Syntaxe des langues indo-iraniennes anciennes 8488810342

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SYNTAXE DES LANGUES INDO-IRANIENNES ANCIENNES Colloque international - Sitges (Barcelona) 4-5 mai 1993

AULA ORIENTALIS-SUPPLEMENTA Director: G. del Olmo Lete 6

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1997 by G. Dunkel, A. Hintze, S.W. Jamison, J. Kellens, A. Panaino, G.-J. Pinault, E. Pirart, P.O. Skjrerv0, J .-M. Verpoorten, B. Vine, C. Watkins.

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1997 by Editorial AUSA Apartado de Correos 101 08280 SABADELL (Barcelona) Spain ISBN: 84-88810-34-2 Dep. Le gal: B-41 .356 / 1997 lmpreso por COMGRAFIC, S.A.

SYNTAXE DES LANGUES INDO-IRANIENNES ANCIENNES Colloque international - Sitges (Barcelona) 4-5 mai 1993

Organisé par l'Institut du Proche-Orient Ancien (Université de Barcelone)

Actes édités par E. Pirart

EDITORIAL AUSA Apdo. 101 - 08280 SABADELL - BARCELONA Institut del Proxim Orient Antic

ç,f-1

/ -)~ 1/ • ~

J

j, ;2 ,2

' 31 1

r1R Ar-T

AVANT-PROPOS

Sans doute n'y avait-il guère plus de différence entre la langue du Mède Diocès, celle du Perse Téispès et celle de l'indien Sudas qu'entre la valencien et la catalan central. Le lexique, la morphologie et la syntaxe ne devaient pas avoir divergé à partir du proto-indo-iranien au point de rendre abscons chacun des dialectes aux oreilles des locuteurs des au' ·es, mais, pour nous, les zones d'ombre dans l'analyse de la syntaxe des dialectes indo-iranienr anciens et de leurs prolongements médiévaux sont encore nombreuses. Les organizateurs du Colloque international de Sitge (Palau Ma;·:cel, les -. et 5 mai 1 1993) n'avaient d'autres prétentions que celle de favoriser le progrès des connaiss.:u1ces en la matière, mais aussi celle de faire renaître les études d'indo-iranologie ancienne à arcelone. L'Institut Interuniversitaire d'Études du Proche Orient Ancien exprime sa profonde reconnaissance aux participants du colloque pour leur contribution , leur patience et leur amabilité.

É . Pirart

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• Organisé avec l'aide du Ministère espagnol de )'Éducation et de la Science, de la Généralité de Catalogne et de l'Université de Barcelone.

Panicipa111s au collo4ue (de gauche à droite): É. Piran. J. Kellens, A. Panai no. G.-J. Pinault. A. Hin1ze. B. Vine, A. Wa1kins, P.O. Skja:rv0, J.S. Klein, St. W. Jamison, J.-L. Garcfa Ram6n. G. Dunkel

TABLE DES MATIÈRES

pag.

É. Pirart, Avant-propos G. Dunkel, Mono- and disyllabic i in the ~gveda J.L. Garcfa Ramon, lnfinitivos y abstractos verbales en indoiranio: 1,a,s formaciones en - (C)arù en [J.g-Veda A. Hintze, Parataxis and Hypotaxis in the A vesta S. W. Jamison, Syntactic Constraints on Morphological Change: The Vedic lmperatives bodhi, dehi, and dhehi J . Kellens, Les fonctions du génitif en vieil-avestique A. Panaino, Considerations on the 'mi,xed fraction s ' in A vesran G.-J . Pinault, Le substantif épithète da.ns la langue de la R.-,k-Sa111hita E . Pirart, A vestique hïm P .O . Skjrerv0, On the Middle Persian Impeifect J.-M. Verpoorten, The double negation in the earliest Upani~ads and in the ancient philosophical Bha~ya B. Vine, On the Expression of Reflexive Possession in the Rig-Veda: RV sva-. C. Watkins, 'Throng-lord of throngs ': an lndo-Iranian stylistic figure

7 9

29 51

63 81

9i 111 143 161 189 203 215

MONO- AND DISYLLABIC

d IN THE !J.GVEDA

George Dunkel, Universitat Zürich

1. lntroductory More sheer nonsense bas been written about the preverb d than about any otber Aryan particle. Many of its alleged functions (conjunctive, comparative, direction-reversing) must first be exposed as non-existent 1 before real progress can be made; conversely, I hope to show that certain inherited functions of ~g-Vedic d have never been properly recognised, namely the bebaiotic ( = ~ ~E~mc.rnxov) and pre-vocative ( = c1) usages. In general, the long-established multifunctionality of d makes its behavior far more complex than that of other preverbs, whicb, despite their inberited syntactic trifunctionalism (free adverb, adnominal, preverb proper), are basically local only . Ou ideas as to the use of d in the IJ.gveda still rest almost exclusively on Grassmann' s pioneering but semantically, syntactically and phonologically primitive Worterbuch of 1868, whose analysis most subsequent discussions do not question. The following sketch, although independent, is intended as exploratory rather than definitive; it is far from exhaustive. 2 I began with 112 passages in which ti occurs more tban once witbin a single sentence (which can itself of course extend over several verses) whether in the same or in different fonctions. This initial corpus forced me to analyse the functions of d. very minutely. To it I added Grassmann' s examples of the most controversial constructions and further material of my own . Sometimes the directive preverb d. occurs several times witbin a sentence in one and the same function. The repetition may be functional in that it serves to "extend" or "expand" a sentence and thus, in effect, to conjoin nouns, 3 as in: 4.52. 7ab iÎ dya!J'l tano~i rasmzôhir / iÎ-antarik~am uru priyam "you stretch toward the sky with your rays, toward the wide, dear heaven" 1.31.4d ti tva parvam anayann d-aparam puna"IJ, "they led you to the east and back to the west" At other times preverbal d seems to be repeated merely pleonastically, as in: 4.32. lab d tti na indra v,:trahann / asmdkam ardham d gahi 8.82.4a ti tv àsatrav ti gahi A final type of preverbal repetition is in iterative-distributive compounds. 4 An amre o reduction in this form was not the result of a general change, but was conditioned by the phonological effects of verbal enclisis. First position in the clause is a position of emphasis, phonologically as well as functionally, as suggested by the verbal accent there. Final position is as well, though we have notas clear a formai index of this . But medial position, especially classic Wackernagel's Law position, where the majority of bodhi's occur (20 of 35), is of course weak. Second position universaJly attracts elements of weak or no stress. I suggest that the Ml vowel reductions happened in these positions fust, and we re retained and lexicalized in the quasi-copula, as in the difference between Be our friend. To us b'ya friend. Unemphatic *bhava was reduced to *bho, and this weakly characterized imperative was remarked with the athematic imperative ending -dhi, which tben induced Grassmann ' s Law . This process is, of course, similar to the enclitic contractions the English verb 'to be' undergoes, and - closer to home in Sanskritic terms - those of the Prakrit copula. The 1st and 2nd ps. forms of the old verb ✓as survive in Prakrit onJy in their aphaeresized forms sg. mhi, si and pl. mho, ttha (etc., see Pischel 1900, para 145 and 498). 14 A number of particles undergo similar aphaeresis in Prakrit (pi < api, tti < iti, etc.), and indeed iva must be read monosyllabically on a number of occasions already in the RV (see ARNOLD 1905 , p. 78) pace ÜLDENBERG (1907 [= Kl.Sch. 261-64]). That the *ava > o contraction was relatively early is suggested by a (non-metrical) YV mantra, which appears in MS and KS in echt-Sanskrit form 15 : MS 1.2.4, KS 2.5, MSS 2.1.3.44 tava-tava rayaf}, but in other texts as:

