Tarma Quechua : grammar, texts, dictionary

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W. F. H. A D E L A A R

TARMA QUECHUA grammar, texts, dictionary

LISSE

THE PETER DE RIDDER PRESS 1977

© Copyright 1977 W. F. H. Adelaar N o p art o f this book m ay be translated o r reproduced in any form , b y print, photoprint, m icrofilm, or any other means, w ith ou t w ritten permission from the author.

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This book was printed with financial support from the Netherlands Organization for the Advancement o f Pure Research (Z.W.O.).

Printed in The Netherlands by Academische Pers bv, Amsterdam Typesetting done by Mondeel bv, Amsterdam

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Ad&fc On completing this work I think that the m om ent is propitious for expres­ sing my gratitude towards everyone who has contributed to its realization. Among my Peruvian friends, I am greatly indebted to Prof. Alfredo Torero, whose willingness to share his exceptional knowledge o f Quechua dialects and Peruvian history has always been o f the greatest help to me. I would like to thank Dr. Gary J. Parker for his assistance in selecting the dialect area for my field-research. Among my Dutch colleagues, m y gratitude is directed in the first place to my supervisor, Prof. S. C. Dik, whose valuable and inspiring criticism and comments removed m any flaws from the original m anuscript, and to Prof. A. H. Kuipers, whose stimulating energy and continuous interest in the progress o f my work have proved indispensable to its felicitous completion. I am equally indebted to Prof. E. M. Uhlenbeck, who guided my steps in the initial phase o f the writing and whose powerful influence in m atters of linguistic theory is present in every page o f the book, to Prof. C. L. Ebeling, whose detailed criticism evoked my profound adm iration, and to Prof. F. H. H. K ortlandt, who read the m anuscript and com m ented upon it. I am very grateful to Prof. A. F. P. Hulsewe, who gave m e the example of his scholarship in the first phases o f my studies. Thanks are due to Dr. H. L. A. van Wijk for his assistance in identifying Spanish loan words. I very m uch appreciate the stimulating advice —concerning b o th the con­ ten t o f the book and its English — th at I received from my colleagues Dr. R. Roolvink, Dr. B. J. Hoff, Dr. J. W. de Vries, Mr. T. L. Cook, and Dr. P. C. Muysken, as well as the comments provided by Dr. D. S. Moyer and by Miss Helene B. Brijnen on the translation of the texts. A special token o f gratitude is owed to those who took upon themselves the ungrateful task o f helping me with the proof-reading: Dr. J. W. de Vries, Dr. P. C. Muysken, Mrs. Mia Wiegerink-Buursma, and my brother K. A. Adelaar. My deepest thanks are due to my three main inform ants for Tarma Quechua, Mr. Ignacio Zarate M., Mr. Eulogio Oscanoa M., and Mr. Victor Atencio C., and to all the m any friends in and about Tarma who contributed to make m y stay in th at tow n a pleasant one. Finally, I wish to m ention th at my research on Tarma Quechua and the publication o f this book would not have been possible w ithout the financial support o f the Netherlands Organization for the Advancement o f Pure Research.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

SYMBOLS AND A B B R E V IA T IO N S............................................................... 15 PREFACE ..............................................................................................................17

PART I: WORD STRUCTURE (PHONOLOGY AND MORPHONOLOGY) 1

In tro d u c tio n ................. ...........................................................................29

2 2.1 2.1.1 2.1.2 2.1.3 2.1.4 2.2 2.2.1 2.2.2 2.3

The p h o n e m e s ........................................................................................31 The consonants ...................................................................................... 31 Allophonics ..........................................................................................32 Examples o f phonem ic c o n tr a s t...................................... ................34 Excursus on the n a s a ls .................................................................. . . 3 5 Excursus on the vibrants .................................................................. 36 The v o w e ls............................................................................................ 37 Allophonics ..........................................................................................37 Excursus on the mid v o w e ls ..............................................................39 Borrowed p h o n em es............................................................................... 40

3 3.1 3.2 3.3

The word f o r m ..................................................................................... 43 The influence o f morphological processes .................................... 44 Elision .......................................................................................................44 Exceptions to the regular word form pattern as a result of bor­ rowing ................................................................................................. 45

4 4.1 4.2

P h o n o tactics..........................................................................................47 Possible p o s itio n s .................................................................................47 Possible s e q u e n c e s ...............................................................................50

5

A utom atic m orphonological p ro c e sse s............................................... 53

6 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4

A daptation o f borrow ed lexical items ........................................... 55 The treatm ent o f stress in verbal r o o t s ........................................... 55 The treatm ent o f stress in non-verbal roots .................................. 56 O ther regular phenom ena o f a d a p ta tio n ......................................... 56 Phenomena of adaptation applying to specific lexical items o n l y ....................................................................................................... 57

7 7.1 7.2 7.3

Sound correspondences betw een the Tarma and SPC dialects . . 58 Correspondences involving the velar and uvular fricatives................58 Correspondences involving the velar and bilabial plo sives................58 Correspondences involving the sequence -a x j-a q ................................ 59

PART II GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURE (MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX) 8

In tro d u c tio n ................................................................................................63

Class-free processes (Sections 9-16) 9

In tro d u c tio n ............................................................................................... 67

10

Inclusion -si, -bis/-pis ......................................... ..................................... 68

11

C ontrast marking -xaj-qa ............................................................... .. . 71

12

M otivation of sta te m e n t-ta x j-ta q .......................................................... 73

13

Condition for realization -r a x /-r a q ........................................................75

14

Interrogation and negation - č u ...............................................................77

15

Validation o f inform ation -m (i):-š (i):-ĉ (i).......................................... 79

16

Combinations o f class-free processes ...................................................82

Class-bound processes: verbs (Sections 17-25) 17

In tro d u c tio n ................................................................................................85

18

Inflection: processes o f personal re fe re n c e ..........................................89

19 19.1 19.1.1 19.1.2 19.1.3 19.1.4 19.1.5

Inflection: constitutive p ro c e sse s.......................................................... 94 Non-transpositional non-subordinating p ro c e sse s..............................94 Form ........................................................................................................... 95 Characterization o f the o p p o sitio n s......................................................96 Examples o f u s e ........................................................................................ 97 Special uses ................................................................................................99 Remark ..................................................................................................100

Subordinating p ro c e sse s ........................................................ Form ......................................................................................... U s e .............................................................................................. Syntactic r e m a r k .................................................................... Examples o f u s e ...................................................................... F urther re m a rk s ...................................................................... Transpositional p ro c e sse s...................................................... Form ......................................................................................... Characterization o f the o p p o s itio n s ................................... Syntactic re m a rk s.................................................................... Transpositional forms as m o d ifie rs..................................... Indication o f actor and goal w ith transpositional forms . Examples o f u s e ...................................................................... Special uses ............................................................................. F urther r e m a rk s ......................................................................

101

Inflection: non-constitutive processes .............................. Cislocative -mu- ...................................................................... Benefactive -bu-/-pu- ............................................................. Restrictive -la- ........................................................................ Pluralization -ba:ku-j-pa:ku-, -rga-j-rka-, - r i - ..................... Aspect ....................................................................................... Durative -y a -............................................................................. Perfective - r u - ........................................................................... Sequential -rg u -/-rku -............................................................ Causative -či- ........................................................................... Characteristic action - k u - .................................i .................. Characteristic quality -ku- ................................................... Combinations o f non-constitutive p ro cesses.....................

124 124 126 126 127 129 130 130 131 132 133 134 134

Derivational processes .......................................................... Reflexive - k u - ........................................................................... Passive-accidental -k a -............................................................. Goal-directed a c tio n -b a -j-p a -............................................... Static ........................................................................................... Desiderative -n a - ...................................................................... Distributive -ĉa- ...................................................................... Experimental action -ĉa:ri-................................................... Hesitating action -(y)gaĉa-/-(y)kaĉa-................................... Interrupted action -tya- ........................................................ Diminutive -ri- ........................................................................ Upward direction -rgu-/-rku-................................................. Downward direction -rb u-j-rp u -.......................................... Inward direction -y(g)u-/-yu- ...............................................

136 138 138 139 140 141 141 142 142 143 143 144 144 144

101 102 102 103 104 104 105 106 110 110 111

114 116 121

21.14 21.15 21.16 21.17 21.18 21.19 21.20

Social act -rgu-j-rku-.............................................................................. 145 Special atten tio n -y (g )u -/-y u -.............................................................. 145 Reciprocal - n a k u - ................................................................................... 146 Mutual b e n e fit-baku-j-paku- .............................................................. 146 Multiple object -ĉa ku -............................................................................147 Completive -ku- ..................................................................................... 148 Combinations o f derivational processes ............................. ............. 149

22 22.1 22.2

Im productive types o f suffixation .....................................................155 N on-transpositional ty p e s ..................................................................... 155 Transpositional t y p e s ............................................................................156

23 23.1 23.1.1 23.1.2 23.1.3 23.2 23.2.1 23.2.2 23.2.3

Reduplicational processes..................................................................... 158 Non-transpositional processes.............................................................. 158 Comparative re d u p lic a tio n ...................................................................158 Interrupted action II ............................................................................ 160 Other cases o f non-transpositional reduplication ........................... 160 Transpositional p ro c e sse s..................................................... ................161 Resultative re d u p lic a tio n ......................................................................161 Active participle re d u p lic a tio n ............................................................162 O ther cases o f transpositional re d u p lic a tio n .................................... 163

24 24.1 24.1.1 24.1.2 24.2 24.3 24.4

Irregular verbs ........................................................................................ 165 Vowel m odification affecting irregular verb roots .........................165 M odification from -u-to -a- ................................................................. 165 M odification from -a- to - a : - ................................................................. 167 Insertion o f th e completive suffix - k u - ..............................................169 Multiple verb r o o t s .................................................................................169 Obligatory presence o f suffixes ......................................................... 170

25 25.1 2 5.2 25.3 25.4 25.5 25.6 25.7 25.8

Subclassification o f the v e r b s .............................................................. 175 Quality verbs .......................................................................................... 175 Onom atopoeic v e rb s.............................................................................. 176 Copulative v e r b s ..................................................................................... 178 Interrogative v e r b s .................................................................................179 The verb im a - .......................................................................................... 179 The verb ni- ............................................................................................ 180 The deictic verb č in a - ............................................................................180 The dum m y verb na- ............................................................................180

Class-bound processes: nouns (Sections 26-37) 26

In tro d u c tio n .......................................................................................... 182

27 27.1 27.2 27.2.1 27.2.2 27.2.3 27.2.3.1 27.2.3.2 27.2.4 27.2.5 27.2.6 27.2.6.1 27.2.6.2 27.2.7 27.2.7.1 27.2.7.2 27.2.8 27.2.8.1 27.2.8.2 27.2.9 27.2.10 27.3

Case processes ........................................................................ .. 184 Form ......................................................................................................185 U s e ...........................................................................................................187 The accusative c a s e - f a ....................................................................... 187 The allative case -m a h .......................................................................... 191 The ablative case -bita/-pita ..............................................................193 Noun-verb relations ............................................................................ 193 Noun-noun relatio n s............................................................................ 195 The locative case - ĉ u ( : - ) ..................................................................... 196 The benefactive case -b a x j-p a q ............... ......................................... 198 The genitive cass -b a /-p a .....................................................................201 Noun-verb relations ............................................................................ 201 Noun-noun relatio n s........................................................................... 204 The instrum ental case -wan ..............................................................205 Noun-verb relations ........................................................................... 205 Noun-noun re la tio n s........................................................................... 206 The limitative case -gam a/-kam a...................................................... 207 Noun-verb relations ........................................................................... 207 Distributive use ...................................................................................208 The broad equational and narrow equational cases -nuy; -yubay/-yupay ...................................................................................... 209 The reciprocal case -bura .................................................................. 210 Combinations o f case p ro c e s s e s ............. ......................................... 211

28

Pluralization -g u n a j-k u n a .................................................................. 215

29

Restrictive - l a ....................................................................................... 217

30 30.1 30.2 30.3 30.4

Personal reference and related processes..........................................218 Personal reference ..............................................................................218 Partitive I .............................................................................................. 220 Partitive II ............................................................................................222 Inclusive -n t i - ....................................................................................... 223

31 31.1 31.2 31.3 31.4 31.5 31.6 31.7 31.8

Other non-transpositional non-reduplicational processes .......... 225 Degree -sga/-ska ...................................................................................225 Partnership - m a y i ................................................................................ 226 Ownership I - y u x / - y u q ....................................................................... 226 Ownership II -saba/-sapa.....................................................................227 Size -čigañf-čikañ, čigasax/-čikasaq.................................................. 228 -bay-j-pay- a f f ix a tio n ......................................................................... 229 - r a /a ffix a tio n ....................................................................................... 229 -gaša and -čikaq affixation ................................................................229

32

Combinations o f non-transpositional non-reduplicational proc­ esses .......................231

33

Improductive types o f suffixation ....................................................234

34 34.1 34.2 34.3

Reduplication (non-transpositional)..................................................240 Plain re d u p lic a tio n ................................................................................240 Resultative re d u p lic a tio n .................................................................... 242 Other cases o f non-transpositional reduplication .......................... 242

35 35.1 35.2 35.3 35.4

Irregular n o u n s .......................................................................................244 Multiple noun r o o t s ............................................................................. 244 Irregular types o f s u f f ix a tio n ............................................................. 245 The suffix-like elements -la and -ñ .................................................... 245 Obligatory presence o f suffixes .........................................................247

36 36.1 36.2 36.3 36.3.1

Subclasses o f the nouns .......................................................................248 S u b stan tiv es............................................................................................248 A djectives...................................... ......................................................... 252 Interrogative p ro n o u n s ......................................................................... 253 The use o f class-free processes in relation to interrogative pro­ nouns and v e r b s ....................................................................................254 Further remarks concerning the interrogative p ro n o u n s ...............255 Demonstrative pronouns .................................................................... 257 Personal p r o n o u n s ................................................................................259 Substitute personal p ro n o u n s ............................................................. 260 Pronominal g r o u p s ................................................................................ 261 Numerals ................................................................................................ 263 Postpositions ......................................................................................... 264 Adverbs ...................................................................................................266 The dum m y noun na ........................................................................... 267 Unclassified n o u n s ................................................................................268

36.3.2 36.4 36.5 36.6 36.7 36.8 36.9 36.10 36.11 36.12 37 37.1 37.2 37.2.1 37.2.2 37.2.3 37.2.4 37.2.5 37.3 37.3.1

Transposition from nouns to v e rb s ....................................................272 Transposition w ithout specific suffixes ...........................................272 Transposition by means o f specific transpositional suffixes . . . 274 Inchoative - y a - ...................................................................................... 274 Factitive -č a -........................ ...................................................................275 Simulative -tu g u -l-tu k u -.......................................................................277 -hya- tra n s p o s itio n ................................................................................278 Non-productive ty p e s ........................................................................... 279 Transposition by means o f suffixes which are formally identi­ cal to verbal derivational s u ffix e s 280 Desiderative -n a -......................................................................... .. .280

37.3.2 37.3.3 313 A 37.3.5 37.3.6 37.3.7 37.3.8 37.3.9 37.4 37.4.1 37.4.2

Goal-directed -bar/-pa- ........................................................... ........... 281 Reflexive -ku-: ornative .....................................................................282 R eflexive-ku- : oth er c a s e s ....................... ........................................ 283 Causative -či- ....................................................................................... 285 Static - r a - .............................................................................................. 286 Interrupted actio n -tya- .....................................................................286 Tiixzctionate,-rgu-/-rku-',-rbu-l-rpu-..................................................286 Transposition with other derivational s u f fix e s .............................287 Transposition involving redu plication ............................................. 287 Comparative re d u p lic a tio n ................................................................287 Other cases o f transposition involving redu p lication................... 288

38 38.1 38.2 38.3 38.4

Sound-symbolic processes .................................................................. 290 Field of application ..............................................................................290 P ro d u c tiv ity ............................................................................................ 291 Examples o f u s e ..................................................................................... 291 F urther re m a rk s .....................................................................................292

39

P a rtic le s .................................................................................................293

40

Enclitics a w ,a r ....................................................................................... 299

41 41.1 41.2 41.3 41.4

In te rje c tio n s................................................................ ...........................302 Subdivision o f th e interjection c la s s ..................................................302 Expandability o f the interjection c la s s ............................................. 304 Use o f interjectio n s................................................................................304 Incidental tra n s p o s itio n .......................................................................304

PART III: TEXTS In tro d u c tio n ................ ............................................................................................ 307 Texts from Vicora Congas ....................................................................................308 — The fox and the c o n d o r ....................................................................................308 — The town o f Huanri .......................................................................................... 322 — M u ru h u ay ............................................................................................................. 330 — G oyllarisquizga....................................................................................................338 — The world is c r e a te d .......................................................................................... 340

— Wisdom o f th e I n c a s ........................................................................................... 346 — A bout our medicinal h e r b s ........................................................ .......................352 — A bout our illn esses............................................................................................. 370 — Pachacamac and the s k u n k ............................................................................3 9 0 — Mr Nixon and th e war in Vietnam ................................................................. 402 Texts from San Pedro de C a ja s............................................................................. 408 —The tw o orphans ( 1 ) ........................................................................................... 408 —The butterfly .......................................................................................................412 —The tw o orphans ( 2 ) ........................................................................................... 416

PART IV: DICTIONARY In tro d u c tio n .............................................................................................................. 421 O rganization...............................................................................................................421 Dictionary ................................................................................................................ 424 List o f Christian n a m e s............................ ...............................................................505

REFERENCES . . ..................................................................................................... 507

SUMMARY IN DUTCH

509

SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS

A acc. C CB CF DS id. IS lit. N Per. Sp. plur. R S Sp. SPC SS T TQ V 0 : + * ‘...’ (...) /.../ [...] x —*■y / ~

accessory participant (see Section 18) accusative consonant class-bound (see Section 8) class-free (see Section 8) different subjects (see Section 19.2.1) same translation identical subjects (see Section 19.2.1) literally noun, nominal Peruvian Spanish plural root substantive Spanish San Pedro de Cajas dialect sound-symbolic Tarma dialect (including the districts o f Huaricolca and La Union Leticia) Quechua spoken in the province o f Tarma vowel zero vowel length morpheme boundary reconstructed form ; form not recorded translated form bound form optional segment phonemic notation phonetic notation y is derived from x separates forms o f two different dialects separates free variants archeological site

F or the alphabetic order and the abbreviations used in the dictionary see the Introduction in Part IV. References to literature are made by name of author and year o f publication.

17 PREFACE

The objective o f the present book is to give a description, as com pletely as possible, of the native language (a variety of Quechua) spoken in the prov­ ince o f Tarma, which is part of the departm ent of Junin in the Andes of Central Peru and which is situated at a relatively short distance (northeast) o f the capital Lima. The data presented here were collected by the author during two periods o f field-research (1970-1971, 1974). The character of these data leads to a division o f the book in to three parts, namely a description of the systematic language facts (phonology and grammar), a collection o f translated and annotated texts, and a dictionary. Making the language facts accessible, even to the non-linguist, has been a m ajor concern throughout the work. No thorough knowledge o f any particu­ lar school o f linguistic theory is needed for the interpretation o f this descrip­ tion. It should be noted, however, th at the general theoretical background was provided by Praguian structuralism , as represented in the Netherlands by Reichling and Uhlenbeck. The m ost im portant consequence of this orientation is the central position which is accorded to th e word — in addition to the sentence — in the presen­ tation. This is reflected in th e phonological analysis, where the main purpose is, firstly, to set up an inventory of phonemes which accounts for all the word-forms occurring in the language, and, secondly, to provide a useful transcription for presenting the grammatical facts. For the latter too, the word is taken as the basic unit, which leads to a primarily morphological approach. The morphological facts are described as processes affecting the shape o f words in a systematic way, th at is, w ith a constant semantic contri­ b ution corresponding to each process. As a result, the syntax is mainly con­ cerned w ith th e way in which words are combined into greater units. Most syntactic facts are therefore described in term s o f the use o f forms resulting from the application o f m orphological processes. Besides, only the obliga­ tory syntactic phenom ena are discussed. No attem pt is made, for instance, to give a semantic explanation for all cases of apparent freedom in word-order. It is to be expected that th e language data contained in this book will find an application outside the field of synchronic linguistic research. Due account has been taken o f the needs o f comparative dialectology, a field which is gaining m ore and more im portance, as data on various Quechua dia­ lects become available. A nother possible field of application is o f an educa­ tional character: the data can be used in the preparation o f language courses for local use.

18 QUECHUA

The name Quechua or Quichua refers to a group o f closely related lan­ guages spoken in a non-continuous area in at least six South-American coun­ tries: Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia, Argentina, Colombia, and Chile.1 In his-study “ El Quechua y la historia social andina” (1974), Torero states th at Quechua is spoken in the following areas: Peru: all departm ents except Madre de Dios, Piura, Tacna, Tumbes, and La Libertad, which has n o t yet been duly explored. Ecuador: the interandean valleys and the oriente, especially in the prov­ inces o f Im babura, Pichincha, Cotopaxi, Tungurahua, Chimborazo, Cafiar, Azuay, Napo-Pastaza, and in the northern part o f the province o f Loja.2 Bolivia: the departm ents o f Cochabamba, Chuquisaca, and Potosi; the southeastern part o f the departm ent o f Oruro; the northern part o f the departm ent o f La Paz: provinces o f Caupolican, Bautista Saavedra, Mufiecas, and the southern part o f Larecaja. Argentina: province o f Santiago del Estero; northern part o f the province o f Jujuy; parts o f the provinces o f Catamarca, Salta, and Tucuman. Colombia: intendencia o f Caqueta; comisaria o f Putum ayo.3 Chile: a few settlem ents in the province o f Antofagasta (in the north­ eastern part o f the departm ent of Lauca). NUMBER OF SPEAKERS

Only rough estimates are available about the num ber o f speakers o f Quechua. A study o f this m atter was made by J. H. Rowe in 1947 in a paper which was based on the results o f the 1940 census in Peru. According to his study about 2.5 million people on a to tal population o f 7 million spoke Quechua. However, the population has doubled since th at date and the num ber of Quechua speakers has probably also increased. Torero (1974) m entions a figure o f m ore than 3 million. The estim ates given by Torero for the num ber o f Quechua speakers in Ecuador and Bolivia are 1.5 million in each country. According to the same author there are about 170,000 Quechua speakers in Argentina (Torero 1964, 1974). This figure is based on a study made by R. Nardi (1962). Colombia has only a few thousand speakers o f the Inga or Ingano dialect,4 and the num ber o f speakers in Chile is probably even more limited. The figures ju st given lead to a total estimate of about 7 million speakers.

