Violence in the Mist: Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand 9747799472

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Violence in the mist Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

The proceeds

from this book

will go to victims of violence regardless of their religion.

Violence in the M i s t : Reporting

o n the Presence

of Pain in Southern Thailand

By Supara Janchitfah

Tflubif Kobfai Publishing Project is a part of Foundation for Democracy a n d Development Studies (FDDS). Published by: Kobfai Publishing Project 478 Sukhumvit 79, Wattana, Bangkok 10260, Thailand. Tel (66-2) 332 2543-4

Fax (66-2) 332 2544

e-mail: [email protected] Distributed by: Chulalongkorn University Book Center Tel- 0-2218-9888, 0-2218-7000 e-mail: cubook@chula ac.th / www.chulabook cam Photographs by: Supara Janchitfah, Santtsuda Ekachai, Jetjaras Na Ranong, Tawatchai Kemkamnerd and Suwimon Piriyathanalai Illustrations by: Sukaseam Hayiuma which originally appeared in Suwimon Piriyathanalai’s master degree thesis; The application of folk wisdom in natural resource management; A study of fishing village in Pattani province, NIDA, 2003 Cover designed by: Charungsak Phithakpraphan Artwork and layout by: 101 Freelance

ISBN: 974-7799-47-2

Price: 240 Baht

&

The Asia Foundation

HEINRICH

BOLL FOUNDATION

Kobfai Publishing Project Foundation for Democracy and Development Studies

Board of Directors

Prof. Saneh Chamarik Prof. Rapee Sakrik Ajarn Sulak Sivaraksa Dr. Shatwatna Kupratakuln Dr. Chaiwat Satha-Anand Tanapon Sidisunthorn

Editorial

Staff

Dr. Chaiwat Satha-Anand Tanapon Sidisunthorn Sunee Wongwaisayawan

Acknowledgement his is to express my appreciation to the Post Publishing Public Company Ltd, a n d Bangkok Post editor Kowit Sanandang whose support made this book possible. My profound

appreciation to the Asia Foundation and Heinrich Boell

Foundation for their consistent support to educational activities and peace movements in Thailand. Along with these two organisations, I have high hopes that this book will give both Thais and non-Thais a deeper understanding of the situation in southern Thailand. Thanks to Suwimon Piriyathanalai who introduced m e to the network of small-scale fishermen in the southern provinces. My sincere thanks to all groups of traditional fishermen who allowed me to enter their world in order to understand their pains. Thanks also to Nipa Sukpornsawan who introduced me to the network of sustainable farmers in three provinces. My special thanks to Deramae Daramae (Porji) and Madaming Areeyu (Baeya) who lent me a helping hand in every way they could to facilitate my research and field visits; and even allowing me to enter their personal world and be a part of their families. Thanks to Dr. Jaowanit Kittitornkool, Acharn Walakkamol Changkamol, Kusuma Kooyai, Soraya Jamjuree and Dr. Srisompob Jitpiromsn for their helping hand whenever I am in Hat Yai and Pattani. Special thanks

Heportlnp on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

to Acharn Piya Kijthavorn and Acharn Somboon Baulung of Prince of Songkla University in Pattani for their assistance and information. My profound appreciation to the Othman family; Dr. Tayudin, Acharn Saripah and Acharn Sawbariyah Othman, who gave me access to much information through the extraordinary translation they have provided. Thanks too to their two warm-loving mothers who allowed me into their world to understand Muslim families more deeply, and for their moral support during my field research in Narathiwat. Thanks to Muhamad Ayub Prathan, a Bangkok Post stringer in Yala province, for his assistance and information. Thanks to a group of students at Prince of Songkla University, Pattani Campus for their valued translation and for providing travel arrangements. To save them from further insults from some state officials, I will not name them. Thanks to many pondok institutes owners and students who allowed me to their world in order to search for "weapons” in their schools. Special thanks to Babo Kaream Naknawa of Somboonsart (Dalor) pondok and Babo Muhamad Adam of the Nurul Islam Pume Witthaya pondok for their valuable assistance in Islamic knowledge. Many of these articles would not be possible if the villagers who suffered from state actions d i d not speak out. I o w e all of you indefinitely. I am sorry that I could neither heal your pains nor solve your problems. The only thing I can d o is to listen and write about your acrimonies. I would also like to thank all Buddhist and Muslim people on the streets, who talked to me and questioned my motive. My special thanks to Arthur Jones Dionio for his help in re-editing most articles in this book. My gratitude

to sub-editors, James Stover and

Jaime Cabrera for their help in editing a n d polishing many of the original works. Many thanks to Jintana Pimtet and Panadda Vimoottiaran for their excellent proofreading expertise.

Vlolance in the Mist:

Thanks to Vasana Chinvarakorn

for her article she contributed

to this

book Thanks to Kong Rithdee for his helpful assistance in Islamic knowledge.

My special appreciation to Vasana Chinvarakorn for her

assistance in polishing some parts of this book and for her moral support, caring and understanding. Last but not least, I want to express my special thanks to Acham Chaiwat Satha-Anand for giving the title for this book, for being a public teacher, for being a Muslim scholar, for being a peace advocate. Even though many have challenged his non-violence

philosophy, he has never been

discouraged and continues to promote the value of peace to both state agencies and general public.

S ip.irn j'anc.Miah [jCOB’lt.'r" 10, V'F.'.l

On mist AS a SIGN: An Introduction

to Violence in the Mist

ecember 2004 is almost one year after this new chapter of violence in the South has been written, beginning with the January 4 wellorganized attack on the military camp in Narathiwat when some 400 weapons were taken a n d four soldiers murdered. With some five hundreds killed, and quite a few local Muslims were said to disappear during the past twelve months, violence has touched the lives of so many, both Buddhists a n d Muslims, government officials from low rankings to a judge as well as ordinary people. It has been responsible for changes on the side of the authorities responsible for putting an end to violence, both at the policy levels and the people in charge. Local people were sa d to live in fear for their lives, some from the militants or those armed shadows who can hardly be identified, while others from men in uniforms. Those who could, have migrated to a safer ground while those who could not try to find a way to live in an atmosphere steeped in fear and distrust. A journa st told me that these days in the eyes of some local people, one or two people killed a day is considered "normal”. This is indeed where the danger lies when violence has become

"normalized" and

people in society pass through news of those who were killed in the South as just another day, another dead body. For this is a sign that

Violence in the Mist:

something like war has indeed taken place. War is brutal not only because of the effects on its victims, but also on the society that makes war when it has been so brutalized that it can no longer embrace those killed with distinctiveness but hides them behind statistical normality. Violence in the Mist is important precisely because it refuses to take violence as normality, or to allow it to shield the faces of those who fall, or to regard those killed as “just another victim". It takes us into the homes of people who have lost their family members to speak about the people who died and continue

to live, and to question standard

explanations about different incidents. Instead of accepting official stories told by those with duties to tell, it shares with us stories of ordinary people, how they live, love, pray, and care for their young ones. In short, Violence in the Mist shines with clarity how human the faceless people whose stories one reads in the news about violence in the South are. There are several ways one could understand violence, however. Conceptualized in terms of layers, the most visible is the violence committed by people

on others. This is the layer of the perpetrators'

motives, their types of actions and their consequences on victims. This is the domain of law enforcement and brutal fighting scenes. Then comes the structural layers which are constituted by laws and other institutions, geography a n d economic conditions, problems which cannot be solved by simply replacing or removing “the b a d guys", who are in turn produced by the structures.

A border town with ample

opportunities for illegal business will surely be crowded with "bad crooks and cops". To simply focus on finding "good cops" to "remove bad crooks" in such a town is to ignore the structural reality which makes it possible forthem to function. The deepest layer is cultural. It is deepest in the sense that it is hardest to see. It is cultural in the sense that it legitimizes/deligitimizes patterns of actions a n d demonizes/idolizes groups

of people castigated as “the others". Violence in the Mist is

also important because it chooses not to deal with violence merely at

Reportlnp on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

one level. While the human stories emphasize phenomenology

the actor level in the

of violence, it pays attention to the cultural layers which

legitimize both the acts of violence and the demonization. It does this while trying to delegitimize violence a n d humanize those who are different, bringing forth alternatives and realities made difficult to be seen by violence itself. Like violence, the notion of “mist" could also be apprehended at different levels. Mist is thin or light fog. It is the cloud that moves near the ground. It happens when the moisture content of the air is increased beyond the saturation point or when the air is cooled below a critical temperature. In other words, it happens when cold air streams over warm water or warm ram on layers of cold air. When differences meet, mist is produced. It could certainly be understood as differences in histones as well as cultures. Mist has two special qualities. It is mysterious for it shields the eyes from what really happens.

Yet it is beautiful

because it gives a sense of heavenly clouds embracing the earth. From Islamic sources, mist also has different meanings. In the holy Qur’an, God says: "Then watch thou for the Day that the sky will bring forth a kind of smoke (or mist) plainly visible." [Surah (Chapter) 44: Ayah (Verse) 10]

A commentator points out that “mist” here refers to a severe famine in Mecca when people were so pinched with hunger that they saw mist before their eyes when they looked at the sky. In this sense, '‘mist" clearly clouds reality and is caused by sufferings. On the other hand, it could also be a sign of peace itself because according to a tradition of the Prophet (hadith), it was reported

that:

"A man recited Surah-al-Kahf (in his prayer) and in the house there was a (riding) animal which got frightened and started

Violence in the Mist:

jumping. The man finished his prayer with Taslim, but behold! A mist or a cloud hovered over him. He informed the Prophet of that and the Prophet said, ' 0 so-and-so! Recite, for this (mist or cloud) was a sign of peace descending for the recitation of Qur’an'.” [Hadith: Bukhari: 4,881]

Violence in the Mist should help us understand more about violence in the South with all its complexities, without losing both a sense of mystery and a sign of hope.

Cwsrt-Er 13. 2004

CONTENTS

Page

1...

Acknowledgement

4

2...

On Mist as a Sign: An Introduction to Violence in the Mist

7

3...

Dedication

13

4...

Prologue

14

5...

Hoping the Lord will provide

23

6...

Southern discomfort

33

e

Pattani in perspective

43

3

Governors’ dilemma

47

One country, two educational systems?

53

Religious deficit disorder

61

Shut out down South

67

3

Divided we stand

75

3

Under threat of eviction

77

7... 3

8...

9...

Thailand after 9/11

79

3

Senior figures speak out

87

3

Short-changed down South

89

3

Jihad!

97

10...

The Thais that bind

101

The best of both worlds

109

A year of living changefully

111

3

The CEO governor speaks his mind

119

3

CEO, where are you?

125

As the twig is bent

133

3

11...

12...

Page Southern key is justice

141

@

Wheels turn too slow

151

@

13...

Recommendations for the South

157

14...

Insecurity in the South

159

15...

Missing voices

163

A question of justice

171

Victims of distortion

173

17...

Media for Peace

185

18...

Schools for lifelong learning

197

Establishing a standard

207

19...

Missing

211

20...

The memories they keep

221

21...

The circle of loss

231

22...

Is there a solution?

239

Proposing a way out

247

23...

Extreme crowd control

253

24...

Looking beyond the official version

263

25...

Chronology of Pattani history

273

26...

About the author

282

©

16...

@

©

I dedicate this book to every victim of "violence" be it in physical or structural form.

Prologue

s I started penning

this introduction, I could hear the solemn,

plaintive tune of a mosque nearby calling its constituents to evening prayer. Even in this remote place, the northern town of Pai, Mae Hong Son, I have discovered to my surprise a large following of Muslims. They are as devout as their counterparts in the South and their prayers are as moving and as powerful as the religious songs I have heard in the South. But there are differences. The Muslims of Pai belong

to the Chinese

Haw ethnic group, and their history is quite different than that of their southern counterparts.

The Muslims in the southern provinces of Pattani,

Narathiwat and Yala have lived in that area for over a millennium. The incorporation of the southern territories into the Thai state in the 19 th century elicited a deep, common sentiment among the Malay Muslims. Many share the feeling of having been marginalised

within the nation-

state of Thailand. To a large extent, the northern Muslims share similar hardships as the Malay Muslims. After violence erupted in the three southernmost provinces, state authorities dispatched officers to question the northern Haw Muslims. The Muslims of Pai, however, seemed

to bear no

grudge. They routinely told me that ''everything is fine.” After all, they added, “Islam is the religion of the oppressed."

Don’t the Muslims in

Afghanistan and Iraq fare much worse than they do?

