem et ex ea possimus habere bonam operationem, numquid eam nobis nos dare possumus, cum scriptum sil, Caritas Dei diffusa est in cordibus nostris per Spiritum Sanctum qui datus est nobis [Rom. 5, 5]. Caritas usque adeo donum est Dei, [... ] [CCSL 41Ba p. 143, 11. 139-147] [PL 38, col. 853, 1. 3]. 140 REBILLARD: 417, GRYSON: 24/09 not before 417, HoMBERT: -, PARTOENS/ LôSSL: 24/09/417. 141 s. 163, 11 [RBen 115 (2005), p. 284/245] [PL 38, col. 894, 1. 39].

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mon Augustine emphasises the need for God's help. At the same time, Augustine states on the basis of Gal. 3, 22 that Christ's promise of grace is given ex {ide to the credenti. Grace is given (1 Cor. 4, 7), not earned. Whether this {ides is a gift of grace Augustine does not make clear. 142 At other times Augustine emphasises the unity between the Mosaic law, which is neither bad nor good, and belief. He does this for instance in sermo 169 (416-424). 143 The law is good; but he who believes in God will not pursue his own justice, but he will fulfil the law with the justice received from God. For the fullness of the law is caritas and that caritas is given through the Holy Spirit (Rom. 5, 5). 144 Despite the goodness of this law, Augustine explicitly declares that iustificatio does not corne from man, but is entirely God's grace. 145 Augustine quotes here Eph. 2, 8-9: Gratia salui facti estis per {idem; et hoc non ex uobis, sed Dei donum est: non ex operibus. 146 A familiar refrain in this Sermo, which is a discussion of Phil. 3, 316, is that man did not base iustitia on the law of his own accord, but through faith in Christ (iustita per {idem Christi, in {ide, ex {ide Christi), a justice coming from God (ex Deo). 147 Also {ides cornes therefore from God and not from man. This iustitia is not forced on man against his will - man must consent, but God does the iustificatio. 148 According to Augustine, as a result of Phil. 3, 12-13 the apostle testifies that he also received his belief, power, hope, and love from God. 149

142

S. 163, 11. 143 REBILLARD: 416, GRYSON: September 416, HoMBERT: -, PARTOENS: 416424. Cf. Partoens's contribution on the date of s. 169 in this volume. 144 S. 169, 10. 145 S. 169, 2; 3

146 s. 169, 3 [PL 38, col. 916, 1. 55]. 147 Phil. 3, 9: s. 169, 7; 10; 12; 13; 16. Sermo 170 (REBILLARD: from 417, GRYSON: end 417, cf. Partoens's contribution on the date of s. 169 in this volume) discusses the same pericope and explains that iustitia is not based on the law, but on the faith in Christ and that this iustitia is given by God to man (s. 170, 1; 8). 148 S. 169, 13. 149 s. 169, 16: Quid est quod nondum acceperat? Fidem habebat, uirtutem habebat, spem habebat, charitate flagrabat, uirtutes operabatur, inuictissime praedicabat, omnes persecutiones tolerabat, in omnibus patiens, amans ecclesiam, sollicitudinem omnium ecclesiarum corde gestans: quid nondum acceperat? [PL 38, col. 924, 1. 56].

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Sermo 26 (417) 150 , with the overtly anti-Pelagian position that the grace of creation is not sufficient to be saved but that also grace from Christ is needed, deals with {ides in this particular gratia context. Nouimus enim, quia ita legimus et ita credidimus, quod fecit Deus hominem, inter mulla quae fecit, ad imaginem suam. 151 God, and not man, bas created man. The believers themselves have also been created by God. Man being just, and also being faithful (where Hab. 2, 4 (Rom. 1, 17; Gal. 3, 11) connects iustitia to {ides), cornes from God and not from man. 152 Christians and pagans share natural grace. The higher grace, however, is the grace through which Christians are Christian. 153 According to Paul the law does not justify. Christ bas died to justify through faith those who are not justified by the law. 154 Augustine does two things with {ides in sermo 26. Firstly, he puts justification and belief parallel to each other. Secondly, he emphasises that both are the result of God's grace. The central theme of the sermon is that man bas not earned grace, that man was undeservedly created and saved. Natura, iustitia and {ides are gratia. 155 With Eph. 2, 8 Augustine identifies the aspect of grace within {ides: Nemo illi prior aliquid dedit, nemo exigat debitum. Gratia salui facti estis per fidem, et hoc non ex uobis, Dei donum est. 156 Augustine also reiterates this emphatically at the end of bis Sermo:

18/11/397-401, GRYSON: 25/09/417, HOMBERT: -, LA BONNARTuesday 25/09/417, LôssL: (Thursday 18?) 10/417 151 S. 26, 1 [CCSL 41, p. 348, 1. 12]. 152 s. 26, 5: Fideles sumus - si tamen sumus quando ista contra gratiam disputamus - sed ecce fideles sumus. Etiam fideles, etiam iustos, quia iustus ex {ide uiuit, ipse fecit nos, et non ipsi nos [CCSL 41 p. 351, li. 97-98]. 153 s. 26, 5: Excepta ergo illa gratia, qua condita est humana natura - haec enim christianis paganisque communis est - haec est maior gratia, non quod per uerbum homines creati sumus, sed quod per uerbum carnem factum fideles facti sumus [CCSL 41, p. 351, 1. 122]. Cf. s. 26, 9: Videte tamen, fratres mei, quomodo illam generalem gratiam praedicent, qua creatus est homo, qua homines sumus. Et utique et cum impiis homines sumus, sed non cum impiis christiani sumus. Hanc ergo gratiam qua christiani sumus, ipsam uolumus praedicent, ipsam uolumus agnoscant, ipsam uolumus, de qua dicit apostolus: non irritam facio gratiam Dei [CCSL 41, p. 353, li. 170-171]. 154 S. 26, 9. 155 S. 26, 12-15. 156 S. 26, 14 [CCSL 41, p. 358, 1. 309]. 150 REBILLARD:

DIÈRE:

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Nihil ergo nobis, fratres mei, ex eo quod aliquid sumus, si tamen in eius {ide aliquid sumus, quantumcumque sumus, nihil nobis arrogemus, ne et quod accepimus perdamus. 157 Augustine follows a threestep-reasoning: (1) We are what we are through God, through what we have received from God. (2) W e are what we are through faith, we are what we are through believing in Him. (3) This leads to the conclusion that belief is received. Two sermons point out the necessity of the orthodox content of {ides and credere. Sermo 214 (425/430) 158 is a sermon about transmitting the credo: christiana, catholica, apostolica {ides. 159 One bas to credere and confiteri the symbolum in order to be saved. The symbolum builds up the belief. 160 The symbolum must be believed, memorised and defended. 161 Belief in the omnipotence of God is belief in the creatio ex nihilo, that there is nothing which he bas not made. When listing the different levels in creation as a result of the first article of the Creed, Augustine remarks that all beings with a rationabilis mens (angels and man) can partake in the immutable truth. 162 The Church bears fruit and grows in this belief. 163 In short, on the one band, the right belief is a task and duty, on the other band, this belief is given to man. Sermo 183 (416-419) emphatically deals with the Christological import of bona {ides, recta {ides (as a result of I lob. 4, 2). 164 The right faith exists in avowing that Christ became flesh, in words as well as in deeds. 165 Bad Catholics - overly proud of their faith, overly self-confident - avow the Incarnation of Christ in words, but not in deeds. The faith of such people is like the faith of demons. Faith must emerge, not out of fear as with the demons,

26, 15 [CCSL 41, p. 358, 1. 324]. REBILLARD: two weeks before Easter 391 or after 412, GRvsoN: two weeks before Easter 425/430, HoMBERT: -. 159 S. 214, 12. 160 s. 214, 1. 161 S. 214, 2. 162 S. 214, 2. l63 S. 214, 11. 164 Jews, pagans, Manicheans (s. 183, 13), Arians (s. 183, 3-6), Eunomians (s. 183, 6), Sabellians (s. 183, 7), Photinians (s. 183, 8), Donatists (s. 183, 9-11) and Pelagians (s. 183, 12) are rebuked. 165 s. 183, 13: Adiungite fidei rectae uitam rectam, ut Christum confiteamini in carne uenisse, et uerbis uera dicendo, et factis bene uiuendo [PL 38, col. 993, 1. 9]. 157 S. 158

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but out of love, as with Peter. Based on lac. 2, 19 Augustine argues that faith in itself is not sufficient, good works are also needed. Peter came to bis profession in Matth. 16, 16 (out of love: ex amore), not from himself (de suo). 166 The pericope Matth. 16, 16-17 shows, according to Augustine, the difference between what Peter receives from God and what be bas from himself. Belief in Christ is given to Peter. But by contrast Peter's fear and anxiety for the death of Christ, the fact that Peter forgot that Christ had proclaimed that he would die and resurrect (quoting lob. 10, 18 and lob. 15, 13) (obliuio, trepidatio, horror, timor mortis), corne entirely from Peter himself. Augustine summarises his sermon: Sperate in Dominum, et uerae fidei bon a f acta coniungite. Confitemini Christum in carne uenisse, et credendo, et bene uiuendo, et utrumque ab illo acceptum tenete, ab illo augendum et perficiendum sperate. 167 The true belief in Christ's incarnation (and the accompanying praxis) is received from God, as also the growth and perfection of this belief are his work. Man must not place bis hope in man, and if man praises (gloriari), man should praise the Lord. In the closing prayer of the Sermo, Augustine asks bis congregation to pray that God will make their faith grow, lead human mind (mens), and give spiritales cogitationes. In short, in a sermon in which Augustine points out the human obligation to hold for Christological orthodoxy, Augustine emphasises that belief itself and growing in that belief are God's work. Concisely summarised, in the later sermons as well as in the early sermons, strong emphasis on God's grace within the human act of faith can be observed - such as initium and perseuerantia. The difference is that now Augustine explicitly deals with this topic thematically, and that he still guards himself against not neglecting human activity in explaining the essential gratia dimension of {ides. Yet, the general impression remains that within the sermones the grace's status is not entirely systematically worked out, and that no real sermo de gratia fidei contra pelagianos can be identified.

166 s. 183, 14. Matth. 16, 17: this insight is revealed to Peter, "not by flesh and blood", but by the Father. 167 s. 183, 14 [PL 38, col. 994, li. 24-25].

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c. Ioh. 16, 7-11 within Augustine's Writings Ioh. 16, 7-11 is not frequently discussed by Augustine. When it is, it is mainly within the genre of the sermons. To begin with, the pericope occurs in the sermons ad populum. Sermo 192, 3 deals with the Incarnation. 168 Augustine illustrates the Incarnation on the basis of Ps. 84 (85), 11 : iustitia de caelo prospexit. Augustine adds that this is the iustitia mentioned in Ioh. 16, 8-10. However, he does not talk about {ides. Sermo 71, 21 deals in general with the theological meaning of heresy and schism, and different dissenting movements are targeted: Jews, pagans, Arians, Photinians, Donatists, Eunomians, Macedonians, and Sabellians. 169 Augustine's reaction to proudly praising one's own merits 170 , and his emphasis on the merciful forgiveness of sins in baptism can be understood as an implicit anti-Pelagian reaction, even though the Pelagians are not specifically mentioned. In this sermon, Augustine asks himself why sinning against the Holy Spirit receives no forgiveness according to Christ in Ioh. 16, 8-9, while Matth. 12, 31 and Matth. 3, 28 emphatically state that any blasphemy will be forgiven. 171 Augustine clarifies that within the Church every sin is forgiven by God (the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit perform this together in the unity of actio). However, the sin against the Holy Spirit means having a cor impaenitens, leaving the Church, and disturbing the unity within the Church. Whoever stands outside the Church does not have the Holy Spirit and consequently cannot be forgiven. 172 Also here, Augustine docs not go into the gratia-status of {ides. This is also the case for the use of Ioh. 16, 7-11 in In Iohannis euangelium tractatus 69, 2 173 and 101, 1 174, where Augustine is inter-

168 REBILLARD:

25/12 after 411/412,

GRYSON:

Christmas, after 411/412,

HoM-

BERT: -.

71, 4-5. REBILLARD: 417?, GRYSON: 419-420, HOMBERT: 419-420. 71, 3. l7l S. 71, 24. 172 S. 71, 28; 33; 36-37. 173 Beginning 419: M. F. BERROUARD, "L'activité littéraire de saint Augustin du 11 septembre au 1•r décembre 419 d'après la lettre 23*A à Possidius de Calama", in Les lettres de saint Augustin découvertes par Johannes Divjak. Communications présentées au colloque des 20 et 21 septembre 1982, Paris, 1983 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 98), pp. 301-327. Homélies sur l'Évangile 169 S. 170 S.

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ested above all in the idea of Ioh. 16, 10: ad Patrem uado. In Iohannis euangelium tractatus 94, 6 ends with a short discussion of Ioh. 16, 8-11. 175 Augustine states that the only sin that exists is not believing in Christ, that iustitia concerns whether one sees or does not see Christ, and that the iudicium pertains to the devil, the prince of this world. Augustine closes his sermon, though, with the thought that this passage of Ioh. is obscure (latebrosum), and that he at the end of this Sermo, does not wish to make this passage even more obscure by dealing with it briefly. That is why Augustine includes this passage in his subsequent Tractatus. In Iohannis euangelium tractatus 95, 1-3 hints at a clear connection with sermo 144. 176 At the start of the tractate Augustine states that in Scripture there are many examples that Christ arguet the world, also in connection with the triptych peccatum, iustitia, and iudicium, such as, for instance, Ioh. 15, 22; Ioh. 17, 25; Matth. 25, 41 respectively. In these Scriptural quotations relating to Christ's arguere, peccatum refers to recognising Christ, iustitia to knowing the Pater iustus, iudicium to the eternal fire prepared for the devil and his angels. 177 The reason for attributing this arguere to the Spirit and not to Christ is not that Christ would only have spoken to the Jews and the Spirit to the whole world, since Christ has spoken via his apostles to the whole world. Augustine adds that being testes of Christ is de Saint Jean LV-LXXIX, Introd., transl. and not. by M.F. BERROUARD, Paris, 1993 (Œuvres de Saint Augustin, 74A), pp. 8-49. 174 BERROUARD: beginning 419. 175 BERROUARD: beginning 419. 176 BERROUARD: beginning 419. Homélies sur l'Évangile de Saint Jean LXXXCII, Introd., transl. and not. by M.-F. BERROUARD, Paris, 1993 (Œuvres de Saint Augustin, 74B), 1998, p. 261 (n. 17): "Au sermon 144, 2, 3; PL 38, 788, Augustin avait déjà soulevé la même question qui est posée dans son esprit par suite de la construction qui met en parallèle le péché et la justice comme motifs de la confusion et de la réfutation du monde par le Paraclet." 177 Io. eu. Ir. 95, 1: Numquidnam Dominus Christus non arguit mundum de peccato, cum ait: si non uenissem, et locutus eis fuissem, peccatum non haberent; nunc autem excusationem non habent de peccato suo [Ioh. 15, 22]? Sed ne quis forte dicat hoc ad I udaeos pro prie pertinere, non ad mundum, nonne ait alio loco: si de mundo essetis, mundus quod suum esset diligeret [Ioh. 15, 19]? Numquid non arguit de iustitia, ubi ait: Pater iuste, mundus te non cognouit [Ioh. 17, 25]? Numquid non arguit de iudicio, ubi se ait sinistris esse dicturum: ite in ignem aeternum, qui paratus est diabolo et angelis eius [Matth. 25, 41]? [CCSL 36, pp. 564-565, li. 3-12].

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precisely the arguere mundum. 178 It is actually the Spirit because the Spirit brings caritas into the heart of the believer (Rom. 5, 5) and expels fear (1 loh. 4, 18). Next, Augustine continues with the explanation of peccatum, iustitia and iudicium. The sin which epitomises all sins is that of unbelief in Christ. The world is confused (arguitur) through one's own sin and through other people's wrong conception of iustitia. On the basis of Rom. 1, 17 Augustine demonstrates the relationship between iustitia and {ides. To be righteous is to believe in what one cannot see and in the Christ who, after his Ascension, one can no longer see. 179 Augustine's description of iustitia receives an anti-Pelagian tint: whoever thinks himself to be without sin, and to be just uoluntate sufficiente, is not at all iustus, not recte uiuendo, but inflatus. 180 That the right {ides seems rather a task and an order is somewhat qualified by the aforementioned definition of iustitia and Augustine's remark that Peter's pronouncement that God has already spoken judgement on the sinful angels (II Petr. 2, 4) has been said in Spiritu Sancto. 181 Comparable to sermons 143 and 144, the iudicium here concerns imitating the devil, the prince of this world, notably by not believing. Enarratio in Psalmum 77, 14 deals, in a broader context, with Ps. 77, 17 and the lack of J ews' faith during their trek through the desert. 182 Sin existed in this unbelief (loh. 16, 9). Because of the desert in their mentes, they should have prayed with greater urgency for God to give them aequitas (in their mores) (as he previously gave them satietas in their f auces), but they failed to do so. 183 Whenever one asks something of God, one should do this 'in faith', and not to test God (tenture, detrahere) (lac. 1, 5-6). 184 Belief appears rather to be a human task. We read something similar in Enarratio in Psalmum 109, 8. 185 The enthronement of Christ at the right hand of God is hidden in order for man to believe it. Belief would not 178

95, 1. 95, 2-3. 180 95, 2. 181 95, 4. l82 Via ep. 169 this Enarratio can be dated as 415. H. MüLLER, Enarrationes in Psalmos, A. Philologische Aspekle, in AugLex 2, cols. 804-838, col. 829. 183 en. Ps. 77, 14. 184 en. Ps. 77, 15. 185 MüLLER: -. ZARB: Lent 412 (Hippo). SM. ZARB, Chronologia Enarrationum S. Auguslini in Psalmos, Valetta, 1948, pp. 189 and 231sq. 179

Io. Io. Io. Io.

eu. eu. eu. eu.

tr. Ir. tr. Ir.

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merit a reward if the object of belief was not hidden. The reward of belief is seeing what was believed before it was seen. That is why "the justification which cornes through belief", believing in what one cannot see and through the merit of one's belief, ultimately arrives at seeing. For Scripture says: iustus ex {ide uiuit (Rom. 1, 17). One can only be justified by believing in what is hidden. 186 Precisely because justice is realised through belief and hearts are purified through belief, one can be worthy of seeing what is believed; the Lord said this in loh. 15, 8. The Jews had already committed many sins, but the Lord picked out this one sin of unbelief. Because of this sin He says: "If I had not corne and spoken to them, they would not be guilty of sin. Now, however, they have no excuse for their sin" (Ioh. 15, 22). All sins are forgiven through belief, except the sin of unbelief. If the Jews would not have fallen into this one sin (unbelief), all their other sins would have met with the grace of forgiveness, acquired through faith. To sum up: to live through belief is to believe in what you cannot see and the one who lives through belief is just. In the anti-Pelagian writings, Ioh. 16, 7-11 only appears twice. In De peccatorum meritis et remissione et de baptismo paruulorum (411) Augustine explains that death came for the whole of humanity through sin. 187 Conquering the fear of death belongs to the battle of faith (agon fidei). This would not have been the case if immortality immediately followed upon believing. 188 The duty for faith and believers therefore lies in overcoming the fear of death. In the next paragraph Augustine goes more deeply into the nature of belief. The Lord performed many miracles during his life. As a result of this, belief was born and slowly began to grow. Belief is nevertheless stronger when it no longer looks for miracles. Christ wanted us to train our gaze upon the future, namely by believing in what we cannot yet see and in what we hope for, so that the just may live the life of hope. The Ascension took place to make this belief (in what one cannot see) also possible for the apostles. This way, they could also believe from faith (ex {ide uiuere) and patiently look for186 For this reason we can never be justified by faith, unless we believe something that is hidden, hidden but preached to us, and by believing it reaching the vision of it. 187 pecc. mer. 2, 52 (411). 188 pecc. mer. 2, 51.

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ward to this righteousness's reward to those who believe through faith - a reward which they did not yet then see, but would see later. Hence in lob. 16, 7 Christ says that the Holy Spirit cannot corne unless Christ himself leaves. In lob. 16, 7 according to Augustine Christ says: non poteritis iuste uiuere ex {ide, quod de meo dono, id est de Sancto Spiritu, habebitis, nisi a uestris oculis hoc quod intuemini abstulero, ut spiritaliter cor uestrum inuisibilia credendo proficiat. In short, to live righteously in faith (as the iustitia spoken of in lob. 16, 8-10) is to hope for what is not seen. 189 On the one band this belief belongs to human obligations - a call to the right way of believing - on the other band it is Christ who creates the conditions for this right form of faith and, according to Augustine, gives this faith as a gift of the Holy Spirit, so that the heart can develop itself spiritually toward the right faith. In Contra duas epistulas Pelagianorum libri quattuor 3, 4 (421) lob. 16, 8 figures within Augustine's explanation of the difference between children of God, of the world, and of the devil. Children of God sin, for no man is without sin. People sin insofar as they are still children of this world, insofar as they are conversely children of God through grace, they do not sin, see lob. 16, 8. The difference with children of the devil lies in the unbelief of the latter. He who bas no belief is a child of the devil. This is in other words a combination of the explanation of the peccatum, the sin of unbelief, and the explanation of the iudicium, following the devil, in Sermones 143 and 144 as well as in In lohannis euangelium tractatus 95. 190 189 pecc. mer. 2, 52: [... ], in caelum ascenderit illorum quoque se oculis auferens nihilque tale cuiusquam eorum carni iam tribuens, quale in carne propria demonstrauerat, ut et ipsi ex {ide uiuerent eiusque iustitiae, in qua ex {ide uiuitur, praemium quod post erit uisibile, nunc interim per patientiam inuisibiliter expectarent. Ad hune intellectum credo etiam illud esse referendum, quod ait de Sanclo Spiritu: non potest ipse uenire, nisi ego abiero [Ioh. 16, 7]. Hoc enim erat dicere: non poteritis iuste uiuere ex {ide, quod de meo dono, id est de Sanclo Spiritu, habebitis, nisi a uestris oculis hoc quod intuemini abstulero, ut spiritaliter cor uestrum inuisibilia credendo proficiat. Hanc ex {ide iustitiam identidem loquens de Spiritu Sanclo ila commendat: ille, inquit, arguet mundum de peccato, de iustitia, de iudicio: de peccato quidem, quia non crediderunt in me, de iustitia, quia ad Patrem uado et iam non uidebitis me [Ioh. 16, 8-10]. Quae est ista iustitia, qua eum non uiderent, nisi ut iustus ex {ide uiueret et non respicientes quae uidentur, sed quae non uidentur spiritu ex {ide spem iustitiae expectaremus? [CSEL 60, pp. 122-123, Il. 20-9]. 190 In his analysis of Augustine's pneumatology, J. J. Verhees gives an overview of the places where "ille arguet mundum" occurs in his writings (from 410

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We have ascertained that Ioh. 16, 7-11 is rarely quoted by Augustine. There is only one direct link with Sermones 143 and 144, namely In Iohannis euangelium tractatus 94-95. Augustine uses Ioh. 16, 7-11 also in an anti-Pelagian context, not, however, to write about gratia fidei. It is rather an example of the sin of unbelief. This implicitly refers to gratia fidei: Ioh. 16, 7-11 mainly refers to the right belief, to which Augustine always adds that it is only God who makes this right belief possible. d. Other Scriptural Comparisons Augustine's general use of several other Scriptural quotations should be examined. Very briefly 1 will point to two very significant quotations from sermo 143, which play an important role within the Pelagian controversy: Ioh. 1, 12: dedit illis potestatem filios Dei fieri, credentibus in eum 191 and Rom. 1, 17 (Hab. 2, 4; Gal. 3, 11): iustus ex {ide uiuit. 192 Ioh. 1, 12 appears throughout the whole of Augustine's oeuvre. In the context of {ides, Augustine's early writings link this pericope to the equilibrium between man and God. However, from the Pelagian controversy onwards Augustine uses this verse almost exclusively to interpret belief as grace, as a potestas given by God. Rom. 1, 17 (Hab. 2, 4; Gal. 3, 11) appears in the earliest through to the last of Augustine's writings. It appears with more regularity from the beginning of the Pelagian controversy, although not always within a clear anti-Pelagian context. Already in the early writings this pericope became a theme in the context of the gratia-status of {ides: to illustratc that bclicf is gracc. Rom. 1, 17 occurs, in different contexts, in Augustine's anti-Pelagian writings. This verse appears to clearly demonstrate that belief is a gift of grace. Rom. 1, 17 also occurs outside the anti-Pelagian writings, with the clear intention of firmly stating that belief is grace.

onwards): s. 143, 1; pecc. mer. 2, 52; en. Ps. 109, 8; c. ep. Pel. 3, 4; Io. eu. Ir. 95, 1-4. J. J. VERREES, God in beweging. Een onderzoek naar de pneumatologie van Augustinus, Wageningen 1968, pp. 46-48. 191 S. 143, 2. 192 s. 26, 5; 143, 4; 158, 4; 260D, 1; 363, 2. Ali the occurrences of these Scriptural references will be extensively discussed in my doctoral dissertation. Here 1 restrict myself to a synthesis in general terms.

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4. Conclusion The topic of fides/credere appears in the sermones ad populum both early and late, both within and outside the anti-Pelagian corpus, whether connected or not with themes such as the Spirit, prayer, dilectio/caritas, iustitia, and combined with certain Scriptural references. Fides can act as an epistemological category (faith in relation to understanding), as an eschatological category (salvation by faith), or as a gratia-category. Ioh. 16, 7-11 - and particularly the explanation of the triptych peccatum, iustitia, iudicium - occurs only three times in the oeuvre of Augustine. The elaboration of these three concepts in sermo 143 not believing in Christ, spiritaliter believing Christ, actively resisting the devil - suggests within the framework of faith as a gift of grace a special attention for the human role in faith. Sermo 144 generally puts more emphasis on the divine gratia, while specifically explaining peccatum, iustitia, iudicium, especially by connecting iustitia to the Lord's ascensio. From this perspective, the interpretation of iustitia in In Iohannis euangelium tractatus 94-95 (namely believing in the no-longer-visible Christ and recognising one's own sinfulness) dovetails more with sermo 143, despite the links indicated by Kunzelmann and Berrouard between these John tractates and sermo 144. What is also interesting is to observe that the only significant link regarding the content of these sermons within the anti-Pelagian corpus is to be found in De peccatorum meritis et remissione et de baptismo paruulorum, situated at the beginning of the Pelagian Controversy (411), in which the obligation to believe in the non-visible Christ is indicated, and yet Augustine points out that this faith is nevertheless made possible by Christ's Ascension. A second general conclusion could be drawn regarding the thesis that faith - initium fidei and perseuerantia - is grace, without excluding human will, and is present in the anti-Pelagian homiletics in general and more specifically in the sermones 143 and 144, although not in the same clear and explicit way as in the anti-Pelagian tractates. Perhaps this can partly account for the fact that Augustine in his sermones wishes to exhort his audience to hold the (correct) faith rather than to give a description of the (gratia) nature of this {ides. Regarding sermones 143 and 144, this observation can support situating these sermons at the beginning of the

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Pelagian Controversy. Secondly, we can also observe that sermo 144 puts more emphasis on grace in general and more of a specific emphasis on faith. This can perhaps suggest a date for sermo 144 later than sermo 143, but not definitively, since the theme of gratis given gratia can already be found in the early writings of Augustine. 193

193 Cf. recently: C. HARRISON, Rethinking Augustine's Early Theology: An Argument for Continuity, Oxford, 2006.

De Deo loquimur, quid mirum si non comprehendis? (s. 117) The Merging of Orthodoxy, Heterodoxy and Negativity in Augustine's Preaching Paul v AN GEEST (Tilburg / Amsterdam) 1. Introduction Partly due to the fact that in Neoplatonism the tradition of a negative theology was kept alive, during the first centuries of Christianity within pagan and Christian circles apophasis was considered to be the most adequate road upon which one could approach the mystery of the One-Gad. On this road a negation laid hidden behind every affirmation, and behind every negation again a negation of the negation. 1 For example, based on Philo of Alexandria's (20 BC - 40 AD) synthesis between Platonic and scriptural ideas, Gregory of Nyssa (after 394) described God's being in negative terms such as invisible, unknowable, incomprehensible and inapproachable for mankind. For him, apophasis was an approach to Gad in which guaranteeing God's mystery went together with recognizing God's closeness in the incarnation of the logos. In bis Peri mystike's theologias, the fifth century theologian Pseudo-Dionysius was the first to make a systematic distinction between an approach ta Gad 'towards language' (kataphatike') and an approach 'away from language' (apophatike'). The cataphatic approach assumed that man could corne to a very limited knowledge of Gad by reducing the excellence and beauty of creation ta Gad as its source. Pseudo-Dionysius thought this way of speaking to be deficient. He assumed, together with Paul and Plotinus, that Gad can be known from the things which spring from Gad. But

1 Cf.

D. CARABINE, The Unknown God. Negative Theology in the Platonic Tradition: Plato Io Eriugena, Louvain, 1995 (Louvain Theological and Pastoral Monographs, 19), pp. 119-153; A. H. ARMSTRONG, "Negative Theology", The Downside Review, 95 (1977), pp. 176-189.

