The Religious and Cultural Landscape of Ottoman Manastır (Handbook of Oriental Studies: Section 1 the Near and Middle East, 153) 9004465251, 9789004465251

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The Religious and Cultural Landscape of Ottoman Manastır

Handbook of Oriental Studies Handbuch der Orientalistik section one

The Near and Middle East Edited by Maribel Fierro (Madrid) M. Şükrü Hanioğlu (Princeton) Renata Holod (University of Pennsylvania) Florian Schwarz (Vienna)

volume 153

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ho1

The Religious and Cultural Landscape of Ottoman Manastır By

Robert Mihajlovski

LEIDEN | BOSTON

Cover illustration: A drawing by Edward Lear with the Kızlar Bey türbe, 1848. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Mihajlovski, Robert, author. Title: The religious and cultural landscape of Ottoman Manastır / by Robert  Mihajlovski. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, [2021] | Series: Handbook of oriental  studies = Handbuch der Orientalistik: Section 1, the Near and Middle  East, 0169-9423 ; volume 153 | Includes bibliographical references and  index. Identifiers: LCCN 2021025425 (print) | LCCN 2021025426 (ebook) | ISBN  9789004465251 (hardback) | ISBN 9789004465268 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Bitola (North Macedonia)—History. | Bitola (North  Macedonia)—Civilization. | Bitola (North Macedonia)—Religious life and  customs. | Bitola (North Macedonia)—Buildings, structures, etc. |  Bitola (North Macedonia)—Ethnic relations. | Turkey—History—Ottoman  Empire, 1288–1918. Classification: LCC DR2285.B57 M54 2021 (print) | LCC DR2285.B57 (ebook)  | DDC 956.1/01—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021025425 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021025426

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 0169-9423 ISBN 978-90-04-46525-1 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-46526-8 (e-book) Copyright 2021 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Hotei, Brill Schöningh, Brill Fink, Brill mentis, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Böhlau Verlag and V&R Unipress. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Requests for re-use and/or translations must be addressed to Koninklijke Brill NV via brill.com or copyright.com. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents Acknowledgements vii List of Illustrations ix Note on Pronunciation xiii Introduction 1 A Geographical Note 6 An Overview of Pre-Ottoman Christian Cultural History 9 1 The Conquering Church 9 2 Days and Deeds of Heraclean Bishops 9 3 Peripheral Ecclesiastical Centres 13 4 Evangelization of the Slavs 14 5 Sectarians and Separatists 16 6 The “Bitola Inscription” 17 7 The Byzantine Reconquista 18 8 Crushed between the East and the West 21 9 Filling the Vacuum 25 1 Pax Ottomana in Toli Manastır (1385–1808) 29 1 The Ottoman Conquest 29 2 The Development of Toli Manastır 31 3 From a Provincial Town to an Administrative Centre 38 4 Survey of the Mosques of Toli Manastır 44 5 The Other Benefitiaries 97 2 Christianity in Ottoman Manastır (1385–1767) 98 1 Continuity Unchallenged 98 2 The Cult of the God-Bearer Pelagonitissa 99 3 The Revitalization of Christianity in Manastır 104 4 Regional Church Heritage 107 5 Literacy and Diplomacy 110 6 The Early Church of St. Demetrios 114 7 Further Regional Church Heritage 116 8 The Prelates on Record 119 9 Vindication and Revival 123 10 In the Middle of Controlled Demolition 136 11 Some Welcome Immigrants 140

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3 The Sephardic Jews of Manastır (1497–1808) 141 Early Judaism in the Balkans 141 1 2 Medieval Jewry 143 3 The Sephardic Exodus 146 4 The Sephardim in Manastır 147 5 The Shabbatai Tsvi Controversy and Beyond 157 6 The Dawn of a New Era 161 4 The Ottoman Capital of Turquie d’Europe 162 1 The Historical Background: From the Time of Ali Paşa until the First Balkan War in 1912 162 2 The Urban Development and Topography of the Town 173 3 The Religious and Cultural Traditions of the Ottoman Muslim Population in Manastır during the 19th Century 177 4 The Ottoman Christians of Bitola/Manastır during the 19th Century 189 5 The Sephardic Jewish Community of Bitola/Manastır between 1800 and 1943 224 Conclusion 236 Glossary 241 Bibliography 243 Index of Personal and Place Names 295

Acknowledgements It was my genuine fascination with the cultural heritage of Byzantine and Ottoman Manastır/Bitola that guided my research as a professional art historian, an archaeologist and a historian. This book is a product of field and archival research. It is difficult to thank all those who deserve it, having supported a complex project stretching across more than three decades. At the onset of this project, crucial was the assistance of colleagues and scholars of various profiles, without whose remarkable accomplishments and noble support, this manuscript would never ever have existed. A number of archaeologists, historians, linguists, Ottomanists, Byzantinists, architects and museum curators have aided my research, while a group of friends provided moral support along the long way. The present book grew out of a dissertation that I completed at the La Trobe University in Melbourne in 2004. First of all, I would like to express my gratitude to my mentor Professor Joan Barclay-Lloyd. It has been a true privilege to be her student and I thank her for her kind understanding and for the inspirational role-model she was to me as a scholar of Medieval Art History. Furthermore, I owe gratitude to the Very Reverend professor of Christian studies, Lawrence Cross, then to my precious expert in Ottoman culture, Professor Mucaid Asimov, and later Dimitar Dimitrovski. For the second part of the project, that of the transformation of the dissertation into a book, I would like to express my gratitude to my precious friend Jovica Grozdanovski. I am also very grateful to the eminent historians of Islamic architecture, Igor Grabar and Mehmed Ibrahimgil, then to my colleagues and friends Hidayet Ceylan, Nizamedin Asim, Petar Miljković-Pepek and Krum Tomovski. I must also thank the distinguished historians of medieval Islam and Christianity, primarily Miloye and Ljiljana Mandić, Tome Janakievski, Gjorgi Dimovski-Tsolev, Peco Srbinovski, Gordana Filipovska-Lazarovska, Stojče Naumov, Mesut Idriz, Jerzy Rozpędowski, Sreten Petković and Boško Babić. For allowing me access to the archival documents, I thank the State Archive of the R. of Macedonia, the central in Skopje and the regional section in Bitola. Similar thanks go to the Institute for the protection of monuments and Museum of Bitola and the Institute for the protection of monuments in Skopje, as well as to the University Library “St. Clement of Ohrid” in Skopje. I am grateful to the Houghton Library/Harvard College Library, Massachusetts (USA) for allowing me to publish Edward Lear’s paintings created in Manastır in 1848. I must equally acknowledge the various important contributions that this project received from Ljubo Atanasovski, James Taylor, Christopher Brown,

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Antonie Ristevski, Marjan Malbašić, Vladimir Ognenovski, Michael CrosbyMihajlovski, Domingo Cordoba, Slobodan Stojkoski, Lydia Nakova, Plumi Veliu, Damien McAree, Lewis McGregor, Belinda Božinovski D’Angelo and others. The La Trobe University Social Research Assistance Platform (SRAP) has generously provided me with additional funding for my research in 2018, for which I owe special gratitude to Elizabeth Lawrence and Amy Wong. Further funding from this source was crucial for the completion of this manuscript. Last, but not least, I would like to express my gratitude to my parents  – Professor Dušanka Mihajlova and the late Blagoy (Vangel) Mihajlovski, for their unconditional support through the years. I faithfully dedicate this work to their honour and remembrance. Naturally, I also take full responsability for the entirety of this book, including all of its shortcomings, which I am sure you will kindly forgive.

Illustrations 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33

Map of the Balkans with the Via Egnatia 7 Map of Pelagonia 7 The monogram of Bishop John 12 The Justinianic episcopal fountain 12 Reconstruction of the episcopal fountain 12 Fragment of a 6th century fresco-painting from the Great Basilica 13 The ground plan of the church at Kale Bair, end of 10th or beginning of 11th century 19 The seal of Michael Saronites from Heraclea, circa 1071 20 The seal of Theodore Vestarches 21 The seal of George Manganes 21 The Lower Wood Market (Odun pazarı) in Bitola, with the Mosque of Sungur Çavuş in the foreground 46 The earliest preserved copy (1752) of the Vakıfname of Sungur Çavuş Bey, 1435 48 Ground plan and elevation of the Sungur Çavuş Mosque 49 The Sungur Çavuş Bey Mosque before its demolition in 1956 50 The Isa Fakıh Mosque, situations in 2001 and 1943 52 An inscribed marble slab on the minaret of the Isa Fakıh Mosque, testifying to the renovation of 1843 53 Ground plan and elevation of the Isa Fakıh Mosque, 1505/6 54 A lithography with the mosque of Ishak Çelebi (H. Catenacci, 1878) 55 Εlevation of the Ishak Çelebi Mosque, 1506 58 Ground plan of the Ishak Çelebi Mosque, 1506 59 A drawing of the vicinity of the Ishakkiye Mosque by Edward Lear, 1848 61 The Hacı Bey Mosque complex in the year 2000 62 The Hacı Bey Mosque, inscribed marble slab from 1875 63 The Hacı Bey Mosque, ground plan and elevation, 1521/2 64 The northern façade of the Hacı Bey Mosque 65 The Koca Kadı Mosque, built in 1529 66 The Bey’s house opposite the Koca Kadı Mosque, 19th century 67 The Koca Kadı Mosque, ground plan and elevation 68 The Koca Kadı Mosque’s entrance façade 68 An old postcard with the Yeni Mosque, early 20th century 70 The Yeni Mosque, ground plan and elevation, 1553/4 71 The mahvil balcony at the entrance of the Yeni Mosque 72 The glazed tiles of Iznik, 16th century, Yeni cami 73

x 34 35

Illustrations

The Gazi Haydar Kadı Mosque, 1565 74 The inscribed marble plaque above the main entrance of the Haydar Kadı cami 75 36 Haydar Kadı Mosque, ground plan and elevation, 1565 76 37 The interior of the Haydar Kadı Mosque 77 38 A marble capital from the portico of the Haydar Kadı Mosque 78 39 The Hasan Baba Mosque, between 1628 and 1640 79 40 The Hasan Baba Mosque, as recently renovated 80 41 The Hasan Baba Mosque, ground plan and elevation 81 42 The türbe or mausoleum of Hasan Baba, constructed between 1628 and 1640 82 43 The Mosque of Üç Şeyhler or Hamza Bey, built before 1634 82 44 The Üç Şeyhler Mosque, ground plan and elevation 84 45 The exterior of the apse, with the mihrab niche at the Mosque of Üç Şeyhler 85 46 A postcard with the Broken Mosque in World War I 86 47 A postcard with the Broken Mosque after WWI 87 48 The Broken Mosque, ground plan and elevation, end of 15th or beginning of 16th century 88 49 The Eğri Kaş Mosque before 1940 88 50 The Paftalı Mosque, a general view, end of 15th or beginning of 16th century 89 51 The Paftalı Mosque, ground plan and elevation 90 52 A drawing by Edward Lear with the Kızlar Bey türbe, 1848 92 53 Ground plan and elevation of the Kızlar Bey Mausoleum 93 54 The Zindan Kulesi, built after 1628 94 55 The Zindan Kulesi, ground plan and elevation 96 56 Icon of the Mother of God Pelagonitissa, 1421/2 100 57 The child Kupen, surrounded by the inscription mentioning the town of Bitola, 1607 117 58 A drawing of the antimension of Metropolitan Joseph from 1727 128 59 The old iconostasis of the church of St. Demetrios 130 60 The central part with the inscription from the old iconostasis, St. Demetrios Church in Bitola, 1735 131 61 The 18th century analogion, church of St. Demetrios, Bitola 133 62 The entrance gates of the Jewish cemetery in Bitola, 1497 149 63 From the interior of the synagogue Aragon, early 20th century 152 64 From the interior of the synagogue Aragon, early 20th century 153 65 The Ciger Baba türbe over the ancient Heraclea of Lyncestis, with the Ottoman barracks in the background 163

Illustrations 66 67 68 69

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Şerif Bey cami, the inscription, 1828 182 The Hatuniye Mosque, an inscription, 1903 183 St. Demetrios Church in Bitola, ground plan, 1830 194 An eastern view of the church of the Holy Great Martyr Demetrios in Bitola, early 20th century 195 70 A southern view of the narthex of the church of the Holy Great Martyr Demetrios in Bitola, early 20th century 195 71 The portal of the main (western) entrance at the church of St. Demetrios 196 72 Drawing of the portal of the main (western) entrance at the church of St. Demetrios 197 73 The southern entrance in the church of St. Demetrios 199 74 The poetic inscription over the southern gate of the church of St. Demetrios 199 75 The votive inscription of Presbyter Athanasios over the southern entrance in the church of St. Demetrios 200 76 The Last Judgement, a detail, painted c. 1845 202 77 The interior of the church of St. Demetrios, early 20th century 203 78 The church of St. Nedela, a postcard from the beginning of the 20th century 206 79 Ground plan of the church of St. Nedela, 1863 206 80 Elevation of the church of St. Nedela, 1863 207 81 The church of St. Nedela in 2000 208 82 Ground plan of the church of the Nativity of the Holy Virgin, built in 1876 209 83 Elevation of the church of the Nativity of the Holy Virgin, built in 1876 210 84 The church of the Nativity of the Holy Virgin in 2000 210 85 The iconostasis of the church of the Nativity of the Holy Virgin in 2000 211 86 The Catholic church on the main street in Bitola, built after 1900 215 87 The old gates of the Methodist church, 1883 216 88 The building of the Evangelical Alliance in Bitola, second half of the 19th century 217 89 A postcard with the Greek lyceum for boys in Bitola, Hamburg, Anastase G. Zalli, no year 218 90 The residence of the Bulgarian Exarchate in Bitola 220 91 The church of the Nativity of the Most Holy God-Bearer, early 20th century 220 92 The building of the Vlach Gymnasium in Bitola, 1886 221 93 The icon-screen of the old Vlach church in Bitola, early 20th century 222 94 An eastern view of the Vlach cemetery in Bitola, early 20th century 222

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The Zavalani Mansion, where the Congress of the Albanian alphabet was held in 1908 223 96 The interior of the synagogue Aragon, with the local congregation, early 20th century 225 97 The ruins of the Portuguese synagogue after World War I 231 98 The Rabbi of Bitola Shabitay Jain, early 20th century 233 99 A tombstone at the Jewish cemetery in Manastır, early 20th century 234 100 Map of the town with its cultural monuments: 1) The church of St. Demetrios, 2) The church of the Holy Mother of God, 3) The ‘Broken’ Mosque, 4) The Yeni Mosque, 5) The Ishak Çelebi Mosque, 6) The Sungur Çavuş Mosque, 7) The Haydar Kadı Mosque, 8) The Isa Fakıh Mosque, 9) The Paftalı Mosque, 10) The Hacı Doğan Mosque, 11) The Jewish cemetery and the Kızlar Bey türbe, 12) The church of St. Nedela, 13) The Koca Kadı Mosque, 14) The Eğri Kaş Mosque, 15) The Şerif Bey Mosque, 16) The Üç Şeyhler or Hamza Bey Mosque, 17) The Zandan Kule, 18) The Hatuniye Mosque, 19) The Hasan Baba Mosque, 20) The site of Heraclea Lyncestis 235 In addition to the illustrations in this book, one can turn for comfort to two recently published collections of postcards from Bitola: Најдов, Д. Битола низ стари разгледници [Bitola through Old Postcards]. Битола: НУ Завод и Музеј Битола, 2014 and Gökman, L. A pool lies at the heart of Monastir … Tale of an Ottoman city through postcards = Manastırʾın ortasında var bir havuz … Kartpostallarla bir Osmanlı şehrinin hikȃyesi. Istanbul: Denizler Kitabevi / TSKB, 2011.

Note on Pronunciation c in Turkish is [d͡ʒ] as in English John ć [c] or [t͡ɕ] similar (but not equal) to English ch in Charles č, ç [t͡ʃ] as in English Charles đ [ɟ] or [d͡ʑ] similar (but not equal) to English j in John ğ historically a velar fricative [ɣ], mostly unpronounced in Modern Turkish h in Macedonian is [x] as in German Bach kh [x] as in German Bach ı ‘dark’ vowel [ɯ] (no standard English equivalent) ö [œ] as in German zwölf š, ş [ʃ] as in English Shakespeare ü [y] as in German fünf ž [ʒ] as in French Jean

Introduction Our understanding of Ottoman cultural heritage has to grow out of the established early 20th century dogmatic historiography that neglects other perspectives available from South-Eastern Europe. For half a millennium the Balkan Peninsula was an integral part of the Ottoman Islamic world and developed a unique political, religious and cultural life. Key Ottoman Balkan towns were significantly reshaped due to infrastructural projects and influenced by Ottoman urbanization policies. Selanik (Thessalonike), Edirne (Adrianople) and Manastır (Bitola) were active urban centres that provided education, culture and arts to the corresponding regions. In the new towns of the Ottoman Balkans, as well as in the older, the new Islamic architecture and culture evolved, encroaching upon and overlaying the Byzantine religious and cultural structure already in place. Ottoman urban architecture mirrored the pragmatic organisational spirit of the vast empire with its centralised state hierarchy and institution of faith. The early Ottoman style brought a fusion with the characteristic local Slavonic-Byzantine past, influenced by the Seljuk styles of Anatolia, from where the earliest experiences arrived. The Balkans played a significant role in the formation of the Classical Ottoman style, particularly visible in great mosques in Edirne, Skopje, and Bitola. The Ottoman classical style mosques, well preserved in modern Bitola, evolved their own code of aesthetics and reached maturity in the 16th century. During my service as curator at the Institute for the protection of cultural monuments and Museum and at the Bishopric in Bitola, I came to appreciate the significance of the comprehensive research of medieval Bitola. The Yugoslav civil war in 1991, the devastation of the region and the conflict in Macedonia in 2001 also informed and shaped my intention to document the Ottoman cultural heritage of Bitola in an attempt to preserve it for future generations. The present work is intended to be a religious and cultural history of the town of Bitola/Manastır during the Ottoman centuries and therefore not so much a formal history of the town, but rather a cultural biography of the place itself and an account of its cultural legacy. It provides a guide to the many and distinct urban monuments embedded in the town’s living history, particularly with respect to the roles they played in its religious, cultural and intellectual life. I have tried to create a record that is a wide-ranging comprehensive overview, covering not only the history of art and architecture, but also the political and cultural historical context of the town within its region. In Ottoman Manastır the three great monotheistic religions of Islam, Christianity and Judaism once co-existed. The religious classes, such as the Islamic and

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004465268_002

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Introduction

Christian ecclesiastical hierarchies as well as the Jewish rabbinate, are carefully traced via their respective achievements. The methodology adopted creates an underlying urban catalogue of the religious architecture connected with the cultural legacy of Ottoman Manastır, which is then further supported by data derived directly from Ottoman archival documents, various travellers’ chronicles and architectural and archaeological discoveries made relatively recently. Those studies are accompanied and illustrated by individual architectural documentation of the religious edifices along with detailed plans and sections and a photographic record designed to detail the monuments they describe. This in turn provides a guide to the research into the urban development of Ottoman Manastır supporting the understanding of the fruitful multi-religious and multi-cultural crossings in the town and its region. By investigating the urban communal boundaries that were altered through mosques, churches and synagogues, a better understanding of the Ottoman confessional policies is achieved. The source materials are vast and yet some buildings and some particular inscriptions and icons deserved closer consideration. Therefore, I have continued my research over many years and published a number of new studies, each adding more evidence to my research topic. The successful use of multi-disciplinary research, based on the recent increase in interest in medieval Byzantine and Ottoman art history, has also moved this work into significant new directions. Since my time as curator, a number of new religious buildings and artefacts have been discovered, some even restored, but the reintegration of further precious pieces into Bitola’s cultural mosaic was made possible primarily by a revival of interest in the comparative history of local Christian, Islamic and Sephardic values. Further comparative and analytical studies of Ottoman urban architectural heritage, as well as the history of visual culture and literature throughout the centuries have also enhanced this work. The number of scholars with a particular study interest in this field is relatively small and their scientific output fragmented, but significant advancements were made when the study of medieval Byzantine and Ottoman societies shifted substantially due to new inter-disciplinary methods that, along with the use of modern technology, added significant new information. It dovetailed with an increased interest in medieval Byzantine and later in Ottoman archaeology as well as a revival of interest in the history of local Christian and Jewish confessional life, which all shed new light on the complexity of Balkan medieval life. The initial research conducted for this study focussed on Bitola’s development into an Ottoman town, with its numerous religious monuments, between the years of 1385 and 1912. This Balkan town is modest, but has an

Introduction

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attractive environment and rich history, and is, at the same time, a provincial and a cosmopolitan part of the old Eastern European world. Even when it was the Roman Heraclea of Lyncestis or the medieval Slavo-Byzantine settlement of Pelagonia and Bitola, it was a centre of particular intellectual activities, due to its location on the Via Egnatia, a key artery for the introduction and transmission of new religious messages. This book examines the corresponding transformation of urban structures starting with the Early Byzantine Heraclea, passing through the era of the medieval fortified settlements of Pelagonia and Bitola, and then on to the reshaped Ottoman town of Toli Manastır that came into being in the 19th century westernized capital of the Rumeli province. Despite the political and religious changes during these periods, the town of Bitola/Manastır retained its urban character and multi-cultural identity. Apart from the major architectural monuments and works of art produced by the numerous known and unknown artists and master-builders, the town had an array of provincial scholars, theology students, poets and craftsmen, itinerant monks and sufis. As a provincial centre, Toli Manastır does not manifest imperial mosques, churches and synagogues, yet some places of worship, such as the Ishak Çelebi Mosque and the Haydar Kadı Mosque are provincial masterpieces of the classical Ottoman style. Likewise, the Christian churches of Bitola are remarkable monuments of Post-Byzantine and Revival styles, as evidenced at St. Demetrios, reconstructed in 1830, and the Nativity of the Most Holy GodBearer from 1870, both of which are furnished with large iconostases carved in wood. Many Sephardic Jews lived alongside Muslims and Christians enriching the town with their beliefs, architecture and art, their cultural traditions and values. The town evolved from a minor walled Christian episcopal settlement into an Ottoman commercial and cultural centre and for more than five hundred years was an integral part of the Ottoman world. After this short introduction and the subsequent useful geographical note, a brief overview of the Pre-Ottoman Christian history of the region is provided, starting no sooner than the penetration of Christianity along the Roman Via Egnatia. Due to its geographical position, Heraclea played a significant role in the Christianisation of the region. Starting from the 4th century, Heraclea’s Christian prelates and community erected a monastic complex. Through the centuries the diocese of Heraclea/Pelagonia was subordinated to the Metropolitan of Thessalonike, but after 1020 it was under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Ochrid. The bishop’s see was transferred from Heraclea to Bitola, whence it periodically moved to Prilep, due to its political importance and strategic position. A number of churches, monasteries and epigraphic testimonies bear witness to the ecclesiastical history of Prilep and Pelagonia.

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Introduction

The first chapter offers an interpretation of the Ottoman conquest of Bitola in 1385, and the subsequent emergence of the Ottoman town of Toli Manastır. The research study of architectural heritage and urban development of the town of Manastır in the period between the 14th and the 17th century serves as a model that illustrates the manner in which Slavo-Byzantine urban centres were transformed in Ottoman towns. It discusses the comparative aspects of the Ottoman transformation from a frontier town into a military base for the further conquest, along with the historiographical evidence of the formation of Muslim quarters. A detailed catalogue is offered in order to explain the development of Ottoman Islamic architecture in Manastır, with its monumental examples of provincial Balkan architecture. Preserved Ottoman archives from the period between the 15th and the 19th century provide evidence on the confessional structure and organization of the town and its public buildings. In Bitola monumental examples of all phases of Ottoman architecture can be found: the Early Ottoman style architecture of the Mosque of Sungur Çavuş Bey, built around 1422; then the monumental mosques of Ishak Çelebi from 1506; the Yeni Mosque from 1553/4; and the Haydar Kadı Mosque from 1565, as examples of the classical Ottoman style. The surviving buildings, the chronicles and the reports of travellers such as Solakzade, Idris Bitlisi, Evliya Çelebi, Lorenzo Bernardo, Edward Brown, Johan Hahn, Hacı Halife, Marko Tsepenkov and Edward Lear provide a wider picture of the Ottoman settlement with its edifices and peoples. The second chapter discusses the Christian population and its associated church history and religious monuments during the period between 1385 and 1767. The Christian inhabitants of Bitola preserved their ecclesiastical structures and the main church of St. Demetrios was located in the Christian quarter. But the strength and the weakness of the organization of the Pelagonian bishopric were revealed after the Orthodox community had to accept Ottoman institutions and government. The religious life of the Christian community was regulated, but some church prelates believed that renewal could be achieved only through integration with western Christendom. Under the law of the Ottoman state, the Christians were allowed to renovate their places of worship. When the Ottoman wars ceased, Christian art and architecture were revived, and in some cases even underwent noteworthy developments. Some of the monasteries in the region of Bitola preserved their scriptoria, craftsmanship and some education. The bishops of Bitola remained suffragans of the Archbishopric of Ochrid until 1767, after which they became subordinates of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople until WWI. The third chapter is a study of the Sephardic Jewish presence in Bitola/ Manastır after the arrival at the end of the 15th and the beginning of the

Introduction

5

16th century. The Spanish and Portuguese Jews formed two separate factions, and each built its own synagogue. According to the Ottoman documents, the Jewish settlement was located on the left side of the river Dragor, known as Il Curtijo or Jehudi hanede. Sephardim culture and intellectual life flourished in Manastır as it had in Islamic Spain and produced some outstanding men of letters, such as Joseph ben David ibn Lev and Abraham ben Jehuda de Buton. In the middle of the 16th century there was a Torah centre with a Talmudic school. As the Jewish community grew in size and number, new synagogues and places of worship were built. The Jewish community of Manastır maintained strong commercial and cultural connections with Thessalonike, Ragusa/Dubrovnik and Venice. In the last chapter I have tried to sketch the multi-religious and multi-ethnic profile of Bitola/Manastır from the first decades of the 19th century to the withdrawal of the Ottoman government from the town in 1912. Like other regions within the Ottoman state, Manastır underwent extensive political and cultural changes at the turn of the 19th century. The process started in the beginning of the 19th century, when the Governor of Rumeli transferred his seat from Sofia to Manastır. After 1835, the Grand Vizier Reşid Paşa modernized the town along western European lines, and after 1875 its privileged political position attracted the attention of the European states, so that soon several consulates were opened. This was a ‘Golden period’ for the population, since the political changes and reforms of the Ottoman state enhanced the town’s religious, cultural and educational development on an equal confessional ground for the first time in Ottoman history. All that came to an end in 1912 with the First Balkan War. Since then, this part of the Balkan Peninsula has had to endure turbulent times, including recent twentieth-century developments, which are beyond the scope of this book. There is much research that remains to be done and much may yet be uncovered that would provide new insights. There are definitely still more books to be written on the history of Bitola/Manastır.

A Geographical Note Modern Bitola is a provincial centre in the southwest of the Republic of North Macedonia, a landlocked country between the modern Balkan states of Greece, Bulgaria, Albania, Serbia and Kosovo. The small river Dragor divides the town in two parts, with the earlier Byzantine-Slavonic settlement and the later Turkish and Jewish quarters extending from the left river bank to the southern slopes of the hill Bayır of the Oblakovo-Snegovo chain, while the southern part stretches over flat land on the right bank, touching the base of the hill Tumbeki (Tumbe kahve, 744 meters high), which separates the modern town from the ancient site of Heraclea. The river Dragor is a 25 km long affluent of the greater river Tsrna (ancient Erigon), which itself passes east into the torrent of the Vardar (ancient Axios). In the past, the river Dragor was a wild torrent that flooded the lower part of the town and the market. It was entirely channelled and a paved quay was built by the Ottoman administration in the 19th century. The most attractive buildings of the Ottoman upper class were erected along its left bank.1 On the outskirts of the town (Dovlecik), the water-power of the river was used for watermills and semi-industrial workshops. The core of the town along the lower part of the river had numerous markets and small bridges, of which some are well-preserved as cultural heritage. Throughout the town there are main arteries following the old road communications towards Ochrid, Prilep, Morihovo and the Greek border. The town’s main street was refashioned during the times of Sultan Abdul Hamid and named after him (Hamidiye), and later it was known under various names, such as King Petar, Maršal Tito, or simply Širok sokak. It follows the ancient route of the Via Egnatia (Fig. 1), coming from Heraclea of Lyncestis and passing next to the town’s park, also established by the Ottoman town administration. The railway line on the southeast was a boundary of the outskirts of Bori Mečka. The modern town has a diameter of 7 km with its old and new suburbs. Recently the central historical parts with the old market were declared and protected as national cultural heritage, including the archaeological site of Heraclea of Lyncestis, which will contribute towards the development of science and cultural tourism in the region. To understand the geographical destiny of Bitola, it has to be placed within the broader framework of the Pelagonian basin (Fig. 2). This plateau extends c. 100 kilometers in length and 30–35 kilometers in width, geographically located between the 21 degrees latitude and 18 degrees longitude.2 It lies between the plain of Kičevo in the north-west (620–700 meters altitude) and on the southeast is the plain of Lake Ostrovo (Lake Veghoritis) with 530 meters altitude. North of Pelagonia is 1 Lory, 2011, 30–45. 2 Kravari, 1989, 30. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004465268_003

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A Geographical Note

figure 1

Map of the Balkans with the Via Egnatia

figure 2 Map of Pelagonia

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A Geographical Note

the mountainous region of Porečiye and the mountain Babuna.3 On the eastern side of the Pelagonian plain is the canyon of the river Tsrna, a gate to the great highland Morihovo district. Once famous shepherds’ paradise, this whole district is now depopulated and neglected, with a number of medieval churches and settlements that indicate its complex history. To the west are two great lakes, Prespa and Ochrid, and the mentioned mountain range of Baba (ancient Barnous) with the peak of Perister. The mountain chain of Nidže (ancient Bora) and the border with modern Greece are to the south, the valley of the river Vardar to the east. The relief is tectonic, created in the Tertiary and Quaternary movements, with a tendency for further tectonic changes. The mountains around the Pelagonian plateau have rich deposits of schists, mica-schist, gneiss, granite and marbles. Erosion is still active, creating fertile deposits in the valleys that are abundant in water sources.4 Because of the mountainous relief, the road communications are difficult, with a number of important passes communicating with the surrounding regions. Such is the old Gyavato pass (1,169 meters high) between the mountains Bigla and Baba to the west, leading to the Adriatic. To the south is the Monastir gap (Kirli Derven, 800 meters high), leading to the towns of Voden (Edessa), Thessalonike and further on to the plain of Thessaly. To the east is the Pletvar pass (900 meters high) between the ridges of Dren and Kozyak, leading to the Vardar valley corridor. The passes of Prisad (1,050 meters high) and of Barbaras (874 meters high) lead to the northern regions. The route of the Via Egnatia leads to the south, towards Thessalonike, and at Florina separates a way leading to the towns of Korçë and Kastoria. Bitola and by extension Pelagonia experience a continental climate, with cold winters abundant in snow, while the heavy rain in the spring and the autumn provides a large quantity of water and vegetation to the region. Mountain massifs are affecting the local climate, the temperature interval varies from continental −30 C° to Mediterranean +40 C°. These climatic nuances are essential for the abundant vegetation and forests, with a rich agriculture, viticulture and arboriculture in the valleys. Encircled by high mountain chains and connected with terraces and hills, the region is a provider of food, primarily wheat, fodder and vegetables to the local population.5 In the past its centre was a swamp-lake, at some places c. 10 meters deep, with an abundant water fauna. It was drained after WWII by the Yugoslav hydro-amelioration project of the river Tsrna, creating hectares of arable land and turning it into a wheat and food basket for the wider region, but in the same time exterminating the unique flora and fauna of the region. In this period, the mountain of Baba with its peak of Perister was proclaimed a national park covering an area of 171,5 square kilometres, featuring the rare pine tree, Pinus peuce, and diverse wildlife (Figs. 1 and 2). 3 Ibidem, 27–29. 4 Dimitrov, 1998, 16–19. 5 Adžievski, 1994, 2; Lory, 2011, 39–43.

An Overview of Pre-Ottoman Christian Cultural History … and a vision appeared to Paul in the night. A man of Macedonia stood and pleaded with him, saying: ‘Come over to Macedonia and help us’. Acts 16:9

∵ 1

The Conquering Church

The beginnings of Christianity in the region can be traced to the earliest apostolic times of Saint Paul. In the Epistle to the Romans (15:19), the Apostle of the gentiles referred to his missionary efforts thus: “Through mighty signs and wonders, by the power of the Spirit of God, so that from Jerusalem and round about to Illyricum I have fully preached the Gospel of Christ”.1 The Egnatian Way, which was an axis of the Roman Empire connecting Rome with its eastern provinces via the Balkan Peninsula, played a major role in the Evangelization of the region. It was constructed over an even older road communication in 168 BC, when Gnaeus Egnatius was the Roman proconsul in Macedonia.2 2

Days and Deeds of Heraclean Bishops

Rising on the Via Egnatia junction, Heraclea of Lyncestis had become a prosperous Roman town by the reign of Emperor Septimius Severus, and was granted the status of civitas (Septimia Aurelia Heraclea).3 After Emperor Constantine the Great’s proclamation of tolerance towards Christianity in 313, Bishop Euagrius attended the Synod of Serdika in 343, and signed himself as 1 Dunn, 1988, 863–864; Morris, 1988, 512–514; Ramsay, 1895, 284–285; Fitzmyer, 1993, 714; Mihajlovski, 1993, 3. About the road connections between Heraclea, Stobi and Thessalonike see: Papazoglou, 1988, 256–323, maps 9, 10, 20; Hammond, 1972, 37–81, maps 7, 8, 9. 2 Romiopoulou, 1974, 813–816; Charlesworth, 1924, 118; Adams, 1982, 269–302; MacKay, 1977, 201–210. 3 Papazoglou, op. cit., 260, 262; Wiseman, 1976, 385.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004465268_004

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Euagrius a Macedonia de Heraclea Linco.4 Nearly a century later, Quintillius of Heraclea attended the Councils of Ephesos in 449 and Chalcedon in 451 as a deputy of Athanasios, the Bishop of Thessalonike, and signed the proceedings as Quintillius episcopus Heracleae Macedoniae.5 Another bishop from the region, Dionysius, attended the Council of Chalcedon, coming from Nikaia, a station on the Egnatian Way, to the west of Heraclea.6 During the first half of the 5th century, the town of Heraclea was rebuilt, and the fortifications were strengthened. The small basilica, ‘Basilica A’, was erected before the middle of the 5th century.7 This complex episcopal basilica contained a baptistery, a fine decorative mosaic in opus tesselatum paved the central nave, and its eastern part had a marble bema. It was damaged by the Ostrogoths of Theoderic Amal during the events of 479. The contemporary chronicle of Malchus described how the rebellious Ostrogothic army sacked Stobi and then moved to Heraclea. The unnamed bishop of Heraclea negotiated and supplied the Gothic army with food and wine. The horrified inhabitants took refuge in a citadel, while Theoderic’s Goths burned a part of Heraclea and then moved along the Via Egnatia, towards Dyrrachium.8 After the Ostrogothic invasions, the town of Heraclea experienced an urban revival, with new ecclesiastical complexes. Already at the end of the 5th and beginning of the 6th century, the ‘Large Basilica’ was erected over the older foundations.9 It was a longitudinal building of impressive dimensions, with a baptistery and a κατηχουμεναῖον paved with floor mosaics. The most remarkable of the floor mosaics were executed in the narthex and in the northern aisle.10 4 Sellers, 1961, 325, 327, fn. 5; Honigmann, 1966, 34, 50; Dvornik, 1926, 91; Mansi, 1778, 45; Fedalto, 1988, 441. 5 Festugiere, 1982, 669; Dvornik, op. cit., 91; Mansi, op. cit., 609, 952; VII, 161. 6 Papazoglou, 1988, 269, fn. 83 (Hierocles mentioning a small town of Nikaia with its bishopric in Macedonia Prima). 7 Hoddinott, 1963, 159–161; Čanak-Medić, 1965, 35–40; Aleksova, 1997, 235–242; Krautheimer, 1983, 7–69. 8 Heather, 1991, 281; Burns, 1984, 58–59; Mikulčić, 1981, 205–223; Fedalto, loc. cit. The province of Eastern Illyricum, to which Macedonia belonged, was a region of contention between Rome and Constantinople. On the eparchial level, Heraclea and its metropolis of Thessalonike belonged to a Papal Vicariate until 732/3. See: Spinka, 1933 (1968), 11–13; Grumel, 1964, 451–461; Duchesne, 1924, III/125; Hoddinott, op. cit., 73–76; Batož, 2000, 35–42; Florovsky, 1978, 107, 134–135, 162; Kelly, 1986, 58–59. 9 Cvetković-Tomašević, 1967, 5–73. 10 Eadem, 1984, 72–85; Eadem, 1975, 385–398; Hoddinott, op. cit., 160–161; Wiseman, 1976, 385; Cvetković-Tomašević, 1976, 457–459; Srbinovski, 1978, 47; Maguire, 1987, 36–40; Dimitrova, 2016, 206. The narthex mosaic is rectangular and still well preserved. It has a broad rectangular border containing thirty-six octagonal sections. The central oval

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11

Part of the monastic building complex was the episcopal residence with the well, the triclinium and the fountain. Recent archaeological excavations have revealed some new sections of the fortifications to the south, additional portions of the episcopal residence complex, and the foundations of the ‘Basilica E’ to the west. A three-aisled basilica, with its colonnade porch and the partly preserved mosaic in the narthex was unearthed, as well as an apse with a wall from different periods.11 Bishop Benignus attended a deputation of bishops at the Ecumenical Council in Chalcedon in 553 AD. Appearing as a deputy of Elias, the Archbishop of Thessalonike, he signed the list of bishops as Benignus ep. Heracleotanae civitatis quae est Primae Macedoniae and Benignus ep. Heracleae Pelagoniae….12 But already in Hierocles’ Synecdemus Heraclea Linco was mentioned in the catalogue of cities in Macedonia Prima, and Pelagonia amongst the cities of Macedonia Secunda.13 Fanoula Papazoglou has shown а long time ago and beyond any doubt that this merging is the result of the late antique loss of the meaning of Λύγκος and the corresponding extension of the meaning of Πελαγονία, confirmed for practical reasons by ecclesiastical titulature.14 The successor of Bishop Benignus was John, whose monogram is preserved on a capital in the small ‘Basilica A’ from the second half of the 6th century, encrypting both the name and the title (Fig. 3).15 Recently, another inscription was discovered on the fountain at the main town square, east of the Roman theatre.16 It commemorated the thirty-five years of Emperor Justinian I’s reign, when Heraclea was rebuilt in 562 AD, in the time of Bishop John (Figs. 4–6).17

medallion has a symmetric motif, symbolizing the Celestial Eucharist – a κάνθαρος with a grapevine, flanked by a doe, a roe buck and two peacocks. It is a complex iconographic Eucharistic composition based on King David’s Psalm 42. 11 Gjorgjievska, Nasuh, 2016, 91. 12 Sellers, 1961, 325–327; Bratož, 2000, 68–69; Mansi, 1778, IX 389; 190E; 173C; 194B; 197A–B; 262B. 13 Papazoglou, 1988, 266. 14 Papazoglu, 1954, 322–323, 340. 15 Nikolajević-Stojković, 1957, 42; Papazoglou, 1988, 264. 16 Janakievski, 2003, 191–192. I remain indebted to the late Dr. T. Janakievski for his informative help. 17 Mihajlovski, Rospendowski, 2011, 405–420. “On the occasion of the thirty-fifth year of the reign of our Most Pious Emperor Justinian and during the time of the Most Holy and Blessed Bishop John, a fountain was donated to the city in the month of September, day tenth, indiction tenth.”

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figure 3 The monogram of Bishop John

figure 4 The Justinianic episcopal fountain

figure 5 Reconstruction of the episcopal fountain

An Overview of Pre-Ottoman Christian Cultural History

figure 6

3

13

Fragment of a 6th century fresco-painting from the Great Basilica

Peripheral Ecclesiastical Centres

Another, smaller ecclesiastical centre existed in the area of the village of Suvodol, east of Heraclea. Its basilica has been dated to the middle of the 6th century.18 Still another was on the Egnatian Way, west of Heraclea. There are remains of a road military post that had a square fortress with semi-circular towers, and it could be identified with Nikaia.19 In the vicinity was discovered another early Christian basilica, known as the ‘Basilica of Suvi livadi’. Its central nave mosaic had an inscription by some Theodore, who donated it for the salvation of the soul of his deceased wife Artemia.20 Finally, a Justinianic basilica in the village of Velušina, to the south of Bitola, also belonged to the diocese of Herakleia Lynkou.21 18

Hoddinott, 1963, 202–204, t. 56; Mesesnel, 1932, 912; Nikolajević-Stojković, 1957, 43–44, 90; Srbinovski, 1980, 58; Hill, 1992, 43–48. Some basilicas and early Byzantine churches in Epirus show similarity to the Christian monuments in Pelagonia. There was a considerable diaspora of Armenian-Isaurian builders after the death of the Byzantine Emperor Zeno (479–491). 19 Papazoglou, 1988, 269; Janakievski, 1976, 189–204. 20 Janakievski, 1980, 68–72; Srbinovski, op. cit., 65. In the eastern part of the nave a mosaic medallion with a kantharos and grapevine was located, measuring 2.85 × 1.80 m. Stylistically, it belongs to the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century. 21 Mihajlovski, 2007, 187–188. Its remnants are preserved in the church of the Dormition of the Mother of God on the eastern outskirts of the village. The Eastern Roman Empire

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Evangelization of the Slavs

During the reign of the Roman Emperor Justinian, the Slavonic tribes invaded the Balkan Peninsula, penetrating as far as Dyrrachium, and in 550 they reached Thessalonike. They settled all over the region by the time of Emperor Maurice (582–602).22 Coming from northeastern Europe, one branch of the great Slavic tribe of Drugovitians, which was mentioned in the Miracles of Saint Demetrios as the “Berzitians”, followed the Vardar river valley, then entered that of the tributary river Tsrna (ancient Erigon) and settled on the Pelagonian plateau.23 Berzitia was mentioned in the chronicles of Theophanes, Kedrenos and Leo.24 Next to the Berzitians settled the Drugovitians proper, who occupied Campania – the rich and fertile plain of Thessalonike and Berrhoia.25 They lived in large tribal communities and their territories were known as sclavinias.26 There is no mention of the Bishopric of Heraclea/ Pelagonia in the second half of the 7th century.27 Around 680, in the area between Heraclea and Cerameia (Campus Ceramesius), next to the Slavonic tribe of Drugovitians, the Bulgarian Khan Kuvrat (Khouver) tried to settle the Christian Sermesians.28 Nevertheless, the remnants of the Christian population in Pelagonia and Heraclea can be traced through the preserved Notitiae episcopatuum. The Bishopric of Heraclea reappeared in the list of bishops for the diocese of Macedonia dated between 787 and the end of the 9th century, its bishop being a suffragan of the Metropolitan of Thessalonike.29 In 865, during the reign of Khan Boris (852–889), the Bulgarian Empire adopted Christianity as a state religion. Boris was baptized by the Eastern Roman Emperor Michael III (842–867), who granted him the territories of

22 23 24 25 26 27

28 29

on the Balkan Peninsula began to crumble in the 4th century, with the invasions of the barbarian peoples: Visigoths in 378, the Huns of Attila in 447 and Theodoric’s Ostrogoths in 479. An earthquake happened in 518, and the Bubonic plague followed suite in 541/2. Mango, 1980, 65–68, 70; Cheetham, 1981, 15–16. Lemerle, 1981, 90. Ibidem, loc. cit.; Niederle, 1923, 106–107; Cross, 1948, 49; Toynbee, 1973, 627; Stoianovich, 1994, 150–151. Curta, 2001, 120–187; Schevill, 1922, 70–75. Lemerle, op. cit., 89–90; Dvornik, 1926, 12–15. Vana, 1983, 29–105; Dvornik, 1956, 48–54. Papazoglou, 1988, 323; Mansi, 1778, XI, 645 A, 994 D, 993 B; Dvornik, 1926, 91; Cheetham, op. cit., 17; Bratož, 2000, 77. The Church hierarchy suffered the same fate as the state apparatus. Just as there were no more provinces to be administered and taxed, there were no more faithful to be cared for, and many dioceses ceased to exist, except on paper. Fine, 1983, 44–49; Lemerle, op. cit., I/228, II/149–153; Hoddinott, 1963, 93; Adžievski, 1994, 25–26; Zlatarski, 1970, 174, 207. Notitiae, 1981, 38; Cheetham, op. cit., 22.

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Pelagonia and Ochrid, and a church ranked as an independent archbishopric with Byzantine clergy.30 A certain church prelate of Heraclea in 879 named John was mentioned in the codices of the Ecumenical Patriarchate as participant at the Council of Photios.31 The churches of Rome and Constantinople fought for ecclesiastical domination over the Balkan Slavs, a process which has lasted until modern times. But in the year 863, the Patriarch Photios of Constantinople organized the missionaries to the Slavs, Sts. Cyril and Methodios, to translate the greater part of the New Testament and scriptures into Glagolitic letters.32 While they were visiting Pope Hadrian II in 869, St. Cyril died in Rome,33 whereas his brother, St. Methodios, was consecrated by the Pope as Bishop of Sirmium. In 881/2, he was invited by Patriarch Photios and Emperor Basil I to Constantinople. He travelled for almost two years along the Dalmatian coast and over the Via Egnatia, passing through the towns of Ochrid, Heraclea/Pelagonia and Thessalonike on his way to the Byzantine capital.34 Following St. Methodios’ death in 885, his disciples, Clement, Nahum, Gorasd, Angelarios, Sabbas and Laurence were deported from the Moravian kingdom, but they found a cordial reception at the courts of Khan Boris Michael I’s realm. Clement and Nahum were sent into the regions of Ochrid, Glavenitsa and Devol, named Kutmičevitsa. Very soon Clement’s missionary tasks bore fruit and he was ordained as Bishop of Dremvitsa-Velika, a church centre between Ochrid, Prilep and Skopje.35 Consequently, the territory of the former Bishopric of Heraclea/Pelagonia could be included in the diocese of Dremvitsa-Velika, wherever its exact location was. According to his Extensive Life (hagiography) by Theophylact of Ochrid and his Brief Life by Demetrios Chomatenos,36

30 Spinka, 1933 (1968), 29–43; Zernov, 1963, 92; Kidd, 1927 (1973), 321; Hoddinott, 1963, 87; Čausidis, 1994, 324–328. 31 Alexoudis, 1890, 3; Arsić, 1930, 20. He may have acted as a representative of the Metropolitan of Thessalonike, although that metropolitanate appears on a low position in the catalogue of attending bishops. Delikanis, 1905, 956, fn. 1. 32 Zernov, op. cit., 91–92; Spinka, op. cit., 46. 33 Sts. Cyril and Methodios brought the relics of St. Clement from the Chersonnesos on the Black Sea to the Roman Pope Hadrian II, who placed them under the altar in the church of San Clemente in Rome. 34 Zernov, op. cit., 92; Runciman, 1930, 124; Magosci, 1993, 12, map 4a. 35 Tomoski, 1986, 204–209; Gautier, 1964, 199–214; Snegarov, 1964, 189; Dvornik, 1926, 314–315 with fn. 4, 316. Dremvitsa could be the later region of Debartsa, west of Ochrid, while Velika was located on the river Velika (Treska), near Kičevo. 36 Runciman, op. cit., 86; Ivanov, 1970, 133.

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St. Clement held the position for 23 years (893–916), and when he died on 27 July 916 in Ochrid, the town was a leading Church Slavonic centre.37 5

Sectarians and Separatists

At the end of the 9th century, a spiritual and social movement called Bogomilism arose in the Balkans. Influenced by Manichaeism, Armenian Paulicians and Masalianism from Asia Minor, it spread over Bulgaria, Western Macedonia and the Balkans. Its core area was west of the river Vardar, between the towns of Tetovo, Debar, Prilep, Bitola, Moglena, Vodena and Thessalonike, with the villages of Bogomila and Melnitsa on the mountain Babuna as centres.38 Countering heretical beliefs, the Church persecuted the Bogomils, and the Bulgarian Tsar Petar (927–970), a pious Christian himself, started organizing monastic communities in the area of Ochrid, Prilep, Thessalonike and Heraclea/Pelagonia.39 Administratively, according to the grammarian Hierocles, as cited in the De thematibus of Constantine Porphyrogennetos from the first half of the 10th century, Ἡράκλεια Λάκκου or rather Λύγκου was among the thirty-two cities of Macedonia Prima, but Pelagonia was among the eight of Macedonia Secunda. This is another clear testimony about the early parallel existence of two separate great settlements on the plateau opposite each other.40 It may be that the settlement of Bitola was already established in the 10th century as a monastic centre based on the previous episcopal and monastic traditions of Heraclea. Its name is probably derived from the Old Church Slavonic Обитѣль (a monastic brotherhood or monastery), a toponomastic equivalent of the later Turkish Manastır or Toli Manastır, or Μοναστήριον in Greek.41 In the new empire organized by the Comes Nicholas and his sons Samuel, David, Moses and Aaron, the state church moved its seat from Serdika to Moglena, Vodena and Prespa, and finally arrived in Ochrid.42 To strengthen his ecclesiastical and political legitimacy, Tsar Samuel took the ossuary relics from the metropolitan church of the conquered town of Larissa in Thessaly in 985/6. They belonged to St. Achilleios, a bishop who participated in the 37 38 39 40 41 42

Obolensky, 1988, 226–233; Dvornik, 1956, 177; Geanakoplos, 1968, 385–390. Angelov, 1969, 160–162; Obolensky, 1948, 146–148, 162–167; Charanis, 1963, 55. Obolensky, op. cit., 102. Melovski, Proeva, 1987, 30–31, fn. 79, 33–34, fn. 104. Dyachenko, 1993, 363; Tomoski, 1999, 463–473; Romanski, 1929, 63–70; Zaimov, 1970, 7; Koneski, 1991, 87–94; Skok, 1933, 214, 215. Spinka, 1933 (1968), 71; Kiel, 1985, 284.

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Council of Nicaea in 325, and were placed in the basilica in Prespa where later Samuel was entombed.43 In the lowest part of the large apse were painted eighteen arches with the titles of bishops’ thrones in the Archdiocese of Ochrid.44 They were published after the archaeological excavations of 1965, guided by N. Moutsopoulos. A separate throne contained one of the last mentions of Heraclea, which still survived as a settlement until the beginning of the 11th century.45 Between 1980 and 1986, another basilica (‘Basilica D’, extra muros) was discovered and excavated to the east of the site.46 It was a 6th century church, but it had a medieval Christian necropolis containing twenty-nine graves, dated to the end of the 1oth and the beginning of the 11th century.47 6

The “Bitola Inscription”

In Bitola were located the palaces of Tsar Samuel’s son, Gabriel Radomir (1014– 1015), where he resided during his short reign. In 1014, as soon as the Byzantine Emperor Basil II learned of Tsar Samuel’s death in Prespa, he marched from Thessalonike to Pelagonia, which he did not devastate, but ordered only Gabriel Radomir’s court “ἐν Βουτελίῳ” to be set aflame. This is the earliest event in relation to which the name Bitola was mentioned.48 A year later, Gabriel Radomir was murdered by his cousin John Vladislav (1016–1018), who succeeded him to the throne.49 John rebuilt the fortress of Bitola, an event that was commemorated on a marble slab with a Cyrillic inscription.50 It is evident 43

Snegarov, 1924 (1995), 35–36, 165. It seems that Tsar Samuel took from Thessaly the remains of three saints, St. Achilleios of Larissa, St. Reginos of Skopelos and St. Oikoumenaios of Trikka (Trikala). In the Life of St. Oikoumenaios, the author from the 14th century, Bishop Antonios of Larissa, stated that the remains had been dispersed in some towns not beyond Herakleia of the Pelagones (Moutsopoulos, 1999, 122 sqq.). In the year 985/6, he rebuilt the basilica on the lake island of Ail in Prespa and dedicated it to St. Achilleios. 44 Moutsopoulos, 1989, I/10–11; Milyukov, 1899, 52; Ivanov, 1970, 26–28; Mullet, 1997, 237. 45 Moutsopoulos, op. cit., III/405; Snegarov, op. cit., 22. 46 Maneva, 1986, 196; Aleksova, 1997, 239–240; Mihajlovski, 1993, 6. 47 Maneva, 1988, 51–56; Maneva, 1992, 114. In Varoš, near Prilep, 42 km east of Heraclea, a Cyrillic inscription was found in 1861 on a marble column at the Monastery of the Holy Archangel Michael. Ivanov, op. cit., 26–27; Gošev, 1961, 81. This epigraphic document, known as the ‘Varoš inscription’ of Bishop Andrew, used to be read thus: “In the year 996 died Bishop Andrew, 17 February”. Kempgen, 2016, 171–180, corrected the date to 1006. 48 Tomoski, 1980, 19; Romanski, 1929, 68; Zlatarski, 1934 (1971), 706; Antoljak, 1985, 111. 49 Adžievski, 1994, 41–47; Zlatarski, op. cit., 750–754; Antoljak, op. cit., 115–124. 50 Zaimov, 1970, 9, 149. This epigraphic monument, 92 cm long, 58 cm wide and 55 cm thick, was found during the demolition of the Sungur Çavuş Bey Mosque in 1956. According to Zaimov, the inscription reads thus: “In the year 6523 of the creation of the world

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that in the 11th century, the patron saints of Bitola were the Holy Virgin and the Twelve Apostles, especially the two Supreme Apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul.51 In the 13th century, a monastery of the Holy Apostles existed in the area. A funerary chapel dedicated to St. Peter and St. Paul was rebuilt at the Bukovo cemetery, near the ruins of Heraclea of Lyncestis, in 1876, according to the preserved marble plaque. 7

The Byzantine Reconquista

After 1017, the Pelagonian plateau was ravaged by the Byzantine army of Basil II. The patricians of Pelagonia, Morozdvizd and Lipljan came to Mossynopolis in 1018 to surrender their cities to the Emperor.52 A lead seal of the earliest Byzantine administrator Peter the protospatharios was found recently in the Museum of Ioannina. It is the third instance, after the chronicle of John Skylitzes and John Vladislav’s marble slab, that the name of Bitola was mentioned, now together with the Gyavato Pass, which was on the Via Egnatia.53 Emperor Basil II, through his golden charters of 1019, 1020 and 1025, degraded the status of the regional church to an independent archbishopric named after Justiniana Prima, neither abolishing its autocephaly nor reducing its diocese.54 Obviously, the ancient Bishopric of Heraclea had already been transferred to (1015/6 AD) this fortress was reconstructed, its constructor and creator being John, the Bulgarian autocrat, by the help and the prayers of our Lady, the God-Bearer, and by the intercession of the Twelve Apostles and (the two) Supreme Apostles …” 51 According to Tomoski, 1999, 471–473, the patron saint of medieval Bitola was St. Nicholas. But according to the local legends compiled by M. Tsepenkov and the writings of the Archbishop of Ochrid Demetrios Chomatenos, the well-known monastery in Bitola was dedicated to the Twelve Apostles. Mihajlovski, 1993, 6; Kravari, 1989, 313, fn. 12; Maneva, 1992, 113; Adžievski, 1994, 138. 52 Antoljak, 1985, 125; Zlatarski, 1918, 73; Ivanov, 1906, 76. 53 Mihajlovski, 2016, 575; Seibt, 2007, 583–586. +̣ KΕ̣ BO|Η̣ Θ̣ ΤΟ СО | Δ̣ Ο VΛΟ Π̣ |ΕΤΡΟ Α|ϹΠΑΘ Κ(ύρι)ε βοήθ(ει) τ(ῷ) σ(ῷ) δούλ(ῳ) Πέτρ(ῳ) (πρωτο)σπαθ(αρίῳ). On the reverse the inscription continues in additional four lines: Κ Β̣ ΚȢΡ̣ | ΒΗΤΟΛ [S] | ΗΓΙΒΑ̣ ..| ΤΟ ΠΑ̣ .|. or ΚΕ̣ Β̣ ΚȢΡ̣ | ΒΗΤΟΛ [S] | ΗΓΙΒΑ̣ ..| ΤΟ ΠΑ̣ .|. κ(αὶ) β(ασιλικῷ) κουρ(άτορι) Βητόλ(ης) καὶ Ἠγιβά(του) τ(ῷ) Πά(ρδῳ). It can be translated as: “God help your servant the imperial protospatharios and curator of Bitola and Gyavato, Peter”. 54 Snegarov, 1924 (1995), 22; Dimevski, 1969, 62. The Bishopric of Bitola was mentioned thus in the first chrysobull: “And the Bishop of Bitola (ἐπίσκοπον Βουτέλεως) shall have in Pelagonia (Πελαγονίαν), Prilep (Πρίλαπον), Debrešte (Δεύρετην) and Veles (Βέλεσσον) fifteen clerics and fifteen serfs”. See: Ivanov, 1970, 547–562; Ofeicoff, 1887, 187–205; Snegarov, op. cit., 162; Golubinskiy, 1871, 61.

An Overview of Pre-Ottoman Christian Cultural History

figure 7

19

The ground plan of the church at Kale Bair, end of 10th or beginning of 11th century

Bitola, the new ecclestiastical centre in the area, bordering the eparchies of Ochrid, Morozdvizd and the river Vardar.55 Following the administrative stabilization, a number of churches and monasteries were built in the area. According to the local legend: “About seventy churches and monasteries were located on both sides of the river Dragor, with their own mills, and above the Black Bridge (Kara Köprü) a cathedral church was situated” (Fig. 7).56 55 Ivanov, 1970, 109–110; Golubinskiy, 1871, 62; Snegarov, 1924 (1995), 162. 56 Tewfik, 1933, 203–204; Tsepenkov, 1972, 119, 222; Hadživasiljević, 1911, 19–20. Driven by local legends, G. Filipovska and P. Srbinovski undertook archaeological excavations in the period 1978–1980 at a place called Kale bayır (Turkish for ‘Fortress Hill’), which resulted in the discovery of the foundations of a medieval church (Filipovska, Srbinovski, 1981, 111– 121). This type of cross-domed church flanked by annexes on the northern and southern sides and two towers on the western side appeared often in variations in church buildings in the Balkans and Asia Minor. Miljković-Pepek, 1986, 225–237; Ousterhout, 1995, 167– 185. The church represented a transitional type of cross-domed basilica, like that of the Panagia in Episkopi, Eurythania in Greece (Vocotopoulos, 2000, 154–155). According to Filipovska and Srbinovski, it belonged to the 1oth or the early 11th century. The archaeological site is located on the hills north of Bitola (Yeşıl Bayır), where a medieval settlement protected with ramparts and palisades existed, occupying an area of 500 by 190 m, and razed between the 11th and the 14th century. Filipovska-Lazarevska, Gјorgјievska, 1998, 11–19. This medieval complex could belong to a chain of fortifications on the hilltops

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figure 8 The seal of Michael Saronites from Heraclea, circa 1071

In 1040 a rebellion led by Peter Delyan erupted against Byzantine fiscal oppression.57 This rebellion collapsed in 1041, but famine in the countryside caused another revolt in 1072, led by George Voytekh and Constantine Bodin. It was suppressed by Michael Saronites, a magister and dux of the West. A lead seal found in the area of Heraclea of Lyncestis must be connected with these events, pointing to a military kastron (Fig. 8).58

around Bitola (Bora kale), which controlled the valleys of the Dragor and Šemnitsa rivers, the Egnatian Way and the road towards Prilep. Petrov, 1896, 120; Mihajlovski, 2017, 120. There is another possibility, that this protected area was built as an aula, a military camp for the army of horsemen of Khan Boris Michael (Filipovska, Srbinovski, 1980, 111–120). I remain indebted to the late P. Srbinovski for his suggestions. 57 Zlatarski, 1934 (1994), 55, 56, 77; Adžievski, 1994, 68–74. 58 Mandić, Mihajlovski, 2000, 273–276.

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figure 9 The seal of Theodore Vestarches

figure 10 The seal of George Manganes

Within the framework of the project Localization of Medieval Bitola, some archaeological excavations were conducted at the Yeni Mosque (built in 1553/4). The foundations of a medieval basilica were uncovered, dating from the 11th to the 14th century. Several artifacts were found: a double-sided pectoral medallion, two silver rings and two lead seals, all from the 11th century (Figs. 9 and 10).59 8

Crushed between the East and the West

The sixth archbishop of Ochrid, Theophylact Hephaistos, was one of the most remarkable ecclesiastical figures of the time. Coming from Constantinople 59 Mihajlovski, 2016, 579. The first seal has a bust on the obverse of the Virgin Mary with Infant Jesus. On the reverse there is an inscription in six lines: + ΘΚΕ.ΒΘ|ΘΕΟΔΩΡΟ|ΒΕϹΤΑΡ.Ο|ΤΟϹ … Θ(εοτό)κε β(οή)θ(ει) Θεοδώρ(ῳ) βεστάρχ(ῳ) τ(ῷ) Σ … It can be translated as: “God-Bearer, help Theodore vestarches of S …” (high-ranking military commander during the 11th century). The second lead seal has the bust of St. George as a warrior-saint, with a shield in the left hand and a spear in the right. On the reverse an inscription in five lines is preserved: ΑΘΛΗΤΑ|ϹΩΖΕΤΗΝ|ΓΡΑΦΗΝ|ΤɄΜΑΓ|ΓΑΝ Ἀϑλητά, σῷζε τὴν γραφὴν τοῦ Μαγγάν(η). In translation: “Athlete, protect the writings of Manganes”. The word “athlete” is used for St. George and the wish is expressed for him to protect the writings of George Manganes, the protoproedros of the Synod in Blachernae at Constantinople in 1094 and a secretary of the Emperor Alexios Komnenos I.

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(after 1088/9), he was the author of the Life of Saint Clement of Ochrid.60 His letters written in Ochrid are a valuable source for the political and ecclesiastical history, including that of the Bishopric of Pelagonia. In one of his letters from 1091, he described it as a deserted area, with a population devastated by armed conflicts.61 In his letters designated as L 12, M 39 and M 41, Theophylact addressed the unknown bishop of Pelagonia as a suffragan and friend. He encouraged him to read the Holy Scriptures; he advised him about the changeover of local governors and authorities and arranged an introduction for him to the Patriarch of Constantinople.62 Between 1097 and 1105, Theophylact had strife with the tax collectors and finally he was forced to seek refuge in Pelagonia.63 In letter M 41, he described how one of his servants, Lazaros, probably a Bogomil, started to campaign against him. Theophylact again fled to Pelagonia, asking for temporary refuge at the bishop’s residence.64 Travelling over the Balkan Peninsula on the Via Egnatia towards Constantinople in 1096/7, the Crusaders of the First Crusade also met some heretics. According to the chronicle of Fulcherius, a participant in the First Crusade in 1096, the Crusader army marched on the Via Egnatia and passed through the Pelagonian plain.65 The Byzantine Emperor Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118) used Pelagonia as an area for recruiting soldiers for his military campaigns against the crusaders of Bohemond. The region retained its military and strategic importance in the time of Emperor Manuel I Komnenos (1149–1155). The imperial base, winter quarters and hunting camp were located there.66 In the chronicles of the contemporary historian Niketas Choniates, Pelagonia was depicted as a region suitable for cavalry encampment and for spying on hostile peoples.67 60 Angold, 1995, 158; Kazhdan, 1991, 2068; Le Quien, 1740, 83. 61 Obolensky, 1988, 51; Adžievski, 1994, 95–98; Chalandon, 1900, 292. In another letter, he requested from some Romanos Straboromanos that the village of Mogila, an old property of the church, be returned to its control. 62 Mullet, 1997, 352; Gautier, 1986, 13, 18. 63 Obolensky, op. cit., 55; Panov, 1985, 373–375. 64 Angold, op. cit., 161; Panov, op. cit., 375. According to the hagiography Life of St. Hilarion of Moglena written by Euthymios, Patriarch of Trnovo in the 14th century, the area of Meglen, along with Morihovo and Pelagonia, was a stronghold of the Bogomil doctrine. Obolensky, 1948, 223–226; Spinka, 1933 (1968), 99; Charanis, 1963, 55; Nersessian, 1988, 1–36, 51. 65 Fulcherius, 1866, 330–331; Gesta Francorum, 1962, 29; Antoljak, 1982, 52–66; Runciman, 1980, 156, 161; Angelov, 1969, 374; Robertus, 1866, 745; Willermus, 1844, 99; Zernov, 1963, 104. The third army of Crusaders led by Raymond of Toulouse and the religious leader of the Crusade, Bishop Adhemar of Le Puy, travelled from Lyon over Dalmatia to Dyrrachium, and then, using the Egnatian Way, they reached the Pelagonian plain. 66 Mandić, Mihajlovski, 2000, 276; Kravari, 1989, 38; Ducellier, 1981, 76–77. 67 Kazhdan, op. cit., 1619.

An Overview of Pre-Ottoman Christian Cultural History

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The Byzantine historian, secretary of Emperor Manuel I Komnenos, John Kinnamos, wrote a historical book named Chronikai, where the ancient town of Heraclea of Lyncestis was mentioned as “Heraclea of the Mysians”, but with a note that even the Romans already called it “Pelagonia”, a name borrowed from some gentiles.68 Another contemporary chronicle, Historia Rerum in Partibus Transmarinis Gestarum, written by William, the Archbishop of Tyre (1127–1190), described his diplomatic missions as one of the envoys of Amalrikh, the King of Jerusalem. In 1168, he travelled to Constantinople and then over the Egnatian Way to the imperial camp in Pelagonia, where he met Emperor Manuel I Komnenos.69 During his travels through the lands of Europe, the Arab geographer and traveler, al-Idrisi, visited “Tutili” or “Butili” in Pelagonia in the middle of the 12th century, and later described it as “a beautiful and pleasant town”.70 In spite of the military and political turbulence and the strong influence of the Bogomil anti-church movement, the Bishopric of Pelagonia firmly preserved its dominance in the region. Around the year 1150, the prelate Stephanos occupied this episcopal throne.71 His title and name are preserved on a lead seal in the Mordthmann collection, published by Laurent in 1965.72 Between 1198 and 1204, the territory of Pelagonia and Prilep was assigned under a Partitio Terrarum Imperii Romaniae as Provincia Prilapi et Pelagoniae cum Stano, but there are no indications about the Latin Crusaders’ occupation.73 Starting from 1215, this territory changed masters frequently. It was first taken by the Despotate of Epirus under Theodore Dukas, and then it was retaken and included in the Second Bulgarian Empire of Tsar John Asen II in 1230. He replaced the Byzantine administration and clergy with his own people.74 In 1246, the area of Pelagonia and Prilep was retaken by the Despotate of Epirus, then in 1252/3 by the Nicaean Empire, and again by the Epirotes under Michael II in 1257/8.75 In 1259, a great battle took place in the southern part of the Pelagonian plateau, between the forces of the Empire of Nicaea and a triple 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75

Papazoglou, 1988, 267; Le Quien, 1740, 81–82. “… In provincia Pelagonia, in civitate quae vulgo dicitur Butella …” William Archbishop of Tyre, 1943, 347–349; Chalandon, 1912, 396; Tomoski, 1999, 40; Runciman, 1980, 331–332. Idrisi, 1840 (1975), vol. II, 286. Alexoudis, 1890, 3. Laurent, 1965, 334, 1506; Fedalto, 1988, 441. On the obverse there is an image of the Holy Virgin seated on a throne, and on the reverse a metric inscription in six lines. He is the only known prelate of Pelagonia from the 12th century. Magdalino, 1989, 104–105. Zlatarski, 1940 (1994), 592–593; Spinka, 1933 (1968), 110–112; Adžievski, 1994, 126–132. Acropolites, 1887, 1048; Doklestić, 1964, 44; Ducellier, 1981, 174–175.