Reporting on the Presence of Fein In Southern Thailand

The town of Pai is renowned

for its misty beauty. But only once or twice

does the mist rise over the seas of the South. However, when it does, the sight of the ethereal haze over the vast expanse of waters is a marvel beyond words. Typically, such a scene takes place in very early morning when the light is quite dim. In such atmosphere, one cannot see clearly or very far. The situation in the South is not that different. Indeed, one cannot see clearly or far. Having covered the southern issues for the past few years, I have been asked many times if I know “who" was behind the recent spate of violence. M y “failures” to provide ready-made answers have caused me some hardships as well — though definitely not to the same degree as experienced by southern Muslims. Many times, my story proposals on this topic were heavily questioned, if not outright rejected, in editorial meetings. Therefore, I would like to warn readers that this book, honestly speaking, will not — cannot name — names or assign easy blame. I hope, though, that by going through the tragedies recorded in this volume, the readers will gain some understanding of how we have arrived at the present chaos: the long history of discriminatory policies, corrupt officers, simmering bitterness, growing acrimony, and the different paths of action and response adopted by local Muslims. This may seem like an apology: trying to find out who is behind the chaos is not unlike chasing the mist at dawn. But I believe the analogy is not too far-off. By zooming in on individual cases, one may lose the bigger

picture. And not only could one end up empty-handed,

one's

body would also be soaked through with moisture and will take a long time to dry. The mist currently enveloping southern Thailand will not evaporate as long as there i s no fundamental overhaul of military-dominated policies, and indeed, of the entire political setup. The constant rotation

Violence in the Mist:

and swapping out of people in charge — as long as the use-of-force mentality remains prevalent — cannot heal the South’s festering wounds. Change can only come when there is '‘real" dialogue and sincere efforts to heed people's proposals and to bring justice to the downtrodden. One of the key factors that could bring about such transformation is the media. Unfortunately, much of this channel of communication is in need of reform itself. Since the “southern problem" became front-page news, several media agencies have sent reporters to the field. Some end u p reporting on what authorities say and speculate instead of what the locals are actually experiencing and feeling. With the media’s crucial role in shaping public sentiment, the manipulation of the information may escalate, instead of placate, the problem. Can you imagine the pain of having to endure hearing the powers-that-be tell lies about you in the media? A n d what’s more painful is not even having a chance to speak for yourself because you are powerless and penniless. In the media world, the words of common people appear to be less newsworthy than that of the authorities. Over the past several months, Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has used his sharp tongue to insult and a d d more heat to the situation in the South. The surge of violence has been summed u p as the workings of "bandits”, to borrow PM Thaksin’s words, or '‘secessionists’’ by state officials. But is the reality that easy to summarise? Most of the time, Thaksin and his cadre of officials try to relate one incident to other irrelevant incidents such as the suppression of the Tak Bai protesters to the growing death toll of innocent people and monks over the past months. And they seem to be successful in convincing the public to lump all Muslims together in order to condemn them. And it is no help when the leadership is heavy-handed and inflexible. (The iron, unchallenged grip of power is an invitation for further abuses.) When the wind blows heavily, the tri-coloured flag at the top of the post may seem to wave — the pride of the nation. But at the bottom of the

Report inp on the Presence of Fain in Southern Thai lend

flagpole, the lowly grasses must bend to the ground — trying their best to keep level-headed. But for how much longer? There is a price to be paid when the intelligence units have to scuttle to satisfy their bosses, who always give them deadlines. As a result, intelligence officers have put a large number of local names on the blacklist, and this, unfortunately, is regarded as an accomplishment. Many locals are hired to be state informants. They, too, have to scramble to find some ‘'news” for the state. This does more harm than good as the state keeps expanding the number of its enemies rather than locating allies. The feelings of distrust among the locals themselves have continued to grow at an astronomical rate. The investigation over the excessive use of force at Krue Se Holy Mosque on April 28 concluded without holding anyone accountable. This has pierced the hearts of many. Many locals, not only the relatives of those who died on April 28, felt very disappointed by the result of the investigation. Similarly, many relatives of people who were abducted or went missing have given u p hope that the government can bring them justice. The government says very few have disappeared, but in fact, not many relatives want to report their missing km to the state, as they believe there is no one who can bring them justice. Justice seems to be the key issue in the southern unrest. But this concern has not been adequately addressed by the government. The recent case of the son of a lawyer in Yala who got killed by paramilitary officers reflects this concern very well. The need and desire of a father to see justice in the case of his son’s murder is a story we can all understand. But sadly, the case will drag on, as the provincial court has asked the lawyer to file charges at the military court, while the army chief initially announced that he would not protect his subordinates. Over the past few years, I have spent many days in the South, roaming around, using the bus as my major mode of transport, providing me with opportunities to talk to people on the street and in villages. I hired

Violence i n the Mist:

open air taxis and took motorcycle taxis to many places around the three provinces. I d i d not have adequate

equipment. I could not fly to

and from Bangkok because my office said that, unlike those journalists who had to report daily, I was not in a hurry. I stayed overnight in many villages, not in luxury hotels. These condil ons became a blessing in disguise as they allowed me to learn of the locals’ real pains and anguish, which have remained largely unheard. I witnessed and learned from locals how they were being abused by state agencies. Initially, most locals appeared to b e afraid of the ample supply of guns, ammunition and tanks. Later, they developed feelings of hatred. Many said they would not organise protests, as nobody would listen to them, moreover they would be branded

as hired protesters or being

mobilised by vested interest groups. The Tak Bai’s tragedy

explains

this very well. Many innocent people died during the transportation, and for those who lived and gained the direct experience of the Tak Bai’s suppression there are not enough words to express what they have been through. I spoke to different groups of people, many who trusted me, some who d i d not. They told me what they have been encountering and feeling. In some cases I promised not to put their names in my stories as many were afraid they might become targets of government officials, separatists, weapon traders, illegal traders, big commercial trawlers and so on; those groups who have made the situation in the South more complex. I d o not claim to know all the facts about the unrest, but I think I have done enough listening and had enough discussions with different groups of people to gain the information needed

to reflect

their sentiments. The violence has escalated over recent months and there is no end in sight. More and more people are killed in broad daylight. Very few of those responsible

have been caught red-handed,

and many people

have been made scapegoats. More and more harsh measures are being used by the state and the atmosphere of distrust continues to

Reportlnp on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

widen. How can officials work for the benefit of the people when they think locals cannot be trusted? Likewise, how can people trust authorities when people in uniform search their houses, villages, and pondoks everyday? How can they tolerate being “watched", being on watch lists, and being regularly tormented mentally and physically? Is there a solution to the storm and stress? Certainly, yes. But whether the government is willing to listen and allow the formation of new policies by the local people is questionable. The public believes that the government has accepted local proposals and that it has allocated a huge sum of money to "develop” the southern area. The Prime Minister has stated many times that his government is pouring more than 12 billion baht in order to find ways to curb the violence. But a closer look at how the budget is being spent reveals that it is mainly for infrastructure projects, such as construction of roads, which for ordinary locals does nothing to address the real issues of unrest. The Strategic Non-violence Institute of the National Security Council has already drafted strategies to tackle the unrest. Yet, what the government is doing now does not reflect those proposals. The rain continues tapping on the Budo Mountains just as additional forces continue to be mobilised and dispatched to the South. The mist remains, the seeds of acrimony grow and the violence is escalated. To ease resentments and to stem the flow of tragic tears, the government needs to change its attitudes and policies towards locals, admit its mistakes and begin to seriously address the problem. Understanding the history of forced assimilation and respecting cultural and ethnic differences are among the necessary and crucial measures needed. Having said all this, I do not mean that all locals are sweet and innocent. But why worry about those who want to separate the country? They are not the majority. Why doesn’t the government make this country a warm society for the majority? Bring them justice and trust, let them practise their religion and listen to their whispers.

Violence in the Mist:

Meanwhile, the Muslims, especially those in the three southernmost provinces, must take a proactive stance which will allow them to find a way out of the present morass. This includes having the courage to re-examine and criticise even the fellows of their own faith. At the same time, the government should not protect or condone those from their own ranks who have mistreated Muslim citizens under the guise of doing their duty. Those who have contributed to the widespread violence, regardless of their religion, must be punished in compliance with the law. No more and no less. Last but not least, the government should provide room for political dialogue with any dissident group. Only then will the mist disappear and we will, hopefully, be able to see clearly a beautiful and peaceful deep-South.

Supdfd Jd 11' 1 "i 131 v

"diCo’bangkokDi ’sr r< " . December

1 1

(

■!

Violence in the mist: Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

lli; I

■ I1

■

4

I

$

i n e Musfann tjarrh? cry doesn't have to meari violence

Jihad?

M edia reports recently used the word "jihad" so often that the public has been conditioned to associate it with "holy war", unfortunately

a

limited interpretation at best. In an article entitled Non-violent

Crescent:

Eight Theses on Muslim

Non-violent Actions, Dr. Chaiwat Satha-Anand defines jihad as "to stand u p to oppression, despotism and injustice (whenever it is committed) and on behalf of the oppressed (whoever they may be)". "In its most general meaning, jihad is a striving for justice and truth which need not be violent." Dr. Chaiwat pointed out that most Muslims have to take jihad more seriously in the sense of struggling against worldly passions within oneself and overcoming one’s own weaknesses and inner evils. The lesser jihad, on the other hand, involves fighting external enemies. Dr. Chaiwat says social justice is one of the most essential issues for most Muslims. “In Islamic teaching, for example, we Muslims cannot sleep well when our neighbours

have empty stomachs," he explains.

“The problem of hunger may come from social injustice." To Muslims, he said, such problems

are interrelated.

Violence in the Mist:

“Other people's problems are also our problems. How can we sleep, how can we call ourselves Muslims, when we know that our neighbour goes to bed hungry? “This is the spiritual level of the greater jihad," he said. “The greatest jihad is to speak the truth in front of unjust rulers so that it becomes public. Speaking the truth is the way to replace the issue of injustice," he added. According to the book Jihad and Expedition (Kitab Al-Jihad wa'I-Siyar) the word “jihad" literally means “exertion, striving; but in a juridicalreligious sense". “It signifies the exertion of one’s power to the utmost of one's capacity in the cause of Allah. "Jihad is not an act of violence directed indiscriminately against nonMuslims; it is the name given to an all-round struggle which a Muslim should launch against evil in whatever shape or form it appears." According to the book, a Muslim is saddled with the responsibilities to protect himself and all those who seek his protection. He cannot afford to abandon defenceless people, old men, women and children and leave them to privation, suffering and moral peril. According to Dr. Chaiwat, aggression is prohibited in Islam and the fight that is permitted has its limits. He cites Qur'anic verse 2'190, Fight in the cause of Allah Those who fight you, But do not transgress limits; For Allah loveth not transgressors Despite all the calls for peace from Muslims, why is there a general public perception that Islam is calling for war? Dr. Chaiwat explains that in the modern world, where religion is in the

Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

private sphere, Islam is different. Islam is a way of life, and thus in the public sphere. '‘It is a religion of action. One has to do something to solve problems, not just cleanse one’s spirit and mind." Islam is a religion that allows people to fight for justice. “When we think of fighting, how many of us know of alternatives to violence?” he asked. "We can fight with non-violence." Islam differs from other faiths in that Muslims have a concrete set of rules governing daily behaviour. These injunctions in the Qur’an bring about social distance between Muslim and non-Muslim Thais. This variable increases prejudice against Muslims as it creates an image of "them" against "us”. Since this religious difference cannot be changed, it has to be explained and understood if acceptance is ever to be achieved.

Dare of first publication 30-J

I

* \

■ ■■ * ■

rtnnic Thai residents in net mem Maaysia. Kto ethnic Malay residents bdo< ♦cross the border m touttwri Tnattarwi continue to observe thew original stages and practise ttwt retrgirjns -T

yoo

' i-Gz. 20C3

The juspecr reasonj far the mjt of Dr waemahart is.r B •*• oe&ce- owna peoc'e of is?.-aii*wat

Insecurity

V/ae-dao are osturbing

in the South

side from the reasons given for Dr. Waemahadi Wae-dao's arrest, many in Narathiwat also question the timing. Typical comments are: “Why were the three arrested while Prime Minister Thaksin was visiting America? The arrest must have been made to please America.'' “We can accept any arrest if it is just, and the reasons are real. Otherwise, we can only foresee more problems

for the government coming

from the South." “We are now discussing the next steps to take. But if we protest, the public and government officials will say we are terrorists or we support terrorism," said an imam (Muslim religious leader). “This kind of arrest does no good to the people in Narathiwat," he added. Everyone interviewed for this story refused to be identified, fearing they would be associated with Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) if they expressed sympathy for the arrested. “We are confused as to why Dr. Waemahadi was arrested," said another imam. “He is a good and kind man. I worked with him for eight years. I would say that this is a grave accusation." “The charge that they filed against Dr. Waemahadi is unthinkable," said another imam. “If Dr, Wae can be arrested ,ust like that, anyone

Violence in the Mist:

else can suffer the same fate," he added. "If I said he is good, would you believe it? No one believes us," the imam said, explaining that Muslims in the South have it hard because of stereotyping by the public. "People have already branded us as a violent people,” said the religious leader. “1 know that the government received some information before ft decided to arrest Dr. Wae, but we believe ft is impossiole for him to have done what they allege," said a village leader from Yi-ngo district in Narathiwat.

THE PEOPLE'S DOCTOR Dr. Waemahadi graduated from the medical school of Prince of Songkla University's Hat Yai Campus in 1986. He returned home to work at the state-run Narathiwat Hospital. H e later opened a private clinic and a drug store. "When he runs a business, it is a real business,” said a local journalist. H e was a member of the Narathiwat community radio which airs radio programmes to serve local needs such as health care and agriculture. H e also helps locals define suitable development projects to apply for funding

from the Social Investment Funds.

H e participated in activities that locals arranged and helped them find solutions forsome social and economic problems, such as locals’ rights in the Budo National Park, where locals claim to have lived and farmed for generations. Some locals believe he was arrested because he questioned some state policies. “But what he d i d was transparent.