VS.14.22, SB(M) 3.3.1.11, SBK 4.3.1.11 t6-to raya}) or as a slightly normalized

14. Though mho and ttha might represent zero-grade *smas and *stha, as in Sanskrit, the fact that Pali has generalized full grade in tbese forms, amht1, attha (see GEIGER 1916, para 141) makes it more likely tbat the other Ml dialects did so too, and these forms were then subject to aphaeresis. 15. The tex tuai situation is actually somewhat complex. According to von Schroeder at MS 1.2.4 four of h.is mss. read thus, but one Jacks a tava and in another both tava's are accented. ln the KS text of von Schroeder botb tava's are also accented.

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SYNTACTIC CONSTRAINTS ON MORPHOLOGJCAL CHANGE

TS 1.2.5.2, 6.1.8.5, ApSSl0.23.4 16 te raya}J,. Bloomfield (1884) suggests a number of other examples in the text of the RV itself, but these are for the most part dubious. Curiously he does not bring up bodh{ in this connection. This Middle Indic sound change is already clearly attested in the Asokan inscriptions, where the 3rd sg. present to th.is root is holi in most inscriptions. Of the major Rock Edicts, Kalsi, Dhauli, Mansehra consistently have hoti, and Shazbazgarhi bhoti. Only the phonologically conservative Western inscription of Girnar still has bhavati (5x), alongside hoti (6x). Unfortunately, the two forms are not distributed according to the RVic pattern. Bloch suggests (1950, p. 121 , n. 5) that hoti expresses the present, bhavati the future, but the contexts do not seem particularly clear. There are no 2nd sg. imperatives of this root in Asoka. To summarize bodh{ then, I am suggesting that this form both derives from an old present imperative and belongs synchronically to the present system, as its complementarity to bhava suggests. Moreover, it is a real Middle Indic penetration into the RV, wh.ich had to be quite early, since it is well-represented in the Family Books. The implications of this for our understanding of the relationships and chronology of the Indo-Aryan languages are fairly substantial , for though there are other forms generally accepted as Middle Indic in the text of the RV, for the most part they are found only in late popular hymns (e.g. the fa mous akhkhalï- of the "Frog Hymn" 7.103.3). The presence or absence of stress may have led in normal speech to a split paradigm, such as we find in Middle Indic, where both ho- and bhava- forms coexist, often in the same text or even the same verse. Though I have not (yet?) found a Pâli text that consistently shows a nice positional distribution of the forms, one can point to some suggestive examples. In the Dhammapada and the Gâthâ verses of Books 5 and 6 of the Jâtakas (the texts I have systematically excerpted), forms belonging to the bhava- stem have a tendency towards final position, those to the ho- stems a Jess pronounced tendency towards medial position. In the Dhammapada a number of final hoti's (e.g. 249, 260, 266) are metrically improved if read bhavati. And occasional couplets show variation that could be conditioned by th.is distribution. E.g.: Dhammapada 266 na tena bhikkhu *hoti - bhavali bhikkhu hoti na tavata

Jât. 5.148

anvayikti pafifiavato bhavanti kathaf!Zkaro pafifiavâ hoti macco 16

And bhava- forms occasionally host clitics, wh.ile ho- forrns seem not to.

16. Of course this could also be conditioned by the change from plural to singular.

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ST.W. JAMISON

Jat. 5.275 ahalJl bhatta bhavami te I will be your busband. (Cf. 5.260) But there are too many counterexamples for this to count as a living distributional pattern. In any case the hieratic diction of the RV resisted the introduction of a completely split paradigm, but allowed the penetration of the lexicalized, perhaps idiomatic low-stress bodhi. The question that remains here is why RVic usage lexicalized the low-stress altemate only in the 2nd sg. imperative. I have no answer here, unless it reflects a tendency towards colloquialisms in the familiar 2nd sg. imperative, perhaps originating in child language. Let us now tum to dehi and dhehi. Our firstjob will actually be to separate the m. The problem with previous explanations of these forms is that they bave always been treated as if they were entirely paraJJel and must therefore have been created at the same time and in response to the same pressures. (Cf. e.g. Tedesco's statement on this point, 1968, p. 1.) But this implicit assumption ignores several important failures of parallelism in their distribution. 1) dehi is attested much less commonJy than dhehi - lOx vs. more than 60x - and bas a significantly later looking distribution. Dehi is found onJy twice in the core Family Books (3: lx; 4: lx; 8: 3x; 10: 5x), whereas dhehi occurs in ail the books of the RV (1 : 8){; 2: 3x; 3: 8x; 4: lx; 5: 2x; 6: 12x; 7: 3x; 8: 4x; 9: 3x; 10: l 9x). 2) Dehi bas a competing imperative in the present system , namely dfl,ddh{, w hich is attested approximately the same number of times (8x), but there is no such form beside dhehi. As soon as we note this, the likely solution becomes clear. Daddh{ is regularly formed (or as regularly as we can get, under the circumstances) to the weak grade of the reduplicated present, dat-te, etc. Whatever the source of the weak dfld/dat variant, d.addhi is the regular product of the pre-consonantal variant plus -dh{ ending. But let us consider ✓dha, whose reduplicated present has the preconsonantal weak grade dhat- (dhatté, etc.). If we follow the dflddhi rule, the result should be * dhar + dh{ ~ *dhaddhi [/*dhadzdhi1, sbowing the effects of Bartholomae' s Law. This is a fairly monstrous form, with excessiveJy heavy aspiration on two identical consonants. Yet the form is not susceptible to the conventionaJ remedies. The imperatives }ah{ (✓han) and our own bodh{ (✓bha), when faced with the possibility of two successive aspirations, underwent Grassmann ' s Law, even across morpheme boundary. But if Grassmann is applied to * dhaddhi, the for m that results is *daddh{, identical with 'give! '. On the other band, if Bartholomae is evaded - as seems to bave happened in the 3rd sg. middle, for example, where a presumably unde rlying *dha-dh-(H)-te yields dhatte, not *dhaddhe - the resulting form would be a very weird-looking *dhatti ( < *dhadh(H)-dhi!), which bears no resemblance to a 2nd sg. imperative. One might object that *dhaddh{ would not really be such a problem , since other parts of the paradigm tolerate the configuration dh ... ddh, namely the 2nd pl. middle primary and secondary forms in -dhve and -dhvam. And so there are - if you look them up in the grammars. But the texts tell a different story. First of ail, there are no 2nd pl. medial forms to dadhati in the RV or A V. Whether they were deliberately avoided or are simply absent is something we cannot judge. What is