GENETIC RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN QUECHUA AND OTHER AMERICAN LAN­ GUAGES

Quechua has been classified with Aymara, a language spoken near lake Titicaca in Peru and Bolivia, by Mason (1950), McQuown (1955), Greenberg

19 (1959), and Swadesh (1962). Loukotka (1968) leaves Quechua as an inde­ pendent stock. Actually, th e genetic relationship betw een Quechua and any other American language has never been proved convincingly, even though there are typological similarities. Most comparative research has attem pted to establish a genetic relationship between Quechua and Aymara. The Quechua- and Aymara-speaking com munities m ust have been in close con­ tact for m any centuries. Many lexical items are recent loans from Aymara to Quechua or vice-versa, b u t some o f them have been affected by sound changes which occurred independently in one o f the two groups. This seems to indicate th at very long ago b o th languages were spoken in geographically contiguous areas. Comparison betw een Aymara and the Cuzco-dialect of Quechua, which has been strongly influenced by Aymara, has contributed to make the relationship seem more probable than it actually is. INTERNAL DIVISION OF QUECHUA

Although there are some older articles dealing w ith this subject by Garro (1942) and Ferrario (1956), the first serious studies were made by Gary J. Parker (1963) and by Alfredo Torero (1964). Both o f them divided Quechua into tw o dialect groups: Quechua A and B according to Parker’s study, which correspond to Quechua II and I, respectively, according to Torero’s study. In his more recent work (1968, 1974), Torero locates these groups geo­ graphically as follows. Quechua I (or Waywash) dialects are spoken in the Peruvian departm ents o f Ancash, Huanuco, Pasco, Juni’n, and in parts o f the departm ents o f Lima and lea.5 He subdivides Quechua II (or Wampuy) into three groups: IIA, IIB, IIC. Quechua IIA (or Yungay) dialects are spoken in parts o f th e departm ents of Cajamarca (provinces of Cajamarca and Hualgayoc), Lambayeque (province o f Ferrefiafe), and Lima (in Pacaraos, prov­ ince o f Canta, and in Laraos and Lincha, province of Yauyos). Quechua IIB and IIC (combinedly also referred to as Chmchay) comprise all the dialects to the north and to the south, respectively, o f the Quechua I and IIA areas. Quechua IIB includes the dialects spoken in Ecuador, Colombia, and in the Peruvian departm ents o f Amazonas (provinces o f Chachapoyas and Luya), San M artin (provinces o f Lamas, Huallaga, and Mariscal Caceres), and Loreto. Quechua IIC includes the dialects spoken in Bolivia, Argentina, Chile, and in the Peruvian departm ents of Apurimac, Arequipa, Ayacucho, Cuzco, Huancavelica, and Puno. INTERNAL DIVISION OF QUECHUA I

In his m ost recent study (1974) Torero divides Quechua I into five dialect groups. These are: Huaylas-Conchucos: in the departm ent o f Ancash (all provinces except

20 Casma, Santa, Pallasca, and Bolognesi); in th e departm ent o f H uanuco (prov­ inces o f Marafiĉn and Huamalies). A lto Pativilca-Alto M arañon-Alto Huallaga: in the departm ent o f Ancash (province o f Bolognesi); in the departm ent o f Lima (northw estern part of the province o f Cajatambo, district o f Ambar in the province o f Chancay); in th e departm ent o f Huanuco (provinces o f Ambo, Dos de Mayo, Huanuco, and Pachitea). Yarn: in the departm ent o f Lima (southeastern part o f the province of Cajatambo, high areas o f the province o f Chancay, districts o f Alis and Tomas in th e northeastern part o f the province o f Yauyos); in the depart­ m ent o f Junin (provinces o f Junin, Tarma, and Yauli); in the departm ent o f Pasco. Jauja-Huanca: in the departm ent o f Junin (provinces o f Concepcion, Huancayo, and Jauja); in the departm ent o f Lima (district o f Cacras in the southw estern part o f the province o f Yauyos). Huangascar-Topara: in the departm ent o f Lima (districts o f Huangascar, Chocos, and Azangaro in the province o f Y auyos); in the departm ent o f lea (district o f Chavin de Topara, in th e northeastern part o f the province of Chincha). The same author also proposes a more general subdivision o f the Quechua I dialects, namely in to Waylay (comprising Huaylas-Conchucos) and Wdnkay (comprising Yarn, Jauja-Huanca, and Huangascar-Topara). In this perspec­ tive, the second group (A lto Pativilca-Alto Marañon-Alto Huallaga) takes up an interm ediate position betw een Waylay and Wankay. A nother comparative study o f the Quechua B (I) dialects was made by Parker (1971). THE DIALECTS OF THE PROVINCE OF TARMA

The dialects treated in the present study belong to the Yarn (Wankay) group, as distinguished in Torero’s classification, and are those spoken in the sierra part — th at is the country situated at the altitude o f 10,000 feet and higher — o f the province of Tarma in the departm ent o f Junin. The districts o f this area are Tarma, Huaricolca, Acobamba, La Union Leticia, Palca, Palcam ayo, Tapo, Huasahuasi, and San Pedro de Cajas; the three remaining districts of the province, La Merced, San Ramon, and Vitoc, situated in the low m ontaña country, do n o t belong to the language area o f Quechua I. Within the province o f Tarma, at least tw o dialects are to be distinguished: the dialect spoken in the districts o f Acobamba, Huasahuasi, San Pedro de Cajas, Tapo, and possibly Palca, and secondly the dialect spoken in the districts o f Tarma, Huaricolca, and La Union Leticia. The latte r shows two im portant phonological innovations: ( 1) the voicing o f velar and bilabial stops after non-nasal consonants and betw een vowels — a sound change which did not operate w ithout exceptions, however, — and (2) the neutrali­

21 zation o f the opposition betw een the velar and the uvular fricatives. The dialect o f Palcamayo, in which evidence was found o f the first, but not of the second innovation, seems to occupy an interm ediate position. Subdivision of dialects according to districts is not always accurate, because district borders and dialect borders often do not coincide. Since the main inform ants in this study were from Vicora Congas and Huanuquillo (both in the district of Tarma), and from San Pedro de Cajas, the description deals first o f all with the local variants o f these places, although data from other localities, as e.g., Tapo, Huasahuasi, Huaricolca, Huaracayo (district of Acobamba), have been included incidentally. Neither one of the tw o dialect areas is com pletely homogeneous. There are differences betw een the Vicora Congas variant, on the one hand, and the Huanuquillo and Huaricolca variants, on the other hand. These differences con­ cern, among other things, the treatm ent after nasal consonants of suffixes with an initial labial stop. In the same way, San Pedro de Cajas shows certain innova­ tions in comparison with the more conservative dialect o f Tapo. The uvular fricative /q / is optionally left out —in final position —or replaced by a length­ ening o f the preceding vowel —in non-final position —in certain suffixes. An­ other peculiarity of San Pedro de Cajas (and Huasahuasi) is the fact that the velar stop has become voiced incidentally after a palatal glide (see Section 2.3). Henceforth the abbreviation SPC (SPC) is used for San Pedro de Cajas and for the dialect spoken in th a t village. (T) or Tarma are used for the dialect o f the Tarma area, that is, the area covering the districts o f Tarma, Huaricolca, and La Union Leticia. The abbreviation TQ is used for referring to the lan­ guage o f the province as a whole, disregarding dialect differences. Names o f other places are w ritten in full. EARLIER STUDIES ON TQ OR RELATED DIALECTS

A word-list o f a dialect called -Jum'n’ is included in a paper on Northern Peruvian Quechua dialects b y J. E. Garro (1942). The dialect exemplified here does not show m any similarities with the dialects spoken in our area. The same is true for the word-lists o f Central and N orthern Peruvian Quechua dialects, given in Loukotka’s “Classification o f South-American Indian Languages” (1968). Parker’s “Proto-Quechua lexicon” (1969) in­ cludes occasional items from Tarma, which he borrowed from a study on Tarma Quechua morphology by Chester Creider (1968). In 1974, Elfriede Sayk Cruz published a study on verbal derivation in the dialect o f Jum'n (closely related to SPC). U nfortunately, I did not dispose o f either Creider’s or Sayk’s publications during the realization of my own study. There are several published te x t collections in TQ. One of them is Adolfo Vienrich’s “Fabulas quechuas” (1906), a collection of native fables. Farfan’s collection o f Quechua texts from Central Peru (1949) contains some texts from the provinces o f Tarma and Junin.

22 THE LINGUISTIC COMMUNITY

The province o f Tarma consists o f two completely different areas: the sierra and th e hilly tropical country east o f it, which is called montaña. The population o f the m ontaña is largely immigrant, although there are rem nants o f the aboriginal Campa population. Many people speak Quechua, b u t more o ften the dialect o f Huancavelica, Ayacucho, and Apurimac, where m any of th e immigrants come from. The m ost densely populated part is the valley called Chanchamayo, where La Merced and San Ramon, the m ost im portant centers, are located. Coffee and tropical fruit are cultivated in this area, and are exported by road to Tarma and further on to Lima, which makes Tarma a commercial transit center and m arket. The main activity in the sierra is agriculture in the valleys, and cattle-raising in the high parts. Agriculture is extrem ely diversified. Steep slopes have been provided with terraces in order to facilitate crop-raising and in the valleys every plot of land is used. Most of th e rural population is organized in the so-called ‘comunidades campesinas’ (peasant com m unities), which own their land collectively. Large privately owned estates, ‘haciendas’, are disappearing rapidly due to the policy o f the governm ent and are also being transform ed into communities. Although the whole area is prosperous according to Peruvian standards, some places are highly developed economically. The potato yields o f Huasahuasi are excep­ tionally rich; San Pedro de Cajas is know n for its weavers. The total popula­ tion o f Tarma province is about 140,000, o f which 30,000 live in the tow n o f Tarma, a commercial and administrative center. The sierra valleys are overpopulated and most of the im portant villages are located there; San Pedro de Cajas (13,000 feet) and Huaricolca (12,000 feet) are exceptions. Communities vary in num ber o f members from several hundreds to several thousands. Huasahuasi has 8,000 inhabitants. The country is very rugged: the Tarma river seeks its way down to Chanchamayo through a deep valley in which Tarma, Acobamba, and Palca are situated. Huasahuasi, Tapo, La Union Leticia, and Palcamayo, are located in different valleys each, which come out into the main valley. Folklore is rich and there are many religious feasts. The area is know n for its fables and local beliefs, e.g., about the fear­ ful pishtacos, who kill people in order to sell the grease o f their bodies. Some legends and fables are given in the text part o f this study. A num ber o f ruins testify to the form er presence in the area o f Inca rule, although some of them seem to be from an older period. Yanamarca, Yuracmarca, Huanri, and Capia are situated on spectacular strategic spots on the very top of m oun­ tains or on m ountain ridges. The area was m uch affected by the ChileanPeruvian war in 1879-1883. Besides, in the eighteenth century, the local people were involved in the war against the Campas o f Chanchamayo, who attacked the Spanish colonial adm inistration under the command o f Juan Santos Atahuallpa.

23 INTERFERENCE WITH SPANISH

In the villages o f the province o f Tarma, Quechua,is being rapidly replaced by 'Spanish. My informants told me th a t when they were young TQ was spoken almost exclusively in their communities and th at they first came in touch w ith Spanish at the Primary School. Nowadays it is hard to find any young children who speak TQ fluently. Their first language is now Spanish. From my own observation, I know of only one place in the area where people are predom inantly monolingual in TQ: the hacienda Marayniyoc in the district o f Palca. I also m et monolingual children from the hamlet of Chupan in th e district o f San Pedro de Cajas. The normal situation, however, in places accessible to traffic is bilingualism, w ith TQ predom inating among the older generation and Spanish among the younger. Since the older people have acquired a passive knowledge o f Spanish and the younger people main­ tain a passive knowledge o f TQ, grandparents and grandchildren can talk to each other using each a different language. This situation may be due to the relative nearness o f th e capital Lima añd the great diversity o f dialects in Central Peru, which makes TQ u nfit as a commercial language in this area. Tarma, the provincial capital, has been.a Spanish speaking com m unity since long ago. However, because Tarma is a m arket tow n and a regional center, TQ speakers can easily be found there. Many people from our dialect area spend a few years working in the mines, which are quite numerous in Central Peru. Here they m eet Quechua speakers from all over the country and a certain interference w ith oth er Quechua dialects is almost unavoidable. How­ ever, I do not possess any reliable data about this m atter. TQ is accorded a very low status and many people, to whom the language is their first language, refuse to admit this and even deny any kind of knowl­ edge o f it. However, in every com m unity, people were found who enjoyed speaking the language and used it in a creative way (story-telling, making jokes, etc.). The Quechua dialect of Cuzco, which is considered by many Peruvians to be the standard type of Quechua, is held to be the only pure and good form o f Quechua. TQ is said by its own speakers to be ‘degenerate’ and ‘m ixed w ith Spanish’. However, hardly any speaker o f TQ is acquainted with the Cuzco dialect and its influence on TQ is negligible. There is no evidence th at TQ is more influenced by Spanish than other Quechua dialects are. Spanish influence has been strong in the lexicon and in the sound system o f TQ. There are m any borrow ed words, which have introduced new pho­ nemes and new com binations and positions o f phonemes. Borrowing from Spanish has been a continuous process since the conquista and the older the borrowings, the more they are adapted to the native TQ sound system. Some o f them reflect an older stage o f Spanish, as e.g., u:la (T/SPC) ‘sheep’ (Sp. oveja) in which the palatal spirant /š/ is closer to the corresponding sound in 16th century Spanish than to its modern counterpart represented by j.

24 Others have undergone changes which are characteristic for the evolution o f a TQ dialect after they were borrowed, as e.g., wa:ga (T) ‘cow’ (Sp. vaca) which shows the voicing o f the velar stop. In the same way, the initial /w / in wa:ga is n o t found in more recent borrowings, in which the sound corre­ sponding to Spanish v or b is a voiced bilabial stop /b /; e.g., bisyu (T) ‘bad h ab it’ (Sp. vicio). Since Spanish loans are easily recognized, the native speaker is usually aware o f the fact th at he is using them. Almost all speakers o f TQ are bilin­ gual and therefore the speaker can fill up at any time gaps in his native lexicon by Spanish words. Nevertheless, he tends to replace all borrowed words by pure TQ words when he thinks he is expected to speak the language well. Borrowed words are treated morphologically in the same way as native words. M orphology and syntax have remained surprisingly unaffected by Spanish. Entire Spanish phrases or sentences are sometimes included in TQ con­ versation. This may be due to the fact th at the speaker is more fluent in Spanish than in TQ. The local Spanish has been influenced heavily by TQ. In TQ there are borrowings from other Quechua dialects too, but these are n o t always easily recognized. An obvious case is the word walaš ‘b o y ’, which was borrowed from Jauja-Huanca. MATERIAL

The material for this study was collected in Tarma from August 1970 until Septem ber 1971. My main inform ant was Ignacio Zarate Mallma. He was about thirty years old and came from Vicora Congas (district o f Tarma). F or about ten years he had been living in Huaracayo (district of Acobamba), where he worked part-tim e as a fanner and part-time as a farm hand. He had a full comm and o f the dialects o f both places and was aware o f the differ­ ences betw een them . His imagination and his ability in story-telling supplied me with a considerable am ount of material, especially in the field o f tradi­ tional medicine. My second inform ant was Eulogio Oscanoa Montes (45 years old). He came from San Pedro de Cajas and lived in Tarma, making a living as a photographer. During a second visit in the Summer o f 1974 I had the opportunity of checking the Tarma materials with Victor Atencio Cosme (64 years old at th a t time). Mr Atencio is the sexton o f the Cathedral in Tarma. He is origi­ nally from Huanuquillo, now a suburb o f Tarma. In 1974 I also collected additional data o f th e SPC dialect with the help o f Mr Oscanoa. O ther people in and around Tarma occasionally supplied valuable informa­ tion. Spoken m aterial on tape was supplied, among others, by the Paucar family in San Pedro de Cajas and by some visitors from Chupan (district of San Pedro de Cajas), by Marino Cossar from Tapo, by Jacinto Salazar in Huasahuasi, and, m ost o f all, by Ignacio Zarate Mallma. In addition, the folkloristic texts in Adolfo Vienrich’s “ Fabulas quechuas” were used.

25 NOTES 1 According to Louisa Stark (1972), there are also a few Quechua speakers in Paraguay. 2 According to Pieter Muysken (1976), there is also a considerable number o f Quechua speakers in the province o f Bolivar. 3 In an earlier study (1964), Torero mentions the possible existence o f Quechua speak­ ers in the department of Tolima. 4 World Council o f Churches: “The Situation o f the Indian in South America” (1972). 5 In one o f his articles (1968), Torero mentions the existence o f Quechua I speakers in the valley o f the San Juan river in the province o f Castrovirreyna (department o f Huancavelica).

PA R TI WORD STRUCTURE (PHONOLOGY AND MORPHONOLOGY)

29 1 INTRODUCTION

The TQ phonem e system, although relatively simple, is not uniform throughout the area. The tw o dialects described in the present work show considerable differences in this respect. The Tarma dialect has undergone tw o im portant historical changes in the consonant system, no traces of which are found in the m ore conservative SPC dialect. On the other hand, the latter dialect also presents certain innovations, which have n o t affected, however, its phonem e system in such a radical way.1 In both dialects the phonem e system was drastically modified, in a more or less identical way, by massive borrowing from Spanish, which has led to the introduction o f a num ber of new phonemes and also to an expansion o f the positional and sequential possibilities o f already existing phonemes. During the long period o f interaction betw een Spanish and TQ, however, the border between what is ‘borrow ed’ and what is ‘native’ has become somewhat blurred. Older borrowings were thoroughly adapted to the TQ sound system (e.g., kapñ ‘goat’ from Sp. cabra; see also the preface), so that it can be assumed th at borrowed phonological characteristics — and especial­ ly borrow ed phonemes — are relatively recent. On the other hand, these borrowed characteristics have penetrated into the peripheral parts o f the native TQ lexicon (onom atopoeics and interjections) and they are occasion­ ally found in lexical items which are not clearly peripheral, but which are probably o f a recent form ation. It should also be stressed th a t borrowed characteristics in TQ do not exactly correspond to their counterparts in Spanish (e.g., TQ /d /, a borrowed phoneme, is a plosive and not a fricative, as it is in Spanish). Hence we may speak o f a borrowed phonological characteristic when we can safely assume th at it was introduced in TQ as a result o f contact (through borrowing) with Spanish. Whenever there is reason to suppose that th e existence o f a phonological characteristic is the result o f internal devel­ opm ents in the language (e.g., /g/ in SPC, see Section 2.3), the term ‘borrow ­ ed’ is n o t justified. As far as the phonemes are concerned, the shape o f peripheral elements (onom atopoeics and interjections) relies heavily upon the new possibilities introduced through borrowing. They frequently contain borrow ed pho­ nemes, b u t do not have any characteristic phonemes o f their own. Our discussion o f the phonological and m orphonological facts comprises sections on the phonem e system (including th e phonetic realization o f the phonemes) (Section 2), on the structure of the word form in general (Sec­ tion 3), and on the positional and sequential possibilities o f the phonemes within the word form (Section 4). Due attention is given throughout these

30 sections to the formal characteristics o f borrow ed item s and onomatopoeics. In Section 5 certain autom atic morphonological phenom ena are discussed. Sections 6 and 7 are dedicated to the way in which lexical items borrow ed from Spanish are adapted to the TQ sound system, and to the sound corre­ spondences betw een the tw o main dialects o f the area.

NOTE 1 The innovations of SPC are not found in other villages belonging to the same dialect area (e.g., Tapo, Huasahuasi, Huaracayo). As it seems, these villages are even more con­ servative in their speech habits than SPC.