Everyone can question the state in

Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

this democratic

society. We don’t have to agree with all the state projects

imposed on us, do we?" asked a villager in Bacho district of Narathiwat, “This arrest is inconceivable. The government must show us reasons that we c a n believe why he was arrested. If the government does not d o this, there can only be more problems, more violence," said a villager in Muang district of Narathiwat. “Dr. Waemahadi’s questions on social justice does not make him an international terrorist," said another villager. “The state must stop framing people and slanting evidence.

They only

tarnish their image in our eyes." Some villagers think that Dr. Waemahadi had the potential to make a successful b i d for Member of Parliament, and that is why he was arrested. H e has helped secure funds for some pondok schools, such as the Islam Burana Tohnor School, from the Social Investment Funds as well as from Islamic donor countries. The Islam Burana Tohnor School has been operating for 18 years to help the needy as well as provide religious education to children in the area. The school also educates and takes care of orphans. The owner of the school and his son were arrested as well.

Date of first puDhratMXi. 15-06-2003

)Ut_5 ] '< ; ih

1IJI0Vnm
r r of publicaron

2004

R e p o r t i n g on the P r e s e n c e

of Fain in Southern Thailand

Hajji Sulong's seven points Hajj i Sulong proposed a seven-point

plan calling for an

autonomous region (but not a separate state) in the South of Thailand: 1. Appoint a high commissioner to govern the four provinces (named the Greater Patani region at that time), with full authority to dismiss, suspend or replace al! government officials working in the area. The individual must be a native of the region a n d be elected by the people in a general election held for that specific purpose. 2. The Provincial Islamic Council shall b e given full authority over Islamic legislation

on all Muslim affairs

and Malay culture, under the supreme

authority of the

high commissioner. 3. Muslim law shall b e a p p l i e d in the region with separate Islamic courts independent

from the govern-

ment's judicial system. 4. Eighty percent of the government officials serving in the region must be Thai Muslims. 5. Malay and Siamese (Thai) shall be accepted as joint official languages. 6. Malay shall be taught in primary schools. 7. All revenues and taxes collected in the region shall only be expended

for the welfare of the people

in the

region.

Date of first publication

06-06-2004

■ ■■ ■ Arfairvei of [he Muskm men kitted on April 23 haw another de of [he siocy to

The memories they keep

magine if your relatives were killed by state officials and labelled as terrorists, bandits, insurgents and drug addicts. How would you manage to remember your relatives, and what would be your feelings towards the state that governs you? Would you despise your relatives and condemn them, as does the public and the powers-that-be? Would you admire the state that has killed your so-called ‘'bad” sons, brothers and husbands? Many of the relatives of the men who died at the hands of the police and military on April 28 choose to remember them as those who die for Allah, rather than as terrorists, criminals and drug addicts. Parents who were willing to be interviewed said they miss their sons dearly. Mothers, wives and sisters still wipe tears from their eyes when talking to strangers, six weeks after the events that took the lives of their beloved ones. Fathers or brothers do not show their emotional side so much, though in their hearts they might be crying. "I really wonder why they had to kill these young people who had no way to fight back," said Abdulroha Dorlohmae, the father of Nu Dorlohmae, who was killed at Krue Se Mosque on April 28.

Vlolencs in the Misti

Nu was only 19 years old and had just finished high school. He was at level nine in religious studies. Abdulroha and his wife showed a group of National Human Rights officials and myself the thin, long-sleeved shirt and sarong that their son wore when he was brought back home. "These are the same clothes he was wearing when he left on April 27," said Nu’s mother, her voice shaking as tears rolled down her cheeks. "How could my son fight in such clothes?" Abdulroha asked, glancing at the blood-stained sarong in his hand. Nu was an average student academically, but he showed brilliance in religious subjects. His parents showed us the record of his studies and a little note he wrote about his dream: "I want to be a religious teacher." He wanted to continue his studies in Cairo, Egypt. He was a devout Muslim. Even at his young age, he was committed to religious practices. He often went out to teach and read the Qur'an with other young people and disseminate Islamic teaching in different communities. Under the shed of some big trees at his modest house in Pohseng village of Yala province, Nu’s father gradually revealed that his son used to complain about the decline of Islamic practice in everyday life of many teenagers. “He was so worried about this situation," Abdulroha said, with an obvious pride in his son. He was a good looking and healthy boy when he left his home on April 27. His father gave him a ride to the Ban Nieng bus stop. "He said he would come back on May 7 to continue his religious studies," said Abdulroha. But when he came home, his body was full of bullet holes. His knees had been shot, and there were many holes in his chest and two bullets In his head. “These wounds were not from fighting but...," Abdulroha

Reporting on the Presence of Psin in Southern Thailand

paused, shook his head and sighed. Nu's mother held her youngest child tightly, wiped her tears with her head scarf, while her husband talked.

WHY WEREN'T THEY CAPTURED? Abdulroha said he was very sorry that the government said the people who got killed in the Krue Se Mosque were addicted to drugs. “My son never even smoked, how could he be a drug addict? This is totally untrue." Abdulroha was not alone in feeling pain and keeping bitterness in his heart over the state's accusations and overwhelming show of force that day. While we were interviewing Abdulroha, a neighbour who also lost her son, Masorloh Salae, ran over to us. "Oh! I can think now. I want to ask why the government ..." she said as her voice started to waver. "Why must they kill my son? Why didn’t they capture them alive and punish them?" asked the mother in a jarring voice, her sorrow plain to see as her hands trembled. Abdulroha declined to comment on whether his son was lured into doing "the wrong thing”. But even if his son had done wrong, he could not understand why the government

had to kill him and the other people

inside Krue Se holy mosque. "The government could have avoided violence if only it had had mercy on the human beings who were trapped inside, and had given them a chance in the legal system," he added. At the time I interviewed him, about six weeks after the loss of his son, no state officials had come to Abdulroha’s house to offer any assistance, only police and paramilitary rangers who came twice to interrogate him about Nu. This was also the first time he had met with National Human Rights officials. Asked if Abdulroha a n d his family needed

any financial assistance

from the government, as Nu had also helped to support his family when

Violence in the Mist:

he was alive, Abdulroha smiled gently a n d said in Thai, “We don’t need it. If the government

does not deliver it, we will never ask for it.”

Another young soul whose departure filled his family with sorrow was Assaree Tohwae. H e was only 17 years old, a grade 12 student who would have attended Islamic studies at the grade eight level. Assaree was also a very devout Muslim. He was always praying, said his mother. People in the community often saw him at the mosque in Thasab sub-district, Yala province. H e was an early riser who normally went to an imam’s house to accompany him to the mosque for the early morning

prayer.

His father, Manawee Tohwae, gave a deep sigh when asked about the condition of Assaree 's body after it was retrieved from the Ingkayuth Military Camp. “He was shot near the back of his ear and his face was totally black and blue," said his mother. “He might have succumbed to the tear gas,” she added. Manawee said he does not want any assistance from the government, but what he does want most is for the government and the media to stop branding the people who died in Krue Se as bad people. “My son wasn't a bandit or a drug addict like they say he was. Those who came to bury him all cried and felt depressed.

His teacher from

primary school also came and everyone shed their tears." Not all parents spoke only glowingly of their lost sons. “My son used to smoke sometimes. He was only an ordinary construction worker," said the mother of Sakariya Majay, who also died at Krue Se Mosque. Yet her grief was as clear as that of the other mothers. She provided her guests with water and snacks, but then disappeared to the back of the house to cry.

Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

'“Yes, he was an ordinary person, and d i d not leave anything for me to understand why he went to Krue Se. But he was good to me and responsible to our family,” she said in her kitchen, using her loose head-scarf to wipe away the tears as she spoke.

THE OFFICIAL VERSION Most of the media accepted without question the government version of events, and spread the message to the public, most of whom still believes that those who died o n April 28 were d r u g addicts a n d terrorists. It is not only people in distant regions of the country that adopted the media’s position

on the young men who were gunned

people in the deep South also believed

down. Many

they h a d a hand in bringing

about the violence and unrest in the South since the looting of weapons from a military c a m p in Narathiwat on January 4 this year. Village headman Jehma-ae Jehma of Parai village in Pattani also accepted what he had been hearing and seeing all over the radio and television about the Krue Se crackdown operation. When he was watching television on April 28, he had no sympathy

for those killed.

"I also heard about the attack at Mae Lan, but I d i d not care to find out who were the perpetrators. But late that afternoon, people came to me asking me to identify my younger brother’s dead body. "My knees became weak when I saw that my brother was among those who were killed,” confessed

Jehma-ae.

Jehma-ae said that actually his brother, Jehousaen,

had few friends,

only some of the others who died that day in Mae Lan district. Normally, Jehousaen worked in Malaysia and came home from time to time. H e always gave his mother money when he came home. He told her on April 27 that he would g o out to disseminate religious teaching (dawah).

Violence in the list:

Not all relatives of the deceased are ready to talk to strangers, even the National Human Rights commissioners. Many have spoken to journalists without their willing consent to be quoted or identified because they feared that they might be branded as being involved in the violence if they did not cooperate. They say, if they could choose, they would opt not to say anything. Many are still overcome with sorrow and anger, and are not ready to face the emotional toll of speaking about their beloved ones to strangers. “Please do not interview us, we have suffered enough," said a resident of Thung Yamu in Yala province, a relative of one who was killed. The actions of authorities toward the bereaved relatives will be remembered in different ways. Many were treated fairly by state authorities during the interrogative process, yet some were not treated with respect and trust. Masunee Yusha and her daughters are still living their nightmare after a group of police and army men in three pickup trucks came to their house one week after April 28 and searched it. Abdulloh Aware 34, Masunee’s husband, was found dead at Krue Se Mosque on April 28. Police had taken Abdulloh's bank passbook. The shock from the search is still lingering. When the National Human Rights Commission officials visited Masunee's family in early June, one of her daughters, a three-year-old, was sobbing all the time. The daughter urged her visitors to go away. Masunee and her children were evidently not only still grief-sticken at the loss of their beloved, but also insecure and terrified by the memory of their small home filled with men in uniform going through their belongings. Another bereaved relative in Pattani asked National Human Rights Commission officials what he should do if he does not want to go to the police station any more. “I had been there too many times and I am tired and terrified, 1’ he said.

Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

THE BEST A R E TAKEN Many bereaved relatives said their cherished memories of their loved ones will be the good ones, before their bodies were sent back home battered and full of bullet holes. But the memories of those wounds will always remind them of how the government

dealt with their relatives

in their final hour. Mr. Sama-ae Latae, 59, from Kuannoree, Khok Pho district of Pattani , was one of a few older men killed at Krue Se Mosque. According to his son Yako Latae, the backs of his father's legs h a d been shot and there were many bullet holes in his chest, and near the back of his ear. He had also been shot on one side of his body. Mr. Yunu Lalaemae, 41, was a neighbour

of Sama-ae. His body was

found at Mae Lan district in Pattani. According to his daughter, Ms. Rossananee, the body showed signs of a severe, lethal beating. There were no bullet holes. Ms. Rossananee said her father’s eyes were swollen and there was bleeding

from his nose. Both legs were broken and the skin of one arm

was peeled off. Mr. Sakariya Hatkajay, 31, another neighbour

of Sama-ae, was found

dead at Saba Yoi police post. According to his mother, Mrs. Tiyor Latae, Sakariya's forehead was so beaten that it h a d lost its shape, and the neck was broken. There were no bullet holes in his body either. Testimonies by relatives of those from Suso village, who were killed near a police post in Saba Yoi district, gave an equally gruesome picture. Many of the men had been shot at the back of their heads, and their foreheads were severely bashed in, said the villagers. Certainly these villagers are not specialists in forensic medicine, but they cannot help but think that excessive force was used. None of them were interested in a formal autopsy, even from Khunying Dr. Pornthip Rojanasunant, who is very popular among them. They said to unearth the bodies of their loved ones was against their beliefs.

Violence in the Mist:

After interviewing relatives and people in the communities, it is clear that many of those whose lives came to an end on April 28 had one thing in common, they were devout Muslims. Aresaha Daji, 19, from Moo 2, Huay Krathing of Yala was considered a great loss by his community. Everyone said he was a wonderful kid, and he was very good at his studies. He won a 30,000 baht award from a Yala provincial organisation for an essay he had written. He had not yet spent the money. People in Balae Hulu village in La-ae sub-district, Yala said the six locals killed at Ban Nieng police post in Yala province were the finest young people in their community Their parents decided to bathe their bodies. Traditionally, Muslim martyrs do not need to be bathed before the burial. Most relatives of those killed on April 28 did follow the custom; but some decided against it. The latter group said they felt more “comfortable" with the choice. Perhaps they did not want to attract any undue attention from the authorities. The villagers of Balae Hulu will remember these six young people every day, as they inevitably have to walk past the graveyard where they are buried at the gateway of the village. And they will always remember them not in the way they were portrayed in news reports, but as the best kids in their village and shahada - those who died for Allah.

Date of first publication 27-06-2004

* 4 a!