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An Overview of Pre-Ottoman Christian Cultural History

alliance of Michael II Komnenos Dukas of Epirus, William II Villehardouin of Achaia, and Manfred of Sicily.76 After 1259 and right until the Serbian conquest, the neighboring town of Prilep dominated the Pelagonian plateau with its strategic position and was turned into a residence of the Byzantine high officials. The autocephalous status of the Archbishopric of Ochrid was of great consequence in the confused political situation after the conquest of Constantinople by the Crusaders in 1204. One of the most prominent archbishops was the learned Demetrios Chomatenos (after 1217, died 1233). In 1227, he crowned Theodore Angelos as Emperor of Thessalonike, thus seeking patriarchal status for his church. Internally, Chomatenos tried to reform church courts, parish organization and ecclesiastical properties. In the diocese of Pelagonia, he discovered that his suffragan, the Bishop of Pelagonia “was at odds with the priests of his diocese”,77 because the servants demanded more from their harvest.78 A document from Chomatenos’ chancellery refers to a large monastery in Middle Pelagonia, i.e. Bitola or its vicinity.79 Dedicated to the Holy Apostles, it had its abbot and archimandrite, hieromonk Methodios.80 According to the chronicles of the Byzantine historian Akropolites (1217–1282), both names, Heraclea and Pelagonia, were used at the time, and the settlement was considered a χωρίον (a small town or village).81 It seems that Pelagonia/Bitola after the Battle of Pelagonia turned into a provincial town, while the fortress (φρούριον) of Prilep gradually developed into a vital military and political centre of the region. Around 1254, the Bishop of Pelagonia, George, created a Vita of St. John Eleimon, based on the apotheosis of Emperor John III Vatatzes (1192–1254). It is rather a vehicle of political criticism of the Byzantine ruling class than a real hagiography.82 The figure of St. John Eleimon was depicted in the apse of the Most Holy Virgin’s Church in Graešnitsa.83 On 12 April 1284, Demetrios, another bishop of Pelagonia, was mentioned in a testament of the former archbishop of Thessalonike, preserved in the archives of the Laura Monastery on Mount Athos.84 In the last quarter of the 13th century, a church prelate 76 Gregoras, 1829, 74–75; Geanakoplos, 1984, 105–107; Idem, 1953, 99–141; Cheetham, 1981, 92–95; Nicol, 1972, 275–330. 77 Angold, 1995, 249. 78 Angold, 1989, 81; Englezakis, 1995, 41–63. 79 Kravari, 1989, 313; Adžievski, 1994, 138; Pitra, 1811, doc. 79, col. 337. 80 Maneva, 1992, 113; Mihajlovski, 1993, 6; Kravari, op. cit., 258. 81 Hierocles, 1967, 316–317; Snegarov, 1924 (1995), 193. 82 Ciolfi, 2017, 63; Stiernon, 1993, 1414. 83 Mihajlovski, 2010, 113. 84 Actes de Laura II, 1977, 27–33; Stiernon, loc. cit.

An Overview of Pre-Ottoman Christian Cultural History

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named Theodosios occupied the episcopal throne of Pelagonia.85 Another bishop bearing the same name succeeded the Pelagonian throne during the reign of the Byzantine Emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos (1282–1328).86 9

Filling the Vacuum

After the Battle of Pelagonia, the town of Prilep (Πρίλαπος) was a Byzantine φρούριον on the border with the Serbian kingdom until 1330.87 In 1334, the Serbian ruler Stefan Uroš IV Dušan (1331–1355) occupied it, but after his death, Prilep became the capital of King Vulkašin Mrnyavčević (1366–1371) and his son Marko (1371–1395).88 It was located on the top of a rocky hill later known as Markovi kuli, with its suburb Varoš (Fig. 8).89 85 Alexoudis, 1890, 3; Arsić, 1930, 20; Mihajlovski, 1993, 8. A Bishop of Pelagonia by that name appears as the receiver of a canonical letter by Gregorios of Bulgaria concerning the degrees of kinship (Vindob. jur. gr. 2, f. 378 r.–397 r.). See: Laurent, 1928, 456. 86 Le Quien, 1840, 83; Fedalto, 1988, 441. According to Fedalto, Bishop Theodosios ruled the Pelagonian diocese between 1328 and 1341. Alexoudis, loc. cit. 87 Kazhdan, 1993, 1718–1719. Prilep in Slavonic means ‘glued to the rock’. 88 Jireček, 1911 (1952), 247–274; Kravari, 1989, 49–55, 319–322; Babić, 1986, 185–189, 263. 89 Kiel, 1995, 310–312; Ovčarov, 1996, 107–115; Babić, 1981, 32–34; Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 439– 446; Ćurčić, 1984, 1073–1080. The modern town of Prilep, situated further down on the plain, was an Ottoman creation established after 1385. The Slav-Byzantine settlement of Varoš was a religious centre, with numerous places of worship, such as: the Monastery of the Holy Archangel Michael from the 10th century, reconstructed in the 13th century by John, the Chartoularios of the West (Babić, 1969, 11–15; Ćornakov, 1967, 93–98; Idem, 1980, 174–178; Miljković-Pepek, 1971, 94, 97–98; Ivanov, 1970, 552; Kravari, op. cit., 320); the church of St. Nicholas, erected at the end of the 12th century and in the first half of the 13th century (Mesesnel, 1938, 37–52; Kravari, op. cit., 220; Velmans, 1977, 236; Babić, 1969, 25–33; Miljković-Pepek, op. cit., 95, 102; Findrik, 1965, 200–218; Nikolovski, 1980, 169–174); the church of the Great Martyr St. Demetrios, probably originating in the 1oth century, had six building phases until the 14th century (Balabanov, 1980, 178; Ristić, 1979, 171–226; Miljković-Pepek, op. cit., 94; Millet, 1974, 15–39, 253–289; Babić, 1981, 19–35); the church of Sts. Theodore Tiron and Theodore Stratelates; the church of St. Paraskeve from 1343/4; the church of St. Athanasios; the church of Sts. Cosmas and Damian; the chapel of St. Barbara and the church dedicated to St. John the Forerunner from 1343/4, which was a metropolitan cathedral church between the 14th and the 15th century (Kravari, op. cit., 220; Babić, op. cit., 33; Idem, 1969, 11–14; Adžievski, 1994, 199, 266). There were two imperial monasteries in the vicinity of Prilep: the Dormition of the Virgin or Treskavets (erected before 1230) under the summit of Zlatovrv (1260 m), renovated before 1230 by the Byzantine Emperors, received donations and chrysobulls from both Bulgarian and Serbian rulers (Papazoglou, 1988, 291; Rasolkoska-Nikolovska, 1961, 45–60; Velmans, op. cit., 242; Millet, op. cit., 12; Maksimović-Gligorijević, 1977, 48; Ćornakov, 1980, 183–186; Kravari, op. cit., 342–343; Snegarov, op. cit., 439–443; Ćurčić, op. cit., 1252–1255; Traičev, 1933, 148); and the

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The Pelagonian plateau and its surroundings continued to attract holy men, and local cults of sainthood spread throughout its places of worship. Such was the story of St. Barbaros of Pelagonia, who originated from Egypt. His earliest representation was in the Monastery of Zrze (1368/9), and there is a later one in the Monastery of Slimnitsa (1606). In Byzantine iconography, he is represented as martyr and hermit. The textual basis of his Vita dates from the 60’s of the 14th century and was probably written in the area of Veliko Trnovo.90 Around 1330, a native from Prilep, named Gregorios Akindynos (1300?–1348), was involved in the controversy over Hesychasm and Palamism. According to Philotheos of Selybria, Akindynos was educated in Pelagonia or Bitola.91 It is unclear what happened to the Bishopric of Pelagonia in Bitola after 1366. The Pelagonian church seems to have accepted patronage from the new and self-proclaimed King Vulkašin. As a result, the Bishop of Pelagonia was elevated to the rank of metropolitan. It seems that after 1346 King Vulkašin temporarily relocated the Pelagonian throne to Prilep (‘metropolitan of Prilep and Pelagonia’).92 A church menologion from the second half of the 14th century was found in Skopje, on which a note from King Marko to the Metropolitan of Pelagonia was preserved.93 This diocese produced some distinguished prelates, such as the famous monk and icon painter, Metropolitan John. His residence was in the Zrze Monastery, established by his grandfather, monk German, in the middle of the 14th century. John and his brother, hieromonk and painter Makarios Zograf, resided in the Zrze Monastery and painted the iconostasis there until 1395, when King Marko died at the Battle of Rovine and Sultan Bayezid I occupied his kingdom.94

Zrze Monastery, dedicated to the Transfiguration, northeast of Prilep, founded by monk German in the 14th century (Kravari, 1989, 354; Rasolkoska-Nikolovska, 1966, 78–89; Eadem, 1981, 407–501; Velmans, 1977, 243; Ćornakov, 1980, 187–190). 90 Vǝleva, 2005, 59–63. 91 Meyendorff, 1974, I/96; Hero, 1983, IX; Schmemann, 1963, 234. 92 Janković, 1985, 99–100; Adžievski, 1994, 267; Mihajlovski, 1993, 9. 93 Tomoski, 1980, 18; Gelzer, 1902, 20; Adžievski, op. cit., 262–266; Snegarov, 1924 (1995), 331– 339; Marjanović, 1929, 70; Mihajlovski, loc. cit. 94 Rasolkoska-Nikolovska, op. cit., 439, t. 5; Subotić, 1980, 44–45, t. 20. A Cyrillic inscription from the church of the Transfiguration in Zrze refers to the events: “… After the reign of the honorable Christian rulers Tsar Stefan and his son Tsar Uroš had passed, the rule over these lands was taken by King Vulkašin and his son, King Marko. In their days, those who ruled over this holy place, their fatherland, were the Holy Devoted Metropolitan Lord John Zograf and his brother, the monk Makarii Zograf, grandchildren of the holy donor, Brother German. After the departure of these masters, the Great Amir Poyazet (sic!) took control, and this holy place began to be destroyed and abandoned …”

An Overview of Pre-Ottoman Christian Cultural History

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Before the Ottoman conquest, especially in the first half of the 14th century, Pelagonia or Bitola was a regional focal point for monastic communities and had a scriptorium. A number of Church Slavonic manuscripts, hagiographic literature and transcripts originate from Bitola and its region, but few have survived, due to various circumstances. Some of the most important literary monuments from the period between the 12th and the 14th centuries are: – 12th century – the Parchments of Bitola – the Triodion of Bitola (Fasting Triodion) – Shafarik’s Triodion – 13th century; – the Bologna Psalter – Fasting Triodion of Bitola – Fasting Triodion – Selective Octoechos of Bitola – 14th century; – the Missal of Bitola (Služebnik) – Paterikon (Sermons of Holy Fathers) – Menologion (Minei) – Tetraevangelion (Četvoroevangelie) of Bitola – Triodion Tsvetni – Prologue for September–December, at the Monastery of Bukovo (Trans-­ figuration) – Menologion (Minei) for November, Monastery of Bukovo (Transfiguration) – Tetraevangelion of Bukovo Monastery95 The traveler Jovan Hadži-Vasilyević published a book about Bitola in 1911.96 After visiting the town, collecting some local traditions and analyzing them, he concluded: “… the town and its environs possessed numerous churches and monasteries. The main church dedicated to St. Saviour (Sv. Spas) was converted into the Sungur Çavuş Bey Mosque”.97 The Russian viceconsul N. Skryabin in 95 Dimovski-Tsolev, 1981, 523–530; Georgievski, 1979, 23–102; Stojčevska-Antić, 1991, 57–64. 96 Hadživasiljević, 1911, 19–20. 97 Ibidem, loc. cit. See also: Tewfik, 1933, 213–214; Tsepenkov, 1972, 119, 222; Mihajlovski, 1993, 8, 10; Asimov, 2001, 34–35; Ayverdi, 1973 (1989), 522; Kaleši, 1972, 69; Tomovski, 1957, 33. Hadži-Vasilyević also claimed that “… seven Christian churches in Bitola were converted into mosques”. They were as follows: St. George’s was turned into the Nal (Horseshoe) Mosque, situated on the Jam Market (Pekmez pazarı); St. Nicholas’, which was located in the quarter Karabatak (Mečkar mahalesi), became the Broken Mosque (Kırık cami); the church of the Holy Resurrection was transformed into the Hazreti Isa camisi at the Flea Market (Bit pazarı); the church of Sts. Cosmas and Damian (Sv. Vrači) was transformed

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An Overview of Pre-Ottoman Christian Cultural History

1885 mentioned only the church of the Twelve Apostles as having been converted into a mosque.98 A Russian traveler, P. Bezsonov, wrote about the largest monastery in Manastır/Bitola dedicated to St. Nicholas.99 In the period 1347–1350 struck the first of the disasters which ultimately were to destabilize the Kingdom of Vulkašin, the rest of the small Balkan principalities, and even the dying Byzantine Empire. This was the outbreak of a plague, the ‘Black death’, as it was called. The pandemic of Bubonic plague started from Asia and through the Black Sea ports spread over the Balkan Peninsula between December 1347 and June 1348, and then all over Europe.100 Still, it wasn’t long before the alarming progress of the Ottoman Turks in Thrace led King Vulkašin and his brother, the Despot Uglyeša, to try and stop them. Their armies were destroyed by the Ottoman forces of Evrenos Bey at Černomen, on the river Maritsa, in September 1371. Both Vulkašin and Uglyeša lost their lives, and from this time onward, the Balkans and Europe were open to further Ottoman conquest and spread of Islam on European soil.101 After occupying and colonizing the fertile areas of Serres and Drama, in 1385 the Ottomans took Štip, Prilep and Bitola, thus opening a clear way towards Epirus and Albania.102 Numerous earlier and later Ottoman chroniclers wrote about the conquest of Bitola/Manastır. The most important are: Aşık Paşazade from the 15th century, Idris Bitlisi (died 1520) with his work Hesht Bihisht (The Eight Gardens of Paradise), Koca Saduddin (died 1599), Koca Hüseyin (died 1644), Solakzade (died 1657), Hacı Halife from the 17th century and Mehmed Tewfik in 1910.103 The most informative among them is Idris Bitlisi, who writes that the Turkish army of Timurtaş Paşa first conquered the town of Prilep. It actually surrendered peacefully, while the population of Bitola firmly resisted the assault for a few days. The Ottomans quickly took the town and its rich surroundings, and then proceeded towards Spat and Karli-ili in Epirus. The fortress was razed to the ground and the tribute was imposed on the local population.104 into the Zandancik cami; and finally, the church of the Holy Apostles, which was situated at the Sheep Market, became the Haydar Kadı mosque. 98 Skryabin, 1885, 40. 99 Sterjovski, 1999, 53. 100 Langer, 1971, 32–37. 101 Jireček, 1911 (1952), 251; Soulis, 1984, 155–157. 102 Gibbons, 1968, 158; Kinross, 1977, 53–55. 103 Matkovski, Aruči, 1979, 157, fn. 34; Idem, 1975, 237, fn. 16; Idem, 1979, 208; Adžievski, 1994, 268–281; Stojanovski, 1981, 13–15; Tsepenkov, 1972, 218–223. 104 Ćirković, 2003, 7–9; Tewfik, 1933, 210, 233; Vryonis, 1971, 194–288.

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Pax Ottomana in Toli Manastır (1385–1808) It is true, this shining mosque Illuminates this city as daylight. O Le’ali, who has composed a chronogram for this mosque. ‘Place for worship for the followers of God’s emissary. 973 …’ Evliya Çelebi, Seyahatname

∵ 1

The Ottoman Conquest

After the advance into the northwest of Asia Minor, in 1354 the Ottoman Turks crossed over to the Balkan Peninsula at Gallipoli. The Byzantine Empire and Bulgaria were in decline, while the Serbian Empire and the Latin principalities were falling apart, weakened by internal divisions. In Southeast Europe, after the capture of Adrianople in 1361 and Plovdiv in 1363, the Sultan Murad I Hüdavendigar (1360–1389) won a decisive victory over the Serbian army on the banks of the river Maritsa in 1371.1 For the second phase of his conquest of the Balkans, Sultan Murad developed an appropriate plan. After taking the rich area of Serres and Drama in 1383,2 it became clear to him that it was necessary to gain control over three key Balkan settlements. The capture of Sofia meant expansion of his dominion to the river Danube; the town of Niš was a key to Serbia; and Bitola would enable the conquest of Western Macedonia, Epirus and Thessaly.3 The invasion of the Balkan Peninsula and the conquest of Bitola were recounted in the Ottoman chronicles of Aşık Paşazade, Hacı Saduddin Efendi (d. 1599), Koca Hüseyin (d. 1644), Solakzade (d. 1657) and Idris Bitlisi (d. 1520).4 Bitlisi’s history of the Ottomans, going by the romantic title Hesht Bihisht (The 1 2 3 4

Shaw, 1976, 17–19; Hupchick, 2002, 101–123. Ostrogorski, 1965, 244–251, 255. Gibbons, 1968, 158; Kinross, 1977, 54; Sugar, 1977, 72–74. Matkovski, Aruči, 1975, 237, fn. 16; Idem, 1979, 236, fn. 19; Idem, 1979, 157, fn. 34; Stojanovski, 1981, 13–15; Fraenkel, 1986, 34–35.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004465268_005

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Eight Gardens of Paradise), is the most valuable, for it contains a full description of the conquest of Bitola.5 He explains that the town was attractive with its rich surroundings. The population offered an active armed resistance for several days. The commander of the Ottoman army, Kara Timurtaş Paşa, took the town “with a saber in hand”. According to Islamic law, the fortress was razed and the inhabitants were enslaved.6 Much later, in the 17th century, the traveler and chronicler Hacı Halife also described the campaign under the leadership of Timurtaş Paşa.7 According to him, after crossing the river Vardar, the Ottomans took Manastır by assault through the Pelagonian marshes, and then pushed north to Prilep. Thus, Manastır and Prilep became frontier fortresses of the Empire.8 The local Christian legends collected by Marko Tsepenkov in the 19th century seem to offer some corroboration to this narrative.9 Following the conquest of Manastır in 1385, the western military border was extended. A firman issued by Murad I in the year 1386 allowed his commander Evrenos Bey to create a hereditary state (Gazi mülkler) from Komotini to Bitola, the ruler bearing the title of ‘Border lord’ (Üç Bey).10 The development and organization of the town’s infrastructure and administration followed soon after its establishment as an Ottoman dominion (Manastır or Toli Manastır).11 The Ottoman architects started to build an open 5 Adžievski, 1994, 272. 6 Tewfik, 1933, 204; Hadživasiljević, 1911, 41; Adžievski, op. cit., 268–281. 7 Ibidem, 275; Subotić, 1980, 36, fn. 31; Mihajlovski, 2010, 105–116. In the list of the Sultan’s revenues of 1488/9, the region was represented as former “lands of Vulkašin and Dimo voyvoda”. But see also: Ćirković, 2003, 1–9. 8 Gibbons, 1968, 158. 9 Tsepenkov, 1972, 120. In 2012, the Macedonian Orthodox Church – Archbishopric of Ochrid established a cult of 40 monk-martyrs (39 local monks and a Turk they inspired to join them in the confession of the Christian faith) that were allegedly slain by the Ottomans after the battle for Bitola on the place called Kırk kardaş (‘forty brethren’ in Turkish). The inexistence of written testimonies for such martyrdom and the corresponding contradictory oral traditions caused negative attitude. Although there is definitely still more to be written on this subject, the most recent and most comprehensive discussion is that of Grozdanovski, 2013. But, as the author himself was kind to confirm, new data has been found and even more is expected, especially with the publication of Ottoman documents concerning the construction of Bitola’s mosques, as planned by the local Muslim community. 10 Moutafchieva, 1988, 8–9. 11 The name of Toli Manastır was an amalgamation of the toponyms Bitola and Manastır. Ursinus, 1991, 371–372; Mostras, 1873 (1995), 170; Romanski, 1929, 63–70; Tomoski, 1999, 462–473; Mihajlovski, 2016, 581, fn. 29. The name Toli was the result of the Slavonic locative. The leaving out of the first syllable may have been caused by reinterpretation and repartition of the word. In the Persian language the preposition bi means ‘without’, and in Arabic it means ‘with, at, in’. This form later entered the spheres of European diplomacy.

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type urban structure on both banks of the river Dragor, following the Islamic patterns of town planning. From the beginning the town was an important military and strategic centre from which campaigns spread towards Western and Southern Macedonia, Malisor and Epirus. In 1385 there was a campaign towards Berat; Thessalonike was taken in 1387; then in 1388 a campaign was waged towards Valona; the assembly in Karaferye took place in 1393 or 1395; and the siege of Krujë in 1466.12 Because Manastır was an important military centre, easily overseeing the whole region, the Sultans visited it on many occasions. Murad was the first Ottoman Emperor who visited the town in 1387; Bayezid Yıldırım came in 1393; Sultan Murad II followed in 1448. Mehmed the Conqueror visited Manastır on the march towards Albania in 1466. Bayezid II stayed in Bitola for three days in 1492, when an unknown Haydari derviş attempted to assassinate him.13 2

The Development of Toli Manastır

Besides the military activities, the town started to develop as a commercial, administrative and religious centre. The earliest preserved population census defter of 1467/8 shows the increase of the Muslim population to 290 families, while the Christian population was 175 families (only gebr, but definitely not Zoroastrian). The town population was divided into seven districts – six for Muslims and one for Christians. The Muslim quarters were: 1) Demirci Yusuf and Ismail, with 50 households; 2) Kara Hamza, with 45 households; 3) Ali Burekci, with 42 households; 4) Alaeddin, with 56 households; 5) Tabak Devlethan, with 56 households, and 6) Saraç Davut, with 46 households. This is a total of 290 Muslim households in six Muslim quarters. The Christian quarter was: 1) Dabiživ, with 175 households.14 The Muslim population preferred the quarters on the left bank of the river, on the higher ground of the southern slopes of the hills (Bayır mahalle). The major structures of the Ottoman Islamic town closest to the river were: the main mosque (ulucami), with its religious educational institutions; the public 12 13 14

Gibbons, 1968, 159–160; Babinger, 1978, 251–253; Hupchick, 2002, 144–163. Tewfik, 1933, 210–211, 233; Inalcik, 1993, 32–33. Sokoloski, 1963, 129.

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bath (hamam); the inn and public kitchen (imaret); the market complex; and administrative buildings. Sungur Çavuş Bey, one of the army commanders of Sultan Murad II, erected the first mosque in 1421/2. It seems that Sungur Bey originated from the region of Manastır and was taken as devşirme15 in Istanbul. He built or renovated a sturdy building, with a minaret on the left side. The mosque was locally known as Eski or Atik cami (Old Mosque), also as Solak cami (a mosque with a minaret on the left). The complex, which consisted of a zaviye, medrese, hamam, han and imaret, was supported by the pious endowment of Sungur Çavuş Bey.16 In the town a few early Islamic institutions were established: in 1430 the first library of Islamic literature,17 then the holy graves of the dervişes Kırhor Baba and Kaygısız Sultan (Abdal),18 and after 1491 a tekke of the Nakşbendi dervişes, by the followers of Şeyh Abdallah al-Illahi from Enice Vardar.19 Between 1475 and 1543 the Turkoman tribes arrived from the areas of Asia Minor. The nomadic groups from the Anatolian regions of Aydın, Karaman and Konya were colonizing the fertile plain of Pelagonia. In the south towards Hlerin/Florina they settled in their own villages: Kınalı, Mecitli, Hasan Ovası, Rahmanlı; and on the eastern expanse of the plain they established Musa Ovası, Budaklar, Karaman, Elekler, Dalbegler, Kanatlar, Ağlar, Dedebaltsi etc.20 In 1475, the Italian merchant Iacopo de Promontorio de Campis wrote in his Governe et Entrate dell’ Gran turco, that Manastir was the richest sancak (capetania) amongst the 17 provincial districts (sancaks) of the Rumeli province (Rumeli Eyalet).21 The sancak of Manastır comprised two police prefectures (subaşi), one in Ochrid and one in Prilep.22 In the time of Sultan Bayezid II (1481–1512), the Sephardic Jews from Spain and Portugal and Ashkenazis from Central Europe came to live in the Macedonian towns. In Manastır the Sephardic Jews settled on the left bank of the river, next to the market area. They allegedly established a cemetery around

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

A levy of Balkan Christian boys for the Ottoman army or palaces. Tewfik, 1933, 207, 213–214; Tomovski, 1957, 34–35, 46; Kaleši, 1972, 65–69; Mihajlovski, 2001, 67; Asimov, 2001, 35; Hupchick, 2002, 129. Norris, 1993, 57. Tewfik, op. cit., 214; Brown, 1868, 88; Mirmiroglou, 1940, 45; Mihajlovski, op. cit., 66–67. Kiel, 1990, IV/310. Todorov, 1983, 49; Sokoloski, 1975, 43–55; Idem, 1971, 120–123; Ibrahimgil, 1998, 109. It was a pleasure to consult Nuriye Süleyman, retired teacher from Bitola. De Campis, 1957, 54; Inalcik, 1995, 610. Stojanovski, 1989, 57; Inalcik, op. cit., 607–611.

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1497.23 The arrival of Jews continued in the 17th century, creating competition and cultural interchange with the merchants from Dubrovnik.24 The population census in 1528/9 shows an increase of more than 68% in the town population.25 Census-based estimates reveal a town that numbered 625 Muslim families, 198 Christian families, 48 Jewish families and 19 Gypsy Romani families. At that time the town area was divided into twenty-two Muslim quarters, ten Christian, one Jewish (Cemaat-ı Yehuddiyan) and one Gypsy (Cemaat-ı Çingeneyan).26 In 1544 the town itself was divided into 23 Muslim quarters, 13 Christian, one Gypsy and one Jewish quarter. The Muslim quarters were: 1) Mehmed Sipahi, 2) Softa Hoca, 3) Emir, 4) Bostancı Zade, 5) Karaca Bey, 6) Firuz Subaşı, 7) Yakub Bey, 8) Haydar Bey, 9) Nasuh Bey, 10) Dımışki Bey, 11) Hüseyin Subaşı, 12) Yeni, 13) Kara Tabak, 14) Kasım Çelebi, 15) Kemal Bey, 16) Köpek Bey, 17) Çavuş Bey, 18) Oğul Paşa, 19) Kara Oğlan, 20) Türbe, 21) Bali Bey, 22) Ishak Çelebi or Eyne Bey, 23) Hacı Bey. The Christian quarters were: 1) Koyo Dimo, 2) Todor Minčo or Lukač, 3) Rale Petko, 4) Peyo Nikola or Pop (the Priest) Peyo, 5) Todor Yanko, 6) Petko Dapko, 7) Tornik “Krapče”, 8) Done, 9) Dapče Stoyko, 10) Grnčarite (‘The Potters’), 11) Dımışki Bey, 12) Hasan Bey, 13) Türbe or Softa Hoca. The Gypsy district (Cemaat-ı Çingeneyan) was sudivided into Nasreddin and Hacı Abdullah. There was also the Jewish district (Cemaat-ı Yehuddiyan).27 To close the century, according to the census of 1569, the town population was divided into 28 Muslim districts, 11 Christian and one Jewish. The Muslim mahalles were: Mehmed Sinan, Suhte Hoca, Eymir, Bostancızâde, Karaca Bey (8 Christian males as well), Fîrûz Subaşı, Yakub Bey, Haydar Bey Tabi-i, Mescid-i Bali Bey, Nasuh Bey, Dımışkî Bey, Hüseyin Subaşı, Cedid Mescid-i Hacı, Kethüda Behram Paşa, Karadebbağ, Kasım Çelebi, Kemal Bey eş-Şehir, be-Sinan Bey, Çavuş Ali Bey, Oğul Paşa, Karaoğlan, Türbe, Köpek Bey, Cedid Bali Bey, Ishak Çelebi nam-i, diğer Eyne Bey, Hacı Bey (reʾâyâ-yı çiftlik-i Hacı Bey) and Nasreddin.28 The total number of Muslim males was 760 and the population would be 3,505. The Christian mahalles were: Koyu Dimo, Todor Miho, 23 According to the inscription above the Jewish cemetery gate in Bitola. Currently, this ancient burial place is undergoing a deep transformation into a memorial park, thanks to a bold international and local initiative. 24 Krekić, 1997, X/839–840; Matkovski, 1982, 43. 25 Sokoloski, 1975, 18; Stojanovski, 1989, 168. According to the census of 1523, the Gypsy Romani community was known as “cemaat of Çakır” and consisted of 44 Muslim families. 26 Sokoloski, 1963, 138, 140–141. 27 Ibidem, 138, 140–141, 146–147; Idem, 1975, 18, 32, 38. 28 This last one consisted of the cemâʾat-ı müslimânân-ı Kıptiyân with 57 housholds and the cemâʾat-ı Hacı Abdullah with 15 households.

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Zale Petko, Piyo Nikola, Todor Bank, Piko Dapko, Turinek nd Kaliç, Dapca İstiko, Dökmeciyan, Hasan Bey and Kürekciyan, with a total of 185 males (about 785 people). The Cemaat-ı Yehuddiyan had 285 males and an estimated population of 1,425. At this time Bitola had about 5,715 denizens.29 Between 1526 and 1528, the Sultan’s revenues from the hassa of Manastır were 106,226 akçes and later even 261,325 akçes. During the 16th and the 17th centuries, the town and the region of Manastır belonged to the Paşa Sancak (Nahiye-ı Manastır der Liva-ı Paşa).30 In 1544, the sources of revenue within the town itself were reserved as royal revenues (hassa) for the treasury of the Grand Vizier Hüsrev Paşa (Hassa-ı Destur-ı Hüsrev Paşa). Administratively, the nahiye31 of Manastır was an administrative part of the Paşa Sancak, which was the largest Balkan province.32 From the time of the Ottoman conquest, Islamic law recognized and protected the local Christian church administration as ‘People of the Book’ or zimmis, in exchange for loyalty and paying regular taxes. According to local Christian legends, before the Ottoman conquest the area of Toli Manastır was famous for its numerous places of worship. But according to Islamic Shariah law, if the place was taken by assault or if nobody claimed a church building for a long period, the building could be converted into a prayer place or the building material could be reused.33 From the time of the conquest little is known about the local Christian prelates, except that Prilep was still the seat of the Pelagonian bishops. In the first quarter of the 16th century the Pelagonian bishopric reemerges with its activities and it was moved back to the ancient seat of Bitola. Church building activity in the town and the area was regulated by the strict conditions of the Ottoman government. A number of single nave churches were built, renovated and painted in the surrounding villages of Graešnitsa, Čebren, Čagor and Toplitsa.34 The town of Manastır was better known as a centre of Islamic jurisprudence of the Hanafite School. One of the well-known jurists was Isa Fakıh, who taught law ( fıqh). In the middle of the old town he built a mosque bearing 29 Yediyıldız, 1999, 34–35 (tables). According to Sokoloski, 1963, 140–141, in 1568 the town of Manastır comprised 618 Muslim, 125 Christian, 285 Jewish and 51 Gypsy households. In the Muslim districts numerous religious officers and servants were registered amongst the population: 34 imams, 16 muezzins, 1 hatib, 3 mütevellis, 3 şeyhs and others. 30 Todorov, 1983, 80–81, 86–87; Gökbilgin, 1970, 316; Stojanovski, 1989, 56–60. 31 The sub-district of the municipality with a population of 5,000–10,000. 32 Sokoloski, op. cit., 145; Todorov, op. cit., app. I, 471; Gökbilgin, op. cit., 311. 33 Kiel, 1985, 167–184; Zirojević, 1984, 17–30. 34 Mihajlovski, 1993, 10–11; Miljković-Pepek, 1957, 139–154; Balabanov, 1956, 3–18; Idem, 1975, 51–62; Mihajlovski, 1994, 125–136.

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his name and a medrese in the year 1505/6.35 His son, the famous judge Ishak Çelebi ibn Isa, moved to Manastır from Thessalonike and erected a monumental main mosque (ulucami) in 1506 as a religious and educational centre in the middle of the town. Ishak Çelebi granted a rich endowment of 300,000 golden dirhems for the maintenance of the mosque and its complex (külliye).36 Around 1528, the local governor Hacı Mahmud Bey built a mosque with educational institutions in the lower part of the market area. The complex consisted of a sturdy mosque with a medrese, a mekteb, a library, an inn and numerous shops.37 In the first half of the 16th century there were three mosques, Sungur Çavuş Bey, Ishakkiye and Hacı Bey, central places of worship in the town with their own religious, educational and charitable institutions. The architecture of these mosques represented a provincial form of the mosque edifices in the capital cities of Constantinople, Adrianople and Bursa. They were single-domed buildings, with a square prayer hall, which was topped by a dome on pendentives or squinches. Between 1450 and 1600 was the golden period for the architectural and urban development of the Balkan cities, known as the Pax Ottomanica. In Manastır some secular buildings were erected in the town centre, such as the famous covered market Bedesten, an endowment of the Grand Vizier Davut Paşa from 1541.38 Between 1512 and 1516, Sultan Selim I, after his victory over the Persians at Chaldiran, dispatched the well-known craftsmen from Tabriz to the larger Ottoman cities. Some of them settled in Manastır, where they enriched the local architecture and also worked in silver.39 During the second half of the 16th century another dozen of religious or secular buildings were erected, mainly as pious endowments (vakıf ) of the local judges or notables. Examples are the Kadı Mahmud Efendi or Yeni Mosque from 1553/4, the mosque with harmonious proportions Gazi Haydar Kadı built in 1565, and some public baths and buildings.40 The town of Manastır was traditionally inclined towards endowments, there being two types: Vakıf khairi (public endowments) and Vakıf ahli (family endowments). A title deed of endowment called Vakfiye was prepared 35 36

Tewfik, 1933, 211–221; Kaleši, 1972, 145–155; Ayverdi, 1981, 99–100. Tewfik, op. cit., 211; Tomovski, 1957, 36–38, 48–49; Andrejević, 1984, 24–26; Kaleši, op. cit., 186–201. 37 Tewfik, op. cit., 212–214; Tomovski, op. cit., 39, 56; Momidić-Petkova, 1995, 90–95; Ayverdi, op. cit., 96. 38 Cezar, 1983, 62. 39 Kinross, 1977, 167; Tewfik, op. cit., 206. 40 Ibidem, 212; Tomovski, op. cit., 37–38, 51–52, 41–42; Andrejević, op. cit., 36–37; Ayverdi, op. cit., 99, 166.

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before the judge, enlisted in the sicils41 and confirmed by the Sublime Porte. The first known vakıf in Manastır was that of Sungur Çavuş Bey, dated after 1435/6, the second that of Ishak Çelebi, established after 1508. In the 16th and the 17th century a number of vakıfs were established in the town, such as: Muslahuddin Hoca, Hacı Mahmud Ağa, Ahmed Paşa, Bizircan Arslan, Kurd Bey, Bali Voyvoda, Çavuş Bey, Iman and Fatime Hatun, Mehmed Voyvoda, Kepenci Hacı Mustafa, Eğri Kaş Efendi, Haydar Kadı, Mahmud Bey, Mustafa Subaşı, Sinan Çelebi, Şaban Efendi, Hatice Hanımefendi and Ümmügülsüm. Some of the vakıfs in the vicinity of Manastır were: Derviş Efendi and Hacı Mahmud Bey in the village of Bukovo, Hüsrev Kethüda in the village of Dubka, Haydar Kadı in the village of Lavtse and Mehmed Efendi in the village of Strugovo.42 In the 16th century Manastır became an intellectual centre, with a number of learned men, poets, writers and religious scholars. The most famous were the poets: Haveri Kadı, Celal Hüseyin Çelebi, Zuhuri Çelebi, Kadı Hasan ibni Ali Manastırlı, Mevlana Civani, Manastırlı Kadı Sinan, Vahyi Mustafa, Süleyman Ayani, Katib Hasan, Atai Nev-i Zade, and Le’ali Hasan Efendi among others.43 The author of Divans, Celal Hüseyin Çelebi was born in Manastır, and was a student of Iskender Çelebi, the Defterdar of timars for the Aegean islands. He held an office of Prince Selim (later Sultan Selim II). Another one, Haveri Kadı, son of Açık Kadı, was a lecturer in Karaferye and later a Kadı in Skopje, Selanik, Priština and Karaferye, where he died.44 As a spiritual milieu, the town and its outskirts housed various Sufi lodges of the Nakşbendi, Riffai, Haydari, Bektaşi and Halveti tarikats.45 In 1590, the Venetian ambassador Lorenzo Bernardo, traveling over the Egnatian Way, reached Manastır (he called it Monasterio) and stayed for a few days in the local karvansaray. He described the town as having 1,500 houses, of which 200 were Jewish. It had neither walls, nor a sancak bey, since it was a timar (fief) of the Grand Vizier, who had the revenue of twenty bags of akçes. 41 Legal documents issued by the court. 42 Šerif, 2014, 96–98; Idriz, 2010, 230–232, 236–237. 43 Tewfik, 1933, 220–229; Gibb, 1902, vol. II, 370, vol. III, 232–233; Iz, 1965, 397; Norris, 1993, 49; Asimov, Dimitrovski, 1999, 16–17; Dankoff, Elsie, 2000, 169. Leʾali Hasan Efendi, poet and scholar from Manastır, was the author of the chronogram at the Mosque of Hasan Bali Zade in Elbasan. 44 Idriz, op. cit., 41–42. 45 Tewfik, op. cit., 216–230; Hasluck, 1929, 356–357, 524; Norris, op. cit., 51; Idriz, op. cit, 56; Ayverdi, 1981, 109. In his research Ekrem H. Ayverdi concludes that in Ottoman Manastır there were a total of ten derviş lodges: Mahmud Efendi, Mehmed Nazmi Efendi Rifa‌ʾi, Şeyh Mehmed Efendi, Şeyh Zekeriya Efendi, Abdurahman Efendi, Sungur Çavuş tekke, Ishakiye tekke, Kurd Ağa, Mahmud Ağa and Mehmed Ağa.

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The town had a judge, an abundance of corn and trade in wax, wool and hides. The Turks were benevolent there, because it was a place of study, producing able men, well fitted for the dispensation of justice, who were sent as judges to the various parts of the Ottoman Empire. The locality had plenty of water and drinking fountains. Through the town ran a great river named Makofro (Dragor, rather for Magarevo), that raged in winter-time. Manastır had a Bedesten, beautiful mosques and the karvansaray, which was good for horses, but uncomfortable for people. The Rabbi, whom Bernardo called a ‘consul’, was Rabbi Samuel Nahmias, a brother of the head of Thessalonike’s Jewish community, Rabbi Abraham Nahmias.46 According to the local court registers, the Jewish population of Manastır lived in a densely populated quarter close to the riverbank, which was known as Il Curtijo. This quarter was also known as Yehudi hanede or Yehudihana, Büyük Avlu Yahudihana or The Big Wall, The Jewish Quarter – River or The Jewish Quarter – Dragor. Epidemics of plague ravaged in the years 1611 and 1648.47 In the first half of the 17th century, the mufti of Manastır, Hacı Mahmud Efendi, also known as Kuleli Mufti Şeyh or Hırka Baba, was a spiritual leader of the branch of the Nakşbendi order. He built a stone tower called Zindan kulesi – Ocak, which was 6.30 by 5.35 m at the base and 10.95 m high. There he had a large collection of religious books and manuscripts. After his death in 1628, the tower became a place of pilgrimage and the water in which his mantle (hırka) was dipped had healing powers.48 Another local mystic and martyr was Hasan Baba Keşfi Efendi, a Nakşbendi derviş. He suffered a violent death and the place where he was buried became a place of pilgrimage. Between 1628 and 1640, the Hasan Baba tekke mosque comprised a small mosque, a derviş’ tekke and a mausoleum. This simple mosque with a türbe and a cemetery (19th century) became a Nakşbendi place of devotion.49 On the southwestern outskirts of the town was the centre of the Halveti Hayati dervişes, which consisted of a tekke, medrese, mausoleum and the mosque of the Three Şeyhs (Üç Şeyhler). The mosque with dimensions of 8.90 × 10.25 m had an apse with the mihrab, which was an exceptional architectural solution among Bitola’s mosques.50

46 Yerasimos, 1991, 34; Matkovski, 1982, 43; Vacalopoulos, 1973, 143. Bernardo named him Namais instead of Nahmias. 47 Benbassa, Rodriguez, 1995, 17; Dimovski-Tsolev, 1993, 34. 48 Tewfik, 1933, 223; Hasluck, 1929, 358–359; Ayverdi, 1981, 109; Mihajlovski, 2001, 70–72. 49 Tomovski, 1957, 58; Ayverdi, op. cit., 98; Tewfik, op. cit, 219–220. 50 Tomovski, op. cit., 54; Ayverdi, op. cit., 97; Momidić-Petkova, 1989, 95–107.

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From a Provincial Town to an Administrative Centre

In the year 1661, the famous Ottoman traveler Evliya Çelebi, the author of the book Seyahatname (Book of Travels), visited the town of Toli Manastır. His description of Bitola/Manastır is one of the most valuable documents concerning the Ottoman character and profile of the town, but the Christians and Jews were not mentioned by a single word. Unsurprisingly, he mentions the various Ottoman government officials and describes the location and aspects of the town. Here are the impressions of his numerous visits of the town of Manastır (Şehir Manastır):51 The legend says that in the time of Alexander the Great there was a great monastery which gave its name to the place. It is a part of the province of Rumeli or Roman land (Rumeli Eyalet) and it constituted a royal property (hassa) belonging to ‘The Bright Star Fatima’, a daughter of Sultan Ahmed III, and it is administered by the governor (voyvoda) for 20 bags of akçes. It has a religious jurisconsultant (Mufti, Şeyh-ul Islam) and a regional representative of the prophet (Nakib-ul Eşraf). The town has a chief judicial representative (Kadı) with 300 akçes salary. From the 360 villages the Kadi obtains an annual income of fifteen bags of akçes.52 The Government 51 Čelebija, 1957, 57–59. Toli Manastır had the status of şehir, which was equivalent to a large town or a city. 52 Actually, the real number of villages was around 160, and they were officially listed in the district in the year 1639 (Turski dokumenti, 1969, 204–208, doc. no. 281 from 1639, sicil 6, folio 72b–73b); McGowan, 1981, 129–131. Here is the list of Bitola’s villages: Skočivir, Streževo, Zmirnevo, Sloeštica, Sveta, Evlahtsi, Smilevo, Ostrets, Sveti Todor, Sveta Petka, Slepče, Strugovo, Staravina, Arilyevo, Zlokućani, Svinyište, Ivanyevtsi, Slivitsa, Presil, Brusnik, Bituše, Podmol, Bazernik, Baldoventsi, Bratindol, Bistritsa, Brezovo, Barešani, Bilyanik, Plake, Pozdeš, Borakovo, Pribiltsi, Babino, Berantsi, Porodin, Pogošta, Bela Tsrkva, Paralovo, Pandžar, Belče, Brusa, Buf, Postarka, Postrala, Bukri, Pogodin, Berlova, Brod, Broditsa, Trnovtsi, Trnovo, Trap, Trn, Tepavtsi, Kenali, Holoveni, Hraštani, Hrastoitsa, Čkrdži, Žvan, Čagor, Čekel, Tsrnoets, Tserovo, Tser, Tsrnevtsi, Tsrnobuki, Tsrska Bala, Tsrska Žir, Tsapari, Dolni Divyatsi, Gorni Divyatsi, Dragoš, Dolentsi Demir, Dobromir, Dobruševo, Dolentsi, Dihovo, Demir Hisar, Dragota, Dragožani, Drvenik, Dragarino, Dupka, Radevo, Rakovo, Rakitnitsa, Ribartsi, Ramna, Rahotino, Radobor, Ruvtse, Rusna Sreda, Zagoriče, Zašle, Žurče, Žabyani, Suhodol, Srptsi, Sopotnitsa, Sekirani, Suho Grlo, Suva Reka, Grumazi, Gnileš, Gradešnica, Gradište, Krklina, Klabučišta, Krstohor, Karamani, Kravtsi, Kukurečani, Kočište, Kraguevo, Kutretino, Kruševo, Kišava, Kažani, Kanino, Kilišta, Lisolay, Laglar, Lažtse, Loznani, Leskovets, Liska, Lera, Litvitsa, Lopatitsa, Leskovo, Medžitli, Murgaš, Mramorets, Magarevo, Mogila, Malovišta, Moyno, Novoselo demir, Novatsi, Negotin, Nižopole, Nošpal, Negočani, Virovo, Vođani, Velmevtsi, Vranevtsi, Velušino, Vardino, Veluy, Oblakovo, Orehovo, Optičari, Ostriltsi, Obršani, Opsireno, Obednik, Edinakovtsi, Eğri.

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officials include a Sıpahi Cavalry Steward (Sipah Kethüda Yeri), a Senior Officer of Jannisaries (Yeniçeri Serdarı), the Prefect of the City (Şehir Voyvoda), the Tax Collector (Ser Haraç Emini), a City Representative (Şehir Kethüda), the Market Supervisor (Mühtesib Ağa), and the Chief Architect (Mimar Başı). There was not a Garrison Commander (Dizdar), since the fortress has been pulled down upon its capture by the order of Sultan Murad I Hüdavendigar (1362–1389). The town of Manastır is a large town situated on the lower slopes of a mountain, on the left and on the right bank of the river, which are connected by ten wooden or stone bridges.53 The town is full of greenery, adorned with a thousand huge trees that make it difficult to see through, until you reach it. The town is divided into twenty-one districts (mahalle) and its houses are built out of solid material and covered by tiles.54 The mosques. There were 70 Muslim places of worship (mihrab).55 The most remarkable is the Mosque of Ishak Çelebi near the Big Bridge … There is another Mosque of Mahmud Efendi with an inscription …56 The Gazi Haydar Mosque is an artistically splendid built place for worship. The Mosque of Hacı Bey is located on the Turners (Çekrekçi) Market. The Çauş Mosque that is close to the Bedesten has plenty of worshippers. 53

Some names of the bridges are known: Big Bridge, Sungur Çavuş Bey Bridge, Kara Köprü, Flax Bridge and so on. 54 In 1661 the main Muslim quarters were as follows: Emir Bey or Ishak Çelebi, Softa Hoca, Yakub Bey, Sinan Bey, Karaca Bey, Azob Bey, Kara Oğlan, Kara Tabak, Bostancı, Oğul Paşa, Çavuş Ali, Hüseyin Subaşı, Bali Voyvoda, Dımışki Bey, Firuz Bey, Ine Bey, Kasım Çelebi, Türbe, Yeni mahalle, Hamza Bey, Kurd Çavuş, and Skender Bey. Turski dokumenti, 1969, 204–205, doc. no. 281 from 1639, sicil 6, folio 72b–73b. 55 See also Tewfik, 1933, 211–124; Ayverdi, 1981, 95–107; Sokoloski, 1963, 148. There were 70 main mosques and small places of worship (mescids) according to Çelebi’s data. Ayverdi agrees with Çelebi’s figure and concludes that in the period of Ottoman rule there were 70 large and small mosques, but only 15% of them all remain. They were: Sungur Çavuş Bey or Eski cami, Isa Fakıh or Çınar Mufti cami, Ishak Çelebi cami, Hacı Mahmud Bey cami, Koca Kadı cami, Kadı Mahmud efendi or Yeni cami, Gazi Haydar Kadı cami, Hasan Baba or Başı Keşik Tekiye cami, Hamza Bey or Üç Şeyhler cami, Eğri Kaş efendi or Ayşe Hatun cami, Kırık or Yıkık cami (Broken Mosque), Paftalı cami, Zindancik or Derviş cami, Şehzade Hatun cami, Yakub cami, Sabuncı cami, Hacı Kethüda Mescid, Ahmed efendi Mescid, Mahmud Ağa Mescid, Şeyh Hızır Bali Mescid, Kücük Sinan Mescid, Nasuh Bey Mescid, Hacı Atmaca Mescid, Abdi Bey Mescid, Abdulcebbar, Azer Bey, Bali Voyvoda, Burgucu, Cüneyd Kadı, Çekirgecik, Emin efendi, Faik Paşa, Fatih Sultan Mehmed, Hacı Doğan, Hacı Halil, Hacı Hasan, Hacı Kurd, Hacı Nuri efendi, Hoca Piri, Hoca Hızır Ağa, Hüseyin Paşa, Hüsrev Kethüda, Kadı Muhyiddin, Kadı Yahya, Kara Debbağ, Kasım Paşa, Osman efendi, Piri Bey, Poyraz Burak, Saraçhane Başı, Seyyid Mustafa Paşa Zade, Abdulkerrim Bey, Silahdar Mehmed Paşa, Yahya Kadı, Yakub Bey, Namazgah and so on. 56 Čelebija, 1957, 58.

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The town has nine religious colleges (medrese). The most impressive is the Dülbend Kadi Medrese.57 From the nine hundred business establishments in the city, those of turners and tailors were particularly outstanding. There are forty coffee shops. The most impressive building is the covered market (Bedesten) with domes and iron gates – in fact it looked much like a fortress. The merchants in the Bedesten were rich. Manastır was a famous place for production of flax, which was finer than that of Egypt.58 Çelebi describes the outskirts of the town as abundant in greenery and water, picnic places, deliciously grilled lambs and kebabs, music from different instruments and birds, some couples in love, who enjoyed the beauties of the landscape and the environment. The town itself was well known for the numerous and excellent rhetoricians and orators. The local religious students (softas) with their disheveled turbans, like birds’ nests, lived as voluptuous outlaws (eşkiya). They were thieves and gamblers. The town had many wealthy merchants and pilgrims who were inclined towards erecting charitable foundations as memorials. The town possessed forty-seven buildings covered by blue lead and a solidly built covered market. A certain brigand named Bano or Pano came with his men from the mountain Šapka59 and entered into the covered market after smashing the gates. They robbed the merchants, seizing valuable fabrics worth 70,000 kuruşes without any resistance.60 The 17th century urban structure and organization of the town of Toli Manastır followed the patterns of developed Ottoman cities. Certain parts or districts, mainly in the centre, where business quarters were located, had secular markets and public buildings around the places of worship. Among the popular and important features in everyday life were the public baths (hamams). All of them were vakıf endowments and consisted of twin baths for 57 See also Tewfik, 1933, 214–215; Ayverdi, 1981, 96–97, 107; Idriz, 2010, 54. The names of the nine main religious colleges (medrese) in Manastır were as follows: Dülbend Kadı Medrese, Sungur Çavuş Bey Medrese, Isa Fakıh Medrese, Ishak Çelebi Medrese, Koca Kadı Medrese, Türkler (Hacı Bey) Medrese, Yeni Cami Medrese, Haydar Kadı Medrese, and Tewfikiye or Üç Şeyhler Medrese. In Ottoman times there were 14 medreses and several mektebs. The full list of medreses is as follows: Ahmed Paşa, Haydar Kadı, Ishak Çelebi, Koca Kadı, Kadı Mahmud Efendi, Sungur Çavuş, Şehzade Hatun, Yeğen Ali Paşa, Dülbend Kadı, Fevziye, Şerif Bey, Tewfik Bey, Türkler and Zaim Zade Bey, Türkler, Zaim-zade Seyyid Ali Bey. The mektebs were as follows: Hamza Bey, Piri Bey, Yakub Bey, Uluca Halil Ağa, Fatima Sultan etc. 58 Čelebija, 1957, 59; Vacalopoulos, 1973, 264. 59 Probably the mountain Šipka near Lake Ostrovo. 60 Čelebija, loc. cit.; Vacalopoulos, loc. cit.

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men and women. The better-known baths were close to the main mosques, for example the Eski Çifte hamam of the 15th century, and also the Deboy hamam and the Yeni hamam, which were 16th–17th century buildings.61 There were three kinds of markets: the covered market (Bedesten), çarşı (craftsmen and shops) and the open bazaar dealing with food and everyday necessities.62 The various types of inns (han or carvansaray) served as hotels, and there were wholesales offices close to the markets. The most important was the Bedesten, which served for storing precious clothes and treasures. It was robbed in the years 1651, 1661, 1808 and 1818/9.63 The Englishman Edward Brown also visited the town of Bitola/Manastır during the 17th century and gave a short description of his impressions in his book of 1685.64 Then through a plain country we came to Monastir or Toli; a great place, well peopled and pleasantly seated. Here the Sultana, who was great with child in Larissa, was designed to be delivered and lye in. All accommodations being ordered to that purpose, where I afterwards heard she was delivered of a daughter, who lived not long after. The Turks, who have a high opinion of Alexander the Great, would have been glad to have had a son of the empire born in Macedonia.65 At the end of the 17th century there was a period of political and financial instability for many Ottoman provinces. After the defeat of the Ottoman army under the walls of Vienna, the Austrian imperial forces supported by the local population advanced southwards, reaching as far as the Macedonian towns of Veles and Štip. The military catastrophe of the Ottomans spread an internal wave of outlawry in the region of Pelagonia, causing some Christians to emigrate towards Austrian territories. The political instability continued into the 18th century. Brigands, warlords, peasants and military rebels, known as 61 Tomovski, 1975, 263–270. 62 In the period from the 17th to the 19th century, the central town area was composed of many different markets, such as the Horse Market (At pazarı), the Sheep Market (Koyun pazarı), the Wheat Market (Tereke pazarı), the Wood Market (Odun pazarı), the Flea Market (Bit pazarı), the Butter Market (Mast pazarı), the Fish Market (Balıkçılar pazarı), the Yahudi pazarı, the Istanbul pazarı, the Salt Market (Tuz pazarı), the Pekmez pazarı, the Çıkrıkcılar pazarı and other. The Arasta or covered streets contained different markets for spices, wine, flax, candles, jam and craftsmen. See: Hadživasiljević, 1911, 24–30; Momidić-Petkova, 1984, 127–147; Idriz, 2010, 61. 63 Matkovski, 1961, 82; Tewfik, 1933, 208; Čelebija, 1957, 59. 64 Brown, 1685, 31. 65 Ibidem, loc. cit.

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hayduts and eşkiya, raided many regions of the province of Rumeli, including the region of Manastır. In 1710 the town was attacked and robbed by a large band from the area of Mat in Albania. The Beylerbeyi of Rumeli recruited an army from Manastır and encamped on the outskirts of the town, thus creating a central base for strategic and military operations.66 The Peace of Passarowitz in 1718 and the Tulip period or Lale devri of Sultan Ahmed (1703–1730) brought an intellectual awakening in Ottoman society, breaking new ground in architecture, literature and the sciences. A number of mosques, mescids, medreses and public buildings were erected or renovated in Bitola/Manastır, but they were not as complex as those of the past. Examples of architecture from this period are: the mekteb primary school at Üç Şeyhler Mosque of 1716, the Ali Paşa Mosque of 1740, the Yeğen Ali Paşa Mosque with medrese from 1750, then the Silahdar Paşa Mosque of 1767, the medrese and mescid at Şehzade Hatun Mosque rebuilt by Zaim Zade of 1782, the Saraçhane Başı Mescid and so forth.67 The local scholar Manastırlı Terzi Zade, author of the book Risalesi, the theologian Hacı Seyyid Efendi, the Sufi dervişes and mystics Merhum Baba, Mahmud Baba and Şemimi Baba were popular in this period.68 Plantations of mulberry trees were introduced in the area of Manastır in an effort by the government to redevelop agriculture and to improve the economy of the provinces. But the large holdings of the old çiftlik system still prevailed in the regions of Thessalonike and Manastır throughout the 18th and 19th centuries.69 In the year 1769, the prosperous Vlach settlement of Voskopojë (or Moschopolis) was pillaged and destroyed by the Albanian feudal lords. The town was temporarily deserted and many inhabitants fled to Manastır and the nearby villages of Magarevo, Trnovo, Nižopole, Gopeši, Kruševo and other. The merchants and craftsmen formed a Vlach çarşı, a Vlach market on the right bank of the river Dragor. It encouraged the crafts in Bitola and led to an influx of silversmiths and coppersmiths, as well as to improvement in transport and commerce. With the peace treaty of Küçük Kaynarca in 1774, the Christian subjects of the Ottoman Empire enjoyed more privileges, which enabled them to develop their communities and to renovate and rebuild their places of worship.70 66 Hadživasiljević, 1911, 17; Grujić, 1934, 209–210; Georgevitch, 1918, 100–102; Doklestić, 1964, 81; Mihajlovski, 1993, 12. 67 Shaw, 1976, 234, 250; Ayverdi, 1981, 95–107. 68 Algül, 1999, 363; Tewfik, 1933, 224–226; Hasluck, 1929, 356. 69 Inalcik, Quataert, 1994, 686; Pamuk, 1987, 100. 70 Winnifrith, 1987, 133–134, 139–140; Vacalopoulos, 1973, 478–479; Stoianovich, 1991, 58; Lazarou, 1986, 133; Leake, 1967; Bitoski, 1968, 70.

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At the end of the 17th and in the first half of the 18th century, due to the increase of domicile populace and to the coming of new settlers, the population of the town nearly doubled. According to the sicils, the mahalles of Manastır were as follows: Azab Bey, Ali Çavuş, Bali Bey/Voyvoda, Dımışki Bey, Eğri Kaş, Emir Bey, Emir Çelebi, Firuz Bey, Hamza Bey, Hacı Bey, Oğul Paşa, Sinan Bey, Sohta Bey, Suhte Hoca, Suhteler, Tabak, Hasan Bey, Gırnçar, Iskender Bey, Iyne Bey, Kara Tabak, Kara Oğlan, Karaca Bey, Kasım Çelebi, Köpek Bey, Koca Kadı, Kurd Çavuş, Türbe, Yahya Kadı, Yahudi Hane, Yakub Bey, Yeni mahalle and Yeni Avli. Most of the mahalles in Manastır bore the names of high-ranking officials, religious people, wealthy benefactors, military officials or artisans. Some, like Temişvar Bey and Zindancik or Suhteler, emerged during the late 17th or in the 18th century.71 It was a period of economic prosperity for the town and the number of hans and karvansarays began to increase. The hans built in the 18th century are as follows: Büyük han of the kethüda Abdullah Çelebi, Çardak han of Ahmed Çelebi, Deli Başı han, Great han of Abdullah Ştambar, Small han of Hüseyin Çelebi, Women’s han of Mustafa Beşe, Süleyman Çelebi han, Kara Ahmed han, Barzos han, Paşalı han of Ahmed Çelebi, Delikanlı han of Fazıl Çelebi, Keçeci han of Ali, Hasan Efendi han and han of Hazine Dar of Osman Beşe. Some of the hans were owned by the Christians: Biber han, Elbasan han, Şadırvan han etc. During the 19th century the number of hans decreased, due to introduction of hotels and lokantas.72 In the last decades of the 18th century, the town of Manastır became a place of military importance, providing a safe haven from Albanian bands and controlling the passes towards Epirus and the Adriatic. In 1806, the Albanian brigand Praşova Sulu with 700 men robbed the town market and even the Beylerbeyi was forced to escape. Therefore, the authorities of the Rumeli Eyalet organized Bitola as the headquarters of the Rumeli Valisi, instead of Sofia. In 1807, the French traveler G. A. Olivier noted that Manastır in Rumeli and Kütahya in Anatolia were the seats of beylerbeyis, who had command over the Ottoman army.73 Thus, in the first half of the 19th century, Toli Manastır was transformed into an important military, administrative and cultural centre of Ottoman Turkey.

71 72 73

Idriz, 2010, 134–135. Ibidem, 59–60. Olivier, 1807, 4.

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Survey of the Mosques of Toli Manastır

Among the seven main mosques built in Bitola/Manastır between 1400 and 1650, at least six were erected in the 16th century. The most widespread plan in this period was the single unit mosque with a portico covered by three small domes and one minaret on the right side of the prayer hall. The most intensive development of Ottoman architecture in Bitola was witnessed in the 16th and 17th centuries, with the erection of religious buildings of a monumental character. The concepts and architectural style and decoration of the mosque buildings carried the stamp of the Ottoman capitals: Bursa, then the second capital city of Edirne (Adrianople) and Istanbul (Constantinople), as centres of Early and Classical Ottoman architectural styles. In Manastır the earliest mosque was that of Sungur Çavuş Bey built in 1421/2, an example of the Bursa-Iznik style. The Mosque of Hacı Mahmud Bey from 1521 and the Hasan Baba Mosque, built between 1628 and 1640, reflected the Anatolian traditionalism in the area. The largest and most monumental mosques were the Ishak Çelebi cami from 1506, the Kadı Mahmud Efendi or Yeni cami from 1553 and the Gazi Haydar Kadı cami erected in 1565. They expressed the architectural tendencies of the transitional phases of the Early Ottoman style from Adrianople, with strong influences of the Classical Ottoman style, inspired by the court architects Hayreddin and Mimar Sinan. The buildings in Manastır represent a simplified form of the imperial mosques of the Ottoman school, with some local construction characteristics. The plan was usually a base square, topped by either a dome or a wooden roof construction. Wooden roofs covered the smaller mosques in the town, such as Isa Fakıh of 1506, Koca Kadı Ahmed Efendi of 1529 and the Eğri Kaş Efendi Mosque from the 17th century. The main mosques with their educational and religious buildings known as külliye were erected and supported by the pious endowments of local judges or the highest officials. Bitola’s mosques and their complexes were built according to the same urban and architectural pattern that was followed throughout the Ottoman Empire. In the front there was usually a fountain (şadırvan) for ablutions. A small cemetery (mezarlık) surrounded the building, reminding rich and poor believers about the afterlife. A three-domed open portico (son cemaat yeri) was intended for the latecomers. In Bitola a double portico with six domes for the latecomers in prayer was an exceptional case at the Ishak Çelebi and the Yeni Mosque. This may have been influenced by the Byzantine monastic architecture. In each portico a richly decorated portal marked the entrance to the prayer hall. The Haydar Kadı Mosque had an elaborate stucco portal with an inscribed plaque, while the Yeni Mosque had a portal decorated with blue glazed Iznik tiles, a wooden balcony and a glazed inscription plaque.

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The main prayer hall was usually a square covered by a dome, which was connected to the walls by means of squinches. Pendentives were to be found in the earliest and simplest mosque buildings, such as the Sungur Çavuş Bey Mosque, the Paftalı Mosque, the Broken Mosque and the Kızlar Bey türbe. At the Mosque of Üç Şeyhler or Hamza Bey from the 17th century a rectangular apse covered the mihrab niche, separating the prayer hall from the qibla wall. Such an unusual use of the apse is possibly a result of the interaction of Byzantine and Ottoman architecture, which had its beginnings in the 14th century. Some of the modest quarters’ mosques had rectangular bases and were covered by a hipped roof and terracotta tiles, for example the Koca Kadı cami of 1529. Above the main entrance a wooden balcony (mahfil) was constructed, serving as a platform for the muezzin’s service or later for distinguished ladies. On the opposite, on the qibla wall towards Mecca was a niche (mihrab), decorated with geometrical stalactites. The Ishakkiye, Yeni and Haydar Kadı Mosques had richly elaborated mihrab ornamentation. On the right side of the prayer hall was a pulpit (minbar), a wooden dais reached by a tall staircase and decorated with geometrical motifs in the Kundekari technique.74 On the left next to the wall was the qursu, a high-chair for the local imam when teaching. The Ishak Çelebi Mosque had a circular gallery inside the drum of the dome, called donanma and used for maintenance purposes, which is a unique case among Bitola’s mosques. On the right of the prayer hall was the place where the solidly built minaret with a decorated balcony (şerefe) was located. The decorated minaret of the Sungur Çavuş Mosque was an exception, for it was on the left side of the prayer hall, mounted on the wall. The two bases for minarets that rose on either side of the Haydar Kadı cami prayer hall were also unusual. It had a single minaret tower that was ruined in World War I. The basic building materials were stone and brick, applied in the ancient Byzantine technique of picturesque alternation of layers of brick and stone, or by inserting bricks between cut stone in the cloisonné manner. There were also hand-painted inner wall ornaments, mainly floral or geometric in character, sometimes highlighted with the holy names and verses from the Quran or with simple landscapes from the Holy Land, Hejaz or Istanbul.75 The monumental mosques were evenly spread throughout the town, especially on the left side of the river Dragor, where the main administrative and

74 75

Pavlov, 2006, 49. Kuran, 1968, 15–27; Tomovski, 1957, 34–45; Andrejević, 1984, 46–101; Redžić, 1982, 54–108.

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figure 11 The Lower Wood Market (Odun pazarı) in Bitola, with the Mosque of Sungur Çavuş in the foreground

commercial area was designated. What follows is a more detailed discussion of each of them, and of some other Islamic buildings. 4.1 Sungur Çavuş Bey cami In the lower part of the town, on the left bank of the river Dragor and near the Wheat Market (Tereke pazarı), was once situated the Sungur Çavuş Bey Mosque or Eski cami (Old Mosque). An alternative name for this mosque was Cami-i Atik (Old Mosque).76 According to legend, this mosque was the converted church of St. Savior, built before the conquest of 1385.77 Since Bitola was taken by assault, the transformation of a church into a mosque was legally possible. After the conquest it became a Friday mosque (Cuma cami) (Fig. 11).78 When Sultan Murad II (1421–1444, 1445–1451) led campaigns against Epirus, Albania and Thessalonike, one of his commanders was Sungur Çavuş Bey.79 According to his vakıfname, Sungur Bey was a son of Abdullah (bin 76 77 78 79

Turski dokumenti, 1966, 47, doc. no. 89 from 1634, sicil 3, folio 24b-VI. Tewfik, 1933, 214. A similar mosque exists in Prizren. Kiel, 1995, 337–341. Sungur means ‘grey falcon’ in Turkish. The Christian feudal lords of Kastrioti and Topia, encouraged by King Alphonso V, rebelled against the Ottomans in 1432. In 1434, the Governor of Rumeli, Sinan Bey, put an end to this rebellion, which did not affect the

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Abdullah), probably a local convert from the area of Bitola.80 Returning from the Albanian campaign, Sungur Çavuş stayed in Toli Manastır “… because of the region’s beauty”.81 He built the Eski cami in the year after Hijra 825 or 1421/2 AD and provided it with a medrese and zaviye. In the town quarter of Kara Oğlan, where he had a residence, he established a public kitchen (imaret) behind the Eski Çifte hamam (Kerim Paşa hamam). The imaret supplied poor people with wheat soup in the months Recep, Şaban and Ramadan.82 He also built a mescid in Edirne and another in Vidin. For the maintenance of these institutions he founded an endowment (vakıf ), consisting of twenty-five shops, seven mills, one inn, two pieces of land, one vineyard in Bitola, further eleven shops, also seventeen rooms in Edirne and a mill in Vidin. According to Hasan Kaleši, Sungur Çavuş Bey signed his legal document (vakıfname) between the 9th and the 19th of April 1435 (Fig. 12).83 After the fall of Thessalonike in 1430, the first Ottoman governor and military commander was Sungur Çavuş Bey. He occupied the fortress Yedikule (Seven Towers) above the city, where he left an inscription above the main gate. He was a donor to the monastery of Vlatadon and this monastery was known as Çavuş Monastery.84 The Mosque of Sungur Çavuş Bey in Manastır was a massive square building, measuring 11 × 11 m, with thick walls covered by a dome, which was connected to the walls by means of four large pendentives (Fig. 13). The drum was circular with a span of 10 m, built of coarse stone and with four window openings. The masonry of the walls was a combination of stone and rows of bricks, and bricks decorated the window frames. At the entrance there was an open portico (11 × 6 m), which was covered by a central dome, ribbed inside and Ottoman control over the region. It may be that one of the commanders of the Ottoman army was Sungur Bey. See: Ayverdi, 1981, 522; Kaleši, 1972, 69; Tomovski, 1957, 52; Asimov, 2001, 35; Mihajlovski, 2001, 67. 80 Sokoloski, 1975, 46; Kaleši, op. cit., 66; Norris, 1993, 49–50. 81 Tewfik, 1933, 213. 82 The 7th, 8th and 9th month of the Arab lunar calendar. Ibidem, loc. cit. 83 Kaleši, op. cit., 55–73; Ayverdi, op. cit., 96; Kiel, 1990, I/131. For the maintenance of these foundations Çavuş Bey donated revenues from the village of P’p’žani near Hlerin/Florina, the yearly revenue from one hamam in Bitola, the yearly rent of a karvansaray, 25 shops, 2 estates, 7 water mills and one vineyard near Bitola. The yearly revenue of the entire foundation was 10,360 akçes, from which 6,360 were for the mosque complex in Bitola. 84 Ibidem, I/30; Stoyoglou, 1971, 74–80; Bakirdzis, 1997, 61, fn. 5. The inscription above the main gate read as follows: “… and after the passage of one year (from the conquest) was raised there the tower by the hand of Çavuş Bey, one of the king’s emirs and leading men, in the blessed month of Ramadan, in the year 834 (13 May 1431)”. Also see: Lowry, 2008, 115–138.

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figure 12 The earliest preserved copy (1752) of the Vakıfname of Sungur Çavuş Bey, 1435

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figure 13 Ground plan and elevation of the Sungur Çavuş Mosque

flanked by two side bays, covered by flat-topped cross vaults. The gallery rested on four heavy piers built with courses of bricks and stone, characteristic of the oldest Ottoman period. There is a very strong resemblance with Mahmud Çelebi cami at Iznik built in 1442.85 Similarities exist in their construction elements, the drums, the flat-topped cross vaults in the portico and the position of the minarets, which are built in the Old Ottoman style. The minaret rises at the northeast corner of the prayer hall and portico, mounted on the wall, on the left side, which is a unique case amongst Bitola’s Islamic monuments (Fig. 14). That was the reason this mosque had an additional name, Solak cami. Mosques with similar elements can be found in the Alaeddin Bey cami in Bursa from 1335, the Yeşil cami in Iznik from 1378 and 1391, the Ishak Paşa from 1483, the Yavuz Er Sinan mescidi from 1484, the Aşık Paşa mescidi from 1491, the Firuz Ağa cami from 1491, all of them in Constantinople; the Alaca Imaret (Ishak Paşa) Mosque in Thessalonike from 1484, the Kazancılar cami in Skopje (before 1550) and some Bergama mosques.86 A stone plaque with a foundation 85 Tomovski, 1957, 52; Mordtmann, 1978, 291–292; Goodwin, 1971, 100. 86 Tomovski, op. cit., 29–60; Goodwin, 0p. cit., 18, 104; Pereira, 1994, 113; Müller-Wiener, 1977, 369–370, 423, 489; Kumbaradži-Bogoević, 1998, 105–107; Ünsal, 1959, 130, photo 50. There are many elements in the Eski cami in Edirne (begun in 1402 and completed in 1413) which influenced the architecture of the Sungur Çavuş Mosque. The Eski cami in Edirne, whose architect was Hacı Alaeddin of Konya and whose builder was Ömer ibn Ibrahim, was roofed with nine domes. The six side domes are supported by pendentives,

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figure 14 The Sungur Çavuş Bey Mosque before its demolition in 1956

inscription informed the visitor about the foundation of the mosque in 825 AH / 1421/2, by the son of Abdullah, Hacı Çavuş.87 In the name of Allah, most gracious, most merciful in Whom I put my trust … Glory to Allah, who did take his Servant for a journey by the night from the Sacred Mosque to the Farthest Mosque … al-Hadji Chavush Beg bin Abdullah

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while the centre row is sustained by three different systems: squinches, stalactites and Turkish triangles. That is partly visible on the exterior of the mosque: where pendentives are employed, the drums are circular. The front of the mosque is equipped with a porch covered by four cross-vaulted units, the central one covered by a dome. The eastern or left minaret was built along with the mosque and rises from the wall, while the western minaret came later. Probably the connection between the Edirne and Manastır mosques from the time of Sungur Bey can be traced through the great domed mosque in the Çavuş Bey mahalle, which was one of his foundations in 1443. See: Kuran, 1968, 154–158; Kiel, 1990, I/130–131. I am grateful to M. Ibrahimgil for his transcription and to H. Ceylan for his translation.