31 2 THE PHONEMES

The TQ phoneme system perm its a clear-cut division between consonants and vowels. Vowels always represent the peak o f a syllable and are the only sounds liable to receive stress (see Section 3). Consonants are characterized by the absence o f these tw o peculiarities. They can only occur at syllable boundaries.1 2.1 THE CONSONANTS

Since th e SPC consonant system presents a greater num ber o f distinctions (one m ore) than the consonant system o f the Tarma dialect, the former is discussed first. SPC consonants are 23 in number. They are voiceless plosives (including the stops /p /, 11/, /k /, and th e affricates /č/, /ĉ/), voiced plosives (all o f them stops, lb /, /d /, /g/), voiceless fricatives (/f/, /s/, /š/, /h /, /q /), nasals (/m /, /n/, /ñ /, /ñ /), laterals (/l/, /I/), vibrants (including a tap /r / and a voiced fricative /ř /2), and glides (/w /, /y/). Nasals, laterals, vibrants, and glides are always voiced. From the point o f view o f their point o f articulation, these consonants are bilabial (/p /, /b /, /f/, /m /, /w /), alveolar (/t/, /d /, /s/, /n/, /l/, /r/), palatal (/ĉ/, IV, /ñ/, /I/, /y/), retro flex .(/ĉ/, /ř/), velar (/k /, /g/, /h /, /A/), and uvular (/q/). b i 1 a b i a 1

a 1 v e 0 1 a r

r e t r 0 f 1 e x

P a 1 a t a 1

V

voiceless plosives

P

t

ĉ

č

k

voiced plosives

b

d

voiceless fricatives

f

s

S

nasals

m

n

ft

h ñ

laterals

1

I

vibrants

r

glides

w

e 1 a r

u V

u 1 a r

g

ř y

q

32 The phonetic values given here are those o f the intervocalic allophones of the consonant phonemes (except in the case o f /A/, which does not occur intervocalically), because it is in intervocalic position th at the consonant phonemes are maximally distinctive. The consonant system of SPC is represented in the chart on page 31. Tarma consonants are 22 in number. They are the same as in SPC with the sole difference th a t the velar and uvular fricatives (/h / and /q /) have merged into a single phonem e (/x /) realized as a velar [x] or a back-velar [x] voiceless fricative w ith a relatively strong friction.3 The consonant system o f th e Tarma dialect is represented in the following chart.

b l 1 a b l a 1

a 1 v e 0 1 a r

r e t r 0 f 1 e X

P a 1 a t a 1

v e 1 a r

voiceless plosives

P

t

ĉ

č

k

voiced plosives

b

d

voiceless fricatives

f

s

S

X

nasals

m

n

fi

A

laterals

1

1

vibrants

r

glides

w

g

ř y

2.1.1 ALLOPHONICS

Unless otherwise indicated, the following remarks concern b o th dialects equally. /f/ is either bilabial or labiodental before /y /, bilabial in other environ­ m ents; e.g., /fyesta/ [0jfsta ~ fjfsta] ‘feast’; /faltay/ [0 altaA] ‘to lack’. /š/ is retroflex before /ĉ/, palatal in other environments; e.g., /pušĉu/ [puštšu] ‘a bean dish’; /aštay/ [aštajk] ‘to carry’. __ /n / is retroflex [n] before /ĉ/, alveolar [n] in other environments; e.g., /kanĉa/ [k an tša] ‘eñčlosure for cattle’; /nina/ [ni'na] ‘fire’. /A/ is back-velar [řj] before /q / or before back-velar /x /; e.g., (SPC) /w atañqa/ [wataqga], (T) /w atañxa/ [wataqxa] ‘he will tie’; before /s/ in borrow ed lexical items th e realization o f /A/ oscillates betw een velar [q] and

33 alveolar [n]; e.g., /dañsa-/ [daqsa- ~ dansa-] ‘to dance’4; /ñ / is velar /j]/ in other environments; e.g., /n atiñ / [natirj] ‘liver’. /r/ is a retroflex fricative [2] (T/SPC) or an alveolar trill [ř] (T) in wordinitial position; e.g., /rum i/ [2umi] (SPC), [2timi ~ řumi] (T) ‘stone’; is a retroflex fricative [2] (T/SPC), an alveolar tap [r] (T), an alveolar trill [ř] (T), or an affricate consisting o f an alveolar tap and a retroflex frica­ tive [r2] (T) in word-final position and before /t/; e.g., /yaw ar/ [jawa|] (SPC), [jawaf ~ jaw ař ~ jaw ar ~ jaw ar2] (T) ‘blood’, /yaw arta/ [jaw a|ta] (SPC), [jawařta ~ jaw ařta ~ jaw arta ~ jawar2ta] (T) ‘blood (accusative case)’; is a retroflex fricative [2] (T/SPC) or an alveolar tap [r] (T) before /d/; e.g., /berdi/ [b#|di] (SPC), [beidi ~ bfrdi] (T) ‘green’; is a retroflex fricative [2] (T/SPC), an alveolar tap [r] (T/SPC), or an alveo­ lar trill [ř] (T) before /n /; e.g. /yaw am iñ/ [jaw a|niq ~ jawam iq] (SPC), |jaw a|nii) ~ jawarnir) ~ jawafniq] (T) ‘his blood’; is an alveolar tap [r] (T/SPC), a retroflex fricative [2] (T/SPC), or a retro­ flex glide [X] (T)5 before /s/; e.g., /yawarsi/ [jawarsi ~ jawa2si] (SPC), [jawarsi ~ jawa2si ~ jaw alsi] (T) ‘even b lood’; is an alveolar tap [r] (T/SPC) or a retroflex glide [X] (T/SPC) in a wordinitial sequence /rurV / (V represents any vowel); e.g., /ruraruñ/ [2urarur) ~ |uJCarui]] (T/SPC) ‘he m ade’; is an alveolar tap [r] or a retroflex fricative [2] in SPC in the word-initial sequence /rirq/; e.g., /rirqayañ/ [2irqajai] ~ 2i2q-ajaq] ‘he is watching’; is an alveolar tap [r] in all other environments; e.g., / puriñ/ [purij]] ‘he walks’, /tarm a/ [tarma] ‘Tarm a’. /ř/ is a retroflex fricative [2] (T/SPC) before /y /; e.g., /bařyu/ [ba2iju] ‘town quarter’; is a retroflex fricative [2] (T/SPC) or an alveolar trill [f] (T) in the other environments where it occurs (th at is, between vowels and, in one single case, after /ñ /); e.g., /k o :fm / [ko:2irj] (SPC), [ko:2ir) ~ ko:řiq] (T) ‘he runs’; /wam añřipa/ [wamai]2ipa] (SPC), [wamai]2ipa ~ wamarjřipa] (T) ‘huamanrrip a’, a plant name. ly l and /w/ are preceded by a short vocalic onset after alveolar, palatal, and retroflex consonants (not including the glides themselves); e.g., /kičwa/ [kitšWwa] ‘Quechua’, /m anya/ [manAja] ‘side’, ‘ridge’, ‘bank’; when followed by a consonant or word-boundary they form a falling diphthong with the preceding vowel; e.g., / mawna/ [maHna], a type o f potato, /m ikuy/ [m ikui] ‘eat!’; after /i/, in word-final position, /y / is either [ i] or zero in the Tarma dialect; in SPC it is always zero in this position (see also Section 5); e.g., /puriy / [p u rd ~ puri] (T), [puri] (SPC) ‘walk!’6. Clusters o f identical consonants (/SI/, /ll/, etc.) are realized as single con­ sonants except in careful speech where they can be realized as geminates; e.g., / kustalla:/ [kustalla: ~ kustala:] ‘my little bag’, ‘just my bag’. The vibrant /r / and the glides /w / and j y j require a special com m ent in this con­

34 nection. /rr/ is realized as a tap [r] by the inform ant from Vicora Congas and as a retroflex fricative [|] by all other inform ants; in the latter case it is phonetically indistinguishable from /ř/; e.g., /m ikuyurrañ/ [mikujurai] ~ m ikuju2ar]] (T), [mikujučai)] (SPC) ‘after eating it first’. In the sequences /w w / and /y y / the first phonem e retains its vowel-like character in careful speech, b u t is not realized at all in casual speech; e.g., /wayčawwañ/ [waAtšaWwaq ~ waAtšawai]] ‘with the huaychau (a bird)’, /čayyubay/ [tšaijubaA ~ tšajubaA] (T), /čayyupay/ [tšaAjupaj. ~ tšajupaA] (SPC) ‘like th a t’; clusters o f identical nasals do not occur (cf. Section 2.1.3). The following remarks concern the SPC dialect only. /h / is a voiceless glottal [h] or velar [x] fricative in word-initial position, a voiceless velar fricative [x] in other environments, e.g., /hara/ [hara ~ xara] ‘co m ’, ‘maize’; /a:hos/ [a:xos] ‘garlic’. Iq/ is a voiced uvular stop [g] after /ft/, a voiceless uvular fricative [3 ] in other environments7; e.g., /siñqa/ [sřqga] ‘nose’;/w aqay/ [waqaA] ‘to weep’. 2.1.2 EXAMPLES OF PHONEMIC CONTRAST

Only pairs o f minimally distinct phonemes are illustrated: Ip/ vs. /b / a:pa (T/SPC) a:bas (T/SPC) N vs. /d/ kata (T/SPC) kada (T/SPC) Ik / vs. /g/ aykuñ (T/SPC) yayguñ (T/SPC) N vs. /č/ tim puñ (T/SPC) čimpañ (T/SPC) /t/ vs. /a/ tim puy (T/SPC) ĉimpiy (T/SPC) /ĉ/ vs. Ičf kuĉi (T/SPC) kuči (T/SPC) III vs. /§/ čulu (T/SPC) šulu (T/SPC) h i vs. /š/ siñxaft (T) siñqaft (SPC) šiñxañ (T) šiñqañ (SPC) /h / vs. /q / hara (SPC) qara (SPC) If/ vs. /h / faltay (SPC) halqa (SPC) /f/ vs. /x / faltay (T) xalu (T)

‘a small variety o f beans’ ‘beans’ ' ‘shawl’ ‘every’ ‘he laughs’ ‘he enters’ ‘it boils’ ‘he crosses’ ‘to boil’ ‘to climb’, ‘to stick to ’ ‘flea’ ‘pig’ ‘b lu n t’, ‘used up’ ‘foetus’ ‘his nose’ ‘he drowns’, ‘he swallows through his nose’ ‘maize’, ‘corn’ ‘skin’ ‘to lack’ ‘from the high m ountain areas’ ‘to lack’ ‘tongue’

35 jn j vs. jn j ana (T/SPC) afia (T/SPC) /n / vs. /A/ wanyañ (T/SPC) waftyañ (T/SPC) /fi/vs.'/A / pafiwe:lu8 (T/SPC) paniñwañ (T/SPC) /m / vs. /A/ wamra (T/SPC) xañra (T) qaAra (SPC) /m / vs. jn j xam ta (T) I qam ta (SPC) J anta (T/SPC) /l/ vs. /!/ lama (T/SPC) lam a (T/SPC) /l/ vs. /r/ ulxu (T) 1 ulqu (SPC)J urxu (T) 1 urqu (SPC) | III vs. /ř / karu (T/SPC) ka:řu (T/SPC) /!/ vs. /y / lanu (T/SPC) yanuy (T/SPC) /ñ / vs. ly l ufia (T/SPC) uyay (T/SPC) /ř/v s. /£/ bařyuA (T/SPC) paĉyañ (T/SPC)

‘birthm ark’ ‘naughty’ ‘he m anures’ ‘it makes a banging sound’ ‘kerch ief ‘w ith his sister’ ‘child’ ‘d irty ’ ‘you (accusative case)’ ‘red earth’ ‘beast’, ‘rude person’ ‘llama’9 ‘m an’ ‘male’ ‘far’ ‘car’ ‘th in ’ ‘to cook’ ‘baby’, ‘ju st b o m ’ ‘to hear’, ‘to listen’ ‘his town quarter’ ‘it explodes’

The phonem ic opposition betw een the glides /y / and /w/, on the one hand, and the high vowels /i/ and /u / (see Section 2.2), on the other hand, is clearly dem onstrated by the existence o f pairs such as /w iru/ ‘cane’ (T/SPC) vs. /uyru/ ‘round’ (T/SPC).10 The distinction betw een the phonem e /ñ / and the phonem e sequence /n y / is illustrated by /afiabayaA/ (T) ‘he is naughty’ — compare (T/SPC) /aña/ ‘naughty’ —vs. /anyabayaA/ (T), /anyapayaA/ (SPC) ‘he is reproving’. 2.1.3 EXCURSUS ON THE NASALS

The nasal consonants o f TQ can be analyzed phonemically in more than one way. In the present work a four-phoneme solution is chosen in which each phoneme is strictly defined by the phonetic values which it stands for regardless o f the environm ent in which it occurs. This choice brings about the necessity o f form ulating certain m orphonological rules (see Section 5), b u t has the advantage o f a clear one-to-one relationship betw een the phone­ mic n otation and the phonetic facts.

36 It is also possible to analyze the nasal consonants o f TQ as a three-pho­ neme system, a solution which is rejected in the present work for reasons to be discussed below. A three-phonem e analysis is possible because there are no environm ents in which m ore than three nasal consonants occur contrastively. The following chart shows the environments in which the nasals *J>l-JJ — - -----[m] [n] [ñ] [q] — + + + Before vowels + — — Before /p /, /b / + + Before /t/, /d /, /ĉ/ + + Before /č/ + Before /m /, /f/ ■ + + Before /w / + + + Before /y / + + Before o th er consonants and word-finally If we posit the existence o f three nasal phonemes /m /, /n /, /ñ /, corre­ sponding to each o f the nasal sounds that can occur intervocalically ([m], [n], [ñ]), and if [i]] is considered a positional variant of /n /, we are left with two oppositions to account for, namely, between the sequences [n]y and [q]y, on the one hand, and betw een the sequences [n]w and [i]]w, on the oth er h an d .13 These oppositions can be accounted for by assigning [q ]in [q]w to the phonem e /m /, and [n] in [n]y to the phonem e /ñ/. Such an analysis pre­ supposes the existence o f a phonetic process o f dissimilation to the extent th a t labial and palatal nasals lose their labial and palatal character, respective­ ly, when they are followed by a homorganic glide. Although quite plausible in itself, this analysis also requires the form ulation o f a m orphonological rule “/ n / is replaced by /m / before / w /” , where b o th /n / and /m / have the pho­ netic value [q]; e.g., * /wayin/ [wajiq] ‘his house’, */wayimwan/ [wajiqwaq] ‘w ith his house’. Such a rule seems definitely counter-intuitive, reason for which the three-phonem e analysis as a whole m ust be rejected. 2.1 .4 EXCURSUS ON THE VIBRANTS

The phonem e /ř/ has phonetic values th a t also represent /r/ in other environm ents (see Section 2.1.1). This treatm ent is justified because /ř/ is almost exclusively found in roots borrowed from Spanish, whereas /r/ occurs in native TQ roots and suffixes as well.14 In borrow ed roots there is an exact correspondence betw een /ř/ and Sp. rr, on the one hand, and betw een /r/ and Sp. r, on the other hand. Also, among borrowed roots, it is easy to find clear cases o f opposition (e.g., bařyu, Sp. barrio, ‘city district’, ‘quarter’, vs. makaryu, Sp. Macario, a m an’s name).

37 The few cases o f occurrence of /ř/ in non-borrowed roots are marginal and can be enum erated : qiřya- (SPC) ‘to pule’ (sound o f a naughty child), xiřya- (T) / hiřya- (SPC) ‘to grow ľ (sound o f an aggressive dog), xuřya- (T) ‘to snore’, wamahřipa (T/SPC) ‘huam anrripa’, a plant name. The first three cases are onom atopoeic verb roots and the possibility cannot be excluded th a t the /ř/-sound is the result o f interference with the preceding velar or back-velar fricative. The fourth case is probably a twoword expression in its origin (compare wamañ ahka (T) ‘falcon’). Since these four forms seem to be the result o f recent developments in the sound system o f TQ, it m ay safely be assumed th at the opposition /r/ vs. /ř/ was introduced through contact with Spanish. 2.2

THE VOWELS

The vowel system o f TQ is the same for both dialects. There are 10 vowel phonem es; 5 short vowels (/a/, /i/, /u /, /e/, /o /) and 5 long vowels (/a:/, / i :/, /u :/, / e :/, /o:/)- In neutral environments the vowels can either be high C/i/, j'y.j, /u /, /u :/), mid (/e/, /e :/, /o /, /o :/) or low (/a/, /a:/). A further distinc­ tion can be made betw een front vowels (/i/, / i :/, / e/, /e :/) and back vowels (/u/, /u :/, /o /, / o :/). There is no such distinction in the low series. The vowel system o f TQ is represented in th e following chart. front

back

high mid low

long

u

u:

i

i:

o:

e

e:

0

short

a

long

short

long

short

a:

2.2.1 ALLOPHONICS15

/a/ varies between low front [a] and a low central [a]. The former is found in borrow ed roots before clusters o f the type voiced stop + liquid (/b r/, /b l/, /gr/, /d r/); the latter is found in other environments; e.g., /palabra/ [palabra] ‘promise’, ‘w ord’, Sp. palabra', /w ayta/ [wajlta.] ‘flower’. /a :/ is always low front [a:]; e.g., /puriy a:/ [purija:] ‘I am walking’. I'll in Tarma: I'll has mid allophones [f], [e], occurring in free variation with the high allophones [i], [i], before and after /x / and before the clusters /rx/ and /ñx/, except if a m orphem e boundary divides these clusters16; e.g., / wixi/

38 [wexe ~ wixi] ‘tear’, /pirxa/ [pfrxa ~ pfrxa] ‘wall’, /siñxa/ [sfgxa ~ sfajxa] ‘nose’. In other environments only the high allophones occur. The close allophones [e] and [i] are preferred before clusters consisting o f an alveolar or a palatal consonant followed by a glide (/w /, /y/), before /w /, before /y / if followed by a vowel, and before clusters o f the type voiced stop + liquid (see above); e.g., /xiwa/ [xewa ~ xiwa] ‘fodder’, /xitya/ [xetAja ~ xftAja] ‘soot’. In other environments both close [e], [i], and open [f], [i] allophones are found interchangeably. /i/ in SPC: /i/ has mid allophones [e], [f] when adjacent to /q/, except if /i/ is fol­ lowed by a palatal consonant or a cluster comprising a palatal consonant, in which case mid allophones [e], [f], or a high close allophone [i] are used interchangeably; e.g., /qiw a/ [qewa] ‘fodder’, /qim čiy/ [q m tš i ~ qimtši] ‘to wink’. A fter /q / b o th [e] (close) and [f] (open) can be found if the following consonant is either /w / or any other consonant followed by a vowel. Other­ wise [f] is preferred. Before the clusters /rq/ and /ñ q / b o th a high open [i] and a mid open allophone [f] can be found, except when a morpheme boundary divides the cluster (in the latter case the mid allophone [f] is n o t found); e.g., /pirqa/ [přrqa ~ pirqa] ‘wall’, /siñqa/ [sfřjga ~ sfřjga] ‘nose’. In the initial se­ quence /rirq /, /i/ is always high close; e.g., /rirqayañ/ [2i|qajai]] ‘he is watching’. In other environments the high close allophone [i] is found. / i :/ in Tarma: /i:/ is either mid [e:], [f:], or high [i:], [i:] when adjacent to /x /; e.g., /xu lx i:/ [xsixe: ~ xalxi:] ‘m y m oney’. In other environments only the high allophones are found. Close [e:], [i:] and open [f:], [i:] allophones are found interchangeably. /i:/ in SPC: /i:/ has a mid close allophone [e:] when adjacent to /q /; e.g., /qulqi:/ [q^lqe:] ‘m y m oney’. It is high close [i:] in other environments. /u / in Tarma: /u / has mid allophones [o], [a], occurring in free variation with the high allophones [u], [u], before and after /x /, and before the clusters /rx /, /Ax/, fix /, /sx/, except if a m orphem e boundary divides these clusters; e.g., /atux/ [atax ~ atux] ‘fo x ’, /ulxu/ [ilxo ~ ulxu] ‘m an’. In other environments only the high allophones can occur. The close allophones [o] and [u] are preferred before clusters consisting of an alveolar or palatal consonant followed by a glide, before /w /, and before clusters o f the type voiced stop + liquid (see above); e.g., /xuw a/ [xowa ~ xuwa] ‘husband’, /usya/ [usAja] ‘sunshine’. In other environments open and close allophones are found interchangeably.