I". f

Loved ores of state offkiats and ot;ier vctims of tre southern caugiu up in a continuing cycle of suffer,;ig

The

violence are

circle of loss

ast week marked the deadline

for “Insurgent sympathisers" In

southern Thailand to surrender. It also was the end of a 30-day period in which Prime Minister Thaksin pledged to curb the violence. Yet almost daily, newspapers still carry stories of shootings and assaults here and there in the deep South. Acting National Police Chief Pol Gen Sunthorn Saikwan has announced a tough new plan in which a reward of 100,000 baht will be given to police for each insurgent killed or arrested in a “clear exchange of gunfire" between

police and insurgents. Military personnel are to be

given 20,000 baht under the same circumstances. In another aspect of this so-called "clear progress plan", a new round of searches of villages in the region was also announced. Whether the new, more aggressive measures will be able to restore the peace remains to be seen. More than 300 civilians, police and members of the armed forces have been killed or injured in a string of violent attacks since January 4 of this year. No one can truly understand the pain felt by the relatives and other loved ones left behind. Many of the victims were employed as security officers. They and their loved ones were aware that the risks were high in the current

Violence in the Mist:

atmosphere, but most could not believe that the worst would happen. Mrs. Banjob Srisook lost her husband, Sgt Arom, on May 28. She kept crying all the time while being interviewed. She said “Why did they have to kill my husband, he did nothing wrong.’’ She said she had decided to give the interview because she wants Thai society to understand what a difficult situation she and her family had been put into. "My youngest daughter is still studying and we don’t have enough money to sustain our family." Her grief and fear are never far from her, as she continues working near the spot that her husband was killed. At the very same spot, the lives of two other officials were taken on other occasions. Despite their sadness, many relatives take comfort in the belief that their loved ones’ deaths were honourable and dignified. “I am proud of him,” said Mrs. Yuang, the mother of Major Samant Kabklangdon, who was killed on April 28 near Krue Se Mosque. She believed that he had died doing his best for the country, but it took a while before she could be consoled. It takes time to make a mother accept her son's death. "When the army informed me that my son had been killed, I said to myself it was not true,” she said. Even after her relatives brought her to Lop Buri military airport, she still insisted that there might be some misunderstanding. "It must be another Samart," she thought, until she saw the soldiers carrying the coffin with his name on it. Then she collapsed. Major Samart had been stationed at Pa Waai military base in Lop Buri. He was among thousands of troops that were mobilised to "restore peace" in the deep South. A sergeant at the time of his death, he was promoted to major after he passed away. Major Samart was a native of Phetchabun. His family in Wichian Buri district is still engaged in farming. "If he came home, he would always

Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

help me with the cultivation," said Yuang with a trembling voice. "He never did anything to hurt me. It is so sad to see him die so young," Yuang added. Samart was only 29 years old. He normally gave his mother 2,000 to 3,000 baht when he came home. "All of our neighbours came to his funeral and they all praised him for his sacrifice for the country. That made me even prouder of him,” said Yuang. She said she had no hatred or anger for any Muslim: "It is up to a person how they behave, rather than the religion that they hold." She wants society to learn that violence is useless. "I don't want to see this happen to anyone, anymore. We should stop killing each other. It is a loss from every side. I have lost my son, as have so many mothers,” she added.

A GOOD SON Private Doineeya Taekoy's mother, Kamareeyoh, understands the pain of Yuang. "My wife feels so sad when anyone talks about our son," said Dorloh, Dolneeya’s father. "My son could speak Jawi, that's why he got killed," said Dorloh. "His friend told me that there were eight officials at the outpost in Moo 4 Tazae sub-district of Yala on the morning of April 28. But only three officials were on guard duty. They said a black pickup truck stopped at the outpost and my son told his friends that he would go and talk to them since he was the only one who could speak the local dialect," Dorloh explained. Doineeya was killed and two others injured by gunshots in an unprovoked attack. A military report states that the soldiers killed three attackers and arrested two others.

Violence In the Mist:

“I was so sorry that he was killed by fellow Muslims. But I was proud that he died on duty,” said Dorloh. He added that those who killed his son were not real Muslims. ‘'Our religion does not teach us to kill others.” Dolneeya was a resident of Ban Pein, Saba Yoi district of Songkhla. He was conscripted and began his duty with the Army on November 2, 2003. He was promoted to sub-lieutenant posthumously. Dorloh and Kamareeyoh miss their son dearly. People have different ways to remember their loved ones. "When I look at my feet, they remind me of my son, as his feet resembled mine," said Dorloh. "He was a good son. Many people in our community also said so. Elderly people loved him as he liked keeping them company." In addition to the pain and stress of losing their son at the age of 22, Dorloh feels that the government has paid little attention to them: "I could not understand why the prime minister visited the relatives of bandits, and not us, who lost our son while he was keeping law and order." Dorloh said that, also, the government has not yet paid the compensation, pension and other assistance owed to the family. "I have contacted many agencies a n d submitted many documents at Korhong (Hat Yai), Borthong (Pattani), and Yala,” he sighed. "I don't want to go anymore. Each trip, I have to spend a lot of money to hire a car and for other expenses," he said. The reality is that money issues add to the difficulties of the victim's families. This becomes more evident when those taken are the heads of their families.

MONEY STILL MATTERS "Could you kindly check to see if my family will get the money as promised?" asked Mrs. Juree Intarat, who lost her husband, Major

Reporting on the Presence of Pftln in Southern Thailand

Sanoh, in the January 4, 2004 raid on the Fourth Development Battalion Army Camp in Narathiwat. "I was in the military c a m p , I heard the gunfire. Then early in the morning, at 3 a.m., I learned that my husband was killed,” said Mrs Juree. Mrs. Juree moved away from the military c a m p to her hometown in Nakhon Si Thammarat, to try to forget the past Her husband was in the military service for 31 years. H e was 53 years old when he passed away, leaving behind

two daughters. One has

already finished her bachelor's degree a n d the second one is still studying. Juree said it has been quite difficult for her to sustain her family after her husband passed away. “It was an untimely death. We lost the head of our family and now we still have not received any pension money.” “I wonder if the prime minister will keep his promise?” she asked. The PM said on January 7 that the government would give 2 5 times the amount of the last monthly salary payment to those who were killed on January 4. N o pension or other funds have yet been released. The Army has also promised

to accept her daughter to work in a military-

related service, said Juree. Mrs. Prapis Thongampon has not yet received the promised pension either. Her husband, Sgt Jessada, was killed on February 6. At present, what Prapis wants most is peace. As the owner of a small grocery shop, her business relies on both her Buddhist

and Muslim customers in the area. “I wish those who ignite

violence

would stop. It does no good to anyone. It only separates

children from their fathers, a n d husbands from wives,” she said. However, Prapis said the violence in the South stemmed from the government "giving too many rights to the Muslim people.” Prapis has two children, aged eleven and nine. She said she would not

Violence in the

move to her husband’s hometown in Songkhla, as she has spent most of her life in Pattani. "I am very proud of my husband. He was a hard-working person, both at work and at home. He has never refused anything, even working in the kitchen," she added. Her children constantly think about their father. "They say something like, 'This is what daddy likes,' and tears fill their eyes." She will tell her children to remember their father and to become good citizens. She wants to send her children to study as far as they want. She hopes that the government will soon clear her husband’s case and grant his pension to help her family.

MOST STAY ON Not only officials were killed or injured in the unrest, which began on January 4. Ordinary citizens also suffered — many in silence. Mr. Vichit Vilaspaisit, formerly the family breadwinner, is now paralysed from his waist down. It is painful for him to accept that he now has to rely on his wife and sons. He was shot in the back when he was about to close his grocery shop. He did not get a good look at his attackers. He was hospitalised for 42 days, from May 14 to June 25, at Yala hospital. His family received a sum of 50,000 baht from the government in early June as assistance. But his eldest son has had to drop out of school to take care of his father, and also to take over his father’s old job driving students from Raman district to downtown Yala, and bringing government officials from Yala to Raman. His second son requires regular blood transfusions for his thalassemia. His youngest son is studying in grade four. His wife, Sripan, said that the day after her husband was shot, a letter was sent to her family saying that a group of politicians was behind the shooting. She has given this letter to police as evidence.

Reporting on the Presence of Pein in Southern Theiland

Snpan wants to move her family away from the deep South, She feels very insecure there now, and even during the interview at Yala Hospital, she was looking around to see if anyone was listening, Understandable as Sripan’s

feelings may be, not everyone thinks that leaving

is best. Somjit Nirunpud

lost her husband, Saeng Nirunpud, while he was on

his way to milk para-rubber

trees on March 4 this year. He was killed

at Pulamong village in Raman district of Yala, which is about three kilometres away from the house they shared with their children. Saeng's sister, Mrs. Chuen Phanjaeng, a n d another relative, Mr. Sangvien Kongnuan, were with him. The three were on a pair of motorcycles. Unknown assailants fired shots at them, killing Saeng and seriously injuring Chuen and Sangvien. Chuen was shot in the back and has a difficulty moving. Sangvien decided to move to Chon Buri province. Saeng has left his family not only in sorrow but also deeply in debt Somjit said her youngest son is still studying

at a vocational school in

Yala. The money she owes to the Agricultural Cooperative causes Somjit, now 55 years old, a lot of worry. She said that she does not feel angry at Muslims in general as her family and relatives have been living in the area for about 50 years. “We have been here for many years and we have a good relationship with all people,” she said. At the funeral rite at Wat Choeng Khao, which is about 1 2 kilometres away from her house, many Muslim neighbours also attended. “They feel sorry for our family a n d our situation,” she said. Somjit could not help but question why her husband was killed. “He was hard-working.

We maintained a good relationship with all people.

Why would they kill him and injure his sister?” Now her family's way of life has changed. No one dares to tap the para-rubber

trees early in the morning anymore. "We have not been

Violence in the Mist:

to our plantation for many months. We are still afraid that some bad things could happen again," she added. But she said she would soon hire some people to do the work and go on with her life. Most of the local Buddhist residents whose relatives were targetted say they, like Somjit, will remain. They say their good relationship with the community will protect them. "Although my uncle was killed, we have to stay here. Thai-Buddhists have been in this village for more than 100 years. We have our own temple and our own large Buddhist communities," said Supis Kongnualyai of Thathong village in Raman district of Yala. She added: “The pegged pillars of our house are here, how can we move? I just want to be able to resume our normal way of life, and be able to talk to our Muslim fellows with trust."

of

.TuihCTKOr,’

I nere are answers to the ongoing rsni listening

soumern

wcHence The gover nmenr r-sr

Is there a solution?

u

s the government on the right track to solving the problems in the deep South? If the indicator of success is a reduction in the number

of violent incidents, the answer is obvious. The non-stop killings and bombings strongly suggest that new approaches should be explored. Solutions certainly exist, and many alternatives have been proposed to concerned government agencies by people in the deep South, concerned academics and even the National Security Council. They have not been implemented, probably because the policymakers do not consider those suggestions to be valid. Or perhaps because the offered solutions are so different from what the government is doing now. If the government does not identify the problems correctly it will almost surely give an incorrect or incomplete response. An example is the government’s focus on finding the ''mastermind" behind the southern unrest. At a public forum at Chulalongkorn University last week, Maj. Gen. Khwanchart Klaharn, Deputy Commander of the Fourth Army Region, said the Army was aware of the possibility of renewed troubles in the region and was making preparations for it. But the January 4 raid on an Army base in Narathiwat province, which started the surge of

Violence In the

Ist:

unrest, took place before the Army could implement any preventive measure. He went on to say the Army has been putting together information, which would lead to those who were perpetrating the southern violence. He said the cause of the violence stemmed from "misguided youth groups” and some religious teachers who wanted to bring about an independent Pattani state. He said he got this information from those who were arrested on April 28, and said the Army was about to find the mastermind. The manner in which it has put all its efforts into finding the ‘'mastermind" of the violence reveals that the government has not yet come to grips with the problems in the area. Certainly it is crucial to find out who is behind the unrest, but it is equally crucial to find out why they are motivated to create the unrest. The violence and resistance in Iraq were not halted by the arrest of former President Saddam Hussein.

POLITICAL SOLUTION

NEEDED

Dr. Kasian Tejaprira of Thammasat University expressed his concerns over the present situation and the “senseless killings", which have made the locals feel that they have no one to turn to, no “side" to choose from. While the “troublemakers" carry out their daily killings of soldiers, police officials and innocent people, some government officials reportedly treat the suspects in the southern unrest inhumanly, torturing and abducting them. Most locals in the South consider themselves to be Thai and respect the Thai Constitution. But some state officials reportedly use measures outside the law to deal with them, said Kasian. He said it is sad to see only a military operation in place, rather than a sound political policy. This is because the senators and Members of

Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

Parliament in the area, who are supposed to provide and propose political resolutions, are too busy to do so, as they have to defend and protect themselves. Dr. Kasian said it is strange that those who stir violence do not have a clear political message or goals. “As if they were doing this without political missions." At present, separatists have been demonised to haunt the Thai public, who believe that they are the only factor stirring up trouble. He feels that there may be some people who still want to separate the country but says, "I don't believe separatism is a viable political alternative in the present day.” He elaborated, saying that in the current national and global political atmosphere it would be impossible to separate from the country., "In fact, the real demon is the political status quo, the existing political atmosphere in the southern region,” he said, adding that the atmosphere is one in which force prevails, and revenge is the order of the day. This creates an unacceptable scenario. The widespread mistrust of the locals stems from the fact that they have never received justice from the legal system. Officials have not been made accountable when they have violated the law and the Constitution. He raised the example of the April 28 military operation at the Krue Se Mosque, where a number of unarmed or lightly armed "insurgents" were killed by security forces. An independent committee appointed by the government reported that the security officials overreacted and used excessive force in their handling of the situation. No one was held accountable. "In the future, officials will not be afraid of violating the law as they do not have to be responsible for anything," said Kasian. "Will any ranking official or policymaker be held accountable for the Krue Se Mosque operation?"