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ordered the construction of this Noble Mosque, at the time of the order holder Murad bin Mohammad bin Bayezid Khan, the spreader of justice and charity…. The supreme power belongs to Allah in His Kingdom and in His servants … In the 825 of the construction of this Mosque by Abdullah…. May Allah reward the good effort. The administrator (mütevelli) of the Sungur Çavuş Bey vakıf endowment in 1640 was Ahmed Çelebi, who asked the local judge (kadı) for permission to repair the mosque. The lead-covered drum and some parts of the building were ruined. The judge gave permission for the renovation in the same year.88 When Evliya Çelebi visited the Mosque of Çavuş Bey in Manastır, he wrote in his Seyahatname: “The Çavuş cami, which is in the vicinity of the Bedesten, has plenty of visitors”.89 In the time of the Sultan Ahmed III (1703–1730), the town of Toli Manastır was visited by his daughter Fatima and his son-in-law, the Grand Vizier Ibrahim Paşa Nevşehirli. They had their residence in the quarter of Kara Oğlan, close to the Çavuş Bey Mosque, which was mentioned at the time as Fatih cami.90 In the autumn of 1956, the Sungur Çavuş mosque was demolished to provide space for a new street and a building complex. A marble slab with an old Slavonic inscription was found on the site, used as a doorstep. It was a rare Cyrillic inscription mentioning the autocrat John Vladislav, who ruled the area between 1015 and 1016 and renovated the fortress of Bitola.91 During the demolition of the Mosque of Sungur Çavuş in 1956, the foundation stones of an older and smaller building were discovered. The architect Krum Tomovski reports that three medieval artifacts were found in the excavations: two medallions, one with an unknown Evangelist, and the other with St. Marc, and a prelate’s cane, which were taken to the local museum.92 The medrese founded by Sungur Çavuş Bey as part of the mosque complex was the first medrese established in Manastır. Later contributions and donations from the students and the local population supported the existence of this educational institution. In 1910 the lecturer of this medrese was Hacı 88 Turski dokumenti, 1972, 35, doc. no. 42 from 1640, sicil 8, folio 10b-III. 89 Čelebija, 1957, 57–59; Asimov, 2001, 35. According to M. Asimov, Evliya mentioned the Çavuş Mosque as a Çarşı Mosque (Market Mosque). 90 Tewfik, 1933, 207. 91 Zaimov, 1970, 144–160. 92 Tomovski, 1957, 34; Mihajlovski, 2001, 69; Todorovski, 2002, 104, fn. 306. Unfortunately, they have mysteriously disappeared in the meantime.

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figure 15 The Isa Fakıh Mosque, situations in 2001 and 1943

Mahmud Ali.93 According to Hasan Kaleši, the public kitchen (imaret) on the street Ilindenska was active until 1941.94 These days, a geriatric institution is a remnant of the former humanitarian institution founded around 1435. 4.2 Isa Fakıh or Çınar Mufti cami The Mosque of Isa Fakıh is located on the left side of the river Dragor, in one of the oldest quarters, on the Mufti square (Mufti meydanlık), close to the Çınar tree and the Eski Çifte hamam. It was erected in 911 AH / 1505/6, and it was renovated in 1259 AH / 1843 (Fig. 15).95 Isa Fakıh was a well-known judge of Bitola and father of another famous judge, Ishak Çelebi ibn Isa. “Fakıh” denotes that he was one of the jurists lecturing in law ( fiqh) at the school of the jurisprudence in Manastır. It seems that for some time he was a defterdar (a head of the finance department of a vilayet) at the Sultan’s palace. According to Kaleši, his name is preserved in one of the documents connected with the town of Çirmen: Timar-ı Mevlana Isa Fakıh, defterdarı Padişah (The Timar of Our Mevlana Isa Fakıh, the Defterdar of the Sultan).96 In the year of Hijra 911 or 1505 AD, he built a mosque on the Mufti square. It seems that he also held a position of mufti in the town’s administration. For 93

Tewfik, 1933, 214; Sokoloski, 1963, 127–156. According to the Müfassal defter from 1528/9, the town of Bitola had three main mosques: Ishak Çelebi, Çavuş Bey and Hacı Bey; one imaret, two medreses: Ishak Bey and Çavuş Bey; two zaviyes (tekkes): Ishak Çelebi and Çavuş Bey. In defter No. 149 (1528/9) was preserved information about Mevlana Fahredin, the imam of the Çavuş Bey Mosque, in the quarter of Kara Tabak. 94 Kaleši, 1972, 55–73; Sokoloski, op. cit., 146. 95 Kaleši, op. cit., 146–148; Tewfik, op. cit., 211–212; Ayverdi, 1981, 99–100. The name Çınar Mufti is in the catalogue No. 4911. 96 Kaleši, op. cit., 145–146.

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figure 16 An inscribed marble slab on the minaret of the Isa Fakıh Mosque, testifying to the renovation of 1843

the maintenance of the mosque he organized a religious foundation, a pious vakıf containing twelve shops, fifteen houses and the entire tax revenue from the Wheat market. He built a mescid in the Isa Fakıh district in Edirne and one inn.97 On the minaret base a one-line inscription on a marble plaque states that the mosque was renovated in 1259 AH / 1843 (Fig. 16). The inscription reads as follows: What God wishes. Year 1259.98 The modest mosque building consists of the main prayer hall of 10.25 × 8.55 m (Fig. 17), with a minaret on the west side and a porch (revak) added later on the northern side. It is a simple rectangular building covered by a hipped roof and 97 Ibidem, loc. cit.; Tewfik, 1933, 211; Ayverdi, 1981, 99; Cohen, 1920, 117. Isa Fakıh owned a spring fountain in the town of Manastır and another one in Hlerin/Florina, close to the Old Mosque (Cami Atik). 98 Kaleši, loc. cit.

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figure 17 Ground plan and elevation of the Isa Fakıh Mosque, 1505/6

terracotta tiles. Originally the ceiling had a dome constructed of wood. A simple porch five meters long was added later, with a wall thickness of 0.85 m. The mihrab was turned 43 degrees towards Mecca and it was cut marble. Five rows of stalactite mukarnas decorated the qibla wall. Decorations were made around the rectangular windows and on the wall niche set aside for preaching. The minaret is set in the middle of the western wall; its base is made out of cut stone, with an upper shaft built of bricks and plastered, pointing to the transformations made during the centuries. Locally, the mosque had a popular name Çinar Mufti cami, later known as Salih cami. These days the mosque building is in use as an automechanic workshop and it is neglected.99 Ishak Çelebi cami, Kadı Ishak Çelebi cami, Ishakkiye cami or Hazreti Ishak cami100 The Ishak Çelebi Mosque, the largest main mosque (ulucami) in Bitola, is a notable monument, situated on the left bank of the river Dragor. This area was known as Bit pazarı in the quarter of Emir Bey or Eyne Bey, also known as Ishak Çelebi mahalle. The whole mosque complex was ideally situated between the 4.3

99 Tomovski, 1957, 57; Ayverdi, 1981, 99–100; Asimov, 2001, 35. 100 Tewfik, 1933, 211; Hadživasiljević, 1911, 19; Tsepenkov, 1972, 222. In the local legends, the Mosque of Hazreti Isa was built on the place where the church of the Holy Resurrection once stood. Tsepenkov wrote that it was the church of the Holy Spirit, but there is no archaeological evidence.

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figure 18 A lithography with the mosque of Ishak Çelebi (H. Catenacci, 1878)

government buildings and the covered market, and it was connected by the Great Bridge to the other bank of the river (Fig. 18).101 Popularly known as Ishakkiye, this monumental mosque was named after its founder, Kadı Ishak Çelebi ibn Isa, son of Isa Fakıh. After being a judge in Thessalonike for many years, Ishak Çelebi was appointed to the Kadı’s bench in Manastır, where he moved with his family around 914 AH / 1508.102 The foundation inscription, which is set above the main inner portal, informs the visitor that the mosque was erected in 912 AH / 1506. The marble plaque measures 150 by 70 cm and the inscription is written in eight verses divided in eight equal fields. The date is given as a chronogram and is written in nesih: Help (is coming) in the name of Allah, the Merciful, the Compassionate, The old house was beautified by the chronogram By noble Ishak ibn Isa, may his happiness last, May his honor increase in Paradise. He built the mosque, fortunately for us. By that he acquired the Omniscient’s mercy. 101 In 1848, the town of Manastır was visited by Edward Lear, who painted a few watercolor paintings inspired by the Ishak Çelebi Mosque and its environment. See: Lear, 1988, 79. 102 Kaleši, 1972, 114; Tewfik, 1933, 211; Momidić, 1979, 47; Andrejević, 1984, 25.

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Afterwards, inspired, he dictated a chronogram: He arrived in the name of Allah, the Merciful, the Compassionate.103 The date of construction of the mosque was given in the last verse of the chronogram (ebced) and it is 912 AH / 1506. According to the recent research done by the late prof. M. Asimov, the last verse (tarih) or chronogram in which the date of the construction of Ishakkye is given, of which every letter has a fixed value, was wrongly calculated by Evliya Çelebi, Ayverdi and Kaleši. He reread the chronogram and the sum of these values gives the proper date, 912 after Hijra, precisely 24 May 1506 AD.104 For his religious establishment Ishak Çelebi made a pious endowment charter, a vakıfname, signed between the 22 and the 31 July 1506. From the second vakıfname, ratified between the 10 and the 19 July 1508, it is clear that Ishak Çelebi’s charitable foundation consisted of one mosque, one mekteb, one medrese, 105 shops, four rooms, one zaviye, twenty mills, one piece of land, a collection of books for the medrese and the sum of 300,000 golden dirhems. For the zaviye building he granted another sum of 20,000 and 2,000 dirhems for the mekteb. And for the maintenance of such a large religious and educational complex, Kadı Ishak Çelebi defined a sum of 10,000 dirhems per year, which included: eight dirhems per day for the mütevelli, four dirhems for the nazir, twenty dirhems per day for the medrese’s müderis and ten dirhems daily allowance for each of the students. Furthermore, there was provision for a number of staff such as: the imam and the hatib, who were paid four dirhems per day; the chief hafız was paid two dirhems, another three hafizes were paid one dirhem each per day and the door-keeper and cleaner half a dirhem each per day. In the last part of his vakıfname, signed before the judge of Manastır, Ali Abdul Rahman, Ishak Çelebi made the last conditions that after his death, his eldest son molla Mustafa Çelebi should carry the guardianship and his second son Molla Seyyid Ahmed should be supervisor, and after them their sons. There is a local legend about the disappointment of the future architect visiting the swampy terrain where the mosque was to be built. But, when Ishak Çelebi threw a bag of gold coins in front of him, he realized his strong determination and started immediately.105 The turquoise seal of Solomon inlaid on the south façade is a mark of the architect. The whole mosque complex (külliye) consisted of one monumental Friday mosque, a medrese with ten rooms, two guesthouses (misafırhane), a printing 103 Kaleši, 1963, 146–147; Andrejević, 1984, 25. The inscription was translated by M. Asimov. 104 Čelebija, 1957, 282; Kaleši, loc. cit.; Ayverdi, 1981, 101; Asimov, 2001, 36–37. The chronogram reading was done by Evliya Çelebi in 1661, H. Kaleši in 1972, E. H. Ayverdi in 1981 and M. Asimov in 1999, the last recalculating the numerical values convincingly. 105 Kaleši, op. cit., 145–146.

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workshop, an imaret and kitchen, a horse stable and public toilet, the zaviye and mekteb with a library of 275 volumes and three copies of the Quran. Due to maladministration by the trustees, over the centuries the whole property vanished, except for the mosque building that is very well preserved.106 The Kadı Ishak Çelebi ibn Isa died on 1 August 1512 in Bitola/Manastır, leaving large vakıf endowments in Thessalonike, Plovdiv, Tatar Pazarcik and Bitola. He was buried next to the minaret of his favored Hazreti Ishak Mosque with an epitaph on the tombstone: Allah is everlasting. The death of blessed deceased Ishak Çelebi, son of Isa (it has happened) on 18 Gumad al-Awalla 918 (1512).107 Evliya Çelebi visited the Ishakkiye Mosque in 1661 and claimed it was the best among all of Bitola’s mosques.108 At the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century, lightning struck the minaret, damaging the portico. It was repaired by the local mason Gine, a Christian from the village of Smilevo. The portico was enlarged as a closed double gallery with another row of three domes and covered by a sloping roof, which was an unusual constructive element, a feature rarely to be found in this type of architecture.109 The portico enlargement was done in the 19th century due to the rapid development of the town as a military and administrative centre. In 1911, the Sultan Mehmed Reşad III paid an official visit to the major mosque in the town. For that event a royal wooden balcony (Hünker mahfil) was constructed in the prayer hall, the wall decoration was repainted, calligraphic inscriptions with the holy verses adorned the walls and a few expensive oriental rugs were bestowed.110 These days the Ishak Çelebi Mosque is a well-preserved monument, which is the major place for worship for the local Muslim congregation. 106 Tewfik, 1933, 211; Ayverdi, 1981, 102. 107 The assertion of Andrejević (1984, 25), Momidić (1979, 47) and Redžić (1982, 89) about the grave monument located in front of the mosque is not accurate. According to M. Asimov, the Ottoman Baroque grave monument that is standing on the southern side of the mosque is not the genuine grave of Kadı Ishak Çelebi. It is a much later one, and there was burried Reşid Paşa, the Rumeli muşir, who died in 1262 AH / 1846. Half a century ago the Ishakkiye Mosque had a large cemetery mainly with the graves of the ruling Ottoman class, with richly elaborated marble monuments. See: Tomovski, 1957, 48–49; Asimov, 2001, 36. 108 Čelebija, 1957, 57. 109 Kiel, 1990, I/141; Hamilton, 1956, 209–210: “The churches of Athos are distinguished also by the largeness of the narthex, which usually has six bays in two rows. Certain monastic offices were recited in the narthex and the larger space than usual was required for the monks who were to participate in these services. In later days nartheces were built in two divisions, the outer of which was called the liti”. 110 Tomovski, op. cit., 38, 48.

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figure 19 Εlevation of the Ishak Çelebi Mosque, 1506

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figure 20 Ground plan of the Ishak Çelebi Mosque, 1506

The dome of the auditorium measures externally not more than 14.52 m in diameter and 26 m in height (Figs. 19 and 20).111 The monumental dimensions, harmonious proportions and simplicity are intended to enhance the structural dominance of the mosque. The octagonal drum with windows on each side is mounted on the building by means of stalactite squinches. The inside of the drum has a circular gallery popularly known as “donanma”; it was constructed for practical purposes and it is a unique case in Bitola’s area.112 The pitch-roofed triangular projections cover the space between the drum and the squinch tops, a construction element used again in the Yeni Mosque of 1558/9 and in the 111 Momidić, 1979, 64; Andrejević, 1984, 26. 112 Donanma means ‘illumination’ or ‘decoration’. A similar donanma gallery, which is on the inside of the drum, can be found at the church of St. Sophia in Thessalonike.

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Mosque of Haydar Kadı of 1561/2. The basic building style is the ancient Byzantine technique of picturesque alternation of three layers of bricks and cut stone as well as inserting brick between cut stone in the cloisonné style. The wall thickness is between 1.65 and 2.10 m on the qibla wall. The base of the prayer hall is a square with dimensions 14.55 × 14.55 m, and the wall is between 1.63 and 1.83 m thick.113 The interior is illuminated by three rows of windows, of which the lowest are monumentally framed by marble and have massive grilles and casement shutters. The fragments of red and green stained glass in stucco frames are remnants of the past glory of the building.114 The mosque has a double portico with an atypical shed roof covering the two rows of six domed arcades, which devide the space into ten bays. An archaic decoration of the capitals with Turkish triangles indicates that this portico was once open with three domed arcades. For the latecomers this portico has two stalactite niches (mukarnas) on the qibla wall. On the northwestern side a polygonal stone minaret 45 m high was erected.115 The minaret base is square, built of a combination of ashlar and brick. The fourteen-sided shaft is built of worked stone; it has stalactite decoration and a balcony with a marble chancel. The upper part of the minaret is a pointed cap covered by lead. The interior space gives a sense of volume and grandeur, illuminated by a number of windows and richly decorated. The mihrab niche is tall, made of white marble with six rows of stalactites (mihrab yaşmağı). The traditional furniture of the mosque is elegant and as finely worked, as much as it could be in the 16th century. There are carved geometric patterns on most of the mosque’s architecture, including the polygonal marble kiursi and minbar, which has the reputation of being the finest in town. There are also casement shutters with woodcarved panels with inscriptions from the Quran, a kelime-ı tavhid and the first verse from the Surah al-Fatiha: “All praise is due to God alone, the Sustainer of all the worlds”.116 The walnut wooden casement shutters were manufactured in the authentic Kundekari technique.117 The wall decoration was painted in the technique Kalemişi, of which some traces survived.118 An unknown Italian or French artist repainted the murals of floral ornaments and landscapes around 1912 and they are of average quality.119 The Ishak Çelebi Mosque, also known as Hazreti Ishak camisi, is reminiscent of the Edirne mosque architecture: starting with some elements from the 113 Momidić, 1979, 64; Andrejević, 1984, 26. 114 Ayverdi, 1981, 101. 115 Tomovski, 1957, 48; Andrejević, loc. cit. 116 Ayverdi, op. cit., 102. 117 Pavlov, 2006, 49. 118 Makrievska, Bogoev, 2016, 133. 119 Momidić, op. cit., 66.

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figure 21 A drawing of the vicinity of the Ishakkiye Mosque by Edward Lear, 1848

Kasım Paşa Mosque of 1478, in transition to a later mosque of Sultan Bayezid II, built in the period 1484–1488 and designed by the court architect (mimar) Hayreddin.120 The monumental architecture in worked stone and above all the cubic plastic effects of the mosque distinguish it from the Bursa school, entering into the transitional patterns of the Early Classical style. The Mosque of Ishak Çelebi with its architectural refinement reached the threshold of the Classical Ottoman style (Fig. 21). The Mosque of Ishak Çelebi was renovated and preservation of the monumental architecture executed between April and September 2014, and between February and September 2015, by the National centre for the Preservation of cultural heritage in Skopje in collaboration with the Institute for preservation of cultural heritage in Bitola.121 4.4 Hacı Mahmud Bey cami – Hacı Bey cami Surrounded by shops and old parts of the complex, close to the river Dragor, the Hacı Mahmud Bey Mosque still occupies the central area of the Fish 120 Kuran, 1968, 44, 56–59; Momidić, loc. cit. 121 I am grateful to C. Hadži-Petsova and Memet Selmani from the National Institution Centre for conservation in Skopje for sharing their official report.

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figure 22 The Hacı Bey Mosque complex in the year 2000

Market. In the times of Evliya Çelebi, this part of the market belonged to the turners (Çekrekçi) and to the tailors, in the vicinity of the Horse Market (At pazarı) (Fig. 22).122 The mosque was built in the year of Hijra 928 or 1521/2 AD and it was renovated in 1873. The medrese that was a part of the complex was registered in the land survey register from 1074 AH / 1663. The mosque was also noted in the land survey register dating from 1141 AH / 1728.123 The founder of the mosque and its complex was Hacı Mahmud Bey, known in the town as Tomruk Ağa (the prison ward). He may have been one of the war heroes (gazi) of Sultan Bayеzid Khan and for that reason appointed as governor of the town, which he ruled in a despotic manner. In the oldest parts of the çarşı (market), next to the river, he erected a pious mosque with a complex. For the maintenance of the complex he endowed a generous vakıf of 300,000 bags of aspres (one bag had 500 aspres), ten shops and ten houses.124 In this vakıf were included the revenues from the two neighboring villages Bukovo and Orehovo, then nine shops and two hamams in Berat and Iskenderiye, modern Albania.125 122 Čelebija, 1957, 58. 123 Tewfik, 1933, 213; Ayverdi, 1981, 96. Following the oldest town registers, the Mosque of Hacı Bey, together with the Mosque of Sungur Çavuş Bey and Ishakkiye, was one of the oldest religious and educational centres of Islamic culture in the town. See: Sokoloski, 1975, 39. 124 Tewfik, loc. cit. 125 Momidić-Petkova, 1995, 90–91.

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figure 23 The Hacı Bey Mosque, inscribed marble slab from 1875

During the year 1641 the complex was renovated and some parts were repaired in 1715; four years later the medrese was again repaired and yet again after the big fire that destroyed half of the market in 1863.126 The inscription on the marble plaque above the main entrance portal indicates the date of renovation: “It is renovated in 1293 (1875), 24 Rebiüllevvel (19 April)” (Fig. 23).127 The whole mosque complex, especially the “Türkler medrese” building, suffered grave damage in World War I, due to the heavy bombardment in 1916 and 1917.128 In 1994 the area was struck by an earthquake that caused the upper parts of the minaret, the most attractive element of this mosque, to collapse. Still, the 18th century inn (han), with a large gate and its inner courtyard with a few longitudinal vaulted buildings, is well preserved. Once a picturesque complex that consisted of a mosque, a medrese with Dar-ul Hadis religious college, a Sibyan mekteb, library, an inn with its commercial warehouses and a drinking fountain, it deserves better treatment than it has today.129 126 127 128 129

Ibidem, 94. Translated by M. Asimov. Momidić-Petkova, op. cit., 95. Tewfik, 1933, 214; Ayverdi, 1981, 107; Turski dokumenti, 1969, 41, doc. no. 53 from 1636, sicil 4, folio 28a-I. A restoration and conservation would give back to Bitola an important historical monument. Recently, archaeological excavations were conducted inside the mosque. Two levels of the old floor were found: one from the 16th century and another from the 19th century. I am grateful to the archaeologist S. Stojkoski for the information.

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figure 24 The Hacı Bey Mosque, ground plan and elevation, 1521/2

The Hacı Bey Mosque follows the general outlines of the oldest Ottoman style pattern: a square prayer room with a dome set on pendentives and a minaret with polychromatic decoration. The interior of the prayer hall measures 11.50 × 11.50 m, with massive walls 1.35–1.45 m thick, built in a combination of two rows of brick and a row of coarse stone (Fig. 24).130 Despite of the existence of eight lower windows and further six just above them, the interior is not very well lit. The mihrab is a simple niche with a stucco stalactite decoration and on the right side is the ruined minbar, decorated with geometric shapes in stucco; it is still preserved. The hemispherical dome that is supported by pendentives has an octagonal drum ornamented with coarse stone and brick, in diamond honeycomb-shaped decoration (Fig. 25). The upper side façades end in a double saw-tooth cornice. The minaret is located on the northwest corner of the prayer room, slightly behind the inner line of the porch. It sits on a polygonal base and has a 130 Ayverdi, 1981, 97; Tomovski, 1957, 39, 56.

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figure 25 The northern façade of the Hacı Bey Mosque

twelve-sided shaft built of rows of brick and stone. The şerefe balcony has saw-tooth corbels and a balcony with a marble chancel adorned with Quranic inscriptions.131 The upper body of the minaret was the most remarkable feature with its zig-zag and hexagonal ceramic decoration in the Anatolian traditional style. Minarets adorned in such a way are rarely found in Ottoman architecture in the Balkans. Similarities can be found in the Mosque of Çelebi Sinan Bey in Karaferye of 896 AH / 1490/1, the Fatih cami in Kiustendil from 1420–1430, the Cuma cami of Plovdiv built by Murad II (1421–1451), the Alaca Imaret cami in Thessalonike from 1486/7; and the Üç Şerefe cami in Edirne built in 841/851 AH / 1438/1447. In Anatolia the most famous instances are the Ince minaret in Konya and Yeşil cami in İznik from 1378.132 Another fine example of the local traditionalism is the still well-preserved inn (han) building on the west of the mosque. Above the main gate are still visible carved stone figurines and a pair of marble spouts. The one on the right has a carved symbol of a pentagram and an inscription mentioning the year of 1271 AH / 1854,133 which might be the year of renovation. Some parts of the mosque were reconstructed and renovated in 1991. Nowadays the mosque is used as a warehouse surrounded by shops.134

131 Momidić-Petkova, 1995, 91–92; Ayverdi, loc. cit. 132 Goodwin, 1971, 21, 99–101; Kiel, 1990, I/40, X/3; Kuran, 1968, 43, 63, 203; Tomovski, 1957, 65; Momidić-Petkova, op. cit., 92; according to Machiel Kiel: “In certain areas, especially in Central Macedonia, with Monastir/Bitola as the chief centre, we see that the old system of decorative brickwork masonry was used for 60 or 80 years longer than in other parts of the Balkans. The Mosque of Hacı Mahmud in Bitola, built in 1527, is a very distinctive example … A ‘modern’ building, as the great mosque of Cadi Ishak Celebi, built in 1506, was not taken as an example for later works until more than half a century had elapsed”. 133 Translated by M. Asimov. 134 Ibidem, 91.

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figure 26 The Koca Kadı Mosque, built in 1529

4.5 Koca Ahmed Efendi cami or Koca Kadı cami (Old Judge Mosque) On the right side of the river, in the vicinity of the Upper Wood Market (Odun pazarı) and the Yeni hamam, the Mosque of Koca Kadı blends into the surrounding small narrow streets and old houses, but the minaret and brickdecorated façade distinguish the building from its environment (Fig. 26). The mosque was erected in the year of Hijra 936 or 1529 AD. It was registered in the land survey register (Tapu defter) from 1203 AH / 1799 AD.135 Following his appointment as a judge in the town of Manastır, the Kadı Ahmed Efendi decided to build a mosque and a medrese. For the maintenance of the small mosque complex he made a pious endowment. Over the centuries, nothing was left of the vakıf, due to the maladministration of the trustees (mütevelli). The famous medrese that once stood as part of the complex was repaired four times and had ceased to exist by the beginning of the 20th century. The mosque had a graveyard (mezarlık) on the southwest, which comprised a few tombs of the local scholars and dervişes: Şeyh Efgani Mehmed Efendi, Hacı Ibrahim Efendi, Hafız Ali and others.136 From the whole complex only the mosque is left, and it is in an altered state, since for a long period of time it has been used as a dwelling. On the southern side of the complex, opposite of the mosque there is a two storey Ottoman bey’s house with a large courtyard (Fig. 27). There might be a historical connection between the house 135 Tewfik, 1933, 212; Ayverdi, 1981, 103. 136 Tewfik, op. cit., 214, 225, 228.

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figure 27 The Bey’s house opposite the Koca Kadı Mosque, 19th century

and the mosque, and the nearby Yeni hamam, which served the local Muslim community. The modest mosque has a simple rectangular prayer room, 8.80 by 8.50 m, covered with a hipped roof (Fig. 28). The masonry of the walls is a good cloisonné work, with wall thickness of c. 90 cm.137 On the mihrab side, there are two large marble-framed and iron-grilled windows with three smaller arched windows on the upper side of the wall. At the front on the northwestern side, where the main entrance is located, a simple arched alcove for the latecomers was added (Fig. 29). The polygonal stone minaret is attached on the southwestern corner of the prayer hall and its entrance is through the mosque’s interior. The upper minaret body and its stalactite brick şerefe balcony are partly ruined. The interior of the prayer hall was damaged by the dwellers a long time ago, but some remnants of the colored mihrab niche in stucco and the flat wooden ceiling (şişe tavan) are still well preserved. The main entrance door that was decorated with woodcarvings disappeared a long time ago.138 There are some similarities with the Mosque of Eğri Kaş Efendi that was once situated in the vicinity. But the most remarkable similarity can be found

137 Ayverdi, 1981, 103. According to Ayverdi, the dimensions of the mosque building were 8.80 by 8.90 m, and the wall was 90 cm thick. Tomovski, 1957, 57. A subsequently added porch disappeared a long time ago. 138 Ayverdi, loc. cit.

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figure 28 The Koca Kadı Mosque, ground plan and elevation

figure 29 The Koca Kadı Mosque’s entrance façade

in the Iskender Paşa cami of 1559/60 in Kanlica on the Bosphorus, designed by Mimar Sinan.139 Kadı Mahmud Efendi cami – Mahmud Efendi cami – Mahmud Çelebi cami or Yeni Mosque – Nal cami or Zıncırli Bunar cami The mosque of the judge Mahmud Efendi, better known as Yeni cami (New Mosque), occupies an area of about 50 × 50 m in the town centre, on the right 4.6

139 Egli, 1997, 88.

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side of the river Dragor. It is ideally situated on the main street and on the square close to the Clock tower and the church of St. Demetrios. By the Great Bridge it is connected to the Bedesten and the Mosque of Ishak Çelebi. The mosque carries an inscription on its main entrance, written by the local poet Leʾali Hasan Efendi and quoted by Evliya Çelebi. It reads: It is true that this shining mosque Illuminates this city as daylight. O La‌ʾeli, who has composed a chronogram to this mosque: ‘Worship place for the followers of God’s emissary.’140 The inscription created by Le’ali in the form of a chronogram (tarih) was thought to give the year of construction 973 AH / 1565. Other information, giving the year of construction 966 AH / 1558/9, has been discussed in the works of M. Tewfik and K. Tomovski.141 But, according to the calculations of E. Ayverdi and M. Asimov, the chronogram, in which every letter has a fixed value (ebced hesabı), gives the exact year 961 AH / 1553/4.142 There is another marble plaque at the inner entrance, above the portal, which indicates that the mosque was renovated in 1308 AH / 1890/1, when the portico was rebuilt and extended.143 The founder of the Yeni Mosque or Nal cami was Mahmud Efendi, a newly appointed judge to the court in Manastır in 959 AH / 1551/2. For the maintenance of the mosque and its religious college, he organized a pious vakıf, which included shops, warehouses and houses, a few inns that surrounded the mosque complex.144 The judge Mahmud Efendi was also the founder of the medrese. The Bektaşi mystic Halil Baba was buried in the small cemetery (mezarlık), near the minaret.145 140 Čelebija, 1957, 57–58. Le’ali Hasan Efendi was a poet, translator and writer from Bitola/ Manastır in the middle of the 17th century. 141 Tewfik, 1933, 212; Tomovski, 1957, 50. 142 Ayverdi, 1981, 105; Asimov, 2001, 40. According to Asimov, however, this inscription was made for the Mosque of Hacı Mahmud Bey. 143 Tomovski, loc. cit. 144 Tewfik, op. cit., 212; Tsepenkov, 1972, 220–223; Hadživasiljević, 1911, 19–20; Cohen, 1920, 97–113. This mosque had some popular names, such as Nal cami (Horseshoe Mosque), which is connected with the Christian legend that the mosque was built over the church of St. George or St. Demetrios. Another popular name was Zıncırli bunar cami (Chained Well Mosque), connected with the old well that does not exists any more. Another alternative name was Yeni cami (New Mosque). A mosque with the same name used to exist in the neighbouring town of Hlerin/Florina at the beginning of the 20th century. 145 Tewfik, loc. cit.; Hasluck, 1929, 360.

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figure 30 An old postcard with the Yeni Mosque, early 20th century

Around 1589, the local Muslim believers complained to the town administration about the behavior of the Christians who owned the houses around the Mosque of Mahmud Çelebi. In the judge’s record one reads that “the behavior of the Christians affected the Muslims during their prayers”.146 On 11 October 1829, another court statement was issued concerning the salaries of the officials employed at the Yeni cami. The new imam, Hacı Hafız Halil Efendi was going to receive 30 kuruşes per month: twenty from the imam Molla Ismail and the other ten from the trustee (mütevelli) of the vakıf.147 The mosque was renovated in 1893 by the mason Pavle Ristić from the village of Smilevo, when another three domes with a portico were added (Fig. 30).148 Until 1950 houses and shops surrounded the mosque, but they have been demolished and today the mosque building stands alone in the park, with a fountain (şadırvan) in the front. In that phase the monumental Yeni Mosque was carefully preserved and established as a gallery of contemporary art and printmaking. The mosque itself was built according to the same prototype plan as the neighboring Ishak Çelebi Mosque, but forty-eight years later (Fig. 31). The 146 Šopova-Bojanić, 1955, 71–72, doc. no. 53. 147 Turski dokumenti, 1958, 44, doc. no. 159 from 1828, sicil 99. 148 Hadživasiljević, 1911, 19–20.

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figure 31 The Yeni Mosque, ground plan and elevation, 1553/4

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figure 32 The mahvil balcony at the entrance of the Yeni Mosque

square prayer room of the Yeni cami was rather smaller in dimensions, 12.78 m on each side, with a 19 m high dome. The masonry of dressed stone used for the walls is yellower than that of the Ishak Çelebi Mosque.149 The dome rests on an octagon and corner squinches, and it completely envelopes the interior space. The portico has an arcade of granite and marble columns with high stylobates and stalactite capitals. The two rows of three domes of equal size (4 meters in span) cover the bays of the porch with dimensions of 10 × 14.20 m. The polygonal stone shaft of the minaret’s body has a balcony supported by six rows of stalactite decoration and a point cap covered with sheet lead. The interior of the prayer room is a temperate space decorated with sliced and painted stalactite corner squinches. The whole space is illuminated by four rows of windows, of which the lower rows are ornamented with wooden decoration, casement shutters and iron grilles. The qibla wall has a harmonious mihrab niche adorned with stalactite ornaments (yaşmağı) and a solid minbar decorated with geometrical patterns.150 There is a very rare construction in the mahfil mükebbire – a small wooden balcony overlooking the porch and the prayer hall (Fig. 32). The access to the mahfil balcony is through the minaret entrance and a short tunnel, which goes horizontally throughout the inner qibla wall, above the entrance. The entrance between the prayer hall and the porch has a wooden panel portal with carved octagonal rosettes. They contain the Quranic Surah al-Ikhlas written with calligraphic Celi Nesih letters:151 In the name of God, the most Gracious, the dispenser of Grace Say: ‘He is one God, God the Eternal, the uncaused cause of All Being, He begets not and neither is He begotten and there is nothing That could be compared with Him.’ 149 Tomovski, 1957, 50; Ayverdi, 1981, 105. 150 Ibidem, loc. cit.; Tomovski, op. cit., 42. 151 Ayverdi, op. cit., 107.

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figure 33 The glazed tiles of Iznik, 16th century, Yeni cami

Faience decoration of Iznik origin frames the main portal, which has a wooden balcony and glazed ceramic plaque above. The faience plates measure 25 × 25.5 cm and are decorated in a cobalt-turquoise color on a white background, as is characteristic of Iznik glaze tiles of the 16th century (Fig. 33).152 This is a unique ceramic decoration in the mosques of Bitola. The interior of the dome, the stalactite squinches, the qibla wall surfaces and the mihrab niches were painted in the 16th century in the al secco technique. The low zone of the walls was decorated with landscapes according to the Quranic traditions of heavenly eschatology with holy places, all in the style of the Kütahya painting school. Unfortunately, an unknown Italian artist repainted these murals at the beginning of the 20th century.153 Gazi Haydar Kadı cami – Haydar Efendi cami – Gazi Haydar Paşa cami – Haydar Kadı cami154 The Kadı Haydar Efendi chose the quarter Kara Oğlan as a site for his pious foundation. It was a bit far from the river, in a busy town district opposite the Sheep, the Wood and the Wheat Market, close to the Deboy Çifte hamam, the Sungur Çavuş Bey cami and the largest cemetery (kabristan) situated on its eastern side (Fig. 34). According to the marble plaque above the main entrance portal, this religious foundation was erected in 969 AH / 1565. When Gazi Haydar Kadı Efendi was appointed judge in Bitola, he built an impressive mosque and made a pious endowment that comprised shops, inns and houses spread between the Pinewood Market (Çıra pazarı) and the prison Çengel karakol.155 To the main 4.7

152 Tomovski, 1957, 42; Andrejević, 1984, 96. 153 Ibidem, 119–120; Tomovski, op. cit., 50; Momidić, 1979, 66. 154 Čelebiја, 1957, 58; Turski dokumenti, 1963, 13, doc. no. 2 from 1607, sicil 1, folio 16b–17b; Konstantinov, 1961, 37. 155 Tewfik, 1933, 212; Tomovski, op. cit., 52.

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figure 34 The Gazi Haydar Kadı Mosque, 1565

vakıf endowments in 1607 were added some other vakıfs of the Vizier Ahmed Paşa with an annual fund of 60,000 akçes and 9,000 akçes in revenues.156 Around the year 1610 the imam of the Haydar Mosque was Kurd Halife.157 When Evliya Çelebi visited it, he noted: “Gazi Haydar is an artistically splendid edifice for worship”.158 A religious college was integrated into the mosque complex.159 The mosque was an active place of worship until 1912 and then it was deserted. During the battle for Manastır in WWI the minaret was hit by an artillery shell and collapsed.160 After 1945 it was protected as a monument of culture and its restoration was conducted between 1960 and 1961, under the supervision of the architect K. Tomovski. The mosque’s interior was intended to be a lapidarium for Ottoman epigraphic monuments or a concert hall, but this was never achieved.161 The medrese vanished a long time ago. There is a well-preserved inscription on the marble plaque above the main portal. The text in three lines is written on a rectangular plate of marble measuring 108 × 65 cm (Fig. 35). It reads as follows: From the most righteous of the Muslim judges our gentleman Haydar Kadı. Let the Sublime God be pleased to give him a delightful stay in Paradise; a Paradise with a spring fountain. 156 Turski dokumenti, 1963, 11, doc. no. 1 from 1607, sicil 1, folio 1b. 157 Ibidem, 28, doc. no. 7 from 1610, sicil 1, folio 17b. 158 Čelebija, 1957, 58. 159 Tewfik, 1933, 214. 160 Andrejević, 1984, 36; Tomovski, 1957, 52. 161 Tomovski, 1962, 51–52; Ayverdi, 1981, 119.

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figure 35 The inscribed marble plaque above the main entrance of the Haydar Kadı cami

He built this honorable mosque and pleasant place of worship only on account of the Sublime Lord and looking to be satisfied with it. He was a gracious benefactor In the year 969.162 Gazi Haydar Kadı cami is the most impressive of the Classical Ottoman style mosques in Bitola.163 It exhibits the harmonious simplicity of proportions characteristic of the classical tendencies in Ottoman architecture of the 16th century. A spacious, square prayer hall, 10.95 by 10.98 m, is crowned by a 20 m high dome that sits on a twelve-sided drum and is connected to the walls by means of corner squinches (Fig. 36). The proportions of nearly 1:2 accentuate the height of the dome. The masonry of the walls, between 1.38 and 1.48 m thick, consists of two rows of brick alternating with one row of blocks of dressed stone (kesmetaş).164 The masonry technique is very similar to that of Sinan’s school, which uses this technique of alternating bricks with stone: “Craftily intermixing with stone or stone banded with bricks – to achieve results he deems appropriate for the contextual occasion”.165 Similarities can be found at the Sinan Paşa Mosque in Beşiktaş and the Kara Ahmed Paşa külliye at Topkapi in Istanbul from the period between 1550 and 1560.166 The interior space of the Haydar Kadı Mosque is richly illuminated by the side windows – eight in each wall, except in the wall towards the portico, 162 Andrejević, 1984, 36; Asimov, 2001, 39. 163 Redžić, 1982, 67–72. 164 Andrejević, op. cit., 37; Tomovski, 1957, 52; Ayverdi, 1981, 98. 165 Egli, 1997, 187. 166 Ibidem, op. cit., 70–71.

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figure 36 Haydar Kadı Mosque, ground plan and elevation, 1565

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figure 37 The interior of the Haydar Kadı Mosque

where there are only four windows. The ribbed and stalactite squinches, placed high in the corners, are elaborated as pitch-roofed projections which filled the space between the drum and corners of the building. Such an early example can be seen in Edirne at the Kasım Paşa cami of 1478167 and in the Ishakkiye and Yeni Mosques in Bitola. Although the interior furniture is badly damaged, the stucco-decorated mihrab with five rows of stalactites is preserved, whereas the mahfil and minbar constructions have nearly disappeared (Fig. 37). On the northern side of the mosque, the three-domed portico extends beyond both sides of the prayer hall, incorporating the minaret annexes. For the latecomers to prayer, niches on the portico substituted for the mihrab inside. An artistically profiled portal with stalactite pendants made of mortar and the marble inscription plaque mark the entry. The finely crafted walnut doors are ornamented with a pair of rosettes, illuminated by a calligraphic text of Surah al-Ikhlas. They were elaborated by the ancient Kündekari technique, a geometrical decoration executed in wooden panels.168 An arcade of four columns supports the three-domed portico roof. The two that flank the entry passage feature stalactite capitals and their shafts are made of green veined marble (yeşil damarlı) (Fig. 38).169 It may be that they were spolia brought from the nearby ruins of Heraclea of Lyncestis or from the quarries in the area of Debar.170 The peripheral columns are made of white marble with lozenge capitals. The bronze collars, used both at the base and at the transition from shaft to capital, are there to preserve the shafts from earthquake shockwaves. Furthermore, the architect adheres to Ottoman traditions: columns supporting arcades of the mosque featured lozenge capitals, while those supporting porticos are stalactites.171 167 168 169 170 171

Kuran, 1968, 44–45. Pavlov, 2006, 49. Ayverdi, 1981, 99; Tomovski, 1957, 36, 52. Ibidem, 34, 36. Egli, 1997, 181–184.

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figure 38 A marble capital from the portico of the Haydar Kadı Mosque

On both sides the minaret bases rise to the portico drum level. The left is built in a combination of brick and stone, in the same manner as the mosque. The right base is built solely of dressed stone. The left was the only minaret that existed until 1912, for the right one was probably never completed. Later, this part of the building was used as a ritual washroom. Similarities can be found at the Bali Paşa cami in Istanbul and Ibrahim Paşa cami in Silivri Kapi.172 According to authors in the field of Ottoman architecture in the Balkans, like Tomovski, Redžić, Ayverdi and Andrejević, this mosque is the most harmonious and well-proportioned example of the Classical Ottoman style among Bitola’s mosques.173 For some other scholars, this mosque can be ascribed to workmanship that may have originated from the workshop of the chief architect Sinan.174 This hypothetical proposition needs to be clarified, because this mosque is not found in the list of Mimar Sinan buildings.175 172 173 174 175

Kuran, 1987, 101–103; Gennaro, 1992, 84–85. Tomovski, 1957, 52; Ayverdi, 1981, 98–99; Redžić, 1982, 72, 75; Andrejević, 1984, 37, 67. Ćornakov, 1980, 195–196; Stojanovski, 1989, 321. Kuran, op. cit., Appendix I, Alphabetic list of Sinan buildings, 254–267, Appendix II, List of Sinan buildings by location, 268–286, Appendix III, Present status of Sinan buildings, 287–297, Appendix IV, Chronological list of extant Sinan buildings with actual or surmised completion dates, 298–301.

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figure 39 The Hasan Baba Mosque, between 1628 and 1640

In the period between 2014 and 2016, a complete restoration and preservation of the mosque was executed by the Turkish construction company Doğuş 2000 from Ankara and the Vakıflar Genel Müdürlüğü with the Agency of Turkish Cooperation and Development (TİKA), with the cooperation of the corresponding national institutions in Skopje and Bitola. The whole mosque building and its complex were entirely renovated and the minaret was rebuilt. Fragments of al secco paintings were discovered on the qibla wall, and some fragments of painted decoration known as Kalemişi from the 19th century, when the mosque was renovated.176 4.8 Hasan Baba cami or Hasan Baba, Başı Keşik Tekiye cami The Hasan Baba mosque is located on the upper western outskirts of the town, on the right side of the river Dragor (Fig. 39). In the 19th century Muslim refugees settled in this area and it was known as the Muhacir mahalle. The mosque was erected in the period between 1037 and 1049 AH / 1628 and 1640, in the time of Sultan Murad IV (1623–1640). Fazıl Paşa, a commander of the Third Army in Manastır, renovated it in 1883.177 This mosque is connected with the local legend of Hasan Baba Keşfi Efendi or Hasan Baba the Decapitated (Hasan Baba Başı Keşik).178 According to this legend, Hasan Baba was a pupil of Ciger Baba, and he was beheaded as a martyr, instead of his master. Carrying his head he arrived at the spot where much 176 Мakrievska, Bogoev, 2016, 129–140. 177 Tewfik, 1933, 219–220; Tomovski, 1957, 58. 178 Ayverdi, 1981, 97.

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figure 40 The Hasan Baba Mosque, as recently renovated

later his mausoleum with a cenotaph and a mosque with a Nakşbendi tekke were built.179 A similar popular legend was connected with the Christian St. John Vladimir in Elbasan from the 11th century.180 Between 1623 and 1640, by the order of Sultan Murad IV above the tomb of Hasan Baba, a simple tekke and a mosque were built. The mosque courtyard had a cemetery with artistically decorated 19th century tombstones. The mosque has been renovated (Figs. 40 and 41). The small, sturdy mosque resembles a mescid with harmonious proportions. It has a single portico, which was added later. An octagonal dome covered by terracotta roof tiles sits on an octagonal drum without windows. The base of the prayer room is 6 × 6 m, and the thickness of the walls is 0.90 m.181 The masonry is of coarse stone with mortar. There are two arched windows and one smaller window at the top on each side-wall. The façade is whitewashed and simply decorated with three rows of saw-tooth cornices. The simplicity is obvious inside as well, with plaster-profiled squinches and mihrab niche. The most remarkable feature of the building is a sturdy polygonal minaret in the Selçuk style, entered through the porch. Similarity can be found in the much earlier mosque of Hoca Adiğar in İnönü (Turkey) from the year 776 AH / 1374.182 The entire simplicity of the Hasan Baba Mosque reflects its character as a Nakşbendi place of devotion.

179 Tewfik, 1933, 220. 180 Antoljak, 1985, 118–119, fn. 951, 952, 954; Matthews, 1937, 25; Hibbert, 1993, 1; Roeder, 1995, 187. Similar legends are connected with St. Miniato al Monte of Florence and St. Albanus of Mainz. It is an ancient form of Christian martyrdom, the saint being painted as a kephalophoros. 181 Ayverdi, 1981, 98. 182 Kuran, 1968, 70.

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figure 41 The Hasan Baba Mosque, ground plan and elevation

The türbe mausoleum is a simple rectangular building covered by a hipped roof and adorned with a marble acroterion (alem) (Fig. 42). Inside is a wooden cenotaph (tabut) covered by a silk fabric with Quranic verse. On the northwestern side of the mosque there is a variety of graves and tombstones, decorated in the 19th century Ottoman Baroque style. It might be that the tekke was originally in the porch or in the mosque itself. Not long ago, the Islamic community started the renovation of the mosque building with the minaret, the mausoleum and the graveyard that are surrounded by a stone wall. There is a small Bektaşi tekke in the vicinity. 4.9 Üç Şeyhler cami – Hamza Bey cami The Mosque of Three Şeyhs is in the western part, former outskirts of the town. Named after Hamza Bey, it is between the Kuruderesi stream and the tower of Zindan kulesi. This mosque may date to the 16th century or before 1634 (Fig. 43). An inscribed marble plaque testifies to the building’s renovation in 1273 AH / 1857/8.183 The Üç Şeyhler or Hamza Bey Mosque does not have an inscription plaque of foundation and no archive records are available to 183 Tewfik, 1933, 214, 222; Cohen, 1920, 114. In the neighboring town of Hlerin/Florina, a former quarter was called Hamza Bey (also Kurşunlu or Imaret) and had two mosques, Hamza Bey or Kurşunlu and the Yeni cami. Tomovski, 1957, 54; Ayverdi, 1981, 97; Momidić-Petkova, 1989, 99.

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figure 42 The türbe or mausoleum of Hasan Baba, constructed between 1628 and 1640

figure 43 The Mosque of Üç Şeyhler or Hamza Bey, built before 1634

determine its date of construction. There is a remotely possible connection with the Hamza Bey Mosque in Thessalonike, built in 1468 by the donor’s daughter Hafsa and reconstructed in 1619. Hamza Bey was an important commander under the Sultans Murad II (1421–1444, 1446–1451) and Mehmed II (1444–1446, 1451–1481). He had his feudal estates in Thrace, and he built a derviş convent (zaviye) in Edirne, which became the centre of the Halveti derviş order that arrived in Europe under Sultan Bayezid II (1481–1512).184 184 Kiel, 1990, I/131–134.

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The Mosque of Three Şeyhs was a centre of the Halveti Sufi order’s activities in the town. The vakıf of this mosque was mentioned for the first time in 1633 and the building in 1634 as an endowment of Hamza Bey.185 In the second part of the 20th century, the year 1798 written in red paint was still visible on the southern side of the mosque’s drum.186 It might be that it was the year of renovation. With the renovation in 1857/8, a simple portico was added. Some donors contributed to the mosque complex: Defterdar Ali in 1853 and Emir Paşa in 1864. That is why this mosque was known under the names Defterdar Ali and Emir Paşa in the 19th century.187 At its zenith the whole mosque complex consisted of a mosque, a Sibyan mekteb (Quranic school for boys) from 1716, a medrese Tewfikiye, and a Halveti dervişes’ tekke with a mausoleum on the opposite side of the street, a derviş cemetery in the walled courtyard and the main gate. The three şeyhs, Ibrahim, Abdul Kerim and Ahmed, were the spiritual leaders of the branch of Halveti dervişes at the end of the 18th century and they were followers of Halveti Şeyh Mehmed Hayati.188 He was a Sufi leader from the second half of the 18th century and a founder of Hastahane-i Hayatiyye in the neighboring town of Ochrid. His central tekke had subsidiary branches in Macedonia (also in Kesriye/Kastoria) and Albania.189 He settled in Ochrid, where he adapted an old medrese into the first tekke of the Halveti Hayati order. For Bitola/Manastır the major centre of the Halveti order was the zaviye at the Mosque of Üç Şeyhler. One part of the branch was also present in the nearby town of Hlerin/Florina.190 The base of the mosque is rectangular, measuring 8.90 × 10.21 m, a sort of simplified ‘zaviye mosque’, with a protruding rectangular apse, measuring 5.50 × 2.60 m (Fig. 44). The mihrab is placed in the apsidal niche, creating a division of the prayer hall in two parts.191 The apse is covered by a flat-topped roof and there are two elegant arched windows in the southern qibla wall. The unusual use of the apse is probably a result of the influence of Byzantine on 185 Momidić-Petkova, 1989, 98; Turski dokumenti, 1966, 61, doc. no. 116 from 1634, sicil 3, folio 33a-I. 186 Tomovski, 1957, 54. 187 Momidić-Petkova, op. cit., 98–99; Tewfik, 1933, 222. 188 Ibidem, 234. 189 De Jong, 1978, 991. 190 Cohen, 1920, 112. 191 Goodwin, 1992, 57–69. The zaviye mosque combined the traditional prayer settings with one or more adjacent spaces for secular use. Similarities are found in the Bayezid Paşa Mosque in Amasya and in the Hüdavendigar Mosque in Çekrice, near Bursa.

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figure 44 The Üç Şeyhler Mosque, ground plan and elevation

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figure 45 The exterior of the apse, with the mihrab niche at the Mosque of Üç Şeyhler

Early Ottoman architecture, which has its beginnings in the 14th century (Fig. 45).192 This architectural element was introduced at the Mosque of Murad I in Bursa, the Mosque of Yusuf Paşa of 1429 and the mental hospital of Bayezid II built in 1485 in Edirne, the Mehmed Bey Mosque in Siroz built in 1491, the Hussamedin Paşa mosque in Štip, the Sinan Paşa mosque in Prizren, the Alaca mosque in Skopje, the Hüsrev Bey mosque in Sarajevo of 1531, the Ferhadiyye in Banya Luka of 1531 and so on.193 This type of mosque construction shows the strong connections between local Balkan and Byzantine traditions combined with Ottoman architecture. The interior of the Üç Şeyhler Mosque is covered by a dome set on an octagonal drum and sliced squinches decorated with pointed arches. Remnants of painted stucco decoration (rosettes) are still visible in layers on the walls. The masonry of the wall is composed of worked blocks of stone and bands of three to five rows of brick, with a final upper saw-tooth brick cornice. There are eight windows in the lower level of the walls, crowned by simple stalactite niches, and above these lateral windows there are four arched windows. The well-preserved polygonal minaret built of stone and brick is 23.40 m high. It has a şerefe decorated with stalactites and a balcony with a marble parapet. One enters the mosque building through an added porch measuring 5 × 10.25 m, with a sloping roof.194 The walled entrance gate was once adorned 192 Kuran, 1968, 121. The idea of placing the mihrab in the apsidal niche goes back to the 14th century. Two nearby examples of this are the mosques of Murad Hüdavendigar in Bursa of 1385/6 and Davut Paşa in Istanbul of 1485. Because of this unusual discrepancy, the apsidal niche is seldom seen in single-unit mosques during the Early Ottoman period. Many of the Sinan mosques dating from the 1580’s had an apsidal niche. In his formative years Sinan used the apsidal niche only for a special purpose. 193 Goodwin, 1971, 41, 382–386, 388–391; Kiel, 1990, III/443, VIII/158; Andrejević, 1984, 30–31, 40–41; Kumbaradži-Bogojević, 1998, 32–33; Redžić, 1982, 71–77. 194 Ayverdi, 1981, 97; Tomovski, 1957, 54; Momidić-Petkova, 1989, 98–99.

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figure 46 A postcard with the Broken Mosque in World War I

with a marble plaque (35 × 35 cm) that mentioned the renovation of the building in 1273 AH / 1857/8. The tekke and the mausoleum of Three Şeyhs were ruined already in 1911, but the final blow came in WWI, when the complex suffered artillery bombardment. These days the portico is used as a dwelling and the mosque building is in disrepair. Some tombstones are still visible on the western side of the mosque. 4.10 Yıkık cami or Kırık cami, Broken Mosque This small mosque, popularly known as ‘The Broken Mosque’, was once located at a distance from the market and from the river, on the street that headed towards the Flax Bridge (Fig. 46). According to the local oral Christian tradition, the Broken Mosque was originally a church dedicated to St. Nicholas, which was converted after the Ottoman conquest.195 The comparatively recent name of the Broken Mosque is connected with the ruined minaret, or might result from the fact that the building suffered heavy damage from artillery in WWI.196 The mosque was visited by Muslims and Christians that lit their candles on the eastern wall. Such religious syncretism was not uncommon in the town. The archaeological 195 Hadživasiljević, 1911, 20; Tsepenkov, 1972, 222. 196 Tomovski, 1957, 33, 34, 39; Ayverdi, 1981, 107.

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figure 47 A postcard with the Broken Mosque after WWI

excavations conducted in 1974 did not reveal any previous foundations under the mosque. On the southwestern side a well (0.50 × 1.50 m) was discovered, with some fragments of marble and human bones. The building was in bad condition and it was demolished in 1974 (Fig. 47).197 The Broken Mosque was a modest building, with a prayer hall measuring 7.93 × 7.93 m, surmounted by a shallow dome (6 m in span) resting on pendentives (Fig. 48). It was an old, simplified transitional type of early mosque. From the square body, via the pendentives, the upper part was transformed into a polygonal drum topped by a hemispherical shallow dome. The masonry of the walls was a sequence of courses of stone and four layers of brick, with a wall thickness of one meter. The upper parts of the building were built of coarse stone and covered by terracotta tiles. The minaret had a base built of stone and brick, but the shaft and şerefe balcony were constructed entirely of brick. On the northern side a portico of 3.72 × 7.93 m with a barrel vault existed before WWI.198 It is possible that the mosque was built in the 15th century, or that it was a product of the provincial architectural conservatism in the 16th century. 197 Ćornakov, 1974. 198 Ibidem (section and ground plan).

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figure 48 The Broken Mosque, ground plan and elevation, end of 15th or beginning of 16th century

figure 49 The Eğri Kaş Mosque before 1940

4.11 Eğri Kaş Efendi cami or Ayşe Hatun cami This mosque was located on the eastern side of the Upper Wood Market, close to the dervişes’ tombs known as Tezveren and to the Yeni hamam (Fig. 49). This simple mosque building belongs to the period between the 16th and the 17th century. Eğri Kaş Efendi (The Gentleman with the Curved Eyebrow) was the old name of the building, probably connected with the founder. The second name of the mosque was Ayşe Hatun (Madame Ayshe), after a lady who renovated the mosque and donated a pious endowment of one shop for the

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figure 50 The Paftalı Mosque, a general view, end of 15th or beginning of 16th century

mosque. It was registered in the cadastral archives of 1203 AH / 1788.199 A hipped roof and old terracotta tiles covered the rectangular prayer hall of the building. Provincial and practical in type, it had a façade built in a combination of stone and brick. This mosque had a particularly high minaret built of stone; the polygonal shaft had a şerefe balcony, and a conical cap covered with lead. The form of the minaret and the balcony were characteristic of numerous late 16th and 17th century buildings. There were some parallels in Bitola, especially in the Koca Kadı cami, which is located in the vicinity. 4.12 Paftalı cami The mosque is situated in the northern part of the town, on the slopes of the Bayır hill, close to the old fountain called Soğuk çeşme (Fig. 50). That was one of the oldest parts of the Ottoman town, from the time of the conquest, and was known as the Bayır mahalle. There is no preserved written data about the Paftalı Mosque. According to Ayverdi, the title Paftalı is unusual for a mosque. In the past a small graveyard used to exist and a mekteb school was part of the mosque. At the end of the 19th century an additional rectangular prayer hall was built on the southern side. The mosque was covered by sheets of lead that disappeared a long time ago.200 The modest, but harmonious mosque has a square base measuring 5.80 × 5.80 m (Fig. 51). The interior is covered by a dome on four deep-sitting pendentives, which are visible from the outside, beside the octagonal drum. On the southern façade there are two rectangular windows, each in a marble 199 Ayverdi, 1981, 96. I am very grateful to Mr. Sulejman Ali from Bitola for the information concerning the history of the Eğri Kaş Mosque. 200 Ibidem, 103; Tomovski, 1957, 34. I am very grateful to the late M. Asimov and to N. Asim for the information about this mosque.

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figure 51 The Paftalı Mosque, ground plan and elevation

frame crowned by a decoratively executed relieving arch of bricks. The mosque is built in a fairly good cloisonné work, mostly of coarse blocks of stone with three layers of brick, and worked blocks of porous ashlar at the corners. A long time ago the entrance was from the eastern side, but now it is through the minaret base. The minaret built on the western side is unusually attached to the prayer hall and to the dome, and its entrance is from the street. The masonry of the base and the polygonal shaft are of fine worked ashlar stone, but the balcony is built of brick. The mosque and the minaret are provincial examples of Early Classical Ottoman architecture and there are similarities with the architecture of the Broken Mosque (Kırık cami). There is a tomb of unknown origin inside the prayer hall. This type of mosque has some features of a mausoleum building. The single-domed building of the Paftalı Mosque is in a bad state of disrepair. The 19th century prayer hall on the southern side is now used as a carpenter’s workshop. 4.13 Sabuncı cami This mosque was mentioned in 1639, when the muezzin Ömer was appointed for service. The mosque was located in the quarter of Kara Oğlan, between

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the Sungur Çavuş Mosque and the Haydar Kadı Mosque, opposite the Deboy hamam. Blacksmiths’ shops surrounded it. Tewfik wrote a short biography about the local holy man, Sabuncı Zade, who was one of the descendants of the Sabuncı family. He was buried in the quarter of Kara Oğlan.201 4.14 Additional Religious Buildings 4.14.1 Mescids A number of mescids are known from historical documents. 1) Şeyh Hızır Bali mescid. The mescid of Hızır Bali was included in the vakıf of the Vizier Ahmed Paşa. In 1606 the vakıf had a fund of 60,000 akçes with an interest of 9,000 akçes. The mütevelli was Ömer Çelebi, son of Emir Şah.202 2) Hacı Kethüda mescid. Around the year 1610, Hacı Hüseyin, the imam of the Hacı Kethüda mescid, and the muezzin Halil ibn Derviş were guarantors for the vakıf of Ahmed Paşa. Kurd Çavuş was the administrator of the vakıf.203 3) Ahmed Efendi mescid. Hızır Çelebi was the muezzin of this mescid in 1610. In Ayverdi’s list of mosques, a mosque of Ahmed Efendi was registered in the cadastral defter no. 93 from the year 1087 AH / 1673/4.204 4) Mahmud Ağa mescid. In 1610 Şaban Halife was the imam of the mescid.205 5) Küçük Sinan mescid. In 1639, Ahmed Çelebi, the imam of the Küçük Sinan mescid, went on pilgrimage. This mescid was located in the quarter of Oğul Paşa.206 4.14.2

An Ottoman Funerary Monument in Manastır: Kızlar Bey türbe or The Open Türbe An open mausoleum known as Kızlar Bey türbe was located at the Turkish cemetery on the northeastern outskirts of the town (Fig. 52). It was situated in the 16th century town quarter known as Kızlar Bey türbe, and was surrounded

201 Turski dokumenti, 1969, 174, doc. no. 228 from 1639, sicil 6, folio 1-b/II; Tewfik, 1933, 221. I am grateful to the late M. Asimov for the information. 202 Turski dokumenti, 1963, 1, doc. no. 1 from 1607, sicil 1, folio 1b–8a; Ayverdi, 1981, 96; Tewfik, op. cit., 227. It might be that the Hızır Bali mescid was connected with the Halveti Şeyh Hızır Bali, who died in Bitola around 971 AH / 1563/4. 203 Turski dokumenti, op. cit., 27–30, doc. no. 7 from 1610, sicil 1, folio 17b–19a. 204 Ibidem, loc. cit.; Ayverdi, op. cit., 95. 205 Turski dokumenti, loc. cit. 206 Turski dokumenti, 1969, 190–191, doc. no. 262 from 1639, sicil 6, folio 18-b/I.

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figure 52 A drawing by Edward Lear with the Kızlar Bey türbe, 1848

by vineyards. The türbe was built on the top of the hill at the end of the 15th or the beginning of the 16th century.207 According to local legend, the open mausoleum was the spot where the Muslim priest (hoca) was buried and “… someone dreamt that the grave contained a body of a girl, and on examination it was found that the body of a Christian king’s daughter had been miraculously substituted for that of the hoca”.208 A similar story existed about the türbe of Kral Kızi in Skopje where the body of Catherine Tomašević, the daughter of the last Bosnian king, Stephen Tomašević, was buried at the end of the 15th century or the beginning of the 16th century.209 Similar legends can be found all around the Mediterranean, at Mecca, Nablus, Egypt and Algiers.210 In Hasluck’s opinion, women commonly built open türbes, both for their own shelter and retreat and for other women mourning their dead.211 207 208 209 210 211

Ibidem, 78, doc. no. 52 from 1636, sicil 4, folio 10-b/V; Mihajlovski, 2001, 69–70. Hasluck, 1929, 360. Kumbaradži-Bogoević, 1998, 124. Hasluck, op. cit., 448. Ibidem, 73, 350. The Kızlar Bey Mausoleum in Bitola was an open türbe where local people used to pray in times of drought. Contrary to the Muslim custom in ordinary prayers,

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figure 53 Ground plan and elevation of the Kızlar Bey Mausoleum

The Kızlar Bey türbe had a square base with dimensions of 5.16 × 5.31 m and a height of 7.76 m (Fig. 53). The mausoleum had an octagonal dome 3.10 m in span, on pendentives, carried by four huge corner piers measuring 1.03 × 1.03 m. The building material was dressed stone, which alternated with three layers of brick. There was meander decoration on the façade made of brick (a shallow the supplicants taking part in the appeal for rain extended their palms downwards or, it was believed, the prayer would have no effect.

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figure 54 The Zindan Kulesi, built after 1628

and a developed type). Saw-tooth cornices topped the decorative friezes. Terracotta tiles with an acroterion (alem) on the top covered the upper part of the dome.212 When it was visited and drawn by Edward Lear in 1848, a marble cenotaph was still visible under the türbe, but later it disappeared.213 The mausoleum was ruined by an earthquake in 1994. Closely connected with the Kızlar Bey türbe are some open mausolea in Skopje, such as Kral Kızı, Hatuncuklar, Altı Ayak, dated 1690, and Ali Paşa of Dagestan, dated 1774.214 There are similar türbes in Sarajevo at the Alifakovats cemetery and in Foča.215 The hexagonal base of the Deliktaş minaret of Bursa, which served as a şadırvan, resembled Bitola’s Kızlar Bey türbe.216 4.14.3 The Derviş Lodge of Bitola – Zindan Kulesi or Ocak Another Ottoman monument in the town was connected with the Sufi orders’ activities. It is a well-preserved stone tower, which stands in the yard of the primary school “Stiv Naumov” (Fig. 54). At the beginning of the last century, the tower was in a private property surrounded by a 3 m high wall. It was situated between the town quarters of Hamza Bey, Sinan Bey and Kaygısız su, near the mosques Üç Şeyhler and Zindancik or Derviş cami.217

212 Tomovski, 1958, 107. 213 Lear, 1988, 79. 214 Tomovski, loc. cit. 215 Redžić, 1982, 81. 216 Goodwin, 1971, 65. 217 Ayverdi, 1981, 109. The name Zindan kulesi means that the tower was used as a prison. The second name Ocak denotes the tower as a centre for spiritual activities or a club. Dimitrovski, 1966, 1–5. In the past there were only two prisons in Bitola: Çingel Karakol and another close to the Eski Çifte hamam. Momidić-Petkova, 1989, 95–107.

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The founder and spiritual father of Zindan kulesi was Hacı Mahmud Efendi, also known as Kuleli Mufti Şeyh Mahmud Efendi or Hırka Baba. Around 1038 AH / 1628 he was mufti of Manastır. After a few years he retreated and became a learned Nakşbendi Şeyh. He built a stone tower (kulah) on his property, from which he got his nickname Kuleli.218 It was the residence of his family and a spot where he lived a secluded spiritual life. According to legend, “one day the Şeyh disappeared mysteriously and nobody knew where he died or was buried; the clothes he was wearing, including the habit (hırka) were found in the garden, the spot being marked by an enclosure resembling a tomb on which candles are lit”.219 He left his derviş cap (tac) and a pouch (kemer) that were kept with the hırka in a chest in the upper story of the tower as relics. “The water in which the hırka has been dipped has the virtue of killing or curing sufferers from chronic diseases; it is said to be sometimes administered without the knowledge of the patient by his sympathetic (or impatient) relatives.”220 The spouse of Hırka Baba disappeared in a similar way, leaving behind her belt, which “… is shown and worn by childless women in the hope that it would remove their sorrow”.221 Hasluck met the old guardian (türbedar) aged 90 years, who was of the sixth generation of descendants of Hırka Baba. In the tower was kept another relic: a hair of the Prophet’s beard, which was sent in a bottle to the Şeyh and taken three days before Ramadan Bayram, on Leylet-ul Kadr, in a procession to the large Ishak Mosque, where the faithful kissed it.222 In the upper floor was kept a collection of religious books and manuscripts from the time of Kuleli Mahmud Efendi, but the governor (vali) Hüseyin Paşa confiscated them in 1280 AH / 1863, and they vanished.223 The Zindan kulesi tower has a rectangular base of 6.50 × 5.35 m (Fig. 55). The wall thickness is between 1.08 and 1.22 m, and in the upper section it narrows to 0.98 m. The masonry is coarse stone and mortar with a four row saw-tooth cornice on the top. The height of the tower is 10.95 m and it is covered by a hipped roof in a combination of terracotta and slate tiles. The entrance is on the southwestern side at a height of 2.30 m and accessible only 218 Tewfik, 1933, 223. 219 Hasluck, 1929, 358; Đorđević, 1984, vol. III, 358–359; Tanman, 1992, 135, 169. The tomb of Hırka Baba was believed to possess thaumaturgic powers, one that had the sacred gifts of healing (şifa). The tradition of pilgrimage to the relics was strong in the East. Such was the relic Hırka-ı Şerif (The Mantle of the Prophet) in the Fatih Mosque. Pilgrimage to the relics of the saint occurred on certain holy days and nights, when not only the members of the same order, but also the local congregation visited the saint’s tomb in their local lodge. 220 Hasluck, op. cit., 359. 221 Ibidem, loc. cit. 222 Mihajlovski, 2001, 71; Hasluck, loc. cit. 223 Tewfik, loc. cit.

