Session C32: Contemporary Issues in Historical Archaeology; Session C55: Romanization and Indigenous Societies. Rhythms, Ruptures and Continuities; Session S01: History, Archaeology and Society; Session WS07: Public Archaeology: Proceedings of the XV UISPP World Congress (Lisbon 4-9 September 2006) / Actes du XV Congrès Mondial (Lisbonne 4-9 Septembre 2006) Vol 34 9781407305592, 9781407336183

Citation preview

BAR S2083 2010

UNION INTERNATIONALE DES SCIENCES PRÉHISTORIQUES ET PROTOHISTORIQUES INTERNATIONAL UNION FOR PREHISTORIC AND PROTOHISTORIC SCIENCES PROCEEDINGS OF THE XV WORLD CONGRESS (LISBON, 4-9 SEPTEMBER 2006) ACTES DU XV CONGRÈS MONDIAL (LISBONNE, 4-9 SEPTEMBRE 2006) Series Editor: Luiz Oosterbeek VOL. 34

Session C32 UISPP 2006 SESSIONS C32, C55,S01 AND WS07

Contemporary Issues in Historical Archaeology Session C55

Romanization and Indigenous Societies. Rhythms, Ruptures and Continuities Session S01

History, Archaeology and Society Session WS07

Public Archaeology Edited by

Pedro P. Funari, Nanci Oliveira, Andrés Zarankin, Ximena Senatore and Lourdes Dominguez (C32) João Pedro Bernardes (C55) Fábio Vergara Cerqueira and Luciana Peixoto (S01) Fábio Vergara Cerqueira, Laurent Caron and Tony Waegeman (WS07)

B A R

BAR International Series 2083 2010

UNION INTERNATIONALE DES SCIENCES PRÉHISTORIQUES ET PROTOHISTORIQUES INTERNATIONAL UNION FOR PREHISTORIC AND PROTOHISTORIC SCIENCES PROCEEDINGS OF THE XV WORLD CONGRESS (LISBON, 4-9 SEPTEMBER 2006) ACTES DU XV CONGRÈS MONDIAL (LISBONNE, 4-9 SEPTEMBRE 2006) Series Editor: Luiz Oosterbeek VOL. 34

Session C32

Contemporary Issues in Historical Archaeology Session C55

Romanization and Indigenous Societies. Rhythms, Ruptures and Continuities Session S01

History, Archaeology and Society Session WS07

Public Archaeology Edited by

Pedro P. Funari, Nanci Oliveira, Andrés Zarankin, Ximena Senatore and Lourdes Dominguez (C32) João Pedro Bernardes (C55) Fábio Vergara Cerqueira and Luciana Peixoto (S01) Fábio Vergara Cerqueira, Laurent Caron and Tony Waegeman (WS07)

BAR International Series 2083 2010

ISBN 9781407305592 paperback ISBN 9781407336183 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407305592 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

TABLE OF CONTENTS Part I Session C32 Contemporary issues in historical archaeology The material construction of culture contact at Floridablanca (San Julian, eighteen century) .......................................................................................... 3 Silvana Buscaglia & M. Victoria Nuviala To whom belongs Brazilian archaeological remains: the role of Public Archaeology .......... 9 Pedro Paulo A. Funari Contemporary issues in historical archaeology: some epistemological questions ............... 15 Pedro Paulo A. Funari Part II Session C55 Romanization and Indigenous societies – rhythms, ruptures and continuities Romans and residents: the historic and linguistic evolution; from about 300 b.c. to 300 a.c........................................................................................ 23 Herbert Sauren Citânia de Briteiros – perspectivas recentes sobre a romanização....................................... 29 Francisco Sande Lemos & Gonçalo Correia da Cruz The proto-historic and roman settlement of Terronha de Pinhovelo (Macedo de Cavaleiros): new advances on the Romanization of the Zoelae territory .................. 37 João Pedro Tereso & Helena Barranhão The Romanization of the extremity west of empire: mutations and persistences ................ 47 João Pedro Bernardes Clarissimi Lvsitani en los círculos dirigentes de Roma – contribución al estudio del proceso de romanización de Lusitania ..................................................................... 53 Marta Herrero Part III Session S01 History, Archaeology and Society Introduction: Historical and Public archaeology – dialogues and perspectives ................... 61 Fábio Vergara Cerqueira i

À la table du roi Hammurabi de Babylone – d’après les tablettes de la Yale Babylonian Collection ................................................................................... 77 Liliane Plouvier Ancient Egypt and the Phoenician connection..................................................................... 89 Alicia Meza History, image, and music: the aulos in the vineyards. Historical archaeology and multidisciplinarity in the study of ancient Greek culture ............................................... 97 Fábio Vergara Cerqueira The beginnings of the Christianity in Dacia and Dacia Roman provinces in I-V centuries A.D..................................................................................................... 105 Elena Baciu Le Codex Rohonczi – un monument historique de l’ancien Roumain et de l’ancienne litterature Roumaine aux XIe– XIIe siecles de notre ere............................................... 113 Viorica En chiuc Local and crusaders castles in Livonia during the 13th-14th centuries................................ 121 valds Mugur viès Session WS07 Public Archaeology Public archaeology and cultural heritage: the Memoriar program, an experience in heritage education in the south of Brazil........................................... 127 Fábio Vergara Cerqueira, Luisa Lacerda Maciel, Angélica Kohls Schwanz, Neuza Janke da Silva, Mariciana Zorzi Patrimonial Education and forms of social inclusion in projects of archaeology in Brazil ............................................................................. 133 Katianne Bruhns Salvamento arqueológico do centro histórico de Pelotas RS / Brasil (2002 – 2008)......... 139 Luciana da Silva Peixoto, Estefânia Jaekel da Rosa, Fábio Vergara Cerqueira Mapeamento Arqueológico da Região Sul do Rio Grande do Sul..................................... 149 Fábio Vergara Cerqueira, Luciana da Silva Peixoto, Jorge Luiz de Oliveira Viana, Aluísio Gomes Alves, André Garcia Loureiro, Rafael Guedes Milheira, Welcsoner Silva da Cunha, Chimene Kuhn Nobre

ii

LIST OF FIGURES Fig. 1.1. Location of the site: “Nueva Colonia y Fuerte de Floridablanca” ........................... 4 Fig. 1.2. Archaeological plan of the Floridablanca site. The sectors of the town analyzed in the present paper are indicated in gray. The circles (A, B, C, D and E) correspond to the superficial concentrations with native and spanish materials associated ......................................................................................................................... 6 Fig. 5.1. Acrópole da Citânia de Briteiros vista de Noroeste............................................... 31 Fig. 5.2. Vista aérea dos alinhamentos defensivos de Briteiros ........................................... 31 Fig. 5.3. Taça em cerâmica Bracarense, recolhida em Briteiros nas escavações de Mário Cardozo........................................................................................................... 34 Fig. 5.4. Inscrição rupestre relativa a Medamus Camali, conservada na “Casa de Câmalo”, na Acrópole da Citânia de Briteiros ........................................... 34 Fig. 5.5. Padieira decorada com inscrição relativa a Coronerus Camali, recolhida na Acrópole de Briteiros por Martins Sarmento............................................. 34 Fig. 6.1. Terronha de Pinhovelo: Stone banks in Sector A .................................................. 41 Fig. 6.2. Terronha de Pinhovelo: Sector B........................................................................... 43 Fig. 8.1. Homenaje a Cn. Cornelius Cn. f. Pap. Seuerus in Emerita Augusta...................... 53 Fig. 8.2. Consagración de un templo a Marte – Vettilla in Emerita Augusta ...................... 54 Fig. 10.1. Register with Egyptian inscription “Hathor, beloved by the lady of Byblos” ..... 90 Fig. 10.2. Goddess with Hathor headdress accepting libation from Yehavmelek ............... 90 Fig. 10.3. Map of the Phoenician expansion in the Mediterranean Sea ............................... 91 Fig. 10.4. Papyrus with Phoenician inscription and goddess resembling Isis exhorting the dead to a safe voyage in the underworld .................................................. 92 Fig. 10.5. Statuette of a god with Egyptian crown and kilt.................................................. 93 Fig. 10.6. Statuettes of the goddess Astarte with Egyptian tripartite wig, bare breasts and eyes delineated. The nose and the pose are also Egyptian like................................ 93 Fig. 10.7. Map of Iberia and Portugal showing Phoenician settlements and ports of trade............................................................................................................ 94 Fig. 10.8. Map of the Don Valley near Aberdeen, Scotland showing the site of the Newton stone ....................................................................................................... 94 Fig. 10.9. Hieroglyphic inscription mentioning goddess identified with Britannia ............. 94 Fig. 10.10. Picture of the goddess Britannia in Egyptian..................................................... 94 iii

Fig. 11.1. Amphora (with lid). Black figures. Amasis Painter. Würzburg, Martin von Wagner Museum, L 265 and L 282. Between 540 and 530. Bothmer Amasis p. 113-6, no. 19. Holmberg, Erik. On the Rycroft Painter and other Athenian black-figure vase painters with a feeling for nature. Jansered (Sweden), 1922, fig. 21, p. 8. Cerqueira, 2001, cat. 524 ............................... 100 Fig. 13.1-13.9. Les miniatures du Codex Rohonczi........................................................... 115 Fig. 13.10-13.20. Les miniatures du Codex Rohonczi....................................................... 119 Fig. 14.1. Hilfort of Olinkalns. A section of earthern wall. 1. Burned timber, ashes, 2. Timber, clay, 3. Clay, little stone, 5. Sand, 6. Little stone, 7. Decayed timber ........ 122 Fig. 14.2. The reconstruction of Lettigallian castle in the hillfort of Asote ....................... 122 Fig. 14.3. The buildings at the castle of Lokstene in the 14th century. 1. Excavations in 1962-1964., 2. Location of house with clay stove, 3. Stone wall................................. 123 Fig. 14.4. Reconstruction of 14th-century buildings in the castle of Lokstene................... 124 Fig. 14.5. The development of heating system in Latvia during the Middle Ages. Roman numbers indicate centuries. a) Castles (black), b) Rural settlements (hatched). 1. Heath, 2. Sone stove, 3. Clay stove, 4. Clay stove with brick lining, 5. Warm-air stove, 6. Tile stove........................................................................ 125 Fig. 16.1. Azawak Group in Sambaqui Ponta das Almas .................................................. 136 Fig. 16.2. Conta Contos Group in Sambaqui Ponta das Almas ......................................... 136 Fig. 16.3. Bernek Agglomerated Company and their children .......................................... 137 Fig. 16.4. Bernek Agglomerated Company and their children (Memories Game) ............ 137 Fig. 16.5. Cultural educative activity in Tarumã Farm (Bernek Agglomerated Company) ............................................................................... 137 Fig. 16.6. “Discovery” of objects hidden little bricks of clay ............................................ 137 Fig. 17.1. Sítio arqueológico PSGPe 1 – Casa 8................................................................ 141 Fig. 17.2. Faiança fina. Sítio PSGPe – Casa 8 ................................................................... 141 Fig. 17.3. Peça do catálogo de faiança fina........................................................................ 141 Fig. 17.4. Material cerâmico Grés. Sitio PSGPe 1 – Casa 8 .............................................. 142 Fig. 17.5. Material ósseo. Sítio PSGPe 1 – Casa 8 ............................................................ 142 Fig. 17.6. Visita à exposição arqueológica interativa promovida pelo LEPAARQ/UFPEL, na Praça Cel. Pedro Osório, da turma de 5ª série do ensino fundamental do Colégio São José – Pelotas/RS .............................. 145 Fig. 18.1. Municípios Contemplados................................................................................. 151 Fig. 18.2. Províncias Geomorfológicas.............................................................................. 151 Fig. 18.3. Levantamento arqueológico por meio de linhas de caminhamento ................... 157 Fig. 18.4. Sede da Fazenda Pitangueiras............................................................................ 159 Fig. 18.5. Túmulo violado. Fazenda Batalha dos Porongos............................................... 159 Fig. 18.6a. Cultura material histórica aflorada................................................................... 159 Fig. 18.6b. Material histórico: fragmentos de cerâmica e louça ........................................ 160 Fig. 18.7. Mangueira de pedra e edificação ....................................................................... 160

iv

LIST OF TABLES Tab. 6.1. Iron Age settlements in Macedo de Cavaleiro’s County ...................................... 39 Tab. 6.2. Roman settlements in Macedo de Cavaleiro’s County ......................................... 39

v

Session C32 CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY

THE MATERIAL CONSTRUCTION OF CULTURE CONTACT AT FLORIDABLANCA (SAN JULIAN, EIGHTEEN CENTURY) Silvana BUSCAGLIA Departamento de Investigaciones Prehistóricas y Arqueológicas-IMHICIHU-CONICET

M. Victoria NUVIALA Universidad de Buenos Aires (FFyL) – Departamento de Investigaciones Prehistóricas y Arqueológicas-IMHICIHU-CONICET Abstract: At the end of the 18th century the Spanish Crown decides to create the colony of Floridablanca in the patagonian coast (Bay of San Julián, Province of Santa Cruz, Argentina) as part of a settlement plan. With the foundation of the Floridablanca particular scenary for the configuration of the interethnic relationships among natives Tehuelches- and Spanish was created. The emphasis in the particular contexts in the framework of the colonial expansion and study of the arxhaeological record has permitted to generate a different image from that expressed in the official discourse, regarding to the scenaries, social actors and identites involved. Key Words: Patagonian coast, Spanish colony, culture contact, narratives, material culture Résumé: A la fin du 18e siècle que la Couronne espagnole décide de créer la colonie de Floridablanca dans la côte de patagonian (Bahía de San Julián, Province de Santa Cruz, Argentine) comme la partie d’un projet de règlement. Avec la fondation du Floridablanca on a créé une scenary particulier pour la configuration des relations interétnicas parmi indigènes -Tehuelches- et espagnol. L’emphase dans les contextes particuliers dans le cadre de l’expansion colonial et l’étude du registre archéologuique il nous permet de produire une image différente de qu’exprimé dans le discours officiel, en ce qui concerne au scenaries, les acteurs sociaux et identites ont impliqué. Mots clef: côte patagónica, colonie espagnole, contacte cultural, narratives, culture matérielle

global process rendering special attention to the particularities of each context and the multiplicity of trajectories that followed the modern society at different moments and places (for example, Funari et al. 1999¸ Senatore and Zarankin 2002).

INTRODUCTION At the end of Eighteen century the Spanish Crown established the colony of Floridablanca as a part of the Patagonian Coast Settlement Plan (San Julian, Patagonia, Argentina) – Figure 1.1. Which lasted for only 4 years (1780-1784) and was conformed by families of farmers, crown officers, troops of the Artillery and Infantry and convicts (Bianchi Villelli 2006, Marschoff 2004, Senatore 2004, Senatore et al. 2006).

Thus we considered the foundation of the Floridablanca Colony created a particular scenery for the configuration of the relations between Natives and Spaniards. The emphasis in the particularity of contexts, allows to discuss the variability in the construction of culture contact, rendering special attention to the heterogeneity of the involved actors and, specially the agency of the indigenous actors in interethnic dynamics (Wilson y Rogers 1993). This approach critize unidirectional models, such as acculturation models and the world system theory as a plausible explanation of interethnic dynamics (see Lightfoot 1995; Silliman 2005; Stein 2004, among others).

The objective of the present paper is to analyze the construction of the interethnic relationships in the particular case of Floridablanca. Our perspective articulates the analysis of historical documents and material culture. Particularly, we explore the image created by the discourses about these relationships and on the other hand, the materiality resulting from the practices of the different social actors involved during the encounter.

Based on the assumption that interethnic relationship are structured according to different kinds of identities. We consider that, these relations would not be restricted to ethnic identities but also other spheres related to status, gender, occupation – among others- would be implied (Jones 1997, 1999).

We understand that the relationships between European and American populations cannot be discussed outside the frame of the conformation of the modern society. This process has been characterized by some authors as the arising, expansion and consolidation of the capitalist system on a global scale from fifthteen century to the present time, establishing in its development a new social order and new social practices (Johnson 1996). The richness of this perspective resides in the analysis of the

Based on these ideas, this work integrates the analysis of historical documents and the material culture. Particularly we intend to explore the images that colonial discourse 3

CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY

Fig. 1.1. Location of the site: “Nueva Colonia y Fuerte de Floridablanca”

create about these relationships and the materiality resulting from the practices of the diverse social actors involved in the encounter. We emphasize the active role of material culture in social interaction and the expression

of the identity. This means that the material world not only reflected and is product of the social relationships, but also creates and structure them (Bourdieu 1977; Giddens 1995). 4

S. BUSCAGLIA & M.V. NUVIALA: THE MATERIAL CONSTRUCTION OF CULTURE CONTACT AT FLORIDABLANCA…

THE REPRESENTATION OF THE ENCOUNTER IN SPANISH DISCOURSE

material culture to evaluate this image and establish the reality of the contact in the realm of social practices.

As we mentioned previously, one of our goals is to analyze the representation of the interethnic relations in the context of Floridablanca through the official discourse.

THE MATERIALITY OF THE INTERETHNIC RELATIONS IN FLORIDABLANCA In this initial understanding about the role of material culture, we presented the first results outcoming from the study of several archaeological contexts – Figure 1.2. The chosen contexts includes spaces within the town and areas nearby, all of them are representative of the different social groups involved.

If we leave from the idea of the discourse as a practice (Foucault 1984), we can understand that in the documents the social reality is at the same time represented and constructed, positioning social actors in diverse ways (Foucault 1966 in Tilley 1990). By this reason, documents can be understood in terms of discourses regarding to a determined social order (Senatore 2004). Thus, we understand that the sources itself constitute a discourse elaborated by determined social actors about the form in which they perceived and built the reality of the culture contact. This process would have been crossed by the negotiation of power and identities of the diverse groups and individuals involved in the encounter.

Within the town, the excavated contexts includes: two different domestic units – one constructed by the Spanish Crown (22 m2) and the other one by account of the settlers (30 m2). The second area is the northeast sector within the fort, which includes a lodging space and the perimetral moat -used as dumping area (48m2) (Bianchi Villelli et al. 2005).

In order to explore the official discourse, we will focus on: how encounter was represented in the discourse, which social actors participate in the same one and, finally the role that material culture played in the construction of the interethnic relations from the sphere of the narratives.

Nearby the town, at the northwest sector, five surface concentrations characterized in all cases by the presence of indigenous materials (mainly lithic artefact and instruments) in association with Spanish materials from the end of Eighteen century. Material culture at different sceneries

The historical information speaks us of a pacific coexistence and daily treatment on a same scenary, between the Spaniards and the natives (Viedma 1783). Although on the specific case of Floridablanca domination and evangelization of local groups, were no contemplated; contact was planified (Sanguinetti de Bórmida et al. 2005).

We approach the material dimension based on the image of the culture contact created by the official discourse. The guidelines are: the sceneries, goods that were and were not circulating between Spaniards and natives, and the direction of such and finally social actors involved on the material construction of the interethnic relations.

The analysis of historical documents allows to establish from the discursive dimension that the main protagonists of the encounter were the individuals of greater hierarchy in both groups. We observed, that mutual recognition was given by the identification of the individuals of greater hierarchy on both societies, the Cacique Julian between indigenous and the Superintendente Don Antonio Viedma between the Spaniards, who were main protagonist on the official discourse created around the contact.

We consider that the material culture must be thought not only on terms of its functional role within a social group, but also based on its participation in the construction of the social relations (Lemonier 1993, Pfaffenberger 1988). In order to this, we emphasize the analysis of categories of goods based on their presence outside the habitual spheres of use and circulation. That means, new social sceneries in which they were inserted as a consequence of interethnic relationships. The categories of goods selected for the analysis includes lithic artifacts and instruments, as well as table ware -Spanish ceramic-.

On the other hand, European material culture played a very important role in the structuration of the social relationships between natives and Spaniards. Documents show a regular and standardized supply of certain sort of foods and drinks and other goods – such as glass beads, clothes and textiles. Nevertheless, this highlights the absence of references of other social actors –both groups-, as well as the incorporation of indigenous practices and material culture.

Material Culture within the Town: Lithic Technology With regard to this, we observed an unequal representation within the different sectors. The greater abundance and diversity of the three analyzed contexts was registered inside the Fort and the not projected house (Aschero 1983). These results indicates that technology as much as local practices were more extended and integrated in the life of the town, contrasting with the image generated from official discourse.

We thought that documents, as mainly power discourses, offers a trimmed image of the relations between both groups. Thus, we now look through the study of the 5

CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY

Fig. 1.2. Archaeological plan of the Floridablanca site. The sectors of the town analyzed in the present paper are indicated in gray. The circles (A, B, C, D and E) correspond to the superficial concentrations with native and spanish materials associated

This allow us to think that the Fort was an important scenary on the construction of the interethnic relationships. Its military component – could be a crucial element on the structuration of culture contact, given the experience of the troops on the daily activities with natives. Likewise the presence of lithic technology -a stone mill, percusor hammer, end scraper and beads-, in

association with Spanish materials found at the interior of the not projected house, shows the circulation of indigenous material culture between the settlers and their incorporation to the practices of the daily life. These results break the silence of documents with respect to the social actors and scenes involved in the contact. 6

S. BUSCAGLIA & M.V. NUVIALA: THE MATERIAL CONSTRUCTION OF CULTURE CONTACT AT FLORIDABLANCA…

Although stills remains to incorporate a greater diversity of archaeological contexts, this initial approach allow us to develop a more complex perspective based on the narrative and material construction of the interethnic relationships at Floridablanca.

Material Culture nearby the Town: Ceramics As we mentioned previously, at the surface concentrations nearby the town, lithic artifacts were registered associated with ceramic, glass beads and fragments of bottle of European origin, corresponding to the Eighteen century.

Acknowledgments

Within the ceramics we can make a distinction on two subgroups, the first one provided by Crown –olive jarsand the second one brought by the settlers –majólica. Although the olive jar’s distribution was controlled by the crown officers, its presence outside the town cannot be attributed only to these actors, as the settlers also were beneficiaries of such. This same argument can be applied to the presence of bottle fragments and glass beads.

First we like to thanks to the coordinators of this colloquia Dr. Pedro Paulo Funari and Dr. Andrés Zarankin for inviting us to participate. We also want to thank to Municipalidad de Puerto San Julián for their support at the succesive field works at Floridablanca. We appreciate the comments made by Dra. Nora Franco, Lic. Karen Borrazzo, Lic. Ramiro Barberena y Lic. Judith Charlin, Lic. Marcelo Cardillo, Marcia Bianchi Villelli and Clara Otaola during the elaboration of this paper. Finally, we like to thank to Héctor y Mónica (Markoto) Nuviala for their invaluable support and Violeta y Diego Trunzo for helping with the visual presentation.

The presence of domestic table ware –majolica-, as personal property of the settlers, let us to think about their participation on the relationship with the natives and within non formal spheres of good’s circulation. As we mentioned previously, all these aspects were silenced on the discursive plane.

References AMUSEEN, S. (1988) An ordered society: gender and class in early modern England. New York: Columbia University Press.

FINAL CONSIDERATIONS Finally, the integrated analysis of narrative and material constructions of culture contact, has allowed us to establish a different image of this phenomena, based on: the circulation of a greater diversity of goods, a bigger spectrum of social actors and the stages involved within the frame of the interethnic relations. This results contrast with the trimmed image of the culture contact constructed by the official discourse.

ASCHERO, C. (1983) Ensayo para una clasificación morfológica de artefactos líticos (Manuscript). Accesible en la Universidad de Buenos Aires (FFyL), Argentina. BIANCHI VILLELLI, M. (2006) Organizar la diferencia. Prácticas de consumo en Floridablanca. Cuadernos del Sur – Historia. Bahía Blanca, Departamento de Humanidades: Universidad Nacional del Sur. (In press).

The differences registered inside the colony could be interpreted as a differential structuration of the interethnic relations between the Spanish and indigenous population based on the heterogeneity of both groups.

BIANCHI VILLELLI, M., X. SENATORE y S. BUSCAGLIA (2005) Identificación de nuevas estructuras en la colonia de Floridablanca. Aproximaciones históricas, arqueológicas y geofísicas. Actas del VI Congreso Argentino de Americanistas. Sociedad Argentina de Americanistas. Buenos Aires, Universidad del Salvador: Ed. Dunken, p. 411-434.

A perspective based on the premise of diversity of the involved groups, enriches the understanding of the interethnic relationships and the negotiation of social identities, which includes not only ethnicity, but also status, gender and the occupation, among other things.

BOURDIEU, P. (1977) Outline of a Theory of Practice, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Finally, we understand that the colonial expansion implied a change within the relationships not only between the individuals but also within the relationship established between the individuals and the things (Amuseen 1988; Senatore y Zarankin 2002).

FOUCAULT, M. (1984) La arqueología del saber. México D.F: Siglo XXI editores. FUNARI, P., S. JONES & M. HALL (1999) Archaeology into History. In Funari, P.P., S. Jones and M. Hall., eds.-Back from the Edge. Londres: Routledge.

Within this process, material culture acted as an important transformation force of social practices, relationships, identities and daily life of the different social actors involved, indigenous and Europeans. These changes affected the different ways in which their societies were structured.

GIDDENS, A. (1995) La constitución de la sociedad. Bases para la teoría de la estructuración. Buenos Aires: Amorrortu editores. JOHNSON, M. (1996) An archaeology of capitalism. Oxford: Blackwell.. 7

CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY

settlement of Floridablanca (Patagonia, 18th century). In P.P Funari, A. Zarankin and E. Stobel, eds.Archaeological Global Theory contextual voices and contemporary thoughts, New York: Kluwer, p. 265282.

JONES, S. (1997) The Archaeology of Ethnicity. London: Routledge. JONES, S. (1999) Historical categories and the praxis of identity: the interpretation of ethnicity in historical archaeology. In Funari, P.P., S. Jones and M. Hall., eds.-Back from the Edge. London: Routledge.

SENATORE, M.X. y A. ZARANKIN (2002) Leituras da sociedade moderna. Cultura material, discursos y prácticas. In Zarankin, A. y Senatore, M.X., eds.Arqueologia da Sociedade Moderna na América do Sul. Buenos Aires: Ediciones del Tridente, p. 5-18.

LEMONNIER, P. (1993) Introducction. In Lemonnier, P. ed.- Technological choices: transformation in material cultures since the Neolithic. London: Routledge. p. 1-35.

SILLIMAN, S.W. (2005). Culture Contact or Colonialism? Challenges in the Archaeology of Native North America. American Antiquity 70 (1), p. 55-74.

LIGHTFOOT, K.G. (1995) Culture Contact Studies: Redefining the Relationship Between Prehistoric and Historical Archaeology. American Antiquity 60 (2) p. 199-217.

STEIN, G.J. (2004) Introduction: The Comparative Archaeology of Colonial Encounters. In G.J. Stein ed.- The Archaeology of Colonial Encounters: Comparative Perspectives. School of American Research Pr, p. 1-29.

MARSCHOFF, M. (2004) (Manuscript) Gato por liebre. Prácticas alimenticias en Floridablanca. Accesible en la Universidad de Buenos Aires (FFyL). PFAFFENBERGER, B. (1988) Fetishised objects and humanized nature: towards an anthropology of technology. Man (N.S.) 23, p. 236-252.

TILLEY, C. (1990) Michael Foucault: Towards an archaeology of archaeology. In C. Tilley ed.- Reading Material Culture. Oxford: Blackwell, p. 281-347.

SANGUINETTI DE BÓRMIDA, A.C., M.X. SENATORE y S. BUSCAGLIA (2005) Patagonia en los confines de la sociedad moderna. Fronteras materiales en Floridablanca (siglo XVIII). In La Frontera: realidades y representaciones.. Buenos Aires: Dunken. Jornadas Interdisciplinarias CONICET-IMHICIHU. p. 69-84.

VIEDMA, A. ([1783] 1972) Diario de Viedma. In Colección Pedro De Angelis. Buenos Aires: Plus Ultra Tomo VIII, volumen B, p. 845-936. WILSON, S.M. y J.D. ROGERS (1993) Chapter 1: Historical Dymanics in the Contact Era. In J.D. Rogers y S.M. Wilson, eds.- Ethnohistory and Archaeology: Approach to Postcontact Change in the Americas. New York: Plenum Press, p. 3-15.

SENATORE, M.X. (2004) Enlightened discourse, representations and social practices in the Spanish

8

TO WHOM BELONGS BRAZILIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS: THE ROLE OF PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY Pedro Paulo A. FUNARI Departamento de História, IFCH, Unicamp, Coordenador do Núcleo de Estudos Estratégicos, Unicamp, C. Postal 6110, Campinas, 13081-970, SP, Brazil Abstract: The paper deals with Public Archaeology in Brazil. It starts by discussing Brazilian society and its features and the role archaeology has been playing in fostering empowerment of ordinary people. It concludes by stating the outlook of archaeology in Brazil. Key words: public archaeology; Brazilian society; ordinary people Resumé: Le chapitre est dedié à l’archéologie classique au Brésil. Il commence pour discuter les caracteristiques de la société brésilienne et le rôle de l’archéologie pour l’action du menu peuple. Le chapitre finit pour envisager les perspectives de l’archéologie au Brésil. Mots clés: archéologie classique; société brésilienne; menu peuple

do they represent a tiny minority of expendable human beings? Brazil is now the tenth largest economy, with a GDP reaching some eight hundred billion United States dollars and a per capita GDP around US $ 4700 (Latin American Monitor, May 1997: 5) but, after some sources, it is the most iniquitous country on earth, as the poorest 40% earn only 7% of the National income, whilst the richest 10% earn 51.3%, a worse imbalance than in any other American, African or Asian country (Folha de São Paulo 1996a). Just the richest 1% earn 13.9%, whilst the poorest 10% earn 1.1% (Folha de São Paulo 1996b), and in the last forty years or so the imbalance has been increasing, rather than decreasing (Dantas 1995), to the despair of economists, as Zini (1997) and writers, as Rui Mourão (1997), among others. Children still work, instead of going to school (Filho 1997; Ribeiro 1997; Sérgio & Rocha 1997) and illiteracy is rife.

The concept of Brazilian society is as elusive as any generalisation and most foreigners are perhaps used to a particularly blurred image of Brazil. Probably the most ubiquitous image of the country comes from Carnival and Rio de Janeiro streets, mixed with sounds of bossa nova Ipanema’s girl (Garota de Ipanema) hit by Tom Jobim, whose rendering by Frank Sinatra, among others, spread Brazil’s image around the world. By the way, Rio de Janeiro is still considered by many people world over to be the capital of Brazil (or Argentina, why not?) and the fact is that, even though Brazil is unknown as a country, some of its culture is widely known abroad, from such personalities as Pelé and Airton Senna, to its rhythms. But, what about Brazilian society? Brazilian...what? Is there a society in Brazil? It depends on the definition of society, of course, for “a system of common life” (Williams1983: 294) is a difficult definition to apply to the Brazilian case, given the lack of subjective links between the different social strata. Perhaps a shocking news piece is enough to alert us about this lack of social commitment:

The vast majority live thus with less than US $ 60 a month (Fuentes 1996) and are, as a consequence, out of the consumer market, as emphasised sometime ago Edward J. Amadeo (1991), now minister for labour affairs, and this goes a long way in explaining the poor status of ordinary Brazilians. Two other features must though be mentioned: the patriarchal roots of Brazilian social relations and the recent history of authoritarian rule. A hierarchisable society, Brazilian society operates secularly through such institutions as the elite family and its side effects: patronage and the resulting fear of the good powerful masters (DaMatta 1991: 399). Slaves, poor people, and all non proprietors are thus not citizens, but subjects and dependants (Mota 1977: 173) and patronage (Carvalho 1998) is still pervasive today (e.g. O Estado de São Paulo 1998). This authoritarian tradition was strengthened by the military rule, between 1964 and 1985, “lots of people suffered, have been exiled, tortured and killed”, in the words of a historian who lived the experience (Iglésias 1985: 216) and after the restoration of civilian rule there has been no search for the abuses of the authorities, even though human rights activists stress that “the state of law and democracy demand that truth be

“A beggar has been burned alive in Porto Alegre. The incident happened downtown, close to the main bus station and witnesses say that there were several aggressors, some of them adolescents” (Gerchmann 1998). This kind of crime is so common that it goes generally unreported, although there has been a lot of publicity about arsonists since a native Brazilian was killed the same way, the 19th of April, 1997, in the capital, Brasília, just when school children were celebrating “Native Brazilian day”. The arsonists were caught by the police, and these middle class youngsters were indicted sometime later, not for murder, but for “unconsciously risking a life”. In the wake of the murder, several cases were reported in the press, as several poor people were put to death by “unconscious”, but usually not persecuted, citizens. In some quarters, it has since been “fashionable” to put fire to poor people. Who are these poor Brazilians, 9

CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY

archaeologists. Most archaeologists write in Portuguese and have no intention in addressing a non-Brazilian scholarly audience and few journals publish papers in foreign languages and/or are multi-lingual. Considering that there are few than two hundred archaeologists in the country, and that they deal with a variety of different subjects, if a paper is read by more than ten people it is an exception. Papers which address a much wider international archaeological audience are still rare but since the restoration of civilian rule in 1985 there has been a growing production of studies addressing a world archaeological community, as is the case of the very recent “Special section: issues in Brazilian archaeology”, published by Antiquity (Barreto 1998; Gaspar 1998; Gonzalez 1998; Heckneberger 1998; Kipnis 1998; Neves 1998; Noelli 1998; Wüst 1998). Still, references to wider interpretive problems which could interest archaeologists non-specialists in Brazilian subjects is very rare, even though in the case of historical archaeology Brazilian subjects and standpoints are now being discussed by archaeologists in general, not only by the narrow group of foreign experts on Brazil, as recent papers witness (Orser 1996; Funari, Hall & Jones 1999). This was already the case with classical archaeology produced by Brazilians, as a much wider archaeological readership has been paying attention for quite some time to Brazilian papers (e.g. Sarian 1989) and papers (e.g. Funari 1996a) published in Europe (cf. with full references, Funari 1997a), as it is easy to observe visiting the consultation ratings in virtual sites.

revealed, if governments do not respect the law and the rights of citizens” (Pinheiro 1995; cf. Rebelo 1990). There has been no “Truth and Reconciliation Commission” in Brazil, as was the case in South Africa (Cose 1998; Mabry 1998) , and even other countries in the southern cone, like Argentina, were able to at least partially investigate the abuses of military dictators and their supporters. The result was that the discourse of power, articulated by intellectuals who are themselves powerholders, systematically deny the other (Velasco e Cruz 1997: 21-22) and dismiss the need to integrate Brazilian society beyond the huge social cleavages. In this social context, what does it mean to “do archaeology for the public”, as put it Parker Pearson (1998)? The wider audience of archaeology in the United States and Europe include a broad spectrum of social strata and the pages of the National Geographic Magazine witness the popular appeal of archaeology for a wide readership. Even though the constituency for archaeology is not much wider than the middle class (Merriman 1991; McGuire & Walker 1999), in the United States and Europe the middle classes are themselves not restricted to being an upper crust. The public in Brazil, on the other hand, is limited to probably less than two hundred archaeologists (Barreto 1998: 774) and to school children, newspaper readers and sometimes a mass of television viewers, as more than eighty percent of homes have television sets (Folha de São Paulo 1996c), and the middle classes are proportionally not as large as in Europe or the United States. The aim of this paper is thus to discuss the relationship between archaeologists and their different audiences and to assess the outlook for changes in the future.