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SYNTACTIC C0NSTRAINTS ON M0RPH0L0GICAL CHANGE more telling is the shape they have when they do show up. One BYV mantra (TS, MS, KS) clearly contains a 2nd pl. med. imperfect to dadhati. Weber's TS text reads: TS 1.7.8.4 iyarrz val; sd saryd sa,rzdhdbhüd ydm fndre!Ja samtiJJhaddhvam. 17 This agreement ('putting together') of yours has become real , which you 'put together' with Indra . Apparently it contains the exact form we have been looking for. But this is an editorial correction. According to Weber's rather inadequate apparatus, mss. ABCDE (i.e. almost all the ones available to him) read instead samâdhadhvam - i.e. with simplified cluster, 18 apparently showing dissimilatory Joss of the first dental - just as has been suggested for dhehi. On the other hand, the older BYV Sarphitas, MS and KS, read instead MS 1. 11.3 .. . , ydm fndre!Ja samad..adhvam KS 14-.1 ( = 14.7) not only with the cluster reduction of TS, but with a Grassmann dissimilation of the first aspirate, producing a form that appears to belong to ✓da, not ✓dhti. Though the formulaic nature of the mantra no doubt made its adherence to ✓dha clear, 19 this exercise of Grassmann, as in the }ah{, bodh{ type, would not work as a general rule, because in most contexts the 'establish' reading could not be sufficiently distinguished from a 'give' interpretation. So the slim evidence of the 2nd plural middle forms tends to support my assumptions about *dhaddhtîl*dhadzdhi] - it was a form that speakers would prefer not to say , with no obvious way to fix it. And so I accepta limited version of Hoffmann' s explanation mentioned above: dhehi 'place!' (but not dehi ' give! ') results from an early dissimilatory loss of the cluster initial in *dhadzdhi (after the disappearance of the mot-final laryngeal by whatever mechanism). The resulting dissimilated *dhazdhi then underwent loss of z and compensatory lengthening.

17. This is a variant of the (unmetrical) AV 11.10.9 ydm fndre~ia sti~ndhü~n sa11uidhat1hii?1, with 2nd singular middle, a form tbat is Jess troublesome than the voiced 2nd plural. Nonetheless, according to Whitney, the commentary and several of the oral authorities have samtidhatWs instead, with aspiration eliminated in the 2nd cluster. Moreover, if s "chose bonne à briser"; en l'occurrence, le complément interne bhfda!J, sert simplement de support à pura!J,, qui constitue le vra i complément, doté d'un référent concret. Sans na, le syntagme pûraf:z . . . bhidalJ, serait analysable comme Jes locutions dont le substantif épithète est un abstrait. Nous avons ici simplement une variante emphatique de la formule bh;nat puraf:, , du même type que #bhinad girim 4.17. 3a, #bhinad va!,am 2. 15.8a. Autre strophe du même hymne: 1.174.9 (= 6.20.12) ab tva~n dhunir indra dhunimatïr r,:z6r apa!J, strci na sravantrJ:z, "Toi, ô Indra, le bruyant, tu as mis en branle des eaux bruyantes comme les rivières qui coulent"; "des eaux coulant comme les fleuves" serait une comparaison pléonastique, sans contenu, cf. Geldner: "Du Indra, der Tosende, setztest die tosenden Gewasser in Bewegung, die stromen, wie die Flüsse (gewohnt sind)." Rapprocher 4. l 9.8bd v[lra!J1 jaghanvd,ft asr:}ad v( s(ndhün / pari,rfhita atr:!Jad badbadhân6/J srrd indra!J, sravitave p,:thivyd. La séquence apaf; ... srrdJ:,,, où les deux termes appartiennent au même champ sémantique, est analogue au groupe épithétique dpo ... s(ndhavaf; "les eaux-fleuves" , avec relation de qualification. tu

§ 26. D'autres exemples, cités sans tenir compte de l'ordre dans la RS., montrent comment ce nouveau procédé d ' interprétation permet de résoudre divers problèmes philolo gigues. 2.34.13ab té k.rotJrbhir aru,:zébhir ndii.jibhr rudrd ,:rasya sadane,ru vavrdhuf; "Les Rudra's ont grandi dans les séjours de la vérité, avec des clameurs, avec des ornements

137

G.-J.

