Engraved on Stone: Mesopotamian Cylinder Seals and Seal Inscriptions in the Old Babylonian Period 9781463201678, 2013040611, 1463201672

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Engraved on Stone

Gorgias Studies in the Ancient Near East

7

This series of monographs and edited volumes explores the societies, material cultures, technologies, religions and languages that emerged from the Levant, Mesopotamia, and Egypt.

Engraved on Stone

Mesopotamian Cylinder Seals and Seal Inscriptions in the Old Babylonian Period

Rony Feingold

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34 2014

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2014 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2014

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ISBN 978-1-4632-0167-8

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Feingold, Rony. Engraved on stone : Mesopotamian cylinder seals and seal inscriptions in the old Babylonian period / by Rony Feingold. pages cm. -- (Gorgias studies in the ancient Near East ; 7) ISBN 978-1-4632-0167-8 1. Cylinder seals--Iraq. 2. Iraq--History--To 634. 3. Iraq--Antiquities. I. Title. CD5348.F45 2013 929.90935--dc23 2013040611 Printed in the United States of America

TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Plates and Tables ........................................................................ ix Preface ...................................................................................................... xv Acknowledgments ................................................................................. xix Abbreviations .......................................................................................xxiii Chapter 1. Introduction ........................................................................... 1 Cylinder seals .................................................................................... 2 Chronology ....................................................................................... 3 Scope of the research ...................................................................... 4 Research methodology .................................................................... 5 Chapter 2. Raw Materials and their Origins ......................................... 7 Identifying stones according to lists ........................................... 10 Lands of origin ............................................................................... 20 Chapter 3. Workshops and the Manufacture of Seals ...................... 23 Terminology ................................................................................... 24 Social status..................................................................................... 26 The work place ............................................................................... 27 The tool kit ..................................................................................... 30 The drill ........................................................................................... 32 Abrasive materials .......................................................................... 35 Writing the inscriptions ................................................................ 35 Unfinished cylinder seals .............................................................. 38 Unfinished recuts ........................................................................... 39 The design style .............................................................................. 40 Chapter 4. Recuts ................................................................................... 41 Identification .................................................................................. 41 Characteristics ................................................................................ 43 Alteration of inscriptions .............................................................. 44 Stages of preparation ..................................................................... 48 Partial recuts ................................................................................... 49

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Chapter 5. Typology of Inscriptions ................................................... 51 0. No inscription ............................................................................ 51 1. Deities.......................................................................................... 51 2. People (men) .............................................................................. 56 3. People (women) ......................................................................... 58 4. Dedicatory seals ......................................................................... 58 5. Personal seals with archaic Sumerian spelling....................... 59 6. Variants ....................................................................................... 59 Chapter 6. Trade ..................................................................................... 61 Unwritten evidence for imports .................................................. 62 Written evidence for imports ....................................................... 62 Unwritten evidence for export .................................................... 63 Written evidence for export ......................................................... 65 Summary.......................................................................................... 65 Chapter 7. The Significance of Cylinder Seals ................................... 67 Personal seals .................................................................................. 69 Official seals.................................................................................... 69 Dedicatory seals ............................................................................. 70 Use by another individual ............................................................. 71 Seals dedicated to gods ................................................................. 72 Burgul seals ..................................................................................... 73 The loss of a cylinder seal............................................................. 75 Cylinder seals as amulets............................................................... 75 Secondary uses for seals................................................................ 76 Fakes ................................................................................................ 77 Chapter 8. Analyzing the Data ............................................................. 81 Identification of raw materials and their origins ....................... 81 dŠamaš, dAya, dŠamaš-dAya, dAya-dŠamaš and hematite .......... 82 dAmurru ........................................................................................... 83 The seal cutters............................................................................... 84 Administration................................................................................ 87 Burgul seals ..................................................................................... 89 Miscellaneous.................................................................................. 90 Recuts .............................................................................................. 90 Seals which include inscriptions .................................................. 91 Women’s seals ................................................................................ 92 Trade ................................................................................................ 92 Seal cutters and the manufacture of seals .................................. 92

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Seals of deities ................................................................................ 92 Dedicatory seals and personal seals ............................................ 93 Seals that include a profession ..................................................... 94 Appendices .............................................................................................. 97 The database which forms the basis of the research................ 97 Concordance to the cylinder seals.............................................190 Comments concerning the database .........................................192 Raw materials from which the seals were made .....................194 Bibliography and comments ......................................................200 Cylinder seals: distribution of quantities ..................................201 Plates and Tables ..................................................................................205 Bibliography ..........................................................................................253 Index .......................................................................................................261

LIST OF PLATES AND TABLES PLATES (AND CREDITS) Plate 1: Contour Plan of the Site of Ur. From Woolley and Mallowan 1976, plate 129. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Plate 2: General Plan of Ur in the Larsa Period. From Woolley and Mallowan 1976, plate 116. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Plate 3: Gem Engraver’s Trial Pieces (Seal no. 66). From Woolley and Mallowan 1976, plate 62. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Plate 4: Bow Drills on Fragments of Painted Plaster from various Egyptian Tombs. © The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Plate 5: The jar from Larsa. From Arnaud, Calvet and Huot 1979, courtesy of the Ifpo. See bibliography for reference. Plate 6: Adult Male Using a Bow Drill. AN00536647. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Plate 7: Tablets used for Practicing Writing before Engraving the Inscription on a Seal. A: From Beckman, 1988. NBC6257, Yale Babylonian Collection. B: From Collon, 1986, Object no. 656, p. 220. BM91923. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Plate 8: Draft Texts. YBC 17016, Yale Babylonian Collection. YBC 17017, Yale Babylonian Collection. Plate 9: Draft Texts. YBC 17018, Yale Babylonian Collection. YBC 17019, Yale Babylonian Collection. Plate 10: Unfinished Seals. Seal 175: BM89723, © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 84: Yale Babylonian Collection. Seal 783: British Institute for the Study of Iraq. Seal 367: © Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1966. Seal 823: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Plate 11: Unfinished Recuts. Seal 110: © Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1966. Seal 379: BM137995: © The Trustees of the British Museum. ix

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Seal 388: BM89050: © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 429: Yale Babylonian Collection. Plate 12: The Designing Style. Seal 91: Yale Babylonian Collection. Seal 520: Yale Babylonian Collection. Seal 800: British Institute for the Study of Iraq. Plate 13: Identifications of Recuts. Seal 97: © Museum Tusculanum Press. Seal 96: © Museum Tusculanum Press. Seal 33: From Beatrice Teissier, 1984, © Summa Galleries. Seal 230: BM89669: © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 624: Pantheon Books. Seal 229: BM89728: © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 185: © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 935: Photograph by Prof. Erika Bleibtreu. Seal 973: Photograph by Prof. Erika Bleibtreu. Seal 975: Photograph by Prof. Erika Bleibtreu. Plate 14: Characteristics of a Recut. Seal 382: BM129535: © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 369: © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 44: From Beatrice Teissier, 1984, © Summa Galleries. Seal 680: Pantheon Books. Seal 446: Yale Babylonian Collection. Seal 407: Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1966. Seal 868: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Seal 806: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Seal 776: British Institute for the Study of Iraq. Hematite seal, from Biggs 1989, p. 56, courtesy of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Plate 15: Altering Inscriptions. Seal 239: BM89253. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 315: BM102519. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 99: BM102598. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 212: BM89276. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 812: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Seal 432: Yale Babylonian Collection. Seal 910: Photograph by Prof. Erika Bleibtreu. Plate 16: Altering Inscriptions. Seal 499: Yale Babylonian Collection. Seal 314: © Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1966. Seal 822: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Seal 824: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Seal 826: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Plate 17: Altering Inscriptions. Seal 835: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Seal 836: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Seal 838: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Seal 844: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Plate 18: Altering Inscriptions. Seal 13: Gorelick Collection, Brooklyn Museum, New York. Seal 278: BM134765. © The

LIST OF PLATES AND TABLES

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Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 396: BM89104. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 395: BM102595. . © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 394: BM132014. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 29: From Beatrice Teissier, 1984, © Summa Galleries. Seal 992: © Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1966. Seal 482: Yale Babylonian Collection. Seal 156: BM89555. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 129: BM89198. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 118: BM116670. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Plate 19: Altering Inscriptions. Seal 269. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 277: BM129528. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 485: Yale Babylonian Collection. Seal 584: Pantheon Books. Seal 816: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Seal 707: Pantheon Books. Plate 20: Altering Inscriptions. Seal 732: Pantheon Books. Seal 280: BM89058. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 147: BM89002. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 833: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Seal 839: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Plate 21: Stages in Making a Recut. Seal 268: BM89298. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 222: BM89177. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 200: BM102554. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 320: BM122960. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Plate 22: A Partial Recut. Seal 101: BM89795. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 134: BM102441. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 740: Pantheon Books. Plate 23: Pu-abi’s Three Cylinder Seals, from a Grave in the Royal Cemetery at Ur. From Collon, 2001, 20, fig. 6. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Plate 24: Burgul Seals, Dedication Seals. Seal 424: BM122967. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 423: BM123202. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 422: BM118679. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 419: BM122549. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 960: Éditions Geuthner, France. Seal 425: BM89178. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Plate 25: Secondary Use of Seals, Fakes. Seal 762: © Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1966. Seal 666: © Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1966. Seal 198: BM132536. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal III: ©

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Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1966. Seal II: BM89167. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal I: Yale Babylonian Collection. Seal VI: Pantheon Books. Seal V: Pantheon Books. Seal IV: BM89101. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Plate 26: A Bow Drill (Reconstruction). AN317644. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Plate 27: Craftsmen at Work. Fragment of painted plaster from the tomb of Sebekhotep. AN565079. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Plate 28: Mistakes made by Seal Cutters. Seal 277: BM129528. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 107: BM89839. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 424: BM122967. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 286: BM89237. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 810: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Seal 502: Yale Babylonian Collection. Seal 381: BM130708. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 355: BM132531. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 45: From Beatrice Teissier, 1984, © Summa Galleries. Seal 813: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Seal 471: Yale Babylonian Collection. Plate 29: Mistakes made by Seal Cutters. Seal 559: Pantheon Books. Seal 605: Pantheon Books. Seal 733: Pantheon Books. Plate 30: Mistakes made by Seal Cutters. Seal 204: BM102496. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 122: BM102567. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Seal 811: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Seal 317: BM89006. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Plate 31: Administrators’ Seals. Abi-Ešuḫ: Seal 496: © Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1966. Seal 60: courtesy of the Bible Lands Museum Jerusalem. Photo credits: BLMJ 2555 Cylinder seal—photo credit D. Loggie, BLMJ 2555 Cylinder seal impression—photo credit H. Hinz. Seal 829: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. Ammiditana: Seal 408: BM89149. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Yaggid-Lim: Seal 976: Photograph by Prof. Erika Bleibtreu. Plate 32: Variations. Seal 462: Yale Babylonian Collection. Seal 463: Yale Babylonian Collection. Plate 33: An Unpublished Cylinder Seal from Haifa. Courtesy of the Hecht Museum, University of Haifa, N–90–214, Inventar H–836. Photograph by Mr. Shay Levi.

LIST OF PLATES AND TABLES

TABLES Table 1: Types of seals according to mineral Table 2: Types of seal according to mineral varieties Table 3: Distribution of minerals in the seals database Table 4: Seals with inscriptions according to mineral Table 5: Recuts and relative hardness of the mineral Table 6: Recuts made of different minerals Table 7: Recuts which include inscriptions Table 8: Inscriptions on seals Table 9: Types of inscriptions on seals Table 10: Gender of seal owners Table 11: Types of inscription on women’s seals Table 12: Seal mentioning deities Table 13: Seals bearing the names of dŠamaš, dAya, dAya and dŠamaš, dŠamaš and dAya Table 14: Seals bearing the name of the god dAmurru Table 15: Professions on seals

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PREFACE Half a century ago when I was a senior at Dreher High School in Columbia, South Carolina, the Anchor Club, a girls’ service organization arranged a day in an adult work place for each and every student in the senior class, who was willing to spend a single workday in a place of business and bring home a paycheck paid to the order of the Anchor Club in support of its activities of service to the community. I was sent to Edisto Farms Dairy, a company which supplied milk and milk products such as cottage cheese, sour cream, and ice cream to stores and homes throughout the area. My supervisor for the day of clerical work I performed at Edisto Farms Dairy was Charlie Foster, who took me to lunch at the Rotary Club where once each week members of the business elite met, ate lunch together, and heard a lecture on one or another topic related to science, government, religion, education or what have you by a gifted speaker from near or from far. As he was driving me to the luncheon meeting of the Rotary Club, Charlie Foster told me that when he was younger he very much enjoyed collecting stamps and reading books because such interests, which involved holding objects — such as stamps or books — close to the eyes, were appropriate for a person who was nearsighted. However, Charlie Foster explained, as one became middle-aged and consequently far-sighted rather than nearsighted, one tended to find much less pleasure and interest in activities such as stamp collecting and reading books, which are, indeed, most appropriate for persons who are nearsighted. Naturally, this insight into the function of nearsightedness and farsightedness in the choice of leisure activities intersects with and confirms the validity of Rony Feingold’s conjecture that the artists who sought and successfully found employment in the ancient xv

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Near East as cutters of cylinder seals were likely to have been nearsighted. This particularly brilliant insight is an especially apt illustration of the way in which in the fascinating book you are about to read, Rony Feingold has gone far beyond all previous studies of the cylinder seals of ancient Babylonia and surrounding areas of the ancient Near East. Important previous studies of cylinder seals concentrated on the iconography of the mythological scenes and the body language depicted on cylinder seals. Rony Feingold has done something more. She has, as it were, gotten into the shoes of or, if you will, the fingers of the seal cutters to attempt to understand these people, the materials with which they worked, and the day to day interaction between the materials, the seal cutters, and the women and men, who ordered original seals for the conduct of their businesses or who requested the alteration of old seals just as moderns might make use of someone else’s heirloom furniture, fine china, or flatware. It was my very good fortune to be present at a graduate seminar at the Department of Bible, Archaeology and Ancient Near East at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, when Rony Feingold gave a power-point presentation concerning various aspects of a data-base of one thousand cylinder seals. It should be recalled that in the study of the ancient Near East in modern times priority had been given first and foremost to monumental art that enhanced the prestige of famous museums such as the Louvre in Paris, the Pergamun in Berlin, and the British Museum at London. Perhaps, second in importance to monumental art depicting historical figures and events were texts, which shed previously unknown light upon historical events, which correlated with the narratives of Hebrew Scripture (commonly called the Old Testament) and/or the writings of ancient Greek historians such as Herodotus and Xenophon. Small objects such as the tokens and their envelopes, on the basis of which Denise Schmandt-Besserat reconstructed the beginnings of the shared history of both writing and counting (alluded to in the question raised in the Babylonian Talmud, Qiddushin 30a as to why the early sages of Proto-Rabbinic Judaism were called sopherim, which can mean both counters and writers) were largely ignored until the last quarter of the twentieth century CE.

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An important exception to the rule that small objects interested scholars and laypersons less than large objects was the cylinder seal (and the seal impression), whose function in business transactions (identifying the source of a particular barrel of wine, for example) was apparent and the value of whose iconography for the study of the history of religions and mythologies was equally obvious early on. Consequently, it ought to be said that while SchmandtBesserat in her monumental studies of the history of writing and counting has shed great light on the previously unknown as did Gershom Scholem in his monumental studies of the history and varieties of Jewish mysticism, Rony Feingold has exemplified the very best of the tradition of learning here at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, where greatness is achieved by shedding powerful new light on a subject, which we thought we already knew. I could not put this book down because it reads like a detective novel, and I am certain that you the reader, be you a fluent reader of ancient Babylonian cuneiform writing, a beginning student of the world of the Bible, or an educated layperson, who can devote only a small portion of her or his leisure hours to discovering new knowledge concerning the seals and the seal cutters of the ancient Near East, will agree that the story Ms. Feingold tells is totally exciting. She exposes for us aspects of the daily life of businesswomen and businessmen in antiquity who depended on the seal cutter in order to carry on their work. Of no mean importance is the section of Engraved on Stone devoted to seals produced for women, which challenges the still widespread male chauvinist myth that women in antiquity did not engage in business but simply stayed at home and cooked and cleaned and took care of their families. Modern counterparts of the ancient seal cutter, in terms of their importance for the work that we do, include but are not limited to the women and men — often anonymous — who debug our computers, create our software, and produce the graphics that sell our products, illustrate the textbooks used to educate our health-care deliverers, and enable us to compete for contracts in finance, engineering, and educational technology. One of my great and famous mentors, Rabbi Louis Finkelstein, taught me that a great institution of learning is a place where you meet great people. One of the truly great people I

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encountered during thirty-one years at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, is Rony Feingold, who shows us in the book you are about to read how some of the smallest objects in the museum cases of typical museums of the ancient Near East, can open up to us a world of human experience that we had never imagined and which, hopefully, will evoke in us a sense of gratitude to the anonymous seal cutters of antiquity and their functional equivalents in our places of work, our schools, our hospitals, and in the world of entertainment. Mayer I. Gruber Professor, Department of Bible Archaeology and Ancient Near East Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Beer-Sheva, Israel

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am grateful to the many people who helped and counseled me in various ways during the different stages of writing this book. First and foremost, I want to thank my beloved family, and especially my dear parents, Mrs. Silvia and Mr. Alexander Feingold. Their unconditional moral and material support made my research possible. I am pleased to dedicate this book to them with all my gratitude. I am indebted to Professor Mayer I. Gruber of Ben-Gurion University for urging and encouraging me to publish my book, for his moral support and all his help and encouragement during the process: answering numerous questions with patience, correcting my English and directing me to Gorgias Press. I am especially grateful to the helpful staff of Gorgias Press for answering my questions and providing answers and solutions to whatever I needed: Special thanks are due Dr. George A. Kiraz, Founder and Director of Gorgias Publishing and Digitization, Dr. Melonie Schmierer-Lee, Acquisitions Editor, and Dr. Steve A. Wiggins, former Acquisitions Editor, for their patience and unstinting help throughout the painstaking process of publishing this book. I record my sincere thanks to Dr. Oded Tammuz of BenGurion University of the Negev, for his counsel and critical acumen, and for his constant help throughout all stages of my research and writing. I also thank Dr. Tammuz for copying and preparing four tablets from the Old Babylonian collection of Yale University, and Prof. W. W. Hallo, the former curator of the Babylonian collection of Yale University, for the permission to publish them. Thanks to Dr. Tallay Ornan, the former Curator of Western Asiatic Antiquities at the Israel Museum in Jerusalem, who enabled me to use approximately 70 previously unpublished cylinder seals from the Museum, which helped me to build the database for the xix

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research presented in this book. Dr. Ornan opened the basements of the museum for me so that I could use the catalogues, and he arranged for me to obtain photographs of the seals. In addition, he answered my questions, and referred me to various bibliographical sources. Thanks also to the Hecht Museum, University of Haifa, Israel. I thank Mrs. Ofra Rimon, the director and curator of the Reuben and Edith Hecht Museum at the University of Haifa, and her staff, including Mrs. Perry Harel, Registrar, for the permission to use a cylinder seal from the exhibit display for the purpose of research, for providing its photo, and for the permission to use it in the book, and the photographer, Mr. Shay Levi. I thank Prof. Marten Stol, Emeritus Professor of Assyriology at the Vrije Universiteit, the Netherlands, for his readiness to share his phenomenal knowledge, his rare sense of humour, and his constant willingness to help and advise. Prof. Stol offered me bibliographical information and read texts with me during my stay in Holland between 2002 and 2003. I thank Dr. Theo. J.H. Krispijn of the Netherlands Institute for the Near East in Leiden for his kind help with translation from Sumerian, for his useful comments and for referring me to relevant parallels. I thank Mr. Kozad Mohamed Ahmed of Leiden University, the Netherlands, for his kind assistance in locating, photographing and sending to me material I could not find in libraries in Israel from the great library of the Netherlands Institute for the Near East, Leiden (NINO). I express my sincere gratitude to the personnel of the NINO, for their wonderful library, and for providing me with the help I needed and the good treatment I received. I met there great scholars, an effective professional staff, and good friends. Thanks to all the people, institutes, museums and libraries who gave me permission to publish the images on the plates: the credit lines, when indicated, are generally given under each item in the plates, and refer to the item above the respective credit line. Special thanks are due to Gary Beckman, Professor of Hittite and Mesopotamian Studies, Department of Near Eastern Studies at the University of Michigan and Associate Editor and to Dr. Ulla Kasten, Associate Curator of the Babylonian Collection at the Library of Yale University. I thank also the following people: Prof. Erika Bleibtreu for all her kind help and for some of the photographs; Mrs. Nadine Méouchy, Responsable des Presses de l’Ifpo (Beyrouth—Damas)

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and Mme. Raymonde Khayata, Assistante du directeur, Département de l’archéologie et histoire de l’antiquité at the Institut français du Proche-Orienta in Beirut for the permission to publish the images from Syria 56 (the jar from Larsa); Mrs. Marta Fodor, Art Resource, Permissions Department, New York, Mr. Neal Stimler, Associate Coordinator of Images, The Image Library, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, for the permission to publish two drawings from Pittman 1995 (fig. 5 on page 1594 and fig. 4 on page 1593); Mr. Thomas Mogensen, Editor, Museum Tusculanum Press and Mrs. Kirsten Dolberg-Møller, Museum Tusculanums Press, University of Copenhagen, Denmark; Mrs. Carolyn Budow Ben-David, Curatorial Department, The Bible Lands Museum Jerusalem, Israel, and the photographers: BLMJ 2555 Cylinder seal, photo credit D. Loggie, BLMJ 2555 Cylinder seal impression, photo credit H. Hinz. I thank the staff of the Oriental Institute Museum at the University of Chicago, for permission to publish SAOC 47, plate 7, a re-cut cylinder seal from the collection of Mrs. Warman Williver (Biggs 1989, 56) and Mrs. Jennifer Rowley and the staff of Random House, INC. for the permission to publish images from Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in the North American Collections, vol. 1, by Prada and Buchanan. I thank also Mr. Sidney Babcock, Associate Curator, Dept. of Seals and Tablets, the Morgan Library and Museum, New York, for permission to publish the cylinder seal from Noveck, 1976. Dr. Dominic Collon of the Department of the Ancient Near East at the British Museum helped me a great deal through electronic correspondence, and he explained to me many relevant terms. I thank Mr. Bruce McNall, the former owner of Summa Galleries, for granting me full permission to use the photographs and any other material I needed in any of Summa Galleries’ publications. I enjoyed learning from the answers and comments of Prof. Jacob Klein from Bar-Ilan University concerning various terms in Sumerian, Akkadian and other ancient languages. He answered my questions patiently and pleasantly. Prof. Klein also referred me to a variety of bibliographical sources. I acknowledge my special indebtedness to the late Prof. Victor Avigdor Hurowitz of Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. He opened for me a wide world of concepts and notions in Akkadian

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and parallels in the Bible, and he answered various questions which arose in the course of time, and referred me to many bibliographical sources. Prof. Wayne Horowitz of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem helped me with a number of Sumerian terms and with information concerning raw materials from which the cylinder seals were made. His answers helped me and directed me throughout the research. Prof. Zipora Talshir of Ben-Gurion University of the Negev helped with the Greek terms. Dr. Daniel Vainstub of Ben-Gurion University referred me to online sources, and answered my questions with kindness and invaluable knowledge. Prof. Akiva Flexer of Tel Aviv University and Mr. Dov Ginzburg of the Geological Survey of Israel in Jerusalem, answered my geological questions. I also thank Mrs. Ora Shapira of the Geological Survey of Israel for her help. I express my sincere gratitude to the following technical support people: Mrs. Helena Sokolowski, the Graphics artist of the department of Bible, Archaeology and Ancient Near Eastern Studies, for her assistance in the arrangement of the plates, to Mr. Patrice Kaminski, head of the Graphics Laboratory of that same department, for his counsel in the use of Photoshop software, and to Dr. Dan’el Kahn, senior lecturer, Head of the Department of Biblical Studies at the University of Haifa, for his permanent optimism, and for his unstinting help. I thank Dr. Etana Glushko for her assistance in more ways than one can imagine and for supplying the key for the Samuel Noah Kramer Institute of Assyriology and Ancient Near Eastern Studies at the Bar Ilan Assyriological library. Last but by no means least: a special word of thanks is due to the seal owners in the Old Babylonian period and to the seal cutters. Without them this book would not have been written.

ABBREVIATIONS PERIODICALS AfO AHw CAD CDA DACG IEJ JCS JESHO JNES JRAS NABU PSD RA RAI RLA ZA

Archiv für Orientforschung v. Soden, W., Akkadisches Handwörterbuch Chicago Assyrian Dictionary Black, J., George, A., Postgate, N., (eds.), A Concise Dictionary Of Akkadian in 2nd (corrected) printing, Harrassowitz Verlag, 2000 Campbell Thompson, R., A Dictionary of Assyrian Chemistry and Geology, Oxford 1936 Israel Exploration Journal Journal of Cuneiform Studies Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient Journal of Near Eastern Studies Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires The Sumerian Dictionary of the University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania Revue d’Assyriologie et d’archéologie Orientale Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale Reallexikon der Assyriologie Zeitschrift für Assyriologie

COLLECTIONS OF TEXTS ABIM 1

A. al-Zeebari, Altbabylonische Briefe des IraqMuseums. Baghdad 1964 ABIM 20 A. al-Zeebari, Altbabylonische Briefe des IraqMuseums AKA Budge, E.A.W., and L.W. King, The Annals of the Kings of Assyria ATT/47/11 Wiseman, D.J., 1953, The Alalakh Tablets, London, text no. 373, p. 102, and plate XXXVIII xxiii

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Babylonian Inscriptions in the Collection of J.B. Nies Tablets in the Collections of the British Museum Köcher, BAM—F. Köcher, Die babylonisch— assyrische Meizin in Texten und Untersuchungen CT Cuneiform texts from Babylonian Tablets EA Knudtzon, J. A., Die El-Amarna Tafeln, Band II, Leipzig, 1915 Ḫḫ ḪAR-ra ḫubullu KBo Keilschrifttexte aus Bogazkoy LKA E. Ebeling, Literarische Keilschrifttexte aus Assur MSL Materials for the Sumerian Lexicon NBC Tablet numbers in the Nies Babylonian Collection, Yale University OECT Oxford Editions of Cuneiform Texts PBS Publications of the Babylonian Section, University Museum, University of Pennsylvania Poebel, BE Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, Series A: Cuneiform Texts RIMA 2 Grayson, A.K., Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC, I (1114–859 BC), (The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods, vol. II), Toronto 1991 SLB I (3) Leemans, W.F., Legal and Administrative Documents of the time of Ḫammurabi and Samsuiluna (Mainly from Lagaba), Leiden 1960 TCL Textes Cunéiformes du Louvre UET Ur Excavation, Texts

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION In the Old Babylonian period, cylinder seals and the raw materials they were made of had many uses, including as signing tools, amulets, and gifts. The cylinder seals were made of raw materials imported to Mesopotamia as minerals from different lands. Since those were valued gemstones, it was customary to re-process a seal if its owners wanted to change the inscription or the iconographic part of it. Some completed cylinder seals were exported outside of Mesopotamia. It is possible to deduce from different texts and from archaeological evidence the identities of the seal-cutters, which tools they used for their crafts and where they worked. The inscriptions on the seals include information on various subjects — gods that were worshipped in the period under discussion, professions of people who owned cylinder seals, and information about the dedication of cylinder seals. A seal is described as “an engraved, inscribed, or embossed stamp used for making an impression in wax, etc. on documents; often worn on a watch chain”.1 On the seal, a small device made of hard material — generally stone, but also baked clay, wood, bone, shell, ivory, faience, glass or metal2 — either an inscription or an image or both are engraved. Sealing was used to secure merchandise, and to validate and to ensure reliability of documents, thus having an important legal function.3 The design on the seal Craigie and Hulbert, eds., 1974, 2051. Roaf 1998, 72. 3 Teissier claims that in combination with the seal owner’s name, the stamping identified the seal owner, and thus the signature was authorized (Teissier 1984, xxii). This is unlikely, since most of the cylinder seals examined in the sample did not bear the name of the seal owner. 1 2

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was mostly engraved by carving, so that when stamped on soft material such as clay, the design appears in relief.4 Seals were produced in different shapes in the ancient Near East: bullae, rings, scarabs, cylinder seals, etc. At the beginning of the 3rd millennium, people in Mesopotamia began using cylinder seals alone, and this situation remained without change until the Neo-Assyrian period, in which people once again began to use bullae. Cylinder seals remained in use until the 5th century BCE.5

CYLINDER SEALS Cylinder seals are small cylindrically-shaped objects. In their center and throughout all their length there is a hole, in which in most cases a thread was pulled through.6 In the upper and the lower Collon 1993a, 5, Roaf 1998, 72–73. The first stone seals from Northern Syria and Northern Mesopotamia are bullae (Porada 1993, 563). The cylindrical shape of the seal enabled one to cover a wider surface with continuous design, since it can be rolled to the length of surfaces. In addition to that, on the surface of the cylinder seal it was possible to add an ornament-strip of images or to develop a pattern (Teissier 1984, xxi). We still do not know what caused the transition to a cylindrical shape; Teissier claims that it is not clear whether the cylindrical shape of the cylinder seal was developed on purpose or as a by-product of a different tradition (Teissier 1984, xxii). She suggests that the first cylinder seals from Iraq and Iran grew from a different cutting tradition from that of the bulla, and it is possible that they were close to making stone vessels or sculpture in relief. She claims that the cylinder seals appeared in parallel to a renewed fashion of stone vessels, and so was the use of a drill, that was recognized also in the first stampings of the cylinder seals and also in the production of the stone vessels (Teissier 1984, xxii). She suggests that the stones might have been re-processed and they were used again, or that the first cylinder seals were made of perishable materials such as wood (Teissier 1984, xxii). In contrast to Teissier, Porada suggests that the writing and the cylinder seals were developed at the same time (Porada 1993, 563). 6 There were also other hanging methods: thus, for instance, sometimes a small wire loop was inlayed at the bottom in order to hold the seal and the lower cap in position, and at its top a larger loop was 4 5

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parts of the seal there was sometimes located a metal strip, usually made of gold. Thus, when it was rolled over a tablet, a straight and full impression was received, and the sealing did not turn in any direction.7 Cylinder seals were used for signing documents, but they could also be used as amulets (protecting, for example, from demons, diseases, miscarriages and enemies).8

CHRONOLOGY The chronological boundary of this research is the Old Babylonian period, including the Isin and Larsa dynasties. This period lasted about five hundred years: between 2025 and 1595 BCE.9 One of the prominent differences between cylinder seals from Ur III period and cylinder seals from the beginning of the Old Babylonian period (19th century BCE) is the widespread use of hematite. Hematite appeared towards the end of the 3rd millennium BCE, and became an important raw material for creating cylinder seals in the period under discussion.10 The term “Old Babylonian style” defines the engraving style that characterized three central regions in Mesopotamia — the north, the center (Babylon and its hinterland) and the south — in the Old Babylonian period until the end of the Hammurabi region.11 The stones that were used in ancient periods were at first soft stones, like marble and limestone (1–3 according to Mohs

wrapped and twisted around itself a few times. This created some sort of a handle and secured the upper cap. Thus the seal would hang vertically instead of horizontally (Collon 2001, 25–26). In other cases instead of a metal loop, a stone loop can be found, which was carved together with the seal itself (Collon 2001, 27). 7 In a text from Mari, M. 5701, a sack of seals is mentioned, seven of which are with golden strips (?)—7 kišib kù-gi pé-t[u]-šu (Bonechi 1992, 14). 8 Goff 1956, 30. 9 Middle chronology. See Brinkman, 1976. 10 Collon 1993a, 100–102. 11 Teissier 1984, 20.