The world archaeological public is, however, more interested in ideas than merely recovering and describing evidence (Tilley 1998: 691) and the only way Brazilian archaeologists can address this demand is to produce informed interpretive papers and papers and the reason why the world is looking for interpretation is that archaeology must be relevant to society at large and to the human and social sciences in particular (Tilley 1998: 692). There is thus another important public, the other social sciences, whose concerns must be matched by archaeology, for there is a growing acknowledgement that archaeology is always socially engaged (Hodder 1991:22), directly linked to ideologies and political uses (Slapsak 1993: 192), and that the way we interpret the past cannot be divorced from the way we perceive the present (Nassaney 1989: 89). So much so that even the study of the prehistoric past is a political act (Hodder 1990: 278) and archaeology, as a mode of production of the past (1995: 34), assembles the past (Shanks & McGuire 1996: 82) and is a discipline inevitably linked to the public in general. In this respect, archaeologists in Europe and in the United States are increasingly more aware of the need to interact with historians, anthropologists, heritage managers, educators and their Brazilian counterparts should pay more attention to these audiences (Funari 1997b), inside and outside the country, as is beginning to be the case now (cf. Funari 1998), for the way to reach the wider public is to interact with fellow social scientists. A greater diversity of views and

The public is usually perceived as an aggregate, nonorganised community of people and this and hence it is used as a collective noun and in this sense it is too general to be used to deal with a variety of different social audiences. The narrowest audience of Brazilian archaeologists are other local archaeologists and most practitioners are not worried by the fact that they limit themselves to this very special public. Usually, archaeologists do not publish their reports, as there is no explicit and abiding rule conditioning financing research and publication of the results, as is the case in other countries, where Heritage institutions do so, as is the case in England, where funding institutions do so, as is the case with several Stiftungen the world over, where academic degree dissertations must be published to be recognised, as is the case in Germany. In this case, the audience of several field seasons is restricted to the volunteers who assisted the excavations. When there are unpublished reports or dissertations, the readership is restricted usually to a few people who have accesss to the original and/or to copies in libraries. Increasingly though, archaeologists have been publishing their papers in local journals, enabling the readership to become wider, up to several hundred fellow 10

P.P.A. FUNARI: TO WHOM BELONGS BRAZILIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS: THE ROLE OF PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

the British case in Brodie 1998). Even today, the eulogy of past upper class material splendour, in the form of ceramics or other elite items, is common currency (e.g. Lima 1995) and museums promote exhibitions of these archaeological artefacts, with little concern for a critical approach, now common in both archaeology and museum studies worldwide.

approaches, fostering pluralistic dialogue (Bintliff 1995: 34), enables archaeologists to be aware of the fact that there are other audiences, not strictly professional and archaeological (Funari 1996b). Archaeologists have been confronting complex dilemmas when rulers and ruled (Ucko 1990: xx), or people excluded from power, as I would call them, compete for their services. Archaeology is the only social science that can provide access to all social groups, not only elites, but also peasants, natives, nomads, slaves, craftsmen or merchants (Saitta 1995: 385) and for this reason ordinary people could recognise themselves in what we as archaeologists offer them. For the last decades, anthropologists, historians and other social scientists have been keen to study the excluded and to address a variety of audiences. Natives have been active interlocutors and scientists have been campaigning for the rights of Indians, particularly for the demarcation of indigenous peoples’ lands. Blacks are in a similar situation, and now some school textpapers mention Natives, Blacks, ordinary poor people, immigrants and other excluded strata, both in the present and the past. Environmental concerns have been also addressed by different sciences, as is the case with urbanism and vernacular architecture from a perspective of poor people. Archaeology also addressed some of these concerns, and this was so almost from its inception, in the nineteenth century, even if this was a concern of a minority, considering, as mentioned before, the difficult communication and interaction between elites and ordinary people.

Black material culture was as a consequence for long time absent from archaeological discourse or displays, as was any humble artefacts, what Mediterranean archaeologists call the instrumentum domesticum, ordinary pottery, post holes, remains of suffering, not of joy by rich aristocrats and their fine pottery. The 30th October 1998, at historic colonial town of Ouro Preto, in Minas Gerais State, a Oratory Museum has been open with “artefacts expressing the religious variety of our people. Rich and poor had a place of honour, in their homes, to shelter a domestic shrine”, in the words of the Archbishop Luciano Mendes de Almeida (1998), of Mariana, a human rights activist who took part in the fight against oppression in the last decades. The main public concern by archaeologists has always been in considering that our heritage is a world heritage (cf. Khan 1998: 1), that humble remains are as important as learned European ones, that the excluded are also part of the public. It is symptomatic that archaeologists engaged in human rights, in a very broad sense of the expression, have been those who addressed a wide audience and fought for the future generations in their right to an enlightening look for their roots (Hudson 1994: 55). Paulo Duarte, an intellectual who fought a dictatorship in the 1930s and early 1940s, returned to Brazil after World War II and struggled to publicise the importance of shell middens, as a common heritage of all Brazilians, considering the remains of Indians worth of preservation and study (cf. Funari 1995). Thanks to his efforts, legislation was passed in the Congress to protect archaeological heritage in the early 1960, just before a military clamp down, whose consequences are still felt, almost fifteen years after the restoration of civilian rule, in 1985. While official Brazilian archaeology was reinvented by the training of a new generation of Brazilian practitioners, under the guide of Betty Meggers and Clifford Evans, the worries with the wider public naturally faded. However, even in those dark years (19641985), several archaeologists were concerned with the public and with heritage, some of them in line with the French inspired humanism of Paulo Duarte, as was the case with the study of rock art by André Prous, Niede Guidon, among others, or the continued study of shell middens. African and/or African-Brazilian heritage was also a concern of Mariano Carneiro da Cunha.

In the beginning of the twentieth century, when a state museum director and practising archaeologist, Von Ihering, defended the traditional approach to Natives, proposing the genocide of ethnic groups, there was reaction, by practising archaeologists from the National Museum, in Rio de Janeiro, then the capital of the country, who reacted and defended the Indians (cf. Funari 1999, with references). In the same direction, in the first decades of the twentieth century, some papers on archaeology and prehistory of Brazil have been published, whose readers where not particularly numerous, nor their approach necessarily sympathetic to the Indians, but in any case the interest in native material culture was there and there were practising archaeologists trying to understand the other. In a context of dominant groups using their power to push their own heritage to the fore (Byrne 1991: 275), as was the case, the mere fact of looking for prehistoric artefacts was a way of challenging the dominating concerns and fashions. Historical artefacts protected as heritage though were overwhelmingly from the elite, resulting in people’s alienation and lack of interest in the preservation of historical material culture. Looting of church high style art, for instance, has always been a problem, here as elsewhere (cf. Calabresi 1998), as ordinary people are not concerned by elite heritage and the elites themselves are usually lured by the market value of these artefacts (cf.

Only with the restoration of civilian rule, tough, Brazilian archaeologists would more directly address wider audiences. The first manuals on archaeology were published (Funari 1988; Prous 1991), historical archaeology has begun by paying attention to excluded 11

CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY

people, Indians in Missions (Kern 1989), Blacks in runaway settlements (Funari 1996c), and for the first time Brazilian prehistory was introduced for millions of school children as a search for Natives’ culture (Guarinello 1994). The increasing resonance of the World Archaeological Congress ideals in Brazil, as attested in a recent international conference held in Brazil (Funari 1998), shows the growing social awareness within the archaeological comunity. Overall, and in the context of a Brazilian society so marked by cleavages, as mentioned in the beginning of this paper, there has been an active engagement of several archaeologists with broader social strata and issues, from Indian and Black rights for their lands to a less unbalanced picture of excluded people in museum exhibitions (Tamanini 1994). Processes and products (Merriman 1996: 382) of archaeological activities are directly linked to the public and Brazilian archaeologists are now rescuing an enduring humanist approach, felt since the inception of the discipline in the country, whose concerns for the people are central to the archaeologists’ practice. Indians, blacks, ordinary people are being reintroduced in archaeological discourse and public archaeology is beginning to be felt as an essential aspect of the discipline, in Brazil, as it already is, world over.

CARVALHO, J.M. (1998) Pontos e Bordados. Belo Horizonte: Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais. COSE, E. (1998. The limitations of the truth. Newsweek, October the 26th, 25. DAMATTA, R. (1991) Religions and modernity: three studies of Brazilian religiosity. Journal of Social History 25, 389-406. DANTAS. V. (1995) Concentração de renda aumentou desde 90. O Estado de São Paulo, August the 13rd, Economia, p.1. FILHO, T. (1997) Trabalho que empobrece. Estado de Minas, May the 18th, p. 42. Folha de São Paulo. (1996a) Os números da desigualdade. Folha de São Paulo, July the 9th, 1996, 1, p.5. Folha de São Paulo. (1996b) Evolução do rendimento mensal do brasileiro. Folha de São Paulo, September the 6th, 1996, 1, p.8. Folha de São Paulo. (1996c) Percentual de residências com alguns serviços e bens. Folha de São Paulo, September the 6th, 1, p.9. FUENTES, C. (1996) From the boom days to the boomerang. Newsweek, May the 6th, 50-51. FUNARI, P.P.A. (1988) Arqueologia. São Paulo: Ática.

Acknowledgments

FUNARI, P.P.A. (1995) Mixed features of archaeological theory in Brazil. In Theory in Archaeology, A world perspective, Ucko, P.J. (ed.), 236-250. London: Routledge.

I owe thanks to the following colleagues: Eduardo Goes Neves, Randall McGuire, Dean J. Saitta, Haiganuch Sarian, Michael Shanks, Sebastião C. Velasco e Cruz, Peter Ucko, Irmhild Wüst . I must also mention the support of FAPESP and the Institute of Archaeology (University College London). The ideas presented here are my own, for which I am therefore solely responsible.

FUNARI, P.P.A. (1996a) Dressel 20 Inscriptions from Britain and the Consumption of Spanish Olive Oil. Oxford: BAR Publishing. FUNARI, P.P.A. (1996b) Pluralism and divisions in European archaeology. Journal of European Archaeology 4, 384-5.

References ALMEIDA, L.M. (1998) Museu do Oratório. Folha de São Paulo, October the 24th, 1, p.2.

FUNARI, P.P.A. (1996c) A Arqueologia de Palmares – sua contribuição para o conhecimento da História da cultura afro-brasileira. In Liberdade por um Fio, 2652. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras.

AMADEO, E.J. (1991) O núcleo protegido da economia brasileira. Folha de São Paulo, October the 22nd, 3, p.2.

FUNARI, P.P.A. (1997a) European Archaeology and two Brazilian offspring: classical archaeology and art history. Journal of European Archaeology 5, 137-148.

BARRETO, C. (1998) Brazilian archaeology from a Brazilian perspective. Antiquity 72, 573-581.

FUNARI, P.P.A. (1997b) Archaeology, history and historical archaeology in South America. International Journal of Historical Archaeology 1, 189-206.

BINTLIFF, J. (1995) “Whither archaeology?” revisited. In Whither Archaeology? Papers in honour of E. Neustupný, Kuna, M. & N. Venclová (eds), 24-35.

FUNARI, P.P.A. (1998) Teoria Arqueológica na América do Sul. Campinas: Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas.

BYRNE, D. (1991) Western hegemony in archaeological heritage management. History and Anthropology 5, 269-276.

FUNARI, P.P.A., S. JONES, & M. HALL. (1999) Historical Archaeology, Back from the edge. London: Routledge.

BRODIE, N. (1998) The antiquities trade in the United Kingdom: recent developments. In Archaeological Heritage Damage and Preservation, Layton, R. (ed.). London: Routldege (forthcoming).

FUNARI, P.P.A. (1999) Brazilian archaeology: an overview. In Archaeology in Latin America, Politis, G. (ed.). London: Routledge (forthcoming).

CALABRESI, M. (1998) Priest versus pilferers. Time, February the 23rd, p. 19.

GASPAR, M.D. (1998) Considerations of the sambaquis of the Brazilian coast. Antiquity 72, 592-616. 12

P.P.A. FUNARI: TO WHOM BELONGS BRAZILIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS: THE ROLE OF PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

GERCHMANN, L. (1998) Mendigo tem 13% do corpo queimado em Porto Alegre. Follha de São Paulo, August 6th, 1998, 3, p. 10.

seventeenth century Native American-European relations. In Archaeological Approaches to Cultural Identity, Shennan, S.J. (ed.), 76-93. London: Unwin Hyman.

GONZALES, E.M.R. (1998) Regional pottery-making groups in southern Brazil. Antiquity 72, 616-625. GUARINELLO, N.L. (1994) Os Primeiros Habitantes do Brasil. São Paulo: Atual.

NEVES, E.G. (1998) Twenty years of Amazonian archaeology in Brazil (1977-1997). Antiquity 72, 625633.

HECKENBERGER, M.J. (1998) Manioc agriculture and sedentism in Amazonia: the Upper Xingu example. Antiquity 72, 633-648.

NOELLI, F.S. (1998) The Tupi: explaining origin and expansions in terms of archaeology and historical linguistics. Antiquity 72, 648-663. O Estado de São Paulo. (1998) Paternalismo ainda domina relações políticas na cidade. O Estado de São Paulo, October the 11th, C, p. 4.

HODDER, I. (1990) The Domestication of Europe. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. HODDER, I. (1991) Archaeological theory in contemporary European societies: the emergence of competing traditions. In Hodder, I. (ed.), Archaeological Theory in Europe, 1-24. London: Routledge.

ORSER, C.E. (1996) A Historical Archaeology of the Modern World. New York: Plenum. PARKER PEARSON, M. (1998) The beginning of wisdom. Antiquity 72, 680-686.

HUDSON, K. (1994) The great European museum: the museum one cannot and does not need to enter. Institute of Archaeology Bulletin 31, 53-60.

PINHEIRO, P.S. (1995) Não forcemos contas de chegada. Folha de São Paulo, August the 6th, 1, p. 3.

IGLÉSIAS, F. (1985) Momentos democráticos na trajetória brasileira. In Brasil, sociedade democrática, Jaguaribe, H. (ed.), 125-221. Rio de Janeiro: José Olympio.

PROUS, A. (1991) Arqueologia Brasileira. Brasília: Universidade de Brasília.

KERN, A.A. (1989) Escavações arqueológicas na Missão Jesuítico-Guarani de São Lourenço. Estudos IberoAmericanos PUCRS, 15, 111-33.

RIBEIRO, L. (1997) A única alternativa de um pai. Estado de Minas, May the 18th, p. 42.

REBELO, A. (1990) Dívida com a História. Folha de São Paulo, October the 8th, C, p.3.

KIPNIS, R. (1998) Early hunter-gatherers in the Americas: perspectives from Central Brazil. Antiquity 72, 581-592.

SAITTA, D.J. (1995) Marxism and archaeology. In Marxism in the Postmodern Age, Confronting the new world order, Cullenberg, S. & C. Biewoner (eds), 385-393. New York and London: Guilfor. SARIAN, H. (1989) L’heritage mycenien: la civilisation. In Les Civilisations Egéenes du Néolithique et de l’Âge du Bronze, R. Treuil (ed.), 585-93. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.

Latin American Monitor. (1997) Brazil: macroeconomic data and forecasts. Latin American Monitor 14, 5, p. 5.

SÉRGIO, E. & R. ROCHA. (1997) Lavoura esvazia escolas. Estado de Minas, May the 18th, p. 42.

LIMA, T.A. (1998) Pratos e mais pratos: louças domésticas, divisões culturais e limites sociais no Rio de Janeiro, século XIX. Anais do Museu Paulista, N.Ser. 3, 129-191.

SHANKS, M. (1995) Archaeological experiences and a critical romanticism. Helsinki Papers in Archaeology 7, 17-36.

KHAN, M. (1998) Ethno-religious violence towards cultural heritage. In Archaeological Heritage Damage and Preservation, Layton, R. (ed.). London: Routledge (forthcoming).

SHANKS, M. & R. McGUIRE. (1996) The craft of Archaeology. American Antiquity, 61, 75-88.

MABRY, M. (1998) Look back in horror. Newsweek, October the 26th, 22-24.

SLAPSAK, B. (1993) Archaeology and the contemporary myths of the past. Journal of European Archaeology 2, 191-195.

McGUIRE, R.H. & M. WALKER. (1999) Class confrontations in archaeology. Historical Archaeology 33, in press.

TAMANINI, E. (1994) Museu Arqueológico de Sambaqui: um olhar necessário. Campinas: Faculdade de Educação, unpublished master’s degree dissertation.

MERRIMAN, N. (1991) Beyond the Glass Case: The past, the heritage and public in Britain. Leicester: Leicester University Press. MOTA, C.G. (1977) História contemporânea da cultura. Os anos 50: linhas de produção cultural. Revista de História 111, 155-181. MOURÃO, R. (1997) As idéias que se traduzem em palavras. Estado de Minas, January the 26th, p.8.

TILLEY, C. (1998) Archaeology: the loss of isolation. Antiquity 72, 691-3. UCKO, P.J. (1990) Foreword. In The Politics of the Past, Gathercole, P. & D. Lowenthal (eds), ix-xxi. London: Unwin Hyman.

NASSANEY, M. (1989) An epistemological enquiry into some archaeological and historical interpretations of

VELASCO e CRUZ, S.C. (1997) Restructuring World Economy. Arguments about ‘market-oriented reforms’ 13

CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY

in developing countries. Campinas: Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas da UNICAMP.

Eastern Bororo territory, Mato Grosso, Brazil. Antiquity 72, 663-676.

WILLIAMS, R. (1983) Keywords, A vocabulary of culture and society. London: Fontana.

ZINI, A.A. (1997) Desigualdade de renda no Brasil. Folha de São Paulo, March the 2nd, 2, p.5.

WÜST, I. (1998) Continuities and discontinuities: archaeology and ethnoarchaeology in the heart of the

14

CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY: SOME EPISTEMOLOGICAL QUESTIONS Pedro Paulo A. FUNARI Departamento de História, IFCH, Unicamp, Coordenador do Núcleo de Estudos Estratégicos, Unicamp, C. Postal 6110, Campinas, 13081-970, SP, Brazil Abstract: The paper deals with the main epistemological issues relating to historical archaeology as a discipline. It explores some of the differences in approach to the subject in Europe and the United States and the consequences for the discipline. Key words: historical archaeology; Europe; United States Resumé: Le chapitre est dedié à l’étude des questions epistemologiques sur la discipline archéologie historique. Les différences entre l’archéologie historique en Europe et aux États Unis sont donc explicitées et discutées. Mots clés: archéologie historique; Europe; États Unis

in which our knowledge of it stands indebted to historical materials’ (Hawkes 1951: 1). Thus, in Europe, whilst the development of literacy and the emergence of written history has still been seen in evolutionary terms moving from illiterate to literate societies, simple to complex (Rowlands 1989: 29), there has been little inclination to separate history from prehistory in any strict sense, as for instance in North America, Australia and South Africa.

What is now often defined as historical archaeology, in the sense of the study of the material remains of societies with written records, has a long pedigree within the discipline of archaeology. A concern with the origins and history of European ‘civilization’ resulted in a strong tradition of archaeological research focusing on the ‘Holy Land’, the Greek and Roman worlds, Medieval Europe and the rise of Christendom. Yet it is not with such periods or regions that the concept of historical archaeology is primarily associated. Rather it is in the ‘New World’, particularly North America, that the term originates and where a distinct field of study bearing that name emerged some thirty years ago, defined in terms of written history:

Historical archaeology is still broadly conceived as the study of societies with written records, but over the last two-three decades its distinguishing characteristics have been subject to much debate in a desire to escape the supplementary, ‘handmaiden of history’ role, as well as to raise the professional standing of the field and its proponents. Emphasis has shifted away from the use of archaeological evidence to merely fill in the gaps in historical knowledge, and in its place historical archaeologists have advocated the study of past lifeways and social processes (Deagan 1996: 25-8; Little 1996: 45). Most recently, following on from this concern with the analysis of past social and cultural processes, historical archaeologists have focused on European expansion and colonialism, the mechanisms of domination and resistance involved, and the economic and political forms which were generated, in particular the spread of capitalism (e.g. Leone and Potter 1988: 19; Johnson 1996; Orser 1996a; 1996b; 1996c). Such studies are universalizing in orientation and attempt to distinguish historical archaeology as the study of a coherent world system of one kind or another, characterized by similar forms of economic and political organization across the globe. As Orser indicates:

Historical archaeology studies the cultural remains of literate societies that were capable of recording their own history. In this respect it contrasts directly with prehistoric archaeology, which treats all of the cultural history before the advent of writing – millions of years in duration. (Deetz 1977: 5). The result, in theory, should be a flexible distinction between two areas of study, one being the pre-literate precolonial past, in the hands of prehistorians, and the other focusing on literate societies from the Babylonians onwards, the domain of historical archaeologists. But in practice, the term historical archaeology was almost exclusively applied to the ‘New World’ (e.g. Deetz 1977), and as a result constituted a fixed, hard dichotomy, a complete disjunction between periods of human history. In contrast, archaeologists working in Europe, China and parts of Africa, have not drawn such clear-cut boundaries, and the study of historical periods has been labelled according to ‘civilisations’, or historic periods, such as classical and medieval archaeologies in Europe, or Islamic archaeology in several countries in the Middle East and Africa. Indeed, archaeologists trained in Europe have often preferred to look at the distinction between prehistory and history as one of gradation: ‘prehistory, from the neolithic colonization of Europe onward, is classified according to the degree (as we ascend the scale)

The theoretical basis of this perspective is the idea that the world became a different place when colonizing Europeans began to travel across the globe, meeting and interacting with diverse peoples as they went. The hybrid cultures that were subsequently created in the Americas, Asia, Africa, the South Seas, and even in Europe are the outcomes of these dramatic cultural exchanges. (Orser 1996b: 11) 15

CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY

America today, as the cultural heir of the AngloAmerican tradition that began in North America in 1607, is studied by folklorists, historians, sociologists, and anthropologists. Historical archaeology can add to our understanding of the American experience. (Deetz 1977: 4-5, our emphasis; see also Orser and Fagan 1995: 6)

This work represents the most comprehensive attempt to develop a world-wide historical archaeology to date. Nevertheless, attempts to define historical archaeology in these terms still dichotomize human history with all the problems that such a way of carving up the past inevitably raises. A focus on people with history highlights Europeans’ history in relation to that of other peoples’, creating an archaeology of the Age of Discovery, colonization, and the development of the modern world system. (Little 1996: 42)

However, for minority and indigenous groups in the United States and in many other countries in Africa, the Americas and Oceania, such an approach serves to cut them off from their pre-colonial histories and ignores frames of meaning which are important for their own cultural self-expression (Ucko 1994; Andah 1995; Schmidt and Patterson 1995: 13-14). So, for instance, Pikarayi notes that in Zimbabwe the entire conceptual framework, within which historical archaeology is practised, is limited to historical concerns that are predominantly derived from European and Arabic sources and their spheres of interest, rather than indigenous histories.

A focus on written history, as Little (1996: 42) points out, has always highlighted the history of European societies (‘our’ type of society) in opposition to that of others (‘their’ type of society). The distinction between societies with writing and those without has played an important role in the humanities, tying in with dichotomies such as myth: history, barbarism: civilization, primitive: advanced. These dichotomies have framed our understanding of social evolution and the history of humanity since at least the eighteenth century, and such is their power that they continued to dominate the ahistorical, functionalist and structuralist traditions of the early to mid twentieth century. Within an historical or evolutionary framework these binary oppositions have led to the search for ‘… a single breaking point, a Great Divide, though whether this jump occurred in Western Europe in the sixteenth century, or Greece in the fifth century B.C., or in Mesopotamia in the fourth millennium, is never very clear’ (Goody 1977: 3).

Recent approaches, focusing on social processes such as colonialism and the spread of a capitalist world economy, serve to incorporate non-European societies as active agents within history. As one of the key figures in the development of such a perspective across the human sciences states, ‘The global processes set in motion by European expansion constitute their [i.e. non-European] history as well’ (Wolf 1982: 385). Nevertheless, groundbreaking though such studies have been, they still result in a one-sided picture, a history that is not equally shared in by European and non-European societies (Little 1996: 52; Asad 1987: 604). As Asad points out:

The imposition of such binary categorizations on an historical framework is intricately bound up in the construction of power and identity, and attempts to distinguish historical archaeology as a distinct field of study exemplify this process. On the one hand, it is no coincidence that in Europe, where most modern nationstates trace their histories back over long periods often well into prehistory (see contributions to Graves-Brown et al. 1996), there has been little inclination to construct a sharp boundary between prehistory and history. Such a disjunction would only sever modern European societies from the (pre)histories which they wish to claim for themselves. Furthermore, the Old World emphasis on writing and the succession of ‘high’ civilizations (Mesopotamia, Egypt, Greece, Rome, Medieval Europe, Modern Europe) betrays a teleological approach to the past, with history appearing to naturally converge on Europe. On the other hand, it is not by chance that the dominant groups in countries such as the United States have drawn a distinction between historical archaeology, which addresses aspects of their own history (even if some of these, such as slavery, are not so palatable), and pre-colonial prehistory, which is perceived by many as ‘dead’ and unrelated to the present. That historical archaeology is perceived as pertaining to the history of immigrant Americans is evident from the following statement by one of the leading proponents in the field:

The story of world capitalism is the history of the dominant world order within which diverse societies exist. But there are also histories (some written, some yet to be written) of the diverse traditions and practices that once shaped people’s lives and that cannot be reduced to ways of generating surplus or of conquering and ruling others. (Asad 1986: 604) The use of ethnocentric dichotomies, such as non-literate : literate, myth: history, primitive: advanced, in the structuring of historical analysis hinders the production of the alternative histories that Asad demands. As Goody (1977: 3-4, 9) has shown with relation to literacy, the use of such dichotomies has reduced diverse technologies of communication, and their effects on social organization and modes of thought, to gross de-contextualized categories, typologies which are accepted as a substitute for explanation. Whilst historical archaeology is rarely specifically concerned with the invention or introduction of literacy, broad definitions of the field implicitly rely on a distinction between non-literate and literate societies, and it is worth remembering that written documentation and its use in society takes diverse forms, and that historically, literacy was limited to certain sections of society, often elites or specialist groups (see Goody 16

P.P.A. FUNARI: CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY: SOME EPISTEMOLOGICAL QUESTIONS

archaeology still raises problems, not least of which, as Little (1996: 51), points out,

1977). Few historical archaeologists would disagree with these points, and yet the literature continues to be dominated by definitions intent on identifying an absolute boundary between history and prehistory. The result, as Schmidt and Patterson (1995: 13-14) point out, is that innovative approaches combining historical, archaeological, ethnographic and ‘mythical’ oral information are often ignored, or dismissed as methodologically unsound.

[…] is a Western/European-centred viewpoint that may serve to omit from ‘historical archaeology’ crossculturally relevant work incorporating written documentation such as that on Old World precapitalist states … political manouvering between Native American groups … medieval Europe … or African cultures documented through oral history.

Furthermore, studies transcending the pre-colonial/colonial boundary are undermined by implicit expectations regarding subject matter and methodological and theoretical distinctions between prehistoric and historical archaeology (see Lightfoot 1995; Colley and Bickford 1996). As Colley and Bickford point out with relation to Aboriginal sites in Australia, expectations relating to subject matter mean that many indigenous ‘historic period sites’ go unrecognised:

As Johnson (1992: 46) points out, the ‘rise of capitalism’ is often seen in isolation from its medieval antecedents, and this criticism could be extended further, as there are antecedents and continuities not only in relation to the medieval period, but also with respect to other noncapitalist, non-European traditions the world over. Several concepts associated with the spread of capitalism, such as colonialism, domination and resistance, and the commodefication of the material world, represent particular instances of social processes which can be observed in earlier historic periods. Colonialism, military expansion and imperialism are terms applicable to the Incas in South America and to the city-states of Mesopotamia, social and historical contexts which share at least some features with modern European expansion. Domination and resistance, although manifested in different ways in different historical and geographical contexts, characterize all societies where surplus labour is produced and appropriated (Saitta 1992: 889; Saitta 1994: 203). Furthermore, it can also be argued that processes of commodification have occurred in several historical contexts. Even if it were accepted that the advent of modern capitalism marked a qualitative break with all forms of civilization that had gone before it, as prior to its emergence, political domination was more important than economic domination (Anderson 1990: 55), this should not set European colonialism apart in any absolute sense. The singularization of the European colonial experience as being totally different from past expansions and dominations, undermines the useful comparison of diverse processes of colonial exploitation (Webster 1997; and see contributions to Webster and Cooper 1996). By the same token, the ‘capitalist’ civilization exported by Europeans has never been able to reduce all social relations, everywhere in the world, to economic relations. As Funari shows, processes of commodification can be observed in the Roman world, just as non-capitalist relations are evident in the modern world. Consequently, the assertion of a radical dichotomy between the archaeology of capitalism and that of precapitalism carves up history along artificial lines, and produces a simplistic understanding of both pre-modern and modern societies as relatively homogeneous entities (Chase and Chase 1996: 810).

Even today, Aboriginal people sometimes use ‘traditional’ places (e.g. rock shelters, waterholes, campsites) without leaving any European’ materials behind. To label these Aboriginal sites ‘prehistoric’ because they contain no obvious exotic materials is to render post-contact Aboriginal places, and the people who used them, invisible. (Colley and Bickford 1996: 8) Such is the rigidity of the boundary that, in countries such as the United States and Australia, even demonstrably contemporary, geographically associated ‘indigenous’ and ‘colonial’ ‘historic period sites’ can be artificially isolated, the former often being studied by prehistorians (and thus implicitly regarded as part of prehistory), and the latter by historical archaeologists using different techniques, different temporal and geographical scales of analysis and different explanatory frameworks. (Lightfoot 1995: 208-209). Typically, indigenous sites have been treated as part of the long-term and analysed with relation to ecological and neo-evolutionary models, whereas ‘European’ sites are situated in terms of recent historical events, individual agency and analysed in terms of sociopolitical relationships. It might be argued that recent work in historical archaeology, focusing on the history of capitalism and its industrial expressions, escapes at least some of the analytical problems associated with a typological distinction between literate and non-literate societies. Certainly, such work has produced a strong theoretical framework for the analysis of various societies following European conquest focusing on the operation of global processes, such as colonialism, commodification, ideology and power, in specific local contexts (see below). Important case studies have been carried out demonstrating the power of such an approach, in particular in its ability to facilitate cross-cultural comparison, and to address the lives of both colonizers and colonized (e.g. Orser 1996a). Nevertheless, the cooption of such a focus in the definition of historical

Finally, the prioritization of capitalism as a focus of study situates its emergence, spread and eventual domination as an inevitable process, lying beyond the consciousness or control of social actors, particularly subordinate groups (Johnson 1992: 46). The supposed ‘inexorability’ of capitalism and its power to rule the minds of people, 17

CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY

creating a disciplinary society (Burke 1995: 149), is a concept which can lead to the underestimation of resistance and heterogeneity, ‘flattening out’ past societies by portraying them in terms of a unifying culture. Instrumental rationality (Zweckrationalität) should not be interpreted as a the sole and unopposable way of reasoning in capitalism (Löwy 1992: 119; see also Bourdieu 1977: 177).

COLLEY, S. and A. BICKFORD (1996) ‘Real’ Aborigines and ‘real’ archaeology: Aboriginal places and Australian historical archaeology. World Archaeological Bulletin 7, 5-21. COUSE, G.S. (1990) Collinwood’s detective image of the historian and the study of Hadrian’s Wall. History and Theory 29: 57-77. CUNHA, M.C. (1996) Da Guerra das Relíquias ao Quinto Império, importacção e exportação da História no Brasil. Novos Estudos Cebrap 44: 73-87.

An altogether more abstract approach to the question of the relationship between past and present, can be found in several recent analysis of the differences between scientisma and traditionalism in terms of the production of historical knowledge. Drawing on Certeau (1988), several scholars argue that orthodox, western, scientific history depends on a decisive maintenance of a decisive break between past and present, which is often absent from traditionalist and popularist representations involving a resurgence of the past in the present. Thus, they relativize and questions the entire epistemology of orthodox history underlying studies, such as those discussed here, of the relationship between past and present as ultimately discrete realms.