39 /u / in SPC: /u / has a mid open allophone [3] when adjacent to /q /, and a mid open [3] or high open [i/] allophone before the clusters /rq/, /ñ q /, /lq/, /sq/, except when a m orphem e boundary divides these clusters (in the latter case [3] is n o t found); e.g., /atu q / [atzq] ‘fo x ’, /ulqu/ [5 k p ~ ukp] ‘m an’. Before /w / — after /q / — a mid close allophone [o] is found instead of [d]; e.g., /quw a/ [qowa] ‘husband’. In all other environments a high close allophone [u] is found. /u :/ in Tarma: /u :/ is either mid [o:], [a:], or high [u:], [u:], when adjacent to /x /; e.g., /kayĉu:xa/ [k aitšo :x a ~ kaA t|u:xa] ‘here’. In other environments only the high allophones occur. The close allophones [o:], [u:], and the open allo­ phones [3:], [1/:] are found interchangeably. In:/ in SPC: /u :/ has a mid close allophone [o:] when adjacent to /q /; e.g., /kayĉu.’qa/ [kajUšo:eta] ‘here’. In other environments a high close allophone [u:] is found. /e/ has a mid close allophone [e] before non-final consonants followed by a vowel and before clusters consisting o f any consonant followed by a glide or a liquid; e.g., /m enor/ [men3 i\ ‘youngest’, /m edya/ [medAja] ‘a m easure’. It is mid open [f] elsewhere; e.g., /berdi/ [b f|d i] ‘green’. / e :/ is always close [e:]. /o / has a mid close allophone [o] before clusters consisting o f any con­ sonant followed by a glide or a liquid; e.g., /negosyu/ [negosiju] ‘business’, /pobri/ [pobri] ‘p oor’. It has a mid open allophone [ j ] in other environ­ m ents; e.g., /otoñgu/ [;?t3rjgu] ‘tam ale’, /om bru/ [Jm bru] ‘shoulder’. / o :/ is always close [o:]. 2.2.2 EXCURSUS ON THE MID VOWELS

The mid vowel phonemes were introduced through borrowing (see Sec­ tion 2.3). There is no opposition between short mid and short high vowels in wordfinal position. The short high vowel phonemes /i/ and /u/ th at occur in this position are either high or mid according to the environment (in casu the preceding consonant). This statem ent does not hold, however, in the case o f m onosyllabic words, as is dem onstrated by the existence o f / 0/ [o] ‘or’, Sp. o, which is also found as /u / or /o :/, b u t where the environment cannot be said to exert any influence. The description o f the vowel allophones given in Section 2.2.1 shows a partial overlapping betw een the high vowel phonemes (/i/, /i:/, /u /, / u :/) and the mid vowel phonemes (/e/, / e :/, /o /, / o :/). In the Tarma dialect, the high vowel phonemes m ay vary betw een high and mid in the neighborhood o f /x/, whereas the mid vowel phonem es are mid in all environments (including, o f

40 course, the neighborhood o f /x/). In the SPC dialect, the lowering effect produced by /q / on adjacent high vowels is comparable to that produced by , /x / in Tarma, but it is compulsory, rather than optional so th at the high ' vowel phonemes are norm ally represented by mid allophones in the neighbor­ hood o f /q /. There is no reason, however, to assign these mid vowel sounds to th e mid vowel phonemes, because the latter are otherwise limited to bor­ rowed roots, whereas /q / occurs exclusively in native TQ roots and suffixes. A small notational problem arises, however, when the suffix -qa (see Sec­ tio n 11) is added to a borrow ed root ending in a long mid vowel (/e:/, /o :/) .17 In that case, the orthography o f the root is retained, e.g., sino: —> sino.qa ‘otherw ise’ (Sp. sino), not *sinu:qa. An interesting phenom enon in TQ is the existence o f a phonemic opposi­ tion betw een short and long mid vowels, whereas such an opposition is lack­ ing in Spanish, the language from which almost all lexical items containing mid vowels were borrow ed. This is a result of the different treatm ent given to Spanish nouns and verbs when they are borrowed into TQ (see Section 6); e.g., in te.fu ‘burial’ (Sp. entierro) vs. inteřañ ‘he buries’ (Sp. entierra). 2.3 BORROWED PHONEMES

The phonem es /d /, /f/, /ř/, /o /, / o :/, /e/, /e :/, were introduced in TQ as a result o f borrowing from Spanish. However, the phonem es /f/, /ř/, /o /, / o :/, and /e :/, are occasionally found in lexical items which are not (clearly) borrow ed from Spanish: /f/ is found in the SPC dialect in free variation with /w / in the sequence / w ya/; e.g. antawya- ~ antafya- ‘to be reddish’. In Tarma it is found in a word of obscure origin fw e.ga (or fw iga) ‘male llama used for breeding’18. /ř/ see Section 2.1.4. /o / is found in b o th dialects in otohgu ‘tam ale’, a word of obscure origin. /o :/ is found in both dialects in ko.sa ‘good’, ‘terrific’, a word which is also found as ku:sa. /e: / in fw e.ga (see above). The phonem e /b / is a borrowed phonem e in the SPC dialect where, be/ sides in loan words, it is found in onomatopoeics only. In Tarma /b / is n o t a [ borrow ed phoneme, but its occurrence in word-initial position is restricted \ to borrow ed lexical items and to the following onom atopoeic expressions (m ost o f these are also found in SPC): bakbahya- (T/SPC) ‘the sound o f a string instrum ent’ bahyay-bahya- (T/SPC) ‘to make a heavy noise (radio, guitar, etc.)’ buñyay-buhya- (T/SPC) ‘to roar’, ‘to make a heavy noise’ bu:ya- (T) ‘the sound o f a toad from the m ontaña’ bu:yay-bu:ya- (T) ‘the sound o f running w ater’ ba:-ba: (T/SPC) ‘the call o f a sheep’

41 /g/ is n o t a borrow ed phoneme in SPC, because it is found in a few items which belong to the core of the TQ lexicon, so that Spanish influence is un­ likely here,19 ayga ‘how m uch?’, ‘how m any?’ raygu ‘reason’, ‘m otive’ yaygu- ‘to enter’ hatuñgaray ‘enorm ous’ ĉuhga- ‘to play marbles’ Two words o f obscure origin can be added to this list: tuyguñ ‘stove’, huygah ‘male llama used for breeding’ (compare Tarma fw e.ga above), /g/ is also found in the onom atopoeic ro o t gargarya- ‘to sing in a whining way’20. In Tarma, the occurrence o f /g/ fin word-initial position is limited to bor­ rowed lexical items, with the exceptions o f ga- ‘to be’ and gaxbih ‘the time when SPC /h / is frequent in word-initial position. Its occurrence elsewhere in the word form is restricted to borrowed lexical items, to certain interjections (see Section 41), and to the following onom atopoeic expressions: ahaha- ‘to laugh loudly’ ahayla- ‘to giggle’ ha:kalha:kalya- ‘to pant (donkey or cow)’ NOTES 1 No attempt is made to define the concept o f syllable boundary, because such a con­ cept is not needed for the further exposition o f the phonological facts in TQ. 2 .The fact that /r/ and /ř/ are taken together as vibrants is adstructej j i n Section 2.1.4. 3 The possibility cannot be excluded that some speakers in the Tarma area still retain the distinction between /h i and /q /. 4 This variation is neglected in the discussion given in Section 2.1.3. The evidence for the pronunciation [dansa-] is from Tarma only. 5 Compare English r in hearsay. 6 In this way, /i/ and /iy/ are pronounced alike in SPC. Nevertheless, it is preferable to maintain the notation /iy / even in this dialect, because it greatly facilitates the description o f certain morphological facts (-y is a suffix). Moreover, it is quite possible that the non­ distinction o f /i/ and /iy / is personal rather than dialectal. 7 In other villages o f the same dialect area (for instance, in Tapo) /q/ is often realized as a voiced uvular stop in word-initial position. 8 The sequence /ñ w / is restricted to this sole example. 9 For pairs like lama vs. lama see also the section on sound-symbolic processes (Section 38). 10 So far, no minimal pairs were found that illustrate the opposition between the se­ quences /y u / and /iw /. 11 [n] and [q] (see Section 2.1.1) are considered as variants o f [n] and [r) | respectively. 12 Several consonant clusters suggested by the chart do not occur: */md/, */m ñ/, */ññ /, */ñl/, */m ř/, */m g/ (in SPC), */m k/ (in Tarma). This is accidental rather than systematic. 13 The data lend support to the supposition that the opposition between the sounds [n] and [rj] has a recent origin. [n]y and [n]w are found in borrowed roots and in the

42 sequences a[n]ya and i[n]wa whenever these sequences are part o f a root morpheme; [t)]y and [rj]w are found in the remaining cases (in suffixes, at morpheme boundaries, in onom atopoeics, and in sequences which do not belong to one o f the types just men­ tioned). From the synchronic point o f view, however, they are clearly contrastive and therefore they must be assigned to different phonemes. 14 An interpretation o f /ř/ as a sequence / rr/ is to be rejected, because a morphonological sequence o f /r/ + /r/ is realized phonetically as [r] by some speakers and as [z] by others (cf. Section 2.1.1). 15 The following remarks should be considered with due caution because they are the result o f observations that are impressionistic up to a certain degree. A more refined picture o f TQ vowel allophony can doubtlessly be obtained by means o f further research in this specific matter. Also, apart from this passage, the difference between [a] and [a] is not reflected in the phonetic notation. Both are written [a]. 16 This is notably the case when the suffix -xaj-qa (contrast marking, see Section 11.1) is added. 17 Free root morphemes ending in a short mid vowel do not occur as a result o f the neutralization o f the contrast high vs. mid in word-final position. 18 The SPC form is huygah. It is not excluded that fw e:ga goes back to a form xuyga which is also found in the Tarma dialect. 19 The forms ayga, raygu, yaygu- point at a historical change consisting o f the voicing o f a velar stop after / y / ; in other cases with a similar environment, however, the velar stop was com pletely lost: in šayu-, ‘to stop’, ‘to halt’, tayu- ‘to sit down’, qalayu- ‘to begin’, and in the suffix -yu- (Section 21.13.1). Further developments have led to a new opposi­ tion jk j vs. /g/ in this environment (e.g., ayku- ‘to laugh’, from *asiku-, vs .yaygu-). ayga, raygu, and yaygu- are not characteristic for the whole dialect area to which SPC belongs. They were found in Huasahuasi (ayga), but not in Tapo, which has ayka, rayku, and yayu -, respectively, yayku - was recorded, along with^ayw-, for Huaracayo. 20 Tarma gargarya- ‘to gargle’ comes probably from Spanish gargarear (same meaning).

r

43 3 THE WORD FORM

A word form in TQ (n o t including words formed on the basis o f borrowed roots) consists o f a sequence o f vowels and consonants following each other alternately w ith a maximum o f tw o consonants occurring betw een vowels. The minimal word form consists o f a single vowel1. The canonical form o f TQ words can be represented as follows: [C]V[(C)CV(C)CV...(C)] Long vowels can only occur in word-final position or before a CV-sequence (a long vowel has the same possibilities o f occurrence as a sequence V(C)). In order to account for the behaviour o f long vowels the above representation m ust be m odified as follows: [C]V:[CV:CV:...(V:)] Every word form is furtherm ore characterized by a clear stress, which in polysyllabic words is norm ally located on the penultim ate vowel if the last vowel is short, or on the last vowel if the last vowel is long2. Where neces­ sary3 the stress accent is indicated by means o f an acute l ' \ Examples: CVCVCVCVCV CVCCVCCVC CV:CV:CV

, pa:rf:ta (T/SPC) ‘to fly (accusative case)’

CVCV: CV: VC V:

pi: (T/SPC) ‘who?’ aw (T/SPC) ‘yes!’ a: (T/SPC) ‘oh, I see!’

Word boundaries are clearly m arked in TQ. In the first place, the stress has a clear relation to the word end. Furtherm ore every word-initial vowel is preceded by a glottal catch. There are no phenom ena of sandhi. Apart from this general characterization o f the word form it is necessary to discuss three topics in m ore detail: (1) the influence on the word form of different types o f morphological processes, (2) elision, and (3) the excep­ tions to the regular p attern o f TQ word forms caused by the introduction of lexical items borrow ed from Spanish.

44 3.1 THE INFLUENCE OF MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

The three types o f morphological processes occurring in TQ, namely, suf­ fixation, vowel m odification, and reduplication4, do not m odify the regular pattern, b u t there are certain differences to be noticed between words that are affected b y these processes and words that are not. (i) Suffixation is responsible for the considerable length o f certain TQ word forms. Roots and m onom orphem ic words do not normally exceed a length o f four syllables (e.g., taparaku (T), a kind o f night-m oth), whereas for words containing suffixes a length o f eight syllables is no exception. Example: ali (T) ‘good’ aličaka. čim axniñčik ‘which causes us to get b etter’ (ii) Vowel lengthening as a morphological process is responsible for the existence o f m any word forms ending in a long vowel. Monomorphemic words ending in a long vowel are extrem ely rare (almost all o f them are either borrowed words, onom atopoeics, or monosyllabic words). Example: wayi (T/SPC) ‘house’ wayi: ‘my house’ (iii) Reduplication consists in the repetition o f a root (w ithout excluding the presence o f suffixes accompanying b o th parts o f the reduplicated form). In reduplicated forms b o th parts retain m ost o f the characteristics o f sepa­ rate word forms, namely, prim ary stress and the occurrence o f word-final allophones at the end o f th e first p art5. Reduplicated forms are indicated by the presence o f a hyphen betw een both parts. Example: čari-čariyañ (T/SPC) ‘he is about to catch it (but does n o t succeed)’ 3.2 ELISION

A num ber o f suffixes in TQ are subject to optional elision: a word-final -V, -CV, o r -VC can be dropped, while stress is m aintained in its original place (i.e., on what is now the last vowel). Elision is indicated by means o f an apostrophe. Examples: aywam uray’ (T/SPC) ‘you came’ imasi (T/SPC) ~ imas’ (T/SPC) ‘anything’ aywaš’ m'yañ (T/SPC) ‘he intends to go’

45 One suffix (-ša, see Section 19.3.1) can undergo elision even in non-final position whenever it is followed by certain oth er suffixes. In th a t case a secondary stress is heard on the vowel preceding the suffix, even when the following vowel bears the prim ary stress. Example: wipyašayubay ~ wipyaš’yubay (T) 1 ^ wipyašayupay ~ wipyaš yupay (SPC) |

,f hg had been whipped-

3.3 EXCEPTIONS TO THE REGULAR WORD FORM PATTERN AS A RESULT OF BORROWING

The following characteristics are found in borrowed lexical item s only: (i) Initial clusters o f tw o consonants may occur; e.g., pla.sa ‘square’, ‘village green’ (Sp. plaza). (ii) Medial clusters o f three consonants may occur6; e.g., indy a ‘girl friend’ (Sp. India ‘Indian girľ). (iii) In a single case a final cluster of two consonants was found: lasseys ‘six o ’clock’ (Sp. las seis). (iv) Long vowels m ay be followed by a final consonant; e.g., fw e .s ‘judge’ (Sp. juez). (v) Long vowels m ay be followed by a cluster o f two consonants7; e.g., pa.dri ‘priest’ (Sp. padre). (vi) Polysyllabic free forms n o t affected by a process of vowel length­ ening (see Section 3.1) can end in a long vowel; e.g., awtorida: ‘authority’, ‘state official’ (Sp. autoridad). This shape is also found with a very lim ited num ber o f forms which are n o t (clearly) borrowed from Spanish:8 kuguli: (T) / kukuli: (SPC) a kind o f dove (cucult) puku: (T) a kind o f bird (gallo de la Cordillera) waka: (T/SPC) ‘female llama used fo r breeding’ ala: (T) ‘(not) very’, ‘(not) so m uch’ (from ala.bax id.) isi:, isisi: (T/SPC) ‘very’ and several interjections (see Section 41). (vii) Some m onom orphem ic words are stressed on the antepenultim ate vowel (if suffixes are added the location of th e stress accent is regular). E.g., nispirus ‘m edlar’ (Sp. nispero), m a.kina ‘engin’, ‘m achine’ (Sp. maquina), but m a.kinawañ ‘with a m achine’. NOTES 1 The only free forms consisting o f a single short vowel, or a short vowel preceded by a consonant, are the borrowed conjunctions i ‘and’ (S p .y ), o ‘or’ (Sp. o ), ni ‘neither ... nor ...’ (Sp. ni), and si ‘i f (Sp. si).

46 2 In word forms consisting o f more than three syllables one may notice a weaker (sec­ ondary) stress (indicated where necessary with a grave accent “ ’) which is located on one or more o f the vowels preceding the vowel bearing the main (primary) stress, provided that at least one vowel intervenes between every two vowels bearing any type o f stress (secondary or primary). The role o f secondary stress is negligible except in one case o f elision (see Section 3.2). 3 Apart from the examples given in this section and in the section on elision, stress is indicated in a number o f interjections (see Section 41), with the enclitics aw and ar when affixed (see Section 4 0 ) and with certain borrowed lexical items (see Section 3.3 ) only. These cases have in common that the location o f the stress deviates from the general rule. 4 Compounding is not a productive process in TQ even though there are a few lexical items which must be considered compounds from the historical point o f view, e.g., xarabaĉa (T) / qarapaĉa (SPC) ‘naked’ (cf. xara/qara ‘skin’, paĉa ‘belly’). In some o f these cases, the phonological characteristics o f separate words are retained up to a certain degree. This fact is reflected by the presence o f a hyphen, as, e.g., in supay-aba- (T) / supay-apa- (SPC) ‘to die’, ‘to go to helľ (cf. supay ‘devil’, aba-lapa- ‘to bear’), where a glottal stop is heard between the tw o parts. 5 There are a few cases, however, where the first part o f a reduplicated form presents certain differences with word forms in general. These are discussed in due course. 6 Also in one plant name from Tarma: tim playki. 1 This includes cases o f forms as referred to under (iv) which are followed by suffixes, e.g,,fwe:sniñciguna (T) ‘our judges’. 8 The possibility that we are dealing here with borrowings from other languages than Spanish (including other Quechua dialects) cannot be excluded. Besides, kuguli./kukuli: and puku: seem to have an onom atopoeic origin.

47 4 PHONOTACTICS

In this section a survey is given o f the positions which consonants can take in a TQ word form and o f the sequences in which they can occur (consonant clusters). In this context th e vowels will retain our attention in an indirect way only, because there are no sequences o f vowels (th at is, vowels are always separated from each other by either a consonant or a word boundary) and the only positional lim itation is the non-occurrence o f /e / and /o / in word-final position (see Section 2.2.2). 4.1 POSSIBLE POSITIONS

All consonants except /ñ / occur intervocalically. Examples: (SPC) (T) supay ‘deviľ supay /P/ wata wata ‘year’ N tuku ‘ow ľ tuku M a:bas abañ ‘he bears’ /b/ ‘every’ (Sp. cada) kada kada Idl sinigay ĉagi ‘fo o t’ /g/ m /ĉ/ /f/ hi hi 1*1 I q.1 N in M

uču paĉa xe:fi usuy maša wixi

/m / Ini

mama čunu

mi M in

pañu wira intiřay

/w / /y /

ĉawa mayay

‘pepper’ ‘belly’ ‘leader’ (Sp. jefe) ‘to scatter’ ‘son-in-law’ ‘tear’

— —

wilañ muli

’he tells’ a tree (Schinus molle) ‘m o th er’ ‘frozen and mash­ ed potatoes’ ‘cooked beans’ ‘fa t’ ‘to b u ry ’ (Sp. enterrar) ‘raw’ ‘to hear’, ‘to feel’

uču paĉa he:fi usuy maša

id. id. id. ‘beans’ (Sp. habas) id. ‘to sink in a m arsh’ (Sp. cienaga ‘marsh’) id. id. id. id. id.

—

wiqi ahahay wilañ muli

‘tear’ ‘to laugh loudly’ id; id.

mama čunu

id. id.

paftu wira intiřay

id. id. id.

ĉawa mayay

id. id.

48 All consonants except /ř/ and /ñ / occur word-initially. Examples: (T) (SPC) paĉa ‘belly’, ‘stom ach’ paĉa id. Ip / tita ‘th ick ’ tita N id. kima ‘three’ kima id. M ba:duy ‘to swim’ N ba:du ‘small stream ’ (Sp. vado ‘ford’) de:du ‘finger’ (Sp.■u ti:-u ti:ta2 ‘(to get someone) exhausted’ In word-final position a sequence /iy / is found which is either realized as a diphthong (iA] or as a single short vowel [i] (see Section 2.1.1). (d) O ther autom atic morphonological processes are involved in the treat­ m ent o f sequences o f identical consonants (see Section 2.1.1). For the sake o f clarity, however, I have chosen to neglect these processes in the notation (e.g., /SS/ is w ritten /šš/ even if it is phonetically realized as [š]). Apart from the morphonological processes just enum erated, which are autom atic and valid for the language as a whole, there are also processes in TQ which apply exclusively to a well defined area of the grammatical struc­ ture (e.g., the phenom ena o f vowel modification which accompany the com­ bination o f verbal suffixes and the insertion o f a connective element -nibefore certain nominal suffixes). These processes are discussed together with th e grammatical facts to which they are relevant. NOTES 1 If the treatment o f borrowed roots is taken into account /f/ can probably be included. Spanish ^ /b ecom es TQ /ftf/, never /m f/, e.g., kohfiya- ‘to trust’ (Sp. confiar). 2 In this form a glottal stop is heard between both parts.