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scale). Harder stones like hematite were less common until the Old Babylonian period.12 In earlier periods it seems that stone tools were used in order to drill the cylinder seals. In latter periods the seal cutters began to use techniques involving drilling with drills made of copper.13 Teissier notes a number of stylistic features of the postHammurabi period, such as “the heavy use of cutting disc, which often leaves a distinctive wedge on the bodies of the figures and on the seal, and seals with long inscriptions and enlongated figures”.14 Much has been written in the scientific literature about the iconographical part of the seals.15 Very little is written on the raw materials that the cylinder seals were made of in the Old Babylonian period and on their origins.16 Even less is written about the craftsmen that manufactured them and their workshops.17

SCOPE OF THE RESEARCH This volume investigates various issues connected to the cylinder seals in Mesopotamia: I aim to clarify the significance of the cylinder seals in the stated period, investigate the raw materials (the minerals) from which the seals were made, and where those materials originated. From different texts I examine the question of trade in ready-made cylinder seals. Furthermore, I shall explore the identities of the seal cutters, whether they able to read what they wrote on the seals, which tools they used, and whether it is possible to identify workshops in which they worked. I shall also investigate the percentages of recuts of ready made seals and how they were Teissier 1984, XXV. Teissier 1984, XXV, Pittman 1995, 1953, Gwinnet and Gorelick 1987, 15–16. 14 Teissier 1984, 21. 15 Al-Gailani Werr 1992; Bleibtreu 1981; Buchanan 1966; Buchanan 1981; Pittman and Aruz 1988; Noveck 1976; Collon 1986; Collon 1997; Lambert 1979; Møller 1992; Moortgat 1966; Noveck 1976; Porada 1947; Porada and Buchanan 1948; Ravn 1960; Teissier 1984; White Muscarella 1981. 16 Collon 1993b, Collon 1986, 11. 17 Moorey 1985. 12 13

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made, the percentages of inscriptions appearing on cylinder seals in the Old Babylonian period, what these inscriptions were and what can be concluded from them, who were the owners of the seals and what were their positions, the objects of veneration in dedicatory seals, and more.18

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The primary sources for this study are the various texts written on cylinder seals or which mention them in different contexts, and recuts of cylinder seals in this period. I examine what is known about the different raw materials from which the seals are made and their origins, trade in raw materials and in ready-made cylinder seals, the seal cutters who did the craftwork, and the workshops in which the cylinder seals were made. Besides surveying articles that deal with these issues, I conducted a typological study of 1000 cylinder seals from the Old Babylonian period taken from various bibliographical sources,19 among them, 70 unpublished seals from the basements of the Israel Museum, Jerusalem, and an unpublished cylinder seal from the Hecht Museum, University of Haifa. Those seals constitute the database. It should be noted that the database is not organized to be an index, and therefore it should not be used as such, but as a database in its own right.20 It is important to note the fact that the target populations cannot be precisely defined: there is no way of knowing the total Cylinder seals can be classified into various groups according to different criteria: the minerals that the seals are made of, the types of inscriptions inscribed on them, classifying them as recuts, etc. Teissier suggests dividing them broadly according to three categories: “personal seals, official or state seals, and votive or temple seals” (Teissier 1984, xxii). This division seems to me problematic, since it can be concluded from my sample that only 5 out of the 1000 seals I have checked in the database are administrative seals, and only 2 are dedication seals. 19 Pittman and Aruz 1988; Noveck 1976; Ravn 1960; Buchanan 1966; Teissier 1984; Collon 1997; Al-Gailani Werr 1992; Hammade 1987; Collon 1986; Buchannan 1981; Porada and Buchanan 1948. 20 This database can hopefully be used as a basis for research beyond the scope of this study. 18

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number of cylinder seals were were made or used in the Old Babylonian period. This research, therefore, focuses on a sample of seals, although it is impossible to determine how representative this sample really is. It should also be noted of the survival of seals, that the harder the material, the better its chance for survival.

CHAPTER 2. RAW MATERIALS AND THEIR ORIGINS To the west and north, the plains of eastern Mesopotamia are surrounded by mountainous regions. Some of these regions were rich with minerals: eastern Anatolia, including Commagene, was rich in copper, in Iran tin ores were found, and silver in Anatolia, Transcaucasia and northern Iran.1 Precious or semi-precious stones are often found in regions rich in metallic ores.2 In Mesopotamia, access to quantities of raw materials was dependent solely on trade, and minerals were greatly valued. The difficulties in their mining and transportation were therefore reflected in the price of the objects made of them.3 Seals were made of various raw minerals, both hard and soft. A mineral, by definition, is an inorganic substance, which is obtained by mining.4 The two main categories of minerals are stones and metals.5 There are several technical methods for determining the hardness of minerals. One of the most common is the “Mohs scale”, according to which the hardness of a mineral is expressed in the measure of its scratch resistance: a harder mineral scratches another, softer mineral.6 The issue of mineral hardness is important when quantifying the effort and the work required for Leemans 1960, 3–4. Leemans 1960, 4. 3 Collon 1993b, 212. 4 Collon 1993b, 212. 5 Collon 1993b, 212. 6 Mohs scale, after Friedrich Mohs, 1773–1839, is an ordinal scale which divides the hardness to 10 degrees; starting from the softest mineral with a hardness degree 1 (talc), and up to the hardest mineral (diamond, with a hardness degree of 10). The hardness of all the other minerals in nature fall somewhere between these boundaries (Flexer 1992, p. 70). 1 2

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hewing the mineral, creating the seal, the drilling and engraving on it, and if necessary, recutting it. All effort expended would affect the price of the cylinder seal and of the work, and perhaps also affect the uses to which the ready-made cylinder seal could be put. Increases and decreases in the use of minerals were largely dictated by their availability,7 and in different periods the usage of certain minerals over others was preferred. For example, in the Ur III period chlorite was widely used. Chlorite replaced serpentine which had been in widespread use earlier in the Old Akkadian period.8 In the Old Babylonian period, hematite was widely employed as a raw material for cylinder seals. Collon explains the changes as a combination of factors, including the hardness of the material, availability of the raw material, and not necessarily simply a matter of ‘fashion’. Thus, for instance, even though serpentine and chlorite are quite similar materials, 46% of the seals in the Old Akkadian period were made of serpentine, whereas in the Ur III period most of the seals — 55% — were made of chlorite.9 Unfortunately, the lands of origin for many minerals are still unknown, due to a lack of textual and other evidence indicating the mining location, and because of difficulties in the accurate identification of the places named as the origin of certain raw materials. Furthermore, it is not entirely certain that the Akkadians themselves — those who used the minerals in the Old Babylonian period — really knew where the minerals came from. It is also not always possible to identify the stones mentioned in the Sumerian and Akkadian texts,10 or to ascertain the names of the minerals in Collon 1993b, 212. Collon 1993b, 213. 9 Collon 1993b, 213. 10 Thus, for instance, lines 27–32 in the –lipšur litanies (type I) list. According to line 27, the stone na4.nír (which according to Reiner its Akkadian translation is ḫulālu-stone) comes from KUR ni-kab. From lines 28–29 it can be concluded that the origin of the stone na4.muš.gír (in Akkadian, according to Reiner: the mušgarru-stone) is from KUR ak-ka-la or from KUR ma-li-ka-nu. According to lines 29–32 the stone na4.ud.aš comes from KUR du-lu-pi-eš, KUR du-ud-pi-eš and KUR di-ig-ma-nu (Reiner 1956, 132–133). Another problematic example is quartz: the Akkadian 7 8

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the Akkadian and Sumerian languages.11 Many stones noted in the texts are impossible to identify, and the identification of others is uncertain.12 There are differences of opinion among the various dictionaries about translation issues: thus, for instance, the CAD has definitively identified what šubû is, but the AHw and the CDA are unsure.13 In this chapter I shall survey the lands of origin and the raw materials from which some of the seals are made, and their identifications in different texts. As Collon has noted, one of the difficulties involved in the identification is the fact that utterly different terminology is used by mineralogists, geologists and gemologists. Collon indicates the need for caution when identifying stones noted in different publications,

name of the stone is dušu(m). One of its Sumerian names is na4.du8.ši.a. According to the CAD, the stone whose Akkadian name is elmešu is “a precious stone”, without any more precise definition, from the Old Babylonian period onwards (CAD E, 107–108). According to the dictionary, the stone’s name can be translated into Sumerian, among other names, as na4.du8.ši.a and also as na4.šuba (za-X-suḫ) (CAD E, 107–108), but according to the CAD, ŠIII, 185–187, it might be possible to translate the stone’s name as agate (CAD, ŠIII, 185–187, p. 185—a stone, perhaps agate—SB, NA, NB). 11 Thus, for instance, seals made of minerals such as gabbro, chlorite, limonite, steatite, calcite, marble, etc. Another example is basalt: one seal from the sample is made of basalt. The CDA (p. 332) translates the word ṣallamtu (Sumerian: na4 ad.bar) as “black thing—(a stone, basalt or sim.)”. I find it unnecessary to assume that the stone is basalt, since although the meaning of the word ṣallamtu is “black”, not every black thing is necessarily a stone, and not every black stone is necessarily basalt. 12 For instance, see different translations for the stone šubu in the CAD, AHw, CDA. 13 See AHw, vol. 3, 1258, and also: CDA 379 notes that the stone is also mentioned as šubû, Sumerian: [na4 šuba]. The parentheses are in the original. According to the CAD, šubû is (“a stone, perhaps agate”) (CAD Š III, šubû A, p. 185).

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for it is not always possible to know which ones were analyzed, if any.14 In this context it should also be stated that two different minerals (flint and obsidian), represented in the sample (three seals in the sample are made of obsidian and two are made of flint), were designated in the Old Babylonian period by the exact same name: in Sumerian na4 zú, and in Akkadian — ṣurru(m).15 Different kinds of minerals were considered in various periods to have magical powers, and cylinder seals were therefore also worn as amulets.16 Different texts indicate that specific stones used to manufacture cylinder seals also determined the destiny of the individuals who wore those seals.17

IDENTIFYING STONES ACCORDING TO LISTS Several lists of stones are known, some of which also indicate their lands of origin. Most of the lists postdate the Old Babylonian period. One of these lists is a lexical list of stones, published by Scheil.18 This tablet, from the Old Babylonian period, was found in the ruins of Warka (Uruk) and contains a lexical list, SumerianAkkadian, of stones and stone objects. According to this list: na4 =ab-nu

stone

na4 ka-gi-na = ša-da-nu

hematite

7. na4 ka-gi-na dib-ba = ša-da-nu şa-bi-tum magnetite 8. na4 ka-ser ka-gi-na = ki-şir ša-da-nu

lump of hematite

9. na4 kišib ka-gi-na = ku-nu-uk-ku

a hematite seal

Collon 1993b, 212. I agree with Collon’s statement. I myself faced this problem more then once when I was looking for a definition or a homogeneous description to the various minerals, in the translation from different languages (English, Hebrew, German, French, Sumerian and Akkadian). 15 AHw, vol. 3, p. 1114, CAD, vol. Ṣ, pp. 257–259, CDA, p. 341. 16 See a discussion in chapter 7, and also: Goff 1956, 23–29. 17 Reiner 1995, 127–128. 18 Scheil 1918. 14

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28. na4 kišib dú-ši-a na4 lagab dú-ši-a na4 bir dú-ši-a (quartz) 50. na4 za-gin-a = uk-nu-u na4 za-gin-a ŠU-u (two types of lapis lazuli?) 94. na4 kišib za-gin (=?) lagab za-gin (=?) [na4] bir [za-gin =? na4 num za]-gin = zu-um-bu 95. na4 ZA (gu-ug) GUL (=?) sa-an-tu(m) (=?) [na4 gug]…gun(:dar)-nu (=?) pi-li-t[u] (?) 96. na4 gug ka (=?)şur-ra-ni-[tum =? na4 gug]…ŠU-ú 97. na4 gug mar-ḫal-lum [=? ŠU-u =? na4 gug]…[g]ú(?)-gĭr ?? =? ŠU carnelian from Marḫalum 98. na4 gug ni-mu-u[r](?) [=?…=na4 gu]g me-luḫ-ḫa carnelian from Meluḫḫa 99. na4 gug ma[r-ḫa-ši … pa-ra-ši-i … na4 gug] gu-ti-um (ki) … qu-ti-i carnelian from Marḫaši 100. na4 gug… […na4 gug] kil-da .. kub-bu-ut-tum. carnelian from Kilda and Kubbuttum.

Reference to the “Babylonian Stone-book” is given in a NeoBabylonian stone list, both in Sumerian and Akkadian. In the lexical text Ḫḫ (MSL X, 65–68) there is a list of stones without an apparent order. This list ends with a colophon (vi 17–20), which includes a reference to abnu šikinšu [N]A4 ana lamāda: “(the series) abnu šikinšu for the study of stones”. Following this there is an additional reference to the series na4 kalag = su-ú, [u]s-su-ru which deals with stones used for pharmacology.19 The list—abnu šikinšu (na4 gar-šu), “The stone whose appearance is (…)”,20 is dedicated to the nature of different kinds of minerals — their names and descriptions. This nature of stones

19 20

Reiner 1995, 122–123. Horowitz 1992, 112.

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gives them power, which is described in the text.21 Only a few fragments of the series have been identified.22 This Neo-Assyrian text brings a name list and descriptions of minerals.23 The minerals are described by their color (red, white, black, green/yellow, etc.), and are also compared to a wide range of objects or natural phenomenon (animals, plants, sky and fire). The sub-types of the minerals are frequently written after a general record. The list also includes a few entries: some of them describe the stone or the mineral, and others also describe the purpose for which it is best suited.24 Another list of stones is composed of a group of texts published by Reiner.25 She refers to them as “lipšur” litanies since their essential characteristic is composed of a prayer-like repetition of the word lipšur or similar at the end of each line or section.26 Those texts can be divided into two main types: in the first type, which is the longer and better preserved list, the word lipšur is repeated — “may he undo, absolve” — at the end of every line. The first 62 lines deal with Mesopotamian geography and contain names of mountains and rivers. Those names appear in the same sequence as in Tablet XXII of the Ḫḫ. In Type II, the phrases that appear at the end of each section are lu paţranni lu pašranni — “let it be released for me, let it be absolved for me!” or lippaţrunikku lippašrunikku — “let it be released for you, let it be absolved for you!”.27 Type II notes deities and rivers. Reiner 1995, 120. Horowitz 1992. 23 The series, a full edition of which has never been published, includes six fragments of tablets: A=STT 108, B=STT109, C=BAM378, D=K. 4751, E=BAM 194 vii, F=BM 50664, which include at least two separated versions of the series: a “simple” Neo-Assyrian version which contains only names and mineral descriptions, and an “expanded” version which appends medical applications of minerals to the end of the “simple” entries (Horowitz 1992, 112–113). 24 Reiner 1995, 120. 25 Reiner 1956. 26 Reiner 1956, 129. 27 Reiner 1956, 129. 21 22

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Hematite28 — na4.ka.gi.na = šadânu(m) 640 (64%) of the seals in the sample are made of hematite. Its color is black, and its transparency is reddish brown or blood-red (hence its name). Its hardness according to the Mohs scale is between 5 and 6. Hematite is found in igneous rock, but is common in many sedimentary rocks. It imparts reddish color to the Nubian sandstone and to soils.29 The interpretation of the Sumerian expression na4.ka.gi.na is “the stone of the truth matter” — ka: matter, mouth and gi.na (kīnu): “reliable, true”. It is possible that the name’s interpretation in Akkadian is “from the mountains”.30 The term appears in a number of lexical lists, such as a Neo-Babylonian stone list which appears in Ḫḫ XVI.31 The stone appears there as na4.KUR-nu (=šadânu), that is to say “the stone from the mountains”. Collon states that “Hematite is generally thought to have come from the volcanic areas of eastern Anatolia”.32 In one of his inscriptions, Tiglath-pileser I33 proclaims: “At that same time I brought (to the treasury of Adad) obsidian, ḫaltu stone and Hematite from the mountains of Nai’ri”.34

J. Lewy’s suggested identification of hematite with the Akkadian term ḫusāru (Lewy 1955, 157–158) was rejected by Landsberger (Landsberger 1965, 285, note 1). 29 Flexer 1992, 435. 30 Von Soden assumes that the origin of the word is šadû (?)—“a mountain” (AHw 3, 1123). The CAD also accepts this assumption (CAD Š 1, 36) .Reiner notes that it is most likely to assume that the translation of the Akkadian word šadânu refers to “the ore’s ‘(coming) from the mountain’” (Reiner 1995, 122) from the Akkadian word šadû—mountain. 31 (MSL 10, p. 65, line 35). 32 Collon 1986, 11. She does not indicate the sources she used in order to establish this statement. 33 About 1120 BCE and onwards. 34 AKA 101 viii 12 (Tiglath-Pileser I), The translation following CAD ŠI, p. 37. And see also: Grayson 1991, 29, lines 11–16. 28

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Another Neo-Assyrian text35 mentions 5 MA.NA (=five minas), verified, of šadânu-stone (from the mountains of Media).36 Hematite was the stone of the god Šamaš: a Neo-Assyrian text — Rm. 2160, r. 2037 — refers to: šiptu na4 ka.gi.na šad-da-an-nu na-raam dšamši daiāni ş[i-ri (?)] — “Oh ka.gi.na stone, šadânu, darling of Šamaš, the far-famed judge”.38 The Mesopotamians assigned magical powers to seals made of hematite, and, according to a Neo Assyrian text “if (a man) wears a seal of hematite, that man shall lose what he has acquired”.39 Another Neo-Assyrian text indicates that hematite (the stone) was also used for its medicinal properties40 Magnetite — na4.ka.gi.na.dib.ba, kur-nu di.ba = šadânu ṣābitu 9 cylinder seals — 0.9% of the sample — are made of magnetite. Both its color and transparency are black. Magnetite is an iron oxide. Its hardness according to the Mohs scale is between 5.5 and 6.5. Magnetite has magnetic properties, and it is common in

Iraq 41 134 No. 47. Published by George (George 1979, 134). It is interesting to note that the text was written on a duck weight of sedimentary magnetite, which is named in Akkadian šadânu şābitu—and see discussion on it later. 36 Iraq 41, 134 No. 47. 37 The text, from the British Museum, includes two prayers, the second one is addressed to the stone hematite (Mullo-Weir 1929, 281– 284). 38 Mullo-Weir 1929, 283–284 39 Köcher, BAM 194 viii 9. The translation following CAD Š I, p. 37. 40 Köcher, BAM 396 iii 21. NA ka.gi.na is listed among medical 4 materia, mainly minerals and seeds, which one should weigh out together, crush and mix in oil and in pressed oil (var. premium beer), and leave them over night, before the appearance of the Goat-star. The sick person should keep drinking it in the morning. One should not let any time elapse, and he should bathe in hot water, and he will get better. The translation following CAD Š I, p. 37, and is also based on Geller, BAM 7 32–41 no. 1. reference: Prof. Marten Stol. 35

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igneous rocks in thin dispersion. Occasionally it is available in larger concentrations, and is used as iron ore.41 Magnetite is in Sumerian: ka.gi.na.dib.ba, and Akkadian: šadânu şābitu.42 Reiner interprets the etymological meaning of the phrase by noting that since the reading of the Sumerogram dib.ba is unclear, the phase may describe the magnetic attraction of the stone: şābitu — “capturing”. Reiner assumes that the explanation of the Sumerian parallel ka.gi.na as “speaking the truth” is “probably just popular etymology, which is based on the possible translation dabābu — “to speak” of its component ka, and the translation kīnu — “true” or kittu — “truth” of its components gi.na”. Therefore, the stone is given the aetiology “the stone of truthfulness, he who wears it shall speak the truth, only a pious man may wear it”.43 Magnetite appears in a lexical list in Ḫḫ XVI 7.44 The stone appears in one of the texts from the Old Babylonian period as na4.ka.gi.na şa-bi-t[um] besides na4.ka.gi.na.45 According to one of the texts,46 the black stone that has red light-colored spots is named na4.ka.gi.na.dib, “it is the stone of truthfulness, let whoever wears it speak the truth”. Magnetite was also thought to have magical powers. Thus, according to one of the texts:47 “in order that no spell should harm the pregnant woman, that she should not miscarry, you dry and pulverize magnetite (and other substances)”.

Ore is a mineral or nature-treasure: “ore is defined as natural raw material, it is possible to exploit it economically” (Flexer 1992, 305). According to a different definition, ore is “(any kind of) rock, earth, mineral, etc. from which a metal can be obtained: iron ore” (Ruse 1988, 539). 42 The identification of the stone is based on Scheil 1918 line 7–7. na 4 ka-gi-na dib-ba = ša-da-nu şa-bi-tum magnetite. And see also CAD Š I, p. 36 — šadânu A(2). 43 Reiner 1995, 122. 44 (MSL 10, p. 5, line 7). 45 CT 45 75:14. The translation following CAD Š I, p. 37. 46 Köcher, BAM 194 vii 14. The translation following CAD Š I, p. 37. 47 LKA 9 r. iii 8 (SB inc.). The translation following CAD Š I, p. 37. 41

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Quartz and Rock-crystal — na4 du8.ši.a, na4 du.šu-ú, na4 duḫ.ši.a = dušû(m), duḫšum 4 seals (0.4% of the sample) are made of quartz, and 22 seals (2.2% of the sample) are made of rock-crystal. Quartz is colorless or white and can appear in any color. Quartz has a hardness of 7 on the Mohs scale. It is present in all rock types. Quartz is an essential component of sandstone and granite. It is found in different types: rock-crystal (hardness of 7 on Mohs scale), amethyst, etc.48 The stone na4 du8.šú.a is identified with the Hittite term (na4) parašḫa/i and with na4 ká.dingir.ra.49 According to the lipšur litanies list, the homeland of the stone is KUR [zar]-du8-a.50 The Akkadian word for quartz is dušû(m),51 or “a precious stone of characteristic color”.52 Quartz appears in a few texts from the Old Babylonian period:53 one of Samsuditana’s year-names is called “the year in which Samsuditana made suns from quartz-stone, symbols which shined like day-light, which were polished extraordinarily with lapis-lazuli, red gold and pure silver, and he brought them to the ébabbar for the sake of Šamaš, the mighty ruler, who had made his kingdom wonderful”.54 Lapis lazuli — na4 za-gìn = uqnû 20 seals (2% of the sample) are made of lapis lazuli. This stone is a semi-precious opaque mineral. Its color ranges between different

Flexer 1992, 442. Polvani 1993, 211. 50 Reiner 1956, 132:25. 51 AHw vol. 1, 179. 52 CAD D, 200. The Hittite term for “type of quartz” I “na 4 parašḫa/i” (Polvani 1993, 210). 53 For instance: Poebel, BE 6/2, 106, and TCL 10 71:39, RA 43 138: 13 [ibid 4], etc. 54 [aš-m]e-di(l)-dili-a na du -ši-a-ké (šu-nir-ra u -dím ì-dág-gi-eš-a) na 4 4 4 8 za-gìn-na guškin ḫuš-a kù luḫ (?)-a-bi-da-ké šu-a maḫ-bi íb-ta-an-du7-uš-a bí-in-dím-ma-àm dutu en an-ta-gál-la-aš (nan-lugal-a-ni bí-íb-gu-la-aš) ébabbar-ra-še10 in-ne-en-tu-ra (Ungnad 1938, 191, subclause 270). 48 49

RAW MATERIALS AND THEIR ORIGINS

17

shades of blue, purple-blue to greenish-blue. The standard translation of lapis lazuli is uqnû. Lapis lazuli seems to originate in the Badakhashan district of eastern Afghanistan.55 The stone appears in the lipšur litanies list. Line 26 of Type I1* tablets mentions KUR dGUD da-pa-ra as the original homeland of lapis lazuli: 26) KUR dGUD da-pa-ra MIN56 KUR NA4 ZA.GÌN 26) may Mount Dapara absolve, the home of Lapis-lazuli.57 The location of the land is unknown. Line 50 of the lexical list of stones mentions za-gìn, but without its original homeland.58 Amethyst — algamišu ud+šal+kab, ašmur = kù.bal.e 7 seals are made of amethyst (0.7% of the sample). Its hardness is 7 on the Mohs scale. Campbell-Thompson identifies the English terms “amethyst, emery, corundum” with the Akkadian term algamišu, and the Sumerian: ud+šal+kab, kù.bal.e or ašmur. She interprets the Sumerian term kù.bal.e as “bright + spindle (drill)”. She argues that: “‘bright’+spindle (drill)”, indicates the use of a lapidary’s drill, Amethyst (i.e. the Oriental Amethyst) is form of corundum, and this latter in general is used for cutting gems… This is paralleled by another form of corundum, “ṣipru” [Akkadian], sapphire, described as “na4.kunuku ‘the seal stone’ (i.e. ‘for cutting seals’), “ṣipru ” meaning literally the ‘scratching thing’”,

(DACG, 167–168), viz points out at a usage of drill in order to work the stone, and the amethyst is a kind of oxide (corundum) used to work gems.