DAVIES, N.Z. (1988) History’s two bodies. American Historical Review 93: 1-30. DeCORSE, C.R. (1996) Historical archaeology. African Archaeological Review 13: 18-21. DEAGAN, K. (1996) Avenure of inquiry in historical archaeology. In Images of the Recent Past, C.E. Orser (ed.), 16-41. London: Altamira. DEETZ, J. (1977) In Small Things Forgotten. The archaeology of early american life. New York: Achor Press/Doubleday. DYSON, S.L. (1995) Is there a text in site? In Historical and Archaeological Views on Texts and Archaeology, D. Small (ed.), 25-44. Leidon: E.J. Brill.

References

FONTES, L.F.O. (1995) A Igreja sueva de Dume (Braga). Quarta Reunião de Arqueologia Cristã Hispânica : 415-427.

ANDAH, B.W. (1995) Studying African Societies in Cultural Context. In Making Alternative Histories: the practice of archaeology, P.R. Schmidt and T.C. Patterson (eds), 140-81. Danta Fe: School of American Research Press.

FUNARI, P.P.A. (1993) Graphic caricature and the ethos of ordinary people at Pompeii. Journal of European Archaeology 2: 133-150.

ANDERSON, P. (1990) A culture in counterflow. New Left Review 180, 41-78.

FUNARI, P.P.A. (1996) Dressel 20 Inscriptions from Britain and the Consumption of Spanish Olive Oil, With a catalogue of stamps. Oxford, BAR Publishing, BAR British Series 250.

AUSTIN, D. (1990) The ‘proper study’ of medieval archaeology. In From the Baltic to the Black Sea. Studies in Medieval archaeology, D. Austin and L. Alcock (eds), 9-42. London: Unwin Hyman

GOODY, J. (1977) The Domestication of the Savage Mind. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

ASAD, T. (1987) Are there histories of peoples without Europe? A review article. Comparative Studies in Society and History 29, 594-607.

GRAVES-BROWN, P., S. JONES and C. GAMBLE (eds) (1996) Cultural Identity and Archaeology: the construction of European communities. London: Routledge.

BOND, G.C. and A. GILLIAM (eds) (1994) Social Construction of the Past: representation as power. London: Routledge

HAWKES, C. (1951) British prehistory half-way through the century. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 17, 1-9.

BOURDIEU, P. (1977) Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

IGGERS, G.G. (1984) New Directions in European Historiography. Revised edition. Middleton, Wesleyan University Press.

BURKE, P. (1995) The invention of leisure in early modern Europe. Past and Present 146: 136-150.

JOHNSON, M.H. (1992) Meaning of polite architecture in 16th century England. Historical Archaeology 26: 45-56.

CERTEAU, M. de. (1988) The Writing of History. (tr. and introd. Tom Conley). New York and Oxford: University of Columbia Press.

JOHNSON, M.H. (1996) An Archaeology of Capitalism. London, Blackwell.

CHAPMAN, M., M. McDONALD and E. TONKIN (1989) Introduction. In History and Ethnicity, E. Tonkin, M. McDonald and M. Chapman (eds), 1-21. London: Routledge.

JOHNSON, M.H. (1997) Towards a world historical archaeology. Antiquity 71: 220-222. JONES, S. (1997) The Archaeology of Ethnicity: constructing identities in the past and present. London: Routledge.

CHASE, A.F. and CHASE, D.Z. (1996) More than kin and king. Current Anthropology 37: 803-810. 18

P.P.A. FUNARI: CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY: SOME EPISTEMOLOGICAL QUESTIONS

KEPACS, S. (1997) Introduction to new approaches to combining the archaeological and historical records. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 4(3/4), 193-8.

ORSER, C.E. and B.M. Fagen (1995) Historical Archaeology. New York: HarperCollins. ROWLANDS, M. (1989) A question of complexity. In D. Miller, M. Rowlands and C. Tilley (eds) Domination and Resistance. London, Unwin Hyman, 29-40.

LAURENCE, R. (1995) Review. Journal of Roman Studies 85: 310-313.

ROWLANDS, M. (1994) The Politics of Identity in Archaeology. London, UCL, unpublished typescript.

LEONE, M. and P. POTTER, Jr. (1988) Introduction: issues in historical archaeology. In The Recovery of Meaning, M. Leone and P. Potter, Jr. (eds), 1-22. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press.

SAITTA, D.J. (1992) Radical archaeology and middlerange methodology. Antiquity 66: 886-897. SAITTA, D.J. (1994) Agency, class, and archaeological interpretation. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 13: 201-227.

LIGHTFOOT, K.G. (1995) Culture contact studies: redefining the relationship between prehistoric and historical archaeology. American Antiquity 60, 199217. LITTLE, B.J. (1996) People with history: an update on historical archaeology in the United States. In Images of the Recent Past, C.E. Orser (ed.), 42-78. London: Altamira.

SCHMIDT, P.R. and T.C. PATTERSON (1995) Introduction: from constructing to making alternative histories. In Making Alternative Histories: the practice of archaeology, P.R. Schmidt and T.C. Patterson (eds), 1-24. Danta Fe: School of American Research Press.

LÖWY, M. (1992) A escola de Frankfurt e a modernidade, Benjamin e Habermas. Novos Estudos Cebrap 32, 119-127.

SMALL, D. (1995) Introduction. In Historical and Archaeological Views on Texts and Archaeology, D. Small (ed.), 1-14. Leidon: E.J. Brill.

McGUIRE, R. (1996) Why complexity is too simple. In, P.C. Dawson and D.T. Hanna (eds) Debating Complexity. Calgary, University Press, 1-7.

UCKO, P.J. (1994) Museums and sites: cultures of the past within education – Zimbabwe some ten years on. In The Presented Past: heritage, museums, education, P.G. Stone and B.L. Molyneux (eds.), 237-82. London: Routledge.

McGUIRE, R.H. and R. PAYNTER (1991) The Archaeology of Inequality. Oxford: Blackwell.

WEBSTER, J. (1997) Necessary Comparisons: a postcolonial approach to religious syncretism in the Roman Provinces. World Archaeology 28 (3), 324338.

MILLER, D., M. ROWLANDS and C. TILLEY (eds) (1989) Domination and Resistance. London: Unwin Hyman. OBER, J. (1995) Greek Horoi: artefactual texts and the contingency of meaning. In Historical and Archaeological Views on Texts and Archaeology, D. Small (ed.), 91-123. Leidon: E.J. Brill.

WEBSTER, J. and N.J. COOPER (eds) (1996) Roman Imperialism: post-colonial perspectives. Leicester: School of Archaeological Studies, University of Leicester.

ORSER, C.E. (1996a) A Historical Archaeology of the Modern World. New York, Plenum.

WOLF, E. (1982) Europe and the People without History. Berkeley: University of California Press.

ORSER, C.E. (1996b) Introduction. In Images of the Recent Past, C.E. Orser (ed.), 9-13. London: Altamira.

WOODMAN, P. (1995) Who possesses Tara? Politics in archaeology in Ireland. In Theory in Archaeology: a world perspectve, P.J. Ucko (ed.), 278-97. London: Routledge.

ORSER, C.E. (1996c) Historical archaeology for the world. World Archaeological Bulletin 7, 2-4.

19

Part II Session C55 ROMANIZATION AND INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES – RHYTHMS, RUPTURES AND CONTINUITIES INDIGÉNISMES ET ROMANISATION – RYTHMES, RUPTURES ET CONTINUITÉS

Romanization and Indigenous societies: rhythms, ruptures and continuities This session focus on the transformations on the indigenous communities that faced the Roman conquest. Rather than the assimilation or the resistance, it is more important to debate the rhythms of transformation for each region, that ultimately conduced to continuities or breaks that announced the end of the proto-historic societies.

Titre: Indigénismes et romanisation: rythmes, ruptures et continuités S’agit d’une session que vise débattre les transformations que ont place au sein de les communautés indigènes face à la conquête et installation des Romains. Plus que les dynamiques de résistance ou assimilation , sont ses rythmes que intéressent connaître et débattre dans les diverses régions et que conduiront ou pas a ruptures et continuités que annoncent la fin des sociétés proto-historiques.

Título: Indigenismos e Romanização: ritmos, rupturas e continuidades Esta sessão visa debater as transformações que se vão operando no seio das comunidades indígenas com a conquista e instalação dos Romanos. Mais do que as dinâmicas de resistência ou assimilação são os seus ritmos que interessa debater e conhecer para as diferentes regiões e que conduzirão ou não a rupturas e continuidades que anunciam o fim das sociedades proto-históricas.

ROMANS AND RESIDENTS: THE HISTORIC AND LINGUISTIC EVOLUTION; FROM ABOUT 300 B.C. TO 300 A.C. Herbert SAUREN Prof. Jub., UCL (= Université Catholique de Louvain), Belgique, Quinta das Cortes 332 E, 8375-067 S.B. Messines, [email protected] Abstract: The article shows the historic and linguistic evolution framed by the Punic and later Iberian wars. Key words: History 300 B.C. to 300 A.C., Semitic languages, Iberian script Résumé: L’article veut montrer l’évolution historique et linguistique dans le cadre des guerres puniques et des guerres postérieurs dans la Péninsule. Mots clés: Histoire de 300 a.C jusqu’à 300 p.C., les langues sémitiques et l’écriture ibérique

The transformation of the communities dwelling on the Iberian Peninsula was a rather long process forced by different wars. Romanization is only one and a rather late aspect of this process which we can describe from the midst of the 3rd century B.C. on. The period at the beginning of the 1st millennium could be named a period of Orientalization and the centuries before the Roman Empire have a very important tendency of Semitization. Some regions were under great influence of Greek speaking people. Written documents from native people are not attested before the 1st century B.C. The documents written in Iberian script deciphered since 2000 by the present author can contribute much to clear this dark period of history adding new information to the up to now only existing Roman one. The transformation developed differently in determined regions and in time.1

were mainly at the sea-side and few in the mining centres or where the transportation from land changed to transportation on river-boats. From the later group two call special attention: one region of factories was along the upper Guadiana, where the metal arrived by the Silver road from Northern Spain; another centre documented by the Iberian inscriptions was in the South of Portugal, from where the metal, mainly copper, needed the transportation to different harbours at the sea-side. Archaeological research dates the foundation of several cities during the 8th century B.C., e.g.: Gadir, Cadiz; Sis, Almuñécar; Abdera, Adra, in the South, 7th to 6th century, e.g.: the Island of the perfumes, Ibiza; Emporion, Ampurias, Guadamar, Alicante, in the East, Medellín, at the upper Guadiana.

I distinguish the following regions: 1st The South of Portugal, with the mining centre at Neves – Corvo, Castro Verde; 2nd The upper Guadiana and the ways on the rivers to the sea; 3rd The Eastern part of Spain, Gerona to Sagunto; 4th The South of Spain, Alicante to the Straights of Gibraltar; 5th The South-west of Spain, from the Straights of Gibraltar to Huelva, 6th The North-west of Spain and Portugal with very little and late documents.

THE 1st PUNIC WAR, 264 – 241 B.C.

THE SITUATION BEFORE THE 1st PUNIC WAR

The typology of funeral stones permits the dating about 250 B.C. The death of several chefs, Medellín, S 1.12, or of a young warrior, Vale dos Vermelhos, S 1.2, appoints to a situation of war or armed conflicts, which coincides in time with the 1st Punic War and which occurred in the regions of the strategically important trade centres. Shortly after people became sedentary.3

During the 1st Punic War, and perhaps more precisely after the Roman defeat in Africa, 256 / 255 B.C., Carthage, which had straight contacts with Gadir, Cadiz, tried to occupy the factories at the upper Guadiana and in the copper centre of Southern Portugal, Neves – Corvo, Castro Verde. The first written documents on stone appear. They are funeral inscriptions.2

Archaeology teaches us that in the beginning of the 1st millennium merchants from the Near East, generally called Phoenicians, came to the Peninsula purchasing metals. The period is called of oriental influence, or orientalization, and later after a break during the 5th century B.C., of post-oriental influence, or postorientalization. The factories of the traders were during these periods separated from the indigenous people, mining, transporting and selling the metal. The factories

After these first bellicose engagements other followed. New people came to the upper Guadiana, speaking a sw. language. The people of nw. language could not defeat

1

2

S 1.2, MLH, J. 7.2, MMA, Loulé, 9, n.º inv.: 1.3.221. S 1.12, MLH, J. 57.1, IGT 33, Lám 1, 35 fig.1. 3 Documents are: Pego, S 1.1, 3, MLH, J. 19.2, 1 ArBe 171, 175; MRB, n.º inv.: F.N.R. 11, 10; S 1.4, MLH, J. 19.3, MNL.

The documents are selected to illustrate the subject; the available space does not permit the text in transliteration with the necessary philological comment. Full citation and philological comment can be given in every case.

23

ROMANIZATION AND INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES – RHYTHMS, RUPTURES AND CONTINUITIES

themselves and fled to the South of Portugal, Monte Novo de Castelinho.4 People of the same language, religious and social habitudes, came also to Cômoros de Portela, Messines.5 Most of the other gravestones of this period in the Algarve and Alentejo allude to the ritual of cremation and their language is mainly sw.

group. We find sw. language on the coins of Malaga, where coining starts at the end of the 3rd century B.C.7 Most of the funeral stones of the Extremadura and Andalusia region are no documentation of factories but only of sw. people, who became sedentary. Nearly all of these stones have been found in direction to the Guadalquivir and to Sevilla; so that we should conclude collaboration with Amilcar and his administration.8

The first documents, before and about 250 B.C., attest already two different Semite populations. In Medellín, the language is nw., the people bury their dead, they name their god a2 n, “Lord”, and believe that god raises them to heaven. In Southern Portugal the people used mainly a sw. language, their god is named a l2 a, Allah, the funeral ritual is the cremation, the stone covers an urn of ashes. They believe also that they will receive food and drank in heaven after the fire brought them higher than the clouds.

THE 2nd PUNIC WAR, 219 – 202 B.C. At 219 B.C. Hannibal conquered the town of Sagunto and the 2nd Punic War broke out. By the end of this war, 202 B.C., the Romans entered in Eastern Spain. A new wave of refugees came down the Guadiana to the South of Portugal. The type of the funeral stones, which have measurements about 165 x 65 cm. and which show only a single line of script in the midst, has been found in the Guadiana region, Siruela, and Almaroquí and as well in Alcoutim, Monte Novo de Castelinho and Malhão. The stone of Alcoutim shows the Latin majuscule D as also the stone of Alcalá del Río and early coins of Sagunto do.9

As far as we know, the trade continues normally in the Eastern part of Spain. We may refer to the early coinage of Ibiza, and to the fact that Sagunto was only attacked and conquered in 219 B.C. Also the South of Spain seems to remain untouched. Excavations showed that people from Syria operated their in earlier periods. The coins of Sis, Almuñécar, Granada, Abdera, Adra, Almeria, which adopted the symbols of the coins from Gadir, and the coins of Malaga date from the end of the 3rd century B.C.

The Romans occupied first Eastern Spain but were suddenly engaged in the Lusitanian War, 197- 194 B.C., while they tried to occupy the land north of the Pyrenees, 197-181 B.C. There was no other solution than to look for collaboration. The permission of coinage by bronze coins, which the Romans granted, mainly to sw. governors of towns, proves it.10 The Roman consuls reserved the coinage of silver coins to themselves. The Punic occupation of Eastern and Southern Spain, even if it lasted only less than two decades, proves a very good and strong administration. Punic terms for the judge and governor of towns, continue during the 2nd century B.C. in this region.11 The Romans were wise and skilful enough to guard the established administration system.

Also in these parts of the Peninsula, we can identify different languages: Greek language in the old colony and factory of Emporion; sw. language from the region of Syria in the South; nw., Punic language in Gadir and Sis.

THE OCCUPATION LEAD BY AMILCAR BARCA AND THE 2nd PUNIC WAR In 228 B.C. Amilcar Barca started his campaign in Southern Spain. He founded the city of Cartagina, New Carthage, in 227 B.C. During one decade the struggle was probably an internal fight of power between fractions of Carthage, mainly between Gadir and the Amilcar family. A second wave of refugees can be observed from the upper Guadiana.6 It seems that the oppression from Amilcar’s army caused that people fled to the Algarve, or became sedentary in the Extremadura region, cf. Siruela.

THE MULTITUDE OF LANGUAGES AND ETHNIC GROUPS I insisted on the fact of many different languages and ethnic groups. The people originated from very distant regions of the Near East; they used different languages

The changing at the upper Guadiana had heavy consequences for the trade on the river and the contact with Gadir. The grave stones from the region present all sw. language. It seems that Amilcar collaborated with this second group of sw. people driving away a first sw.

7

DCH 2, 274-278, 2.ª 7: t2 l y t2: “captain”, passim, and 5.ª 17: š t2 š : “ Shetesh / Hephaestus”, “the smith-god under the earth”. 8 S 1.20, MLH, J. 53.1, Alcalá del Rio, Seville; S 1.41; MLH, J. 52.1, Villamanrique, Río Guadamar confluent of the Guadalquivir; S 1.42, MLH, J. 54.1, Capote, between Mérida and Huelva; cf. note 6 Siruela; exception north of the Guadiana, S 1.43, MLH, J. 56.1, Almoroquí; nw. but not in Punic script and language S 3.1, MLH, J. 51,1, Los Castellares, Córdoba, MAP, Malaga. 9 Alcoutim, S 1.35, MLH, J. 9.1; Malhão: S 1.59, RPA 5, 228-231. The writing in one line permits the suggestion that the corpse was buried at his side, as we know from later Arab burial rites. 10 MOG, 15, describes the same process in Gaulle during the Roman Empire, where the gold coins of Vercingetorix where an exception. 11 Penya de Moro, cf.: http://eprints.jiia.it/30/.

4

S. 1.58, RPA 2, 1999, 143-152, nw. language and words equal to S 1.12. The stone had been reutilised. The conventional phrase of the first inscription permits a date before 225 B.C., the second inscription date about one generation later. 5 S 1.8, MLH, J. 4.3, Xelb 4, 95, 2.1, MMA, Silves. 6 Siruela, 1st inscription, S 1.44, MLH, J. 55.1, MAP, Badajoz, n.º inv.: D 44.39; Ameixial, S 1.16, MLH, J. 7.6; Vale de Águia, Messines, S 1.68, (new): a g n, “Our chief”. Spanish excavations in Surtepe, SouthEastern Turkey, 2005, attest the same title.

24

H. SAUREN: ROMANS AND RESIDENTS: THE HISTORIC AND LINGUISTIC EVOLUTION; FROM ABOUT 300 B.C. TO 300 A.C.

and not only different dialects. This remarkable fact explains much: the rapid movement of people due to bellicose engagements; the changing of the type of the funeral stones nearly every generation; the high number of letters used for the same phoneme.

conquers the Libyan territory of Carthage with admission of Rome; nevertheless, Carthage rearms. On the Peninsula the coinage of Gadir and the Southern towns continue. The coin of Gadir is the model of the coins of the South of Portugal with the centre in Odeceixe from about 160 B.C. on.15 This town at the Western side of the Atlantic was far and safe from Rome. The copper of the mining centre in Southern Portugal could be brought easily to this place. The funeral stones of the region show a new pattern, big covering slabs with long inscriptions written in spiral form. One stone, Bensafrim, Fonte Velha VI, remarks a coalition of land lords, using the same words as the legend of the coins.16 The burial gifts mark the richness of this period by objects of gold and bronze.

We have no written document of the native languages, which were certainly as different in the widespread area of the Peninsula; but we have some hints. The indigenous people, owners of the land, distributed land to the Semite people forced to become sedentary. From the about 100 stones of the older period, found in the South of Portugal and Spain, 17 attest the distribution of land. As far as we know, the Semite peoples prefer a patriarchal system of government and the merchants and seafarers were men, even if we can not excluded that some women joined them. About half a dozen of the funeral stones attest women.12 The funeral rite attest burying with the corpse extended, three stones measured 200 cm. or more in length, others are stela, one is a preliminary drawing of the text. We may suggest that the funeral inscriptions in sw. language have been written for indigenous women.13

Eastern Spain notes coins in Iberian script. There are no documents of the political rulers of the towns at this period. THE 3rd PUNIC WAR, 149-146 B.C., AND THE ROMAN REPRESSION

The lost of contact with the mother-land during generations and the contact with the indigenous people caused a degeneration of the Semitic languages already at the end of the 2nd and more during the 1st century B.C. The emphatic, assibilated and aspirate phonemes were not precisely spoken and written. The long alphabet of about 30 letters has been reduced to 21 or even to 16 in parallel with Greek and Latin script. During the 1st century B.C. the first native words appear in writing.

After the destruction of Carthage, the Romans occupied the Iberian Peninsula up to the West. The funeral stones of the last period show no titles of the dead, they are smaller; new letters, linguistic and religious elements occur. The campaign of D.J. Bruto, 130 B.C. indicates the end. There is no document referring to the legendary freedom fighter Viriato, who died in 139 B.C.

The multitude of ethnic and religious groups divided the people and permitted that first the military leaders from Carthage and later the Romans could find collaborators and fight easier rebellions. The Romans organised even that new Semite people came from the recently occupied regions of the Near East. The names of the coins in Semitic language are attested in Egypt. After the 3rd Punic War and later during the 1st century B.C., new forms of letters are used, which we know from the Old South Arab writing system of Yemen.14

There are a few hints of collaboration with Rome. The coinage at Odeceixe continues; the indigenous population is named as Iberian. Slabs found at Ameixial and Martim Longo note Iberian and Latin letters, they were writing exercise for workshops of sculptors.17 In Eastern Spain the coins attest the collaboration between Semite people and the Romans.18 Semitic language is generally attested. The legends in Iberian script are later guarded by tradition in later castings of the 1st century B.C., but often letters are erroneously written or in confusion with letters of similar forms.

THE PERIOD BETWEEN THE 2nd AND THE 3rd PUNIC WAR Rome tried to control Carthage. Hannibal had to flee first to Syria, then to Bithynie. Masinissa de Numidie

15 CAT 133-140, from the second casting on, the coins use Latin majuscules. The town is indicated as A(lu), C AR, IR (Iberian, Greek P = r), “Town”, one emitter is HI, “Iberian”. Cf. DCH 2, 333-335, 1.ª 1 – 8.ª 11, 8.ª 12 is a coin from C A R A-N-A, “The town at the Guadiana”, Castro Marim; only 9.ª 16 origins from Alcácer do Sal. 16 S 1.48, MLH, J. 1.1, MMA, Figueira da Foz. 17 S 4.1, AEspA, 531, 533, 4.4; S 4.3, MLH, 1997, 108, 20. 18 The titles of the emitters show very different grades, revealing individual contracts between the towns and the Romans, e.g.: m l k, “King”; n w2, “Emir”; z, “Mighty”; š h, “Sheikh”. Sometimes women are named, cf. note 12, 13. The emitter of tribal chiefs, but written in sw. is special: DCH 2, 23, 47, 1.ª 1: d t n h z, „This one is the female chief of the tribe.” She is named princess by the corresponding coin, DCH 2, 23, 1.ª 1: d l h2 z2 n h3 n, “The brother represents the power, the princess is grace.”

12 S 1.30, 31, ArBe 172, 1c-1, 2, 181, n.º inv.: M.R.B. 1.5, 182, Álbum Cenaculo, n.º 47; S 1.10, MLH, J. 17.2, Álbum Cenaculo n.º 96; S 1.49, Xelb 97-98, 100, MLH, J. 25.1, Museu das Minas Somincor, NevesCorvo; S 1.28, Xelb 97, 4.2, 100, MLH, J. 3.1, MMA, Lagos. Cf.: S 7.2, MLH, C. 18.5. The title is often: a n s, nisat, “lady, princess”, named also as emitter of coins in Emporion, DCH 2, 202-203, A 1.1, CNH 33,5, B 1.4, CNH 34,12. 13 S 1.49 names the lady: z2 n, “princess, beauty” and: h l, “friend”. The title, z2 n, is frequent in inscriptions and on coins. 14 AEspA 532-533, 5.2; cf, the letter sade, s, B 1.7, MLH, F. 17.4; B 1.13, MLH, F. 17.3; B 2.4, MLH, F. 17.2; and a stone from Mofedinha, Barrancos.

25

ROMANIZATION AND INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES – RHYTHMS, RUPTURES AND CONTINUITIES

THE 1st CENTURY AND THE ROMAN REPUBLIC PERIOD

THE CRISIS IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 1st CENTURY

More than one century after the Romans entered in Spain, there was no peace. The 1st century is known by the heavy wars of Sertorius and later by the campaign of J. Cesar related in his book “De bello Iberico”. A good dozen of documents in Iberian script attest these wars.19 A letter of a military chief notes the war-cry, which reveals to us that the Semite people fought here in Spain considering this land as their home-land.20

The lack of copper and bronze forces the coining of pieces of lead serving for money. The crisis is possibly in relationship to the campaign of J. Cesar and the land could recuperate quickly. New coins in bronze appear written mainly in Latin script. The township has as CON, counsel as in the town at the mouth of the Guadiana actually Castro Marim and elsewhere. Roads were paved and new cross-points cast their money, as Mértola, Serpa and Silves. These coins guard the letter A, lu, as qualification for the town and the township as emitter. The Semitic titles disappear.

After the wars of Sertorius, the Romans tried a more active integration. The government of the land is still in the hands of Semite people. The degree is agreed by the Romans, there are kings, emirs, mighty governors of towns; but they had to pay taxes to the Romans.21 Exceptions were made for some emitters of coins in silver, or exception of taxes for service, e.g. where gold or silver mines existed.22 Another method to divide and to control, were people coming from new regions of the Near East. They served for Rome as men from the Peninsula were sent to the near East. The Romans avoid by this way possible alliances of bigger extend.23

THE IMPERIAL PERIOD, 27 B.C. It seems that the Romans forbid the Iberian writing in official documents. Joined administration between Romans, Semite and indigenous people is attested. The network of paved roads has been enlarged in order to use horses and cars and also to reach more quickly the points of eventual conflict by the army. The Romans preferred the roads before voyaging by ships on the rivers and on sea. Bridges are constructed.

By all these arrangements the rural communities changed to urban societies. Examples are in the East, Edeta, with the beautiful coloured vases, Sagunto, with a theatre and great ships on its coins, Botorrita, with judgments from a royal court on bronze tablets, Caminreal, where a hotel is attested by the mosaics; and now also in the north-west; at Mendigorrí, Navarra, a institution do change money as written by mosaics, at Peñalba de Castro, Clunia, Burgos, a restaurant to offer drinking for the horse and the horseman. All those documents are written in sw. language. The evolution in the South does not or little change. The example of factories long away from the coast shows a slow recovering of the economy. The language in some factories in the Guadiana region is Punic. People, remaining in the land after the Punic wars, work now for Rome.

The Iberian script and the Semitic languages continue, as some early Christian documents show.25 It seems that the missionaries had the first contact with Semite people. Most of the late inscriptions are mixed up with post-Latin words by two reasons. The Semite people abandoned their language by marriages with indigenous people. The multitude of Semitic languages spoken in relative small regions was another obstacle to form a common language of communication as the roads permitted and urged wide spread movements of trade. The economic superiority was certainly also in favour of the language of the Romans as leading language. The people suppressed the difficult declination and the endings, applied a simplified, analytical verbal system. Indigenous words and also Semitic words continued. This process can be shown up to the end of the 2nd century A.C. The regions and the their different composition of the inhabitants, of indigenous, Semite and Roman origin, determined the new languages and dialects, a process which has been reinforced in the later evolution of history.

New economic activities are attested. Big flocks of sheep, herds of cows and horses with several hundreds heads are bred at the Peñalba de Villastar, Teruel and elsewhere.24 Fishes are conserved and transported inside the land, as attested at the coast of the Algarve up to A(lu) Lisipo, Lisboa.

Bibliographie and abbreviations

19

E.g: T 5.23, Liria XL, MLH, F. 13.3; E 6.3, MLH, K. 6.1; S 5.13, MLH, E. 10.1; B 3.9, MLH, G. 13.1. 20 B 2.1, MLH, G. 1.1, 11: l2 a l2 a a2 w2 a r z3 t2, “For Allah and the land”. 21 E 5.16, MLH, K. 0.2, Sásamon; E 5.15, MLH, K. 15.1, Argailo; S 6.4, MLH, K. 4.1. 22 E 5.17, MLH, K. 27.1, Uria. 23 Cf. CIL II 4.251, at the time of the Emperor Titus. 24 F 7.4 – 7.9, MLH, K. 3.3 – 3.21; B 4.6, MLH, F. 17.1.

AEspA: Sauren, H., 2005, The Iberian Inscriptions Deciphered. Inter-nal Proves. Anejos de Arquivo Español de Arqueologia, 35, 519-534. ArBe: Sauren, H., Sidarus, A., 2005, As lápides de escrita ibérica do Museu Regional de Beja – Leitura e 25

26

F 7.10, MLH, L 2.1; S 6.8, MLH, B 8.1.

H. SAUREN: ROMANS AND RESIDENTS: THE HISTORIC AND LINGUISTIC EVOLUTION; FROM ABOUT 300 B.C. TO 300 A.C.

Tradução, Arquivo de Beja. Actas das III Jornadas / Congreso tomo I, Beja, 169-190.

MMAL: Museu Municipal de Arqueologia, Loulé, 2004. MMA: Museu Municipal de Arqueologia.

BAEO: Sauren H., 2004, A letter to God the Almigthy. Pujol de Castellón. Boletín de la Asociación Española de Orientalistas, Madrid, 207-215.

MOG: Fischer, B., 2000, Une brève histoire du monnayage Gaulois. Les Monnaies d’Or Gauloises. Musée Bargoin, Clermont Ferrand, 10-16.

BAEO: Sauren H., 2005, (A)Y, “Island, Isolated Place”. The Word in Punic and Iberian Inscriptions, 279-286.

MRB: Museu Regional de Beja. Nw.: North-West Semitic, cf. DNS.

CAT: Sauren, H., 2004, Moedas pré-romanas de Odeceixe e Castro Marim. 12º congresso do Algarve, Tavira, Racalclube Silves, 133-140.

RIDA: Sauren, H., 2004, Un procès de calomnie, époque préromaine avant la lex Julia. Un seigneur accuse son ancien serviteur, Revue Internationale des Droits de l’Antiquité, Bruxelles, 51, 259-279.

CNH: Villaronga, L., 2002, Corpus Nummum Hispaniae ante Augusti Aetatem. J.A. Herrero, S.A., Madrid.

RPA: Guerra, A., et allii, 1999, Uma estela epigrafada da Idade do Ferro, proveniente do Monte Novo do Castelinho (Almodôvar), Revista de Arqueologia, Lisboa, 2, 143-152.

DAF: Kazimirski, Biberstein, A., 1860, Dictionnaire Árabe – Français, Maisonneuve, Paris. DCH: García-Bellido, M.ª Paz, Blazquez, Cr, 2001, Diccionario de Cecas y pueblos hispánicos. Textos Universitários, 36, CSIC, Madrid.

RPA: Guerra, A., 2002, Novos monumentos epigrafados com escrita do sudoeste da vertente setentrional da Serra do Caldeirão, 5, 219-231.

DNS: Hoftijzer, J., Jongeling, K., 1995, Dictionary of the North-West Semitic inscriptions, Brill, Leiden.

Sw.: South-west Semitic, cf. DAF.

IGT: Almagro-Gorbea, M., 2004, inscripcines y grafitos tartésicos de la necrópolis orientalizante de Medellín. Palaeohispanica, Revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania antigua, Zaragoza, 4, 13-44.

XELB: Sauren, H., 2003, As estelas de Escrita Ibérica. A Tipologia das Estelas funerárias. Actas do 1º encontro de Arqueologia do Algarve, Silves, 95, 100. Cf.: www.histoiredudroit.org Antiquité / Semitica Iberica / Écriture.

MAP: Museo Arqueológico Provincial. MLH: Untermann, J., 1980, 1990, 1997, Monumenta Linguarum Hispanicarum, Dr. L. Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden.

27

CITÂNIA DE BRITEIROS – PERSPECTIVAS RECENTES SOBRE A ROMANIZAÇÃO Francisco Sande LEMOS Universidade do Minho (Unidade de Arqueologia) [email protected]

Gonçalo Correia da CRUZ Sociedade Martins Sarmento [email protected] Abstract: In this paper we make a contextualization of the settlement patterns in Late Iron age of North-western Portugal, which has preceded the integration within the Roman world, by the end of the 1st century BC. We generally describe the remains of Citânia de Briteiros as a model to explain the process of “Romanization” of the conventus of Bracara Augusta. Key words: Citânia de Briteiros; Castro Culture; Conquest of the North-west; Romanization; Bracara Augusta Resumo: No presente artigo é feita uma contextualização do modelo de povoamento na II Idade do Ferro no Noroeste de Portugal, que antecedeu a integração do território no mundo Romano, no final do século I a. C. Descrevem-se de forma geral os vestígios presentes na Citânia de Briteiros, aqui utilizada como modelo para exemplificar o processo de “Romanização” do Conventus de Bracara Augusta. Palavras-chave: Citânia de Briteiros; Cultura Castreja; Conquista do Noroeste; Romanização; Bracara Augusta Résumé: Dans cet article on présent le contexte du peuplement de la II Âge du Fer au Nord-Ouest du Portugal avant l’intégration de ce territoire dans l’Empire Roman, cette à dire dans le final du I siècle a. C. On décrit, l’essentiel des structures archéologiques de la “Citânia de Briteiros”, comme exemple pour évoquer le processus de Romanisation de le conventus de Bracara Augusta. Mots clé: Citânia de Briteiros; Culture de les “Castros”; Conquêt du Nord-Ouest; Romanisation; Bracara Augusta

Cota de Mairos até ao Planalto de Alijó, incluindo as serras da Brunheira, da Padrela e da Preta. A bacia do Tua terá sido uma faixa de transição, na qual se registam alguns raríssimos castros de dimensão apreciável como S. Juzenda (Höck 1979 e 1980; Lemos 1993). Por outro lado, a Cultura dos Castros, abrange, a sul do rio Douro, um vasto espaço equivalente à faixa atlântica drenada pelo Vouga e Dão (Silva 1986).