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with this he emphasised that God himself is transcendent and that language, springing from the limited human mind, was therefore inadequate to describe God's being. More than anyone else he corrected, 'apophatically', bis statements about God with negations. Gradually, the impression arose in the West that apophatic speaking about God was nothing more than a negation of God. Therefore 'negative theology' was seen in a bad light. 'Negation' alone was thought to be unacceptable for a revelation-based religion. At the same time, western theology after the Enlightenment was accused of having abandoned the 'negative' tradition, and for having made the description of God too clear and too distinct, 'clair et distinct'. 2 This criticism is only partly understandable. In the Middle Ages, the 'threefold' way reached maturity in the West. This triplex uia is a good example of the interaction between cataphatic and apophatic theology. It actually contained three stages in a process in which affirmative and negative speaking about God together signified the most efficient approach of God. On the uia affirmationis it was confirmed that man could trace God by reducing the effects which are experienced in the world ('justice', 'love') to God as first cause. To safeguard God's being against this restrictive speaking in terms of effects, the uia negationis ('way of negation') followed. Consequently, it was posited that, for instance, God is indeed just, but the human idea of justice is an unsuitable concept for articulating God's justice. Ali natural and positive qualities, attributed to God, were therefore in turn negated, because they diminished the limitless aspect of God's transcendence. Finally, the third way was the uia eminentiae. The first two ways lead ultimately to this one. Here, the qualities and characteristics attributed to God were neither affirmed nor negated, but articulated in the superlative form. Hence, strength simultaneously reinforced affirmative as well as negative speaking.

2 Cf. A. H. ARMSTRONG, "Plotinus's Doctrine of the Infinite and its Significance for Christian Thought", Downside Review, 73 (1955), pp. 47-58 (reprint in m., Plotinian and Christian Studies, London, 1979 (Variorum Reprints, 103), chapter V), esp. p. 58. The theology, developed in the West, is considered here as an attempt to describe the mystery of God in "a tidily arranged set of clear and distinct ideas."

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A variety of nuanced positions arose amidst these ideas, and it should be noted that in the works of the great writers of the East and the West, cataphasis and apophasis are interwoven. 3 Augustine bas been characterised as the primary cataphatic theologian of Western Christianity, and a cursory glance at bis vast body of work and its continuing impact on theological controversies would suggest that this assumption is correct. His pastoral and above all polemic motives have led to detailed elaborations of the salvation of mankind through God's incarnation and its accompanying grace. Augustine's view on God's prescience and preordination; the Fall of Adam and Eve and the catastrophic consequences for their descendants in the form of original sin, suffering, individual sinfulness and death; bis perception of Christ being the only mediator between God and mankind, and bis conviction that in the end only God's grace can bring mankind to perfection: all these have left their stamp on the theologia affirmatiua, the affirmative theology. 4 For centuries Christianity seems to have derived certainties from the ideas Augustine formed about God. The conviction with which he combated unorthodox views in bis theological-polemical writings and bis way of speaking about God bas been repeatedly deplored. It was thought to be overly affirmative with respect to content and too confined; the Church father did not leave the mystery of God sufficiently intact. So it seems true that, as opposed to Eastern theology, Augustine actually endeavours not to emphasise God's incomprehensibility and ineffability. Hence the imputation that bis speaking did not allow enough room for God's mystery. 5

3 Cf. J. W1ss1NK, "Enkele theologische reflecties over de negatieve theologie, toegelicht aan de hand van Thomas van Aquino'', in Ons ontbreken heilige namen. Negatieve theologie in de hedendaagse cultuurfilosofie, ed. by 1. BuLHOF - L. TEN KATE, Kampen, 1992, pp. 46-65; H. R1KHOF, "Thomas at Utrecht", in Contemplating Aquinas. On the Varieties of Interpretation, ed. by F. KERR, London (Faith in Reason. Philosophical Enquiries), 2003, pp. 103-136, esp. pp. 115-122 (description of the 'apophatic' opening of the first quaestiones in Thomas' Summa). 4 Cf. the assessment of H. BAVINCK, Gereformeerde dogmatiek, Kampen, 19987 , pp. 5 and 9. 5 Cf. A. H. ARMSTRONG, "The Escape of the One: An Investigation of Sorne Possibilities of Apophatic Theology Imperfectly Realised in the West", in Studia Patristica, 13, Berlin, 1975, pp. 77-89; m., "Apophatic-Kataphatic Tensions in Religious Thought from the Third to the Sixth Century A.D. A Background for

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It seems therefore logical that Augustine's work nowadays is hardly studied by those who take a renewed interest in religion for contemporary culture seriously. One can perceive a growing tendancy which denies that any, too-specific image of God contains absolute truth. 6 Fully formulated religious truths have to be put into perspective or even be deconstructed, especially if the suspicion arises that they counteract the openness to authentic religious experiences of unity and harmony. With this outlook on religion one is embarrassed by the Christian view of God as the Other, who can be met and who paradoxically reveals himself as near and at the same time incomprehensible within the history of the Jewish people and in Jesus of Nazareth. The tendency to deny that God can be grasped in words or images, however, cannot merely be seen as a consequence of the post-Christian religiosity, but must also be understood as a challenge for the Christian faith. One must remain mindful then that the negation of knowing who God is formed the Christian precondition to speak about the Incarnation in a faithful way. 7 Since dogmatic assertions abound in Augustine's work as well as in its reception, it is understandable that his possible contribution Augustine and Eriugena'', in From Augustine to Eriugena. Essays on Neoplatonism and Christianity in Honor of John O'Meara, ed. by F. X. MARTIN J. RICHMOND, Washington, 1991, pp. 12-21, esp. pp. 20-21: "It does seem to me evident, though it is easy to overlook it, that Augustine retains a great deal of Platonic apophatism. [... ] But we can see in Augustine very clearly how his deep apophatic awareness is pushed into the background by the sort of pastoral and polemical concerns and personalised devotions [... ]." 6 Cf. W. VAN AssELT - P. VAN GEEST - D. MüLLER - T. SALEMINK, "Iconoclash. Struggle for Religious ldentity. An Introduction", in Iconoclasm and Iconoclash. Struggle for Religious Identity, ed. by ID., Leiden - Boston - Kôln, 2007 (Jewish and Christian Perspective Series, 14), pp. 1-29, esp. pp. 1-15. 7 For a fine description of modern developments, see L. BoEvE, "Christus Postmodernus: An Attempt at Apophatic Christology", in The Myriad Christ: Plurality and the Quest for Unity in Contemporary Christology, ed. by T. MERRIGAN - J. HAERS, Leuven, 2000 (Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Louaniensium, 152), pp. 577-593; ID., "Cultural Apophaticism: A Challenge for Contemporary Theology", in Rethinking Ecumenism. Strategies for the 21st Century, ed. by F. BAKKER, Zoetermeer, 2004, pp. 79-92. For a discussion of the position of the philosophers E. Levinas, J. Derrida, J.-L. Marion, G. Vattimo, S. Ziiek, and J. Caputo, see L. BoEvE, "Negative Theology and Theological Hermeneutics: The Particularity of Naming God'', in Der Name Gottes, ed. by 1. DALFERTH - K. ScHMID - P. STOELLGER, Tübingen, in print.

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to this awakening has hardly been considered. 8 Sorne studies have clarified that a sense of God's ineffability or even incomprehensibility do resound in Augustine's affirmative speaking about God. For instance, Jean-Luc Marion examines Augustine, Thomas Aquinas, and Dionysius the Aeropagyte in light of their Neoplatonic sources. He seeks to interconnect their idea of the inscrutability of mankind with the incomprehensibility of God for men. 9 This, however, has hardly filtered through to the encyclopedic literature on Augustine. 10 This should not surprise us. The study of Augustine's view on God's ineffability and incomprehensibility has been only a minor line of thought in the immense research on Augustine. In one recent literary survey it was not touched upon at all. 11 These observations beg the question of how Augustine walked such a fine line between speaking and being silent about God. Can he also be considered an authoritative source for 'post-Christian' oriented negative speaking? This is the central question of this contribution. It must be presupposed that throughout his life Augustine did indeed walk the fine line between speaking and being silent about God. On the one hand, as a priest and bishop he wished to prevent misunderstandings concerning the nature of God's being and activ-

8 Still, some signs indicate that such a contribution can be found in Augustine's work. Since the 1950s, some studies have been done on Augustine's negative way of speaking about God, albeit on a very modest scale. For the historiography see P. VAN GEEST, Stellig maar onzeker. Augustinus' benadering van God, Budel, 2007, pp. 23-29 (translation forthcoming). 9 Cf. J.-L. MARION, "Mihi magna quaestio factus sum: The Privilege of Unknowing'', Journal of Religion, 85 (2005), pp. 1-24. In one particular aspect of Augustine's idea of the soul, the coming together of the two mysteries ('God' and 'man') has been aptly articulated. In Confessiones he often writes that the soul embraces God and that God embraces the soul. In this paradox, he expresses on the one hand the fact that God and the soul are beyond time and space, on the other hand also the mystery of both. 10 Cf. L. AYRES - M. BARNES, "God", in Augustine through the Ages. An Encyclopedia, ed. by A. FITZGERALD, Grand Rapids - Cambridge, 1999, pp. 384-390. In this work, not even half a column of almost thirteen has been devoted to Augustine's negative speaking about God. See also G. MADEC, "Deus", in AugLex 2, cols. 314-366. 11 Cf. H. DROBNER, "Studying Augustine. An Overview of Recent Research", in Augustine and his Critics. Essays in Honour of Gerald Bonner, ed. by R. DoDARO, G. LAWLESS, London - New York, 2000, pp. 18-34.

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ity. He held revelation in Scripture as sacred. On the other hand, as a young priest he was already trying to bring home to the faithful the idea that God is a mystery. 12 Augustine's denial of the possibility that God can be comprehended contrasted sharply with his negation of God. There are even signs that Augustine, too, recognized early on that also the awareness of God's ineffability and incomprehensibility was for men on earth a form of knowledge of God. 13 It is here that the first questions arise. Did Augustine strive to negate everything that was said about God in order to safeguard His mystery? Or was it his main concern to prevent misunderstandings about the nature of God's being and activity in dialogue and polemic, and is his emphasis on God's incomprehensibility merely 'ornamental'? The one seems to exclude the other. For if he wishes to point to the fact that it is impossible to put God's being and 12 The matter of Augustine's view on the ecstasy in which God is 'seen' or the rise of man towards God in a process of growth in self-knowledge and knowledge of God is here not considered. See respectively C. HARRISON, "Augustine and Religious Experience'', Louvain Studies, 27 (2002), pp. 99-118; R. J. TESKE, "St. Augustine and the Vision of God", in Augustine: Mystic and Mystagogue, ed. by J. ScHNAUBELT - F. VAN FLETEREN - J. REINO, New York, 1994 (Collectanea Augustiniana, 3), pp. 287-308; J. MouRANT, "The Augustinian Argument for the Existence of God", Philosophical Studies, 12 (1963), pp. 92-106; G. VERBEKE, "Connaissance de soi et connaissance de Dieu chez saint Augustin", Augustiniana, 4 (1954), pp. 495-515. Also the three ways in which man can see God (corporale, spiritale, intellectuale) are only brought up when Augustine explicitly connects them with the way in which one can speak and think about God. Cf. G. MADEC, "Savoir c'est voir. Les trois sortes de «vues» selon Augustin'', in Lectures Augustiniennes, ed. by m., Paris, 2001 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 168), pp. 221-239; CH. BovER, "Les voies de la connaissance de Dieu selon saint Augustin", Augustinus, 3 (1958), pp. 303-307; F.-M. THONNARD, "La « cognitio per sensus corporis » chez Saint Augustin", Augustinus, 3 (1958), pp. 193-203; T. FINAN, "Modes of Vision in St. Augustine: De Genesi ad litteram XII", in The Relationship between Neoplatonism and Christianity. Proceedings of the First Patristic Conference in Maynooth, ed. by T. F1NAN V. TwoMEY, Dublin, 1992, pp. 141-154. 13 ord. 2, 16, 4 (CCSL 29, p. 131): [... ] quisquis ergo ista esciens, non dico de summo illo Deo, qui scitur melius nesciendo, sed de anima ipsa sua quaerere ac disputare uoluerit, tantum errabit, quantum errari plurimum potest. Compare ord. 2, 18, 47 (CCSL 29, p. 133: [... ] cuius [= parentis uniuersitatis] nulla scientia est in anima nisi scire, quomodo eum nesciat); c. Fort. 3b (392; CSEL 25.1, p. 85: incomprehensibilis); c. ep. Man. 13 (396; CSEL 25.1, p. 209: [... ]pater[ ... ], magnitudine inconprehensibilis [... ]); c. Sec. 3 (CSEL 25.2, p. 893: ineffabili ac sacratissimae maiestati).

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activity into words, then he would also have to throw doubt upon bis own statements. To answer these questions I will study sermo 117, Contra Arianos, in this contribution. 2. Sermo 117 (Contra Arianos - PL 38, cols. 661-671) a. Refuting Arianism Between 408 and 418 Augustine delivered a sermon that is of great interest for many reasons. This sermon bas been put down as sermo 117. Firstly, in it Augustine summarises why the gospel of John had such a personal appeal to him. 14 His fascination with this gospel becomes clear from the 18th discourse of the ln Iohannis euangelium tractatus CXXIV (possibly 414), in which Augustine suggests that John had nestled himself on the chest of the Lord to absorb the secrets of bis high wisdom as best one can. According to Augustine, what the evangelist then learned formed the basis of bis gospel. 15 Thanks to Paul, Augustine arrives at the driving force behind the Incarnation: God's humility. Augustine's affinity with John imparts to him the enormity of the mystery of the Incarnation. 16 In sermo 117 the same affinity is noticeable. Secondly, the sermon is remarkable because Augustine thematically approaches speaking about God in a critique of the Arians'

14 Cf. P. VAN GEEST, Stellig maar onzeker, pp. 177-192. The sermon is published in PL 38, cols. 661-671 (in combination with PL 47, col. 1229). For the date see A. KûNZELMANN, "Die Chronologie der Sermones des hl. Augustinus'', in Miscellanea Agostiniana, Il, Rome, 1931, pp. 417-520, esp. pp. 486-487; P.-P. VERBRAKEN, Études critiques sur les sermons authentiques de saint Augustin, Steenbrugis - Hagae Comitis, 1976 (Instrumenta patristica, 12), p. 82. This dating could be questioned because of a striking parallel in the formulation between s. 117, 7 (Et quid facimus nos? Silebimus?) and Io. eu. tr. 1, 1 (Quid ergo, fratres? Silebimus hinc?). Apart from the textual parallel, also the similarity in substance between both paragraphs is striking. Augustine argues that it is impossible for the animalis homo to grasp the portée of Ioh. 1, 1. Although Augustine recognises that gradations in insight are possible, the basic colour of this opening part of Io. eu. Ir. is distinctly apophatic. The passage Io. eu. Ir. 1, 1 is written possibly around 407-408, but certainly before 411. See P. VAN GEEST, Stellig maar onzeker, pp. 193-205. 15 Io. eu. tr. 18, 1. Cf. also the beginning of s. 117, 1. 16 Io. eu. tr. 25, 16 and 12, 29.

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religious conviction, but at the same time he introduces God's incomprehensibility. He was not the only Church father who attempted to refute Arianism by referring to God's ineffability. In discourses against the religious conviction of Arius, texts from the first centuries can be found to have interwoven affirmative and negative statements on God's preeminent being. Yet, in sermo 117 it not only emerges how affirmative speaking about God and remaining silent before God fit together, but also how occasionally also heterodoxy and orthodoxy fuse. Augustine does not pull out all the stops of his rhetorical skills to crush the Arians retroactively. Nevertheless, he wants to make some fundamental comments to their creed with conviction. But in this discourse, next to the assertive statements, hesitations also appear concerning his own statements on the credo of Nicea. Sermo 117 is fascinating because Augustine's dismantlement of, in his eyes, a wrong conception of God goes together with relativising, putting into perspective his own statements. He has been found 'to fight heretics' and yet, paradoxically, to emphasise God's incomprehensibility. Even the uncertainty, resulting from this incomprehensibility, he articulates in the sermon. The theology of the Alexandrian priest Arius (250-336) is difficult to reconstruct. It is assumed that he emphasised the unique Deity of the Father. The divinity of the Son was derived from this, because the Father created the Son. The nature of the Son was more than that of the 'everyday' man, but differed also from that of the Father. For it emerged that the Son, contrary to the true immutable divinity of the Father, was capable of suffering. The Son therefore had to be liable to change. With this Arius advocated a radical monotheism. There was one immutable and absolute transcendent God, who not only transcended the created world, but also surpassed the mutable Son and the Holy Spirit. 17 This theology

17 See Augustine's own description of the Arians in haer. 49 (CCSL 46, p. 341): Ariani ab Ario in eo sunt notissimi errore quo Patrem et Filium et Spiritum sanctum nolunt esse unius eiusdemque naturae atque substantiae, aut ut expressius dicatur, essentiae, quae oafo Graece appellatur; sed esse Filium creaturam; Spiritum uero sanctum creaturam creaturae, hoc est, ab ipso Filio creatum uolunt. At the end of his life, Augustine admitted to the difficulty of defining heresy in haer. (haer. praef. 7; written in 428). He nevertheless wanted to risk an attempt at it, but this attempt was prevented by his death.

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ascribed to Arius was condemned at the Council of Nicea in 325 and fiercely combated by bishop Athanasius of Alexandria. The council fathers held to the belief in the triune God. They did not accept a submission of the Son's nature to the Father's. Augustine himself was only indirectly involved with the Arians. The friendly tone in sermo 117 can probably be attributed to the fact that as a Christian, priest and bishop, Augustine might never have even met any Arians. In his early period at the Milanese court, however, the courtiers adhered mainly to the Arian belief. From his work it becomes clear that the Catholics thought the anti-Nicean theology to be not only defiant, but also threatening. 18 In the sixth book of De Trinitate, Augustine brings to the reader's attention the fact that Arius fails to realise that the Son is as eternal as the Father. With an image probably borrowed from Origen's De Principiis (1, 27), he states that as the glow (splendor) is simultaneous with the fire (ignis) that produces the glow, so are Father and Son also simultaneous. 19 This imagery is used again in sermo 117. b. Thinking within the Boundaries of Time and Space Sermo 117 is a sermon on the first section of the prologue of John's Gospel: "In the beginning was the Word and the Word was with God and the Word was God" (Ioh. 1, 1). Augustine wants to demonstrate above all else that understanding these verses is beyond our capabilities. It strikes us immediately that Augustine attempts to comment on the Arian view. He does not do this with power and dccisivcncss. Rather, hc looks for an occasion to makc God's incomprehensibility and ineffability a subject of reflection. At the beginning of his sermon, Augustine subtly plays with the double meaning of the word comparare, which can mean 'to compare' as well as 'to buy'. He first posits that the price of the Word that John can proclaim surpasses everything. It is incomparable. With this, the apophatic tone is set. Next, he puts forward that the buyer of the Word pays with himself. This way he expresses

18 Cf. trin. 1.2.5; diu. quaest. 16; 23; 37; 50; 60; 69; etc. 19 trin. 6.1.1 (written after 416). Cf. for the borrowing J. DILLON, "Origen and Plotinus: The Platonic Influence on Early Christianity", in The Relationship between Neoplatonism and Christianity. Proceedings of the first Patristic Conference in Maynooth, ed. by T. FrNAN - V. TwoMEY, Dublin, 1992, pp. 7-26, esp. p. 17.

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with comparare also the self-sacrifice, realised by Christ in the Incarnation. Because Augustine sets up this self-sacrifice as the example, there is at the same time an inherent task to imitate Christ. 20 At the start of sermo 117 Augustine then immediately turns against the Arian idea that Christ was not the same as the Father. His suggestion that a pure interior (interior oculus) is demanded in order to be able to realise that Christ as God has made creation and as man has restored creation cornes across as haughty and conceited. 21 That is his first strike against the Arian Christians. But what sets the tone even more is Augustine's exposition of the sentence from Scripture: "In the beginning was the W ord and the Word was with God, and the Word was God." He explains plainly that if one wants to find the meaning of this sentence, one attempts the impossible, because one seeks something incomprehensible and ineffable. Augustine's question then is what prevents a human being from coming to a good understanding of this sentence. In this first reflection, until paragraph 4, Augustine discusses God's ineffability. After that he links God's ineffability with bis incomprehensibility. 22 It is therefore not likely that in this sermon Augustine wants first and foremost to fight the heretics. If that were the case, the intro-

20 s. 117, 1-2: [... ] ex dignitate dispensatoris intelligatur quanti pretii sit Verbum, quod per talem dici potuit: imo quam nullius pretii sil quod superat omnia. Pretio enim aut comparatur res uenalis, aut subicitur, aut excedit eam [... ]. Verbo autem Dei nec aequari aliquid potest, nec ad mutationem subici, nec superponi aliquid. [... ] Tamen si dici potest, et admittit nomen hoc ratio aliqua uel loquendi consuetudo, pretium comparandi Verbi ipse comparator est, qui se ipsum pro se ipso dederit huic Verbo. [... ] ltaque quando aliquid emimus, quaerimus aliquid quod demus, ut habeamus rem dato pretia quam uolumus emere. Et extra nos est quod damus; et si apud nos erat, fit extra nos illud quod damus, ut sil apud nos illud quod comparamus. Quidquid pretii inuenerit qui emit aliquid, necesse est ut tale inueniat, ut del quod habet, et accipiat quod non habet; maneat tamen ille a quo abscedit pretium, et accedat illud pro quo dat pretium. Qui autem uult comparare Verbum hoc, qui uult habere, non quaerat extra se ipsum quod dei, se ipsum del. Quod cum fecerit, non se amittit, sicut amittit pretium, quando aliquid emit. [... ] Verbum ergo Dei propositum est omnibus: comparent qui possunt; possunt autem qui pie uoluerint. See also s. 117, 9 and M. SMALBRUGGE, "L'emploi de la théologie apophatique chez Augustin: une question à l'historiographie", Revue de théologie et de philosophie, 120 (1988), pp. 263-274, esp. pp. 266-267. 21 S. 117, 1. 22 s. 117, 3: Ineffabiliter potest intelligi: non uerbis hominis fit ut intelligatur. Compares. 117, 7 (footnote 28); Io. eu. Ir. 1, 1(footnote14).

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duction is badly chosen. After all, he emphasises the impossibility of capturing the W ord in human words. Augustine has something else in mind. He tries to arouse humility in those who above all want to demonstrate their scientific skills as an aim in themselves. He reproaches them for not realising that they can only think within the borders of space and time. Augustine remarks that the key to reading Ioh. 1, 1-3 is that the text is not written to be understood, but to confront human beings with their incapacity to understand. He supposes that this view on human limitations encourages one to experience unknowing as an overture to looking further for God, this time with the necessary humility. The understanding of one's own limitations should bring about a yeaming for a right understanding of the W ord. 23 c. The Understanding of the Word A first impediment to a concrete understanding of the W ord relates to its incomprehensible character. The Word gives form (forma) to everything that has been made on earth, which is within well-defined limits. But in a fundamental contrast to everything that has been created, it is not formed in space and time (forma infabricata). Immutable, limitless and without any defects the W ord embraces everything in time and space. 24 The W ord does not have a form, as every other word does. It is not a word in the human understanding of words. That is why it cannot be understood as a lesser part of the whole, as in the dimension of space an arm takes up lcss spacc than the wholc body. In this cxplanation the rcproach can already be heard, and later Augustine will bring out even more. According to him, Arians think of the Son too much in terms of space and time. That is why it is impossible for them to see the Son as part of the triune God, as big as the whole. 25 Yet, Augustine deftly moves beyond this nearly implicit criticism. Equally implicit is his reproach that the Arians, with their too concrete a conception of the Son, indulge in a certain pride, as though knowing God bestows power. This comment pales in cornIbid. Compare s. 117, 5. Ibid. 25 s. 117, 4: Non de suggestione carnis spiritualia imaginemur. Non est ille Sermo, non est ille Deus minor in parte quam in toto. 23

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parison with bis more powerfully phrased conviction that it is absolutely impossible for a human being to comprehend (comprehendere) the whole of God truly and indubitably: "if you grasp it, it is not God." In Augustine's view it is only possible for a human being to arrive in bis mind at (attingere, contingere) God with a pure inner eye and a fittingly ordered life. However, such a pure man subsequently realises how distant he is from God: "We must not form images of spiritual realities in materialistic terms. That Word, that God, is not less in bis parts than in bis totality. But you are quite unable to imagine or think of such a thing. And such ignorance is more religious and devout than any presumption of knowledge. After all, we are talking about God. It says, and the Word was God [lob. 1, l]. We are talking about God; so why be surprised if you cannot grasp it? 1 mean, if you can grasp it, it is not God. Let us rather make a devout confession of ignorance, instead of a brash profession of knowledge. Certainly, it is great bliss to have a little touch or taste of God with the mind; but completely to grasp him, to comprehend him, is altogether not possible." 26 Here, Augustine links the idea of God's ineffability and incomprehensibility with bis reflection on the limited possibilities of human understanding. He speaks with an apophatic tone which continues to be heard in sermo 117, even when he discusses the dogmatic differences between Catholic and Arian Christians. This tone continues to dominate the refutation of the Arian view.

26 s. 117, 4-5: Non de suggestione carnis spiritualia imaginemur. Non est ille Sermo, non est ille Deus minor in parte quam in toto. Sed non potes tale aliquid cogitare. Magis pia est talis ignorantia, quam praesumpta scientia. Loquimur enim de Deo. Dictum est, Et Deus erat Verbum [Ioh. 1, 1]. De Deo loquimur, quid mirum si non comprehendis? Si enim comprehendis, non est Deus. Sil pia confessio ignorantiae magis, quam temeraria professio scientiae. Attingere aliquantum mente Deum; magna beatitudo est: comprehendere autem, omnino impossibile. Translation taken from The Works of Saint Augustine. A Translation for the 21st Century, Sermons, III/4: (94A-147A) on the New Testament, transl. and notes by E. HILL, ed. by J. E. RoTELLE, Brooklyn (New York), 1991, pp. 209-223, esp. p. 211. Compares. 117, 15: [... ] mundato corde[ ... ] illud Verbum, per quod {acta sunt omnia, fieret quod nos sumus, ut attingere possimus illud quod non sumus.

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d. The Benefit of Remaining Silent In the second part of his sermon Augustine criticises the Arian conviction that the Father is greater than the Son and that the Father preceded the Son. 27 Once more he emphasises that it is wrong to apply material concepts to spiritual ones. He denies that the natural event in which parents precede their children fittingly conceptualises the spiritual processions in God. Hence Augustine, frankly and desperately, states that he would prefer simply to remain silent about God. He does not do this, though, because then one could think either that there is nothing to say about God or that Augustine is at a loss for an answer. These arguments mask the real reason. In light of his previous words on the limitations of human cognitive power, Augustine seems above all here to express the ineffability of God with some rhetorical pathos: "And what are we to do? Shall we keep silent? If only we were free to ! Because then, perhaps, by keeping quiet we could think some thoughts worthy of the unutterable. Anything that can be uttered, of course, is not unutterable. But God is unutterable [... ]. And so, brothers and sisters, it would have been better if we could keep silent and say, 'This is a matter of faith, this is what we believe; you cannot grasp it, you are a little one [... ].' What wouldn't he be able to answer that with ! Oh, you may be sure, if he had anything to say, he would tell me! 'That's the excuse of someone stumped for an answer [... ]. The weaker brethren, you see, hear the argument, and they think that in fact there is nothing that can be said. And they may be right, that there is nothing that can be said, not however that there is nothing that can be thought. It is true after all, that you can say nothing which you cannot also think; it's also true that you can think something which you cannot also say."' 28 s. 117, 6. This view was based on Ioh. 14, 28. s. 117, 7: Et quid facimus nos? Silebimus? Vtinam liceret. Forsitan enim silendo aliquid dignum de re ineffabili cogitaretur. Nam quidquid potest f ari, non est ineffabile. Ineffabilis est autem Deus. [... ] !taque, fratres, melius erat si possemus tacere, et dicere: Hoc habet {ides, sic credimus: non potes capere, paruulus es [... ]. Qu id illi contra? 0 si haberet quod diceret, diceret mihi! Deficienti ista excusatio est. [... ] Audiunt enim fratres infirmi, et putant reuera non esse quod dicatur: et forsitan uerum putant, non esse quod dicatur, non tamen non esse quod sentiatur. Homo enim nihil potest dicere, quod non etiam sentire possit: potest etiam aliquid sentire, 27

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Augustine borrowed from Plotinus, amongst others, the view that the highest truth of God cannot be poured into the lowest barrel of speech. Nowhere does Augustine phrase this insight so pithily and at the same time so despairingly as in this quotation. After uttering bis (unfulfilled) wish to secure the ineffable loftiness of God as ineffable, he emphasises once more the deficiency of the human mind. The essence of God can neither be said nor thought by man: "We must of course safeguard the ineffableness, the unutterable quality of the divine greatness, and nobody should suppose, when we offer some comparisons in arguing with these people [= the Arians], that we have already attained to what can be neither uttered nor thought by the little ones (and certainly, if it can be uttered and thought by some of the adults in the faith, this can only be in part, only in a riddle, only by means of a mirror, not yet face to face [cf. I Cor. 13, 12])." 29 Augustine does not fail to exhaust himself in many 'apophatic safety stipulations'. He continues to emphasise the incompleteness of the knowledge which falls to man on earth, and with it, God's inscrutability in the sublunary. Only after he bas justified bis striving to rcmain silcnt will hc turn to the Arian doctrines. In bis early period Augustine criticised the anthropomorphic conception of God in North-African and Catholic popular culture. Also in bis first works against the Manichees, he rejected any conceptually or culturally determined anthropomorphic discourse about God. His preference for negative discourse became more explicit in bis first commentary on Genesis. In this text he displayed a horror of images of God that ascribe to him physical characteristics or human qualities in a literal fashion. This horror was rooted in a conviction that such images fail to safeguard the mystery of God and turn him into a concrete and tangible object. Augustine accused the Manichees of failing to contribute to greater understanding of the incomprehensibility of God. This accusation was inspired by insights quod dicere non possit. Translation (slightly changed) taken from E. HILL, Sermons, III/4, pp. 213-214. 29 s. 117, 8: Tamen seruata illius maiestatis ineffabilitate, ne cum aliquas similitudines contra illos dederimus, putet nos aliquis per istas similitudines iam peruenisse ad id quod nec dici nec cogitari a paruulis potest ( certe et si potest ab aliquibus maioribus, potest ex parte, potest in aenigmate, potest per speculum; nondum autem facie ad faciem). Translation taken from E. HILL, Sermons, III/4, p. 214.