Collon 1986, 11. She does not indicate the sources she used in order to establish this statement. See also Porada 1981/1982, 6. 56 The term “MIN”—“ditto”—indicates the word lipšur (and see note 2 in line 3 on page 132—Reiner 1956, p. 132). 57 Reiner 1956, 132–146. 58 Scheil 1918, 117. 55

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Carnelian — na4 gug = samtû Even though only 9 seals (0.9% of the sample) are made of carnelian, the stone is mentioned in many texts. Line 33 of tablet I 1* of the lipšur litanies list mentions Meluḫḫa as the land from which the stone came:59 33) KUR me-luḫ-ḫa MIN60 KUR NA4.GUG 33) may Meluḫḫa absolve, the home of carnelian

Meluḫḫa is also mentioned as the homeland of carnelian in line 98 of the lexical list of stones.61 Meluḫḫa’s location is not clear, but it is known that it can be reached via the Persian Gulf.62 Another list mentioning the mineral is the series abnu šikinšu. After a generic description of carnelian, sub-varieties of carnelian follow:63 A 5. na4 GAR-šú [GIM] ed-de-ti n┌a4.GU┐G (sāmtu) [MU.NI] B 5. [ ]-šú GI[M] e]d-de-t[ú] n[a4.GU]G MU-šú C ii 2’–3’ na4 GAR-šú GIM [ ] na4.GUG MU.N[I] 5. “The stone which is like boxthorn, carnelian is its name.” A 6. na4.GUG (x) tak-pat na4. ┌GUG┐ me-luḫ-ḫa [MU.NI] B 6. [na4.G]UG G[I6 t]ak-pat na4. ┌GUG┐ [me-lu] ḫ?- ḫa? MUšú C ii 4’–5’ na4.GUG GI6 tak-pat na4.GUG me-luḫ-ḫi MU.NI 6. Carnelian which is speckled with black, Meluḫḫa carnelian is its name. Reiner 1956, 132–133. See footnote 77. 61 Scheil 1918, 118. 62 Leemans 1960, 9. 63 From Horowitz 1992, 113–114. 59 60

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A 7. na4.GUG [GAZI].SA[R (kasânītu) t]ak-pat na4.┌GUG┐ GAZI.SAR [MU.NI] B 7. [na4.GU]G G[AZI.SAR] tak-pat na4.GUG.┌GAZI.SAR┐ MU-[šú] C ii 6’–7’ na4.GUG GAZI.SAR tuk-ku-pat na4.GUG.GAZI.SAR MU.NI 7. Carnelian which is speckled with mustard, “Mustard-like” Carnelian is its name. A 8. [na4.GUG G]I6 [G]AZI.┌SAR┐[MU.NI]

[ta]k-pa[t]

┌na4.

GUG┐

B 8. n[a4.GU]G BABBA[R t]ak-pat na4.GUG me-luḫa MU-šú 8. A. Carnelian which is speckled [with black], “Mustard-like” carnelian [is its name]. 8. B. [Carnelian] which is speckled [with] white, Meluḫḫa carnelian is its name. A 9. [na4.┌GUG┐ [S]IG7 ┌tak-pat┐ [n]a4 .┌GUG┐ mar-ḫa-[ši MU.NI] B 9. na4.┌GUG┐ SI[G7] tak-[p]at na4 .GUG mar-ḫa-ši ┌ MU-šú┐ C ii 8’–9’ na4.GUG SIG7 tak-pat na4.GUG mar-ḫa-ši MU.N[I] 9. Carnelian which is speckled with yellow, Marḫaši Carnelian is its name.”

Carnelian is mentioned among other stones in a lexical list published by Scheil, and beside its references, carnelian’s origins are qualified:64

64

Leemans 1960, 10; Scheil 1918, 118.

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ENGRAVED ON STONE (97) na4 gug — mar-ḫal-lum (98) na4 gug — me-luḫ-ḫa (99) na4-gug — mar-ḫa-ši (99) na4 gug — gu-ti-um ki (50 ff) za-gìn (lapis lazuli) — is mentioned without its homeland.

LANDS OF ORIGIN It is not always possible to identify the homelands from which the raw materials came. Various texts point out that hematite originates in the mountains of Nai’ri or from Media. Lapis lazuli is mentioned as coming from KUR dGUD da-pa-ra. Carnelian reportedly comes from one of the following places: Marḫaši, Meluḫḫa, Gutium, Marḫallum and Kubbuttum. In the Kassite period the kings of Babylon, Assyria and Mitanni sent lapis lazuli to the king of Egypt in large quantities; thus the mineral found its way from east to west.65 Carnelian was imported from Meluḫḫa into Ur.66 Various texts mention particular places — lands or towns — from which different gem stones arrived. Those gem stones were the raw materials involved in the production of cylinder seals. As stated above, it is not possible to identify many of them. Thus, for instance, Dapara is mentioned as the origin homeland of lapis lazuli,67 but further details which may shed light on its location are as yet unknown. Below, I will survey the places which can be identified in light of different details provided by the texts.

Leemans 1960, 124, note 3. On the import of lapis lazuli to Egypt see El Amarna letters, such as EA 25, EA 9, etc. 66 Leemans indicates that carnelian was found at Kaneš (Leemans 1960, 124, note 4). 67 Ebeling 1938, 120. 65

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Marḫaši Marḫaši was the origin of a number of gem stones, for instance various kinds of carnelian and lapis lazuli.68 Leemans69 and Steinkeller70 claim that Marḫaši, Baraḫši or Parašî (Paraḫšum) are three designations of the same place, which is located near Elam.71 Steinkeller argues that the place, which is documented in Sargonic, Ur III and Old Babylonian sources, was situated to the east of Elam and Anšan and was a country and city(?), which was situated to the east of Elam and Anšan.72 It is now impossible to determine its exact location, but it seems to have been was located in the general region between Fārs and Kermān.73 Marḫaši is consistently associated with the lands Magan and Meluḫḫa.74 Meluḫḫa Meluḫḫa is also distinguished as the origin of several gem stones, such as lapis lazuli and carnelian.75 Meluḫḫa is mentioned in different texts and myths: LUGAL-e, Enki and Ninḫursag, etc.76 It seems that Meluḫḫa was located at a distance from Magan

Steinkeller 1989, 381. Leemans 1960, 10. In this context, Leemans mentions the text UET V 291, in which a gift of a-ru-a that a woman grants to the temple of Ningal is documented. It contains I na4 kišib nír Marḫalum—one stone seal from nír stone from Marḫalum. He assumes that Marḫalum, that is indicated as the origin country of carnelian in the vocabulary of stones, is probably different from Marḫaši, “as is indicated a few lines later” (Leemans 1960, 32, note 2). 70 Steinkeller 1989, 381. 71 Goetze, following Jensen, assumes that Baraḫsu(m) and Marḫašum are different ways of writing the same foreign name in cuneiform writing (Goetze 1953, 118, note 21). 72 Steinkeller 1989, 381. 73 Steinkeller 1989, 381. 74 Steinkeller 1989, 381 75 Heimpel 1993, 54. Line 51 c of the Enki and Ninḫursag myth indicates Meluḫḫa as the land of origin of carnelian. 76 Heimpel 1993, 53–54. 68

69

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(Oman),77 and it is known as the land which is settled “under the sea”.78

77 78

“Magan was probably in south-east Arabia” (Leemans 1960, 9). Heimpel 1993, 53–54.

CHAPTER 3. WORKSHOPS AND THE MANUFACTURE OF SEALS Lapidary in Mesopotamia included the manufacture of stone beads, amulets, figurines, small vessels and cylinder seals. We can assume that the semantic fields of the terms burgul (stone-cutter, sealcutter), zadimmu (lapidary) and kabšarru1 (jeweler, stone-mason) sometimes partially overlapped. Even though a multitude of cylinder seals from different periods have been found, we know very little about the individuals who manufactured these items. According to Hammurabi’s law no. 274, if a person wants to hire the services of a stone-cutter, he must pay 60/5 grains of silver as a daily salary.2 Collon assumes that this craft would have been passed down from father to son.3 kabšarru, or kapšarru — “jeweler, stone-mason” (CAD, K, 23). Note the restriction there, that “there is so far no way to link the SB and NB evidence which requires a translation ‘jeweler’, namely, a craftsman who works with precious stones, but also cuts seals and often cooperates with the goldsmith (kutimmu), and the NA references, which… suggests a stonemason” (CAD K, 24). In my opinion there was a partial overlap between the terms. See the linguistic discussion in this chapter. 2 [5 ŠE] KÙ.BABBRAR [Á LÚ]BUR.GUL. According to that same law, a similar salary should be paid for a day’s work of a craftsman (DUMU UM.MI.A), and a jeweler [Á LÚ]ZADIM ŠE — 1/60 grains of silver. 3 Collon 1993a, 103. She claims that it is hard to understand how the ancient seal cutters were able to engrave tiny and complicated scenes without any form of magnification, and explains it thus, that “the lapidaries were almost always short-sighted, and this enabled them to carry out close-up work” (Collon 1993a, 103). Collon states that myopia would have been inherited from father to son, and was transmitted as a dominant gene (Collon 1993a, 103). 1

23

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TERMINOLOGY The Sumerian term for seal-cutter is bur.gul; the Akkadian term is purkullu/parkullu. The bur.gul manufactured seals and stone vessels, and it seems that seal creators were also engravers and jewelers: according to a list of professions which appears in the Ḫḫ XXV4 the seal-cutter also practiced engraving and making stone jewelry: (lú-a]lam-gu-u = [lú-n]a4-za-dím-ma=pur-kúl-lu).5 According to another list6 it seems that the jeweler manufactured stone jewelry: (lú na4-za-dím-ma = za-dím-[mu]).7 MSL XII, 229. Alam (alan) is statue (PSD A., 170, and see also ṣalmu, CAD Ṣ, 78– 85), and na4-za-dím-ma means stone (na4) of the lapidary (za-dím+ak): According to Prof. Jacob Klein in an e-mail from February 12th, 2009, lú na4-za-dím-ma (zadimû or purkullû) usually means “lapidary”. However, theoretically can also mean: “stone of the lapidary”, because za also means “stone” (za-dím = stone maker). But I could not find a context for this meaning in Sumerian”, e.g. “na4-za-dím or na4-zadím in this meaning”. I am grateful to Prof. Klein for this commentary. The term za.zadim.ma appears in the Sumerian tale of Inanna’s descent to the Nether World, line 45 (za.zadim.ma). With the expression “stone of the lapidary”, the poet means the grit which is left after cutting stones. It is compared with giš.nagar.ra.ka—“wood of the carpenter” which is “splinters” after cutting wood. In the lexical lists Ḫḫ XXV, lú. na4-za-dím-ma means something like “man who works with the stone of the stonecutter”. In the Sumerian myth Inanna’s Descent to the Nether World it means “grit”. I am grateful to Drs. Theo J. H. Krispijn from the NINO in Leiden for his kind help with the commentary, translation, and for referring me to the myth and the link. The composition “Inana’s Descent to the Nether World” in transliteration and translation in the Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature can be found at the link: http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/ cgibin/etcsl.cgi?text=c.1.4.1&display=Crit&charenc=gcirc#. According to the Sumerian compound sign-words on http://www.sumerian.org/ sums-z.htm, za-dím: from Sumerian — stone cutter (‘[precious] stone’ + ‘to fashion’). 6 an-ta-gál=šaqû C, 256–257 which appear in MSL XVII, 201. 7 Asher-Greve suggests that the seal cutter — the bur.gul — was available for immediate creation of burgul-seals, as she infers from the 4 5

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It is possible that in ancient periods, the term purkullu denoted a craftsman who also worked on stone reliefs and stone vessels.8 Oppenheim suggests that the purkullu, who was originally a craftsman who cut seals, also worked on stone reliefs9 and stone vessels.10 As for the Sumerian name of the craftsman, the bur is a “(stone) bowl” or a “(stone) vessel”.11 Edzard suggests that bur.gul refers in its second syllable — gul — to an activity connected to stone vessels,12 deduced from the following Sumerian text:13 gul-la-mu e A+66 [bur]-gul-e bur My (house)14 which the stonecutter used to carve bowls! na4 ba-an-dím!-ma-mu A+67 zá-dím-ma fact that seal cutters appear as witnesses. On the other hand, the za-dím worked with precious stones. She claims that it is possible that the bur.gul originally made bowls and other stone objects and worked with common and softer raw-materials in contrast to the za-dím who worked with precious stones which were harder (Asher-Greve 1995, 51. Note 16). 8 Oppenheim concludes that based on the text CT 37, 24 iv 6— an.ta.gál=šaqû C, 256–257, in which the seal cutter and the stone cutter share the same Sumerogram (Oppenheim 1956, 263, note 16). 9 Since lú.alam.gu.ú=pur-kul-[lu] (based on the an.ta.gál=šaqû C:257, which appear in MSL XVII, 201). 10 He refers to the text PBS 10/2, no. 15:8. According to the text PBS 10/2, no. 15, Kol. I, 8–9, the seal-cutter is working “(in the destroyed temple) where the stonecutter used to carve (stone) containers (for me), the lapidary used to make jewelry (for me)”. Translation by CAD, Z, 10, zadimmu. The completion—in the dictionary. According to the Assyrian Dream-Book, if a man “does the work of a purkullu-seal-cutter, his son will die” (Oppenheim 1956, 263). Furthermore, apparently “in the NeoAssyrian period the embossing of the metal-plating on the palace and temple doors seems to have fallen within the competency of the artist” (Oppenheim 1956, 263, note 16). 11 PSD B2, 182 12 Edzard 1959–1960, 24, and see also: Porada 1977, 7 13 PBS 10/2, no. 15, Kol. I, 8–9. According to this text, it might be possible to interpretate BUR as “to engrave”? 14 Completion according to line A–60.

26

ENGRAVED ON STONE My (house) which the lapidary used in order to make jewelry! A+68 ká-bi-ta ki-u6-di- mu My (house) was from its entrance a sign for miracle!15

SOCIAL STATUS Seal cutters are mentioned among other craftsmen in various texts.16 Although it is possible to draw conclusions concerning their special status, it is difficult to determine more about their social ranking with regard to other craftsmen. In several legal texts,17 a seal cutter appears as a witness alongside the scribe (DUB.SAR) who wrote the tablet. They both appear at the end of the witnesses list. It can be assumed that in order to achieve the status of a sealcutter, the candidate had to work as an apprentice for a specific period: a text from the Achaemenid period refers to a seal-cutter, who had to learn the craft of making seals for four years. The text18 documents a contract for a slave, who was sent to a master craftsman for as an apprentice for a period of four years in order to learn the craft of seal engraving — the purkullu — from a man

Translated according to Cohen 1988, 708– 720. And compare also the translations of Edzard (Edzard 1959–1960, 24) and Langdon (PBS 10/2, lines 8–10). 16 A text from Alalakh in northern-western Syria (Al.T.197) mentions a list of cities and names of people. Beside a few of them their profession is mentioned. One of the mentioned people is a seal cutter — I túl-pí-ia lú pár-ku-lu-ḫu-li (Dietrich and Loretz 1970, 102). Another text (ATT/47/11) mentions a Hurrian seal cutter named Eḫluwa, who received 2/3 grains of silver. Therefore, Collon suggests that other people (Hurrians) living in the same locality might have employed him to cut their seals (Collon 1993a, 103). 17 For instance in three texts from Isin — BIN 7 168, line 26, BIN 174, line 27, BIN 187, line 31. 18 Strassmaier 1890, 189–190. 15

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called Quddaja, who was a slave of the Achaemenid future king, Cambyses.19

THE WORK PLACE Few Old Babylonian workshops for manufacturing seals and other kinds of jewelry have been positively identified. In light of the significance of the temple in the Old Babylonian period, and if the completion of the text PBS 10/2, no. 15 is correct,20 it can be assumed that the seal manufacturers also worked in temples, in addition to their workshops.21 Due to the consistency of the style and the iconography of the seals, Pittman assumes that at least in the large centers, the seal cutters worked in workshops. Furthermore, she thinks it is possible that “in some periods, seal cutters used to travel from job to job or from court to court. In several specific instances, stylistic analysis has allowed scholars to link seals from different locales to a single workshop, perhaps even to a single seal-carver”.22 There is almost no evidence at all for the existence of seal cutters’ workshops.23 The excavators of Ur have identified an Translation: Dandamaev 1984, 285. The craft of manufacturing the seals was called pur-qúl-ú-tu. 20 And see footnote 10 in this chapter. 21 And see the completion according to Cohen 1988, 708–720. 22 Pittman 1995, 1593. 23 Al-Gailani Werr notes a special style in manufacturing of seals in Sippar, or Akkad in general, in the regime of Sīn-Muballiṭ. Based on those stylistic differences she distinguishes what she calls “two workshops, if not more” (Al Gailani Werr 1988, 37). Both describe similar subjects, but these are still different artistic centers, since there are differences in cutting and treating the figures (Al Gailani Werr 1988, 35–46). Since no archaeological evidence was found for the existence of different workshops, I would define the finds in Sippar, whose interpretation is based on differences solely of style and iconography, as schools of thought rather then workshops. “Flint drills and workshops for the production of beads made from rocks and minerals have been discovered at sites such as Neolithic Cayönü in Turkey (ca. 7000 BC), and Bronze Age Shahr-i Sokhta and Tepe Hissar in Iran (ca. 2800–2200 BC)” 19

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outlying manufacturing quarter of Ur in the Old Babylonian period,24 in Diqdiqqah, a site to the east and north-east of the city of Ur, which lies at a distance of rather more than 1500 meters from the north corner of the Temenos. It was “given over to the minor crafts and manufacturers, and probably to the business of the merchants trading in goods from overseas”.25 A number of cylinder seals were found in Diqdiqqah, which were probably manufactured at the site. In different parts of Ur, and especially in Diqdiqqah, were found trial-pieces (stones which were used for practice):26 fragments of stone or pottery, on which the seal cutter sketched the design for the subject of a cylinder seal.27 In Moorey’s opinion, “they seem more likely to be the work of a trainee craftsman then of skilled seal-cutters”.28 One group of objects contained four trial-pieces on limestone,29 used for trialpractice, and also “a number of cylinders in shell, limestone and steatite, all unpierced and uncarved”.30 With this group were also (Gwinnett and Gorelick 1987, 15). I do not discuss them, since their dating extends beyond the scope of this study. 24 Woolley and Mallowan 1976, 81–87. 25 Woolley and Mallowan 1976, 86. And see plate 1 (Contour plan of the site of Ur) and plate 2 (General plan of Ur in the Larsa period). 26 See plate 3. The excavator interpreted those tablets as good evidence for trade (Wooley and Mallowan 1976, 86), but it seems that he was wrong. 27 Woolley and Mallowan 1976, 86. For instance U 6607. Asher-Greve notes that the quality of engraving on most trial-pieces does not exhibit extensive engraving expertise, and she affirms the range stretching from barely trained to skilled lapidary. Trial-pieces, seals that are uncarved, often unpierced, recut and coarsely engraved, and the seal of a lapidary’s son and the inscription it bears notes “dumu za-dím”, e.g. “the son of a jeweler” found at Diqdiqqah, represent according to Asher-Greve “the remnants of a tradition of lapidary workshops with trained seal-cutters and their apprentices which began in the Akkadian period” and continued on to the Old Babylonian period (Asher-Greve 1995, 54). 28 Moorey 1994, 104. 29 For instance, U. 16927 A and U. 16927 B. 30 Woolley and Mallowan 1976, 86, Moorey 1994, 104.

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29

found “a quantity of unfinished beads of rock crystal, unpolished and some unpierced, and the shell iris of an eye for a statue”, which might indicate that “the craftsman did not confine himself to a single line of business”.31 Leemans notes the text UET III 1498,32 which contains an inventory of the eight departments of a workshop, “apparently Woolley and Mallowan 1976, 86, Moorey 1994, 104. Asher-Greve notes that the total of fourteen trial-pieces was found in the area, out of which twelve are made of limestone or calcite, and two potsherds. She claims that “although some surfaces are smoothed and polished, they show scratches and indentures, and one piece has a drill-hole on the roughly hewn back. The pieces look like leftovers from or parts of broken objects. Thus, material for trial-pieces was only available in, or in proximity to, workshops where leftovers from larger stone objects would be available to seal-cutters. Many figures on the trial-pieces demonstrate that the seal cutter was not very accomplished, two are skillfully executed by a master… most, however, are of average quality, evidence for a workshop with masters and apprentices. The rarity of trial-pieces suggests that most seal-cutters trained on cylinders” (Asher-Greve 1995, 49). In my opinion, her conclusion is far-reaching and mistaken, for the whole goal of trial-pieces is to practice in order to achieve experience, so that the figures on the seals themselves will be of better quality. It is odd and perhaps even illogical to assume that a seal cutter would practice his art directly on a cylinder seal made of gem stones, and not on softer materials such as limestone, which can be obtained anywhere. Perhaps few of these trial pieces have been found because they were subsequently put to other uses, but in any case I find it very unlikely to assume that a seal cutter, who is known to have passed a long apprenticeship, would practice directly on cylinder seals made of gem stones. 32 I am grateful to Mr. Kozad Mohamed Ahmed for locating this text for me at the NINO, for photographing and sending it to me. And see, for instance, the translation for aškāpu — leatherworker — and his workshop, the é.ašgab — UET III 1498 r. iv 18 (translation after CAD A2, 442–443). For a gurgurru — craftsman working in wood and metal (gurgurru A, translation after CAD G, 137–138), for instance: “the main evidence for the activity of this craftsman comes from Ur III and OB texts. In Ur, the DUB.NAGAR worked mainly with metal, stone and ivory, producing small objects and figurines inlaid with ivory (see… the 31

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belonging to one of the great temples or temple storehouses”:33 the sculptor’s shop, the goldsmith’s shop, the lapidary’s shop, the carpenter’s shop, the smithy, the fuller and tanner’s shop, the tailor-cutter’s shop, and the caulker’s shop, under the treasurer Aḫu-waqar, and the supervisor Arad-Nannar (maškim?), for 12 months of the 11th year of Ibbi-Sīn. The text lists different kinds of objects of gold, precious stones (mainly na 4 GUG — carnelian, lapis lazuli and dušû stone (rock crystal), leather articles, foreign woods and more.34 As for clay seals, seal no. 6635 is made of baked clay. Published by Al-Gailani Werr, its importance lies in the location of its discovery, inside a tanoor (clay oven), evidence that clay seals were first engraved then baked.36

THE TOOL KIT We can learn about the tool kit of the seal cutters and about the various methods of manufacture from archaeological finds, such as wall reliefs representing craftsmen at work in ancient Egypt,37 “and from the traces of tool marks left on the seals themselves”.38 “Archaeologists working in Mesopotamia, Syria and Iran, have found what they identify as tools for manufacturing seals, or, as likely, stone beads for jewelry which were found together with seal

list of objects UET III 1498i 4 ff.)” CAD G, gurgurru A2, 138), and é.nagar — carpenter’s shop — UET III 1496 r. 2 17 (naggāru, 4’c CAD N1, p. 114). 33 Leemans 1960, 18. 34 Leemans 1960, 18; UET III, 1498. 35 See plate 3. 36 Al-Gailani Werr 1992, seal no. 96. 37 Pittman 1995, 1953, Teissier 1984, xxv. See plate 27 — Craftsmen at work: Fragment of painted plaster from the tomb of Sebekhotep from Thebes, Egypt — 18th Dynasty, around 1400 BCE. The two registers show different stages and products of the jeweler’s craft, including the use of drills, and plate 5 — bow drills from fragments of painted plasters from various Egyptian tombs. 38 Pittman 1995, 1953.

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blanks and chipped-stone debris”.39 At Shahri-i Sokhte, a site in eastern Iran, “a place through which large quantities of lapis lazuli must have passed, worn stone drills and masses of chips of worked stone were over large areas of the site”.40 In the seventh excavation season of the French expedition in Larsa in southern Mesopotamia, in the autumn of 1976, a sealed jar was found from the second half of the 18th century BCE, which contained the work-tools of a seal cutter.41 The equipment included beads, cylinder seals (one from hematite on which there is a threeline inscription, and one of marble on which there is a three line inscription), bullae, pieces of jewelry, weights, bronze tweezers and other bronze objects, gold and silver remnants, a whetstone and more.42 Collon notes the existence of a workshop “for making sintered quartz seals and other objects which was excavated at Ugarit”.43 In this workshop were found silver ingots, a clay seal, a bronze lamp, pearls, bronze bracelets, hematite weights, incomplete bronze pins, a collar of a silver vase and a bronze scraper and scissors.44 A metal toolpiece (explained as the borer belonging to a bowdrill for lapidary) was unearthed at Tell Asmar in the Diyala region, in a private house dated to the Dynasty of Sargon of Akkad (about 2350 BCE).45 In the site were also uncovered buried treasure packed in small clay pots. One such treasure cache included the work tools of a seal cutter, or “a jeweller or traveller craftsman”,46 and a selection of completed and unfinished cylinder seals, beads and strips of copper and silver. It also included some engravers and small-edged chisels.47

Pittman 1995, 1953. Pittman 1995, 1953. 41 Plate 3. 42 Arnaud, Calvet and Huot 1979. 43 Collon 1993a, 103. 44 Schaeffer-Forrer 1983, 165, note 2. 45 Frankfort 1939, 5. 46 Frankfort 1939, 5. 47 Frankfort 1939, 5. 39 40

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One of the tools found was “best explained as the borer belonging to a bow-drill”.48 It had a spatula-shaped cutting edge (with a narrow basis and a wide and round edge). Its stem section was square, “so that it could be firmly stuck in the wooden shaft to which the bow-string imparted the revolving motion”.49 “The tang of this copper tool was presumably set into a wooden shaft, so that the bit could be rotated with a bow”.50 Collon states that some seals were drilled before they were carved.51 However, other seals “were intended to be drilled after the design was cut, since they are either undrilled, or the drilling as been started but never completed because the seal had chipped during drilling”.52

THE DRILL Herodotus,53 among others, mentions that “The Ethiopians54 had skins of leopards and lions tied upon them, and bows made of a slip of palm-wood, which were of great length, not less than six feet, and for them small arrows of reed with a sharpened stone at the head instead of iron, the same stone with which they engrave seals”.55 It seems that in the earlier periods, in which the use in Frankfort 1939, 5. Frankfort 1939, 5. 50 Gwinnett and Gorelick 1987, 15. 51 She mentions several drilled but uncarved seals (blanks) in the British Museum. 52 Collon 1993a, 103. 53 Herodotus, Book VII, 69. 54 Herodotus, Book II, 29, mentions that “Meroe is said to be the mother-city of all the other Ethiopians” (Stade 2004, 88). 55 Stade 2004, 369. It is interesting to note in this context two terms which appear in the Greek original: the term γλύφουσсγ comes from γλύφω which means “carve, engrave, cut out with a knife, note down”, and the term σφρηταѕ which comes from σφραγίѕ which means “seal, signet, sealing, the impression of a sealing”, and also: “gem or stone for a ring”, e.g., in Herodotus 7.69, and “generally, gem”. I believe that as the same word was used for both “seal”, “gem”, and for “signet” or “stone for a ring” in Herodotus, this may strengthen the assumption that the same 48 49

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relatively soft stones, such as calcite, limestone and steatite, was common, the seal cutter either used stone drills,56 or engraved them “with tools made either of chipped stone or of copper”.57 The stones which were used in order to create cylinder seals in the Old Babylonian period were mainly hard stones such as hematite and quartz; Teissier argues that “brightly colored stones such as agate or jasper were used for the later Old Babylonian seals with long inscriptions”.58 The drill59 is one of the main tools of lapidary. It was used for piercing and decorating surfaces of objects. The most ancient drills which were unearthed in archaeological excavations are made of flint. Gwinnett and Gorelick estimate that “early cylinder seals in Mesopotamia were made with chipped stone drills”.60 At some point, “perhaps coinciding with a preference for seals made of very hard rock such as hematite after 2000 BC”, stone drills were replaced or used together with copper or bronze drills, “which were introduced later on”.61 Not much is known about the evolution of such copper or bronze drills. After that the use of craftsman dealt with lapidary, with stone engraving and also with the manufacture of seals. It is also possible that in this period there was no essential difference between the different craftsmen who engaged engraving stone for different targets. I am grateful to Prof. Zipora Talshir for her help with the Greek terms. 56 Gwinnett and Gorelick 1987, 24. 57 The most common raw material which was used for seals was stone. Pittman claims that other materials were also used, including metals — especially copper or bronze, silver and gold, but she does not provide examples. She claims that seals were cut from bone or ivory, especially in the Levant, where a number of seals from the middle of the 3rd millennium BCE were found — and again, without bibliographic references or comments. Another material which was used was clay, either baked or unbaked (Pittman 1995, 1593–1594). 58 Teissier 1984, 22. 59 See the reconstruction of a bow drill in plate 26, and also plate 6: adult male using a bow drill. 60 Gwinnett and Gorelick 1987, 16. 61 Gwinnett and Gorelick 1987, 16.