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figure 55 The Zindan Kulesi, ground plan and elevation

by a wooden ladder. On the upper façades are pointed arch windows crowned by decoratively executed arches of brick. The interior of the tower formed a three-storied building that comprised a ground floor with a well; a mezzanine floor of 0.90 m, which served as storage space; and in the upper floor a dwelling, which was equipped with different niches, containing a lavatory, a hearth, a washing place, a loophole and so on. It was a residential place for the Şeyh and his family to stay for a long period.224 About the time of the Ilinden Uprising in 1903, the tower was temporarily in use for imprisonment and that is how it was named Zindan kulesi. During the heavy artillery bombardment in WWI, the türbedar’s family members also used it for shelter.225 This type of tower was commonly built in the Western Balkans during the Middle Ages for different purposes. The Muslim beys in Macedonia and Epirus 224 Dimitrovski, 1966, 6–9. 225 Konstantinovi, 1964, 91–93; Dimitrovski, op. cit., 4.

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built them for personal protection, as was the case in Skopje and Kočani. In the mining town of Kratovo such towers were commonly used to deposit coins or precious goods and metals.226 5

The Other Benefitiaries

The Ottoman Turkish conquest and settlement transformed medieval Bitola into the provincial Ottoman town of Toli Manastır. Successive patrons embellished the town with mosques and other public buildings. Amid the Muslim buildings, there were still churches and havras in the town’s Christian and Jewish quarters. The political superiority of the conquerors forced the emergence of shared life and over time social order returned. As the new Ottoman town developed, a slow process of pacification encouraged the local Christians to go on with their lives. Varied archaeological and written evidence exists for the intercommunal relations in this period. It seems that the Christians were displaced to the south while the Muslims were occupying the hills to the north.227 Gradually, the organization of the town changed, partly as a result of colonization and influx of regional population. As numbers increased, the township expanded beyond the central area. Muslims and Non-Muslims started living in distinct neigbourhoods (mahalles), sometimes separated by a wall. Still, the Christians of Manastır were not deprived of the opportunities to build better social, cultural and intellectual life within the borders of their community. The next chapter shows just that dimension of Pax Ottomana. 226 Tomovski, Volinјec, Tokarev, Hadžievska-Aleksievska, 1980, 43–48; Kumbaradži-Bogoević, 1998, 217; Lawless, 1979, 9–17; People of Turkey, 1878, 229. 227 Archaeological research so far did not extend to the old Muslim quarters on the slopes of the hill. I am grateful to my colleague Gordana Filipovska-Lazarovska for the information.

chapter 2

Christianity in Ottoman Manastir (1385–1767) This Antimension is an Altar-table to perform a Bloodless Sacrifice and Divine Liturgy in the name of the most Holy Beneficial and Life-giving Spirit, who authorized it for the ministerial celebration at the temple of the Great Martyr Demetrios, the Myrrh-streaming and Miracle-worker. Inscription from the antimension dedicated by Metropolitan Joseph in 1727 for the church of St. Demetrios in Bitola

∵ 1

Continuity Unchallenged

Ottomans were fairly tolerant towards the Christian population and their church institution, and they did not abolish the autonomy of the Archbishopric of Ochrid.1 The Quran (Pact of Najran from 631) recognized Christians, Jews and other monotheists who possessed Holy Scriptures as ‘People of the Book’, or dhimmis.2 The Islamic State and Law protected them in exchange for paying taxes.3 The Ottoman authorities regulated the rights and the privileges of the Archbishopric, issuing an official document known as berat. Even in this period of Ottoman expansion on the Balkan Peninsula, the diocese of the Archbishopric of Ochrid extended over the territories of Romania, Bukovina, Serbia and Montenegro, and certain districts of Dalmatia and Southern Italy.4 It seems that Prilep retained its status as the seat of the Bishop of Pelagonia and Prilep after the fall of Bitola in 1385. According to the land survey register of 1467/8, which included the region (nahye) of Prilep, the prelate David Horisen was a land-owner (mülk sahibi) and possessed a written document (mülkname) granted from the Sultan Mehmed. David Horisen had in his possession the Monastery of Treskavets and the metropolitan chapel of St. John the Forerunner with the Monastery of the Archangel Michael, located in Varoš. 1 2 3 4

Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 44; Dimevski, 1965, 66. Morrow, 2013, 109–115. Kiel, 1985, 144–145. Snegarov, op. cit., 10–12, 18, 30; Dimevski, loc. cit.; Trifonov, 1912, 11–43.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004465268_006

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An inscription from 1445 was found in the church of St. Elias at the village of Dolgaets. It gives the name of His Holiness David Horisen in the year 1445, during the reign of Mehmed Çelebi.5 According to another population census from the year 1481, a new prelate named Nikodimos replaced the former David Horisen at the Monastery of the Archangel Michael in Varoš.6 2

The Cult of the God-Bearer Pelagonitissa

Between the 15th and the 17th century, in the area of Prilep a number of churches were built or reconstructed, painted and decorated. Such was that of the Most Pure Virgin (Prečista) in Varoš from 1420, and some parts of the monasteries of Zrze and Treskavets were frescoed in 1430. Between 1480 and 1490 the nave of the Treskavets church was painted. Onufrius from Elbasan painted the church of the Zrze Monastery in the 16th century, then some churches in Rilevo and Slepče. At the Monastery of Zrze the hieromonk Makarios Zograf continued to paint the icons for the iconostasis after the death of his brother John. In 1421/2 he painted the famous icon of the Holy Virgin Pelagonitissa, and then the Holy Deesis with Jesus Christ flanked by the Holy Virgin, St. John the Baptist and the Apostles. After that, Makarios left for the Monastery of Lubostinya (Serbia), where he had painted frescoes already between 1402 and 1405. Still, his most famous icon was the Holy Virgin Pelagonitissa, a masterpiece of the Late Byzantine iconography (Fig. 56). The name ‘Pelagonitissa’ is taken from the town of Pelagonia (Bitola) rather than the region. The epithet was connected with the name of the town, as in other cases, e.g. Athiniotissa (Athens), Theoskepastos (Trebizond), Kazanskaya and Vladimirskaya (Kazan and Vladimir in Russia), and so forth. The twisted body of the child, with his back to the spectator and with its stress on angularity is to be regarded as a local peculiarity.7 The epithet ‘Pelagonitissa’ or ‘Mother of God Pelagonitissa’ is inscribed in Greek, flanking her figure. A historical inscription in Church Slavonic, which is on the upper part of the icon, contains a traditional formula, “Homage to the Lord and God, and to the Saviour Jesus Christ, and the Most Pure Mother of God” and the information that it was painted in the year 1421/2 by the hieromonk Makarios Zograf. On the lower border of the icon there is another inscription in Church Slavonic with a prayer for the donor Constantine 5 Subotić, 1980, 52–59. The church of St. Elias is a building of modest dimensions, with an unusual vaulted ceiling (tribelon) of a type very common in Islamic architecture. The interior was richly decorated and painted with a complex theological programme of images. 6 Sokoloski, 1971, 150. 7 Rice, 1968, 114; Miljković-Pepek, 1958, 20–22; Grabar, 1979, XI/170; Hedermann-Misguish, 1983, 9–16; Lazarev, 1938, 26–65; Popovska-Korobar, 1999, 96.

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figure 56 Icon of the Mother of God Pelagonitissa, 1421/2

Gyurgičev and his family: his wife Theodora, his sons Jacob, Kaloyan and Dimitar and his daughters Ana and Ela. His brother Bogoya and his daughter Zoya are mentioned at the end of the prayer.8 Iconographically, the Pelagonitissa is one of the numerous iconographic variants of the Holy Mother of God popular in the Byzantine church: Hodegetria, Peribleptos, Hagiosotirissa, Blacherniotissa, Glykophilousa, Eleousa and so forth. Peter Miljković-Pepek has made a study of it and suggests that the Pelagonitissa is derived from the Virgin of Compassion (Eleousa) with the 8 Grabar, op. cit., 171–178; Miljković-Pepek, op. cit., 3–6.

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Child Jesus as Playful Infant.9 The Virgin of Tenderness was a characteristic iconographical type during the period of the Palaeologan dynasty. Icons that portrayed the freshness, intimacy and dedication to the motherhood of the Virgin and Infant Jesus were especially popular in Eastern Christianity. The Palaeologan Renaissance was marked by a monumental classical style, with bright colours, calmness and intimacy, which is characteristic of the icons of the Pelagonitissa/Eleousa types.10 Veneration of the Virgin in Pelagonia/Bitola was a strong, popular cult in the town, going back to the Christianization of the Slavs in the area. The veneration towards the Mother of God was already indicated in the 11th century inscription of John Vladislav: “… by the aid and the prayers of Our Lady, the God-Bearer …”.11 Pelagonitissa was a patron saint of Pelagonia, together with the Twelve Apostles, and probably a large church or monastery was dedicated to her.12 Some examples of the Holy Virgin Pelagonitissa can be found in the Monastery of Staro Nagoričino from 1317; in the Monastery of Treskavets, including a fresco painting from 1430; then in St. Nicholas in Varoš from the period between the 15th and the 16th century; in Kratovo from the 15th century; in Berrhoia; in the monasteries of Dochiarou and Chilandar on Mount Athos; then in the Monastery of Dečani near Prizren; in the St. Catherine Monastery on Mount Sinai, and so on.13 After the definitive conquest of the Balkans and of Constantinople in 1453 by the Ottomans, the Palaeologan imperial art style was transformed into the new artistic style known as Post-Byzantine. The uninterrupted existence of the Archbishopric of Ochrid was one of the key factors in the continuation of the Post-Byzantine style in the Western Balkans and Pelagonia. The Ochrid church and its group of painters and craftsman, known as the Ochrid painting school, spread their own style, radiating out towards the neighboring areas: north to the region of Skopje, east to Dragalevtsi and Boboševo, southwest towards 9 10

Ibidem, 2–14. The Mother of God is turned towards the left with the Infant Jesus on her right arm. She is wearing a purple maphorion; the latter has golden fringes on the sleeves, bordered by an inscription inspired by the Psalm 45 (44). The animated Child Christ is dressed in a greyish-white gown covered with red and blue flowers. The skin tones are rendered in burnt ochre with massive olive shadows, red on cheeks and white accents. The simple and monumental background is covered with gold leaf. This large icon measures 134.5 × 94 × 4 cm. Weitzmann, Chatzidakis, Radojčić, 1980, 157, 163, 228; Maguire, 1996, 146–169. 11 Zaimov, 1970, 9, 149. 12 Mihajlovski, 1993, 6. 13 Subotić, 1980, 51–52; Miljković-Pepek, 1958, 18–27; Grabar, 1979, VIII/3–14; PopovskaKorobar, 1999, 36.

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Kastoria and Borje, west to Prespa and the Pelagonian plain. In the region of Pelagonia a number of churches and monasteries were erected and painted, such as: the Zrze Monastery, the Most Pure Virgin in Varoš and the Prophet Elias in Dolgaets, all in the region of Prilep; then St. Nicholas in Banitsa near Florina/Hlerin; and the Most Pure Virgin in the village of Graešnitsa near Bitola.14 The painters and craftsmen mostly worked for these villages as representatives of the Ochrid painters’ school – a workshop defined not only “by the location of the works, but also by the suspected origin of the painters”.15 Some remarkable church monuments of this school are located in the Pelagonian plain. The Virgin Most Pure (Prečista) in Varoš from 1420/1 has a fresco painting of the Madonna with the Infant Jesus above the entrance.16 Another is the rustically built church of the prophet Elias in Dolgaets from 1454/5. Its wall decoration, which was executed entirely in Ottoman times, had a complex theological program and an inscription that mentions the villagers in the time of the Metropolitan David Horisen.17 Some other church monuments are on Lake Great Prespa to the west of the Pelagonian plateau and can be dated to the 15th century. According to N. Moutsopoulos, there was then a standstill in church building activity due to redistribution of power, lack of security and the new Ottoman administration.18 But the local Christians still built some modest chapels for hermits known as isposnitsa (askitirion), near the fishing village of Nivitsi/Psarades, dedicated to the Holy Virgin Eleousa. There is an ascetic single-nave church, built in a rock cave. This vaulted basilica is a reflection of Late Byzantine art in the Balkan provinces. Its façade is painted with an imitation of ceramic ornaments and inside the church there are some very good frescoes from 1410 and an icon painted on the rock wall from 1452. Two inscriptions were preserved: one with the name of the painter Ioannikios and another, which mentioned the names of donors: Sabbas, Jacob and Barlaam when, “… the ruler was ‘Vloukasinos’ in the year 1410”.19 But King Vulkašin was killed in battle in 1371, and from 1395 this territory had been under Ottoman control.20 The second wall-decoration of this chapel can be dated to 1410.21 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

21

Subotić, 1980, 34–60, 86–93, 116–171; Đurić, 1975, 31–50. Serafimova, 1995, 126. Subotić, op. cit., 196. Ibidem, 54–55. Moutsopoulos, 1966, 16. Ibidem, 13. Ćirković, 2003, 1–9. Another chapel was erected on the island of Mali Grad in 1369 and dedicated to the Virgin Mary, by the King Vulkašin and the Kesar Novak. The same workshop decorated with similar programs the churches of St. Athanasios in Kastoria in 1383/4 and Christ the Lifegiver in Borje (today Albania) in 1390. Moutsopoulos, loc. cit.

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In the vicinity of Bitola another church was erected and painted by the same workshop. It was dedicated to the Most Pure Virgin (Prečista) and can be dated between 1400 and 1410. It was situated in the village of Graešnitsa or Tsreševo on the road connected with the Via Egnatia (or Manastır Road), 15 kilometers south of Bitola. It was in an ancient settlement known from Prehistoric, Roman and Byzantine times. In the early Ottoman census registers it appears under the name Gradešnitsa or Tsreševo, with 130 Christian families.22 The church is located east of the village, on a small hill. It is constructed out of coarse stone and clay, with a semicircular apse built in alternate courses of stone, brick and mortar. The builder decorated the apse with a solar symbol, herringbone pattern and Christ’s monogram using the remnants of ancient Roman funerary ceramics. Similar ceramic decorative patterns can be found on the façades of churches in Nivitsi/Psarades, St. Peter and St. Nicholas in Varoš near Prilep, some churches in Ochrid and Kastoria.23 The interior of the church is rather simply decorated, mainly in the apse where the Virgin Orans and Infant Jesus are represented. In the lower zone there is a composition of Officiating Church Fathers, who were St. John the Merciful, St. John Chrysostom, St. Basil, St. Gregory the Theologian and St. Achilleios with liturgical scrolls in their hands. The cult of St. Achilleios of Larissa was not as developed in Bitola and the Pelagonian plain, as it was in the regions of Prespa, Ochrid and Kastoria, where he was venerated from Tsar Samuel’s times.24 In the middle of the apse is a composition of the Fraction (Melismos) that represents the Infant Jesus lying on the Paten, awaiting dismemberment – a ritual breaking of the consecrated bread before Communion. Jesus as the ‘Lamb of God’ is lying on the altar table flanked by two angels. The place of the Archpriests’ Liturgy and Jesus as a Lamb of God in the first altar zone was determined by church canons. Preserved in the niche of the prothesis are fragments of a wall painting depicting the Archdeacon Stephen, with a Church Slavonic inscription connected with the monk Gabriel, a founder or a donor of this church monument. The fresco paintings can be related to the paintings in the apsidal area of the church of Sts. Constantine and Helen in Ochrid from 1400. But the church in Graešnitsa was painted by the workshop of the painter Ioannikios Hieromonk, the author of the hermit chapel of the Virgin Eleousa at Nivitsi/Psarades decorated in the period between 1370 and 1410. 22 23 24

Mihajlovski, 1994, 125; Sokoloski, 1975, 13–16, 50; Kravari, 1989, 285. Mihajlovski, op. cit., 125–127. Some of the church monuments on the borderlands of the Pelagonian plain which have a painted variety of St. Achilleios are: St. Achilleios in Prespa, St. George at Kurbinovo, St. Elias at Grnčari in Prespa, St. Nicholas in Morihovo etc. Ibidem, 128–129; MiljkovićPepek, 1968, 422–432; Grozdanov, 1983, 145–155.

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The Revitalization of Christianity in Manastır

The fate of this church monument could be somehow connected with the exodus of the monastic brotherhoods from Bitola, moving into the surrounding areas and settlements after the conquest in 1385.25 The temporary throne of the Pelagonian bishopric was eventually moved from Prilep to its ancient seat in Bitola. The Orthodox Church of Pelagonia survived the shock of the Ottoman conquest and continued to follow the ancient patterns of its structure and hierarchy. As in Byzantine times, the synod elected the bishops and then the Archbishop in Ochrid confirmed the appointment. The Ottoman authorities regulated the applications of the Christian prelates through a document known as berat. The Sultan’s office confirmed the position of the prelates because they paid a sum of gift-money to the imperial treasury, known as peşkeş. Another document issued by the high authorities was the imperial firman, which issued opinions about some legal rights and privileges within the existing situation.26 Christians could not build new churches, but only rebuild or repair, with special permission, those they already had. The confiscation of the churches was connected only with extraordinary circumstances, such as conquest by force of arms. Sometimes the Ottomans converted an abandoned local church into a mosque called Fethiye cami for the Turkish military garrison placed in such a settlement. Around the place of worship were placed some groups of administrators, craftsman and merchants who founded the first core of the town, including the market, the baths, the public kitchen, zaviye, bedesten, educational institutions and so on. The other churches of the town area were left to the local Christian population, as was perhaps the case with the parish church of St. Demetrios in Bitola, possibly located in the Christian quarter Dabiživ.27 The century after 1385 saw the town expand and its ethno-religious population profile change radically. The Ottoman administration slightly modified the urban structure on the left bank of the river Dragor, naming it after the previous Christian settlement Manastır or Toli Manastır. The town was an important base for further conquest of the western Balkans and Adriatic regions and therefore it rapidly developed, economically and demographically. The town’s Byzantine physiognomy shifted towards an Islamic character. Its rise was caused by its strategic importance, as was the case also with Üsküb/ Skopje, Siroz/Serres and Selanik/Thessalonike. Moreover, Manastır and its 25 26 27

Mihajlovski, 1994, 129–130; Ivanov, 1970, 58–60. About the Melismos see: Walter, 1982, 205. Runciman, 1968, 174–180; Papadopoulos, 1952, 26–50; Dimevski, 1989, 231; Ware, 1963, 99. Kiel, 1985, 166–167; Zirojević, 1984, 17–30; Mihajlovski, 1988, 73.

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vicinity became part of the vast administrative and military unit – the Paşa Sancak, later known as Eyalet of Rumeli, which until 1541 covered all of the Ottoman Empire’s European territories. Islamization rendered the Muslims a numerically dominant group. In the course of the 16th century this was the case in most Macedonian towns, such as Thessalonike, Enice Vardar, Manastır, Florina, Strumitsa, Štip, Ochrid, Drama and Kavala. It was only in Veles and Prilep that the Christians were dominant.28 The population census (Müfasal Defter) No. 993 from 1468 shows the structure of the town population, composed of 290 Muslim families and 175 Christian, divided into seven districts: six for the Muslims and one (Dabiživ) for the Christians.29 There is not much historical evidence about church life and ecclesiastical activities in the town of Manastır during the 15th century. The monks of the Holy Mountain wrote a hagiographic text, dedicated to St. Nektarios of Bitola, who died in 1500. From his withdrawal into the Monastery of Sts. Cosmas and Damian in Bitola, through his pilgrimage to the Holy Mountain of Athos, to his last days at the Monastery of the Holy Archangels (Karyes), Nektarios completed the usual itinerary towards sainthood in that age. His Vita emphasized that he was born into a devoted Christian family and baptized Nicholas, and it told of his father’s withdrawal into a local monastery as a monk by the name Pachomios. Nektarios spent his last years in the Monastery of the Holy Archangels on Athos, under the spiritual leadership and enlightened experience of the father Philotheos Yagiri. He passed away on 18 December 1500 at the Monastery of the Holy Archangels, where he was buried and beatified by the monastic brotherhood as St. Nektarios of Bitola.30 By the Ottoman Law, the Christian and Jewish population had the right to restore or rebuild their old churches and synagogues, but they were not permitted to build new ones. By another law, in the case where a church or synagogue was left or abandoned by the Christian or Jewish community for over 50 years, it could be transformed into a mosque or demolished. In many cases after the demolition the building material was reused for another public building or 28 Taseva, 1996, 120–121; Stojanovski, 1981, 67–68; Fraenkel, 1986, 191–230. 29 Sokoloski, 1963, 129. The Ottoman administration divided Christians not according to nationality, but according to confession. See also: Zernov, 1963, 134–135. 30 The Monastery of Sts. Cosmas and Damian was located on the southern outskirts of the town, known by the Turks as Kaygısız mahallesi. It was the location of a sacred spring revered by both Christians and Muslims. The Muslim legend says it was the place where the Bektaşi derviş Kaygısız Sultan stayed. The waters had some healing powers (in Turkish Kaygısız su means ‘water that washes away all worries’). Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 260; Hadživasiljević, 1911, 11; Dimovski-Tsolev, 1981, 525; Bojadžievski, 1992, 204–206; Pavle od Lavra, 2001, 10–19.

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place of worship, as was the case with the churches and monasteries in Bitola. After the conquest, part of the Christian population left the settlement, but another part converted to Islam, including some of the feudal lords, probably in order to preserve their status. Again, during the reign of Sultan Süleyman the Lawgiver (1520–1566), conversions to Islam were a social, religious and status phenomenon. Sometimes this was the result of the Yürük colonization of the area, or of the proselytizing role of the dervişes combined with the role of the vakıfs in Ottoman urban lifestyle. Even after the 17th century there were cases of conversion to Islam in the region of the western Balkans, due to religious, economic and social factors.31 Still, the Ottoman authorities allowed some of the town’s area to be continuously populated by the Christian inhabitants, including their priests and bishops. It seems that, due to the circumstances in the first half of the 16th century, the Bishopric of Pelagonia was relocated from Prilep back to its ancient, traditional seat in Manastır/Bitola. On 23 March 1532, the Archbishop of Ochrid summoned a bishops’ synod composed of twenty-nine diocesan prelates and two church representatives, accusing Paul, the Bishop of Smederevo, for uncanonical secession from the Archdiocese. This was when the Bishop of Smederevo attempted to reestablish the Serbian Patriarchate of Peć, which lost its independence under the Sultans between 1453 and 1466.32 Among the twenty-six bishops who signed the synodal court decisions was Mitrophanes of Pelagonia.33 Again, on 13 June 1541, Archbishop Prochoros summoned the Archdiocesan Synod and Paul, the Bishop of Smederevo, was anathematized and excommunicated by Synod protocol. The Synod removed him from the order of prelates of the Church and dismissed all the clergy he had ordained. All attempts at secession from the jurisdiction of the Archbishopric of Ochrid were condemned together with all those who, by bribing the Ottoman authorities, had procured the berats for the establishment of separate dioceses. The Archbishop and thirty-two prelates, including Mitrophanes, the Bishop of Pelagonia, signed the document.34 The diocese of the Archbishopric of Ochrid was multilingual: Slavonic in the north and east, Greek in the south and Albanian in the west, with a considerable Romance-speaking Vlach element at the point where the other three language groups met. The Christians were politically controlled by the 31 32 33 34

Idriz, 2010, 249–250; Antov, 2017, 34–38; Sharkey, 2017, 73–75. Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 422–432. Ibidem, 237; Ivanov, 1970, 569–575. Snegarov, op. cit., 24–27; Stojanovski, 1979, 87.

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Turks, but spiritually by the Greeks. The Phanariots, who had grown rich in Turkish service, and the Patriarch of Constantinople systematically endeavored to preserve the status quo of Byzantine times, controlling all of the Slavonic churches in the Balkans that had previously been autocephalous.35 Around 1532, the Bishopric of Kastoria was promoted into a metropolitanate. In the first half of the 16th century, the Archbishopric of Ochrid consisted of thirty-three dioceses, as follows: 1) Grevena, 2) Kastoria, 3) Strumitsa, 4) Meglen, 5) Pelagonia, 6) Kičevo, 7) Debar, 8) Polog, 9) Skopje, 10) Kratovo (ancient Morozdvizd), 11) Bansko, 12) Prespa and 13) Ochrid; in the beginning of the 16th century, some new dioceses were organized in the territory nowadays belonging to Albania: 14) Korçë, 15) Avlona, 16) Berat, 17) Spat and 18) Muzakiya; the rest of them were on the territory of modern Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia: 18) Prizren, 19) Novo Brdo, 20) Budimlyan, 21) Novi Pazar, 22) Peć, 23) Cetinje (Dalmatia), 24) Herzegovina, 25) Bosnia, 26) Zvornik, 27) Studenitsa, 28) Belgrade, 29) Smederevo, 30) Bela Tsrkva, 31) Hungary and Niš; later, two new dioceses were added: 32) Berrhoia and 33) the Italian diocese.36 4

Regional Church Heritage

In churches, architectural style and theological programs in mural paintings were not very closely linked with the church hierarchy and organization, but depended more on the social, financial and local conditions in the Pelagonian diocese. According to the population census from 1482, the Muslims prevailed in the town’s area, but Christians predominantly populated the surrounding villages. At the end of the 15th century, a few small churches and monasteries were renovated or reconstructed. Such were the church of St. Saviour (Holy Transfiguration) near Čebren in the region of Morihovo and the monastery church of St. Nicholas Toplički in the region of Železnets/Demir Hisar. The church of St. Saviour was erected near the ruins of the medieval fortress of Čebren in the gorge of the river Tsrna. It is a single-aisle chapel, 6.90 m long and 4 m wide, with a semicircular apse flanked by two apsidioles to the east. This single-nave church was topped by a wooden pitched roof and terracotta tiles. The church walls were built of undressed irregular stones, set in thick mortar; the wall façades were not plastered externally. The interior fresco decoration continued the medieval traditions into this phase and it was 35 36

Kiel, 1985, 289, fn. 4; Ware, 1963, 98; Schmemann, 1963, 279–281; Kidd, 1927 (1973), 327. Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 42.

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characterized by technical expertise and stylistic purity. On the southern wall there is a Church Slavonic inscription with the names of the founders and donors: the father superior Barlaam, David, Joacheim, Mitrophanes, Paul and other members of the monastic brotherhood. The painting was divided into two zones; in the lower were the standing figures of the saints, while the upper zones, not well preserved, contained compositions from the Great Feasts, the Second Coming of Christ and other.37 Hardly anything is known about this monastic chapel, but there are some analogies with the wall decorations of St. Nicholas in Kastoria from 1485, which help in determining the date of the church of St. Saviour between the end of the 15th and the beginning of the 16th century.38 It may be that the church of St. Saviour was a part of the medieval fortress of Čebren, or of the 19th century cloister bearing the same name. The Čebren Monastery played an important spiritual and educational role for this isolated mountainous region between the 15th and the 19th century.39 A few medieval church monuments in the Pelagonian region were built in the same manner: coarse stone and mortar, with an occasional cloisonné work of various qualities. The great majority of the village churches were built as single-nave chapels, covered by a barrel vault, or pitch-roofed with terracotta tiles. The masonry was executed with utmost irregularity. Sometimes there was an added narthex. In some cases, there were different structural enlargements, as was the case with the church of St. Nicholas Toplički in the mining region of Demir Hisar/Železnets. It is an example of an enlarged late 14th century single-aisle chapel. A Church Slavonic inscription above the door, written in 1537, bears witness that the western narthex and two parekklesia were added on the northern and southern side. The interior walls were decorated with fresco paintings in 1537. As a result of some excavations in 1955, an older layer of wall paintings was discovered, dating from the 14th century.40 On the interior side of the western wall another inscription mentioned the Abbot Paphnoutios and the donor Dimitriye Pepić, owner of the mines in Demir Hisar and Kratovo. The wall decorations and the icons for the wooden iconostasis were executed by the workshop of Dimitar, a painter from Leunovo. The name of his assistant John is known from an inscription on a wooden beam in the narthex. The interior wall decorations are well preserved, containing some undoubtedly exceptional compositions, such as the large Deesis, the Dormition of the Virgin on 37 38 39 40

Miljković-Pepek, 1957, 139–141. Ibidem, 144; Pelekanides, 1953, 181, 186. Miljković-Pepek, op. cit., 145–146; Traičev, 1933, 163–164. Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 437; Traičev, op. cit., 67; Balabanov, 1980, 191–192.

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the western wall and the composition that is preserved on the northern wall in the northern chapel, representing the donor Kyr Dimitriye Pepić with a model of the church in front of Jesus Christ. Six remarkable painted icons were made several years after the fresco decoration with the Assumption of the Virgin, the Descent of the Holy Spirit etc. The pious and wealthy donor Dimitriye Pepić, due to the abundance of gold, silver, lead and copper, contributed to other monasteries in the Pelagonian diocese. A well-known figure that gave new impulse to the Archdiocese of Ochrid, its spirituality and arts was Archbishop Prochoros (1525–1550). This learned prelate added to the idea of Orthodoxy under the Ottoman rule some new dimensions and meanings, uniting various ethnicities in one autocephalous church. He encouraged translations of the Holy Scriptures and liturgical books from Greek into Church Slavonic and other languages.41 The collaboration between the prelate of Ochrid Prochoros and Dimitriye Pepić from Kratovo facilitated their patronage of the old Monastery of St. Gabriel in Lesnovo, that of St. John the Forerunner at Slepče, that of St. Nicholas at Toplitsa, that of the Holy Virgin of Treskavets and other. In the course of the 15th and 16th century, a centre recognized for its woodcarving existed in the Pelagonian diocese, called workshop of the Prilep and Slepče area. The marvelous doors in Slepče and Treskavets are masterpieces of woodcarving from the first half of the 16th century. Some scholars, such as A. Vasiliev and the Archimandrite Antonin Kapustin, dated them as 14th century craft monuments, but they certainly belong to the end of the 15th and the beginning of the 16th century.42 These finely carved doors are characterized by their intricate design in massive walnut panels. The visual and iconographic entities stand out in the simple paneled door of the Slepče Monastery with the Crucifixion and “The Prophets Announced You”, a hymn dedicated to the Virgin Mary. The double doors of Slepče are almost identical in technique, but not in iconographical contents. The use of motifs is similar to that found in medieval manuscripts, where floral and abstract patterns are combined with human and animal figures and other stylistic motifs characteristic of the period, with some Ottoman-Islamic influences, e.g. the ‘Rumi ornaments’. Other equally remarkable doors are from the monastery church of Treskavets, which were made by a closely related workshop. Saints, musicians playing on stringed instruments, mythological and fabulous creatures are depicted on the

41 42

Ivanov, 1970, 44–45. Vasiliev, 1964, 107.

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panels in two-dimensional reliefs.43 The Monastery of St. John the Forerunner or Slepče Monastery, 26 km northwest of Bitola, was one of the most important spiritual centres of manuscript copying, woodcarving and painting. During the 15th, 16th and 17th centuries, a number of unknown painters and copyists produced numerous icons, paintings, carved works and liturgical books. After the middle of the 17th century, the great activity of this monastery began to diminish due to outlawry, financial instability and decline. This monastery was mentioned together with the town of Bitola in a medieval church document found at the Zograf Monastery, Holy Mountain of Athos. It is known as the ‘Third Zograf Bedroll’ and it contains the names of numerous donors and pilgrims. This text publishes the names of the donors from the region of Pelagonia between 1527 and 1728. The headings include the settlements and monasteries around Bitola. Such were Bitola, Magarevo, Orle Monastery, Treskavets Monastery, Zrze Monastery, Slepče Monastery, Streževo Monastery, Prilep, Resen and Yankovets Monastery.44 The concepts of the craftsmen and woodcarvers with their workshops and rules can be followed in this area between the 15th and the 16th century. In this period and all around the peninsula, the wooden iconostasis sometimes replaced the older marble iconostasis slabs. The wooden iconostasis and the imperial gates of the altar were richly decorated with woodwork. The carvers of this workshop worked in the monasteries of St. Nicholas Toplički, St. John the Forerunner of Slepče, the Most Pure Virgin near Kičevo, Treskavets and Zrze, and in the church of the village of Kanino near Bitola.45 5

Literacy and Diplomacy

From the middle of the 16th century, a number of church dignitaries of the Archbishopric of Ochrid believed that liberation from Ottoman rule could come only by military aid from western Christendom. The financial troubles of the Christian population and their churches led many of the archbishops and their suffragan bishops to travel around Europe and collect alms for paying debts to the Ottoman authorities. They negotiated with the Papal Curia and European Christian rulers asking for military support for an uprising in the 43 Ličenoska, 1984, 288; Momirović, 1936, 327–333; Han, 1961, 77–86; Ličenoska, 1960, 118; Čorović-Ljubinković, 1965, 64–87. 44 Ivanov, 1970, 495–500, 507–508. 45 Ćornakov, 1993, 143–144; Kravari, 1989, 278. The village of Kanino is situated 10 km south of Bitola. It is an old settlement known since the first Ottoman population census of 1468.

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Balkans. One of the earliest and the most dedicated prelates was Makarios, “Archbishop of Heraclea”.46 In 1995 José Floristán published hitherto unknown correspondence between Makarios of Heraclea and Antonio Perrenot, Cardinal of Granvela. There were seven letters written in 1551 by Makarios to Cardinal Perrenot. It seems that Makarios was an intermediator between the Patriarch of Constantinople and the Spanish King Carlos V, implicating the Persian Shah and the ruler of Georgia, and seeking a military alliance against the Ottomans. Bishop Makarios traveled to Venice, Innsbruck and Trento with the intention of contacting the Roman Papal representatives and the Spanish Court, but in vain, for the military intervention never happened. It may be that he was later a victim of a new course in church and international politics, because according to the Codex Vatopedinus 414 f. 235v, from 9 November 1554 a new Pelagonian prelate was established – Akakios, Bishop of Pelagonia and Prilep.47 During the 16th century, intellectual influences of Padua and other Italian cities reached the largest monasteries in the Balkans together with those of the schools in the Ionian Islands under Venetian rule and of the Patriarchal academy in Constantinople.48 They brought new educational ideas and scholarship to the monastic communities on Athos and to the Archdiocese of Ochrid. Some of the local monasteries were required to maintain libraries; but only St. John the Forerunner at Slepče and the Bukovo Monastery near Bitola were wealthy enough to copy, translate and to acquire new texts. Generally, the Gospels, Psalters, different liturgical books, the Horologion and Octoechon were in circulation.49 Few local monks and their prelates maintained the tradition of scholarship amidst the local Christian population. The new enlightening ideas penetrated the Pelagonian diocese from Thessalonike and the Adriatic over the Egnatian Way.50 Between 1560 and 1570, the Pelagonian prelate Gregorios acknowledged Church Slavonic as the language of the Christian believers in his diocese. Following Archbishop Prochoros’ ideas, he was a great

46 Floristan, 1995, 495. Makarios was a Metropolitan of Herakleia, i.e. Pelagonia, and his title of archbishop was exaggerated. He was on a mission in favor of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. 47 Ibidem, 510; Péchayre, 1936, 315–316. 48 Runciman, 1968, 217–225. 49 Zernov, 1963, 133–136; Ware, 1963, 96–111; Schmemann, 1963, 226–227. 50 In the middle of the 16th century Kara Triphon’s bookstore in Skopje was one of the first bookstores that had on sale Cyrillic religious books printed by the Kotor nobleman Ierolim Zagorović, then books printed by Stephen Marinković in Zadar from 1563, and also some works printed by Jacob from Sofia. Dragojlović, 1984, 178.

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admirer and translator of Damaskinos the Studite51 and his Thesaurus, which saw reprints and translations into Slavonic languages and Turkish language and was popular among the Christian communities in Southeast Europe and the Levant. Under the influence of Damaskinos and his sermons that were written in vernacular, Gregorios translated the Greek text into Church Slavonic for the needs of the local Christian population. In his translation of The Prodigal Son, he signed his work as “the God-loving Bishop of Pelagonia and Prilep Kyr Gregorios”.52 The name of this prominent and enlightened church prelate was found on a fresco painting in the church of the Dormition of the Virgin at the Treskavets Monastery.53 On the eastern wall, between the apse and the diakonikon, there is a preserved inscription. It proclaims that around 1570, this part of the church was repainted with donations of “… Stoyan Hrančev, the servant of God who decorated and inscribed … in the time of the father superior Pachomios, hieromonk, and the Bishop Gregorios”.54 In the list of prelates written on the rare tryptich icon from the Monastery of St. George of Polog, now preserved in the Archaeological Museum in Sofia, four of the 16th century Pelagonian bishops were mentioned: Joasaph of Pelagonia and Prilep, then Ioannikios, then Bishop Gregorios from 1570, and Bishop Stephanos from 1600.55 Orthodoxy was the national faith for different ethnic groups and peoples, as Islam was for the Turks, Arabs, Kurds and others. Like Judaism, Islam in general made no distinction between secular and religious society, which highlighted the role of the Christian church. Therefore, the Christians within the Ottoman Empire received the status of a national as well as a religious minority, and these concepts merged in one. In some ways it was a state within a state.56 In 1557 the family of the Grand Vizier Mehmed Sokollu restored the Serbian Patriarchate in Peć and its territorial jurisdictions were redrawn. The Archbishopric of Ochrid had to cede some of the eastern bishoprics to the Serbian 51

About the religious works of Damaskinos the Studite see: Papastathis, 1997, 215–216, fn. 14; Podskalsky, 1994, 1381. 52 Péchayre, 1936, 381; Ilievski, 1988, 47–56. That is according to the late Petar Hr. Ilievski, who has thoroughly investigated the language of Bishop Gregorios. His translations are of great importance for the tracking of dialectal development in the region. Analysing the text of his translations, one can easily recognise characteristic phonetic, morphological and lexical peculiarities by which contemporary Slavic Macedonian still differs from the other Slavic languages. 53 Babić, 1969, 27. 54 Ibidem, loc. cit. 55 Gergova, 2006, 99, 111. 56 Schmemann, 1963, 272; Décarreaux, 1982, 235.

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Patriarchate, a measure that led to troubled relations between the two churches at the end of the 16th century.57 Starting from the middle of the 16th century, Roman missionaries had remarquable success in the Balkan provinces. They were active within the Archdiocese of Ochrid and “… a number of distinguished seventeenth-century provincial prelates announced their submission to Rome, including 3 metropolitans of Ochrida, one of Rhodes and one of Lacedaemon”.58 The Ottoman authorities were not pleased to see Catholic, Lutheran, Calvinist and Anglican influences infiltrating into the Orthodox churches in their Empire, as exponents of their enemies’ political propaganda. Within the Orthodox realms, the Archbishop of Ochrid and the Patriarch of Constantinople had strained relations. This culminated in an increasing striving for the Archbishopric’s autonomy and independent territorial jurisdiction, which the Patriarchate opposed. Between 1590 and 1667, six archbishops were ready to become part of the Papal Curia and were convinced that unity with Rome might bring political solutions for the Christian population in Rumeli.59 One of the most persistent church ambassadors of Ochrid was Archbishop Athanasios Rizeas. He traveled in the West with the Bishop of the Pelagonian diocese Jeremiah from Serres,60 asking for no less than military help. In 1591 they went to Italy with the same intentions, but were refused. Then in 1595 they traveled to Spain and in 1598 they contacted the Neapolitan Viceroy De Olivares, claiming that Epirus, Albania, Macedonia, Bulgaria and Serbia were ready to revolt.61 De Olivares forwarded the message to Pope Clement VIII, but to no avail. They paid a visit to the Austrian Emperor Rudolph II in the city of Prague, hoping for military help. The Austrian Emperor sent them to the Spanish King Philip III in 1599, but they were arrested in Milan. After 1603, they traveled to Moscow, where Jeremiah of Pelagonia was granted a diocese in Wallachia and Hungary. He was 57 58 59

Kiel, 1985, 289–292; Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 65–68, 163–164, 501–508; Petković, 1965, 154. Runciman, 1968, 232; Ware, 1963, 108–109. Golubinskii, 1871, 136–139. The six archbishops who were ready for unity were: Porphyrios, Athanasios Rizeas, Nektarios, Abraham, Meletios, and Athanasios, who had correspondence with the Pope Alexander VII (1655–1667). Some of the archbishops, including Prochoros, Athanasios and Barlaam, secretly worked against the Ottoman state and for the Union with Rome. For this reason Archbishop Barlaam was executed on 28 May 1598 in the town of Veles. See: Snegarov, op. cit., 79, fn. 1, 194, 237–238. 60 Jeremiah had already travelled with Archbishop Gabriel to Russia in 1586 and Western Europe in 1587 asking for alms. See: Ibidem, 237. According to V. Arsić, there was a prelate named Jeremiah on the Pelagonian throne between 1575 and 1585 (Arsić, 1930, 20). For various details, including Jeremiah’s profession of the Catholic faith in Rome, see: Floristan, 2005, 197–205. 61 Doklestić, 1964, 73–74; Documents on the struggle, 1985, 156.

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one of the most persistent church prelates of the Pelagonian diocese to put forward political solutions concerning the Christians in the Balkans. In the 16th century, some significant changes were made to the ecclesiastical structure and geography of the Archbishopric of Ochrid and the Bishopric of Pelagonia. Before 1585, the bishoprics of Pelagonia, Voden and Spatomuzakiya were promoted to metropolitanates.62 The successor of Bishop Jeremiah on the Pelagonian throne was a Metropolitan of Pelagonia and Prilep, Kyr Joseph, as noted in a menologion of 1600, “… transcribed by the hand of Spyridon, a monk from the Monastery of St. Nicholas in Graište (Demir Hisar area)”.63 Another inscription was found at the Treskavets Monastery on an icon of the Holy Virgin of 1657, a long time after 1600, this one mentioning Joseph, the Metropolitan of Prilep, and its brotherhood.64 It seems that around the year 1600 Prilep was an alternative centre for eparchial administration in the Pelagonian diocese and a stronghold of spiritual life in the region. The Archimandrite of Pelagonia and Prilep Leontios traveled in 1614 to the Monastery of Potok in Hungaro-Wallachia, where he transcribed some books. He donated a psalter to the Monastery of Zograf on Mount Athos in 1621 and signed himself as “Leontios Archimandrite of Prilep”. Around 1622, another Archimandrite of Prilep, named Lazaros, donated a bound psalter to the Monastery of Zograf.65 6

The Early Church of St. Demetrios

By the end of the 16th century, the town of Manastır/Bitola was already a developed and populated Ottoman settlement. It was a seat of the provincial 62 Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 237–238, 176. Between 1610 and 1613, five metropolitan sees were upgraded into the first rank (protothronoi): 1) Metropolitanate of Pelagonia with its bishoprics of Prilep and Veles; 2) Metropolitanate of Kastoria with its bishoprics: Meglen, Moliskos and Sisanion; 3) Metropolitanate of Berat (Belgrade) with its bishoprics: Spat, Muzakiya and Avlona-Kanina; 4) Metropolitanate of Strumitsa with its bishoprics of Radoviš and Valandovo; 5) Metropolitanate of Korçë with its bishoprics of Selasforos (Dzvezda) and Devol. 63 Ivanov, 1970, 74. 64 Ibidem, 69. 65 Ibidem, 248, 249, 278, 341. Around 1636, a monk named Nektarios moved from the Pelagonian diocese and became a member of the brotherhood of the Monastery Campo Lungu in Wallachia. He travelled to Kiev in Ukraine as an envoy of Matthew of Basarab, the Duke of Wallachia. In Kiev he paid a visit to the famous Metropolitan, Peter Mogila, asking for the printing types in Church Slavonic. Then he went back to Campo Lungu, escorted by two Russian printers. In the monastery they started to print Church Slavonic texts and books, under the supervision of the Macedonian printer Meletios.

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governor and some military officers, as well as of Muslim, Christian and Jewish religious dignitaries. According to the census of 1528, Manastır had 22 Muslim wards, 10 Christian, one Jewish and one Gypsy ward.66 The names of the Christian quarters were connected with the names of the local leaders, parish priests or the local manufacturers in the area: Koyo Dimo, Todor Minčo-Lukač, Pop Peyo, Rale Petko, Todor Yanko, Petko Dapko, Tornik Krapče, Done, Dapče Stoyko, the Potters, Dımışki Bey, Hasan Bey and Türbe Softa Hoca.67 It seems that the Christian quarters were mainly located on the right bank of the river Dragor, in the area known as Varoš (suburbia), or later known as Kilise (the church area).68 Suddenly, in 1584 the local Muslim population complained to the town authorities about the Christians’ behaviour around the Mosque Kadı Mahmud Çelebi or Yeni cami, which was built on the right bank of the river in 1553.69 This became the borderline between the two communities. The church here, built on ancient foundations and possibly connected with a Christian basilica, would be a single-nave cathedral for the Christian community and its prelates, who had an administrative and juridical authority over the Pelagonian diocese. Not much is known about this early church building, but in November 1661 the Christians submitted an application to the court (Şeriat meclis), asking for permission to renovate their only place of worship that existed since the conquest. The court appointed the official Mehmed Kethüda, who then passed his report to the court, after which the renovation of the walls and the roof was approved.70 These court decisions were taken at the level of the Kadı of Manastır, but they have more to do with the innovative political orientations of the new Grand Vizier, Ahmed Köprülü. He succeeded his father Mehmed Köprülü as Grand Vizier in 1661 and kept the position until his death in 1676. “Ahmed was a most strict observer of the religious precepts of Islam. In spite of this, he was noted for his enlightened tolerance of other religions. He abolished the restrictions against the building of churches by the Christian subjects of the Porte. He did the best to improve the condition of the reʿaya

66 67

Sokoloski, 1963, 138–147. Ibidem, 147. In a more recent paper one can recognize the same names for the Christian quarters in the 1569 (mufassal tahrir defteri), but with some differences in the transcription, probably due to the different perception of the Turkish author. See: Yediyıldız, 1999, 34. 68 Sterjovski, 1998, 39–44; Mihajlovski, 1999, 111. It may be that the Christian quarter Dabiživ (1468) was later known as Varoš, and after the 17th century as Kilise. In the middle of the 19th century, this quarter became the most prominent part of the town, where the schools, consulates, churches and the main street (Hamidiye) were located. 69 Šopova-Bojanić, 1955, 71–72, doc. no. 53. 70 Sterjovski, op. cit., 44; Regests of sicil 18, p. 30, doc. no. 127 from 1661, f. 14-III.

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and to free the administration from abuses.”71 There is a preserved buyuruldu issued by the Beylerbeyi of Rumeli on 26 January 1668 to prevent the erection of new churches and taverns in the Christian villages. Another document that is connected with the ecclesiastical activities in the Christian quarter of Varoš and its parochial church is a note in the court register from 1641, mentioning the priest John from Varoš.72 The earliest artefact preserved in the St. Demetrios Church premises is connected with the Hungarian-Wallachian Duke John Radul IV the Great (1496–1508). It is a large format icon (137 × 92 × 2.5 cm) with the Holy Virgin (Vatopedini only in word). She is seated on the throne with Infant Jesus and flanked by the figures of St. John the Baptist and the Duke John Radul IV the Great. The icon was repainted in the 19th century.73 7

Further Regional Church Heritage

The Ottoman town of Manastır was not only the seat of administrative, military and religious institutions, but it was also a centre of crafts and commerce. The form and organization of the guilds (esnaf ) were specifically Islamic, but many of the merchants and craftsmen were Christians. They left a lasting record of themselves in the form of numerous donations, donors’ portraits and votive inscriptions following the traditions of Christian nobility before the conquest. Sometimes the members of the guilds acted collectively in founding or renovating a chapel, church or monastery building, but the richest merchants donated individually. One of the early painted and written votive inscriptions on a portrait was executed in the Slimnitsa Monastery on Lake Prespa in 1607. The church was dedicated to the Holy Virgin and it was erected near the village of Slimnitsa. It was close to the Kurbinovo Monastery, halfway between Bitola and the archbishop’s seat of Ochrid. The church was erected 71

72 73

Eversley, Chirol, 1924 (1969), 171; Mansel, 1996, 45. The Grand Vizier Köprülü Fazıl Mustafa abolished the practice of the Paşas to give presents to the Sultans at Bayram and established a council of notables in provincial cities. To prevent Christian subjects from supporting the invading Venetian and Austrian armies, Köprülu Mustafa lowered their taxes and improved their status. Churches were renovated and built during his Vizierate (1689–1691). Mihajlovski, 1999, 112. Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 254; Mašnić, 2003, 313–321; Paun, 2016, 125–126, fn. 54, 55; Tsigaridas, Papadimitriou, 7, fn. 38; 22. The creation of this icon must be connected with the activity of the Ecumenical Patriarch, later declared Saint Niphon II (died 1508), who together with his students, later Martyrs Makarios and Joasaph, had a close relationship with both the Church of Pelagonia and that of Wallachia. See: Viata Sfantului Nifon, 1944, 98–99, 160.

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figure 57 The child Kupen, surrounded by the inscription mentioning the town of Bitola, 1607

and decorated with frescoes in the year 7115 / 1607 by the father superior Nikanor, Bishop Matthew of Prespa, Navar the builder, and a group of different donors, among whom was Kyr Michael Petkov from Bitola. Some eight years after the death of their son Kupen, the wealthy citizens of Bitola Michael and Stoyna Petkov collected a sum of money for the construction and decoration of the monastery church in Slimnitsa. The portrait of Kupen and its votive inscription were painted in the sanctuary. There is depicted a boy between twelve and fifteen years old, dressed in red clothes, with a few saintly attributes, and accompanied by the text: “The servant of God, Kupen, passed away in the year 7107/1599, son of Kyr Michael and Stoyna from the town of Bitol” (Fig. 57).74 The master painter of the fresco decoration of the Slimnitsa Monastery came from the Vlach village of Linotopi near Kastoria. The workshop can be recognized by its personal iconographic style and flourishing artistic work. The painters who belonged to the Linotopi school or workshop worked in the territories of Epirus, Albania, Macedonia, Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia, certainly from the seventies of the 16th century to the middle of the 17th century. Almost three generations of Linotopi painters revered and followed the works of Frangos Kastelanos, Theophanes and the brothers Kontaroi. Starting from the second or better the third generation, they developed a new refined and sophisticated style. The family tradition was upheld by the most prominent Linotopi masters: Nicholas (1593–1653), Michael (1605–1634) and his 74

Kiel, 1985, 134–139; Ivanov, 1970, 61–62; Serafimova, 1995, 129.

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sons, Constantine (1619–1653) and Nicholas (1630–1646).75 Some churches and monasteries in the Pelagonian diocese and its vicinity were decorated with frescoes and adorned with icons by the Linotopi workshop. This was the case at the Slimnitsa Monastery; the churches of St. John the Baptist and St. John the Theologian of the Slepče Monastery; the Žurče Monastery; St. Demetrios in Žvan; the church in Rilevo (Prilep area); St. Paraskeve (village of Gorno Orehovo) and St. Athanasios (village of Velušina) near Bitola; at the Monastery of Polog and so on.76 By the mid 17th century, a new current in wall painting emerged, continuing the old, traditional painting. It was much influenced by the monastic centres, and was rather provincial and rustic, but certainly not devoid of charm. It may be that some small groups of monks traveled, preaching and decorating the parish churches. A good example of this is the church of St. Nicholas in the village of Čagor, 20 km northeast of Bitola. The village was deserted a long time ago, and only its rural church still exists as a monument of past times. It has a single nave, a rectangular base with a semicircular vault and an apse to the east. The building material was stone with mortar, and stone slates covered the roof. The interior southern mural that is partly preserved has a votive inscription in Church Slavonic. The fresco decoration and its iconographic themes, with the selection of the figures of the Saints, Holy Warriors, Martyrs and the Presbytery decoration, are very characteristic of the repertoire of the 16th and the 17th century churches in the region. The anonymous painter, who painted this fresco decoration between 1636 and 1641, was probably a monk.77 From the second half of the 17th century, local artistic craftsmanship and stylistic traditions had begun to be cultivated in the monasteries of Mount Athos. 75

The Vlach villages of Linotopi and Nikolitsa were flourishing in the 17th and 18th century, before their ruin at the hands of the Albanians. A large portion of their displaced population took refuge in the Pelagonian settlements of Magarevo, Trnovo, Nižopole, Bitola and Kruševo. See: Wace, Thompson, 1914 (1972), 218; Chatzidakis, Drakopoulou, 1997, 132, 193, 237. 76 Chatzidakis, 1976, 23–24; Mašnić, 1996, 200–207; Kiel, 1985, 304, fn. 13. The Linotopi painters Nicholas, Michael, Constantine and Nicholas painted churches in Greek Epirus and Albania (Kato Vitsa, Agios Minas, Monodendri in Zagora, Tservari in Greek Epirus; Dhivrovun near Delvino, Vanishtë, Saraqinishtë in Albania); Palatitsa, Drenovo near Bogatsko, Kastoria in Greek Macedonia; Dobrsko, Arbanasi, Seslavski and Roženski monasteries in Bulgaria; Tutin in Kosovo and Hopovo in Srem. There is probably still no complete list of the artistic output of this school, but a few significant steps towards that end were taken in Greece recently. See: Tourta, 1991, 23–41; Chatzidakis, Drakopoulou, op. cit., 132, 139, 193, 235, 237–239; Giakoumis, 2000, 249–266; Skavara, 2003, 49–50 (table I); Tsampouras, 2013. 77 Balabanov, 1975, 51–62.

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The monastic style of painting had its theological, hagiographic and stylistic roots in the past Palaeologan traditions of the Holy Mountain. One preserved iconographical manual is that prepared by the Athonite monk Dionysios from Fourna.78 8

The Prelates on Record

There are a number of fairly detailed written documents concerning Pelagonian ecclesiastical history and organization during the 17th and the 18th century. One of them is the antimension of the Metropolitan Paul of 1616. R. Grujić discovered it in 1933 at the Holy Trinity Church in the village of Povelić, near Križevtsi in Croatia.79 This piece of linen cloth (measuring 57.5 by 38 cm) was decorated with an ink drawing of the Crucifixion in the centre and one of the Four Evangelists in each corner. A Greek inscription written in capital letters mentioned the consecration of the antimension by the Metropolitan Paul in 1616, for the church of the Most Pure Virgin in the diocese of Bitola.80 An antimension was a substitute altar, allowing for the celebration of the liturgy in cases where no consecrated altar existed. In periods of war and instability the antimensions were of great liturgical importance.81 Another plentiful source for the ecclesiastical history of the Church of Pelagonia would be the court decisions from the Manastır Kadı’s offices. They record facts about the Orthodox Church representatives and clergy, chiefly concerning their financial and social status. The Turkish authorities viewed the church prelates as privileged representatives of the Christian millet (people) and normally did not interfere in church affairs. The Church organization experienced the hardship of continuous increases of taxes on account of the frequent Ottoman military expeditions. The archbishops and metropolitans were making great efforts to strengthen the dioceses and to preserve their financial independence. In order to assume their privileged positions and properties, the prelates were forced to borrow some large sums. In a court document issued in 1623 was noted that a Turkish notable named Rizwan from Manastır lent the Archbishop Porphyrios a sum of 80,000 akçes. Three 78 79 80 81

Chatzidakis, 1976, I 5–31, II 177–197; Dionysius of Fourna, 1974 (1981). Grujić, 1934, 209–210. Ibidem, 209. Mihajlovski, 1993, 12; Hadživasiljević, 1911, 17; Ivanov, 1970, 65. It may be that the antimension of Metropolitan Paul was taken to Austrian territory (modern Croatia) by the Metropolitan himself or by the Christian population from Pelagonia emigrating with the Austrian army in 1689.

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metropolitans signed the document as the archbishop’s guarantors: Joseph, the Metropolitan of Kastoria; Neophytos, the Metropolitan of Sisanion; and Daniel, the Metropolitan of Manastır, with an endorsement of 27,000 akçes.82 Daniel was enthroned as archpriest of Pelagonia on 2 April 1623.83 In February 1624, he signed Archbishop Porphyrios’ letter to the Pope Urban VIII.84 There is not much data about the successor of Metropolitan Daniel, named Damaskinos. As a suffragan of the Archbishop of Ochrid, Metropolitan Damaskinos signed charter documents for Archbishop Abraham in 1631 and 1634.85 On 6 March 1633, an imperial berat was issued concerning the death of Paul, the Metropolitan of Bitola and Prilep: By order of my Holy and Sublime Sign, the Archbishop of Ochrid, Symeon, sends a letter to my Porte of Happiness about the death of monk Paul, Metropolitan of Bitola and Prilep, in the Archdiocese of Ochrid. For the same reason a monk Joseph, on the twenty-fourth day of great Şaban, one thousand and forty-second year (6 March 1633), has presented to my imperial treasury a gift (peşkeş) of 5,000 akçes in cash. On account of that he is meritorious and worthy of the position and duty of Metropolitan, since it was a vacant one. I deliver this berat and I order: when the above-mentioned monk arrives there, let him be a Metropolitan of the Christians in the mentioned places according to the old custom …86 The same berat was confirmed by the firman issued on behalf of Manastır’s judge on 16 May 1635.87 Three years later, on 14 February, the Sultan’s offices confirmed the privileges of the newly appointed Metropolitan Joasaph to collect church taxes: the patriarchal levy (rusumat-ı patrikiye), the parochial priests’ tax (bedel-ı cizye), the houses’ tax (hane başina) and some public lands’ tax (rusum-ı miri).88 According to documents issued by the Kadı of Bitola, the Metropolitan of Pelagonia and Prilep, Joasaph (or Joseph?), ruled in the period between 6 March 1633 and 29 August 1639.89 Patinos (Parthenios?) left

82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89

Turski dokumenti, 1963, 138, doc. no. 216 from 1623, sicil 2, folio 37a-VI; Mihajlovski, op. cit., 13. Matkovski, 1972, 144. Péchayre, 1936, 310. Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 237. Turski dokumenti, 1966, 7, doc. no. 9 from 1633, sicil 3, folio 116b-I. Ibidem, 190–191, doc. no. 247 from 1635, sicil 4, folio 52a-1. Matkovski, 1971, 63. Idem, 1972, 144; Péchayre, op. cit., 316.

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the see on 23 April 1641.90 The bearer of the next berat was the monk Joseph, and he remained on the throne until the middle of 1643, when he was replaced by Plotelsios (from middle of 1643 to 13 June 1644, as Metropolitan of the Christians in Bitola, Prilep and Hlerin). Letopetros was on this position from 13 June 1644 until after 23 February 1647.91 There is some evidence in sporadic court documents that the disorder of the middle of the 17th century caused considerable damage to the ecclesiastical properties throughout the Pelagonian diocese. In 1650, the monastic brotherhood of the Dihovo Monastery, headed by the Bishop Makarios, protested to the Sublime Porte against the local Duke (Voyvoda) of Manastır and his servants, who plundered their monastery, taking food and fodder without paying.92 The names of the monks in Dihovo were recorded in the Third Zograf bedroll (1527–1728): Era, Anania and Makarios Archiereus, i.e. Makarios the Metropolitan.93 The exact location of this monastery is unknown, but it is possible that it was on the place of the modern monastery church of the Archangel Gabriel in Dovlecik, on the outskirts of Bitola towards the village of Dihovo. Though the sources do not specifically indicate it, one has to assume that the Dihovo Monastery was a temporary residence or refuge for the Pelagonian prelates. All the Christians within the Ottoman Empire were obliged to pay an annual tax (cizye haraç) to the state treasury. The bishops and their clergymen were exempt from paying taxes. In August 1656, the Metropolitan of Pelagonia named Ignatios lodged a complaint at the Sultan’s court in Constantinople about the cizye yave tax that was imposed on his clergy. According to him, the clergy was exempt of paying these taxes if the priests did not stay in the same place for more than six months.94 Ignatios was on the Pelagonian throne between July 1654 and 21 June 1658. His name was preserved in the Codex of Kastoria, accompanied by the signature of Jeremiah of Sisanion and that of the Bishop of Moliskos.95 Then he became Archbishop of Ochrid, being succeded in Pelagonia by the prelate Christophoros, who was on the position before and after 24 September 1661.96 Around 1668, the Archbishop Ignatios was

90

Matkovski, loc. cit.; Turski dokumenti, 1972, 77–78, doc. no. 96 from 1641, sicil 8, folio 106b-I (P-A-T-N-B-O-S). 91 Matkovski, loc. cit. 92 Matkovski, 1971, 65; Mihajlovski, 1993, 169. 93 Ivanov, 1970, 508; Mihajlovski, 1993, 14. 94 Matkovski, op. cit., 60; Schmemann, 1963, 272. 95 Péchayre, 1936, 316. 96 Matkovski, 1972, 144.

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present at the Synodal court meeting against the heretical monk Gerasimos.97 This case shows the extensiveness of the jurisdiction of the Archbishopric of Ochrid and the fulfillment of its canonical jurisprudence. It seems that in this period Bitola/Pelagonia and Prilep had their own independent metropolitans. There is a firman issued on 17 July 1656 by the Sultan Mehmed IV to the judges of Bitola and Prilep, stating that the Metropolitan of Prilep named Athanasios lodged a complaint at the Sultan’s court against the local government interfering into the internal church affairs.98 On 25 October 1657 a court document was issued mentioning four prelates of the Archbishopric of Ochrid: “Agnasinos” of Bitola (definitely Ignatios, see above), “Christino” of Strumitsa, Germanos of Prespa, “Belizaros” of Vodena, and also Arsenios, the former Archbishop.99 They were contemporaries of the “Metropolitan of Prilep, Joseph” of 1657. At the Monastery of Treskavets, a votive inscription was found on an icon of the Holy Virgin from 1657, with Cyrillic text mentioning this prelate, the father superior Maxim and some building superintendents named Tsvetko the Baker and Basil.100 Metropolitan Joseph was also mentioned in the Third Zograf bedroll as archiereus and head of the Zrze Monastery.101 With such a political and financial situation in the Archbishopric of Ochrid, it was difficult to maintain its constitutional rights within the Ottoman administrative system. In spite of the internal problems, the Pelagonian see survived its financial shock better than might have been expected. The integrity of the Orthodox millet was well-preserved and devotional activities were uninterrupted. On 29 March 1674, Zacharias, the Metropolitan of Pelagonia, protested against the oppression that the military authorities exercised over the Christian clergy, as Metropolitan Ignatios had done eighteen years earlier.102 But, on 26 May 1677, the Archbishop of Ochrid, Meletios, with the Synod comprised by Gregorios of Bitola, David of Kastoria, Maximos of Strumitsa, Parthenios of Vodena, Synadenos of Grevena, Nikephoros of Berat and others “borrowed 100,000 akçes from the Mahmud Ağa Mosque’s vakıf with 15% interest”.103 It was a period of political and economic instability, caused by numerous military campaigns and by the decline of the Ottoman Empire.104 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104

Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 239. Regests of sicil 15, p. 136, doc. no. 698 from 1656, f. 76-V. Regests of sicil 15, p. 67, doc. no. 368 from 1657, f. 31-VIII. Ivanov, 1970, 69. Ibidem, 508. Matkovski, 1971, 61. Regests of sicil 23, p. 60, doc. no. 246 from 1677, f. 57/I. Le Quien, 1840, 24, mentioned a seventeenth-century bishop from Heraclea by the name Ioannicius. It seems that Ioannicius was from Heraclea in Thrace, not from Heraclea in

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Vindication and Revival

During the 17th century, several administrative and territorial reforms were introduced in the archdiocese. From the beginning of the century, it was evident that the church administrative apparatus had become unwieldy and needed reform. It was composed of twelve dioceses, of which seven were metropolitanates and five were bishoprics. At the end of the 17th century, the archdiocese was divided into nine metropolitanates: 1) Kastoria, 2) Pelagonia, 3) Strumitsa, 4) Korçë-Devol, 5) Belgrade (Berat), 6) Voden, 7) Dyrrachium, 8) Grebena, and 9) Sisanion. The five bishoprics were 1) Debar-Kičevo, 2) Veles, 3) Meglen, 4) Prespa, and 5) Gora Mokra. This eparchial structure was definitive and would last until the abolition in 1767.105 The end of the century displayed many obvious signs of Ottoman decline. After the second collapse of the Sultan’s armies at Vienna in 1686, Venice and Russia joined Austria and Poland against the “Grand Turk”. In April 1690, during the war between the Austrians and Ottomans that lasted until 1699, the Austrian Emperor Leopold I sent a Manifesto (Invitatoria) to the nations of the Balkans to join his army: “… We kindly call upon all the people who live throughout Albania, Servia, Mysia, Bulgaria, Silistria, Illyria, Macedonia and Raška …”.106 The Austrian army captured Belgrade and Niš and started to push towards Macedonia under the command of General Silvio Piccolomini. Austrian military successes strengthened the hope of a Christian insurrection in Kratovo, Kumanovo, Kriva Palanka, Čiprovtsi and even in the region south of Bitola. According to the Austrian documents, Piccolomini took over Priština, Skopje and reached as far as Štip. A plague spread in Skopje/Üsküb, a large town with beautiful gardens and mosques. The Austrians set it on fire and withdrew towards Kosovo, where the Turks defeated them in 1690 and suppressed the uprising of Karpoš near Skopje.107 “The Emperor Leopold, fearing that the bishop of the Servians might come to terms with the Turks and establish a power independent of Austria, Pelagonia. According to Fedalto, 1988, 441 (Leo Allatius, 1648, III, XI, col. 1069), the Bishop Ioannikios was on the Pelagonian throne in 1639. 105 Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 176–177. With these reforms, the Bishopric of Prilep was amalgamated into the Metropolitanate of Pelagonia. In the meantime, the Archbishopric of Ochrid was divided into eight metropolitanates (Kastoria, Voden, Korçë, Bitola, Strumitsa, Grevena, Berat, Dyrrachium and Valona), and seven bishoprics (Moliscos, Prespa, Gora near Ochrid, Spat near Berat, Debar, Meglen, Sisanion and Siatista). At the beginning of the 18th century, the diocese of Moliscos was amalgamated into Meglen and the diocese of Veles was revived. Ireček, 1929, 350–351, 364, fn. 40. 106 Georgevitch, 1918, 101; Stojanovski, 1969, 89–92. 107 Shaw, Shaw, 1977, 217–220; Pribichevich, 1982, 104–106; Stojanovski, op. cit., 76–89.

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invited the Patriarch Arsenios to emigrate from İpek into his dominions. Arsenios migrated 37,000 families to Karlowitz, and much of old Serbia was occupied by Albanians….”108 It may be that some of the Christian population from the Pelagonian diocese emigrated northwards with the Austrian army and the Serbian Patriarch Arsenios Čarnoyević towards Austrian territories.109 The Treaty of Karlowitz between the coalition of European powers and the Ottomans was concluded in 1699, confirming freedom of worship to Catholics in the Sultan’s dominions. For the Ottoman Empire it was a transition from the offensive to the defensive.110 Between 1676 and 1677, the administrator of the Pelagonian see was Gregorios, previously Archbishop of Ochrid.111 On 5 May 1677 he was replaced by the prelate Maximos.112 Then Mitrophanes, the former Bishop of Dibra, sat on the Pelagonian throne in 1679.113 Again, Gregorios died in 1695 as administrator of the Pelagonian church. From time to time, due to his old age, he was aided or represented by Jacob or later by the prelate Ignatios. Metropolitan Jacob is known from his antimension of 1698/9,114 and also from documents of 1691,115 as well as of 1699, 1700, 1706 and 1707, when he was on the Pelagonian throne.116 Meanwhile, Ignatios was a representative of the Metropolitan Gregorios and signed official church papers. Episcopal administration was modeled on the ancient ecclesiastical jurisdiction, but lay judges and lawyers were soon to be found among the office-bearers of the Pelagonian church. When Metropolitan Gregorios died, Archbishop Ignatios employed a layman to administer church business between 1693 and 1694, and paid him a salary.117 There is a marked confusion as to whether such officials were traditionally laymen, or it was only during the Ottoman period that this occurred.118 A preserved firman from 1694, issued by the Beylerbeyi of Rumeli, Mahmud Paşa,

108 109 110 111

Eliot, 1900, 275. Georgevitch, 1918, 101, fn. 4; Mihajlovski, 1993, 13; Radonić, 1909, 52; Doklestić, 1964, 78. Shaw, 1977, 223–224. Between 1688 and 1695, four archbishops one after another occupied the archdiocesan throne. Around 1688, the chair of the Pelagonian metropolitanate was Archbishop Gregorios. See: Varnalidou, 1974, 22. 112 Matkovski, 1972, 144. 113 Toziou, 2015, 113–114, fn. 466. 114 Grujić, 1934, 210. 115 Arsić, 1930, 20. 116 Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 241. 117 Ibidem, 240. 118 Papadopoulos, 1992, 44; Snegarov, op. cit., 240; Mihajlovski, op. cit., 16.