55 6 ADAPTATION OF BORROWED LEXICAL ITEMS

The introduction o f Spanish lexical items in TQ is normally accompanied by a process o f phonological adaptation. Borrowed items are reinterpreted in terms o f the native sound system even though, as we saw, the latter has undergone certain fundam ental changes precisely as a result o f borrowing on a large scale. TQ has borrow ed words from Spanish throughout its post-contact history. An exhaustive investigation o f those borrowings, taking into account the historical dimension, m ust remain a task for the future: it requires a separate m onograph. We limit ourselves here in the main to facts which are general and productive. In Sections 6.1 and 6.2 a survey is given o f the way Spanish stress is treated in verbal and non-verbal roots, respectively, there being a considerable difference betw een th e two cases. In Section 6.3 other general phenom ena o f adaptation are treated; in Section 6.4 some additional, more individual cases are m entioned. 6.1 THE TREATMENT OF STRESS IN VERBAL ROOTS

When disyllabic verb roots are borrow ed, the first vowel becomes long if it is followed by a single consonant. It remains short if it is followed by two or more consonants; e.g., de.xa- (T) / de:ha- (SPC) ‘to leave’ (Sp. dejar); falta(T/SPC) ‘to lack’ (Sp. faltar). No lengthening is found with Spanish verbs in -eer (e.g., kreyi- ‘to believe’, Sp. creer). Exceptions: the following verb roots do n o t show the expected length­ ening o f their first vowel: kapa- (T/SPC) ‘to castrate’ Sp. capar kasara- (T/SPC) ‘to m arry’ Sp. casar pasa- (T/SPC) ‘to pass’ Sp. pasar rapa- (T) ‘to shave’ Sp. rapar resa- ~ risa- (T) ‘to pray’ Sp. rezar tiñi- (T/SPC) ‘to dye’ Sp. teñir truka- (T/SPC) ‘to exchange’ Sp. trocar tuka- (T/SPC) ‘to play (m usic)’ Sp. tocar tupa- (T/SPC) ‘to m eet’ Sp. topar When trisyllabic (or longer) verb roots are borrow ed, no vowel lengthening takes place; e.g., bisita- (T/SPC) ‘to visit’ (Sp. visitor) ; kontrola- (T) ‘to con­ tro l’ (Sp. controlar). Exceptions: th e following verb roots show an unexpected lengthening o f their first vowel:

56 deso. sa- (T/SPC) ‘to put out o f use’ Sp. desusar diskla.ba- (T) ‘to unnaiľ Sp. desclavar 6.2 THE TREATMENT OF STRESS IN NON-VERBAL ROOTS

When non-verbal roots are borrow ed the vowel which is stressed in Spanish appears as a long vowel in final position, before a CV-sequence, and optionally before clusters o f the type voiced stop + liquid (/dr/, /gr/, /gl/, /bl/). In all other cases the vowel remains short; e.g., pent: (T) ‘Peru’ (Sp. Peru); besi.nu (T/SPC) ‘neighbour’ (Sp. vecino); pa.dri (T/SPC) ‘priest’ (Sp. padre). Exceptions: there are num erous cases o f noun roots which do not show th e expected vowel lengthening (only tw o examples are given h ere): kam inu (T/SPC) ‘road’ Sp. camino mula (T/SPC) ‘m ule’ Sp. mula Monosyllabic expressions ending in a vowel can either have a short or a long vowel; e.g., ni ~ ni: ‘neither ... nor ...’, ‘not even’ (Sp. ni). When stress is located in Spanish on the antepenultim ate vowel, it remains there also in TQ as long as no suffixes are added (regardless o f w hether the vowel is lengthened or not). See Section 3.3, for examples. The Spanish endings -ito, -ita, -illo, -ilia are not affected by the vowel lengthening as m entioned above; e.g., m antekila (T) ‘b u tte r’ (Sp. mantequilla)\ kučarita (SPC) ‘tea-spoon’ (Sp. cucharita). Here also, however, there are quite a few exceptions (e.g., mimri. ki (T/SPC) ‘quince’, Sp. membrillo). 6.3 OTHER REGULAR PHENOMENA OF ADAPTATION

If n o t lengthened, the Spanish mid vowels e and o are sometimes replaced by high vowels (e.g., bindisi- (T) ‘to bless’, Sp. bendecir; tuka- (T/SPC) ‘to play music’, Sp. tocar), sometimes by mid vowels (e.g.,berdi (T/SPC) ‘green’, Sp. verde\ pobri (T) ‘p oor’, Sp. pobre), or b o th forms with high and mid vowels occur (e.g., adora- ~ adura- (T) ‘to worship’, Sp. adorar\ serka ~ sirka (T) ‘close’, Sp. cerca). High vowels are obligatory in word- or root-final posi­ tion (e.g., tiyu (T/SPC) ‘uncle’, Sp. tio\ pw e.di- (T/SPC) ‘to be able’, Sp. puede). Spanish e and i are often replaced by TQ /y / when followed by a, o or u (but less frequently so when e or i are located in the initial syllable o f the word), e.g., batya (T/SPC) ‘a small b o at’, ‘washing trough’ (Sp. batea), biyolih (T) ‘violin’ (Sp. violin). The Spanish diphthong ie is sometimes replaced by a m onophthong in TQ (/i/ o r /e /) ; ue is sometimes replaced by the diphthong /u y / (where possible the lengthening rules form ulated in Sections 6.1 and 6.2 remain in force); e.g., byen tu ~ bentu ~ bintu (T/SPC) ‘wind’, ‘air’ (Sp. viento);xye:řu ~ xe.řu ~

57 xi. řu (T) ‘iron’ (Sp. hierro)\pw e:di— puydi- (T/SPC) ‘to be able’ (Sp. puede ‘he can’). Final d in Spanish is reflected by a lengthening o f the preceding vowel in TQ; e.g., awtorida: (T) ‘au thority’ (Sp. autoridad). Spanish gu (gu) is often replaced by /w / (sometimes by /f/); e.g., wa.pu (T/SPC) ‘aggressive’ (Sp. guapo); alfasil (T) ‘policem an’, ‘constable’ (Sp. alguacil). Spanish ju and fu are often replaced by TQ /f/ (for b o th o f them /fw / is also found); e.g., fisyu (T/SPC) ‘reason’, ‘sense’ (Sp. juicio); fw erti — ferti (T) ‘strong’ (Sp. fuerte). 6.4 PHENOMENA OF ADAPTATION APPLYING TO SPECIFIC LEXICAL ITEMS ONLY

Several infrequent b u t nevertheless interesting phenom ena m ust be men­ tioned in this connection. Some Spanish nouns are borrow ed in their plural form ; e.g. a.bas (T/SPC) ‘beans’ (Sp. habas). Some Spanish verbs showing diphthongization in their present tense forms are borrow ed in their third person singular present tense form; e.g., intyendi(T) ‘to understand’ (Sp. entiende ‘he understands). The sequence -str- in Spanish is sometimes replaced by /šĉ/; e.g., ařašĉa(T/SPC) ‘to drag’ (Sp. arrastrar). The presence o f a front vowel may cause the palatalization o f a following consonant or the insertion o f /y / after the following consonant (cluster); e.g., se. Iu (T) ‘heaven’ (Sp. cielo),pihsya- (SPC) ‘to think’ (Sp. pensar)\se:ľa(SPC) ‘to be jealous’ (Sp. celar). In the sequence -mbr-, b is sometimes left away in the TQ form; e.g., amru. na (T/SPC) ‘famine’ (Sp. hambruna).

4

58 7

SOUND CORRESPONDENCES BETWEEN THE TARMA AND SPC DIALECTS

Only three types o f correspondences are given which have a more or less general character. 7.1 CORRESPONDENCES INVOLVING THE VELAR AND UVULAR FRICATIVES

SPC / h / and /q / correspond to /x / in Tarma (cf. Section 2.1). Examples: (SPC) hara qara

(T) xara xara

‘maize’ ‘skin’

7.2 CORRESPONDENCES INVOLVING THE VELAR A ND BILABIAL PLOSIVES

SPC /k / and /p / correspond to Tarma jgj and /b /, respectively, between vowels and after a non-nasal consonant (this is only a general rule which allows for many exceptions). Examples: (SPC) yaku apañ wilka lušpiñ

(T) yagu abaft wilga lušbiñ

‘w ater’ ‘he bears’ ‘grandson’ ‘he scrapes’

Exceptions: (a) Cases where th e correspondence form ulated above applies in environ­ ments other than the ones enum erated: (i) word-initially: in two lexical items: (SPC) kakaqpiñ

(T) gagaxbiñ

‘to be’ ‘at the tim e when ...’

(ii) after a nasal: in two lexical items: (SPC) m atañka sañku

(T) m atañga saftgu

(iii) after a nasal in nom inal suffixes:

‘nape’ ‘thick porridge’

59 (SPC) -kuna -kama -kaska (-pura)1

(T) -gun a -gama -gasga -bura

see see see see

This list includes all non-verbal suffixes with an initial velar plosive. The non-verbal suffixes with an initial bilabial plosive which do not figure in this list vary in their behaviour according to the speech habits o f the informants from the Tarma area: Huaricolca: the initial plosive is always voiced even after a nasal consonant (-ba, -bax, -bita, -bis). Vicora Congas: the initial plosive is always voiceless after a nasal conso­ nant (-pa, -pax, -pita, -pis). Huanuquillo: both treatm ents are possible. (b) Cases where the correspondence form ulated above does not apply: (i) SPC /k / and /p / correspond to Tarma /k / and /p / between vowels and after a non-nasal consonant — in all borrowed roots except wa.ga (T) / wa.ka (SPC) ‘cow’; — in a num ber o f non-borrowed roots (these cases are quite num erous and can only be exemplified h e re ): Examples: (SPC) supay tuku walkiñšapikpiš

(T) supay tu k u walkiñšapikpiš

‘deviľ ‘owľ ‘to swing’, ‘to dangle’ a bird name

— in the verbal suffixes -ku- and -ka- and in any part o f a verbal suffix in which an element -ku- is preceded by a vowel; e.g. -ba. ku- (T) / -pa.ku- (SPC) (indicates ‘pluralization’, see Section 20.4.1). (ii) SPC jgj corresponds to Tarma /g/ in ayga, raygu, yaygu-, tuyguñ, huygah, see Section 2.3. (iii) SPC Igj corresponds to Tarma /k / in ĉuñga-/ĉuñka- ‘to play marbles’ and to Tarma /g/ or /k / in hatuhgarayjxatuhgaray ~ xatuhkaray ‘enormous’. (iv) Tarma /g/ or zero correspond to SPC zero in tay(g)u-/tayu- ‘to sit down’, $ay(g)u-/iayu- ‘to stop’, xalay(g)u-/qalayu- ‘to begin’ and in the verbal suffix -y(g)u-/-yu- (see Section 21.13.1). (v) Tarma /k / or zero correspond to SPC zero in the ending -ñ£i(k)/-ñ£i (see Section 18.1). 7.3 CORRESPONDENCES INVOLVING THE SEQUENCE -axj-aq

In SPC, suffixes th at have the shape -Cax in Tarma can either have the shape -Ca in word-final position and -Ca:- in medial position, o r -Caq in all

60 positions. -Ca and -Ca:- are used in fast speech, -Caq in careful speech. Examples: (T) čayrax čayraxši

(SPC) čayra ~ čayraq čayra/ši ~ čayra^ši

‘only then’ ‘only then, they say’

The same phenom enon is observed in the verbal ending -nax/-naq which is a sequence o f suffixes (rather than a single suffix) from the synchronic point o f view (see Section 19.1.1). Example: (T) gakuwax

(SPC) kakuna ~ kakvinaq ‘he turned

out to be’

—i n paxta (T) / paqta ~ pa.ta (SPC) ‘m aybe’, ‘who knows?’, — occasionally also in polym orphem ic expressions: (T) lum axta xunaxta

(SPC) Suma.ta ~ lum aqta ‘beautiful (acc. case)’ huna. ta ~ hunaqta ‘day (acc. case)’

NOTE 1 The suffix

-pura was only recorded in Tapo (not in SPC).

PART II GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURE (MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX)

63 8 INTRODUCTION

For the grammatical description o f TQ it is not attractive to adopt a scheme in which m orphology and syntax are treated separately, as the morphological and syntactic facts are so intim ately related th a t it is difficult, if not impossible, to draw a sharp dividing line between them. TQ has four word-classes: verbs, nouns, particles, and interjections.1 These classes can be defined morphologically. As to morphological technique, the processes employed by TQ are suffixation, vowel m odification, reduplica­ tion, and — in sound-sym bolic (SS) use only — consonant m odification.2 The processes other than SS are subdivided into class-bound (CB), i.e., either nominal or verbal, and class-free (CF) processes-, the latter, though applied to verbs, nouns or particles — never interjections3 — have functions which con­ cern larger units (sentences or sentence-segments, see below), rather than individual words. The CF-processes all consist o f suffixation, and these suffixes can be attached to any verb, noun or particle th at occupies the final position in a sentence-segment. In linear order, the CF-suffixes follow after (to the right of) the CB-suffixes. A part from this, the application o f b o th CB- and CFprocesses is subject to rules which m ainly concern position and order o f the suffixes. Besides, certain processes are m utually exclusive on word or seg­ m ent level. Certain CB-processes have the function of converting nouns to verbs or vice versa; in these cases o f verbalization or nom inalization we speak of transpositional processes, and the resulting forms are called transpositional form s. F or the description o f CF-processes the notion o f sentence segmentation is crucial. In general, TQ sentences can be divided into segments the position o f which w ith regard to each other is basically free, while th at o f the ele­ m ents w ithin such segments is basically fixed. In b o th respects, however, reservations m ust be made: there is no com plete freedom as to position o f sentence segments and there is some freedom as far as the inner structure o f the segment is concerned.4 Because CF-suffixes are normally added at the end o f a sentence or sentence segment, they form an indication for the end o f these units. Sentence-segments can be o f different make-up as far as the words con­ tained in them are concerned. In th e following, we shall specify those wordsequences th a t are never split by segment boundaries. Along w ith sentence segmentation, it is necessary to introduce the notion o f word groups. In contradistinction to segments, word groups are not necessarily continuous. They are complex structures reflecting the existence

64 o f grammatical relations betw een words occurring in a sentence. Words occurring in word groups always belong to the noun class, to the verb class, or to the particle class. Interjections cannot occur in word groups.5 For the treatm ent o f word groups it is essential to distinguish betw een nom inal groups and verbal groups. This distinction is based on the following facts. Nominal groups consist o f one or m ore nouns and may also contain particles. Verbal groups consist o f one or more verbs and may also contain nouns and particles. There are no groups in which only particles are involved; if they occur in groups, they are always connected w ith either a noun or a verb. From this it follows th at verbal groups may contain nouns or nominal groups, b u t that, conversely, nominal groups cannot contain verbs or verbal groups. It frequently happens, however, th a t nom inal groups contain nouns which are the result o f transposition from the verb class. Such nouns retain certain characteristics o f their verbal origin, w ith the result th at groups in which they occur m ay present the inner structure of a verbal group. These groups (transpositional groups, cf. Section 19.3.3.2) play an extremely im portant role in TQ grammar. They are norm ally continuous and cannot be split by segment boundaries. We now give a general survey o f the types of nominal groups and verbal groups in TQ (taking into account their behaviour in relation to the phenom ­ enon o f sentence segmentation). In nom inal groups containing more than one noun, the members are either co-ordinate or one is subordinate to the other; accordingly we speak o f coordinative and subordinative nominal groups. In the latter, the m odifier generally precedes the m odified.6 Subordinative nom inal groups and, of course, also nominal groups that contain only one noun, can take the place o f a noun in a co-ordinative nom inal group. They can also be part of another subordinative nominal group. Similarly, a co-ordinative nominal group can constitute one o f the members o f a subordinative nom inal group. Subordinative nominal groups are n o t norm ally split by segment bound­ aries, except if they are n o t continuous.7 In co-ordinative nominal groups, each nom inal m em ber m ay constitute a separate segment, except in certain fixed expressions such as warmi ulxu (T) in the sense o f ‘couple’ (lit. ‘woman and m an’).8 Within the verbal groups we can make similar distinctions as within the nom inal groups. There are verbal groups th a t contain one verb and one or m ore nouns and/or particles, and there are verbal groups th at contain more than one verb, in which case o f course each o f these verbs may in its turn be connected with nouns and particles. Verbal groups th at contain more than one verb m ust again be divided into co-ordinative verbal groups and sub­ ordinative verbal groups. In the latter, the subordinate members (subordinate verbs) are characterized by th e fact th a t the CB-processes th at apply to them

65 differ from those to which non-subordinate verbs are subjected. It follows from the above that a subordinate verb can form a group with nouns, nominal groups and/or particles, which normally precede th at verb.9 Such groups, and also subordinate verbs occurring alone, are called subordi­ nate clauses in the present description. A subordinate clause can also be sub­ ordinate to another subordinate clause. Subordinative verbal groups can take the place o f a verb in a co-ordinative verbal group. Conversely, several subordinate clauses can be co-ordinated. Subordinate clauses are never split by segment boundaries, i.e., CFsuffixes can only be added to the subordinate verb, which occupies the final position in such clauses. In other verbal groups each m em ber can constitute a segment by itself.10 The parallelism betw een nom inal and verbal groups is only partial, because verbal groups may contain nouns and nom inal groups, while nominal groups cannot contain verbs or verbal groups. Within verbal groups containing nouns or nom inal groups the nature of the relation between the verbal and the nom inal mem ber can be specified by means o f certain CB-processes applied to the nom inal m em ber (case, cf. Sec­ tion 27). Such an indication is n o t present if the nom inal m em ber is the subject to a predicate, if it is the nom inal com plem ent in a predicate, or if it is a tem po­ ral specifier (that is, an expression referring to a point of time, to a duration, to a num ber of times or to a recurrent tem poral characteristic, e.g., ‘every day’, ‘every tw o weeks’). Predicates in TQ can take the following shapes: — they can consist o f a single verb form; — they can consist o f a form o f the copula ga- (T) / ka- (SPC),11 immedi­ ately followed or preceded b y a nominal com plem ent consisting o f a noun or nom inal group;12 — they can Consist o f a nom inal com plem ent only.13 In sentences expressing a statem ent or a question14 the predicate does not fall into segments. It has the peculiarity th at CF-suffixes, if any, are always attached to the nom inal complem ent, even if the latter precedes the copula. This is an exception to the rule th at CF-suffixes are added at the end o f a segm ent.15 The organization o f the detailed description o f TQ morphology and syntax is as follows. The CF-processes are treated first (Sections 9-15); the description of the CB-processes, which follows, is divided into two main parts corresponding to each o f the word-classes to which they apply: the verbs (Sections 16-25) and the nouns (Sections 26-37). Subsequently, the sound-symbolic processes are treated (Section 38) and Section 39 is dedi­ cated to the particle class. Section 40 deals w ith the two enclitics, th at have an interm ediate status between words and suffixes, and in a final section (Section 41) the interjections are discussed.

66 NOTES 1 In addition, there are two enclitics which do not have the status o f full words; see Sec­ tion 40. 2 Sound-symbolic processes are applicable to nouns and verbs; I leave open the possibil­ ity that further research will reveal that they can apply to interjections and particles as well. 3 Interjections also cannot be combined with other words and some o f them show certain formal characteristics not regularly met in other parts o f the system. They are clearly peripheral elements, which is understandable in view o f their function and use. 4 This does not mean, however, that the order in which the segments in a sentence occur is necessarily irrelevant. The significance o f segment order, which falls beyond the scope o f the present work, can be a subject for further research. 5 Except in cases o f m ention, where the speaker refers to the word itself; e.g., aw niñki ‘you say Yes’. 6 Transpositional forms used as modifiers may consitute an exception to this rule (cf. Section 19.3.3.1). 7 This happens in cases o f self-correction where the speaker remembers a word which he has forgotten to produce at its right place. 8 In co-ordinative nominal groups in which the co-ordination is indicated by means o f the case suffix -wan, one o f the members — the one which is not marked for case — is often om itted (cf. Section 27.2.7.2). 9 Only in quite exceptional cases a noun or nominal group follows the verb in a sub­ ordinate clause. 10 A minor exception is formed by groups consisting o f non-subordinate verbs preceded by certain particles. 11 A small number o f other verbs may take the place o f the copula (cf. Section 25.3). 12 Discontinuous predicates may occur, but are extremely rare; they imply a strong emphasis upon the content o f the nominal complement; e.g., a ika curikuiam nu qaq’ kaya: (SPC) ‘I have many children!’ 13 This is due to the fact that certain non-subordinate forms o f the copula ga-/ka- are regularly omitted when the context permits it (cf. Section 25.3). 14 This excludes imperative sentences in which the situation is quite different. 15 In subordinate clauses and transpositional groups the (transposed) verb must come last, which means that all nouns or nominal groups precede the copula. As a consequence, CF-suffixes can be attached only to the copula.

67 9 INTRODUCTION (Class-free processes)

There are eight CF-processes in TQ. O f these, seven can only be applied to _the final word in a sentence or sentence segment. These are the processes of contrast marking (-xaj-qa), m otivation o f statem ent (-taxf-taq), condition fo r realization (-rax/-raq), interrogation/negation (-ču), and three processes which are discussed together under the heading validation o f inform ation, namely conviction (-m(i)), hearsay (-i(i)) and conjecture (-ĉ(i)). The process o f inclusion (-si, bis/-pis) differs from the seven other CF-processes in that it can also apply to smaller units than sentence segments.1 F or descriptive convenience, the process o f inclusion is treated first, after which th e seven other processes are described in the same order as they are given above. In a final section (Section 16) the possibilities o f their com­ bined application are treated. The use o f some o f the CF-processes in com­ bination with certain verbs, nouns and particles, has a special character; these special types of use are treated in Section 36.3.1. NOTE 1 The words manaraxsi/manaraqsi ‘before’, ‘ere’ and layraxfiayraq ‘only then’, ‘for the first time’, ‘finally’, which contain the CF-suffix -raxj-raq, can also occupy a non-final position in a sentence segment (see Section 13).

68 10 INCLUSION

This process consists o f adding one o f the suffixes -si or -bis/-pis. Even a thorough investigation did n o t reveal any difference in semantic or stylistic value betw een these tw o suffixes (they can be found alternately within a single sentence). They do differ, however, in their possibilities o f combina­ tion with oth er CF-suffixes. 10.1 FORM

The suffixes -si and -bis/-pis differ from each other in th at -si can only occur word-finally, while -bisj-pis can occur both word-finally and, in a slightly m odified form , as -bft-/-piš-, before the CF-suffixes -ĉi and -ču. Examples: kanaiW (T/SPC) kanañ ‘now ’ —->• kanampz's (T/SPC) ‘now to o ’ kanam bis (T) imanañ ‘it does w hat?’ -

j ima™mp/5ču (T/SPC)) ‘it does not | imanamdNŠču (T) ) m atter kunčuyamp/Sĉi (T/SPC) ‘maybe he kuñčuyañ ‘he is suffering’ ■ kuñčuyam M ĉi (T) is suffering -pis (including -pñ-) is found in the SPC dialect after all consonants and vowels. In the Tarma dialect, -bis (including -bñ-) is found after vowels and non-nasal consonants; after a nasal consonant — which is always m — -pis (-pñ-) is found in the subdialect o f Vicora Congas, while both -bis (-biS-) and -pis (-pñ-) are found in the subdialect of Huanuquillo w ith a preference for -bis(-bñ-)-, cf. Section 7.2. Examples: nuqa —> nuqapis (SPC) nuxa — nuxaftw (T) but: kanañ —>■k an amp is (SPC/T-.Vicora) kanañ —►kanamfrw ~ kanam pis (T :Huanuquillo) When preceded by a short vowel, the suffix -si is nearly always subjected to the elision o f its final vowel i. The non-elided form is only retained in careful speech. Example: nunasi —■» n unas’ (T/SPC)

69 The facts just discussed are summed up in th e following diagrams: Before -ĉi or -ču A fter a non-nasal consonant After a nasal consonant

-biš-

-bis

-piš----- bñ-

-pis — bis

-si (-s )

Before -ĉi or -ču (SPC)

Word-finally

-piš-

Word-finally -pis

-si (-s’)

10.2 USE

This process indicates the inclusion o f an item or an event into a series of similar items or events, which m ay or may n o t be overtly expressed in the utterance. The semantic contribution o f this process is comparable to the meaning o f the English words ‘even’, ‘also’ and ‘to o ’. It can also be used in enumerations, where it is applied to each enum erated item. When it applies to a subordinate verb, it adds a concessive value to the content o f the sub­ ordinate clause in which that verb occurs. This value can be rendered in English by means o f the expressions ‘even if’ and ‘although’. As was m entioned before, the application of the process o f inclusion is n o t restricted to sentences and sentence segments. It is also applied to nouns o r nom inal groups which are part o f a subordinate clause (see the last exam­ ple below) or o f a transpositional group. Besides, it can also apply to inter­ rogative pronouns which function as the subordinate m ember in a nominal group (cf. Section 36.3.1). 10.3 EXAMPLES OF USE

— kanañ mamaypa waynañs/ wanuñqam kanañ (SPC). now /y o u r m other’s/also her lover/he will d ie /n o w / “ Now your m other’s lover will also die.” — akabala gars; , manam mañčakurgañču (T). just small/even being/ not /they are afraid / “ Although they are small, they are not afraid.” — čawraxa na: xišyaxmañ m uyuruñ u lx u te then /at a certain m om ent/into sick people/they turn/m an too/ w a rm ito (T). woman to o /

70 “ Then, at a certain m om ent, both m en and women turn into sick people.” — añxelniñguna yarbam uñm añ gara akraygama raprayuxgama , his angels /th ey would have come down/big /w ith wings / ispa:dam pitas’ nina yarxaya:m utbiñ (T). even from their swords/fire /while it is coming out/ “His angels would have come down with their big wings, while fire would be coming even from their swords.”