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stone drills on cylinder seals made of hematite ceased. It seems that bronze was added to the tool kit of the seal cutters at the end of the 3rd millennium BCE.62 “Analysis of the tool marks remaining on seals suggests that the horizontal lathe and the cutting disk were also important tools for seal carving”.63 “The bow drill, clearly represented in tomb reliefs of Old Kingdom Egypt, was the most common tool used for cutting seals”64. “A rotating cutting disk could only have been used on a horizontal spindle. This tool increased the speed and visibility of engraving”.65 On the surface of seal no. 52066 many borings are visible, suggesting drill-bits fed with abrasives. “It is possible that the horizontal spindle driven by a bow (“bow-lathe”) Pittman 1995, 1593. There are a number of differences between lithic drills and bronze drills. Examination of beads made of semiprecious stones like turquoise, carnelian and lapis lazuli in Shahr-I Sokhta “reveals much more accurate work than the alabaster beads show, suggesting too the use of a drilling technique that required very different instruments from the stone drill-heads” (Piperno 1973, 126). Drills made of bronze were modified and more efficient than the stone drills: “in the first place, the holes bored in the beads that were made from more precious and imported materials are always of a diameter less than 1 mm., and this is smaller than the minimum achieved by the stone-drills found so far at Shahr-I Sokhta. In the second place, the shape of these holes is sometimes biconical and differs from the invariably cylindrical shape made by the stone drills. Frequently, in spite of the small size of these beads, a double hole has been bored (starting at opposite ends) to avoid the probable fracturing if the piece were bored into deeply from only one end. The double piercing has the advantage of limiting the width to the smallest possible hole, and this advantage becomes more evident when the element to be bored is very tiny, especially when a conical instead of a cylindrical point could be used to achieve a biconical bore, diminishing the amount of material to be removed” (Piperno 1973, 127). 63 Pittman 1995, 1953. 64 Pittman 1995, 1593. See plate 27: bow drills out of fragments of painted plasters from an Egyptian tomb. 65 Moorey 1994, 105. 66 See plate 12. 62

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was used to drill the bores”.67 In the case of seal 520, it may have been removed from use, and subsequently used by seal cutters to practice drilling and boring. Copper drills are seldom found in excavations for the following reasons: first, “when a stone drill suffers a major break, it is beyond repair — useless and cheaply replaced. But when a copper tool breaks, it still has value as scrap metal that can eventually be re-melted and formed into another implement or ornament. Second, thin metal rods are subject to corrosion and are therefore much more perishable than chipped flint drills”.68 Finally, in contrast to stone drills, it is very hard to identify copper rods as drills and recognize them as such in the archaeological record: “even if copper drills were deposited as part of a site and recovered by the archaeologist, they might not be recognized, since the wear marks that are critical in identifying copper rods as drills would have disappeared under a layer of corrosion”.69

ABRASIVE MATERIALS Abrasive materials such as emery70 or crushed quartz (sand) were used with copper or bronze tools, in order to polish and smooth the stones. To drill harder stones such as hematite, the abrasive material was used with emery and a lubricant such as water or some type of oil,71 and “Chipped stone drills used on soft stones such as marble did not require an abrasive”.72

WRITING THE INSCRIPTIONS In the Old Babylonian period cylinder seals were made by the seal cutters, who were skilled craftsmen. However, in a land in which Moorey 1994, 105. Gwinnett and Gorelick 1987, 15. 69 Gwinnett and Gorelick 1987, 15. 70 Emery is a very hard rock type. Since it is a mix of minerals, no defined Mohs hardness can be assigned to it. It is used to make abrasive powder. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emery_(mineral)). 71 Gwinnett and Gorelick 1987, 16, 22. 72 Gwinnett and Gorelick 1987, 16. 67 68

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the stones were rare, and therefore expensive, the arts of lapidary engraving and stone inscribing had to be learned. They used pieces

of stone which could not have been used otherwise, slabs from clay or any other cheap stone. In a land where mineral

resources were negligible, “no one would normally entrust a valuable block of stone to a neophyte”.73 Cooper assumes that in order to practice, the apprentices used “otherwise unusable scraps from workshops, or pieces of previously broken artifacts”.74 Clay or relatively cheap stone tablets provided additional means for practicing the writing of inscriptions that would eventually be transferred to the cylinder seal, thus minimizing the opportunities for errors. A tablet, 75 bearing a draft of an inscription which was destined to be written on an Old Babylonian cylinder seal, has been identified, and “must have been a trial piece for the arrangement of signs in the inscription of a cylinder seal, an interpretation confirmed by the elaborate form of the signs”.76 The tablet is written only on one side, and bears the inscription: ì-lí-ù-dUTU DUMU lu-ub-lu-uṭ-DINGIR ÌR dLUGAL.BÀN.DA Four clay tablets also used for practicing the writing of inscriptions before copying them to the cylinder seals were found in the Yale Babylonian Collection.77 These are: YBC 17016 a-ru-a-tum DUMU-MÍ bu-za-zum YBC 17017 dŠEŠ.KI ME DU Cooper, 1980, 101. Cooper, 1980, 101. 75 NBC 6257. See plate 7, example A. 76 Beckman 1988. 77 The texts were copied by Dr. Oded Tammuz. See also Feingold 2002, p. 45, and tables no. 9 and 10. 73 74

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DUMU ì-lí i -din(?)- šu YBC 17618 [ib?]-ni DINGIR DUMU za-ka-ia ÌR dAN.MAR.TU YBC 17019 ma-a-ti-ia DUMU-MÍ il-an-še-me-a Another stone tablet78 probably used for the same purpose, mentions individuals’ names. The cuneiform signs are written on both of its sides in reverse, so that the impression could be written, as in the case of the cylinder seal:79 Obv. 1. u-bar-d na-bi-um 2. DUMU a-pil-ì-lí-šu 3. ÌR dEN.KI 4. ì-l[í]-i-wi-ir?-x 5. ┌dDUMU┐ per-ḫu-um 6. ┌ ÌR ┐ dNIN.ŠUBUR 7. e-tel-ka- dUTU 8. DUMU dUTU-na-ṣi-ir 9. d[E]N-K[I?] 10. ┌d┐AMAR.UTU- ┌na-ṣi┐-[ir] 11. DUMU dAMAR.UTU-x-x-x Rev. 12. ┌d┐AMAR.UTU- na-ṣi-┌ir┐ 13. [DUMU x]- ┌d┐na-bi-[um] 14. [ÌR ] dUTU [x x] 15. [x x] x d x Collon does not indicate the material from which the tablet BM 91923 (51.1.1, 170) is made. The tablet was identified as a trial-piece for seal impressions by Sollberger (Collon 1986, no. 656, p. 220). See plate 7, example b. 79 Collon 1986, no. 656, p. 220. 78

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The rest of the tablet is broken.

UNFINISHED CYLINDER SEALS Some of the cylinder seals I examined were unfinished: in one of the seals a few of the dressing details of some figures were missing; details which usually appear on figures in other cylinder seals.80 Such unfinished seals can provide important information about how seals were made. For instance, an inscription on an unfinished cylinder seal made of hematite81 contains three lines. The first line is empty, at the beginning of the second line the sign DUMU (son of …) is inscribed, and at the beginning of the third line is the sign ÌR (slave of …). The iconographic part is already made. It seems that the seal cutter meant to complete the absent part only after selling the cylinder seal with the details of the acquirer.82 Another unfinished cylinder seal is a hematite seal,83 which contains only a four line inscription inside a frame. The iconographic part is missing. It seems that the seal cutter did not succeed in adding it: a relatively large part remains entirely empty. Seal no. 520 is another type of unfinished seal. In this seal there is no bore: the hole which is usually pierced in the middle of the cylinder seal is missing.84 Some unfinished figures can be seen on a number of cylinder seals. Seal no. 367 is an unfinished recut:85 the seal was reprocessed, but the figure on the side of the inscription was only partially erased. A figure on a different seal, which is not a recut,86 is a figure whose face was not engraved because part of the seal was broken.87

80 Seal

no. 783. See plate 10. no. 84. See plate 10. 82 This example may show that there is no necessary connection between the iconographic part and the inscription on the tablet. 83 Seal no. 823. See plate 10. 84 Buchanan 1981, seal no. 1077. 85 See plate 10. 86 Seal 175. See plate 10. 87 Collon 1986, seal no. 173. 81 Seal

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UNFINISHED RECUTS Some of the cylinder seals which are recuts were either not finished, or their recut was not complete. Thus, for instance, the original inscription on one of the seals88 included three lines in advance, and only the first line survived, except for the final sign.89 The frame which delimited the inscription was not erased. It is possible that the seal cutter did not succeed in erasing the entire inscription. Another seal is a recut.90 The original inscription included three lines: the name of the owner of the seal, his/her father and the god he/she worshipped. The last two lines were rubbed, and remnants of signs remained at the beginning of the second line and at the third line. The frame which delimits the inscription survived and was not erased, and so was the first line of the inscription, of which the last sign of which is unclear. Perhaps the seal cutter started to erase the first line from its end, but did not finish the work. Here, again, it is possible that the seal cutter did not have enough time to erase the first line, or did not succeed in erasing it. Another seal which is a recut and is unfinished is seal no. 388.91 It seems that the original inscription included only two lines, while the third line was written more densely, and its engraving looks deeper. Collon claims that the figure which is seen on the left side of the inscription is not finished, and it was added as an unfinished sketch.92 If Collon is correct, then it may be possible to conclude that first of all the inscription was carved, and only afterwards figures observing it were added. However, I think it is more likely that this figure was already present, and was not added later on: in light of all the other examples of similar cylinder seals which are recuts, I view this as being a situation in which a Seal 429. See plate 11. EN.[GAL]. 90 Seal no. 110. See plate 11. 91 See plate 11. 92 “On the other side of the inscription has been added a sketchy, unfinished kilted figure in ascending posture with one hand raised” (Collon 1986, seal no. 607). 88

89 dIŠKUR

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seal cutter had intended to totally erase a pre-existing figure, but did so in stages, and that this seal is captured at a stage in the rubbing process before he totally removed the whole figure.

THE DESIGN STYLE The rules to which the seal cutter worked are fairly clear: generally, there is a homogenous style according to which the seals were made, and the scenes which appear on the seals in the Old Babylonian period are also quite homogeneous. Nevertheless, sometimes unique styles are also found. A seal which might be a marker to a different style of scene is seal no. 91.93 The seal is unfinished, showing the beginning of a figure which the seal cutter had started to engrave but did not finish. Collon assumes that this cylinder seal is “perhaps a fake”,94 but it seems equally possible that the seal is a type of a style, similar to other seals from the Old Babylonian period, on which scenes composed of animals are carved. Lambert notes the existence of a group of seals from the Old Babylonian period, in which the seal cutters departed from the accepted style, and created a new scene: “There exists a fair-sized group of small Old Babylonian seals, often crudely cut, where the ‘artists’ broke free from the normal rigid conventions of the times, and occasionally, as in this specimen,95 achieved work of refreshing originality”.96

See plate 12. Collon 1986, seal no. 973. 95 Seal no. 800 in the sample. See plate 12. 96 Lambert 1979, seal no. 38. 93 94

CHAPTER 4. RECUTS Recuts were produced either after a change of ownership or as a result of abrasion. The great value of cylinder seals in Mesopotamia was due to their manufacture from imported stones, and this was probably also the reason that seals were frequently reprocessed rather than replaced. Of the 1000 seals I have examined, 246 (24.6% of the sample), were recuts, and 159 of them include inscriptions. Seals were not always reprocessed. A person who bought a seal did not always change its design or the inscription carved upon it, if there was one. Collon states that there is evidence for kings using the seal of one of their predecessors, without altering it in any way, as far as can be determined.1

IDENTIFICATION Recuts exhibit many different forms. Occasionally the change of the seal may be identified by the traces of the former design, which was not properly removed. Incompatible engraving styles which appear together on the same seal, and exceptional (anomalous) scenes which do not fit the rules of seal design, also serve for identifying a recut.2 Thus, a recut can usually be identified only if the drilling was defective, or if it was done in an unskilled way, i.e. “re-carving is usually identifiable only if it was performed incompletely or incompetently”.3 Identifying a cylinder seal as a seal which was recut is not straightforward; sometimes the renewed adaptation does not leave signs sufficient for identification. Furthermore, it is possible that Collon 1993a, 120. On cases of private people who used cylinder seals of others, see the discussion in chapter 7. 2 Mayr 2001, 49. 3 Mayr 2001, 49. 1

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the signs of the renewed adaptation do in fact appear on the cylinder seal, but were not evident in the photographs available to me. There are a number of cases in which it is impossible to determine whether a seal in question is one whose progress of manufacture was not finished, whose surface was worn out or whether it was recut.4 One of those examples is a seal made of hematite:5 the figures on the surface of the seal are very large See plate 13: thus, for instance, seals no. 97, 185. Seals such as nos. 935, 973, 975 look worn out, and that is why I did not treat them as recuts. Other examples: seal no. 33, even though it is worn out, it is possible to distinguish two figures in it, which were engraved in a style different to the rest of the figures, and therefore they may have been engraved separately. Such are also seals no. 229 and 230. As a comparison with those, the surface of seal no. 96 looks worn out, but the details of the scene can still be identified. It does not seem that the seal was recut or that a specific part was erased. 5 Seal no. 624 (plate 13). Although it is possible that the seal in question was unsuccessfully planned of the surface of the seal, and may therefore be the work of an unskilled seal cutter, or that the inscription was inserted only after the figures were already carved, several factors have convinced me that the seal in question is a recut: first, the planning and the precise construction of the figures and their details suggest to me that the seal cutter was skilled and knew the craft thoroughly. Second, two different shapes of sun appear on the seal: on the right a “standard” sun, and on the left a sun which is illustrated in an irregular form. Furthermore, the scene is saturated with fillings, which also include some which I think have no place there. For example, a little figure is engraved between two big figures, and there are small figures above the inscription, which I find unnecessary and interpret as having been engraved after the original figures. In my opinion, the seal cutter who created this recut took care not to erase any of the existing detail, but only added different details to the original scene. The proof is the exact location of the inscription: the frame begins under the hand of the right person who holds what might be some kind of a stick, and ends above the leg of the god who stands, in order not to injure its leg. All of this forced the miniaturization of the inscription. The rest of the figures, which I believe were inserted later, are also small. The inscription itself divides the name of the seal owner, since the name was too long to fit in the small place which was allocated to it. 4

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relative to the inscription, which was inserted—apparently incidentally—in a place where I would expect to see a filling, or an empty space. The inscription is not proportional to the rest of the cylinder seal—it is too small—and so is its frame. Its location relative to the other figures in the cylinder seal is also unusual and rare.

CHARACTERISTICS A number of characteristics of a recut cylinder seal can be identified: sometimes the inscription was erased and in its place a figure was engraved6 (sometimes upside down),7 or instead of the inscription two figures were engraved, one standing on the other’s head.8 The inscription might have been totally erased and in its place an empty area left,9 the iconographic part totally rubbed,10 or the inscription written in the middle of what was an iconographic part, while a large part of the seal remained empty. 11 The signs of wearing out of the cylinder seal might be identified, and they testify that the inscription or the original scene which were on it were changed. Frequently a recut on a seal might be identified by the traces of a design which remained on it.12 A different form of recut was much more drastic. The entire surface of the seal was abraded, in order to grant it an entirely new design. Some of those seals survived recuts. In order for the design to be erased, “the seal had to be mounted onto a horizontal spindle, and this has generally resulted in an enlarged central perforation, which often has smooth, slightly flaring extremities. If For instance seal no. 776 (see plate 14). See seals no. 44, 446, 868 (plate 15). Additional examples: seals no. 130, 998. 8 Seal no. 369 (plate 14). 9 Seal no. 680 (plate 14) is interesting. The traces of the erased inscription may be seen, but it can be assumed that part of the iconographic part was also erased. 10 Seal no. 382 (see plate 14). 11 Many similar seals exist in the sample, for instance seal no. 407 (see plate 13). 12 Seal no. 806 (see plate 14). 6 7

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the seal spun irregularly on its spindle, the perforation generally ceased to be in the centre. The type of stone and the shape and size of the seal may also be at variance with what we would normally expect for the date of its (secondary) design”.13 Biggs mentions the documented instances of seals which were recut when they passed from father to son, but in other cases it appears that seals were found hundreds of years after the lifetime of their original owners, and perhaps they were only then updated with a new inscription or a different scene.14 He gives an example of a hematite seal,15 on which the scene was changed. He notes that the seal “presents the apparent incongruity of a classic Old Babylonian motif as the principal element of the design, but bearing an inscription consisting of a prayer in Sumerian that is most typical of the Kassite period”.16 Assuming that an original inscription existed, no traces were left of it, “but it is clear from examining the seal that that its inscription is a later addition. The perforation is now closer to the inscribed area than to the rest of the design, as would be expected”.17

ALTERATION OF INSCRIPTIONS Collon assumes that generally, “a new seal owner would make some change to a seal he had inherited or acquired by other means”.18 If a seal would not wear out naturally, or would not break, the inscription was “the part of a design which was most likely to be altered”.19 I assume that the inscription which is most likely to be altered is an inscription which includes the name of the person and his father, since other inscriptions—for instance those Collon 1993a, 120–122. Biggs 1989, 55. 15 Its size is 2.7 x 1.1 cm. The seal was not admitted to the sample, since the inscription on it was changed in the Kassite period, so the recut is relatively late. See plate 14. 16 Biggs 1989, 55. The new inscription is: dUTU EN dim (!)-GAL / 4 kin geštuII(!?) giš-kin-kin / ì-lí-ip-pa-al-sà-am ÌR.ZU / IGI.ZU ḫé-ša6 17 Biggs 1989, 55. 18 Collon 1993a, 120. 19 Collon 1993a, 120. 13 14

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that are composed of names of deities — are not personal, and therefore do not restrict who is likely to use the seal. A seal that includes such inscriptions, or which does not contain any inscription at all, can be used by any person, and not necessarily someone whose name and father’s name appear on it. The inscription on the seal “could be totally erased, though no new inscription was necessarily cut”.20 The inscription could also be partially erased: an inscription might be erased in part, or the traces of the former inscription were not properly removed, so that some of the original signs could still be identified.21 If an inscription has been erased, the seal was usually flattened a bit on one side. Areas which are adjacent to the design might also have been erased, and in some cases were given a renewed design. Traces of the original inscription and of some of the cuneiform signs which were carved deeper then the rest can be noticed. “Often, particularly in the case of the finer seals, the inscription was recut”.22 Collon provides a few examples.23 “Occasionally an inscription was added to a seal where none had previously been intended and this sometimes entailed re-cutting”.24 Collon 1993a, 120. Thus, for instance, seals no. 432, 812, 910 (see plate 15) and more. 21 Thus, for instance, seals no. 99, 212, 315 (see plate 15) and more. 22 Collon 1993a, 120. 23 Even though Collon does not provide examples, I examined a few seals in my sample which feature a recut of the inscription. Thus, for instance, seal no. 110 (plate 11): two lines out of the three were erased, and part of the traces of the erased parts can be identified. See a more detailed discussion about this seal in chapter 3. A similar seal is seal no. 239 (plate 15): the original inscription was erased, and so was part of one of the figures, and instead, another inscription—a shorter one—was engraved. 24 Collon 1993a, 120. Collon does not provide examples. I prefer to treat such seals as a specific type of style, which does not use the frames which limit the inscription. It is possible that the seal cutter inserted the inscription in between the figures at the same time that he created the iconographic part, and that this was done either because he had no place left to delimit the inscription, or as a specific type of style. In my opinion 20

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As such, these seals might be expected to have the inscription carved in the middle of a scene, and only one or two figures from the iconographic part visible near the inscription, on its right side, on its left side or on both sides. Usually this figure will look at the inscription from one of its sides25 or from both directions of the inscription,26 but the figure might be facing forwards.27 Occasionally a combination of the two figures appears on both sides of the inscription.28 Sometimes in the place where originally there was supposed to be an inscription, a scene was added instead, which is not connected to the iconographic part, apparently in order to avoid an empty space.29 Sometimes an upside down figure will be added in the middle of the seal without any connection to the inscription, a figure which is not connected to the rest of the iconographic part and looks like a later addition.30 In the design of the inscription of the cylinder seal, the inscription may be written inside a frame near the scene, and is sometimes written without a frame31 near the scene, and sometimes written inside the scene in between the figures.32 it is not necessarily a new style in question, and so it is possible to conclude the discussion about the hidden intentions of the seal cutter. 25 For instance seals no. 499, 824 (see plate 16), seal no. 836 (plate 17), and many other seals from the sample. 26 For example, seals no. 314, 822, 826 (see plate 16), seals no. 835, 838, 844 (plate 17), and many others. One of those seals — no. 838 — includes a figure observing the inscription from its one side, and an animal under it, and on the other side of the inscription an upside-down figure and what seems to be a sword. 27 For instance seal no. 396 (plate 18). 28 For instance seals no. 13, 394, 395 (plate 18). 29 For instance seal no. 278 (plate 18). The scene which was added later on — a figure on an animal — is smaller than the rest of the figures, and seems unconnected to the other figures on the seal. 30 For instance seals no. 482, 992 (see plate 18). 31 For instance seal no. 29 (see plate 18), seals no. 584, 707, 816 (see plate 19) and other examples. 32 For instance seal no. 156 (see plate 18), seals no. 269, 277, 485 (plate 19) and more.

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47

Sometimes the inscription appears inside a frame as part of the scene.33 However, all of these layouts can potentially form part of a seal’s intended design, and do not necessarily indicate a recut of the seal. It is possible that the seal cutter did not always plan well the surface of the seal and the place assigned for the inscription: he might have first engraved the figures, then added the inscription in the place which was left, and in these cases the seal in question is not a recut. Thus, for instance, half of an inscription on a seal made of hematite34 appears in a frame to the side of the scene, and the second half appears inside the scene itself. Another similar seal is seal no. 147.35 Collon states that “the first two lines of the inscription were subsequently erased (the seal is flattened on this side), and instead were cut a new second line (over the original first line, traces of which survive), and a god wearing a square-topped head-dress and an open, striped skirt, standing on a dais and an animal offering. A new first line was inserted between the two original figures; these new lines are unframed, unlike the original third line which was not recut. In what was probably originally a blank space to the right of the composition, was cut a god in a flounced robe, holding a wedge and ring and sitting on an ornamental throne, with foot-rest, on a dais, beneath a fly depicted as crossed wedges”.36 Occasionally the inscription was written between the figures in the scene, even though there is enough space next to the scene in order to write the inscription inside an ordinal frame. Thus, an empty space is left next to the scene. Despite the possibility that the inscription is secondary since it is not connected directly to the scene, I do not think recuts are a possibility in such examples, since the writing — the signs — and the scene were carved in the same hand, in the same style, in the same depth of carving, and apparently also at the same time. Thus, for instance, a seal of

Seals no. 118, 129 (see plate 18). Seal 732 (plate 18). 35 See plate 18. 36 Collon 1986, seal no. 105. 33 34

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ENGRAVED ON STONE

hematite,37 which also bears the inscription dUTU between the figures inside the scene.38

STAGES OF PREPARATION When the seal cutter intended to change a part of the seal design, he would prepare the area by rubbing the part he meant to erase. Occasionally the seal was left without a later addition, and sometimes the empty part was filled with another inscription or with a figure. The part on a seal which was rubbed in preparation for a recut can sometimes remain empty of contents, without a scene or an inscription to complete it. If there had been a later addition, it could have been noticed in light of the former part traces which were not entirely rubbed beneath the addition, or because of the assumption that the later addition does not fit, due to iconography or otherwise, to the original scene. Usually a recut of the seal can be identified due to traces of the former design which have not been completely rubbed, and based on signs which remained on the seal and expose the rub. Such is, for instance, seal no. 200: the inscription was partially rubbed — its traces might still be read — and it is possible to see the attempt of the seal cutter to carve above the inscription, maybe instead of it, a figure, which was also only partially carved.39 In other cases, as part of the recut process the seal cutter erased only parts of figures and not whole figures — it is not clear if the act was a mistake, or whether he meant to erase the entire figure, and for whatever reason paused his work before completion.40 In rare cases, due to a strict recut, a perfect seal was created. Such an example is a seal of hematite.41 In the inscription frame there are five lines: 1. an erased line on which there is a renewed engraving of a figure. 2. DUMU pa-al-? 3. ÌR dEN.LÍL 4. an erased Seal no. 280 (plate 20). Additional similar examples: seals no. 833, 839 (plate 20). 39 See plate 21. 40 Seal 320 (plate 21): the head of the left figure is missing. So are its legs and the legs of the right figure. The traces of an inscription may also be seen. 41 Seal no. 222 (plate 21). 37 38

RECUTS

49

line on which decorations were re-carved, 5. dIŠKUR DUMU AN.NA. It is possible that two different inscriptions are in question: perhaps the first inscription was not erased, the first line — the name of the seal owner — was erased, and instead of it a figure was carved. The next two lines remain, the fourth line was replaced with ornaments, and the last line seems to be a totally different inscription. Maybe the inscription in question is partially erased, and the trace which was left became incorporated as a design element. Occasionally it is possible to identify different stages of a seal’s recut, if indeed there were any. On one of the seals (seal no. 268)42 different stages of recut may be visible: “first, an attempt was made to erase the sun god (the seal is flattened on this side), and the focus of the scene was shifted to a seated figure in a flounced robe who raises one hand, and who was cut over the place previously occupied by the priest or suppliant goddess, no trace of which survives. Probably at a later stage the traces of the Sun god figure were turned into a smiting god with a left raised arm, and a small fox was added, set at right angles to the scene”.43

PARTIAL RECUTS Occasionally only a small part of the seal was recut. Such is, for instance, seal no. 134, where only the sun on it was recut, maybe as an attempt to recut the moon which was there earlier.44 Another seal only part of which was recut is seal no. 740. It seems that the seal cutter erased a part of the scene on it, perhaps the inscription, and instead he carved a series of asymmetrical lines, which are not connected to the scene next to them. It is not clear whether there is an intention here to recut the seal, or to practice engraving.45 See plate 21. I depend on Collon’s descriptions in light of the fact that she had checked the seal itself and its stamping. 44 Collon 1986, seal no. 375. See plate 22. Collon argues that “there has been a clumsy attempt at recutting the moon” (Collon 1986, seal no. 69). 45 See plate 22. Porada and Buchanan do not interpret this scene, but simply claim that this seal is “partly recut”, and that next to the figure 42 43

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ENGRAVED ON STONE

Sometimes the recut appears inept, as a mistake of the seal cutter who rubbed more then he should have and erased a part which he should not have erased, or did not finish cutting the seal: such is seal no. 101,46 in which a part of a particular figure was erased, probably by mistake.47

there is a “reminder of the design recut” (Porada and Buchanan 1948, seal no. 740). 46 See plate 22. 47 The worshiper on the scene wears a cap, and this was partially erased. Collon estimates that the figure was probably erased when the original inscription was erased, so that two fighting bull-men could be cut instead. (Collon 1986, seal no. 4). It is not clear whether the inscription was erased especially to make room for the the bull-men it or whether they were inserted only after the inscription was erased, and without connection to its erasure.

CHAPTER 5. TYPOLOGY OF INSCRIPTIONS Of a total of 1000 seals examined in the database, 482 (48.2% of the sample), include inscriptions. The inscriptions on cylinder seals are brief, but they contain significant information about the deities; god or gods which were worshipped in the period under discussion and about seals which were dedicated to temples, as well as about the owner of the seal,1 and the professions occupied. From the way in which the inscription was carved on the seal it is also possible to draw conclusions about the person who had copied it. For instance, on a number of inscriptions signs are engraved backwards or upside down, suggesting that the seal cutter had only copied the signs, and perhaps did not know how to read what he had copied.2 The cylinder seals may be typologically divided by the types of inscriptions they bear. It is sometimes possible to relate one cylinder seal to two groups: thus, for instance, a burgul seal which mentions just the names of Enki and Damgalnunna.3

0. NO INSCRIPTION 518 out of a total of 1000 cylinder seals in the database do not contain any inscription at all, but include only iconography.