PINAULT

comme leurs rouges (chevaux)" = "avec les ornements que sont leurs rouges chevaux" , cf. aru,:,ébhiJJ, ... asvail) I.88.2ab. Le mot afljfbhilJ est une forme des formulaires des Marut's et n'a pas de référence spécifique. Reprise de cette expression en contexte féminin , pour référer aux nymphes compagnes d'Urvasï: I0.95.6c ui.afljay6 'rw:,ayo na sasru!J, "des beautés comme (que sont) ces femelles rougeâtres se sont enfuies". Cet emploi de an}{- comme support de référent est en rapport avec l'emploi épithétique du subst. ait}{- "onction, ornement" , d'où "beauté", cf. les emplois classés à tort comme adjectivaux (Renou , EVP XIT, 80: "Il n'y a pas d'altj( adjectif'), l .36.13cd y&J aftj{bhir va.ghadbhir vihvayamahe "quand nous invoquons diversement avec les invocateurs-beautés" = "avec les porteurs d'ornements que sont les invocateurs" (ornements des paroles poétiques); 5.52.15cd dand saceta sürfbhir ydmasrutebhir aft.jfbhi!J "qu'il soit doté d'une récompense par les beautés que sont les patrons célèbres grâce à leurs marches". Geldner note nettement qu'ici anj{- vaut l'adjectif possessif afijimant-, cf. 5.57 .5ab purudrapsd aftjimama!J, suddnavas tve~asaf!ld,;so anavabhrara dhasalJ, etc . ; j'ajouterais que l'emploi de l'abstrait an}{- comme épithète qualifiante est plus fort que celui de l'adjectif possessif = "très beaux, pourvus de très nombreux ornements". 6. l l .6cd rayalJ, sano sahaso vavasand ati srasema vdanaf!l ntlf!lhalJ, "O fil s de la force, revêtus de richesse, puissions-nous échapper hors d'une angoisse comme l' encercle ment." Le groupe vr:janam ... tu,1ha!J, "l'angoisse [qu'est le] resserrement" , associe deux quasi synonymes, qui sont joints par la particule. 6.47.14cd uni na radha!J, savana puni,:,y ap6 gd vajrin yuvase sam fndün "Tu t'empares, ô armé de la massue, d'un cadeau comme ( = du cadeau que sont) les pressurages larges et abondants, les eaux, les laits de vaches, les jus." La proximité formelle pousse à regrouper uni et savana puni,:zi, repris par fndün à la fin de l'hémistiche. 9.97.57ab lnduf!l rihanti mahi~d adahdha!J, padé rebhanti kavayo na gfdhr alJ. "Les buffles intrompables lèchent le jus; sur sa trace crient des vautours comme ( = que sont) les poètes." Syntagme métaphorique kavayalJ . . . gfdhralJ, "poètes-vautours ", cf. 1. 88.4ab (rapproché par Geldner), poètes de la famille Gotama désignés comme ces oiseaux, images des pœtes attendant l'inspiration: ahani gfdhra!J, pary d va dgur imdf!l dhiy af!l varka,ydf!l ca devfm "Durant des jours, pour vous, les vautours ont tourné autour de cette intuition et de la déesse Varkarya." 5.45.2a v( sdryo amatif!l na srfyaf!lsar "Sürya déploie un éclat comme son image " = "son image très éclatante"; amati- ne peut être un authentique comparant, car c 'est un terme pratiquement réservé à l'image du soleil (références dans Grassmann, 90). 1.39. lab pra yad inhd paravata!J, sodr na mdnam asyatha (Marut' s) "Quand vous de cette façon vous projetez de loin une oeuvre comme votre feu "; les Marut' s lancent des éclairs, assimilés à leurs armes. Métaphore préexistante: "parole-flamme", qui repose sur l'équivalence entre "paroles" (mesurées en vers) qu'on lance comme des flèches (jmage héritée) et les flammes, que le feu lance comme des armes tranchantes ; mdna- "mesure" et "parole-mesurée" , oeuvre d'art. Une strophe très difficile peut recevoir une interprétation plausible:

)38

LE SUBSTANTIF ÉPlTHÈTE DANS LA LANGUE DE LA RK-SAMHITA

1.143.3 asya tve~d ajara asya bhanava!J SUSOf!ldfsalJ suprdtfkasya sudyuta!J / bhdtvak~aso aty aktur na sfndhavo 'gné rejante asasanto ajara}:z "De celui-ci sans vieillissement sont (les flammes) de celui-ci les rayons, lui qui est beau à contempler, au beau visage, à la belle lueur; des fleuves comme l'onction d' Agni vigoureux en brillance sont agités au-delà (des nuits , aty aknin, ou de la nuit, dty aktum), sans sommeil, sans vieillissement." Exemple rapproché superficiellement du type s{ndhur na k~6da,IJ (Bergaigne, Geldner). Je reprends l'idée d'une réduction de deux formes casuelles du même mot ("Worthaplologie") dans *aty aktum aktur (cf. Geldner, RV. 1, 201), avec double sens du mot a/au- "nuit" (cf. lat. noctü, tokh. A nakcu B nekcfye, reflétant ind~-eur. *n6kwt-eu: sur l'origine du thème en * -(e)u- du nom de la "nuit", voir ma démonstration dans 77ES 4, 1990, 185-190) et "onction" (dérivé en * -tu- sur le degré zéro de la racine *H3 en.g"'-, cf. lat. unguo -ere, unguen , etc.). Le second hémistiche repose sur l'équivalence entre les rivières et les flammes, cf. 1.44. 12cd sfndhor iva prasvanirasa ürmayo 'gnér bhra.jante arcaya!J; les flammes d' Agni sont nourries de beu rre, il a "le dos frotté de beurre" , ce qui constitue une "onction" (aktu-, de la racine aiij-), un enduit chatoyant. D onc, la phrase attributive sous-jacente serait: *s{ndhavo aktû!J "les fleuves [ = flammes] (sont) un chatoiement" , cf. 2.30. lc ahar-ahar yaty aktûr apdm. Ces flammes nourries de graisse dégoulinante sont la parure d' Agni . § 27 . Je me contente de signaler que, dans une série d'exemples, I.e second terme peut être un adjectif substantivé et le terme rattaché par na postposé est le seul terme actualisé,

éventuellement pourvu d'épithètes. 9.69.4cd dty akramfd arjunaf!L vdram avyayam atkarµ na niktam pari s6mo avyata "Le soma a franchi le blanc tamis en poils de brebis; il s'est enveloppé de quelque chose de (fraîchement) lavé comme son manteau" = "du lait", qui constitue sa parure la plus neuve; sinon, il faut restituer le comparé. Dans cet e mploi, l' adjectif nikra- peut être rapproché du substantif dérivé de la même racine: cf. 9.14.Sc = 107.26d gd!J kr,:1.van6 na nin:,ljam "se faisant une parure comme les laits de vaches" = "se faisa nt des laits de vache une parure", variante de la formule bien connue "se revêtant de laits de vaches"; on peut supposer l'existence d'un syntagme métaphorique "LAIT/BEURRE-parure" (nin:,(j- "vêtement de fête", fraîchement lavé), cf. gh,u1-nirr_zijépithète d' Agni, et des phrases parallèles sans na: 9.86.26c gd}:z krova!J6 nirr_z{Jaf!L haryataf:z kava;,; 9.82.2d gh,:rd~n vastinaf:z pari yasi nin:,{Jam "ln Schmalz als dein Festgewand dich kleidend kreisest du um" (Geldner). Pour 9.14.Sc, on attendrait *gd (na) nin:,,{jam mais na fut séparé de gd!J, pour avoir une cadence correcte. § 28. Comment le ligateur équatif na "comme" a-t-il acquis cet emploi? On peut partir

de la relation possible entre les comparaisons exemplaires, où le comparant exprimait le parangon d'une qualité ("rapide comme la pensée", "brillant/beau à voir comme le soleil", etc.), et les syntagmes N 1 N 2 avec substantif épithète. Il existe un groupe important de comparaisons autour de "soleil" et "lumière solaire", recourant à, trois lexèmes. Le mot s(û)var figure l 6 x devant na, son génitif sing. sâra!J 1 x (6.3.3a); süra- n'est employé qu'au nominatif dans les comparaisons, 10 x, dont 6 x devant

139

G.-J.