71 11 CONTRAST MARKING

11.1 FORM

Addition o f the suffix -xa (T) / -qa (SPC). Examples: t , I nunaxa (T) nuna man —> { ' | nunaga (SPC) When preceded by a short vowel, the suffix -xaj-qa can be subjected to the elision o f its final vowel a. Examples: nunaxa —*■nunax ’ (T) nunaqa —»• nunag ’ (SPC) 11.2 USE

-xa/-qa is used for tw o clearly distinct purposes: y / (1) to m ark a segment as containing non-focal inform ation, th at is, (old) inform ation necessary for a proper understanding of the transm itted message itself (English: ‘as for’, ‘as concerns’); (2) to m ark a contrast betw een tw o sentences (English: ‘b u t’). In the first type of use -xaj-qa can be found in several segments of one sentence, b u t never in com bination with any other CF-suffix (see Section 16 for an explanation). Its occurrence w ith predicates is rare if n o t impossible (see, however, Section 11.4). In the second type o f use -xa/-qa is attached to a predicate occupying the final position in one o f the contrasted units, even when this predicate is al­ ready followed by another CF-suffix (for examples see also Section 16). 11.3

EXAMPLES OF USE

— kanañxa manam čay yanabay gañču warmigunabaxa (T). now /n o t /th at/h elp /there is/of women / “Nowadays, there is no such help o f the w om en.” —na: xatuñ gayatbiñxa , mas xatuftgasga uĉgumañ winarux already/big /w hen he was/ m ore/larger /into pit /used to put (T). in/ “As soon as he was big enough, they used to p u t him in a larger p it.” — čayši lasdoscnuyqa ĉaflču1 čay n u na^’ (SPC). and so it is said/at about 12 o ’clock/he does not arrive/that/m an /

72 “ And so it is said that, at about 12 o ’clock, that man had n o t arrived.” — xagu:ĉu awgisxa2 , manam nuxaxa awgisču ga: (T). in m y clothes/old / not /I /old /I am/ “In these clothes o f mine I may seem old, b u t in reality I am n o t.” —iškayniñ kutikurkañ wakčakunag ’ (SPC). b o th o f them /they returned/orphans / “The orphans returned, the two of them .” — čaymi alalaywañ ‘ay’ nir , waxayta xalakuyura atuxxa (T). and so/because o f cold/Ow!/saying/ to cry /he began /fox / “ And so, because o f the cold, the fox began to cry: Ow!” 11.4 Whenever -xaj-qa is attached to the predicate in a sentence, an inter­ pretation such as that described under (2), in Section 11.2, is usually the m ost appropriate. In SPC, however, -qa is also found added to the predicate in exclam atory sentences for the purpose of emphasis (such sentences are n o t m arked for validation, cf. Section 15.2). Example: m aylara waklara čay marka riqiru: mañ^a what place? /that/village/I’d like to know/ “What village could th at be? How I would like to know th a t!” NOTES 1 Cf. Section 14, note 2. 2 awgisxa is the nominal member o f a predicate in which the copula is omitted.

73 12 MOTIVATION OF STATEMENT

12.1 FORM

In the dialect o f Tarma, this process always consists of adding the suffix -tax, but the corresponding suffix -taq in the SPC dialect is limited to careful speech. In non-careful speech one finds -ta in word-final position and -ta:before suffixes1 (see Section 7.3). Examples: imařax ™ imafaxĉi ima ‘w hat?’ —► im ata ~ ima taq [ (SPC) ima/a. ĉi ~ imataqĉi If the suffix -tax/-taq is attached to the negative particle mana, the final a in mana is often om itted. The resulting forms are manatax and mantax for the Tarma dialect and manataq, manata, mantaq and manta for the SPC dialect. 12.2 USE

/ -tax/-taq is used to give a sentence or sentence-segment the character of an appeal to the listener. The sentence (-segment) m ay contain an argument for the validity o f one’s statem ents, a justification of one’s attitude, or a re­ m inder o f other facts. The use o f -tax/-taq often implies a certain am ount o f im patience.2 12.3 EXAMPLES OF USE

— m anta , tayta , nuqa qayaraqču qam taq’ (SPC). b ut n o t/ Sir / I / 1 called you/you / “But I did n o t call you, did I, Sir?” — manam n a:ta disprisya.m arayču aywam upti: ; čaynuy not /at a certain m om ent/you rejected me /w hen I came/ so / kanañ qañmañ aywaya:mu: (SPC). now /to you /I am coming/ “But th a t tim e, when I first came, you did not reject me, did you? So I am coming to you again now .” — manfax xam garayču (T). but n o t/y o u /you were/ “ But th at was n o t you, was it? ”

74 NOTES 1 The use o f-fa instead o f - t o in word-final position was also accepted as correct by the informant from Huanuquillo. 2 This process was seldom used by the informant from Vicora Congas, which explains the rarity o f its occurrence in the text material.

75 13

CONDITION FO R REALIZATION

13.1 FORM

The formal characteristics o f this process are parallel to those o f the pre­ ceding process (cf. Section 7.3). -rax is found in the dialect o f Tarma in all positions. In the SPC dialect -raq is found in all positions b u t only in careful speech; in non-careful speech one finds -ra word-finally and -ra:- before suf­ fixes. Examples:

mana ‘n o t’

manarax manaraxĉi manara ~ manaraq m anara.ĉi ~ m m araqči

13.2 USE

-raxj-raq implies the continuance of a situation the end of which is never­ theless expected (cf. English ‘still’). With units smaller than sentences it indicates a prerequisite or a necessary condition for an event to take place (English ‘first’, ‘n o t u n til’). If -rax/-raq is attached to the negative particle mana (cf. Section 14.2), a translation with ‘n o t y e t’ is generally adequate. The words manaraxsijmanaraqsi ‘before’, ‘ere’ and čayrax/čayraq ‘only th en ’, ‘finally’, ‘for th e first tim e’, which contain the suffix -raxj-raq, have the peculiarity th at they can occur within a subordinate clause in non-final position.1 The tw o last example sentences given below testify to this. 13.3 EXAMPLES OF USE

— ma: šargabakušaxrax kanañxa alba tikrax aywana:bax (T). come o n /I’U have to get up first/now /soil /to turn/so I can go / “Come on, I’ll have to get up first in order to go and work in the field.” — ka:m am pita manam šarkam uñra;ču (SPC). from his b ed /n o t /he gets up still / “ He does n o t get up from his bed y e t.” — wanutbiñrañ2 , albarax separañxa (T). only when they die/ only earth/it will separate them / “Only the earth will be able to separate them , and only when they die.” —manaraqsi ĉa:m upti: , rurara:rina k o n tra:tata (SPC). before /when I came/ they had m ade/contract / “They had made the contract before I cam e.”

76 — čaymi lapañ unay nunaguna , wayiñgunata lay rax rurargayar and so/all /ancient/people / their h o u ses/only then/w hile making/ tarm aĉu , lapañ wayiñgunaĉu xuĉañgunata čaraba:kux (T). in Tarm a/ all /in their houses/their pools /used to have/ “And so, all ancient people, building their houses in Tarma fo r the first tim e, had pools in all their houses.” NOTES 1 In one sentence occurring in m y materials from Tarma manaraxsi was found in a nominal group: cay cahkaya:latbigim uĉguruñxa manaraxsi o:cu diyasta “If you keep smashing it that way, it will be worn through in less than eight days.” The literal transla­ tion o f manaraxsi o:cu diyasta is ‘after not yet eight days’. 2 For the explanation o f -ran see Section 16.

77 14 INTERROGATION AND NEGATION

14.1 FORM

Addition o f the suffix -ču. 14.2 USE

-ču is used for two different purposes: (1) in yes-no questions and disjunctive questions, where the addressee is requested either to answer ‘yes’ or ‘n o ’, or to choose between several alter­ native answers m entioned by th e speaker;1 (2) in negative sentences, where it co-occurs with one of the particles mana ‘n o t’ (in statem ents), ama ‘d on’t ’, ‘n o t’ (in prohibitions, recommenda­ tions, or intentions), or ni ‘n o t even’, ‘neither ... nor ...’2 -ču is attached to the sentence-segment which is the focus o f the negation or interrogation. Hence in a regular negative or interrogative sentence -ču is attached to the predicate (e.g., ‘John isn’t going to tow n’, ‘Is John going to tow n?’); it is attached to another sentence-segment if this is the focus (e.g., ‘N o t John is going to tow n’, ‘Is it John who is going to tow n?’). In case o f co-ordination (e.g., in all disjunctive questions) -ču is attached to each member. Subordinate clauses are never focus, and hence cannot be m arked by -ču.3 Negative questions are indicated by manaču {-ču affixed to the negative particle mana) or by a shortened form mañču. The latter variant cannot be ised in disjunctive questions (see th e last example below). 14.3 EXAMPLES OF USE

—uryañkičw (T). you work / “ Do you w ork?” — kanañ imatam m unañki pa:ganaxta , yurax uĉbataču now /w hat? /you w ant/that I shall pay to you/ white/pow der? o xarwaš uĉbatačw (T). or/yellow /pow der? / “ Now w hat do you w ant me to pay you? White pow der or yellow pow­ der?” — manam maylakuñkičw (SPC). no t /you will wash yourself/ “ You will not wash yourself.”

78 — ni m ayur wawañ waskarči* manam rantikura (T). (not) even/eldest /her son/Huascar /n o t /he sold it/ “N ot even her eldest son Huascar sold it.” —mañču (m anaču) qam karay’ (SPC). not? /y o u /y o u were/ “Wasn’t th a t you?” — ama aywašaxčw ni:m i (T). rather n o t/I will go / 1 say / “ I think I’d rather n o t go.” — aliču manaČM (T/SPC). good?/not? j “ Is th at all right or n o t? ” 14.4 SPECIAL USE: SEE SECTION 36.4, REMARK (e)

NOTES 1 Questions can also be expressed by using interrogative pronouns or verbs. In that case the suffix -ču is not used, except for indicating negation. 2 ni can either be used alone or in combination with one o f the other negative particles. In the latter case, only one o f the tw o particles must precede the word to which -ču is affixed. In the SPC dialect, the particle mana is sometimes om itted, leaving only the suffix -ču to indicate the negation (see the third example in Section 11.3). In the Tarma dialect, the omission o f mana was only found occasionally in sentences containing an interrogative pronoun or verb, a situation which excludes the interpretation o f -ču as an interrogative suffix (cf. note 1); e.g., imanirmi walagakux šamurayču ‘Why didn’t you com e and help?’ 3 In subordinate clauses, and also in nominal groups, the negation is indicated by means o f a negative particle without the affixation o f -ču.

79 15 VALIDATION OF INFORMATION

Under this heading three processes are treated together, because they are m utually exclusive: (1) Conviction, -m(i)\ (2) Hearsay, -3i(i); (3) Conjecture, -ĉ(i). ' v. 15.1 FORM

These processes consist o f adding suffixes th at have tw o com binatory variants each. The shorter variants -m, -5, -ĉ, are found after short vowels, except if the suffix is preceded by the nominal root pi- ‘w ho?’ or followed by the CF-suffix -xa/-qa. The longer variants -mi, -Si, -ĉi are found elsewhere. Examples: fwayim wayi ‘house’ —>■ | wayiS

(wayiĉ I wayiñm i wayiñ ‘his house’ —-*■ | wayinči I w ayina 15.2 USE

These processes indicate the validity o f the inform ation supplied by the speaker. Use o f -m(i) indicates th at the speaker is convinced about what he is say­ ing. Use o f -$(i) indicates th a t the speaker has obtained the inform ation that he is supplying through hearsay. Use o f -ĉ(i) indicates th at th e speaker’s statem ent is a conjecture. Although extrem ely frequent, the use o f -m(i), -'S(i), -ĉ(i), in a sentence, is no t compulsory. As a rule, their occurrence is lim ited to one per sentence, except in co-ordinated complex sentences (e.g., ‘John works, Peter sleeps’) or their elliptic variants (e.g., ‘John works, not Peter’), the main constituents o f which are treated as separate sentences in this respect. In all other cases of co-ordination one and the same suffix, if any, m ust be added to each member. The choice o f the segment to which a validational suffix, -m(i), -'š(i), -ĉ(i), is to be attached is determ ined by the following two rules: (1) In th e neutral case, it is attached to the first segment in the sentence (taken from the left) th a t does n o t end in one o f the CF-suffixes -si, -bis/-pis (inclusion) ox-xaj-qa (contrast m arking).1

80 (2) It can be attached to another segment in order to m ark this as the focus o f the sentence. The focus in an affirmative sentence is the same as the focus in the corresponding negative or interrogative sentence. It contains new inform ation which constitutes the core of the transm itted message (e.g., ‘John is going to tow n’ (neutral), vs. ‘I t is John (focus) who is going to to w n ’). The application o f these tw o rules can lead to the same result, namely, when the first available segment in the sentence according to rule (1) hap­ pens to be the focus. In m any cases, however, they do not yield the same result, and it seems, at present, th at rule (1) is preferred in narratives, where­ as rule (2) is more often obseiyed in diajogues in which the speaker wants to emphasize his argum ents.2 ' In negative sentences, a validational suffix normally co-occurs with the suffix -ču (see Section 14), b u t never in the same segment. For this type of sentences rule (2) has to be modified somewhat: -ču is added to the focus and -m (i), -'š(i), -ĉ(i), are added to the negative particle mana or ama (if present). In interrogative sentences containing the suffix - ñ v .onlv -š(i) and -ĉ(i) — n o t -m(i) — can be found, and their occurrence is restricted to The sequences and -čuĉ (see Section 16). On the other hand, all three validational suf­ fixes are found in com bination with interrogative pronouns and verbs (see Section 36.3.1). V alidational suffixes are never used in sentences with imperatives. 15.3 EXAMPLES OF USE

—unayš; kara iškay nanačikaq (SPC). anciently/there w ere/tw o /sisters / “They say th at in ancient times there were two sisters.” — čay qulqi rayguq’ im atas’ ru raša:« (SPC). that/m oney/reason /anything/I will probably do/ “ I would do anything for the sake o f th at m oney.” — wawxixz gara manam nuxaču (T). m y b rother probably/it was/not /I / “ It m ust have been my brother, not m e.” — piftxakuyxa dañsaym/ xara:naym; tu:naymz maĉaš’ shame /to dance /to make m erry/to hang around singing/drunk / puri:mz (T). to walk around/ “ It is a shame to dance, to make m erry, to hang around singing, and to walk around drunk.” — kanaftxa xalayušuñ rim ayta kay xišyayniñčigunabitam (T). now /we shall begin/to talk /these/about our illnesses / “ Now we shall begin to talk about our illnesses.”

81 — amam warmiwañxa maxačikuñmafiču (T). n o t /by woman /he should let himself be beaten/ “ He should n o t let him self be beaten by a w om an.” — manam , ihu , ča: waynaimi (SPC). no / son/ th at/m y lover / “ No, m y son, th a t’s my lover.” NOTES 1 The first segment is often a rather insignificant expression like Zaybita (T) / Zaypita (SPC) ‘afterwards’ or iinargur (T) / Zinarkur (SPC) ‘then’ (see the text material in Part

III). 2 In long sentences it happens (though very rarely) that a validational suffix occurs twice in violation o f what was said above. This use is probably pleonastic — the speaker may have forgotten that he already used the suffix — and may be the result o f a simultaneous application o f both rule (1) and rule (2). The possibilities o f attachment o f validational suffixes in their relation to segment order deserves a separate study.

82 16 COMBINATIONS OF CLASS-FREE PROCESSES

In the case of combined application of CF-processes, the corresponding suffixes appear in the following order: -mi -raxj-raq

-taxj-taq

-bisj-pis

-Si -ĉi

-ču

-xaj-qa

-si However, the possibilities o f com bination o f CF-suffixes are even more lim ited than appears from the diagram given above. (a) The only com binations in which -xaj-qa can occur are those with -m(i). -$(i), -ĉ(i), and -ču. In that case -xaj-qa is used for expressing a contrast betw een tw o sentences. The resulting sequences -mixa/-miqa, -Mxa/Siqa, -ĉixaj-ĉiqa, and -čuxa/-čuqa are affixed to a predicate which occupies the final position in one o f the contrasted units (cf. Section 11.2). Examples: — manam ala: m ikana:m añču , kuga: ama faltačuñčuxa (T). not /very/I am hungry / my c o c a /n o t/le t it be lacking!/ “ I do n o t easily get hungry, provided the coca is not lacking!” — kapuraSz'qa , na:ši kanaftqa ušapakuruñ (SPC). it was his / already/now /he is affected by its loss/ “They say th at he used to have it, but that he has lost it now .” In this way, -xaj-qa can occur in com binations o f CF-suffixes only in its sentence contrasting function (use (2), in Section 11.2). In its m ore common function o f marking the content of a non-focal segment (use (1), in Section 11.2), it cannot be com bined with any other CF-suffix. This is due to the following facts. — The CF-suffixes -raxj-raq, -tax/-taq, -si, -bis/-pis, are themselves used to m ark segments. Their semantic contribution covers the rather weak con­ trastive value o f -xaj-qa. — The CF-suffix -ču is added to the focus, whereas -xaj-qa is added to non-focal segments. -m(i), -$(i), -ĉ(i), are either added to the focus or to a segment which does n o t contain -xaj-qa (cf. Section 15.2). In both cases there is com plem entarity in the distribution o f -xaj-qa with respect to the other suffixes. (b) O f the validational suffixes (-m(i), -$(i), -ĉ(i)) only -ĉ(i) is found after the suffix -bisj-pis. The resulting sequence -bñĉij-pišĉi is best rendered in

83 English by means of the word ‘m aybe’. Examples: — kuñčuyampz'šĉi (T/SPC). “Maybe he is suffering.” — wara o raswa imaxa tariñxabiSĉi tom orrow /or/day after tom orrow /m aybe/he will possibly find (T). it/ “ Tom orrow o r the day after tom orrow he m ay find it.” The non-combinability o f -si, -bisj-pis ‘also’, ‘to o ’ with validational suf­ fixes seems to indicate th a t a predicate to which they are added has the validational status o f a correlated predicate, -bišĉij-pišĉi may be a petrified com bination. Further remarks (a) -tañ occurs instead o f the com bination -tax/-taq + -mi; -ran is used for -raxj-raq + -m i interchangeably with -raxmij-raqmi. Examples: — antis rumis’ kawañrañ (T). rather/even stone/it still lives/ “ Even a stone is (still) m ore likely to be alive.” — ĉakrasi masya:du čaqara:/a« (SPC). field too/very /still stony, isn’t it?/ “ The field to o is still very stony, isn’t it?” (b) A final rem ark should be made about the com binations -čuĉ and -čuš (cf. Section 15.2). -čuĉ is found in disjunctive questions in which the addressee is not expect­ ed to be able to give the right answer. In this case, each of the m entioned alternatives is marked w ith -čuĉ (evidence from Tarma only).1 Example: imaniraxrax yarxaram uñxa , m uručuĉ o alxaČuĉ (T). like what? /it will come o u t/ spotted /o r/strip e d / “How will it look when it comes out? Spotted or striped?” -ču$ is frequently found in com bination with th e ‘sudden discovery’ form o f the verbs. In these cases, the verb to which -ču& is attached refers to the still uncertain result o f an experim ent (cf. Section 19.1.4). Example: ma: tupayuy , kuyurinaxčt/š (T). let us see/push it / it turns o u t to move/ “Why d on’t you give it a push, to find out w hether it moves or n o t!”