1. DEITIES 199 seals are of deities. 1.1 NAME OF ONE GOD: 38 seals include a name of one god. 1.1.1 dSīn: appears on 6 seals.4 Assuming that the seal was not inherited, given as a gift, stolen, etc., as in such cases the individual using the seal is not the person whose name is inscribed on it. See the discussion in chapter 7. 2 See the discussion in chapter 8. 3 See chapter 7. 4 Seals no. 133, 143, 144, 560, 561, 778. 1

51

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ENGRAVED ON STONE 1.1.2 dNinšubur: appears on 2 seals.5 1.1.3 dNinsianna: appears on 1 seal.6 1.1.4 dNergal: appears on 2 seals.7 1.1.5 dAmurru: appears on 2 seals.8 1.1.6 dAdad: appears on 2 seals.9 1.1.7 dŠamaš: appears on 22 seals.10 1.1.8 dAya: appears on 1 seal.11

1.2 DEITY +

SPOUSE: 87 seals include names of gods and

their spouses. 1.2.1 dAya + dŠamaš: 3 seals bear first the name of dAya , and afterwards the name of dŠamaš.12 1.2.2 dŠamaš + dAya: 56 seals bear first the name of dŠamaš, d and afterwards the name of Aya.13 1.2.3 dPabilsag and dGula appear on 1 seal.14

Seals no. 99, 136. Seal no. 567. 7 Seals no. 282, 777. 8 Seals no. 19, 827. 9 Seals no. 340, 562. 10 Seals no. 20, 29, 30, 47, 118, 129, 153, 156, 161, 280, 486, 548, 566, 570, 573, 584, 660, 769, 816, 900, 904, 932. 11 Seal no. 574. 12 Seals no. 112, 281, 634. 13 Seals no. 16, 17, 25, 34, 38, 98, 100, 106, 108, 111, 114, 134, 238, 259, 262, 264, 286, 287, 326, 342, 347, 350, 493, 524, 526, 554, 555, 559, 568, 569, 571, 572, 575, 595, 630, 636, 640, 651, 682, 707, 712, 750, 764, 767, 782, 790, 814, 817, 818, 819, 820, 912, 918, 931, 946, 971. 14 Seal no. 585. According to the Babylonian mythology, dPabilsag was the spouse of dNinisina, who was the patron goddess of Isin (Black and Green 1998, 147). Black and Green claim that from the Old Babylonian period he was sometimes identified with Ninurta/Ningirsu (Black and Green 1998, 147). dGula, a healing goddess who ‘understands disease’ and a patroness of doctors, was also known as dNinisina, ‘Lady of Isin’ (Black and Green 1998, 101). Her principal shrine was the É-gal-maḫ at Isin, and she was regarded as the wife of Ninurta or Pabilsag (Black and Green 1998, 101). 5 6

TYPOLOGY OF INSCRIPTIONS

53

1.2.4 dAdad and dŠala: dAdad, the storm god, and his spouse dŠala, appear together on 9 seals.15 1.2.5 dEnki and dDamgalnunna appear on 2 seals.16 1.2.6 dEnlil and dNinlil appear on 5 seals.17 1.2.7 dNinsun + dLugal-banda appear on 1 seal.18 1.2.8 dNergal + dMamītu: 3 seals mention dNergal with dMamītu (dma-mi-tum).19 1.2.9 dSīn + dNingal: 4 seals mention dSīn + dNingal.20 1.2.10 dDagan + dŠalaš: 1 seal mentions dDagan and dŠalaš 21 1.2.11 dIšum + dNinmug: dIšum and dNinmug are noted on 2 seals.22

1.3. TWO DEITIES WITH NO FAMILY RELATIONSHIP: 12 seals include names of two deities without any family relationship. 1.3.1 dNinsianna + dKabta appear on 5 inscriptions.23 1.3.2 dMug + dNinmaš are mentioned on 1 seal.24 1.3.3 dAmurru + dGeštinanna appear on 1 seal.25 Seals no. 131, 242, 312 , 329, 349, 433, 639, 731, 840. Seals no. 97, 398. 17 Seals no. 318, 368, 508, 681, 981. 18 Seal no. 659. Ninsun—“lady wild-cow” (Black and Green 1998, 141). “Already in the Early Dynastic period she was regarded as the wife of the deified king of the city of Uruk, Lugalbanda. Lugalbanda and Ninsun were the parents of the hero Gilgameš” (Black and Green 1998, 141). 19 Seals no. 127, 441, 974. dMamītu was dNergal’s wife (Black and Green 1998, 136), I assume that the same goddess is referred to. 20 Seals no. 74, 296, 558, 948. The goddess dNingal was the wife of the god dSīn and the mother of the god dŠamaš (Black and Green 1998, 138). 21 Seal no. 171. According to Black and Green, the spouse of the god dDagan was the goddess dŠala (Black and Green 1998, 56)—is it possible that the same goddess is referred to? 22 Seal no. 272, 323. dNinmug was the shared wife of both the god dIšum and the Sumerian god dḪendursağ (Black and Green 1998, 112). Black and Green claim that according to one text, dŠamaš and dNinlil were the parents of dIšum (Black and Green 1998, 112). 23 Seals no. 215, 472, 512, 615, 666. 24 Seal no. 120. 15 16

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ENGRAVED ON STONE 1.3.4 dAdad + dAmurru appear on 1 seal.26 1.3.5 dNinurta + dNin-Nibrua27 appear on 1 seal.28 1.3.6 dAmurru + dAya appear on 1 seal.29 1.3.7 dŠE.TIR (dAšnan / dEzinu) + dNisaba appear on 1

seal.30 1.3.8 dAya + ?: dAya appears on 1 seal with another god, but a part of its name is broken (mi-x-ša-ak).31

1.4 DEITY +

PROFESSION: the name of the god and its

profession appear on 1 seal. 1.4.1 dNabû + scribe appears on 1 inscription.32 title.

1.5 DEITY + TITLE: 25 seals include names of a god with a 1.5.1 dŠamaš appears with a title on 2 seals.33 1.5.2 dLugal-banda appears with a title on 1 seal.34 1.5.3 dNergal appears with a title on 3 seals.35 1.5.4 dAdad appears with a title on 2 seals.36 1.5.5 dSakkud appears with a title on 1 seal.37 1.5.6 dInanna appears with a title on 1 seal.38

Seal no. 239. Seal no. 224. 27 dNINdEN.LÍL.. 28 Seal no. 458. dNinurta’s wife “was regarded as either Gula or, because of his close association with the god Ninğirsu, Bau” (Black and Green 1998, 143). 29 Seal no. 557. 30 Seal no. 85. 31 Seal no. 140. 32 Seal no. 841: dna-bi-um / dub.sar sag.íl / ki-ág dAMAR-UTU— Nabium, scribe of the sag.íl, beloved of Marduk. I am grateful to Prof. Marten Stol for his help in the reading. 33 Sals no. 258, 502. 34 Seal no. 194. 35 Seals no. 384, 397, 605. 36 Seals no. 383, 429. 37 Seal no. 437. 38 Seal no. 336. 25 26

TYPOLOGY OF INSCRIPTIONS

55

1.5.7 dNin-PA appears with a title on 1 seal.39 1.5.8 dŠulpa’ea appears with a title on 1 seal.40 1.5.9 dDagan appears with a title on 1 seal.41 1.5.10 dḪendursag appears with a title on 1 seal.42 1.5.11 dLugal-Gudua appears with a title on 1 seal.43 1.5.12 dAmurru ( dmar.tu) appears with a title on 1 seal.44 1.5.13 dinim.ma.ni.zi appears with a title on 1 seal.45 1.5.14 dNinšubur appears on 4 seals: dNinšubur the vizier of Inanna appears on 1 seal,46 and dNinšubur the messenger of dAnu, appears on 3 seals.47 1.5.15 dNabû, scribe of the (E)sagila, appears on 1 seal.48

1.6 NAME OF THE DEITY + TITLE + TITLE appear on 8 seals. 1.6.1 dNinšubur + title + an additional title appear on 5 seals.49 1.6.2 dNabû + title + title appear on 3 seals.50 1.7 NAME OF THE DEITY TITLE appear on 12 seals.

+ NAME OF THE FATHER +

1.7.1 dAmurru )an.mar.tu( + son of Anu + title appear on 4 seals.51 On each seal the title that appears is different. 1.7.2 dAmurru )mar.tu( + son of Anu + title appear on 1 52 seal. Seal no. 197. Seal no. 214. 41 Seal no. 757. 42 Seal no. 185. 43 Seal no. 244. 44 Seal no. 670. 45 Seal no. 683. 46 Seal no. 260. 47 Seals no. 277, 352, 752. 48 Seal no. 667. 49 Seals no. 126, 186, 211, 654, 873. 50 Seals no. 322, 344, 440. 51 Seals no. 204, 434, 795, 832. 52 Seal no. 485. 39 40

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ENGRAVED ON STONE 1.7.3 dSuḫinuna + son of Uraš + title appear on 1 seal.53 1.7.4 dAdad + son of Anu + title appear on 6 seals.54

1.8 NAME

OF THE DEITY

+

NAME OF THE FATHER

appear on 19 seals. 1.8.1 dAmurru )mar.tu( + son of Anu appear on 9 seals.55 1.8.2 dAmurru )an.mar.tu( + son of Anu appear on 6 seals.56 1.8.3 dAdad + son of Anu appear on 3 seals.57 1.8.4 dAdad + son of Anu + title appear on 1 seal.58

2. PEOPLE (MEN) 233 seals are for men. 2.1 Only the name of the man.59 2.2 Names of two men, separated.60 2.3 The name of the man, the name of the father, profession.61 2.4 The name of the man, profession, the name of the father.62 2.5 The name of the man, profession, the name of his god.63 2.6 Names of the two gods + name of the man + name of the father + name of the god.64 2.7 Name of the man, profession, names of the two gods.65 Seal no. 189. Seals no. 46, 221, 392, 400, 733, 793. 55 Seals no. 50, 148, 270, 316, 338, 599, 792, 913, 952. 56 Seals no. 208, 391, 456, 748, 826, 993. 57 Seals no. 77, 917, 930. 58 Seal no. 684. 59 Seals no. 307, 369, 510, 538, 762, 879, 950. 60 Seal no. 765. 61 Seals no. 191, 404, 420, 653. 62 Seals no. 132, 382. 63 Seal no. 624. 64 Seals no. 314, 920. 53 54

TYPOLOGY OF INSCRIPTIONS

57

2.8 Name of the man, profession, name of the father, name of the god.66 2.9 Name of the man, profession, name of the father, names of the two gods.67 2.10 Name of the man, profession, name of the father, name of the king.68 2.11 Name of the man, name of the god, name of the father.69 2.12 Name of the man, name of the father.70 2.13 Name of the man, name of the father, name of the king.71 2.14 Name of the man, name of the god.72 2.15 Name of the man, names of the two gods.73 2.16 Name of the man, name of the father, name of the god.74 2.17 Name of the man, name of the father, names of two gods.75 Seal no. 618. Seals no. 128, 182, 428, 547, 596, 674. 67 Seal no. 823. 68 Seals no. 15, 60, 496, 976. 69 Seal no. 822. 70 Seals no. 11, 26, 31, 36, 121, 123, 124, 146, 198, 253, 267, 283, 419, 421, 422, 423, 424, 498, 665, 693, 527, 821, 909, 958, 959. 71 Seals no. 408, 462, 829. 72 Seals no. 116, 139, 151, 190, 252, 257, 292, 380, 511, 541, 600, 745, 755, 812, 815, 927, 953, 986, 987, 992. 73 Seals no. 174, 220, 321, 377, 597, 801, 885, 996. 74 Seals no. 3, 21, 52, 53, 70, 110, 122, 135, 147, 157, 169, 172, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 184, 187, 192, 193, 195, 200, 201, 202, 203, 206, 210, 212, 213, 217, 218, 219, 246, 248, 250,251, 266, 269, 273, 276, 295, 297, 315, 317, 324, 331, 335, 345, 355, 358, 361, 362, 363, 365, 367, 373, 374, 378, 385, 386, 393, 401, 402, 403, 405, 406, 407, 411, 413, 427, 431, 436, 442, 444, 494, 499, 507, 540, 551, 642, 648, 656, 662, 668, 671, 672, 673, 675, 704, 737, 738, 743, 747, 763, 785, 791, 794, 796, 824, 830, 834, 835, 837, 839, 843, 845, 871, 875, 876, 890, 919, 921, 924, 926, 933, 934, 937, 949, 977, 979, 983, 984, 988, 991, 994, 995. 65 66

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2.18 Name of the man, name of the father, profession, names of two gods.76 2.19 Name of the man, name of the father, name of the mother, name of his title and name of the god.77 2.20 Name of the man + name of the god, name of the man + name of the father + name of the god + name of the goddess.78

3. PEOPLE (WOMEN) 27 seals are for women. 3.1 Woman + a father.79 3.2 Woman + a father + a god.80 3.3 Woman + a father + names of two gods.81 3.4 Woman + a god.82 3.5 Woman + two gods.83 3.6 Woman + a husband + a god.84

4. DEDICATORY SEALS 2 of the seals are dedication seals. One of them was dedicated to a god; the devotee asks the god to keep another man alive.85 Another seal is a dedication seal of the in.na.ba type.86

Seals no. 94, 188, 332, 364, 370, 371, 376, 409, 412, 506, 678, 732, 838, 874, 828, 964. 76 Seal no. 399. 77 Seal no. 989. 78 Seal no. 833. The inscription mentions two different titles of the same person on one seal. 79 Seals no. 13, 23, 387. An additional seal is no. 381—and see the discussion on it in chapter 8. 80 Seals no. 117, 173, 183, 196, 390, 394, 395, 471, 475, 661, 813, 844, 982. 81 Seals no. 360, 396, 452, 836. 82 Seals no. 228, 951. 83 Seals no. 45, 831, 460. 84 Seal no. 125. 85 Seal 960 (see plate 24). 75

TYPOLOGY OF INSCRIPTIONS

59

5. PERSONAL SEALS WITH ARCHAIC SUMERIAN SPELLING87 6. VARIANTS 16 seals enter the category of “variants”. Those are seals I could not classify for different reasons, for instance, seals that are broken, so that the fracture is located on part of the inscription or on most of it, making it difficult to read and understand it, inscriptions which are unclear, or unique inscriptions, where it is not clear to which category they should be assigned. 6.1 Only profession.88 6.2 Idioms.89 6.3 Prayer.90 6.4 Broken seals.91 6.5 Inscriptions that are difficult to classify: three inscriptions are problematic: an inscription on one of the seals includes a name of a man, a name of his father, a god + title.92 The seal is a recut, and the first part of the inscription (the name of the seal owner) is broken. The inscription looks like a combination between two separate inscriptions which are not connected to each other. It is possible that the seal cutter meant to preserve only the second half of the inscription—dAdad son of Anu—but for some reason he did not erase its first part. Other seals difficult to classify include seal 107: there is a profession mentioned in the third line but its meaning is unclear: Ú-SAG-SA; and seal no. 811: the inscription mentions the name of a god, that it is not clear who it is: dx (there may be an erasure after the deity determinative). Seal no. 425, and see a discussion on dedication seals of this type in chapter 7. 87 Seals 24, 261, 504, 825. 88 Seal no. 379. This is a recut (see plate 11, and a discussion on recuts in chapter 4). 89 Seal no. 375. 90 Seals no. 426, 664. 91 Seals no. 80, 334, 463, 544. 92 Seal no. 222. 86

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6.6 Unclear inscriptions: inscriptions on 6 seals are not clear.93

93

Seals no. 388, 503, 810, 884, 925, 939.

CHAPTER 6. TRADE Many raw materials are absent in Mesopotamia, and it was therefore necessary to import metals, timber, building stones, gem stones and semi-precious stones. Those products arrived to Mesopotamia by means of pillage or trade. In exchange for these goods, Babylon mainly supplied food products, of which it usually had a surplus.1 In different periods Mesopotamia exported grain, as well as “wool, textiles, probably leather goods, and manufactured ornaments”.2 There are references to the import of different products, including gem stones, in economic texts from Ur3 and from Larsa4 from the Old Babylonian period.5 “Babylonian cylinder seals and ornaments have been discovered from as far away as Egypt and Crete, but how they got there we do not know; they may have been passed on from city to city rather than brought in by merchants direct from Babylonia.

Saggs 1995, 100. Saggs 1995, 100. 3 Leemans notes that according to UET III 672 there is a certain kind of stone coming from tilmun (Leemans 1960, 19). The texts he discusses in the chapter are UET III, UET V. 4 Leemans mentions a letter (OECT III 74) which deals with the import of different objects to Mesopotamia, among which was a cylinder seal of lapis lazuli (line 33 of the text). (Leemans 1960, 169, note 1). He claims that “Imported materials were worked in Sumer and then came into the trade again”, that is to say that objects were imported into Sumer, were worked there and then were inserted into the trade cycle again. 5 Leemans 1960, 18–84. 1 2

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Babylonia also acted as a middleman by reselling goods previously imported”.6 In this chapter I examine what can be learned about trade in the raw materials used for the production of the seals, and in the ready-made seals, in the Old Babylonian period.7

UNWRITTEN EVIDENCE FOR IMPORTS I interpret material finds primarily as evidence for the import of raw materials into Mesopotamia, rather than the import of readymade seals. Finds at Diqdiqqah, which was probably the manufacture-quarter of Ur,8 include four trial-pieces on limestone, which were used for practice, some cylinders in shell, limestone and steatite, which were all unpierced and uncarved. A number of unfinished beads made of rock crystal, which were unpolished and some of them unpierced, were also found with this group.9 It is reasonable to assume that these raw materials were imported to Mesopotamia and were processed there.

WRITTEN EVIDENCE FOR IMPORTS The conclusion that raw materials were imported to Mesopotamia and processed there into cylinder seals is strengthened by the text

Saggs 1995, 100. “The letter from Ur” is a list mentioning a stone cutter (bur.gul) who is listed among other craftsmen of various sorts, after a blacksmith and a metal worker, and prior to a silversmith, leatherworker, a potter, a carpenter, a jeweler and more (Goodnick Westenholz 1997, 156). The list which appears after this list includes persons involved with the river trade (Goodnick-Westenholz 1997, 158). The first one on the list (line 92) is a GA.RAŠ, or a ka’eššu, that Goodnick-Westenholz translates as a “trader” or a “traveling trader” (Goodnick-Westenholz 1997, 158–159), and further bibliography there. Goodnick-Westenholz bases her translation on the MSL 12 137:267: ga ga-ra-áš raš = ka-eš-šu. 8 Woolley and Mallowan 1976, 81–87; Woolley and Mallowan 1976, 85–87. See also an expanded discussion in chapter 3. 9 Woolley and Mallowan 1976, 86; Moorey 1994, 104. 6 7

TRADE

63

UET III 1498.10 As previously mentioned, the text deals with an inventory list of eight departments of a workshop, and refers to different kinds of gem stones (especially na4 GUG [carnelian], lapis lazuli and dušû stone [rock crystal]).11 If ready-made cylinder seals were the subject, the text would mention it clearly, and not only list raw materials. It is therefore reasonable to assume that the raw materials mentioned in the text were imported to the workshop and processed there into seals. For the trade in hematite in the Old Babylonian period we can learn for instance from the text ABIM 20, that was sent from ṢilliŠamaš to Balīṭum. According to line 12a, “Nabi-Šamaš has given (sold?) merchandise to Ṣilli-Šamaš,” among other things, hematite.12 Another text from the Old Babylonian period13 notes the prices of two hematite seals: the value of one of them is one and one-sixth shekels, and the value of the other one is one-fourth of a shekel.14 In addition to that, the term “lump of hematite” — kiṣir šadânu15 which is mentioned in a number of lexical texts16 — is known. In the Kassite period the kings of Babylon, Assyria and Mitanni sent lapis lazuli to the king of Egypt in large quantities;17 and thus the raw material found its way from east to west.

UNWRITTEN EVIDENCE FOR EXPORT Cylinder seals produced in Mesopotamia are found further afield.18 Leemans mentions a cylinder seal which is probably dated to the A text which was considered by Leemans, and is also discussed in this volume in chapter 3. 11 See UET III 1498, especially the lapidary’s shop section (Obv. IV– V), and further discussion in Leemans 1960, 18. 12 Leemans 1968, 195. 13 TCL 10 120:21, 25. Translation after CAD Š1, p. 36. 14 For comparison, Leemans mentions a text (AbB I, 85) which gives as the price for a female slave 18 shekels (Leemans 1968, 185). 15 CAD, K, 441. 16 Ḫḫ XVI 8, Ugaritica 5 no. 169:19f., in lex. section. 17 See EA 9, EA 25 and more. 18 According to Postgate, “long-distance trade was mostly in the processed raw materials rather than in finished products” (Postgate 1992, 10

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Isin-Larsa period, and was found in Bahrain,19 and notes another cylinder seal from the Old Babylonian period which was found at Byblos.20 Cylinder seals of lapis lazuli in the Babylonian style were found in Thebes in Boeotia, together with beads of agate and other objects,21 and Babylonian seals were also found in other places in Egypt.22 Leemans assumes that among the precious stones, the most prized must have been lapis lazuli, a stone which was “much desired in Egypt”,23 and states that the first finds of lapis lazuli in Egypt are dated to this period, “some already from the time of the 11th dynasty, more from the time of the 12th dynasty”.24 “This lapis lazuli must have came from the Afghan province of Badakhashan, and hardly another way can be imagined than through Mesopotamia, more particularly northern Mesopotamia”.25 However, these quantities were small. The export of quartz is particularly interesting. This mineral is identified with the term “Babylonian stone”: na4 ká.dingir.ra.26 Even though the origin of the quartz is KUR [zar]-du8-a and not Mesopotamia, it seems that it can be concluded from the nickname “Babylonian stone” — a name which was given to quartz probably by the Hittites at a later period — that the quartz was imported 206). Even though cylinder seals with Mesopotamian characteristics were found in lands outside of Mesopotamia, different texts indicate trade in the raw materials. 19 Leemans 1968, 218. 20 Leemans 1960*, 22. I searched for the first publication considering this cylinder seal, but despite my best efforts I could not locate it. 21 Porada 1981/1982, 4–6. 22 Cylinder seals from the Old Babylonian Period were found in Egypt also in eṭ-Ṭud (Zippert 1936/1937, 180–182). Leemans mentions that cylinder seals from lapis lazuli from the Isin-Larsa period have been found in Egypt in the eṭ-Ṭud treasure, and were “probably concealed in the days of Pharaoh Amenhotep II” (Leemans 1960*, 22). 23 Leemans 1960*, 35. 24 Leemans 1960*, 35–36. 25 Leemans 1960*, 36. 26 Polvani 1993, 211.

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into Mesopotamia and continued being exported from it to other lands, but since the original homelands of this raw material were unknown, it was referred to as a “Babylonian stone”, i.e. a stone which came from Mesopotamia.

WRITTEN EVIDENCE FOR EXPORT A Hittite text27 notes trade between the cities U[ra] and Zall[ara]. The text discusses the trade of seized people, cattle, sheep, horses, mules and large numbers of asses, in exchange for barley and grapes in large amounts, and valuables: silver,28 gold,29 lapis lazuli,30 Babylonian stone,31 quartz,32 iron, copper, bronze and tin [items]. A text from Mari33 notes a sack of seals, eight of which are lapis lazuli seals, and seven ([other] seals of them are with gold strips [?]), which were exported from Mari to Hazor in the 18th century BCE.34

SUMMARY As discussed in chapter 2, “all precious stones found in excavations in Mesopotamia or mentioned in the texts, must have been imported”.35 As the cylinder seals found in Mesopotamia in the Old Babylonian period are made of raw materials which had to be imported into Mesopotamia,36 and as the origin lands of the raw materials of which the seals are made in the Old Babylonian period and in other periods are known, it is possible to demonstrate the

KBo XII 42 rev. col. III, with duplicate AboT 49. Published in Hoffner, 1968. 28 KÙ.BABBAR. 29 GUŠKI[N]. 30 na .za.gìn. 4 31 na .KÁ.DINGIR.RA. 4 32 NA .DU .ŠÚ.A. 4 8 33 Text no. M. 5701, dated to the regime of Zimri-Lim of Mari. 34 Bonechi 1992, 14. 35 Leemans 1960, 124. 36 Except for those made of clay. 27

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existence of trade — direct or indirect — between Mesopotamia and those lands. Cylinder seals from the Old Babylonian period were found in sites outside of Mesopotamia, pointing to an Old Babylonian influence which extended beyond the boundaries of Mesopotamia. It is reasonable to assume that this influence derived from twosided trade either between Mesopotamia and places in which these seals are found, or trade via a third party. It is my contention that the import into Mesopotamia mainly involved the import of raw materials, that is to say gem stones and semi-precious stones, and that exports from Mesopotamia mainly consisted of ready-made cylinder seals.

CHAPTER 7. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF CYLINDER SEALS The cylinder seal was used as a tool of signing, which imparted reliability and legal validity to documents. The significance of cylinder seals may be surmised mainly based on texts mentioning their uses or discussing different aspects of them. Furthermore, different texts affirm that cylinder seals were occasionally used as amulets in order to protect people from diseases, demons, miscarriages, etc. Different seals were dedicated to kings and gods. It is also possible to learn about the significance of the seals based on the seals themselves—their shapes, the inscriptions they bear, etc., as well as any secondary usages (i.e. as beads).1 Archaeological excavations provide additional means for learning about the significance of cylinder seals. Collon assumes that from the location of the seal (or seals) in a burial, it is possible to identify where the seal was worn on the deceased before death: in many cases a person is buried with two or more seals.2 It stands to reason that if a person owned both an official seal and a personal one, he had carried them both on his body: his neck, upper arm or waist.3 Collon mentions that “Pu-abi had three In one case a bead was reworked into a cylinder seal, perhaps because the owner could not afford to purchase a new cylinder seal for himself, and a renewed adaptation was cheaper, since the raw material did not have to be purchased. In addition, as a bead the bore lengthwise may have already been present. Discussed further below. 2 Collon 2001, 19. 3 Collon states that “it is unlikely that in life individuals would have worn more then one seal at a time, except perhaps on special occasions…. If they owned an official and a personal seal, in life the former could well 1

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cylinder seals, which were found associated with three gold pins against her upper right arm.4 Woolley suggests that they ‘were perhaps tied to the pins to make toggles for securing the cloak’”.5 “Large numbers of seals were found in the graves of the Royal Cemetery at Ur”.6 It seems that the seals were placed “by the shoulder, hands and waist (in the latter case also associated with belt, dagger, etc.)”7 of the deceased, even though in one of the latter graves (PG/671) “one cylinder seal was possibly associated to a necklace”.8 In one of the graves in Ur (PG/867) “two seals were

have been kept in an office for use as required by members of the official’s entourage” (Collon 2001, 19). In my opinion, it is more likely that an individual would carry both of his seals in case he had to sign with either of them, rather than delay the signing process by going to his office to look for them. The fact that in many cases individuals were buried with their seals—both personal and official—strengthens my case. Nevertheless, Collon gives for example the scribe LUGAL.DUR, “who was buried at Nippur with what may have been his official seal at his waist, and his personal seal by his shoulder…. Unfortunately it cannot be ascertained whether or how they were attached to his body or clothing” (Collon 2001, 19). Moreover, Collon does not state from which period this burial is. 4 See plate 23: a page from an Ur excavations notebook now in the archives of the Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities in the British Museum, showing the position of Pu-abi’s three cylinder seals in relation to the pins securing her garment and to her right humerus (Collon 2001, 20, fig. 6). 5 Collon 2001, 19. 6 Collon 2001, 19. See also: “Our experience at Ur justifies the generalization that the graves of the Larsa, Kassite and the NeoBabylonian periods were poor in their contents. Apart from clay vases there were few offerings, beads worn by the dead were common, the seals carried by them in their lifetime were fairly numerous and objects of any other sort were rare; amulets other then small amuletic beads were very seldom found and there was scarcely a single instance of a terracotta in a grave” (Woolley and Mallowan 1976, 85). 7 Collon 2001, 19. 8 Collon 2001, 19.