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obtained in the circle surrounding Bishop Ambrose of Milan. They further confirmed him in his apophatic thinking. 30 In sermo 117 he formulates his criticism against the Arians. Augustine's corrections of the Arian views are at heart of the same nature as his struggle against the Manicheans. The Arians stated that God the Father had to precede the Son in time. The Son can therefore not be equal to the Father. According to Augustine, such an approach does not do justice to the incomprehensibility and ineffability of the mystery of God. He stresses that the Arians think too readily in terms of natural relationships on earth. They make use of a too-human conception of matter and therefore they harm the incomprehensibility and ineffability of God's mystery in the same way as those who ascribe bodily aspects and human qualities to God. e. The Merging of Orthodoxy, Heterodoxy and Negativity Despite his criticism and thanks to his remarks on God's incomprehensibility, in the continuation of sermo 117 Augustine cannot but comment on his own explanations about the Son, who originates from the Father, and is yet coeternal (coeternus) with the Father. He immediately indicates that such a assessment is inadequate. 31 The fact is that what is not possible in nature is possible in eternity. Nothing is comparable to God. 32 And with the emphasis on God's incomparability Augustine also implies God's unknowability on earth. To find a way out of this 'ncgativc' impasse, Augustine resorts to comparisons in which the idea of God's incomprehensibility remains intact above all else. As in De Trinitate he compares the radiance of Wisdom (the W ord) with the splendour (splendor), and the eternal

30 Cf. P. VAN GEEST, "Augustine's Thoughts On How God May Be Represented", in Iconoclasm and Iconoclash. Struggle for Religious ldentity, ed. by W. VAN AssELT - P. VAN GEEST - D. MuELLER - T. SALEMINK, Leiden - Boston - Kiiln, 2007 (Jewish and Christian Perspective Series, 14), pp. 179-200; Stellig maar onzeker, pp. 51-67. 31 s. 117, 10: Et reuera, fratres, non sum inuenturus temporales similitudines, quas aeternitali possim comparare. 32 s. 117, 8-9. Compare ibid. 9-11.

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light with fire (ignis). 33 Just as the glow simultaneously arises with the fire, so are Father and Son coeternal. But he is quick to add that 'such things' cannot be poured into the mould of speech. There is no way of saying something which can do justice to the unity of Father and Son. 34 In this way Augustine creates an apophatic frame for his own, orthodox rendering of the relation between Father and Son. The affirmative speaking is embedded in negative speaking about God. Augustine nevertheless opposes the Arian view that the Father was before the Son. He thinks this belief loses the element of God's mystery. His apophatic speaking does give him the opportunity to acknowledge that the Arian comparison of the bond between the Father and the Son with the natural bond between a father and son better reflects the idea that the Father and the Son are one with regard to nature. 35 Orthodoxy in particular guarantees the coeternity and equality of the Son with the Father. Augustine however accepts that Arianism explains their unity of nature well. Ali the same, he again immediately recommends disengagement from earthly analogies. In sermo 117 he also wants to defend that a certain perception of the Son's equality in eternity and of his immutability can be experienced in a person's mind. But in ail his reflections yet again apophasis resounds, and this forms a first step towards the integration of humility as a way of living: "Above ail, however, never forget this: whatever we have been able to gather from creatures, whether through the body's senses or the mind's reflections, is inexpressibly surpassed by the creator. But do you want to brush against him with your mind? Purify your mind, purify your heart ( ... ) because Blessed are the clean of heart since they shall see God [Matth. 5, 8]." 36 33 s. 117, 11: Ipsa Sapientia dicta est candor lucis aeternae, dicta est imago Patris: hinc capiamus similitudinem, ut inueniamus coaeua, ex quibus intelligamus coaeterna. 34 s. 117, 12: Illa tamen ineffabilia sunt. Nihil dignum putetis dictum, uel eo ipso quo coaeua coaeternis comparantur, temporalia semper manentibus, exstinguibilia immortalibus. 35 s. 117, 14. 36 s. 117, 15: Ante omnia tamen seruate hoc, quidquid de creatura potuimus colligere, aut sensu corporis, aut cogitatione animi, inenarrabiliter transcendere Creatorem. Sed uis illum mente contingere? Purga mentem, purga cor tuum. [... ] Beati

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When Augustine therefore thematically approaches the knowability of God, he turns out to be more apophatic than the reception of his work suggests. As the 'destroyer of heretics' he even makes it impossible for himself to dispute their opinions. 'Destruction', however, does not seem to be his aim. But the following should be noted: he emphasises that despite God's incomprehensibility, an anything but complete, more intuitive notion of God can corne to man through a correct inner disposition. The question arises of how a human being can approach God (contingere) when to comprehend (comprehendere) Him is impossible. At the end of sermo 117 Augustine attempts to answer this. The emphasis is now on God's incomprehensibility. In his In Iohannis euangelium tractatus Augustine puts forward that a preacher should never let his congregation remain convinced of the idea that Christ is incomprehensible. He would only deprive them of the awareness that Christ can mean much for humanity as a mediator and doctor. 37 In De Trinitate Augustine continues this line of thought. As long as the believer is not yet capable of taking solid food, he is nourished by milk, by belief; as long as the mind is not pure enough to see the ineffable, man has to look up to the crucified. In Him he can form an image of God. 38 At the end of sermo 117 Augustine reiterates this line of thought and delineates the implications of the incarnation. As in his commentary on the gospel of John, he calls to mind that John avidly absorbed "the deepest secrets of Christ". Augustine stresses that the evangelist acknowledged two fondamental things when he was resting on the chest of the Lord. First, he recognised that the W ord was made flesh (Ioh. 1, 1). Second, he understood that every human being can be called a child of God (1 Ioh. 3, 2). These points of departure bring Augustine to an awareness that is surprising, as

enim mundo corde, quoniam ipsi Deum uidebunt [Matth. 5, 8]. Translation taken from E. HILL, Sermons, III/4, p. 219. 37 Cf. Io. eu. Ir. 124, 9 (Christus as medicus: Io. eu. Ir. 2, 16; 3, 2; 3, 14; 3, 18; 9, 10; 12, 12 and 16). 38 trin. 1, 1, 3. Cf. ibid. 1, 12, 23; 2, 1, 2. For that matter it should be noted that this image did not so much relate to the moral plane, as the Arians thought, as if the Son would be equal to the Father in willing and acting, but not in nature (cf. trin. 1, 6, 9; 6, 9, 10: Christ is the image of the invisible God).

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well as down-to-earth. If man is incapable of grasping the incarnate W ord in a divine form, then he must listen to the W ord in a human form. Augustine regularly interrelates these perspectives with each other. 39 Here, in sermo 117, he plainly starts from the idea that in Christ God himself cornes into human life and ad dresses man: "Beloved, we are children of God, and it has not yet appeared what we shall be; we know that when he appears we shall be like him, since we shall see him as he is [I Ioh. 3, 2]. That is what we are promised! But in order to get there, if we cannot yet see the W ord as God, let us listen to the Word as flesh. Because we have become fleshbound, materialistic [carnales], let us listen to the Word who became flesh. The reason he has corne, you see, the reason he has taken upon himself our infirmity, is so that you may be able to receive a firm discourse of God, as he bears your infirmity. And it is very properly called milk, because he is giving milk to the little ones, so that he may give them the solid food of wisdom when they are grown up." 40

Augustine hastens to add that the Word remained immutably itself. Being one in essence with the Father, it did not change its nature. But the W ord became in one way or another interwoven (quodammodo contextum) with man. 41 The highest level of receptivity to the mystery of the Incarnation appears also now to be embodied in the Incarnation. One must be humble and meek, as Christ was. The road to insight into the nature of God is for Augustine thus paved with the consciousness of God's loftiness, incomprehensibility and ineffability. He realises, though that man can only walk that path when he has mastered the basic attitude of humility. For this 39 s. 117, 15. Cf. s. 43, 9 (CCSL 41, p. 512, li. 184-185): Intellege, ut credas, uerbum meum; crede, ut intellegas, Verbum Dei. 40 s. 117, 15-16: Dilectissimi, filii Dei sumus; et nondum apparuit quid erimus:

scimus quia cum apparuerit, similes ei erimus, quoniam uidebimus eum sicuti est

[I Ioh. 3, 2]. Hoc nobis promittitur. Sed ut perueniamus, si nondum possumus uidere Verbum Deum, audiamus Verbum carnem: quia carnales facti sumus, audiamus Verbum carnem factum. Ideo enim uenit, ideo suscepit infirmilatem noslram, ut possis firmam locutionem capere Dei portantis infirmitatem tuam [cf. 1 loh. 1, 14]. Et uere dictum est lac. Lac enim dat paruulis, ut cibum sapientiae del maioribus. Translation taken from E. HILL, Sermons, lll/4, pp. 219-220. Compare Io. eu. Ir. 1, 1. 41 S.

117, 16.

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was the mainspring behind the incarnation and the medicine of the medicus humilis: Christ the humble doctor. 42 Only by accepting this basic attitude can man experience certain peace: "Come to me, all you who toil and are overburdened, and 1 will refresh you. Take my yoke upon you and learn of me; because 1 am meek and humble of heart" (Matth. 11, 28-29). 43 As in De Trinitate Augustine indicates with this quotation from the gospel of Mathew that everything which originates from the opposite of humility, i.e. pride (superbia), is wearisome and burdensome. But even more emphatically than in De Trinitate, in sermo 117 he emphasises that God did not become a human being as Wisdom in order to explain to humanity why heaven and earth have been created. Neither did it seem to him that God became a human being in order to explain that God by virtue of incontrovertible calculations already knew from the beginning how many hairs any individual would have at any given time. 44 These are questions about the 'why' of everything and everyone. They receive no answer here on earth. They remain enclosed in the mystery of God: the ordo behind everything remains hidden. What God came to teach according to Augustine was humility. In letting go one's own 'loftiness', and so imita te Christ, the human being is able to know, to 'see' God in a certain manner: "You were thinking, no doubt, that the Wisdom of God was going to say, 'Learn how 1 made the heavens and the stars'; also, since in me all things, even before they were made, had been numbered [cf. Sap. 11, 20] how in virtue of their unchangeable ideas even the hairs of your head have been numbered [cf. Matth. 10, 30]. Is that the sort of thing you were thinking she would say? No. But first this: 'that 1 am meek and humble of heart'. [... ] Do you wish to lay hold of the loftiness of God? First catch hold of God's lowliness. Deign to be lowly, to be humble, because God has deigned to be lowly and humble on the same account, yours, not his own. So catch hold of Christ's humility, learn to be humble, don't be

42 S.

117, 17. s. 117, 17: Venite ad me, omnes qui laboratis et onerati estis, et ego reficiam uos. Tollite iugum meum super uos, et discite a me quia mitis sum et humilis corde [Matth. 11, 28-29]. Translation taken from E. HILL, Sermons, III/4, p. 220. 44 S. 117, 17. 43

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proud. Confess your infirmity, lie there patiently in the presence of the doctor. When you have caught hold of bis humility, you start rising up with him. Not as though be bas to rise, insofar as he is the Word; but it's you, rather, who do so, so that be may be grasped by you more and more." 45 3. Conclusion In the light of what Augustine said as a young priest, around 392, in Enarratio in Psalmum 9 on heresies, an interesting change in Augustine's development can be noticed. His view on heterodoxy seemed to become less affirmative and academic the older he became. In the concerned Enarratio Augustine posits that heterodox movements are not desired by God. They corne into existence for one mysterious reason or another. Nevertheless, they serve the whole because now comparisons are possible. Darkness and evil are useful in so far as they contribute to the realisation that light and goodness are preferable. In this way also heterodoxies fit in God's order, for comparing (comparatio) orthodox and heterodox views contribute to the discovery of truth of the former. 46 The usefulness (utilitas), maybe even the necessity, of these movements lies in their contrastive effect. Heresy fulfills a purpose in salvific history, as it were, because comparisons are necessary in order to sharply outline the good, which certainly deserves priority, and to uncover the truth. Sermo 117 reveals that Augustine still holds to this principle of comparison (comparatio). He even applies it, as seen before, without

45 s. 117, 17: Putabas forte dicturam Sapientiam Dei, Discite quomodo coelos feci et astra: omnia etiam in me, antequam fierent, numerata erant; quomodo in uirtute rationum incommutabilium etiam capilli uestri numerati sunt [cf. Matth. 10, 30]. Haec putabas et talia esse dicturam? Non. Sed prias illud, Quoniam mitis sum et humilis corde. [... ] Vis capere celsitudinem Dei? Cape prias humilitatem Dei. Dignare esse humilis propter te, quia Deus dignatus est humilis esse propter eumdem te: non enim propter se. Cape ergo humilitatem Christi, disce humilis esse, noli superbire. Confitere infirmitatem tuam, iace patienter ante medicum. Gum ceperis humilitatem eius, surgis cum illo: non quasi et ipse surgat secundum quod Verbum est; sed tu potius, ut mugis magisque a te capiatur [cf. Matth. 10, 30; Luc. 12, 7]. Translation taken from: Augustine, Sermons 111/4. On the New Testament, p. 220. 46 Cf. en. Ps. 9, 20.

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referring to it explicitly. On the one hand sermo 117 is a sermon in which the boundaries between orthodoxy and heterodoxy are clearly set by this principle of comparatio. On the other hand, an appreciation for speaking in a heterodox way about God also rings throughout it. In this sermon the heterodox speaking about a certain aspect of the Tri-unity can even be found to elucidate more than the orthodox expression. Above all, Augustine's insight here that it is better to remain silent about God contributes to a much more lenient tone than with the application of the principle that permeates his early work when he draws comparisons. Nonetheless, Augustine refuses to resign himself to the notion that God is so mysterious as to preclude the possibility of saying anything about him at all. He admittedly acknowledges in sermo 117 that he prefers to remain silent about God, and his awareness of the incomprehensibility and ineffability of God even leads him to credit an image derived from Arianism with some significance. On closer inspection Augustine in fact presupposes the negation of any claim of knowing God as a precondition for credible propositional discourse about him. Sermo 117 is also proof that it is impossible to maintain the theory that Augustine weakened apophatic theology with his dogmatic assertions. The opposite is in fact true. In this sermon he shows pre-eminently that affirmative and negative speaking about God are inextricably connected to each other and as such greatly add to the value of the other. In sermo 117 he actually expands on the difficulties resulting from speaking affirmatively about God. It can possibly also be inferred that Augustine did not really feel the Arians to be a threat to the unity of the catholica (the universal, undivided, Catholic Church). According to Augustine, heretics and schismatics had converted to the status of superstitio, which was diametrically opposed to the status of religio, because they lacked particularly the unity of doctrine and sacrament that characterises the catholica. 47 The 'old' Augustine stated that though they were born from the church and thus were "daughters of the church'', they were malae filiae. 48 But seeing that the Arians were no longer felt to be a danger leading to a schism, he made use of their state-

47 48

Cf. uera rel. 5, 8-9. Cf. ciu. 37, 27.

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ments. If the 'heresy' could have led to an actual schism, as he thought was the case with the Pelagians, bis tone would probably have been much more decisive. As soon as the unity of the church was at stake, he proved to be much more reluctant to emphasise the incomprehensibility of God. The measure in which Augustine emphasised God's incomprehensibility seemed to depend on the measure in which he perceived the unity of the church to be at peril. This question could be the subject for a following contribution. What can be discerned from sermo 117 is that the uncertainty that is the necessary consequence of the incomprehensibility of God did not fail to leave its mark on the man Augustine. Augustine's works acquire a new brilliance when they are viewed in the light of this growing uncertainty. It is true to say that for him apophasis formed the heart of bis 'theology'. Whenever this fact is forgotten, that bis treatment of the great theological themes he addressed was accompanied by caveats about the relativity of such discourse, its essential tenor is obscured. Every attempt to speak thematically about God is in fact an attempt to remain silent about him. Augustine gives no final answer to the question as to who God is. Nevertheless, bis faith in God as incomprehensible but near provides a clear direction and perspective to bis thinking.

Weihnachten, Neujahr und Epiphanie in Hippo (Nordafrika): Diskussionsbeitrage zu Festgehalt und -Umstanden (Sermones 184-204A, 369-370, 373-375) Hubertus R. DROBNER (Paderborn) Das vierte J ahrhundert stellte die entscheidenden W eichen für die Entwicklung des kirchlichen Festkalenders. Die theologischen, chronologischen und regionalen Details dieses Prozesses bleiben jedoch auf der zur Verfügung stehenden Quellenbasis in vieler Hinsicht unklar. Der Erkenntnisfortschritt auf diesem Gebiet erfordert daher kontinuierliche Erê:irterung, Schlu13folgerungen und Hypothesenbildung. Das spatantike Nordafrika bildet dabei keine Ausnahme. Obgleich oder gerade weil das umfangreiche Schrifttum Augustins, insbesondere sein Predigtcorpus, au13ergewê:ihnlich reichhaltiges Material zur Verfügung stellt, bedürfen seine W erke bestandig weiterer Analyse und neuer liturgiehistorischer Auswertung. 1 Geschichte, Gehalt und Umstande des W eihnachts- und Epiphaniefestes in der Alten Kirche sind seit dem grundlegenden W erk über Das Weihnachtsfest von Hermann UsENER (1889) verschiedentlich behandelt worden, 2 die Feier des Neujahrstages dagegen auf1 V gl. die zwar in Details überholte, aber ais Gesamtsicht noch immer grundlegende Studie von W. ROETZER, Des heiligen Augustinus Schriften als liturgiegeschichtliche Quelle. Eine liturgie-geschichtliche Studie, München, 1930. 2 3 2 Vgl. u.a. H. USENER, Das Weihnachtsfest, Bonn, 1889, 1911 , 1969 (= Hildesheim, 1972); A. MEYER, Das W eihnachtsfest. Seine Entstehung und Entwicklung, Tübingen, 1913; K. HoLL, ,,Der Ursprung des Epiphaniefestes", in ders., Gesammelte Aufsütze zur Kirchengeschichte II: Der Osten, Tübingen, 1928 (= Darmstadt, 1968), S. 123-154; B. BOTTE, Les origines de la Noël et de l'Épiphanie. Étude historique, Louvain, 1932 (Textes et études liturgiques, 1); O. CuLLMANN, Der Ursprung des Weihnachtsfestes, Zürich - Stuttgart, 1960 (= zweite, leicht überarbeitete Auflage von ders., W eihnachten in der alten K irche, Base!, 1947); L. FENDT, ,,Der heutige Stand der Forschung über das Geburtsfest am 25. XII. und über Epiphanias", Theologische Literaturzeitung, 78 (1953), S. 1-10; E. PAx, ,,Epiphanie", in Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, 5 (1962), Sp.

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grund der bis vor wenigen Jahren auBerst sparlichen Quellenlage kaum. 3 Zur Vorbereitung bzw. Erganzung der zweisprachigen Edition der Sermones ad populum Augustins 4 beabsichtigt der nachstehende Beitrag, auf der Grundlage einer eingehenden Lektüre der augustinischen Festpredigten und unter Berücksichtigung der bisherigen Studien, Gehalt und Umstiinde der Feier aller drei weihnachtlichen Feste in Hippo und N ordafrika gemeinsam in den Blick zu nehmen und kritisch zu evaluieren. Der Begriff ,,Weihnachtsfestkreis" wird dabei bewuBt nicht verwendet, weil es einen Weihnachtsfestkreis im mittelalterlichen und modernen Sinne, d.h. einer ein-

832-909; A. STROBEL, ,,Jahrespunkt-Spekulation und frühchristliches Festjahr. Ein kritischer Bericht zur Frage des Ursprungs des Weihnachtsfestes", Theologische Literaturzeitung, 87 (1962), S. 183-194; J. MossAY, Les fêtes de Noël et d'Épiphanie d'après les sources Cappadociens du 1v• sie'cle, Louvain, 1965 (Textes et études liturgiques, 3); Noël - Épiphanie - Retour du Christ, Paris, 1967 (Lex Orandi, 40); H. AuF DER MAUR, Feiern im Rhythmus der Zeit I: Herrenfeste in Woche und Jahr, Regensburg, 1983 (Gottesdienst der Kirche. Handbuch der Liturgiewissenschaft, 5), S. 154-176; F. MANN, ,,Epiphaniasfest I. Kirchengeschichtlich", in Theologische Realenzyklopüdie, 9 (1982), S. 762-769; G. W1NKLER, ,,Die Licht-Erscheinung bei der Taufe Jesu und der Ursprung des Epiphaniefestes. Eine Untersuchung griechischer, syrischer, armenischer und lateinischer Quellen", Oriens Christianus, 78 (1994), S. 177-229; M. MERRAS, The Origins of the Celebration of the Christian Feast of Epiphany. An Ideological, Cultural and Historical Study, Joensuu, 1995; S. K. RoLL, Toward the Origins of Christmas, Kampen, 1995; H. FôRSTER, Die Feier der Geburt Christi in der Allen Kirche. Beitrüge zur Erforschung der Anfünge des Epiphanie- und des W eihnachtsfests, Tübingen, 2000 (Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum, 4); R. T. BEcKWITH, Calendar and Chronology, Jewish and Christian. Biblical, Intertestamental and Patristic Studies, Boston - Leiden, 2001, S. 71-79; M. WALLRAFF, Christus Verus Sol. Sonnenverehrung und Christentum in der Spütantike, Münster, 2001 (Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum. Erganzungsband, 32), S. 174-195; S. K. RoLL, ,, Weihnachten/Weihnachtsfest/Weihnachtspredigt I. Geschichte, Theologie und Liturgie", in Theologische Realenzyklopüdie, 35 (2003), S. 453-468; H. FôRSTER, Die Anfünge von W eihnachten und Epiphanias. Eine Anfrage an die Entstehungshypothesen, Tübingen, 2007 (Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum, 46). 3 Vgl. H. ScHRÔER, ,,Neujahrsfest IV. Christliche Kirchen", in Theologische Realenzyklopüdie, 24 (1994), S. 324-327. 4 H. R. DROBNER, Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zum Weihnachtsfest (Sermones 184-196). Einleitung, Text, Übersetzung und Anmerkungen, Frankfurt, 2003 (Patrologia, 11); ders., Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zu Neujahr und Epiphanie. Einleitung, Text, Übersetzung und Anmerkungen (Sermones 196/A-204/A), Frankfurt, 2010 (Patrologia, 22), im Druck.

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heitlich strukturierten Abfolge von Festen zwischen dem 25. Dezember und dem 6. Januar bzw. 2. Februar noch nicht gab. 1. Weihnachten und Epiphanie a. Datum Es besteht Einigkeit darüber, daB das Geburtsfest Christi in der Westkirche seit seiner Entstehung am 25. Dezember gefeiert wurde, in der Ostkirche dagegen am 6. Januar. Weniger unumstritten sind dagegen die Gründe für diese Datierung. Die Neuzeit neigt üblicherweise zu der sogenannten ,,religionsgeschichtlichen Hypothese". Sie erkliirt das Datum des W eihnachtsfestes mit dem Verweis auf die Wintersonnenwende, die schon die nichtchristliche Antike als das Geburtsfest des Mithras und seit 275 als den Festtag des Sol inuictus begangen habe. Um diesem Fest eine christliche Deutung zu geben, habe die Kirche das Datum zum Geburtsfest Christi, der ,, wahren Sonne der Gerechtigkeit" (Mal. 3, 20), gewahlt. lm Osten habe das Weihnachtsfest am 6. Januar das heidnische Geburtsfest des Aion verdrangen sollen. 5 Augustinus ist dagegen, wie viele andere Vater, davon überzeugt, daB der 25. Dezember der historische Geburtstag Christi sei, wie er sowohl in Sermo 369, 1 Saluator noster [... ] uoluit habere in terra natalem diem hune, quem hodie celebramus als auch in De trinitate 4, 5, 9 ausdrücklich als die traditionelle Ansicht der Kirche bezeugt: Octauo enim kalendas apriles conceptus creditur quo et passus; [... ] Natus autem traditur octauo kalendas ianuarias. Damit erkliirt Augustinus auch, wie die Alte Kirche zu ihrer Auffassung gelangte. Sowohl die Feier der Geburt Christi am 25. Dezember als auch am 6. Januar gehen auf kalendarische Berechnungen des Todestages Jesu zurück, ausgehend von der schon aus dem Judentum stammenden Überzeugung, daB vollkommene Menschen (z. B. die Patriarchen) vollkommene Jahre leben, d. h. an demselben Kalendertag sterben, an dem sie gezeugt wurden. lm W esten errechnete man den 25. Marz, im Osten den 6. April als Todestag Christi. Daher wurden diese Daten

5 Vgl. RoLL, ,,Weihnachten" (Anm. 2), S. 455-457; FôRSTER, Die Feier der Geburt Christi (Anm. 2), S. 2 f.; ders., Die Anfiinge (Anm. 2), S. 7-23, 39-56 und die dort zitierte frühere Literatur.

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als der Tag seiner Verkündigung gefeiert und neun Monate spater seine Geburt. 6 Augustinus verkennt dabei nicht den treffenden Symbolismus des 25. Dezember als des Tages der Wintersonnenwende und halt diese Konizidenz auch keineswegs für Zufall. Wahrend sie aber die moderne ,,religionsgeschichtliche Hypothese" durch menschliches Handeln erkliirt - weil das historische Geburtsdatum Jesu unbekannt sei, hatten die Menschen den 25. Dezember um seiner Symboltriichtigkeit willen und zum Ersatz der heidnischen Peste gewahlt -, argumentiert Augustinus umgekehrt: der Sohn Gottes habe sich als Schôpfer der Zeit selbst den 25. Dezember wegen seines Symbolgehalts zu seinem Geburtstag bestimmt (vgl. s. 369, 1). Denn er allein habe sich aussuchen kônnen (elegit), an welchem Tag er geboren werden wollte (vgl. s. 190, 1; 192, 3). Den kürzesten Tag des Jahres habe er deshalb gewahlt, ,,damit die zeitliche Schôpfung mit ihrem ewigen, in der Zeit geschaffenen Schôpfer übereinstimme" (s. 186, 3: Aeterno quippe Creatori in tempore creato [... ], cui creatura congrueret temporalis). Der Sinn bestehe namlich im mysterium lacis (s. 190, 1). Die Nacht symbolisiere die irdische Zeit der Sünde und des Unglaubens, worin die Menschen lebten (s. 189, 1; 190, 1). Wenn aber Christus, das Licht, zur Welt komme, ende die Ausbreitung des bôsen Finsternis. Vielmehr beginne das Licht (der Erlôsung) zu wachsen, so wie auch die Tage ab Weihnachten wieder zunahmen (s. 192, 3; 196, 1; 369, 1; 370, 4). 7 b. Ursprung W eniger Einigkeit herrscht unter den Gelehrten über die Grün de für die Einführung des Weihnachtsfestes. Christine MoHRMANN kam 1961 in ihrem Artikel zu den ,,Weihnachtspredigten des hl. Augustinus" zu dem SchluB: ,,Wenn man die altesten Weihnachtspredigten liest - und die altesten liturgischen Texte studiert - bekommt man

6 Vgl. ROLL, ,,Weihnachten" (Anm. 2), S. 457 f.; FôRSTER, Die Feier der Geburt Christi (Anm. 2), S. 3; ders., Die Anfiinge (Anm. 2), S. 4-7, S. 25-39. Andere Daten wie der 10. Januar, 28. Mii.rz, 20. Mai oder 18. November setzten sich nicht durch. Vgl. AuF DER MAUR, Herrenfeste (Anm. 2), S. 166 f.; S. K. RoLL, ,,Weihnachten 1. Liturgiegeschichtlich u. liturgisch", in Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, 10 (3. Auflage, 2001), Sp. 1017-1020, hier: Sp. 1017 f. 7 Vgl. DROBNER, Predigten zum Weihnachtsfest (Anm. 4), S. 65.

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[... ] den Eindruck, daB gewisse theologische Erwagungen bestimmend gewesen sind. Nach dem Konzil von Nicaea bat man deutlich das Bedürfnis gefühlt, die menschliche und ewige Geburt des Sohnes Gattes besonders zu betonen. " 8 Denselben Gedanken hatten zuvor bereits O. CuLLMANN (1947/1960) und A. Allan McARTHUR (1953) geaullert. 9 Christine MottRMANN scheint diese Publikationen aber nicht gekannt zu haben, sie zitiert sie jedenfalls nicht. Hans FôRSTER stellte diese ,,apologetische Entstehungshypothese" in eine Reihe mit der ,,religionsgeschichtlichen Hypothese" und der ,,Berechnungshypothese" (2000). Er war sich zwar bewullt, daB A. STROBEL (1962) sie mit der religionsgeschichtlichen Hypothese zusammenfallt, 10 und er riiumte auch ein, daB sie sich ,,nie ganz aus dem Schatten der religionsgeschichtlichen Hypothese lôsen konnte", hielt ihre Eigenstandigkeit aber dennoch aufrecht, denn ,,schlieBlich ist es ein entscheidender Unterschied, ob die Einführung eines Festes in der Kirche durch einen innerchristlichen, dogmatischen Disput veranlallt wird oder ob heidnische Feste den AnstoB geben, ihnen ein christliches gegenüber entgegenzusetzen". 11 Dieses Argument ist zwar prinzipiell richtig, freilich werden dabei die Argumentationsebenen nicht sauber geschieden. Die beiden Fragen, warum das W eihnachtsfest eingeführt wurde und warum es auf den 25. Dezember bzw. 6. Januar terminiert wurde, sind argumentativ prazise zu unterscheiden. Die ,,Berechnungshypothese" erkliirt nur, warum das Weihnachtsfest auf den 25. Dezember bzw. 6. Januar terminiert wurde, nicht aber, warum sich die Kirche im Verlauf des 4. Jh. veranlallt gesehen bat, es einzuführen. Die ,,apologetische Hypothese" erkliirt andererseits nur, warum die Kirche das W eihnachtsfest einführte, nicht aber ihre Wahl der Daten dafür. Die ,,religionsgeschichtliche Hypothese" schlielllich begründet zwar beides, aber nicht vollstiindig. Um heidnische Feste

B Ch. MoHRMANN, ,,Weihnachtspredigten des hl. Augustinus", Wiener humanistische Bliitter, 4 (1961), S. 1-17, hier: S. 2 f. 9 CuLLMANN (Anm. 2), S. 24 f.; A. A. McARTHUR, The Evolution of the Christian Year, London, 1953, S. 39-41. Zur weiteren Akzeptanz dieses Gedankens vgl. FôRSTER, Die Feier der Geburt Christi (Anm. 2), S. 2, Anm. 7. 10 STROBEL, ,,Jahrespunkt-Spekulation" (Anm. 2), S. 183. 11 FôRSTER, Die Feier der Geburt Christi (Anm. 2), S. 2 f.