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protected the newly appointed Bishop Joseph against the interferences of the Archbishop Gregorios.119 A marble baptisterium has been preserved with an inscription by the Abbot Spyridon from 1702. The baptisterium was made of a single block of marble, goblet-shaped, measuring 77 cm in height and 39 cm in diameter. The inscription around the rim of the baptisterium was written in Church Slavonic. It is 121.5 cm long and the height of the letters is 6 cm. It reads as follows: “In the year 1702, the baptisterium was made in the time of the Abbot Kyr Spyridon”.120 Coming from Suvodol, it represents an interesting example of 18th century craftsmanship. The Metropolitan Ignatios of Pelagonia was enthroned on 13 July 1695 and for a short period he was a Vicar of the Metropolitan Gregorios. After the death of Gregorios, Ignatios, as a newly appointed Metropolitan of Pelagonia, made strenuous attempts to strengthen the authority of the Church of Ochrid and to alleviate its financial difficulties.121 After Jacob (until 1712), the Holy Synod of Ochrid elected a young monk named Joseph (27 April) and he was an endorser to the Archbishop Dionysios for 2,000 groşes. As a Metropolitan of Pelagonia, Joseph was mentioned on 27 April 1712, then in 1714, 1718, 1719, 1727, 1729, 1736 and 1742. In 1726/7 he signed a Synodal document in Kastoria mentioning Methodios Anthrakitis.122 In 1746 he became Archbishop of Ochrid, and after retiring from that position he was again on the Pelagonian throne between 1752 and 1761/2. In the Codex of the Monastery of Treskavets it was noted that on 2 January 1762, the Metropolitan of Pelagonia, Kyr Joseph, paid an official visit to the Monastery of Treskavets due to his election as a prelate and as a spiritual father to this ancient holy shrine.123

119 Regests of sicil 28, p. 68, doc. no. 243, f. 68/III. 120 Mihajlovski, 1988, 85–87. 121 Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 240, fn. 4. The Archbishopric experienced an unstable period; archbishops were frequently changed, which caused a constant economic draining of the Church. Zosimas, the former Metropolitan of Sisanion, became Archbishop between 1695 and 1699, then in 1707/8 and again in 1708/9, (Snegarov, op. cit., 204.) and once again before 1736 (Golubinskiy, 1871, 140). In his correspondence from 12 December 1736, the Archbishop Zosimas asked the Emperor of Austria, Charles VI, for the liberation of the Archdiocese from the Turks and the inclusion under Austrian imperial jurisdiction (Varnalidou, 1974, 26, 124). In the 18th century, Russian influence increased among the Orthodox Christians in the Balkans. The Archbishop and his people placed their hopes in Orthodox Russia, which was beginning to appear as a great power. See: Dimevski, 1969, 67. 122 Péchayre, 1936, 316. 123 Snegarov, op. cit., 241; Varnalidou, op. cit., 54; Nikolovska, 1981, 243.

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In the years following the Peace of Karlowitz in 1699 and the Treaty of Passarowitz in 1718, the Sultan promised an amnesty for the Christian insurgents, no taxation for those who returned, and a restoration of political and religious freedom. The first European merchants came to Thessalonike and other Ottoman cities, appointing their consular representatives and establishing commercial agencies. During the 18th century, the towns of Western Macedonia were enjoying a period of rapid economic growth and a number of them developed into commercial centres, such as: Thessalonike, Kastoria, Ochrid, Kožani, Manastır, Struga, Prilep, Voskopojë, Korçë and so on.124 The Christian population increased and an expansion in commercial activities, craftsmanship and personal wealth followed. During this period, permissions for renovations and enlargements of churches and monastic buildings were numerous. A buyuruldu was issued by the Beylerbeyi of Rumeli in 1694, asking for control in the enlargement of old church buildings and in the erection of new, in the area of Filurina, Kesriye, Korçë, Opar, Naselič, Bilisht, Prespa and Manastır.125 Again in the years 1715, 1718 and 1721, some fresh buyuruldu were issued concerning the renovation of the churches, monasteries and taverns in Manastır, Perlepe, Filurina, Kesriye, Prespa and other places in the Rumeli vilayet. Enlargement of the buildings, the use of new building materials and new furniture were not allowed.126 Metropolitan Joseph had to take advantage of political circumstances in the renovation and erection of parish churches in the Pelagonian diocese. Such was the case with the monastery dedicated to St. Paraskeve near the village of Tsapari, rebuilt by the priest Dionysios in 1724/5;127 the cathedral church of St. Demetrios in Bitola was renovated in 1727 and 1779;128 then in the village of Velušina the church of the Dormition of the Holy Virgin was renovated in 1729, and the two cemetery chapels of St. Elias and St. Athanasios in 1749. Some icons were painted for the churches of the Most Pure Virgin in Graešnitsa and St. Barbara in Dragoš,129 a woodcut icon of the Holy Archangel Michael was made for the Slepče Monastery, by the order of the parish priest Nicholas Popović, and so on.130

124 Vacalopoulos, 1973, 288–308. 125 Regests of sicil 28, p. 49, doc. no. 180, f. 52/II. 126 Regests of sicil 37, p. 32, doc. no. 85 from 1715, f. 28/I; sicil 38, p. 56, doc. no. 270 from 1718, f. 82/II; sicil 39, p. 114, doc. no. 462 from 1721, f. 130/I. 127 Dimovski-Tsolev, 1981, 540. 128 Mihajlovski, 1999, 113; Filipovska-Lazarevska, 2001, 15–26. 129 Mihajlovski, 1993, 16. 130 Janc, 1986, 26–59.

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Monastic buildings and churches continued to be constructed in the traditional Post-Byzantine mannerism spread widely across the Balkan Peninsula.131 With the growth of the Christian population and its economic prosperity, it became necessary to enlarge the existing churches, cloisters and chapels in order to accommodate more people. The initiative was taken by parochial clergy, by the monastic brotherhoods or simply by the local Orthodox Christians. The above mentioned priest Dionysios rebuilt the monastery near Tsapari in 1724 and from a note written in Greek by him in a 16th century menologion we learn about his experience: “I built a monk’s cell and a refectory and a courtyard and I supplied the monastery with drinking water …”.132 At the end of the text, Dionysios complained about the instability and greediness of human nature.133 One of the achievements of Metropolitan Joseph was the restoration of the old cathedral church of St. Demetrios in Bitola. In the first quarter of the 18th century, the church building was in disrepair and in need of renovation. In September 1713, the Christian inhabitants of the Firuz Bey mahalle (i.e. Kilise) appealed to the local authorities for permission to repair their old church “which has existed since the time of the conquest”. In 1727 a confirmation arrived from the Porte, followed by a buyuruldu from the judge of Manastır: “… permission was granted and the old dimensions and form should be respected”.134 It seems that Metropolitan Joseph had a positive influence on the court’s decision and during the process of repairing the church building, since some local Muslims in 1731 provoked the local Christian re’aya in the town.135 For the occasion of the church consecration on 25 November 1727, he issued and donated an antimension with inscriptions in Church Slavonic and Greek (Fig. 58).136 The church of St. Demetrios underwent successive phases of reconstruction. The earliest phase in 1727 was connected with the renovation of the building and consecration of the epigonation and antimension by “the 131 Bouras, 1991, 107–108. 132 Dimovski-Tsolev, 1981, 540. 133 Traičev, 1933, 57–58. The monastery church, which was renovated again in 1849, contained some icons for the iconostasis dated 1792; they were the Watchful Eye, the Holy Trinity, some fragments with the Deesis and the Apostles Thomas and Bartholomew. The church itself was a three-aisled pseudo-basilica with a dome surmounting the central nave. A narthex was added on the western side. Slate tiles covered the cloistral buildings that encircled the church from the south, the east and the west. 134 Regests of sicil 41, p. 5–6, doc. no. 19 from 1727, f. 3/III; sicil 41, p. 15–16, doc. no. 44, 45, 46 from 1727, f. 20/II-21/I; Filipovska-Lazarevska, 2001, 24, fn. 41. 135 Regests of sicil 43, p. 95, doc. no. 271 from 1731, f. 110/I. 136 Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 285.

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figure 58 A drawing of the antimension of Metropolitan Joseph from 1727

Metropolitan of Pelagonia and Prilep, Kyr Joseph”,137 including the construction of the wood-carved iconostasis in 1735.138 A second attempt at improvement was made in 1779, when the restoration was completed, although enlargement was not permitted.139 It seems that this church of St. Demetrios was a single-nave basilica, vaulted or timber-roofed and covered by slate or terracotta tiles. Judging from the dimensions of the partly preserved iconostasis, the church measured about 8 m in width. Fragments of the earlier stone and marble furniture were reused in the building. Usually, such a single-nave basilica would have a semicircular or three-sided apse to the east and a simple narthex on the western side, called hayat. The exterior walls were probably decorated, but there is no material proof of that.140 137 Mutafčiev, 1911, 34–40. 138 Mihajlovski, 1988, 73. 139 Filipovska-Lazarevska, 2001, 25, fn. 42. 140 Meksi, Thomo, 1976, 142–143; Moutsopoulos, 1966, 33; Theocharidou, n.d., 206: “… the type of building predominant in both small family churches and parish churches had a wooden roof, a single room (with or without a narthex), a characteristic elongated layout and very often no windows at all: there are simply skylights in the roof. The interior quality of these churches – unplastered rubble masonry as a rule, with wooden ties, and the

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The 1727 antimension of Metropolitan Joseph was painted on a linen cloth, measuring 56 by 46 cm. Usually the composition of the Entombment of Christ was represented for liturgical services, but on this antimension a simplified cross on a four-stepped base was drawn with dark ink. It seems that this composition missed the traditional compositional elements due to the poor artistic knowledge of its creators and the hastiness in donating such a portable altar. In such a case, the antimension was to be used only when a consecrated altar-table was not available or if the consecration of the church was in question. Two inscriptions flanked the cross, one in Church Slavonic and another in Greek, indicating the use of both languages in the church service. They mentioned the names of the Archbishop of Justiniana Prima of Ochrid, Kyr Joasaph, and the Metropolitan of Pelagonia and Prilep, Kyr Joseph, and the date, November 1727. There are two other important inscriptions that follow the border of the antimension, which are in Church Slavonic and Greek. Both of them in their own way commemorate the foundation and dedication of the sacrificial altar by the Archpriest and Metropolitan of Pelagonia, Joseph, in the name of the Great Martyr and Myrrh-streaming Saint Demetrios.141 The first reads: “This antimension is an altar-table to make a bloodless sacrifice and divine liturgy in the name of the most holy beneficial and life giving Spirit, who authorized it for the ministerial celebration at the temple of the Great Martyr Demetrios, the Myrrh-streaming and Miracle-worker”.142 The second is slightly different: “The divine and ministerial sacrificial altar, founded and dedicated by the Archpriest Metropolitan of the Sacred Metropolis of Pelagonia, Joseph, in the name of the glorious Great Martyr, Saint Demetrios, Myrrh-streaming and Miracle-worker”.143 In 1906 the epigonation and the antimension were taken from the church of St. Demetrios and donated to the Archaeological Museum in Sofia (Bulgaria).144 The architectural simplicity of the church building required a spacious and appropriately decorated interior. The disposition of the icons on the iconostasis, the painted decoration in the sanctuary and the church furniture were determined according to the traditional order for the body of the Orthodox Church. The wood-carved iconostasis separated the sanctuary from the nave. During the 18th century the decoration of such wood-carved iconostases was modest proportions imposed by the Ottoman laws meant that the churches very often resembled houses rather than places of worship. The floor of the church often lay considerably below the outside ground level, so as to give it the necessary height inside”. 141 Mutafčiev, 1911, 32–34; Mihajlovski, 1999, 114–115. 142 Ibidem, 115. 143 Ibidem, loc. cit. 144 Ibidem, 113.

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figure 59 The old iconostasis of the church of St. Demetrios

influenced by Post-Byzantine traditions from Mount Athos, the Late Italian Renaissance, as well as Baroque art in Italy, and the Levantine Baroque and Rococo styles, which introduced new spirit into this art. The woodcarvers were either from the Vlach villages of Epirus, or Slavonic speaking Miyaks from the region of Debar in Western Macedonia.145 The iconostasis in the church of St. Demetrios was designed and carved in 1735 by the artist Constantine Vako of Korçë (Figs. 59 and 60). His master teacher Constantine Hieromonachos executed the famous iconostasis at the Monastery of St. Nahum on Lake Ochrid in 1711, and it represents a major artistic achievement in woodcarving from the 18th century. The evolution of this shallow carving, which had its roots in Epirus, was recorded on these types of iconostases. Unfortunately, the iconostasis from the church of St. Demetrios was preserved only in fragments and they were reused for the upper gallery’s chapels dedicated to the Transfiguration and to St. Gregorios the Theologian in the new church built in 1830. The remarkable pieces of the iconostasis – the architrave and the imperial altar doors, were richly decorated with leaves and branches of grapevine and pecking birds, replete with Early Christian symbolism. It seems that the Imperial

145 Makris, 1969, 50. The woodcarvers called themselves teladouri, which comes from the Italian term intagliatore, a sculptor who gilds. They were organized in their own guilds known as tayfa or rufet, headed by the masters called ustabaşı. Vasiliev, 1964, 109–110.

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figure 60 The central part with the inscription from the old iconostasis, St. Demetrios Church in Bitola, 1735

gates were carved by the master Michael Zograf.146 The Deesis in the upper parts ends with a pointed arch, influenced by Islamic art. The use of carnation flower motif was an influence from the Ottoman decorative arts.147 The Renaissance and Baroque influence was visible in some details applied by the woodcarvers, who made their own personal interpretations and conventionalizations of the forms.148 Above the Imperial gates an inscription is preserved, stating that Constantine elaborated the iconostasis during the reign of Metropolitan Joseph, 28 March 1738.149 The icons on the iconostasis were painted between the years 1730 and 1739 and some even in 1773, all by the famous painter David of Selenitsa, a settlement near Korçë.150 With two assistants from his family, Constantine and Christo, David was the author of the icons and the wall-decorations painted for the church of St. Nicholas in Voskopojë in 1726.151 The region between Ochrid, Voskopojë and Korçë was influenced by the traditional spiritual culture of the Holy Mountain of Athos and the Meteora, which revived icon-painting and fresco-painting. This revival started after the Austro-Ottoman wars and it was connected with the ecclesiastical structural reforms and political activities initiated by the Archbishops Zosimas and Joasaph.152 The spirit of Italo-Cretan Mannerism influenced the iconography and visual aesthetics of David of

146 Popovska-Korobar, 2005, 29–40. 147 Ličenoska, 1984, 293. 148 Vasiliev, 1964, 110. 149 Ćornakov, 1989, 149–155. 150 Popovska-Korobar, 1999, 89–97; Mihajlovski, 1999, 114. 151 Adhami, 1977, 166; Chatzidakis, Drakopoulou, 1997, 133. 152 Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 204, 207–208; Varnalidou, 1974, 36–63; Mihajlovski, 1993, 16.

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Selenitsa. There is a connection with the icons from the Monastery of St. Nahum of Ochrid and some workshops from Voskopojë and Korçë.153 The interior of the church of St. Demetrios was embellished with new church furniture. In the succeeding years, the Bishop’s throne, a lectern, an analogion, pastoral staffs and some other religious objects were handcrafted and ornamented in the local artisans’ workshops.154 The Bishop’s throne was fashioned of walnut wood and decorated with inlays of ivory, mother-of-pearl and colored wood. It was about 175 cm high and 68 cm wide. The back and side panels were decorated with incised geometrical ornaments and floral motifs. In general, all the church furniture was finely crafted, with ornament composed of different geometrical and floral patterns full of imagination, elegance and simplicity of form. A lectern and an analogion – a stand on which icons are placed for worship, with dimensions of 118 × 60 × 33 cm, were ornamented with mother-of-pearl inlays (Fig. 61). Two pastoral staffs in the form of a double serpent were made out of wood and inlaid with mother-of-pearl. According to R. Polenaković, they were executed by the local Turkish or Jewish workshops in Bitola towards the end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th century.155 During the second half of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century, more icons, liturgical objects and books were donated to the church. To name a few, there were: an icon with Jesus Christ painted by Anthimos in 1789; a few icons executed by Nahum in 1801;156 Gospel books in Church Slavonic and Greek printed in Venice and Moscow;157 a chalice of 1810; and one remarkable artophorion of 1826, handcrafted and painted by Michael Zisi, the well-known painter from Samarina, assisted by his sons Demetrios and Nicholas.158

153 Serafimova, 1995, 130. “At the beginning of the 18th century, painting in the heart of the Archbishopric between Ochrid and Voskopojë – a great economic and cultural centre of the Vlachs, near St. Nahum’s Monastery, returned to the old tendencies of the first Palaeologan Renaissance of around 1300. The promoter of the ‘new old’ style was the painter David of Selenitsa. He developed his new ideas, the ‘elixir’ for the old art, on Mt. Athos.” Chatzidakis, 1987, 235–237; Chatzidakis, Drakopoulou, 1997, 422–423. David of Selenitsa was a notable painter and he decorated a number of churches and monastic shrines. His wall paintings were monumental and were executed in the al fresco and the al secco technique. In 1715 he painted the narthex of the chapel dedicated to the Virgin Portaitissa at the Great Laura on Mt. Athos; then in 1726 he painted the church of St. Nicholas in Voskopojë; a year later he decorated the church of St. John the Forerunner in Kastoria; then the church of the Mother of God in Thessalonike and the exonarthex of the Dochiarou Monastery. 154 Polenaković, 1958, 163–168. 155 Ibidem, 163–164. 156 Mihajlovski, 1999, 118–120. 157 Snegarov, 1957, 418; Idem, 1948, 5–7. 158 Nikolovski, 1984, 21; Mašnić, 1996, 270; Mihajlovski, op. cit., 118.

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figure 61 The 18th century analogion, church of St. Demetrios, Bitola

Another feature of the 18th century cathedral church of St. Demetrios in Bitola should be mentioned. It is the reliquary casket that carried the relics of the Neomartyr Agathangelos. According to his Vita, Agathangelos was a shoemaker in Bitola, who, after converting to Islam and then reconverting to Christianity, was finally executed in 1727. In 1827, by the order of Metropolitan Gregorios and the parochial clergy, a silver ornamented casket was used as a depository for the skull bones of St. Agathangelos. It was placed on the iconostasis, thus being preserved, exposed and venerated.159 Unfortunately, it has recently been stolen and taken to the Monastery of St. George at Mavrovounion, in Cyprus.160 159 Arsić, 1930, 61–62. According to the inscription on the silver ossuarium from 1827 and to the 18th century Istoriya Slavyanobulgarskaya by the hieromonk Paisiy (1762), Angel was from the town of Hlerin and was decapitated by the Ottomans in Bitola in 1750. See: Ivanov, 1970, 642. The Archbishopric of Ochrid during the Ottoman period was not lacking in local Martyrs, who were honoured by the Church as Neomartyrs. 160 Gulevski, 2003, 23–38.

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Little is known about the eighteenth-century appearance of the church of St. Demetrios, but there was a remarkable influx of Christians into the town, due to migration and considerable population growth. They settled around the church and in its environs, bringing some economic prosperity. The church revenues increased through pious donations and from the sale of candles. Suddenly, in the first quarter of the 19th century a fire broke out, damaging the church building and interior.161 Throughout the 18th century, the Archbishopric of Ochrid and the Pelagonian diocese attracted competent artists from Epirus, Western Macedonia and Mt. Athos. Their little-known work is sufficient to provide an illustration of the church building and painting in the area of Bitola. The village of Velušina had its cathedral-type church dedicated to the Dormition of the Holy Virgin, which is a remarkable monument in the region. It was located next to the Via Egnatia and rooted in Early Christian times. Some fragments of the early marble and stone decorations are still visible on the site, as well as some old foundations.162 It can be dated to the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 6th century. This basilical type can be seen in the nearby Heraclea of Lyncestis or in the Early Christian basilica of Acheiropoietos of 447 in Thessalonike.163 The early church in Velušina was a timber-roofed, three-aisled basilica with a narthex to the west and three semicircular apses to the east. The triple-arched tribelon separated the narthex from the naos. This basilica was heavily damaged and ruined after the 6th century.164 The second phase of this basilica was between the 11th and the 12th century, a period of intensive Christianization and reestablishing of Byzantine power in the area. It might be that the ruined church was rebuilt into a domed basilica, with an apse in the naos, enveloped on the three sides by aisles and a narthex. But probably the second phase was less radical and preserved the basilical plan and an apse east of the central nave. There are examples of such small basilicas in Macedonia, Bulgaria, Greece and Constantinople, barrel-vaulted and timber-roofed, as are the church of the Anargyroi, St. Stephen and the Taxiarchoi at Kastoria, a church in Arta and Manastır mescidi in Istanbul.165 Until the 14th century, the building underwent some renovations and additions. During the archaeological excavations in 1988, it was observed that the site was used for funerary purposes, some 161 Mihajlovski, 1988, 73; Arsić, 1930, 19; Tsallis, 1932, 10–12. 162 The marble ciborium that is built into the southern wall of the modern church was a part of the arched entrance into the altar bema. 163 Hoddinott, 1963, 132–136, t. 26; Dionysius of Fourna, 1991, 2o5–234; Krautheimer, Ćurčić, 1986, 99–134. 164 Filipovska-Lazarevska, 1998, 17. 165 Millet, 1974, 22–29; Krautheimer, Ćurcić, op. cit., 336–337.

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burials being inside the church. At the same time, two layers of previously unknown fresco paintings were discovered on the southern wall of the naos. The first belongs to the 6th century and the second has been dated to somewhere between the 12th and the 14th century. The third building phase, which was carried out between 1729 and 1836, can be traced through some documents preserved in the parochial archives. It was during the reign of Metropolitan Joseph and after the Austrian-Turkish wars that the population of the village of Velušina increased and this led them to renovate their churches. They restored the church of the Dormition of the Virgin, using the previous building structure and adding a new fresco decoration on the western side of the naos. The tribelon at the western entrance was used for ceremonial purposes. At the same time, the murals imitated large iconostasis icons and they included the Holy Mother of God with the Infant Christ, St. Elias on the left side, then Jesus Christ Pantokrator and St. John the Forerunner on the right side of the tribelon. But the rarest images were executed in the lower zone, representing the punishments in Hell, as if from a Last Judgement composition. It is a very intriguing caricature art, combined with popular eschatological beliefs, which shows the ways in which the sinners will be punished. The black painted devils and demons are represented as evil creatures smoking pipes. They are tormenting the sinners in Hades, symbolically representing the seven deadly sins through their occupations and daily activities, e.g. the corrupt miller is carrying the mill stone around his neck and so on. They were painted with vivid earth colors in the al secco technique. The author of these paintings and ‘eschatological caricatures’ was Gabriel, a hieromonk from Kastoria. He painted a similar iconographic program in one of the churches in Kastoria in 1727. In 1776, Gabriel, assisted by Neophytos, painted the chapel dedicated to St. John the Forerunner at the Monastery of Philotheos on Mount Athos. Again, in 1779, the hieromonk Gabriel decorated the katholikon of the St. Gregory Monastery on Mount Athos with frescoes.166 It seems that the iconostasis of the church in Velušina also belongs to the 18th century and includes some notable icons, such as St. Kyriake and St. Paraskeve, and the Myrrhbearers at the Tomb from 1785 by Constantine Zograf from Korçë.167 The two funerary chapels, St. Elias and St. Athanasios, in the same village, were renovated and decorated around 1749.168 For the Monastery of St. John the Forerunner at Slepče, a rare example of a woodcut icon of the Archangel Michael was executed. The local priest, 166 Chatzidakis, 1997, 208. 167 Mihajlovski, 1993, 167–168. 168 Mihajlovski, 1988, 88.

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Nicholas Popović, donated it in 1703. It seems that between the 16th and the 18th century a number of simple, primitive printing presses were operating in the Balkan monasteries. The woodcut illustrations for the books mostly followed the Post-Byzantine patterns in icon painting and manuscript traditions. The icon of the Archangel Michael from 1703 shows an impressive knowledge in woodcutting and iconography.169 Until the end of the 18th century, the Monastery of St. John the Forerunner at Slepče possessed a rare Church Slavonic library and collection of manuscripts. Around 1780, a band of Albanians from the area of Kolonia, in an incursion typical of the age, despoiled the Slepče Monastery of its church furnishing and livestock, and then killed the hegoumenos.170 On several occasions in 1711, a band of one thousand men coming from Mat (modern Albania), with the support of the subprefect (mütesellim) of Ochrid, attacked and robbed Toli Manastır.171 The peasant population of the region was forced to migrate towards the towns, looking for security and subsistence. The increased flow of population led to a change in the ethnic structure of the towns. The urban economy developed through the growth of craftsmanship and commerce. The merchants strengthened their links with the outer world and European centres of commerce, such as Venice, Livorno, Vienna, Budapest, Bucharest, Odessa and Moscow.172 10

In the Middle of Controlled Demolition

In 1769, the densely populated and flourishing Vlach town of Voskopojë in Epirus was attacked by the Albanian feudal lords.173 There was a strong inflow of Vlachs into Macedonian towns, especially in Bitola. They provided a particular impetus to the growth of urban profiles with their intensive craft and trading activities. The new Vlach immigrants created a Vlach çarşı on the right bank of the river Dragor. The emergence of such a market promoted the physical, social and commercial mobility in the town.174 The Russian-Turkish War (1768–1774) came to an end with the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca signed on 21 July 1774.175 The Treaty of Kaynarca ena169 Janc, 1986, 26–59; Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 286; Čorović-Ljubinković, 1938, 234. 170 Mihajlovski, 1991, 25–35. 171 Doklestić, 1964, 81. 172 Vacalopoulos, 1973, 288–308. 173 Winnifrith, 1992, 79; Wace, Thompson, 1914 (1972), 214–221; Winnifrith, 1987, 130–134; Vacalopoulos, op. cit., 333–334, 478; Filipović, 1982, 234. 174 Stoianovich, 1992, 58. 175 Shaw, 1976, 250.

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bled the Christian subjects of the Ottoman Empire to renovate and rebuild their churches and monasteries, and to open some educational institutions. Between 1755 and 1756, the Metropolitan of Pelagonia, Joseph, was represented by his deputy and administrator, Metropolitan Neophytos. Metropolitan Joseph was on the Pelagonian throne until 6 March 1756, when another prelate named Gregorios was appointed to the Pelagonian diocese.176 Around the year 1759, the new Metropolitan Arsenios was enthroned. According to one of the preserved court registers from that period, Arsenios gave a warranty for the Archbishop of Ochrid, Germanos, who borrowed 10,600 kuruşes in order to improve the financial condition of the Church.177 The intense borrowings by the church dignitaries increased the debts without solving the financial problems. The frequent administrative changes were due to financial and political instability. The 18th century was a time of intensified competition among the Balkan Christians and of dominance of the Phanariots. They hoped to at least partially Hellenize the Orthodox Slavs, Romanians, Aromanians and Albanians, but failed, and instead of becoming the leaders of liberation, they incurred the hostility of other Orthodox. The secular nationalism of the West was still unknown at that time in the Balkans, where Christians regarded themselves as members of the same Orthodox family, the only essential difference being that of language.178 The Patriarchate of Constantinople, under the pressure of the Phanariots, started to intervene in the internal affairs of the Archbishopric of Ochrid. In 1737, “the Phanariote John Ypsilanti tried to persuade the Porte that Ochrid was a centre of Austrian intrigue and ought to be directly subordinated to Constantinople; but the Porte thought his proposition was an intrigue and executed Ypsilanti”.179 In 1763, the Ecumenical Patriarch attempted to place his man Ananias, a monk from Constantinople, on the archiepiscopal throne of Ochrid.180 But the local clergy and the Holy Synod of the Archbishopric elected the Metropolitan of Pelagonia Arsenios as the future Archbishop. In the meantime, the representative on the Pelagonian throne was Nathaniel of Moglena.181 It seems that the Patriarchate was alarmed by the pro-Vatican and pro-Russian stances of certain archbishops and metropolitans. The Ecumenical Patriarchate began to meddle in Ochrid’s autocephaly by persuading the Sublime Porte that 176 177 178 179 180 181

Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 241. Matkovski, 1971, 70. Runciman, 1968, 380–382; Ware, 1963, 96–152; Zernov, 1963, 171–174; Golubinskiy, 1871, 142. Eliot, 1900, 275; Ireček, 1929, 352. Snegarov, op. cit., 210; Dimevski, 1969, 68; Matkovski, 1972, 144. Snegarov, op. cit., 241. According to I. Snegarov, Arsenios ruled both thrones at the same time.

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the archbishops were enemies of the state. Archbishop Arsenios was invited to Constantinople because of his archdiocesan debts.182 Patriarch Samuel I Hancerli issued a final decree, the Synodal tomos, abolishing the autonomy and autocephaly of the Ochrid Church, as had already happened in 1766 with the Patriarchate of Peć.183 The Sultan responded with an adequate document known as irade, by which the Archbishopric of Justiniana Prima was suppressed and its dioceses were incorporated into the body of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. Arsenios was forced to make a written withdrawal: With the voluntary and uncompelled resignation I, the undersigned, declare that I am not able to organize and correct the needs of the Archbishopric of Ochrid, which one by one have arisen before us in our days and have given no little cause for the evil ones to attack the name of the Archbishopric and to harm and offend the subjects of the Archbishopric of Ochrid, the metropolitans and its poor people, and since there is no means to deliver the land and all the Christian people from their hands, except the abolishment of the Archbishopric, therefore I resign the Archbishopric of Ochrid, except for my previous Eparchy of Pelagonia (which I still posses until my death to support me and my deeds). With the approval of my fellow brethren, the Sacred Fathers, my voluntary and uncompelled resignation is made and placed in the Holy Codex of the Great Church of Christ (and in that of the blessed Patriarch of Jerusalem, His Beatitude Parthenios) 1767, January 16th. Arsenios of Ochrid pledges184

182 Papadopoulos, 1952, 91–92: “That the material factor was of the greatest importance in the process of concentration of the greatest amount of authority in the Oecumenical Patriarchate, is becoming evident from consideration of the facts, above referred to, that led to the loss of their autonomy, the two archbishoprics of İpek and Ochrida; the chief cause of their decline was economic decay, and it was their financial collapse that necessitated, rightly or wrongly, the taking over by the Oecumenical Patriarchate of their whole assets and liabilities”. According to Archbishop Chrysostomos Papadopoulos, another reason why the annexation was rendered necessary was the lack of effective spiritual authority over the population, an impotency, which resulted in mass apostasies to Islam. Certainly, this was not the motive of the annexation; apostasy during this period was a phenomenon common to all Orthodox countries; it could occur in Bulgaria as well as in Constantinople itself. 183 Schmemann, 1963, 280; Runciman, 1968, 380; Mihajlovski, 1993, 17; Delikanis, 1905, 893– 902; Dimevski, 1965, 87–88. 184 Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 515; Doklestić, 1964, 84; Documents on the struggle, 1985, 172.

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On 24 June 1767, His Beatitude Arsenios also withdrew from the throne of Pelagonia. In 1767, this last Archbishop of Ochrid and Metropolitan of the Pelagonian diocese was obliged to retire and was exiled to a cell in the Zograf Monastery on Mount Athos, where he died.185 Once the autocephalous Archbishopric of Ochrid and its diocese were decomposed, the town of Ochrid went under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Metropolitan of Dyrrachium. The control of the Ecumenical Patriarchate was intensified and Greek language prevailed in church and school. The fourteen dioceses of the Archdiocese of Ochrid, i.e. nine metropolitanates and five bishoprics, were added to the territorial jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The four metropolitan sees of Macedonia: Kastoria, Sisanion, Bitola and Strumitsa were upgraded to the rank of Exarchates. They were ruled by the Exarchs as the Patriarch’s representatives in their area. The ecclesiastical diocese of the “Archbishopric of Justiniana Prima and of the whole of Bulgaria”, given by Basil II in 1020, was divided into the following Exarchates: Kastoria or Kostur as the Exarchate of the whole of Old Bulgaria; Pelagonia or Bitolia as the Exarchate of Upper Macedonia; Strumitsa/Tiberiopolis as the Exarchate of Bulgarian Macedonia; Sisanion and Siatista as the Exarchate of Macedonia.186 The full official title of the Pelagonian prelate since 1767 has been as follows: ‘The Most Honorable Metropolitan of Pelagonia and Exarch of the whole of Upper Macedonia’.187 Similarly, the Patriarchate of Antioch gradually became the dominion of Greek prelates. Thus, by the end of the 18th century, Greek Orthodoxy reigned and at the end of the 18th century the term ‘Greek Orthodox Christian’ covered many Christian groups of different ethnicities.188 Nathaniel of Meglen was enthroned in 1767 as the first Metropolitan of Pelagonia and Exarch of the whole of Upper Macedonia, under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople. He remained on this position until the year 1772, when the new Metropolitan and Exarch Matthew replaced him.189

185 Ibidem, 210; Eliot, 1900, 275. 186 Ibidem, 150–152; Rallis, Potlis, 1859, 242, 249, 515; Ivanov, 1970, 83, 272. 187 Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 150–152; Bitoski, 1968, 70; Grigorovich, 1848, 138. In 1845, the Russian scholar and traveller Victor Grigorovich registered a change in the title of the Patriarchist Greek Metropolitan of Bitola, from ‘Exarch of all Bulgaria’ to ‘Metropolitan of Pelagonia and Exarch of all Macedonia’. See also: Drežov, 1999, 50. 188 Quataert, 2000, 186. 189 Bitoski, op. cit., 21, fn. 13; Lape, 1976, 33.

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Some Welcome Immigrants

On the left bank of the river Dragor, in the vicinity of the main market and the Bedesten, a Jewish population shared its everyday life with Muslim and Christian town dwellers. The Sephardic quarter had an excellent position near the central market and around the main synagogues, with a building complex known as The Great Court or Il Curtijo. The Jewish community in Manastır had an impressive impact on the religious and educational fabric of the town, as well as on its cultural traditions. The Ottoman Empire lacked urban-based professionals, such as medical doctors and merchants, craftsmen and money landers, and many settlements benefited from Sephardic skill. In the absence of regular formal representation to the authorities, the Sephardic community in the town employed a system of special envoys and court representatives to plead their causes, a custom prevalent among Iberian Jews before their expulsion. Since the time of Mehmed the Conqueror, the Chief Rabbi (Haham Başi) sat in the Divan-i Hümayun and was responsible for the collection of taxes from all over the Empire. The friendly policies of Mehmed and good reception by Bayezid caused the Jewish intellectuals to overlook the hard time which Romaniote Jewry suffered during the Ottoman conquest and the oppressive policies by the Sultans Bayezid and Selim. Sephardic Jewry flourished in Manastır as well.

chapter 3

The Sephardic Jews of Manastır (1497–1808) You call Ferdinand a wise king, he who impoverishes his country and enriches our own …

A commentary of the Sultan Bayezid II on arrival of the expelled Jews from Spain1

∵ 1

Early Judaism in the Balkans

Jewish settlers were already present in the Balkan Peninsula in the centuries BC, but their number increased after the Roman conquest of Judaea. Roman rule forced many Jews to emigrate throughout the Roman provinces around the Mediterranean. For more than twenty centuries the Balkan lands were a place of refuge for persecuted Jewry. They settled in the cities along the main routes such as Via Egnatia, adapting themselves to the local cultures and customs, which in many ways were different from their Hebrew traditions.2 The new religion of Christianity in the Roman Empire had its roots in monotheistic Judaism. One of the first Christian Apostles and missionaries on European soil was Saint Paul, formerly known as Sha‌ʾul ha-Tarsi (Paul from Tarsus).3 After his arrival in the Balkans, the message of the Apostle Paul to the peoples was that the Way of Christ replaced the old Covenant of Abraham; circumcision of the heart replaced that of the flesh, Love was more important than the Law.4 St. Paul traveled over the Via Egnatia to Macedonia in the year 54 AD, accompanied by Silas, Timothy and possibly Luke, giving sermons in the Synagogue

1 2 3 4

Shaw, 1991, 33. Alboher, 2010, 17. Bowman, 1985, 28; Smallwood, 1981, 122, fn. 13; Matkovski, 1982, 15. Bowman, loc. cit. According to Wexler, 1993, 181–192, syncretism and sectarianism were characteristic features of the Early Christian Church and the Jewish Diaspora, a process inherited from the Ancient Mediterranean cultures and the Roman world. See also: Kraabel, 1979, 502–503; Avi-Yonah, 1976, 62.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004465268_007

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of Thessalonike and elsewhere.5 According to his Epistle to the Romans 15:19, where he stated that he fully preached from Jerusalem to Illyricum, there is a possibility that he and his companions traveled on the Via Egnatia towards Heraclea of Lyncestis, Lychnidos (Ochrid) and Dyrrachium on the border of Illyricum. It is also possible that they traveled to Stobi on the confluence of the river Tsrna (Erigon) into the river Vardar (Axios), where a small Jewish community had settled since the middle of the first century.6 The archaeological excavations in Stobi have revealed a very important inscription commemorating the early Jewish synagogue.7 The reused column with its Greek inscription dated 163 AD is housed in the Archaeological Museum of Belgrade. The inscription indicates that Claudius Tiberius Polycharmos donated the synagogue. Marmorstein presumes that the ancestors of Polycharmos were freedmen of the Emperor Claudius (41–54 AD), who left Rome for Macedonia around the middle of the first century AD.8 In 1970, when new excavations began at Stobi, synagogue ruins were found below the present basilical ruins, in the court or atrium of the Central basilica. The two layers of synagogue ruins proposed the location of Polycharmos’ synagogue just below the level with his inscription. According to Poehlman, “… the plaster fragments were found in fill levels higher than remnants of flagstone pavement and these fragments of plaster bore traces of Polycharmos’ name in a brief ex voto statement: ‘Πολύχαρμος ὁ πατὴρ εὐχήν’”.9 The inscription on the marble column describes the synagogue as a twostoried building that had a colonnaded courtyard, dining room and probably rooms large enough to house an assembly on the bottom floor. Upstairs there were living quarters and the roof was tiled. All this points to a middle or upper middle-class house, possibly a villa, in a rather typical Mediterranean style.10 In Roman times, the Jewish settlements in Macedonia were situated along the main routes of communication: Philippi, Thessalonike, Stobi, Berrhoia, which were on or near the Egnatian Way. The Jewish communities had an 5 According to tradition, the oldest synagogue in Thessalonike and probably the one in which the Apostle Paul preached was called ʿEtz ha-Chaim (Tree of Life). See: Nar, 1997, 269. 6 Smallwood, 1981, 511; Papazoglou, 1988, 312–313. Stobi was a prosperous Roman town, located on the main road communication which connected Thessalonike with Viminacium on the Danube and Sirmium, via Scupi and Naissos. Another road ran from Stobi towards Serdika, via Astibos, Tranupara and Pautalia. The third road connected Stobi over the Pelagonian plain with Heraclea of Lyncestis and Via Egnatia. 7 Snively, 1979, 48–51. 8 Loker, 1971, 238; Marmorstein, 1936, 371–384. 9 Poehlman, 1981, 236. 10 Ibidem, 238; Lifshitz, 1967, 18–19.

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autonomous economic, religious and educational organization. They observed their religious customs according to the Jewish Law and met on the Sabbath in the synagogues. The synagogues were spiritual centres of each community and architecturally, they initially resembled Early Christian basilicas, with spaces for various functions. Fully integrated within the Eastern Roman Empire and its Byzantine civilization, the Jews were an organized urban minority with a long tradition of autonomous integrity. Sometimes the Jews were converted by force to Christianity by the Emperors Justinian (525–565), Heraclius (610–641), Leo III (717–741), Basil I (867–886), Romanos Lakapenos (919–944) and John Vatatzes (1222–1255), as heads of the state and the church felt entitled to do just that.11 In 633, Emperor Heraclius prohibited the public fulfillment of the Mitzvah and renewed almost all the anti-Jewish laws of his predecessors. 2

Medieval Jewry

It was allegedly in 613 that the first wave of the Sephardic Jews arrived in Thessalonike from Spain. This was the period of Slavonic settlement in the Byzantine Empire, and the Christianization policy was imposed on the newcomers. Emperor Leo III ordered that all non-Christian residents in the Empire should be baptized. A forced Christianization was imposed on the large number of pagan Slavs who settled in Macedonia, Epirus, Thessaly and Thrace, and on the Jewish settlers in urban centres such as Thessalonike, Kastoria, Pelagonia and Ochrid.12 During the second half of the 11th century, the Emperor Alexios I Komnenos was unable to control the Crusaders of the First Crusade, who passed through the Byzantine Empire on their way to Jerusalem. The Normans of Robert Guiscard and his son Bohemond captured most of the cities on the Egnatian Way, including Ochrid, Kastoria, the valleys of Pelagonia and Meglen and so on. By fire and sword, they annihilated the Bogomil and Jewish communities as heretical. A fortified settlement in Pelagonia which was populated

11 Bowman, 1985, 9–10; Shaw, 1991, 15; Avi-Yonah, 1976, 246–253; Jacoby, 2001, III/103–154. According to Geanakoplos, 1984, 363–364: “The Byzantine rulers, as guardians of the Orthodox faith, considered it a special duty to arrange conferences between Bishops and Rabbis in the aim of converting the Jews. The Islamic religion, in contrast to Judaism, was viewed by Byzantine theologians (at least in the beginning) as a Christian ‘heresy’”. 12 Matkovski, 1982, 22. Even the famous Eclogae of Leo III issued in 740 did not improve the fate of Jews and other non-Christians.

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by heretics was razed to the ground by the Crusaders in 1097.13 In response, Emperor Alexios I treated the Jews favorably and alleviated the taxes imposed upon them. In 1096 the Messianic movement started in Germanic lands as a result of persecutions. The Jews of Mainz spread throughout Europe and the Balkan Peninsula, reaching as far as Thessalonike.14 During the 11th century, a most remarkable Jewish intellectual in Macedonia was Tobias Ben Eliezer, born in Kastoria in c. 1050. According to the Rabbis Judah Mosconi and Menachem Tamar, Tobias was most likely the son of Rabbi Eliezer ben Yitzhak the Elder from Mainz, and he was a student of a famous Rabbi Shimshon at the Rabbinical school in Kastoria. In 1096 Tobias was appointed Rabbi in Thessalonike, where he established a school of higher learning. He was known as a Talmudic scholar, linguist and poet, leaving several literary works: Lekach Tov or Pesikta Zutarta – a commentary on the Pentateuch, a book of poetry and studies on Hebrew grammar. He revised his commentaries on the Pentateuch, which were translated into Latin and published in Venice in 1546, 1744 and 1769; in Vilnius in 1880 and 1884; in Mainz in 1887 and in Frankfurt am Main in 1890.15 Tobias Ben Eliezer taught many students at the rabbinical school in Kastoria. The most notable were Meir of Kastoria and Judah Leo Mung. In 1107 Meir of Kastoria became chief Rabbi of Ochrid, where he wrote a commentary of the Bible. Leo Mung was converted to Christianity and the Patriarch of Constantinople sent him as missionary to southern Ukraine. Upon his return, he was appointed Archbishop of Ochrid, succeeding Theophylact of Ochrid around 1108.16 In 1328, in Ochrid was born the renowned Jewish Talmudist, doctor, philosopher, mathematician, linguist and traveler Judah Ben Moshe Mosconi. He wrote numerous works in the fields of philosophy, medicine, philology and Talmudic studies. From 1360, he traveled in Cyprus, Greece, Egypt, Morocco, southern Italy and southern France, and he died in Mallorca. He became most famous for the definitive edition of his work Josippon.17 Some information on the Jewish settlements in the Balkans during the 14th century is preserved in the later Ottoman cadastral registers of the 17th century.18 A parallel list to these Ottoman registers is contained in an

13 Gesta Francorum, 1962, 29; Runciman, 1968, 83–143; Matkovski, 1982, 27–28; DimovskiTsolev, 1993, 20–21. 14 Mayor, 1971, 699. 15 Matkovski, op. cit., 28; Bowman, 1985, 62–63, 129–170. 16 Gelzer, 1902, 7; Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 204–205. 17 Matkovski, op. cit., 30–31. 18 Bowman, op. cit., 65.

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undated Hebrew source, found in a 19th century publication of Midrashic texts.19 Both of these sources complement the material that has survived in contemporary Byzantine and Serbian sources.20 They indicate that in almost all the heavily populated and well-fortified areas of Thrace and Macedonia, along the Via Egnatia, there were Jewish settlements. These communities were located in Adrianople, Didymoteicho, Serres, Thessalonike, Monastir, Štip, Kastoria, Ochrid and Dyrrachium.21 Consequently, the Roman and Byzantine Jews were known as Romanic Jews or Romaniotes; they used to speak Greek among themselves, had Byzantine-Hebrew names and their own tradition in worship.22 There are some indications that Romaniote Jews dwelled in the medieval Varoš near Prilep, or it may be that they resettled there from the area of Bitola after 1331. When the Serbian Tsar Dušan (1331–1355) expanded his rule over Macedonia and Thessaly, some of the Jewish communities were registered. In his Chrysobull donated to the Monastery of Treskavets, the “Jewish Valley” was mentioned.23 In fact, the Jewish Valley was a part of the Varoš Fairground (Panagyirište), situated around the church of St. Demetrios. In 1361, in the city of Skopje permission was granted to build a synagogue.24 Meanwhile, the first Ashkenazi Jews arrived in Thessalonike in 1376, expelled from Hungary and Germany, where they were suffering persecutions.25 Another wave of Ashkenazi arrived in Macedonia after their expulsion from Bavaria in 1470. The Ashkenazim had nothing in common with Romaniote Jews and they formed their own separate community and continued their own traditional Yiddish dialect, customs and costume.26 The centre of Jewish social activities was the autonomous community (kehilla), while religious life revolved around the synagogue. Around the 12th century, the head of the synagogue was called Archisynagogos, but later Rabbi. The first known Rabbi of Manastır was Joseph Alruetti, who was appointed by the kehilla in 1560.27 The Sephardic Jews, however, preferred to use the title Hakham, meaning a learned religious leader. Every kehilla had a Sofer, a scribe and administrative secretary, for issuing communal and religious papers. Each community had a religious court and 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27

Ibidem, 66. Ibidem, loc. cit. Ibidem, loc. cit.; Matkovski, 1982, 31. Vacalopoulos, 1972, 77; Idem, 1973, 138–142. Matkovski, op. cit., 32. Ibidem, loc. cit. Benbassa, Rodrigue, 1995, 4–5; Nar, 1997, 271; Vacalopoulos, op. cit., 76. Matkovski, op. cit., 38. Loker, 1992, 274.

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schooling institutions. As soon as a synagogue was erected, a communal school was established. An elementary boys’ school was called Beth ha-Sefer, while the high school for more advanced studies was known as Beth Midrash. Some teachers in the high schools became renowned, attracting pupils from distant areas.28 The Byzantine-Jewish intellectual experience during the last years of the Palaeologan dynasty was integrated in the traditional religious studies. After the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, part of the Romaniote Jewish population of Thrace and Macedonia was deported to the deserted capital city. Romaniote Jewry left a legacy of historical importance in the foundations of the Ottoman social structure and the future settlements of Ottoman Jewry. When Mehmed II the Conqueror captured Constantinople, he resettled many Jews from Ochrid and the new synagogue of “Akhrida” was erected in the quarter of Balat in Constantinople.29 3

The Sephardic Exodus

According to Jewish tradition, Sultan Mehmed II issued a proclamation to the Sephardim in which he invited them to “dwell in the land, trade in it and take possession of it”.30 However, the largest group of Sephardic Jews came from the Iberian Peninsula and settled in the Balkans and Asia Minor during the reign of Sultan Bayezid II (1482–1512). Their places of origin were Castile and Aragon and its prosperous cities of Seville, Toledo and Granada. Between 1481 and 1492, they were persecuted by the Inquisition and by the decree of King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella in 1492, which allowed four months for a decision to accept Christianity or to emigrate elsewhere.31 After 1492, a large number of Jews left their Spanish homeland. Jewish population was expelled from Sicily and southern Italy in 1493, from Portugal and Provence in 1497/8, and from other parts of Europe in 1506, 1520 and 1566 (Ashkenazi), and they sought refuge on Ottoman territory.32 Sultan Bayezid II permitted the Jewish congregations to settle throughout Ottoman lands in the hope that the Jews with their expert knowledge in trade, administration, medicine and craftsmanship 28 29 30 31 32

Matkovski, 1982, 33–34; Levy, 1994, 45–50. Shaw, 1991, 66, 69, 247, pl. 6&7; Shmuelevitz, 1984, 11–14; Benbassa, Rodrigue, 1995, 66–69. Geller, Hirshberg, 1971, 1532; Shaw, op. cit., 30. Ibidem, 6–8; Nar, 1997, 274. Ibidem, loc. cit. Even the Jews that were baptized, known as conversos and maranos, and stayed behind, were driven out of the Spanish Kingdom in the period 1536–1560. Matkovski, op. cit., 40–42; Levy, op. cit., 4; Benbassa, Rodrigue, op. cit., 5; Wexler, 1993, 14–16, 56–82.

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would revive the urban structures within his Empire. Bayezid is said to have commented of the Spanish monarch: “You call Ferdinand a wise king, he who impoverishes his country and enriches our own …”.33 In addition to the large cities of Constantinople, Adrianople and Thessalonike, Sephardic communities were established in Bursa, Izmir, Arta, Larissa, Kastoria, Ioannina, Corfu, Manastır, Skopje, Valona and elsewhere.34 The Ottoman population census conducted in the period 1512–1530 shows a considerable Jewish presence in the southern Balkans and western Anatolia. Besides Thessalonike and Constantinople, which had the largest communities, at least twenty other towns in the Balkan Peninsula had sizeable Jewish populations: Patras (Badra) 252 households, Trikala (Tirhala) 181, Adrianople (Edirne) 231, Valona (Avlonya) 528, Larissa (Yenişehir) 42, Pella (Vardar Yenicesi) 24, Serres (Siroz) 59, Gallipoli (Gelibolu) 23, Plovdiv (Filibe) 32, Bitola (Manastır) 48, Berat 25 households, and so on.35 4

The Sephardim in Manastır

At the beginning of the 16th century, Manastır was a developing town with a covered and various open markets. The commerce in the town flourished, inhabitants dealt with wool, grains, animal skins, cotton and wax, which was a good opportunity for the Jewish merchants and artisans to start anew. In 1539, Baruch HaCohen from Ragusa/Dubrovnik sold cinnamon, muscat, pepper and animal hides for a sum of 2,378.5 ducats to Moshe Shurialli, a Jew from Manastır.36 The Jewish community emerged with a number of artisans and craftsmen. They engaged in tannery and leather decoration, were goldsmiths and even manufactured cheese and processed tobacco.37 The Sephardis’ religious, linguistic and commercial ties with their corelligionists in the Balkans, Asia Minor and the principal commercial centres in Europe were instrumental 33 The important role of the Sephardic Jews in the Ottoman Empire in the 15th and 16th centuries was closely connected to the Sultan’s perception of their usefulness for trade, sciences and administration. That was the basis of Judaeo-Ottoman coexistence. The Ottoman attitude towards the Jews followed the classic model of the dhimmi in the Muslim countries. Mehmed II and Bayezid II placed the Jews in positions where they dominated the Christians in finances, in order to prevent the Christians from using their wealth to undermine the Empire. Benbassa, Rodrigue, 1995, 2; Shaw, 1991, 29; Shmuelevitz, 1984, 30–40. 34 Bowman, 1995, 192; Geller, Hirshberg, 1971, 1533. 35 Levy, 1994, 11–12. 36 Alboher, 2010, 20. 37 Oren, 1971, 47–48.

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in shaping the Balkans into a market-base, which helped to expand Ottoman commerce with Europe. Macedonian Jews were particularly adept as exporters-importers and in commercial banking.38 By the time the 1528 census was taken, Manastır changed in size in order to accommodate a population increase of more than 68%. On the basis of this census, it is estimated that the town numbered 625 Muslim, 198 Christian, 48 Jewish and 19 Gypsy households. There were 22 Muslim wards and 10 Christian; the Sephardic Jews had their own quarter (Cemaat-ı Yehuddiyan) and the Gypsy Romanis (Cemaat-ı Çingeneyan) another.39 On the basis of the census of 1582, the town of Manastır had 3,769 Muslim, 727 Christian, 1,425 Jewish and 273 Gypsy males; altogether there were 5,594 men.40 There are no available official census data from the 17th and the 18th century, but according to Aaron Assa, there were about 100 Jewish families in the town.41 In Bitola/Manastır, according to the inscription above the main gate, the existing Jewish cemetery on the eastern outskirts of the modern town was established at the end of the 15th century (Fig. 62). The Sephardim lived on the left bank of the river Dragor, close to the main market complex and the covered market (Bedesten). Ottoman archival documents from the early 17th century refer to the Jewish quarter as: Jehudi Hanede in 1634, Jahudihana in 1638, Büyük Avlu in 1656, the Jewish quarter ( Jahudi mahallesi) or River in 1661, Büyük Avlu Yahudihana in 1704, the Jewish district Drahor or Yeni Avlu in 1863, Paşa Avlisi in 1863, Drahor Avlisi or Drahor Avlu in 1868.42 It was divided into sub-districts (mahalle) based around the synagogues of Portugal and Aragon, and located between the main mosques of Ishakkiye and Haydar Kadı, near the public baths Deboy and Eski Çifte hamam. After 1700, some of the Jewish population slowly moved to the right bank of the river Dragor. They settled in the area between the Broken Mosque, the hotel Solun, the modern post office, and the main street, where a quarter known as La Malle was shaped. The second Jewish area was La Tabaana (Tanners Quarter) spreading from the Butter Market (Mast pazarı) and the Dr. Reiss and Dalmatinska streets, including the sub-district popularly called Bumba maala, which was connected with revolutionary activities.43 A specific type of Jewish dwelling was built in Bitola/Manastır. It housed a large number of families and it was built around a courtyard with a high 38 39 40 41 42 43

Kolonomos, 2008, 5. Sokoloski, 1963, 140–141. Dimovski-Tsolev, 1993, 29; Stojanovski, 1981, t. 4, t. 5, t. 6, t. 7, t. 8, 73–82. Dimovski-Tsolev, loc. cit.; Assa, 1992, 54. Dimovski-Tsolev, op. cit., 36; Konstantinov, 1960, 19. Dimovski-Tsolev, 1996, 306–307; Idem, 1993, 36.

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figure 62 The entrance gates of the Jewish cemetery in Bitola, 1497

enclosure and gates that were closed overnight. Such housing may have been constructed by the order of the Ottoman governor of the town, as was the case in Sarajevo.44 A large building complex of this type, known as The Great Court or Il Curtijo (the common yard) had an excellent position near the central market, on the edge of the Muslim quarter, and the rest were around the main synagogues. This housing was a part of the Jewish quarter, enveloping the sub-districts called Lus Curtijus, La Caleje with Buenos Aires and Bustaniku, which existed until the middle of the 19th century.45 Edward Lear’s description of Manastır’s Jewish quarter and the river Dragor is pictoresque: “The stream, deep and narrow throughout the quarter of private houses and palaces, is spanned by two good stone bridges and confined by strong walls in the lower part of Jews’ quarter, where the torrent is much wider and shallower, the houses cluster down to the water’s edge”.46 Lear noticed that the river was allowed to flood the Jewish quarter and malaria was prevalent among its inhabitants. To regulate the wild torrent, a walled channel was built in the town after 1835.47 During the 1560s, numerous converts into Christianity called anusim returned to Judiasm and fled Portugal, arriving in the Ottoman realm. The escape began in 1568 and many of them succeeded in smuggling their wealth to Manastır and other towns. They were educated, professional and wealthier

44 Shaw, 1991, 53, fn. 3. 45 Dimovski-Tsolev, 1993, 34–35; Turski dokumenti, 1966, 41, doc. no. 76 from 1634, sicil 3, folio 23a-III; Regests of sicil 18, p. 78, doc. no. 337 from 1662, f. 36-IV; sicil 3, p. 153, doc. no. 691 from 1634/5, sign. I, 3, 71; sicil 15, p. 59, doc. no. 327 from 1657, f. 27-III; Turski dokumenti, 1958, 44–45, doc. no. 159 from 1828, sicil 99; Benbassa, Rodrigue, 1995, 33; Nar, 1997, 275. 46 Lear, 1988, 36. 47 Cohen, 2003, 39–40.

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than the Manastır Jews. In 1575 a conflict broke out between leaders of communities and their cantor, which affected the Jewish communal life.48 The two small Sephardic congregations, the Portuguese community (Portogos Cemaat inden) and the Aragonese community (Aragon Cemaat inden), in 1544 numbered 59 households and 27 tax-paying bachelors.49 At the beginning they did not work together in harmony and often acted as separate communities. In the Ottoman documents they were mentioned as the “Lower” and “Upper” Jewish congregations, but as time passed, they were integrated. In 1575 they agreed to join forces financially and administratively, but to continue to maintain two separate houses of worship: the synagogues Il Kal Aragon and Il Kal de lus Portugezis. One of the preserved documents from 1580 testifies that, because of insufficient numbers in the Portuguese community, both Sephardic congregations decided to use the synagogue “Aragon” as their main place of worship and the Portuguese synagogue as a chapel. After numerous disagreements, they addressed the Rabbinical Court, which brought forward a decision that both synagogues should be used “because they have enough people to have two synagogues”.50 The Jewish market was concentrated around the synagogue of the Portuguese and the Bedesten. Before 1634, a great fire destroyed the market area with both synagogues and imposed a heavy burden on the communities, which needed to rebuild them. For the time being both communities rented a place that the congregations used for worship.51 In 1634 a Jew named Isaac paid three akçes daily rent for a place that was used as a temporary synagogue. There is a preserved court document issued between 21 and 30 January 1634 (Rejeb 1043), in which Ahmed Efendi, the trustee (mütevelli) 48 49 50 51

Alboher, 2010, 22. Makedonskite Evrei, 2014, 13. Dimovski-Tsolev, 1993, 31–32.; Levy, 1994, 66; Segre, 1992, 113–114. Matkovski, 1982, 46–47: “Although they were not reaya, the Jews were still not exempt from the payment of various taxes. The main tax they paid was the ciziye, or haraç (head tax). Exemption from this tax was granted to the chief Rabbi (hakham başı), community clergy (hazan), religious teachers (hakham), community administrators (millet çavuşu) and to those persons enjoying privileges granted by the Sultan’s directive (berat). The collection of this and other taxes was conducted through the religious community, which would swear on the Old Testament that it would conscientiously and promptly collect the taxes and remit them to the state treasury … The Portuguese and Aragon synagogues were mentioned in the Ottoman documents from 1634. Each member was obliged to pay the poll tax ciziye/haraç to his own community, which then was transferred to the tax collector, ciziyedar. The Aragon and Portuguese community had quarrelled and they were forced to pay their taxes separately … The Jewish resistance against the higher poll tax, ciziye, was expressed in 1634, 1636 and 1650… Again, in 1731, the Jews of Bitola complained to the Sultan that, although they had paid the ciziye regularly, the local ciziyedar, voyvodas and judges were demanding wool, rugs and other products from the Jewish population”.

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of the vakıf of the deceased Nasuh Kethüda, presented to the court the Jew Isaac. In his presence he made the statement: “Although the daily rent for the synagogue (kenisenin) in Manastır is three akçes, the mentioned Jew paid only two akçes and one akçe remains uncollected”.52 In the year 1634, a Turkish man named Mustafa broke into a synagogue and stole 80,000 aspres, and then he murdered a Jew named David. Mustafa was caught and then punished by death. In the same year a group of farmers robbed the Jewish merchants of ten bags of money, about ten million akçes. The Jewish merchants dealed with grain, vine, grapes, animal skins, wax and wool, most of which was sold to the Ottoman authorities and the rest was offered to the free market.53 The Jewish merchants imported spirits, olive oil, salted and pickled fish.54 A court document of 1657 testifies that the Jews of Bitola/Manastır, named Judah, Joseph, Abraham and others, asked for permission to repair their synagogue. To the court they issued an official statement that, “our temple … which is in the vicinity of the mosque Hamzi Bey, is ruined on the southern side”.55 Then they submitted an application to repair it. After inspection on the spot, the court of Manastır issued permission to repair the synagogue building.56 There is not much information on what the 17th century synagogue buildings in Bitola were like. The Sephardic synagogues in Bitola were certainly influenced by the architecture of the Ottoman mosques and Christian churches in the area. The Jewish refugees from Spain and Portugal, founding new places of worship in the urban centres on the Balkans, introduced new elements in their sacral architecture. Having severed their connections with Spanish architectural traditions in their synagogue-building, the influences of ByzantineOttoman architecture were strongly felt. Since, for example, the Muslims insisted that the roofs of the synagogues should be lower than the lowest mosque in the vicinity, the Jews, like the Christians, often lowered the floor level to achieve internal height. Ottoman synagogue buildings were usually rectangular edifices, constructed in a combination of stone, plastered brick and wood. They had wooden ceilings and terracotta tiled roofs. The synagogues (beth keneset) were located in the heart of the Jewish quarter, surrounded by houses and separated from the streets by high walls. Wherever possible, a 52 53 54 55

Turski dokumenti, 1966, 41, doc. no. 76 from 1634, sicil 3, folio 23a-III. Alboher, 2010, 26. Oren, 1971, 47. Dimovski-Tsolev, 1993, 77. The existence of such a mosque in the central area is not otherwise documented. The Hamza Bey Mosque was located on the western outskirts of the town. Konstantinov, 1960, 22. 56 Zirojević, 1984, 18. In the official Ottoman documents the terms kenise, kilise and manastır were used instead of ‘synagogue’. Dimovski-Tsolev, loc. cit.

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figure 63 From the interior of the synagogue Aragon, early 20th century

synagogue complex had an inner courtyard or vestibule with a fountain or well, for purposes of ritual washing before the service. The interiors were simply decorated, with geometric patterns or brightly painted walls with elegant ornamentation influenced by the Muslim art styles. Some of the designs were of kabbalistic origins, or Psalm 67 was written in the shape of the seven-branched menorah, as it was in the interior of the Aragon synagogue (Fig. 63). The Prayer hall had the Torah shrine placed in the wall oriented towards Jerusalem and the reading pulpit (bema or almemor) in the centre, surrounded by the men’s seats. There was a women’s section in an adjoining chamber. Multiple arches and ceilings supported by stone columns were common in Bitola’s synagogues, especially in the Aragon (Fig. 64). The stone and marble pavements were covered with heavy oriental carpets. The Portuguese synagogue also had interior ornamentation with rich rugs and tapestries, recalling the Catholic churches in which the Marranos worshiped. The building shows how Jewish needs were wedded to local artistic forms and the synagogue plans were probably like the other in the Balkans, Anatolia and throughout the Levant.57 As the Jewish 57 Kashtan, 1971, 103–117; Wischnitzer, 1975, 265–295; Wigoder, 1986, 131–147; Krinsky, 1985, 177–187; Shaw, 1991, 69.

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figure 64 From the interior of the synagogue Aragon, early 20th century

population grew in size and number, between the 17th and 19th centuries, especially in the period of the Tanzimat reform movement between 1800 and 1876, new small synagogues (havra) were built in the town area, such as Il Kal di Havra, Il Kal Ozer Dalim and Il Kal Solomon Levi.58 Sephardic culture and intellectual life flourished in Bitola as in Islamic Spain. Most of the refugees arriving from Spain brought books, manuscripts and their personal knowledge. In the first quarter of the 16th century, the Marrano Diego Perez, known by the Jewish name Shlomo Molcho, former notary to the Portuguese crown, found refuge in Thessalonike and in Manastır. He was a kabbalist and author of messianic sermons Sefer ha-Mefoʾar published 58 Dimovski-Tsolev, 1993, 36, 395; Diaz-Mas, 1992, 39. The Sephardic Jews formed distinct groups, each with its own synagogue, the Kal (from Hebrew qahal ‘community’). Geller, Hirshberg, 1971, 1547–1548. Each congregation had a secular and religious administration consisting of the Rabbi, the head of the Yeshiva, the Marbiz Torah, who performed various religious functions, and the Dayyan (Rabbinical ecclesiastic judge). Each congregation had institutions such as the synagogue, Talmud Torah, Yeshiva, Beth Din, charitable associations, burial society and so on. If the members of the congregation were few, then they joined together to establish educational institutions such as Yeshiva and Talmud Torah.

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in Thessalonike in 1529.59 In his writings he predicted that the year 1540 would bring an end to the Jewish torments and the coming of Messiah. A group of Jews, led by David Reuben, organized a military expedition to Land of Israel, but the leader was caught and burned at the stake in Mantua, while preaching the Kabbalah among the Jewish communities there.60 Some Sephardic Jews spread throughout the Balkans, establishing communities in the northern towns, such as Belgrade in Serbia, Sarajevo in Bosnia, Ragusa (Dubrovnik) and Split (Spalato) on the Dalmatian coast. The neutral politics and good position of Dubrovnik between the Adriatic and the Balkans attracted many Jewish merchants and scholars: Gracia Nasi, Amatus Lusitanus – scholar and physician, the poet Didacus Pyrrhus (Isaiah Cohen). The Jewish community of Bitola maintained strong commercial and cultural connections with Dubrovnik and Venice during the 16th and 17th centuries.61 From the south Bitola was strongly influenced by Thessalonike, which had the largest Jewish community in the Ottoman Empire and in 1537 was glorified by the Jewish poet from Ferrara, Samuel Usque as “Mother of Israel”. It had a printing press in 1510, run by the brothers Nahmias, public libraries and several institutions of learning, a Yeshiva, a great Talmud Torah, a centre for kabbalistic studies and a medical school as well. This centre radiated throughout the Balkans, spreading its cultural influence to the European Jewish communities. It had a very strong intellectual and religious influence on the Sephardic communities in Bitola and other urban centres in Macedonia. Some of the Rabbis were important authorities in religious law, some were revered talmudists and kabbalists. Their writings often took the form of questions and answers (Sheʾelot u-Teshuvot) dealing with the law in everyday life.62 59 60 61 62

Oren, 1971, 46–47. Matkovski, 1982, 60; Dimovski-Tsolev, 1993, 96; Alboher, 2010, 20. Krekić, 1997, X/839–840; Benbassa, Rodrigue, 1995, 9; Segre, 1992, 132–135. One of the famous writers of Responsa was Samuel de Medina (1506–1589), a notable Rabbi, jurist and Hebraic scholar from Thessalonike. He established an academy in Thessalonike and became a generally acknowledged authority among the Balkan Rabbis. He was the author of a collection of Responsa (Sheʾelot u-Teshuvot), which is an important source for the life in Bitola in the 16th century. Here is a case with leather dealers in Manastır, which was described in his book: “It was common for the Jewish merchants of Monastir to travel to Salonica to conduct business. At one point some leather merchants of Salonica decided to send a representative in Monastir to buy leather there and to have it shipped to them in Salonica. The merchant of Monastir made a haskamah against the Salonican Jew who was serving as an agent for the business-people in Salonica. They believed that he was hurting their business, and they forbad him from purchasing leather in Monastir until after it had been processed. This caused severe financial damage to the agent and he complained bitterly. But the Monastir merchants did not back down. Apparently, they believed that by cutting off the sale of the skins to Salonica, they would

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One of the scholars educated in the traditions of Manastır was Joseph ben David ibn Lev (1505–1580). He was a Rabbi and Rabbinical scholar (posek) who pronounced decisions on questions of Jewish law. As a young man he was appointed judge (dayyan) at the local Jewish ecclesiastical court (Beth Din), but because of a quarrel at the court, he left for Thessalonike in 1534. He was a president there of the local court, a social activist and an author of Responsa. He fought against the wealthy tyrants in the Sephardic community, for which hired assassins killed one of his sons. In 1550 he moved to Constantinople, where he was appointed teacher in the Yeshiva established by Dona Gracia Nasi. After 1561 he was unable to continue regular teaching in the Yeshiva, because of poor health. His writings include a four-volume responsa, Sheʾelot u-Teshuvot ha-Rival, and Hiddushe Dinim, a new interpretation of the laws, which were published in Istanbul in 1556, 1573 and 1597, then in Venice in 1606 and in Amsterdam in 1726. Lev was highly esteemed by contemporary scholars and a new edition of the Responsa in two volumes was published in Jerusalem in 1959/60.63 In the middle of the 16th century, there was a Talmudic school in Bitola, which was under the direction of Rabbi Joseph ben David ibn Lev. Under his guidance, Jewish literature developed in the town that was a Torah centre.64 In 1590, the Venetian ambassador Lorenzo Bernardo traveled over the ancient Via Egnatia and stayed in Manastır (he called it Monasterio) for a few days. He described the place as having 1,500 houses, of which 200 were Jewish. The local Rabbi, whom Bernardo called “the consul”, was Samuel “Namais”, but his real surname was Nahmias and he was brother of the head of Thessalonike’s Jewish community, Rabbi Abraham Nahmias.65 Another contemporary Rabbi and canonist, who lived in Manastır and Thessalonike, was Shelomo Abraham HaCohen, in the Jewish literature known

63 64 65

have more left for their own business purposes. Shortly thereafter, though, Muslim Turks from outside Monastir began to purchase the unprocessed leather and thus it turned out that the haskamah had not helped them at all. In fact, their position now became worse, while the Jewish merchants of Salonica had also been hurt. Some of the merchants in Monastir now wanted to be freed from the restrictions of the haskamah. Rabbi Shemuel de Medina stated that the merchants of Monastir did not have the right to prevent the agent from Salonica from buying the leather in the first place. The haskamah had clearly been designed against a particular individual and was meant to deprive him of his livelihood. This was illegal and therefore the haskamah was not valid”. Angel, 1994, 682; Matkovski, 1982, 60. Ibidem, loc. cit.; Dimovski-Tsolev, 1993, 94–95; Horrowitz, 1971, 64–65; Schmuelevitz, 1984, 191; Rozen, 2002, 250. Deutsch, Franco, 1904, 654; Beinart, 1992, 89, map 78. Yerasimos, 1991, 34; Matkovski, op. cit., 43; Vacalopoulos, 1972, 143.