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associated with bracelets”.9 In another grave,10 a very worn cylinder seal made of shell “was suspended on his right side from his silver belt together with a dagger, a whetstone made of lapis lazuli hung on a gold ring, and possibly (by analogy with other burials) a silver toilet reticule (decayed)”.11 In one of the graves an inscribed cylinder seal made of hematite was found, probably from the Old Babylonian period, which was “attached to the wrist of a body in a later burial vault at Ur, possibly that of a merchant, as it also seems to have contained weights. It is not clear, however, to what extent these seals used as items of jewelry rather then administrative tools”.12

PERSONAL SEALS The only restriction on the ownership of multiple seals was economic. Ownership of a cylinder seal involved considerable expense for the raw material and for the work invested in its manufacture. Most of the seals were made in order to serve their owners, but some were used as gifts for gods. Steinkeller states that in the Ur III period “there was no class or legal restrictions regulating the ownership of seals… The only restriction was probably an economic one — not everyone could afford to acquire a seal”.13 Nevertheless, cases are known in which “individuals located at the lower levels of the social ladder, such as craftsmen, shepherds, cooks, etc.” owned seals.14 Steinkeller also mentions cases of seals belonging to slaves.15

OFFICIAL SEALS For official seals, of the state or of public officials, including personal royal seals, there was a range of usage which was much Collon 2001, 19. mes-kalam-dug, grave PG/755. 11 Collon 2001, 19. 12 Collon 2001, 19. 13 Steinkeller 1977, 48. 14 Steinkeller 1977, 48. 15 Steinkeller 1977, 48. 9

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more official and much wider than the seals of regular people. “In the second millennium, royal seals, described in texts as “inimitable” and “incontestable”, were invested with special authority and put questions of ownership and of legality beyond dispute”.16 “The king’s” seal is described in texts as inimitable and incontestable (la tamšīli u la paqāri, PBS, no. 10, r. 6–8, 29, 30; 25 r. 39, etc.), putting questions of ownership beyond dispute”.17 From the Old Babylonian period “seals of the kings of Babylon are not known, but many others of the period survive”,18 for instance: Larsa — Rīm-Sin II, Mari— Zimri-Lim had four seals, Ḫammurabi and more.19 In Syria, at Alalaḫ and at Ugarit, there were dynastic seals, “which sometimes carried the genealogy of the ruler and which were handed down from generation to generation, confirmed the lineage of the ruler and his right to the throne”.20 Seals could be preserved for hundreds of years; Teissier notes a Neo-Assyrian text, in which Sennacherib, the king of Assyria, describes how he finds in the treasure house of Merodach-Baladan of Babylon, his enemy, a seal which originally belonged to TukultiNinurta I, who preceded him by about 500 years.21

DEDICATORY SEALS Occasionally seals were given as gifts, and dedicated as votive offerings, i.e. a worshipper dedicates the seal to the god, so that the god saves the king and protects him: “Votive seals dedicated to a deity, generally for the life of the dedicator and often of the king, are found in small numbers from Akkadian times onwards and are mentioned in temple inventories”.22 Most dedication seals were given by people who thank the god for giving life to the king. “The finer votive seals, or seals that were offered by a king to a god in Teissier 1984, xxiii. Millard 1983, 135. 18 Millard 1983, 138. 19 Millard 1983, 138. 20 Teissier 1984, xxiii. 21 Teissier 1984, xxiii. 22 Collon 1993a, 131. 16 17

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the temple, were considered property of the temple or, more specifically, of the deity. As with all votive offerings, the gift was intended to help bring health and prosperity to the king and his family. As gifts they were also objects of beauty and ornamentation and were usually intended to be hung around the statue’s neck”.23 Teissier notes that some of those seals are very large: “the seal given to Marduk by Esarḫadon, for example, was 12 cm high and 4 cm in diameter” and they “were carved in relief, as opposed to intaglio”.24

USE BY ANOTHER INDIVIDUAL Occasionally it is possible to identify a seal of a person which was used by another person. An example of a person who had sealed with his father’s seal can be found in SLB I (3): a number of texts mention Lu-Ninsianna and his father, Nanna-mansum. Most of the texts mention either both of them or each of them separately, as the receivers of food rations, witnesses or as sealing the tablets. In two cases (SLB 1/3 71, SLB 1/3 74) Lu-Ninsianna appears as a witness, and his father is not mentioned. Although the tablets are sealed, and the seal which is used is the seal of the father. I find it reasonable to assume that in those cases the son used the seal of his father.25

Teissier 1984, xxiii–xxiv. Teissier 1984, xxiv. 25 I am grateful to Dr. Oded Tammuz for drawing my attention to these texts. 23 24

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SEALS DEDICATED TO GODS26 Seals dedicated to gods were treated as the divinity’s personal property.27 The god Marduk possessed a cylinder seal,28 and so did the god Adad.29 Van Buren indicates two lapis lazuli seals dedicated One such example can be seen in the following case: Van Buren mentions a tablet which was discovered at Erech. The inscription on its reverse reads: “For the prolongation of his days, the safeguarding of his race, to come and to go without let or hindrance before his king; to Uşuramâtsa, who dwells at Uruk, his Lady, he has dedicated this…. This is what is [inscribed] on the seal which is part of the necklace of the goddess Uşur-amâtsa” (Van Buren 1934, 167). This goddess was a secondary divinity, who was worshipped in the temple E-anna (Van Buren 1934, 167–168). An additional text which mentions the seal of a divinity with the goddess Uşur-amât-su is “a letter from a king of the later Babylonian period” (Van Buren 1934, 168). The text from the New Babylonian period comes from Erech. It was published by Sidney Smith, and is now in the British Museum: BM 117666 (Smith 1926, 442–446). Smith concludes from this text that “cylinder seals were considered suitable for votive offering for the god in his temple. A seal thus sanctified by its dedication to a god would not be continually used, and would therefore retain its pristine clearness.” (Smith 1926, 444–445). I am grateful to Mr. Kozad Mohamed Ahmed for locating this text for me at the NINO, for photographing and sending it to me. 27 Van Buren 1934, 167. 28 Enûma Eliš, fourth tablet, lines 121–122, mentions that Marduk captured Kingu, “took from him the “tablet of destiny” which was not proper for him away from him, he sealed them with his seal and he attached it to his own breast” (based on Shifra and Klein 1996, 31 [Hebrew], and CAD E, p. 66). Except for this reference, a lapis lazuli seal at the excavations in Babylon represents Marduk. This seal is dated to the middle of the 9th century BCE based on the inscription on it, which mentions that the seal was dedicated for the prolongation of his life by Marduk-zakir-shum I to Marduk, his lord, who dwelt in Esagila; (Van Buren 1934, 165–166). He also states that the seal of shining lapis lazuli, with splendid gold decorations, was prepared and offered as an ornament for his neck (Van Buren 1934, 166). 29 A lapis lazuli seal, which was dedicated two hundred years later “to the god Marduk, the great lord, his lord, Asarhaddon, king of the world, 26

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to those gods, which were found during the excavations in Babylon.30 The seals were bored lengthwise, “so that they could be thread onto a string as the central bead of a necklace”.31 Van Buren assumes that “perhaps it was to ensure their safe custody, for these seals were not purely ornamental, but were also used for their proper purpose, namely to seal such documents or objects as were intimately connected with the divine owner of the seal”.32 The seals of the divinities, like those of people, must have become blurred with use.33

BURGUL SEALS If a person did not own a seal but needed one, there were several ways to solve the problem.34 One of these ways was to create a seal for a particular event. Those seals were called burgul seals, a name which was derived from the craftsman who manufactured them.35 This term is known from the Old Babylonian period36 and it king of Assyria, that he may live, has dedicated [this seal]” (Van Buren 1934, 166). Adad is described on the seal, and it also bears a second inscription—“seal of the god Adad from the temple Esagila. Treasury of the god Marduk” (Van Buren 1934, 166). Smith compares the New Babylonian text, BM 117666, to the discovery of those two seals at Babylon, one bearing the image of Marduk, the other of Adad, though both apparently belonged to “the treasury of Marduk” (Smith 1926, 446). 30 Van Buren 1934, 165–167. 31 Van Buren 1934, 167. 32 Van Buren 1934, 167. 33 Van Buren suggests that “on such occasions, privileged worshipers were permitted to offer a new seal carved with the divine image to replace the worn one” (Van Buren 1934, 167). It seems to me that this suggestion has nothing to support it. 34 Renger 1977, 77. If a person did not have a seal, he had a few options: the edges of his garment were impressed on the tablet, his fingernail was impressed on the tablet, or the addition of a side inscription: “the seal of PN”, however without a seal or an impression in the sides, but leaving an empty space. 35 See for instance seals no. 419, 422, 423, 424 (plate 24). 36 Postgate 1992, 286; Renger 1977, 77.

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denotes seals, which were made especially for the occasion, if a person who should sign a specific contract did not have a seal of his own.37 The term was probably coined by Arno Poebel, based on seal impressions on a number of documents from Nippur, which differ from other impressions found on tablets from other parts of Babylon.38 Renger assumes that burgul seals were common on texts from Nippur, but notes that “there are also examples from other places such as Ur, Larsa and Eshnuna”.39 Outside Nippur, the most notable use of burgul seals “is a group of texts from northern Babylonia associated with the king Mannanāja, but I am quite sure that there are no burgul seal impressions on the texts from Sippar”.40 For contracts in which two parties undergo obligations, for instance in a case of a marriage contract, the seal cutter made two different seals. “The seals which were used with contracts that were not sworn to, or such documents as were sealed by the witnesses, were private seals”.41 Poebel notes that such seals were cut by the seal cutter even for the temples, “or, using the Babylonian way of expressing it, for the gods, when they were the parties on whom the obligation rested”.42

Renger 1977, 77. Poebel 1909, 51–55, and see also Buccellati 1969. There is some confusion in defining the shape of the burgul seal: according to Poebel, who submitted this term, the burgul seals were engraved on the rectangular side of handy pieces of soft material which could be cut easily, or on small rectangular slabs. Since those seals could not be rolled over the tablet, they were stamped upon it (Poebel 1909). Charpin, on the other hand, notes that the shapes of those seals might have been elliptical (Charpin 1980, 12). For further discussion on burgul seals see Collon (Collon 1986, 218), Charpin (Charpin 1980, pp. 12–17), Renger (Renger 1977, p. 77). 39 Renger 1977, 77. 40 Renger 1977, 77. 41 Poebel 1909, 53. 42 Thus, when the temple of dEnki and dDamgalnunna sells offices of the temple, the seal is of both gods (Poebel 1909, 52). 37 38

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THE LOSS OF A CYLINDER SEAL If a person’s cylinder seal was lost, texts from the Ur III period and from the Old Babylonian period, for instance, document the name of the owner of the seal, and also the year, month and day in which it is estimated that the loss was caused.43 “This proceedure protected the owner from subsequent illegal usage of the seal. Losing a seal was also considered to be a bad omen; this added dimension of [sic] the significance of a seal”.44

CYLINDER SEALS AS AMULETS References to cylinder seals appear in a number of texts concerned with protection from different dangers.45 Cylinder seals and the stones they were made of were used as amulets against the demon Lamaštu. An incantation that is intended to aid a pregnant woman and keep a pregnant woman from miscarriage mentions a cylinder seal of ḫaltu stone, a cylinder seal of šubû (agate) stone, carnelian, lapis lazuli and more.46 Another text which deals with aiding a woman at childbirth mentions a seal made of ḫaltu stone without an inscription, seals of lapis lazuli, carnelian and more.47 Goff mentions a medical text, which includes a list of “six seals made of different kinds of stone”. After each we are told what its value was,48 and each of them bears a sign for the destiny of the seal owner:49 “10) …a seal of hematite (portends) that the man shall lose what he had acquired. 11) … a seal of lapis lazuli (portends) that he shall have power; his god shall rejoice over him. Teissier 1984, xxiii; Hallo 1977. Teissier 1984, xxiii. This matter added to the signification of the seal to the seal’s owner beyond its economic value. 45 Goff 1956, 23–25. 46 Goff 1956, 17–18, 25. 47 Goff 1956, 25. 48 Goff 1956, 27. 49 The text (KAR 185) was translated by Stephens (Goff 1956, 27). 43 44

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Except for cylinder seals which were “used by individuals as amulets to aid in solving their private problems”, other texts indicate “that seals were also a part of the official rites of the community”.51 Two texts specify seals which were used in the New Year’s Festival.52 In addition to that, two seals of gods, or “cylinder seals which were the personal property of the divinity”53 — one is a seal of Marduk which is dated to the middle of the 9th century BCE,54 and the second cylinder seal is Adad’s, and was dedicated two hundred years later55 — are made of lapis lazuli, “and consequently are of the blue colour which served to protect the wearer from the Evil Eye”.56

SECONDARY USES FOR SEALS Occasionally it is possible to indicate a secondary use to which seals were put. By “secondary use” I define a cylinder seal which was created as such with this as the purpose of its manufacture in advance, but changed from being a regular tool destined in order to be a signing device, to be a dedication seal (inaba seal),57 which Goff 1956, 27. Goff 1956, 30. 52 Goff 1956, 30. 53 Van Buren 1934, 167. 54 Van Buren 1934, 165. 55 Van Buren 1934, 166. 56 Van Buren 1934, 167. 57 Collon and Franke discuss Ur III type of seals—“inaba seals” or “Presentation Seals” which were presented and given as gifts by the king 50 51

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was reprocessed as a recut, and then used only in order to give it as a gift.58 In rare cases, beads were altered, reformed, and converted into seals by engraving their surfaces.59

FAKES Occasionally fake cylinder seals can be identified.60 Ziffer, Zevulun and Kindler note that “the counterfeiters’ model was usually taken from illustrations in books, particularly Frankfort’s book on cylinder seals published in 1939, which remains a basic textbook for the forger to this day… The forger generally fails in attempting to counterfeit seals of a known style, either because his work does not meet the artistic conventions of the period, or because he tries to impart a special beauty to it by adding details which do not appear in the glyptic of the times, but are taken from other art sources. Inscriptions are also important in identifying counterfeit seals, since most forgers do not understand the signs found on original seals, and thus engrave their forgeries with pseudo-writing. Also considered forgeries are genuine seals worn down by use and to his servant: high officials or privileged individuals by the king (Collon 1993a, 125, Franke 1977). Franke suggests that “the quality of the carving is almost always of the highest, indicating that only the best seal cutters were employed” (Franke 1977, 65). They were designed by the seal cutter “to represent closely as possibly both the donor and the recipient of the gift” (Franke 1977, 65). Franke suggests that in case of dedication seals (in-na-ba seals or “presentation seals”), which “specifically state in their inscriptions that they have been presented by a king to his servant” (Franke 1977, 61). I do not find it reasonable to assume that a king would dedicate a seal to his servant, especially in light of the effort he had to invest to do that—ordering the work, designing the seal, etc. 58 See seal no. 425 — plate 24. 59 Seal 198 — see plate 25. 60 The cylinder seals that constitute the database for this research are numbered in regular numeration. But as the fake seals were not entered into the database, since they are not authentic, I assigned them Roman numerals, in order to distinguish them from the seals which create the sample, and I treated them in the plates in this way.

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re-engraved by modern artists unfamiliar with the significance of the original scene. The forger who develops his own original style may be quite successful, since the appearance of such forgeries on the market is apt to be taken as the materialization of a group of seals in a local style as yet unknown. However, when a spate of seals with the same new and unknown style suddenly reaches the antiquities market, their authencity is suspect.61 An important technical detail in the identification of forged seals is the excessive sharpness of the engraved lines, which bears no signs of erosion through use”.62 Another type of forgery involves alteration of the seal by the antiquities merchant, who might change the shape of a cylinder seal if it was broken.63 Such an example is seal no. II,64 which was broken. The antiquity dealer decided to cut and smooth the upper part of the seal (and thus also removed a part of the inscription at the same time), rather than sell a broken seal. A similar treatment

I assume that in general fakes of cylinder seals were made by modern forgers: despite the possibility that the fake is ancient and closer to the Old Babylonian period, it is reasonable to assume that a person in the Old Babylonian period who wanted to sign and did not have a seal would prefer other ways, such as using his fingernail, then to go to the effort to create a fake seal. 62 Ziffer, Zevulun and Kindler 1989, 109. I believe that such is seal no. I (plate 25). In addition to the sharp cutting lines, the seal seems to me too barrel-like in its shape to be original. Cylinder seals are generally more straight in shape. An additional sign which affirms the possibility that the seal is a fake can be seen in the fact that the inscription is not clear to be read: ap-x / ÌR dMAR.TU. 63 I define this late alteration which was made in modern times as a fake, in light of the definition of the word as “1. a work of art, etc. that looks genuine but is not, 2. a person who tries to deceive by claiming falsely to be or have something”, or “to make (e.g. a work of art) in order to deceive” (Ruse 1988, 276). I think that the antiquities dealer distorted the original seal and altered it, maybe in order to make it look authentic and more beautiful, whether or not his intention was to deceive. 64 Collon 1986, seal no. 592. See plate 25. 61

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was given to seal no. III,65 but here the antiquities dealer removed the lower part of the seal: the legs of the figures and the lower parts of the inscription lines are missing. I believe it is the result of a modern adaptation of an ancient cylinder seal. An interesting seal is no. IV, which was defined by Collon as a forgery.66 She claims that “its inscription is copied from an unidentified original dating to the reign of Abi-ešuḫ (1711–1684 BC)”:67 i-din-dUTU / SANGA dnin-isinx(IN)si-na / ÌR a-bi-e-šu-uḫke4. Collon notes that “the proportions of the figures are wrong”, and that “the signs in line 1” of the inscription “are much better cut then those in lines 2–4”.68 Despite Collon’s conclusions, to me this seal seems to be a recut rather than a modern forgery. Other seals that appear to be fakes include seals on which the inscriptions are illegible, or look like sign combinations that are not connected to each other. Such a seal is, for instance, seal no. V.69 A similar seal whose inscription is illegible is seal no. VI.70 To the side of an iconographic part, a line is located within a frame, which might possibly look like a line of an inscription, but is actually a meaningless collection of signs.

Moortgat 1966, seal no. 442. See plate 25. See plate 25. The seal was purchased by the British Museum in the 19th century. 67 Collon 1986, seal no. 617. 68 Collon 1986, seal no. 617. 69 Porada and Buchanan 1948, seal no. 441. See plate 25. 70 Porada and Buchanan 1948, seal no. 537. See plate 25. 65 66

CHAPTER 8. ANALYZING THE DATA The aim of this research was to investigate various quantitative1 and qualitative aspects of the cylinder seals in Mesopotamia in the Old Babylonian period, their functions, their significance and the uses to which they were put, the raw materials that the seals were made of and their lands of origin. I incorporated information from different texts about the trade in ready-made seals, to find out who the seal cutters were, whether they knew how to read what they had written on the seals, which tools they used and whether it was possible to identify workshops in which they had worked. Furthermore, I checked the percentage of the recuts of ready-made seals and how the recut was acheived, what was the percentage of inscriptions that appear on cylinder seals in the Old Babylonian period, what they were and what can be concluded from them, about the seal owners and their professions, dedication seals, administration, etc. In addition to a survey of modern literature and various texts from the Old Babylonian period, I compiled and examined a database of 1000 cylinder seals from the Old Babylonian period from different sources.

IDENTIFICATION OF RAW MATERIALS AND THEIR ORIGINS In different periods certain minerals were preferred over others for the manufacture of cylinder seals. In the Old Babylonian period hematite began to be used extensively. Hematite was a harder stone than what was commonly used before this time. Its increased use in this period can be explained by the development of technology, and the shift from using stone drills to using bronze drills.

1

Plates 26–27.

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The raw materials from which the cylinder seals in the Old Babylonian period were made had to be imported into Mesopotamia. It is not always possible to identify the stones that seal cutters used to manufacture the seals. In addition, when we have a seal made of a raw material we cannot identify, it is not always possible to know what the stone was named in Akkadian. A similar problem is involved in the identification of their lands of origin. Texts do not always mention the homelands of minerals, or in cases of imported cylinder seals, where seals themselves were imported from. Even when such lands are mentioned in texts alongside the names of imported minerals, it is not always possible to identify their geographical location. From various texts it is possible to conclude that hematite was imported to Mesopotamia from eastern Anatolia, from the Nai’ri mountains and from the mountains of Media. Lapis lazuli was imported from eastern Afghanistan, through Marḫaši and Meluḫḫa.2 Quartz and rock-crystal were imported from KUR [zar]du8-a.

ŠAMAŠ, dAYA, dŠAMAŠ-dAYA, dAYA- dŠAMAŠ AND HEMATITE

d

As hematite was considered in late periods to be the stone of the god dŠamaš,3 I investigated correllations with the name of dŠamaš and his spouse dAya on cylinder seals from different raw materials. Of 22 seals on which the name of the god dŠamaš appears, 18 seals are made of hematite, 1 of hematite and some quartz, and 3 are made of other raw materials.4 His spouse, dAya, appears on 1 seal of hematite.5 There are 3 seals on which the name of dAya appears prior to that of dŠamaš: one of them is made of hematite.6 dŠamaš and dAya appear on 56 seals, of which 42 are of hematite, 1 of hematite and some magnetite, and 13 are made of different raw Marḫaši and Meluḫḫa were stations in different routes (one naval and the other continental) in the import-road of lapis lazuli. 3 See the discussion about it in chapter 2. 4 See table 13. 5 See table 13. 6 See table 13. 2

ANALYZING THE DATA

83

materials.7 A total of 82 seals include the names of dŠamaš and dAya, of which 64 (78.0487 %) are made of hematite.8 It is apparent that a relatively high number of seals which bear the name of dŠamaš were made of hematite. Nevertheless, it is impossible to point to statistical significance between the usage of hematite and seals bearing the name of the god dŠamaš and/or his spouse.9 It is possible that the hematite is related to the god dŠamaš without any connection to the seals, and then only casually.

AMURRU

d

The god dAmurru (dmar.tu or dan.mar.tu) appears with different titles on 21 seals, 15 of which are made of hematite.10 7 of them, one third of the dAmurru seals, are recuts. About 70% of the seals that mention dAmurru are made of hematite.

See table 13. See table 13. 9 Out of 1000 seals in the sample, 640 seals, which are 64% of the total of the seals in the sample, are made of hematite. 82 seals bear the name of the god dŠamaš, and from them 64 seals are made of hematite (i.e. 78.0487% of the seals which mention dŠamaš are made of hematite). According to a statistical test it appears that: The chi-square value = 0.005671441 the probability = 0.45141361 This is extremely far from statistically significant. The probability figure needs to be at largest 0.05, and preferably quite a bit smaller. Basically, the numbers have almost a 1 in 2 chance of being the result of sampling tendencies. (From an e-mail from Prof. Steve Rosen dated February 19, 2002). Hence, there is not any statistical significance between seals bearing inscriptions with dŠamaš’s name to those seals made of hematite, and the apparently greater number of inscriptions can be exampled by random chance. I am grateful to Prof. Steve Rosen for checking the statistical significance, for running the statistical test and for providing me with the information. 10 See table 14. For the unpublished seal from Haifa University (seal no. 871 in my database), see plate 33. 7 8

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ENGRAVED ON STONE

THE SEAL CUTTERS Seal cutters only copied the inscriptions that the scribe had written, and did not know how to read what they had copied. This conclusion is affirmed by a number of mistakes on seals, which I believe could have been avoided if the seal cutters could read what they wrote.11 The number of mistakes is too high to assume that coincidences are in question. There are many different and diversified spelling mistakes made by the seal cutters: for instance, the inscription on one of the seals12 was impressed in the opposite direction relative to the scene. A different type of mistake has particular signs written in reverse or upside down: for instance on seal 107,13 seal 277,14 seal 81015 and more.16 One of the seals17 includes an entire line written upside down. Since in various periods inscriptions had an important role in the design the seal, Collon assumes the possibility that the scribes were the ones who cut the inscriptions—“it seems likely that the inscriptions were cut by scribes who had been trained not only to cut inscriptions in stone, but to do so on a minute scale and in reverse!” (Collon 1993a, 103). She claims that “in the Old Babylonian period the majority of inscribed seals seem to have had their designs cut first and the customer would then select the seal he wanted and have the inscription of his choice cut in the place which had been left for it. In some cases it is clear that an untrained person cut the inscription which is garbled or has some signs facing one way and some another; sometimes the reverse is true…. One group of crude cylinders was certainly cut by scribes; these seals are known, paradoxically, as burgul or purkullu seals” (Collon 1993a, 103). I do not agree with her conclusions and it is unclear to me how she can be so confident. The seal cutters were the ones who manufactured the seal and copied whatever the scribes had given them. 12 Seal no. 286 (plate 28). Collon explains it thus: “The inscription is cut so as to be read on the seal; the impression is in reverse” (Collon 1986, seal no. 412). 13 See table 34. The sign lum is inscribed in reverse. 14 See tablet 34. The sign sukkal is written in reverse. 15 See tablet 34. The sign da is written in reverse. 16 Seal no. 424—the za was written upside down. See plate 28. 11

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Occasionally the inscription appears between the figures, perhaps as part of the design of the cylinder seal, such as an inscription on a seal of hematite,18 for instance. The first sign was obscured by a human head which was cut over it, which is proportionately larger then the other heads on the seal. The second sign, du?-, is inscribed in reverse, and the third line, nu, was cut over an erasure, and has been recut as a fly.19 All those appear to me as corrections which were made over the seal itself while inscribing, and not as later additions. Mistakes of different quality are inscriptions from which the gender of the seal owner is not clear: someone that is at the same time — and on the same inscription — somebody’s son, and somebody else’s maidservant.20 Such a seal is seal 471,21 which bears the inscription: MIḫi-iš!-ša-tum / DUMU dEN.ZU-[…]ul / GÉME dNÈ.ERI11.GAL — “Ḫiššatum, son of Sīn-Ludlul (?), maidservant of Nergal”. The scribe probably omitted the sign MÍ after the sign DUMU, and thus wrote “son of” instead of “daughter of”.22 As for seal no. 381,23 the inscription it bears is: ruba-tum / DUMU ši-ra-bí-at. The first name is a name of a female,24 and therefore it is probably possible to interpret it as ru-ba-tum / DUMU- ši-ra-bí-at.

Seal no. 502: dUTU.šu. / e.šu / a.šib er-ṣe-tim / uru.maš.gán / . See plate 28. 18 Seal no. 355. See plate 28. 19 Collon 1986, seal no. 553. 20 For instance seals 471, 813 and maybe even 381. See plate 28. 21 See plate 28. 22 And see also Stamm’s interpretation (Stamm 1968, 248). 23 See plate 28. 24 Collon 1986, seal no. 599. In this context it is interesting to note seal no. 45, which mentions “rubātum, the female slave of dŠamaš and dAya”, so it is possible that the seal cutter was mistaken in the first seal. See plate 28. 17

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ENGRAVED ON STONE

Additional evidence can be seen in an inscription on a hematite seal:25 dNÈ.IRI2.GAL / UR.SAG šà.áš.ša(!) / sag.kal gaba.nu.gi4. Porada and Buchanan claim that there is a mistake of the seal cutter here: “By a mistake of the engraver, the last sign of the second line reads “ga” instead of “ša”.”26 If they are correct, then this is a spelling error made by the seal cutter, which indicates that he had incorrectly copied the sign which was written in front of him, for what distinguishes the two signs is just one vertical wedge which stands at the end of the sign ša and is missing at the sign ga.27 In another type of mistake, the first line of an inscription on one of the seals which might testify to a mistake of the seal cutter28 notes twice the determinative of divinity (d d iškur): a rare phenomenon which I interprete as a mistake of the seal cutter. Another similar seal29 made of hematite includes the inscription: d d utu / d a-a. Occasionally it can be seen that the seal cutter made a mistake or was confused, and discovered his mistake after he had done it, but during his work and before he had passed it on. In such cases, the seal cutter might have erased the mistake but left the erasure mark as it is: thus for instance one of the seals30 which notes d x. The name of the god after the determinative d was erased by the seal cutter. Another example affirms that the mistake was erased, and was corrected by a new engraving. Thus, for instance, a hematite seal:31 dAN.MAR.TU / dumu an.na / kur-sikil-la tuš-a. Collon notes that

Seal no. 605 (table 35). Porada and Buchanan translate the inscription as: Nergal, outstanding hero, leader who does not turn back (Porada and Buchanan 1948, seal no. 380). 26 Porada and Buchanan 1948, seal no. 380. 27 It is appropriate to add restrictions to this conclusion, and to mention that such a mistake might also happen to these who know how to write. 28 Seal no. 733 (plate 29). 29 Seal no. 559 (see plate 29). 30 Seal 811 (see plate 30). 31 Seal no. 204 (see plate 30). 25

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87

the sign kur was engraved above the erasure.32 From the photocopy of the seal it is apparent that this sign is more prominent then the rest of the signs in the inscription, and was carved on a surface that was smoothed before carving, and seems more flattened then the surface of the rest of the seal. It seems to me that the confusion was the result of the seal cutter’s writing before, by mistake, maybe out of habit, the sign ÌR — that in many occasions appears under the sign DUMU. A similar example is the second line of an inscription on another seal:33 i-ku-pí-ša / DUMU DINGIR-ra-ḫu-um / ÌR dUTU. Collon indicates that the sign um is written over an erasure or damage in the seal.34 Even though the seal cutters were skilled, it seems that occasionally the seal cutter did not properly plan the placement on the seal. Thus, for instance, a three-line inscription on a magnetite seal:35 Collon assumes that “the inscription has been fitted into a space for which a shorter inscription was intended”,36 since the inscription within the frame seems to not entirely belong to where it is. Furthermore, the left elbow of the left character is located on the frame of the inscription.

ADMINISTRATION The lion’s share of cylinder seals were private seals rather then administrative or dedication seals. Out of 482 seals in the sample which include inscriptions,37 from among all the seals in the sample, only 5 cylinder seals, which are 0.5% of the total number of seals in the sample, belong to administrators.38 Those seals are Collon 1986, seal no. 226. Seal no. 122 (see plate 30). 34 Collon 1986, seal no. 43. 35 Seal no. 317 (plate 30). 36 Collon 1986, seal no. 470. 37 See table 4. 38 A seal of hematite (seal no. 462: see plate 32) bears the inscription: Igmil-Sin, son of Ramanu, slave of Ṣilli-Sin. Buchanan claims that “given the form of the inscription, Ṣilli-Sin must be a petty dynast of the Old Babylonian period” (Buchanan 1981, seal no. 899). Since I have not found in different king-lists any evidence for the existence of a king named Ṣilli32 33

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made of different raw materials — two of agate, one of chalcedony, one of hematite and one of carnelian. The scratch resistance of three of those minerals is known — agate, hematite and chalcedony, all relatively hard minerals — hematite: 5–6 according to Mohs scale, agate and chalcedony: 7 according to Mohs scale. In addition, it is interesting to note that 4 of these 5 seals are recuts. Even though few conclusions can be drawn on the basis of only 5 seals, this may strengthen the assumption that administrators needed seals made of minerals which were harder then those seals belonging to other people, since they often used their seals for their work, in contrast to others that did not do so. As for the typological division of these seals, 3 of the seals belong to administrators of the Babylonian king Abi-ešuḫ, who was the heir of Samsuiluna and reigned in Babylon between the years 1711–1684 BCE.39 One agate seal40 notes pa-ar-bi, son of ša-an-ni, slave of Abi-ešuḫ. It is not clear what was the exact function of the seal owner. Another seal,41 made of carnelian, belongs to SinIddinam, the overseer of the merchants, son of Serrum-Banium, servant of Abi-ešuḫ. Another seal is made of chalcedony,42 and the inscription upon it notes Ilšu-nāṣir, diviner,43 son of Marduk-nāṣir, Sin, it is possible that despite Buchanan’s opinion, a slave and his owner are intended and not a king and his servant. 39 According to the middle chronology, as stated above in the preface. See Brinkman in the appendix he edited for Oppenheim’s book (Brinkman, 1976). 40 Seal 829. 41 Seal 60. 42 Seal 496. 43 The Sumerian phrase is máš-šu-gíd-gid (Akkadian: bārû—“diviner”, “liver examiner”). The Sumerian means literally: “one who extends his hands into the kid”, “kid examiner”. I am grateful to Prof. Jacob Klein for the commentary. And compare to an inscribed lapis lazuli cylinder seal found at Beth Shean (“Beth Shean 1”), dated on stylistic grounds to the Old Babylonian period, which bears the inscription: “Ma-a-nu-um / máššu-gíd-gid / ÌR dEN.KI”. Horowitz and Oshima state that “it is not certain how or when the seal reached Beth Shean, but the possibility that the object was brought to the city by a traveling bārû cannot be ruled out,

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89

slave of Abi-ešuḫ. A seal made of agate44 bears the inscription: Iddin-Lāgamāl, son of Alī-talīmī, servant of Ammiditana. It is not clear what is the role of the official, who was the servant of the king of the first dynasty of Babylon who ruled after Abi-ešuḫ (between the years 1647–1683). A seal made of hematite45 notes the inscription: iš-me-ilum DUB.SAR / DUMU qí-iš-ti-é.a / ÌR ia-giit-li-im. Yaggid-Lim, an Amorite king in Northern Mesopotamia, was the father of Yaḫdun-Lim, king of Mari. It is not clear when Yaggid-Lim had ruled. In administrative, literary and other texts one frequently reads about different kings and rulers, but only 5 cylinder seals, which are 0.5% of the total number of seals in the sample, are connected to kings. Based on the cylinder seals, it is surprising how modest and small is the administrative portion relative to what one might have expected.