PINAULT

na; sllr(i)ya- figure dans 56 comparaisons, à divers cas. Le prédicat commun ou l'adjectif épithète pour les comparants s(u)var- (a), sllra- (b) et sdrya- (c) est le plus souvent une forme d'une racine signifiant "briller, luire, se manifester avec éclat, être visible", etc. Je me contente de citer ces passages, pour illustrer le recours répété à la même thématique: a) 1.148. ld svàr TJa cilralJ1 vapu$e vibhOvam.

2.2. 7d svàr ~ sukram ll$0SO v( didyuta}:z. 2.2.Sb svàr na àuled aruséna bhiinuna. 2.2. IOd uccd svàr na sus~~cra dustaram. 2.8.4ab ci yaJJ, svàr"~ bhiinuna, ~Ùro vibhaty arcf$â. 4.23.6d svàr TJa citratamam i$a d g61:z. 4.45.2d=6d svàr rJa sukralJ1 tanvanta d raja!;. 5.54.15b yéna svàr TJa tatantlma néri,,r abhf. 5.66.2d svàr TJa dhayi darsatam. 6.29.3cd vasano atkQ!J1. surabh{f!l drsé kturi, svàr !Ja n(fav i$ir6 babhütha. 7.34.19ab tapanti satru!J1. svàr TJa bhlÎmâ. 9.98.Sd dadhé svàr TJa haryatal:z. I0.43.9d svàr TJa sukrturi SUSUC[ta satpatil:z. 10.61.14b svàr !Ja yé tri$adhasthé ni$edul:z. 10.123. 7cd vasano atkaf!l surabh{f!l drsé kaf!1., svàr !Ja ndma Jana.ta priydr_zi. b) l.121.6b pra rocy asyd U$aso na sdralJ.. 1. 122.1 Sd sydmagabhastil:z sdro nddyaut. 1. l 41. l 3d mlha!J1. na sdro ati nf$ (atanyu}:z. l.149.3c sdro na rurukvdn chatdtma. 6.2.6cd sdro na h( dyutd tvalJ1, krJJd pâvaka rocase. 7.3.6d cilr6 na sdral:,. prari calqi bhii.num. 9.66.22c sdro na visvadarsatah. 9.86.34b sdro na citr6 avyayâ~i pavyayâ. 9.111. lc sdro na svayugvabhil:,. 10.29.Sa préraya sdro anhafJ1 na pâram. c) 1.43.Sab ya.lJ. sukra iva sdryo hlra,:zyam iva rôcate. l .64.2c pâvakasal:z sucaya.}:z stirya iva. 6.4.3b bh4sâlJ1Si vaste sllryo na sukra}:z.

7.8.4b v( yat sdryo na rocate b,hM. bhdh. · 8. 34. 17c bhrqjante sdrya i va. 9.101.12 sdryaso na darsauisal:,,. 10.69.2d sdrya iva rocate sarp(rasutil:z.

N.B. Les séquences sukra iva sdr(i)ya};#, sdr(i)yo na sukralJ.# sont les variantes à la cadence de trimètre de la formule initiale # citr6 na sdral:z, # sdro na citra};, # svàr !JG 140

LE SUBSTANTIF ÉPlTHÈTE DANS LA LANGUE DE LA

RK-SAMHITÂ

citramlsukram. Ce relevé nous fournit la base de la paraphrase possible entre vraie comparaison (ou similitude) et syntagme avec substantif épithète. § 29 .. A côté du composé comparatif s(u)var-dfs- "ayant l'aspect du soleil, beau comme le soleil" , et à côté de la comparaison analytique svà.r JJil darsaram, l ' existence d'une locution avec subst. épithète *svàr dfk "aspect-soleil" est probable (cf. supra§ 12). Cela est d 'autant plus probable qu 'à côté des comparaisons nombreuses "brillant comme le soleil" (svàr JJll sukram, svà.r lJ,d dyut-), il y avait sans doute des locutions comme *svàr jy6tilJ. "soleillumière", *svàr soc{IJ, idem = *svà.r s6ci~fham "soleil très brillant"; d'où l'emploi de na équatif comme ligateur entre les deux substantifs: "la lumière [éclatante] qu'est le soleil" (*svàr Jy6ti!J,) > "une lu mière comme le soleil" (svàr ,:,ajy6lilJ,); séquence modifiée et intégrée au formulaire comparatif sous des formes diverses, notamment en mettant le deuxième terme à l'instrumental, car la lu mière "appartient" en quelque sorte au soleil: 2.23.2c usrd iva sdr(i)yo Jy6ti~â mahti!J,; 4.38. lOb sd,ya iva Jy6ti~apas catana = 10. l 78.3b; 6.12. ld dürdt sdryo na sod~Ci tata.na. De même, "un bel aspect comme le soleil", "un spectacle comme le soleil" s'exprimait d'abord par un syntagme épithétique: *svàr upadfk, Sa!J1dfk > *svàr ,:,6 saf'(ldfk sur le modèle de svàr na darsartim, séquence variée en # sdro na sa,_n d{k#, # bhadrd sdrya ivopadfk# (n ° 36), et intégrée au répertoire des comparaisons. De même, en regard des composés s(u)var-cak~as- , sâra-cak~as- "dont l'oeil est comme le soleil ", "pourvu d'un oeil aussi perçant que le soleil" , il existait une locution *svàr ctik~u~lcak~as "l'oeil qu'est le soleil", "un oeil comme le soleil" refaite en *svàr ,:,6. cak~u~, d'où # sdryo na cak~u!J, (N.B. sdrya!J, en deux syllabes remplaçant probablement svàr ou sdralJ,). Au bout du compte, la formule avec na (ou iva.) apparaît dans tous les cas, mais a posteriori, comme le développement de composés.- Le formulaire autour du "soleil" fournit un scénario généralisable à d 'autres termes. Nous avons réuni suffisamment d 'arguments pour expliquer de manière syntaxique le type sd,yo na cak~ulJ., aussi bien que le type s{ndhur na k~6dalJ,, qui sont seulement des manifestations particulières d'un processus plus vaste de conservation - avec réinterprétation - de la combinaison de deux substantifs au même cas.

Conclusion.- Des locutions avec substantif épithète ont joué un rôle certain dans la poétique védique, à un stade antérieur à la composition des hymnes. Elles reposent sur des phrases attributives nominales exprimant la qualification ou l'identification. La qualification par un substantif remonte à la période indo-iranienne et sans doute plus haut encore; l'identification sert de base privilégiée à l 'expression métaphorique. Le procédé de qualification par substantif relevait déjà d'une syntaxe poétique, car il était marqué par rapport à l'emploi normal d'un adjectif intensif. Dans la composition des hymnes védiques, diverses réinterprétations ont permis d'établir un rapport de dépendance entre les deux substantifs accolés, réalisant ainsi un surcroît de signification avec un minimum de marques morphologiques. Cette économie linguistique fut mise au service du formulaire comparatif, où survivent quelques exemples extrêmes, probablement favorisés par les exigences métriques et la pression de la composition orale.