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as Maharshakh. He was born in Serres and became a Rabbi in Bitola before 1535. Then he was appointed Rabbi of the Castillian synagogue in Thessalonike, where he died in 1602. He was the author of numerous works related to the Jewish law and court decisions from the various places in Macedonia and the Balkans, which provide valuable information about commerce and craftsmanship in the 16th century. One of his most famous works was Teshuvot Maharshakh (The Answers of Maharshakh). The first volume was published in Thessalonike in 1586, the second in Venice in 1592, the third in Thessalonike in 1594, and the last volume was published in Thessalonike in 1730.66 The Jewish population of Bitola was predominantly urban. The Jews worked as tanners and manufacturers of leather goods, wool, textile dyers, weavers, jewelers, parfumers and spicers, cobblers and tinsmiths, but they also worked as dealers in old clothes and as porters. They were engaged in local commerce as middlemen for foreign trades, wholesalers, peddlers and moneychangers (sarraf ), and some Jewish families even supported themselves on agriculture. Jews were often the representatives of foreign merchants. Such was the case with a certain Istrade, who obtained a firman from the Sultan in 1635 to be a legal representative of several European companies in Manastır. The local Jews also entered a variety of fields in mainly middle-class professions, such as administrators, physicians, bankers, lawyers, interpreters and so forth.67 The Sephardim from Manastır were associated with their brethren in Valona, Dubrovnik, Venice, Genoa, Ancona, Leipzig, Amsterdam, Alexandria, Safed, Damascus, Beirut, Lyon, Marseilles and other commercial centres. Via Dyrrachium or Dubrovnik, or by sea via Thessalonike, the 16th century Macedonian Jews transported to Europe various goods from the Middle East and Levant. Textiles from Florence were exchanged for the carpets from Damascus.68 The Sephardic lifestyle was strongly influenced by the Ottoman-Byzantine and Oriental environment, leaving little contact with the outside world. They lived in one of the two-storied houses built around large courtyards and furnished in Ottoman fashion. They wore Ottoman garb, turbans and enjoyed Oriental cuisine and refreshments. Sephardic folklore and music mixed Spanish epic romances and local Balkan folklore traditions.69 The Sephardic Jews brought their own language and customs from Spain, a dialect that evolved from 14th century Castillian. They continued to speak Ladino or 66 67 68 69

Doklestić, 1964, 281; Dimovski-Tsolev, 1993, 96; Matkovski, 1982, 61. Ibidem, 53–56; Levy, 1994, 25–36; Shaw, 1991, 97. Matkovski, op. cit., 53. Freidenreich, 1979, 6; Seroussi, 1992, 190–198.

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Judeo-Spanish, which “in isolated communities like Monastir presents a form of speech much more archaic than that of Salonica and Constantinople”.70 In general, the Sephardic Jews during the Ottoman era had their religious and juridical independence in all personal and civic matters. They had a broad autonomy in community affairs. 5

The Shabbatai Tsvi Controversy and Beyond

The period of relative economic decline at the end of the 16th century, the horrors of European massacres of the Jews and the European, Muslim and Polish actions played a role in increasing kabbalistic, messianic and eschatological teachings among the Sephardic Jews in the Balkans.71 The cultural and intellectual development in Bitola in the second half of the 17th century was inhibited by various events, such as the plagues in 1611 and 1648; the fire in 1638; then economic decline followed by the importation of European industrial goods; the Ottoman Empire in decline and exhausting wars.72 The Classical Age of Jewish intellectual and cultural development in the Balkans was between the 16th century and the middle of the 17th century. The decline was most apparent in the 18th and 19th centuries. Religion and studies in Kabbalah, Zohar and kabbalistic Messianism dominated Jewish mysticism. They culminated in the Messianic movement inspired by Shabbatai Tsvi (1625–1676), who claimed a Messianic role in leading the Chosen People and foretelling the Last Judgement, predicted to be in the year 1666.73 He was born in Izmir in 1626, where he pursued traditional Jewish studies under the direction of Joseph Eskapa in Kabbalah and Zohar, memorizing the Talmud and Torah. In 1648 he began preaching on the streets, proclaiming himself a messiah. He traveled to Thessalonike, whence he was expelled by the Jewish federal council. He wandered for more than a decade through the Levant, visiting the Jewish communities in Izmir, Cairo, Jerusalem, Aleppo, Safed and Gaza, where he met Nathan of Gaza in 1665 and proclaimed himself messiah with Nathan as his apostle. Nathan travelled widely in Macedonia and visited both Kastoria and Skopje, 70 Benardete, 1982, 62. 71 Benbassa, Rodrigue, 1995, 56–57. 72 Matkovski, 1982, 58; Dimovski-Tsolev, 1993, 76. From time to time, numerous rumours spread that the Jews killed Christian or Muslim children for blood libel. In 1656, a Jew named Maslim was accused of leading a Muslim child to the synagogue, murdering him and using his blood for ritual purposes. It was clearly a false accusation, for Maslim was released. 73 Matkovski, op. cit., 63.

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towns in the vicinity of Manastır.74 Tsvi and Nathan spread messianic messages through visits of Sephardic communities. When the messianic fever reached its climax among the Jewish population, they exclaimed: “Long live King Messiah, long live Sultan Tsvi!”, but he was arrested by the Grand Vizier Ahmed Köprülü in Istanbul. In 1666 he was visited by the Polish Kabbalist Nehemiah HaCohen from Lvov and he was glorified by his follower, the physician Abraham Miguel Cardoro from Livorno.75 In September 1666, Shabbatai was brought to the second capital city of Adrianople (Edirne), where the authorities presented him with a choice between conversion to Islam and death. Tsvi chose conversion, taking the name of Azziz Mehmed Efendi and many of the Jewish families from Thessalonike and elsewhere followed him and converted to Islam. They transformed themselves into an esoteric sect, known as dönme (apostate), outwardly Muslim, but following the mystic rituals of Shabbateanism. The sect was numerous and existed in Thessalonike until 1912. Shabbatai Tsvi lived as a Muslim and sometimes as a Jew, reading psalms with Jews at the Akhrida synagogue in Istanbul. His home became a place of pilgrimage and therefore he was exiled in 1673 to Ulcinj on the Dalmatian coast. For the second time he was taken over the Via Egnatia, to Berat in Epirus, where he died on 17 September 1676. After his death, his tomb was taken over as a Bektaşi dervişes’ shrine and remained as such until 1967.76 The Shabbatean movement had followers in Berat, Tirana, Scutari and Skopje, where Nathan of Gaza died in 1680, but there were not many in Bitola. It is likely that Shabbateanism survived in the Levant and in Europe through the 18th century.77 After the Shabbatean revolution, Jewish religious literature became increasingly important in the cultural sphere of the Sephardim. The dissapointed community of Manastır retreated deep into traditional religious territory, suspicious of any intellectual adventures. The conservative trend continued after 1680, when the town received many Jews from Kastoria who were fleeing a plague. In 1687 Rabbi Chemahya ben Moses de Mayo from Kastoria became a judge and a Rabbi in Manastır.78 At the same time, there was a 74 75 76 77

78

Benbassa, Rodrigue, 1995, 57; Shaw, 1991, 133; Cohen, 2003, 37. Ibidem, 135; Scholem, 1971, 1240–1241. Shaw, op. cit., 136; Pettifer, 1996, 190; Baer, 2010, 91–101. Shaw, 1976, 136–140. Some of the followers of Shabbatai Tsvi developed the idea that he had not in fact died, but had rather disappeared and would remain away until the world was finally ready to receive him as messiah. There are some similarities with the cult of Kuleli Şeyh in Bitola/Manastır from the first half of the 17th century. He disappeared mysteriously, leaving only his mantle, which became an object of adoration. Benbassa, Rodrigue, op. cit., 58–60; Fenton, 1997, 159–160. Cohen, op. cit., 37–38.

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serious decline in religious knowledge and practice. In Bitola the end of the 17th century was characterized by traditionalism in the fields of religion and literature. The Rabbinical class became more observant and watchful after the Shabbatean movement and its influence on the Sephardic masses. The high culture of Sephardim was linguistically expressed in the rich mixture of Hebrew and Ladino-Spanish bilingualism. In such an atmosphere, the poet Abraham Reuben from Bitola wrote his verses, mainly with eschatological and philosophical messages. Some of his verses were even used for epitaphs in the cemeteries in Thessalonike. Another author was Yitzhak Calvo, who in 1673 wrote a book entitled Tzchok asa li, which was never published. The manuscript was preserved and taken to the Instituto Arias Montano in Madrid.79 At the same time, the rise of religious Judaeo-Spanish literature was a response to the increasing economic, social and ethical problems in the post-Shabbatean period. Books about religious practices, biblical commentaries, ethical tracts, homiletical works, laws and other literature appeared in Ladino in the 18th and the early 19th century in the Levant, renewing Judaism among the masses. Rabbinical literature appeared and reached a high point as a genre in the 18th and the 19th centuries. Rabbinical scholars also created an impressive body of Responsa literature, which was more practical than theoretical and abstract.80 Around 1760, the Rabbi of Manastır Abraham ben Jehuda de Buton wrote the Responsa Mahaze Abraham (Camp Abraham), which was printed in Thessalonike in 1795.81 Around 1768, the two congregations of Bitola appointed the Rabbi Joseph Jacob Israel as spiritual leader of the Sephardic population in the town. Probably from the same family was Rabbi Joseph Israel, who held the Rabbinate of Manastır around the year 1790.82 According to Saul Mezan, another member of the Israel family was the Rabbi Jacob Isosor Israel or Jacob Joseph Israel (1854–1889), author of the book Yismah Moshe or Yismah Yisra‌ʾel, a long devotional work in Judaeo-Spanish, published by his grandson in Belgrade in 1896.83 Some other authors and writers from Bitola should be mentioned here: Jacob ben Yehida, Shabbitay Sada, Shelomo Nahmias, Ruben Brondon, Shelomo Morsa, Judah Alpaki, Gabriel del Susa and Joseph Agudish.84 But the classical age of Sephardic culture in the 16th and the 17th century was gone, and the 18th and the 19th century brought decline. “Whereas the 79 80 81 82 83 84

Benbassa, Rodrigue, 1995, 62–63; Dimovski-Tsolev, 1999, 29–30. Benbassa, Rodrigue, op. cit., 63–64; Dimovski-Tsolev, op. cit., 28–29; Angel, 1994, 669, 682. Loker, 1971, 239; Dimovski-Tsolev, op. cit., 29. Deutsch, Franco, 1904, 655; Dimovski-Tsolev, loc. cit. Dimovski-Tsolev, op. cit., 29, 31; Deutsch, Franco, loc. cit.; Dimovski-Tsolev, 1993, 96. Konstantinov, 1960, 21; Dimovski-Tsolev, loc. cit.

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earlier period had produced a great number of learned people in virtually all areas of knowledge, the 18th century produced a relative few, and their works are superficial and dull, consisting primarily of interpretations of religious themes which had already been subjects of commentaries by many greater authorities.”85 For the town of Toli Manastır,86 which was favorably situated on the east-west overland trade route from the Adriatic to Thessalonike and Constantinople, the 16th and 17th centuries were a period of ascent, together with all of the Ottoman Empire. The Muslim population, the Christians and the Jewish inhabitants of the town were close as neighbors, sometimes as employees or simply as compatriots. “Broadly speaking, Jews and Christians were treated well as dhimmis, peoples of the Book. It was a period of coexistence of the three religious groups … but only as registered collectively and consciously in the culture of any one of them.”87 The contribution of Sephardic Jews to Ottoman development was concentrated in a few areas, such as medicine, which was based on Arabic traditions of Avicenna and Galen; and the performing arts and theatrical performances that they introduced into the largest Ottoman cities. They trained their successors, mostly Gypsies and Armenians, who were the leaders in these fields until the emergence of Modern Turkish theater. Another Jewish cultural contribution was the introduction of printing presses into the Ottoman realm. They brought them from Europe and began printing in Istanbul and Thessalonike before the end of the 15th century. Later the Greeks, Turks, Armenians, southern Slavs and others started to print in their own languages. Another novelty that the Jews brought into the Ottoman Empire from European countries was the art of war. They were active in the production of war machines, artillery, gunpowder and cannonballs, and other modern weapons.88 The rapid decline of Ottoman imperial finances and the territorial losses affected the economy and everyday life of the population. It is evident that in such difficult times the Sephardic congregation in Bitola preserved their community structure in the ancient fashion, despite the decline in scholarship and 85 Matkovski, 1982, 64. 86 Some of the local Jewish scholars used to claim that the name of Bitola was of Jewish origin (Beth El ‘House of God’). According to legend, when Sephardim arrived in Bitola, they gave the name Beth El to the town instead of Manastır, which reminded them of the Inquisition’s monasteries in Spain. During the 19th century, some of the richest Jews travelled as pilgrims to Jerusalem, where they built a Manastırlı synagogue, which still exists. I am grateful to Mr. S. Naumov, who interviewed Mr. Moshe Alva, originally a Jew from Bitola, in Jerusalem in 1982. 87 Glick, 1992, 2; Lewis, 1984, 59; Freidenreich, 1979, 11–12. 88 Lewis, op. cit., 129–135.

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education. Jewish schools were limited to the training of their pupils for prayer and to read and write. The elementary schools were reserved only for the rich and for those marked out for religious careers. The Yeshivas continued to survive on the basis of foundation revenues and without the systems of sciences and liberal ideas that were “freeing” minds in modern eighteenth-century Europe. For the whole population of the town of Bitola it was a period of economic and cultural stagnation, shortly before the nineteenth-century reforms in the Ottoman Empire, the national awakenings, the Era of Westernization, Industrial revolution and Neocolonialism, which deeply affected the traditional Levantine lifestyle.89 6

The Dawn of a New Era

Between the years 1798 and 1912, the earlier Ottoman patterns of administrative and religious life were under great pressure by evolving circumstances. Territorial losses continued and the remaining Balkan provinces were divided into six vilayets: Edirne (Adrianople), Selanik (Thessalonike), Manastır (Bitola), Üsküb (Skopje), Yanya (Ioannina) and the Eyalet of Djezair (the islands of the archipelago). The Western European politics and economy had more infuence on the Ottoman internal structures, with the central state extending its control over the religious societies and redefining the status of Muslims and non-Muslims. Religious conflicts induced nationalism in Ottoman state politics. The leaders of the religious communities became political leaders of the Millet system, having a powerful voice in their communities and in state politics. In 1830, the French geographer and geologist Ami Boué provided a detailed overview of the Balkan Peninsula as Turquie d’Europe. But for the Ottoman ruling house it was still Rum-eli (Land of Romans), or Avrupa-i Osmani (Ottoman Europe). 89

Shaw, 1991, 139–146; Nar, 1997, 279–280; Shaw, Shaw, 1977, 1–15.

chapter 4

The Ottoman Capital of Turquie d’Europe A more magnificently placed city it is hardly possible to imagine, and the great quantity of cypress and plane trees setting off its delicate white and pink mosques is wonderfully beautiful … The bazaars with groups of figures in them are endless kaleidoscopes of pictures …1

∵ 1

The Historical Background: From the Time of Ali Paşa until the First Balkan War in 1912

Between the end of the 18th century and 1822, the town and district of Manastır were under the shadow of Ali Paşa of Ioannina (1744–1822).2 He took advantage of the instability of the Ottoman state to build an empire stretching from northern Albania to Morea and from Ochrid in the east to the Adriatic Sea in the west. In 1797, the Sublime Porte appointed him as governor of Rumeli. But he had more ambitious plans and leaving Manastır or Bitola in the hands of subordinates, he rebuilt Joannina as his capital. With the help of his sons and French military instructors, he organized the army and his court in European style.3 Ali Paşa himself was devoted to Bektaşi Sufism and he gave his support to the spread of the order throughout the Balkans. His spiritual master was Şemimi Baba, a pupil of Hacı Bektaş Veli. It was from Şemimi Baba that Ali Paşa is supposed to have received initiation, and his tekke was built near Krujë (Albania) and known as Şemimi Sultan tekkesi. Another Şemimi tekke existed in Bitola, near the tomb of Ciger Baba, in the vicinity of the ancient Heraclea of Lyncestis (Fig. 65).4 Yet, this did not stop him from entering Manastır with his armed men, robbing the richer inhabitants and plundering the covered market (Bedesten) in 1818/9, and again during his campaign against the kırcalis, when 1 2 3 4

Lear, 1988, 78. For the term Turquie d’Europe, see: Boué, 1840, 1–12. Shaw, 1971, 298–9; Lory, 2011, 131. Birge, 1994, 72; Clayer, 1990, 325, 328–331; Tewfik, 1933, 218.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004465268_008

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figure 65 The Ciger Baba türbe over the ancient Heraclea of Lyncestis, with the Ottoman barracks in the background

he went to Manastır at the head of 12,000 men.5 In 1820, the Ottoman regular army assembled in Manastır and was sent against Ali Paşa under the command of the Rumeli Valisi.6 Sultan Mahmud II (1808–1839), who succeeded Sultan Selim III, was one of the greatest reformers of the Ottoman Empire. He eliminated Ali Paşa and Mehmed Paşa from Shkodër; he disbanded the janissaries and exiled the Bektaşi sect in 1826; he reformed the army and administrative system; he suppressed the Arnavud revolt and Greek efforts for independence; he modernized the cities and communications; he instituted the first official newspaper, “Moniteur Ottoman”, and he recognized the importance of Manastır as a military and administrative centre in the Balkans, along with the Mediterranean port of Thessalonike.7 The court sicils witness the development of the town into a residence of the governors of Rumeli (Rumeli Valisi) in the first half of the 19th century. In 1804, when Ibrahim Paşa, the Beylerbeyi of Rumeli, waged a campaign near Adrianople and eastern Rumeli, he returned to Manastır with an army of 30,000 men. The Russian consul in Bucharest, A. Nesselrode, in his report to the crown on 22 April 1820 wrote that the Beylerbeyi of Rumeli, Ibrahim Paşa, had changed the military residence of 30,000 army, artillery and 5 According to Plomer, in 1818/9 from the town of Manastır “Ali Paşa took 12 bronze busts, eleven of which were melted down for military purposes, while the twelfth is supposed to have been eventually brought to England”. See: Plomer, 1936, 92, 118–119. 6 Tewfik, 1933, 208; Finlay, 1861 (1971), 72. 7 Stavrianos, 1958, 300–304; Shaw, Shaw, 1977, 6–30; Freely, 1998, 267–269; Hupchick, 2002, 234–241.

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military supplies from Sofia to Manastır. The town received a western-style army regiment, the nizam-ı cedid, and the Governor’s residence was located there.8 From that time on, a concentrated effort was made to transform the medieval town of Manastır into a European style administrative and strategic base. By the reforms of its traditional institutions and its urban topography into a 19th century modern town, it grew to be one of the most important centres of the Ottoman Empire. The period between 1836 and 1912 was a new era in the modern history of the town as the seat of the Third Ottoman Army corps, the administrative capital of the province, the town of foreign consulates from 1851, the arena of the Ilinden revolt in 1903 and of the Young Turks Revolution in 1908, and an educational/cultural centre of western Rumeli. Thus, medieval Manastır, which at the beginning of the 19th century was characterized by its traditional old borders and separated districts corresponding to the religious and ethnic origins of its inhabitants, now started to change its physiognomy. From the year 1830, numerous public buildings were erected, including the residence of the Governor, the new cathedral church of St. Demetrios, a few mosques and synagogues, military and civil hospitals, office buildings and department stores, banks and hotels, the rebuilt covered market, the clock tower, the theater and so on. On the southern outskirts of the town, the construction of large military barracks accompanied the reorganization of the Ottoman army along Western lines. Two large rectangular army barracks with Neo-Classical façades were built: Red for the infantry in 1837, White for the cavalry in 1844. The military lyceum was erected in the same year. These army buildings were constructed by the administration of Governor Köse Ahmed Paşa, to the plan of the architect Stoyan Vezenkov, with the forced labor of Manastır’s population.9 Numerous local merchants and craftsmen gained employment and made a profit, manufacturing and supplying goods for the army garrison. Administratively, from the 17th century Manastır was detached from Üsküb and added to the nearby Beylerbeylik of Rumeli.10 In 1836, Manastır was in the Paşa Sancak. The Tanzimat-ı-hayirie Rumeli Valisi was Köse Ahmed Paşa Zeki, 8 9 10

Arsh, 1963, 212, 312. Regests of sicil 91, p. 11, doc. no. 48 from 1820, f. 7/IV. Tewfik, 1933, 215; Ursinus, 1982; Faroqhi, 2002, 351–381. In the early centuries, Ottoman lands were divided simply into 2 administrative parts: the Beylerbeylik of Anatolia and the Beylerbeylik of Rumeli (the Balkans). From the 16th century, Manastır was a province of the Paşa Sancak of Rumeli, which included Prilep and Ochrid. In the 16th and the 17th century, Manastır adhered first to Edirne (Adrianople), then to Üsküb (Skopje), and it was finally granted to the Kapudan Paşa and given its own administration. In the 18th century, Manastır was detached from Üsküb and added to the nearby Beylerbeyi Rumeli province, and it was in the Paşa Sancak in 1835. See: Birken, 1976, 52.

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the first Tanzimat Governor. But in 1844 Manastır was turned into a sancak. In 1862, the Vilayet of Rumeli was composed of the livas of Kesriye (Kastoria), Ohri (Ochrid) and İşkodra (Shkodër) with Manastır as its centre. Following the formation of the Tuna Vilayet (Danube province) in 1864, “new sancaks and vilayets were formed one after another: Bosna, İşkodra, Yanya, Selanik and Edirne, thereby reducing Rumeli to a mere geographical name”.11 In 1867 Manastır became part of the Selanik sancak. The Vilayet of Manastır was created and organized in 1874 and reorganized in 1877, then restored in 1879. Manastır was upgraded into a capital of the vilayet with the same name. This was the ‘Golden period’ for its development, which lasted until 1912. In 1912 this sancak included the kazas of Manastır (Bitola), Perlepe (Prilep), Filurina (Florina), Kırçova (Kičevo), Resne (Resen) and Ohri (Ochrid).12 Having reached the threshold of the second half of the 19th century, the town of Manastır entered a new epoch. It was the age of westernization and modernization, but also the age of national revival for the ethno-religious groups. It evolved into a revolutionary movement against the Ottoman absolutistic rule, resulting in the uprising of Ilinden in 1903, the Young Turks revolt in 1908, and the First Balkan War in 1912. Between 1824 and 1830, one of the most prominent personalities in modern Ottoman history, Mehmed Reşid Paşa Kütahi, the Grand Vizier (Sadrazam), Serasker and Governor of Rumeli, used Manastır as a centre for military operations against the Greek struggle for independence and to restore order in Epirus. In the middle of 1830, Mehmed Reşid invited 500 Albanian leaders to Manastır on the pretext of paying them their salaries. On the western outskirts of the town, at Dovlecik, he turned the regular troops against the Albanians and decimated them.13 After that event, Reşid Paşa made the town his permanent headquarters, from which it was easy to control the surrounding areas and passes. Again, in 1831, from Manastır he organized a successful military campaign against the rebel army of Mustafa Paşa of İşkodra. When he asked for help from the terrified local Christian population of Bitola, they quickly responded by donating 250,000 piastres. From this sum “80,000 piasters were presented to them subsequently, towards the building of their church”,14 i.e. donated to the new cathedral church of St. Demetrios. With an army of 6,000, Reşid Paşa launched two attacks on Mustafa Paşa of Şcodra’s 30,000 men near Prilep, and routed them. After these events, 11 12 13 14

Inalcik, 1995, 611. Birken, 1976, 71, 77; Inalcik, loc. cit.; Hadživasiljević, 1911, 42. Tewfik, 1933, 209; Urquhart, 1838, 307–312. Ibidem, 342–354; Tozer, 1869, 168–170.

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Reşid Paşa redeveloped Manastır as a main military stronghold.15 At the same time, he did not forget the help given by the Christian population and its Metropolitan Gregorios. When the Christians submitted their fetwa application to the Sultan’s office in Constantinople for the reconstruction of the church of St. Demetrios, the Grand Vizier responded positively.16 As a part of the Tanzimat political reforms, Mehmed Reşid Paşa reorganized the army and its military structures, and after 1841 the Third Army in Manastır cared for the remainder of the European possessions of the Empire. The town was visited in 1838 by Dr. Joseph Müller, who described it as having a dominant Muslim population of 16,200, while the Christians were 14,400, the Jews 1,400 and the Gypsies 2,200; the total population was about 34,200. The number of armed forces changed according to the political situations in Albania and Greece. In 1838 the number of soldiers was 3,200, and in the late autumn of 1843 it increased to 6,000 men.17 In the middle of the 19th century, the town population was evaluated by European consuls, such as Westermayer, Bellaigue de Bughas, Longworth, Timaev, Oculi and Logothetis, and by the linguist Weigand. The most elaborated were that of the French De Bughas (46,000 inhabitants, of which Muslims were 25,000, Christians 17,000, Jews 3,000, Roma Gypsies 2,000 and others 1,000) and that of the Russian Timaev (35,000 inhabitants, of which Muslims were 11,000, Christians 15,000, Roma Gypsies 2,000 and the others 2,000).18 Another description of the town of Bitola was written by the English traveler, landscape artist and writer, Edward Lear. He visited the town in 1848, staying for a few days and sketching some most remarkable pictures. He commented: … You are bewildered by the sudden reappearance of a civilization which you had apparently left for ever: reviews, guards, bands of music, pashas, palaces, and sentry-boxes, bustling scenes and heaps of merchandise await you at every turn. The natural beauties of Monastir are abundant. The city is built at the western edge of the noble plain, surrounded by the most exquisitely shaped hills, in a recess or bay formed by two very high mountains, between which magnificent snow-capped barriers is the pass to Akhridha. A river runs through the town, a broad and shifting torrent

15 16 17 18

Cooke, 1968, 3, 27, 55. Arsić, 1930, 33–35; Vacalopoulos, 1973, 668–669. Müller, 1844, 85. Lory, 2011, 89–91, 98–108.

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crossed by numerous bridges mostly of wood, on some of which two rows of shops stand, forming a broad covered bazaar …19 Edward Lear was invited by the Governor of Rumeli, Emim Serasker Paşa Ali Kemali, to pay an official visit.20 The Governor was educated at Cambridge and spoke English fluently. The town developed into a major economic centre, attracting merchants from all over the Empire. Several languages were spoken at the town markets. Yordan Hadži Konstantinov-Džinot wrote for “Цариградски вестник” in 1855: Manastir (Bitola) has around 30 markets with different types of goods and artisans. These days Manastir is renovated and fashionable, with an equal freedom for Muslims and Christians. Manastir’s merchants have developed foreign trade with Italy, Trieste, Venice, Scutari, Constantinople, Alexandria, Vienna, Romania, Leipzig, Berlin and Marseilles. The merchants of Manastir are learned people and they live in harmony. They subscribe to journals, such as: “Journal des debats”, “Moniteur”, “Times”, “Journal de Constantinople”, “Telegraph” and so on.21 The merchants of Manastır were well known and to some of them were issued berats by the Sultan, granting them the right to trade on land and sea, in Europe and Asia, free of taxes.22 Manastır’s privileged geographical and strategic location on the East-West trade routes through the western Balkan provinces began to attract the attention of the European states, and by the middle of the 19th century they were establishing consulates in the town. The Austro-Hungarian Empire opened the first consulate in 1851. The British consulate was established in the following year, the French in 1854, the Greek in 1859/60, the Russian in 1861, the Serbian in 1888/9, the Romanian and the Italian in 1895 and the Bulgarian trade agency in 1897.23 Most of them were located in and around Kilise, the prominent Christian town quarter, where some new churches and missions were opened. Since 1851, the Roman Catholic Lazarist and St. Vincent de Paul missions were 19 20 21 22

23

Lear, 1988, 36; Handbook for Travelers in Greece, 1854, 430; Goodwin, 1998, 136. Tewfik, 1933, 231–232. Doklestić, 1964, 119–120. Regests of sicil 99, p. 56, doc. no. 224 from 13.1.1831, f. 29/3; Vacalopoulos, 1973, 480, 670. Merchants such as A. Tsali and H. G. Diskoltsa were beratlı, which enhanced their many privileges in trading within and over the borders of the Ottoman Empire. See: Idem, 1988, 136–143. Lory, 2011, 219–222; Kočankovski, 1996, 167–184; Ćoropanovski, 1961, 61.

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introduced.24 The telegraph connected the town with the rest of the world. But, despite the reforms and modernization, the ciftlik system and large holdings prevailed in the vilayets of Manastır and Thessalonike throughout the 19th century. In 1885, three quarters of all land in the province of Manastır was still in the hands of large landlords.25 Consuls and other travelers who visited Bitola in the 19th century were impressed by the area. They left some valuable descriptions of the place and its people. The Austrian consul for eastern Greece, Johan von Hahn, arrived in Manastır on the night of 12 October 1863. He heard that one third of the town’s bazaar had just been incinerated, but was surprised to find few signs of distress and workmen busy repairing the damage, “… for the fire luckily occurred while most of the denizens of the bazaar were away at the fair in Prilep”.26 In 1863, two British travelers, Muir Mackenzie and Adeline Irby, stayed in Manastır for some time and published some valuable memories of this Balkan town: This town is beautifully situated at the extremity of a great plain, flanked by a majestic range of mountains, amid which the snow-clad crest of Peristeri attains a height of 7,500 feet. Besides its Greek name, Monastir has a Slavic one, i.e. Bitolia (from an older form, Butel), while the Turks, uniting both, call the town Toli Monastir. This variety of appellation is answered to by a variety almost as great as that of Salonica, though of some different ingredients. The Jews are numerous, but do not outweigh the other races; the Mahometans are Osmanlees; the Slavs, of whom but few live in the town, people its environs and all the country around; the Greeks, who people neither town nor country, contrive to have their interests and language represented by the wealthy and crafty Tzintzars (Vlachs).27 The town of Bitola was included in the Dictionnaire geographique de l’Empire Ottoman, compiled by the Russian consul in Izmir, Mostras, in 1863: 24 25 26

27

Lory, 2011, 223–224; Delijanov, 2006, 33–34. Pamuk, 1987, 100; Lampe, 1982, 136; Skryabin, 1885, 58–66. O’Sullivan, 1972, 237. O’Sullivan sums up Hahn’s impressions that “the various consulates in the cities of the Levant were usually in continual strife amongst each other, but at Monastir all was good fellowship. Charles Calvert, the English consul, was very taken up with its photography, and Dr. Szekely lent him a ready hand. The Russian consul, von Hitrovo, was collecting coins (numismatics), and his chancellor Ichnaef, whose first love was Sanskrit, was making a study of the local languages …” Mackenzie, Irby, 1866, 73–74; Eliot, 1900, 323; Berard, 1897, 226.

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Toli-Monastir et Bitolia des indigènes (Octolopham). – V. de la Turquie d’Europe, Macédoine, chef-lieu du liva du même nom, dans l’eyalet de Rouméili, bâtie au pied oriental du mont Péristéri et traversée par le Dragor. Environ 45,000 habitants.28 In the reign of Sultan Abdul Mecid I (1839–1861), the Ottoman government began to implement the Tanzimat or Reform Movement, which was proclaimed by the Gülhane Hattişerif. The reforms embraced all areas in Ottoman society, including secular education, reorganization of the municipal government and urban infrastructure. The larger towns developed, acquiring new and modern urban profiles. Among them was Manastır, which was transformed into a modern European town, though at heart it remained a medieval Ottoman-Byzantine and Levantine urban conglomeration. The emergence of the Ottoman middle class, that included Christians and Jews, produced a new stratum of intellectuals, educational institutions and an active cultural life. Admiration of imported and other Western forms and ideas began to affect public political opinion, introducing concepts such as parliamentary government and constitutionalism. At the same time, an awakening of nationalism and national enlightenment entered the Ottoman political consciousness. As a result, numerous churches and congregational schools were erected, such as the Patriarchist Greek church and schools, the Bulgarian Exarchist church and schools after 1863, the Serbian school, the Vlach school and church, the Jewish schools, the Agricultural school in 1893, and so on.29 The big fire of 14 and 15 August 1863 ravaged through the town centre, engulfing the entire marketplace with 2,300 shops, five main bridges and their adjacent shops, three large mosques, the clock tower, two hamams, 46 inns, several mansions in the Christian mahalle, the Jewish quarter with 190 homes, six synagogues and the Talmud Torah school. It brought a great decline for the local economy. Subsequently, the town suffered an epidemic of typhoid.30 On 26 April 1879, the Vilayet of Manastır was reestablished and in 1885 it was composed of five sancaks: Manastır, Serfice, Dibra, Korçë and Elbasan. The Sancak of Manastır itself was made up by five districts (kazas): Manastır, Prespa, Ohri, Kırçova and Filurina. The Kaza of Manastır itself was divided into five nahiyes: Manastır, Resne, Prespa, Demir Hisar and Kruşova.31 28 29 30 31

Mostras, 1995, 170; De Bughas, 2005, 44. Tsallis, 1932, 8–9; Shaw, 1977, 230, 249–251; Bitoski, 1968, 72–118; Skryabin, 1885, 32; DimovskiTsolev, 1993, 96–99; Gopčević, 1889, 110. Cohen, 2003, 43–44. Lory, 2011, 73; Hadživasiljević, 1911, 42.

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Urban life in Bitola changed markedly during Sultan Abdul Hamid II’s reign (1876–1909). The streets and sidewalks were paved and lit with lamps. A number of post offices and telegraphs were introduced, and the Banque de Salonique and the Ottoman Bank opened their local branches. The Edirne-Dedeagaç railroad was extended to Thessalonike and then in 1894 to Manastır. It was an important military and commercial railway line that connected Constantinople with Thessalonike and Manastır.32 Abdul Hamid II ruled through an educated bureaucracy that he staffed with graduates from abroad or from the military schools that he had established. He introduced some important administrative, judicial and financial reforms, and built new roads and railways throughout the Empire. A program of civic improvement accompanied the increase of the population. In this period, some of Bitola’s governors contributed to the development of the urban infrastructure. Such was the Governor Vali Ahmed Eyub Paşa (1878– 1882). The embankment of the river Dragor was regulated, numerous public buildings and new streets were introduced, the military hospital and lyceum were built, and the road towards Joannina was improved.33 At the beginning of the year 1894, a new governor, Abdul Kerim Paşa, was appointed. He belonged to the new generation of Ottoman officials educated in France. He was open to urban modernization and planning. During his administration, several important institutions were established: the orphanage (Islahane), the tanning factory, the hotel Orient, a library opposite the Ishakkiye Mosque, the Great Park and the Garden Union. After 1897, through his efforts, the theatre was built on the site of an old Turkish cemetery.34 By the end of 1897, the military established a Ruşdiye school in Manastır. Military education (Askeri idadiye) took the place of university education, which the Ottoman Empire lacked until 1900. A few students from the military school in Manastır were important in the establishment of the modern Turkish Republic. Such were Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and its lecturer Mehmed Halib Efendi of the Committee of Union and Progress.35 One of the significant lecturers was the historian Mehmed Tewfik, the author of A Short History of the Vilayet of Manastır, published in Manastır in 1911, and another was Danili Efendi, linguist and poet.36

32 33 34 35 36

Shaw, 1977, 128; Inalcik, Quataert, 1994, 687, 807, 813. Tewfik, 1933, 215–216, 230. Ibidem, 216; Bitola včera, denes i utre, 1970, 64. Lory, 2011, 337. Mango, 1999, 42–43; Swire, 1937, 92; Tewfik, op. cit., 192; Kinross, 1965, 15–18.

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However, this was also a period of social injustice and absolutism, and the consuls in Bitola often forwarded protests to the Sublime Porte about “acts of disorder, injustice and corruption of a very atrocious kind …”.37 The climax was reached in the year 1903, when there were many conflicts between the Christians and Muslims. Trouble started in April 1903, when an anarchist group of students known as “Gemici” turned to terrorism in Thessalonike, trying to attract international attention. A week later, riots erupted in the streets of the provincial capital of Manastır.38 At the SMARO congresses in Thessalonike and Smilevo in 1903, the province of Bitola was selected for the general uprising of 1903, known as ‘Ilinden Uprising’. In general, the members of SMARO were counting on help from Bulgaria and Russia, with an intention to attract the intervention of Christian Europe, but the uprising ended in failure, with 8,000 dead and 8,400 houses and 119 villages destroyed. But, high in the mountains, in the town of Kruševo, 1,200 SMARO guerillas proclaimed the Republic of Kruševo. It lasted for ten days, until an Ottoman army of 20,000 men, supported by heavy artillery, overwhelmed the insurgents. The town of Kruševo was bombarded and demolished.39 On the morning of 8 August 1903, the Russian consul A. Rostkovski fell into an argument with a Turkish sentry, who shot him dead on the street in Manastır.40 The year 1903 ended with international monitoring known as ‘the Mürzsteg reforms’. The Italian police force under the command of General Degiorgis controlled the province of Manastır and its capital, preventing injustice and violence.41 In 1905 Manastır became second after Thessalonike in importance for the Young Turks movement and its ‘Committee of Union and Progress’ (Ittihat ve Terakki). In the summer of 1905, a young officer from Ochrid, Enver Bey, and Resneli Niyazi Bey from Resen rebelled against the Sultan’s absolutism. Again, for a short time Bitola was an arena of historical events that changed the destiny of the Ottoman Empire. The Third Ottoman Army Corps stationed in the town rebelled and General Şemsi Paşa was sent to Bitola from Constantinople to put down the mutiny. On 7 July, he was shot in front of the post office, on the right bank of the river Dragor. On 24 July, the Sultan Abdul Hamid declared that the Constitution of 1876 was in effect once more.42 37 38 39 40 41 42

Eversley, Chirol, 1924 (1969), 300. Sowards, 1989, 27; Perry, 1988, 100–101, 127–128. Hilmi Paşa was sent to Manastır to calm the population that suffered after the insurrection, pacify the country and restore the Sultan’s troublesome subjects. Nevison, 1903, 555–567; Dinev, 1949, 273; Perry, op. cit., 133–142; Brailsford, 1906, 166; Brown, 2003, 67–102. Sowards, 1989, 28; Perry, 1980, 201–212; Haslip, 1958, 252; Hupchick, 2002. 296–302. Sowards, op. cit., 43; Perry, 1988, 129. Ramsaur, 1965, 113–114, 134–135; Shaw, 1977, 266–267; Haslip, op. cit., 258.

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In 1911, the thirty-fourth Ottoman Sultan, Mehmed V Reşad (1909–1918), undertook a tour of the Ottoman possessions in the Balkans, visiting Manastır among other large towns. He stayed for a few days in Manastır, touring the town and praying at the Ishakkiye Mosque, which was renovated for the occasion. This was filmed by the local photographer and cinema operator, Milton Manaki, with his Camera 300.43 The exhausted Ottoman Empire experienced a new threat in 1912: already economically destroyed by Western European politics, it was attacked by the united Balkan states. The Balkan League, consisting of Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece and Montenegro, made an agreement to fight the remaining Ottomans in Europe and to divide the territories of Albania, Macedonia and Thrace among themselves. According to the preliminary agreement made between the allied governments, Manastır was to go to Bulgaria. Actually, nobody asked the population of Macedonia where they wanted to belong … “Bosnia was fatal for the house of Habsburg as Macedonia has been for the house of Osman” wrote the newspaper “Киевская мысль”, the young journalist and war correspondent in 1912/3 being Leo Trotsky.44 … According to the Serb-Greek understanding, Bitola was supposed to be occupied by the Greeks, but the Greek army suffered a serious military reverse from the Ottoman army in Janina, Epirus. The Serbian army confronted the Ottoman army at its last stand near Bitola. The Battle for Bitola was the largest single confrontation of the Balkan Wars. Some 110,000 Serbs were mustered to the north and west of the town, ranged against 80 or 90,000 Turkish soldiers. After three days of fighting, which left 12,000 Serbs and 17,000 Turks dead, the Ottoman armed forces finally capitulated on 18 November, some 45,000 men were taken prisoners by the Serbs, another 30,000 (with Zeki Paşa) escaped to the Macedonian-Albanian border.45 The Ottoman army withdrew over the ancient route of the Via Egnatia to the Adriatic coast and sailed to Istanbul. On 18 November the Serbian army entered Bitola, renaming it Bitolj. In February 1914, according to M. Edith Durham, the town had to pay the Serbian administration a war tax of one million francs.46 43 Koška, 1996, 34. 44 Trotsky, 1980, 250. 45 Glenny, 1999, 235; Schurman, 1914, 53; Eversley, Chirol, 1929 (1969), 360–361; Trotsky, op. cit., 127–131. 46 Durham, 1920, 256.

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The first Serbian Governor of Bitola was the former secretary of the Serbian consulate and later famous Serbian writer, Branislav Nušić (alias Alkiviadis Nusha from the region of Bitola). The new border lines closed the ancient route of the Via Egnatia and crippled the natural commercial connections of Bitola with the Adriatic coast and Thessalonike. Not only was the town severed from the southern part of the Pelagonian plain with Florina/Hlerin, but it actually lost the greater part of its entire commercial hinterland. Bitola lost its past glory and a part of its urban physiognomy after the ‘Battle for Manastır’ and the artillery bombardment during WWI, in the years 1916, 1917 and 1918, which damaged over 50% of the town.47 2

The Urban Development and Topography of the Town

The urban structure of Bitola was dictated by its multiethnic and multireligious character, with the Muslims occupying the upper part of the town, Bayır mahalle, and the upper sections of the river Dragor, with its quarters: Dört Göl, Sinan Bey, Bali Voyvoda, Ali Çavuş, Salataş, Odun Pazarı, Eski Mezar and so on.48 The urban architecture of the late 18th century had to adjust itself to the steep slopes and limited space of the northern Bayır hills. The narrow lanes wind among the one or two storied houses, with projecting upper floors, constructed of wood and bricks, and covered by terracotta tiles, all stacked over each other, a peculiar picture of medieval Bitola. The upper floors were adorned with grilled windows and balconies that were sometimes covered by colored rugs. The medieval amphitheatrical urban disposition of the houses was practised in Manastır, Ochrid, Kruševo, Thessalonike and other Balkan towns.49 The Jewish quarter had grown between the upper part of the Bayır quarter and the market section along the river since the 16th century. It contained one or two storied houses around the common walled yard, known as Il Curtijo. Most of the Christian population was settled on the right side of the river Dragor and the stream Kuruderesi. Its centre was the church complex dedicated to St. Demetriоs, a centuries old place of Christian worship. Since the end of the 18th century and during the 19th century, a large number of Christian Vlachs and Slavs migrated to the town and settled in the Christian 47 Gilbert, 1994, 286–331; Arène, 1916, 57–65. 48 Koјić, 1976, 69; Krunić, 1957, 4–6; Lory, 2011, 738–741. 49 Lory, op. cit., 784. The Ottoman house had a large arched gate with a heavy door, studded with iron. The windows were covered with elaborate iron grilles or carved woodwork. Some of the rich houses possessed richly carved ceilings in the form of rosettes. The building material was stone, unbaked brick, terracotta tiles and wooden frames.

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quarter Kilise, in the lower parts of the town called Yeni mahalle, and in other quarters, such as Ročka, Mečkar, Dragor, and Karabatak. On the western outskirts of the town spread two quarters, Arnavud mahalle and Muhacir mahalle (Muslim refugees from Bosnia). The Gypsy population were settled around the Horse Market (At pazarı) and on the Bayır Hill. Some of them professed Christianity, some Islam, or a mixture of both combined with ancient beliefs, a sort of Balkan syncretism. Since the new concepts of urban planning and modernization were applied, social, economic and political activities were expanding on the right bank of the river. This quarter incorporated the streets Ohridska, Tsar Samuil, Solunska and the main street Hamidiye, mainly in the Kilise area. The redesigning of the central district had an important impact on the rest of the town. For the first time the central core was endowed with a clock tower, built around 1830. According to the local legend, the tower was built out of stone and plaster mixed with eggs. Its structure probably had its inspiration in the Italian campanile buildings.50 Sabri Bey rebuilt the large covered market (Bedesten) in 1876, with massive walls and an Ottoman Baroque façade. The extraordinary development of the main street, from Lokanta cadesi into Hamidiye, in honor of the Sultan Abdul Hamid, was the most important part of the town’s restructuring. When the railway station was built in 1894, the Railway Boulevard was connected to the main street and the market. The town façades acquired Neoclassical and Baroque appearances. Following the modernization and reorganization of the Ottoman army, two massive military barracks and a school were constructed. The architect for these buildings was Stoyan Vezenkov from Kruševo, a master-builder and a dissident. He also built the Ismail Bey Saray (before 1837), a representative example of Ottoman civil architecture with a 27 meters long façade. It was situated in the vicinity of the Ishakkiye Mosque.51 Some streets in Manastır bore significant local names, like the Lokanta cadesi, or Hamidiye, or ‘Broadway’ (Širok sokak). The Grande Avénue often referred to as Hamidiye was nevertheless a European-inspired urban and commercial artery with shops, restaurants, churches, consulates, hotels and theater, and it adhered to the local architectural styles imposed by the consulates, or by the modern Ottoman inclination towards France, Austria and Italy. By 1875 the town started to expand towards the southwest and southeast to take in the military barracks and hospitals, the railway station, Tumbe kahve (Recreational

50 Kočankovska, 1995, 44–69; Tewfik, 1933, 208; McAndrew, 1980, 262–267. 51 Čipan, 1978, 97; Momidić-Petkova, 1991, 84–97; Senkević, 1965, 57–58.

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Hill), Dovlecik and so on. After the big fires in 1834 and 1862/3, the shops, offices and warehouses (magazas) were built of solid material.52 Abundant in water, the town of Manastır developed a water supply system with numerous private and public fountains and public baths. During the 19th century, some of the hamams were renovated and some were rebuilt and upgraded due to the demographic changes in the town. A number of hamams were well known in the town, such as: Alaca hamam, Eski Çifte hamam, Haydar Kadı hamam, Kerim Paşa hamam, Çukur hamam, Yeni hamam, Deboy hamam, Hastane hamam for the hospital, Kışla hamam for the military troops53 and the Jewish hamam. The town districts and the new public spaces acquired unofficial appellations, from important events or from their patrons, from holy places or from professions practiced there. The new public places were in the predominantly Christian sections of the town, because the non-Muslims replaced the Muslims as leaders in fashion.54 After 1901, the most popular and fashionable town districts were Sultanie, Pop Trayan, ‘The Station’, Pop Marko, Kuruderesi, Salataş, Vlach Çarşı, Yeşil Bayır, Sinan Bey, Ali Çavuş, Bela Češma, Yeni mahalle, Bumba mahalle, ‘The 10th July’, Gypsy mahalle, Çifte furni, Dovlecık, Deve hane etc. While most of the Muslim wards remained relatively unchanged, the European consulates, Christian missionaries and merchants helped to transform the district Kilise into a modern European ward. The streets were widened, in some cases by demolishing sections of the old cemeteries. Such was the case with the theater building, and the main park and promenade. The most important changes were executed in the historical Christian centre, where the consulates were located, as well as the Banque de Salonique, the Ziraat Bank, the new cathedral church of St. Demetrios and the Metropolitanate of Pelagonia, the Serbian, Greek and Vlach schools, the Methodist and Adventist missionary churches, the Catholic cathedral, the Vlach church, a theater and so forth.55 The main architectural concept was Eclecticism, which drew forms from Neoclassicism, Romanticism, Renaissance, Jugendstil, Baroque, academic Mannerism and so on. Under the influence of the Eclectic style of architecture, the local masons built numerous public and private buildings throughout the central town quarters and main streets. Numerous known and anonymous architects from Thessalonike, Constantinople, Sofia, and other European countries were active in Manastır. Some of their buildings survived the wars and still 52 53 54 55

Robev, 1942, 60. Lory, 2011, 43–48. Quataert, 2000, 154–165. Ćoropanovski, 1986, 30–33; Mihajlovski, 2007, 46.

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exist, such as the Greek girls’ college designed by the architect L. Kaftantzoglou from Thessalonike in 1881; the Idadiye or Lyceum, built in 1892 in Neoclassical/ Neorenaissance style; the Exarchist metropolitan residence of 1901 built by the architect Kuzman from Sofia in the French Baroque style; the residence of the Greek Metropolitan of Pelagonia of 1903 in the Neoclassical style; the Banque de Salonique of 1906 in the Neoclassical and Jugendstil; and the Officers’ Club, built after 1911 in the Oriental style, based on Moorish sources from the office of the German architect Jachmund.56 From the workshops in Thessalonike were imported terracotta elements in Neoclassical and Neorenaissance style, such as capitals, ‘S’ consoles for balconies, garlands, and friezes. The style was locally known as ‘Salonican’. The buildings were painted in light colors, like ochre, rose and white. The middle class occupied the centre of the town and the commercial suburbs, creating a new social and mixed ethno-religious composition. With the growth of economic strength and self-confidence among the Balkan bourgeoisie in the second quarter of the 19th century, the artisan or merchant who had grown rich was striving to build a new house, with numerous rooms, some of which were to serve him as an artisan workshop and storerooms for goods produced or bought. Trade relations between Bitola and central Europe meant that “the well known ‘Viennese’ chairs, candlesticks, glass and porcelain vessels from Czech and Saxon manufacturing appeared in their opulent houses”.57 Religious architecture was also influenced by the Central European architectural pluralism in styles, creating a mixture of Classical Revival, Islamic ‘Gothic’ and Byzantine Revival. The new building types and new architectural styles were incorporated into the traditional religious building types, like mosques, churches and synagogues.58 Approaching the year 1910, the statistical data published by Mehmed Tewfik reflects the urban development of Bitola. He lists the government residence, three hospitals, the postal and telegraph office, a vocational school, twenty two mosques, fifteen mescids (chapels), six tekkes, six churches, four print workshops, six synagogues, 6,586 houses, 1,384 shops, the covered market (Bedesten), the clock tower, ten cemeteries, six baths (hamams), three theaters, fifteen reading rooms, three military barracks, ten fountains, thirteen bridges, two casinos, fourteen pharmacies and so on.59 56 Vacalopoulos, 1973, 686; Mihajlovski, 1984, 161–166; Hristova, 1989, 174–175; KumbaradžiBogoević, 1998, 212–221; Yavuz, Ozkan, 1984, 51–67. 57 Todorov, 1998, IV 27; Karadimou-Yerolimbou, 1997, 80–91. 58 Çelik, 1986, 126–131; Goodwin, 1971, 426–427; Yavuz, Ozkan, op. cit., 34–50. 59 Tewfik, 1933, 240.

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The Religious and Cultural Traditions of the Ottoman Muslim Population in Manastır during the 19th Century

At the end of the 18th century, the central government had little control over the Balkans, as virtually independent warlords ruled over the peninsula. The region of Western Macedonia and Epirus was thrown into a state of anarchy and corruption. This caused an influx of Christians into Bitola from the surrounding areas, a trend which intensified from the end of the 18th century onwards. A large number of these people came from Voskopojë, Gramos and Hlerin/Florina. They rapidly increased the percentage of the Christian population in the town of Manastır. Thus, it witnessed profound transformations in the religious, social, and economic life and in its urban fabric. The town reflected the changes in the Ottoman Empire during the 19th century. Muslims were the largest religious group in Manastır, but they were not a majority, with the town’s environs mainly settled by Christians. The town had a very fluid population, composed of people employed by the state, military men, merchants, students, day workers and so on. Starting from 1830, the town was densely populated. In its streets a variety of languages was to be heard. The sleepy 18th century provincial medieval town was transformed into a modern town, impressive in appearance. The Ottoman intellectual Sami Bey Frashery described the town of Manastır at the end of the 19th century as follows: … the central town of a vilayet, with a population of 31,347. There are twenty-four mosques, five churches, nine Turkish theological schools, a primary school and a military school, a Turkish junior high school for girls and for boys, and a school for Bulgarians, for the Greeks and for Wallachians, junior high schools run by Catholic and Protestants missionaries, two large barracks, a military hospital, 2,482 shops and markets, fourteen inns, seven baths, one clock tower. The kaza of Manastır has a population of 161,863.60 The Golden Age with the sixteenth-century monumental religious buildings had long passed. There was no significantly monumental mosque of the 18th century. Instead, the town looked towards European architectural fashion. The urban and religious architecture was influenced by architectural pluralism and pragmatism, which radiated from the imperial city on the Bosphorus and from Thessalonike. High-ranking Ottoman officials from the provinces were patrons of the building activities. It seems that the officials sponsored 60

Sami Bey, 1898, 4437–4446; Macedonia, documents and materials, 1978, 441–443.

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the construction of mosques in the Balkans partly because the Ottoman ruling elite originated from the Balkan provinces. A number of these patrons were military or administrative officials, and wealthy people. Mosques founded by the Sultan’s officials were frequently built in the various parts of Rumeli. The difference was that those in the provinces were generally smaller and more modest than the imperial ones in Istanbul. Some political power holders created pious foundations or renovated the main mosques to consolidate their reputation among the town people. Their edifices were supposed to confirm and strenghten their local status or their religious beliefs.61 During the 19th century, a number of the main places of Islamic worship in Toli Manastır were renovated: 1) The Isa Fakıh Mosque of 1505 was renovated in 1259 AH / 1843, as recorded on the inscribed marble slab on the minaret; 2) The Kadı Ishak Çelebi Mosque was remodeled after lightning damaged the minaret and the portico. The portico was enlarged with domes and the cemetery around the mosque was extended. Rumeli Muşir Reşad Paşa was buried there in 1846; 3) The Hacı Mahmud Bey Mosque (1521/2) was renovated in 1293 AH / 1875, according to the marble plaque above the entrance; 4) The Yeni cami or Kadı Mahmud Efendi Mosque was renovated and a portico added in 1308 AH / 1890; 5) The Üç Şeyhler or Hamza Bey Mosque was renovated in 1857/8 and a marble plaque was set above the main gate; 6) The Hasan Baba Mosque from the period 1628–1640 was renovated by Fazıl Paşa, a commander of the Third Ottoman Army in 1883; 7) The Mütesellim kızı mescid was renovated by Hacı Hüseyin;62 8) The Aya Sofiya Mosque in Manastır was renovated in 1862.63 During the 18th and the 19th century, the percentage of women who organized public endowments ranged from 40 to 50%. A number of vakfıyes for the maintenance of mosques, mescids, medreses and imarets were recorded in the court sicils of Manastır: to pay salaries for the clergy, to upkeep the building or to feed poor people.64 Since all vakıfs were recorded as kadı’s documents, it is possible to give a list of the local mosques and mescids mentioned therein:

61 62 63 64

Faroqhi, 2000, 233–236. Regests of sicil 68, p. 106, doc. no. 284 from 22.8.1841, f. 89/5. Regests of sicil 36, p. 106, doc. no. 146 from 15.9.1862, f. 39/3. Idriz, 2010, 234–235.

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Hacı Hürrem Bey mescid,65 Mahmud Ağa mescid,66 Rabiya Hatun mescid,67 Molla Hoca mescid,68 Nasuh Paşa mescid,69 Ümmihani Hatun mescid,70 Poyraz Efendi mescid,71 Derviş Mahmud Efendi Mosque,72 Hacı Ibrahim mescid,73 Emir Paşa Mosque, Karaca Bey mescid,74 Yahya Kadı Mosque,75 Cedid Mahmud Efendi mescid,76 and Suhte Efendi Mosque.77 The Turkish historian of Ottoman architecture E. H. Ayverdi investigated the Ottoman cadastral documents referring to mosques in Toli Manastır. For some of them there is modest information, or an alternative name is in question, since a number of mosques and mescids were ruined by the negligence and natural disasters. Still, the following list can be compiled for the 18th and the 19th century: 1) The Ali Paşa cami of 1153 AH / 1740. Ali Paşa was an administrator (defterdar) at the Imperial palace; 2) The Emir Bey cami was erected in the town quarter Emir Bey, on the left side of the river Dragor. The patron was Yeğen Ali Paşa, Governor of Rumeli. He built a medrese and a library in the mosque’s court. Yeğen Ali Paşa was appointed Governor in 1164 AH / 1750 and stayed one and a half year on this position; 3) The Silahdar Mehmed Paşa cami was built by the Governor of Rumeli, Silahdar Mehmed Paşa, in the quarter known as Yakub Bey, around 1180 AH / 1767; 4) The Azeb Bey cami was built in 1203 AH / 1788; 5) The Hüsrev Kethüda cami was built around 1203 AH / 1788; 6) The Saraçhane Başı mescid was built in 1203 AD / 1788; 7) The Hacı Hasan cami was in the quarter of Sinan Bey, from 1269 AH / 1852; 8) The Hacı Nuri Efendi mescid was also in the quarter of Sinan Bey, near the cemetery;

65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77

Regests of sicil 106, p. 62, doc. no. 252 from 1839, f. 80/4. Regests of sicil 106, p. 62, doc. no. 253 from 1839, f. 81/1. Regests of sicil 106, p. 62, doc. no. 255 from 1839, f. 81/2. Regests of sicil 106, p. 62, doc. no. 256 from 1839, f. 81/3. Regests of sicil 106, p. 63, doc. no. 257 from 1839, f. 81/4. Regests of sicil 106, p. 64, doc. no. 280 from 1839, f. 89/1. Regests of sicil 106, p. 64, doc. no. 281 from 1839, f. 89/2. Regests of sicil 106, p. 68, doc. no. 284 from 1841, f. 89/5. Regests of sicil 106, p. 71, doc. no. 299 from 1841, f. 92/4. Regests of sicil 106, p. 24, doc. no. 97 from 1864, f. 29/7. Regests of sicil 106, p. 25, doc. no. 100 from 1864, f. 30/2. Regests of sicil 106, p. 32, doc. no. 130 from 1864, f. 36/1. Regests of sicil 106, p. 40, doc. no. 160 from 1864, f. 43/1.

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9) The Hüseyin Paşa cami was built by the Governor of Rumeli, Hüseyin Paşa, after 1816, in the vicinity of the Grand Palace (Saray); 10) The Mısırlı Hoca Ahmed cami, from the 19th century; 11) The Faik Paşa cami was in the upper town, in Muhacir mahalle; 12) The Hacı Doğan mescid was on the Ilindenska street.78 In the 18th and the 19th century, instead of a dome on top of the building, the local mosques were covered by a hip-roofed structure. It was the dominant type of mosque in this period. Usually these buildings were of modest dimensions. Most of them were built according to local architectural traditions, though influenced by the mosques in the capital. Thus, stalactite decorations and Ottoman style windows mingled with Western architectural forms. Such eclectic styles can be seen in all the mosques and even in the architecture of some synagogues and churches.79 There were a few mosques erected by state officials in Bitola during the 18th and the 19th century: the Emir Bey Mosque was built by the Governor of Rumeli, Yeğen Ali paşa in 1205 AH / 1790; the Silahdar Mehmed Paşa Mosque in 1180 AH / 1767; and the Hüseyin Paşa Mosque, built by the order of Rumeli Valisi Hüseyin Paşa in 1816.80 Some of the mosque patrons were locally well-known merchants, heads of the guilds, Muslim clergy, or members of the rich Ottoman Muslim aristocracy: the Eğri Kaş or Ayşe Hanum Mosque was renovated during the 18th century by Ayşe Hanum; the Saraçhane Başı mescid was erected in 1203 AH / 1788 by the head of the horse equipment guild; and the mescid of Mısırlı Hoca Ahmed was erected by Mısırlı Hoca Ahmed Efendi in the 19th century.81 In the 18th and the 19th century, mosques and mescids in Manastır were designed by architects familiar with Ottoman religious architecture in Istanbul and Thessalonike, but most of the buildings were constructed by the local master-builders. The plans, drawings or designs for major buildings were prepared in local or sometimes in imperial offices. The training of the master-builders seems to have been carried out locally, as was the case with ustabaşı Matthew Grdanov from Kruševo, George Novakov – Džongar from the village of Papradište, or master Gine from Smilevo.82 In addition, the 78

79 80 81 82

Ayverdi, 1981, 95–96. According to Idriz, 2010, 48, during the second half of the 18th century, the mosques mentioned in the kadı sicils were as follows: Bali Voyvoda, Cami-i Atik, Eğri Kaş, Eyne Bey, Hacı Bey, Hacı Hasan, Hacı Mahmud, Ishakiyye, Iskender Bey, Mahmud Efendi, Mısırlı Hoca, Muhyiddin Efendi, Mustafa Efendi and Ömer Ağa. The names of the mosques are identical with those in Ayverdi, except for the Cami-i Atik. Bates, 1991, 130–133, 169, fn. 8; Pašić, 1994, 61–67; Goodwin, 1971, 414–417. Ayverdi, 1973 (1989), 95. Ibidem, 96. Goodwin, op. cit., 422–425; Tomovski, 1957, 38; Bates, op. cit., 131; Vasiliev, 1965, 209, 283.

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final composition of the façade was affected by the building materials or the architectural style that was fashionable at the imperial architectural offices. In general, the Classical Ottoman architectural plans, horizontal forms and vertical elevations have survived in their original format, but with some slight variations.83 On the one hand, the most prevalent, Classical decorative style was transformed by a puritan reduction and the rejection of unnecessary decorative details. On the other, the interior and the mihrab wall had moderately ornate painted decoration. The painted floral ornaments and landscapes represented in Islamic iconography had their roots in the Quran and Islamic eschatological texts regarding heavenly landscapes.84 One of the surviving 19th century mosques is the Şerif Bey cami. The building is located on the right bank of the river Dragor, behind the musical school building, “… in the middle of the town”, as Mehmed Tewfik commented in his book.85 According to a preserved marble plaque, the mosque and a medrese were erected by Mehmed Zade Şerif Ahmed Bey from Ochrid in 1244 AH / 1828. He left considerable assets for the maintenance of his pious vakıf endowment. The marble plaque, with dimensions 82 × 51 cm, contains a text in Ottoman Turkish, written with Arabic letters, refering to the medrese: “The benefactor of this welfare centre (hayrat) is the Paşa of Ochrid, Mahmud Zade Şerif Ahmed Bey” (Fig. 66).86 The building is partly preserved. It has a simple rectangular base covered by a hipped roof and terracotta tiles. On the southern side, the base of the minaret still exists. The corners of the building were built of stone blocks. The façade was decorated with Neo-Classical stucco decoration characteristic of the large rectangular buildings of nineteenth-century European architecture. These days the buildings of the mosque and its medrese are used as a dwelling. In one of the rooms, the stucco decoration indicating the mihrab is still visible. Another mosque from 1903 is preserved in the upper parts of the town and is called Hatuniye, i.e. Lady’s Mosque. It is possible that the modest mosque 83 Tomovski, 1974, 140; Idem, 1984, 240–244. “Plastic low-relief decoration was used in the fashioning of the capitals, portals, the mihrab (a niche indicating the direction to Mecca) and the minbar (pulpit), which were ornamented with geometrical motives of an oriental origin and hanging decoration which gave the appearance of stalactites. We encounter painted decorations that were used in the fashioning of the interior, although this type of decoration was also used on the façades of some buildings, for example the Colored Mosque in Tetovo. The motives of the painted decorations were of vegetal or geometric origin.” 84 Pašić, 1994, 61–67; Faroqhi, 2000, 236–239. 85 Tewfik, 1933, 214. 86 Translated by M. Asimov, for which I remain forever indebted.

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figure 66 Şerif Bey cami, the inscription, 1828

building was the last representative place of worship built before the Balkan Wars (1912). The building with a minaret and a small cemetery was enclosed by a wall. It was situated in the old Muslim quarter known as Bali Voyvoda. Its unusual name, Hatuniye, means that the founder was a distinguished lady, sometimes from the Sultan’s family. The mosque may be connected with the cult of Rabiya Hanum (Rabiya al-Adaviya al-Qaysia, who lived between 714 and 801), a famous holy woman.87 Her cult was spread in the Balkans by Bektaşi dervişes and there is a tekke in Albania dedicated to her cult. According to Mehmed Tewfik, there was a sacred well known as Buğday bunar (wheat well) in the vicinity of the Hatuniye Mosque. In 1269 AH / 1848/9, miraculously, wheat grains were found in the crystal waters of the well.88 Alternatively, Hatuniye may be connected with the title that was given to the Sultan’s legal wives in the early dynastic period. The Hatuniye Mosque is a modest rectangular building (13.5 × 8.55 m) with a portico to the west. The pitched roof is covered by modern terracotta tiles. The minaret on the right side is short and whitewashed, with a simple decoration on the şerefe balcony. A marble plaque above the entrance contains the following inscription in Arabic letters and in Ottoman Turkish (Fig. 67): This Kible is the most significant spot on this location. They say when you enter this space, 87 88

Clayer, 1990, 388; Ayverdi, 1981, 107; Garnett, 1990, 170–177. Tewfik, 1933, 223–224.

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figure 67 The Hatuniye Mosque, an inscription, 1903

you should have the supreme respect. In this location, worshipping is a reverence. Without any doubt this is a house of Salvation (Dar-ul Salam). With a supreme love, we should repeat, the name of Allah. In this place you could ask whatever you need from Allah. Jamad al-Uhra (September) 1323/190589

During the 19th century, a number of the town’s traditional places of worship were renovated, and their interiors were refurbished or repainted, as recorded on commemorative marble plaques. This was the case, for example, with Üç Şeyhler or Hamza Bey in 1857/8; Hacı Bey in 1875; Hasan Baba in 1883; Yeni cami in 1890, and Ishakkiye, which was specially adapted for the Sultan Reşad V’s visit in 1908. An imperial loggia (hünkar mahfil) for the Sultan and his family was erected on the northwestern side of the prayer hall. The wall paintings, inscriptions from the Quran and heavenly landscapes were repainted by an unknown artist in the period between 1910 and 1912.90 In contrast to the Orthodox churches and the synagogues lost between the town houses and districts, the mosques’ minarets stood out. When Edward 89 90

Translated by the local cleric, Necbeddin Hoca, to whom I am most grateful. Tomovski, 1957, 44, fn. 65; Momidić, 1979, 66.

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Lear visited Manastır in 1848, he created a small collection of panoramas and views of the town dominated by the minarets of Ishakkiye, Yeni, Haydar Kadı, Sungur Çavuş, the clock tower and the mausoleum called Kızlar Bey türbe.91 He expressed his impressions thus: “Either looking up or down the river, the intermixture of minarets and mosques with cypress and willow foliage forms subjects of the most admirable beauty”.92 The Sufi brotherhoods in Bitola and their lodges played an important role in Ottoman social and spiritual life. Many of the Sufi tekkes were located in the predominantly Muslim quarters. Besides the mosques with their prayers, rituals and holy days, the Sufi orders (tarikats) provided significant support in both religious and social life. The teachings of the derviş brotherhoods varied, but all tarikats had in common their mysticism towards God and their search for personal enlightenment. The most popular were those of Nakşbendis, Rifais, Bektaşis and Halvetis. They were politically powerful and belonged to different social classes. The brotherhood of Bektaşis, which drew on the lower classes, including the janissaries, was suppressed by the reforms of Mahmud II in 1826. One of the Bektaşhi leaders from Manastır, Esad Baba, was taken to Constantinople and publicly executed for his beliefs.93 Among the most popular tarikats in the town of Manastır were the Rifai with two tekkes, and the Nakşbendi, Bektaşi and Halveti with one tekke each. Most of these lodges were visited and described by Hasluck, an English traveler through the Ottoman Empire.94 He described the tekkes, graves of the saints, holy places and mausoleums in Manastır as a “Provincial Pantheon”: The following description of the pilgrimages and holy places of the large provincial town of Monastir, all of simple type, little, if at all, affected by the learned classes, may be deemed not without interest for Turkish mythology. There are four tekkes, all small, belonging respectively to the Rifai (two), Nakshbandi, and Bektashi orders. Of these that of the Nakshbandi alone seems to be of importance for popular religion. 91 92 93

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Mihajlovski, 2001, 65–81. Lear, 1952, 27. Mirmiroglou, 1940, 45; Quataert, 2000, 161–162; Arberry, 1970, 604–631; Pallis, 1951, 157–173. According to Lory, 2011, 749, at the beginning of the 20th century, the town of Manastır had the Nakşbendi tekke of Hasan Baba, the tekke of Halveti-hayati of Üç Şeyhler, the tekke of Rifai at Hanlar önü, the tekke of Rifai at the Lokanta, on the main street, the Bektaşi tekke of Hüseyin Baba, a tekke of Malamiye, and the tarikats of Sinani, Mevleviye and Kadiri were represented as well. Hasluck, 1929, 356.