INTRODUÇÃO – OS CASTROS Os povoados fortificados de altura, designados como castros, constituem o modelo dominante, embora não exclusivo, de habitat no Noroeste Peninsular, no I milénio a.C. Entende-se como Noroeste Peninsular o vasto território delimitado a Sul pelo Douro português; a Leste pelo Douro Internacional, rio Esla e Picos da Europa (2868 metros de altitude máxima); e a Oeste e Norte pelo Oceano Atlântico. Este espaço distribui-se, actualmente, pelo Norte de Portugal, Galiza, Astúrias, bem como pela faixa ocidental das províncias de Léon e Zamora (Autonomia de “Castilla y Léon”). No entanto, os exactos limites geográficos do conglomerado científico que se designa por Cultura Castreja são controversos. Há autores castelhanos que têm um entendimento amplo da área de distribuição dos castros, coincidente com o Noroeste Peninsular, na linha de Bosch Gimpera (1932). Pelo contrário, os investigadores portugueses e galegos defendem parâmetros mais restritos, ou pelo menos propõem divisões regionais.

Tanto na Galiza, como no Noroeste de Portugal, a densidade de castros é impressionante, favorecida por um contexto fisiográfico propício em que a água, um elemento vital para a subsistência das comunidades, corre em abundância. De facto, esta finisterra, atlântica e montanhosa, possui elevados valores de pluviosidade, dos mais altos da Europa, atingindo 2500 a 3000 mm por ano nas serras da Peneda, Amarela e Gerês em Portugal (Ferreira 2005), tal como nas de S. Mamede e Ancares, na Galiza. Neste vasto quadro geográfico, a região do Minho foi, sem dúvida, uma área central que se caracteriza pela elevada densidade de povoados e pelas dimensões de uma série de castros, sem paralelo nas restantes zonas acima referidas. Os castros do Minho possuem evidentes analogias entre si, quer no modo de implantação, quer nas estruturas arquitectónicas e na cultura material. Aliás, a faixa ocidental de grandes castros, ou povoados, característica do Minho, ultrapassa a actual fronteira entre Portugal e a Galiza, estendendo-se para norte do rio homónimo, ocupando toda a bacia final deste curso de água até à confluência com o rio Sil. Assim os castros do

Na Galiza os castros estendem-se do mar Cantábrico até ao vale do rio Minho, embora se tenham identificado duas áreas distintas, separadas por uma corda montanhosa que divide as províncias de Lugo e Ourense e que se designa por “dorsal galega” (Carballo Arceo 2003). No Norte de Portugal a zona dos grandes castros estende-se do corredor atlântico para o interior, até aos cursos dos rios Rabaçal e Tua, ocupando o Douro Litoral, o Minho, bem como Trás-os-Montes Ocidental. O limite oriental é marcado pela sequência de relevos que se estendem da 29

ROMANIZATION AND INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES – RHYTHMS, RUPTURES AND CONTINUITIES

sul da Província de Pontevedra e de Ourense Ocidental também integram a área dos grandes povoados, como por exemplo San Cibrao de Lás (Amares-Punxín) ou Castromao (Celanova).

cidades, Asturica Augusta, Bracara Augusta e Lucus Augusti, e uma malha de numerosas civitates concretizouse em poucas décadas. Os legados de Augusto, designadamente Paulo Fábio Máximo, orientaram os programas de edificação dos centros urbanos, criados ex novo, dois deles com base em acampamentos militares (Asturica Augusta e Lucus Augusti), bem como a abertura de um extensa rede de estradas e a delimitação dos territoria mettalorum, definindo, também, as fronteiras das civitates. O tipo de habitat, dominante ao longo de vários séculos, foi substituído por uma rede muito diversificada de novos lugares: aglomerados urbanos secundários; vici; mansiones; mutationes; povoados mineiros, villae; aldeias, granjas e casais.

No âmago do espaço dos grandes povoados castrejos do NW destacam-se as bacias dos rios Cávado e Ave, onde o número de extensos aglomerados proto-históricos fortificados é verdadeiramente excepcional.1 Por outro lado é nesta zona, e em seu redor, que se regista, com maior nitidez, a formação dos habitats de altura no contexto do Bronze Final / I Idade do Ferro e se concentram alguns dos itens mais expressivos da fase plena da Cultura Castreja (II Idade do Ferro) como os complexos sistemas defensivos, o proto-urbanismo, a ornamentação geométrica de elementos arquitectónicos, os balneários, as estátuas de guerreiros, a ourivesaria.

É neste quadro que a circulação de moeda se expande e que as redes comerciais preexistentes adquirem novo vigor. Durante muitas décadas considerou-se que os barbaroi do Noroeste nunca teriam verdadeiramente integrado o universo clássico e que a chamada Cultura Castreja tinha persistido. A partir das décadas de 70/80 admitiu-se que a “romanização do Noroeste” se operou sob os Flávios. Estudos mais recentes sobre os diversos aglomerados urbanos (Arqueologia Urbana em Braga, Astorga e Lugo), bem como sobre a rede viária e a exploração mineira, entre outros aspectos, demonstraram que as grandes mudanças foram levadas a cabo sob o reinado de Augusto e dos seus sucessores, no quadro da dinastia Júlio-claudiana (Martins 2000, 2009; Carvalho 2008). O mundo dos castros desaparece, em ritmos distintos, embora as comunidades indígenas tenham participado, de forma activa, nesta mudança, mantendo a sua identidade ao longo do século I, abandonando aliás os seus habitats, pelo menos na Callaecia meridional. Todavia, as mudanças não ocorreram do mesmo modo em todos os populi e castella. Há situações muito diferenciadas e se é indiscutível que ocorreu uma profunda reestruturação económica, social e paisagística, será necessário, caso a caso, estudar, minuciosamente, o modo como as comunidades indígenas se movimentaram no âmbito do novo Imperium. Neste texto procuramos esclarecer alguns desses aspectos, com base na Citânia de Briteiros, tradicionalmente considerada como um exemplo de “castro romanizado”, expressão que esconde realidades muito complexas.

Quando se desencadeiam as campanhas de Augusto, no final do I milénio a.C., o universo dos castros da faixa atlântica do Noroeste estava em pleno desenvolvimento, com expressões regionais muito diversificadas.2 A CONQUISTA DO NW Como se sabe a conquista da Península Ibérica foi demorada, prolongando-se ao longo de quase dois séculos. Os últimos espaços a serem integrados foram, precisamente o Nordeste e Noroeste. Têm sido discutidos os motivos desta última fase de formação da nova Hispania. Poderiam ser políticos, pois Augusto pretendia consolidar o seu poder em Roma, ou económicos, pois as minas de prata do sul da Península estavam esgotadas e o NW era um território metalífero com um elevado potencial já conhecido pelos Romanos, através das sucessivas incursões que precederam as campanhas da segunda década a.C. A conquista do NW concretizou-se através de episódios bélicos, mas também terá sido materializada através de um sistema complexo de alianças, como revelou a célebre tabula de Bembribe, descoberta na região do Bierzo, em pleno coração da zona mais montanhosa do novo território (Grau Lobo 2002). Por outro lado, o texto da tabula indica que o projecto de conquistar o Noroeste estava amadurecido, pois seguiu-se, de imediato, a divisão do território em conventi e civitates. Tendo em conta a geografia peculiar do NO o imperador chegou mesmo a considerar a hipótese de criar uma província Transduriana, cuja existência foi efémera. A nova rede administrativa, com base num triângulo de três grandes

CITÂNIA DE BRITEIROS 1. No centro da área dos grandes povoados e da carta de distribuição dos itens mais expressivos da Cultura Castreja, como os guerreiros e os balneários, fica a Citânia de Briteiros. Este amplo povoado (24 hectares) foi implantado num relevo granítico (altitude 335 m) alcandorado sobre o vale do Ave (Fig. 5.1). O esporão beneficia de excelentes condições de defesa natural, devido ao pendor das suas vertentes, em especial da encosta Leste.

1

No vale do Ave: Bagunte; Alvarelhos; Monte Padrão; Monte das Eiras; Briteiros e Castro de Vieira. No vale do Este: Santa Marta das Cortiças; Monte Redondo; Ermidas e Penices. No vale do Cávado: Monte das Caldas, S. Julião, Monte do Castelo (ou Barbudo), Roriz, Monte da Saia, S. Lourenço. 2 Os parágrafos que integram esta Introdução são adaptados de um texto que se encontra do prelo a fim de integrar o livro “Identidade do Minho”, a ser publicado pela Universidade do Minho, texto da autoria de FSL.

Porém o que mais se destaca é o seu excepcional posicionamento geo-estratégico, em várias escalas. 30

F.S. LEMOS & G.C. DA CRUZ: CITÂNIA DE BRITEIROS – PERSPECTIVAS RECENTES SOBRE A ROMANIZAÇÃO

circunstância da Citânia estar afastada de aglomerados populacionais recentes as suas ruínas não foram muito afectadas. Por outro lado, a feliz circunstância de ter sido parcialmente adquirida por Martins Sarmento no século XIX, e classificada como Monumento Nacional, facilitou a conservação, em bom estado.

Fig. 5.1. Acrópole da Citânia de Briteiros vista de Noroeste Assim, no âmbito mais vasto da região de Entre Douro e Minho, a Citânia ocupa o centro geométrico desse espaço geográfico, a meia distância entre a orla marítima a as montanhas interiores, bem como a meio caminho entre aqueles dois rios. A uma outra escala, dominava o médio vale do rio Ave, controlando, também, as portelas de passagem para as bacias dos rios Este e Cávado, situados a Norte, bem como o corredor fluvial de penetração no interior, para o alto Ave. Vigiava, ainda, o tradicional caminho para sul, para as bacias dos rios Vizela, Sousa e Douro, corredor natural ao longo do qual, mais tarde, será construída a via de Bracara para Emerita. O seu posicionamento assegurava, a uma escala menor, a do seu território próximo, o acesso às terras férteis do vale e às pastagens dos relevos que se estendem até à cumeada da Falperra/Sameiro. Uma vez que não se conhece nenhum outro grande povoado na direcção Nordeste julgamos ser lícito afirmar que grande parte do território que se estende nesse sentido, até à linha das águas vertentes que separam o Ave do Este, estava sob domínio da Citânia.

Fig. 5.2. Vista aérea dos alinhamentos defensivos de Briteiros Os dois grandes ciclos de escavação e restauro devem-se a Martins Sarmento, de 1875 a 1888 e, no século XX, a Mário Cardozo, que dirigiu trabalhos arqueológicos entre os anos 30 e 50 do século XX. Deste modo o conjunto de ruínas que se podem observar, na área intramuros é bastante vasto. Embora Martins Sarmento tenha descoberto uma área considerável do povoado, como se pode verificar pela planta topográfica de 1892, a intervenção efectuada pelo Coronel Mário Cardozo (Cardozo 1994) foi igualmente ampla, não só em termos de área escavada, como também em trabalhos de restauro. De acordo com o próprio, levantou mais de mil metros de muralha. Por outro lado, foi ele quem recuperou os grandes arruamentos e descobriu toda uma série de novas unidades habitacionais. Ou seja, deve-se a Mário Cardozo a fisionomia actual do monumento, uma vez que no último quartel do século XX, apenas se realizou uma pequena intervenção (Silva e Centeno, 1977) e em 2002 uma sondagem de carácter preventivo, no local onde foi construído o novo edifício de acolhimento aos visitantes. Recentemente, em 2005 e 2006, efectuaram-se novas sondagens na zona da acrópole, numa unidade habitacional voltada a sudeste.

Um outro aspecto, não menos importante, do relevo em que assentou o povoado era a abundância de afloramentos graníticos, como se observa em numerosos cumes de Entre Douro e Minho. Esses afloramentos facultaram a matéria-prima com que foram construídas as muralhas e as habitações do povoado. Actualmente a plataforma superior é quase rasa, sendo evidente que, em muitos locais, o granito foi cortado, na vertical e na horizontal. Anteriormente o alto do esporão era formado por imponentes afloramentos rochosos, numa fase inicial, quando se instalou um hipotético primeiro núcleo habitacional, ainda não identificado. Como todos os grandes povoados castrejos Briteiros era defendido, na II Idade do Ferro, por um complexo sistema defensivo (Fig. 5.2), formado por três linhas de muralhas que delimitavam uma vasta área, da qual apenas terá sido escavada cerca de metade, ou menos. Devido à 31

ROMANIZATION AND INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES – RHYTHMS, RUPTURES AND CONTINUITIES

aglomeravam num espaço delimitado por um muro. O pátio era lajeado conforme ainda hoje se observa em muitos destes complexos, na Citânia. A construção principal era normalmente circular, com um átrio exterior, numa dos quais se encontraram bancos. Esta seria a habitação principal da família. Outras construções circulares, localizadas no mesmo espaço, poderiam ser áreas de refeição, ou tinham por finalidade albergar outros membros da família, eventualmente os mais jovens. As construções rectangulares tanto seriam espaços de habitação como locais destinados a trabalhos específicos (olaria e/ou metalurgia), ou para guardar alfaias, utensílios e alimentos.

2. Para quem visita a Citânia a primeira impressão recai sobre os arruamentos, em particular sobre o grande eixo que a atravessa no sentido Sudoeste – Norte, calçada que vai do balneário Sul até ao sector Nordeste da plataforma superior do povoado. Para além deste, observam-se, na área já escavada da Citânia, pelo menos mais cinco eixos. O grande arruamento permite, outrora e tal como hoje, aceder à plataforma superior num trajecto com pendor relativamente suave, adaptando-se de forma oblíqua à encosta oriental do povoado. A aspereza do empedrado leva-nos a considerar a hipótese de ter sido revestido, periodicamente, com uma argamassa dura obtida com arena granítica bem compactada. Deste grande arruamento, no sopé da encosta, divergem para nascente, duas outras artérias.

Para além das unidades familiares, as ruínas da Citânia facultam-nos a possibilidade de observar uma casa de grandes dimensões, a “Casa do Conselho”, onde se reuniam os chefes das principais famílias.

Na parte nordeste do povoado o grande eixo, que acabamos de referir, cruza-se com outra rua que divide em duas metades a plataforma superior. Desta rua principal da acrópole, orientada de Nordeste para Sudoeste, abrem-se para Sudeste, pelo menos outras duas ruas, as quais atravessam a plataforma, descendo com acentuado pendor a encosta, ligando-se assim ao referido grande eixo que vai do balneário à plataforma superior.

O balneário Sul, outro dos mais destacados elementos arquitectónicos da Citânia, foi descoberto em 1930, quando se abriu a estrada que corta a vertente Sul do Monte de S. Romão. Situava-se intramuros, não muito longe da porta de entrada assinalada na planta de 1892. Terá existido, a nordeste, um outro balneário.

Estes arruamentos delimitavam grandes bairros ou quarteirões, os quais, por sua vez, estavam divididos em grupos de unidades habitacionais de menor dimensão. Só uma análise minuciosa das notas de Martins Sarmento permitirá obter eventuais ilações sobre diferenciações sociais ou funcionais correspondentes a esses bairros.

Nas escavações realizadas neste importante povoado, durante décadas, recolheu-se muito espólio da mais variada natureza. O mais abundante é a cerâmica. De acordo com os conceitos vigentes na época F. Martins Sarmento guardou apenas os fragmentos de cerâmica decorada ou com perfis completos. Esta circunstância pode levar a uma ideia errada da olaria castreja. Na verdade, como ficou demonstrado nas sondagens de 2002, 2005 e 2006, a quase totalidade da cerâmica era lisa. Um aspecto que deve ser sublinhado é a importância da Citânia como núcleo de produção metalúrgica. Já Armando Coelho da Silva (Silva 1986) chamara a atenção para peças inacabadas, para fíbulas por completar, que constam das reservas do Museu da Sociedade Martins Sarmento. De facto, entre os artefactos de bronze produzidos, para além de armas e de alfaias agrícolas, os mais numerosos seriam as fíbulas e os alfinetes de cabelo.

Por outro lado, sem sondagens não é possível datar estes arruamentos. Inserem-se, talvez, na fase plena da Cultura Castreja, na II Idade do Ferro, no chamado protourbanismo de influência mediterrânica. Assim, sob reserva de futuros trabalhos arqueológicos, consideramos que os arruamentos da Citânia são antigos (séc. II a.C.), embora melhorados na transição da Era Cristã. Quanto às unidades habitacionais sabe-se hoje que correspondiam a famílias extensas. É possível admitir que as unidades situadas na plataforma superior fossem ocupadas pelas famílias mais ilustres. Sabemos que uma dessas unidades era a Casa (Domus) de Coronero, filho de Câmalo, localizada num dos pontos mais simbólicos da Citânia, num local elevado, com uma ampla panorâmica sobre o vale do rio Ave, pois aí foi encontrada uma padieira gravada. Por outro lado, Martins Sarmento afirma que foi no local da Casa de Medamus Camali, nome gravado no afloramento rochoso do pátio central, que se recolheram mais elementos arquitectónicos decorados (Sarmento 1933). Deve-se, pois, reflectir sobre uma possível relação entre a importância da família dos Camali e a decoração das paredes das estruturas que formavam as unidades residenciais de que eram os proprietários.

Dos aspectos menos conhecidos dos castros são os rituais funerários. Tudo indica que as sepulturas em pedra e rectangulares que se observam na Citânia são da época cristã, da Idade Média, correspondendo a uma episódica ocupação do Monte, talvez nos períodos conturbados dos séculos VIII-X. Todavia, há alguns escassos indicadores que apontam para a prática de enterramentos, ou cremações, no interior das próprias unidades habitacionais, em fossas, sob o lajeado dos pátios, e que poderiam ser acompanhados por pequenas oferendas. Na Citânia as arrecadas de ouro descobertas num interior de um vaso, numa esquina de uma casa (Cardozo 1994), poderiam corresponder à urna funerária de uma mulher. Outros objectos votivos em bronze recolhidos nas diversas campanhas talvez estivessem, também, associados aos ritos funerários.

Cada uma destas “Casas” era formada por várias construções, com finalidades distintas, e que se 32

F.S. LEMOS & G.C. DA CRUZ: CITÂNIA DE BRITEIROS – PERSPECTIVAS RECENTES SOBRE A ROMANIZAÇÃO

elementos de adorno. Nestas circunstâncias é evidente que os dois povoados coexistiram na II Idade do Ferro e partilharam características comuns.

Aparentemente o domínio romano terá influenciado a Citânia sob diversas formas. Situada junto de uma das grandes vias de circulação da Hispania, entre Bracara e Emerita, Briteiros manteve a sua importância e continuou a ser, pelo menos durante o Alto Império, um dos mais importantes povoado do médio curso do Ave.

Quando terá sido abandonado Sabroso? A escassez de materiais romanos aponta para meados do século I a.C. (Hawkes 1971). Aliás o abandono de Sabroso poderá ser interpretado de dois modos:

A ROMANIZAÇÃO DA CITÂNIA

a) Como o ponto culminante do processo de sinecismo, ou seja de concentração populacional nos oppida;

1. Na segunda metade do século XIX Francisco Martins Sarmento, elaborou um paradigma que correspondia à sua leitura do passado do território de Entre Douro e Minho. (Sarmento 1933). O investigador vimaranense defendia uma longa continuidade de duração, em que o Castro de Sabroso expressava o universo pré-romano e a Citânia de Briteiros a ponte entre o passado proto-histórico e o mundo romano. Deste modo os castros tinham contribuído para a formação do núcleo central a partir do qual iria nascer, mais tarde, um novo país europeu, Portugal, aliás um dos mais antigos.

b) Como índice de um momento conturbado, talvez em data coincidente com as expedições de Caio Perpena, de Júlio César, ou mesmo mais tarde, no contexto das guerras cantábricas em 26-25 antes de Cristo. O abandono de Sabroso parece coincidir com o Castro de Lago (Martins 1988), em Amares, pelo que poderá não ser um processo específico, mas regional. 2. Quanto à Citânia de Briteiros, ao contrário de Sabroso, verificam-se diversos marcadores de “romanização”.

Mais de um século depois a hipótese de Francisco Martins Sarmento mantém-se activa e, de um modo geral a bibliografia, mesmo a mais recente, continua a operar com base no modelo proposto: Sabroso é um sítio préromano, um castro ilustrativo da Idade do Ferro do Noroeste; Briteiros um povoado com origem protohistórica, mas com uma marcada influência romana.

Regista-se, de facto, a adopção do numerário, em que predominam moedas de Augusto e Tibério. Todavia o diagrama das moedas em nada indica uma intensa e prolongada romanização. Das 84 moedas recolhidas nas campanhas de Francisco Martins Sarmento e Mário Cardozo, podem distinguir-se dois grupos maiores: as moedas da República; e a série de Augusto e Tibério. O número de moedas da época dos Flávios e Antoninos é assaz limitado (Centeno 1989). Do grupo de grandes povoados da Callaecia Meridional é Briteiros que apresenta um diagrama cronológico mais curto (comparável a Santa Tegra): apenas 7 moedas de Trajano e Adriano e 2 posteriores ao séc. II. Em Monte Mozinho (22 dos sécs. I e II para um total de 61) ou na Citânia de Santa Luzia (13 dos sécs. I e II num total de 83), o número de moedas posteriores (séculos III e IV) é superior (Centeno 1989).

Antes de analisarmos, numa outra perspectiva, a hipótese sustentada por Martins Sarmento, será necessário esclarecer alguns aspectos, que a bibliografia posterior simplificou, à revelia daquele investigador e de Mário Cardozo. Efectivamente ainda não foi determinada a cronologia de fundação de nenhum dos dois povoados, admitindo-se que possam remontar à I Idade do Ferro, pelo menos. Por outro lado, Sabroso não é um castro “puro”, de feição ancestral. Em Sabroso registam-se diversos equipamentos públicos: as muralhas (de excelente aparelho), um balneário, uma rua de acesso. Por outro lado a arquitectura doméstica é semelhante à de Briteiros: unidades residenciais, separadas por muros e com pátios lajeados. Provavelmente não se considerou necessário abrir uma malha de arruamentos, idêntica à de Briteiros, com acessos individualizados às unidades domésticas, devido à reduzida dimensão de Sabroso, e por isso não se regista o sistema proto-urbano que alguns autores consideram exclusivo dos oppida. Encontram-se, no entanto, em Sabroso, elementos arquitectónicos decorados de grande qualidade e com motivos idênticos aos de Briteiros. A proporção entre cerâmicas castrejas decoradas e lisas é a mesma. A gramática decorativa não é diferente. O espectro de achados metálicos é muito semelhante, ao ponto de Sabroso ter facultado o nome a um tipo de fíbula que provavelmente seria produzido na região, em diversos povoados. Tal como na Citânia também são numerosos os alfinetes de cabelo e outros

Outro aspecto a analisar é a ocorrência de cerâmica romana de antigas escavações (de Martins Sarmento e Mário Cardozo) mas cujo local exacto de origem se desconhece (Fig. 5.3). No quadro da cerâmica romana o maior número são ânforas, em segundo lugar as cerâmicas de engobe vermelho, comum, bracarense, comum fina, paredes finas e terra sigillata. As produções de cerâmica romana importada, recolhidas no Museu de Guimarães, foram estudadas por Bairrão Oleiro (1951), que referiu as itálicas e sudgálicas, e Adília Alarcão (1958) que identificou Terra Sigillata Hispânica Alto-Imperial, datável da segunda metade do século I e inícios do II d.C. No entanto o número de fragmentos recolhidos de TSHAI é, proporcionalmente, pequeno: 47 numa área de 7 hectares, com uma expressiva densidade habitacional. Adília Alarcão não refere Terra Sigillata Hispânica Tardia, do Baixo Império. 33

ROMANIZATION AND INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES – RHYTHMS, RUPTURES AND CONTINUITIES

Fig. 5.3. Taça em cerâmica Bracarense, recolhida em Briteiros nas escavações de Mário Cardozo Fig. 5.4. Inscrição rupestre relativa a Medamus Camali, conservada na “Casa de Câmalo”, na Acrópole da Citânia de Briteiros

De um modo geral este quadro sugere que na primeira metade do século I ocorreu uma rápida adopção de novas técnicas e modelos de olaria, mantendo-se, em paralelo, olaria indígena, quadro semelhante ao que foi registado em Bracara Augusta nos mesmos parâmetros cronológicos. Embora o estudo exaustivo dos materiais ainda não tenha sido realizado, como se sabe as cerâmicas de engobe vermelho são frequentes nos primórdios do século I (Morais 2005). Destaca-se como material romano mais abundante na Citânia as ânforas, na sua maioria Haltern 70, cuja datação ocupa um largo espectro desde o séc. I a.C. até meados do I d.C. Outro marcador relacionável com a romanização é o grupo de inscrições rupestres em latim (Fig. 5.4), que parecem assinalar o nome do proprietário, do paterfamilias das unidades domésticas. São textos muito curtos que se limitam a registar o nome de uma forma singela. Curiosamente estas inscrições não teriam leitura para a população da Citânia, sendo pois meramente simbólicas, tão abstractas como uma espiral ou um círculo concêntrico. Por outro lado concentram-se na zona da acrópole nas unidades residenciais das elites que governavam a Citânia. Destaca-se o nome Camalus que parece ser o pai de uma série de personagens referidas nas inscrições, o que coloca duas hipóteses: uma linhagem ilustre ou mítica; ou um nome cujo uso seria restrito a um certo número de famílias (Fig. 5.5). De acordo com os especialistas em filologia Camalus seria um antropónimo lusitano, de origem indo-europeia, que se difundiu para sul a partir da Callaecia Meridional. Deriva de um radical cujo significado é “batalha” ou “encontro” (Luján Martínez 2006). Por outro lado a abreviatura CAA surge em louça indígena, em grandes potes, na zona dos bordos. Considerou-se a hipótese de ser uma marca de oleiro, o que suscita duas perplexidades. Se o significado do nome está relacionado com o combate, com a guerra, a actividade de oleiro é bizarra. A. (González Ruibal 200607), que se deu conta dessa contradição, apresenta uma proposta engenhosa: os Camali não seriam os produtores directos, mas chefes que controlavam parte dessa actividade na Citânia, como “tributo” que lhe era devido.

Fig. 5.5. Padieira decorada com inscrição relativa a Coronerus Camali, recolhida na Acrópole de Briteiros por Martins Sarmento Em síntese o reduzido número de numismas e cerâmicas do século II, a ausência de moedas do séc. III e do Baixo Império, indicam que a Citânia não só não alcançou o suposto zénite, após a conquista, como também a ocupação durante o século I d.C. poderá ter sido residual, limitando-se às gerações mais idosas e desvaneceu-se no século II. De acordo com as sondagens arqueológicas que têm vindo a ser recentemente efectuadas, da responsabilidade dos autores, tudo indica que as estruturas visíveis no conjunto da Citânia foram edificadas num momento anterior a transição da Era. Em Briteiros o número de elementos construtivos associáveis ao período Alto-Imperial é reduzido A população mais relevante foi atraída para os novos aglomerados em plena expansão, novas cidades como Bracara Augusta, vici como Caldas de Vizela, ou núcleos termais como as Taipas. A sede conventual tornou-se, rapidamente, num centro produtivo e comercial competi34

F.S. LEMOS & G.C. DA CRUZ: CITÂNIA DE BRITEIROS – PERSPECTIVAS RECENTES SOBRE A ROMANIZAÇÃO

Face a esta leitura simplista, alguns autores já reagiram, considerando que, do encontro entre o imperium e a chamada Cultura Castreja, emergiu uma nova formação histórica (Pereira Menaut 1984), ou uma nova entidade “ontológica” (González Ruibal 2006-07).

tivo, como demonstram, por exemplo, a criação de um fabrico próprio de olaria, designado Bracarense Morais 2005), de vidro e metalurgia. O projecto de uma nova rede de aglomerados e de caminhos foi delineado sob o reinado de Augusto. Mas foi concretizada pelos habitantes dos povoados castrejos, não como mão-de-obra escrava, mas enquadrados pelos seus dirigentes. De facto não se encontra na epigrafia funerária de Bracara Augusta, o pessoal administrativo estrangeiro que surge documentado em Asturica Augusta.

Embora estas propostas sejam mais aliciantes que as leituras tradicionais de modelo dicotómico, julgamos que ainda é prematuro, sem novos dados, estabelecer um modelo para um quadro histórico que teve múltiplas interfaces, no âmbito político, económico, no ordenamento do território, na paisagem, nos modelos do habitat. Uma interface, porventura decisiva, foi a partici-pação das elites dos castros no governo da Callaecia. A Citânia de Briteiros faculta, nesse aspecto, pistas muito interessantes, como o dinamismo dos Camali.

O grupo dirigente da Citânia, com uma longa experiência de governo, do sistema de alianças, estava particu-larmente habilitado para participar em mudanças e partilhar o poder. No contexto da reorganização político-administrativa do conventus de Bracara Augusta e das civitates sob sua dependência destacam-se os nomes das famílias poderosas da Citânia de Briteiros. Na nova cidade sede conventual, que unia os Bracari e Augusto, a presença dos Camali ficou registada em vária epígrafes de natureza votiva e funerária, como a ara votiva de Dume, certamente deslocada do sítio original (Martins 1990). Noutro ponto do conventus, em Caldas de Vizela, um Medamus Camali dedica uma inscrição ao Deus Bormânico (Cardozo 1985). Essa localidade, cujo estatuto exacto ainda não foi definido, poderá ser uma sede de civitas ou uma mansio viária e termal. Em qualquer dos casos foi um importante aglomerado, com edifícios públicos monumentais, de acordo com descobertas ocorridas em sucessivas décadas do século XX mas que nunca foram, infelizmente, divulgadas de forma sistemática. Situada na margem direita do rio Vizela, a poucos quilómetros da sua confluência com o Ave, era um nó rodoviário na ligação entre Bracara e Emmerita. Ficava, desde Bracara, a um dia de viajem para Sudeste. De Caldas de Vizela divergiam pelo menos dois caminhos para o vale do Douro. As águas termais, pelo que se deduz da inscrição a Bormanicus seriam tão afamadas no século I como, mais tarde no auge do termalismo em Portugal, nos séculos XIX e XX.

O contexto de mudança da Era Cristã, o reinado de Augusto, foi um momento histórico de grande dinamismo. No espaço de Entre Douro e Minho o imperium romano confrontou-se com comunidades de elevada complexidade social, concentradas em povoados fortificados e baseadas numa economia diversificada e activa. Através de um intrincado sistema de alianças e de interfaces, estabeleceu-se uma zona de grande prosperidade ao longo dos séculos subsequentes. Prosperidade reflectida nas cidades e nos campos, na impressionante rede viária, em múltiplos aspectos. O teatro Alto-Imperial de Bracara Augusta, em fase de escavação (Martins 2000), a muralha de Lugo, no Baixo Império, a quantidade e qualidade dos pontes romanas, necessárias numa região de elevada pluviosidade, são alguns dos muitos testemunhos de um período notável da história da Callaecia. No entanto, não é possível estudar a Callaecia sem conhecer o impressionante e decisivo legado protohistórico que a antecede. Bibliografia ALARCÃO, A.M. (1958) Terras Sigillata Hispânica de Museus do Norte de Portugal. Revista de Guimarães, Guimarães. Sociedade Martins Sarmento. 68, p. 249307.

Talvez seja possível precisar a hipótese sugerida pelos filologistas sobre a origem do antropónimo Camalus, que, como se referiu, teria irradiado da Callaecia. Assim propõe-se que esse movimento teve origem na Citânia de Briteiros, revelando tanto a importância regional do povoado como o seu contributo nas mudanças operadas no câmbio da Era Cristã.

ÀLVAREZ SANCHÍS, J.R. (1999) Los Vettones, Biblioteca Archeologica Hispana, 1. Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia. ÀLVAREZ SANCHÍS, J.R. (2003) La Edad del Hierro en la Meseta Occidental, Madrider Mitteilungen, 44. Madrid: Deutches Archäological Institut, Abteilung Madrid, Verlag Philip von Zarben, Mainz am Rhein, pp. 346-386.

CONSIDERAÇÕES FINAIS Há na bibliografia sobre a romanização do Noroeste um equívoco persistente que oscila entre dois extremos:

BAIRRÃO OLEIRO (1951) BOSCH GIMPERA, P. (1932) Etnologia da Península Ibérica. Barcelona.

− os castros são encarados como elementos passivos, receptores de um novo estilo de vida;

CARBALLO ARCEO, L.X. (2003) La Dorsal Gallega como barrera intracultural durante la Edad del Hierro. Madrider Mitteilungen. Madrid. 44, p. 333-345.

− os castros tiveram um verniz de cultura clássica que sacudiram após a queda do Império. 35

ROMANIZATION AND INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES – RHYTHMS, RUPTURES AND CONTINUITIES

CARDOZO, M. (1985) Catálogo do Museu de Martins Sarmento. Secção de epigrafia latina e de escultura antiga. Sociedade Martins Sarmento, Guimarães.

MARTINS. M. (1988) O povoado fortificado do Lago, Amares. Braga: Cadernos de Arqueologia. Série Monografias.

CARDOZO, M. (1994) Citânia de Briteiros e Castro de Sabroso. Notícia descritiva. Guimarães: Sociedade Martins Sarmento.