84 NOTE 1 The SPC informant prefers -cus in this type o f sentences: imaniraqra yarqaramuhqa, m un ituk o alqačus.

4

85 17 INTRODUCTION (Class-bound processes: verbs)

As we saw before, CB-processes are divided into two sets, a set character­ istic for the verb class and a set characteristic for the noun class. There is a clearcut dividing line betw een these tw o sets. Sections 17 through 25 contain a discussion o f the verb class and the verbal CB-processes. Verbs differ from nouns in the following respects. (a) Verbal roots always end in a vowel, while nominal roots may end in a consonant or a vowel. (b) Verbal roots are n o t found as free forms; they require the presence of at least one suffix. Nominal roots can occur by themselves, apart from some exceptions to be discussed later. (c) Within the noun class, a num ber o f morphological subclasses are to be distinguished. In this respect, the verb class is m ore homogeneous. (d) F or the verb class, a distinction must be made betw een inflectional and derivational processes, whereas for the noun class there are no stringent reasons to make this distinction. Apart from the inflectional and derivational processes, one other type o f processes is to be distinguished within the verb class, namely reduplicational processes. These processes are clearly peripheral and limited in their use to a vivid descriptive or narrative style, in contrast to the inflectional and deriva­ tional processes, which constitute the core o f TQ verb morphology. Inflectional and derivational processes consist mainly o f suffixation, al­ though vowel m odification also plays a role in the inflectional processes. Reduplicational processes — as is suggested by the term chosen — consist of reduplication accompanied b y suffixation and/or vowel modification. Derivational processes differ from inflectional processes in the following respects: (a) the order o f the derivational suffixes is basically free, while the order o f the inflectional suffixes is basically fixed (differences of order o f the derivational suffixes m ay reflect differences o f meaning); (b) in contradistinction to th e inflectional processes, the derivational processes tend to produce new lexical items with a specialized meaning, a characteristic which they share w ith the reduplicational processes. Derivational suffixes m ust precede the inflectional suffix(es) in the verb form, as is shown in the following diagram. R oot

Derivational suffixes

Inflectional suffixes

86 The inflectional processes fall into three groups. (1) The first o f these groups will be termed here constitutive processes. They are characterized by the fact that always one of them , but no more than one, is applied to a verb. Together the forms that result from their application constitute a paradigm, which is to be considered as the core of the TQ verb system. Furtherm ore, the transpositional processes that turn verbs into nouns are closely related to these constitutive processes and m ust be discussed in con­ nection w ith them. (2) The second group are the processes o f personal reference. They are intim ately linked w ith the constitutive processes, because their applicability depends upon the constitutive process that is selected in each particular case. F or descriptive convenience, their discussion precedes th at o f the constitu­ tive processes. (3) The third group consists of processes which are all optional. At differ­ ence with the constitutive processes several o f them can be applied simulta­ neously, although there are o f course some constraints to their combined application. For these processes the term non-constitutive processes is chosen. In a verb form the non-constitutive suffixes always precede the suffixes of the other tw o types o f inflectional processes. This means th at the suffixal structure o f a verb to which all types o f derivational and inflectional proc­ esses introduced so far have been applied is as follows: Inflectional suffixes R oot

Derivational suffixes

Non-constitutive

Constitutive + Personal reference

Several observations should be added to the content of this diagram. — Constitutive processes and processes of personal reference are not always indicated by means o f separate suffixes. Some suffixes are used for indicating a constitutive process and a process of personal reference simulta­ neously, and in some other cases the absence o f a suffix indicates with which constitutive process or process o f personal reference we have to do. — One o f the processes o f personal reference consists of vowel modifica­ tion only and, besides, tw o non-constitutive processes consist o f suffixation w ith m odification o f the vowel preceding the suffix. — There are certain phenom ena o f vowel m odification th at take place when verbal suffixes occur in combination. F or the discussion of these phenom ena we have to distinguish between term inal and non-terminal suffixes. The form er can occur at the end o f a word, while the latter can only occur before other suffixes (including the

87 vowel lengthening see Section 18.2). Like verb roots, all non-terminal verbal suffixes end in a vowel (-a-, -i-, -u-)1. Terminal suffixes can end either in a vowel or in a consonant. The phenom ena th at we are dealing with consist of m odification of the final vowel o f non-terminal suffixes and, in certain cases, also o f the final vowel o f verb roots. Two types of vowel m odification occur: a) -u- —^ -aThis m odification affects all non-terminal suffixes ending in -u-, whenever they are followed (not necessarily im mediately) by one o f the following in­ flectional suffixes:2 (T) -ma-mu-bu-či-ba:ku-ri-bašla

(SPC) -ma-mu-pu-ĉi-pa.ku-ri-

The vowel -a- resulting from this type o f m odification is never lengthened (see below), except before the suffix -ri- where lengthening is compulsory. Examples: j - j, —■> {Iwan uračiñ ‘he has killed’ wanwwn• it, he i. has died [wanura.'rin they have died b) -a— >■-a:This modification affects all non-term inal suffixes in -a- and also all verb roots in -a- o f more than tw o syllables, if they are followed by a single non­ final consonant. However, the following inflectional suffixes do not allow the lengthening o f a preceding vow el:3 (T) -ša -ra-ru-ya-ba:ku-bašla

(SPC) -ša -ra-ru-ya-pa:ku-

Examples with a suffix: ušayañki ‘you are finishing’ ušaya.šuñ ‘we will be finishing’ ušaj’ara: ‘I was finishing’

88 Example with a trisyllabic root: ism ikta.šuñm i ‘we shall stum ble’ from ismikta- ‘to stum ble’ The discussion o f the verb class comprises separate sections on the three types o f inflectional processes (processes o f personal reference (Section 18), constitutive processes (Section 19), non-constitutive processes (Section 20)) and on th e tw o o th er types o f verbal processes (derivational processes (Sec­ tion 21), reduplicational processes (Section 22)). A separate section (Section 23) deals with verbs th a t show a deviant behaviour when certain processes are applied to them (‘irregular verbs’) and, subsequently, in Section 24 improductive form ations are given, th at can only be described by means o f a list. In a final section (Section 25) the possibility o f distinguishing subclasses w ithin the verb class is discussed. NOTES 1 It might be argued that some verb roots as e.g. ĉa- ‘to reach’ end in a long vowel -a:-. However, since these verb roots only constitute a small and non-productive group, I have preferred to treat them as irregular (see Section 24.1.2). 2 -ba:ku-j-pa:ku- and -balla are never found after other inflectional suffixes which end in -u-, but they may affect derivational suffixes as well as certain verb roots in -u- (see Sec­ tion 24.1.1). 3 The fact that the suffixes -Sa, -ra-, -ru-, and -ya- do not allow the lengthening o f a preceding vowel -a- has historical reasons. In many other Quechua dialects, these suffixes have initial consonant clusters and their shape is as follows: -Iqa, -rqa-, -rqu-, and -yka-.

89 18 INFLECTION: PROCESSES OF PERSONAL REFERENCE

TQ verbs can be marked for four persons and in addition can contain an indication o f the principal and/or accessory participant in the event to which they refer. The four persons are distinguished on the basis o f the inclusion or non­ inclusion o f speaker and addressee, as can be seen in the following diagram: Speaker

Addressee

1st person

+

-

T , ‘we (exclusive)’

2nd person

-

+

‘y o u ’

3rd person

-

-

‘he’, ‘she’, ‘it’, ‘th ey ’

4 th person

+

+

‘we (inclusive)’

-V

1st person (1) implies the inclusion of the speaker and the non-inclusion of the addressee; 2nd person (2) implies the inclusion o f the addressee and the non-inclusion o f th e speaker; 3rd person (3) implies the non-inclusion of b oth speaker and addressee; and 4 th person (4) implies the inclusion of both speaker and addressee. The principal participant referred to in any predicate is identical with the referent of the subject to th at predicate. The role played by the principal participant in th e event is variable and depends on each particular verb form in a given instance o f use. The principal participant can be e.g. the actor ( ‘John walks’) or goal (‘John is b eaten’) o f an action or the bearer o f a quality or state ( ‘John is ill’). The accessory participant is always animate and can never be referentially identical with the subject to the predicate in which it occurs. The accessory participant is presented as playing a secondary role, e.g., goal with a principal participant as actor (‘he sees w e’), topic o f conversation (‘he talks about m e’), destinee o f gift or message (‘he gives it to m e’, ‘he tells it to m e ').1 The accessory participant should therefore n o t be confused w ith the goalobject2 in the event; th e tw o may but need n o t coincide. The two notions are quite independent from each other. The first requirem ent for being presented as the accessoQ'. participant. is bcing animate (‘I give'the book to y o u ’, ‘I send yo u to tow n’, ‘he said it about m e', T c a m e to help him ’, but n o t ‘I came to clean it’).3 In this way, an accessory participant presupposes a principal participant, b u t n o t vice versa. W hether or n o t someone can be presented as the accesso­

ry participant depends upon his not being selected as the principal partici­ pant. Except in one marginal case (see Section 19.3.5.4), the indication of the principal participant is a condition for th at o f an accessory participant, if one takes into consideration the fact that these indications may be spread over different verb forms (comp. ‘he comes to talk to m e') and that a (nominalized) verb form m ay be referentially identical to the principal par­ ticipant itself (comp, ‘the one who sees m e'). For descriptive convenience, I will refer to the principal participant as P and to th e accessory participant as A. Consequently, a notion such as ‘2nd person, accessory participant’ will be referred to as 2A. We can now distinguish the following processes. Four P-processes, in which only the principal participant is identified as to person, while the accessory participant is either non-existing or identified as 3rd person: IP, 2P, 3P, 4P. Five PA-processes, in which both participants are identified as to person: 1P-2A, 2P-1 A, 3P-1 A, 3P-2A, 3P-4A. Four A-processes, in which only th e accessory participant is identified as to person: 1A, 2A, 3 A, 4A. A-processes are marginal and limited in their use to a few specific com binations. 18.1 FORM

The P-processes and the process 1P-2A are indicated by means o f a single suffix each (including vowel lengthening -.). These suffixes are term inal and follow the constitutive ones (if any) except -man (see Section 19.1.1). The remaining four PA-processes are indicated by means of two suffixes each, a term inal one (identical in form to the suffixes m entioned above) and a non-term inal one, which precedes the constitutive suffix, if any. (F or in­ stance, in kačimaraygi (T) ‘you raised m e’ the suffix -ma- refers to 1A, -ra­ ta ‘Past tense’ and -ygi to 2P). The A-processes, which play only a marginal role in the TQ verb system, are very heterogeneous (see below). The following tw o diagrams are m eant as a general inventory o f the formal characteristics o f these processes. Diagram 1 contains a list o f the suffixes (including vowel m odification) th at are used for indicating the processes IP, 2P, 3P, 4P, 1P-2A. For each process several suffixes are given, because the suffixes may differ according to the constitutive suffix with which they are combined or fused. The dia­ gram is divided into tw o columns; the left one contains suffixes th at are used for personal reference o n ly ; the right one contains suffixes that are used for personal reference and for indicating a constitutive process simultaneously (the latter indicated by F for Future, I for Imperative and P for Potential and Irreal, see Section 19.1).

J. 91 IP

' -šax/-šaq

(F)

2P

-ñki -ygi/-yki

-y

(I)

3P

-ñ -x/-q

-ñxa/-ftqa -čuñ

(F) (I)

4P

-ñči(k)/-ñči

-Suñ -čwañ

(F, I) (P)

1P-2A

-x/-q

-šaygi/-šayki

(F)

Diagram 1. Diagram 2 shows the form ation of the processes 2P-1A, 3P-1A, 3P-2A, 3P-4A. For th e term inal suffixes Diagram 1 must be consulted. Non-terminal

Terminal

2P-1A

-ma-

+ 2P suffix

3P-1A

-ma-

+ 3P suffix

3P-2A

-šu-

+ 2P suffix

3P-4A

-ma-

+ 4P suffix

Diagram 2. Diagram 3 contains an inventory o f the suffixes used for indicating A-proc­ esses. These processes are indicated either by means o f term inal or by means o f non-term inal suffixes or by a com bination o f both. Non-terminal 1A

Terminal

-ma-

2A

-ygi/-yki

3A

-A

4A

-ma-

-ñči(k)/-ñči

Diagram 3. As can be seen from Diagrams 2 and 3, -ma- always refers to the speaker, either exclusively (1 A) or together w ith th e addressee (4 A). There is no such suffix referring by itself to th e addressee.

Dialect correspondences: (T) -ygi -Saygi -šax

(SPC) -yki -šayki -šaq

-X

-q

-Axa -ñči(k)

-ñqa -ñči

Rem arks (1) stands for lengthening o f th e preceding vowel4. Some speakers from SPC, especially from the ham let o f Chupan which belongs to that district, show a tendency to reinforce this vowel lengthening by adding an extra suffix -ni: as in tarpupa:ku:m : ‘we sow’.5 (2) Whenever ygi/-yki, -ñ, -ñči(k)/-ñči follow a constitutive suffix that ends in a consonant, a binding element -ni- is inserted6; e.g., pušarga:rimar«z: (T) ‘after bringing me here’. (3) -ma- m ay cause the m odification of a preceding -u- to -a- (see Section 17). (4) The suffix -ygi/-yki has several com binatorial variants: -gil-ki is found a f te r -z'-; -ygij-yki is found in word-final position after -a-, but can be subjected in th a t position to the elision o f its final element -gi/-ki; -y- is found after -a- before other suffixes (in the same environment -ygi-/ -yki- was considered correct by the inform ants, but I have never observed its spontaneous use). These variants can be seen from the following diagram: after -z-gi/-ki

after -a-ygil-yki (-y')

word-finally

-y-

before suffixes

Examples: puriptig? (T) / puripti&z (SPC) ‘if you walk’ p unray gz (T) / puriray&z (SPC) ‘you walked’ purira.y ’ (T/SPC) ‘you w alked’ purirayču (T/SPC) ‘did you walk?’ (5) The suffix -Saygi/Sayki presents a similar variation as may be illus­ trated b y th e following examples: xayašaygi (T) / qayaSayki (SPC) ‘I will call you’ xayaMy ’ (T) / qayaSay ’ (SPC) ‘I will call yo u ’ xayaftzyču (T) / qayaftzjču (SPC) ‘shall I call you?’

93 (6) In the Tarma area there is a tendency to use -ñčik in word-final posi­ tion and -ñči before suffixes, b u t this is n o t an obligatory rule: -ñči can also be used word-finally, while -ñčik is sometimes followed by other suffixes. Examples: kawañ čik ~ kawañčz ‘we live’ kawa/zčř'ču ~ kawañčřfcču ‘do we live?’ (7) In the SPC dialect -iaq is found in all positions, but only in careful speech. In non-careful speech one finds -ša word-finally and -ša:- before suf­ fixes. Examples: mikuša ~ mikuSa# ‘I shall eat’ miku?a:ču ~ mikuSaqču ‘shall I eat?’ (8) A fter the suffix -ma- the imperative suffix -y may be replaced by vowel lengthening (see Section 19.1.1 rem ark (a)). (9) In the SPC dialect, the 3P suffix -q may be replaced by vowel length­ ening or zero (see Section 19.1.1 remark (b)). NOTES 1 In one type o f construction (see Section 21.17.2), the accessory participant can indi­ cate the actor, whereas the principal participant represents the affected person (e.g., 7 suffered his being ill’). 2 For a precise definition o f ‘goal-object’ in TQ terms see Section 19.3.2 under stative participle. 3 For the non-identity o f goal-object and accessory participant see the example given in Section 19.3.2, note 10. 4 The notation is used here for descriptive convenience. The fact, however, that cer­ tain suffixes (-ri-, see Sections 17, 20.4.1; -ku-, see Section 20.9.1) cause the lengthening o f a preceding vowel is not indicated in the citation forms o f these suffixes. s This fact was first noticed by Alfredo Torero (1964, p. 468). 6 As we shall see later, this connective element -ni- plays an important role in the nomi­ nal processes.

94 19 INFLECTION: CONSTITUTIVE PROCESSES

There are sixteen constitutive processes in TQ. In the SPC dialect two o f them do not occur. Six o f these processes stand apart by the fact that they imply transposi­ tion to the noun class. Of th e remaining 10 processes, 3 are used for indi­ cating th a t the verb to which they apply is subordinate to another verb in the sentence (see Section 8). This situation is shown in the following diagram.

In the following pages, the non-transpositional non-subordinating proc­ esses will be discussed first; secondly, the non-transpositional subordinating processes and, finally, th e transpositional processes. The paradigms (contain­ ing forms o f maxa-lmaqa- ‘to beat’) are given in tw o charts (one for Tarma and one for SPC) inserted in the back flap. 19.1 NON-TRANSPOSITIONAL NON-SUBORDINATING PROCESSES

The following seven processes belong to this group: (1) present tense; (2) future tense; (3) past tense (-ra-); (4) sudden discovery (-na-); (5) potential (-man); (6) irreal (-man gara/kara); (7) imperative. Present tense forms (1) are characterized by the presence o f suffixes of personal reference w ithout any constitutive suffix accompanying them. Future tense (2) and imperative (7) are each characterized by the presence o f a set of suffixes indicating personal reference and the constitutive process at the same tim e. The irreal forms (6) consist o f the potential ones + gara/kara (‘was’), a unique use o f the latter word. All o f these seven processes are obligatorily combined w ith P- or PAprocesses.

95 19.1.1 FORM

With the seven processes, no m ore than five term inal suffixes need to be given, namely those indicating the four P-processes and one PA-process (1P-2A). The formal aspects o f the remaining four PA-processes are then com pletely predictable, except in the case o f the imperative (see also Section 18.1). The formal characteristics o f th e seven processes at issue are the following. (1) Present tense: addition o f one o f the following suffixes of personal reference: ( I P );-ñki (2P); -ñ (3P); -ñči(k)/-ñ'či (4P);-x/-q (1P-2A). (2) Future tense: addition o f one o f the following suffixes o f personal reference: -5ax/Saq (IP ); -ñki (2P); -ñxal-hqa (3P); -'kuñ (4P); -Mygi/-Myki (1P-2A). (3) Past tense: addition o f the suffix -ra-, which prevents the lengthening o f a preceding vowel (see Section 17) and m ust be followed by one o f the following suffixes of personal reference: (IP ); -ygi/-yki (2P); -0 (3P); -ñči(k)/-ñči (4P); -x/-q (1P-2A). (4) Sudden discovery: addition o f the suffix -na-, which m ust be followed by one o f the following suffixes o f personal reference: -: (IP ); -ygi/-yki (2P); -x/-q (3P); -ñči(k)/-ñči (4P); -x/-q (1P-2A). (5) Potential: addition of the suffix -man, which is preceded by one o f the following suffixes of personal reference: -: (IP ); -ñki (2P); -h (3P); -x/-q (1P-2A). 4P is indicated by means o f a single suffix -čwañ. (6) Irreal: addition o f the word gara (T) / kara (SPC), lit. ‘he (she, it) was’, to the potential forms, gara/kara immediately follows the potential form to which it is added. (7) Imperative: addition o f one o f the following suffixes o f personal refer­ ence: -y (2P); -čuñ (3P); -Sun (4P). 2P-1A has tw o different forms, -may and -ma: (see below). 3P-2A is formally identical to the corresponding present and future tense form -Suñki. The remaining PA-processes (3P-1A and 3P-4A) are regular and predictable. Further remarks (a) There is a slight difference in meaning betw een the two 2P-1A impera­ tive forms, -may and -ma:. The latter implies m ore impatience or concern on the part o f the speaker than the former. Examples: wilamay ‘tell m e’ wilama: ‘come on, tell m e!’ Contrary to -may, -ma: was never found so far before CF-suffixes. (b) In the SPC dialect, in casual speech, the ending -naq (3P-sudden dis­ covery) is often found as -na in word-final position or as -na:- before suffixes (cf. Section 7.3).

96 Examples: waqaya:«a ~ waqaya:na(7 ]„ , , . , , . , . ^ .} he turned out to be weeping w aqaya:na.m i ~ waqaya:«a«7m ij (c) With irreal forms, CF-suffixes are always affixed to the first constitu­ ent. Example: amam wilamañkimañču gara (T). n o t /you could have told m e/ “You should n o t have told m e.” “ You could have left me out of it.” (d) In SPC the com bination o f the 3P past tense ending -ra and the CFsuffix -ĉ(i) (see Section 15.1) is usually -rĉi. In Tarma the form which one might expect, -raĉ, is always found. Example: rikaparanw ĉ; ‘he probably saw m e’ 19.1.2 CHARACTERIZATION OF THE OPPOSITIONS

It remains to discuss the oppositions existing betw een these series. The imperative series (7) stands apart from series (l)-(6 ) because it lacks forms for IP and 1P-2A; it is exclusively used for expressing an order, a prohibition or an exhortation, while series (l)-(6 ) are used for statem ents and for questions (orders etc. can also be given by using forms o f the future (2) or potential (5) series, see below). The potential (5) and irreal (6) series refer to events from the point o f view o f their possibility, and not of their reality, as do (l)-(4). The irreal refers to events th at could have taken place before the speech act b u t have n o t; the potential refers to events th at may take place simultaneously with the speech act or after it. The fu tu re (2) and past (3) series refer to events after and before the speech act respectively; they are tenses in the literal sense o f the word. The present (1) and sudden discovery (4) series lack the time-specifying function o f (2) and (3). They can refer either to events simultaneous with the speech act, or to events in the past, occasionally (4) also in the future (see Section 19.1.4). The sudden discovery series refers to events th at have been going on unnoticed and which are suddenly discovered by the speaker or by another person playing a central role in the narrative (English ‘it turned o u t t h a t ...’). The oppositions ju st discussed are summarized in the following diagram.

97

Order

Statem ent Reality W ithout tense specification

Possibility

With tense specification

Plain

Sudden discov­ ery

After speech act

Before speech act

P r e s e n t

S u d d e n

F u t u r e

P a s t

During or after speech act

Before speech act

P 0 t e n t i a 1

I r r e a 1

d i s c 0 v e r y

I m P e r a t i V

e

19.1.3 EXAMPLES OF USE

(1) Present tense — čay xampiwañ wanu/zčz'/c u kawañčik (T). th at/w ith medicine/we die /or/w e live / “With that medicine we can either die or live.” — čawraq’ na:ši čakarayaw (SPC). then /already, they say/it is dark / “ A t th a t m om ent, they say, it was already dark.” — aw , kawaririm (T). yes/ he has resurrected/ “ Yes, he has resurrected.” — m ikuybitam ga ym čik (T). w ithout food/w e are / “We have no food.” (2) Future tense — aywamuwfa' čayĉu lapañči m ikapakunañčipaq (SPC). you will com e/there /all o f us/so we can eat / “ You will come, so we can have something to eat there all together.”