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The first Rifai tekke stands off the main street of the town. Its precincts have been much curtailed by the widening of the street. It contains the tomb of Mahmud Dede, the founder, who is supposed to have lived at the time of conquest.95 The second, which stands on the outskirts of the town, was founded by Sheikh Nazmi Efendi in 1276 (1859–60), who is there buried with other saints, including Sheikh Mehmed of Allepo.96 The Bektashi tekke, also on the outskirts of the town, has outwardly the appearance of a well-to-do Turkish house and is discreetly walled. It contains the tomb of the martyr Husain Baba in an octagonal turbe built in 1289 (1872/3).97 The Nakshbandi tekke, in the same quarter, is more important from our point of view as containing the tomb of Hasan Baba, which is famous for his miracles.98 The saint is said to have fallen under the displeasure of a sultan, who sent men to hang him. Fleeing from them, the saint had turbes built at many places through which he passed, in order to deceive the sultan into believing him dead. Consequently, cenotaphs of Hasan Baba exist in various parts, as at Kossovo, Uskub, Adrianople, Constantinople (in Divan Yolu), Anatolia, and Egypt. Beside each turbe is a mosque. Monastir naturally claims the authentic tomb. The humble turbe containing the grave of the saint is specially frequented by women who cannot bring forth and children who cannot walk. The former find relief by contact with the beads of the saint, and the latter by being supported three times round the grave and leaving behind them the wooden pattens with which the circumambulation is performed. Kurban99 is erected for that purpose outside the turbe; by a miraculous coincidence the saint receives every year exactly three hundred and sixty-six such offerings, one for each day. Many rags are affixed to the turbe windows.100

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The tekke was in the central area between the main street, the Catholic church and the Labor University. It was described by Tewfik Mehmed as Rifai tekke “Lokanta”. It was established by Mahmud Baba during the reign of Selim II (1566–1574). See: Tewfik, 1933, 224. 96 The tekke was on the western outskirts of the town, near the river Dragor and the place Hanlar önü, where once a large Turkish cemetery existed. Ibidem, loc. cit. 97 The tekke still exists today. See: Hasluck, 1929, 524. It is in the vicinity of the Hasan Baba Mosque. The founder Mahmud Baba died in 1848/9. 98 Ibidem, 356. 99 Kurban is the Muslim ritual of sacrificing an animal. In Turkish speaking countries this is known as Kurban-Bayram. 100 Ibidem, 356–357.

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Among the most prominent members of the Nakşbendi brotherhood in Bitola were Hacı Said Efendi, around 1785; Numan Baba, Efgani Şeyh Mehmed Efendi c. 1887, and Kitapçı Mustafa c. 1887.101 A brotherhood of Halveti dervişes had its early beginnings in Bitola/ Manastır in the last decades of the 18th century. It was instituted by the Sufi leader Şeyh Mehmed Hayati from Ochrid, who founded the Halveti tekkes in Manastır, Kesriye/Kastoria, Hlerin/Filurina and Albania. In Bitola, his followers were Ibrahim, Abdul Kerim and Ahmed, known as ‘Three Şeyhs’ (Üç Şeyhler). They were buried in a türbe opposite the mosque Üç Şeyhler or Hamza Bey.102 The tekke and the türbe were ruined in 1911 and suffered heavy damage during WWI.103 Hasluck observes in his notes that he went on pilgrimage to all the tombs of the local Sufi saints and holy places.104 In such a provincial pantheon, Hasluck found some relics from the past connected with the early Islamization of the area, as well as some pre-Christian customs and old Balkan beliefs. Visiting the tombs of the local holy men was widely practiced and visitors prayed at the tombs for the saints’ intercession, lighting candles, placing offerings, or even sleeping near the graves. The supplicants offered a present in the form of clothing, a prayer rug, a sacrificial lamb, a coin or ribbon in order to obtain the miraculous blessing from the saint. A number of such holy places were connected with Christian sites with holy water (Hagiasma) and popular pilgrimage. Consequently, the Muslims and the Christians often venerated the same place, tomb or holy spring, only using different names. Mehmed Tewfik described some of the Muslim sanctuaries in Manastır in his book published in 1911.105 Hasluck and Tewfik are the most valuable sources for understanding the Islamic spirituality in the area of Bitola/Manastır, influenced by ancient Balkan beliefs and superstitions. In his personal pilgrimages through the area of Bitola, Hasluck visited the main places, such as: Bunar Baba, a sacred well traditionally patronized by the Muslims, but also by Christians; the tower of Kuleli Mahmud Hırka Dede or Zindan kulesi; the graves of Çetim Tess Baba, Ciger Baba and Merhum Baba or Tezveren near the Yeni hamam; the Kızlar Bey türbe; and the grave of Halil Baba dating from 1183 (1769/70) at the graveyard of the Yeni Mosque.106 A number of holy places were mentioned by Tewfik and in the local oral legends noted down by Marko Tsepenkov, such as Kırk kardaş 101 Tewfik, 1933, 224–226. 102 Ibidem, 234; Momidić-Petkova, 1988, 99. 103 Palikruševa, Tomovski, 1965, 203–213; Palikruševa, 1959, 105–119. 104 Hasluck, 1929, 356–360. 105 Tewfik, op. cit., 211–214, 216–230; Faroqhi, 2000, 199–202. 106 Hasluck, op. cit., 358–359; Mihajlovski, 2001, 69–72, 76–80; Quataert, 2000, 163–164.

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(Forty Brethren), or the Crooked Mill (Kriva vodenitsa, Eğri Değirmen) on the northern outskirts of the town.107 After the middle of the 19th century, Ottoman Muslims and Christians came under Western educational influences. All parts of the Ottoman Empire were affected, the Balkan areas in some ways more profoundly from the rest.108 The great advantage of these schools was the teachıng of French, which opened up a new world of ideas and Western scientific concepts. The traditional primary (sibyan) and higher medrese schools were changed from their traditional character into state schools: Mekteb-i Rüşdiye, Idadiye, military and medical colleges which included female education.109 The town of Bitola/Manastır played an important role as a centre of learning, education and literature for Muslims, Christians and Jews turning towards Western models. According to the Imperial Russian viceconsul in Manastır, Nikolay Skryabin, in 1883/4 there were two secondary and eight primary schools for the Muslim population in Manastır, with 12 teachers and 350 pupils.110 In the period from 1902 to 1910, the most well-known Muslim primary schools in the town were: Karadibak okulu, Hacı Doğan okulu, Imaret, Büyük Şadırvan, Üç Şeyhler okulu, Numune okulu; and later there were Dar-ul muallimin, Çınar okulu or Resmi inasi Ruşdiye, Adem Mahmut okulu and Islahhane.111 In 1888/9, there were two military colleges, Askeri Idadiye and Askeri Rüşdiye; two secondary colleges (rüşdiye) for boys and girls; a school which trained administrative clerks (Idadi mülkiye okulu); a teachers’ training college (Dar-ul muallimin okulu); a vocational school (Sanat okulu); an agricultural college (Ziraat okulu) and so on.112 It was the era of Tanzimat reforms, when the Ottoman state made efforts to upgrade and to develop the school system. There were also schools sponsored by foreign religious institutions and missionaries, and a number of upper-class students studied abroad, especially in France and Austria. During this period, the Muslim community and others in Manastır were well informed by a number of Turkish newspapers, which were locally printed and published. Such were: “Rumeli” (1873–1875); “Manastır” (1884–1912), “Nejjir-i Hakikat” (1905–1906), “Haftalık Nejjir-i Hakkikat” (1909), “Hukuk-u-ibad” (1910), “Sungu”, “Ileri”, “Kasatura”, “Kurşum”, “Yeni hayat”, “Vatan”, “Elhan” and so on.113 107 Tewfik, 1933, 216–225; Tsepenkov, 1972, 206; Sterjovski, 1988, 311–321; People of Turkey, 1878, 236–237. 108 Davison, 1990, 167; Quataert, 2000, 167–168. 109 Shaw, Shaw, 1977, 106–115; Lewis, 1965, 111–112; Karahasan, 1979, 645–660. 110 Skryabin, 1885, 22, 32; Jolevski, Kokalevska-Taleva, 1996, 351–387; Lory, 2011, 338. 111 Ibrahimgil, 1998, 109–122; Lory, 2011, 340–341. 112 Ibidem, 116–117. 113 Asimov, Dimitrovski, 1999, 268–278.

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The expansion of education, printing and publishing, scholarship and scientific research, and also of the political-economic impact of Europe produced a number of local intellectuals. A few local writers, scholars and scientists began to develop the tools and disciplines of poetry and prose writing, scientific research, linguistics and Ottoman history. Among these intellectuals were: Süleyman Farsi Efendi (d. 1851/2), Hafiz Ebu Bakir Dede-Şaklabani (d. 1869), Manastırlı Naili Şeyh Efendi (d. 1876), Manastırlı Hafiz Musfik Ismail Efendi, Efgani Şeyh Mehmed Efendi, Kaymakam Deli Said Bey, Manastırlı Daniş Ahmed Efendi (d. 1899), Ibrahim Fevzi Efendi (born 1844), Ahmed Danili Efendi (d. 1899), Manastırlı Mehmed Rifat (1851–1907), Manastırlı Ismail Hakki Efendi (1847–1912), Mehmed Tewfik and others.114 Ibrahim Fevzi Efendi was born in 1844 in Manastır. He went to Istanbul, where he served at the medrese of Nişancı Mehmed Paşa. Afterwards, he was an imam in the Mosque of Pir Mehmed in Silivri and teacher in the sibyan mekteb. In 1888, he was appointed as a mufti in the same place, where he served for almost two decades.115 Bahaeddin Bey from Manastır wrote a book Eyyam-ı Gürizan (Past Days), that was published in Cairo in 1908.116 Ismail Hakki Efendi was born in Manastır in 1847. He taught in the schools of Istanbul, e.g. in Fatih (jurisprudence and theology). He wrote commentaries on the books Mawāhib al-Rahman, Qasīda-i Nūhiyyah and Wasāʾil al-Falāh.117 Most famous was the Ottoman army officer, poet, writer and play-writer, Manastırlı Mehmed Rifat (1851–1907). He studied at the local military school and at the War College in Istanbul. A prolific man of letters, Manastırlı Rifat was both an author and translator of more than thirty text-books on military science, mathematics, religion, Arabic and Persian grammar and plays. Together with Hasan Bedredin, he published 16 plays under the title Temasha. All of them were performed in the famous Istanbul theater of Gedik Paşa. Manastırlı Rifat also published numerous plays independently, such as: Görenek, Pakdamen, Osman Gazi, Ya gazi, ya shehid, Medjami el-djeb, Afife Anzelik and literature stories such as Hikayat-i müntakhabe.118 Some of these scholars and writers from Manastır gave great impetus to the formation and development of modern Turkish thought. At the turn of the century, it was a time of cultural expansion, reform and constitutional change. The Young Turks revolution transformed the Macedonian town of Manastır into a place where some momentous events in history could happen, such as the Congress of the Albanian Alphabet held in 114 Tewfik, 1933, 225–230; Bursalı, 1915 (1972), 365; Asimov, Dimitrovski, op. cit., 15–25. 115 Idriz, 2010, 42. 116 Manastırlı, 1908 (2010). 117 Idriz, op. cit., 43. 118 Ursinus, 1991, 371–372.

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November 1908. Muslim, Catholic, Orthodox and Protestant delegates, from Albania and abroad, attended this congress. The task of organizing the congress fell on the Albanian club in Bitola, which bore the name Bashkimi (Union). This club was among the first formed, and it acquired a certain importance as it was in the capital of the vilayet and a cultural centre of the Macedonian hinterland.119 4

The Ottoman Christians of Bitola/Manastır during the 19th Century

After the abolition of the autocephalous Archbishopric of Ochrid in 1767, the whole of Macedonia belonged to the administrative and spiritual jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople. Under its jurisdiction were 108 eparchies (dioceses), of which, according to the list from the middle of the 19th century, the following metropolitanates existed in Macedonia: 1) Thessalonike with eight suffragans, 2) Pelagonia with its seat Bitola and Prilep, 3) Berrhoia and Naoussa, 4) Serres, 5) Drama with one suffragan, 6) Melnik, 7) Prespa and Ochrid with its seat in Ochrid and later Kruševo, 8) Sisanion and Siatista, 9) Cassandra, 10) Skopje, 11) Kyustendil and Štip, 12) Kastoria, 13) Vodena, 14) Goritsa, 15) Strumitsa, 16) Grevena, 17) Meglen, 18) Debar and 19) Veles.120 The prelates of the Pelagonian church held ecclesiastical jurisdiction and political power over the Christian millet in their eparchial territory. All the prelates and monks were unconditionally obedient towards the Ecumenical Patriarchate. Contrary to the mixed composition of the lower clergy, the high clergy was of preponderantly Greek traditional stock and that determined 119 Skendi, 1980, 218–224; Pavlowitch, 1999, 170; Elsie, 1986, 100. 120 Ubicini, 1856, 122–123; Lory, 2011, 819. The list of Pelagonian metropolitans as suffragans of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople between the years 1767 and 1917 is as follows: 1) 1767 Nathaniel; 2) 1772 Meletios (again before 1800?); 3) 1777 Symeon; 4) 1788– 1803 Nektarios; 5) until 21/05/1808 Kalistratos; 6) from 21/05/1808 Achilleios; 7) 1823–1826 Joseph; 8) 1826–1833 Gregorios; 9) 1833–1841 Gerasimos; 10) 1841–1854 Gerasimos II; 11) 1854–1869 Benedict; 12) 1869–1876 Parthenios; 13) 1876–1887 Matthew; 14) 1887–1891 Neophytos; 15) 1891–1895 Alexander; 16) 1895–1900 Cosmas; 17) 1900–1903 Ambrose; 18) 1903–1909 Ioachim, between 1905 and 1908 Aimilianos was a representative of Ioachim; 19) 1909–1910 Basil; 20) 1910–1912 Stephen; 21) 1912–1917 Chrysostomos was the last one, and then he moved to Florina/Hlerin, over the border to Greece, where he continued to be a Metropolitan of Pelagonia under the jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. From 1917, the Serbian Orhodox Church took over the Pelagonian diocese, which was renamed as ‘Episcopate of Bitolj’, as a part of the Metropolitanate of Veles-Debar. The first Serbian bishop was Iosif Cvijović. Grujić, 1928, 200; Tsallis, 1932, 62; Arsić, 1930, 22; Bitoski, 1968, 21; Gedeon, 1886, 612–614; Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 517; Germanos, 1937, 18, 48; Athenagoras, 1929, 32.

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the “graecophone” orientation of the region’s ecclesiastical culture.121 The Patriarchate remained Greek rather than Ecumenical, and the Patriarchal body became an instrument of Greek politics.122 Greek religious control became as complete as the Turkish political control. Greek became the language used in church and school, instead of Church Slavonic.123 The church prelates had jurisdiction over every issue involving the congregation, based on the old ecclesiastical and customary laws. There is a firman from 1191 AH / 1777, issued by the Sultan Abdul Hamid I, through which the Metropolitan Symeon of Pelagonia had to pay taxes to the Porte: 12 akçes per hearth and one golden coin on behalf of each priest.124 The metropolitans of Pelagonia had control over the legislative, administrative and judicial matters in the Orthodox community, including the restoration and building of churches and monasteries. Iconography and mural paintings, woodcarvings and the printing and publishing of liturgical books were under their control. This was the case under Nektarios of Mudanya, who succeeded the first Patriarchist Pelagonian prelate Nathaniel after 1772. With his support, the Introductory Teaching (Εἰσαγωγικὴ διδασκαλία) with a quadrilingual lexicon was published and printed in Venice in 1802.125 A New Testament with decorated silver covers, printed in Venice in 1791, is preserved in the church of St. Demetrios in Bitola. The large format icon of the Holy Virgin ‘of Vatopedi’, flanked by the figures of St. John the Baptist and John Radul the Great, was repainted, and a wooden reliquary box was executed by Michael Zisi Anagnostes from the Vlach village of Samarina in 1826, in the time of the Pelagonian Metropolitan Gregorios.126 121 Todorov, 1998, X, 53–54. In contrast to the high East Orthodox clergy, who were affiliated to the ruling classes, the lower ranks of the clergy, mainly of Slavonic origin, were similar to the dependent population. The representatives of the lower clergy, married priests and monks, also had fiscal functions for the village communities or the town neighborhoods. 122 Runciman, 1968, 409. 123 Kidd, 1927 (1973), 338; Perry, 1988, 14. 124 Regests of sicil 61, p. 69, doc. no. 217 from 1777, f. 46/1. 125 Ivanov, 1970, 63–64; Lazarou, 1986, 133; Skendi, 1980, 213; Tachiaos, 1990, 21–23. The lexicon was first published in 1793/4 and republished in 1802, as noted in the introduction: “Comprising a Quadrilingual Lexicon of the Four Common Dialects, Simple Romaic, Moesian Vlach, Bulgarian and Albanian. Compiled primarily to assist the study of young philologists speaking other tongues by the Most Reverend and Most Learned Teacher, Oikonomos and Preacher Kyr Daniel from Moschopolis. Embellished and augmented with the addition of some useful and curious things, and respectfully dedicated to the Most Sacred and Most Learned Metropolitan of Pelagonia, Most Honorable and Exarch of the whole of Bulgarian Macedonia, Grand Segneur Nektarios of Mudanya, at whose expense it is published for the benefit of the pious Christians of his diocese. In the Year of Our Lord 1802”. 126 Mašnić, 1996, 270–271; Mihajlovski, 1991, 119.

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A number of painters and craftsmen were working for Pelagonian churches and monasteries, such as the icon workshop of Constantine of Korçë for the churches in Dihovo and Velušina in 1789. An icon was painted by Trpo Zograf for the village of Malovišta in 1814, a silver reliquary box was made for the relics of St. Agathangel at the church of St. Demetrios in Bitola, and two monasterial seals were engraved for the Monastery of Slepče by Bitola’s silversmiths.127 At the beginning of the 19th century, the town of Bitola/Manastır emerged as an administrative and military, but also as an ecclesiastical centre in the Balkan Peninsula. Its Christian population grew considerably faster than the Muslim, due to migrations and larger families. At the same time, the Christians were expanding economically and culturally. According to the population census of the town of Manastır from 1830/1, the total population numbered 33,141, of which 24,550 were Christians, 6,723 Muslims, 1,163 Jews, and 705 Romani Gypsies.128 In 1830, the Christian population of Manastır petitioned the Sublime Porte to support their common aim – to build a new cathedral church on the site of the ancient damaged by fire church of St. Demetrios. It seems that it was the proper timing for such an auspicious event: in the Treaty of Adrianople of 1829, the victorious Russians obtained more concessions for the Ottoman Christians; Sultan Mahmud II was reforming the government and there was a newly appointed Metropolitan of Pelagonia, the Grand Protosynkellos, Kyr Gregorios (1826–1833).129 Coming to the Pelagonian see, this energetic prelate had to pay a peşkeş of 16,500 piastres to the Ottoman authorities before obtaining a berat for possession of the churches and monasteries within his diocese. Some historical events, such as the pacification of the Albanians by the Grand Vizier Reşid Paşa, indirectly helped the erection of the church. When the Grand Vizier addressed the Christian community in Manastır “… in a short time 250,000 piastres were collected and presented to the Grand Vizier, of which he accepted only 100,000, six mules with treasure having just arrived from Constantinople. This sum was punctually repaid; and 80,000 piastres were presented to them subsequently, towards the construction of the new church building”.130 At the beginning of 1830, the Christian population assisted

127 Arsić, 1930, 59–61; Mihajlovski, 1993, 165–171; Idem, 1991, 25–36. 128 Todorov, 1983, 311–313. The 1830/1 population census included the male population in its entirety, since it counted the non-Muslims, but not the female population. The district (kaza) of Manastır had 120,585 Christians; 81,736 Muslims; 4,682 Romani Gypsies; 1,163 Jews; 24 Armenians and 35 others, which is a total of 208,222 inhabitants. 129 Arsić, op. cit., 20–21; Gedeon, 1886, 612–613. 130 Urquhart, 1838, vol. II, 347; Ubicini, 1856, 111.

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their prelate in forwarding an official application ( fetwa) to the Sultan’s office in Constantinople. In the middle of the year they obtained: A Charter dispatched by the Governor of Rumeli (Rumeli Valisi) to the Chief-Lieutenant (Kaymakam) of the District (Kaza) of Manastır, concerning the renovation of the church of St. Demetrios in the same town, on 5 August 1830. On account of the damage that people have suffered during these eight to ten years and because of their merits and diligence towards his Eternal Highness’ Empire, it is necessary to respond to their requests and their tranquility. Their church in Manastır is in ruins and the walls have collapsed; since the building is small, it is necessary to renovate and to enlarge the church. Therefore, an application and a court statement were delivered to His Highness, in expectation of His orders, concerning the reconstruction and enlargement of the aforementioned church, and a charter with permission is handed over to the aforementioned people.131 The official documents in the form of a buyuruldu (an order from the Grand Vizier) and a firman (Sultan’s decision) were dispatched by the Sultan’s offices and arrived in the first week of August. In the meantime, the church committee, helped by the local guilds (esnaf ) and population, collected a sum of 184,622 groşes, including 29,400 groşes borrowed from the local Turkish merchants. The church committee, composed of the high clergy and laymen, accepted the wooden model by the master-builder Paul Allegria (from the village of Krimin near Bogatsko, kaza of Kastoria) for the future cathedral church in the town. Paul Allegria or Paul Zagoreos was better known as Pavle Jovanović, architect of the Rila Monastery.132 131 Turski dokumenti, 1958, 49, doc. no. 125 from 1830, sicil 99, folio 20. It seems that before the charter was issued by the Governor of Rumeli, an order from the Vizier was delivered to the Kaymakam and to the Kadı of Manastır, concerning the renovation and enlargement of the church of St. Demetrios. See: Arsić, 1930, 23. 132 When master Paul completed the church of St. Demetrios in Bitola/Manastır, the monastery elders of the Rila Monastery invited him and his experienced builders to build the new monastery church. By building the most impressive monastery in the Balkan Peninsula in 1841, master Paul Allegria (Jovanović) gained fame as a great builder. On 23 March 1842, he wrote in Bitola a letter to the Rila Monastery elders, recommending the skilful Michael Zisi to decorate their church. The letter is preserved in the archives of the National library in Sofia. See: Zahariev, 1964, 119–120; Mihajlovski, 1999, 117; Vasiliev, 1965, 157, fn. 1; Lory, 2011, 213. The Bulgarian architect Tuleškov researched the biography of Paul Allegria, born around 1760 in Krimin, in the family of builders. With his father John, he rebuilt the main churches of the monasteries of Athos, such as: Zograf in 1797–1801,

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The architectural plan proposed by master Paul was a monumental multi-domed, cross-in-square type, but it was abandoned because of the inter-confessional rivalry.133 Instead, he constructed a church building with three naves, resembling a basilica, or rather a combination of a pseudobasilica and a hall-church (Hallenkirche) type134 with a single saddle roof. This church had monumental dimensions of 32.5 meters in length, 33.5 meters in width and an approximate height of 14 meters. With its exceptional dimensions and space of more than 1,200 square meters, it was the largest church in the Ottoman Balkans (Fig. 68).135 Its architectural syntax combined the ancient Levantine basilical traditions, contemporary Central European neo-styles and some marginal Islamic features.136 The façades of the St. Demetrios Church were executed in quite a simple manner, but with an emphasized Mediterranean-Oriental refinement, where the ground floor is surrounded by a three-sided narthex on columns, a feature looking back to ancient peristyles. An exception was made on the apsidal façade, which was adorned with reliefs and bricks in a nineteenth-century version of opus freticulatum (Figs. 69 and 70).137 Contrary to the ascetic configuration of the exterior, the interior has an Eastern Orthodox mystical atmosphere, with a mixture of complex structures close to the Baroque and Rococo styles. The marble portal with decorated jambs and a Neo-Baroque/ Rococo lintel gives the west entrance a monumental appearance. Its decoration

Chilandar in 1802–1804, Esphigmenou in 1806–1810, Xenophontos in 1809–1819 and St. Paul’s Monastery in 1817–1821. The church of St. Demetrios in Bitola in 1830 and the Rila Monastery in 1834–1837 marked the end of his professional achievements. Under his supervision, the building of the Red barracks in Bitola was erected in 1837. He passed away in 1845. 133 Lory, 2011, 200–201. The cult of St. Demetrios, known as Kasim, was observed by the Muslim population of Manastır. 134 A Hall-church is one in which the nave and the aisles are approximately the same height, and is therefore lit from the side windows. The church of St. Demetrios was described by the Russian scholar Victor Grigorovich, 1915, 137–139, and by the Russian Archimandrite Antonin, 1879, 258–260; Vasiliev, 1965, 157, fn. 1. 135 Lory, op. cit., 200. 136 It was a synthesis of ancient traditions that can be traced starting from churches like the Great Basilica of Heraclea of Lyncestis, then in the churches of the Virgin Acheiropoietos and St. Demetrios in Thessalonike, the Basilica of the Nativity of Bethlehem, St. Catherine of Mt. Sinai, the Patriarchal church in Constantinople, and even in some later south Balkan churches from the area of Voskopojë. See: Krautheimer, Ćurčić, 1986, 61, 99–103, 253–257, 290–292; Hadžieva-Aleksievska, Kasapovska, 2001, 14; Vasiliev, op. cit., 157–158. There were some nineteenth-century influences from the European neo-styles, such as: Neo-Baroque, Neo-Renaissance and Neo-Classicism, as an import from Italy. 137 Mihajlovski, 1999, 117–118.

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figure 68 St. Demetrios Church in Bitola, ground plan, 1830

is composed of flowers, garlands and Rococo shells, painted over in the ancient custom (Figs. 71 and 72). At the eastern end of the church, which has three semi-circular apses, there are three separate altars dedicated to St. Nicholas (to the north); to St. Demetrios, the high altar in the centre; and to the Holy Annunciation (to the south). The galleries on the upper floor had two separate chapels dedicated to the Holy Transfiguration and to St. Gregorios Nazianzenos, the Theologian. Those galleries were known as the ‘women’s church’ and were intended for

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figure 69 An eastern view of the church of the Holy Great Martyr Demetrios in Bitola, early 20th century

figure 70 A southern view of the narthex of the church of the Holy Great Martyr Demetrios in Bitola, early 20th century

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figure 71 The portal of the main (western) entrance at the church of St. Demetrios

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figure 72 Drawing of the portal of the main (western) entrance at the church of St. Demetrios

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women to follow the service.138 The central Baroque curved gallery was reserved for the church choir. In contrast with the modest outer façades, the mystical interior was dominated by the colonnade of twelve columns, six on either side, sustaining an arcade and supporting the roof; the massive iconostasis with its holy icons; and the richly ornamented church furniture. The interior and its structural elements such as walls, columns and arches are modestly decorated. Instead, the believer’s attention is concentrated on the large wooden iconostasis, its icons and the liturgy in the chancel. The extraordinary nineteenth-century church painters George Zograf and his son Emmanuel from Selitsa (region of Sisanion) executed the icons and some mural paintings. According to the church archives, they were paid a sum of 8,443 groşes in 1845, with another payment of 3,866 groşes in 1846. There is a preserved Greek inscription on a large icon of the iconostasis, the Synaxis of the Archangels, mentioning the names of George Zograf and his son Emmanuel from Selitsa, from the diocese of Sisanion, September 1846.139 Between 1839 and 1846, they painted the large central apse, the barrel vault of the nave, the large composition of The Last Judgement in the western antechamber, the decorations around the main entrances and the rest of the icons.140 In the upper parts of the altar conch, the figure of the Virgin Orans Platytera with Christ was depicted. The central zone is taken by the Communion of the Apostles. In the composition, the Apostles are standing at a definite distance on both sides of Jesus Christ in a double image: Communion with Wine and Communion with Bread. On the lower band of the apse are the figures of St. Gregorios Nazianzenos, St. Sylvester of Rome, St. John the Merciful, St. John Chrysostom, St. Basil the Great, St. Jacob, St. Dionysios the Areopagite, St. Spyridon, and the Archangels Michael and Gabriel. On the central barrel vault, the iconographers painted a large bust of Christ Pantokrator surrounded by clouds and a celestial landscape. At the main entrances, they painted standing figures of Archangels and the equestrian figure of St. Demetrios. At the southern entrance, an inscription mentions the donors, the priest Athanasios and his Presbytera Maria from Vythkouki (in the region of Voskopojë) (Figs. 73–75). But the most impressive painting was executed around the portal at the western antechamber. The large composition of the Last Judgement 138 It is an ancient Oriental tradition. Even in the 19th century it was usual for men to follow the Holy Service on the ground floor of the church, while women were in the galleries, separated from the men. 139 Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 418; Nikolovski, 1984, 21. 140 Mihajlovski, 1999, 119; Kiel, 1985, 275. The painting of the Last Judgement is painted on the western wall because of the reference in Matthew 24, 27: “as lightning cometh out of the east and shineth even unto the west”.

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figure 73 The southern entrance in the church of St. Demetrios

figure 74 The poetic inscription over the southern gate of the church of St. Demetrios

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figure 75 The votive inscription of Presbyter Athanasios over the southern entrance in the church of St. Demetrios

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(6.60 m × 3.30 m) was a mural painting in the al secco technique. This eschatological theme was illustrated in extensive variants, as found in many churches in the 19th century. The large image of the enthroned Christ in Deesis is on the top of the composition. The Twelve Apostles are seated beside him in the role of judges. The right half is occupied by the righteous, while the sinners are on the left. Paradise is depicted as a fortress where the Patriarchs Isaac, Abraham and Jacob are seated in a row. The Apostles Peter and Paul are standing on the gates of Paradise and behind him are righteous souls, such as Biblical Kings, Patriarchs, Saints and Martyrs. A river of fire flows from the feet of Jesus Christ into the Hell’s throat of Beelzebub, with devils tormenting the sinners. The scenes of hell are depicted with all the torture-awaiting sinners. The angels are blowing their trumpets to announce the Second Coming of Christ (Parousia) and the dead are rising from gaping tombs. A maritime landscape in a Venetian manner was depicted in the background of the composition. The Archangel Michael is protecting the righteous souls from the Fiery River, but the groups of Jews headed by Annas and Kaiaphas, the ancient rulers such as Alexander the Great and Xerxes, and even some bishops and Church dignitaries are being dragged towards the Fiery River by the devils. The painting is rich in colors and a gamut of shades, influenced by the Venetian painting of Titian, Tiepolo and Veronese, but in a late Byzantine iconographic scheme (Fig. 76).141 A large number of icons have been preserved in the church, most of which were painted by other artists, such as: Michael Zograf of Samarina, his son Nicholas from Kruševo, Constantine Zograf of Darda and others.142 Naum George Chrysi painted two murals in 1862, and Constantine Parthenis painted an academic portrait of the church benefactor John Demetriou Pinika in Vienna in 1901.143 Numerous craftsmen, architects and painters worked on the church of St. Demetrios, among which were Nestor Aleksiev, Aleksandar Deroko, Konstantin Makarenko and others.144 A valuable collection of liturgical and church service objects, icons, candelabra, chandeliers and books have been preserved, mainly executed in the local workshops. 141 Mihajlovski, 1999, 119; Stanić, 1981, 151–156; Mazalić, 1953, 47–58. 142 Michael of Samarina painted the icon St. Visarion of Larissa in 1836, his son Nicholas, who lived in Kruševo, painted the icons Jesus Christ the High Priest in 1842, Holy Trinity in 1854, Holy Virgin with Saints in 1866. Constantine Zograf of Darda painted the large icons of Jesus Christ Pantokrator and the Holy Virgin in 1835. 143 Mihajlovski, op. cit., 118–123; Idem, 2007, 53; Snegarov, 1957, 418; Hristova, 1989, 178; Christou, 1996, 197–198. 144 Mihajlovski, Gramosli, 1989, 281–286; Mihajlovski, 1994, 137–147.

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figure 76 The Last Judgement, a detail, painted c. 1845

The large iconostasis, which is 21.5 m wide and 8 m high, is one of the most remarkable features in the church of St. Demetrios (Fig. 77). On 30 October 1830, the taliadoros Stergios Georgiou Kozia Metsovitis, a Vlach from Metsovo, signed a contract with the church committee to carve the entire wooden iconostasis for a sum of 16,500 groşes.145 Such a massive iconostasis required the employment of several woodcarvers, journeymen and apprentices. In scale and structure, it had no equal in the entire region. It is considered that the artistry of this work is stylistically akin to a variant of the Epirote School, but the Baroque, Rococo and so-called ‘Italian’ workshops also influenced it. It has three imperial gates, one for each of the altars. Horizontally, it is divided in three basic levels and into fifteen vertical zones. There are thirty-six scenes from the New Testament in the upper zones and delicately elaborated large icons in the lower zones, separated by carved columns. The parapets and frames are skillfully carved in rich ornamentation consisting of flowers, birds, mythological beasts and stylized human figures. There are also motifs from the Holy Bible and Saints’ lives, such as the Exile of Adam and Eve from Paradise, 145 The creator of this marvellous iconostasis remained unknown for many decades. Only recently has the classical philologist J. Grozdanovski discovered the double document of the contract between the taliadoros and the church commitee (Archive of the Greek Metropolis of Pelagonia in the State Archive in Skopje, box 18, disorderly material). I thank him for sharing the information.

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figure 77 The interior of the church of St. Demetrios, early 20th century

the Martyrdom of St. John the Baptist, the Martyrdom of St. Demetrios, St. Nicholas and so on. The same workshop of woodcarvers executed the rest of the church furniture: the Patriarchal throne (4.5 m high and 0.9 m in wide), the Episcopal throne (1.85 m high and 0.74 m wide), the ambo and some other furniture.146 After taking power on 3 November 1839, Sultan Abdul Mecid proclaimed reforms in a public declaration known as Hatt-ı Sherif of Gülhane. Secularization of the non-Muslim people (millet) was furthered by the Reform decree in 1856. The rising economic status of the new middle class challenged the traditional religion-based power structure of the community, and the millets into which 146 Mihajlovski, 1999, 123; Makris, 1969, 61–62; Hamilton, 1956, 34: “The difference between the Baroque and Byzantine artist lies in the fundamentally separate point of view, however similar their themes may be. The Baroque artist carries earth up to heaven, the Byzantine artist brings heaven down to earth; the Baroque artist carries temporal into the eternal, the Byzantine artist brings the eternal into the temporal; the Baroque artist peoples heaven with human forms, glorified and radiant with the joy of Paradise, but yet the human forms, the Byzantine artist peoples earth with the immortal and solemn denizens of the world beyond. And perhaps both styles of treatment have in religious art their rightful place”.

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the subjects of the Sultan were organized. The decree announced administrative, financial and educational freedoms for the Christian millet, including the safety of person and its property: In the towns, districts and villages where the whole population is of the same religion, no obstacle shall be set to prevent the repair, according to their original plan, of buildings set aside for religious worship and for schools, hospitals and cemeteries. The plans of these buildings, in the case of new construction, shall, after approval by the patriarchs or heads of communities, be submitted to my Sublime Porte, which will approve of them by my Imperial order or make known its observations on them within a certain time. Each sect, in localities where there are no other religious denominations shall be free from every species of restraint as regards the public exercise of its religion. In towns, districts and villages where different sects are mixed together, each community, inhabiting a distinct quarter, shall, by conforming to these regulations have equal right to repair and improve its churches, hospitals, schools, and cemeteries … My Sublime Porte will take energetic measures to ensure to each sect, whatever the number of its adherents, full freedom in the exercise of its religion.147 To popularize the ‘Imperial edicts of reorganization’ (Gülhane Hatt-ı Şerif), some public meetings were organized in Bitola/Manastır. A text was translated in the local dialect and printed in 1851, entitled Kanuname for the Villages of Bitola to Serve as a Law for the Çiftlik Workers and the Çiftliks That Come under the Jurisdiction of Bitola.148 The reform decrees were mostly created for the non-Muslim subjects according to their needs and ideas for equal rights or autonomy. The economic strengthening of the Christians, together with the new era or Tanzimat, provided conditions for the construction of cathedral churches in the towns, and village churches and monasteries in the region of Bitola/Manastır. After the initial hesitations, numerous applications were placed, mainly for the churches and monasteries to be rebuilt or renovated, new schools to be opened, and new printing workshops to be introduced. The representatives of the Slavonic speaking Christians asked the Ottoman authorities for the establishment of their church institutions where the liturgy and education would be in their mother tongue. 147 Shaw, Shaw, 1977, 124–125. 148 Ivanov, 1970, 64–65; Anastassiadou, 1997, 43–57; Jašar-Nasteva, 1986, 485–492.

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During the 19th century, ethnic distinctions became more important, which produced a number of national churches. Those separatist movements often fought against Greek ecclesiastical and cultural expansionism.149 Under the Ottoman law that created the Bulgarian Exarchate in 1870, seventeen dioceses, including Bitola, voted for the Bulgarian Exarchate to be their new church organization.150 In 1863, on the eastern outskirts of the town, near the village of Orizari, the Slavonic speaking Christians built a church dedicated to St. Kyriake (Sv. Nedela) and sought permission to celebrate the Divine Liturgy in Church Slavonic. The church was erected on older foundations and its construction was observed by Johann Georg von Hahn during his visit of Bitola, on 19 October 1863: “… Coming out of the town, we were passing by the spacious church under construction; it was clear to me that the Christians of Manastir were using their freedom in the building of the new church” (Fig. 78).151 The cemetery church of St. Nedela was laid out as a classical three-nave basilica with a single saddle roof covered by terracotta tiles. The outer appearance of the church presents a large longitudinal building 25.93 m long and 18.35 m wide, with an approximate height of 13 m in the octagonal dome. L-shaped narthex was added on the southwestern side (Figs. 79 and 80). The nave is divided from the aisles by two rows of columns. The high central nave has two blind domes and one octagonal drum that introduce light into the church interior. On the eastern side a large, modestly decorated iconostasis was erected with icons painted by Simon Nikolov, Ivan Anastasov Apostolov and a few other authors. Some of the inner walls were partly decorated with murals, including the octagonal drum and its dome.152 The painted scenes 149 Quataert, 2000, 186–187; Trajanovski, 1980, 135–148. 150 McCarthy, 2001, 55. In July 1833, the new government and thirty-three bishops of Greece proclaimed the autocephalous status of their church, an act that was declared uncanonical by the Ecumenical Patriarch Konstantinos (1830–1834). The autocephalous status of the Greek Church was approved by the Ecumenical Patriarch Anthimos IV (1840–1841; 1848–1852), although it furthered the doctrine of ‘ethnophyletism’ (nationalism). The Bulgarian church followed the same doctrine in 1870 in obtaining a decree ( firman) from the Sultan Abdul Hamid and establishing an autonomous Bulgarian Exarchate. But, in 1872, at the Council in Constantinople, the Ecumenical Patriarchate excommunicated the Bulgarian Exarchate and pronounced it schismatic. See: Stavrou, 1988, 162, 186; Zernov, 1963, 191; Stavrianos, 1958, 371–375; Eliot, 1900, 379; Hupchick, 2002, 224; Trajanovski, 1982, 142–155; Kiril Patrijarh, 1969, 92, 553–558; Album – Almanah Makedonija, 1931, section IV, plate XXXI/104, 105, 106. The list of Exarchist Metropolitans of Pelagonia is short: 1) Evstatiy, 2) Grigoriy and 3) Avxentiy. 151 Hahn, 1867, 145. 152 Vasiliev, 1965, 284, 309; Dimovski-Tsolev, 1979, 418–421; Tomovski, 1969, 226.

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figure 78 The church of St. Nedela, a postcard from the beginning of the 20th century

figure 79 Ground plan of the church of St. Nedela, 1863

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figure 80 Elevation of the church of St. Nedela, 1863

illustrated principal ecclesiastical events, saints and martyrs. The painters were influenced by the spirit of the national revival and painted a number of saints, such as Sts. Cyril and Methodius, Sts. Constantine and Helen, St. Elias, St. Spyridon, Sts. Peter and Paul etc. The central dome was decorated with an image of Jesus Christ Pantokrator and a frieze of angels. The differences in style and color scheme indicated that there were two layers of wall decoration: an older one, which was ordered by the guild of furriers in 1864, and the second one painted some years later by Simon Nikolov.153 A simple commemorative text on a marble plaque above the central entrance refers to the construction of the church of St. Nedela by the Patriarchist Metropolitan Venediktos Vyzantios on 13 October 1863.154 The complex of the church of St. Nedela contains a large monasterial inn on the western side and a historical cemetery on the eastern side, where the tombs of Alexander Turundžev and Paul Šatev are located (Fig. 81). There were separate ‘Greek’ cemeteries (Bukovski grobišta) on the southern outskirts of the town, near the ancient Heraclea of Lyncestis. A chapel dedicated to the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul was erected for the Patriarchist

153 Vasiliev, 1965, 309. 154 Ibidem, 244.

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figure 81 The church of St. Nedela in 2000

faction.155 “The argument about the cemeteries evolved into a conflict between the factions. In 1897, the partisans of the Exarchate asked that their dead be buried in the cemeteries where their parents who died before the Schism rested, which the Patriarchist faction categorically refused.”156 On the western outskirts of the town, a chapel dedicated to the Archangels Gabriel and Michael stood beside another small cemetery. The representatives of the Exarchate in Bitola asked the Patriarchist Metropolitan and the Ottoman Governor for permission to establish further schools and churches in the town. At the church of St. Demetrios, they agreed to read the Gospel first in Greek and then in Church Slavonic. This temporary solution lasted until 1869, when the local doctor Mišaykov and the church committee purchased a section of property on the right bank of the river Dragor, which was bestowed for the construction of two buildings: the future Exarchist church dedicated to the Nativity of the Holy Virgin and the school of Sts. Cyril and Methodios. The church is mentioned in a report (dated 14 October 1873) of the Russian consul in Manastır, V. Maximov, to the Russian ambassador in Constantinople, concerning the church question in the Pelagonian diocese: “Thanks to the Robev brothers and the devoted effort of Dr. Konstantin Mišaykov, the local physician, a small church in honor of the Nativity of the Mother of God was built in the centre of the town during the last month and a half. They call this church here a chapel (temporary church)”.157 After 1870, the steering committee started the construction of the church; the 155 A marble plaque is preserved in the church of the Holy Apostles (Sts. Peter and Paul) in the so-called ‘Bukovo cemetery’, which was rebuilt in 1934. The text in Greek mentions the Orthodox community, which erected a cemetery chapel that was consecrated by the Pelagonian Metropolitan Matthew on 30 October 1878. 156 Lange-Akhund, 1998, 31. 157 Macedonia, documents and materials, 1978, 301–303.

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figure 82 Ground plan of the church of the Nativity of the Holy Virgin, built in 1876

architectural plan was made by V. Darkov, and the master-builder was Grozdan Mito Peyovski from the village of Sopotnitsa. The building was consecrated by the Bishop Parthenios, the Archimandrite Ananias and the priest John Ibišo on 25 March 1876.158 The church was a basilica with a nave and two aisles, 29.5 m long, 22 m wide and 17 m high, while the marble floor in the interior was one meter below ground level (Figs. 82 and 83). The main body was surrounded by porticos from the northern, the southern and the western side, which carried galleries on the second floor. What was new in this construction was the complete fragmentation of the roof structure. Above the central nave rose an octagonal drum topped by a baroque dome. The architectural aesthetic impulse was expressed in some elements, such as the different forms of windows (oculus and rectangular) and Neo-Classical decorations on the façades 158 Mihajlovski, 1994, 7–10; Ivanov, 1970, 65; Dimovski-Tsolev, 1979, 419, fn. 99. A commemorative marble plaque was set above the main entrance in Bulgarian and Greek: “To the others, this is a place where the future Bulgarian church, the chapel, the schools for boys and for girls, and the candle shop are going to be erected, and they belong to the people. They were funded by Doctor Konstantin Mišaykov of the village of Patele in Macedonia and presented to the Bulgarian people of Bitolya, who recognize the spiritual authority of the Bulgarian Exarchate. Let the memory of him and his family be forever, in the time of the Exarch Antim I, Bitolya 25 March 1876”.

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figure 83 Elevation of the church of the Nativity of the Holy Virgin, built in 1876

figure 84 The church of the Nativity of the Holy Virgin in 2000

and entrances (Fig. 84). The interior space is dominated by ten strong columns, five on each side, and a large carved wooden iconostasis, 21 m long and 7 m high. The iconostasis is the result of the merging of two village churches’ iconostases from the destroyed during WWI churches dedicated to the Dormition of the Holy Virgin (Trnovo) and to St. Demetrios (Magarevo). Parts of these wooden iconostases were mounted together, and stylistically, the woodwork has a Renaissance grasp of symmetry and anatomy combined with Baroque mobility (Fig. 85). This work belongs mainly to the Epirotic woodcarving school. But an unknown craftsman belonging to a Miyak woodcarving school elaborated the Bishop’s throne.159 159 Ćornakov, 1986, 119–124; Vasiliev, 1943, 254, 261; Makris, 1969, 49–51; Mihajlovski, 1994, 28–34.

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figure 85 The iconostasis of the church of the Nativity of the Holy Virgin in 2000

Several icon painters made icons for the church. Among them were Dimitar Andonov Zograf from the village of Magarevo; Simon Nikolov from Lazaropole; an anonymous painter; Ivan Melynikov, a Russian émigré, painter who lived in Bitola after the October Revolution; Peter Bibić and others.160 On the western side of the central body of the church stand the mausoleum, where Bishop Grigoriy was buried in 1906, and a black marble tomb where Metropolitan Clement was buried in 1979. Art and architecture developed in the urban churches and in monasterial environments, and to a particularly great extent in the middle of the 19th century, when the restrictions imposed by the traditional Ottoman customs towards mural paintings and belfries were no longer so rigorous. The new Tanzimat reforms contributed to the development of new ecclesiastical architecture under the influence of European neo-styles. The building programs were supported by the emergent urban upper classes. Gradually, the architecture and paintings began to play a definitive role in a national revival and enlightenment process in the Christian community of Bitola/Manastır. The wall paintings were liberated in many ways from the old Byzantine canons, reflecting the new national awareness of Ottoman Christians. Some painters combined the traditional iconographic schemes with the events and heroes of local history. On the iconostasis and on the painted walls, the figures of the old saints and martyrs merged with painted images of new saints, such as St. George from Joannina, St. Zlata (Chryse) of Meglen and others. Ecclesiastical art began to rid itself of the Post-Byzantine and medieval iconographic schemes and complicated inscriptions. Instead, everyday life elements were introduced in the religious scenes, such as social scenes, realistic life scenes and folklore. The icon painters of the period used a variety of fresh colors to create a festive atmosphere, which corresponded to the spirit of the new era. 160 Ibidem, loc. cit.

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In the village monasteries that surrounded Bitola, such as those of Bukovo, Velušina, Graešnitsa, Tsapari, Trnovo, Magarevo and Dragoš, different painters from various areas painted the church interiors: Joseph Radević of Lazaropole, John of Chioniades originating from Tournovo, Constantine of Tournovo, Dimitar Andonov Zograf of Magarevo and others, i.e. a variety of artists coming from the Vlach villages of Epirus, Slavonic Miyaks from the area of Debar, from Kruševo, Magarevo and so on.161 The master-builders and masons from the areas of Epirus, Western Macedonia and Smilevo near Bitola had passed on for centuries the profession of church builders and craftsmen. “The inhabitants, almost in their entirety, have for centuries carried on the profession of builder and artisan; and during most of the year, with their bag of tools in their hands, they would journey all over the Balkan Peninsula. They went as far afield as Bucharest and Constantinople, travelling in companies with a master-builder at their head.”162 The head-masons and master-builders were known as ustabaşı or protomaistor. The master-builders, the icon and mural painters, goldsmiths and embroiders, all worked together in decorating the churches and monasteries. The churches required interior decoration in the form of carved iconostases, episcopal thrones, lecterns, ambos, tables and other carved ecclesiastical furniture. The woodcarvers made the wood-carved objects that were essential liturgical furnishing in every Orthodox church. There is a detailed description of such a church interior by the travelers through the Balkans, Alan Wace and Maurice Thompson: The nave is separated from the chancel by a tall screen of wood, most elaborately carved and gilt. In this are inserted the principal ikons and before them hang votive offerings of silver, beads, coins, cheap jewelry and the like. Above in the screen is a row of niches filled with ikons representing the important festivals of the church in order from left to right. The one that is appropriate to the festival of the day is taken out and placed on a stand in the body of the church and by its point a metal stand for the tapers of the worshippers. Two similar taper stands are placed in the nave one on either side of the central door of the screen and in front of the two principal ikons. From the centre on the top of the screen rises a great gilt wooden cross flanked by two dragons. Often too from the overhanging cornice of the screen project wooden doves from which are suspended the small oil lamps that are lighted before the ikons. Within 161 Chatzidakis, Drakopoulou, 1997, 136–138; Makris, 1981, 25–26; Moutsopoulos, 1966, 26–27, fig. 10; Mihajlovski, 1987, 139–161; Vasiliev, 1965, 277. 162 Vacalopoulos, 1973, 460.

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the screen the arrangement of the chancel with the prothesis on one side and diakonikon on the other is the same as in all orthodox churches …163 The woodcarvers and craftsmen came from Epirus, Western Macedonia or Mount Athos. The icon painters, master-builders and carvers inscribed their names and the names of donors and contributors, together with other historical data on their works. During the 19th century, the previous single nave basilical churches with vaulted or wooden roofs, mainly built in the earlier centuries, were replaced by three-aisled timber-roofed basilicas, accompanied by a tower-like belfry. For the numerous Christian communities, large exonartheces were built on the three sides of the central church body.164 They were usually built out of stone with ample use of wooden and plastered interiors. At the corners of the walls were always placed worked pieces of stone (quoins). The exterior of the apses was decorated with simple figures or geometric shapes. The three-aisled basilicas were of large dimensions and with large windows. Folk architecture followed suit with intense activity in the decoration of churches and houses.165 In the area surrounding the town of Bitola/Manastır, settled with numerous Christian villages, there was also much building activity. A number of village churches and monasteries, situated on the slopes of the Baba range along the Via Egnatia route, were renovated or rebuilt. The most notable are: the Bukovo Monastery of the Holy Transfiguration, renovated in 1837;166 the Krstoar Monastery of St. Christopher, renovated in the middle of the 19th century;167 the Velušina Monastery of St. George the Trophy-bearer renovated after 1839;168 the Barešani Monastery of St. Mercurius, rebuilt in the middle of the 163 164 165 166

Wace, Thompson, 1914 (1972), 86. Moutsopoulos, 1966, 33–34; Bouras, 1991, 118–119. Moutsopoulos, op. cit., 18. The Bukovo Monastery was built over an ancient Paleochristian basilica. It was renovated in 1837, and an iconostasis made in 1881. The basilica had a nave with an octagonal dome and two aisles. There was a carved iconostasis of wood, a proskinitarion and some minor furniture. This monastery was famous for its scriptorium during medieval times. See: Arheološka karta, 1996, 25; Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 438; Traičev, 1933, 166–167; Ćornakov, 1990, 143–144; Bojadžievski, 1992, 206–207. 167 In the vicinity of the Bukovo Monastery, it was built on the foundations of a Roman shrine, near an ancient spring. A longitudinal church building was erected in the middle of the 19th century. It had a simple iconostasis with a remarkable wood-carved Crucifixion. See: Arheološka karta, op. cit., 34; Snegarov, op. cit., 438–439; Traičev, loc. cit.; Ćornakov, op. cit., 144; Bojadžievski, op. cit., 207. 168 It is situated above the village of Velušina. It was renovated between 1839 and 1879 by the builders Mito and Peter. It has a three-aisled basilica, 13.3 m long, 6.15 m wide and 6 m high. According to the inscription above the main entrance, the church was painted by

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19th century;169 the Dragoš Monastery of St. Elias destroyed during WWI; the Trnovo Monastery of the Holy Virgin, heavily damaged during WWI;170 the Tsapari Monastery of St. Paraskeve, renovated in 1849;171 the Monastery of St. Anna near the village of Malovišta;172 the Čebren Monastery in the region of Morihovo;173 the Slepče Monastery of St. John the Forerunner; and the Monastery of St. Nicholas in Toplitsa (Demir Hisar area).174 The last one acquired an unusual status after 1828, becoming a metoch (daughter house) to the Monastery of St. Catherine, Mt. Sinai, under the protection of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem.175 From the middle of the 19th century, a number of Slavonic speaking Christians of Macedonia began to convert to Roman Catholicism, especially in the area of Kukuš (Kilkis, north of Thessalonike). In Bitola/Manastır, this movement started through the efforts of the missionary orders of St. Lazarus

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Constantine John from Chioniades in 1848, who richly adorned the iconostasis with icons as well. See: Ćornakov, 1990, 145–146. The monastery is located above the village of Barešani, near the ancient route of the Via Egnatia. Its architecture is not especially distinguished, but there are a few landscape mural paintings. In the later 19th century, it was used as a mental asylum. See: Arheološka karta, 1996, 17; Traičev, 1933, 165–166; Ćornakov, op. cit., 145; Bojadžievski, 1992, 207–208. The church, which was renovated in 1833, was heavily damaged by the artillery bombardment exchanged between French and German armies and their allies. Some fragments of the iconostasis were taken to Bitola to the church of the Holy Virgin. The monastery was entirely rebuilt in 1920. The monastery is located in the vicinity of the village of Tsapari. The three-aisled church, which is surrounded by monastery buildings, was renovated in 1849. It contains some remarkable icons from 1792 and from the middle of the 19th century. See: Traičev, op. cit., 57–58. The monastery is situated in a picturesque environment and its modest building was erected on Paleochristian foundations and near a spring. Arheološka karta, op. cit., 36. In a remote area, near the ruins of the medieval settlement of Čebren, on the river Tsrna. It was renovated in the 19th century and heavily damaged during WWI. A monastic school was active there during the 19th century. See: Arheološka karta, op. cit. Ibidem, 32; Traičev, op. cit., 163–164. For the Monastery of St. John the Forerunner of Slepče, it was a period of decline. The church was rebuilt and frescoed in 1862. The scriptorium and the wood-carving workshop were not active anymore. The Monastery of St. Nicholas of Toplitsa had serious financial problems and some of the buildings were burned down at the end of the 19th century. See: Ibidem, 61–68; Snegarov, 1932 (1995), 435–437. According to Skryabin, 1885, 47 and Tsepenkov, 1972, 162–164; Mihajlovski, 1994, 15–17; Idem, 2008, 52–53. The Toplitsa Monastery of St. Nicholas was under the protection of the Monastery of St. Catherine of Sinai and therefore it paid 1/2 oka of silver, as an annual tax. The Monastery of Sinai had around 14 metochia or daughter houses in various parts of the Orthodox world. Kidd, 1927 (1973), 316; Vesela-Prenosilova, 1980, 259; Morrow, 2013, 205–222.

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figure 86 The Catholic church on the main street in Bitola, built after 1900

and St. Vincent de Paul. The Lazarist mission was established by the priest Joseph Lepavec with the help of the French and the Austrian consul. After 1857, a few more Catholic priests arrived in Manastır: Jean-Joseph Casagnes, Michael Stassionis and Claude Faveyrial. A chapel was built in the vicinity of the French consulate, but later a church was built and dedicated to the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus. The first building from 1870 was located on the Hamidiye street, and it was Baroque in style. After a fire in 1900, which destroyed the roof, it was renovated with a Gothic façade (Fig. 86). A school and mission were organized by the Sisters of St. Vincent (Daughters of Charity).176

176 Delijanov, 2006, 3; Bitoski, 1968, 160–165; Vacalopoulos, 1988, 34–39; Robević, 1940, 8–9; Berard, 1897, 237.

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figure 87 The old gates of the Methodist church, 1883

In the same period, the Protestant societies and churches tried to establish their missions in Bitola, especially after 1860. In 1878, after a tour of investigation, the town of Manastır was selected as the most favorable centre for work in Macedonia, and in the fall of that year two missionary families were located there. James F. Clarke and John W. Baird established the Missionary Society of the Congregational Churches of America. In 1873, the Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church established a station in Manastır (Fig. 87).177 The American Bible Society and the Scottish Bible Society worked in Bulgaria and Macedonia. A depot of the British and Foreign Bible Society was established in Manastır.178 From there they worked to introduce their missions and to influence other large settlements and communities such as Prilep, Voden, Veles, 177 Clarke, 1988, IX–X, 369; Macedonicus, 1948, 82–84; Gopčević, 1889, 113–114. 178 Durham, 1920, 100–102; Bogdanovski, 1999, 63–65. The most active were the members of the Kyriazi family: George, Christo and their sister Paraskevi. Redžepagić, 1968, 157–160; Skendi, 1980, 217.

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figure 88 The building of the Evangelical Alliance in Bitola, second half of the 19th century

Kavadartsi, Enice Vardar, Skopje, Priština and so on. The Evangelical Alliance in Constantinople formed a mission in Bitola/Manastır in the second half of the 19th century (Fig. 88). Ottoman Manastır became a place of considerable educational and cultural development among the local population. The multicultural character of the town demanded a considerable variety of educational activities, especially within the Christian millet. Since the beginnings of the 19th century, with the signs of demographic and economic growth, the various Christian communities experienced an intellectual revival. The first schools were organized by the Ecumenical Patriarchate around 1830 and gave instruction in Greek.179 In 1851,

179 Papadopoulos, 1992, 398–400; Jolevski, Kokalevska-Taleva, 1996, 353–354.

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figure 89 A postcard with the Greek lyceum for boys in Bitola, Hamburg, Anastase G. Zalli, no year

a private Greek school was opened by Margarites Demitsas.180 According to the statistics made by the Russian viceconsul Nikolay Skryabin, in 1883/4 there were six Greek Patriarchist primary schools with 492 pupils, one lyceum with 213 pupils, and a theological seminary (Fig. 89).181 The Tanzimat reforms encouraged the development of schools and the cultivation of letters among the numerous Slavonic speaking Orthodox Christians, and a rapidly growing number of schools was organized in the town of Bitola/ Manastır. Between 1856 and 1876, a few hundred Bulgarian and Macedonian students received scholarships to study in Russia and some other European countries, which changed their attitude towards scholarship and education.182 Around 1873, small private schools in the “mother tongue” were opened in the town’s quarters. A separate Exarchist community was finally formed in

180 Koltsidas, 2003, 590–591. Unfortunately, but rather understandably, I wasn’t able to make better use of this monumental monograph. Still, it is now quite evident, especially after the recent (re)discovery of precious source material for the Greek community and education in Bitola, that it could not be complete. Some exciting work awaits the new generations of philologists and historians. 181 Skryabin, 1885, 22–23. 182 Stavrianos, 1958, 369.

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1869, which led to the construction of a new church and a new school building.183 In 1883/4 there were five Exarchist boys’ schools and one girls’ primary school, with a total of 436 pupils. These functioned in various town quarters, including the central one (Ročka), next to the church of the Holy Virgin, where a high school for senior boys and girls was established. A number of teachers were working there, such as: Dimitar Miladinov, Rayko Žinzifov, Krste Misirkov, Dame Gruev, Paraškev Tsvetkov, Nedela Petkova, Gyorče Petrov, Dimitar V. Makedonski, Michael Gerdžikov and many others.184 One of the most prominent teachers and intellectuals was Krste Misirkov, who wrote the book On Macedonian Matters.185 It was written by Misirkov in response to the failure of Ilinden, and it constitutes the ideological culmination of the development of nineteenth-century Macedonian nationalism. As an illustration, some of the final paragraphs of the book explain his views: “The following should be adopted: 1. The Prilep-Bitola dialect as the basis of the literary language, since it is equally distant from Serbian and Bulgarian, and central in Macedonia, 2. A phonetic orthography … with minor concessions to etymology and 3. The collecting of dictionary material from all Macedonian dialects”.186 As a matter of fact, the region of Pelagonia, with Bitola and Prilep, together with the towns of Ochrid and Veles, was the cradle of this Macedonian national idea. In his work On Macedonian Matters, Misirkov also insisted on the reestablishment of the Archbishopric of Ochrid. In the same period, Macedonian students associated around the “Macedonian voice” (Makedonskiy golos) in 1913 in St. Petersburg demanded the independence of Macedonia and the reestablishment of the Archbishopric of Ochrid as a national church (Figs. 90 and 91).187 With the growth of national consciousness among the different Christian millets in Manastır, it was natural that the Vlach community should follow this national agenda. It started with the cultural connection between Romanian and Macedonian Vlachs. It was Apostol Margarit (1832, Avdella – 1903, Manastır), a Vlach school teacher and writer, who aroused an educational, ecclesiastical and linguistic renaissance among the Vlach population of the town and of the surrounding villages. In 1886 he founded a gymnasium in Manastır based on 183 Dimovski-Tsolev, 1979, 413–414. 184 Doklestić, 1964, 284, 288, 290; Perry, 1988, 174, 182, 251; Lange-Akhund, 1998, 54; Georgieva, Konechni, 1998, 52–53, 132, 160, 165, 168, 187–188, 202, 263–264; Mojsov, 1979, 114–120; Polenakovich, 1974, 77–78; Tachiaos, 1990, 33; Gerdžikov, 1984, 21. 185 The book was published in Sofia in December 1903, but it was confiscated by police in the printing shop before it could be distributed. Misirkov, 1974, 20. 186 Friedman, 1975, 91; Misirkov, op. cit., 202; Georgievski, 1980, 140–144; De Bray, 1951, 243–247. 187 Misirkov, op. cit., 61; Dimevski, 1969, 70.

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figure 90 The residence of the Bulgarian Exarchate in Bitola

figure 91 The church of the Nativity of the Most Holy God-Bearer, early 20th century

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figure 92 The building of the Vlach Gymnasium in Bitola, 1886

the modern principles of education (Fig. 92). This was done with the approval of the Sublime Porte and the sympathy of the Roman Catholic missionary in Manastır, father Faveyrial. Many of the later Vlach, or even some Romanian intellectuals, were educated in this gymnasium – N. Batsaria, A. A. Ziku, G. Murnu, M. Beasa, to name a few. The Vlach community built their own church dedicated to Sts. Constantine and Helen in 1905 and formed a separate cemetery in the area of the ancient Heraclea of Lyncestis (Figs. 93 and 94).188 Still, some of the Vlachs, such as D. Lala, G. Modis, G. Sayaxis, A. Maltos and others, contributed to the establishment of cultural institutions in the new Greek state.189 After the inauguration of the Serbian consulate in Bitola in 1888, a Serbian school and a mixed gymnasium were opened in 1897.190 The Roman Catholic mission of Lazarists and St. Vincent de Paul had also founded a school in the French language in 1855. After 1900, a girls’ school of St. Vincent was opened. The American Protestant missionary schools worked in Manastır from 1878. The mission of the Congregational Churches opened a gymnasium and a girls’ boarding school. In some ways the Western schools served as a bridge uniting the town’s various ethnic groups and introducing modern methods of 188 Bitoski, 1968, 139–147; Villari, 1905, 154–157; Trpkoski-Trpku, 1986, 70–73; Adeney, 1965, 351; Lazarou, 1986, 141; Berard, 1897, 233. A monograph about both the original and the new Vlach church in Bitola has just been published, too late for it to be fully appreciated here (Paligora, 2018). 189 Kokolis, 1997, 209–214; Temelis, 1997, 142. 190 Lory, 2011, 375.

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figure 93 The icon-screen of the old Vlach church in Bitola, early 20th century

figure 94 An eastern view of the Vlach cemetery in Bitola, early 20th century

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figure 95 The Zavalani Mansion, where the Congress of the Albanian alphabet was held in 1908

education at the same time.191 The percentage of students in the general population of the Vilayet of Manastır in 1903 was 7.62% of the 840,454 inhabitants (64,076) (Fig. 95).192 191 Sterjovski, 1999, 38–42. 192 Alkan, 2000, 99.

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At the turn of the century, Bitola had an astonishing number of newspapers in different languages, for the different ethnic groups living in the town. Among them were: Napred (Forward), printed from 1908; Pelister; Rabotničeska iskra (Workers’ Spark, 1909–1911); Na oružie (To Arms); Lumina (Light, 1903–1908); To Phos (The Light); Drita (Light); Bashkimi i Kombit (Unity of the Nation, 1900–1911).193 At the same time, the town of Manastır had numerous libraries and bookshops, but also a few Masonic lodges, secret organizations and cultural associations dedicated to the spreading of revolutionary principles and secessionist movements. Such were the Greek “Casino” and even the committee of the hospital “Annunciation” (Evangelismos), the Bulgarian “Sts. Cyril and Methodius” (1884), the Serbian “St. Sava” (1885), and the Socialist movement. Three Masonic lodges were organized by the Jewish and other intellectuals in Bitola.194 5

The Sephardic Jewish Community of Bitola/Manastır between 1800 and 1943

When Sultan Mahmud II (1808–1839) visited Thrace in 1831, he stated: “I distinguish among my subjects, Muslims in the mosque, Christians in the church and Jews in the synagogue, but there is no difference among them in any other way. My affection and sense of justice for all of them is strong and they are indeed my children”.195 The Jewish population in Manastır benefited much from the Tanzimat reforms, because it was formally recognized as a constituent religious community (millet) within the Ottoman Empire, a status that it had always lacked officially. After 3 November 1839, the Sultan issued the Noble Prescript of the Rose Chamber (Hatt-ı Şerif of Gülhane), which proclaimed the principle of equality for all classes and religious groups, security of property and personality, including that each community had equal rights to repair and improve their places of worship, hospitals, schools and cemeteries, to establish their own public schools of sciences, art and industry … In some ways, the era of modernization brought together the traditional institutions with the secular associations, which were no longer dependent on state structures. But unforeseen circumstances were creating instability and distress within the Sephardic community of Manastır. The epidemics of plagues and the great fires in 1828 and 1834 consumed a large area of Jewish quarters and the 193 Bogdanovski, 1999, 304–308. 194 Castelan, 1992, 358. 195 Levy, 1994, 103; Mišev, 1916, 339.

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figure 96 The interior of the synagogue Aragon, with the local congregation, early 20th century

Jewish bazaar. Even one of the main synagogues was damaged in the fire of 1828.196 Already in 1809, the Jewish community applied to the Sublime Porte to repair their synagogue. Again, in 1841, the congregation asked for a new synagogue, which can be connected with the alteration of the older one. During the 19th century, a few more synagogues or chapels were built. According to Mehmed Tewfik, around 1906, the town of Manastır had six synagogues: Il Kal Portugal, Il Kal Aragon, Il Kal de Ozer Dalim, Il Kal de la Havra Kadisha, Il Kal de Hakham Levi Yithzak, Il Kal de Salomon Levi and Il Kal de Jahmuel Levi.197 Subscriptions and voluntary donations supported most of the synagogues. Some other sources claim that there were three synagogues and five Beth Midrash in Manastır (Fig. 96).198

196 Regests of sicil 97, p. 9–10, doc. no. 30 from 1828, f. 15/3. 197 Dimovski-Tsolev, 1993, 36, 395; Tewfik, 1933, 240; Gopčević, 1889, 115. 198 Deutsch, Franco, 1904, 654; Alboher, 2010, 37–38. A small synagogue of Aroesti was located in the prayer hall, a synagogue for children and youth was added to the religious school building, and a small synagogue was established for the residents of the courtyard.

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In 1844/5, the Jews of Bitola lived in the following, already known mahalles: Yeni Avlu, Avlu Drahor, Paşa Avlu, Büyük Avlu, New Synagogue, Old Synagogue and Ali Çavuş. According to this Temmetüat defteri, the total tax income in the Sultan’s fiscus from this Jewish community was 105,417.5 groşes.199 In the Sultan’s official letter – berat of 1854, given to the Grand Rabbi Hayim HaCohen, the Jewish communities throughout the Empire were given more privileges in relation to government authorities: … (We further order), that the synagogues and schools, which for many years have belonged to that (Jewish) nation, should not be the object of any descent under the pretext of inspection; that no one should interfere with their restorations and repairs, which can take place without permission, nor should any barrier be made to their repairs; that no seizure should be made of objects in the schools and synagogues for debts or other reason; and that whatever has been taken by tricks should be restored through the intervention of the Muslim courts.200 With economic prosperity and wider political influence, the Jews of Manastır restored and repaired their ancient synagogues and chapels, adding some new buildings of worship in the town’s areas to which they expanded, such as Kara Oğlan, Firuz Bey, Oğul Paşa, and close to the river proper. There is no architectural evidence, no documentation, no plans or even a description of Manastır’s synagogues, except for a few photographs taken by the famous local photographer Milton Manaki at the end of the 19th century. No satisfactory photographs of the exterior of the buildings exist, but some idea of these buildings may be gained by examining a few photographs of the interior, or by examining some synagogues of the same general type which survive in the region. In general, with some exceptions, the nineteenth-century synagogue architecture in Manastır was of a rather modest standard. The architects and master-builders began to react against the exuberant ornamentation of the medieval period. The synagogues possessed an appearance of dignity and restraint, influenced by the nineteenth-century architectural trends of the local mosques, Orthodox churches and civil architecture. The styles were not associated only with Jewish Sephardic monuments. The architecture was under the influences of Classical, Baroque and ‘Levantine’ styles in admixture with the local building traditions. “In Sephardi synagogues the bimah was actually 199 The entire census has been translated by D. Gjorgiev. The pages describing the Jewish community have been published again separately. See: Makedonskite Evrei, 2014, 16–141. 200 Shaw, 1991, 153.