Violence in the Mist:

Dr. Kasian asked why this government does not try to use a politicallyled strategy in tackling the unrest in the d e e p South. "Unless the government

reshapes the relationship between the state and locals,

and provide a political space in which people feel they have a voice, the chance to win the unending unrest is slim,” he added. Given a closer look, the escalation of violence probably stemmed from inaccurate intelligence reports, s a i d Lecturer Chidchanok Rahimmula of Prince of Songkla University, Pattani Campus. She asked state officials to be more sophisticated in compiling their intelligence reports. She also asked fellow Muslims not to use the same brutal methods of the government in carrying out their goals, suggesting instead the non-violent approach. Prof. Nidhi Eoseewong, a renowned historian and columnist, has urged people in the deep South to use the Constitution as a platform to fight for their rights, along with other voiceless people, through non-violent methods. He said poor people elsewhere in Thailand also face the same situation with the state imposing its policies, taking their natural resources, being discriminated, and dealing with corrupt officials, "But you have the right to determine your own destiny,” he wrote, adding that those who wanted to separate from the country have no clear political message, and that their violent ways would lead to further violence. ‘'There are many voiceless people nationwide who want to lend a helping hand and support you to fight for your rights. Learn for yourselves, so that you won’t be the victims of either state or separatist groups,” he wrote in Matichon newspaper.

NOT IN PRACTICE Mr. Danai Musa, an official with the National Security Council (NSC), said that officials at the implementation level are the barriers to enacting NSC strategies. Sometimes they do not understand the policies

Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

correctly or are not able to respect

cultural differences, he said. He

added that some state officials make conditions worse by discriminating against the locals and making no effort to bring justice to people in the area. At present, the government justifies its actions by pointing out that it is backed by public opinion. But Danai says the public in general does not understand the real situation, a n d many have a perennial prejudice against the people in southern provinces. The media plays a vital role in reinforcing those prejudices. However, the media should not bear the blame alone. They only mimic what they are told by state officials, high-ranking military and police figures, without questioning or cross-checking facts with locals, religious scholars and academics. Danai suggests that the media report in a way that show the region in a more positive light and work hand in hand with local leaders and academics, who he deems to be a primary cultural asset in the area. H e said that anyone attempting to explain what is right or wrong with Islam should seek advice from knowledgeable religious scholars. The conflicts in the deep South did not start on January 4 of this year, but date back to the incorporation of Patani Kingdom into Thailand in 1902, and when forced assimilation began in 1939. Danai pointed out that Muslim people at that time had to endure many insults. In 1939, the government introduced measures that were against the Muslim way of life. For example, Muslim women were not allowed to cover their heads or dress in Malay fashion. The use of the Malay language was outlawed. Moreover, in 1944, the Islamic law related to family and inheritance was abolished. The intensive nationalistic scheme of Field Marshal Pibul Songkram has led to seemingly intractable problems in the South since then, and distrust between the officials and locals has only grown.

Violence in the Hist:

A current government measure that has had many adverse consequences for the locals is the martial law imposed since January this year. Thus, many locals propose scrapping the martial law as a solution to the violence in the South. But Maj. Gen. Khwanchart said, “We are ready to lift (the martial law). We have instructed the provinces to come up with a schedule for doing so, but all of them came back and told us they still needed it.” Many locals who have direct experience with the operation of the martial law, along with their relatives and community members, have been pleading for the government to lift it. “Why not use ordinary legal processes to charge suspects in the South? Martial law will only lead to more hatred and violence,” said Madammg Areeyu, a local from Yala. National Human Rights Commissioner Wasant Panich also urged the government to lift the martial law, saying it allowed authorities to employ questionable methods to "restore peace”.

HEALING THE SOUTH Certainly the conflicts and unrest in the deep South stem from many factors. Many locals complain that their resources are being taken away by state policies which provide room for only a few people to benefit. Small-scale fishermen in Pattani said that the government should seriously reconsider the Sea Food Bank policy, which allow owners of coastal land to use their land as collateral to receive loans and training. “This will only make the situation worse. We will have nothing left if the sea is transferred into private hands. The sea is owned by all, it should not be used for private benefit," said a small-scale fisherman who asked not to be named. He also said the export-led fishing policy has already destroyed

Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

the sea, as big trawlers have taken all the marine life. Small-scale fishermen are going bankrupt and have to leave their villages to find jobs elsewhere. “You do not have to give us money, but don't take our natural resources,” he added. Many locals also call on the government

to be serious about control-

ling the vices that are spreading amongst the younger generation, saying illegal drugs, pubs, bars and gambling dens lead to a moral decline in their society. Some question how drug use can still be so widespread, despite the fact that the government has stated that it has already cracked down on them. "The illegal drugs are in the hands of the officials. If not, how can they continuously be sold?" asked a local in Narathiwat. Some pointed out that illegal weapon trade also still exists, and they asked how that too could g o on if state officials do not turn a blind eye. Another proposal recommends that the government sincerely support the traditional pondok education system and stop accusing the schools of being involved in weapons training or indoctrination ideology.

Official statements such as “people

in secessionist

who commit crimes or

violence often seek refuge in pondok schools and mosques"

should

be revised. Senator Sophon Suphapong, who has made field visits to the region, said the government should sincerely respect the cultural and ethnic diversity of the region a n d be serious about correcting mistakes, “The government has planted and nurtured the seeds of acrimony, hatred a n d frustration in the soil of the deep South by various means, so it needs to heal it.” H e said the government should equip itself with knowledge. The best way to approach the problem is to look at it from the inside out and

■k J1

Violence i n the Mist:

bottom up. The government should listen and study the real needs of the locals. “The aim should not be suppressing, but addressing their problems. Suppression will only expand the nets of bitterness, hatred and frustration," the senator added. Many locals, religious scholars, academics and concerned citizens have already offered their solutions to the unrest. These solutions lie untapped. Is it because the government is only interested in mobilising more troops, which it believes is the best method to '‘restore peace”? The late Dr. Puey Ungphakorn, former Thammasat University’s rector, once said: "The use of force may win the battle of the day, but how can it win the hearts of the people — always?” This is still a reliable truth.

D s r f of fosr p 1 iicoirioo OS-OH-POCS

in May mis year, the Manorial Security Council presented to ire flavemmen? jfiding? and recommended salmons ro the problems m me deep SouiTi

Proposing

PROBLEMS IDENTIFIED

a way out

BY THE NSC

1 . The local population has a feeling of insecurity and distrust on state officials because of the abductions, disappearances and killings which they feel have not been addressed by the state. The culprits of these crimes have yet to be apprehended

and brought before the criminal

justice system, and many locals take the view that the violence is being orchestrated by state officials. They also believe that the government has shown no direction or unity in handling the situation, which has resulted in delay in solving the problems. Moreover, they do not agree with the government’s harsh measures to control the unrest, which they say will only make more groups of people feel dissatisfied with the government. Many people now want to leave the area, at least temporarily. In relation to this, the government has imposed stricter regulations on those who hold dual nationality in Malaysia, making it harder for them to cross the border. Many people have lost their chance to earn a higher income in Malaysia, which has led to economic and psychological hardship to many families. 2. Locals say the educational, religious and cultural policies, which are stipulated by the central government, reflect a misunderstanding of the culture of the region, especially concerning Islamic-based

Violence in the Mist:

education system. The government does not trust the role of pondok schools. This incites resentment and frustration from people who have a high degree of respect and trust for the schools. 3. Developmental approaches and processes have been stipulated by the central government without giving locals a chance to take part in decisions on any development project. Public hearings which are required by the new Constitution are ignored. This has resulted in numerous projects, which do not respond to the needs of the locals. The agency warned that tension and violence would escalate if the government does not handle the situation properly and allows the problems to persist. Widening distrust among the locals of state officials could invite involvement by foreign sources, and in a worstcase scenario, Thailand could become a forum for international terrorist operations,

SOLUTIONS PROPOSED BY THE NSC 1. State officials must endeavour, fn any manner they can, to build trust among the locals. They should encourage people from different religions to live together in peace. They should revamp the bureaucratic system in the region and include mechanisms to facilitate the understanding of differences in ideas, religion and culture in the area. 2. The state must ensure that it will provide security as well as justice to people in the area. In particular: 2.1

State officials must treat suspects or anyone connected with

criminal proceedings in a fair and transparent manner. 2.2

Any use of force by police or any other government agency

must be planned and executed in close cooperation with the command of Region Nine Police and provincial governors. 2.3

Officials who are problematic must be removed or transferred.

2.4

Martial law should gradually be lifted from the entir e area. In

Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

areas that are still under martial law, officials must exercise the measures at a minimum level, and set a clear criteria by which army, police and civil officials work together. 2.5

Promote local volunteerism in self-defence and provide

support for official organisations involved in public protection. 2.6

Give clear progress reports to the public on cases that are

related to the problems in the deep South, such as that of lawyer Somchai Neelapaijit. 2.7

Victims from the violence, be they state officials or local

citizens, must be compensated by the state. 2.8

Treat those who are suspected of being insurgent sym-

phatisers as members of the Thai nation, using measures such as amnesty to allow them to be re-absorbed as productive members of society. 3. Religious studies must be available for people of all religious backgrounds. 3. 1

Occupational training should be promoted for pondok schools.

3.2

Promote tolerance of different cultural identities, as prescribed

by the Constitution. 3.3

Develop the existing potential of the pondok system in the

area, which is regarded as the cradle of Islamic studies in Southeast Asia, to be a hub for graduate-level Islamic studies. 4. Promote better understanding and attitudes among officials who work in the deep South. The Office of the Prime Minister should issue new regulations regarding work in this special area. 5. Local people should be allowed to take part in development processes and projects. There should be a system in place to allow public participation in projects which are of concern to the local population. The government should also allocate a substantial devel-

Violence in the Mist:

opment budget to the areas. 6. Set up a central agency for coordinating, controlling and integrating the work flow with other states agencies to implement strategies proposed for the region. The centre should also monitor and evaluate the performances of officials involved at all levels. Many local people and academics say this report is acceptable and reflects the true situation in the area. Moreover, the proposed solutions are sensible.

ci i'(s; i 'i i

J

. ■hc i ng-tfy 2004

Mumercuj, fr,r s[-riand reports of the Tak Bai incident present a picture unorganised gathering wrth many people unaware of any protest

Extreme

ex an

crowd control

as it wrong for him to protest?" asked Ya (not his real name), who accompanied me to visit Mahamamaso Timasa, also known as So, at Prince of Songkla University (PSU) Hospital in Hat Yai, Ya wondered why his friend h a d been treated so brutally by the law enforcers when they came to round up the protesters in front of the Tak Bai police station in Narathiwat province on October 25. So had not even intended to join the protest, but stayed out of curiosity when he saw the crowd. Four of those arrested were referred to PSU Hospital in critical condition for injuries suffered in the crackdown operation or during transportation to the Ingkhayuthboriharn Military Camp in Pattani. Reportedly, six people were killed at the scene of the protest, and 1 ,324 of the protesters were rounded up and put on trucks to take them to the military camp. The next day, 78 mostly young men were pronounced dead as a result of asphyxiation because they were loaded onto the trucks improperly,

under too cramped conditions.

"I pity him,"said Ya, who is from Tak Bai, as he looked at his friend hooked up to a machine to help him breathe properly, a saline solution hanging over his head. When I first met So's mother, Natakarn, in front of the military c a m p in

Violence in the Mist:

Pattani, she was confused and at a loss. Not only d i d she have to endure seeing So in critical condition due to a heat stoke and acute renal failure, she also was worrying about another son, Abdulrosha Timasa, who also was seen at Tak Bai police station on that fateful day. He had gone missing. His name was not on the list of those arrested, injured or dead, but later Natakarn found his wallet at the Tak Bai police station. Police could not tell her of his whereabouts. The emotional distress Natakarn feels for her son is shared by many other mothers. Yaloh Wadah was tearful as she contemplated whether or not her son’s leg should be amputated. She and the young man, Mariki Doloh, are natives of Bangpor village in Narathiwat. On October 25 she asked him to buy some supplies at the border town of Tak Bai. Mariki is a student of Narathiwat Technical College and worked as an electrician. During the trip to the detention camp, the circulation to his right leg was cut off and the muscle was crushed. The leg became so severely infected that the bone could be seen. A doctor at the hospital said that if Mariki did not get the operation the festering wound would damage the leg further and he might die if the infection entered his blood. His two hands and left leg were swollen as well. Yaloh was softly talking to her son when the tears started rolling down and she turned to face the wall. She mustered her courage again and began to speak to her son in Jawi, asking him what he wanted to do. But Mariki said he wanted his mother to make the decision. Mariki is in such critical condition because the authorities had those arrested lie in layers on the trucks. Mariki was in the lowest level on his truck, with three people piled on top of him when he was transported from Tak Bai to Pattani, a trip that took six hours. His muscle was destroyed because of the heavy weight put on him for such a long time. In his truck there were many who suffocated. The young man whose two legs h a d been strong and healthy on

Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

October 2 5 decided on November 2 to make the choice that doctors said he must save his life. Before entering the surgery room he asked: "How can I earn my living when I am a disabled person. Will they give me an artificial leg?" The condemnations over the handling of the incident, which caused so many "unfortunate deaths”, as the government has described them, and left so many injured, have come not only from Thailand, but from around the world. Yet there is no indication that the government has learned anything about crowd control or the humane treatment of detainees.