141

- ----------~--------~--------------------------------------

A VESTIQUE hrm Eric Pirart, Universitat de Barcelona

§ O. Le vieil-avestique paraît avoir conservé complètement le système des pronoms enclitiques. Le tableau suivant peut en être dressé:

- Les deux premières personnes Nom. sg. Ace. sg. Gén.-dat. sg. Nom. duel Ace. duel Gén.-dat. duel Nom. plur. Ace. plur. Gén. -dat. plur.

ma (e. g. Y 28 . 11) moi (e.g. Y 50.1, 44.1) va (Y 29.5)

tü (e.g. Y 51.3) 0{3a (e.g. Y.28.8) roi (e.g. Y 34.4, 51.8)

? n;J (Y 29.4,8)

nd (e.g.

Y 34.7) ni (e.g . Y 45.8, 31.3)

yüs (e.g. Y 32.3) vci (e.g. Y 28.2) véJ (e.g. Y 53.5, 49.12)

- La troisième personne

masc. nt. ff (Y 35.6) Nom. sg. Ace. sg. fm (e.g. Y 46. 8) if (e.g. Y 44.20) Gén.-dat. sg. hoi (e.g. Y 45 .4, 43.8) Nom. duel hf (Y 30.3) Ace. duel Nom. plur. f (e.g. Y 35.3) rs (e.g. Y 31. 18) Ace. plur.

fém.

hr (Y 31.10) hem (e.g. Y 50.2) hoi(Y 29.2)

hr (Y 44.18) hrs (Y 33.10)

Certes, la collection n'est pas complète. Cela est dû aux limites du matériel, mais sans doute faut-il aussi penser que les formes de gén.-dat. duel et pluriel n'aient jamais existé pour la troisième personne. Quoi qu'il en soit, le système présente une forme réduite ou simplifiée dans les autres dialectes inde-iraniens anciens. Par exemple, en avestique récent, les formes enclitiques d'accusatif singulier des pronoms de première el deuxième personnes, ma et 0{3ti., sont généralement remplacées par les formes toniques correspondantes mqm et 0{3qm 1 , tandis que

1. Les formes mil et 0{3ll subsistent çà et là, notamment derrière certains subordonnants: e. g. Y 9.2 ... aoi mqm staomai11e stai8i ya0a nu'l aparaci! saoiiia~uô stauuq11, "adresse-moi la louange sur le modèle de laquelle les futurs Saushyant pourront me louer ! "; Yt 8.24 yei8i zr nul mafiillka aoxttJ. 11 a-) have several parallels: For the analogical transformation note the following example. The lndo-Iranian 3rd singular imperfect of "to be" was *t1s-t, which lost its final -tin both Indian and Iranian and was preserved in Avestan as as or as but was changed in lndian to tis[t. In Old Persian, where final consonants otber than m and ! were lost and final consonant groups are not found at all, the outcome of *dst must have been a. 21 This was replaced with tiha by analogy with the 3rd plural aha according to the proportion abara (3rd plur.) : abara (3rd sing.) = tiha (3rd plur. ) : X (3rd sing.) ~ X = aha. 22 For the ability of the 3rd plural to provide the basis for the reshaping of other forms, note the following examples. ln Middle Persian the entire present paradigm of "to be ," with the exception of the 3rd singular indicative, was rebuilt on the model of the 3rd plural: h-and ~ h-am, etc. In Spanish the 2nd plural was remodeled after the 1st and 3rd plural (. omos, son ~ sois) in Italian also the 2nd singular and plural (sei, siete). In Gothie the 3rd plura! provided the model for the 1st and 2nd plural: si-nd ⇒ sijum, sijuts. Note also Modern Persian hast-am "I am," etc., and Manichean Parthian ast ahend "there are," which was fo rmed by reinterpretation of ast "there is" as ast-@, where @ is the normal form of the 3rd si.ngular of the copula. Note, finally, the development (through sound changes and analogies) of the stem su- in Latin su-m, su-mus, su-nt, and the stem er- in Old Norse er-um, er-ut, er-u "we are, etc." and eventually es "is" ⇒ er.

Panhian ahaz The Parthian form ahtiz (and the similar Sogdian form axaz) is more difficult to explain. The "normal" development of Old Iranian *-titis seen in the 3rd singular subjunctive . In the Parthian inscriptions this form had the regular ending -ywd or -d, that is /-ti.8/ (cf. the spelling HWEd in the inscriptions, see below), the final consonant of which was lost in Manichean Parthian > -a or -tih (on Manichean Parthian ahtid see below). The expected form of the 3rd singular imperfect in Manichean Parthian is thus *a, which was avoided for the same reason as the Middle Persian form. I. Gershevitch (1975, pp. 201 -202) proposed that the final -z of Parthian ahaz, Sogdian axaz, is the remnant of the particle zi, Avestan zr, reconstructing an ingenious story-introducing *agha zr hanô* "There was an old man, " to account for the frequency of

20. See, e.g. , Palmer, 1961, p. 264. Calvert Watk.ins kindly reminded me of these fo rms during the discussion. Compare also the conflation of endings seen in Latinfa-er-u11t, lnd. aduh-ra-11 , etc. 21. The Old Iranian perfect *tlha would also become *a. 22. Stephanie Jamison reminded me during the discussion that the thematization of athematic verbs m Indolranian also probably spread from the 3rd plural. 172

■

ON THE MIDDLE PERSIAN lMPERFECT

the combination needed to explain its later development into a single verbal form. This hypothesis is problematic, however. 23 The particle z[ (Vedic h[) occupies the second place in the sentence, but the finite verb rarely occupies the frrst place in Old Iranian and only when topicalized (emphatic or solemn diction), as in OPers . -&atiy Dtirayavaus, Avestan mraof Ahun) Mazda. Only one (?) example is found in the Avesta of "to be" + zr: Y. 19. 10 asti zr auuauua[. ux8ata ya.f}a ... , with the present tense asti. The function of zr(Vedic hf) is clearly to connect a statement to a previous statement as explanatory information. Gershevitch's *agha zf hanô*, that is, the introductory sentence of a tale, does therefore not represent a typical use of zr. As a matte r of fact, the actual form of this expression in Manichean Parth.ian is mird ëw ahaz (for an exa mple see below) , not *ahaz mird ëw*, and there are no examples of sentence-initial ahaz. Gershevitch's hypothesis can be saved, however, if we imagine an *aha zi used in tales and parables in explanatory remarks and asides ("for th.is young mân was really a prince, " and similar). 24 The problem remains that the particle zi does not seem to have survived ü1 any form anywhere else in Middle Iranian. 25 5. The phonetic complement -d in the rhird singular