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zu verdriingen, habe die Kirche das Geburtsfest Christi auf den 25. Dezember bzw. 6. Januar gelegt. Sie erkliirt aber nicht, warum die Kirche dazu gerade die Feier der Geburt Christi dazu wiihlte. Das erfordert zumindest einen weiteren Begründungszusammenhang wie die Symbolik Christi ais des Lichtes aus dem Osten o. ii. Das hei13t, eine undifferenzierte Liste der drei Hypothesen erweckt den unzutreffenden Anschein, ais ob sie dieselben Fragen beantworteten, und zwar in derselben Hinsicht. Das tun sie aber nicht. Alle beziehen sich auf verschiedenen Fragestellungen, und alle lassen Teile davon offen. Nur die priizise Differenzierung der Argumentationsebenen ermôglicht aber ein genaues Verstiindnis der Quellentexte. In seiner jüngsten Publikation (2007) unterscheidet daher auch FôRSTER nur noch zwei Hypothesen. 12 An den Teilfragen, warum und wann das Weihnachtsfest eingeführt wurde, ist Augustinus nicht interessiert. Er will nur (1) das Datum des 25. Dezember begründen und (2) die theologische und damit auch spirituelle Bedeutung des Festes erkliiren. lm Falle des Epiphaniefestes geht es ihm überhaupt nur um (2) die theologische und spirituelle Deutung. Augustins Begründung des Datums ist bereits erliiutert worden. Darüber hinaus unterstützen die Weihnachtspredigten Augustins in der Tat die These eines dogmatischen, anti-hiiretischen Zusammenhangs. In Sermo 186, 2 warnt Augustinus seine Gemeinde: ,,Es schleiche sich also bei euch nicht die Meinung einiger Leute ein, die nicht genug auf die Glaubensregel und die Aussagen der heiligen Schriften achten". Die regula fidei ist der rote Faden, der sich unübersehbar und mit grol3er Dichte durch aile W eihnachtspredigten Augustins zieht, und zwar ausdrücklich in der Form des Symbolum Nicaenum, nicht der Taufsymbola wie in den Osterpredigten. Die zahlreichen wôrtlichen Zitate aus dem Symbolum Nicaenum in Verbindung mit den au13ergewôhnlich hiiufigen weiteren Anspielungen, die sich durch alle W eihnachtspredigten ziehen, sind mehr als suggestiv. Sermo 188, 1 beginnt: Filium Dei, sicuti est apud Patrem aequalis illi et coaeternus, in quo condita sunt omnia in caelo et in terra, uisibilia et inuisibilia, V erbum Dei et Deum, uitam et lucem hominum.

12

Vgl.

FôRSTER,

Die Anfünge (Anm. 2), S. 25-56.

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Sermo 189, 1: Quis est iste dies de die, nisi Filius de Paire, lumen de lumine? [... ] qui de Virgine nasceretur hoc die [... ]. 13

Zusatzlich auffallig ist die starke Auseinandersetzung, die Augustinus in seinen W eihnachtspredigten mit den Haresien führt, die die wahre Gottheit bzw. die Realitat oder Vollstandigkeit der gê:ittlichen Inkarnation ablehnen: Arianismus, Photinianismus, Apolinarismus, Manichaismus. Die umfassende Analyse der W eihnachtspredigten Augustins zeigt, da13 er in neun von dreizehn Predigten den Arianismus zu einem zentral behandelten Thema macht, den Photinianismus in drei, den Apolinarismus und Manichiiismus in jeweils zwei. Allerdings, diese auffallend starken dogmatischen und anti-haretischen, insbesondere anti-arianischen Akzente der Weihnachtspredigten Augustins sind als Argument für den apologetischen Ursprung des Weihnachtsfestes unbrauchbar. Denn Augustinus hat, wie gesagt, nicht die Absicht, den Ursprung des Festes zu erkliiren, sondern es theologisch zu deuten. Diese Deutung kann aber vê:illig unabhangig von den Gründen zur Einführung des Festes erfolgt sein. Letztere Vermutung erhalt Rückhalt durch den Vergleich der Struktur der W eihnachtspredigten Augustins mit der seiner Osterpredigten. Bislang ging man üblicherweise aufgrund Epistula 55 an Januarius davon aus, da13 Augustinus nur das Osterfest als Feier eines mysterium/ sacramentum betrachtet, W eihnachten lediglich als Kommemoration eines historischen Datums: 14 Hier muBt du vor allem wissen, daB der Geburtstag des Herm nicht im Sinne eines Mysteriums (in sacramento) gefeiert wird, sondern dadurch lediglich an die Tatsache seiner Geburt erinnert wird, und es deshalb genügte, den jahrlich wiederkehrenden Tag, an dem das Ereignis selbst geschah, durch ein liturgisches Fest hervorzuheben. Ein Mysterium (sacramentum) aber ist dann in einer Feier enthalten, wenn das Gedachtnis an ein Ereignis mit dem Verstandnis begangen wird, da13 damit auch auf etwas verwiesen wird, was 13 Für eine vollstiindige Analyse aller Zitate und Anspielungen auf das Symbolum Nicaenum in den Weihnachtspredigten Augustins vgl. DROBNER, Predigten zum Weihnachtsfest (Anm. 4), S. 46-53. 14 Ep. 55, 2 ad inquisitiones Ianuarii liber secundus, hrsg. von A. GoLDBACHER, Wien, 1898 (CSEL 34.2), S. 170 f. Vgl. J. D1vJAK u. a., ,,Epistulae", in Augustinus-Lexikon, 2 (1996-2002), Sp. 893-1057, hier: Sp. 956 f., Sp. 1029, Sp. 1041; A. MANnouzE, Prosopographie de l'Afrique chrétienne (303-533), Paris, 1982, S. 584 f. (Ianuarius, 9).

228

HUBERTUS R. DROBNER man auf heilige Weise (sancte) empfangen muB. [... ] lm Leiden und der Auferstehung unseres Herm wird [... ] der Übergang von diesem sterblichen Leben zu dem anderen unsterblichen Leben, das heiBt vom Tod zum Leben, vorgestellt.

Am scharfsten fomulierte Goulven MADEC (1986-1994) den Gegensatz: ,, W eihnachten ist ein Fest, das an die Geburt Christi erinnert, ein Heiligenfest. Ostern ist mehr als ein Jahresfest: ein Sakrament, ein Mysterium, worin sich unser Übergang vom Tod zum Leben vollzieht". 15 Raniero CANTALAMESSA batte aber schon 1971 zur Vorsicht gemahnt, indem er zu bedenken gab, daB ,,Augustinus nur wenige Jahrzehnte nach der Einführung des Weihnachtsfestes schrieb' '. 16 In der Tat darf man wohl Augustins AuBerungen in Ep. 55 nicht verabsolutieren. Es handelt sich dabei um eine einmalige Momentaufnahme aus seinen frühen Bischofsjahren (um 400). Seine Weihnachtspredigten sprechen dagegen eine andere Sprache. Zwar finden sich an keiner Stelle Ausdrücke wie ,,das Mysterium der Weihnacht", aber in Sermo Dolbeau 22, 24-25 (= 341 auctus) die Formulierung sacramentum incarnationis. 17 AuBerdem ist durchgangig der Gedanke gegenwartig, daB es au ch an W eihnachten um das Heilsgeschehen der Erlôsung (sacramentum) geht und die historische Tatsache der Geburt Christi auch auf den mystischen Sinn seiner Erlôsungstat verweist. 18 Das Ostergeheimnis manifestiert sich im Frühlingsvollmond, 19 aber ,,auch sein Geburtstag birgt das Geheim-

15 G. MADEC, ,,Christus", in Augustinus-Lexikon, 1 (1986-1994), Sp. 845-908, hier: Sp. 862. 16 R. CANTALAMESSA, La Pasqua della nostra salvezza. Le tradizioni pasquali della Bibbia e della primitiva chiesa, Turin, 1971, S. 237. 17 F. DoLBEAU, ,,Nouveaux sermons de saint Augustin pour la conversion des païens et des donatistes (VII)", Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 40 (1994), S. 143-196, hier: S. 194 f. [= Augustin d'Hippone. Vingt-six Sermons au peuple d'Afrique. Retrouvés à Mayence, édités et commentés par F. DoLBEAU, Paris, 1996 (= Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 147), S. 525-578, hier: S. 576 f.]. 18 Vgl. MoHRMANN (Anm. 8), S. 3 f.: ,,Das Fest war für ihn an erster Stelle ein theologisches Fest.'' 19 Vgl. H. RAHNER, Symbole der Kirche. Die Ekklesiologie der Viiter, Salzburg, 1964, S. 132-139.

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nis (mysterium) seines Lichtes" (s. 190, 1). Wie an Ostem das Frühlingsaquinoktium den endgültigen Sieg des gottlichen Lichtes über das Dunkel des Bosen symbolisiere, so verweise die Wintersonnenwende an Weihnachten darauf, dal3 mit der Geburt des Erlosers das Licht beginne, das Dunkel zu verdrangen (s. 190, 1; 192, 3; 194, 2; 196, 1). In s. 194, 2 verbindet Augustinus das mysterium lucis der Geburt Christi mit einer komplementiiren Deutung des Geburtstages Johannes des Taufers zur Sommersonnenwende am 24. Juni. Die Geburtstage Christi und Johannes' seien figura für das W ort des Johannes: ,,Jener mul3 wachsen, ich aber abnehmen" (Ioh. 3, 30). Diesen Zusammenhang erlautert Augustinus auch in seinen Predigten am Geburtsfest Johannes des Taufers: ,,Weil Johannes schliel3lich auf eine für das Heilsgeheimnis bedeutende Weise (in magno sacramento) geboren wurde, feiert die Kirche nur den Geburtstag dieses einen Heiligen. Auch der Geburtstag des Herm wird gefeiert, freilich als der des Herm. [... ] Ich stelle daher eurer Liebe kurz das bedeutende Heilsgeheimnis (magnum sacramentum) vor. [... ] Achtet bei dem bedeutenden Heilszeichen (in magno sacramento) auf den Schuhriemen" (s. 290, 2-3). Der Geburtstag des Herm ist hier keineswegs mit dem Charakter eines jeden beliebigen Heiligenfestes im ausschliel3lichen Sinne eines blol3en Gedachtnisses zu vergleichen. Nur der Geburtstag Johannes des Taufers steht ihm gleich, weil auch er in magno sacramento geboren wurde. Zu dieser ausdrücklich sakramentalen, d. h. Erlôsungsbedeutung der Geburt Christi gesellen sich zahlreiche Einzelaussagen, die zur Erlosungstheologie gehoren, nicht zu einer rein historischen memoria, darunter insbesondere die Verweise auf den von Augustinus in Brief 55 ausdrücklich als zum osterlichen sacramentum gehorig definierten transitus vom Tod zum Leben: 20

20

Vgl.

DROBNER,

Predigten zum Weihnachtsfest (Anm. 4), S. 37.

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Heiligung des Weihnachtstages (consecratio) 21

S.

die Nacht dieser Welt vergeht (transit) Übergang vom Sichtbaren zum Unsichtbaren (transiremus) Christus Erlôser

S.

Christus Quelle des Lebens das sündige Fleisch wird durch ein sündeloses Abbild des sündigen Fleisches erlôst Leiden, Sterben, Auferstehung, Himmelfahrt, Wiederkunft zum Gericht Tod aus einer Frau - Leben aus einer Frau Wiedergeburt

S.

Unsterblichkeit Gott wird Mensch - Mensch wird Gott

S.

Aufstieg des Menschen zu Gott Menschen von Gott adoptiert der weihnachtliche Friede auf Erden führt zum Aufstieg in den Himmel mit dem Auferstehungsleib Rechtfertigung Versôhnung Befreiung des Menschen Ziel der Inkarnation: Reinigung von den Lastern des Fleisches Aufrichtung des Menschen, Reichtum, Freiheit, Besitz des Himmels VerheiBung des Himmels Einzug ins himmlischc J crusalcm

S.

S.

186, 1; 187, 1; 188, 2; 189, 1; 194, 1; 195, 1 189, 1 190, 1

S.

184, 2; 185, 2; 190, 2; 191, 3-4; 369, 1-2 194, 4 184, 2; 185, 1

S.

190, 3; 369, 1-2

S.

s. 184, 2 184, 2; 189, 3; 191, 3; 195, 2;

S.

S.

S. S.

185, 1; 190, 3; 192, 2; 370, 4 187, 4; 190, 4 184, 3; 186, 2; 192, 1 ; 194, 3 ; 369, 3 184, 1; 185, 3 184, 3; 194, 1 193, 1

S.

185, 194, 191, 195,

S.

192, 3

S.

192, 1 190, 3

S. S. S.

S.

2 2 1; 369, 3 2

21 Consecrare ist der althergebrachte Terminus technicus der Überweisung einer Sache in den Bereich des Gôttlichen (sacrum), wie es eben auch für die liturgischen Feste gilt. Augustinus verwendet den Begriff auch für das Osterfest, das durch das Blut Jesu Christi geheiligt ist (Io. eu. Ir. 50, 2), für den Sonntag (s. 169, 3) sowie für Martyrerfeste, geheiligt durch das Blut der Martyrer (s. 282, 1 Perpetua und Felicitas; s. 295, 1.8; 297, 5 Peter und Paul). Vgl. L. KoEP, ,,Consecratio I", in Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, 3 (1957), Sp. 269-283.

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Nach dem Zeugnis seiner W eihnachtspredigten scheint Augustinus also entgegen der bisherigen Interpretation keineswegs ein Leben lang an der gegenüber Januarius in Brief 55 um das J ahr 400 geaullerten Auffassung des Weihnachtsfestes als blolles Gedachtnis eines historischen Ereignisses festgehalten zu haben. lm Laufe seines Lebens scheint Augustinus vielmehr die Entwicklung hin zu einem Verstandnis des Weihnachtsfestes als Teil des ôsterlichen Erlôsungsgeheimnisses vorangetrieben zu haben, die Leo der Grolle dann in dem Begriff des natiuitatis dominicae sacramentum (s. 26) zusammengefallt hat. 22 Auf dieser Basis erscheinen Augustins W eihnachtspredigten als theologisch-sakramentales Pendant zu Ostern. Wahrend der Fasten- und Osterzeit erfolgt die Auferstehungskatechese auf der Grundlage der Taufsymbola, an Weihnachten die komplementare Inkarnationskatechese nach dem Symbolum Nicaenum. c. Alter und Rang Es herrscht auch Einigkeit darüber, dal3 in der W estkirche das Weihnachtsfest am 25. Dezember alter ist als die Feier der Epiphanie am 6. Januar. Als iilteste erhaltene lateinische Weihnachtspredigt gilt der dem Optatus von Mileve zugeschriebene Sermo in natali sanctorum innocentium, der etwa in das Jahr 360 datiert wird. 23 Das Epiphaniefest ist erstmals für das gallische Vienne 361 bezeugt 24 und in Norditalien gegen 383, 25 in Nordafrika aber stellen

22 Vgl. AuF DER MAUR, Herrenfeste (Anm. 2), S. 169. Ebenso J. GAILLARD, ,,Noël, memoria ou mystère?", La Maison-Dieu, 59 (1959), S. 35-59; G. HuDON, ,,Le mystère de Noël dans le temps de l'Église d'après saint Augustin", in La Maison-Dieu, 59 (1959), S. 77-80; M. PELLEGRINO, ,,L'influsso di S. Agostino su S. Leone Magno nei Sermoni sui Natale e sull'epifania", in ders., Ricerche patristiche (1938-1980), Heft 1, Turin, 1982, S. 143-194, hier: S. 169 f. [= Annali del Pontificio Istituto Superiore di Scienze e Lettere ,,S. Chiara", 11 (1961), S. 101132, hier: S. 107 f.]. 23 Hrsg. von A. WrLMART, ,,Un Sermon de saint Optat pour la fête de Noël", Revue des sciences religieuses, 2 (1922), 271-302 = PLS 1, S. 288-294. Zu den Fragen der Autorschaft und Datierung vgl. FôRSTER, Die Anfünge (Anm. 2), S. 264267. 24 Ammianus Marcellinus, Res gestae 21, 2, 5, hrsg. von W. SEYFARTH, vol. I: libri XIV-XXV, Leipzig, 1978, S. 219; vgl. AuF DER MAUR, Herrenfeste (Anm. 2), S. 156.

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Augustins Predigten die frühesten Zeugnisse dar. Er betont, daf3 das Fest aus dem Osten stamme, und wann immer er sich in seinen Predigten auf Weihnachten bezieht, wird deutlich, daf3 Epiphanie ihren Sinn von W eihnachten ber bezieht, nicht umgekehrt. 26 Das zusatzliche Argument Martin KLôCKENERS, daf3 Augustinus das Epiphaniefest ,,nicht zu den wichtigsten Feiern des Christusmysteriums" zahle, weil er es in den Briefen 54, 1 und 55, 2 an Ianuarius (um 400) nicht erwahne, überzeugt allerdings weniger. Zum einen laf3t ein argumentum e silentio grundsatzlich keine eindeutigen und damit keine verliif3lichen Schlüsse zu. Zum anderen nennt Augustinus in Epistula 54, 1 auch das W eihnachtsfest nicht, sondern nur den Osterzyklus mit Leiden, Auferstehung, Himmelfahrt und Geistsendung. Epistula 55, 2 beantwortet die Frage, warum Ostern ein bewegliches Fest sei und Weihnachten nicht. Die Erwahnung der Epiphanie erscheint dabei nicht erforderlich. Beide Briefe scheinen mir daher keine für das Epiphaniefest relevante Aussage zu machen. d. Weihnachten und Epiphanie bei den Donatisten In Sermo 202, 2 sagt Augustinus über das Epiphaniefest: ,,Zu Recht wollten die haretischen Donatisten niemals diesen Tag mit uns feiern, weil sie weder die Einheit lieben, noch mit der Ostkirche, wo j ener Stern erschienen ist, Gemeinschaft pflegen". Martin KLôCKENER vermeidet im Artikel ,,Epiphania" im Augustinus-Lexikon eine eindeutige Stellungnahme zur Interpretation der Passage, indcm cr unvcrbindlich formulicrt: ,,Die Donatistcn fcicrten es hingegen nicht wie die übrige Kirche", beurteilt gleichwohl FôRSTERS Interpretation als ,,zu spekulativ". 27 Hans FôRSTER gehôrt namlich zu denen, die aus Augustins Bemerkung Rückschlüsse auf die Fragen ziehen wollen, ob die Donatisten das W eihnachtsfest feierten und das W eihnachtsfest deshalb vorkonstantinischen 25 Filastrius von Brescia, Diuersarum hereseon liber CXL [112], 1, hrsg. von F. HEYLEN, Turnhout, 1957 (CCSL 9), S. 304; Petrus Chrysologus, Sermones 156-160, hrsg. von A. ÜLIVAR, Turnhout, 1982 (CCSL 24B), S. 970-993; vgl. AuF DER MAUR, Herrenfeste (Anm. 2), S. 157. 25 Vgl. FôRSTER, Die Feier der Geburt Christi (Anm. 2), S. 88-114; M. KLôCKENER, ,,Epiphania", in: Augustinus-Lexikon, 2 (1996-2002), Sp. 861-865, hier: Sp. 862. 27 KLôCKENER (Anm. 26), Sp. 862 mit Anm. 9.

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Ursprungs sei. 28 Diese Spekulationen gehen in der Tat zu weit, weil sie dem augustinischen Text eine Beweislast aufbürden, die er nicht tragen kann. François DOLBEAU auJ3erte in der Einleitung zur Edition des Sermo 374 auctus eine neue Idee. 29 Ihm erscheint die weithin akzeptierte Auslegung von Sermo 202, 2, daJ3 die Donatisten Epiphanie nicht feierten, ,,gezwungen" (forcée) und versteht die Worte ,,mit uns" (nobiscum) im Sinne von ,,nicht am selben Tag wie wir", d.h. die katholische Kirche in Ost und West. Gleichzeitig verweist er auf die pseudo-augustinische Predigt Sermo Caillau-Saint Yves 2, 38, wo es heiJ3t: ,,Die Donatisten, die vom Orient abgespalten sind, vom Licht getrennt und in den finsteren Regionen des W estens leben, werfen den Magiern vor, daJ3 sie glaubten, Gott mit ihrer Kunst, nicht mit Frômmigkeit suchen zu sollen". 30 Dieser Gedanke würde eher dafür sprechen, daJ3 die Donatisten die Feier des Epiphaniefestes ablehnten. Allerdings bezieht sich diese Passage nicht auf das Epiphaniefest. Auch der Kontext von Sermo 202 scheint eher die traditionelle Interpretation zu unterstützen, daJ3 die Donatisten das Epiphaniefest nicht feierten, als daJ3 sie es an einem anderen Tag als die katholische Kirche begingen. Augustinus beginnt Sermo 202 unmittelbar mit der Feststellung, daJ3 ,,die Feier des heutigen Tages auf der ganzen W elt bekannt ist" (hodierni diei per uniuersum mundum nota solemnitas). Dann erklart er, daJ3 das Wort ,,Epiphanie" (und damit wohl auch das Fest) aus dem Griechischen stamme und auf Lateinisch manifestatio bedeute: die Offenbarung des Herrn an die Juden in den Hirten durch den Engel und an die Heiden in den Magiern durch den Stern. Diese Erklarung mündet erneut in die Betonung der Universalitat des Festes: ,,Daher nahm die gesamte Gemeinschaft/Kirche der Heiden (uniuersa ecclesia gentium) ganz 28 Vgl. FôRSTER, Die Feier der Geburt Christi (Anm. 2), S. 107-109. 29 F. DoLBEAU, ,,Le sermon 374 de saint Augustin sur l'Épiphanie. Édition du texte original", in Philologia Sacra. Philologia Sacra. Biblische und patristische Studien für Hermann J. Frede und Walter Thiele, hrsg. v. R. GRYSON, Freiburg, 1993 (Vetus Latina, 24.2), S. 525-559, hier: S. 529 f., Anm. 21 [= Augustin d'Hippone. Vingt-six sermons (Anm. 17), S. 579-615, hier: S. 585 f., Anm. 21]. 30 Ps. Augustinus, Sermo Caillau-Saint-Yves 2, 38, PLS 2, S. 1048-1052. Vgl. F. ScoRzA BARCELLONA, ,,I donatisti, l'Epifania e i Magi seconda Ps. Agostino, sermone Caillau - Saint-Yves II 38", Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni, 50 (1984), S. 5-18, hier: S. 8.

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gottergeben diesen Tag als Festtag an". Juden und Heiden seien so in Christus vereint worden (unterstützt von Zitaten aus Matth. 21, 42 parr. und Eph. 2, 13-17): ,,Beide liefen beim Eckstein zusammen. Er kam namlich, wie der Apostel sagt, und verkündete uns Frieden, die wir weit entfernt waren, und Frieden denen in der Nahe. Er selbst ist namlich unser Friede, der beides zu einem machte." Dann folgt die Invektive gegen die Donatisten, und unmittelbar darauf erneut die Betonung, daB ,,aber wir die Erscheinung unseres Herm und Heilandes J esus Christus [... ] in Einheit mit den Heiden feiern". Augustinus geht es also primar um die Universalitat des Epiphaniefestes, das Christen und Heiden in der Kirche Christi zu einer Einheit verbindet. Die logische Konsequenz daraus ist (merito), daB die Donatisten, die nicht zu dieser universalen kirchlichen Gemeinschaft gehêiren wollen, das Fest nicht feiern. Der springende Punkt der Argumentation Augustins besteht darin, daB die Donatisten nicht die Universalitat der Kirche und ihrer Traditionen anerkennen, nicht darin, daB sie ein anderes Datum für das Fest gewahlt haben. ZugegebenermaBen ist dies kein zwingender Beweis gegen DoLBEAUS These. Die herkêimmliche Auffassung scheint sich aber aus dem Kontext viel ungezwungener zu ergeben als die Datumstheorie. FôRSTERS SchluBfolgerung ,,die 4. Epiphaniepredigt des Augustinus belegt jedoch eindeutig, daB die Donatisten das Fest nicht feierten" dürfte dagegen wohl allzu radikal sein. 31 2. Neujahr a. Die Predigten Seit 1980 bzw. 1992 liegen zwei Predigten Augustins zum 1. Januar vor, die unterschiedlicher kaum sein kêinnten. Sermo Étaix 2 (= 196A) gehêirt mit ca. 700 Wêirtern Umfang zu den kürzesten überhaupt, und Augustinus begründet dies ausdrücklich mit der Kürze des Wintertages (§ 3): ,,Für die Feier des Tages und seiner Kürze mêige euch das Wenige genügen. Dies sind namlich im Jahr die kürzesten Tage, an denen Christus geboren wurde, an denen aber die Tage anfangen zu wachsen."

31 FôRSTER,

Die Anfii.nge (Anm. 2), S. 268.

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In der handschriftlichen Überlieferung tragt Sermo Étaix 2 den Titel ln Natali Domini. Da freilich bekanntermaf3en die Überschriften der Sermones nicht nachweislich von Augustinus, oft nicht einmal aus seiner Zeit, sondern von den Schreibern der Manuskripte stammen, muf3 der Titel nicht notwendigerweise zutreffen. 32 lm Fall von Sermo Étaix 2 neigen daher alle bisherigen Editoren und Übersetzer - mit Ausnahme von François Dolbeau - aufgrund seines Inhalts zum 1. Januar als Predigtdatum. 33 Die Predigt beginnt mit dem Thema der Erniedrigung/Demut des Gottessohnes in seiner Inkarnation: ,,Das ist es, was wir heute feiern" (§ 1). Dies würde gut zu Weihnachten passen. Dann folgt aber die Beschneidung des Herm am 8. Tag nach seiner Geburt und die Erklarung der Symbolik des 8. Tages als des Sonntages, des Tages der Auferstehung, sowie des geistlichen Sinns der kéirperlichen Beschneidung als Typos der Beschneidung des Herzens, der Rechtfertigung in Christus (§ 1). Das ware der spezifische Festgehalt des Neujahrtages. Auch das Schluf3wort ,,dies sind namlich im Jahr die kürzesten Tage, an denen Christus geboren wurde, an denen aber die Tage anfangen zu wachsen", scheinen eher zu Neujahr zu pas32 Vgl. F. DoLBEAU, ,,Les titres des sermons d'Augustin", J.-Cl. FREDOUILLE, M.-0. GouLET-CAzÉ, PH. HOFFMANN, P. PETITMENGIN (éds.), Titres et articulations du texte dans les amvres antiques. Actes du Colloque International de Chantilly 1994, 13-15 septembre 1994, Paris, 1997, S. 447-468 [= DERS., Augustin et la prédication en Afrique. Recherches sur divers sermons authentiques, apocryphes ou anonymes, Paris, 2005 (= Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 179), S. 89-110]. 33 Vgl. R. ÉTAIX, ,,Sermon inédit de saint Augustin sur la Circoncision dans un ancien manuscrit de Saragosse", Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 26 (1980), S. 62-87, hier: S. 69-72 [= ders., Homéliaires patristiques latins. Recueil d'études de manuscrits médiévaux. Offert par la Faculté de théologie de Lyon à l'occasion de son départ à la retraite, Paris, 1994 (= Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Moyen-Âge et Temps modernes, 29), S. 427-452, hier: S.434-437]; P.-P. VERBRAKEN, ,,Mise à jour du Fichier signalétique des Sermons de saint Augustin", in Aevum inter utrumque (Mélanges offerts à G. Sanders), hrsg. v. M. VAN UvTFANGHE - R. DEMEULENAERE, Steenbrugge - 's-Gravenhage, 1991 (Instrumenta Patristica, 23), S.483-490, hier: S.487 f.; The Works of Saint Augustine. A Translation for the 21'1 Century. Sermons 111/6 (184-229Z) on the Liturgical Seasons. Translation and Notes E. HrLL, editor J. E. RoTELLE, New Rochelle (New York), 1993, S.64-67, hier: S.66; J. VAN NEER-M. ScHRAMA-A. TrGCHELAAR-P. WAMMES, Aurelius Augustinus. Als licht in het hart. Preken voor het liturgisch jaar [sermones de tempore], Baarn, 1996, S. 42-45, S. 253 f., hier: S. 253. F. DoLBEAU (Anm. 34), S. 75 Anm. 31 [S.351 Anm. 31].