BURGUL SEALS 7 of the total sum of seals which include inscriptions include only inscriptions without images.46 6 of them are defined by Collon as burgul seals, and the seventh one as a “votive cylinder”.47 The burgul seals are made of gypsum (hardness of 2 according to Mohs scale), gypsum and some bassanite, ceramic, chlorite, chlorite and amphibole. Those seals are made of raw materials which are not particularly hard, which strengthens the assumption that the seals in question were seals which were made in the site itself, from raw materials which were available in its surroundings. The minerals are not too hard, and it is reasonable to envisage the seal cutter, needing a soft raw material in order to produce a seal at since liver models have been recovered from Hazor, Megiddo and other sites in the cuneiform west” (Horowitz, Oshima and Sanders 2006, 47– 48). 44 Seal no. 408. 45 Seal 976. 46 Seals 419–425 in the database (see plate 24). 47 Collon 1986, 218–219. This seal (seal no. 425) will be discussed late in this chapter under dedicatory seals and personal seals.

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the site itself for the sake of a customer waiting next to him, selecting to engrave a seal from these softer raw materials.

MISCELLANEOUS Sometimes it is impossible to conclude much from the inscription engraved on the seal, for instance in cases when the seal is broken, the inscription is not intact or is unclear, etc. Thus, for instance, an inscription on a seal made of hematite48 is composed of two lines: dkal.kal / d…[……]. It is not clear who the deity dkal.kal is. The second line includes the determinative for divinity at the beginning of the line, and after that an empty space was left, to which a name of a deity was supposed to be added. In my opinion this is either a recut, or an unfinished seal.

RECUTS One of the goals of this research was to examine recuts among the cylinder seals.49 During their life spans, the seals or parts of them passed through different stages of alteration. Recuts were made due to changes of ownership or abrasion, and can be identified by the remains of the former moulding which was not properly removed, opposite styles of engraving, that appear together on the same cylinder seal or irregular forms of scenes, that do not fit the ‘rules’ for forming cylinder seals. Recuts were performed on cylinder seals because of the great value of the raw materials from which they were made. Approximately one fifth of the cylinder seals in the sample were recut. Since the raw materials from which the seals were manufactured were imported in many cases from outside of Mesopotamia, in many examples seals passed through processes of recut, for instance in cases where seals gained new owners or were worn out. 246 of the seals are recuts.50 159 of them include inscriptions.51 They constitute about one third of the 482 seals that Seal no. 463 (plate 32). See table 7. 50 See table 6. 51 See table 7. 48 49

ANALYZING THE DATA

91

bear inscriptions (i.e. 32.9875% of the seals who bear inscriptions). About one quarter of all the seals (24.6%) are re-processed. I find it reasonable to conclude from this that in many cases the seal cutter preferred to use a ready-made cylinder seal whose validity had expired, or that its owner was interested in altering it in order to produce a new seal from it, sometimes to erase part of the inscription or all of it, and thus to turn it into a new seal. Another matter investigated is whether there was a correlation between the hardness of raw material from which the cylinder seal is made to the part of the seals that were recut. In order to do that I examined only minerals from which 10 or more cylinder seals are made. I did not find any direct relationship between the hardness of the mineral according to Mohs scale and the number of recuts which were made of the mineral. Hence, the hardness of the minerals has no correllation with its use in recuts.

SEALS WHICH INCLUDE INSCRIPTIONS 482 seals from among the 1000 seals in the sample include inscriptions.52 254 of the total number of seals (52.697% from the total amount of seals which include inscriptions) are seals of males and females:53 The inscriptions on 228 seals (47.302% of the seals which bear inscriptions) include names of males, titles, professions and the gods they worshipped.54 Only 27 seals (5.601% of the seals which bear inscriptions) are seals for women.55 I attempted to check the distribution of the seals made of specific minerals which bear inscriptions.56 It should be noted that that when more seals are made of a certain mineral, the larger the quantity of seals made of it which bear inscriptions,57 that is to say that there is no difference in the relative number of the inscriptions in seals made of different minerals. See table 4. See table 10. 54 See distribution in table 9. 55 See table 11. 56 Table 10. 57 Table 4. 52 53

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WOMEN’S SEALS Out of the 482 seals in the sample which include inscriptions, 233 include names of males, their titles, their professions and the deities they worshipped. Only 27 seals belonged to women.58 One might therefore conclude that the number of women among the upper class (the class of the seal owners) was minor or that there numbers are not well represented in seal inscriptions. Most of the seals of women include the name of the woman, the name of the father and the name of the deity they had worshipped.59

TRADE In different periods, different raw materials were in use. As a result of technological change and the transition from the use of stone drills to bronze drills, in the Old Babylonian period the use of hematite and other hard minerals in order to manufacture the seals had begun. The raw materials for manufacturing the seals came from outside of Mesopotamia, and the manufacture itself was handled inside Mesopotamia. Old Babylonian cylinder seals were found outside of Mesopotamia: in Egypt, Crete, Greece and in the land of Israel.

SEAL CUTTERS AND THE MANUFACTURE OF SEALS Seal cutters constituted a whole class of people who dealt with manufacturing of seals. In most cases the seal cutters did not practice in centers or in workshops—the workshop found in Diqdiqqah in Ur is the exception. Every seal cutter had a tool kit which he took with him from place to place, and evidence for this can be seen in a tool kit which was found in Larsa (see plate 5).

SEALS OF DEITIES Many seals — 38 of the 199 seals that reference deities in their inscriptions — bear names of deities alone.60 Many deities are referenced in the seals, whether as deities which were worshipped See table 10. See table 11. 60 See table 12. 58 59

ANALYZING THE DATA

93

by individual people (i.e. personal name son of another personal name, slave of a specific deity),61 or as deities who appear alone on seals. On most of the seals from the second type appears the god dŠamaš, or the god dŠamaš along with the goddess dAya. It is interesting to note the fact that even though hematite was the beloved stone of the god dŠamaš,62 the god dŠamaš does not appear solely on seals made of hematite as might perhaps have been expected: he also appears on seals made of other raw materials, such as lapis lazuli.63 Other deities which appear on seals are dAmurru (dmar.tu), dSīn, dMeslamtaea (seal no. 178), dNergal and dMamītu, dNinsun and dLugal-banda, dNinurta + dNin-Nibrua, dNinsianna and many others.

DEDICATORY SEALS AND PERSONAL SEALS Only 2 seals (0.2% of the sample) are dedicatory seals: seals whose inscriptions indicate that they were dedicated to deities. Most of the seals were personal seals. Of the personal seals, 518 seals do not include any inscription, and 38 other seals mention names of deities alone. Such seals, on which just names of deities are inscribed, are

See typological division in chapter 5. Hematite was the beloved stone of the god Šamaš — in chapter 2 I mentioned a Neo-Assyrian text (JRAS 1929 283 r. 20), which affirms: “O hematite, hematite, you are the beloved of Šamaš, the judge”. A fact which might strengthen this assumption is that 19 of the total 22 seals in the sample which include the name of Šamaš are made of hematite. This assumption can also be strengthened based on the distribution of raw materials in a sample of weights from the Babylonian collection in Yale University. The weights are from the Old Babylonian period, or their period is unclear. The assumption is that if Šamaš is the justice god, many weights from hematite will be found. From the examination it is deduced that out of 16 weights examined, 8 are made of hematite, 4 of magnetite, 1 of rock-crystal, 1 made of limonite, 1 made of chert, brown and 1 made of sardonyx. I am grateful to Dr. Oded Tammuz for the idea and for checking those weights in the Babylonian collection of Yale University. 63 See table 3. 61 62

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of tradable value, since the ownership of them could have been changed easily, without the need to re-adapt them. The votive seal described by Collon64 is made of obsidian65 (hardness of 6 according to Mohs scale). This mineral is much harder then the minerals that typical burgul seals are made from, and the quality of the inscription is different. This dedicatory seal is a seal of in.na.ba type — it bears the inscription: dLUGALGÚ.DU8.Aki / UD.KIB.NUNki / ┌d┐nin-kur-ra-ma-an-sum /DUMU ki-den.líl-[qí-ni?] / nam-ti-la-ni-[šè] / in-na-an-b[a], that is to say Ninkurra-Mansum, son of Itti-Enlil-Qinni, dedicates the seal for the life of Lugal-Gudua of Sippar.

SEALS THAT INCLUDE A PROFESSION

Inscriptions on 22 seals include professions.66 9 of them are recuts. Collon claims that “professions, which were given until the Isin/Larsa period, virtually disappeared from the inscriptions”.67 I examined the minerals that the seals which include professions are made from,68 but I do not believe that it is possible to draw any connection between the raw material from which the cylinder seal is made and the profession which is inscribed on it: different professions are inscribed on a variety of raw materials. The professions appearing in the inscriptions include that of grooms,69 “kid examiners”, seal cutters, goldsmiths, and barbers. One of the most common professions is that of scribe (DUB.SAR). Of the 6 seals that mention this profession, 5 are made of hematite and 1 is made of chalcedony. One of the scribes worked in the service of Yaggid-Lim.70 Collon 1986, 218–219. See under “burgul seals” in this chapter. Seal 425 (see plate 24, and further discussion in chapter 7). 66 See table 15. I am grateful to Prof. Victor Avigdor Hurowitz, Prof. Jacob Klein and Prof. Wayne Horowitz for their help in clarifying the terms. 67 Collon 1993a, 105. 68 See table 15. 69 kuš , from Akkadian: kizû — a herdsman or a groom, personal 7 attendant. 70 Seal 976. 64 65

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95

Other common professions are different types of priests:71 gudu-abzu,72 gudu4,73 ḪAL,74 ŠUTUK,75 pašišum,76 išib.77 Three seals, each one made of another mineral, include the profession “merchant” (DAM.GÀR). An additional seal, made of a different mineral,78 includes an inscription which mentions Sīn-Iddinam, overseer of the merchants… slave of Abi-ešuḫ.79 3 from among those seals — 1 which mentions the overseer of the merchants and another 2 which belong to “regular” merchants — are recuts.

Table 15. gudu4-abzu — Akk. gudapsû — a priest (CDA, p. 95). Literally: the gudu4 priest of the Apsu (a high rank pašīšu priest). 73 An ordinary kind of priest. 74 ḪAL (or lúḪAL) — (Akkadian: bārû) — “diviner” (cf. ḪAL = pirištu — “secret”). 75 ŠUTUK From Sumerian, to be read: gudu , Akkadian: pašīšu — 4 “anointed one” (a type of priest). 76 A priest who anoints, and see also “pašīšu(m)” (CDA, p. 269). 77 išib — Akkadian: išippu (Sumerian loanword), a purification priest. And see further discussion in Sigrist 1984, 161–162. 78 Carnelian. 79 UGULA DAM.GÀR, seal no. 60. 71 72

APPENDICES THE DATABASE WHICH FORMS THE BASIS Picture?

Recut?

Raw Material

Number

OF THE RESEARCH

1

Hematite Yes

No

Pittman and Aruz 1988, seal no. 27

2

Hematite Yes

No

Pittman and Aruz 1988, seal no. 28

3

Hematite Yes

pi-ti-tum / DUMU išPittman and Aruz No me-dEN.ZU / 1988, seal no. 29 d ÌR NÈ.ERI11.GAL

4

Hematite Yes Yes

Pittman and Aruz 1988, seal no. 30

5

Hematite Yes Yes

Pittman and Aruz 1988, seal no. 31

6

Hematite Yes Yes

Pittman and Aruz 1988, seal no. 32

7

Hematite Yes

No

Pittman and Aruz 1988, seal no. 33

8

Hematite Yes

No

Pittman and Aruz 1988, seal no. 34

9

Hematite Yes

No

Pittman and Aruz 1988, seal no. 35

10 Hematite Yes

No

Noveck 1976, seal no. 23

Inscription

97

Bibliography

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Number

98

11

Hematite

Yes

LÚ dMAR.┌TU] / No DUMU nu-úr ┌kubi┐

Noveck 1976, seal no. 24

12

Hematite

Yes

No

Noveck 1976, seal no. 25 Noveck 1976, seal no. 26 Collon 1997, seal no. 1/10

Inscription

13

Rockcrystal

Yes

GÉME dIŠKUR / DUMU-MÍ Yes DINGIR-šu-ku-bi / ta-ra-bi(?)dIŠKUR

14

Hematite

Yes

No

Bibliography

15

Hematite

Yes

Ì-lí-iš-ka-ú-ţúl / DUB.SAR / DUMU Collon 1997, No d EN.ZU-en-nam / ÌR seal no. 1/19 dìr-ra-i-mi-ti

16

Hematite

Yes

No

dUTU

/ da-a

Ravn 1960, seal no. 32

17

Hematite

Yes

No

dUTU

/ da-a

Ravn 1960, seal no. 33

18

Hematite

Yes

No

19

Lapis lazuli

Yes

No

dMAR.TU

Ravn 1960, seal no. 35

20

Lapis lazuli

Yes

No

dUTU

Ravn 1960, seal no. 36

21

Limestone

Yes

Na-ab-li-tu[m] / No DUMU x-x-x-am / ÌR dlugal-gú-du8-[aki]

Ravn 1960, seal no. 34

Ravn 1960, seal no. 37

Number

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

APPENDICES

22

Serpentine

Yes

No

23

Jasper

Yes

Yes

Inscription

99

Bibliography

Ravn 1960, seal no. 38 Buchanan a-lí-a-bi / DUMU-MÍ(?) 1966, seal x-um dEN.ZU no. 461 dNIN.ŠUBUR

24

Agate

Yes

/ [sukkal].zi.an.na / Buchanan gidri.kù.šu.du7 / nu-ur-aYes 1966, seal ḫi-šu /DUMU no. 462 DINGIR-šu-i-bi-šu / ÌR.ZU

25

Goethite

Yes

No

dUTU

26

Hematite

Yes

No

Buchanan a.x.dugud(?).bar(?).ra(?) 1966, seal / dumu nu(?)-úr-ma-ti no. 464

Yes

Yes

27

Agate

28

Hematite

Yes

No

29

Hematite

Yes

No

dUTU

Teissier 1984, seal no. 101

30

Hematite

Yes

No

dUTU

Teissier 1984, seal no. 102

31

Hematite

Yes

No

pa-a-su / DUMU DINGIR-dalil-ba-ni

Teissier 1984, seal no. 103

32

Hematite

Yes

No

/ da-a

Buchanan 1966, seal no. 463

Buchanan 1966, seal no. 466 Buchanan 1966, seal no. 467

Teissier 1984, seal no. 105

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Number

100

33

Serpentine

Yes

Yes

34

Hematite

Yes

No

35

Hematite

Yes

Yes

36

Hematite

Yes

DINGIR-ku-ru-ub Teissier 1984, seal No / DUMU no. 109 dEN.ZU.ILLAT

37

Hematite

Yes

No

38

Hematite

Yes

Yes

39

Hematite

Yes

No

Teissier 1984, seal no. 112

40

Hematite

Yes

No

Teissier 1984, seal no. 113

41

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Teissier 1984, seal no. 115

42

Hematite

Yes

No

Teissier 1984, seal no. 116

43

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Teissier 1984, seal no. 117

44

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Teissier 1984, seal no. 118

45

Hematite

Yes

No

ru-ba-tum / GÉME Teissier 1984, seal dUTU /ù da-a no. 119

Inscription

Bibliography

Teissier 1984, seal no. 106 dUTU

/ da-a

Teissier 1984, seal no. 107 Teissier 1984, seal no. 108

Teissier 1984, seal no. 110 dUTU

/ da-a

Teissier 1984, seal no. 111

Recut?

Picture?

Raw Material

Number

APPENDICES

Inscription

dIŠKUR

101

Bibliography

46

Hematite

Yes

/ dumu No an.na / gú?.gal.an.ki.a

Teissier 1984, seal no. 120

47

Hematite

Yes

No

Teissier 1984, seal no. 121

48

Hematite

Yes

No

Teissier 1984, seal no. 122

49

Hematite

Yes

No

Teissier 1984, seal no. 123

50

Hematite

Yes

No

51

Hematite

Yes

No

52

Hematite

Yes

ku-ru-um / DUMU Teissier 1984, seal Yes ab-ni-dEN.ZU / no. 126 ÌR dMAR.TU

53

Agate

Yes

a-bu-um-wa-qar / Teissier 1984, seal Yes DUMU ya-ši-iḫ-ìl / no. 127 ÌR dnin.sun

54

Hematite

Yes

No

Teissier 1984, seal no. 128

55

Hematite

Yes

No

Teissier 1984, seal no. 129

56

Hematite

Yes

No

Teissier 1984, seal no. 130

57

Hematite

Yes

No

Teissier 1984, seal no. 131

58

Hematite

Yes

No

Teissier 1984, seal no. 132

dUTU

dMAR.TU

an.na

/ dumu Teissier 1984, seal no. 124 Teissier 1984, seal no. 125

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Number

102

59

Hematite

Yes

No

Inscription

Bibliography

Teissier 1984, seal no. 133 dEN.ZU-i-din-nam

60

61

Carnelian

Yes

Lapis lazuli Yes

/ UGULA White Muscarella DAM.GÀR / Yes (ed.),1981, seal DUMU no. 66 dse-rum-ba-nim / ÌR a-bi-e-šu-uḫ No

Al-Gailani Werr 1992, seal no. 91

62

Hematite

Yes

No

Al-Gailani Werr 1992, seal no. 92

63

Hematite

Yes

No

Bleibtreu 1981, seal no. 69

64

Ceramic

Yes

No

Al-Gailani Werr 1992, seal no. 94

65

Ceramic

Yes

No

Al-Gailani Werr 1992, seal no. 95

66

Ceramic

Yes

No

Al-Gailani Werr 1992, seal no. 96

67

Ceramic

Yes

No

Al-Gailani Werr 1992, seal no. 97

68

Ceramic

Yes

No

Al-Gailani Werr 1992, seal no. 98

69

Ceramic

Yes

No

Al-Gailani Werr 1992, seal no. 90

70

Carnelian

Yes

ì-lí-i-din-nam / Buchanan 1981, No DUMU ma-a-nu-um seal no. 769 / ÌR an.àm

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

103

Number

APPENDICES

71

Hematite

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 851

72

Serpentine

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 854

73

Hematite

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 868

74

Hematite

Yes

No

75

Hematite

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 880

76

Hematite

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 887

77

Hematite

Yes

No

78

Hematite

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 894

79

Hematite

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 897

80

Agate

Yes

No

[ ] / [ ] / ┌ÌR Buchanan 1981, seal dAN.MAR.TU┐ no. 896

81

Hematite

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 928

82

Limestone

Yes

Yes

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 935

83

Hematite

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 936

84

Hematite

Yes

No

[ ] / DUMU [ ] / Buchanan 1981, seal ÌR [ ] no. 941

Inscription

dEN.ZU

/

dNIN.GAL

dIŠKUR

an.na

Bibliography

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 870

/ dumu Buchanan 1981, seal no. 893

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Number

104

85

Hematite

Yes

No

86

Azurite

Yes

No

Teissier 1984, seal no. 100

87

Hematite

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 947

88

Hematite

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 951

89

Hematite

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 953

90

Caclite

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 967

91

Hematite

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 973

92

Steatite[?]

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 977

93

Hematite

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 981

Inscription

dŠE.TIR

/

dNISABA

Bibliography

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 943

94

Agate

Yes

No

ib-ni-duraš / DUMU ku-úr-kuBuchanan 1981, seal du?!-a-bi / ÌR no. 1056 dEN.ZU / ù dMAR.TU

95

Limonite

Yes

No

Buchanan 1981, seal no. 946

96

Serpentine

Yes

No

Møller 1992, seal no. 79

Number

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

APPENDICES

97

Hematite

Yes

No

Inscription

dEN.[KI]

/ù

dDAM.GAL.NU

N.[NA]

Bibliography

Møller 1992, seal no. 80 Collon 1986, seal no. 1

98

Goethite

Yes

No

dUTU

99

Goethite

Yes

yes

dNIN.ŠUBUR

Collon 1986, seal no. 2

100

Hematite

Yes

No

dUTU

Collon 1986, seal no. 3

Yes

Yes

101 Limestone

/ da-a

105

/ da-a

Collon 1986, seal no. 4

102

Goethite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 5

103

Hematite

Yes

No

Teissier 1984, seal no. 114

104

Hematite

Yes

Yes

105 Limestone

Yes

No

106

Goethite

Yes

No

dUTU

107

Rock— crystal

Yes

No

zi-ik-lum / DUMU i-gi4 / Ú-SAG-SA

Collon 1986, seal no. 16

108

Hematite

Yes

Yes

dUTU

Collon 1986, seal no. 17

109

Hematite

yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 8 Collon 1986, seal no. 11 / da-a

/ da-a

Collon 1986, seal no. 14

Collon 1986, seal no. 19

Recut?

Picture?

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Raw Material

Number

106

Inscription

dEN.ZU-i-din-na-am?

110

Agate?

Yes

Yes

/ DU[MU…..] / Ì[R……… d]IŠKUR

111

Hematite

Yes

No

dUTU

112 Limestone

Yes

Yes

da-a dUTU

113

Goethite

Yes

No

Hematite 114 and some Magnetite

Yes

No

Yes

Yes

Yes

No

ur-dNANŠE / ÌR dišum

115 Limestone 116

Hematite

/ da-a

Bibliography

Moortgat 1966, seal no. 484 Collon 1986, seal no. 22 Collon 1986, seal no. 23 Collon 1986, seal no. 26

dUTU

/ da-a

Collon 1986, seal no. 29 Collon 1986, seal no. 30 Collon 1986, seal no. 31

117

Amethyst

Yes

No

du-šu-up-tu[m] / DUMU-MÍ ib-qúMoortgat 1966, dINANNA / GÉME seal no. 479 dAN.MAR.TU

118

Hematite

Yes

No

dUTU

119

Chlorite

Yes

No

120

Goethite

Yes

No

dMUG

121

Hematite

Yes

Yes

LÚ-ḫa-a-a / DUMU a-pa-a-nu-um

Collon 1986, seal no. 33 Collon 1986, seal no. 34 / dNIN.MAŠ

Collon 1986, seal no. 39 Collon 1986, seal no. 40

Recut?

107

Picture?

Raw Material

Number

APPENDICES

122 Lapis lazuli

Yes

No

i-ku-pí-ša / DUMU DINGIR-ra-ḫu-um / ÌR dUTU

Collon 1986, seal no. 43

123

Hematite

Yes

No

┌i┐-din-a-a / [DUMU] ┌iš┐-medIŠKUR

Collon 1986, seal no. 46

124

Hematite

Yes

Yes

i-bi- dIŠKUR / DUMU be-ku-lum

Collon 1986, seal no. 47

si-ma-at-dEN.ZU / DAM lú?-ni / GÉME dNIN.GÌR.SU

Collon 1986, seal no. 48

Inscription

Bibliography

125

Chlorite

Yes

No

126

Hematite

Yes

No

127

Hematite

Yes

No

128

Goethite

Yes

No

ma-a-na-na / kuš7(IŠ) Collon 1986, / DUMU za-ku-um / seal no. 55 ÌR dNIN.SI4.AN.NA

129

Hematite

Yes

No

dUTU

130

Hematite

Yes

Yes

131

Jasper

Yes

No

dIŠKUR

ù d.la

Collon 1986, seal no. 62

No

DINGIR-mu-ta-bil / išib dINANNA zabalamki / DUMU šu-ì-lí

Collon 1986, seal no. 64

dnin.šubur

132

Jasper

Yes

/ sukkal zi Collon 1986, an.na / seal no. 52 giš-gidru.kù šu.du7 dNÈ.ERI

11 dma-mi-tum

ki.GAL

/

Collon 1986, seal no. 53

Collon 1986, seal no. 58 Collon 1986, seal no. 59

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Number

108

133

Hematite

Yes

No

d

134

Goethite

Yes

Yes

dUTU

135 Serpentine

Yes

Yes

ÌR-ru-bi / DUMU aqCollon 1986, ba-ḫu-um / seal no. 72 ÌR dNIN.SI4.AN.NA

136

Goethite

Yes

Yes

dNIN.ŠUBUR

137

Chlorite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 75

138

Carnelian

Yes

No

Moortgat 1966, seal no. 456

Hematite 139 and some Magnetite

Yes

No

DINGIR-šu-ba-ni / ÌR dša- ḫa-an

Collon 1986, seal no. 82

140

Hematite

Yes

Yes

DIŠ é.a / ù dmi-x-šaak

Collon 1986, seal no. 88

141 Serpentine

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 89

142

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 95

143

Hematite

Yes

No

dEN.ZU

Collon 1986, seal no. 97

144

Hematite

Yes

Yes

dEN.ZU!

Collon 1986, seal no. 98

145

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Inscription

EN.ZU / da-a

Bibliography

Collon 1986, seal no. 66 Collon 1986, seal no. 69

Collon 1986, seal no. 74

Collon 1986, seal no. 99

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

109

Number

APPENDICES

146

Goethite

Yes

Yes

ÌR dMAR.TU / DUMU ÌR-dla-aḫ-mi

Collon 1986, seal no. 102

147

Hematite

Yes

Yes

ib-ni-dMAR!.TU / DUMU ì-lí-ma-a-ḫi / ÌR ša dMAR!.TU

Collon 1986, seal no. 105

148

Hematite

Yes

No

149

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 107

150

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 110

151

Goethite

Yes

No

152

Goethite

Yes

No

153

Hematite

Yes

No

154

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 117

155

Chlorite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 120

156

Hematite

Yes

No

157

Goethite

Yes

Yes

158

Hematite

Yes

No

Inscription

dMAR.TU

/ DUMU

an.na

dan-ni

/ ÌR

dNÈ.ERI ki.GAL 11

Bibliography

Collon 1986, seal no. 106

Collon 1986, seal no. 112 Collon 1986, seal no. 114

dUTU

dUTU dMAR.TU-še-mi

/ DUMU a-bu-la-a-a / ÌR dMAR.TU

Collon 1986, seal no. 116

Collon 1986, seal no. 123 Collon 1986, seal no. 124 Collon 1986, seal no. 125

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Number

110

159

Hematite

Yes

No

Inscription

Bibliography

Collon 1986, seal no. 126

160 Greenstone

Yes

yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 128

Hematite 161 and some Quartz

Yes

No

162

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 132

163

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 136

164

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 138

165

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 146

166

Jasper

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 152

167

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 154

168

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 157

Collon 1986, seal no. 129

dUTU

169 Serpentine

Yes

No

ÌR-RA-ga-mi-il / DUMU pù-zur8Collon 1986, dMAR.TU / ÌR seal no. 161 dLUGAL.GÚ.DU .A 8

170

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 165

171

Hematite

Yes

Yes

dda-gan

/ dŠA.LA.AŠ

Collon 1986, seal no. 166

Number

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

APPENDICES

172

Hematite

Yes

No

173

Carnelian

Yes

Inscription

111

Bibliography

im-gur-ru-um / DUMU Collon 1986, ši-nu-ú / seal no. 168 ÌR dNIN.ŠUBUR

No

ša-at-dEN.ZU / DUMU-MÍ ÌR-dNANNA / GÉME dIŠKUR

Collon 1986, seal no. 169

174

Quartz

Yes

No

┌d┐EN.ZU-i-din-nam / [Ì]R Collon 1986, dda-gan / ┌ù┐d┌ seal no. 172 UTU┐

175

Hematite

Yes

No

ì-lí-ia-tum / DUMU be-lum / ÌR dli9-si4

176 Serpentine

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 180

177 Serpentine

Yes

No

qú-ru-du-um / DUMU Collon 1986, nu-ùr-dUTU / ÌR seal no. 181 dMAR.TU

Collon 1986, seal no. 173

dNÈ.ERI

178

Hematite

Yes

No

11.GAL -maan-sum / DUMU ì-lí- Collon 1986, tu-ra-am / ÌR dmesseal no. 182 lam-ta-è-a

179

Obsidian

Yes

No

be-┌lí┐-ia / DUMU EN.ZU-i-ri-ba-am / ÌR dIŠKUR

180

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, / DUMU dUTU-ni-šu seal no. 185 / ÌR é.a

181

Hematite and some magnetite

Yes

No

a-ḫi-li-ši-ir / DUMU nu-úr-dU[TU] / ÌR dAN.MAR.TU

Collon 1986, seal no. 183

dAMAR.UTU-na-ṣi-ir

Collon 1986, seal no. 186

Recut?