The interpretation of the active forms in past contexts as h.istorical presents, rather than as imperfects, is unproblematic, except for one detail. In Middle Persian the 3rd singular present indicative ends in -èd, wh.ich according to the rules of Middle Persian orthography is spelled -yt, -yty (-dty) in phonetically written verbs and with the phonetic complement -t in heterograms, for instance, whycyt lwihëzëdl " he moves, goes," kylyt, klyty lkirëdl "it is done," YHWWNt /bawëdl " he becomes/became," OBYDWNt lktïnédl "he does/did." Beside forms with the phonetic complement -t we also find forms with no phonetic complement, wh.ich could easily be explained as more primitive forms to whkh -r was added later for the sake of clarity. Beside the forms with the phonetic complements -t or zero we also find forms with the phonetic complement -d, however, and in exactly the same functions , namely, imperfect active: OBYDWN-0/d/t "he does/did"; 26 imperfect passive: YTYBWN-0/dlt "was placed, founded" and HTYMWN-0/d/t "was sealed"; 27 and " hortative": 'yw YDOYTN-0/d, 'yw YHWWN-0/t. Henning (1958, p. 10 l bottom) mentioned that the forms in -d express past tense but did not try to explain them.

23 . Cf. Skjrerv0, 1991 , p. 190. 24. Expressed in Middle Persian by cë or éd ray cé and in Partbian by cé or ai éd rcï8 cé. 25. Calvert Watkins points out to me that in Vedic BrahmaJ;ta and Sütra passages questions are frequently answered by verb + hf (see, e.g., the forth-coming book by Stephanie Jamison Sacrificer's Wife, Sacrificed Wife for examples) . 26. This is also the phonetic complement for the 3rd plural endings in -11d. 27. The preterite of YTYBWN- "to found" is 11.s"sty and of YTYBWN- "to sit (down)" YTYBWNst in tbe inscriptions of Kerdïr (cf. Skjrerv0 1989, p. 336). 173

P.0.

SKJ.tERV0

By the conventions of MiddJe Persian orthography a phonetic complement -d ought to correspond to the ending -ydy in phonetically written forms: -d ~ *-yd/*-ydy like -t ~ -yt 1-yty. The ending -ydy is not attested in the inscriptions outside of the passive imperfect, but in the Pahlavi Psalter, which is written in a slightly more developed variant of the script used in the inscriptions, this ending is used for the 2nd singul~r ending -ë in the heterogram NTLWNydy /paye!, with which we can compare the Psalter form HWEd lhël, 3rd si.ngular optative "(if) he had (not) been." No convincing interpretation of the use of the phonetic complement -d in the 3rd singular was found for a long time. B. Utas (p. 88) and C . Brunner (pp. 264, 268) both analyzed the "hortative" forms in -d as optatives, but with no other justification than the ending. In an article from 1985, in which I surveyed the Old Persian verbal system and its development into Middle Persian, I did nothing more than suggest that its use with "historical" presents could have originated in imperfects ending in -è, descendants of the Old Persian preterital optative. 6. The history of the Old Persian endings of the 3rd singular

In view of the recent discoveries, however, we can look at the use of the phonetic complement -d in the 3rd singular in a different light. ln order to do so let us fi.rst review the relevant Old Persian and Young Avestan functions and forms, as well as the postulated developments of these forms into early Middle Persian and Parthian.

Narrative past tenses In Old Persian the narrative past tense is expressed by the inherited augmented imperfect with secondary endings. In addition there is an augmented optative, also with secondary endings, used to express habitua} action in the past. The old aorist is present in remnants only, and its function is identical with that of the imperfect. In Young Avestan the standard narrative past tense is the injunctive, that is , the same form as in Old Persian, but without the augment. Augmented imperfects and augmented optatives 28 are also found.

Passive Passive function was expressed using either a special passive stem formed with the passive morpheme -tya- (A vestan -iia-) or the middle forms of transitive verbs, for instance, Old Persian kqriya- "to be done, made" but vainataty "is seen." Transitive verbs which formed passive stems could take either active or middle endings in their active function , for instance, akunavasa or akunavat > > >

*-0, *-è(n?) *-è(n?) *-0, *-è *-è

As we see, the 1st singular of the Old Persian imperfect and/or preterital optative would develop very much like the 3d singular and result in zero or -è. For understandable reasons it was remade by the addition of a final consonant. If Old Persian aham had become *an, as suggested above, then the final -n can be explained as analogy with this form. Otherwise, the choice of -n instead of -m as in the present indicative, may have been supported on one hand by the 1st singular subjunctive ending -an (also a non-indicative) and, on the other, by the 1st singular pronoun an " I. " 36

7. On the origin of the passive morphemes in Middle Persian The passive imperfects found in the inscriptions are the following:

'klydy /akirfyl "was made" < Old Persian akq.riya gwk 'nyhy lgugânlhl "was destroyed " < OldPersian *viyakaniya, cf. viyakanam wyswpyhy /wisoblh/ "was disturbed" 37 'pz 'dyhy /abza.ylhl "was increased " < Old Persian *abiyaja.viya, cf. abiya-/ab[javayam Differently from akirïy, which is spelled with final -ydy, we note that the other forms are spelled with final -yhy . Of these two endings -ydy is reminiscent of the passive morpheme -yd- found in the Middle Persian Psalter, while -yhy is like the passive morpheme -yh- found in Manichean Midd le Persian and in Book Pahlavi: Pahlavi Psalter 'pswsydyndy /afs6si'yènd/ "they are mocked" < *afsos-èn-rdnn (denominative) wcndydyndy /wizandfyèndl "they are made to tremble" < *wizand-èn-rda.n (causative)

Manichean Middle Persian d 'nyhyd /danlhèdl "it becomes known" or "it is made known" (see below). Cf. also the present indicative kylyt, klyty lkirèdl < Old Persian *kq.riyati, cf. Avestan kiriieti. The origin of these two endings are, I suspect, to be explained as follows.

36. Note also that stems in -aya, such as *zbaya- (cf. Kellens, 1984, pp. 137-38) would form 1st sing. imperf. forms of the type •azbayam > *(a)zblm , which might originally have become *(a)zbe,1.In Choresmian, where the imperfect was preserved into the Islamic period, the 1st singular also ends in -in. 37. Cf. Manichean BT 4, p. 32 lines 504-9 pd '[ynj cy wyf wbyh{'dj "What will be destroyed through this?" 177

P.0.