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placed on or near the wall opposite the ark, and the axis between them was left empty. Seating was arranged along the other (usually longer) walls, often in rows set behind one another, and worshippers turned to left or right to follow the liturgy at the ark of bimah”.201 Architecturally, there were two alternatives in the construction of synagogues in Bitola/Manastır. One was the square plan with four supports, discarding the central dome raised above the vaults, and substituting it for a small canopy, which is known from the Maharshal synagogue in Lublin (Poland).202 Such a four-pillared Eastern European synagogue differs from Spanish traditions. Another type of synagogue built by the Balkan Jews, such as the Samokov synagogue in Bulgaria and the Yambol synagogue in Istanbul, was based on the Sephardic-Spanish traditions: The Samokov synagogue has four internal wooden supports delimiting a square in the centre of the prayer hall, but they are not linked to form a tabernacle as they were in some Eastern synagogues of the late sixteenth through the early nineteenth century. The supports at Samokov are tall and slim, allowing for convenient sight lines around them. They hold an ornamental paneled and recessed ceiling with inscribed circles and squares alternating inside the central square panels, while square and rectangular panels alternate around the perimeter of the room. The bimah stands not under the central panel but near the West wall, as was usual in Mediterranean-area synagogues. The axial arrangement of ark, columns and bimah included the mystical illumination or sense of religious climax found in the Askenazic four-pillared synagogues.203 The synagogues of Manastır preserved their architectural traditions and rectangular plans, constructed in stone or bricks, with a wooden ceiling, and simple painted decoration. But in the 19th century, they were influenced by the contemporary architectural pluralism and Classical Revival styles, as part of the Western modernization trends. The floors were paved with wood or stone and covered with carpets and straw mats. The light came through small windows, or from small hanging lamps. Exceptionally, some important Jews sometimes received permission to build private synagogues or prayer rooms in private houses, including houses of study (Beth Midrash). Such were a few small places of worship (chapels) in Manastır, but the main synagogues 201 Krinsky, 1996, 545; Kashtan, 1971, 613–619. 202 Wischnitzer, 1975, 288–289; Wigoder, 1986, 93–110; Krinsky, 1985, 206–209. 203 Ibidem, 178–179; Grossman, 1995, 85, 91. Another model for the synagogues of Bitola can be found in the well preserved Portuguese synagogue in Amsterdam.

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were popularly known as Havra.204 According to S. Alboher, around 1886 “… a traveler described the synagogue as a structure with three lines of columns which supported the building from inside, and twelve majestic domes on its roof, giving the building the appearance of Muslim mosque or Turkish hamam”.205 Most of Bitola’s synagogues and chapels were situated in the area of the covered market, the main bazaar and the oldest Jewish quarters. The growth of economic activity in the town, the establishment of merchant companies and the building of the railroad to Thessalonike, all helped to improve the status of the Jewish community.206 By the end of the century, a substantial middle class emerged, establishing numerous educational and cultural institutions within the Sephardic community. In 1830 was founded Cemaat sadik, in 1880 Bene Zion and Cercle des intimes (Society of the Friends), which commenced the establishment of a modern school for boys and girls, with a play-ground for children, and other educational institutions. Following the population statistics of the Russian viceconsul Skryabin, there were around 4,000 Jews in Bitola in 1883/4; for their children they organized two primary schools, a secondary school and a religious school in the Tabakhane quarter.207 The most important cultural event was the establishment of the International Jewish cultural organization Alliance Israélite Universelle based in Paris from 1864.208 In 1887 a local Manastır branch of AIU was organized, and teaching in the Judeo-Spanish language began to displace the French and Spanish language to a great extent. The principal aim of the AIU educational organization was to transform Eastern Jewry into emancipated French 204 Shaw, 1991, 68–69, 70–73. 205 Alboher, 2010, 35. 206 Ottoman Jewish-Muslim relations were better than Muslim-Christian or Jewish-Christian relations during the 18th and 19th centuries. See: Quataert, 2000, 177. But during the 19th century, the ‘blood libel’ recurs in epidemic proportions against the Ottoman Jews, when such accusations were followed by outbreaks of violence all over the Empire, as for example in Aleppo, Damascus, Jerusalem, Izmir, Chios, Edirne and other Balkan provinces. In Manastır a blood libel case erupted in 1900. See: Lewis, 1984, 158; Loker, 1971, 239; Deutsch, Franco, 1904, 654; Argenti, 1970, 175. 207 Skryabin, 1885, 8; Jolevski, Kokalevska-Taleva, 1996, 364–365. According to Ubicini, 1856, 363–364: “The Jewish school in Turkey differs from those of the Greeks and Armenians in being situated at some distance from the places of worship. These schools are very numerous and are under the direction of rabbis of the second rank. Whenever there is any considerable number of Jews congregated in the same spot, there a school is always to be found: but the instruction is as meagre as possible, and does not even include the elements of Hebrew language: the masters use the language common to the Jews in Turkey, a sort of dialect, the foundation of which is Spanish mingled with indigenous or foreign words, Turkish, Arabic, Greek or Italian, according to how these languages prevail in the respective localities”. 208 Diaz-Mas, 1992, 49; Quataert, op. cit., 176–177; People of Turkey, 1878, 139.

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Jews. Between 1895 and 1916, the Talmud Torah worked under the patronage of the Alliance Israélite Universelle. According to the bulletin of 1908 of the schools of the AIU in Turkey, the Jewish population of Manastır was 6,000 and the dates of foundations of AIU schools were 1895 for boys and 1903 for girls.209 Thus, Abraham Levi from Joannina, as a Rabbi of Manastır (1896– 1898), saw an entirely new generation of educated Jews, with a boys’ school of 150 pupils, one girls’ school of 110 pupils, a Talmud Torah school with 250 pupils, one Kindergarten (“La Maestra”) with 120 children, three synagogues and five Beth Midrash (chapels).210 For the young Jewish students, the most popular institution was the Jewish-French school (1895), as well as the French Catholic College. The town of Manastır was a hotbed for the various Western missionaries, and their influence and propaganda, together with the native traditions, made the urban education into something of a religious bazaar. In the period between the 1860’s and 1880’s, a local of Manastır could experience the religious messages of the Roman Catholics, French Lazarists, American Protestants, the Church of Scotland, American Adventists, Methodists, Presbyterians of Canada, American Daughters of Zion, the Greek Orthodox Church, the Bulgarian Orthodox Church, Sufi tarikats and mainstream Islamic faith. Many of the Western missionaries targeted the Jews same as the rest of the population.211 In 1906, the director of the Jewish-French school was David Elnekave, a linguist and a member of the local society Hoveve sefat ʿever. Most of the synagogues and schools possessed valuable libraries, which disappeared during WWII.212 The period of proliferation and flourishing of Judaic Ladino literature in Bitola/Manastır was rooted in translated texts, periodicals, newspapers and written works published in Ladino. Some of the local scholars were involved with research in kabbalistic studies and therefore in 1830 they established a society called “The Righteous dust” (Cemah Sadik). Moshe Mendelsohn from Thessalonike published a book with the same name in 1853. Some names of the society’s members were preserved, such as: Shabat Ben Shlomo Kamhi (known as ‘Moshe’), Abraham ben Hayim Kapusto (known as ‘Behor’), and Rahamin Jisrael Ben Abraham Hazan. Moshe published a booklet by the title Ben Meshan, under the patronage of Cemah Sadik.213 A number of Rabbis contributed to local scholarship and publishing. Such were Rabbi Abraham Gatenyu 209 210 211 212 213

Dumont, 1982, 232. Dimovski-Tsolev, 1993, 98. Cohen, 2003, 68–69. Dimovski-Tsolev, 1996, 310; Idem, 1999, 460–461; Konstantinov, 1979, 320. Dimovski-Tsolev, 1999, 29–31.

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and his son Benveniste ben Abraham Gatenyu. The father Gatenyu published a book under the title Tzel ha-Kesef. Besides Jacob Joseph Israel and his son Joseph Jacob Israel, there were more Rabbis originating from Manastır: Moshe Shabat Kamhi, Yitzhak Gabriel HaCohen, David ben Shlomo Papo, Shabitay Joseph Jain and others. Rav Ger Tzedek was born as an Orthodox Christian in Thessalonike and converted to Judaism. He arrived in Manastır around 1840 and served as a judge, chief Rabbi, and as head of the Beth Din, before returning to Thessalonike, where he passed away in 1870.214 In 1888 Rabbi Raphael Abraham Iskalio, supported by the local Jewish community, published a book of ethics entitled Years of Life.215 A number of Bitola’s Jews, such as Raphael Kamhi, Mentesh Kamhi, Abraham and Musan Nissan, took an active role in the Ilinden Uprising in 1903, and later helped the prisoners and victims.216 In connection with the Jewish cemetery, established after 1497 and situated on the hills to the northeast of the town, the name of the Rabbi Shabitay Joseph Jain should be mentioned. In 1924 he traveled to the United States collecting contributions in money, after which he built the walls and the gates around the cemetery as they are today.217 The Ottoman censuses of 1882/3 indicated that the total Jewish population of the Ottoman Empire consisted of 184,000 people. Of this population, 13,717 Jews were counted in Edirne, 37,237 in Thessalonike, 5,072 in Manastır (Bitola), 3,677 in Yanya (Joannina) and 1,706 in Kosovo.218 At the end of the Ottoman Empire, the Jewish population in Manastır was a mixture of old settlers and newcomers from the areas of the Ottoman Balkans that had recently been lost for the Empire. In the province of Manastır, 84% were in the Manastır district and 15 percent in the Kesriye/Kastoria district. The total Jewish population in 1911/2, according to the Manastır Salname from 1305, was 10,655.219 In 1914 there were around 7,000 Jews – both Sephardim and Ashkenazim, organized into at least eight congregations; by 1931, they were down to only 3,751.220 Most unfortunately, between 22 November 1916 and 25 September 1918, the town of Bitola/Manastır was heavily shelled by the German-Bulgarian and French-Serbian artillery. Around 500 people were killed, 750 wounded, 3,198 buildings were destroyed, including the Synagogue of Portugal, called Kahal Kadosh Portugal (Fig. 97). Many public buildings were damaged: the 214 215 216 217

Cohen, 2003, 33. Alboher, 2010, 35. Matkovski, 1982, 70; Cohen, op. cit., 104. Rabbi Shabitay Joseph Jain published in Vienna (1922) the theater pieces: Yiftah, Deborah and The Daughter of the Sun. See: Dimovski-Tsolev, 1999, 32. 218 Karpat, 1994, 408. 219 McCarthy, 1994, 378, 391. 220 Kohn, 1995, 228. See also the informative web-site: www.cassorla.net.

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figure 97 The ruins of the Portuguese synagogue after World War I

church of St. Demetrios, the church of the Holy Virgin, the Broken Mosque, the Haydar Kadı Mosque, the Hacı Bey Mosque, the Üç Şeyhler Mosque, the Catholic church, the Red Barracks, the Officers’ Club, the Vlach school, the railroad station, the Romanian consulate, the central mill, and many villages surrounding Bitola, with their churches and monasteries.221 Between 4 August and 31 December 1917, massive shelling hammered the town, killing many people and damaging public and private buildings. Before WWI, Manastır had ten synagogues and Beth Midrash, out of which five buildings were destroyed by bombardment. After the 1920’s, the five remaining synagogues were: the renovated Kal Aragon, Kal de la Havra Kadisha, Kal de Salomon Levi, Kal de Ozer Dalim and Kal de Chelebon Franko. Kal Aragon was the largest, and its interior was the most beautifully decorated. The most damaged were Kahal Kadosh Portugal, Il Kal di lus Portugezis, Kal de Abacho, and the most impressive Kal Aragon, which housed a precious Torah that was originally brought from Spain. The new Alliance school was transformed into a public school where Serbo-Croatian was used too. About 400 Jewish children attended an elementary school, where as part of official curriculum they received Jewish 221 Dimovski-Tsolev, 1996, 266–267; Sotirovski, 1965, 66–98; Villari, 1922, 112.

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religious instruction that addressed Jewish history, the Torah and some Hebrew language.222 The economic situation of the town worsened and many Jews migrated to Chile, France, America and Jerusalem. In the period after WWI, some families moved to Greece and settled in Florina, Athens, Kastoria and Thessalonike. Before 1940 around 150 families settled in Thessalonike, where they established their synagogue known as Kal de los Manastirlis, which is still in use.223 A number of Bitola’s Jews migrated to New York, where they established their communities in Bronx and Brooklyn. In 1912 they staged a performance of Molière, a play in Ladino translation. The kibbutz Sha‌ʾar ha‌ʾAmakim in Israel was founded by the Manastırlıs.224 Between the two great wars, the impoverished Jewish community in Bitola showed an intense Zionist endeavor under the leadership of Leon Kamhi.225 During WWII, the old community of 3,500 Jews was deported by the Nazis to the concentration camp of Treblinka on 11 March 1943, where they perished. The second largest synagogue, Kahal Kadosh Aragon, also known as El Kahal de arriba, was destroyed by the Nazis along with most of the evidence of the previous Jewish urban life there.226 Throughout Europe, the Nazi (German) authorities showed a somewhat paradoxical interest in Jewish libraries, intellectual treasures and ritual objects, partly because what was valuable could be sold (even if it had to be melted down), partly because they were engaged in building up at Frankfort, for anti-Semitic purposes, what was rapidly becoming the world’s greatest Jewish research library. The ancient fame of Salonica attracted special attention; and not long after the German occupation the libraries and synagogues of Salonica were raided and their treasures seized, packed and dispatched forward …227 222 Cohen, 2003, 138, 149. 223 Dimovski-Tsolev, 1996, 311; Mayor, 1971, 703; Plaut, 1996, 26–27. 224 Benardete, 1982, 175–176. In Bronx, Brooklyn and Manhattan, the name of the congregation from Bitola is Ahavath Shalom Monastir. Cohen, op. cit., 193; Oren, 1971, 59. 225 Loker, 1992, 274. Kamhi was a militant Zionist and he organized aliyah for Palestine. Another Jewish intellectual should be mentioned here, the Socialist-Zionist Arpad Lebl, who lived in Bitola between the wars. See: Dimovski-Tsolev, 1993, 147–151. 226 Konstantinov, 1960, 14–15. Dimovski-Tsolev, 2001, 31, writes that the real number of Manastırlı Jews executed in the Treblinka concentration camp was 3,268, according to the German archives. A commemorative periodical was published in Bitola on 11 March 1958 (11 March 1943–11 March 1958) by M. Konstantinov. 227 Roth, 1971, 704–705, 707; Weinbaum, 2001, 93–94. The major collections of archival materials about the Jewish community of Bitola/Manastır are located in Bitola, Skopje, Belgrade, Thessalonike, Jerusalem and Madrid.

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figure 98 The Rabbi of Bitola Shabitay Jain, early 20th century

The Jews of Bitola had a similar destiny with that of the Jews of Thessalonike. The last Rabbi of Bitola/Manastır was Rabbi Abraham Romano (Figs. 98–100).228

228 Cohen, 2003, 201; Dimovski-Tsolev, 1993, 123; Alboher, 2010, 53–57. In 1932 Rabbi Abraham Romano undertook a survey describing the situation of the Jews in Bitola.

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figure 99 A tombstone at the Jewish cemetery in Manastır, early 20th century

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figure 100

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Map of the town with its cultural monuments: 1) The church of St. Demetrios, 2) The church of the Holy Mother of God, 3) The ‘Broken’ Mosque, 4) The Yeni Mosque, 5) The Ishak Çelebi Mosque, 6) The Sungur Çavuş Mosque, 7) The Haydar Kadı Mosque, 8) The Isa Fakıh Mosque, 9) The Paftalı Mosque, 10) The Hacı Doğan Mosque, 11) The Jewish cemetery and the Kızlar Bey türbe, 12) The church of St. Nedela, 13) The Koca Kadı Mosque, 14) The Eğri Kaş Mosque, 15) The Şerif Bey Mosque, 16) The Üç Şeyhler or Hamza Bey Mosque, 17) The Zandan Kule, 18) The Hatuniye Mosque, 19) The Hasan Baba Mosque, 20) The site of Heraclea Lyncestis

Conclusion This study, the work of over 30 years, was originally undertaken in an attempt to investigate the development of Islamic, Christian and Sephardic religious architecture and culture in the Ottoman town of Bitola (formerly called Manastır). During the extended period under Ottoman rule, the town gradually evolved into a significant religious and cultural centre in the Balkans. It was a vibrant place, a town of multi-cultural and multi-confessional values that supported a quality education for its many inhabitants. As such, it has been pivotal in the formation of modern Balkan identities and played an important role in the modern history of Southeast Europe. The town and its people have made significant contributions to the formation of modern Macedonian, Vlach, Bulgarian, Turkish, Greek, and Albanian education and scholarship. The stability of religious and social structures across the Ottoman Empire enabled the survival of non-Muslim cultures within its realm manifest in expressions of economic prosperity of Christians and Jews that are still visible in the building and decoration of their religious buildings. The inherent tolerance of the Ottoman Islamic state facilitated and encouraged the survival of Christian and Jewish religious hierarchies, art and architecture. As a result, we have traced a gradual transformation that occurred within Christian and Sephardic religious architecture over the centuries, along with contemporary changes in their local art. To better appreciate the monuments of Manastır, it is therefore helpful to have some understanding of the underpinning rules and attitudes enshrined within Ottoman Islamic law towards non-Muslim residents, their places of worship and their institutions. The archaeology of Ottoman Manastır is clearly the archaeology of a multi-ethnic polity, a quality that has been noted and highly appreciated in research studies. Consequently, the legacy of what was previously Herakleia-Pelagonia-Butella as well as the later Toli Manastır should be observed as a part of an “Old Europe”. It is important to note that “Old Europe” was indifferent to borders and largely ignored what later evolved into the rigid boundaries of a more modern nationalist character. Unfortunately, the medieval and Ottoman history of the region is rarely treated as a continuum and is usually forcibly fragmented and locked into more coloured local nationalistic frames. The preceding four chapters thus provide a more nuanced, complex, and wider perspective that is supported by an interdisciplinary expertise. Issues of population structure, religious denomination and hierarchy have been appropriately outlined as they intertwine with the story of the

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004465268_009

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development of urban religious architecture. Some chapters are informed by a more synchronous perspective to better emphasize the factors at work in the complex process of urban formation and specific development of settlements over time by offering direct supporting evidence of people, buildings or town quarters. This book thus adopts a comparative, inter-disciplinary approach and provides copious information for historians, particularly those whose who have an interest in the Islam of the Ottomans, Byzantine rite Christianity as well as Sephardic Jewish history. Thus, another purpose of this study has been to furnish a rich picture of the historical legacy of Manastır during Ottoman times as an important and valuable contribution to multiple disciplines: history, history of art and architecture, archaeology, and cultural studies. Therefore, this study of Ottoman Manastır provides a solid basis and an opportunity for further investigation into the medieval Byzantine and Ottoman Balkans. The region should be included in wider European history and art history as it offers multiple perspectives, interplays between older cultural strata as well as the break with European cultural continuity and evidence for working models of cohabitation and religious tolerance. In the 20th century, interstate agreements between Yugoslavia and Turkey facilitated the emigration of Muslims from Bitola to Turkey. Many of them left in search for better life however, even these later generations maintained a great nostalgia for the land of their ancestors. In the Museum of Bitola, there is a section dedicated to Mustafa Kemal Atatürk that is visited by Turkish tourist groups who are often the grandchildren of former Manastırlıs. A similar destiny befell people of Bitola that were considered Greek, who departed for Greece and elsewhere mainly in the period of the Balkan Wars and WWI. Their descendants nowadays continue to search for and protect the remains of Bitola’s once thriving Hellenism. There were significant changes in the diocese of the Pelagonian bishopric following the Ottoman retreat from the central Balkans. A new border with Greece divided the Pelagonian plateau into two distinct regions: the northern and the central part, that recognized the jurisdiction of the Serbian Orthodox Church and a separate southern part that was incorporated into the diocese of Florina and thereafter belonged to the Patriarchate of Istanbul. A theological school was established in Bitola, run by Serbian and Russian theologians. During WWII, the Pelagonian diocese fell under the jurisdiction of the Bulgarian Orthodox Church and after 1945 returned to the Serbian Orthodox Church. After 1959, a Macedonian Orthodox Church was established with the blessing of the Yugoslav Communist Party. Unfortunately, this developed

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into a further dispute with the Serbian Orthodox Church with the result that the Macedonian Orthodox Church is still not fully recognized by the other Orthodox churches. The local Institute for protection of monuments and Museum of Bitola currently assumes responsibilities for the curation and protection of Muslim, Christian and Sephardic cultural heritage. The reader will be pleased to know that some monumental examples of Ottoman architecture can still be seen in the town’s mosques, churches, and public buildings. Thus Bitola is one of those Balkan towns where the Ottoman legacy is fairly well preserved. Unfortunately, this is not the case with the Sephardic synagogues, which were ruined and demolished during WWI and in WWII. Sadly, only the Jewish cemetery remains to mark the memory of the Sephardim community in Bitola, most of whom perished in 1943. In recent years, the ambassador of Israel, together with descendants of émigrés and survivors from Bitola, along with various hard-working enthusiasts, have made remarkable efforts to transform the long neglected Jewish cemetery in Bitola into a memorial park. Despite the conflict in 2001, when an irrational destruction of places of worship was triggered, there generally remains a positive attitude toward preserving the religious heritage of Bitola. Recently, the Ishak Kadı mosque and the Haydar Kadı mosque were renovated in a collaboration between the Republic of Macedonia and the Republic of Turkey. The Yeni mosque was archaeologically excavated, and layers of an older Byzantine cathedral and an Ottoman mosque were unearthed. This occurred within the framework of the corresponding project of the Institute for protection of monuments and Museum in Bitola. Similarly, the Yeni mosque is undergoing a process of adaptation into a museum of Islam and Christianity. The church of Saint Demetrios has been archaeologically excavated and renovated, and most of the old Neo-Classical façades on the main street also restored. Recently, the old market complex and the central part of the old town have been upgraded into a national heritage complex. In 2018 the archaeological site of Heraclea of Lyncestis was conferred with the special status of being a fully protected national heritage complex. There are also intentions to develop the town of Bitola and the Pelagonia-Prespa region into a tourist destination. See for instance, info@tourismmacedonia .gov.mk. It has been a complex task to develop the understanding required to discern and track all the various phases of development and their imprints on Bitola. This journey encountered many questions. For example, how did one settlement succeed another; how did one religious, ethnic, linguistic, and cultural group become more influential than others; how many strata might there have been in a settlement? This study provides good evidence that this

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key Macedonian town developed through the rise, change, blending, destruction, and amalgamation of various historic settlements over many centuries. There remains a significant opportunity to conduct further scientific research of the Ottoman settlement, layer by layer, district by district and to use the preserved written records as a guide for that work. However, such an effort would take longer than a single lifetime, and maybe even entail some generations of research and scholarship. The study of Ottoman Bitola thus provides a unique opportunity that has the potential to expand our understanding of the Byzantine civilization as it was adopted and adapted by the Ottoman empire. This is likely to raise more questions and to surface other dilemmas that will fall to future researchers to address. Today new boulevards have been laid throughout the town, new public buildings have risen, new institutions have been founded, and a new identity has been established within the borders of Europe. What of the town of Bitola today? Where are the connections between the old cultural history and its contemporary urban physiognomy? What is the future message involved in the past legacy and its monuments of cultural heritage? In such a context, the people of Bitola have had to confront external opposition in addition to internal transition and conflict. Promisingly, despite gaps in scholarship and likely historical prejudices towards the people of Bitola, there are also many indications of recognition of the need for a wider historical re-evaluation. A number of books have been written about Bitola. The political and cultural history of the region has been interpreted in different ways, from different lands and traditions, and from different personal viewpoints. Defying merciless military destruction, migrations and deportations, the people and the town continue to preserve their distinctive identity. Surrounded by high mountains, Bitola, at the heart of the Balkan Peninsula and at the crossroads where the West and East meet is ever creating new values and new ideas. Currently, when dramatic political and ecclesiastic events are taking place, there also appears to be an increase in interest in this part of the world. This book is a small contribution towards developing a deeper appreciation for cultural heritage as well as providing information in support of advocacy for protection of a vital cultural and historical legacy. This could, in turn, encourage understanding and tolerance towards the complexities of civilization as it has been expressed in Bitola. The ultimate goal of this book is to furnish information to stimulate greater scientific interest in Bitola and the region of Pelagonia. Regrettably, the dearth of publications in the English language has hindered the engagement of academic community worldwide. The current book attempts to address this by bringing to the academic reader a range of archival data, topography, and

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prosopography, including the archaeological, epigraphic and written sources that constitute a basis for further research. The catalogue contributes to the knowledge of medieval Manastır and offers a framework to explain and better understand the significance of the Ottoman legacy in this part of Europe. It also aims to acknowledge and promote the cultural potential of Bitola within the South-eastern European historical milieu. A further purpose has been to present a comprehensive amalgamation and analysis of written and archaeological sources pertaining to the settlement of late Heraclea Lyncestis, following the medieval bishopric of Pelagonia or Bitola followed by Ottoman Toli Manastır. It is thus the first substantive treatment to focus specifically on places of worship including Christian, Islamic and Sephardic religious influences within its historical context in the hope of providing data for future studies. I hope this book will contribute to the successful preservation of cultural heritage in this unique part of the Mediterranean world.

Glossary ağa a commander, dignitary akçe a silver coin aspre a silver coin bema elevated platform used by the Christian and Jewish clergy beth din rabbinical court beth midrash a place for religious study beylerbey the governor of a district or province buyuruldu written order from the Sultan’s office çavuş official of the palace sent to the provinces to execute orders çelebi title of honour; a member of the Mevlevi order chrysobull Byzantine golden chart issued by the ruler çifte double çiftlik a system of land management ciger liver çinar plane tree civitas Roman citizenship darülhadis Islamic school dayyan a judge in the Jewish court deesis icon with Christ flanked by the Virgin Mary and St. John the Baptist defterdar head of treasury devşirme levy of Christian boys for the Ottoman army dinar an Arab coin dizdar a fortress commander ducat a Venetian coin dux Byzantine governor emir governor, ruler extra muros outside the town walls

fakıh jurist fetwa written answer to a legal question gazi mülkler hereditary state groş a coin hafiz a person who knows the Quran by heart hagiasma holy water fountain hakham a Jewish religious leader hass Sultan’s land hastahane hospital hatib leader of Friday prayer hatuniye one of the Sultan’s legal wives havra popular name for synagogue hayrat welfare centre hazreti saint hieromonk a monk who is also a priest in the Orthodox Church imam prayer leader islahane orphanage kadı-sicilleri legal documents issued by the court kanuname code of laws kastron fortified town kaza district under the jurisdiction of kadı kehilla Jewish social community kesmetaş worked stone kethüda steward, deputy, lieutenant kundekari wood-carving technique kuruş a coin lokanta restaurant with a small hotel menologion calendar of the Orthodox church service minbar pulpit in the mosque miri property of the state

242 misafırhane guest house mitzvah Jewish religious duty müdderis chief lecturer in the medrese muezzin a man who calls Muslims to prayer from the minaret of a mosque müfti jurisconsultant interpreting Şeriat muhtesib market inspector mukarnas a niche in the mosque with a stalactite-like decoration mülk freehold ownership muşir field marshal mütesellim head of a nahiye mütevelli trustee nahiye administrative district naib deputy narthex porch of the church nazır superintendent of a vakıf panagyirište a fair ground paroikos dependent peasant who received land to cultivate piaster a coin pronoia Byzantine military fief protomaistor head of craftsmen or masons protospatharios Byzantine official close to the Emperor protostrator a high official in the retinue of the Byzantine Emperor qibla direction of Mecca for praying risalesi treatise

Glossary şadırvan fountain sadrazam vizier salname yearbook sancakbey governor of second-level administrative unit sarraf moneychanger şehzade noble person of royal blood serasker commander of the army şeriat Islamic religious law silahdar Sultan’s page služebnik liturgical book sofer Jewish religious scribe subaşı commander of police sürgün deportation talmud torah communal Jewish school tekke dervish lodge tetraevangelion Gospel book triodion liturgical book tuğra Sultan’s monogram ulema specialist of Ottoman kanun law ulucami Friday mosque ustabaşı head of craftsmen vakıfname deed or trust vali governor veli holy man yeğen nephew yeshiva Jewish Talmudic school yürük Turcoman nomad zaviye dervish lodge zohar Jewish mystical discipline

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Archival Material

Regests of kadı sicils (State Archive of the R. of Macedonia, section in Bitola). Archive of the Greek Metropolis of Pelagonia (State Archive of the R. of Macedonia, Skopje). Manaki collection (photographs, State Archive of the R. of Macedonia, section in Bitola).

Index of Personal and Place Names Aaron 16 Abdul Hamid I  190 Abdul Hamid II 6, 170–171, 174, 205 Abdul Kerim Paşa 170 Abdul Mecid I 169, 203 Abdullah 46, 50–51 Abdurahman Efendi 36 Abraham 141, 201, 151 Achaia 24 Achilleios, St. 16, 17, 103 Achilleios 189 Açık Kadı 36 Adhemar 22 Adrianople 1, 29, 35, 44, 47, 49, 50, 53, 60, 65, 77, 82, 85, 145, 147, 158, 161, 163, 164, 165, 170, 185, 191, 228, 230 Agathangelos 133, 191 Agudish, Joseph 159 Ahmed 42, 83, 186 Ahmed Efendi 66, 91, 150 Ahmed III 38, 51 Ahmed Paşa 36, 74, 91 Ahmed, Seyyid 146 Aimilianos 189 Akakios 111 Akindynos, Gregorios 26 Akropolites 24 Albanus, St. 80 Alboher, S. 228 Aleksiev, Nestor 201 Alexander 189 Alexander the Great 38, 41, 201 Alexander VII 113 Ali 83 Ali Paşa 162, 163, 179 Ali, Sulejman 89 Allegria, Paul 192 Alpaki, Judah 159 Alphonso V 46 Alruetti, Joseph 145 Alva, Moshe 160 Amal, Theoderic 10 Amalrikh 23 Ambrose 189 Anania 121

Ananias 137, 209 Andonov, Dimitar Zograf 211–212 Andrejević, A. 78 Andrew 17 Angelarios 15 Angelos, Theodore 24 Ankara 79 Annas 201 Anthimos 132 Anthimos IV 205 Anthrakitis, Methodios 125 Antim 209 Antonios 17 Apostolov, Ivan Anastasov 205 Aroesti 225 Arsenios 122, 124, 137, 138–139 Artemia 13 Aşik Paşazade 28, 29 Asim, Nizamedin vii, 89 Asimov, Mucait vii, 51, 56, 57, 63, 65, 69, 89, 91, 181 Assa, Aaron 148 Athanasios, St. 25, 102, 118, 126, 135 Athanasios 10, 122, 198 Attila 14 Avicenna 160 Avxentiy 205 Ayani, Süleyman 36 Ayşe Hatun 88 Ayverdi, E. H. 36, 39, 56, 67, 69, 78, 89, 179, 180 Azziz Mehmed Efendi. See Tsvi, Shabbataiy Babuna 8, 16 Badra. See Patras Bahaeddin Bey 188 Baird, John W. 216 Balat 146 Baldoventsi 38 Banitsa 102 Bano 40 Bansko 107 Banya Luka 85 Barbaras 8 Barbaros 26

296 Barešani 38, 214 Barlaam 102, 108, 113 Barnous. See Baba Mountain Bartholomew 127 Basarab 114 Basil 122, 189 Basil I 15, 143 Basil II 17–18, 139 Batsaria, N. 221 Bavaria 145 Bayezid I 26, 31, 51 Bayezid II 31–32, 61, 82, 85, 140–141, 146, 147 Bayır 6, 89, 173–174 Bazernik 38 Beasa, M. 221 Bedredin, Hasan 188 Beirut 156 Bela Tsrkva 38, 107 Belče 38 Belgrade 107, 123, 142, 154, 159, 232 Belizaros 122 Benedict 189, 197 Benignus 11 Berantsi 38 Berat 31, 62, 107, 114, 122, 123, 147, 158 Bergama 49 Berlin 167 Berlova 38 Bernardo, Lorenzo 4, 36, 155 Berrhoia 14, 31, 36, 65, 101, 107, 142, 189 Berzitia 14 Bezsonov, P. 28 Bibić, Peter 211 Bigla 8 Bilisht 126 Bilyanik 38 Bistritsa 38 Bitlisi, Idris 4, 28, 29 Bitola. See Manastır Bitolya. See Manastır Bituše 38 Boboševo 101 Bodin, Constantine 20 Bogatsko 118, 192 Bogomila 16 Bogoya 100 Bohemond 22, 143 Bologna 27

Index of Personal and Place Names Bora kale 20 Bora. See Nidže Borakovo 38 Boris Michael I 14–15, 20 Borje 102 Bosnia 107, 154, 165, 172, 174 Bosphorus 68, 177 Boué, Ami 161 Bratindol 38 Brezovo 38 Brod 38 Broditsa 38 Brondon, Ruben 159 Brown, Edward 4, 41 Brusa 38 Brusnik 38 Bucharest 136, 163, 212 Budaklar 32 Budapest 107 Buf 38 Bughas, Bellaigue de 166 Bukovina 98 Bukovo 18, 27, 36, 62, 111, 208, 212, 213 Bukri 38 Bulgaria 6, 16, 25, 29, 113, 117, 118, 123, 129, 134, 138, 139, 171–172, 216, 227 Bursa 5, 44, 49, 61, 83, 85, 94, 147 Butella. See Manastır Buton, Abraham ben Jehuda de 5, 159 Čagor 34, 38, 118 Cairo 157, 188 Calvert, Charles 168 Calvo, Yitzhak 159 Cambridge 167 Campania 14 Campis, Iacopo de Promontorio de 32 Campus Ceramesius 14 Cardoro, Abraham Miguel 158 Carlos V 111 Casagnes, Jean-Joseph 215 Cassandra 189 Castile 146 Çavuş, Kurd 91 Čebren 34, 107–108, 214 Čekel 38 Çekrice 83 Çelebi, Abdullah 43

Index of Personal and Place Names Çelebi, Evliya 4, 29, 38, 51, 56, 57, 62, 69, 74 Çelebi, Hızır 91 Çelebi, Ishak 35–36, 52, 55–56, 57, 65 Çelebi, Iskender 36 Çelebi, Mehmed 98–99 Çelebi, Mustafa 56 Çelebi, Ömer 91 Çelebi, Zuhuri 36 Cerameia 14 Černomen 28, 52 Cetinje 107 Ceylan, H. vii, 50 Chalcedon 10, 11 Chaldiran 35 Charles VI 125 Chersonnesos 15 Chile 232 Chioniades 212, 214 Chios 228 Chomatenos, Demetrios 24 Choniates, Niketas 22 Christino 122 Christo 131, 216 Christophoros 121 Chrysi, Naum George 201 Chrysostomos 189 Ciger Baba 79, 162, 186 Čiprovtsi 123 Çirmen. See Černomen Civani Mevlana 36 Čkrdži 38 Clarke, James F.  216 Claudius 142 Clement, St. 15–16, 22 Clement 15, 211 Clement VIII 113 Cohen, Isaiah 154 Constantine 118 Constantine, John 214 Constantine of Tournovo 212 Constantine Porphyrogennetos 16 Constantine the Great 9, 103, 207, 221 Constantine Zograf 135, 191, 201 Constantinople 4, 10, 15, 21, 22–24, 32, 35, 44–45, 49, 75, 78, 85, 101, 107, 111, 113, 121, 134, 137, 138, 139, 144, 146–147, 155, 157–158, 160, 166–167, 170–172, 175, 178,

297 180, 184–185, 188, 189, 191–192, 193, 205, 208, 212, 217, 227, 237 Corfu 147 Cosmas 189 Croatia 119 Cvijović, Iosif 189 Cyprus 133, 144 Cyril, St. 15 Dagestan 94 Dalbegler 32 Dalmatia 22, 98, 107 Damascus 156, 228 Damaskinos 120 Damaskinos the Studite 112 Daniel 120, 190 Danili Ahmed Efendi 170, 188 Danube 29, 142, 165 Darda 201 Darkov, V. 209 David 11, 16, 108, 122, 131, 132, 151 Davut Paşa 35, 85 De Olivares 113 Debar 16, 77, 107, 123, 124, 130, 169, 189, 212 Debartsa 15 Debrešte 18 Dečan 101 Dedeagaç 170 Dedebaltsi 32 Degiorgis 171 Deli Said Bey 188 Delvino 118 Delyan, Peter 20 Demetrios 24, 132 Demetrios, St. 14, 129, 193, 194, 198, 203 Demir Hisar 38, 107–108, 114, 169, 214 Demitsas, M. 218 Deroko, Aleksandar 201 Devol 15, 114, 123 Dhivrovun 118 Didymoteichon 145 Dihovo 38, 121, 191 Dimitar 100, 108 Dimo voyvoda 30 Dionysios 10, 119, 125, 126–127 Diskoltsa, H. G. 167 Dobromir 38

298 Dobrsko 118 Dobruševo 38 Dolentsi 38 Dolentsi Demir 38 Dolgaets 99, 102 Dolni Divyatsi 38 Dovlecik 6, 121, 165, 175 Dragalevtsi 101 Dragarino 38 Dragor 5–6, 19, 20, 31, 37, 42, 45–46, 52, 54, 61, 69, 79, 104, 115, 136, 140, 148–149, 169–171, 173–174, 179, 181, 185, 208 Dragoš 38, 126, 212, 214 Dragota 38 Dragožani 38 Drama 28–29, 105, 189 Dremvitsa  5 Dren 8 Drenovo 118 Drvenik 38 Dubrovnik 5, 33, 147, 154, 156 Dukas, Theodore 23 Dupka 36, 38 Dušan 145 Dyrrachium 10, 14, 22, 123, 139, 142, 145, 156 Dzvezda 114 Edessa 8, 16, 114, 122, 123, 189, 216 Edinakovtsi 38 Edirne. See Adrianople Edith Durham, M. 172 Egnatius Gnaeus 9 Eğri 38 Eğri Değirmen 187 Egypt 26, 40, 92, 144, 185 Ela 100 Elbasan 36, 80, 99, 169 Elekler 32 Elias 11 Eliezer, Tobias Ben 144 Elnekave, David 229 Emir Paşa 83 Emir Şah 91 Emmanuel 198 Enice Vardar 32, 105, 147, 217 Enver Bey 171 Ephesos 10

Index of Personal and Place Names Epirus 13, 23–24, 28–29, 31, 43, 46, 96, 113, 117, 118, 130, 134, 136, 143, 158, 165, 172, 177, 212–213 Episkopi 19 Era 121 Erigon. See Tsrna Esad Baba 184 Eskapa, Joseph 157 Euagrius 9–10 Eurythania 19 Euthymios 22 Evlahtsi 38 Evrenos Bey 28, 30 Evstatiy 205 Farsi, Süleyman, Efendi 188 Fatima 38, 51 Faveyrial, Claude 215, 221 Fazıl Paşa 79, 178 Ferdinand 141, 146–147 Ferrara 154 Fevzi, Ibrahim, Efendi 188 Filipovska-Lazarovska, G. vii, 19, 97 Filurina. See Florina Florence 80, 156 Florina 8, 32, 47, 53, 69, 81, 83, 102, 105, 121, 126, 133, 165, 169, 173, 177, 186, 189, 232, 237 Floristán, José 111 Foča 94 Fourna 119 France 144, 170, 174, 187, 232 Frankfurt am Main 144, 232 Frashery, Sami Bey 177 Fulcherius 22 Gabriel 103, 113, 135 Gabriel Radomir 17 Galen 160 Gallipoli 29, 147 Gatenyu, Abraham 229 Gatenyu, Benveniste ben Abraham 230 Gaza 157–158 Gazi Haydar Kadı Efendi 73 Genoa 156 George, St. 21, 211 George 24

Index of Personal and Place Names George Zograf 198 Gerasimos 122, 189 Gerdžikov, Michael 219 German 26 Germanos 122, 137 Gine 57, 180 Gjorgiev, D. 226 Glavenitsa 15 Gnileš 38 Gopeši 42 Gora 123 Gorasd, St. 15 Goritsa. See Korçë Gorni Divyatsi 32 Gorno Orehovo 118 Gracia Nasi 154–155 Gradešnica 38 Gradište 38 Graešnitsa 24, 34, 102–103, 126, 212 Graište 114 Gramos 177 Granada 146 Granvela 111 Grdanov, Matthew 180 Grebena 107, 122, 123, 189 Greece 6, 8, 19, 117, 118, 134, 144, 166, 168, 172, 189, 205, 232, 237 Gregorios 25, 111–112, 122, 124, 125, 137, 133, 166, 189, 190–191 Grevena. See Grebena Grigoriy 205, 211 Grigorovich, Victor 139, 193 Grnčari 103 Gruev, Dame 219 Grujić, R. 119 Grumazi 38 Guiscard, Robert 143 Gyavato 8, 18 Gyurgičev, Constantine 99 Hacı Alaeddin 49 Hacı Bektaş Veli 162 Hacı Hafız Halil Efendi 70 Hacı Halife 4, 28, 30 Hacı Hüseyin 91, 178 Hacı Ibrahim Efendi 66 Hacı Mahmud Ali 51–52 Hacı Mahmud Bey 35, 62

299 Hacı Mahmud Efendi 37, 95, 186 Hacı Saduddin Efendi 29 Hacı Said Efendi 186 Hacı Seyyid Efendi 42 HaCohen, Baruch 147 HaCohen, Hayim 226 HaCohen, Nehemiah 158 HaCohen, Shelomo Abraham 155 HaCohen, Yitzhak Gabriel 230 Hadrian II 15 Hadži Konstantinov Džinot, Yordan 167 Hadži-Petsova, C. 61 Hadži-Vasilyević, Jovan 27 Hafız Ali 66 Hafiz Ebu Bakir Dede Şaklabani 188 Hafsa 82 Hahn, Johann Georg von 4, 168, 205 Hakki, Ismail, Efendi 188 Halib, Mehmed, Efendi 170 Halife, Kurd 74 Halife, Şaban 91 Halil Baba 69, 186 Halil ibn Derviş 91 Hamza Bey 81–83 Hancerli I, Samuel 138 Hanlar önü 184, 185 Hasan Baba 37, 79–80, 184, 185 Hasan Baba Başı Keşik. See Hasan Baba Hasan Ovası 32 Hasan, Katib 36 Hasluck, F. W. 92, 95, 184, 186 Haveri Kadı 36 Hayati, Mehmed 83, 186 Haydar Efendi 73 Hayreddin 44, 61 Hazan, Rahamin Jisrael Ben Abraham 229 Hejaz 45 Hephaistos, Theophylact 15, 21–22, 144 Heraclea 3, 6, 9, 10, 11, 13–16, 17, 18, 20, 23–24, 77, 111, 122, 134, 142, 162, 193, 207, 221, 236, 238, 122 Heraclius 143 Herakleia. See Heraclea Herzegovina 107 Hierocles 10, 11, 16 Hilarion, St. 22 Hilmi Paşa 171 Hırka Baba. See Hacı Mahmud Efendi

300 Hitrovo 168 Hızır Bali 91 Hlerin. See Florina Hoca, Necbeddin 183 Holoveni 38 Horisen, David 98–99, 102 Hrančev, Stoyan 112 Hraštani 38 Hrastoitsa 38 Hungaro-Wallachia 114 Hungary 2, 107, 145 Husain Baba. See Hüseyin Baba Hüseyin Baba 184, 185 Hüseyin Paşa 95, 180 Hüsrev Paşa 34 Iberian Peninsula 146 Ibišo, John 209 Ibrahim 83, 186 Ibrahim Paşa 163 Ibrahim, Ömer ibn 49 Ibrahimgil, M. vii, 50 Ichnaef 168 Idrisi, al- 23 Ignatios 121–122, 124–125 Ilievski, Petar Hr 112 Illahi, Abdallah al- 32 Illyria 123 Illyricum 9, 10, 142 Innsbruck 111 İnönü 80 Ioachim 189 Ioannikios 102–103, 112, 122 Ioannina 18, 147, 161–162, 165, 172, 230 İpek. See Peć Irby, Adeline 168 Isa Fakıh 34, 52, 53, 55 Isaac 150–151, 201 Isabella 146 Iskalio, Raphael Abraham 230 İşkodra 158, 163, 165, 167 Israel 154, 232, 237 Israel, Jacob Isosor 159, 230 Istanbul. See Constantinople Istrade 156 Italy 98, 113, 130, 144, 146, 167, 174, 193 Ivanyevtsi 38

Index of Personal and Place Names Izmir 147, 157, 168, 228 İznik. See Nicaea Jachmund 176 Jacob 100, 102, 111, 124, 201 Jacob Joseph Israel. See Israel, Jacob Isosor Jain, Shabitay Joseph 230 Janakievski, T. vii, 11 Janina. See Ioannina Jeremiah 113, 114, 121 Jerusalem 9, 23, 138, 142–143, 152, 155, 157, 160, 214, 228, 232 Joacheim 108 Joasaph 112, 120, 129, 131 John 4, 11, 15, 25, 26, 99, 108, 116, 192, 212 John Asen II 23 John Eleimon. See John III Vatatzes John III Vatatzes 24, 143 John Radul IV the Great 116, 190 John Vladimir, St. 80 John Vladislav 17, 18, 51, 101 Joseph 98, 114, 120, 120–121, 122, 125, 125–129, 131, 135, 137, 189, 151 Joseph Israel 159, 230 Jovanović Pavle. See Allegria, Paul Judaea 141 Judah 151 Judah Mosconi. See Mosconi, Judah Ben Moshe Justinian 11, 14, 143 Kaftantzoglou, L. 176 Kaiaphas 201 Kale bayır 19 Kaleši, Hasan 47, 52, 56 Kalistratos 189 Kaloyan 100 Kamhi, Leon 232 Kamhi, Mentesh 230 Kamhi, Moshe Shabat 230 Kamhi, Raphael 230 Kamhi, Shabat Ben Shlomo 229 Kanatlar 32 Kanina 114 Kanino 38, 110 Kapustin. Antonin 109 Kapusto, Abraham ben Hayim 229

301

Index of Personal and Place Names Kara Triphon 111 Karaferye. See Berrhoia Karaman 32, 32, 38 Karli-ili 28 Karlowitz 124, 126 Karpoš 123 Karyes 105 Kastelanos, Frangos 117 Kastoria 8, 83, 102, 103, 107–108, 114, 117, 118, 120–122, 123, 125–126, 132, 134–135, 139, 143–145, 147, 157–158, 165, 186, 189, 192, 230, 232 Kastrioti 46 Kato Vitsa 118 Kavadartsi 217 Kavala 105 Kaygısız Sultan 32, 105 Kazan 99 Kažani 38 Kedrenos 14 Kemal Mustafa Atatürk 170, 237 Kenali 32, 38 Kerim, Abdul 83, 186 Kesriye. See Kastoria Kethüda, Mehmed 115 Kethüda, Nasuh 151 Kičevo 6, 15, 107, 110, 123, 165, 169 Kiel, Machiel 65 Kiev 114 Kilišta 38 Kilkis 214 Kinnamos, John 23 Kırçova. See Kičevo Kırhor Baba 32 Kırk kardaş 30, 186 Kirli Derven 8 Kišava 38 Kitapçı Mustafa 186 Kiustendil 65 Klabučišta 38 Koca Hüseyin 28–29 Koca Saduddin 28 Kočani 97 Kočište 38 Kolonia 136 Komnenos II, Dukas Michael 23–24 Komnenos I, Manuel 22–23 Komotini 30

Konstantinos 205 Konstantinov, M. 232 Kontaroi 117 Konya 32, 49, 65 Köprülü Fazıl Mustafa 116 Köprülü, Mehmed 115 Korçë 8, 107, 114, 123, 126, 130–132, 135, 169, 189, 191 Köse Ahmed Paşa 164 Kosovo 6, 118, 123, 185, 230 Kotor 111 Kožani 126 Kozia Metsovitis, Stergios Georgiou 202 Kozyak 8 Kraguevo 38 Kratovo 97, 101, 107–109, 123 Kravtsi 38 Krimin 192 Kriva Palanka 123 Kriva vodenitsa. See Eğri Değirmen Križevtsi 119 Krklina 38 Krstohor 38 Krujë 31, 162 Kruševo 38, 42, 118, 169, 171, 173–174, 180, 189, 201, 212 Kruşova. See Kruševo Küçük Kaynarca 42, 136 Kukurečani 38 Kukuš. See Kilkis Kumanovo 123 Kupen 117 Kurbinovo 103, 116 Kuruderesı 81, 173 Kütahi, Mehmed Reşid Paşa 165–166 Kütahya 43, 73 Kutmičevitsa 15 Kuvrat 14 Kuzman 176 Kyriazi 216 Kyustendil 142, 189 Lacedaemon 113 Laglar 38 Lakapenos, Romanos 143 Lake Great Prespa 102 Lake Ochrid 130 Lake Ostrovo 6, 40

302 Lake Prespa 116 Lake Veghoritis. See Lake Ostrovo Lala, D. 221 Larissa 16, 17, 41, 103, 147, 201 Laurence, St. 15 Laurent, V. 23 Lavtse 36 Lazaropole 211–212 Lazaros 22, 114 Lažtse 38 Le Puy 22 Le’ali Hasan Efendi 29, 36, 69 Lear Edward vii, 4, 55, 94, 149, 166–167, 184 Lebl, Arpad 232 Leipzig 156, 167 Leo 14 Leo III 143 Leontios 114 Leopold 123 Lepavec, Joseph 215 Lera 38 Leskovets 38 Leskovo 38 Lesnovo 109 Letopetros 121 Leunovo 108 Lev, Joseph ben David ibn 5, 155 Levant 112, 152, 156–159, 168 Levi, Abraham 229 Linotopi 117–118 Lipljan 18 Liska 38 Lisolay 38 Litvitsa 38 Livorno 136, 158 Logothetis 166 Longworth 166 Lopatitsa 38 Loznani 38 Lublin 227 Luke, St. 141 Lvov 158 Lychnidos 142 Lyncestis 3, 6, 9, 11, 13, 18, 20, 23, 77, 134, 142, 162, 193, 207, 221, 238 Lyon 22, 156

Index of Personal and Place Names Macedonia 1, 6, 9, 10, 11, 14, 16, 29, 31, 41, 65, 83, 96, 113, 117, 118, 120, 123, 126, 134, 139, 141–146, 154, 156–157, 172, 177, 189, 190, 209, 212– 214, 216, 219, 238 Mackenzie, Muir 168 Madrid 159, 232 Magarevo 37, 38, 42, 110, 118, 210–212 Mahmud Baba 42, 185 Mahmud Dede. See Mahmud Baba Mahmud Efendi 68–69 Mahmud II 163, 184, 191, 224 Mahmud Paşa 124 Mainz 80, 144 Makarenko, K. 201 Makarios 111, 121 Makarios, St. 116 Makarios Zograf 26, 99 Makedonski, Dimitar V. 219 Makofro. See Dragor Malchus 10 Mali Grad 102 Malisor 31 Mallorca 144 Malovišta 38, 191, 214 Maltos, A. 221 Manaki, Milton 172, 226 Manastır vii, 1–6, 8, 13, 16–18, 21, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28–29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39–44, 46, 47, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56–57, 61, 63, 65, 66, 69, 73–75, 77, 79, 83, 89, 91, 92, 94, 95, 97–99, 101–106, 110, 111, 114–117, 118–122, 123, 126–127, 132, 133, 134, 136, 139, 145, 147–149, 150, 154, 155–157, 158, 159, 160, 161–162, 163, 164, 165–167, 168, 169–171, 172–180, 184, 185–190, 191, 192, 204–205, 208, 209, 211–213, 214, 215–217, 218, 219, 221, 223–226, 227, 228, 229–232, 236–239 Manastırlı, Daniş Ahmed, Efendi 188 Manastırlı, Hafiz Musfik Ismail, Efendi 188 Manastırlı, Ismail Hakki, Efendi 188 Manastırlı, Kadı Sinan 36 Manastırlı, Mehmed Rifat 188 Manastırlı, Naili Şeyh, Efendi 188 Manastırlı, Terzi Zade 42 Manastırlı, Hasan ibni Ali 36 Manfred 24

Index of Personal and Place Names Manganes, G. 21 Mantua 154 Margarit, Apostol 219 Maria 198 Marinković, Stephen 111 Maritsa 28–29 Marko 25, 26 Markovi kuli 25 Marmorstein, A. 142 Marseilles 156, 167 Maslim 157 Mat 42, 136 Matthew 114, 117, 139, 189, 208 Maurice 14 Mavrovounion 133 Maxim 122 Maximos 122, 124 Maximov, V. 208 Mayo, Chemahya ben Moses de 158 Mecca 45, 54, 92, 181 Mecitli 32, 38 Medina, Samuel de 154 Meglen 16, 22, 107, 114, 123, 137, 139, 143, 189, 211 Mehmed Efendi, Efgani 66, 186, 188 Mehmed II 31, 82, 140, 146, 147 Mehmed IV 122 Mehmed of Allepo 185 Mehmed Paşa 163 Mehmed Reşad III 57 Mehmed the Conqueror. See Mehmed II Mehmed V Reşad 172 Mehmed Zade Şerif Ahmed Bey 181 Meir of Kastoria 144 Meletios 113, 114, 189 Melnik 189 Melnitsa 16 Mendelsohn, Moshe 229 Merhum Baba 42, 186 Meteora 131 Methodios, St. 15 Methodios 24 Metsovo 202 Mevlana Fahredin 52 Mezan, Saul 159 Michael 117, 118 Michael III 14 Miladinov, Dimitar 219

303 Milan 113 Miljković Pepek, P. vii, 100 Mimar Sinan 44, 68, 78 Miniato al Monte, St. 80 Mišaykov, K. 208, 209 Misirkov, Krste 219 Mısırlı Hoca Ahmed Efendi 180 Mito 213 Mitrophanes 106, 108, 124 Modis, G. 221 Mogila 22, 38 Mogila, Peter 114 Moglena. See Meglen Molcho, Shlomo. See Perez, Diego Moliscos 123 Molla, Ismail 70 Momidić, R. 57 Monastir. See Manastır Monodendri 118 Montenegro 98, 107, 172 Mordthmann 23 Morea 162 Morihovo 6, 8, 22, 103, 107, 214 Morocco 144 Morozdvizd 18–19, 107 Morsa, Shelomo 159 Moschopolis 42, 126, 132, 136, 177, 190, 193, 198 Mosconi, Judah Ben Moshe 144 Moscow 113, 132, 136 Moses 16 Moshe. See Kamhi, Shabat Ben Shlomo Mossynopolis 18 Mostras 168 Mount Athos 24, 57, 101, 105, 110–111, 114, 118, 130–131, 132, 134–135, 139, 192, 213 Moutsopoulos, N. 17, 102 Moyno 38 Mramorets 38 Mrnyavčević, Vulkašin 26, 28, 30, 102 Müller, Joseph 166 Mung, Judah Leo 144 Murad bin Mohammad Bayezid Khan. See Murad IV Murad I Hüdavendigar 29–31, 39, 85 Murad II 31–32, 46, 65, 82 Murad IV 51, 79–80 Murgaš 38

304 Murnu, G. 221 Mustafa 151 Mustafa Paşa 165 Muzakiya 107, 114 Mysia 123 Nablus 92 Nahmias 154 Nahmias, Abraham 37, 155 Nahmias, Samuel 37, 155 Nahmias, Shelomo 159 Nahum, St. 15 Nahum 132 Naissos. See Niš Najran 98 Naoussa 189 Naselič 126 Nathan of Gaza 157–158 Nathaniel 137, 139, 189, 190 Naumov, S. vii, 160 Navar 117 Nazmi Mehmed Efendi 185 Negočani 38 Negotin 38 Nektarios, St. 105 Nektarios 113, 114, 189–190 Neophytos 120, 135, 137, 189 Nesselrode, A. 163 Nevşehirli, Ibrahim Paşa 51 New York 232 Nicaea 17, 23, 44, 49, 65, 73 Nicholas 16, 117, 118, 132, 201 Nidže 8 Nikaia 10, 13 Nikanor 117 Nikephoros 122 Nikodimos 99 Nikolitsa 118 Nikolov. Simon 205, 207, 211 Niphon II 116 Niš 29, 107, 123, 142 Nissan, Abraham 230 Nissan, Musan 230 Nivitsi 102–103 Niyazi Bey 171 Nižopole 38, 42, 118 Nošpal 38 Novak 102

Index of Personal and Place Names Novakov, Džongar George 180 Novatsi 38 Novi Pazar 107 Novo Brdo 107 Novoselo Demir 38 Numan Baba 186 Nusha, Alkiviadis. See Nušić, Branislav Nušić, Branislav 173 Obednik 38 Oblakovo 6, 38 Obršani 38 Ochrid 3–4, 6, 8, 15, 16–17, 19, 21–22, 24, 30, 32, 83, 98, 101–107, 109–114, 116, 120–122, 124–126, 129–131, 132, 134, 136–137, 138, 139, 142–146, 162, 164, 165, 169, 171, 173, 181, 186, 189, 219 Octolopham 169 Oculi 166 Odessa 136 Ohri. See Ochrid Oikoumenaios, St. 17 Olivier, G. A. 43 Ömer 90 Onufrius 99 Opar 126 Opsireno 38 Optičari 38 Orehovo 38, 62, 118 Orizari 205 Ostrets 38 Ostriltsi 38 P’p’žani 47 Pachomios 105, 112 Padua 111 Paisiy 133 Palatitsa 118 Palestine 232 Pandžar 38 Papazoglou, Fanoula 11 Paphnoutios 108 Papo, David ben Shlomo 230 Papradište 180 Paralovo 38 Paraskevi 216 Paris 228 Parthenios 120, 122, 138, 189, 209

305

Index of Personal and Place Names Parthenis, Constantine 201 Passarowitz 42, 126 Patele 209 Patinos 120 Patras 147 Paul, St. 9, 18, 141, 142, 201, 207 Paul 106, 108, 119, 120 Pautalia. See Kyustendil Peć 106–107, 112, 124, 138 Pelagonia 3, 6, 8, 11, 13–17, 18, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26–27, 32, 41, 98–99, 101–102, 103, 104, 106–108, 110, 111, 112–114, 116, 119, 120–122, 123, 125, 128–129, 137–138, 139, 143, 173, 175–176, 189, 190, 191, 202, 205, 219, 236–238 Pella 147 Pepić, Dimitriye 108–109 Perez, Diego 153 Perister 8, 168–169 Perlepe. See Prilep Perrenot, Antonio 111 Petar 16 Peter 18, 213 Peter, St. 18, 103, 201, 207 Petkov Michael 117 Petkov Stoyna 117 Petkova Nedela 219 Petrov Gyorče 219 Peyovski, Grozdan Mito 209 Philip III 113 Philippi 142 Philotheos of Selybria 26 Photios 15 Piccolomini, Silvio 123 Pinika, John Demetriou 201 Plake 38 Pletvar 8 Plotelsios 121 Plovdiv 29, 57, 65, 147 Podmol 38 Poehlman, W. 142 Pogodin 38 Pogošta 38 Poland 123, 227 Polenaković, R. 132 Polog 107, 112 Polycharmos, Claudius Tiberius 142 Popović, Nicholas 126, 136

Porečiye 8 Porodin 38n52 Porphyrios 113, 119–120 Portugal 32, 146, 148–149, 151 Postarka 38 Postrala 38 Povelić 119 Pozdeš 38 Prague 113 Praşova Sulu 43 Presil 38 Prespa 8, 16, 17, 102, 103, 107, 116–117, 122, 123, 126, 169, 189, 238 Pribiltsi 38 Prilep 3, 6, 15–16, 17, 18, 20, 23–24, 25, 26, 28, 30, 32, 34, 98–99, 102–106, 109–112, 118, 120–122, 123, 126, 128–129, 145, 164, 165, 168, 189, 216, 219 Prisad 8 Priština 36, 123, 217 Prizren 46, 85, 101, 107 Prochoros 106, 109, 111, 113 Provence 146 Psarades. See Nivitsi Pyrrhus Didacus. See Cohen, Isaiah Quintillius 10 Rabiya Hanum 182 Radević, Joseph 212 Radevo 38 Radobor 38 Ragusa. See Dubrovnik Rahman, Ali Abdul 56 Rahmanlı 32 Rahotino 38 Rakitnitsa 38 Rakovo 38 Ramna 38 Raška 123 Raymond of Toulouse 22 Redžić, H. 57, 78 Reginos, St. 17 Resen 110, 165, 169, 171 Resne. See Resen Reuben, Abraham 159 Reuben, David 154 Rhodes 113

306 Ribartsi 38 Rilevo 99, 118 Ristić, Pavle 70 Rizeas, Athanasios 113 Rizwan 119 Robev 208 Romania 98, 167 Romano, Abraham 233 Rome 9, 10, 15, 113, 142, 198 Rostkovski, A. 171 Rovine 26 Rumeli 3, 5, 32, 38, 42–43, 46, 57, 105, 113, 116, 124, 126, 161–163, 164, 165, 167, 169, 178–180, 187, 192 Rusna Sreda 38 Russia 99, 113, 114, 123, 125, 171, 218 Ruvtse 38 Sabbas 15, 102 Sabri Bey 174 Sabuncı Zade 91 Sada, Shabbitay 159 Safed 156–157 Salonica. See Thessalonike Samarina 132, 190, 201 Samokov 227 Samuel 16, 17 Šapka 40 Sarajevo 85, 94, 149, 154 Saraqinishtë 118 Saronites, Michael 20 Šatev, Paul 207 Sayaxis, G. 221 Scutari. See İşkodra Sekirani 38 Selanik. See Thessalonike Selasforos 114 Selenitsa 131, 132 Selim I 35, 140 Selim II 36, 185 Selim III 163 Selitsa 198 Selybria 26, 78, 188 Şemimi Baba 42, 162 Šemnitsa 20 Şemsi Paşa 171 Septimia Aurelia Heraclea. See Heraclea Septimius Severus 9

Index of Personal and Place Names Serbia 6, 29, 98–99, 107, 113, 117, 123–124, 154, 172 Serdika 9, 16, 142 Serfice 169 Serres 28–29, 85, 104, 113, 145, 147, 156, 189 Shaʾul ha-Tarsi. See Paul Shimshon 144 Shkodër. See İşkodra Shurialli, Moshe 147 Siatista 123, 139, 189 Sicily 24, 146 Silahdar Mehmed Paşa 179–180 Silas 141 Silistria 123 Silivri. See Selybria Sinai 101, 193, 214 Sinan Bey 46 Sirmium 15, 142 Sisanion 114, 120–121, 123, 125, 139, 189, 198 Skočivir 38 Skopelos 17 Skopye vii, 1, 15, 26, 36, 49, 61, 79, 85, 92, 94, 97, 101, 104, 107, 111, 123, 142, 145, 147, 157–158, 161, 164, 185, 189, 202, 217, 232 Skryabin, N. 27, 187, 214, 218, 228 Skylitzes, John 18 Slepče 38, 99, 109–111, 118, 126, 135–136, 191, 214 Slimnitsa 26, 116–118 Slivitsa 38 Sloeštica 38 Smederevo 106–107 Smilevo 38, 57, 70, 171, 180, 212 Snegarov, I. 137 Snegovo 6 Sofia 5, 29, 43, 111, 112, 129, 164, 175–176, 192, 219 Sokollu, Mehmed 112 Solakzade 4, 28–29 Solomon 56 Sopotnitsa 38, 209 Spain 5, 32, 113, 143, 151, 153, 156, 160, 231 Spat 28, 107, 114, 123 Split 154 Spyridon 114, 125 Srbinovski P. vii, 19 Srem 118 Srptsi 38

307

Index of Personal and Place Names Stano 23 Staravina 38 Staro Nagoričino 101 Stassionis, Michael 215 Stefan Uroš IV Dušan 25, 26 Stephanos 23, 112 Stephen 103, 189 Štip 28, 41, 85, 105, 123, 145, 189 Stobi 9, 10, 142 Straboromanos, Romanos 22 Streževo 38, 110 Struga 126 Strugovo 36, 38 Strumitsa 105, 107, 114, 122, 123, 139, 189 Studenitsa 107 Suho Grlo 38 Suhodol 13, 32, 125 Süleyman, Nuriye 32 Süleyman the Lawgiver 106 Sungur, Çavuş Bey 32, 36, 46, 47, 50, 51 Susa, Gabriel del 159 Suva Reka 38 Sveta 38 Sveta Petka 38 Sveti Todor 38 Svinyište 38 Symeon 120, 189, 190 Synadenos 122 Szekely, J. 168 Tabriz 35 Tarsus 141 Tatar Pazarcik 57 Tepavtsi 38 Tetovo 16, 181 Tewfik, M. 28, 69, 91, 170, 176, 181–182, 185, 186, 188, 225 Theodora 100 Theodore 13, 21 Theodosios 25 Theophanes 14, 117 Thessalonike 1, 3, 5, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16–17, 24, 31, 35–37, 42, 46–47, 49, 55, 57, 59, 65, 82, 104–105, 111, 126, 132, 134, 142, 143–145, 147, 153, 154, 155–161, 163, 165, 168, 170–171, 173, 175–177, 180, 189, 193n136, 214, 228–230, 232, 233 Thessaly 8, 16, 17n43, 29, 143, 145

Thrace 28, 82, 122, 143, 145–146, 172, 224 Tiberiopolis 139 Tiepolo 201 Timaev 166 Timothy 141 Timurtaş Paşa 28, 30 Tirana 158 Tirhala. See Trikala Titian 201 Toledo 146 Toli Monastir. See Manastır Tomašević, Catherine 92 Tomašević, Stephen 92 Tomovski, Krum vii, 51, 69, 74, 78 Tomruk Ağa. See Hacı Mahmud Bey Topia 46 Toplitsa 34, 109, 214 Toulouse 22 Tournovo 212 Tranupara 142 Trap 38 Trebizond 99 Trento 111 Treska. See Velika Trieste 167 Trikala 17, 147 Trn 38 Trnovo 38, 42, 118, 210, 212, 214 Trnovo, Veliko 22, 26 Trnovtsi 38 Trotsky, Leo 172 Trpo Zograf 191 Tsali, A. 167 Tsapari 38, 126–127, 212, 214 Tsepenkov, Marko 4, 18, 30, 54, 186 Tser 38 Tserovo 38 Tservari 118 Tsreševo 103 Tsrna 6, 8, 14, 107, 142, 214 Tsrnevtsi 38 Tsrnobuki 38 Tsrnoets 38 Tsrska Bala 38 Tsrska Žir 38 Tsvetko the Baker 122 Tsvetkov, Paraškev 219 Tsvi, Shabbatai 157, 158

308

Index of Personal and Place Names

Tuleškov 192 Tumbeki 6, 174 Turkey 43, 80, 228, 229, 237–238 Turquie d’Europe 161, 162, 169 Turundžev, Alexander 207 Tutili. See Manastır Tutin 118 Tyre 23 Tzedek, Rav Ger 230

Vranevtsi 38 Vythkouki 198

Uglyeša 28 Ukraine 114, 144 Ulcinj 158 Urban VIII 120 Uroš 26 Üsküb. See Skopje Usque, Samuel 154

Yagiri, Philotheos 105 Yanya. See Ioannina Yeğen Ali Paşa 179 Yehida, Jacob ben 159 Yenişehir. See Larissa Yeşil Bayır 19, 175 Yitzhak the Elder, Eliezer ben 144 Ypsilanti, John 137

Vahyi, Mustafa 36 Vako, Constantine 130–131 Valandovo 114 Valona 31, 123, 147, 156 Vanishtë 118 Vardar 6, 8, 14, 16, 19, 30, 142 Vardino 38 Varo 17, 25, 98–99, 101–103, 115, 116, 145 Vasiliev, A. 109 Veles 18, 41, 105, 113, 114, 123, 189, 216, 219 Velika 15 Velmevtsi 38 Velušina 13, 38, 118, 126, 134–135, 191, 212, 213 Venice 5, 111, 123, 132, 136, 144, 154–156, 167, 190 Veronese 201 Vezenkov, Stoyan 164, 174 Via Egnatia 3, 6, 8–10, 15, 18, 22, 103, 134, 141, 142, 145, 155, 158, 172–173, 213, 214 Vidin 47 Vienna 41, 123, 136, 167, 201, 230 Villehardouin II, W. 24 Vilnius 144 Viminacium 142 Virovo 38 Vladimir 99 Vloukasinos 102 Vodena. See Edessa Voskopojë. See Moschopolis Voytekh, George 20

Wallachia 113–114, 116 Weigand 166 Westermayer 166 William 23 Xerxes 201

Žabyani 38 Zacharias 122 Zadar 111 Zagora 118 Zagoriče 38 Zagorović, Ierolim 111 Zašle 38 Zeki Paşa 172 Železnets 107–108 Zeno 13 Ziku, A. A. 221 Žinzifov, Rayko 219 Zisi, Michael 131–132, 190, 192, 201 Zlatovrv 25 Zlokućani 38 Zmirnevo 38 Zosimas 125, 131 Zoya 100 Zrze 26, 99, 102, 110, 122 Žurče 38, 118 Žvan 38, 118 Zvornik 107 Βέλεσσον. See Veles Βητόλ(ης). See Manastır Βουτέλεως. See Manastır Βουτελίῳ. See Manastır Δεύρετην. See Debrešte Ἠγιβάτου. See Gyavato

309

Index of Personal and Place Names Ἡράκλεια Λάκκου. See Heraclea Θεοδώρ. See Theodore Λύγκος. See Lyncestis Μαγγάνη. See Manganes, George Μοναστήριον. See Manastır Πά(ρδῳ). See Peter Πελαγονία. See Pelagonia

Πέτρ(ῳ). See Peter Πολύχαρμος. See Polycharmos Claudius Tiberius Πρίλαπος. See Prilep Обитѣль. See Manastır