MARTINS (2000) Urbanismo e Arquitectura em Bracara Augusta. Balanço dos contributos da Arqueologia Urbana. Projecto Simulacra Romae (publicação online), www.cervantesvirtual.com/portal/simulacraromae/ [consulta: 5 de Julho de 2009].

CARVALHO, H.P.A. de (2008) O Povoamento Romano na fachada ocidental do Conventus Bracarensis (Dissertação de Doutoramento). Universidade do Minho, Braga.

MARTINS (2009) “A Romanização”. In Minho: Traços da Identidade, pp. 122-214. Universidade do Minho, Braga.

CENTENO, R. (1989)

MARTINS, M.; LEMOS, F.S.; PÉREZ LOSADA, F. (2005) O Povoamento Romano no território dos Galaicos Bracarenses. Unidad y Diversidade en el Arco Atlântico en época romana. III Coloquio Internacional de Arqueología en Gijón (2002). Oxford: B.A.R., p. 279-296. (BAR International Séries; 1371).

GONZÁLEZ RUIBAL, A. (2006-07) Galaicos: poder y comunidad en el Noro-este de la Península Ibérica (1200 a.C.-50 d.C.). Brigantium, II tomos. Boletín do Museu Arqueolóxico e Histórico da Coruña, A Coruña. HÖCK, M. (1979) Excavaciones en el Castro de S. Juzenda, Concelho de Mirandela. Actas del XV Congreso Nacional de Arqueologia, Lugo, 1977. Saragoça, p. 393-398.

MORAIS, R. (2005) Autarcia e Comércio em Bracara Augusta. Contributo para o estudo económico da cidade no período Alto-Imperial. Bracara Augusta. Escavações Arquológicas, 2. Unidade de Arqueologia da Universidade do Minho, Braga.

HÖCK, M. (1980) Corte estratigráfico no Castro de S. Juzenda. Actas do I Seminário de Arqueologia do Noroeste Peninsular, 2, Guimarães, p. 55-70.

PEREIRA MENAUT (1984) La formación Histórica de Los Pueblos del Norte de Hispânia. El Caso de Gallaecia como Paradigma, Veleia, N.S., 1, 271-287.

LEMOS, F.S. (1993) Povoamento Romano de Trás-osMontes Oriental. Volume I-a. Braga: Universidade do Minho.

SARMENTO, F. (1933) Dispersos. Imprensa Nacional, Universidade de Coimbra.

LUJÁN MARTÍNEZ, E.R. (2006) The Language(s) of the Callaeci. E-Keltoi. Journal of Interdisciplinary Celtic Studies [em linha] 6 The Celts in the Iberian Peninsula, p. 715-748. [consult. 28 Ago. 2006]. Disponível em WWW: .

SILVA, A.C.F. (1986) A Cultura Castreja no Noroeste de Portugal. Paços de Ferreira: Museu Arqueológico da Citânia de Sanfins. SILVA, A.C.F.; CENTENO, R. (1977) Sondagem Arqueológica na Citânia de Briteiros (Guimarães). Notícia sumária. Revista de Guimarães. Guimarães. Sociedade Martins Sarmento. 87, p. 277-280.

MARTINS, M. (1990) O Povoamento Proto-histórico e a Romanização da Bacia do Curso Médio do Cávado. Braga: Cadernos de Arqueologia. Série Monografias.

SILVA, M.A.D. (1985) A cerâmica castreja da Citânia de Briteiros. Guimarães: Sociedade Martins Sarmento.

36

THE PROTO-HISTORIC AND ROMAN SETTLEMENT OF TERRONHA DE PINHOVELO (MACEDO DE CAVALEIROS): NEW ADVANCES ON THE ROMANIZATION OF THE ZOELAE TERRITORY João Pedro TERESO CIBIO – Research Centre in Biodiversity and Genetic Resources. Faculty of Sciences, University of Porto, [email protected]

Helena BARRANHÃO [email protected] Abstract: Terronha de Pinhovelo is a settlement placed next to the southern limits of the ancient territory of the Zoelae (NE Portugal). This strategic location may have played a crucial role in the defence of its borders and the control of the passage through the Macedo Valley. During the three excavation summer-campaigns three different areas were opened exposing the Iron Age and Roman occupations, several domestic areas and some (possibly defensive) stone banks. A short data analysis, mainly from surveys in the Macedo de Cavaleiros area, shows that most Iron Age settlements do not provide any evidence for a roman occupation. At the same time, new settlements have been established during the roman period, all in open places without natural defence conditions. Keywords: Zoelae, Iron Age, Roman, NE Portugal Résumé: Terronha de Pinhovelo est un site d’habitat placé à côté des limites du sud du territoire ancien du Zoelae (NE du Portugal). Cet endroit stratégique peut avoir joué un rôle crucial dans la défense de ses frontières et le contrôle du passage par la vallée de Macedo. Au cours des trois campagnes, trois zones différents ont été excave, exposant contextes de l'Âge du Fer et d’Epoque Romaine, plusieurs structures domestiques et certains imposant talus de pierre, probablement avec fonctions défensives. Une brève analyse des données, principalement à partir d'enquêtes dans la région de Macedo de Cavaleiros, montre que plus l'Âge de Fer établissements ne fournit pas d'évidences d'une occupation romaine. En même temps, de nouvelles typologies d’habitats ont été établies au cours de la période Romaine, tous dans les endroits ouverts sans conditions de défense naturelles. Mots clés: Zoelae, Âge du Fer, Epoque Romaine, NE Portugal

THE ROMANIZATION OF THE ZOELAE REGION: A BRIEF SUMMARY

INTRODUCTION Terronha de Pinhovelo is a proto-historic and roman settlement placed in NE Portugal. The first archaeological works undertaken in this site occurred in 1997 in the sequence of road construction works planned to cross this area. The excavation works exposed relevant archaeological and patrimonial elements and, consequently, the construction plan was altered. Although the archaeologists responsible for the intervention pointed out the site’s significance, this settlement remained forgotten and poorly studied until 2004. Unfortunately, this was not an unique case, by the contrary it exposes the general state of the roman studies in the NE Portugal.

According to Pliny the Elder, the Zoelae were one of the people from the Astures (Pliny, III 28). Although there were few archaeological interventions in this geographical area, several theoretical approaches have been produced, constructing an image of the pre-Roman populations of which the reliability can only be based on the comparison with other better-known areas of NW Iberia. It is possible that the settlements, for the most part including fortified structures, were gathered in complex networks for geo-strategic reasons. However, each one would be self-sufficient, detaining in its own territory all the main resources necessary to support the agropastoralist system that characterized their economical strategies (Redendor, 2002, p.25-28; Lemos, 1993, p.192224). F. Sande Lemos (1993) suggests the existence of a “no man’s land” between each settlement’s territory. All communities of the region would explore those areas, and this being a cause for constant conflicts. That would justify the construction of defensive structures as well as the establishment of alliances.

When the Terras Quentes Project began in 2003, the excavations of four Roman archaeological sites of the Macedo de Cavaleiros County were proposed. It was clearly an approach without precedent in the entire region. Along with the excavations, field surveys took place extending the list of settlements and enlarging the knowledge of the sites already known. Subsequently, new analysis of the available data allowed a better understanding of this region, mainly the area known as the ancient Zoelae territory, on which the entire Macedo de Cavaleiros County is probably located.

The roman conquest of the Astures’ territory was completed in 25 BC, though some revolts still took place 37

ROMANIZATION AND INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES – RHYTHMS, RUPTURES AND CONTINUITIES

There are abundant Iron Age and Roman sites in this region, although some constrains still exist in terms of secure data to support some settlements’ chronologies. In fact, the majority of the archaeological interventions consisted simply in ground surveys, whose results were very limited by unfavourable ground visibility conditions. Since 2003, some sites have been excavated in the scope of, the Terras Quentes Project, namely: Terronha de Pinhovelo, Cramanchão, Bovinho, Fraga dos Corvos and Barreiros.

in 22 BC. However, the available data does not provide us a clear knowledge of the position of the Zoelae in this process (Redendor, 2002, p.26-28). When the entire Iberia was dominated, in 19 BC, this region was integrated in the Roman’s administration, probably renewing, with some changes, the proto-historic organization. The Zoelae became part of the conventus of Asturica (Pliny, III, 28). Sande Lemos (1993 and 1995) wrote the only wide interpretation of this process for the NE of Portugal. The author states that the transference from the hills tops into less defensive areas on the valleys was not accomplished for the entire population. By the contrary, some fortified settlements remained occupied throughout the roman period.

Including the excavated sites, there are 22 Iron Age settlements in the Macedo de Cavaleiros’ County but it is probable that only three of them continued occupied during the Roman period (see Table 6.1). Curiously, the only non-fortified settlement, Cramanchão, is one of those where a continuity of occupation is confirmed by the archaeological data. An important fact to notice is that only the archaeological excavation identified this protohistoric level in Cramanchão. None of the survey activities done previously in this settlement revealed such ancient chronology. This methodological fact may demonstrate the existence of some error possibility in the determination of other sites chronology, due to the lack of archaeological excavations.

Nevertheless the roman administration did impose several changes to the proto-historic economy and the territory’s organization. The agro-pastoralist system changed while as a market-based economy increasingly took over, especially after the construction of the road XVII between Bracara Augusta and Asturica Augusta in Augustus’ time. This road crossed the Zoelae territory accomplishing the connection of this region to the crosswalk of the Roman world and, consequently, imposing severe economical changes expressed, for example, in Pliny mentions to the exportation of the Zoelae linen all the way to Italy.

In Fraga dos Corvos, a settlement in the western side of Serra de Bornes, the Iron Age levels were not excavated yet, since the intervention was strictly centred in the Bronze Age occupation of a platform where the first layers were depleted in historical times. Still, frequent Iron Age artefacts were recovered in mixed sediments in the rock shelters that were found in the Western scarps along with evidences of a probable fortification that does not fit in the cultural range of the local Bronze Age (Barranhão, Tereso, 2006).

The central area of the Zoelae territory would be the Bragança Valley, next to which is located Torre Velha de Castro de Avelãs. Probably this settlement constituted the politic and administrative centre and the head of the ciuitas, as the discovery of an inscription dedicated by the Ordo Zoelarum to the god Aernus, a local divinity, seems to confirm. Although the excavations done in the 1887 did not furnish a thorough publication some investigators do refer the existence of a forum probably recognizing Torre Velha de Castro de Avelãs as the politic centre of the Zoelae territory by the time of the emperor Claudius (Alarcão, 1988; Redendor, 2002).

A close look at the list of Roman sites (epigraphic monuments will not be included) in Table 6.2 demonstrates that most of the settlements are not fortified and that those which present some evidences of fortification probably have a proto-historic background. There are 15 settlements, 10 of them only built in the Roman period. Two are mining settlements. It is clear, though, that those with only Roman basis occupy open areas with no regard for defensive matters, sometimes the top of smooth hills or the bottom of valleys.

Therefore, the definition of the territory borders is not completely consensual. Nevertheless, the two main hypothesis, from Alarcão (1988) and Sande Lemos (1993), point the Serra de Bornes as the southern limit. In the North this territory would reach Serra de Montesinho or Sierra de Segundera and La Culebra. The river Tuela or Serra da Nogueira may have bordered the territory in the west and the river Douro and Esla in the East.

The only academic study that overlaps the present politic frontiers, and, consequently, the area of the Zoelae, was the thesis of Francisco Sande Lemos. As we mentioned before, this author defends that there was a double process in all Northeast Trás-os-Montes meaning that not all the populations were transferred from the defensive hilltops to the valleys (Lemos, 1993). This evidence was also noticed in the area of Macedo de Cavaleiros, with a strong predominance of the newly roman foundations and the consequent abandonment of several sites.

The area of Macedo de Cavaleiros: a new approach to old and recent data An analysis of the existing data referring to the Iron Age and Roman settlements in the area of Macedo de Cavaleiros, was first attempted after the beginning of the investigation in Terronha de Pinhovelo (Barranhão and Tereso, 2006).

The field works in Cramanchão allowed the definition of one Iron Age and two Roman phases, probably both from 38

J.P. TERESO & H. BARRANHÃO: THE PROTO-HISTORIC AND ROMAN SETTLEMENT OF TERRONHA DE PINHOVELO…

Tab. 6.1. Iron Age settlements in Macedo de Cavaleiro’s County Other chronology

Bibliography

Cabeço Cercado

Fortified (?)

Lemos (1993)

Cabeço da Paixão

Fortified

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993)

Cabeço dos Mouros

Fortified

Mendes (2005)

Calveiro de Vale Benfeito

Fortified (?)

Castelo de Balsamão

Lemos (1993)

Fortified

Castelo de São Marcos

Roman

Fortified (?)

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993) Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993)

Castelo dos Mouros

Fortified

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993)

Castelucho de Balsamão

Fortified

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993)

Castrilhão

Fortified

Mendes (2005)

Castro de Mogrão

Fortified

Lemos (1993)

Cerca dos Mouros

Fortified

Cramanchão

Lemos (1993)

Open

Roman

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993)

Escaleira

Fortified + chevaux de frise

Unpublished

Espondra

Fortified

Fraga do Castelo

Fortified

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993)

Fraga do Castelo (de Limãos)

Fortified

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993)

Fraga dos Corvos

Fortified

Mogrão/Caúnha

Fortified

Pena Mourisca

Fortified

Terronha (de Olmos)

Fortified

Terronha de Pinhovelo

Fortified

Terronha de Soutelo Mourisco

Fortified

Copper age

Mendes (2005)

Bonze age

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993)

Bronze age

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993)

Mendes (2005) Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993) Roman

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993) Lemos (1993)

Tab. 6.2. Roman settlements in Macedo de Cavaleiro’s County Other chronology Barreiros Bovinho/Poço dos Mouros Cabeço Cabeço do Fidalgo

Pottery kiln

Bibliography Mendes (2005b)

Mining Settlement

Iron age ?

Fortified (?)

?

Open

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993) Mendes (2005) Mendes (2005)

Carrascal

Fortified

Iron age ?

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993)

Castelo de Balsamão

Fortified

Iron age

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993)

Cramanchão

Open

Iron age

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993)

Madorra(ouMedorrão)/Estação de Grijó

Open

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993)

Meda

Open

Mendes (2005)

Olival do Cabo

Open

Mendes (1993)

Omelinhos

Open

Inédito

Salgueiro

Pottery kiln

Mendes (2005)

Cemetery/Epigraphy

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993)

Solar dos Sarmentos Terrioulo Terronha de Pinhovelo Travanca

Open

Mendes (2005)

Fortified

Iron age

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993)

Open

Mendes (2005)

Vale de Noveia

Open

Mendes (2005), Lemos (1993)

Vila dos Mouros

Mining Settlement

Mendes (2005)

39

ROMANIZATION AND INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES – RHYTHMS, RUPTURES AND CONTINUITIES

By the time of this intervention, numerous pits and large trenches were exposed in the eastern slope revealing relevant Roman and proto-historic levels (Carvalho, 1997) as well as several rectilinear compartments and other domestic structures. In the top of the slope the excavation revealed part of a monumental stone structure interpreted as a defensive stone bank, construction that the authors attribute to roman times. Several artefacts, such as grinding stones, warp-weight, animal bones and pottery destined to the confection of food, exposed the eminently domestic and agro-pastoralist features of the site (Carvalho, 1997). The authors placed the roman occupation phases between the I and IV/V centuries AD. The pre-roman archaeological evidences were not so clear, since the roman rebuilding of the settlement may have destroyed most of the previous contexts in the area intervened. By the time the preventive intervention was finished, it was still unclear if the hand-made and undecorated ceramics that characterized the proto-historic levels belong to the Bronze or to the Iron Age.

Late Imperial phases (Tereso, Barranhão and Gomes, 2005). Still, only the most recent Roman phase is reasonably known, since abundant ceramic was recovered in the three compartments excavated from this phase including some S shaped pots, several bowls and numerous Terra Sigillata Hispânica Tardia. Other evidence testifies for agro-pastoralist activities, weaving and iron metallurgy. In addition, in the settlement Bovinho no defensive structures were found yet, although the archaeological levels were excavated in less than 20 m2. This site’s special relevance is due to the existence of what the local people call Poço dos Mouros – the muslins’ well – a large pit related with mining and metallurgic activities. Because of some technical problems the excavation of this structure was not finished yet and stopped at about 12 m deep. The small area intervened and the little amount of artefacts recovered do not allow an adequate chronological insertion of some of the archaeological levels and structures. It still remains the possibility that the site was occupied previously to the Roman period (Mendes, 2005b).

Between 2004 and 2006 three new field campaigns took place directed by João Tereso, Helena Barranhão, Lucia Miguel and Carlos Mendes. Three Sectors and two small test pits were excavated and, by the same time, the vegetation clearance on some large areas of the hill began. The excavation and registration took place according to the methodological procedures described by E. Harris (1991) and the Museum of London Archaeology Service (1994).

Barreiros is a small and well preserved pottery kiln with no artefacts associated (Mendes, 2005b). Its chronological ascription was based on comparisons with other roman kilns such as the one found in S. Marta de Penaguião (Vila Real, NE Portugal).

One of the test pits provided few Roman ceramics and some evidences of fire in one area that was thought to be outside the settlements perimeter. In the Sector C, an area with 12 m2 placed in the highest point of the hill, the excavation of massive evidences of structures’ collapses began which provided scarce evidence up to this point, though the work there is still in its beginning. However, it is possible that the evidence of burned stones and abundant over-burned roofing-tiles testify for the existence of a kiln in the surrounding area.

THE SETTLEMENT OF TERRONHA DE PINHOVELO Situated in an area of epidotic schist, Terronha de Pinhovelo is a small elevation 690 meters high, and a slightly regular platform of about 6 hectares. Its abrupt, although not high, scarps in the West flank make this side easily defensible. Nevertheless, the settlement is still accessible from the other geographical sides.

In the scope of this paper, we will focus on the Sectors A and B, the more widely excavated areas and the ones that provided the most significant data.

This settlement occupies a geo-strategic position offering great visual control over the Macedo’s Valley, which is part of the great fault Manteigas-Vilariça. Besides its great fertility, this valley’s importance is also due to the possibility of being a main entrance area to the Zoelae territory. In fact, as we have mentioned before, Serra de Bornes is stated as the South boundary of the Zoelae territory in the main theoretical reconstructions of the Northeast territories, which makes the Macedo’s Valley a privileged way into this territory, therefore one that requires control.

Sector A The sector A is an area of 73 m2 located in the transition to the southern slope of the main platform. The earliest Phase of occupation is characterized by the edification of two stone banks whose chronology is still unknown. It is clear, though, as testified by stratigraphy and the ceramics recovered, that it must be prior to the Roman and Iron Age occupations identified.

As it was mentioned before, Terronha de Pinhovelo was first excavated in 1997 when a main road, IP2, was projected to cut through the archaeological site. Pedro Carvalho, Luís Gomes and José Francisco directed the preventive field works.

The stone banks were constructed in schist and sparse quartz, both of local origin, disposed in a non-random way. Despite being the most destroyed massif structure, the Northern bank is, in the current state of the field 40

J.P. TERESO & H. BARRANHÃO: THE PROTO-HISTORIC AND ROMAN SETTLEMENT OF TERRONHA DE PINHOVELO…

Fig. 6.1. Terronha de Pinhovelo: Stone banks in Sector A

chronology of the stone banks. In fact, not only the perishable structure was partly covered by a destruction phase of the massif structures but also its northern limits are characterized by a clay construction covering another more ancient phase when some stone elements had fallen from the northern bank. Therefore, the semi-circular structure was certainly used during the Iron Age, at some point after the building of the northern bank, whose chronology is not yet known.

leabour, the best-known stone bank, demonstrating the use of rather small stone elements in its interior with no clay or other kind of cement. The biggest and elongated stones in the most exterior positions provide a support to those small elements that constitute the core’s filling. Some poorly defined faces are visible in this structure, and although they present several orientations no linear or well-preserved main external face is visible. In the upper part of this northern bank some elongated and worked schist blocks of a later reconstruction phase are positioned in a straight and regular way covering this structure ancient construction moments.

The first evidence of a Roman occupation in this area (Sector A’s1st Roman Phase) appears in the upper platform created, or at least amplified, by the edification of the pre-Roman stone banks. This phase is still poorly known because the layers to which they are associated weren’t yet excavated, although its walls were exposed by the removal of the Sector A’s 2nd Roman Phase layers.

Between the two stone banks, in the eastern limits of the excavation area there was placed a massive schist slab, probably to hold part of the upper stone bank. Still it is possible that the continuation of the field works will lead to the unification of the two lines of the stone banks in one massif structure. Until now, the excavation of the space between the two banks provided one of the most interesting contexts of this Sector A.

The layers from the 2nd Roman Phase, which covered these oldest Roman structures, were considered to be man made, and a product of some revolving of ancient levels – a debris. In this 2nd Roman Phase there were great changes in the way this particular area was seen and used. The walls were not rebuilt but simply covered. That act implied the perturbation of many layers, since some Iron Age artefacts, such as a zoomorphic fibula, were found in this debris along with typical Roman artefacts such as Terra Sigillata, including one sherd dated from about 15 BC.

Partly covered by stones that fell from the stone banks, there was a semi-circular perishable structure, made of soil and clay. Though not yet completely excavated, the data available demonstrates that it is filled with abundant charcoal and carbonized seeds, mainly cereals and Vicia faba var. minor. The charcoal may be what is left of the covering wood structure. Due to its content and rather small size (2 meters diameter) it has been interpreted as a storage hut.

Several pit structures were dug in this brash. They are simple and not too deep holes filled with dark soil, ceramic sherds and abundant animal bones. A complex sequence of layers and pit structures demonstrating a peculiar human use in this settlement’s area was documented.

Its association to hand-made undecorated Iron Age ceramics, such as S shaped pots and straight vessels, testifies not only to its chronology but also to the 41

ROMANIZATION AND INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES – RHYTHMS, RUPTURES AND CONTINUITIES

major and chaotic concentration of stones and tegulae, two distinct schist pavements were defined, from two different phases (3rd and 4th Roman Phases) and, in the corner of another compartment a deep storage structure appears with opus signinum in its bottom. One pavement of large slabs covers stones and tegulae from a house that has not yet been delimited, giving evidence of one of the several moments of changes in the organization of the area and also of a possible moment of abandonment.

Sector B The Sector B is located in the main platform next to the western scarps, and until now this 128 m2 area has only provided Roman artefacts. The earliest Phase, in the eastern half of the sector, remains undated for it was found directly above the bedrock with no artefacts or sediments associated. This bedrock – schist – was cut off to create the floor of a circular compartment and a rectangular post-hole probably in a central position. Only a small part of the walls survived the following Roman occupations (2nd and 3rd Roman Phases) being cut by the constructions of new rectilinear compartments and adapted to the changes in space organization.

Briefly, several Roman Phases have been described in the Sector B. The first moment is documented by the construction of the circular house in the Eastern part of the sector but nothing else is known, until now, about this phase, not even its specific chronology. It is followed by the construction of a wall with a W-E direction (2nd Phase), which was in one following moment (3rd Phase) used as the Northern wall of a large compartment – certainly there must exist another phase in between, of which there is still no material evidence recovered. In the Northern part of the excavation area, in this 3rd Phase a compartment with a storage structure was built.

At a more recent period (4th Roman Phase) both circular and rectilinear structures were intentionally covered by sediment in which a large but shallow pit was dug and probably used as a fireplace. More to the North a strange stone structure has been found. It consists of a large amount of stones, mainly schist but also quartz, most of them clearly burned, placed in a vertical position. Although its function remains unknown, its use certainly implied the management of fire.

In the next phase another compartment was constructed inside the previous large compartment of Phase 3. By this time the circular house was already destroyed and a large pit was opened above it, at the same time of the construction of the structure with vertical stones. In the northern half the large schist pavement is placed above the stones and tiles from earliest buildings.

West to this first area, in the Central-West part of Sector B, a great compartment from the 2nd Roman Phase was delimited. It is partly enclosed at East by the bedrock, at North by one wall that overlays its eastern limits, and has no wall limiting in the West. Still unexcavated evidences from an ancient closing wall in that area testify to the severe changes undertaken in the place until it became an open compartment towards the West in its last use. Next to the bedrock at East a fireplace was found, made of several little schist slabs covered by a layer of clay.

Although the investigation is in its beginning, the artefacts recovered, namely the Terra Sigillata Hispânica Tardia, place the most recent and better known phases of Sector B in the IV or V century AD. DISCUSSION

In the 4th Roman Phase this compartment was altered, since another compartment was built entirely inside of it, in its Southern limits, and directly above the fireplace previously described. This new house was also opened to the West and, strangely, it did not use the previous structures as a support. In fact, the southern wall was built leaning against the southern wall of the previous compartment.

According to its location, in proto-historic times, the settlement of Terronha de Pinhovelo may have been related to the control of one of the main entrances to the Zoelae territory, the Macedo’s Valley. Probably it would be part of a settlements’ network related to this geographical entrance. In fact, several archaeological settlements are know in this area, namely in the other side of the valley, in Serra de Bornes, there is the fortified settlement of Fraga dos Corvos, and along the valley other sites are believed to have been occupied in proto-historic times, all of them mentioned in the results of archaeological surveys and inventories (Mendes, 2005). For instance, the still unexcavated site of Castro de S. Marcos would control the passage to one minor and lateral valley, East from the Macedo’s Valley through the Northern edge of Serra de Bornes (Barranhão e Tereso, 2006).

This must have been a specialized area given the evidence of the three domestic fire structures excavated. One of those structures was a squared paved area, with burned schist and quartz, and burned clay, but with no clearly associated deposit. Another one had a more extended and irregular paved foundation, covered by dark sediment with abundant charcoal and carbonized seeds. The third structure, placed between the other two, had no stone pavement but was comprised between two small stone alignments. Its sediment was particularly rich in plant macrofossils.

Terronha de Pinhovelo, located in the western border of the valley, is a hill with a regular platform suitable to the implantation of a medium-sized settlement. It offers a vast view over the medium part of the great valley and also

In the North area of Sector B, separated from the previously described contexts by a passage area and a 42

J.P. TERESO & H. BARRANHÃO: THE PROTO-HISTORIC AND ROMAN SETTLEMENT OF TERRONHA DE PINHOVELO…

Fig. 6.2. Terronha de Pinhovelo: Sector B 43

ROMANIZATION AND INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES – RHYTHMS, RUPTURES AND CONTINUITIES

the description of all populations living in an interior rural area of the Iberian peninsula in proto-historic and roman times. The evidences of ceramic production and metallurgy found in Sector C of Terronha de Pinhovelo assumes great relevance, since such artefacts provide more arguments for the assumption that this settlement detained complete economic self-sufficiency, fact that is deeply correlated with the model presented by Sande Lemos (1993).

over a small lateral valley that runs into it by northwest. Although clear evidences are still unknown, the stone banks constructed in pre-Roman times are believed to be defensive structures surrounding the southern and eastern flanks, creating an abrupt step that reaches five to six meters high at some points. In the West, the deep scarps appear as a natural defensive fortification. In the North, by far the most vulnerable way into the settlement, two almost chaotic stone alignments have been considered as evidences of defensive stonewalls. However the clear correlation of these evidences with defensive arguments is a possibility that still requires a more accurate confirmation by excavation works.

The existence of the mining settlements of Bovinho and Vila dos Mouros gives evidence of a broader reality. Although each settlement may have been economically self-sufficient, the existence of settlements specialized in metal-extraction required an organization for its exploitation, which probably began before the Roman occupation of the Northwest Iberia. However the understanding of this organization is far from being accomplished and appears to be very constrained by the existence of few programmed field works in the region. In Terronha de Pinhovelo it is imperative to continue the intervention in all the opened areas in order to reach the lower and ancient levels.

It is clear, though, that during the Late Roman Period the northern stone bank of Sector A was destroyed, being of no use for defensive purposes. Probably there is a different situation in the East flank where the stone bank remained undisturbed as we have already pointed out. The three short campaigns in Terronha de Pinhovelo have provided documentation of a complex sequence of occupation phases. Nonetheless, it seems clear that several other occupation phases remain unknown. However, the greatest limitation of the archaeological intervention relies on the fact that, until now, no linear correlation between the roman phases of Sectors A and B was established. Not only both sequences are only partially known, but they also appear as highly heterogeneous areas.

CONCLUSION The Terronha de Pinhovelo is one Zoelae proto-historic settlement with probable defensive structures and with a strong roman occupation that continued until the V century, though with a possible interregnum. In fact, it is clear that at least part of those defensive structures were not in use in the most recent roman occupation phases.

Therefore it is difficult to sustain any peremptory model of the dynamic that characterized this site. Even though an abandonment period may have existed between two of the Roman phases, continuity between the proto-historic and Roman occupation is a possibility. Although only the Late Roman structural contexts are revealed up to this point, earlier and unexcavated Roman phases are known to exist as pointed out before. In fact, adding to the structural contexts of Sector B, some sparse evidence was recovered from a destruction/brash level in Sector A, namely one sherd from an early Terra Sigillata Itálica manufacture dated back to last decades of the Ist century BC.

The two main excavation areas appear as some very heterogeneous sectors with extremely different realities. Sector B is characterized by its domestic contexts, compartments with storage structures and fireplaces, in a complex sequence of roman constructions and reconstructions. In the other side, Sector A is almost totally filled with the massive pre-roman stone banks and an Iron Age perishable circular hut. Here the roman evidences are strictly localized in the upper platform were pits were found, cutting levels of debris with both roman and Iron Age materials and covering ancient roman rectilinear structures.

This continuity, if confirmed with future investigations in the site, is of great importance for a regional level of analysis, because this constitutes, until now, the only Iron Age settlement with confirmed roman occupation for the entire Macedo’s Valley. The reason for such line of evidence can hardly be deduced, since it is still unknown under what conditions did the roman conquest over the Zoelae took place. Nevertheless, the strategic position of Terronha de Pinhovelo may have been crucial to determine its continuity.

As Sande Lemos stated, many fortified settlements, as Terronha de Pinhovelo, maintained its occupation throughout the roman period, some possibly overlapping the roman domination in the area. Nevertheless, in Macedo de Cavaleiros County the archaeological evidence available shows that most of the fortified settlements were abandoned and new ones appeared. Because the majority of the archaeological works developed in this area consisted only in field surveys, our understanding of these settlements remains poorly known. Indeed, in order to understand patterns and the features underlining cultural transition periods further work has to be made on a regional level, one which overlaps the area

Domestic animals, cereals and legumes, warp-weight and “cossoiros” found in Terronha de Pinhovelo testify the agro-pastoralist bases of the daily life economy of this population. This seems to fit with the general characterization usually made of the Zoelae but, on the other hand, could also be seen as a characteristic that fits 44

J.P. TERESO & H. BARRANHÃO: THE PROTO-HISTORIC AND ROMAN SETTLEMENT OF TERRONHA DE PINHOVELO…

we presently study. Therefore, it is critical not only to continue this project, but also to begin archaeological investigations on other areas as part of a wider plan to study this chronological period in this region, the northeast Portugal and part of the Spanish Zamora District, in sum: the Zoelae territory.

LEMOS, F. (1993) O povoamento romano em Trás-osmontes Oriental. Braga: Universidade do Minho.

Acknowledgments

MENDES, C. (Coord.) (2005) Carta Arqueolológica do Concelho de Macedo de Cavaleiros. Campanha 1/2004. Cadernos “Terras Quentes”, 2, Edições ATQ/CMMC, p. 5-49.

LEMOS, F. (1995) Zoelas e a ciuitas Zoelarum: uma unidade étnica no quadro da romanização do Noroeste In Jorge V.O. Coord. Actas do 1ºCongresso de Arqueologia Peninsular. Porto: Sociedade Portuguesa de Antropologia e Etnologia, p. 295-310.

We would like to express our sincere gratitude to Vera Aldeias and Miguel Abrantes who kindly corrected this text; and all the students who voluntarily worked beside us in the field.

MENDES, C. (2005b) Povoado do Bovinho. Resultados preliminares da Campanha 1/2003. Cadernos “Terras Quentes”, 2, Edições ATQ/CMMC, p. 91-98. MUSEUM OF LONDON ARCHAEOLOGY SERVICE (1994) Archaeological Site Manual. Third Edition. Museum of London.

References ALARCÃO, J. (1988) O Domínio Romano em Portugal. Lisbon. Europa América.

REDENDOR, A. (2002) Epigrafia romana da região de Bragança, Lisbon: Instituto Português de Arqueologia, Trabalhos de Arqueologia; 24.

BARRANHÃO, H.; TERESO, J. (2006) A Terronha de Pinhovelo na ciuitas zoelarum: primeira síntese, Cadernos Terras Quentes, 3, Associação Terras Quentes e Câmara Municipal de Macedo de Cavaleiros, p. 7-26.

SENNA-MARTINEZ, J.; VENTURA, J.; CARVALHO, H. (2005) A Fraga dos Corvos (Macedo de Cavaleiros): um sítio de habitat do “mundo Carrapatas” da primeira Idade do Bronze em Trás-os-Montes Oriental. Terras Quentes”, 2, Edições ATQ/CMMC, p. 61-81.

CARVALHO, et al. (1997) Assentamento romano fortificado da Terronha (Macedo de Cavaleiros). Em Busca do Passado 1994/1997, Junta Autónoma de Estradas, Lisbon.

TERESO, J.; BARRANHÃO, H.; GOMES, J. (2005) O povoado do Cramanchão (Cortiços, Macedo de Cavaleiros): resultados e reflexões após a 1ª campanha (2003). Cadernos Terras Quentes, 2, Em colaboração com Dr.ª Helena Barranhão e Dr.ª Joana Resende Gomes.

GUERRA, A. (1995) Plínio-o-Velho e a Lusitânia, Lisbon: Edições Colibri. HARRIS, E. (1991) Príncipios de estratigrafia arqueológica, Editorial Crítica. Barcelona.