NO ONE TO TURN TO When I went to the military c a m p in Pattani on October 28, many relatives were still looking for their loved ones, walking back and forth to look at lists of those detained, dead, or wounded

to try to find the

name of a father, son or brother. “My brother’s name was on the list of those who passed away, but he is still alive. He was admitted at PSU Hospital," said the sister of Nubahan Makorseang.

But she added that her father and another relative were

missing. Their names are not on any list. She and other family members looked to see if they were among the remaining unclaimed dead bodies, but they could not be identified. After their ordeal on the trucks, all the surviving detainees stayed at the military camp in Pattani without proper food, clothing and sanitation facilities. They weren’t able to clean themselves until three days later, on October 28. On that same day, when three sub-committees

from

the Senate went to Pattani to investigate, most of the detainees were removed to different camps. It was not until October 30 that the government authorities released 1,178 detainees who were not charged with any crime. Another 58 of them were kept in custody on different charges stemming from the incident relating to endangering national

Violence in the Mist:

security. The government has said another 128 of the detained volunteered to attend ‘’occupation training.” Many relatives of those being charged could not find enough money to bail out their loved ones. “Does the government have any hidden agenda behind

the move of

the detainees to other camps," a woman asked Pol Lt Gen Pongsapat Pongcharoen, the Spokesman for the National Police Office, who appeared

in front of the military camp about 1 p.m. on October 28.

"There is no hidden agenda, we h a d to move because it is too crowded. Today senators came and said we cannot let them stay in this crowded place,” responded Pongsapat. Then women asked the police spokesman tough questions, some wanting to know if their loved ones were still alive. "I saw my husband's name on the list but how can I be sure if he is well and alive?” asked a woman. “Why did he not call back home?” Before Pongsapat

came, many of these women had been reduced

to

tears, feeling they had no one to turn to. When they asked army officials stationed in front of the c a m p for information, they told them to go back home and listen to a radio programme called “Tai Santisuk" (Peaceful South), which would be broadcast later that day. The army officials asked why the relatives had not come sooner. They said it had already been announced that the military would allow the identification of the dead only until 10 a.m. on October 28. Besides, they said, the army had allowed people to leave their names and telephone numbers with officials at the front of the military camp on Tuesday and Wednesday (the 26 lh and 27 lh ). "Why do you just come?” asked an army official of the forlorn group of women. The response, coming from a number of women, was long and anguished.

Many said that they had not expected that their rela-

tives would be among the group who were arrested. Some of the men had been working in different districts in Narathiwat or even in Malaysia.

Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

When they learned from their neighbours that their relatives were on the lists at the military c a m p they came. Moreover, they pointed out that it is quite a distance between Pattani a n d remote districts in Narathiwat. Others said that when they came on Tuesday, they were told to come on Wednesday,

and then again on Thursday.

"And now they (the army) moved them again without our knowledge. Why do we have to come this far to see nothing," said one woman, speaking

for many.

Many women expressed their dismay. “We are not chickens infected with the bird flu, how can they treat us like this? After all, we are human beings," said a woman in tears. On that day, many southern senators and Members of Parliament came with the Senate sub-committees from Bangkok. But none of them dropped

by the front of this military c a m p to talk with their constituents.

“I don't know why we have to elect them (southern MPs) if they never work for our benefit," said another woman.

WHY THEY CAME When the group of senators came to the Sena Narong Military Camp in Hat Yal, the detainees were well dressed with clean sarongs and white T-shirts; however, they had just gotten the new clothes when they arrived at this military camp. Before that, most of them were wearing the same clothes they had on when they were arrested. They had no chance to brush their teeth or bathe. Many could not properly pray as their trousers were dirty. Government a n d army officials h a d said that the protesters d i d not speak Thai, were addicted to drugs and that they were mobilised and organised by vested interest groups

who paid them to protest. This

version did not coincide with stories the detainees told when they were interviewed.

Violence in the Mist:

At the very end of the custody room at Sena Narong, a group of the detainees offered to re-enact how they were transported

to Pattani from

Tak Bai. They said their hands were tied to their backs with wire or by hard plastic rope. They were pushed onto the military trucks and forced to lie face down. They were piled up to four or five layers. Soldiers carrying guns walked on the pile of human bodies. Mayusoh Uma (not a relative of Narathiwat MP Najmuddm Uma), started crying as he told Senator Jon Ungphakorn that he had nothing to d o with the protest. “I have done nothing wrong, why I was arrested?”

he asked, “I was at

Kolok junction (which is about a kilometre away from Tak Bai police station). I had just finished my construction work. On my way home, I rode my motorcycle to the point where the army was rounding up people. I was among many people who were forced to take off their shirts and were loaded onto a military truck,” he said. Others I interviewed at Pattani Hospital told a similar story. One of them, Abdulloh Karjeh, said that when he rode his motorcycle to the Kolok junction, a soldier seized his driving license and told him if he wanted it back he had to g o to the Tak Bai police station. When he approached the station, he was blocked by the crowd. About that time the crackdown operation started. He was seriously wounded. Curiosity is among many reasons that former detainees gave as the motivation for them to g o to Tak Bai district that day. “I wanted to know what was going on there, so I went," said 22-year-old Arsaha Ulae from his bed in Pattani Hospital. The government told the public that its officials h a d found foreign currencies on some of those they arrested and in the river. Actually it is not at all unusual for people in border towns to hold foreign currencies, especially the Malaysian ringgit. Many h a d just c o m e back from Malaysia for the Ramadan fasting month, and some cross the border on a daily basis.

Reporting on the Presence of Fain in Southern Thailand

“I was arrested at the junction, a soldier took my passport and my money," said Masorbee Sama-ae, who goes to Malaysia and returns to his home at Sala Mai village in Tak Bai almost every day. He is a construction worker and says he was not interested in protesting, only in feeding his family, "Why d i d they have to arrest and torture us,’’ he asked. I interviewed many detainees and locals from two provinces. Many told me that their reasons for being in the vicinity of the police station had nothing to d o with the protest over the arrest of six people who allegedly gave false statements to police. Some said that they or their relatives had gone to Tak Bai because friends told them free dates would be distributed for the Ramadan month. Rosuwee Arawe’s brother told me, while he was waiting for his brother to come back from detention on October 30, "Somebody called my brother to go to Tak Bai to get free dates." A woman from Yala who sells fruit near the Princess Hotel in Narathiwat said that six people from her village went to Tak Bai because they had heard that a politician would give a speech. Detainees from Yala said their relatives and friends told them to g o to Tak Bai because of a call for a mass prayer to bring peace in the southern provinces. The message of a prayer gathering was also very widespread in Narathiwat province. "I was wondering when I went there to Tak Bai why there was no prayer, but protest," said one man from Yala who was detained. However, Ismael Jeh-alee defended the protest in Tak Bai. “We live in a democratic society and we should have the right to protest in a peaceful manner," said Ismael, adding that he saw no one armed with weapons. Initially he did not plan to join the protest at all. He came to Tak Bai just to cross the border to Malaysia to buy spareparts for his vehicle.

Violence in the Mist:

It was about 2 p.m. when he approached Tak Bai district. Traffic was congested and his car could not move, so he decided to park his car near a mosque about 500 metres away from the Tak Bai police station and inquire what was going on. After learning that the demonstrators were calling for justice for fellow Muslims, he decided to stay on. “I thought it was OK to demonstrate and pray for them," he said. Many I talked to admitted that the reason they were there was that they wanted to help get the release of the six suspects. "We should have the right to protest. We live in a democratic society, don’t we?" said Samsudin Rotonyoung, a resident of Narathiwat whose two sons went to Tak Bai to join the protest. He added that his sons carried no weapons when they went. However, two police officers d i d have gunshot wounds and some also suffered injuries resulting from sticks and stones. Most relatives of those who were detained, missing or dead said their loved ones had nothing to do with the death toll of innocent people in the South over the past months, as PM Thaksin Shinawatra has implied. "How can he link the two incidents together? Protesters should not be lumped in the same group as the violent ones who have killed innocent people,” said Baelee (not his real name), a relative of one of the dead in Narathiwat.

A NOTE FROM SOUTHERN BUDDHISTS M a n y Buddhist p e o p l e in the South are complaining that their concerns are being ignored by the government and left out of media accounts. "Why are all agencies only concerned about Muslims, no one knows what we have to endure," said an official at Tak Bai Hospital. "You know, we are being left out." Another official came and joined the first in describing their frustration. They said they treat their Muslim colleagues with love and respect, but

Reporting on the Presence of Fain in Southern Thailand

that in return Muslims abuse their own religion. "You know, they can make an excuse for their disappearances with their afternoon prayer," said the latter official, adding that the additional work load is put on Buddhist officials. She added that the senseless killings had made Thai Buddhists of going out to tap their para-rubber

fearful

trees. "Moreover, our produce

is

being destroyed and stolen. My relatives d i d not have a chance to harvest their young sweet corn before it disappeared from their farms," she said. The officials said that they are not able to practice many ritual rites properly, such as Vien Tien in the Buddhist Lent, and prayers in funeral rites. The government has never paid attention to Thai Buddhists in the area, they say. "We are a minority here. I think they stir up the violence just to chase all Buddhists from the area. But where can we go? Our home is also here," she said. Many Buddhists see Muslims as being "tricky”. "We hire them to tap para-rubber and keep in our storage. But then they tell us that the para-rubber was stolen from the storage," said a businessman in Sungai Padi. Another doctor at Tak Bai said, "These Muslims are good in spreading rumours, we are always one step behind them." "Please think about our safety, we are the target of the violence, but nobody is concerned,” said a postman in Yala.

Date of first oubhcai

—

'.-JW

1

Tne media car become a means of mate deception if they only report what Tie authorities tell rtx.ni. What 15 newsworthy should De redefined and the voce a foci* in the Soucn needs to be hei.'d

Looking beyond the official

version

t first, villagers I approached who had been released after being detained and relatives of those who died in the Tak Bai crackdown were reluctant to speak to the media. But when I told them that I came from the newspaper that the Prime Minister had just reprimanded, they all smiled. “Why worry, if you have done the right thing in reporting the facts and truth about us! Don't side with us, just report the facts," said a former teacher who was among the guests at the imam Salae Doloh's house at Kaluwor-Nua in Narathiwat. More than 30 visitors had come to give the imam moral support after learning that he had been released from military custody without being charged. The small and slightly built imam was among those who were arrested at Tak Bai. He was at the lowest level of the pile of detainees the military and police personnel loaded onto the truck for transport to the military camp. “I believe, I survived because of the will of Allah," said the imam. He spoke of the unpalatable details of his arrest and transport, and about life m the detention camp. The bruises all over his body gave evidence to his visitors of what he had been through.

Violence I n the “1st:

There were more gruesome stories as told by other witnesses while in the truck. "I overheard a young boy next to me whispering for his mother to come to rescue him. I wonder how panic he must have felt considering his young age, his voice grew feeble until it fell completely silent, I no longer heard his breathing so I doubt if he would have managed to survive,” said another man who survived and a resident of Narathiwat. The experience of the whole ordeal for those who were waiting at home was made all the more offensive and painful by media accounts which backed the government's side of the story without bothering to look for independent sources. Around noon on October 25, the public began to learn of the Tak Bai protest from media reports. Later in the afternoon television channels and radio stations across the country led people to believe that about 300 people were arrested at Tak Bai. The next day, all morning news reports and newspapers were still using the same figures: only 300 protesters were arrested and six people were killed during the crackdown operation. Most reports stressed that the arrested people were unruly and violent. How was this information arrived at? Most local journalists and media members said that they got their information from the authorities. Only those who tried to estimate the number of arrests for themselves were coming up with slightly higher numbers,

such as 400 to 500.

By late evening of October 26, however, amidst growing concern by family members fortheir missing loved ones, the numbers were being revised drastically upward. It was revealed that some 1,292 were actually arrested a n d transported to a military c a m p in Pattani for detention, and that 78 of these people had died under the custody of the state during transport. Another 24 people

were sent to Pattani

Hospital and a number of injured were sent to other hospitals in the South.

Roportinp on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

In (hat evening, Khunying Dr. Pomthip Rojanasunant, deputy chief of the Central Institute of Forensic Science, appeared

alone at a press

conference to announce the deaths during transit. The officials involved in arresting and transporting

the suspects were nowhere to be seen.