SKJ..ERV0

1) The passive morpheme -ydy of 'klydy (akirl'y) is from Old _Persian -iya, which after a light syllable apparently became *-(ya and was contracted to -r(y). 38 A parallel for this development is furnished by Old Persian aniya: presumably *anja- > aniya- > *anfya- > Middle Persian ani, spelled 'ny in Manichean Middle Persian and frequently ZK'y , i.e. , *anc3 9 (with -'.Y < -ydy as in the 2nd singular verbal ending - '.Y < -ydy). 40 The same development is seen in the descendants of Old Persian words in -ahq,ya-, e.g. , why lwahïl "better" (Manichean) beside wyh /wehl < *vahqyah-, dahrbed "ruler of the country" beside deh "country" < *sl'y-, skadja- > *skl'y-, cf. Psalter nsyd- /nisty-/ < *nisida - . From all these various forms a passive morpheme -l'y- was abstracted, written -ydy- according to the orthographie rules of Middle Persian (cf. zyd'ny lztyan/, Avestan ziiani-) , whence the Psalter passives in -yd-. In view of the development of mantya- > merd, mard, sa.h < xsaya-&iya , M anichean xwebas < *xwaipasiya, Manichean kamb, Book Pahlavi kem < *kambtya , as opposed to aniya > anf, it is quite possible that heavy passive stems lost their ending altogether. An Old Persian passive imperfect *ab[javiya (passive of ab[ja.vaya-, cf. ada.riya- , passive of adam rya-) may thus have developed into early Middle Persian *abrjaw, a form that may well have coincided with a 3rd singular active imperfect *abrjaw < ab[ja.vaya. The passive function of these forms therefore needed to be clarified, and for reasons no longer clear to us the suffix -yhy was chosen. 2) The passive morpheme -fh- presumably originated in the Old Persian passives of stems in surd dentals, e .g., *mi-&ja- > *mlh-. I have found no examples in Middle Persian of descendants of such forms, but we sbould keep in mind that intervocalic d (o') in Middle Persian sometimes became -&, as in Pahlavi dah- vs. Manichean Middle Persian dy- , which

38. Note the similar development in the suffix -fyaka > -ika- ( > Mid . Pers. -rg), thus *mariyaka- became marika- etc. (cf. Hoffmann, 1975, Il, p. 637 n. 25). 39. The reading of Man. 'ny as ani (and of hrw as harii) was suggested by Bartholomae (1906 , pp. 62-63, 113, cf. Hoffmann, 1975, Il, p. 637 n. 26). The reading as any (e.g., MacKenzie, 1971) gives an unusual final consonant cluster (not so, however, in the case of hara/harw, cf. sarw "cypress"?). The Book Pahlavi spelling ZK'y (or onJy ZK: C. Salemann, in G/P I, p. 294) also strongly suggests that the original value of ZK was *an < OPers. a11tl instr.-abl., homonymous with an "I" < adam and eventually with an < anf "other. " The replacement of *an with a cumulative *hawlhtl + *an (?) > htln (> tin), with a long vowel like its near demonstrative companions t11 ( < *aina- or directly from ayam, as suggested above) and èd ( < atta) , would thus be understandable (differently K.liogenschmitt, 1972, pp. 102-107). 40. Note also the Book Pahlavi spelling of, for instance, the leamed word gètf(y) < Av. gaè-&i ia- as *gytydy (cf. MacKenzie, 1971, pp. xiv, 36). . 41. The umlaut in weh, deh, and èr seems to be of later date and may in part be the result of analogy.

178

ÜN THE MIDDLE PERSIAN lMPERFECT

makes it possible to assume that Middle Persian • srh- in abesrh- " to be eut off, destroyed" represents *sUfja- < *sidja- 42 and Book Pahlavi skih- "to be broken" *fka-&ja- < *skadja-. 8. The passive of the causative in Middle Persian I take this opportunity to remark on some Middle Persian causative-passive pairs. Note that the passive in -rh- of causatives and denominatives corresponds to active forms in -èn- < e. g. , paydag-én- "to reveal " ~ paydag-rh- "to be revealed " 43 and the Psalrer for ms just cited. Here I would like to draw attnetion to a few such pairs in Manichean Middle Persian the exact meanings of which have not yet been properly appreciated:

z 'yn- "to cause to be bom, to give birth to" ~ z 'yh- "to be caused to be born, to be given birth to," cf. : Boyce, Reader, text cb 3 awon to-iz mtid hé dosaramrgar ké ... zâyënë Jrazendan ... u-sân parwarë "Thus you, too, are a loving mother, who by ... give birth to children ... and raise (them) . . . " BT 4, lines 511-514 awëstin. zortin kë oy zaman han zahag zâyëniùl harwispan wazurg fadtn büd "Those powers, who at that time had caused that child to be born, were aU extremely happy." BT 4, line 2004-2006 pad wan.gan zfndagan ... ud pad g 'ystyh- "to be made to stand, place," not a mere doublet of 'yst"to stand. " 44 Sa.b. cosm., lines 68-71, 87-91 ud ërdom asmtïn abar sar ud pad dast-is ... taskerb haft istün andar istëniid,· ... ud andar cahti.r kifwar frèstag cahar ... istëniid "And he placed the nethermost heaven on (its) head and seven square columns in its hand(s) ... and in the four continents he placed (made stand) four angels ... " Boyce, Reader, text cb 1 sarar istayrdag r istinëd niSân f ba 'an rofnan "Praised leader, who is placed (as) the sign of the light gods"(?). Kaw, text g, line 80 {né .... a.Jsmtin istlnënd

42. Cf. Nyberg, 1974, pp. 24, 282). Nyberg, however, assumes a general development of intervocalic y h in Book Pahlavi. 43. Nyberg, 1974, p. 282. 44. Cf. Henning, 1943, p. 61 n. 13.

>

179

P.O.

SKJJERV0

"[Not that they] are placed(?) in the skies" (Henning, 1943, p. 61) by(y)n- "to frighten (away)"

> byyh- "to

be frightened (away)"

< *by- "to fear"(?), cf.:

BT 4, lines 864-866 drux!an ke azi! rahlnd ka raslnd ziyan kunlnd, da ka *bayïhënd "The demonesses who escape from it, wherever they C0!]1e, cause harm, until they are frightened (away)." BT 4, lines 873-876 frlstagdn dewan *bayënënd (bynynd), ka rasend draxt ud daman wizend kunlnd "The angels frighten 45 the demons (away): wherever they corne they cause damage to trees and (living) creatures. " 46 Note also Manichean Middle Persian dLinlh-: MM ii, p. 7 [298] ud hamg