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sen, denn am W eihnachtstag spricht Augustinus in seinen Predigten üblicherweise davon, daf3 dies der kürzeste Tag im ganzen Jahr ist, von dem an die Dunkelheit der Sünde abnimmt. 1992 gab François DoLBEAU Sermo 62 aus dem Mainzer Codex HS 1 9 (= Dolbeau 26 = 198 augmenté) heraus. Dieser ist mit über 17.000 Wôrtern mit Abstand die Hingste aller erhaltenen Predigten Augustins. François DoLBEAU schatzt die Dauer des Sermo auf etwa zwei und eine Viertelstunde und begründet diese auf3ergewôhnliche Lange damit, daf3 Augustinus seine Gemeinde so lange wie môglich in der Kirche habe halten wollen, um sie an der Teilnahme an den heidnischen Neujahrsfeierlichkeiten zu hindern. lm gleichen Sinne nennt Edmund HILL den Sermo einen filibuster. 34 Das Hauptthema von Sermo Dolbeau 26 ist in der Tat eine breit angelegte Polemik gegen die Heiden und der Teilnahme von Christen an deren unchristlichen Neujahrsbrauchen. 35 b. Festgehalt und -umstande Was sagen diese beiden Predigten über die kirchlichen Feiern am Neujahrstag in Nordafrika und naherhin in Hippo aus? Volker Henning DRECOLL zieht in seinem Augustin Handbuch (2007) den Schluf3, daf3 ,,[ ... ] der J ahresbeginn [... ] au ch christlicherseits begangen wurde, um den Tag nicht dem heidnischen Fest der Calendae (Kalendenfest) zu überlassen". 36 Für eine solch weitreichende Ver34 Vgl. F. DoLBEAU, ,,Nouveaux sermons de saint Augustin pour la conversion des païens et des donatistes (IV)", Recherches Augustiniennes, 26 (1992), 69-141, hier: S. 76 [= Augustin d'Hippone. Vingt-six Sermons (Anm. 17), S. 345-417, hier: S. 352]: ,,[ ... ] à tenir son auditoire debout et à l'intérieur de la basilique, grâce à un prêche d'environ deux heures et quart"; The Works of Saint Augustine. A Translation for the 21 51 Century. Sermons III/11 New/y Discovered Sermons. Translation and Notes E. HILL, editor J. E. RoTELLE, Hyde Park (New York), 1997, S. 180-237, hier: S. 229, Anm. 1: ,,a deliberate 'filibuster' intended to keep his audience as long as possible in church, and so prevent them from rushing off to the wicked pagan jollifications which he was preaching against". 35 Vgl. vor allem Augustin prédicateur (395-411). Actes du Colloque de Chantilly (5-7 septembre 1996), hrsg. von G. MADEC, Paris, 1998 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 159), S. 321-428; D. J. JONES, Christus Sacerdos in the Preaching of St. Augustine. Christ and Christian ldentity, Frankfurt, 2004 (Patrologia, 14). 36 V. H. DRECOLL, ,,Liturgie bei Augustin", in: ders. (Hrsg.), Augustin Handbuch, Tübingen, 2007, S. 224-232, hier: S. 230.

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allgemeinerung dürfte freilich die zur Verfügung stehende Quellenbasis nicht ausreichen. Sermo Dolbeau 26 ist ein Einzelfall. Ob und was Augustinus an anderen Neujahrstagen gepredigt hat, bleibt reine Spekulation. Vielmehr, falls Sermo Étaix 2 tatsachlich ebenfalls eine Neujahrspredigt ist, wie bisher praktisch alle Forscher annehmen, 37 und keine Weihnachtspredigt, wie ihr Titel sagt, ware sogar der Nachweis erbracht, daf3 Augustinus an anderen Neujahrstagen die Beschneidung Jesu thematisierte, über die heidnischen Neujahrsbrauche schwieg und zudem noch wegen der Kürze des Tageslichtes eine sehr knappe Predigt hielt. Prinzipiell sind vier Szenarien denkbar: (1) Augustinus feierte taglich die Eucharistie, also auch am Neujahrstag. Dann ware die Eucharistiefeier nicht speziell von diesem Tage veranlaf3t und die Predigt konnte sich beliebige Themen wahlen. Die Hypothese der taglichen Eucharistiefeier in Hippo ist freilich keineswegs gesichert und generell akzeptiert. 38 (2) Die Liturgie des Neujahrstages ist vom Jahresbeginn/den heidnischen Kalendenfeiern bzw. vom Oktavtag von Weihnachten/dem Gedachtnis der Beschneidung Jesu veranlaf3t, ohne Rücksicht auf den W ochentag. Dann würde man entsprechende Predigtthemen erwarten. (3) Das Neue Jahr wurde prinzipiell nicht liturgisch begangen. Dennoch fallt ja der 1. Januar regelmaflig auf einen Sonntag, an dem jedenfalls Eucharistie gefeiert wird. Vorausgesetzt,

37 Vgl. Anm. 33. 38 Vgl. Ph. MARTAIN, ,,La communion quotidienne aux premiers siècles", Revue Augustinienne, 9 (1906), S. 161-175, hier: S. 165 f.; RoETZER, Liturgiegeschichtliche Quelle (Anm. 1), S. 97 f.; D. FRANSES, ,,Dagelijksche communie ten tijde van Sint Augustinus", Studia Catholica, 8 (1931/32), S. 465; R. KoTTJE, ,,Das Aufkommen der tii.glichen Eucharistiefeier in der Westkirche und die Zôlibatsforderung", Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 82 (1971), S. 218-228, hier: S. 219-224; D. CALLAM, ,,The Frequency of Mass in the Latin Church ca. 400", Theological Studies, 45 (1984), S. 630-650, hier: S. 646-648; M.-F. BERROUARD, ,,Note complémentaire 63. La fréquence de la célebration eucharistique aux premiers siècles", in Œuvres de saint Augustin 72: Homélies sur l'Évangile de saint Jean XVII-XXXIII. Traduction, introduction et notes par M. F. BERROUARD, Paris, 2 1988, S. 819-822.

238

HUBERTUS R. DROBNER daB die generellen chronologischen Tafeln tatsachlich für Nordafrika zu Lebzeiten Augustins zutreffen, ware dies in der Periode Auguslins akliver PredigLLaligkeiL (15. Marz 391 24. August 430) sechs Mal der Fall gewesen, namlich in den Jahren 394, 400, 405, 411, 422 und 428. 39 Auch dann kônnte der Prediger seine Themen frei wahlen, und damit waren Augustins Neujahrspredigten sogar prazise datierbar. Die Themen von Sermo Étaix 2 würden gut zu diesem Profil passen: Beschneidung, 8. Tag.

(4) Wenn Augustinus Sermo Dolbeau 26 nicht in seiner Bischofsstadt Hippo hielt, sondern môglicherweise in Karthago, worauf François DoLBEAU zu Recht aufmerksam macht, 40 kônnte der AnlaB einfach die Anwesenheit des berühmten Gastpredigers sein, um sich zur Eucharistiefeier bzw. auch nur zur Predigt in der Kirche zu versammeln. Mit der Frage nach dem Predigtort stellt sich auch die Frage nach der lokalen Situation, der Zeit und Augustins Auditorium. John ScHEID gab 1996 bei dem Kolloquium über Augustin prédicateur zu bedenken, daB es sich bei den in Sermo Dolbeau 26 geschilderten Neujahrsriten gar nicht um aktuelle Zustande vor Ort handeln kônnte, sondern lediglich um die einem gebildeten Rômer (aus der Literatur) vertrauten traditionellen Feierlichkeiten zum Neujahrstag, wie sie in Rom (in früheren Zeiten) begangen wurden. 41 Diese These findet sowohl Unterstützung als auch Widerspruch in den Sermones Dolbeau 26 und 196. In Sermo Dolbeau 26, 9 klagt Augustinus: ,,0 wenn es doch nur die Heiden waren, über die wir Tranen vergieBen müBten ! Dann müBten wir über fast niemanden weinen (prope neminem). Christen sollen nicht in die Theater gehen: 39 Vgl. A. CAPPELLI, Cronologia, Cronografia e Calendario perpetuo dal principio dell'e'ra cristiana ai nostri giorni. Tavole cronologico-sincrone e quadri sinottici per verificare le date storiche. Quarta edizione aggiornata, Milano, 1978, S. 35-105; V. GRUMEL, La chronologie, Paris, 1958 (Traité d'études byzantines, 1), S. 310 f. 40 Vgl. DoLBEAU, ,,Nouveaux sermons (IV)" (Anm. 34), S. 76 (S. 352). 41 Vgl. J. ScHEID, ,,Les réjouissances des calendes de janvier d'après le sermon Dolbeau 26. Nouvelles lumières sur une fête mal connue", in Augustin prédicateur (395-411). Actes du Colloque International de Chantilly (5-7 septembre 1996), hrsg. von G. MADEC, Paris, 1998 (= Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 159), S. 353-365, hier: S. 354.

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die Heiden fliehen von dort, wenn auch nicht aus Liebe zur Wahrheit, so doch wenigstens aus Scham vor ihrer kleinen Zahl." Es gibt also praktisch keine Heiden mehr an dem Ort, wo Augustinus predigt. Kann das Karthago sein, und wenn ja, zu welcher Zeit? Die W eihnachtspredigt Sermo 196, 4 verschiirft das Problem noch. Sie wurde zweifelsfrei in Hippo gehalten und sagt einerseits, da13 es in Hippo gar keine Heiden mehr gebe, Augustins Gemeinde aber dennoch nicht nur am Neujahrstag, sondern auch am Johannisfest (24. Juni) alte heidnische Rituale vollziehe: Die Kalenden des Januar stehen vor der Tür. Ihr seid alle Christen; durch Gottes Gnade ist die Stadt christlich. Hier gibt es nur zwei Gruppen: Christen und Juden. Lallt nicht Dinge geschehen, die Gott ha13t: die bôsen Folgen der Spielleidenschaft und das ungehôrige Verhalten infolge von Scherzen. [... ] Am Geburtstag des Johannes, das hei13t vor sechs Monaten [... ], kamen die Christen aufgrund eines abergliiubischen heidnischen Festes ans Meer und tauften sich dort. Ich war nicht da; aber, wie ich erfahren habe, erlegten Presbyter gemii.13 der christlichen Bulldisziplin einigen eine angemessene kirchliche Bulle auf. Daraufhin murrten die Menschen, und manche sagten: 'Wiire es denn zuviel gewesen, uns das vorher zu sagen? Wenn wir vorher gewarnt würden, würden wir es nicht tun. Wenn die Presbyter uns vorher gewarnt hatten, hatten wir es bestimmt nicht getan.' Jetzt warnt euch euer Bischof [... ]. 42 Der 24. Juni war in Rom das Fest der Fors Fortuna, das môglicherweise auch in der colonia Hippo gefeiert wurde. Die Waschungen, von denen Augustinus spricht, dürften jedoch nichts mit deren Kult zu tun haben. Anscheinend handelte es sich um einen überregionalen Brauch zur Feier der Sommersonnenwende, der sich auch noch lange hielt. Denn auch Caesarius von Arles (t 542) predigte in Gallien dagegen, da13 Christen ,,sich am Fest des hl. Johannes in Quellen oder Sümpfen oder Flüssen zu nachtlicher oder frühmorgendlicher Stunde waschen." Dieser unselige Brauch sei noch aus heidnischen Tagen übriggeblieben und habe sogar schon zu tôdlichen

42 Vgl. M. PONTET, L'exégèse de S. Augustin prédicateur, Paris, 1946 (Théologie, 7), S. 65; O. PERLER, ,,L'église principale et les autres sanctuaires chrétiens d'Hippone-la-Royale d'après les textes de saint Augustin", Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 1 (1955), S. 299-343, hier: S. 342; DROBNER, Predigten zum Weihnachtsfest (Anm. 4), S. 269 f.

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Unfüllen geführt. 43 Môglicherweise verquickte sich dabei der heidnische Brauch mit dem Gedachtnis der Johannestaufe. 44 Unkritisch gelesen bezeugt diese Passage, daB die Feier heidnischer Riten zu Neujahr oder zu Johanni nicht (mehr) die Anwesenheit von Heiden am Ort voraussetzen. Ob man freilich Bemerkungen wie ,,die ganze Stadt ist christlich" ohne weiteres für bare Münze nehmen kann, mag zweifelhaft sein. Es kônnte sich dabei auch um einen rhetorischen Topos handeln, so daB es de facto sehr wohl noch (einige wenige) Heiden gegeben haben kônnte. Zwei Argumente unterstützen jedoch die unrhetorische Bedeutung dieser Aussage. (1) Augustinus spricht in Sermo Dolbeau 26 prazise von der kleinen Zahl der verbliebenen Heiden. W arum sollte er also in Sermo 196 eine Hyperbole verwenden? Natürlich kann man über die verschiedenen Gründe für rhetorische oder unrhetorische Aussageformen in dieser und jener Predigt spekulieren. Meines Erachtens sollte man sich bei Fehlen konkreter Daten an die unmittelbare Bedeutung des Textes halten. (2) Es entspricht allgemeinmenschlicher Erfahrung, daB sich populare vorchristliche Riten auch im Christentum fortsetzen. Dies bestatigt sowohl der oben zitierte Sermo 33 des Caesarius von Arles (t 542) zum Johannisfest als auch seine Kalendenhomilie Sermo 192. 45 Darin beklagt er, daB sich Heiden am Festtag des angeblichen Gattes Janus mit doppelgesichtigen Masken, in verschiedene Tiergestalten und als Frauen verkleiden. ,,Was aber noch schlimmer ist, auch einige Getaufte nehmen solche nachgemachte Gestalten an" (§ 2). Dabei wird man wohl zu Recht davon ausgehen dürfen, daB es zur Mitte des 6. Jh. in Arles keine bzw. nicht mehr viele Heiden gegeben bat. 43 Caesarius von Arles, Sermo 33, 4, hrsg. von G. MORIN, Turnhout, 1953 (CCSL 103), S. 146. 44 Vgl. W. ÜTTO, ,,Fortuna", in Paulys Real-Encyclopadie der classischen Alterthumswissenschaft, 7.1 (1910), Sp. 12-42, hier: Sp. 16-19; J. ZELLINGER, Bad und Bader in der altchristlichen Kirche. Eine Studie über Christentum und Antike, München, 1928, S. 118 f.; J. ERNST, ,,Johannes der Taufer", in Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, 18 (1998), Sp. 516-534, hier: Sp. 531 f. 45 Caesarius von Arles, Sermo 192, hrsg. von G. MORIN, Turnhout, 1953 (CCSL 104), S. 779-782, hier: S. 780.

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Zuletzt stellt sich die Frage, warum die beiden erhaltenen Neujahrspredigten Augustins so radikal verschieden ausfielen. Richten sie sich etwa an zwei verschiedene Auditorien: Sermo Étaix 2 (= 196A) an die Gemeinde von Hippo, Sermo Dolbeau 26 (= 198 augmenté) an die von Karthago? 46 Gab es also in Hippo zu diesem Zeitpunkt keine heidnischen Neujahrsbrâuche mehr oder übergeht sie Augustinus - als unwichtig oder gar akzeptabel? Wenn aber zum Zeitpunkt von Sermo Étaix 2 in Hippo keine heidnischen N eujahrsbrauche mehr praktiziert wurden, handelt es sich bei Sermo 196 um ein Frühwerk Augustins? Dieselbe Frage stellt sich für Sermo Dolbeau 26. Kônnen die noch bestehenden paganen Neujahrsriten zur Unterstützung der von DoLBEAU vorgeschlagenen relativ frühen Datierung des Sermo in das Jahr 404 dienen ? 47 3. Ergebnisse Die Erôrterungen schlieilen nicht zufüllig mit einer Frage. Denn so manche der angesprochenen Probleme bleiben ungelôst. Das bedeutet freilich nicht, dail kein Erkenntnisfortschritt erzielt würde. Die Diskussion verschiedener Alternativen, die argumentative Abwagung von Lôsungsmôglichkeiten und der begründete Ausschluil bisher diskutierter Hypothesen tragen dazu bei. (1) Alle Erklârungsversuche zum Ursprung des Weihnachtsfestes, sei es am 25. Dezember, sei es am 6. Januar, bleiben hypothetisch. Keiner von ihnen vermag für sich einen hôheren Grad von Plausibilitat zu beanspruchen. Für Augustinus ist die Ursprungsfrage sogar irrelevant. Ihm geht es ausschlieillich um die Erklârung des spirituellen Gehaltes des W eihnachts- und des Epiphaniefestes. Ibn überzeugt dabei die Lichtsymbolik der Wintersonnenwende von der Auffassung, dail der 25. Dezember der historische Geburtstag Jesu gewesen sei, den er sich als der Schôpfer der Zeit deshalb bewuilt gewahlt habe. Daraus kônnen auch keine Rückschlüsse auf den Ursprung des W eihnachtsfestes gezogen werden.

46

47

Vgl. DoLBEAU, ,,Nouveaux sermons (IV)" (Anm. 34), S. 76-80 (S. 352-356). Vgl. ebd., S. 80 (S. 356).

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(2) Die Frage, ob die Donatisten Epiphanie überhaupt nicht feierten oder nur zu einem anderen Zeitpunkt als die Katholische Kirche, dürfte aufgrund des Kontextes von Sermo 202, 2 wohl wie bisher zugunsten der ersteren Antwort zu entscheiden sein. (3) Feier und Festgehalt des Neujahrstages kônnen aufgrund der schmalen Quellenbasis nicht im Einzelnen bestimmt werden. Sowohl die Beschneidung Jesu als auch die Feier des Neujahrstages als Kontrapunkt zum heidnischen Neujahrsfest sind durch die Predigten Augustins bezeugt. lm Zusammenhang damit bleibt auch der konkrete AnlaB des Gottesdienstes offen. Es konnten nur môgliche Erkliirungsalternativen bedacht werden: tagliche Eucharistiefeier, der Neujahrstag prinzipiell, Neujahr am Sonntag, auBergewôhnlicher Gottesdienst aus AnlaB des Besuches Augustins. (4) Es bleibt ungekliirt, wer die heidnischen Neujahrsbrauche wirklich beging. Es liegen keine konkreten Zahlen vor, wieviele Nichtchristen es Ende des 4. / Anfang des 5. Jh. in Nordafrika und seinen einzelnen Orten noch gab, zumal die Chronologie der Predigten Augustins nicht gesichert ist. Die Quellen scheinen aber darauf hinzudeuten, daB auch in rein christlichen Gegenden heidnische Brauche weiter gepflegt wurden, wozu nach Augustinus auch seine Bischofsstadt Hippo zahlte.

Jews and Judaism in Augustine's Sermones Johannes VAN ÜORT (Nijmegen / Pretoria)

Introduction A number of reasons induced me to study the subject indicated in the title of this paper. 1 In the course of 2007, when writing a cluster of lemmata on the theme of Jews and Judaism in Augustine's oeuvre, 2 I was struck by the limited quantity of research done in this important field of study. Apart from the seminal work of Bernard Blumenkranz, 3 1 could find only a very few high quality studies on the subject. These studies, moreover, turned out to diverge in several essential aspects, a fact which all the more struck me and made me curious to find out what Augustine, on the many thousands of occasions when he discusses the Jews and Judaism, really says. To mention only a few of the essential but disputed aspects: Is it correct to state that, principally and primarily, Augustine's doctrine of the Jews took shape not in the North African context of daily interaction with real Jews, but against the backdrop of his biblical-theological hermeneutics? 4 Moreover, may we possibly 1 Abbreviations of Augustine's (= A.'s) works are in accordance with the Augustinus-Lexikon edited by C. MAYER and others (=AL). Other abbreviations are in accordance with common practice in lexica like RGG/RPP (Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart/Religion Past and Present) and TRE (Theologische Realenzyklopüdie). 2 J. VAN ÜORT, "Israel" / "Israelitae", in AL III. 5/6, cols. 747-751; ID., "Iuda(s)", ibid., cols. 779-781; ID., "Iudaei", ibid., cols. 781-792; ID., "Iudaeos (Aduersus -)'',ibid., cols. 792-796. Cf. ID., "Iudas Iscariotes", ibid., cols. 796-798. 3 B. BLUMENKRANZ, Die Judenpredigt Augustins, Base!, 1946 (repr. Paris, 1973). See also B. BLUMENKRANZ, "Augustin et les juifs. Augustin et le judaïsme", in ID., Juifs et Chrétiens. Patristique et Moyen Âge, London, 1977, pp. 225241 (= RA, 1 [1958], pp. 225-241). 4 Though with significant differences, this position has been defended in recent studies like those of J. CoHEN, Living Letters of the Law. Ideas of the Jew in

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discern a development and even shift in Augustine's view on Jews and Judaism, 5 or should we say that he spoke differently at different occasions? A part from these disputed points there is the delicate issue of whether or not one may find in Augustine, like in the works of so many Church fathers, some form of anti-Semitism. 6 Questions like these are really worth a further discussion and, in many respects, even a very first scientific inquiry. Another reason to study the subject was the recent commotion about the decision of Pope Benedict XVI to lift the excommunication of Holocaust denier Bishop Richard Williamson. In the newly started career of Benedict XVI, elected Pope of the Roman Catholic Church on April 19, 2005, the question of the Jews and Judaism has already played a fairly prominent role and, moreover, caused both positive and sharply negative reactions. Particularly from a Jewish point a view, his visit to the main synagogue at Cologne (2005), his visit to Auschwitz (2006), and his visit to a synagogue in the United States on the eve of Passover (2008) are being considered as positive. His reinstitution of the Tridentine mass (which included a prayer for the conversion of the Jews 'from darkness' to the true Christian faith 7) in 2007, his emendation of the Good FriMedieval Christianity, Berkeley, 1999, esp. pp. 23-65, and in a number of articles; M. DuBOIS, "Jews, Judaism and Israel in the Theology of Saint Augustine", lmmanuel, 22/23 (1989), pp. 162-214; P. FREDERIKSEN, "Excaecati Occulta Justifia Dei: Augustine on Jews and Judaism", JECS, 3 (1995), pp. 299-324, and in a number of subsequent articles and in her book Augustine and the Jews, New York, 2008. A serious and, as a rule, well-founded critique of this view has been published by F. T. HARKINS, "Nuancing Augustine's Hermeneutical Jew: Allegory and Actual Jews in the Bishop's Sermons", JSJ, 36 (2005), pp. 41-64. 5 See below §2i my suggestion in regard to A.'s late work adu. lud. In older research it has been suggested (e.g. K. HRUBY, Juden und Judentum bei den Kirchenvatern, Zürich, 1971) that A.'s changed his opinion on the Jews during the Pelagian controversy. 6 This has been denied by J. ALVAREZ, "St. Augustine and Antisemitism", SP, 9 (TU, 94), Berlin, 1966, pp. 340-349, but his view is based on weak and all too defensive arguments. A more nuanced view in T. RAVEAUX, "Aduersus Judaeos - Antisemitismus bei Augustinus?", in Signum pietatis. Festgabe für Cornelius Petrus Mayer OSA zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. by A. ZuMKELLER, Würzburg, 1980, pp. 37-51, though Raveaux explicitly concedes (e.g. p. 51) that further studies are necessary. 7 Oremus et pro perfidis ludaeis: ut Deus et Dominas noster auferat uelamen de cordibus eorum; ut et ipsi agnoscant lesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Omnipotens sempiternae Deus, qui etiam ludaicam perfidiam a tua misericordia non repel-

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day Prayer for the Jews contained in the Roman Missal in 2008, 8 bis reported role in the intended canonization of disputed wartime Pope Pius XII from 2008 onwards and, most recently, the fact that in January 2009 he lifted the excommunication of four bishops belonging to the disputed Society of Pius X (among them the said Bishop Williamson) are generally considered as being negative. A curious but in this context important detail is that, in bis message on the occasion of Benedict's election, the then Israeli Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom expressed "bis hope that this Pope, considering his historical experience, will be especially committed to an uncompromising fight against anti-Semitism" (my italics). 9 It may be recalled that Benedict in bis previous career as Joseph Ratzinger not only proved to be an eminent scholar of Augustine, 10 but also that he is displaying an ongoing interest in the study of this very same Father of the Church. 11 More than once in recent debates bis inspiration from Augustine's thought and spirituality bas been sug-

lis: exaudi preces nostras, quas pro illius populi obcaecatione deferimus; ut agnita ueritatis tuae luce, quae Christus est, a suis tenebris eruantur. 8 The text in the Roman Missal of 1962 now officially runs: Oremus et pro ludaeis: ut Deus et Dominas noster illuminet corda eorum, ut agnoscant Iesum Christum saluatorem omnium hominum. Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, qui uis ut omnes homines salai fiant et ad agnitionem ueritatis ueniant, concede propitius, ut plenitudine gentium in Ecclesiam tuam intrante omnis Israel saluas fiat. Per Christum Dominum nostrum, Amen. In many reactions this wording was considered to be a retrograde step not favourable to Jewish-Christian (i.e., Jewish-Roman Catholic) relations. The text established by Pope Paul VI (Nouas Ordo, 1969/ 1970), which is the other official text in use in the Roman-Catholic Church, runs as follows: Oremus et pro Iudaeis, ut, ad quos prias locutus est Dominas Deus Noster, eis tribuat in sui nominis amore et in sui foederis fidelitate proficere. Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, qui promissiones tuas Abrahae eiusque semini contulisti, Ecclesiae tuae preces clementer exaudi, ut populus acquisitionis prioris ad redemptionis mereatur plenitudinem peruenire. 9 BBC News 20 April 2005: "In quotes: Reaction to Pope election": http:// news.bbc.co.uk/go/em/fr/-/2/hi/europe/4462503.stm. 10 The Augustinus-Literaturdatenbank on the website of the Zentrum für Augustinusforschung in Würzburg (www.augustinus.de) enumerates twenty studies, the oldest one being his well-known doctoral dissertation J. RATZINGER, Volk und Haus Cottes in Augustins Lehre von der Kirche, München, 1954 (repr. St. Ottilien, 1992). 11 See e.g. the same website www.augustinus.de.

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gested (and hailed). 12 Hence one may wonder which place Augustine and his thinking on Jews and Judaism might have in his present views and actions. Is Benedict, being responsible now for the official Roman Catholic viewpoint (including the recent alterations to the liturgy), in line with Augustine? Or, perhaps, is there a certain duality in the official Vatican point of view, as in Augustine's? The present article does not pretend to corne up with a solution of all the questions indicated. What we intend to provide is a further discussion of the complicated topic of Augustine and the Jews by investigating his sermons. Through an analysis of Augustine's true to life sermons we may get a good impression of his practiced attitude to the Jews and their religion and, moreover, we may better probe into the question of the real and/or the 'hermeneutical' Jew. Our examination may also provide material to further reflect on the vexed question: Do we find traces of anti-Semitism in Augustine and, if so, in what context and how exactly articulated? Moreover, it will turn out that there is a certain ambiguity in Augustine's thinking on Jews and Judaism, which may have an influence even up to the present. In order to approach our subject as effectively and contextually as possible, we first consider Augustine's speaking of Jews and Judaism in general. After that we focus on his sermons. We end our investigation by drawing a number of conclusions, by proposing some suggestions for future research and, finally, by reflecting on some current issues. 1. Augustine on Jews and Judaism: some general remarks Throughout his works Augustine speaks of 'the Jews' and a fair amount of the more than 3250 explicit references is occasioned by

12 For instance in the (mainly Roman Catholic and positive) reactions on Benedict's series of reflections on A. during his Wednesday General Papal Audiences in January 2008. In many (popular) books on Benedict XVI c.q. Joseph Ratzinger, the influence of A. is stressed. See e.g. A. N1cH0Ls, The Thought of Benedict XVI: An Introduction Io the Theology of Joseph Ratzinger, London, 2005, pp. 27-50 and 148-149, among others.