Picture?

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Raw Material

Number

112

Inscription

Bibliography

a-bu-um-DINGIR DUB.SAR / DUMU nuYes yes úr-MAR.TU / ÌR dMAR.TU

Collon 1986, seal no. 187

ḫa-ab-lu-a-ḫu-ú-a / Hematite DUMU-MÍ dUTU183 (containing Yes No DINGIR / GÉME dtaštitanium) me-tum

Collon 1986, seal no. 188

182

Hematite

dUTU-li-wi-ir

184

Hematite

Hematite 185 and some magnetite

/ DUMU

Yes No la-a-lum / ÌR dIŠKUR / [nimgi]r Yes No sila si-g[a] / ni-┌te┐-ga[k a? x] dḫendur-s[ag]

dnin.šubur

186

Hematite

/ sukkal zi Yes No an.na / ┌giš┐-gidru.kù šu.du

Collon 1986, seal no. 189

Collon 1986, seal no. 190 Collon 1986, seal no. 191

dEN.ZU-e-ri-ba-am

187

Hematite

/ Collon 1986, Yes No DUMU dEN.ZU-re-me-ni seal no. 192 d / ÌR na-bi-um

188

Goethite

ma-ri-er-şe-tim / DUMU ìCollon 1986, Yes No lí-ip--al!-sà!-am / ÌR seal no. 197 da- ḫu-ú-a / ù dla-bu-um dsu-ḫi-nun-na

189

Hematite

Yes No

190 Lapis lazuli Yes No

duraš

/ DUMU / DINGIR ME DADAG

Collon 1986, seal no. 203

im-gur-dEN.ZU / ÌR dMAR.TU

Moortgat 1966, seal no. 295

Recut?

191 Carnelian

113

Picture?

Raw Material

Number

APPENDICES

Yes

im-me-ru-um / DUMU Collon 1986, No ṣa-ba-a-la-ši / pa-ši-šuseal no. 205 um ša dEN.ZU

Inscription

Bibliography

192

Hematite

Yes

ḫa- zi -i[p?-x-x] / Yes DUMU ta-[x-x-x] / ÌR ša[dx(x)]

193

Hematite

Yes

ṭà-ab-é-zi-da / DUMU Collon 1986, Yes DUMU-da-ra-aḫ!┌tum┐/ ÌR dšul-pa-è seal no. 208 dlugal.bàn.da

194

Goethite

Yes

/ UR.SAG DINGIR No ŠU.I / NUMUN ZI ki-ága

Collon 1986, seal no. 206

Collon 1986, seal no. 209

dUTU-mu-še-zi-ib

195

Hematite

Yes

/ Collon 1986, No DUMU dUTU-šar-ruseal no. 213 um / ÌR dna-bi-um

196

Rockcrystal

Yes

ma-ar-tum / DUMUYes MÍ dEN.ZU-ma-gir / GÉME é.a

197

Goethite

Yes

198

Jasper

Yes

199 Chalcedony Yes

dNIN-PA / DINGIR Yes šà-lá-sù / ì-ti ní-TUKU-na dEN.ZU-ma-┌gir┐/ No DUMU ip-qú-ša

Collon 1986, seal no. 215 Collon 1986, seal no. 218 Collon 1986, seal no. 219 Moortgat 1966, seal no. 332

Yes dEN.ZU-im-gur-ra

200

Goethite

Yes

– an-ni / DUMU ìYes ┌ ┐ lí -x-x-an-ni / ÌR dlugal.bàn.da

Collon 1986, seal no. 221

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Picture?

Recut?

Raw Material

Number

114

201 Limestone

Yes

ì-lí-iš-me-a-ni / DUMU Collon 1986, No ma-an-na-tum / ÌR seal no. 222 dIŠKUR

202

Yes

ib-ni-dza-ba4-ba4 / Yes DUMU la-i-ni-pí-šu / ÌR dNÈ.ERI11.GAL

Collon 1986, seal no. 224

Yes

[ì]-lí-tu-ra-a[m] / [DU]MU a-wi-ilNo DINGIR /ÌR dAN.MAR.TU

Collon 1986, seal no. 225

203

Goethite

Hematite

Inscription

dAN.MAR.TU

Bibliography

204

Hematite

Yes

/ Yes dumu an.na / kur-sikil-la tuš-a

Collon 1986, seal no. 226

205

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 228

206 Serpentine

Yes

No

207

Hematite

Yes

Yes

208

Goethite

Yes

Yes

209

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 234

210

Goethite

Yes

dEN.ZU-ra-bi / Yes DUMU dUTU-a-bi / ÌR dUTU

Collon 1986, seal no. 237

ì-lí-ma-a-bi / DUMU dEN.ZU-uru / ÌR 4 dAN.MAR.TU

Collon 1986, seal no. 232 dAN.MAR.TU

Hematite

Yes

/

dumu an.na

dnin.šubur

211

Collon 1986, seal no. 229

/ sukkal No an-n[a] / gidru-kù šu-du7

Collon 1986, seal no. 233

Collon 1986, seal no. 242

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

115

Number

APPENDICES

212

Hematite

Yes

zi-im-rum / DUMU ┌ Collon 1986, Yes eḫ┐-li-ip-a-dal / ÌR ša seal no. 254 dšakkán

213

Hematite

Yes

x-x-a-ga / DUMU aYes ba-tum / ÌR dIŠKUR

Inscription

Bibliography

dšul-pa

214

Hematite

Yes

È.A / en-gal Yes ní-gùr-ru / su-zi ri┌a┐

215

Hematite

Yes

Yes

216

Hematite

Yes

No

217

Hematite

Yes

Yes

218

Hematite

Yes

ip-qú-dŠA.LA / Yes DUMU i-si-qá-tar / ÌR dIŠKUR

dNIN.SI4.AN.NA

/

dkab!-ta

Collon 1986, seal no. 256 Collon 1986, seal no. 257 Collon 1986, seal no. 259 Collon 1986, seal no. 262

be-la-nu-um / DUMU dìr-ra-na-ṣi-ir / ÌR dišar-a-lí!-šu11

Collon 1986, seal no. 268

dšu-bu-la-a-bi

219

Hematite

Yes

/ DUMU a-bu-um-waYes qar / ÌR dNE.ERI .GAL 11

Collon 1986, seal no. 263

dAMAR.UTU-mu-uš-

Collon 1986, seal no. 272 Collon 1986, seal no. 274

220

Hematite

Yes

No te-še-er / ÌR dEN.ZU / ù dAN.MAR.TU

221

Hematite

Yes

No

222

Hematite

Yes

][/ DUMU pa-al-sum Collon 1986, Yes / ÌR den.líl / dIŠKUR seal no. 276 dumu an.na

dIŠKUR

/ dumu an.na / kù-la AN.KI

Collon 1986, seal no. 275

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Number

116

223

Hematite

Yes

No

224

Hematite

Yes

Yes

225 Hematite (?) Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 283

226

Goethite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 286

227

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 290

Inscription

Bibliography Collon 1986, seal no. 280

dIŠKUR

/ù

Collon 1986, seal no. 281

dMAR.TU

dki-iš-tum-um-mi

/

Collon 1986, seal no. 291

228

Obsidian

Yes

No GÉME dnin.šu[bur]

229

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 295

230

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 297

231

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 301

232

Limestone

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 302

233

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 304

234

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 306

235

Limestone

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 308

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

117

Number

APPENDICES

236

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 311

237

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 312

238

Hematite

Yes

No

239

Hematite

Yes

Yes

240

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 319

241

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 320

242

Goethite

Yes

No

243

Magnetite

Yes

No

Inscription

dUTU

/ da-a

dMAR.TU dgeštin-

/ an.na

dIŠKUR

/ dŠA.LA

Bibliography

Collon 1986, seal no. 313 Collon 1986, seal no. 317

Collon 1986, seal no. 324 Collon 1986, seal no. 326

dLUGAL.GÚ.DU 8

.A / UR.SAG šà- Collon 1986, aš-ša / sag-kal gaba seal no. 328 nu-gi4

244

Hematite

Yes

Yes

245

Hematite

Yes

No

246

Hematite

Yes

x-ÌR-ra / [DU]MU Collon 1986, No ka-šu-è[l] / seal no. 330 [Ì]R dlugal.bàn.d[a]

247

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 329

Collon 1986, seal no. 331

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Number

118

248

Hematite

Yes

No

249 Chalcedony

Yes

No

Inscription

ṣi-lí-dIŠKUR / Collon 1986, seal DUMU be-i-a-a / ÌR no. 334 dEN.ZU Moortgat 1966, seal no. 465 dEN.ZU-e-ri-ba-am

250

Hematite

Yes

No

Bibliography

ìr-ra-i-mi-ti / ÌR dNÈ.ERI .GAL 11

/ DUMU Collon 1986, seal no. 337

ia-ku-nu-um / DUMU ia-šu-bu-um / ÌR ša dEN.ZU

Collon 1986, seal no. 338

251

Hematite

Yes

No

252

Hematite

Yes

Yes

253

Jasper

Yes

Yes

254

Goethite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 346

255

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 348

256

Goethite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 350

257

Hematite

Yes

No

258 259

]z]-i-ik-ru-ú / ┌ÌR┐ Collon 1986, seal dAN.MAR.TU

no. 340

Dam-qi-ia / DUMU a-da-ia

Collon 1986, seal no. 341

da-qum / ÌR dIŠKUR dUTU

Collon 1986, seal no. 354

Hematite

Yes

No

BÁBBAR (UD.UD) / LUGAL AN.KI

Collon 1986, seal no. 357

Limestone

Yes

Yes

dUTU da-a

Collon 1986, seal no. 360

Number

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

APPENDICES

260

Goethite

Yes

No

119

Inscription

dnin.šubur

/ sukkal

dINANNA

Bibliography

Collon 1986, seal no. 361

dAG

261

Hematite

Yes

ur4-ur4 / me an.ki.a / gi-milYes d AMAR.UTU / ìrzu ḫé-ti

262

Hematite

Yes

Yes

263

Hematite

Yes

Yes

264

Hematite

Yes

No

265

Limestone

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 370

266

Hematite

Yes

a-ḫu-wa-qar / Yes DUMU ḫa-ba-su-um / ÌR den.líl

Collon 1986, seal no. 371

267 Lapis lazuli

Yes

No

268

Yes

Yes

Hematite

269

Hematite

Yes

No

270

Hematite

Yes

Yes

271

Hematite

Yes

No

dUTU

/ da-a

Collon 1986, seal no. 362 Collon 1986, seal no. 363 Collon 1986, seal no. 365

dUTU

/ da-a

AMAR-dda-gan / DUMU ku-ru-ubdIŠKUR

Collon 1986, seal no. 366

Collon 1986, seal no. 372 Collon 1986, seal no. 375

a-wi-il!- d[x] / DUMU dna-bi-umma-l[ik]? / ÌR dšakkán dMAR.TU

an.na

/ dumu

Collon 1986, seal no. 379 Collon 1986, seal no. 382 Collon 1986, seal no. 383

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Number

120

272

Hematite

Yes

Yes

273

Hematite

Yes

No

274

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 388

275

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 391

Inscription

dišum

/ dNIN-

MUG ur-mes-ukkin-na / dumu za-a / ìr dšul-pa-è

en-um-dEN.ZU / DUMU šadMAR.TU / ÌR dMAR.TU

Bibliography

Collon 1986, seal no. 384 Collon 1986, seal no. 387

Collon 1986, seal no. 393

276

Hematite

Yes

No

277

Hematite

Yes

No

278 Serpentine

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 398

279

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 399

280

Hematite

Yes

No

dUTU

Collon 1986, seal no. 401

281

Goethite

Yes

No

da-a dUTU

Collon 1986, seal no. 402

282

Hematite

Yes

Yes

283

Agate

Yes

No

284

Hematite

Yes

Yes

dnin.šubur

/ sukkal

zi an.na

dNÈ.ERI

11.

Collon 1986, seal no. 394

GAL

Collon 1986, seal no. 403

ku-na-nu-um / DUMU nu-úr-ì-lí-šu

Collon 1986, seal no. 405 Collon 1986, seal no. 407

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

121

Number

APPENDICES

285

Hematite

Yes

Yes

286

Goethite

Yes

No

dUTU

287

Hematite

Yes

Yes

dUTU da-a

288

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 415

289

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 419

290

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 422

291

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 422a

292

Hematite

Yes

Yes

293

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 424

294

Hematite and some magnetite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 426

Inscription

Bibliography

Collon 1986, seal no. 409 / da-a

a-pil-ku-bi / ÌR dlata!-ra-ak

Collon 1986, seal no. 412 Collon 1986, seal no. 413

Collon 1986, seal no. 423

dNANNA-ma-an-

295

Hematite

296 Chalcedony

Yes

No

Yes

No

sum / DUMU ib-nidUTU / ÌR dEN.ZU

Collon 1986, seal no. 430

dEN.ZU

Moortgat 1966, seal no. 343

dNIN.GAL

Recut?

Picture?

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Raw Material

Number

122

Inscription

Bibliography

dEN.ZU-ta-ia-ar

297

Hematite

Yes

/ DUMU dEN.ZUYes im-gur-an-ni / ÌR dAN.MAR.TU

298

Basalt

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 437

299

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 439

300

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 440

301

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 441

302

Goethite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 444

303

Goethite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 446

304

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 450

305

Hematite and some quartz

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 451

306

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 452

307

Magnetite

Yes

Yes ÌR dMAR.TU

Collon 1986, seal no. 454

308

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 455

309

Hematite and some quartz

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 456

Collon 1986, seal no. 435

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

123

Number

APPENDICES

310

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 458

311 Serpentine

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 460

312

Limestone

Yes

Yes

313

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Inscription

dIŠKUR

/ dša.l[a]

Bibliography

Collon 1986, seal no. 461 Collon 1986, seal no. 465

dEN.ZU

/

dNIN.GAL

314 Serpentine

Yes

/ ke-eš-iMoortgat 1966, Yes din-nam / DUMU d seal no. 477 ḫa-bi-il / ÌR dda-gan

315

Hematite

Yes

[pe]r-ḫ[u]-┌um-li- zi ┐-[iz] / Yes ┌DUMU ḫa-zi-ruu[m] / ┌ÌR┐dMAR.TU

316

Hematite and some magnetite

Yes

No

dMAR.TU

/ dumu

an.na dIŠKUR-ILLAT-su

Collon 1986, seal no. 468

Collon 1986, seal no. 469 Collon 1986, seal no. 470

317

Magnetite

Yes

Yes / DUMU du-la-qum / ÌR dIŠKUR

318

Hematite

Yes

No

319

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 473

320

Limestone

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 475

den.líl

/ dnin.líl

Collon 1986, seal no. 471

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Number

124

321

Hematite /Goethite

Yes

No

Inscription

Bibliography

dEN.ZU-iš-me-a-ni

322

Magnetite

Yes

No

323

Hematite

Yes

No

/ Collon 1986, seal ÌRdNIN.SI4.AN.NA no. 477 / ù dkab.ta [dn]a-bi-u[m] / [DUB.SA]R SAG.íl[a] / [ki-á]g dAMAR.U[TU] di-šum

/ dNIN-

MUG ia-ab-ru-┌qú┐-u[m] / DUMU i-bí-išDINGIR / ÌR dNANNA

Collon 1986, seal no. 483 Collon 1986, seal no. 487 Collon 1986, seal no. 488

324

Jasper

Yes

No

325

Hematite

Yes

Yes

326

Hematite

Yes

No

327

Magnetite and some quartz

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 493

328

Hematite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 496

329

Limestone

Yes

No

330 Serpentine

Yes

No

331

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 491 dUTU da-a

dIŠKUR

/ dŠA.LA

Collon 1986, seal no. 492

Collon 1986, seal no. 500 Collon 1986, seal no. 503

da-mi-iq-ì-lí-šu / DUMU a-ta-naaḫ-ì-lí / ÌR dMAR.TU

Collon 1986, seal no. 505

Recut?

Picture?

Raw Material

Number

APPENDICES

125

Inscription

nu-úr-dkab.ta / DUMU ta-ri-bu-um / ÌR dḫa-ià / ù dNISABA

Bibliography

Collon 1986, seal no. 506

332

Gabbro

Yes

No

333

Magnetite

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 508

334

Hematite

Yes

Yes x-am-x-a-x / ÌR dx

Teissier 1984, seal no. 104

335

Magnetite

Yes

No

336

Goethite

Yes

No

337

Magnetite

Yes

No

338

Hematite

Yes

No

339

Hematite

Yes

No

340

Hematite

Yes

No

341

Jasper

Yes

Yes

342

Hematite

Yes

No

Hematite & Yes magnetite

Yes

343

a-pil-šu-nu / DUMU Collon 1986, seal sà-an-gi-lu-um / ÌR no. 511 dAN.MAR.TU dINANNA

/ DINGIR šà-lá-sù

Collon 1986, seal no. 515 dMAR.TU

Hematite

Yes

No

/ dumu

an.na

Collon 1986, seal no. 517 Collon 1986, seal no. 518

dIŠKUR

Collon 1986, seal no. 519 Collon 1986, seal no. 521

dUTU

/ da-a

Collon 1986, seal no. 523 Collon 1986, seal no. 524

dna-bi-um

344

Collon 1986, seal no. 514

/ dub.sar sag-íla / ki-ág dAMAR.UTU

Collon 1986, seal no. 527

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Number

126

345

Goethite

Yes

DAM-qí-ì-lí-šu / Yes DUMU dEN.ZU-iqí-ša-am / ÌR dé.a

Collon 1986, seal no. 528

346

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 530

347

Hematite

Yes

No

348

Limestone

Yes

No

349

Hematite

Yes

No

dIŠKUR

350

Hematite

Yes

No

dUTU da-a

Yes

No

Yes

No

Yes

No

Moortgat 1966, seal no. 444

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 549

351

Limestone

352 Lapis lazuli 353 354

Limestone Limestone

Inscription

Bibliography

Collon 1986, seal no. 531

dUTU da-a

Collon 1986, seal no. 534 / dša.la

Collon 1986, seal no. 537 Collon 1986, seal no. 540 Moortgat 1966, seal no. 449

dnin.šubur

/ sukkal

an.na

x-du?-nu-um / DUMU-ÌRdEN.ZU / ÌR dNÈ.ERI .GAL 11

Collon 1986, seal no. 544

Collon 1986, seal no. 553

355

Hematite

Yes

No

356

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 554

357

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 555

Recut?

Picture?

Raw Material

Number

APPENDICES

127

Inscription

dEN.ZU-i-mi-t[i]

Bibliography

/

DUMU BURdMA?-MA? / ÌR dSUL-PA-È

Collon 1986, seal no. 557

358

Hematite

Yes

No

359

Hematite

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 558

360 Rock-crystal Yes

e-ri-iš-ti-da-a / DUMU-MÍ pa-leYes d UTU / GÉME dUTU / ù da-a

Collon 1986, seal no. 565

361 Serpentine

Yes

šu-mu-um-li-ib-ši / Yes DUMU a-da-a-a-ti / ÌR dIŠKUR

Collon 1986, seal no. 567

362

Yes

ta-ri-bu-um / DUMU Collon 1986, seal Yes a-di-an-ni-a-am / ÌR no. 568 dnin.šubur

Yes

[ì-lí-i]p-pa-al!]-sà-am / [DUMU k]a-amYes ba-lum / [Ì]R dAN.MAR.TU

Yes

DUMU-er-şe-tim / DUMU É-SAGí-la- Collon 1986, seal Yes li-di-iš / ÌR dša-ḫa-an no. 571 /ù dna-bi-um

363

364

Agate

Jasper

Jasper

dUTU-li-wi-ir

365

Limestone

Yes

/ DUMU dEN.ZUYes ga-mi-i[l] / ÌR dAN.MAR.TU

Collon 1986, seal no. 569

Collon 1986, seal no. 575

Raw Material

Picture?

Recut?

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Number

128

366

Jasper

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 577

367

Carnelian

Yes

x-ti-dx x x-zu / Yes DUMU x x x-ia / ÌR dEN.ZU

Moortgat 1966, seal no. 492

368

Jasper

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 580

369

Hematite

Yes

Yes ÌR dEN.[x]

Yes

si-is-su? / DUMU apil-dMAR.TU / ÌR ša Moortgat 1966, Yes d IŠKUR / ù seal no. 410 dMAR.TU

370

Agate

Inscription

den.líl

/ dnin.líl

Bibliography

Collon 1986, seal no. 581

dUTU-tu-kúl-ti

371 Serpentine

Yes

/ DUMU dEN.ZUYes mu-ba-lí-iţ / ÌR dEN.KI dniraḫ

372 Serpentine

Yes

Yes

Yes

şi-lí-dUTU / DUMU Collon 1986, seal Yes dEN.ZU-ma-gir / ÌR no. 588 dara

Yes

LÚ-dMAR.T[U] / DUMU DINGIR-še- Collon 1986, seal Yes m[i] / ÌR no. 590 dAN.MAR.T[U]

Yes

al-tu-uk ib-ra / a-tamar a-ḫu-tam / eš-eš a Collon 1986, seal Yes d AMAR.UTU / mu- no. 591 kil ri-iš sig5

373

374

375

Hematite

Hematite

Agate

Collon 1986, seal no. 583 Collon 1986, seal no. 584

Picture?

Recut?

Raw Material

Number

APPENDICES

376

Jasper

Yes

lú- diškur-ra / DUMU a-pil-ša / No ÌR dša-ḫa-an / ù dMAR.TU

377

Hematite

Yes

No

129

Inscription

Bibliography

Moortgat 1966, seal no. 441

te-še-ni / ÌR dNIN.SI .AN.NA / 4 ù d kab.ta dUTU-li-wi-ir

/ DUMU a-bu-um-waqar / ÌR dIŠKUR

Collon 1986, seal no. 594 Collon 1986, seal no. 595

378

Hematite

Yes

No

379

Chlorite

Yes

Yes DAM.GÀR

380

Chlorite

Yes

Yes

ku-bur-a-a / DUMU Collon 1986, seal mi-ḫi EZEN no. 598

Yes

Yes

ru-ba-tum / DUMU ši-ra-bí-at

No

dIŠKUR-šar-rum / Collon 1986, seal Yes ŠU-I / DUMU be-lano. 600 nu-um

381

Limestone

382 Limestone

Collon 1986, seal no. 597

Collon 1986, seal no. 599

dIŠKUR

383

Hematite

Yes

ur.sag / zaCollon 1986, seal Yes pa-ág-ne-e / no. 602 an.na tuk4- tuk4-e dNÈ.ERI

384

385

Rockcrystal

Agate?

Yes

11.GAL / UR.SAG Yes ! á gur4-gur4 / dingir mè gìr-ra

Collon 1986, seal no. 603

Yes

a-wi-il-dEN.ZU / DUMU dNINYes URTA-mu-ba-lí-i[ ]/ ÌR dlugal.bàn.da

Moortgat 1966, seal no. 483

Recut?

Chlorite

Picture?

386

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Raw Material

Number

130

Yes

i-li-┌ia?┐/ DUMU Yes ì-lí-a-wi-lim / ÌR dnin.šubur

387 Lapis lazuli Yes

Yes

Inscription

Bibliography

Collon 1986, seal no. 605

il-ta-ni / DUMU-MÍ Collon 1986, seal dEN.ZU-uru no. 606 4 dsu-ḫi-nun

388

Hematite

Yes

/ ú-a x Collon 1986, seal Yes sikil-la / urù zi ní-teno. 607 ┌gá┐-[na]

389

Jasper

Yes

Yes

Collon 1986, seal no. 608 Collon 1986, seal no. 609

390

Agate

Yes

ša-dna-na-a-a / DUMU-MÍ za-riYes qum / GÉME dnana-a-a

391

Rockcrystal

Yes

Yes

392

Amethyst

Yes

dIŠKUR / dumu Yes an.na / GÚ.GAL.AN.KI

393

Hematite

Yes

gi-mil-la-ša / DUMU Collon 1986, seal Yes ra-bu-ut- dEN.ZU / no. 612 ÌR dnin.šubur

dAN.MAR.TU

/

dumu an.na

Collon 1986, seal no. 610 Collon 1986, seal no. 611

dba-ú-um-m[i]

394

395

Quartz

Agate

Yes

/ DUMU-MÍ šu-i-liYes [šu] / GÉME dNÈ.ERI .GAL 11

Collon 1986, seal no. 613

Yes

mu-ḫa-di-[tum] / DUMU-MÍ Yes dEN.ZU-ga-mil / GÉME dpa-bil-sagke4

Collon 1986, seal no. 614

Goethite

397

Rockcrystal

Recut?

396

131

Picture?

Raw Material

Number

APPENDICES

Yes

sà-bi-tum / DUMUMÍ / dAMAR.UTUCollon 1986, seal Yes mu-ša-lim / GÉME no. 615 dINANNA / ù dnana-a

Inscription

Bibliography

dNÈ.ERI

Yes

11.GAL / en šul sag zi / Collon 1986, seal Yes ki igi-bar-ra-ni / ki-ti no. 616 ki-gá-gá dEN-KI

/ ù ddamgal-nun-na

Moortgat 1966, seal no. 288

398 Lapis lazuli Yes

No

399

Agate

Yes

lú-din[anna] / dumu na-bi-dinanna / Collon 1986, seal Yes gudu4 dINANNA no. 618 / ÌR dMAR.TU

400

Hematite

Yes

Yes

dIŠKUR

/ dumu an.na /gú.gal an.ki

Collon 1986, seal no. 619

dEN.ZU-na-wi-ir

401

Amethyst

Yes

/ Moortgat 1966, No DUMU ip-qú-dna-naseal no. 328 a / ÌR dEN.KI

402

Hematite

Yes

iš-me-dIŠKUR / Collon 1986, seal Yes DUMU še-ra-nu / ÌR no. 621 ša den.líl

Yes

DINGIR-na-da / DUMU nu-úrNo d nin.šubur / ÌR dnin.šubur

403

Hematite

Collon 1986, seal no. 622

Recut?

Picture?

ENGRAVED ON STONE

Raw Material

Number

132

Inscription

Bibliography

dIŠKUR-ba-ni

404

Gypsum

Yes

/ DUMU Yes nu-úr-dIŠKUR / DAM-GÀR

405

Agate

Yes

i-zi-a-um / DUMU Yes ma-na-ti-ia / ÌR dMAR.TU

Yes

i-din-dUTU / Collon 1986, seal Yes DUMU be-el-šu-nu / no. 625 ÌR dgibil6

406

Caclite

Collon 1986, seal no. 623 Moortgat 1966, seal no. 488

dEN.ZU-i-qí-ša-am

407

Jasper

/ DUMU dUTUda’ān / ÌR dAN.MAR.TU

Moortgat 1966, seal no. 489

Yes

Yes

Yes

i-din-dla-ga-ma-al / DUMU a-lí-ta-li-mi Yes / ÌR am-mi-di-tana-ke4

Collon 1986, seal no. 627

Moortgat 1966, seal no. 493 Moortgat 1966, seal no. 496

408

Agate

409

Rockcrystal

Yes

i-lu-ni / DUMU BA.AḪ?-ì-lí-šu / Yes ÌR dEN.ZU / ù dIŠKUR

410

Rockcrystal

Yes

No

Yes

ib-ni-dIŠKUR / Collon 1986, seal Yes DUMU ì-lí-tu-ra-am no. 630 / ÌR dIŠKUR

Yes

a-pil-dUTU / DUMU a-na-nu-úrYes d / é-a-lu-[si] / ÌR ša dé.a / ù dUTU

411

412

Goethite

Jasper

Collon 1986, seal no. 631

133

Recut?

Picture?

Raw Material

Number

APPENDICES

Inscription

413

Agate

Yes

Yes

ì-lí a-ta-mar / DUMU a-ḫi-mara-aş / ÌR dAN.MAR.TU

414

Ceramic

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 641

415

Ceramic

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 643

416

Ceramic

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 644

417

Ceramic

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 645

418

Ceramic

Yes

No

Collon 1986, seal no. 647

419

Ceramic

No

No

420

Chlorite

No

No

421

Chlorite

No

No

422

Gypsum?

No

No

423

Gypsum and some basenite

No

No

Chlorite & 424 amphibole

No

Moortgat 1966, seal no. 486

a-ad-da / dumu du-du

Collon 1986, seal no. 649

bur-a-mu / dumu ḫu-ḫu-a /kù-dim ┌a┐-wi-