98 — kanañxa wanukuš&xĉi (T). now /I will probably die/ “Now I will probably die.” — amam yañxaxa laptakamaw/r/ču (T). n o t /idly /you will touch m e/ “ You don’t have th e right to touch me w ithout reason.” (3) Past tense — m aytata qam ay waruray ’ (SPC). to w here/you /you w ent / “Where had you gone?” — manam tariraocču (T). not /I found you/ “ I did n o t find y o u .” (4) Sudden discovery — yargara:ri«a: m asya:du karutam (T). we had climbed/very /far / “We suddenly realized we had climbed very far.” — čawraqa ča:qa kakuwa alqu (SPC). then /th a t /he was / dog / “ So it turned o u t th a t he was a dog.” — turum anya intitam m uyuraya:«ax (T). rainbow /sun /it was encircling/ “ A rainbow was encircling the sun.” (5) Potential — amam warmiwañxa m axačikuñw añču (T). n o t /by woman /he should let himself be beaten/ “ He should n o t let him self be beaten by a w om an.” — čuri:tasi intregaru^w anĉi qulqita quram aptikiqa (SPC). even m y daughter/I could give to y o u /m o n ey /if you give me / “ If you give me the m oney, I would even give you m y daughter.” — m ana inti gaptiñxa , wanuručwañmi alalaywañ (T). n o t /su n /if it is there/ we would die /from cold/ “ If there would be no sun, we would die from the cold.” (6) Irreal — m ana čiwaku pla:nufičita aspiptiñqa , tapum limaq km m a ñ kara n o t /chiguaco/ourm ap /if it wipes o u t/ Tapo /L im a /it would have (Tapo). been/ “ If the chiguaco1 had n o t wiped out our plan, Tapo would have been Lima.”

99 — wanuru. mawmi gara (T). “ I could have died.” — wanuš’ gayarsi , kawaričwan gara lapañčikmi (T). dead /although we are/ we would have arisen/all o f us / “Even if we were dead, all o f us would have arisen.” (7) Imperative — kutičima: čay m akiita qunakuftqañčita (SPC). give back to m e/that/m y h an d /th at we have given to each other/ “ Give me back th e hand that I have given you in return for yours!” — “ kasara:Sim” nir , inga:ñuta rurarura (SPC). let us get married/saying/ deceit /he did / “ He deceived them by saying: let us get m arried!” — ama čayta rurayču (T). don’t/th a t /d o / “ D on’t do th a t!” — walašguna , m ayaba:kuy kay yaĉakurga:nayta (T). boys / listen /th is/to w hat you have to learn/ “ Boys, listen to w hat you have to learn!” — rumimaft muyuĉwñ (T). to stone /let it tu rn / “ Let it turn into stone!” 19.1.4 SPECIAL USES

(a) The IP future tense form o f the verbs is frequently found before durative aspect forms (see Section 20.5.1) o f ni- ‘to say’. The resulting word group indicates an intention and the suffix -Saxj-Saq is elided to -S’ after a short vowel. Example: aywaš’ niyañ (T/SPC). I will go/he is saying/ “ He intends to go.” (b) The sudden discovery form o f th e verbs is often found in a construc­ tion where it refers to the uncertain outcom e o f an experim ent. In th a t case it is located in the second p art o f a sentence the first part o f which comprises the verb referring to the experim ent itself. Besides, the second part o f the sentence m ust also contain the following elem ents: (i) The interrogative CF-suffix -ču or an interrogative noun or verb (the latter being identical to the verb referring to the outcom e o f the experi­ ment). (ii) The CF-suffix -Si (see Section 15), which is either affixed to the inter­

100 rogative noun or verb or combined with the CF-suffix -ču into a sequence -ču$ (cf. Section 16, rem ark (b)). Example: wipiruy , ma: aygtñ ganax (T). weigh I let us see/how m uch?/it is / “You should weigh it in order to find out how heavy it is.” (c) The potential form o f the verbs is often followed by the CF-suffix -tax/-taq (cf. Section 12). The resulting form is used as a warning n o t to do something. Example: yat-iľuhkimantax (T). “Be careful not to touch it!” (d) The potential and irreal forms of a verb are often reinforced by the presence o f the subordinate ‘identical subjects’ form o f the same verb (suffix -r, cf. Section 19.2) to which the CF-suffix -si (cf. Section 10) is also added and which comes first. The resulting construction gives an idea o f exaggera­ tion which is lacking in the simple forms (only evidence from Tarma). Example: wanursi wanuru:mañmi gara “ I could even have died! (Can you imagine!)” (e) A very odd use o f the IP future tense form , simultaneously marked for durative aspect (suffix -ya-, see Section 20.5.1), was recorded in the SPC dialect. This form refers to an event in the past if accompanied by the noun ilaqta ‘wrong’.2 Example: ilaqta maqaya.Saq wrong/I will be beating/ “ I made a mistake in beating him .” (f) In th e Tarm a dialect, future tense forms can refer to a possibility in the past or present when they are accompanied by the interrogative expression imanayba ‘how ?’ (cf. Section 25.4). Exam ple: imanaybam yaygamuwxa , m aytam aywañmañ gara in w hat way?/he will come in/ where? /he would have gone/ “How could he have entered this place? Where would he have gone?” 19.1.5 REMARK

With a copula (ga-/ka-) in the imperative form , the CF-suffix -ču (indica­

101 ting negation) can be attached to the copula, b u t not to its nominal comple­ m ent, as is compulsory in the case of other non-subordinate predicates (cf. Section 8). However, in the SPC dialect, the nominal com plem ent may take the suffix -qa even in this case (cf. Section 11.4). This is the only case found so far in which a predicate has to be analyzed as bisegmental. (No other CFsuffixes were found in one o f the environments just m entioned.) Exam ple: ama čaynuyga kalayču d on’t/like th at /be! / “ Don’t be like th a t!” “ Don’t be so m ean!” 19.2 NON-TRANSPOSITIONAL SUBORDINATING PROCESSES

The following three processes belong to this g roup: (8) different subjects (-p ti-); (9) identical subjects (-/■); (10) adverbial (Stiñ). Of these (10) was only found with some speakers from the Tarma area, namely from Vicora Congas and Huaricolca. Most TQ speakers now use a com bination o f processes consisting in the addition of the suffix sequence -kuxnuy (T) / -kuqnuy (SPC), which is felt to be equivalent to -itiñ (cf. Sec­ tion 27.2.9). As to their com binability w ith processes o f personal reference, each of these three processes presents a different picture: with (8), P- or PA-processes are com pulsory; with (9), A-processes and certain PA-processes — all except 1P-2A — are optional; with (10), personal reference is excluded; in fact, no inflectional or deriva­ tional process has been found in com bination with this process. 19.2.1 FORM

The formal characteristics o f the three processes discussed here are the following: (8) Different subjects (DS): addition of the suffix -pti-, which must be fol­ lowed by one of the following suffixes o f personal reference: (IP ); -ygi/ -yki (2P); -ñ (3P); -ñči(k)/-ñči (4P); -xj-q (1P-2A). The remaining PA-proc­ esses are predictable. In stead o f -pti-, the inform ant from Vicora Congas always uses -tbi-. So far, this phenom enon has n o t been observed with other TQ speakers. (9) Identical subjects (IS): addition o f the suffix -r. Processes o f personal reference are indicated by means o f non-terminal suffixes preceding the suf­ fix -r and/or terminal suffixes following the suffix -r (for the insertion o f -ni-, see Section 18.1, rem ark (2)).

102 PA-processes

Non-terminal

Terminal

2P-1A

-ma-

-ygi/-yki

3P-2A

-šu-

-ygi/-yki

3P-4A

-ma-

-ñči(k)/-ñči

-ma-

(-0

A-processes 1A 2A

-ygi/-yki

3A

-ñ

4A

-ñči(k)/-ñči

In the case o f 1A, the non-terminal suffix -ma- may or may not be accom­ panied by 3A has only been recorded for the SPC dialect. (10) Adverbial: addition o f the suffix -itiñ . 19.2.2 USE

F or subordinate verbs in general see Section 8. Subordinate verbs o f series (8) and (9) cover a wide semantic range corresponding to th at of English tem poral (‘w hen’, ‘after’), hypothetical (‘if’), causal (‘because’) subordinate clauses, the precise interpretation being dependent on the context. This semantic range can be further extended to include concessive use (‘al­ though’) by adding the CF-suffix -si (see Section 10) and specific tem poral use (‘not u n til’) by adding the CF-suffix -raxj-raq (see Section 13). The difference betw een the tw o series is th at the use o f series (9) implies th at the subjects o f subordinate and non-subordinate clause are identical (e.g., ‘when we travel, we like to tell stories’), whereas series (8) implies th at the tw o are different (e.g., ‘when we travel, he likes to tell stories’). The adverbial form (10) stands apart because it refers to an action per­ formed simultaneously or alternately with the action referred to by the non­ subordinate verb, the subjects o f both verbs being identical. An additional characteristic o f the adverbial form is that it always constitutes a one-word clause, unlike the forms o f series (8) and (9). 19.2.3 SYNTACTIC REMARK

Subordinate verbs normally take the final position in the subordinate clause. The order of the other constituents of the clause is free, with the sole exception th at a noun referring to the goal-object3 tends to precede the verb im m ediately. The same is true of transpositional groups (see Section 19.3.3.2), including participial clauses (see Section 19.3.5.4).

103 19.2.4 EXAMPLES OF USE

(8) Subordinating d ifferent subjects — čay wamralañkunawañ tristi karkayapřw šar , čay m aripo:sa yapay th at /and his children / sad /as they were / th at/b u tterfly /again / ĉaruñ (SPC). it arrived/ “And so, as he and his children were sad, that butterfly came again.” — alm anta xayatbiñrañ , aličakañ (T). his soul /only if they call/ he recovers/ “ Only if they call his soul, he recovers. ” — si xatuñ margata mratbigixa , limpum ušarušaygi (T). if/big / town /if you m ake/ com pletely/I will finish you/ “ If y o u build a large tow n, / will wipe you out com pletely.” — kufičuyampišĉi , xagukunañ mana gatbih (T). perhaps he is suffering/ his clothing/not /because there is/ “Perhaps he is suffering because he has got no clothing.” (lit. “ ... be­ cause his clothing is not there.” ) (9) Subordinating identical subjects — yurax margata aywarxa , mas kušilam mas alim to Yuracmarca / when we went / more /peacefully /m ore /well / puriba.kura: (T). we walked / “When we went to Yuracmara, we had a walk which was more peaceful and b e tte r.” — m aqakarkam anni aywakuñ (SPC). after beating me up/he left / “A fter beatmg me up, he left.” —manam merdikus’ pwerdiñču , ni iaxlaSumigis’ not /even physician/he is able / not even/if he cuts you open like a , ni imana :šurnigis’ (T). piece o f wood/ n o t even/if he does anything to you/ “N ot even the physician is able to do anything about it, no m atter w hether he cuts you open like a piece o f wood or whatever he may do to y o u .” —imanaybam kanañ de.xara.rim añ , kayta how is it possible? /now /they have left me / to this place / pušarga:rimo/;wzV (T). after they brought me/ “How is it possible that they have left me, after bringing me here?” —m aqa^iiki kačišuñki kikikipaq (SPC). beating you/he raises y ou/for yourself/ “He raises you with beatings for your own good.”

104 —ĉarxa , im atarax rurašax (T). when (I) get there/ w hat still?/I shall do/ “What can / possibly do when / get there?” (10) Adverbial — puklaSriñ aywašuñ (T). while playing/let us go / “ Let us go and play a little when we are on our way.” 19.2.5

FURTHER REMARKS

In the SPC dialect, subordinating DS forms may be followed immediately by the noun pača ‘tim e’, ‘w orld’. The resulting expression can be rendered as ‘at the very m om ent when ...’; e.g., čarčiptiñ pača ‘at the very m om ent when he arrived ...’. The subordinating IS form is often repeated with the purpose o f indica­ ting repeated action. Example: čay rurašata rigayur rigayurmi rurañki that/w h at is done/looking carefully/looking carefully/you will (T). do/ “You m ust do the work you have started with very special care.” 19.3

TRANSPOSITIONAL PROCESSES

The following six processes belong to this g roup: (11) Infinitive (-y); (12) Relative (-ñxa-/-ñqa-); (13) Instrum ental (-na); (14) Active participle (-x/-q); (15) Stative participle (-Xa); (16) Adjectival (-bašla). Of these, (16) is only found in the Tarma area. \ The transpositional processes are very heterogeneous in their possibilities o f com bination w ith processes of personal reference. Besides, they present an additional com plication. Since the forms that result from verb-to-noun transposition are nouns, nom inal processes o f personal reference (cf. Section 30.1) can also be applied to them and, in several cases, the distinction betw een nom inal and verbal processes o f personal reference becomes unclear or cannot be made at all. With the infinitive (11), 1A and all PA-processes, except 1P-2A, are appli­ cable, b u t th e resulting forms occur only in one specific syntactic construc­ tion (see Section 19.3.5.1). These forms are bracketed in the paradigm

105 charts. Besides, nominal processes o f personal reference are also applicable. With the relative (12) and instrum ental (13) forms, the full set of P-and PA-processes is applicable; th e application o f at least one o f these is com­ pulsory in the form er case and optional in the latter; the P-processes coincide with nominal processes o f personal reference.4 With the active participle (14), all PA-processes, except 1P-2A, are appli­ cable. Besides, A-processes and nominal processes o f personal reference can both be applied and cannot always be distinguished from each other. With the stative participle (15), there is no possibility o f indicating per­ sonal reference other than 4A and the resulting form is lim ited in its use to one specific construction, described in Section 19.3.5.4. With the adjectival form (16), there is no indication o f personal reference at all. In fact it was never found in com bination with any inflectional process. (It can be combined with the causative, for which see Section 20.7). 19.3.1

FORM

The formal characteristics of the six processes discussed here are the fol­ lowing: (11) Infinitive: addition o f the suffix -y. This suffix may be followed by nominal suffixes o f personal reference (see Section 30.1). PA-processes (all except 1P-2A) may be indicated by means o f the non-terminal suffixes -maand -$w- and the term inal suffixes -ygij-yki, -ñ, and -ñči(k)/-ñči (see Section 18.1) the latter of which follow the suffix -y (for a more detailed discussion o f the resulting forms, see Section 19.3.5.1). (12) Relative: addition o f the suffix -ñxa- (T) / -ñqa- (SPC), which is fol­ lowed by one o f the following suffixes o f personal reference: -: (IP ); -ygi/ -yki (2P); -ñ (3P); -ñči(k)/-ñči (4P); -x/-q (1P-2A). The other PA-processes are predictable (cf. Section 18.1). (13) Instrum ental: addition of the suffix -na. Personal reference is option­ al but indicated in the same way as w ith the relative series (12). (14) Active participle: addition of the suffix -x (T) / -q (SPC). PA-proc­ esses are indicated in th e same way as was given for the infinitive (11), but 2P-1A and 3P-1A are lacking in the SPC dialect. 1A is used instead. 2A, 3A, and 4A are indicated by means o f the suffixes -ygi/-yki, -«, and -ñči(k)/-ñči, respectively (cf. Section 18.1). 1A is indicated by means o f the non-terminal suffix -ma-, by vowel lengthening -.■ (see also Section 18.1, remark (2)) or a com bination o f both. All term inal suffixes follow the suffix -xj-q. (15) Stative participle: addition o f the su ffix -So which prevents lengthen­ ing o f the preceding vowel. The final vowel o f the suffix -ša may be elided in word-final position and before the suffixes -gama/-kama and -yubayj-yupay (see Section 27.1). Examples:

106 wanufrz ~ wanuS’ (T/SPC) ‘dead’ hakuku&zkama ~ hakukuSTcama (SPC) ‘clad’ wipya&zyubay ~ wipyaS’yubay (T) ‘as if it were w hipped’ Personal reference (4A) can only be indicated by means o f the non­ term inal suffix -ma- (cf. Section 19.3.5.4).5 (16) Adjectival: addition of the suffix -bd&la which prevents lengthening o f the preceding vowel and may cause the modification o f a preceding -u- to -a- (cf. Section 17). 19.3.2 CHARACTERIZATION OF THE OPPOSITIONS

As was the case for all the constitutive processes discussed so far, the application o f each o f the transpositional processes leads to a series o f forms, or, in the case o f the adjectival process (16), to a single form. These series, including the form resulting from (16), exhibit a num ber o f oppositions in which several heterogeneous dimensions play a role. A transpositional form may be non-subordinate, in which case it may refer either to an event E as such, or to an item characterized by the event,6 or it may m odify a noun referring to such an item. (a) The infinitive (11) differs from (12)-( 16) in that it always refers to an event E as such. It can therefore never be used as a m odifier.7 All the other series except the adjectival (16) can be used b o th as modifiers and independ­ ently. The adjectival form is only used as a modifier. Exam ples:8 (11) m axay ‘to b eat’, ‘a beating’ (12) maxañxa: ‘the fact that I have beaten’ warmi maxañxa: ‘the woman th at I have beaten’ wayi maxañxa: ‘the house where I have beaten’ (13) maxana ‘the expectation o f beating’, ‘something to beat w ith’ maxana: ‘the fact th at I will b eat’ maxana warmi ‘a woman to be beaten’ maxana rum i ‘a stone to beat w ith’ (14) m axax ‘someone who beats’ m axax warmi ‘a woman who beats’ (15) maxaša ‘someone who has been beaten’ maxa&a warmi ‘a woman who has been beaten’ (16) maxabtñla warmi ‘a woman fit to be beaten’ (b) The transpositional series (12M 16) can be further subdivided first of all on the basis o f w hether or n o t they can refer to what is the principal participant in the non-transpositional part o f the verb-paradigm. The active participle (14) stands apart in that it can refer to this participant (in addi­ tion, in several o f its special uses, the active participle may refer to E itself,

107 see Section 19.3.5.3). The series (12), (13), and (16) can never refer to this principal participant. Examples: see above. The s t a t iv e p a r tic ip le (15) occupies an interm ediate position. It refers either to the principal participant (subject) in the event E or to the g o a lo b j e c t in the event E. The latter case obtains if one and the same item can be referred to both by the stative participle and by a form in the accusative case (suffix -ta , see Section 27.2.1) subordinate to the corresponding non-transpositional verb form .9,10 Examples: (15) m axa'ia w a r m i ‘a woman who has been beaten (by someone else)’ punu& a w a r m i ‘a woman who is asleep’ (c) A third criterion for dividing the transpositional forms is the status of E in the following terms: (i) the event E may be under way at the m om ent referred to by the speak­ er or it may be already com pleted at th at m om ent (re a lized )-, (ii) the event E may be expected or realizable at the m om ent referred to by the speaker ( e x p e c te d ) . This criterion m ust be used to distinguish the r e la tiv e series (12) and, in certain cases, the s t a t iv e p a r tic ip le (15) from the in s tr u m e n ta l series (13) and the a d je c tiv a l form (16). The infinitive (11) and the active participle (14) are n o t affected by this distinction. In the case o f (12) and (15) the event is r e a liz e d , whereas in the case of (13) and (16) it is e x p e c te d . Examples: (12) w a :g a p ñ ta n x a : ‘a cow th at I have slaughtered’ (13) p ñ ta n a w a .g a ‘a cow to be slaughtered’ w a :g a p ñ t a n a ‘som ething to slaughter a cow w ith’, ‘a place where cows are slaughtered’ (a place name: Huacapishtana) The last example shows th a t th e instrum ental series (13) can also refer to the means by which the event E is to be realized or to places where E usually takes place. This is n o t in contradiction with the definition given above: the fact th a t an instrum ent or a place have been used in the past for performing a certain action does n o t prevent one from expecting th at it will be used for the same purpose in the tim e to come. (d) So far, the semantic characteristics o f the s t a t iv e p a r tic ip le (15) have n o t been discussed exhaustively. A main characteristic o f the stative partici­ ple is the fact th at it implies a state or situation which is brought about by the event E and which is observable at the m om ent referred to by the speak­ er (the stative participle therefore as a rule refers to a concrete item )11. In this way the stative participle referring to the actor (see (b)) differs

108 clearly from the active participle (14) where a focus on the result of the event E is lacking. Examples: (14) p u n u x wamra ‘a child that sleeps’ (either now or e.g. regular­ ly) (15) punuSa wamra ‘a child in the situation o f being asleep’, ‘a child that has slept’, ‘a child in the situation o f being slept o u t’ (14) wanux nuna ‘a dying m an’, ‘a man who is m ortal’ (15) wanuša nuna ‘a man who has died’, ‘a dead m an’ Compare the examples in (a) where a verb implying a goal-object is in­ volved. (e) Although the relative series (12) does n o t necessarily imply a focus on the result of the event E, it may be used in a similar context as the stative participle, w ithout any significant difference in meaning. However, the two series are always com plem entary in use, because the relative series is obliga­ torily m arked for personal reference, while th e stative participle is n o t m ark­ ed for personal reference12. Examples: (12) alxu maxañxa: ‘a dog th a t is/has been beaten by m e’ (15) alxu maxa$a ‘a dog that has been beaten’ (f) The adjectival form (16) differs from the instrumental series (13) because its use implies th at the event E is n o t only expected, b u t also posi­ tively valued by the speaker. Examples: (13) m ikuna tanta ‘bread to be eaten’ (16) mikabdšla tanta ‘bread which is good to eat’ (g) A final rem ark m ust be made about the opposition betw een the infini­ tive (11) on the one hand, and the relative (12) and instrum ental (13) series on the other hand, in cases where the latter refer to E. The infinitive is un­ specified for the distinction realized-expected which keeps the relative and instrum ental series apart from each other. However, since the indication of personal reference is com pulsory for the relative series, only the infinitive can be used when the participants are not identified.13 In th at case there is a com plete neutralization of th e opposition realized-unspecified. Examples: (12) puriñxa: ‘the fact that I have walked’, ‘the walk th at I have m ade’ (11 )p u riy ‘a walk’, ‘walking’ (in general) The chart on page 109 shows the param eters used for distinguishing the

>■ a) Cd

h-M — O-H

no

no

Observable state

Positive evaluation

unspecified

no

no

realized

no

no

expected

1

no

no

unspecified

no

always (except special uses)

realized

with verbs involving a goal-object

optional

optional

1

never

always (except with verbs n o t special uses) involving a goal-object

never

never

< d

only in special only in special uses uses

O •-* Q