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biblical quotations. 13 He considers both the noun and the adjective Iudaeus to be derived from the patriarch Juda and thus being closely connected with the land of Judaea. Sometimes he therefore briefly refers to the Jews as the gens Iudaea. Based mainly on biblical texts as well, Augustine makes a more or less marked distinction between Hebrews, Israelites, and Jews. Such a distinction is most clearly expressed in the historical narratives of bis grand opus De ciuitate Dei: the Hebrew people derived its name from the antediluvian patriarch Heber (ciu. 16, 3; cf. 18, 39). Augustine always speaks about these primeval Hebrews in a very positive way and the same goes for their language. Further, it is explicitly stated that Christ originated 'from the Hebrew people' (e.g. ciu. 16, 3). 14 'Hebrew' in ail these instances bas a positive meaning, both in regard to the people and the language. As far as the people are concerned, however, one soon observes a definite shift in terminology. When telling the history of the Exodus, Augustine denotes the people as 'Hebrews' and 'Israelites'. But from now onwards, the designation 'Hebrew' often bas a negative meaning. The Hebrews are wandering through the desert (ciu. 10, 8) and the law was given to the Hebrew people (ibid. 10, 25), but this very same people repeatedly went astray (cf. ibid. 17, 2). Later on it is even stated that the impious king Manasse reigned 'among the Hebrews' (ciu. 18, 24). Thus, the designation 'Hebrews', though originally very positive, frequently acquires a negative connotation. Elsewhere Augustine even states that it was the Hebrews who put Christ to death (cons. eu. 1, 20sq.). Unlike it is reported to be the case with a predecessor like Eusebius, 15 one cannot infer that Augustine makes a clear eut distinction

13 Here and in the following I both summarize and expand upon the AL-article "Iudaei". The original article has been published in an abridged and adapted form. 14 Though A., in particular in his sermons that are based on his exegesis of biblical texts, does not deny Christ's being born from the Jewish people; see below, §2i. 15 See e.g. J. ULRICH, Euseb und die Juden. Studien zur Rolle der Juden in der Theologie des Eusebius von Caesarea, Berlin - New York, 1999 and A. P. JOHNSON, Ethnicity and Argument in Eusebius' Praeparatio Evangelica, Oxford, 2006. For uses of the names Jew, Hebrew and Israel(ite) in ancient Jewish and early Christian literature in general (i.e. until c. 110 CE), see G. HARVEY, The True

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between highly venerated Hebrews 16 and their subsequent decline into Israelites and Jews. The designation 'Hebrews' often acquires a negative connotation, which pertains, all the more, to 'Israelites' and 'Jews'. Already in bis work Against Faustus one finds the conceivable distinction between Hebrews, Israelites and J ews more or less blurred (c. Faust. 12, 3). 17 Besides, the wording of the biblical text often prevents Augustine from speaking of the Hebrews solely in a positive way (as is the case, a fortiori, with the Israelites). 18 Hence, the state of affairs in regard to the designation 'Hebrew' and 'Israelite' is complicated. Similar observations can be made in the case of the Jews. In contrast to many of bis predecessors, 19 Augustine by no means uses the designation 'Jew' only or almost only in a negative manner. Indeed, the designation 'Jew' does not carry the connotation which is predominant in 'Hebrew', nor does it equal the often positive meaning of 'Israelite'. But in Augustine's works the appellation 'Jew' is not purely negative. Evidently, in bis theology neither the circumstance of belonging to a certain phase of the history of salvation, nor that of belonging to a particular people determines a person's destiny: it is essentially depending on God's grace and men's belief that the 'true' Israelite sides with the 'true' Jew. 20 Augustine mainly speaks of 'Jews' when recounting the story of the two 'Judaean' tribes or 'the people of the Jews' (ciu. 18) in the context of the Babylonian captivity (ibid. and ciu. 17; cf. cal. rud. 37-40). But the Israelites (in particular those designated 'camai') who lived before this event are often termed Jews as well. 21 Their circumcision and Sabbath, like other rites and, not least, their temIsrael. Uses of the Names Jew, Hebrew and Israel in Ancient Jewish and Early Christian Literature, Leiden - New York - Kôln, 1996. 16 Though, in the polemical context of Against Faustus, A. even speaks of the sancti Hebraei: see c. Faust. 9, 2. 17 It is, typically, the Manichaean Faustus who does not make any clear and positive distinction: see Faustus' Capitula in c. Faust. 13, 1 and 22, 2. 18 Cf. my "Israel" / "Israelitae". See e.g. qu. for several instances. l9 A range of appalling examples in H. ScHRECKENBERG, Die christlichen Adversus-J udaeos-Texte und ihr literarisches und historisches Umfeld (1. - 11. Jh.), Frankfurt etc., 19994 . 20 E.g. en. Ps. 75, 2. 21 Cf. e.g. cal rud. 33 (CCSL 46, p. 158): [... ] carnali populo Israel, qui postea etiam ludaei appellati sunt.

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ple services, were given to a 'carnal' people and, in essence, were nothing more than shadows of promised realities (ciu. 19, 23). 22 The prophecies during the Babylonian exile of the Jews and at the time of their return were concerned with the good news of Christ, "but the rejected Jews do not accept their prophecy" (ibid. 17, 24). After the gens I udaea had begun to be without prophets, they deteriorated; this cessation of prophecy coincided with the restoration of the temple just when the Jews expected to improve (ibid. 18, 45). Later on the Jews were crushed by the Maccabean wars (ciu. 18, 45). At the time of Christ's birth there are still Jews and - as we will see refrained in his sermons - Augustine explicitly says that Christ was born in Bethlehem of Judah (ibid. 18, 46). However, in regard to the J ews it is stressed that they killed Christ and refused to believe in him (ibid. 18, 46). Many of the Jews of the time believed in Christ, "but the others were blinded" (excaecati); this 'blindness', like their dispersion among all nations, was foretold by their own prophetic writings (ibid.). In actual fact, from now onwards the (prophetic) role of the J ews themselves is depleted. Time and again in the sermones we will see these and related themes return. When, in the sequence of his historical survey, 23 Augustine occasionally refers to the Jews, it is mainly in a negative way: Jews, at the devil's instigation, turn up as the persons who, like pseudo-Christians, heretics and schismatics, try to tempt and seduce the true Christian believers (e.g. cal. rud. 48), just as it happened in the case of the first Christians "who were surrounded by the roaring [frementes] and bloodthirsty [sanguinem sitientes] Jews" (ciu. 18, 54; cf. cal. rud. 42.55).

2. Jews and Judaism in Augustine's sermons: a mainly negative account In comparison to his description of the Jews in the overview of world history in the City of God, Augustine's depiction of the Jews

22 Cf. e.g. c. Adim. 2.16; c. Faust. 16, 28; 32, 11; exp. Gal. 34; spir. et litt. 27; en. Ps. 86, 5. 23 For similarities between the grand historical overview in ciu. and overviews elsewhere in A.'s oeuvre (e.g. in eut. rud. and some epp.), see my Jerusalem and Baby/on. A Study into Augustine's City of God and the Sources of his Doctrine of the Two Cities, Leiden - New York etc., 1991, pp. 187-191 and 195-196.

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and Judaism in his sermons is considerably more negative. There are several passages in the sermons in which there is a neutral and even noncommittal mention of the J ews, but these passages are a minority and, moreover, in many cases they only reproduce the biblical text on which they are based. However, the instances in which the Jews and their religion are described in a negative way by far exceed the 'neutral' texts. Besides, in many of his sermons preached before the North African congregations (mainly in his home town Hippo Regius, but also in Carthage and elsewhere), we find extremely negative statements in regard to the Jews, their religion, their customs and, not least, their attitude towards Christ, the Christians, and the Church. From my reading and preliminary analysis of the whole corpus of Augustine's sermons, 24 1 present here a few examples of each of the different 'categories' in which his speaking of Jews and Judaism may be classified. For convenience's and clarity's sake, and also in view of the limited space, 1 will confine myself to presenting some characteristic Latin quotations, without further explaining their context in the sermon or the sermon's date and place. In future research this may be specified, and in this way one might discover whether or not there is some change or trend in Augustine's speaking of the Jews, and also whether or not his home town sermons differ from the sermons preached elsewhere. a. Jews only mentioned 1 distinguish as my first catcgory thosc instances in which, in the context of his biblical exegesis, Augustine makes mention of the Jews in a neutral way. When referring to biblical texts and pericopes, he time and again quotes the texts or summarizes the pericope he is dealing with. As a rule the information in this category is historical, being taken either from the Old or (mainly) the New Testament, and without any further exegetical or theological explanation. A simple list of five examples of this category may suffice to give an impression of this category:

24 I.e., the various texts which came down to us as sermones, ail together comprising about one million Latin words. For this study 1 have not included such texts as the en. Ps. and Io. eu. Ir.

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s. 32, 3 (CCSL 41, p. 399): rex ergo ille populi ludaeorum filiorum Israel Saul erat; s. 90, 10 (PL 38, col. 566): tentantibus Iudaeis dicentem Dominum, quid me tentatis, hypocritae? ostendite mihi numisma census [Matth. 22, 19]; s. 150, 9 (PL 38, col. 812): ludaei enim signa petunt [I Cor. 1, 22]; s. 189, 2 (M iAg 1, p. 210): ludaei enim, sicut dicit apostolus, ignorantes Dei iustitiam, et suam uolentes constituere, iustitiae Dei non sunt subiecti [Rom. 10, 3]; s. 293, 4 (PL 38, col. 1329): calumniantes Iudaei Domino dixerunt, in qua potestate ista facis? [Matth. 21, 23]. As the last example indicates, some judgement is often incorporated even in what may be considered a plain quotation. In the evangelical episode in Matthew on the controversy over Jesus' authority (as in its parallel in Marc. 11, 27-33) it is simply recorded that the chief priests and the elders 25 'said' (dicunt) and not that they 'calumniated'. The verb calumniare (though not unfamiliar to Augustine's Gospel text, see e.g. Matth. 5, 44 in spec. 25) has been added here. b. Jews mentioned with some (negative) explanation added My second category consists of those texts within the framework of Augustine's biblical exegesis in which he not only makes mention of the Jews and their religion, but inserts some exegetical and theological explanation as well. In the whole corpus of Augustine's sermons these texts make up the majority. The theological-exegetical information, which is nearly always negative, may be added either plainly and in no uncertain terms, or in a more or less hidden and subtle manner. Here, too, an enumeration of five examples (from concealed to clearly evident) may suffice:

s. 51, 15 (CCSL 41Aa, p. 26): {acta est transmigratio in Babyloniam tune per Iechoniam [cf. Matth. 1, 11-12], qui non est permissus regnare ludaeis, gerentem typum Christi quem sibi regnare Iudaei noluerunt;

25 Note that A. disparagingly speaks of 'the Jews', like he does so often when rewording Gospel texts and paraphrasing passages in which is spoken of the Pharisees, Sadducees, etc.

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s. Mai 158 (272B), 5 (MiAg 1, p. 384): sed hoc de lege data probare opus est, quam acceperunt Iudaei in tabulis lapideis [cf. II Cor. 3, 3]. significabat autem duritiam cordis illorum; s. 62, 6 (CCSL 41Aa, p. 301): filii, inquit, regni ibunt in tenebras exteriores; ibi erit fletus et stridor dentium [Matth. 8, 12]. Iudaeos reprobatos uidemus; s. 122, 2 (PL 38, col. 681): uae Iudaeis, quia cum iaceret humiliter Christus, offenderunt in eum. non est, dicunt, homo iste a Deo, qui soluit sabbatum [Ioh. 9, 16]. si filius Dei est, descendat de cruce [Matth. 27, 40]. insane, iacet lapis, et ideo rides. sed cum rides, caecus es; s. Wilm. 15 (2231; MiAg 1, p. 717): illumina oculos meos ne umquam obdormiam in mortem, nequando dicat inimicus meus: praeualui aduersus eum [Ps. 12 (13), 4-5]. hic ille inimicus est, qui aduersus Dominum nostrum Iesum Christum insanos Iudaeos uelut propria uasa et arma commouit.

In the last quoted instance the 'insane Jews' are the direct instruments of the devil himself. 26 The passage is from one of the sermones Wilmartianos, i.e. one of the sermons edited by the Benedictine André Wilmart, who discovered several Holy W eek and Easter sermons in diverse medieval collections. As we will see later, it is not least these and other related Easter sermons which contain remarks that are unfavourable to the Jews. Sorne of these remarks are rather concealed and at first instance will pass unnoticed by the reader who is unaware of such qualifications. Here 1 mention one additional example of an unexpected and more or less concealed explanation, but one that is clearly unfavourable to the Jews: s. Wilm. 4 (223D; MiAg 1, p. 684): Lumen quippe de tenebris [cf. II Cor. 4, 6], Christus est de Iudaeis.

c. Jews mentioned in an explicitly negative context In the sentences from s. 122 and s. Wilm. 15 (2231) quoted above we see the Jews described as being 'insane'. The same word we find

26 Cf. e.g. en. Ps. 12, 5 (CCSL 38, p. 85): Nequando dicat inimicus meus: Praeualui aduersus eum [Ps. 12 (13), 5]. Diaboli insultatio metuenda est. Below, in s. Wilm. 8 (229C), 1, another example of the Jews being under the devil's sway: hoc posteriores [lsrahelitae] captiuati a diabolo iniquitate fecerunt (MiAg 1, p. 692).

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as a kind of characterization in several other texts. Recalling the story of Stephen's martyrdom, Augustine states: s. 111, 2 (RB 57, p. 114): accendatur Stephanus igne caritatis et ludaeorum turbas. insaniant, occidant frenetici medicum, quia iam occiderunt eius magistrum. ignoscat saeuientibus, oret pro lapidantibus dormiat.

One may argue that the negative descriptions of the Jews as being 'mad' and 'raging', like the other negative terminology, are instigated by the negative expressions in Acts 6-7. 27 But at other places, as in the two instances quoted above from s. 122 and s. Wilm. 15 (2231), there does not seem to be any direct stimulus from the biblical texts. It may suffice to quote only the following additional examples: s. 88, 8 (RB 94, p. 82): et cum ei pendenti [sc. Christo] ludaeorum caecitas insultaret, posset utique descendere de cruce; s. 305, 3 (PL 38, col. 1399): recole quid dixit ludaeis: soluite templum hoc, et in triduo suscitabo illud [Ioh. 2, 19]. sic ergo Christum intellige potestate natum ex uirgine, non conditione, sed potestate: potestate mortuum, potestate sic mortuum. ad bonum suum utebatur nescientibus malis, et frementem populum insanum in usum suae uirtutis ad nostram beatitudinem transferebat; s. Dolbeau 4 (299A), 6 (CEA 147, p. 516): qualem enim Saulum, qui postea Paulus, qualem eum Christus inuenit, nonne dilanguidum et periclitantem et insaniae quodam morbo in ludaeos phreneticum? s. Guelf. 9 (229E), 1 (MiAg 1, p. 467): ecce resurrexit Dominus Christus tertia die: ubi est insultatio ludaeorum? ubi est insultatio circumfrementium et insanientium principum ludaeorum, et medicum occidentium?

d. Jews mentioned in an unambiguously negative way Though Augustine speaks of 'insane' in other instances than when referring to the Jews, 28 the word is in particular applied to

27 Cf. s. 116, 6 (PL 38, col. 660): insaniant ludaei, impleantur zelo: lapidetur Stephanus. One may compare the other sermons held in commemoration of Stephen's martyrdom; see e.g. s. 317, 2.5 and 319, 4. 28 Manichaeans and pagans, among others, are indicated as being 'insane' as well. Among the many instances, see e.g. c. Faust. 12, 43 and s. 34, 6.

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them, and without any explicit text based reason. The same goes for a number of other unfavourable expressions which are not (directly) inspired by biblical texts. Apart from the characterizations quoted above (the Jews are frenetici and (circum)frementes, among others), one finds in the sermons passages like these: s. 62, 18 (CCSL 41Aa, p. 312): haeretici, Iudaei et pagani unitatem fecerunt contra unitatem. quia contigit ut in aliquibus locis disciplinam acciperent Iudaei propter improbitates suas, criminantur et suspicantur, aut fingunt quia tafia de illis semper quaeramus; s. 136, 3 (PL 38, col. 752): Iudaei, aperite oculos: sol praesens est. nos scimus [Ioh. 9, 24.29]. quid scitis, o corde caeci? quid scitis? quia non est iste homo a Deo, qui sic soluit sabbatum [lob. 9, 16]. sabbatum, miseri, sabbatum ipsum Christus praedicauit, quem dicitis non esse a Deo;

s. 201, 2 (PL 38, col. 1032): et Pilato exprobrante quod regem suum crucifigi uellent, pertinacissime saeuiebant; s. Wilm. 8 (229C), 1 (MiAg 1, p. 691): paschales dies celebrantibus nobis, quorum pascha immolatus est Christus [I Cor. 5, 7], adhuc Iudaei, tam lucidae huius manifestationis inimici, nocturnas quasdam figuras agunt, et die declinato adhuc somniant. nam et ipsi pascha celebrare se dicunt, et, dum peruerse sectantur umbras ueritatis, nocte caecantur erroris; s. Wilm. 8 (229C), 1 (MiAg 1, p. 692): Quod priores Israhelitae liberati ab Aegypto festiuitate figurauerunt, hoc posteriores captiuati a diabolo iniquitate fecerunt. [... ] Tune in eorum escas ouis mactabatur, quando eorum Unguis et dentibus Christus occidebatur. [... ] Et adhuc filii eorum, uetus patrum suorum fermentum indigesta uanitate ructantes, de azymis gloriantur. e. J ews in the Passion account as 'the killers of Christ' As far as 1 can see, the verb saeuire is not used in any Latin Gospel account of the Passion. Yet, as the example from s. 201 illustrates, Augustine makes use of it to describe the action of the Jews, as in bis depiction of the Jews as 'raging' or 'being furious' at several other occasions in bis rendering of the Passion account. 29

29 E.g. s. 77, 4 (PL 38, col. 485: et sanguinem quem saeuientes fuderunt, credentes biberunt); 80, 5 (PL 38, col. 496: putatis autem, quia non illi Judaei maligni erant, saeui, cruenti, turbulenti, inimici filio Dei?); etc.

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His exposition of the Passion story reveals other typical features as well. The first and perhaps most incisive one is his repeated accusation that the Jews and no others are the killers of Christ. This feature abounds in the sermons. A few examples may suffice to illustra te this point: s. 45, 5 (CCSL 41, p. 519): qui [se. Christus] a ludaeis caesus, flagellatus, contemptus, crucifixus; s. 62, 4 (CCSL 41Aa, p. 299): Iudaea gens uidit, et crucifixit; s. 77, 4 (PL 38, col. 484): intelligentes se reos sanguinis Christi: quod eum ipsi crucifixerint, ipsi occiderint; s. 88, 4 (RB 94, p. 77): Iudaei qui crucifixerunt; s. Guelf. 10 (229F), 2(MiAg1, p. 472): sic et Dominus Christus subcubuit I udaeis: praeualuerunt, quando occiderunt.

As the context of the quotation from s 77, 4 indicates, Augustine may consider himself supported by Bible texts like Act. 2, 36 (cf. e.g. 2, 23; 4, 10; 5, 30). But it is typical that nowhere in his sermons does he state explicitly that it was the Roman soldiers who were in charge of the crucifixion of Jesus! The role of the soldiers is always reduced; the role of the Jews, however, is considerably amplified. f. Role of the Jews in the Passion story amplified An example of the last mentioned feature is already present in the quote from s. 45 given above: Christ is "killed, flogged, contemned and crucified" by the Jews. A close reading of such a sentence is revealing, because, according to current interpretation, 30 in the Gospels the Jews are by no means blamed for all these actions. In Augustine's sermons, however, they are, as is the case in De consensu euangelistarum. In this work on the Harmony of the Evangelists, commonly known as the Harmony of the Gospels, 31 Augustine undertakes an heroic endeavour to harmonize the contradictions between the Gospels. One may differ about the work's value for present-day biblical explanation, but one thing becomes clear when 30 In addition to many recent Bible commentaries, see e.g. the articles s.v. "Passion Story" or "Passion Narratives" in modern encylopedias like ABD, NIB and RGG/RPP. 31 Cf. e.g. H. MERKEL, "Consensu euangelistarum (De -)", in AL 1. 7/8, cols. 1228-1236.

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reading its conclusions about the divergent Passion narratives: it is the Jews (and not the Roman soldiers) who are explicitly blamed. A brief selection from bis sermons may illustrate this curious point: s. 7, 2 (CCSL 41, p. 71): nam si ille populus [se. ludaeorum] spinosus non significaretur, 32 non ab eo spinis Christus coronaretur; s. 246, 4 (SChr 116, p. 300): ludaei tetigerunt quando comprehenderunt, tetigerunt quando ligauerunt, tetigerunt quando suspenderunt; s. 300, 4 (PL 38, col. 1378): et cum ludaei nescientes quid per eos

ageretur, quid de nescientium manibus impleretur, spongiam cum aceto ligarent cum arundine; s. Denis 11 (308A), 7 (MiAg l, p. 48): de illis [se. ludaeis] apertis loquamur, qui aperte inuiderunt, saeuierunt, tenuerunt, flagellauerunt, illuserunt, crucifixerunt, occiderunt, sepultum custodierunt; s. Mai 95 (375C), 7 (MiAg 1, p. 346): carnem ueram colaphizauerunt

ludaei: carni uerae spinas inposuerunt ludaei: carnem ueram in ligno suspenderunt increduli; carnem ueram iam anima recedente lancea percusserunt infideles et miseri.

Apart from quite explicit texts such as the ones quoted above, in other texts the amplification of the Jewish role in Christ's Passion is presented in a more subtle manner. One example may suffice here: s. 97, 4 (RB 78, p. 218): numquid hoc uerbum [cf. lob. 1, 1] ludaeus crucifigeret? numquid huic uerbo inpius insultaret? numquid hoc uerbum colaphis caederetur? numquid hoc uerbum spinis coronaretur?

Though one may find traces of a certain Jewish culpability in the canonical Gospel texts as we have them, just as one may find similar expressions in Paul's letters 33 or the canonical Acts of the apostles, 34 from many statements in Augustine's sermons it must be concluded that, evidently, he is exculpating the Romans and heaping extra blame on the Jews. It is the Jews and no others who pierced Jesus' side; it is the Jews and no others who gave the vinegar; it is the Jews who in anticipation of these acts had seized and

32

The sermon is on Ex. 3: de rubo in quo flamma erat et rubus non combureba-

tur. 33

34

E.g. I Thess. 2, 15. E.g. Act. 2, 36; 3, 15; 4, 10; etc.

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flogged Jesus, and who had twisted together a crown of thorns and set it on his head, among other things. g. Anti-Semitic traces in Augustine's sermons? In view of a number of the preceding texts one may ask: Was, then, even a great Christian theologian like Augustine not immune to anti-Semitic trains of thought? On the one hand it should be stressed that anti-Semitism - or, better, anti-Judaism - is a complicated concept 35 and, in my view, one should not consider all criticism of Jews or Judaism as anti-Semitism. The same goes for the integrity and earnestness with which Augustine stresses the uniqueness of Christ and even for his conviction that outside the Church and the Christian religion there is no salvation. If all this labelled 'anti-Semitic', several aspects of Paul's position or, for instance, many features of the theology of the Johannine corpus should be branded anti-Semitic as well (a criticism that I believe runs the risk of absurdity). On the other hand, however, time and again in Augustine's oeuvre one cornes across terms and expressions which - also in their quantity and intensity - seem to go beyond the measure of sound theological criticism and look like anti-Semitic invectives. One may term these utterances as being anti-Semitic, because they air "an intense dislike for and prejudice against Jewish people". 36 In the preceding quotations from Augustine's sermons one may point out certain expressions as more or less belonging to this category, for instance when Augustine without any obvious reason charactcrizcs the Jcws as 'insane' (e.g. s. 122, 2; s. Wilm. 15 [223I]; s. Guelf. 9 [229E], 1), 'frenetic' (e.g. s. 111, 2) and, "captivated by the devil [... ] belching out the old leaven of their forefathers in their indigested vanity" (s. Wilm. 8 [229C], 1). These texts do not constitute an exception. As is the case in so many quotes in the previous section, one may observe a certain prejudice in regard to the role of the Jews in Christ's Passion in the following statement:

35 E.g. "Antisemitismus !-VIII", in TRE 3 (1978/1993) pp. 119-165, esp. N. R. M. DE LANGE, "Antisemitismus IV: Alte Kirche", ibid., pp. 128-137. 36 1 borrow this expression from the leading and, as far as 1 can see, not prejudiced Collins Cobuild English Language Dictionary, London - Glasgow Stuttgart, 1987, p. 54.

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symb. cal. 10 (CCSL 46, p. 195): tenent Iudaei, insultant Iudaei, ligant ludaei, spinis coronant, sputis dehonestant, flagellant, opprobriis obruunt, ligno suspendunt, lancea fodiunt, postremo sepeliunt.

Here, in a pivotal text such as this sermon in which the Christian Credo is explained to those who will receive baptism, the Jews are charged with all actions related to Christ's Passion and Crucifixion, and even with his subsequent burial. Such added accusations which in my view cannot be considered mere 'rhetorical exaggerations' - seem to testify to a certain prejudice. One reads such additional charges, apart from those quoted in the previous section, in several other sermons as well, and in some cases - like in the passage cited from s. Wilm. 8 (229C), 1 above - they have turned into real invectives. Let me quo te two further examples: s. Guelf. 2 (218B), 1 (MiAg 1, p. 450): ut quod ante multos annos in

uno loco ludaeorum impietate commissum est, eorumque crudelibus oculis uisum, nunc contuitu fi dei tamquam hodie factum toto spectetur orbe terrarum. [... ] si illi cum uoluptate suam cernebant iniquitatem, quanto magis nos salutem nostram recordemur cum gaudio?

s. Guelf. 4 (223B), 1 (MiAg 1, p. 456): ad hoc autem Iudaei Christum occiderunt, ut perderent de terra memoriam eius. hoc eis excepta poena aeterna interim redditur, ut illius clarificata memoria nec ipsorum scelus mundus obliuiscatur; quisquis enim noctis huius lucem toto terrarum orbe miratur, simul ludaeorum tenebras detestatur. Apart from the 'usual' blames like the impiety (impietas), the cruelty (crudeliter fecerunt) and the iniquity (iniquitas) of the Jews, in the quoted passage from s. Guelf. 2 (218B) one finds some remarkable additional charges: the Jews watched the Passion of Jesus "with cruel eyes" (crudelibus oculis) and they did so "voluptuously" (cum uoluptate). Charges like these are unknown from any canonical Gospel account and the same seems to apply for two phrases in s. Guelf. 4 (223B), 1. Though one may hear a biblical ring, 37 nowhere in the Gospel accounts it is said that the Jews killed Christ in order "that they might eut off the memory of Him from the earth". And the same goes for 'the darkness of the J ews'. Here

37

Cf. e.g. Ps. 34, 17 and 109, 15.

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we corne across additional charges some of which seem to testify to a certain prejudice. It seems to be the same prejudice, which we quite unexpectedly also encounter in one of Augustine's letters to Jerome: in the question of the correct translation of Jonah 4, 6 the bishop of Oea "was compelled to ask the testimony of the Jews'', who are (without any obvious reason) typified by their 'ignorance' or 'malice'. 38 A similiar prejudice is evident in s. 199, 2: the Jewish leaders who in Matthew 2 are asked where the Christ was to be born are "mendacious in themselves and - contrary to themselves - speaking the truth". 39 h. Treatment of actual and contemporary J ews From the just quoted letter of Augustine to Jerome, we learn about the existence of contemporary Jews in Oea (present-day Tripoli) in the Roman province of Tripolitana. But does Augustine envisage contemporary Jews in bis sermons as well? In recent research a number of scholars have answered this question in the negative. According to them Augustine, when speaking of Jews and Judaism, is dealing with the Jews and their religion as they are mentioned in the Bible and its immediately subsequent history, not with real contemporary Jews as they might have lived in bis own time and environment. Though it is evident from Augustine's homiletic corpus that he is often (and even predominantly) dealing with an exegetically and theologically constructed 'hermeneutical Jew', at the same time, howcvcr, thcrc arc many instances whcrc it turns out that hc has in view real contemporary Jews. It is bis dealing with these actual Jews that may further illustrate bis attitude to Jews and Judaism as it is present in the sermons. Do we encounter in these particular instances the same negative attitude as well? And did Hippo's bishop have any knowledge of the religious practices and customs of contemporary Jews? From a number of testimonies present in bis sermones it may be inferred that this is indeed the case. 38 ep. 71, 5 (CCSL 34.2, p. 253): [... ] ut cogeretur episcopus [... ] ludaeorum testimonium flagitare. utrum autem illi inperitia an malitia hoc esse in H ebraeis codicibus responderunt, quod et Graeci et Latini habebant atque dicebant? 39 s. 199, 2 (PL 38, col. 1027): [... ] necesse habuerunt percontari principes ludaeorum; ut illi de sancta scriptura, quam in ore, non in corde gestabant, infideles fidelibus de gratia fidei responderent, mendaces a se, ueraces contra se.

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Above, in section d, 1 quoted a passage from s. 62 in which the Jews are mentioned in a fairly negative way. Among the quotations adduced until now, it is in particular this passage (in all probability from a sermon preached in Carthage, shortly before 400) which seems to deal with contemporary Jews. They are accused of presenting a united front, together with the pagans and heretics, against the Catholic Christians. Furthermore, Augustine speaks of their "wickednesses" (improbitates, for which they have received chastisement), and of the fact that they "calumniate" (criminantur, one may suppose: the Catholic Christians) and "suspect" (suspiciantur, i.e. the Catholics), or "feign" (fingunt) "that we are always seeking similar (negative) treatment of them". Although some aspects of this curious passage remain somewhat unclear, one thing is evident: it is rather early in his career as bishop that Augustine speaks of actual Jews, and he does so in a negative manner. Moreover, he refers to these real and contemporary Jews as living "in some places" (in aliquibus locis). From the context in which the sermon was presented one may infer that the reference is to places in Roman North Africa. From a number of other passages in Augustine's sermons we learn about actual Jews as well. Here 1 first enumerate some examples which more or less evidently refer to contemporary Jews in Roman Africa: s. 9, 3 (CCSL 41, p. 110): dicitur tibi ut spiritaliter obserues sabbatum, non quomodo ludaei obseruant sabbatum carnali otio. uacare enim uolunt ad nugas atque luxurias suas. melius enim faceret ludaeus in agro suo aliquid utile quam in theatro seditiosus exsisteret. et melius feminae eorum die sabbati lanam facerent quam toto die in maenianis suis impudice saltarent; s. 88, 17 (RB 94, p. 91): non uult bonus christianus ire spectare. [... ] alii concurrunt, sed forte pagani, forte ludaei; s. 133, 1 (PL 38, col. 737): dies festus erat Iudaeorum scenopegia: hi dies sunt, quantum uidetur, quos hodieque obseruant, quando casas uocant. est enim illis ista solemnitas de fabricatione tabernaculorum; s. 196, 4 (PL 38, cols. 1020-1021): christiana est ciuitas. duo genera hominum hic sunt, christiani et ludaei [... ] faciunt illud ludaei? s. Denis 17 (301A), 7 (MiAg 1, p. 88): quomodo apud Carthaginem est plebs sancta et religiosa, sic tanta turba est in magna ciuitate, ut se excusent omnes de aliis. pagani faciunt, ludaei faciunt, potest

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dici Carthagine; hic, quicumque faciunt, christiani faciunt; 9 (MiAg 1, p. 89): uicinam ciuitatem Simittû imitamini [... ] nemo ibi intrat in theatrum, nullus ibi turpis remansit. legatus ibi uoluit agere huiusmodi turpitudines: nullus principalis, nullus plebeius intrauit, nullus Iudaeus intrauit.