Dr. Ubonrat Siriyuwasak of Chulalongkorn University said that the media should not have simply accepted the government version, but also should have provided a channel or space for the locals to present their information to the public. Otherwise, they could only communicate among themselves, which officials branded as rumours. “The media should get its information from different angles and from different groups of people, and not allow anyone to monopolise the truth. This will allow the public to weigh the situation for themselves," said Dr. Ubonrat. But unfortunately, the public is allowed only one-sided information by various means. One state-sponsored radio programme called "Tai Santisuk" (Peaceful South) is considered by many locals to be the antithesis of its name. Instead of peace, they say its broadcasts contributed to more conflicts and hatred of people of different faiths. In the cyber world, messages

of hatred towards Muslim people tn the

deep South are common. Many loggers have taken Thaksin's lead in linking together the innocent people killed since early this year and the protesters at Tak Bai. Released detainees are very clear that they d o not condone the senseless killing of state employees and others and adamantly deny any responsibility for the deaths. "Why don't the police and officials involved bring the real culprits to task and bring justice to all innocent Buddhists and Muslims? Killing more of us won't bring justice," said a former detainee.

THE APPROACH HARDENS In the first few days after the incident,

Lt-Gen. Pisarn Wattanawong-

Violence in the Mist:

kheeree, then the Fourth Army chief, told the general public that authorities had used a “soft approach" .n dealing with the protesters and only fired their guns into the air. The whole nation heard the officials in charge say many times on media programmes that they had acted with restraint, and that tear gas was used only as a last resort. Gen. Sirichai Tunyasirl, chief of the Southern Border Provinces Peacekeeping Command (SBPPC), said the authorities h a d no choice but to use tear gas. "It’s the lightest containment tactic we could

think of.

Would you prefer that our soldiers fire cotton balls at the protesters instead 9 " he asked. Many eyewitnesses, however, maintained

from the start that security

forces were firing at people, not in the air. The claim was backed

by

solid evidence: many people were taken to Pattani Hospital with gunshot wounds, and six people reportedly

died of gunshot wounds.

Moreover, many eyewitnesses also alleged that three trucks were loaded with dead bodies before the arrested protesters were loaded u p in the military trucks and taken to a military c a m p in Pattani. One eyewitness, who said that he stood only 40 metres away from the "killing field", said he saw more than 30 people killed by the soldiers’ guns and loaded onto the three trucks. A boy and a fisherman who stayed on the other side of the Tak Bai River where the protest took place were injured by stray bullets. They both say they witnessed shooting into the river and saw some people die in the river. Government officials have said they found weapons in the river, including three M-26 grenades and an M-75 grenade, guns and bombs. “If I were among the crowd during that crackdown, I wouldn’t have thrown the grenades in the river, I would have thrown them at those who were shooting at people," said a man in Narathiwat. As locals frantically searched for any word of missing relatives, most

Reporting on the Preeence of Pain in Southern Thailand

major news outlets were sticking with the official version that rifles were fired only in the air. But on October 28, in the presence of three Senate sub-committees which had travelled to the South to investigate the incident, Senator Pratin Santiprapob showed Lt-Gen. Pisarn a picture taken from the front page of a newspaper which shows two soldiers at Tak Bai lying down and firing, their guns held level about half a metre above the ground. The picture captured casings from real bullets falling to the ground after being ejected from one soldier’s high powered rifle. It was then that Lt-Gen. Pisarn admitted that “things happened beyond the soldiers’ control." He told senators and members of the public that among the unruly demonstrators were repeat offenders who had instigated many past protests in the three southernmost provinces, onlookers who refused to disperse and some suspicious figures from outside the region. He said that “these people" have never thought that they are Thai. Even as many national and international orgar’sations were condemning the incident, Lt-Gen. Pisarn reiterated that tough action would continue to be taken against those wreaking havoc in the deep South. Abdullohman Abdulsamat, chairman of Narathiwat Islamic Committee, said that when he went to the Government House recently he tried to raise the issue of missing persons, but Prime Minister Thaksin and other officials abruptly ended the discussion, saying that there were none. Many locals have come to Abdullohman and told him that they have no one to turn to, as police do not accept any charges they want to file, and some officials even say they are lying. Some whom I interviewed said that they would not file charges as they had concluded that nobody could bring them justice. "We would be hunted by the police if we filed charges," said a man from Tak Bai whose son went missing. He said the officials only want to conceal their bad deeds.

Violence in the yist:

PREMEDITATION

FOUND

Senator Chirmsak Pinthong released a report b a s e d on the subcommittees' findings which said that about 1 00 protesters were marked for arrest and the actions of officials were premeditated. The senator indicated this was not in line with what PM Thaksin has told the public — that the protesters were dispersed only after the officials tried to negotiate and that the "soft approach" was used. Yet many in the media continue to give voice to the military version, saying the "anti-riot" operation was needed because the protesters refused to disperse despite repeated warnings from security forces. A Narathiwat religious leader who asked not to be named said that the villagers in front of the Tak Bai police station, who were there to demand the release of six persons suspected of supplying state-owned firearms to militants, jeered a n d b o o e d when the parents of the suspects told the crowd that they would be allowed to make bail for their children but were not told when. The crowd was not satisfied with the uncertain time frame, said the religious leader. The officials said they needed to disperse the crowd because it would soon be dark, but locals say that they would soon have gone back to their homes to break the fast they had been observing since daybreak for the month of Ramadan. The premier has gone before the media several times to give reasons for the loss of life and has justified the state's actions in various ways, without addressing the issue of proper crowd control measures and the recklessness and relentlessness of the state officials in transporting the detained

protesters. He said many of the protesters appeared to

be in a drug-induced

state, a remark he also made of the troublemakers

involved in the Krue Se Mosque incident in April, Locals are very insulted by this accusation, especially as the Tak Bai incident occurred during the month of Ramadan. PM Thaksin said that he could guarantee that the security forces d i d not kill any protesters.

Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

After it was learned that 78 people died en route to the Pattani Military Camp, PM Thaksin blamed religious fasting for the high death toll. “Protesters died because they were in a weak physical condition resulting from fasting. They just collapsed in the crowded situation the anti-riot forces did not touch them,” he said. By then even many officials were saying that the arrested protesters appeared to have died of suffocation. Some relatives of those who died say they do not buy this explanation either, because of the swollen and bruised faces and bodies of their love ones. “How can they say they died because of suffocation or fasting?" asked the wife of one man who died. “We don’t die because of fasting," she added.

MEDIA

COMPLIANCE

Sometimes the path is made difficult for those in the media who want to do their duty. On November 4, the Crime Suppression

Bureau (CSB)

invited media members to the provincial police headquarters in Narathiwat for a press conference, but instead of briefing them, the police demanded that they surrender video footage of the Tak Bai incident. Many media agencies had pictures from October 25 that they d i d not use. When news of the demand was reported, CSB deputy commander Col Anuchai Lekbamrung said reporters had misunderstood, and that the CSB only wanted to ask for cooperation in its investigation of the incident. However, it is known among media members that if their reports d o not g o along with the official line they could be in trouble, with letters being sent to their home offices asking them to cooperate, as the southern issues are very sensitive. The media has been compliant with Mr. Thaksin's use of the media to show his sympathy for those who were killed by government

forces in

Violence I n the Mist:

the April 28 violence. When he visited Suso village in Saba Yoi last May, he promised to help in educating the children of those who were killed. The gesture received considerable press coverage, yet if anyone h a d followed up on the issue they would have found that school administrative offices both in Songkhla and Pattani have as yet gotten no official orders to implement it. When Mr. Thaksin ordered a special fund be set up to help the relatives of those killed in the unrest from January to May of this year, many thought that the fund included those killed on April 28, which it does not. The mistaken perception, which the media contributed to because it did not give enough details to the public, has sent a wrong message to many locals. Some say that “bandits", as they call those who took part in the April 28 insurgency, get better treatment than they do. "I should be a daughter of a bandit so that I would get the compensation from the government," said an education officer in Pattani province whose father was killed. She said she has tried in vain but no agencies can give her information about the state compensation. Her complaint is similar to many from mothers, wives, a n d daughters of soldiers and policemen who have lost their lives in recent months. When he gave his televised speech after the Tak Bai incident, PM Thaksin promised full financial compensation for the families of the 85 people then known to have died during and after the bloody crackdown. "I will help those families in distress. 1 will compensate and look after them regardless of whether or not their perished loved ones were in the wrong," said Mr. Thaksin. He also promised to the relatives of those who had died without having had the chance to go on the Haj pilgrimage to Mecca, that the families would be assisted in sending another family member to the Ha] in place of the dead person.

Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

On November 5, 74 bereaved families got 7,000 baht each from the Narathiwat provincial administration. Few reporters are likely to follow up on the promises to see if more compensation is delivered, but the media has already done its duty in showing the prime minister’s kindness.

ua:c of first publication

K - J I - 2004

Photos courtesy

of Art &Culture Magazine

CHRONOLOGY OF PATANI HISTORY and Incidents of violence in the southern provinces (Please note that Patani Kingdom is spelled with only one “T" while Pattani province is spelled with two "Ts”) In ancient times, the province of Pattani was part of the Langkasuka Kingdom, founded between 80 to 100 A.D. The kingdom was an important trading port in Southeast Asia. Around the third century, Hinduism was introduced to Langkasuka, Around the eighth century, the Sri Vijaya Kingdom dominated the Straits of Malacca. Langkasuka was under its influence. During the period, Sri Vijaya introduced Buddhism into the Langkasuka Kingdom. In the 10 f century, Arab merchants brought Islam into Langkasuka. Between the middle of 14'n and the middle of 15,h centuries, the Kingdom of Patani was generally believed to have been founded. in 1457, the Kingdom of Patani was officially declared

as an Islamic state.

At the beginning of the 16,n century, Patani became a great place for maritime trade. Different Thai historical textbooks illustrate that the Thais invaded the Patani state six times in 1603, 1630, 1786, 1810 and 1832. Patani was obliged to send the ornamental flower of gold and silver to Ayudhaya as a sign of tribute and loyalty. In 1776, Siam defeated Patani. A large number of Patani prisoners of war were brought

to Bangkok. And for the first time in Patam's history, Siam

directly appointed the Sultan's successor. In 1785, the Phya Tani cannon, which was cast in the Patani Kingdom, was brought to Bangkok and is now on display in front of the Ministry of Defense in Bangkok. In 1816, the Patani area was divided into seven provinces namely Pattani

Violence in the Mist:

Nongchik, Yaring, Yala, Sai Buri, Raman and Rangae by Siam rulers as there were a senes of rebellions. In 1901 and 1902, Siam's direct rule of the Patani region began when the seven provinces were placed under control and in line with the provincial re-organ isation being undertaken in the whole kingdom. In 1906, the seven provinces were united into one provincial territory called "Monthon Pattani" or Greater Pattani region, demarcated into the Provinces of Bangnala, Yala, Pattani and Sai Bun. A small area was separated out of Kedah and was named Satun province. In 1909, Siam signed the Anglo-Siamese Treaty, which resulted in the transfer of Siam's sovereignly over Kedah, Kelantan, Trengganu, Perlis and the islands of Langkawi to Great Britain. In 1915, Tengku Abdul Kadir Kamaradin, the last Raja of Patani, went to exile in Kelantan and there he continued his struggle to establish his authority and to call for an independent

state.

In 1921 , the Compulsory Primary Education act was promulgated, requiring all children in the whole kingdom to attend primary school. For the MalayMuslim, this was the government’s

way to promote Thai language.

In 1922, Tengku Abdul Kadir Kamaradin with a group of Malay-Mushms from Ban Nam Sai, Mayo district united to rebel against the Siamese government, but failed. He sought political asylum in Kelantan State and lived there until his death in 1933. Thereafter, Tengku Mahmud

Mahyideen,

his youngest

son, earned on his father's mission to reclaim the Patani State from Thailand. In 1932, Siam changed from absolute monarchy to constitutional monarchy. The Monthon system was discontinued. The Pattani region was then divided into the provinces of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat. June 24, 1932 was the turning point of political change and development in Thailand as the system of constitutional monarchy was instituted. In 1 933, the first general election took place and only one Muslim was elected as MP of Satun province. in 1938, when Field Marshal Pibul Songkram was Thai Prime Minister, he launched many aggressive policies against the Muslim minority. Many of his policies have insulted the way of life of Malay-Muslims

in southern border

Roportlnp on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

provinces. In 1939, the name of the country was changed from Siam to Thailand, followed by the change in citizenship from Siamese to Thai. Twelve Thai Rathaniyom, or nationalistic policies, were promulgated. Under such decree, Muslims were forbidden to dress in Malay fashion, and were instead required to dress in the western style. This Thai Custom Decree also affected the general Thai populace. In 1941, the study of the Al Qur’an was prohibited. Arabic languages

Speaking Malay and

or the use of Islamic terms in given names and family

names were not allowed. The policies of "nationalism" put into operation by Field Marshal Pibul Songkram had great negative impacts upon the minority groups especially the Muslim people. In 1943, the Pibul government abolished the Sharia Islamic law relating to family and inheritance in the four southern provinces, but issued the civil law instead. On February, 1944, Tengu Abdul Jalal or Adul Na Saibun who was a Member of Parliament for Narathiwat submitted a letter of complaint to PM Pibul asking for suitable amendments of the cultural rules to "sooth his people’s feelings." A reply by PM’s Secretary said that it had "not caused any unrest or hardship among the people of those provinces. He submitted another letter to PM Khuang Aphaiwong

but it was ignored. With little hope

of correcting the situation, he retired from the Parliament and later became the chairman of Bansan Nasional Pembebasan

Patam (BNPP).