45

THE ROMANIZATION OF THE EXTREMITY WEST OF EMPIRE: MUTATIONS AND PERSISTENCES João Pedro BERNARDES Universidade do Algarve, [email protected] Abstract: The Western extremity of the Roman Empire, as peripheral region that is, assumes romanization marks that must (also) be equated in a regional context. Despite the romanizing process makes here to feel with all its splendour, it is adoptee and adapted for the regional cultural matrices of more or less intense form which never will lose some of its deeper traces despite frequent dimmed for the dominant cultural and politics entity. Along with the many mutations operated for the politician-cultural rules of the Roman imperialism to the point to be able to speak of a romanization in sense of a first globalization to the European and Mediterranean scale, it has local and regional cultural traces that go persisting, despite of more or less asleep form, to the overwhelming Roman globalization and that they will finish for awaking with the disaggregation of the Empire. When we collate regions as the South and the North of Portugal we see that the romanizing process, far from being homogeneous, is, as already it was affirmed, a formative stage with rhythms and platforms of accomplishment differentiated in accordance with the actuation spaces. Key Words: Romanization; Hispania; regionalisms; mutations; continuities Resumo: O extremo ocidental do Império, como região periférica que é, assume laivos de romanização que devem ser (também) equacionados num contexto regional. Ainda que o processo romanizador se faça aqui sentir com todo o seu esplendor, ele é adaptado e adoptado pelas matrizes culturais regionais de forma mais ou menos intensa que nunca perderão alguns dos seus traços mais enraizados ainda que frequentemente ofuscados pela entidade política e cultural dominante. A par das muitas mutações operadas pelos cânones politico-culturais do imperialismo romano ao ponto de podermos falar de uma romanização no sentido de uma primeira globalização à escala europeia e mediterrânea, há traços culturais locais e regionais que vão persistindo, ainda que de forma mais ou menos adormecida, à avassaladora globalização romana e que acabarão por despertar com a desagregação do Império. Quando confrontamos regiões como o Sul e o Norte de Portugal apercebemo-nos que o processo romanizador, longe de ser homogéneo, é, como já foi afirmado, uma etapa formativa com ritmos e patamares de realização bem diferenciados de acordo com os espaços de actuação. Palavras chave: Romanização; Hispânia; regionalismos; mutações; continuidades Résumé: L’extrême occidental de l’empire, région périphérique, assure aspects de la romanisation que doivent être envisagés aussi dans un contexte régional. Malgré la force avec laquelle le procès de romanisation on fait sentir, il s’adapte et est adopté par les matrices culturelles régionales de façon plus ou moins intense qui jamais perdront quelques-uns de ses traits les plus enracinés, même offusqués par l’entité politique et culturelle dominante. A pair de plusieurs mutations opérées par les canons de l’impérialisme romain au point d’on peut parler d’une romanisation dans le sens d’une première globalisation à échelle européenne et méditerranéenne, il y a des nuances culturelles locaux et régionaux que persistent, d’une façon endormie, à avalanche de la globalisation romaine et que finalement vont surveiller avec la désagrégation de l’empire. Confrontant les régions du Nord et Sud de Portugal, on voit que le procès romanisateur, au contraire d’être homogène, il est une étape formative avec des rythmes et niveaux de réalisation bien différenciés d’accord les espaces d’étude. Mots clé: Romanisation; Hispania; régionalismes; mutations; continuités

XX, clearly assumed as post-colonials and postmodernists times, a discussion grew over the necessity to rethink that vision of the past, mainly promoted by English investigators,1 some of which have openly criticized the theory of the Romanization2 in the last decade. It is true that this new perspective of looking at the past is as connected to the time and trends of the present as the most traditional look on the Romanization at that time; however, nowadays there are more informing elements resulting of the advance and increment of the research, from the methodological point of view and also, and over all, for the widening of the research area. Until a few decades ago, the sources to reconstitute the Roman past and particularly to evaluate the expansionist impact on the native populations of the Mediterranean area and

If it’s true that the knowledge of the past allow us to better understand the present, it is not less true that the perception of that same past is seen from a perspective of the present, that is, the way the past is perceived is biased by those who perceive it, even if the historians and archaeologists rarely admit that their interpretations are influenced by the conceptual categories in vogue. It is important to take that into consideration when we analyze the way the Romanization has been seen since about a century ago, because that concept of Romanization, according to which the populations submitted to the Roman military power would turned out to be homogenized, in the end, by the people of the Lazio, is nowadays very arguable, mainly among Anglo-Saxons authors. The conceptions of the romanizing process defended by the classic school still tend to see the problem in an Eurocentric or colonialist perspective that values, first of all, the Roman imperial element over the others, in line with what the archaeology of the European colonial period was doing. Since the 70’s of the century

1

To this intention, and as an example, we can consult the collective books edited by M. Wood & F. Queiroga, 1992; J. Webster & N. Cooper, 1996; D. Matingly (ed.), 1997 R. Hingley (ed.), 2001 and S. Keay & N. Terrenato (eds.) 2001. 2 For example R. Hingley, 2000 and J. Webster, 2001.

47

ROMANIZATION AND INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES – RHYTHMS, RUPTURES AND CONTINUITIES

Europe came from the analysis of texts, either literary or epigraphic, of the classic Antiquity, which reproduced essentially the speech of the Roman imperial power; and even if archaeological evidence was added to those informative sources, it derived essentially from roman cities and villae, which were, again, the favorable space for expressing the cultural model of the colonial power, and constitutes itself the symbols of that model. Indeed it was valued what he was those characteristically Roman things, that represented best the people of the Lazio, were more valued and, thus, it was considered more interesting to explore the most emblematic archaeological sites or those where the opulence of the roman civilization took place. With the increase of field surveys, more or less systematic, all over the Europe, along with the launching of the excavations projects that chose as intervention areas the archaeological sites in ancient rural spaces, it became evident that there is an enormous variability in the model of settlement in roman times, which could assume different contours from region to region. Many of these archaeological farms, either of small or great dimensions, that populated the old countryside, are rarely mentioned, if not omitted, in the classic sources. In certain regions, however, they frequently conditioned great contingents of population, representing models of occupation of the space that are very different from the well organized villae or roman cities, although influenced by them. These villages, such as the conservatives peasants of humble origin who inhabited there, are very difficult to apprehend and, often, are not taken in due account when doing an historical approach to the Roman imperial period. Indeed, the scarcity of archaeological excavations in these “shadowy settlements”, as Malcolm Todd3 called it, promotes a knowledge of the roman rural world that is based on the elements derived either of the most elitist populations, usually representing the dominant culture, or of the quite wealthy populations.

social Roman structures. In fact, finding fragments of terra sigillata in a particular provincial context does not prove that the Roman eating habits and their lifestyle were adopted there. We can, therefore, question if some elements of the material culture of a particular community are indicating, or not, the level of acculturation of that same community by the one that produced and introduced those elements. The continuity of social structures of the gentilitious type in the center and north of Portugal along with some Roman social models shows, first of all, mutual receptivities and adaptations and not that much the full integration of the native populations in the Mediterranean lifestyle. Indeed, we must identify these regionalisms in its time and space so that we can perceive the real impact of romanizing process and, mainly, of its rhythms, and, therefore, the approach to the problem must be done more from a diachronic point of view than from a synchronic one. From that perception has resulted an idea, already sufficiently spread out nowadays, of the Romanization as formative stage, many times slow and unfinished, that varies from region to region in accordance with geographic constraints, the local ethnic-cultural substratum and the intensity of the romanizing elements that arrived and installed there.4 In practice the different ways of thinking about the theory of the Romanization result of different methodologies applied by the archaeologists, who deal essentially with the remains of the material culture, and by the classicist historians who base their knowledge on documents. In fact, those archaeologists perceive a variability, mainly when they do the field work in different countryside regions submitted to the Roman domain, that is not taken in account by the classicists who develop their work from the cabinet, normally. Therefore, we must approach the two trends, which must dialogue with each other so that the idea of the romanizing process is not viewed from an excessive homogenizing perspective that annuls the regional diversity but, on the other hand, from a perspective that simultaneously prevents the danger of the atomization of the romanizing process that would lead to the consequent loss of the global understanding of what it was the Roman imperialism.

But it is thanks to those small farms that we can better differentiate the archaeological regions, since they combine the imported attractive models with the remaining local traditions. This, along with the geographic and economic constraints, determines the variability of the settlement standard among relatively nearby regions, since this variability results, first of all, of the way the models of Rome were imposed and adopted. The archaeological interventions in countryside exploring small farms that escape to the typical models of the Roman colonizer action have come to demonstrate that although the Roman material culture was constant it articulated itself with local elements leading us to guess that there are many cultural persistences that from the archaeological point of view may appear more a less subdued. The simple existence of typically Roman objects can only reveal a certain acculturation by the native population towards a “creolization” and not quite a complete Romanization or integration in the cultural and

In the Occidental Extremity of the Roman Empire, where the Portuguese and Spanish territories are today, the different rhythms of Romanization or its different evolutionary stages, are well known. In the south, from Cadiz to the promontory of Sagres, including the regions of the Algarve, Alentejo and Andalusia, where there was a Mediterranean influence, there was no difficulty in settleling the roman models, thanks, to a great extent, to a already long tradition of contacts with the Mediterranean. This same idea is present in the text of Strabo, in the end of first century B.C. when, speaking of Turdetania, it says that in the near future all the Turdetany people would become Romans and receive the name from togatoi (III,

3

“The Small Towns of Roman Britain”, Britannia, 1, p. 114-130 (cit. by David Gurney, 1995).

4

48

S. Keay & N. Terrenato (2001).

J.P. BERNARDES: THE ROMANIZATION OF THE EXTREMITY WEST OF EMPIRE: MUTATIONS AND PERSISTENCES

2, 15). In spite of the exaggeration of that sentence, which had the clear intention of emphasizing the civilizational level of the native populations of the southwest of Iberia compared with the remaining Hispanic regions, it is certain that, since the beginning, the civilizational models of Rome were faithfully followed and reflected by a essentially Latin onomastic, where the scarcity of deities is well evident.5 However, even in the Southwest region, in areas that are far away from the great urban centers, we can find some evidence of archaisms which may be more related with its degree of isolation than with the incapacity of the imperial models to be established on an absolute way. If that isolation and this incapacity were strictly related, it would be dissolved, grosso modo, in the Southwest of the Peninsula, the old Turdetania, because of that tradition of long contacts with the Mediterranean models and the consequent and gradual formatting and familiarization of the local populations to those lifestyles, as well as to a economical model which was centered in the mining, marine, and agricultural resources exploration in close articulation with the Mediterranean commerce. Right from the beginning of the imperial period, the set up of cities and villae with characteristics that show, with no doubt, the best Roman models as well as the great socioeconomic dynamism revealed by the epigraphy and archaeological data do not leave doubts about a clear adoption of the Roman lifestyle. The machine of imperial propaganda and cultural integration put in action in the reign of Augustus worked more effectively there than in any another region of the occident of Iberia. That reign was, after all, the crucial moment in the definition of the symbols and speech of the power that aimed, first of all, the pacification, the integration and the real expansion of the Roman domain all over the conquered regions and it reached great success in that area of the old Turdetania as well as in the region of Merida.

since the beginning, and its area of influence constitutes a complete model of the Romanization which cannot be transposed to the remaining regions of Lusitania or Callaecia. In the Center and North of Portugal and Spain, mainly in the northern side of the Tagus River, the Romanization process presents remarkable differences in relation to those regions of the South. The region between the Tagus and Douro of the province of Lusitania, which corresponds to conventus scallabitanus, presents local variations such as a bigger Romanization in the areas around the colonies of Olisipo and Scallabis, in the banks of the Tagus river, and in the areas where we can find the presence of the most archaic elements throughout the imperial period. In the Atlantic façade of the Center of Portugal, in the territory of colliponensis civitas (region of Leiria), we find, mainly in countryside, some archaisms affiliated in a native tradition that is testified in the epigraphy by an onomastic that presents 25% of Hispanic names and by a type of rural agglomerations that escape to the trend for fast and efficient assimilation. In that same region we can often find the perpetuation of the prehistoric tradition of burial in caves, in full Roman period. However, although the practice of burial was linked to an indigenous tradition, the remains that appear there are similar to those of any Roman classic necropolis, with a strong presence of vases made of terra sigillata.8 These persistences of local traditions seem to emphasize more towards the interior of the Portuguese territory, in the regions of Viseu or Guarda, or even in Carquere and Salamanca, already in Spanish territory, where we can clearly find the Hispanic onomastics of the II and III centuries, leading us to believe that the local communities were certainly very important for the region during the imperial period.9 That is also demonstrated by the persistence of some hillforts (castros) in those regions, like in the Northern side of the Douro river, where part of the native population has continued to occupy the preromans sites.10 Here the phenomenon is similar to the other regions of the Empire and it obeys to a Roman attitude as written by S.L. Dyson, in a very interesting approach to the Roman countryside world, synthesized in the expression: if you paid your taxes and keep the peace, you could generally continue to follow your traditional way.11

Like in the southwest of the peninsula, that region had recorded high levels of Romanization. Considering the three conventus of the Lusitania, the emeritensis was even the most Romanized, mainly around its capital Emerita Augusta. That Roman colony was established in 25 B.C. by Agrippa, according to Augustus orders, to place the demobilized veterans of the army after the wars in the North of the Peninsula and the city reproduces in the peninsular space all the symbols of the power of Rome, working as the greatest irradiator of the Roman imperialism in the occident of Iberia.6 Emerita was established in a wide plain region which was sparsely populated, where the fertile lands were divided in well defined parcels, to be occupied by the Roman colonists and, thus, was receiving the direct attention of Rome7

In the north of the Douro, already in the province of Calaeccia, the mountainous relief always favored, more than in any another region, a bigger isolation of the indigenous communities which were organized in suprafamilial units of the gentilitious type where the shepherding, more than the agriculture, played an important role in the local economy and where the hillforts – castros- still continue to mark the type of

5

Jose d’ Encarnação (1984) relates only eight indigenous theonims in conventus pacensis (that integrate the Portuguese regions of the Algarve and the Alentejo), in a clear contrast with the others conventus of the Lusitania. These theonims as well as the native onomastics occurred in the more peripheral zones that correspond to poor soils and accentuated relief areas, becoming less attractive to the Roman setting. 6 We can see, for example, W. Trillmich, 1990. 7 We can see for example. Ariño & J.M. Gurt, 1994.

8

J.P. Bernardes, 2000. L. Caron, 1996; Jose Maria Blázquez, s.d. 10 Francisco Martin, 1996. 11 S.L. Dyson, 2003:75. 9

49

ROMANIZATION AND INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES – RHYTHMS, RUPTURES AND CONTINUITIES

settlement.12 If that isolation and the type of social organization, strongly rooted and with more cohesion, were determinative to offer the Roman occupant a long period of armed resistance, in a first phase, became coexisting with its way of life and gradually adopted it, conciliating it with his own modus vivendi later. Besides the onomastics with a remarkable good representation or predominance of native names, that resist the adoption of names of Latin origin, here subsist many indigenous deities and forms of social and communal organization that live along with the Roman models. The settlement standard differs likewise from the regions of the south and despite many castros are abandoned, important contingents of population were organized in villages that in many aspects seem to perpetuate those old sites.

Later Antiquity and High Middle Age and the reoccupation of many old hillforts (castros) or the reactivation of old places of cult is only a symptom of it.13 That awakening of the traditional social structures discloses many of the structural weaknesses of a roman order that, in a different way, will continue to affirm itself through the diffusion of the dogmas, language and culture propagated by the Christianity, in a slow process, where the integration is often made at the cost of cessions and conciliation of customs14 which will mark many of the regional cultural matrices. By saying that, we do not mean to deny the existence of a romanizing process that was responsible for evident cultural changes, but rather to underline that this process corresponded to different rhythms and nuances that do not erase the collective memory of the pre-roman traditions in the regions, but, on the contrary, adopted it and adapted itself to it. Heterogeneity and diversity are, therefore, key concepts in the study of the provincial roman culture. More than the physical borders, the limits and degrees of the Romanization process must emphasize more and more the limits of the cultural borders, that rarely coincide with those others. It is clear that it’s difficult to define cultural borders of an epoch where new cultural forms appear as the result of creative syntheses of the romanizing elements with the native ones, even because those creative syntheses can assume different forms where the roman element can be more or less important that native one. Yet, it is possible to define, even if in a flowed way, the cultural borders that correspond to the areas of strong romanizing influence, which is revealed, from the archaeological point of view, by a strong presence of the material culture of roman tradition like. The social, cultural and mainly religious structures of the indigenous areas may be preserved, but the way of production, the architecture and the forms of organizing the space changed with the arrival of the colonizers.15

Naturally, there are also anchors in these regions that spread out the Roman imperial model, either cities or villae. However, it can be questioned if these villae and cities reflect an effective and global Romanization of all the territory or if, on the other hand, constitute attempts of cultural integration of vast territories that, in a certain way, escape to a total absorption, despite they end suffering significant alterations mainly in areas way from those nuclei and the main means of communication. Finding, in first century A.D., important urban centers that reflect the model of the imperial politicadministrative power or villae reflecting the economic model oriented toward the production of surplus, does not exclude the persistence of lifestyles that are closer to the pre-roman tradition, or at least result of the combination or fusing of that with the introduced Roman models. These regions of the North of the Peninsula, which are more isolated and mountainous, are the ideal space to detect the limits the romanizing process and to apprehend the new cultural forms produced by the synthesis of the imperial power with the local traditions. Even in those spaces favored by the dominant Roman culture where it affirms itself as space of representation – urban centers or villae- a certain regional variability is well-known, reflecting the continuity of the native cultural world. Thus, we can understand the local diversity of plans of those rural establishments that, in spite of fitting the Roman lifestyle, incorporate traditions and cultural habits that explain that same diversity.

In conclusion, the romanization cannot be seen as a process of cultural homogenization strictu sensu, but rather as a gradual process of transformation of the societies, more or less concluded depending on the regions.16 If in this sense that process functioned as a first great globalizing movement of the Mediterranean and Europe, it did not exclude the differences and the regional particularities that imbricate it in the cultural Roman matrix.17 In fact, like Anne Marie Carstens says, “what we

The Romanization is not a meeting of ideas of Rome with a static culture, but, on the contrary, a permanent dialogue with communities in change that include, consciously or unconsciously, cultural elements that had just arrived. That way we can find regions with different levels of Romanization or whose Romanization process is not exactly similar to other areas since it results, most times, on a cultural osmosis between the models imposed by Rome and the local tradition. This will determine that, after the decline of the imperial Roman structures, there will be a awakening of many of those old pre-roman traditions which will strongly mark the way of life in the 12

13

J. López Quiroga, 2004. Of a negotiation of the elites or strategies of emulation of that say M. Millet (1990) or G. Woolf (1998). 15 For this reflection see the article of D. Mattingly (2004). 16 In the sense of the suggestive title of the book of G. Woolf: Becoming Roman. 17 It is in this sense that R. Hingley (2005) defends that the term globalization is more appropriate than Romanization and that the cultural changes that had occurred, especially in the material culture, with the Roman Empire correspond to a global civilization that must be faced as such. For the author the term global, is not the opposite to local, it includes that one, thus, for Hingley this globalization include the regional diversities and peculiarities. 14

Tranoy, 1981; . Redentor, 2002.

50

J.P. BERNARDES: THE ROMANIZATION OF THE EXTREMITY WEST OF EMPIRE: MUTATIONS AND PERSISTENCES

learn from focusing on things is that empire building not only a question of power politics, dominance and submission, but rather a case of creative negotiation as well as forceful and conscious use of cultural power”.18

HINGLEY, R. (2005) Globalizing Roman Culture: Unity, Diversity and Empire. London/New York. 208 p.

References

LÓPEZ QUIROGA, J. (2004) El Final de la Antigüedad en la Gallaecia: La Transformación de las Estructuras de Poblamiento Entre Miño y Duero (Siglos V al X). (s.l.): Fundación Pedro Barrié de la Maza. 626 p.

KEAY, S.; TERRENATO, N., eds. (2001) Italy and the West: comparative issues in Romanization. Oxford. 240 p.

ARIÑO, E.; GURT, J.M. (1994) Catastros romanos en el entorno de Augusta Emérita. Fuentes literárias y documentación arqueológica. In Gorges, J.G.; Salinas de Frias, M., eds. – Les campagnes de Lusitanie romaine. Occupation du sol et habitats. Madrid. p. 4366.

MATTINGLY, D., ed. (1997) l Dialogues in Roman Imperialism: power, discourse and discrepant experiences in the Roman Empire. Portsmouth. (Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supp. 23).

BERNARDES, J.P. (2000) Romanização e sociedade rural na civitas de Collippo in Gorges, J.G.; Nogales Basarrate, T., coord. – Sociedad y Cultura en Lusitania Romana. Mérida. p. 421-438.

MATTINGLY, D. (2004) Being Roman: expressing identity in a provincial setting. Journal of Roman Archaeology. Portsmouth. 17:1, p. 5-25. MILLET, M. (1990) The Romanization of Britain. An Essay in Archaeological Interpretation Cambridge. 271 p.

BLÁZQUEZ, J.M. (1992) “Religión y sociedad en las inscripciones de Salamanca”, in Mayer, M.; Gómez Pallarès, J., eds. – Religio Deorum. Barcelona. p. 7382.

REDENTOR, A. (2002) Epigrafia Romana na região de Bragança. Lisboa. 334 p. (Trabalhos de Arqueologia; 24).

CARON, L. (1996) Cárquere romaine – art et sociéte. Conimbriga. Coimbra. 35. p. 69-106.

TRANOY, A. (1981) La Galice Romaine. Recherches sur le nord-ouest de la péninsule ibérique dans l’Antiquité. Paris. 602 p.

CARSTENS, A.M. (2006) Cultural Contact and Cultural Chance: Colonialism and Empire. In Bekker-Nielsen T., ed. – Rome and the Black Sea Region – Domination, Romanisation, Resistance. Aarhus University Press. (Black Sea Studies; 5).

TRILLMICH, W. (1990) – Colonia Augusta Emerita, die Haupstadt von Lusitanien. In Trillmich, W.; Zanker, P., ed. – Stadtbild und Ideologie. Die Monumentalisierung hispanischer stadte zwischen Republik und Kaiserzeit. Muchen. p. 300-310.

DYSON, S.L. (2003) The Roman Coutryside. London. 128p. ENCARNAÇÃO, J. d’ (1984) Inscrições Romanas do Conventus Pacensis. Coimbra. 736 p.

WEBSTER, J. (2001) Creolizing the Roman provinces. American Journal of Archaeology. Boston.105:2, p. 209-225.

FRANCISCO MARTIN, J. (1996) Conquista y Romanización de Lusitania, 2ª ed. Salamanca. 402 p.

WEBSTER, J.; COOPER, N. (1996) Roman imperialism. Post-colonial perspectives. Leicester. 144 p.

GURNEY, D. (1995) Small towns and villages of Roman Norfolk. The evidence of surface and metal-detector finds. In Brown, A.E., ed. – Roman Small Towns in Eastern England and Beyond. Oxford. p. 53-67.

WOOD, M.; QUEIROGA, F., eds. (1992) Current Research on the Romanization of the Western Provinces. Oxford. (BAR International Series; S 575).

HINGLEY, R. (2000) Roman Officers and English Gentlemen. London. 224 p.

WOOLF, G. (1998) Becoming Roman. The origins of provincial civilization in Gaul. Cambridge. 314 p.

HINGLEY, R., ed. (2001) Images of Rome: perceptions of ancient Rome in Europe and the United States of América in the modern age. Portsmouth. (Journal of Roman Archaeology, sup., 44).

18

A.M. Carstens, 2006.

51

CLARISSIMI LVSITANI EN LOS CÍRCULOS DIRIGENTES DE ROMA – CONTRIBUCIÓN AL ESTUDIO DEL PROCESO DE ROMANIZACIÓN DE LUSITANIA Marta HERRERO Oviedo, Spain Resumo: Estuda-se a presença na ordo senatorius, durante a época imperial, de senadores pertencentes a famílias que procediam e/ou eram originárias da Lusitânia. Apenas nove lograran atingir a classe senatorial, a que pertenciam vinte e três clarissimi, o que revela a escassa integração das elites lusitanas nos círculos do poder em Roma. Esta exígua promoção seria consequência da menor romanização da Lusitänia em relação à Bética e à Tarraconense, limitada ao território compreendido entre os rios Tejo e Guadiana, região onde se localizam as cinco cidades donde é originária essa elite senatorial. Palavras-chave: Lusitânia, promoção social, elites, ordo senatorius¸ prosopografia

El propósito de esta comunicación es ofrecer una imagen de conjunto sobre los clarissimi pertenecientes a familias originarias y/o procedentes de la provincia de Lusitania. Recuérdese que el ingreso en el ordo senatorius para los provinciales fue regulado progresivamente durante época julio-claudia. En el año 38, Calígula otorgó la posibilidad de solicitar la laticlavia a todo miembro del ordo equester destacado por nacimiento y fortuna, cuando hasta entonces únicamente la recibían los descendientes de los senadores. Obtenerla suponía ingresar con carácter honorífico en la más alta unidad social definida jurídicamente por el Estado romano y asumir el compromiso de iniciar el cursus honorum. A partir del año 48, quedó definido un nuevo mecanismo conocido como adlectio, consistente en el nombramiento directo de magistrados por el emperador cuando detentaba los poderes censoriales y revisaba el álbum senatorial.1

CN. CORNELIVS SEVERVS = CN. PINARIVS CN. f. PAP. CORNELIVS SEVERVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 58). Hijo o nieto de Cn. Cornelius Clemens, fue elegido consul suffectus en el año 112. Aunque ninguna fuente documental vincula a estos senadores con la capital de Lusitania, la tribu Papiria en la que ambos están inscritos hace viable que su familia fuera originaria de Emerita Augusta, posibilidad que confirma la existencia de su antepasado emeritense Cn. Cornelius Cn. f. Pap. Seuerus. Perteneciente a la elite colonial, conocemos su cursus honorum gracias a un homenaje promovido por sus amici en Emerita Augusta (García, 1973, nº 95 = Fig. 8.1). Ocupó la edilidad, el duunvirato, fue flamen de Iulia Augusta e ingresó en el ordo equester en época de Tiberio a través de la prefectura de los trabajadores manuales.

Por razones de espacio, se ha evitado citar las referencias correspondientes a las fuentes literarias y epigráficas sobre cada personaje, así como un estudio detallado de los cursus honorum que protagonizaron. Esta información puede consultarse en el corpus de senadores hispanorromanos publicado por A. Caballos (1990),2 por lo que se ha hecho constar la entrada numérica asignada en él a cada uno de los clarissimi Lusitani, junto a la más alta magistratura o la única función que nos consta ocuparon, además de la datación que ofrece su actividad pública. EMERITA AVGVSTA Los Cornelii CN. CORNELIVS CLEMENS = CN. PINARIVS L. f. PAP. CORNELIVS CLEMENS (Caballos, 1990, nº 51). Consul suffectus a comienzos del reinado de Vespasiano. 1

Sobre los mecanismos de acceso y los requisitos exigidos para formar parte del ordo senatorius véase la excelente síntesis de A. Chastagnol (1984, pp. 199-216). 2 Aunque no siempre coincida el análisis de esta documentación con el realizado por el autor.

Fig. 8.1. Homenaje a Cn. Cornelius Cn. f. Pap. Seuerus in Emerita Augusta 53

ROMANIZATION AND INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES – RHYTHMS, RUPTURES AND CONTINUITIES

La onomástica de Cn. Cornelius Clemens muestra que tuvo por padre adoptivo a un Cn. Pinarius, tal vez el senador Cn. Pinarius Aemilius Cicatricula (Castillo, 1984, p. 243), construyendo así un parentesco no consanguíneo con vistas a favorecer la promoción social propia y la de sus descendientes. Tras la adoptio, los Cnei Cornelii se convirtieron en Cnei Pinarii, conservando la tribu familiar y transformando en cognomina su nomen y cognomen respectivos.

Los Roscii Según demostró W. Eck (1996, pp. 109-128), el origen de la gens Roscia se encuentra en una ciudad de Sicilia, posiblemente la colonia de Catina, aunque sólidos indicios invitan a defender que una rama de esta familia se estableció en la capital de Lusitania. Se trata de la que R. Wielgels (Cit. por Caballos, 1990, pp. 282-283) identificó como “rama A”, cuyas generaciones conocidas entre los siglos I y III aparecen recogidas en la siguiente tabla:

Generaciones

Máxima magistratura alcanzada

PRIMERA MARCVS ROSCIVS COELIVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 159)

consul suffectus en el año 81

SEGUNDA LVCIVS ROSCIVS MARCII FILIVS QVIRINA AELIANVS MAECIVS CELER (Caballos, 1990, nº 156)

consul suffectus en el año 100

TERCERA LVCIVS ROSCIVS LVCII FILIVS [MAE]CIVS CELER M[---] POSTVMVS MAM[ILIVS] VERGILIVS STABERIAN[VS] (Caballos,1990, nº 163)

consul suffectus en el año 136 ó 1453

CUARTA LVCIVS ROSCIVS AELIANVS [PACVLVS ?] (Roxan y Weiss, 1998, p. 409-411)

consul suffectus entre 155-159

QUINTA LVCIVS ROSCIVS AELIANVS PACVLVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 157)

cónsul en el año 187

SEXTA LVCIVS ROSCIVS AELIANVS PACVLVS SALVIVS IVLIANVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 158)

cónsul en el año 223

La epigrafía confirma la vinculación de dos generaciones con Emerita Augusta: el cónsul sufecto en el año 100 fue homenajeado por el concilio provincial en tiempos de Adriano (García, 1973, nº 97), sin que sepamos que hubiera ocupado cargo alguno en Lusitania. Por su parte, Domitia Patruini filia Vettilla, perteneciente a una familia de Brixia y esposa de Lucius Roscius Paculus, promovió la consagración de un templo a Marte (García, 1973, nº 2 = Fig. 8.2). El rastreo del poco difundido gentilicio Roscius revela una concentración en Lusitania de los testimonios recogidos en la Península Ibérica, dos de ellos en la zona de influencia de Emerita Augusta (Grupo Mérida, 2003, p. 282). 3 3

Sobre la datación de este consulado, véanse los trabajos de A. Caballos (1990, nº 137) y N. Schindel (1998, pp. 226-227), quien recoge el argumento esgrimido por G. Alföldy en contra de su propuesta de retrasarlo hasta el año 145.

Fig. 8.2. Consagración de un templo a Marte – Vettilla in Emerita Augusta 54

M. HERRERO: CLARISSIMI LVSITANI EN LOS CÍRCULOS DIRIGENTES DE ROMA...

Los Tutilii

EBORA

L. TVTILIVS LVPERCVS PONTIANVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 159). Cónsul en el año 135.

Los Catinii CATINIVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 45). Desconocemos su cursus honorum. Siglo III.

L. TVTILIVS LVPERCVS SVLPICIVS AVITVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 160). Cursus honorum desconocido.

CATINIVS CANIDIANVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 46). Desconocemos su cursus honorum. Siglo III.

L. TVTILIVS PONTIANVS GENTIANVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 161). Consul suffectus en el año 183.

Catinius Canidianus es mencionado como c(larissimus) u(ir) en la espléndida ara funeraria (Encarnação, 1984, nº 381) que Catinia Aciliana erigió en Ebora en memoria de su madre Canidia Albina, cuando ya él también había fallecido. Puesto que la difunta era miembro honorífico del ordo senatorius, deducimos que pertenecía a él su esposo Catinius, padre de Catinius Canidianus. Es muy posible que madre e hijo fueran enterrados en Roma durante el siglo III, circunstancia que llevó a su pariente a recordarles en el municipio del que procedía o era originaria la familia.

El gentilicio Tutilius alcanza gran difusión en la región de Etruria, donde J. Morris sitúa el origen de la familia, concretamente en la ciudad de Clusium (Cit. por Caballos, 1990, pp. 436). En Hispania está confirmado el establecimiento de una rama en Emerita Augusta,4 donde sabemos que un esclavo de dos de estos senadores, Cocoruta, recibió sepultura junto a su madre, Tutilia Albina. No consta que alguno de ellos ocupara un cargo en la provincia, lo que podría justificar la presencia continuada de una familia de esclavos a su servicio en la capital de Lusitania. Los Quinti Iulii Generaciones conocidas

Máxima magistratura alcanzada

Q. IVLIVS CORDVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 87)

Cónsul en el año 71

Q. IVLIVS D. f. GAL. CORDVS IVNIVS MARICVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 88)

Vigintisexvirato durante la segunda mitad del siglo I o principios del II

Q. IVLIVS MAXIMVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 90)

praetor designatus. Vivió entre finales del siglo II y principios del III

Q. IVLIVS CLARVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 86)

Ambos hermanos murieron desempeñando las funciones propias del vigintisexvirato

Q. IVLIVS NEPOTIANVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 92) [Hijos de Q. Iulius Maximus]

a comienzos del siglo III

También los Quinti Iulii de rango senatorial dejaron testimonios en Lusitania, concretamente dos documentos epigráficos hallados en territorio de Ebora: 4

Aquitania en el año 69, constituye un sólido indicio para defender un parentesco entre ambos (Alföldy, 1972-1974, pp. 411-416), no aceptado por todos los autores.5

1- el fragmento de una placa de mármol sobre la que fue grabado, en caracteres de escritura monumental cuadrada con efecto de claroscuro característica del reinado de Trajano (Encarnação, 1984, nº 414), el cursus honorum protagonizado por el senador Q. Iulius D. f. Gal. Cordus Iunius Mauricus, del que únicamente es legible el ejercicio del vigintisexvirato como triunviro. La inscripción en la tribu Galeria confirma que su familia era originaria de Ebora y la coincidencia de los tria nomina con los de Q. Iulius Cordus, gobernador de

Q. Iulius Cordus fue adoptado por el senador Iunius Mauricus. Exiliado bajo Domiciano,6 tras el fallecimiento de éste regresó a Roma donde culminó su carrera en tiempos de Nerva y Trajano (Étienne, 1982, p. 526, nota 13). Nótese que en esta ocasión el filius familias conservó el nomen y cognomen propios, pasando a utilizar los de su padre adoptivo como cognomina. 5 Como R. Étienne (1982, p. 526, nota 13), quien no expone argumento alguno para rechazarlo. 6 La relación entre ambos pudo haberse iniciado porque Iunius Mauricus se estableció en Ebora durante su exilio (Alarcão, 1985, p. 108).