From the passage in s. 9, one cannot but conclude that Augustine bas an actual knowledge of the Sabbath customs of Jews in bis direct environment. The passage from s. 133 gives testimony to bis knowledge of their Sukkoth festival as well, and here Augustine even reveals that the Jews in Roman North Africa call this feast by the particular Latin name casae. 40 Sermo 88 speaks of the likely presence of Jews in theatres, apart from pagans and Christians, information which is to a certain extent corroborated by s. Denis 17 (301A). In this sermon, preached in Bulla Regia, Augustine relates that in the great city of Carthage one part of the population can accuse another part of participating in certain bad deeds: "the pagans do it, the Jews do it''. But Bulla Regia is such a small town (and, moreover, christianized to such a high degree) that here the blaming of another community is impossible. Nevertheless, there are several evils in Christian Bulla Regia, one of these being theatre attendance. Later on in the sermon Augustine exhorts the Catholic Christians of Bulla to follow the example of the inhabitants of neighbouring Simittû: there, on a certain occasion, (even !) the J ews did not enter the theatre. In our context the curious remark made in s. 196 delivered in Hippo also seems to be significant: "the ciuitas is [officially? in its majority?] Christian'', but "two kinds of people are living here: Christians and Jews" and somewhat further on Augustine remarks: "Are the Jews doing such things?" All this seems to be solid evidence to testify to the presence of real and contemporary Jews in Augustine's environment and of bis knowledge and attitudes towards them. Sorne of the just quoted passages even create the impression that there were many Jews liv-

40 As far as 1 can see, the testimony is unique. In the works of Tertullian, who preeminently is the person providing so many testimonies to Jewish life in the Roman Africa of his time, the term does not occur. Cf. e.g. G. CLAESSON, Index Tertullianeus, 1-III, Paris, 1974-1975, and the leading studies by C. Az1zA, Tertullien et le judaïsme, Nice, 1977 and G. D. DuNN, Tertullian's Aduersus Iudaeos. A Rhelorical Analysis, Washington, 2008.

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ing in Augustine's close surroundings ! Be that as it may, there is no doubt that he was acquainted with real J ews. 41 It is from this perspective that we may (re)read several other passages in Augustine's sermons. Though the 'hermeneutical Jew' is preponderant in his homiletic oeuvre, the concrete and actual Jew is really present too. In addition to the evident testimonies enumerated above, there is a sporting chance that in the following passages Augustine had in view contemporary Jews in his Roman North Africa as well: s. 15, 6 (CCSL 41, p. 197): foris tolera haereticum, tolera ludaeum, tolera paganum. tolera et intus malum christianum; s. 19, 3 (CCSL 41, p. 254): interroga ludaeos, unde tune Dominum coronauerint; s. 34, 6 (CCSL 41, p. 426): laus enim eius non est in synagogis

ludaeorum; s. 300, 3 (PL 38, col. 1377): existit aliquis ludaeus, et dicit nobis: quomodo istos nostros, uestros martyres computatis? qua imprudentia42 eorum memoriam celebratis? legite confessiones eorum: attendite si confessi sunt Christum; s. 336, 3 (PL 38, col. 1473): modo quando implentur ecclesiae, putamus iucundari ludaeos? ecclesiae aedificantur, dedicantur, implentur, quomodo illi iucundantur? non solum non iucundantur, sed etiam confunduntur; s. 359, 9 (PL 39, col. 1596): paganus est, ludaeus est; est tamen proximus, quia homo est; s. Caillau 2, 11 (112A), 10 (MiAg 1, p. 261): boni meriti apud suos ludaeus ut dicat, tantum posse christianos? [... ] ; 13 (MiAg 1, p. 263):

non de omnibus loquor: ne uobis occurrant perditi et seditiosi ludaei; illi occurrant, a quibus isti reprehenduntur, graues, seruantes mandata legis; s. Denis 24 (113A), 1 (MiAg 1, p. 142): et adhuc 43 Iudaei uidetis quia nolunt credere in Christum.

41 Other testimonies, like the recent one from Divjak-letter ep. 8*, 1 briefly discuss in my article "Iudaei" in AL III. 42 Perhaps one should read: impudentia. 43 Cf. the same adverb adhuc in the second passage quoted from s. Wilm. 8 (229C), 1 above §2d. Similar adverbs like hodie, modo (cf. above in s. 336, 3 and below, n. 44, in the quote from s. 5, 5), nunc, usque hodie, usque adhuc in other

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The just quoted passages are a selection. It is rather easy to multiply the examples. Though Augustine's rhetorical style has to be taken into account, in the many cases in which he is directly addressing 'the Jew' or 'the Jews' he often seems to have in view concrete persons. Both he and his listeners were well acquainted with real Jews living in their immediate environments. i. Final remarks From the immense homiletic oeuvre of Augustine one can quote many other texts in which other aspects of his attitude to Jews are being articulated. He does not conceal the fact that Christ was born "from the Jews" (de/ex ludaeis, e.g. s. 45, 6; s. Morin 7, 2; s. Wilm. 4 [223D], 2; cf. e.g. s. 51, 20; 62, 4; etc.); that the first Christians and the apostles were Jews (e.g. s. 4, 18; 51, 14; s. Guelf. 10 [229F], 2; etc.); that the Jews constitute a singular case in the history of God's covenant (e.g. s. 88, 10; s. Caillau 2, 11 [112A]; s. Denis 24 [113A], 10; s. Dolbeau 21 [159B], 16); or that the Jewish diaspora is not only a punishment to the Jews, but also may be evaluated positively, because in this way their Scriptures have been dispersed and provide testimony to the doctrines of the Church (e.g. s. 5, 5; 201, 3). It should not be overlooked, however, that even in the last-mentioned instances in which Augustine is stressing the positive role of the Jews, he continues to characterize them as "the enemies" (inimici) of the Church (e.g. s. Dolbeau 23 [374], 15.17). Only in a few instances does Augustine speak of the Jews in a neutral and, perhaps, even in an unequivocally positive way. Thus, for instance, in s. 5 he says inter alia: "Notice how many Jews believed [i.e., in the time of the New Testament]. And also today [et modo], if you find a Jew, and proclaim to him the Lord Jesus Christ, and he will believe, would not he be undoing the yoke [se. of the Law] from his neck?" 44 In his famous sermon ln Answer to the Jews, probably dating from some period in the last decades of Augustine's life, there is also the positive element of seeking contact with the Jews.

sermons seem to be important markers indicating that A. is speaking of contemporary J ews. 44 s. 5, 5 (CCSL 41, p. 56): quanti ludaei crediderunt attendite. et modo, si quem ludaeum inueneris, et euangelizaueris illi Dominum Iesum Christum, et crediderit, nonne soluet iugum a ceruice sua?

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Augustine not only urges the Jews to make the right decision, but he also admonishes his hearers to proclaim the divine testimonies "with love" (cum dilectione) for the Jews. 45

3. Conclusion From our investigation of Augustine's sermones, a number of conclusions may be drawn. We confine ourselves to the main and obvious ones. First it has become evident that time after time in his sermons Augustine is speaking of real and contemporary Jews. Moreover, there is evidence that he is well acquainted with a variety of their customs and religious festivals. 46 Wh en dealing with the J ews, their religion and behaviour - be it in the context of his interpretation of biblical texts or with contemporary Jews in view - his tone is mainly negative. There is a curious amplification or, in any case, a one-sided explication of the role of the Jews in the Passion story and Augustine's endeavour to harmonize the various biblical Passion accounts is, at the same time, an effort to lay extra blame on the Jews. Sorne of his expressions have an undeniable anti-Semitic ring. On the other hand, there are many instances in Augustine's sermons in which he speaks of the J ews in a neutral and even in a positive way. One cannot but conclude that Augustine's attitude to Jews and Judaism is ambivalent. Besides, there seems to be no reason to suppose that the study of another part of his oeuvre will yield another picture. Preliminary investigations of a body of texts like the Enarrationes in Psalmos or the In Iohannis euangelium tractatus give the impression that here his overall description of the Jews is even more negative. His various expositions of Paul's Letter to the Romans do 45 adu. Iud. 15 (PL 42, col. 64): [... ]nos tamen ubi possumus, cum eorum dilectione praedicemus. 46 In addition to the quotations regarding their Passover from s. Wilm. 8 (229C), 1 (above, §2d; the first quote goes on: Ouem per singulos annos ritu antiquae sollemnitatis occidunt [... ]), see e.g. s. Mai 158 (272B), 2-3. In s. Do/beau 23 (374), 15 it runs: et in lege sua mansit; quantum ad Dei cultum adtinet, patriam consuetudinem ritumque custodit. euerso etiam templo suo, exstincto sacerdotio pristino, sicut praedictum est a prophetis, seruant tamen circumcisionem et morem quendam, quo a ceteris gentibus distinguantur (CEA 147, p. 606). S. Mai 158 (272B) also speaks of their Pentecost.

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not seem to counterbalance this impression. One thing appears to be certain, however: in Augustine's view the Jews are astranged from the true religion; their salvation lies only in their acceptance of J esus Christ as Lord. As indicated already, future research of certain corpora of Augustinian texts and, if possible, of bis whole oeuvre from the context of its historical genesis, may complement the results of this enquiry. It might be discerned that there is a certain development in the course of Augustine's life towards a more positive attitude to the Jews and, perhaps, even to their ritual observances. In any case, there is a benevolent tone in the sermon Aduersus Iudaeos which seems to date from the last phase of bis life. 47 In respect to any inspirational role of Augustine in the Church's encounter with the Jews one may voice some serious caveats. There are negative utterances in bis works which seem to have had an ominous influence in the course of the Church's history. 48 Moreover, there is a tendency in Augustine's sermons (like in bis other works) to amplify the negative role of the Jews in the Passion story, but this amplification cannot stand the test of sound biblical exegesis. Besides, it should be clear that according to Augustine the Jewish religion, after the coming of Christ, is no true religion anymore. The most positive evidence one can deduce from Augustine's sermons is the appeal to proclaim the divine testimonies in regard to Jesus as the promised Christ "with compassionate love" (cum dilectione) and hence "not proudly" (nec superbe), but "with a deep sense of humility" (humilibus consentientes) 49 - to the Jews.

47 There seems to be sound reason to understand the aduersus in the sermon's title not so much as meaning 'against' (in this case one could have expected the clear-cut adverb contra), but in particular as denoting 'in answer to' and even 'towards'. 48 See already BLUMENKRANZ, Judenpredigt, pp. 54 ff. for anti-Jewish works under the aegis of A. like the pseudo-Augustinian Sermo contra ludaeos, Paganos et Arianos, the Altercatio Ecclesiae et Synagogue and the Aduersus quinque haereses sermo. Apart from these writings, one can easily imagine how ill-fated the influence of negative statements like those indicated above will have been in the writings of A.'s epigones, in the context of medieval thematic sermon collections like sermons on Christ's Passion and Easter, etc. 49 adu. lud. 15.

Résurrection et réincarnation La polémique d'Augustin contre les platoniciens et contre Porphyre dans les Sermons 240-242 Isabelle BocHET (Paris) À la mémoire de Goulven Afadec

On ne s'étonne guère de voir Augustin répondre aux difficultés des fidèles à propos de la résurrection dans les sermons de la semaine pascale; il est plus étonnant, en revanche, de le voir exposer et discuter précisément les thèses des philosophes relatives à la réincarnation des âmes! La singularité des Sermons 240-242 est donc évidente: ils ne peuvent que retenir l'attention. Ces sermons sont de fait souvent utilisés et cités, mais ils n'ont guère été étudiés pour eux-mêmes. Jean Pépin leur a consacré des pages très importantes dans Théologie cosmique et théologie chrétienne 1; il a étudié précisément l'une des objections du Sermon 242, celle qui tire argument de l'ordre naturel des éléments contre la résurrection des corps, et il a établi, de façon convaincante, qu'elle provenait de Porphyre et qu'elle appartenait très probablement au Contra christianos. Andrew Smith a retenu pour sa part plusieurs extraits du Sermon 241 dans son édition des fragments de Porphyre2. Mamerto Alfeche a consacré un article aux discussions d'Augustin avec les philosophes sur la résurrection du corps: il analyse de ce

t Théologie cosmique et théologie chrétienne (AMBROISE, Exam. I 1-4), Paris, 1964, (Bibliothèque de philosophie contemporaine. Histoire de la philosophie et philosophie générale), p. 423-461. 2 Porphyrii philosophi fragmenta, éd. A. SMITH, Stuttgart - Leipzig, 1993. Voir les fragments? 297cF (= Augustinus, s. 241, 7, PL 38, col. 1137, 1. 11-18; 1. 2932),? 299F (= Augustinus, s. 241, 6, PL 38, col. 1136, 1. 49-52; col. 1137, 1. 3-4; 1. 6-8), 438F (= Augustinus, s. 241, 7, PL 38, col. 1137, 1. 37 - col. 1138, 1. 3).

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point de vue les Sermons 240-242, puis le De ciuitate Dei 3 • Éric Dubreucq a esquissé une réflexion générale sur « La chair, la grâce et l'Esprit. Métempsycose et résurrection de Porphyre à saint Augustin »4. dans laquelle il utilise les Sermons 240-242. Lutz Mechlinsky a traduit, analysé et commenté le Sermon 240 dans Der modus proferendi in Augustins sermones ad populum 5 : comme l'indique le titre de son ouvrage, il privilégie une approche rhétorique; il mentionne, dans son introduction au Sermon 240, la dimension polémique de ces sermons contre Porphyre, mais il ne l'approfondit pas 6 • Tout récemment, enfin, Victor Yudin 7 a étudié l'utilisation qu'Augustin fait de la citation du Timée 41ab dans les Sermons 241-242 et dans la Cité de Dieu. Il m'a donc paru opportun d'étudier pour eux-mêmes les Sermons 240-242 dans le cadre de ce colloque consacré à la prédication d'Augustin. Mon but est d'examiner l'argumentation d'Augustin dans ces sermons et d'en faire apparaître la spécificité. Il importe de s'interroger sur la manière dont Augustin présente et discute les thèses des philosophes platoniciens: il faudra repérer les stratégies rhétoriques mises en œuvre et en tirer d'éventuelles conséquences sur la manière dont on peut, ou non, utiliser ces sermons pour isoler des fragments de Porphyre. La comparaison avec le De ciuitate Dei s'impose également: les arguments utilisés dans les Sermons 240-242 sont de fait très similaires à ceux qu'Augustin expose dans les livres X, XII, XIII et XXII de la Cité de Dieu; il faudra repérer les similitudes, mais aussi les écarts significatifs. Il faudra enfin se demander ce qui peut expliquer la singularité de ces sermons, quel contexte a pu conduire Augustin à un tel débat avec les platoniciens, et plus particulièrement avec Porphyre, dans sa prédication. 3 « Augustine's Discussions with Philosophers on the Resurrection of the Body», Augustiniana, 45 (1995), p. 95-140. 4 Archives de Philosophie, 60 (1997), p. 25-45. É. Dubreucq propose des rapprochements avec Plotin, plus qu'avec Porphyre; il ne mentionne aucune des recherches récentes consacrées à Porphyre et ne semble pas connaître l'étude de J. Pépin. 5 L. MECHLINSKY, Der modus proferendi in Augustins sermones ad populum, Paderborn - München - Wien - Zürich, 2004, (Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Altertums, N.F., 1. Reihe. Monographien, 23) p. 157-217. 6 Voir p. 158, n. 297; p. 162-163, n. 308. L. Mechlinsky ne cite ni l'étude de J. Pépin, ni l'édition des fragments de Porphyre par A. Smith. 7 « Apologia agustiniana de la resurrecciém, por medio de 'Timeo' 41 A-B de Platon», Augustinus, 208-209 (2008), p. 175-193.

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J'examinerai d'abord la spécificité des Sermons 240-242 et la structure générale de l'argumentation. Le Sermon 240 ayant fait l'objet du travail de Lutz Mechlinsky, je choisirai d'étudier ensuite le Sermon 241, qui discute la théorie de la réincarnation et l'affirmation de Porphyre: «Il faut fuir tout corps»; je ne pourrai, dans les limites de cet article, analyser aussi le Sermon 242 qui expose et réfute les objections de ces mêmes philosophes contre la résurrection. On voit sans peine l'enjeu de ces sermons. L'alternative réincarnation ou résurrection engage en premier lieu la question de l'homme: quel est le statut du corps? quel est son lien à l'âme? Elle engage aussi la conception du salut: quelle libération l'homme doitil espérer? par quelle voie? La discussion présuppose enfin une réflexion sur l'accès à la vérité: les philosophes peuvent-ils l'atteindre? jusqu'à quel point? qu'est-ce qui accrédite la foi chrétienne? 1. Présentation des Sermons 240-242 a. Des sermons contra philosophos Il n'est pas rare de voir Augustin mentionner les philosophes dans sa prédication, mais cette mention reste le plus souvent très générale, même lorsque Augustin nomme, à titre d'exemple, Pythagore, Platon, Aristote ou Cicéron ou encore fait référence aux stoïciens et aux épicuriens. Dans les Enarrationes in Psalmos 103 et 140, par exemple, Augustin oppose !'Écriture aux doctrines des philosophes: !'Écriture est accessible à tous, même les enfants peuvent prendre plaisir à entendre un psaume; quel ignorant, en revanche, se risquerait à étudier Cicéron, Platon ou quelque autre philosophe 8 ? L'autorité des Écritures est fondée sur le Christ et ne peut être mise en doute; il serait risible en revanche d'inviter à croire quelque chose, parce que Cicéron, Platon ou Pythagore l'a dit 9 ! De façon récurrente, également, Augustin oppose l'humilité chrétienne à l'orgueil des philosophes 10 • s Cf. en. Ps. 103, s. 3, 4, CCSL 40, p. 1501-1502. 9 Cf. en. Ps. 103, s. 3, 6-7, CCSL 40, p. 1504-1505; en. Ps. 140, 19, CCSL 40, p. 2040. 10 Cf. s. 68, 6 (= s. Mai 126, 7), MA 1, p. 360-361; en. Ps. 140, 19, CCSL 40, p. 2039-2040. Dans l'en. Ps. 31, en. 2, 18 (CCSL 38, p. 238-239), Augustin souligne que, seule, !'Écriture enseigne l'humilité.

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Il est beaucoup plus rare en revanche de trouver dans un sermon l'exposé des thèses de tel ou tel philosophe. C'est le cas, par exemple, du Sermon 150: Augustin, qui commente le discours de Paul à Athènes en Act. 17, 17-34, explique, de façon sommaire, ce qui est le principe du bonheur selon les épicuriens et selon les stoïciens et montre comment Paul les réfute 11 • Augustin sait bien que beaucoup de ses auditeurs sans doute ignorent ces philosophes, mais, ajoute-t-il, « puisque nous parlons à Carthage, beaucoup en ont connaissance 12 ». C'est encore le cas du Sermon Dolbeau 26, qui dénonce le polythéisme et critique les « principaux types d'herméneutique païenne: stoïcienne, néoplatonicienne et pythagoricienne », comme l'a justement noté François Dolbeau 13 • Augustin y oppose notamment Pythagore qui pensait que les âmes pouvaient être purifiées par la philosophie à tous ceux qui ont rendu un culte aux idoles et ont cherché la purification par le recours à des rites chaldéens ou magiques 14 • Le cas des Sermons 240-242 est absolument singulier, car Augustin ne se contente pas de nommer Pythagore, Platon et Porphyre 15 et d'exposer longuement les thèses des platoniciens 16 ; il cite expressément Platon et Porphyre 17 ! Il précise même dans le Sermon 240: sunt libri, leguntur; et dans le Sermon 241 : libros uestros lego 18 • Augustin ne semble pas supposer que ses auditeurs connaissent ces doctrines; il fait seulement mention de leur connaissance de Virgile:

Cf. s. 150, 5-9, PL 38, col. 809-813. Cf. s. 150, 3, PL 38, col. 809-810: Qui sint uel fuerint philosophi Epicurei et Stoici, id est, qui senserint, qui uerum esse putauerint, quid philosophando sectati sint, procul dubio multi uestrum nesciunt: sed quoniam Carthagini loquimur, multi sciunt; s. 150, 5, PL 38, col. 810: Vtrum enim hoc dicant, hoc sentiant Epicurei, nescitis, quia illas litteras non legistis; sed sunt hic qui legerunt. 13 Augustin d' Hippone. Vingt-six sermons au peuple d'Afrique, éd. F. DoLBEAU, Paris, 1996 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 147), p. 349. 14 s. Do/beau 26, 36, p. 393-394. 15 s. 241, 6, PL 38, col. 1136. 16 s. 240, 4, PL 38, col. 1132; s. 241, 2-8, PL 38, col. 1134-1138; s. 242, 5 et 7-8, PL 38, col. 1140-1141. 17 s. 241, 7-8, PL 38, col. 1137-1138; s. 242, 7, PL 38, col. 1141. 18 s. 240, 4, PL 38, col. 1132; s. 241, 7, PL 38, col. 1137. 11

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peu sans doute ont lu l'Énéide, mais beaucoup, malheureusement, ont appris au théâtre l'histoire d'Énée descendant aux enfers 19 • b. Le Sermon 243 appartient-il à la même série? Une fois établie la spécificité des Sermons 240-242, il y a à se demander s'il faut ou non inclure le Sermon 243 dans la série de ces sermons contra philosophas. Rappelons tout d'abord que ces sermons appartiennent tous à la série manuscrite «livrée par le ms. ÛRLÉANS 155 (x) Fleury et par la collection antique Alleluia ». Selon Cyrille Lambot 20 , il s'agit d'une série homogène, « dont les sermons sont tous de la même année et se présentent dans l'ordre suivant lequel ils furent prononcés». Cyrille Lambot mentionne les liens internes entre les Sermons 240, 241 et 242. Il présente le Sermon 243 comme abordant la «fin du sujet traité dans les sermons précédents» et voit dans le paragraphe 1 une allusion au début du Sermon 240: « Vous le savez, et je vous l'avais rappelé, qu'on lit ces jours-ci la résurrection du Seigneur selon les quatre évangélistes 21 ». Il s'agirait donc, selon Cyrille Lambot22, de quatre sermons prêchés à Hippone respectivement le lundi, le mardi, le mercredi et le jeudi d'une même semaine pascale. Lutz Mechlinsky se rallie à cette hypothèse. Il note, toutefois, que la remarque qui ouvre le Sermon 243 ne peut constituer un rapprochement décisif avec le Sermon 240, car une telle remarque est 19 s. 241, 5, PL 38, col. 1135-1136: Nostis enim hoc prope omnes; atque utinam pauci nossetis. Sed pauci nostis in libris, multi in theatris, quia Aeneas descendit ad inferos [... ]. 20 « Les sermons de saint Augustin pour les fêtes de Pâques », Revue Bénédictine, 79 (1969), p. 150-152. 21 s. 243, 1, PL 38, col. 1143: Hoc enim scitis, et commendaueram uobis, secundum omnes quatuor Euangelistas istis diebus resurrectionem Domini recitari. À rapprocher du s. 240, 1, PL 38, col. 1130: Per hos dies, sicut recolit caritas uestra, solemniter leguntur euangelicae lectiones ad resurrectionem Domini pertinentes. Sur l'ordre des lectures de la semaine pascale, voir les remarques de L. MECHLINSKY, Der modus proferendi in Augustins sermones ad populum, p. 158-159, n. 300. 22 Selon C. LAMBOT, «Augustin ne s'absentait pas d'Hippone pendant les solennités pascales»; ces sermons contra philosophos ne s'expliquent pas par une controverse particulièrement vive à ce moment-là, mais peut-être seulement par le souci d'« introduire de la variété dans la prédication pascale». Cf. «Collection antique de sermons de saint Augustin», Revue Bénédictine, 57 (1947), p. 90-91 et p. 103-104; «Les sermons de saint Augustin pour les fêtes de Pâques», Revue Bénédictine, 79 (1969), p. 151.

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habituelle dans les sermons du temps pascal 23 • Il estime néanmoins que le Sermon 243 représente probablement, d'un point de vue rhétorique, la fin des développements que les Sermons 240-242 consacrent à la résurrection. Le dernier paragraphe du Sermon 243, dans lequel Augustin décrit à ses auditeurs ce qu'ils feront dans la vie future, constituerait la péroraison qui clôt l'ensemble de ces sermons. Cette conclusion rhétoriquement efficace est, selon Lutz Mechlinsky 24, similaire à celle des Sermons 361-362 et à celle du livre XXII de la Cité de Dieu. Mais ce parallèle avec les Sermons 361-362 ne me paraît pas convaincant. En effet, ces sermons n'ont pas été prêchés pendant le temps pascal, mais en hiver 25 , et leur composition est très différente: le long développement consacré à la vie des saints après la résurrection qui clôt le Sermon 362 est annoncé comme tel dès le début du Sermon 36l26 ; le Sermon 240, en revanche, n'annonce en rien le développement final du Sermon 243. Edmund Hill remarque en outre, à juste titre, que le Sermon 243 est parfois inconséquent et chaotique: il suggère qu'il pourrait avoir été prêché par Augustin à une date nettement plus tardive 27 •

23 Cf. Der modus proferendi in Augustins sermones ad populum, p. 160, qui renvoie à s. 245, 1, PL 38, col. 1151; s. 231, 1, SC 116, p. 244; s. 232, 1, SC 116, p. 260; s. 234, 1, PL 38, col. 1115; s. 235, 1, Revue Bénédictine, 67 (1957), p. 137. 24 Cf. Der modus proferendi in Augustins sermones ad populum, p. 161. 25 Cf. s. 361, 10, PL 39, col. 1604; C. LAMBOT, «Collection antique de sermons de saint Augustin », p 104, n. 1. 26 Cf. s. 362, 27-31, PL 39, col. 1630-1634; le développement est annoncé en s. 361, 2, PL 39, col. 1599. 27 Cf. The Works of Saint Augustine. A Translation for the 21st Century, Sermons, IIl/7: (230-272B) on the Liturgical Seasons, trad. et not. E. HILL, éd. J. E. RoTELLE, New Rochelle (New York), 1993, p. 94, n. 1: «the sermon somehow smacks of an older Augustine, occasionally inconsequential and rambling. 1 personally, with no other evidence to go on than the sermon itself, would happily date it ten years later ». Cette inconséquence apparaît notamment, me semble-til, dans les paragraphes 5-6 du Sermon 243. Augustin vient de montrer dans le paragraphe 4 que les organes internes du corps humain suscitent en nous spontanément, faute de connaissance, l'horreur plus que l'attrait, mais qu'ils pourront susciter l'admiration lorsque nous connaîtrons la ratio qui préside à leur organisation; le paragraphe 5 introduit alors une objection: s'ils sont voilés, comment pourront-ils ne pas nous être cachés? Augustin s'efforce alors de dépasser l'objection par une analogie: nous connaîtrons alors nos pensées mutuelles et nous n'aurons pas à craindre un tel dévoilement. On s'attend alors à ce qu'Augustin en

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Pour que le Sermon 243 soit à lier étroitement aux Sermons 240-242, il faudrait pouvoir établir qu'il vise les mêmes adversaires. Or une telle conclusion n'est nullement évidente. Il est indéniable que les Sermons 240-242 critiquent les mêmes philosophes: Augustin le dit explicitement. Dès l'ouverture du Sermon 241, il renvoie ses auditeurs à ce qu'il a dit la veille des philosophes païens et de leur connaissance de Dieu 28 ; il précise peu après qu'il rappelle les conjectures des philosophes relatives à la destinée des âmes après la mort, conjectures qu'il a exposées, dit-il, la veille 29 , autrement dit dans le Sermon 240. À la fin du Sermon 241, il annonce qu'il répondra le lendemain aux objections que ces mêmes philosophes ont opposées à la résurrection des corps 30 : cette réponse est de fait développée dans le Sermon 242. On ne trouve aucun lien de cette nature entre les Sermons 240-242 et le Sermon 243. Il n'y a aucune mention des philosophes dans le Sermon 243. Le sermon expose certes « une question difficile sur l'usage des membres 31 » après la résurrection, mais faut-il l'attribuer aux philosophes platoniciens que visaient les Sermons 240-242? Rien ne permet de l'affirmer. La fin du Sermon 242 semble en outre parfaitement conclure l'ensemble des trois sermons: Augustin exhorte ses auditeurs à renoncer aux conjectures et aux extravagances des philosophes et à « tenir de façon très certaine que ce que Dieu a promis se réali-

tire une conséquence explicite en ce qui concerne les organes internes du corps, mais il ne le fait pas. 28 Cf. s. 241, 1, PL 38, col. 1133: Hesterno die uobis insinuauimus, sapientes gentium, quos philosophos dicunt, ipsos qui in eis excellentissimi fuerunt, scrutatos fuisse naturam, et de operibus artificem cognouisse. 29 Cf. s. 241, 4, PL 38, col. 1135: Hi ergo, sicut hesterno die uos commonui, quaesierunt quid postea, id est, quid post hanc uitam. [... ]. Retuli uobis heri suspiciones illorum. 30 s. 241, 8, PL 38, col. 1138: Quantum existimo, responsum est illis, sicut intelligere potestis [... ]. Iamuero quid et ipsi dicant de resurrectione corporum quasi acute, ut non eis, sicut arbitrantur, etiam nos respondere possimus, multum est ut hodie uobis dicam. Sed quia semel promisi uobis, per istos dies islam de resurrectione carnis quaestionem esse uersandam, ad ea quae restant, adiuuante Domino, et aures et corda in crastinum praeparate. 31 Cf. s. 243, 3, PL 38, col. 1144: Cum ergo integra instauranda sint omnia, quaeri solet ab eis qui scire desiderant, et rursus proponi solet ab eis qui litigare desiderant, quaestio difficilis de usu membrorum.