During the WW II, the Thai government under Field Marshal Pibul Songkram sided with Japan while the Malay-Muslims in the Southern border provinces were on side of the British government, hoping that the colonisers would support them in getting back their Patam state. But they were disappointed. In 1 945, the government revitalised the Jularatchamontri; the highest Islamic religious position which once existed during the Ayudhaya period. In 1947, the Patani People Movement-GAMPAR was founded. On April 3, 1947, Hajji Sulong proposed Thamrong government.

a seven-point plan to the Luang

Violence in the Mist:

On January 16, 1948, Hajji Sulong was arrested fortreason. On April 26-28, 1948, a revolt occurred in Dusong Nyor in Rangae district of Narathiwat. There were conflicting reports between the local people and the government. While the Muslim people stated that they were on the mountain to seek for sacred water to protect them from the Chinese-Malaya bandits that often attacked them, the Thai government reported that these people organised a separatist movement. In different reports, the number of people who lost their lives in the incident ranged from 30 policemen to 400 locals. On February 24, 1949, the court dismissed the charges of treason against Hajji Sulong and his group, but charged him of libel instead. On August 13, 1954, Hajji Sulong, his eldest son and other two friends went missing after being requested by the police intelligence chief in Songkhla to report. During 1958 to 1960, leaflets calling for an independent

Patam were dis-

tributed in Thai, Malay and English languages. It was known to be BNPP's work In 1960, BNPP, a liberation movement for Patam, was organised.

It was first

headed by Tengku Abdul Jalal bin Tengku Abdul Muttlib and Por Yeh. In the same year, the Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN) was formed under the leadership of Abdul Karim Hassan. The movements were mostly initiated and sustained by the region's political and religious elite, The reasons were that the political elite lost their power, while the religious elite played a significant role in maintaining and preserving their cultural identity in terms of language, ways of life, and Islam or Islam-based popular traditions. They were supported by former students and the faithful. In 1961, Field Marshal Sant Thanarat imposed another assimilation policy by passing an Act to convert all traditional pondok schools to register as private schools. Under this conversion policy, all pondoks were required to teach standard government-designed curriculum. They must operate under the rules and regulations

of the Ministry of Education. The Thai language

was prerequisite for all who attended primary schools. Texts and related documents

which were not yet approved by the Ministry of Education were

considered

illegal.

Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

In 1957 to 1963, the Sarit government

initiated a project to redress the

population imbalance. The land settlement project has allowed somel 5,000 Thai-Buddhist

families to hold 18 to 25 rai of land in the four provinces.

in January 1967, Tengku Bira Kotanila founded Patam United Liberation Organisation (Pulo). Between 1963 to 1973, under Prime MimsterThanom Kittikhachon’s regime, the Malay-Mushms were treated as secondary citizens; they were exploited; social ills and injustices were common. More important to this point was the fact that killings and punishments of different forms went on and on without legal procedures. In 1968, the Pertubohan Persatuan Pembibasan Patam was established. Between 1969 and 1980, the southern provinces saw the rise of attacks and counter-attacks between the separatists, communist insurgents and the Thai army and police force. During this same period, there was a high incidence of abduction and extortion, wherein a number of government schoolteachers were targeted. News clippings also reported surrenders of a few alleged separatists. On May 8, 1975, Por Su or Wamaedisa surrendered

himself to the govern-

ment under the amnesty condition. It was the second time that he did so. The first time that he ceded himself to the state was in 1 966 when he and his 27 followers had been on trial by the military court for five years. Por Su was a former slate schoolteacher who had fought for justice on behalf of his people. Revered by most southerners, h e was accused of leading a separatist movement, but the court eventually absolved him of the charge on June 17, 1971 After he was acquitted, he continued to face persecution by state officials. He claimed that the officials tried to frame him up and he had to flee into the jungle. In 1977, when Tengku Abdul Jalal passed away, the Central Working Committee (CWC) or Majlis Kerja Tertmggi of BNPP elected Badri Hamdan as leader. On October 11, 1975, Por Yeh, Commander in chief of the National Liberation Front of Patam gave an interview to the Bangkok Post. He lamented the ill-treatment of Muslim population

in the three southernmost provinces and

accused government officials of "unconstitutional rule." He said that the

Violence in the Mist:

dissident

locals would continue to fight for freedom as long as there was

harassment and unfair treatment of local people. According

to Por Yeh, "During the 1971-1975 period, over 400 liberation

members died in clashes with suppression

authorities. But for each of the

guerrillas killed, five government officials were killed." November 29, 1975, five locals were murdered

by Thai marine officials

in Bacho district of Narathiwat They were killed and their bodies were disposed at Kor Tor bridge. A young boy survived to tell the story. From December 11, 1975 to January 4, 1976, about 70,000 Malay-Mushms protested against the murder of the five Muslims. It was thought to be the largest regional protest. December 13, 1975, a bomb was thrown onto a stage where speakers condemned the brutality and demanded

justice from the central govern-

ment, 12 more people died. Between August, 1978 to July, 1979, the provincial authorities of Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat reported over 100 cases of extortion through kidnapping, closure of rubber plantation and harassment. Between January, 1979 to March, 1980, there were 26 cases of burning schools, bombing buildings

and destroying bridges.

September 22, 1977, a b o m b exploded near the Royal Pavilion in Yala province. But none of the Royal Family got injured. In 1980, two crucial policies were issued: the Tai Rom Yen (Peaceful South) and the 66/2523 Order of the Office of Prime Minister but under the Royal Armed Forces’s initiative, known for the use of politics-led The strategies adopted

military policies.

under the two schemes have since been regarded

as responsible for bringing back peace to the southern region. From 1981 to 1990, a number of secessionists and communists surrendered to the government Yet, attacks and bombs explosions still went on in some areas. January 20, 1984, the Civilian Police-Military Command 43 and the Southern Border Provinces Administration

Centre were set up in accordance with

a Cabinet’s Resolution of December 16, 1980 to solve the problems in the South.

Reporting on the Presence of Fain in Southern Thailand

Between 1992-1995: Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai’s first two years were marked by the burning of 36 schools in four provinces on August 1 , 1993. Between 1995-1996: Prime Minister Banharn Silpa-archa’s one year saw him sign an order to separate the lines of command between the Civilian Police-Military Command 43 and the Southern Border Provinces Administration Centre, Between 1996-1997: Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh’s premiership ended after one year with his resignation. Yala MP Wan Nor became the Parliament house speaker. The period was marked by abductions, murders and attacks in the South. Between 1997-2001: Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai’s three years in office ended with the snap election of January 6, 2001. Several attacks in 1998 took the lives of 10 officers and seven southerners. In 2001: Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra took office on February 26. On April 7, bombs exploded

at the Hat Yai railway station. On December

25

five police officers and a defence volunteer died in a series of apparently coordinated attacks on five police checkpoints in Narathiwat, Yala and Pattani. In 2002: From March 12 to 15 five police officers and a defence volunteer in three provinces died after gunmen fired on booths and checkpoints. The third unofficial ministers’ meeting was held in Narathiwat from March 29 to 31. On May 1 the government dissolved the Civilian Police-Military Command 43 and the Southern Border Provinces Administration Centre. In October, three schools in Songkhla’s Chana J h e p h a and Saba Yoi districts were burnt. In Pattani, a b o m b was found at Lim Kor Niaw (a Chinese shrine). A bomb exploded at the Chang Hai temple. The Bang Lang Forest Conservation Unit was looted and 31 guns were stolen. The year saw at least 20 officials killed. In 2003: On April 19 an angry mob in Narathiwat province killed two policemen. On April 20, two Southern Development units in Narathiwat and Yala were looted. Five navy officials died and some officials were injured. January 4, 2004, The Fourth Development Battalion of Narathiwat Cho Airong Military base was looted with more than 300 guns stolen. March 12, Somchai Neelapaijil, a Muslim human rights lawyer, was

Violence in the Mist:

apparently abducted by people suspected

of being members of the police.

He had received anonymous death threats prior to his "disappearance" and had been providing legal assistance to Muslims who were arrested for alleged involvement in Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), an Islamist group in Southeast Asia April 28, more than 100 men armed with machetes and some guns attacked 10 police and military posts at the same time. Some escaped, some got arrested by government officials, but 108 were killed in the raid. Five officials were killed on the same day. July 28, the committee appointed

by the government in May to investigate

the April 28 incident revealed its finding that security forces used excessive force. Suchinda Yongsunthorn, the head of the committee said heavily armed personnel stormed the Krue Se Mosque, opening fire on militants armed only with knives and a single gun. However, the inquiry did not blame any particular individual and cleared the military from blame, saying that the region had already been placed under martial law at the time of the uprising. September 17, Pattani Judge Rapin Ruankaew was killed in a broad daylight in Pattani city. From January 4 to September 17, there were more than 300 persons, both Muslim and Buddhists, military, police and officials got killed. According to Army, from January 4 to August 31, 2004, the southern province saw 199 deaths classified as: 34 police, 23 soldiers, 34 civil servants, 103 civilians and three monks. This does not include the death of 108 Muslim "troublemakers". There were also 285 injuries classified as: 75 policemen, 40 soldiers 27 civil servants, 141 civilians and two monks A number of schools as well as government buildings were burnt The violence is escalating as more military forces are being mobilised to the area, and the search for villages and pondok institutions are going on. October 25, six protesters were reportedly killed at Tak Bai police station, some 1,324 were arrested and transported to Ingkhayuthbonharn Military Camp in Pattani, 78 reportedly died of suffocation. Another protester was pronounced dead at a hospital. A police was seriously injured and few others wounded.

A number of people were reported missing. Many eye-

witnesses claimed they saw more than six people killed at the protest site.

Reporting on the Presence of Pain in Southern Thailand

From 1993 to the end of November 2004, a total of 1,975 violent incidents took place in the three southernmost provinces. Of these 21 per cent occurred before 2001. The other 79 per cent of violent incidents have been documented since 2001 when PM Thaksin Shinawatra rose to power. There were 573 people killed i n 1,253 violent incidents that were recorded in the first 11 months of 2004, which represented 63 per cent of the total casualties that took place during 11 years of a research.** * There are different interpretations of when the Patani Kingdom was annexed into Siam. Some argue that the annexing took place when King Chulalongkorn (Rama V) reorganised

his administrative system in 1902, one

that favoured the region-based administrative unit called "Thesaphiban". Others, such as Wan Kadi r, state that the domination of Siam over the former Malay Kingdom was completed when the British colonial government formally recognised Siam's rule over Patani region in 1909.

References: Bangkok Post newspaper’s clippings and database from 1969 to September 20, 2004. Che Man, Wan Kadir, Muslim Elites and Politics in Southern Thailand, 1983. “Jitpiromsn, Snsompob,

One Decade and A Year of Violence in

the Southern Border: Mysteries of the Problem and Solution, 2004. Pitsuwan, Sunn , Islam and Malay Nationalism: A Case Study of the Malay-Muslims of Southern Thailand, 1982. Rahimmula, Chidchanok, Peace Resolution: A Case Study of Separatist and Terrorist Movement in Southern Border Provinces of Thailand, 2001 . Satha-Anand,

Chaiwat, Violence and "Truth" Management:

Half a

century of pattam, 2002, Teeuw, A & Wyatt, D.K., Hikayat Patani: The story of Patani, the Hague: Martmus Ni jhoff, 1970.

Violence in the Mist:

About the Author Supara Janchitfah has been working as

combating

racism, and discrimination,

a staff writer for the Bangkok Post for 1 2

presented

by the International Federa-

years. She conducts

tion of Journalists. In 2001 , she won the

in-depth research

and interviews, with emphasis on social,

H u m a n R i g h t s Press A w a r d f r o m

environmental and human nghts issues.

Amnesty International,

She holds a master's degree

outstanding and consistent reporting

in Rural

Thailand for her

Development Management from the

on human rights issues, including the

University of the Philippines a n d a

nghts of children, tribal people, refugees

bachelor's degree

from Chulalongkorn

and the have-nots. Her articles were also recognised by the Lorenzo Natali Prize

University (with honours). Before joining the Bangkok Post in 1993, she worked as a community development worker in the fields of agricultural

A w a r d , International Federation o f Journalist, European Commission in 1998.

and rural management, and women's

She was awarded the Asia Leadership

development.

Fellow Programme, Japan in 2003 which

She has spent six years

working on the field to gain a deeper

allowed her to conduct a research on

understanding of conflicts caused by

the peace movement in Japan. She also

governmental development projects,

w o n the Reuters Fellowship w h i c h

and the consequences of top-down

enabled her to conduct her research on

development

Alternative Media at the University of

approach.

Her numerous honours include first runner-up in the Asian Journalist Award in 2004 for the article she contributed

Oxford in 1999-2000. She was awarded the Jefferson Fellowship, East-West Centre, University of Hawaii in 1998.

on Good Governance and Anti-corrup-

She also won the Winrock International

tion, from the Asian Development

Bank

scholarship for her master's degree

Institute, Japan. In 2003, she was named

studies at the University of the Philippines

a finalist of the Journalism for Tolerance

in which her thesis was recognised as

Prize for e x c e l l e n c e i n journalism,

the Best Thesis of 1991 Academic Year.