4

Han sido recogidos hasta seis testimonios del gentilicio (Grupo Mérida, 2003, p. 329).

55

ROMANIZATION AND INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES – RHYTHMS, RUPTURES AND CONTINUITIES

2- en un gran placa funeraria hallada en Tourega (Encarnação, 1984, nº 382) Calpurnia Sabina recordó el fallecimiento de su esposo, el senador Q. Iulius Maximus, y el de sus hijos Q. Iulius Clarus y Q. Iulius Nepotianus, muertos a temprana edad cuando desempeñaban las funciones propias del vigintisexvirato. Deducimos que, a principios del siglo III, Calpurnia Sabina había regresado a Ebora, municipio de origen de los Quinti Iulii de rango senatorial.7

(Silva, 1944, nº 69). Era originaria de Castra Caecilia, 8 contributa de Norba Caesarina, donde a finales del siglo II los Decimi Iulii formaban parte del ordo decurionum puesto que D. Iulius Celsus ocupó el duunvirato en el año 194-195 (Curchin, 1990, nº 364).

Anónimo

(Caballos, 1990, nº 40). Pretor en fecha desconocida. Su carrera podría haberse desarrollado durante los siglos II o III.

OLISIPO L. CAECILIVS L. f. CELER RECTVS

(Caballos, 1990, nº R4). Vigintisexvirato durante el siglo I o principios del II.

Únicamente la cuestura de la Bética le relaciona con Hispania, sin que tengamos constancia de que hubiera ejercido cargo alguno en Lusitania que justificara el haber sido homenajeado por el municipio de Olisipo (Silva, 1944, nº 71).

El nombre de otro senador fue grabado sobre el dintel de un templete erigido por iniciativa de su madre en Ebora durante el siglo I o principios del siglo II, atendiendo al tipo de escritura (Encarnação, 1984, nº 383). La fragmentación del epígrafe sólo permite conocer que actuó como decemuir stlitibus iudicandis durante la fase preparatoria de la carrera senatorial.

LVCCEIVS ALBINVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 104). Se dedicó a la abogacía en tiempos de Trajano.

MYRTILIS

En Olisipo el ordo decurionum aceptó la colocación en suelo público de una dedicatoria en honor de dos mujeres: Lucceia Q. f. Albina, esposa de Terentianus, y la flamínica de Lusitania Seruilia L. f., esposa de Albinus (Silva, 1944, nº 36). La inscripción, hoy perdida, tuvo que haber sido grabada con posterioridad al año 48, sin que dispongamos de otros criterios para precisar más esta datación. Por entonces todavía no eran elegidas flamínicas provinciales en Lusitania, correspondiendo a los flámines de la provincia supervisar el culto tributado a la Diua Augusta, tal como revela la titulatura del flaminado que ocupó uno de ellos.9

L. MARIVS L. f. GAL. VEGETINVS MARCIANVS MINICIANVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 115). Consul suffectus entre finales del siglo II y la primera mitad del siglo III. L. MARIVS VEGETINVS LVCANVS TIBERENVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 114). Hijo del anterior, falleció siendo un bebé. Tras el trabajo de J.-N. Bonneville (1982, pp. 5-32), quien interpreta Myrtilianus no como el último de los cognomina de L. Marius Vegetinus Marcianus Minicianus sino como expresión de la origo, se considera a su familia originaria de Myrtilis, lo que confirma la tribu Galeria. Toda la documentación epigráfica con él relacionada ha sido hallada en Roma. En uno de los epígrafes figura como clarissimus iuuenis, lo que revela que había nacido o fue enviado a la capital imperial siendo un adolescente, para recibir la educación propia de un aspirante a emprender la carrera senatorial.

La homonimia de Lucceia Albina con un abogado10 que vivió en tiempos de Trajano y que Seruilia estuviera casada con un Albinus, permiten establecer un parentesco entre ellos. Se ha de tener en cuenta que la asociación del nomen Lucceius con el cognomen Albinus no es común (Lefèbvre, 2001, p. 228) y que, con excepción de dos, todos los testimonios en la Península Ibérica del no muy difundido gentilicio Lucceius han sido recogidos en Lusitania,11 donde también Albinus alcanza mayor

NORBA

8

La colonia disponía de dos contributae, Castra Caecilia y Seruilia. Se trataba de anexiones territoriales sin autonomía de gestión administradas desde la colonia (Le Roux, 1995, p. 80). 9 Debemos a Mª das D.G. da Cruz (1986, p. 115-121), el estudio sobre el pedestal de estatua que acoge la dedicatoria dirigida a Aponius Capito, flamen prouinciae Lusitaniae Diui Aug(usti) [et?] Diuae Aug(ustae). 10 Hijo del eques Lucceius Albinus, gobernador de las provincias de Judea, Mauritania Tingitana y Mauritania Cesariense entre los años 6269. Un estudio detallado sobre la familia se debe el la autora, M. Herrero (2005, p. 243-255). 11 Concretamente son doce los Lucceii con presencia en Conimbriga, Olisipo y Emerita Augusta recogidos por el Grupo Mérida (2003, p. 217, mapa 174), entre ellos un liberto Italicensis (García, 1973, nº 182). Los

D. IVLIVS CASSIANVS (Caballos, 1990, nº 85). Cursus honorum desconocido. Época severa. Sabemos de la muerte en Olisipo de una clarissima femina llamada Iulia Decimi filia Cassiana, identificada como Castrensis en el epitafio que le erigieron sus hijas 7

Muy oportunamente, J’Encarnação (1984, nº 382) llama la atención sobre la ausencia en el epitafio de la fórmula funeraria final h(ic) s(iti) s(unt), justificada en un monumento donde no reposarían sus restos mortales.

56

M. HERRERO: CLARISSIMI LVSITANI EN LOS CÍRCULOS DIRIGENTES DE ROMA...

difusión que en la Bética y la Tarraconense (Lefèbvre, 2001, p. 222-225, 239).

familias de rango senatorial, que pudieran favorecer su futura promoción. Resulta interesante constatar que, en proporción similar, los senadores pertenecían tanto a familias originarias de ciudades lusitanas – aspecto únicamente confirmado por la tribu en la que estaban inscritos – como a otras de origen foráneo, alguno de cuyos miembros emigró a Lusitania en cronología desconocida gestándose una rama lusitanorromana. Las familias de los Cnei Cornelii, Q. Iulii, L. Marii y D. Iulius eran originarias de Emerita Augusta, Ebora, Myrtilis y Norba Caesarina respectivamente. No fue el caso de los Roscii, quienes conservaron el origen familiar en una ciudad de Sicilia a través de la tribu Quirina, los Tutilii y los Lucceii.

CONCLUSIONES Teniendo en cuenta que, hasta hoy, han sido identificados casi doscientos senadores de segura o probable procedencia hispanorromana, la presencia de clarissimi Lusitani en los círculos dirigentes del Imperio fue verdaderamente discreta: numéricamente la contribución es de apenas veintitrés, sin que la mayor parte de ellos alcanzara el consulado, circunstancia sólo confirmada en cuatro carreras. Se ha de tener en cuenta además que todos ellos pertenecían a sólo nueve familias y que tres, la Cornelia, la Roscia y los Quinti Iulii, habían sido promovidas ya durante época julio-claudia o bajo Vespasiano y aportan hasta trece clarissimi. Se deduce que las nuevas incorporaciones de familias lusitanas al ordo senatorius fueron muy escasas durante época imperial, resultando más oportuno hablar de mantenimiento del rango por parte de las ya promovidas.

Los senadores lusitanos no parecen haber mantenido un vínculo estrecho con las ciudades de origen y/o procedencia de sus familias, lo que se comprende si tenemos en cuenta que, al contar gran parte de ellos con antepasados senadores ya establecidos en Roma, es muy posible que nacieran en la capital imperial. Únicamente la esposa de uno de los Roscii benefició expresamente a la ciudad de procedencia de la familia de su esposo, Emerita Augusta, al promover la construcción de un templo consagrado a Marte. Algún tipo de relación debieron establecer los Tutilii, quienes dispusieron de esclavos establecidos en la capital de Lusitania, ciudad de la que también procedía su familia.

La pobre proyección de lusitanos más allá del ámbito provincial sería consecuencia de la limitada romanización de Lusitania, más profunda en el territorio comprendido entre los ríos Tajo y Guadiana, donde el número de colonias y municipios era mucho menor que en la Bética y la Tarraconense, circunstancia que condiciona la gestación de una elite senatorial.

Sin embargo, los senadores y sus parientes fueron utilizados para proyectar el prestigio social por ellos alcanzado en beneficio de sus ciudades, a través de los homenajes públicos. Como sobresalientes ciudadanos fueron honrados L. Roscius Maecius Celer por el concilio de Lusitania, L. Caecilius Celer Rectus por la ciudad de Olisipo, mientras dos mujeres emparentadas con Lucceius Albinus fueron honradas en este municipio con aceptación del ordo municipal.

A esta conclusión se llega si se analizan los lugares de origen y/o procedencia de sus familias. Hasta hoy no sabemos de ningún senador lusitano perteneciente a una familia de un centro urbano promovido a municipio tras la concesión del ius Latii por Vespasiano. Fue en las ciudades de antigua fundación donde se gestaron las elites deseosas de ingresar en el ordo senatorius: la capital provincial, los municipios de Olisipo, Myrtilis y Ebora, junto a la colonia Norba Caesarina. Atendiendo a la origo Castrensis indicada en el epitafio de la hija del senador D. Iulius Cassianus, es posible que la familia de este clarissimus emigrara desde Norba a Olisipo,12 tal vez porque era en los municipios de antiguo cuño y en la capital provincial, frecuentada habitualmente por senadores, donde los notables encontraban un ambiente más favorable para establecer relaciones sociales con

La misma intención se aprecia en el ámbito privado, como prueban los homenajes póstumos que los familiares de los Catinii y de los Quinti Iulii les ofrecieron en Ebora, reivindicando además un protagonismo que, tal vez, estos senadores no alcanzaron en Roma. Bibliografía ALARCÃO, J. de (1985) Sobre a romanização do Alentejo e do Algarve. – A propósito de uma obra de José d’ Encarnação – Arqueologia. Oporto. 11, p. 99111.

miembros de la gens Lucceia establecidos en Olisipo disfrutaron de una destacada posición social, puesto que conocemos la identidad de dos de sus libertos (Silva, 1944, nº 37 y 47). 12 Como bien señala Y. Thomas (1996, p. 190), es habitual entre los historiadores emplear el término origo para aludir a la procedencia geográfica, cuando para los romanos indicaba el lugar de origen, es decir, allí donde se pertenece de pleno derecho a una comunidad cívica con la que se está vinculado jurídicamente. Cuando se posee la ciudadanía romana, a través de la ciudadanía local se accede también a la patria universal, motivo por el cual el Estado inscribe al individuo en una tribu que se transmite por filiación paterna. Sobre esta cuestión, Y. Thomas (o.c., pp. 62-81).

ALFÖLDY, G. (1972-1974) Ein römischer Senator aus Lusitanien. Archivo Español de Arqueología. Madrid. 45-47, p. 411-416. BONNEVILLE, J.-N. (1982) Remarques sur l’indication de l’origo par la tribu et le toponyme après des tria nomina san filiation. Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez. Madrid. 18: 1, p. 5-32. 57

ROMANIZATION AND INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES – RHYTHMS, RUPTURES AND CONTINUITIES

CABALLOS, A. (1990) Los senadores hispanorromanos y la romanización de Hispania (Siglos I-III). Vol. I: Prosopografía. Écija: Editorial Graficas Sol. 575 p.

GRUPO MÉRIDA (2003) Atlas antroponímico de la Lusitania romana. Mérida – Burdeos: Fundación de Estudios Romanos – Ausonius Éditions. 427 p.

CASTILLO, C. (1984) Los senadores de la Bética. Onomástica y parentesco. Gerión. Madrid. 2, p. 239250.

GARCÍA, L. (1973) Epigrafía romana de Augusta Emerita (Tesis Doctoral inédita): Madrid: Universidad Complutense.

CURCHIN, L.A. (1990) The local magistrates of Roman Spain. Toronto: Univerity of Toronto Press. p. 275. (Phoenix Supplementary; 28).

LE ROUX, P. (1995) Romains d’Espagne: cités et politique dans les provinces: IIe siècle av. J. C. – IIIe siècle ap. J.C. París: Armand Colin. 181 p.

CHASTAGNOL, A. (1984) Latus clauus et adlectio. L’accès des hommes nouveaux au senat romain sous le Haut-Empire. In Des ordres à Rome. París: CEDIC. p. 199-216. (Publications de la Sorbonne. Série Histoire Ancienne et Médiévale).

LEFÈBVRE, S. (2001) Q. (Lucceius Albinus), flamen prouinciae Lusitaniae? L’origine sociale des flamines provinciaux de Lusitanie. In Élites Hispaniques. Burdeos: Ausonius. p. 217-239. ROXAN, M.; WEISS, P. (1998) Die Auxiliartruppen der Provinz Thracia. Neue Militärdiplome der Antoninenzeit. Chiron. Münich. 28, p. 409-420.

CRUZ, Mª das D.G. Da (1986) A propósito de uma inscrição honorífica do Museu de Santarém. Arqueologia. Oporto. 14, p. 115-121.

SCHINDEL, N. (1998) Zwei neue Militärdiplome aus der Provinz Moesia superior. Tyche. Viena. 13, p. 224227.

ECK, W. (1996) Senatorische Familien der Kaiserzeit in der Provinz Sizilien. Zeitschrift für papyrologie und Epigraphik. Bonn. 113, p. 109-128.

SILVA, A.V. da (1944) Epigrafía de Olisipo. Subsídios para a história da Lisboa romana. Lisboa: [s.n.]. 331 p.

ENCARNAÇÃO, J. d’ (1984) Inscrições romanas do Conventus Pacensis. Subsídios para o estudo da romanização. Coimbra: Instituto de Arqueologia da Faculdade de Letras de Coimbra. 736 p.

THOMAS, Y. (1996) Origine et commune patrie: étude de droit public romain, 89 av. J.C. – 212 ap. J.C. Roma: École Française de Rome. 221 p. (Collection de l’École Française de Rome; 221).

ÉTIENNE, R. (1982) Sénateurs originaires de la province de Lusitanie. Tituli. Roma. 5, p. 521-259. GONZÁLEZ, M. (2005) El abogado olisiponense Lucceius Albinus y familia. Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia. Lisboa. 8: 1, p. 243-255.

58

Part III Session S01 HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY HISTOIRE, ARCHÉOLOGIE ET SOCIÉTÉ & Session WS07 PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY ARCHÉOLOGIE PUBLIQUE

INTRODUCTION: HISTORICAL AND PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY – DIALOGUES AND PERSPECTIVES Fábio Vergara CERQUEIRA

parallelism between the development of historical and public Archaeology. Its convergence point is mainly in the debates and public policies, which involve the safeguard of cultural patrimony.

HISTORICAL AND PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY AT THE XV CONGRESS OF IUPPS, LISBON, 2006 The thematic of historical and public Archaeology make up two fields that, among the recent archaeological studies and interventions, have gained a lot of strength. Given the importance that they have gotten, they drew a lot of attention during the XV International Union for Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences, held in Lisbon, in the year of 2006.

Even if historical Archaeology can be understood under distinct perspectives, as we will show next, we cannot deny that the institution of the historical Archaeology discipline is so related to projects and interventions intended to preserve the patrimony – in this case the erected patrimony – in Colonial and post-Independence historical North American sites. These projects were focused both on the first out of the thirteen cities of the colonies and on the plantations of the South (Orser, 1990: 111-154), pointing out since the 1960’s to an interest in the archaeology of slavery, for the phenomenon that was named African Diaspora (Orser, 1998: 63-82). That means these are requirements of a public archaeology that emerged in the United States in the mid-20th century, which boosted the development of historical archaeology, by putting into practice public policies concerned with keeping the archaeological aspects of the historical sites.

The opening of IUPPS to these thematic translates into a renewal policy of this scientific association, which marked Portuguese archaeologist Vitor Oliveira Jorge’s administration. Some steps taken by IUPPS’s XV Congress General Secretary, archaeologist Luiz Oosterbeek, made it possible to give this new character to the event and to the association: on the one hand, the concern to open doors to contemporary discussions, even the ones having a more controversial slant from a social viewpoint: on the other hand, the guideline to approximate IUPPS, traditionally more bound to a European circuit, to non-European countries, most distinctly the approximation to Latin America, and especially Brazil. In a certain way, doing the historical and public Archaeology symposium reflects this policy, at the same time that indicates an opening to dialogue with the perspectives, which guide the World Archaeological Congress.

Since then, many historical archaeological research, done at such distinct places like North America, Cuba, Brazil, Argentina and Portugal, ensues from interventions of rescue or archaeological accompaniment, made on occasion of urban works or restructuring, as a result of local legislations on archaeological patrimony protection. These interventions have raised varied forms of public interaction.

The thematic symposiums dedicated to these issues have brought together researchers from several countries, showing that these are issues addressed in different continents, with approaches having a significant variation. The contributor to the coordination of the public archaeology symposium was archaeologist Laurent Caron, and the contributor to the historical archaeology symposium was Dr. Silvério Figueiredo.

Lourdes Dominguez, in Havana, Daniel Schávelzon, in Buenos Aires (Schávelzon, 1991; 1994), and Fernanda Bordim Tocchetto, in Porto Alegre, are examples of this historical archaeology which thrives as a product of public archaeology (Tocchetto, Santos and Symanski, 1999, p. 75-101): product of one of the aspects of public archaeology, which is the employment of public policies of patrimony protection. The second aspect of public archaeology, considered the most socially relevant, which is the participation and heeding of the communities, is a recently developed phenomenon, and which, besides revealing the archaeologist’s political engagement, is also connected to public policies, as is the Brazilian case regarding the patrimonial education.

APPROXIMATIONS AND ROUTES OF HISTORICAL AND PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY This part of the volume, made up of two sessions, pieces together articles regarding the two symposiums, illustrating some possibilities of approach that historical and public Archaeology raise. More than that, though, the collection of texts concerning these two fields allows us to make a digression about the existing intrinsic relation between both, as one can perceive an interactive

The archaeological works from Havana’s Oficina del Historiador, where Dominguez operates, are among the most vivid examples of the intense relationship between 61

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

archaeological research done without the need for any excavation (Thiesen, 2005). Besides this Brazilian example, the Archaeology of Architecture, within the range of public archaeology, has had much impact in Argentina, as exemplified in the works coordinated by Andrés Zarankin: his researches on the archaeology of the school space (Zarankin, 2002) and the recent period of military repression (Funari and Zarankin, 2006. Funari, Zarankin and Reis, 2008) are pictures of the aforementioned convergence between historical and public Archaeology, which characterize this new form of archaeology, the Archaeology of Architecture, which so often can be practiced without the need for any excavations, as was the case of his research with the school space. Argentina’s military dictatorship archaeology project, run by Zarankin, involved very intense psychological forms of relationship with the public, to the extent that the individuals who were the victims of military repression watched closely the excavations, and went as far as collaborating with the interpretation. That was the case of a ping-pong ball found in a room that was used for torture, whose meaning eluded the archaeologists’ understanding. An elderly man, victim of torture in his youth, upon seeing that little ball, was very shaken, and explained that this reminded him of the fact that some of the torturers used to pass the time by playing ping-pong, while the hunted young men were tortured. (Funari and Zarankin, 2006).

the two areas. In the same way, we can talk about Tocchetto’s work with Porto Alegre’s Municipal Culture Office, in Brazil. In these cases, public and historical archaeology overlap, absolutely committed to the social and political dimensions implied in the debates provoked by cultural patrimony agenda. Two important lines of research, which result from this convergence, are urban Archaeology (Zarankin, 1996) and Archaeology of Architecture (Albuquerque, 1992: 131-151). In these cases, it is common – at least desirable – that the archaeological intervention chronogram is set within a more complex logic, which includes engineering and architecture working plans achieved within urban requalification projects and historical buildings restoration. Furthermore, about these archaeological interventions, add still another important datum: there occur, frequently, in the central areas of the city, creating a special situation for the archaeologist – the visibility of his work, which can be watched closely by the population. At this extent, the combination between urban and public archaeology constitutes a sustainable local development guideline that, little by little, turns out to be seriously considered in the urban planning, as is the case of the city of São Paulo, as a result of the action of the Defense Council of Historical, Archaeological, Artistic and Touristic Patrimony (Condephaat; Juliani, 1996). The concern about the urban planning put the archaeologists at the center of the political debates that have been happening in Brazil, in the latest years, due to the elaboration of the new regulation of the Managing Plan which guides the development of the Brazilian municipalities. A paradigmatic case is the city of Jacareí, in the hinterland of São Paulo state, whose new law approved for the Managing Plan is set upon the introduction of the Archaeological Patrimony’s Special Interest Zones – ZEIPAs (Law N. 4.847/2004. Decides upon the Use, Occupation and Urbanization of Jacareí Municipality Soil). Jacareí’s legislation has positively influenced the debates through out Brazil, debates organized in view of a need to safe keep the archaeological patrimony within Managing Plans.

This fusion between the themes can be confirmed in some articles from this volume. An example is the article Archaeological Rescue of a Historical Center from Pelotas-RS/Brazil (2002 – 2006), with reports on the partial results of interventions carried out in this city’s urban area, by the Federal University’s Anthropology and Archaeology Laboratory from Pelotas (LEPAARQ/ UFPEL). These interventions were carried out on the sites embraced by the Monumenta Program, which comprises a wide restoration program of Brazilian historical centers, financed by BID (Inter-American Development Bank) and run by the Ministry of Culture. This research opened up a new horizon on the knowledge of the 19th and 20th Century history of this city, which had been the main Brazilian producer of charque (dried and salted beef), which consisted one of the nourishing basis of the time.

We can cite as an example of urban archaeology the set of interventions done at Porto Alegre city’s urban area. Porto Alegre is the capital of Rio Grande do Sul state, in Brazil, and the interventions happened in the context of a wide program run by the Archaeology section of the Municipal Culture Office (Tocchetto, Santos and Symanski, 1999, p. 75-101): two examples would be the works at the Public Market and the building commonly known as Brahma Brewery, currently Shopping Total. The excavations made at the Public Market, in the occasion of its restoration, which brought back to light the old public garbage cans, made important revelations on the process of urbanization in the first half of the 19th Century (Tocchetto, 2001). The Archaeology of building study, which was aimed at the old Brahma Brewery, was an

At the same time, the material exhumed in this archaeological rescue project has been used for various exhibitions which allowed the local public to give a new meaning to the city’s collective memory, since the material remains brought up perspectives of interpretation of the past, distinct from those contained in the written documentation. In the same way, people who visited the exhibition and the excavations performed in the city’s central square had suggested various interpretation possibilities of some archaeological findings to the researchers. One example that comes to my mind is the information, brought by some ladies, that the stoneware bottles, originally used to bottle beverages like gin and beer in the 19th century, were, for many years, used to 62

F.V. CERQUEIRA: INTRODUCTION

favor the digestion by filling them with hot water and placed on the belly, a practice that would have been maintained until the appearance of the hot-water bottle.

has characterized the discipline as the study of the material remains of any historical period, which organized itself within several knowledge subfields: Classical, Medieval, and Post-medieval Archaeology (Orser and Fagan, 1995: 5), to which one could add such disciplines as Egyptology, Sinology and Assyriology. All of them had, in common with archaeology of the recent past, the written information available.

However, the interface between the historical and public archaeology field does not run out the possibilities of approach. The thematic symposiums have brought varied perspectives, represented in the articles published on this volume. Within the spectrum of heterogeneity that these studies hold, the contributing authors to this work present some possibilities of conceptualization and practice of these fields that we propose to study as follows.

This way, the general understanding of the discipline had become an archaeology of historical times. This definition corresponds to the first of the preterit definitions listed by Orser and Fagan: “Study of a period”. However, this understanding has always been combined with the perspective that it concerned, above all, a method, which results in the epistemological problematic of the sources for the knowledge of the past. Whereas prehistorical archaeology disposed of material records only, being occasionally able to resort to ethnographic analogy, the differential of historical archaeology was the possibility of resorting to the texts. Orser and Fagan present this definition of historical archaeology based in the method as “text aided archaeology, archaeology carried out with the aid of historical documentation that throws light on human life at the time” (Orser and Fagan, 1995:4). In this perspective, according to these authors, archaeology appeared simply as “archaeology of historical times”. Still, this conceptualization, for them, was seen as insufficient to characterize the contemporary debate on the potential of this discipline for one to think the modern processes of globalization and mundialization, within a economical logic of the markets’ powers expansion through the growing expansion of the capitalist way of production and, at the same time, the constituting ways of resistance to these political and economic powers. (Funari, 2007: 52).

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY The historical archaeology discipline has been subject of discussions about its definition. Charles Orser and Brian Fagan, in their 1995 work Historical Archaeology, have synthesized the story of the discipline and the current situation of this conceptual debate: by considering Historical Archaeology as a “recent past archaeology”, from which to make their point, they pigeonhole the different definitions between preterit definitions and today’s definitions. They present three preterit definitions and three today’s definitions. Even after more than ten years, the proposed category “from today” still depicts the contemporary state of the discussion. In my opinion, though, we would need to reevaluate whether what they, at that time, considered preterit definitions effectively can be considered as outdone, or whether they still depict an important spectrum of historical archaeology researches. The preterit definitions are:1: • Study of a period. • Study of a method.

Still, despite Orser and Fagan’s judgment that this perspective of methodological adjectivation of the discipline is already outdone, the conceptualization that historical archaeology is above all a text aided archaeology has thrived since the 1960’s, among researchers from several countries, and keeps bearing ripe fruits.2

• Study of the modern world. Today’s definitions are: • A study characterized as multidisciplinary. • A study that focuses its attention in the postprehistorical past.

For Tânia Andrade de Lima, the importance of historical archaeology resides in the wide possibilities of recovering what the written documents could not record about the daily life, closely linked to wider social processes. (Lima, 2002). Along the same lines, Orser and Funari (2004:22) state that “historical archaeology is capable of altering the great power narratives that are frequently represented in the documents, as we show in the comparative study between written sources about Palmares and material culture from the archaeological sites”.

• A study that is concerned with understanding the global nature of modern life. By 1960, the confluence of the reflection generated by archaeological works associated with the restoration of historical sites resulted in the first congress on the issue, held in Florida, under the title Conference on Historical Sites Archeology. It was already announced that historical archaeology had a certain post-modern vocation for multiple personalities, as a domain that one could generically define as “post-prehistoric”. By synthesizing the proposals addressed on this meeting, Robert Schuyler

This way, the methodological specificity of historical archaeology, which differentiates it, on the one hand, 2

In order to know some of the perspectives open by this methodological approach, we suggest the reading of the book organized by Barbara J. Little, Text-Aided Archaeology. CRC Press, 1992.

1

Regarding a systemizing of the theoretical basis of this “preterit” historical archaeology, see Schuyler (1978: 27-32).

63

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

logy, Sociology, Political Science, History, among other areas – led to another level of understanding what could be considered historical archaeology. Due to this change, Orser and Fagan (1995) started to view multidisciplinary analysis as a remarkable and defining trait of the discipline. To Orser (1992), this multidisciplinary analysis allows the opening of an emic perspective in the discipline, enabling, by means of multiple views and multiple sources, an access to the multifaceted dimension of human experience. The paradigm of heterogeneity, dear to postmodern epistemology, benefits widely from the multidisciplinary methods of construction of archaeological knowledge.

from prehistorical archaeology, and on the other hand, from History – at least the one inspired by Methodical History, built exclusively on the official written testimony – is the relationship between the archaeological material record and the written historical record. This relationship between the material record and the textual record presents various theoretical and methodological problems which crosses over the set of historical archaeology, thus demanding a handling between the two types of records, which is at the same time balanced and distinguished. On that point, among so many theoreticians from historical archaeology, we picked one excerpt by Tânia Andrade Lima, which illustrates how the historical archaeology developed in Brazil, and identified under this name, handles the issue:

So, in what regards the witnesses that hold the interpretation in historical archaeology, Charles Orser (1992: 55) presents us with its diversity, specificity and potentialities, which requires a multidisciplinary treatment of the source:

Balance at handling these sources seems undoubtedly the best way, especially if they are considered a priori as independent witnesses, to be critically analyzed and compared. One major part of the fascination and the magic of historical archaeology – or of its art and its mystery (...) – lies exactly on the multiple possibilities that the archaeological records present to complement, confirm, but above all to contradict the documental records and, by doing so, to generate a third level of information, neither quite archaeological nor quite historical, but deeply prolific. (Lima, 2002, p.12).

(...) historical archaeology uses a series of sources of information in its research. Some of these sources can be viewed as belonging to history (written document, maps, oral history), to cultural anthropology (ethnographies, specimens of museums and oral witnesses), to art history (paintings, drawings and photographs), to historical and cultural geography (maps, settlements and landscapes), to historical architecture (buildings), to folklore (oral tradition and vernacular architecture) and to archaeology (artifacts, structures and site context).

Nevertheless, the third perspective announced by Orser and Fagan had already been placed in the 1960s research, viewing historical archaeology as a study of the modern world: “the archaeological study of people documented in recent history – like Jefferson and his contemporaries. Historical Archaeology is the archaeology of the more recent past.” In this perspective, there became a subject of attention of these archaeologists the European colonizers, the African-American slaves, the Native Americans put in touch with these two groups and, later on, the Germans and other immigrants.

Historical archaeology, thus, is characterized by the possibility of availing itself to interpreting the past, beyond material culture, of written, iconographic, architectural and oral sources, giving the researcher a global view of the studied society.3 Phenomenological multiplicity of historical archaeology’s possible sources apart, these distinguish themselves fundamentally regarding their material nature, in written, oral, material and visual sources. We must observe that the visual sources constitute, in the perspective of Archaeology of Image (Sarian, 1999), a category of material source, differently from specifically iconographic studies, which confine themselves to conceive it strictly within its depicting nature. In this sense, the study of 19th century black-and-white photographs or architectural iconography from the same period would be both subject to be addressed in the perspective of the Archaeology of Image, just the same way as the study of pottery painting on old Greek vases or Egyptian, Etruscan or Mayan funerary painting.

This perspective circumscribed the enfolding of the discipline to the recent processes which resulted in the formation of the New World countries, as a result of the European trade development by the end of the Renaissance, which led the rest of the world to the dynamics of capitalism, creating one of the acutest phenomena to understand the planet’s reconfiguration after the 16th century, the so-called African Diaspora, which constitutes an issue of great interest of historical archaeology since the 1960s, gaining momentum mainly from the 1990s onwards, when it became perhaps one of the main subjects of contemporary archaeological debate, best known as Archaeology of Slavery (Orser, 1990: 111154; 1998: 63-82. Singleton 1995: 119-40; 1999), which brought with itself a very profitable theoretical production, for example about the ethnicity issue (Jones, 1997).

One must point out, though, that, in historical archaeology, this opening to the multiplicity of the 3

More recently, concerning the multiplicity of sources within historical archaeology, see: Voss, Barbara. (2007) Image, Text, Object: Interpreting Documents and Artifacts as ‘Labors of Representation’. Historical Archaeology, 41(3), p. 147-171.

The transformations that occurred not only in archaeological research, but also in the parameters of several sciences dedicated to study human societies – Anthropo64

F.V. CERQUEIRA: INTRODUCTION

extemporaneous criticism towards Classical Archaeology, reverberating a debate from previous decades which could have been considered overcome in the 1990s: they judge this subfield of historical archaeology as a hostage field to the tradition of the Fine Arts, which would vulgarize it as a branch of historical archaeology, seen through the contemporary perspective of multidisciplinary analysis, heterogeneity and global comprehension. The articles in this volume go against the current of this prejudice regarding archaeology of the ancient World, as they show, in studies of Antiquity and Medieval times, vigor and creativity in terms of the questionability and use of varied sources: starting from material or written sources, they generate knowledge from the friction between both of them.

sources does not make the methodological centrality of the relationship between the material and the written outdone After all, according to Orser and Fagan (1995:5), “the dispassionate eye of the archaeologist can conjure up prosaic details of day-to-day history that never appear in government archives”. By way of classifying the theoretical problems proposed by the sources of historical archaeology, by subsuming the visual to the material record, and by considering that the oral and written sources partake the nature of the verbal address, of the verbal text (be it spoken or written), the quadrangular relationship previously pointed out – written, oral, material and visual sources – reduces itself, methodologically, to a binary relationship: the relationship between the material and the written records. In this methodological relationship of the material-written antinomy, the third element, the oral, stays hidden, even if conceptually one always assumes its presence. Methodologically, though, we allow ourselves to think thus the discipline as a whole, since not all historical societies that produced material records, which we have studied, can be accessed orally, unlike the recent historical periods, which can count on the use of methods and techniques from Oral History or from Ethnography.