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sera »32 • Or cette opposition entre les conjectures des philosophes et la certitude de la foi est un leitmotiv des trois sermons 33 ; elle est en revanche absente du Sermon 243. On peut donc conclure de ces remarques que les Sermons 240-242 forment un ensemble cohérent, auquel le Sermon 243 se rattache mal. À ces remarques fondées sur l'analyse interne de ces sermons, on peut objecter avec raison les données de la tradition manuscrite qui lie étroitement les Sermons 240-243. Outre la transmission des Sermones contra philosophas dans les grandes collections et les homéliaires médiévaux, il semble, comme me l'a indiqué François Dolbeau, qu'ils nous soient aussi parvenus «dans un petit recueil réservé à eux et aux sermons prêchés durant la même campagne de prédication». François Dolbeau, que je remercie vivement de ses remarques précieuses, propose l'hypothèse de travail suivante: « La bibliothèque de l'abbaye bénédictine de Lobbes, en Hainaut, possédait dès 1049 un volume décrit ainsi dans l'inventaire rédigé à cette date: Eiusdem [se. Augustini] super epistolam loannis tractatus X ad populum. Sermones contra philosophas in diebus paschae legendi. Vol. / 34 • Ce manuscrit est détruit ou égaré. Mais un recueil jumeau, qui doit dépendre, directement ou indirectement, de celui de Lobbes, fut copié dans l'abbaye voisine d'Aulne au xme siècle. Ce manuscrit jumeau est conservé aujourd'hui à BRUXELLES, Bibliothe'que royale, II 1074 (Van den Gheyn 1062) 35 ». Or «la séquence 32 s. 242, 12, PL 38, col. 1143: Nemo ergo {allai, nemo argumentetur, nemo sua suspicione deliret: quod nobis promisit Deus, uenturum esse certissime teneamus. 33 Voir notamment s. 240, 5 (PL 38, col. 1132-1133), qui s'appuie sur I Cor. 1, 20-24 pour établir que la sagesse des philosophes de ce monde n'est que folie; s. 241, 4 (PL 38, col. 1135), qui souligne que les philosophes n'ont rien pu trouver, qu'ils ont seulement pu faire des conjectures, car ils n'ont pas reçu la doctrina Dei; s. 242, 5 (PL 38, col. 1140), qui affirme à nouveau que les philosophes ont cherché à résoudre la question de la destinée de l'homme, non sous la conduite de )'Esprit de Dieu, mais d'après des conjectures humaines; s. 242, 6 (PL 38, col. 1141): illi garriant, nos credamus. Sur ces jugements négatifs portés sur les platoniciens, ici inclus parmi « les philosophes de ce monde », voir les remarques de G. CATAPANO, «The Development of Augustine's Metaphilosophy: Col 2:8 and the 'Philosophers of this World' », Augustinian Studies, 38 (2007), p. 248-249. 34 Éd. F. DoLBEAU, «Un nouveau catalogue des manuscrits de Lobbes aux xi° et xn• siècles», Recherches Augustiniennes, 13 (1978), p. 18, n° 34. 35 Voir l'analyse de M. T. WrnsER, Die handschriftliche Überlieferung der Werke des heiligen Augustinus, t. 8.2, Wien, 2000, p. 154. Pour ce rapprochement, voir

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du manuscrit de Bruxelles (et donc avec une quasi-certitude du recueil de Lobbes antérieur à 1049) est la suivante: Sermons 240, 241, 242, 252, 251, 243 ». L'existence d'un recueil aussi ancien, antérieur à la transmission par collections ou homéliaires, donne à penser qu'il s'agit probablement de sermons prêchés durant une même campagne de prédication; il n'est toutefois pas impossible, comme me le suggère François Dolbeau, que le volume de Lobbes ait réuni deux séries de sermons prêchés durant des semaines pascales. En ce cas, le Sermon 243 pourrait effectivement appartenir à une autre série que les Sermons 240-242: ce qui corroborerait mes propres analyses, mais cela reste à vérifier. c. La composition des Sermons 240-242 Le Sermon 240 sert d'introduction à la série. Après le prooemium (§1) qui rappelle les lectures de ces fêtes pascales, c'est-à-dire les évangiles de la résurrection, la narratio (§2-4) expose les thèmes qui seront discutés dans les prédications suivantes: les affirmations de la foi chrétienne sur la qualité du corps ressuscité (§3) et les thèses des philosophes sur l'immortalité de l'âme et sur sa réincarnation (§4); la reprobatio finale énonce le jugement à porter sur les philosophes de ce monde en s'appuyant sur 1 Cor. 1, 20-24 36 • Le Sermon 241 présente et discute les conjectures des philosophes relatives à la destinée de l'âme après la mort. Un bref prooemium (début du §1) rappelle l'objet de la foi des chrétiens, la résurrection des morts. Augustin explique alors, en commentant verset par verset Rom. 1, 18-25, que les philosophes sont arrivés à connaître Dieu à partir de ses œuvres, mais qu'ils sont tombés dans l'idolâtrie, faute de l'avoir glorifié comme Dieu (§1-3). Il engage ensuite une discussion fictive avec les philosophes à propos du sort de l'âme après la mort: il réfute successivement la thèse de la réincarnation (§4-6) et l'affirmation de Porphyre: «il faut fuir tout corps» (§7-8). La conclusion du sermon annonce celui du lendemain (fin du §8). F. DoLBEAU, «La Bibliothèque de Lobbes, d'après ses inventaires médiévaux. Bilan et perspectives», dans Autour de la Bible de Lobbes (1084). Les institutions. Les hommes. Les productions, éd. M. MAILLARn-LuYPAERT - J.-M. CAUCHIES, Bruxelles, 2007 (Centre de recherches en histoire du droit et des institutions, Cahiers, 28), p. 59-84, spécialement p. 72. 36 Voir le plan proposé par L. MECHLINSKY, Der modus proferendi in Augustins sermones ad populum, p. 173-176; voir aussi p. 165-166.

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Le Sermon 242 répond aux objections que les philosophes opposent à la résurrection. Après un bref prooemium, la narratio évoque l'Évangile du jour (l'apparition aux apôtres en Luc. 24, 36-53) et les difficultés de l'homme charnel à croire en la résurrection (§1). L' argumentatio répond alors aux diverses quaestiones suscitées par la résurrection: qu'en sera-t-il des besoins du corps (§2)? de ses difformités ou de ses défauts (§3)? du corps des enfants morts en bas âge (§4)? comment un corps terrestre sera-t-il dans le ciel (§5-10)? Cette dernière quaestio, qui se fonde sur l'ordre des éléments, suscite un long développement dans lequel l'instruction (docere) cède vite la place au souci de plaire (delectare). À cette longue réfutation des objections des philosophes, succède un bref enseignement sur la qualité des corps ressuscités (§11). La peroratio, qui clôt ces trois sermons, est une exhortation à croire (§12). d. Des analogies avec la Cité de Dieu Bien des rapprochements avec la Cité de Dieu s'imposent. En tout premier lieu, remarquons les parentés dans l'organisation même de l'argumentation, même s'il n'y a aucune commune mesure entre la Cité de Dieu et ces trois sermons. La première partie de la Cité de Dieu est une réfutation des thèses païennes; la seconde expose la religion chrétienne 37 • De façon similaire, Augustin commence par réfuter les thèses des philosophes païens dans le Sermon 241, avant de défendre la foi chrétienne en la résurrection dans le Sermon 242. De façon plus précise, la progression du Sermon 241 n'est pas sans analogie avec celle qu'Augustin adopte dans les livres VIII à X de la Cité de Dieu. Dans l'un et l'autre cas, en effet, Augustin commence par souligner la supériorité des platoniciens - ils ont su s'élever à partir des êtres changeants jusqu'au Dieu immuable - et par les juger à partir de Rom. 1, 20-25 38 • Il engage ensuite avec eux le débat. Dans le Sermon 241, la discussion porte seulement sur la destinée de l'âme après la mort; dans les livres VIII à X de la Cité de Dieu, la question est plus large: faut-il ou non recourir à la médiation des démons? Mais le livre X, dans lequel Augustin a pour interlocuteurs Porphyre et ses disciples, s'achève sur la question de Cf. retr. 2, 43, 1, BA 12, p. 522-525; ep. lA*, 1, BA 46 B, p. 56-57. Cf. ciu. 8, 6 et 10, BA 34, p. 252-257 et p. 262-267; s. 241, 1-3, PL 38, col. 1133-1135. 37

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la purification de l'âme et de «la voie universelle du salut»; Augustin critique alors explicitement les thèses des platoniciens relatives à la réincarnation 39 - critique qu'il développera ensuite dans le livre XII. La réponse aux objections concernant la résurrection, qui est développée dans le Sermon 242, a son correspondant dans la seconde partie de la Cité de Dieu, dans le livre XXII bien sûr, mais aussi dans le livre XIII. Une étude systématique des rapprochements possibles entre les Sermons 240-242 et la Cité de Dieu m'a en outre amenée à constater beaucoup de points de contact entre ces sermons et les paragraphes 16-18 du livre XIII de la Cité de Dieu 40 • Dans ces paragraphes, en effet, Augustin répond aux objections des philosophes païens. À ceux qui estiment que la mort est un bien, car elle délivre l'âme du corps, Augustin rétorque que «ce n'est pas le corps qui est à charge, mais le corps corruptible», comme le dit Sap. 9, 15, et que, selon Platon lui-même, dans le Timée, « le Dieu souverain » promet aux dieux mortels, c'est-à-dire aux astres, de rendre leurs corps immortels 41 • À ceux qui prétendent que « des corps terrestres ne peuvent être éternels», Augustin objecte leur incohérence, puisqu'ils affirment, «d'une part, que l'âme pour devenir heureuse doit fuir le corps terrestre et même tout corps, d'autre part, que les dieux ont des âmes très heureuses bien qu'éternellement unies à des corps, celles des dieux célestes à des corps de feu, celle même de Jupiter qui, pour eux, est le monde, à tous les éléments purement corporels dont la masse entière s'élève de la terre au ciel »42 • Enfin, à ceux qui affirment « que par leur poids naturel les corps terrestres tiennent à la terre ou y sont ramenés et qu'ils ne peuvent donc être dans le Cf. ciu. 10, 30, BA 34, p. 538-543. Le parallèle se poursuit, de façon très précise, dans le paragraphe 19 (voir infra, 2 a. «La réincarnation des âmes») et dans le paragraphe 22 (à comparer à s. 242, 2, PL 38, col. 1139-1140). On notera que le Sermon 243 ne présente pas de parallèles analogues avec le livre XIII de la Cité de Dieu. 41 ciu. 13, 16, BA 35, p. 286-293. V. Yudin remarque qu'Augustin, dans les paragraphes 16-19 du livre XIII, reprend à sept reprises le titre summus deus, alors que la traduction cicéronienne du Timée sous-estime au contraire l'importance du démiurge; l'insistance d'Augustin sur l'opposition summus deus/dii minores s'explique par la volonté d'établir un parallèle entre la condition des dii minores et celle des hommes destinés à ressusciter (« Apologia agustiniana de la resurrecci6n, por medio de 'Timea' 41 A-B de Platon», p. 184). 42 ciu. 13, 17, BA 35, p. 292-297. 39 40

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ciel», Augustin répond que «si l'art humain fait surnager des vases faits de métaux qui, mis sur l'eau, s'enfoncent immédiatement», on doit penser a fortiori que « Dieu peut accorder à des masses terrestres de ne tomber sous la pression d'aucun poids, et aux âmes parfaitement heureuses de placer où elles veulent et de mouvoir comme elles veulent sans la moindre peine leur corps, terrestre certes, mais désormais incorruptible»; Augustin souligne également, à titre d'analogie, que l'âme trouve plus léger un corps bien portant et lourd qu'un corps grêle et malade 43 • Ces arguments correspondent exactement à ceux que développent les Sermons 240-242: les Sermons 240 et 241 opposent au corps corruptible, qui est un poids pour l'âme, le corps ressuscité qui sera incorruptible 44 ; le Sermon 241 dénonce l'incohérence des philosophes qui affirment qu'« il faut fuir tout corps », tout en soutenant que le monde est un être animé éternel, dont ils appellent l'âme Jupiter ou Hécate 45 ; les Sermons 241 et 242 prennent appui sur le discours aux dieux du Timée pour établir la possibilité de corps éternels au ciel 46 ; enfin le Sermon 242 répond longuement à l'objection tirée de la pesanteur, en se référant aux mêmes analogies: le vase de plomb que l'artisan réussit à faire flotter ou le corps humain qui peut être plus mobile, tout en étant plus lourd, s'il est en bonne santé 47 • Outre cette argumentation très similaire, on trouve une formule polémique quasi identique à propos de Jupiter: fugiat luppiter de caelo et terra dans la Cité de Dieu; fugiat Jupiter tuus de caelo et terra dans le Sermon 241 48 • Des points de contact aussi notables et aussi nombreux suggèrent une rédaction très proche chronologiquement des Sermons 240-242 et du livre XIII de la Cité de Dieu. Or le livre XIII est à dater probablement de 418, comme on peut l'établir à partir de la Lettre 184A aux moines Pierre et Abraham 49 • Les Sermons 240-242 pourraient donc dater des lundi, mardi et mercredi de Pâques 418, c'est-à-dire ciu. 13, 18, BA 35, p. 298-303. Cf. s. 240, 3, PL 38, col. 1131-1132 et s. 241, 7, PL 38, col. 1137 (avec citation de Sap. 9, 15). 45 Cf. s. 241, 7, PL 38, col. 1137-1138. 4 6 Cf. s. 241, 8, PL 38, col. 1138 et s. 242, 7, PL 38, col. 1141. 47 Cf. s. 242, 9-10, PL 38, col. 1142. 48 Cf. ciu. 13, 17, BA 35, p. 296; s. 241, 7, PL 38, col. 1138. 49 Cf. ep. 184A, 5, PL 33, 791 (que l'on date de 418): Augustin a achevé les livres XI à XIII et est en train de rédiger le livre XIV. On sait, d'autre part, par Orose (Hist. 1, prol., 11, CUF, 1990, p. 8), qu'en 417, les livres VI à X étaient 43

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des 8, 9 et 10 avril 418 50 • La mention récurrente dans ces sermons des livres qu'Augustin lit 51 laisse supposer que les lectures entreprises pour rédiger le livre XIII ont déterminé la thématique tout à fait inhabituelle de ces sermons. Il serait évidemment intéressant de pouvoir déterminer les livres de Porphyre auxquels Augustin fait ici référence: on pense certes au De regressu animae en raison de la formule corpus est omne fugiendum 52 ; l'argument relatif à l'ordre des éléments pourrait provenir du Contra christianos, comme Jean Pépin a cherché à l'établir 53 ; rien n'exclut en outre quelque autre livre 54 • Récapitulons les résultats de ces premières analyses: les Sermons 240-242 forment un ensemble cohérent, très spécifique, du fait de la discussion précise avec les platoniciens, spécialement avec Porphyre; le Sermon 243 ne paraît pas à rattacher immédiatement à cette série; la composition très ferme de ces sermons et les analogies avec la Cité de Dieu en manifestent le caractère apologétique; enfin les points de contact très précis décelés avec le livre XIII de la Cité de Dieu suggèrent que les Sermons 240-242 pourraient avoir été prêchés pendant la semaine pascale 55 de 418; il pourrait s'agir de ser-

achevés et que le onzième était en chantier (cf. S. LANCEL, Saint Augustin, Paris, 1999, p. 555). 50 O. Perler note: «En 418 Pâques tomba le 7 avril» (en collaboration avec J.-L. MAIER, Les voyages de saint Augustin, Paris, (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série Antiquité, 36) 1969, p. 342). 51 Cf. s. 240, 4, PL 38, col. 1132; s. 241, 7, col. 1137. 52 s. 241, 7, PL 38, col. 1137 (fr. Smith? 297cF); à comparer à ciu. 10, 29, BA 34, p. 534-535 (fr. Smith 297F). 53 Cf. Théologie cosmique et théologie chrétienne, p. 433-461. 54 Notamment pour le fr. Smith 438F (= Augustinus, s. 241, 7, PL 38, col. 1137, 1. 37 - col. 1138, 1. 3). 55 E. HILL, Sermons, III/7, p. 68, n. 1, estime plus vraisemblable qu'il s'agisse de sermons prêchés, non pendant la semaine pascale, mais peut-être pendant la semaine suivante. Mais les allusions aux lectures du jour ne conviennent plus dans cette hypothèse. En outre, s'il faut, comme je le pense, dater ces sermons de 418, il devient difficile de les placer dans les semaines suivantes, si l'on admet avec O. Perler qu'Augustin partit très vite à Carthage, où il devait être au plus tard le 1•r mai pour le concile (O. PERLER, Les voyages de saint Augustin, Paris, 1969 p. 342). Rien n'indique dans ces sermons qu'ils aient été prêchés à Carthage, même s'il est certain qu'ils seraient plus adaptés au public de Carthage. Dater ces sermons des 8, 9 et 10 avril 418 me paraît donc plus plausible.

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mons d'après-midi, destinés à un public moins large 56 que les sermons de la messe, comme me l'a suggéré Goulven Madec. 2. Le Sermon 241: réincarnation et évasion hors du corps selon les platoniciens Venons-en à l'analyse détaillée du Sermon 241. Je ne reviendrai pas sur le début du sermon, c'est-à-dire sur l'application de Rom. 1, 18-25 aux philosophes platoniciens: dans un article intitulé « Connaissance de Dieu et action de grâces. Essai sur les citations de l'Ép. aux Romains 1, 18-25 dans l'œuvre de saint Augustin», Goulven Madec a bien montré comment ces versets permettent à Augustin de juger le «platonisme » et d'en discerner à la fois la grandeur et la misère 57 • J'entrerai donc d'emblée dans le vif de l'argumentation contre la thèse de la réincarnation et contre l'affirmation porphyrienne: « il faut fuir tout corps ». a. La réincarnation des âmes Augustin commence par rappeler les «conjectures» des philosophes sur la destinée de l'âme après la mort qu'il avait déjà présentées dans le Sermon 240 58 ; mais il choisit de les rappeler dans un dialogue fictif avec ces philosophes. Il oppose ici, comme dans le Sermon 240, la condition des âmes mauvaises qui, « en raison de leur impureté, reviennent immédiatement après leur sortie du corps dans d'autres corps», à celle des âmes des sages et des justes qui, «parce qu'elles ont bien vécu, s'envolent au ciel» et se reposent dans les astres; mais, après un long temps, ces âmes qui ont complètement oublié leurs malheurs passés « commencent à vouloir retourner dans des corps », elles y trouvent plaisir et elles retrouvent à nouveau les afflictions et les épreuves 59 • 56 L'allusion à la fréquentation du théâtre laisse néanmoins supposer une assemblée suffisamment nombreuse (cf. supra, n. 19). 57 Cf. Recherches Augustiniennes, 2 (1962), p. 274-293. 58 Cf. s. 240, 4, PL 38, col. 1132. 59 s. 241, 4, PL 38, col. 1135: Exeunt animae malae, inquiunt; et quia immundae sunt, continuo in alia corpora reuoluuntur: exeunt animae sapientium atque iustorum; et quia bene uixerunt, uolant ad caelum. [... ] Ibi erunt, inquiunt, et requiescent cum diis: sedes eorum erunt stellae. [... ] Sed, inquiunt, post longa tempora, f acta penitus obliuione ueterum miseriarum, incipiunt uelle reuerti in corpora; et delectabit

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Quels sont les philosophes ici visés? Au début du paragraphe 6, Augustin mentionne, à titre d'exemples, «Pythagore, Platon, Porphyre »60 • Doit-on alors penser que cette présentation de la théorie de la réincarnation vise indistinctement ces philosophes? Jean Pépin remarque, pour sa part, que cet exposé fait spontanément penser à Platon ou plutôt à « la doctrine platonicienne des transmigrations de l'âme telle que se la représente Augustin »61 • Mais il constate que la réincarnation dans des corps de bêtes n'est jamais mentionnée dans les Sermons 240 et 241 et qu'elle paraît même exclue, puisque la métensomatose est invoquée comme un moyen de rendre raison des misères de la vie humaine; Jean Pépin en conclut que les Sermons 240-241 visent plutôt Porphyre à qui Augustin attribue, de façon récurrente, le rejet de la métensomatose animale 62 • Mais est-ce un argument suffisant pour attribuer à Porphyre la doctrine que présentent les paragraphes 4-6 du Sermon 241? peut-on expliquer autrement qu'Augustin ne mentionne pas dans ces paragraphes la métensomatose animale? Dans la Cité de Dieu, Augustin oppose doublement Porphyre aux autres platoniciens: d'une part, Porphyre a rejeté l'opinion de Platon et de Plotin sur le retour des âmes humaines dans des corps de bêtes 63 ; d'autre part, «en reconnaissant qu'une fois purifiée de tous

eus uenire, et rursus ueniunt ad ista patienda, ad ista toleranda, ad obliuiscendum Deum, ad blasphemandum Deum, ad sequendas corporis uoluptates, ad pugnas contra libidines. 60 s. 241, 6, PL 38, col. 1136: Hic sapiens, hic philosophe, hoc est, in terra (uerbi gratia, Pythagoras, Plato, Porphyrius, et nescio quis alias ipsorum), quare philosopharis? 61 Cf. Théologie cosmique et théologie chrétienne, p. 434-435. J. Pépin énumère les thèmes qui font penser à Platon: «l'immortalité de l'âme (Phédon, passim; Phe'dre 245c-246a), la réincarnation comme sanction (Phédon 70cd; 80e-82b; République 10, 617d-621b; Tim. 90e-92c), le corps-prison (Gorgias 493a; Phédon 62b; 82de; Cratyle 400c), l'envol de l'âme vers les astres (Phèdre 246a sq.; Timée 42b), etc.» Il cite les textes de la Cité de Dieu qui énoncent le platonicum dogma: 10, 30; 13, 19; 22, 26-27 et enfin 14, 5 où la même doctrine est attribuée aux platonici (p. 436, n. 2). 62 Cf. ciu. 10, 30, BA 34, p. 538-539; 12, 27, BA 35, p. 240-241. Voir Théologie cosmique et théologie chrétienne, p. 437-441. 63 Cf. ciu. 10, 30, BA 34, p. 538-539: Nam Platonem animas hominum post mortem reuolui asque ad corpora bestiarum scripsisse certissimum est. Hune sententiam Porphyrii doctor tenait et Plotinus; Porphyrio lumen iure displicuit. Voir aussi 12, 27, BA 35, p. 240-241; 13, 19, p. 304-307.

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les maux et établie avec le Père, l'âme ne souffrirait plus jamais les maux de ce monde », « il a ruiné la doctrine éminemment platonicienne d'un circuit perpétuel de la mort à la vie et de la vie à la mort »64 • Mais les Sermons 240 et 241 n'entrent pas dans ces distinctions entre les doctrines de Platon, Plotin et Porphyre. L'absence de mention de la métensomatose animale dans les Sermons 240-241 ne paraît pas, dans ces conditions, un argument suffisant pour conclure qu'Augustin vise spécifiquement Porphyre 65 : on peut penser en effet qu'Augustin, dans un souci pastoral, simplifie le problème et se refuse à entrer dans des subtilités qui échappent complètement à ses auditeurs et qui ôteraient toute efficacité à sa prédication! Un autre élément est à prendre en compte: la citation de Virgile dans le paragraphe 5 du Sermon 241. Augustin mentionne la connaissance qu'en ont ses auditeurs qui, s'ils n'ont pas lu le livre VI de l' Énéide, en ont du moins presque tous connaissance par le théâtre 66 • Les vers cités par Augustin appartiennent à la révélation d'Anchise à Énée; Anchise y explique à Énée la destinée des âmes et lui fait voir ses descendants, « les âmes, destinées à venir dans des corps, des grands hommes de Rome »67 • Or Virgile ne fait aucune allusion dans ce contexte à une métensomatose animale; rien de surprenant alors à ce qu'Augustin ne la mentionne pas davantage. Ce rapprochement de Virgile et de la doctrine platonicienne n'est pas étonnant. D'une part, Augustin lui-même souligne, dans le livre 64 ciu. 10, 30, BA 34, p. 540-541: [... ] in eo tamen aliorum Platonicorum opinionem et non in re parua emendauit, quod mundatam ab omnibus malis animam et cum Paire constitutam numquam iam mala mundi huius passuram esse confessus est. Qua sententia profecto abstulit, quod esse Plalonicum maxime perhibetur, ut mortuos ex uiuis, ita uiuos ex mortuis semper fieri... Voir aussi 13, 19, BA 35, p. 304307; 22, 27, BA 37, p. 682-683. 65 J. Pépin s'étonne de ne pas voir Augustin préciser dans ces sermons l'arrêt de la migration de l'âme, qui correspond à un point important de la doctrine porphyrienne; ce silence pourrait de fait mettre en cause l'attribution à Porphyre de la doctrine exposée par les Sermons 240-241. Il lève la difficulté en remarquant que « si les deux sermons n'indiquent pas que la migration de l'âme doit s'arrêter un jour, ils ne disent pas non plus qu'elle doive se poursuivre sans fin~ (Théologie cosmique et théologie chrétienne, p. 438-439). Si Augustin se contente d'une présentation simplifiée de la doctrine, parce qu'il s'agit de sermons, la question ne se pose plus de la même façon. 66 s. 241, 5, PL 38, col. 1135-1136, cité supra, n. 19. 67 s. 241, 5, PL 38, col. 1136: [... ] Aeneas descendit ad inferos, et ostendit illi pater suus animas Romanorum magnorum uenturas in corpora.

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XIII de la Cité de Dieu 68 , l'inspiration platonicienne de Virgile, qui est de fait indéniable dans ce discours d'Anchise. D'autre part, Pierre Courcelle, dans son article sur les « Interprétations néo-platonisantes du livre VI de l'Énéide 69 », a bien montré comment les interprètes du me au vie siècle ont souvent exposé « leurs propres doctrines néo-platonisantes », là où ils croyaient avoir affaire à Platon dans le texte de Virgile. La critique d'Augustin semble donc porter, entre autres, sur ces interprétations néo-platonisantes de l'outre-tombe virgilien: le Commentaire au Songe de Scipion de Macrobe en est un bon exemple, même si Augustin ne peut faire référence à cet ouvrage plus tardif. On trouve enfin, dans le §19 du livre XIII de la Cité de Dieu, une présentation très similaire de la doctrine de la réincarnation. Il vaut la peine de citer ce texte qui permet, à mon avis, de déterminer si Augustin vise ou non spécifiquement Porphyre dans les paragraphes 4-6 du Sermon 241: « D'après ce même Platon, le plus grand honneur pour les hommes, si toutefois ils ont vécu ici-bas dans la justice et la piété, est d'être séparés de leur corps pour être reçus au sein même de ces dieux qui n'abandonnent jamais le leur; mais de telle sorte que, 'ayant perdu tout souvenir, ils puissent revoir encore la voûte du ciel et commencent à vouloir rentrer dans des corps', comme le dit Virgile en s'inspirant de la doctrine platonicienne [... ]. Mais les sages, selon lui, ont un sort différent des autres hommes: ils sont portés au ciel après leur mort pour s'y reposer quelque temps, chacun dans l'astre qui lui convient; puis, oubliant leurs misères passées et vaincus par le désir d'avoir un corps, ils retournent aux travaux et souffrances des mortels. Quant à ceux qui ont mené une vie insensée, ils reviennent aussitôt dans des corps d'hommes ou de bêtes suivant leurs mérites 70 • »

On retrouve, dans ce texte, bien des éléments de la présentation que le Sermon 241 fait de la doctrine de la réincarnation: la distinction entre le sort des sages et des insensés, le repos des sages dans les astres, l'oubli et le désir d'avoir un corps qui provoquent leur 68 ciu. 13, 19, BA 35, p. 304-305 (citant Virgile, Aen. 6, 750-751); voir infra, 71. 69 Recherches sur la tradition néoplatonicienne, éd. W. K. C. GuTHRIE O. GmoN - W. THEILER, Genève, 1955 (Entretiens sur !'Antiquité classique, 3), p. 95-122. 70 ciu. 13, 19, BA 35, p. 304-305 (citant Virgile, Aen. 6, 750-751).

Il.

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réincarnation, la réincarnation immédiate des insensés. On remarque encore que ce paragraphe de la Cité de Dieu fait aussi référence au livre VI de l'Énéide: Auguslin cile les vers 750-751; dans le Sermon 241, il cite les vers 719-721 dans le paragraphe 5 et fait allusion aux vers 750-751 dans le paragraphe 4: «après de longues années, les âmes ayant perdu tout souvenir de leurs anciennes misères, commencent à vouloir rentrer dans des corps 71 ». Les deux textes sont donc très similaires. On constate une seule différence notable: Augustin mentionne dans la Cité de Dieu la possibilité d'une réincarnation animale pour les insensés, ce qu'il ne fait pas dans le Sermon 241; faut-il en conclure qu'Augustin critiquerait Porphyre, et non la doctrine platonicienne, dans les paragraphes 4-6 du Sermon 241? Je ne le pense pas, mais la suite du paragraphe 19 du livre XIII de la Cité de Dieu permet de le confirmer. Augustin ajoute en effet: Telle est la très dure condition dans laquelle Platon a mis ces âmes si bonnes et si sages, auxquelles sont refusés des corps où elles vivraient sans jamais mourir, aussi incapables de rester dans un corps que de vivre sans lui dans une éternelle pureté. Porphyre, aux temps chrétiens, [... ] a rougi de cette doctrine platonicienne. Il a exclu des corps de bêtes les âmes humaines; il a même voulu que celles des sages soient affranchies des liens corporels au point que, 'fuyant tout corps', elles soient retenues auprès du Père dans un bonheur sans fin 72 • »