Finally, Orser and Fagan (1995) define the current historical archaeology by its concern in reaching a comprehension of the global nature of modern life. That is, they return to that definition, already rehearsed back in the 1960s, of an archaeology of “more recent past”. Without a doubt, it gathers merits by projecting upon this definition a set of postmodern notions, like heterogeneity, expressed, for example, in the concept of hybrid identities (Hall, 1996; 1993) which is a resume of certain concepts processed by Michel Foucault (1969), in which the individual builds himself crossed over by several speeches, in a way which the person does not constitute himself like something unique, indivisible, but as some multi-faceted, discontinued social being, and with that, even contradictory with himself.

The second perspective pointed out by Orser and Fagan as a defining trait of the current historical archaeology is the focus of attention in the Post-prehistoric past. The concern for the confection of this new term is to account for the diversity of situations which extrapolate the idea that the historical societies succeed the prehistorical, as if historical archaeology had started with the studies of Egypt and Mesopotamia on the account of the appearance of the writing, building a chronological dividing wall between Prehistory and History, based on the usage of writing. This division, though, cannot be generalized as a universal axiom to define the fields of study of prehistorical and historical archaeology. Egyptians and Mesopotamians lived together in their outer and inner borders, along several peoples who did not acknowledged writing and did not produce written records. These people’s direct knowledge only happens through the archaeological source; still, in some cases, they are widely cited through ancient texts. This is the case, for example, of the Scythians, who inhabited the South of Russia, near the Crimea peninsula, widely commented by ancient authors such as Herodotus and Strabo. And what there is to say about the Maya, with their writing which reminds us of “comic books”, or the Incas, with the quipus. The term proto-history, for a long time, had been a resource to account for these particularities: agraphic peoples contemporary of learned peoples.

This global nature of modern life, in this current, howbeit the general postmodern trait, co-lives with theoretical heritages of historical materialism. It puts the configuration of this global nature of modern life within the expansion of capitalism and its respective way of life, a way for the man to relate with nature, with his peers and with himself. So, the study of the material culture of the modern world would reveal, above everything else, the global processes of the expansion of capitalism.4 In fact, this combination between postmodernism and renewed historical materialism has been very useful (Funari, Jones and Hall, 1999:1-20. Funari, Zarankin and Stovel, 2005). Funari builds a theory of historical archaeology supported in the processes of capitalism, colonialism, of domination and resistance.5 However, he does not consider that these 4

In Europe, capitalism within historical archaeology has been approached by different parameters than the one used by American archaeologists. On alternative notions of capitalism within historical archaeology, see Johnson, M. (1996) An Archaeology of Capitalism. Oxford: Blackwell. In a certain way, he retakes the traditional debate within Classical Archaeology regarding the economy of the Ancient World, one the opposes primitivists and modernists, and that takes us back to Max Weber and Eduard Meyer. 5 Likewise, the interest on such themes as colonization of the New World and the European expansion, as well as the possibility of giving a voice to the dominated and silenced groups of these processes, have give a path to be followed by several important studies in North-American historical archaeology. On the compromise between historical archaeology and dominated and silenced groups during the colonization

Orser and Fagan bring Post-prehistorical terminology as a triumph over that concept which looked at historical archaeology as an archaeology of passed periods, which had in Classical Archaeology its most expressive counterpart, whose tradition went back to the end of the 18th century, with the Pompeii excavations. They express 65

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

processes circumscribe themselves to the recent past, for he considers these phenomena as recurring behaviors, even if varied, and verifiable in contexts which go from Incas in Peru to ancient Mesopotamia. These behaviors do not constitute an exclusivity of the European colonial experience, eschewing from the ethnocentric perspective of the approach, which would be a direct result of limiting the understanding of archaeology to the study of the expansionist process produced by the Europeans at the end of Renaissance. (Funari, 2007b: 52).

The restrictive understanding of the discipline as a study of the modern world, of the recent past, even if it brings great advantages to this knowledge of the modern world, which becomes much more multifaceted, heterogeneous and discontinued than when approached solely by official written testimonies, does not justify the abandonment of the wider perspective, which addresses the discipline in the same way as when it was approached by its first systematizations in the 1960s. Personally, I think it is more advantageous to imagine it as “archaeology of historical times”, than as “archeology of the more recent times”, “of the people documented in recent history”.

According to Funari, Latin American archaeologists played a key role in this change of perspective. In the second half of the 1990s, in a North American and Latin American context, there was a conceptualization reshaping of historical archaeology, which ceased to be viewed as a New World archaeology, but as a worldwide archaeology, a global archaeology of historical societies. (Funari, 2007b: 53-55) Some issues started to gain the interest of historical archaeology, as the issues studied on a local scale but understood on a global scale, for example, the domestic life (Lima, 1989: 205-230; 1993:179-205) and the private space (Symanski, 1998). Historical archaeology also started to have an interest in the very recent past. As an example, we can cite the studies from the Latin American dictatorial period, with the works of Andrés Zarankin and Claudio Niro (2006), in Argentina, and José Ma. López Maaz (2006), in Uruguay. The effect of these studies in these countries’ current society can be measured by López Mazz’s article, “The ‘missing persons’ are back”, published in the Brazilian issue of Le Monde Diplomatique, dated 12 February 2007:

I state that because I understand such concepts as heterogeneity, multiple identities, hybrid cultures, realities and multifaceted men, even these being concepts born out of the Postmodern debate, which is a product of contemporary society, as forming cultural characteristics of the human being in general terms, which can be verified in various periods of History. Even the processes of globalization and mundialization repeat themselves in different moments in history, and in different scales, resulting sometimes from imperial and military expansions, sometimes from expansions of economic markets, sometimes from ideas and beliefs that spread themselves: the Fertile Crescent, the Roman Empire, the Sino-Indian complex, the connections between the Mesoamerica, the Andes altiplano and the Amazon plains, the great planetary expansion of monotheist cults (Christianism, Islamism and Buddhism) since Antiquity to present day, are all examples of experiences where frontiers and diverse cultural identities were put into touch, conflict, overlaid, jointed, generating processes of varied order, which can be approached by concepts such as domination, transculturation, transnationalization, globalization and mundialization, generating very favorable situations for the constitution of multiple identities and hybrid cultures.

New facts demoralize the dictatorship version about political crimes, unmask false witnesses from military right-wing leaders and turn the debate on torture a national issue These studies about the most recent period of military repression in Latin America are inserted in a wider field, denominated by Alfredo González-Ruibal (2008) as Archaeology of Super modernity, identified with the study of the world which starts with the World War I, characterized by the devastation of human beings and objects and, therefore by the proliferation of archaeological sites such as battle fields, industrial ruins, mass graves and concentration camps. This archaeology of super-modernity would have as a compromise not only the telling of alternative stories, but the unveiling of what the super-modern machine does not want to be shown. González-Ruibal calls for a new archaeological rhetoric, one wary of the materiality of the world around us, and which embraces political commitment without sacrificing objectivity.

The studies from the classical archaeologists Funari and Pollini (2005) exemplify the interest in the issues of frontier and identity, be it in the contacts between Greeks and Magna Graecia natives, as the result of the Greek colonization process in the Italic Peninsula, studied by Pollini, be it in the barters between Iberia and Britannia provinces, by the exportation routes of Baetic oil, studied by Pedro Paulo Abreu Funari. What do this volume’s articles have to tell us about this discussion? The first datum that catches the eye is the coincidence that none of the texts deal with the recent past: two of them engage in Oriental Antiquity, two in Classical Antiquity and other two in the Medieval Period. This does not nullify at all the conception that historical archaeology contributes extraordinarily to the study of recent societies. Still, our attention is drawn to the studies of the ancient-medieval world that place themselves under the epistemological domain of historical archaeology. Undoubtedly, one of the reasons would be the fact that all texts, in producing an interpretation of the past, act in

process, see Leone, Marc. (1995) A Historical Archaeology of Capitalism. American Anthropologists. New Series, vol. 92, n. 2, p. 251268. On the theme of labor forces during colonialism, see: Silliman, S.W. (2001) Theoretical Perspectives on Labor and Colonialism: Reconsidering the Californian Missions. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, 20, p. 379-407.

66

F.V. CERQUEIRA: INTRODUCTION

different measures, in the interface between the written and the material record. Still, the affiliation to historical archaeology is not limited to this aspect.

However, following Stuart Hall’s (2003) same procedure in relation to the concept of hybrid identities, Appadurai states that the overcoming of the center periphery model is a result of the new global economy. However, it is a theoretical procedure, typical of historical archaeology in its postmodern perspective, to appropriate new paradigms from Social Sciences to understand the contemporary world, looking to employ them for the comprehension of other human societies. Just as the globalization issue has been serving as a parameter to rethink the Mediterranean world under the Roman rule (Hingley, 2005), the retaking of the reflection about the center periphery problematic can bring important contributions to the historical archaeology of the ancient societies. Perhaps the concept offered by Appadurai of the “transnational cultural flows” can be an important tool for one to think archaeologically the relationships between the diverse societies of the ancient world. (Appadurai, 1986; 1996:32).

Liliane Plouvier’s study on ancient Babylonian gastronomy, starting from some critical documents for the issue studied (tablets from Yale’s Babylonian Collection), demonstrates to have a tireless breath by resourcing to the comparison among varied testimonies, with privileged attention to linguistic aspects and the resource of ethnographic comparison. The article uses written and material sources under an anthropological perspective to understand the nourishing, enabling to reveal much of Babylonian culture through their nourishing habits. Here is an example of an opening to novel thematic studies, which not at all confirms the sour and recurrent criticism to the archaeology of ancient societies which makes use of written documents. Within this prejudiced view, the archaeological studies of ancient societies, for being traditional subfields, heirs to deep-rooted traditions in the 19th century, would not be apt to the practice of epistemological procedures attuned to contemporary theoretical debates. Plouvier’s text deconstructs this judgment and shows density and epistemological up-todateness in these studies.

The article of my authorship in this volume, devoted to ancient Greece, approaches the interface between History, Image and Music. The theoretical debate is established from an interpretation, based on a dialogue between the written and imagery sources, on the use, among the ancient Greeks, of a wind instrument (the aulos) during the vintage. I analyze precisely the contribution of multidisciplinary studies and historical archaeology to the study of ancient Greece culture. The article aims to present a reflection upon the experience of a disciplinary decentering, put into practice in order to develop a research on the use of music in a day-to-day basis, in Archaic and Classical Athens (6th and 5th centuries B.C.). This research was based on a systematic analysis of the iconography of Attic pottery. The multidisciplinary experience relates to the need of researching an interpretation of the meaning of music in daily practices, interpreted by its social and cultural dimensions. The study was developed considering the inherent aspects of imagery props within pottery and to archaeological studies. It is a study which gravitates among Archaeology, Anthropology and History.

Alicia Meza’s article is a very rich example of the historical archaeology contribution to the studies of antiquity: by offering to analyze the connection between Egyptians and Phoenicians, it brings a number of elements to think out the issues of frontier and identity. By repeating one of the identifiable traits in historical archaeology, inclusively and most of all from the recent past, the author seeks to build an important knowledge of the past that shuns from the perspective of the center (Egypt), but which seeks to look from the peripheries, the borders (Phoenician colonies). The author points us the Phoenician expansion through their Mediterranean commercial routes, taking with them more than material goods. They exported new ideas, innovations of Egyptian or Phoenician origin, which were mixed with local aspects. Many Mediterranean west coast villages have sprouted from this new cultural explosion. Religion, art, writing and rituals have been transported from Ancient Egypt, by the Phoenicians, to distant places. In many cases, this cultural exchange between Egyptians and Phoenicians settled in the Mediterranean west coast have meant the transition of peoples from Prehistory to History.

In her article about the introduction of Christianity in Dacia and in its Roman provinces, between the first and fifth century of the common era, Elena Baciu, in analyzing, side by side, the Romanization and Christianization of this region, brings an important contribution to the study of the history of Christian religion in Europe, based in new data brought by archaeology. The analysis of material evidence, such as objects and epigraphic texts brought to light by archaeology, makes it possible to interpret the profile of the region’s religious faith throughout the first five centuries of the Christian era, coming up with a whole set of unknown data of literary documentation. These evidences allow the writer to set up maps that show us an ample area of Christianity dissemination. Among the evidences used by Baciu, we can enumerate: talismans; old architectural stones or other objects of common use

The historical archaeology approach developed by the author enables us to resume a pungent issue of the anthropological theory from the 1980s, which, in the following decade, was inserted in the wider discussion of the globalization phenomenon. Indian anthropologist Arjun Appadurai have brought enormous contribution to the reflection on the relationships between center and periphery, stating that the polarized models producer consumer or center periphery cannot be used anymore to explain the global cultural economy. 67

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

which is still sung today. Thus, the author casts a multidisciplinary gaze, traditional of historical archaeology, when she interprets a document of historical nature, the Codex Rohonczi manuscript, through the analysis of iconographic and musical testimonies present in this code. By resourcing to the iconographic, musical and literary props, En chiuc concludes that it shows the existence, in 11th and 12th century Romania, of a society with an outstanding political organization, whose social organization and cultural standards were equal to those of other regions in the European continent of the time.

among the Dacians who, little by little, acquired Christian meaning; objects used in religious services; diverse Christian objects; and the discovery of Christian architecture, like churches. The methodology employed by the author is based mainly in the dialogue between two types of archaeological testimony: material remains (religious objects and erected structures) and epigraphic records. This is a relationship between material and written, which happens within two archaeological sources, marking a knowledge made feasible by the perspective opened up by historical archaeology, since the knowledge about the Geto-Dacian Christian communities based only on ancient texts would be quite limited.

valds Mugur viès’ article, from the University of Riga, is a classic study of historical archaeology, in the sense of having as central element erected structures (castles), there being the interface, in the analysis, between the architectural and the archaeological. Her object are the castles of Livonia, dated back to the 13th and 14th centuries, belonging to local individuals or crusaders. Again, the relationship between Christianization and the permanence of pre-Christian elements is the article’s leitmotiv, as well as in the previous two. In this case, the author focuses on the time of the conversion of these populations into Christianity, between the 13th and 14th centuries, taking as main testimony the archaeological records exhumed at the time of the excavations made in the castles. The article deals, then, with medieval settlements, exhaustively analyzed in various microregions, with special interest in castles, rural villages and embankments. The archaeological data systematically analyzed by the author, to produce this article, are the results not only from excavations, but also from the application of the modern methodology of archaeological survey. It was possible to analyze the situation of the local populations and their traditions at the time of conversion to Roman catholic faith in the 13th and 14th centuries, after the entrance of the crusaders. By analyzing the constructive characteristics of the castles of the region, one verifies that the introduction, with the crusaders, of a new constructive technology, did not imply the abandonment of previous standards, so that the traditional castles kept being used, as it is shown in various archaeological excavations. The author adds that the written sources also witness that the crusaders built fortifications. The study yet considers the handicraft shops and the day-to-day artifacts, which indicates that there mostly is a continuation of the traditions of local material culture, coming from the period between the 10th and 12th centuries. Furthermore, it ascertains a similarity to the objects used in that period all over Eastern Europe. The author’s other ascertainment regards the relationship between the rural populations and the castles’ inhabitants: the rural population’s culture differed, not significantly, from the castles’ inhabitants’.

The last two historical archaeology articles are dedicated to the medieval period, having as purposes the regions of Romania and Livonia, in central Europe. The first one takes place in the Early Middle Ages; the second one takes place in the Late Middle Ages. Both resume an analysis slant previously addressed by Elena Baciu: the relationship between Christianization and the cultural and social traits which preceded them, studied through the material evidences which shed new light on the knowledge of this issue. Romanian researcher Viorica En chiuc chooses as central testimony for her analysis a document of literary nature, until then inadequately studied, kept in the archives of the Academy of Sciences in Magyar Republic (Hungary): the Codex Rohonczi, which constitutes a historical monument to Romanian ancient language and literature, remaining from the first centuries of the second millenium of our time. En chiuc, to unravel this 448 page and 87 miniatures manuscript, devotes special attention to the information of iconographic nature contained in the document, which confirms the relationship of this testimony with Romania territory. Add to this the interpretation of the signs, of literary and musical nature, which aggregate content in order to be able to establish comparisons with other archaeological testimonies, like church iconography. The iconographic repertoire shows secular and religious scenes, with military or historical character. One example of relevant iconographic analysis, in the image repertoire of miniatures, is the depicting of elements connected to the cult of the Sun, which do not belong to the cultural complex of Christian religion, but shows the coexistence of pre-Christian and Christian cultural components, the same way as in the iconography of some rock churches of Cappadocia. In a complementing way regarding the iconographic study, the research still considers the deciphering of the Codex Rohonczi signs, which had been achieved through an interdisciplinary undertaking that involved 17 countries. One of the most remarkable discoveries made with this deciphering was the identification of a system of musical notation that registers a melody that comes with the text. Scholars believe they recognize in this melody extracts from the Blaques’ anthem, the oldest Romanian secular melody,

The seven articles published in this section of historical archaeology have an interesting information: unlike the North American tendency to define the discipline as n archaeological study of “the more recent past”, all articles deal with studies of the ancient and medieval period, 68

F.V. CERQUEIRA: INTRODUCTION

In Brazil, the expression public archaeology, sprung up in the Anglo-Saxon field, is still new and might lead to confusion. Indeed, public, in its English origin, means “public-oriented, for the people” and has nothing to do, stricto sensu, with the vernacular sense of public as a synonym of “state”. On the contrary, the public aspect of archaeology refers to the actuation with the people, be they members of indigenous communities, descendents of the Quilombos or local persons, be they students or elementary or secondary school teachers. The State action takes place necessarily by way of an environmental and cultural legislation of protection that leads entrepreneurs – private or public companies – to finance environmental and cultural studies. Not always such studies are aimed at public action, as aforementioned, of interaction between people. From our point of view (...), Science cannot turn away from society under the diaphanous cloak of empiricism. Public archaeology, seen as an action with the people, to borrow a Paulo Freire expression, allows us to have a science applied for the benefit of the communities and social divisions.

concerning the Fertile Crescent, the Mediterranean Basin and Central and Eastern Europe (Baltic and the Balkans). This leads us to think if it is not more appropriate to go back to the simpler definition of the 1960s, when historical archaeology was taking its baby steps in terms of epistemological systematization: historical archaeology as seen as “archaeology of historical times”. After all, this definition is not incompatible with the attachment of the epistemological earnings of postmodern science: the slant of the reflection based in frontiers and identity is present on all articles. Still, more than a “text-aided archaeology”, the ancient and medieval archaeology studies presented here fulfill some of Orser’s precepts (1992:55), concerning the opening to varied sources: besides the dialogue between text and material evidences, the authors resort to iconography, ethnography, linguistics, historical geography, maps, landscapes, buildings, popular traditions, music, folklore, site context, artifacts, structures, etc. The actual treatment of the text is submitted to the archaeologist view, who finds the iconography and presentation of the landscapes within the text itself. The articles bring a great contribution to the study of cultural frontiers – especially religious. – in the coexistence between Christianity and the visions of the preceding world, inasmuch that it refers to Late Antiquity as it does to the Late and Early Middle Ages. That reminds us of Orser and Fagan’s aforementioned phrase (1995:5), “the dispassionate eye of the archaeologists can conjure up prosaic details of day-to-day history that never appear in government archives”. The authors formulated this phrase thinking about historical archaeology as an archaeology of the recent past, but this formulation, based on this volume’s article, is fully applicable to historical societies of varied times, inclusive of a past as far back as Mesopotamia.

Nevertheless, the same authors (Funari and RobrahnGonzález, 2007: 3), on the editorial of the second issue of Arqueologia Pública magazine, published by the Núcleo de Estudos Estratégicos from the Universidade Estadual de Campinas (Campinas State University), point out that there is not an incompatibility between understanding public archaeology as an archaeology aimed at the public (which in Brazil would be called, in the Anglo-Saxon sense of archaeology aimed at the people, community archaeology) and public archaeology as an archaeological practice (both in research and management) resulting from public regulation to safeguard archaeological patrimony:

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

It behooves reinforcing the importance of the promotion of public policies to the preservation of cultural patrimony, based in the premises of sustainable development of diversity and, especially, of social inclusion. The strategic value of archaeology lies in the advance of diversity, according to the Constitutional Amendment n. 48, of August 10th 2005, which defines the “raising of the value of ethnic and regional diversity”. This strategic role of archaeology cannot be underestimated and public archaeology appears essential then.

The Public Archaeology section is made up of four articles, all of them by Brazilian authors. The works presented at the Symposium of Public Archaeology, totaling seven, have a particular trait: their authors are all archaeologists who work within the Portuguese-Brazilian sphere. The symposium proposed to discuss the archaeological research and patrimonial management held within the core of a wider cultural policy, managed by the public sphere. This included the legal framing of the rules that regulate the archaeological activity, as much as the inclusion, by public authorities, of memory-oriented action generated by the archaeological patrimony, from the viewpoint of the methods of preservation, of education and tourist use. (Cerqueira and Caron, 2006).

Among the multiple possibilities of addressing the issue, the articles included in this volume focus on three varieties of performance by the archaeologist in contemporary public archaeology: archaeological survey, archaeological rescue and patrimonial education. Crosswise, some issues are recurrent in these approaches: cultural patrimony, social memory, cultural identity, social inclusion, community participation, environmental licensing archaeology and professionalization. Public archaeology is a little bit of all this. In these articles, are considered, in our opinion, the two perspectives of definition of their

Pedro P. Funari and Erika M. Robrahn-González (2006: 3) warn that, in Brazil, given the novelty of this filed of discussion, there is a certain confusion as for the definition of discipline: 69

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

cultural patrimony preservation policies, the National Historical and Artistic Patrimony Service (SPHAN), now the National Historical and Artistic Patrimony Institute (IPHAN), at the time linked with the Ministry of Education and Health. This act defined the basic principles of protection and conservation of the national cultural properties. The Executive Order n° 25, dated November the 30th of 1937, decrees, in its first paragraph, that “it constitutes the national historical and artistic patrimony the collection of movable and immovable goods in the country and whose conservation is of public interest, either by its link with Brazil’s memorable history facts, or by its exceptional archaeological or ethnographic, bibliographic or artistic value”.

field of action: of archaeology, which goes to (at least it tries to) meet the people and of archaeology which develops as a result of the legal defense of public interest regarding archaeological patrimony. This small block of texts exemplifies the advancement that public archaeology experiments in Brazil today, as a result of decades of improvement in the judicial system aimed at the safeguard of Brazilian cultural and archaeological patrimony, which can be dated to have started in 1937, with the adoption of the Historical Patrimony Act. For the development of public archaeology, nevertheless, there was also the influence of, among the theoreticians of Brazilian education, the legacy of teacher Paulo Freire, who had always upheld the value of popular participation in the educational processes for the construction of an active citizenship.

In this sense, the 1937 Act, known as “Historical Patrimony Act”, talks about cultural patrimony in a view which, according to today’s critics, could have been called elitist or simplistic for prioritizing the monumental and exceptional, encouraged by a diffuse notion that the relevant cultural patrimony was the historical patrimony associated with the great achievements and the great men of the nation. In a way, it contributed to consolidate the predominant view up until today: most people still are used to think the cultural patrimony as the fine arts and the fine buildings that ornament the cities, as vestiges of glorious times, of great achievements and notable men. Many are still unwilling to accept that simple works, such as rural vernacular architecture or industrial constructions, as well as any other architecture regarding the ordinary man and the routine life, are deserving of the attention destined to patrimony protection. We can see, though, changes in public opinion: some sectors appear sensitive to anthropologists, archaeologists and historians’ arguments which emphasize the prestige of the ordinary man’s social memory, of ordinary life, as well as from the world of labor.

Considering the stress, on the public archaeology section, to its advance in Brazil, it is interesting to understand how this met the conditions to develop owing to the progressive consolidation of the legal protection of cultural and archaeological patrimony in this country. Contemporary Brazil is a country with advanced legal tools in regards to the definition of cultural patrimony, to the mechanisms of safekeeping and preservation, as well as what concerns the interfaces between cultural and environmental patrimony and the fostering of educational actions, despite the enormous difficulty to introduce, in federal, state and municipal levels, efficient inspection mechanisms. Municipal, state and federal laws sustain, on all sides, preventive actions that limit and raise the particular, private interest, familiarizing it to impositions resulting from the citizens’ cultural rights, which imply in measures to minimize patrimonial damages facing the need to new investments, indispensable to society’s development.

The archaeological patrimony, generically addressed in the 1937 Act, was a target of specific regulation under the Sambaqui Act (Act n° 3.924, of July the 26th, 1961), which defined what is archaeological patrimony, aimed at outlining the official strategies of its preservation.6

Contemporary Brazil, little by little, familiarizes with the archaeologist and with archaeological patrimony. Initially attracted by the Indiana Jones of the movie screens, a seductive image in the eye of the public opinion back in the 1980s, society got used to see the archaeologist as a kind of advocate of cultural patrimony. The archaeologist, in his turn, sees himself today as a professional with a social role which perhaps he did not imagine it being attributed for himself a few decades back. Today, the archaeologist must interact, as a social educator, with various sectors of society, touching them for their value as citizens, starting by giving value to their cultural patrimony. The archaeologist leaves his cabinet and goes out to meet the society, being today, along with the architect, the historian, the anthropologist, the museologist and the tourism professional, one of the professionals who had most contributed to the preservation of our cultural patrimony.

The same act emphasizes that, unlike the surface ownership, the ownership of these well-preserved underground goods, since they are an archaeological patrimony, belong to the public authority (1º ¶, § Single), 6

“Paragraph 2 – It is taken as archaeological or prehistorical monuments: a) the mines of any nature, origin or purpose, which might represent testimonies from Brazilian PaleoAmerindians culture, such as sambaquis, artificial or rigid mounds, sepulchral pits, tombs, landfills, stockades and any others not specified here but having identical meaning, for the judgment of legal authority; b) the sites where there are positive vestiges of occupation by PaleoAmerindians, such as grottos, caves and shelters under rocks; c) the sites identified as cemeteries, graves or places of prolonged stay or living, “stations” and “ceramics”, in which one finds human remains of archaeological or paleoethnographic interest; d) the rock inscriptions or places with grooves from utensil polishing and other vestiges of PaleoAmerindian activity.

The Brazilian patrimonial legislation dates back to 1937, when it was created the national regulatory organ of 70

F.V. CERQUEIRA: INTRODUCTION

being its incumbency the safekeeping and protection of the same, anticipating that the destruction or mutilation of these are to be considered a crime against the national patrimony (5º ¶).

text, the archaeological patrimony is understood as a cultural patrimony, since the State Constitution characterizes as “cultural rights secured by the State (...) the access to cultural patrimony ”. (Souza, 2003: 71-73).

In short, the Brazilian legislation establishes that the archaeological patrimony is a public property, defined as patrimony of the state, and must be preserved.

From there results that the State’s obligation to the safekeeping and inspection of the archaeological patrimony is its commitment to the citizenship, witness the citizens’ inalienable right to the preservation of their memory, holder of their cultural identity.

The 5th October 1988 Constitution, by resizing and broadening the concept of cultural patrimony, goes on and deepens the legal protection of the archaeological patrimony by ensuring the constitutional rights destined to the body of cultural patrimony. The 215th Paragraph rules that the State will guarantee everyone the full use of cultural rights and access to the sources of national culture, the same way as it establishes the protection of popular, indigenous and afro-Brazilian cultures’ manifestations and of other participating groups in the national civilizing process.

The 1988 Constitution, a great mark of society’s and the Brazilian State’s democratization, have shifted the concept of patrimony constant in the 1937 legislation. To the eyes of the new Constitution, the Brazilian cultural patrimony started to be composed, from the legal viewpoint, of the properties of material and immaterial nature, concerning the identity and memory of the different groups forming the Brazilian society. (Federal Constitution of 1988, paragraph 216. Cerqueira, 2005: 93) In the Constitution, these properties have been rated into five categories: 1) the forms of expression; 2) the ways of creating, making and living; 3) the scientific, artistic and technological creations; 4) The works, objects, documents, buildings and other spaces destined to artisticcultural manifestations; 5) the urban projects or sites of historical, scenic, artistic, archaeological, paleontological and scientific value. (Machado, 2004: 12).

By Brazilian cultural patrimony, the Federal Constitution understands the body of material and immaterial properties, taken separately or together, carrying references to identity, to action, to the memory of different groups forming the Brazilian society, in which are included the urban projects and sites of historical, scenic, archaeological and paleontological value, as decreed in the 216° Paragraph, Section V.

Today, as a result of the 1988 Constitution and the Decree nº 3551, of August the 4th, 2000, it is employed the importance of preservation of all kinds of cultural, material and immaterial properties, concerning the memory of different segments of society, which should be the purpose of specific processes of recording as historic site, in the case of material culture, and registering, in the case of immaterial culture.

On the nature of the treatment towards the cultural patrimony in the 1988 Constitution, two orders of considerations are necessary: first, the place of patrimony under the citizens’ rights; second, the broadening of the concept of patrimony. According to Bernardo de Souza,7 a former Rio Grande do Sul congressman and former Pelotas municipal mayor, one of the greatest advances of the 1988 Federal Constitution took place within the culture field, namely in the expression Cultural Patrimony. He emphasizes that “the new constitutional order introduced, on the positive rights level, (...) the concept of cultural rights (CF, paragraph 216, caput; CF, paragraph 221, V). (...) The cultural rights (...) [belong] to the category of diffuse rights, an integral part of the ‘meta-individual’ rights category. (...) One of the components of these cultural rights is the right to access the cultural patrimony, according to clear provision of the Rio Grande do Sul State Constitution (paragraph 221, section V)”.

The preservation of Brazilian archaeological patrimony found its conceptual backing in the patrimonial legislation previously described, developed from the 1937 Act, and increased by a set of legal reformulations and complementings introduced afterwards. Nevertheless, the patrimonial legislation was not the most responsible for the remarkable advance that Archaeology had in our country in the last 20 years: the growth of archaeological research and the strengthening of the profession of archaeologist are tributaries to the consolidation of the environmental legislation starting from the mid-1980s. Notice that the country’s present legislation, referring to the environmental licensing, which establishes the study of environmental impact to authorize investments that reverberate over the natural resources, includes the study of the archaeological impact as a component of the set of national patrimony to be preserved.

Furthermore, he emphasizes that, both on the Federal Constitution and the Rio Grande do Sul State Constitution 7

Bernardo de Souza, currently away from political life, was a public man, under the Mayoral and State Deputy duties, who collaborated significantly to the advancement of patrimonial protection in Rio Grande do Sul State, be it for the laws passed on a municipal level, on the two opportunities when he was elected Mayor of Pelotas municipality, be it for his acting at the legislative, reinforcing, under the state law for culture incentive, the distinction given to the cultural patrimony.

The Resolution n° 1 of the National Council of the Environment (CONAMA), dated of January the 23rd, of 1986, regulated the licensing of environment-modifying 71

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

activities, establishing the need for studies of environmental impact.

Qualitatively, the fulfillment of legal requirements, the archaeologist’s social place moves from the confinement of the cabinet to the interfaces with the community. The requirement on the part of the supervising official organ of archaeological research, the IPHAN, for the development of cultural patrimony-oriented educational actions, turns the archaeologist into a social educator. Thus, patrimonial education has become a relevant field of professional action in archaeology, once again achieved through the action of interdisciplinary teams, which are used to include archaeologists, pedagogues, geographers, architects, anthropologists, historians and tourism professionals.

The same resolution establishes that the concept of environmental impact include the cultural patrimony, also decreeing the necessity for preservation of the same at the time of setting investments and works that impact over the natural resources, in a way that the environmental legislation has introduced the preoccupation with the preservation of archaeological patrimony. As we saw before, it was from 1986, with the arrival of the legislation which regulates the studies of environmental impact, inspired in the French law,8 that came the necessity for the socioeconomic study, which includes in the Survey of Impact in the Environment (Relatório de Impacto sobre o Meio Ambiente, RIMA), “the scenic, cultural, historical and architectural patrimony” (RIMA. 1995), “especially the sites and archaeological, historical and cultural monuments of the community” (Resolution CONAMA nº 001/86). The diversity of cultural patrimony, in its material and immaterial dimension, requires a multidisciplinary approach to this study, especially focusing on the archaeological (material culture) and anthropological (immaterial cultural traditions).

Now I would like to deal with another kind of contribution from the archaeological projects to Brazilian cultural patrimony: it is the usual procedure that IPHAN stipulates the authorization for the archaeological research, especially in contract archaeology projects, linked to the realization of educational actions. This way, the archaeologist sees himself involved, as a social manager of memory and patrimony, with the development of pedagogical methodologies of patrimonial education. Through the patrimonial education projects, the archaeologist plays an important social role, by acting directly on the citizens’ self-esteem, and especially developing citizens, since he performs closely with these populations, to raise the value of their social memory and their cultural patrimony, thus dignifying their social identity and stimulating their self-esteem.

The cycle of legal formatting of the archaeological studies, on the list of the EIA-RIMA and of the environmental licensing of installation and operation, ends with Directive IPHAN nº 230, dated of December the 17th, 2002, which regulates what must be carried out on the side of the entrepreneurs and archaeologists.9

With this, committed to a plural concept of patrimony, the archaeologist stimulates groups of citizens acquitted from traditional policies of cultural patrimony preservation, and therefore with their identity references devaluated by society and by the Brazilian State, to look differently at themselves and recover their social self-esteem. This acquittal process of social groups from patrimonial dignity, if we can use that expression, happens both on a social and a regional level. This way, projects of patrimonial education have a range to strengthen regional identities devaluated by the process of their withdrawal from the economic centers or by the economic reconversion that implements new contrasting cultural patterns within those of traditional groups. Here one verifies that the patrimonial education brings along one of the most remarkable traits of public archaeology, as shown above by Funari and Robrahn-González, (2007: 3): the commitment with ethnic and regional diversity, as well as with the social inclusion.

In the wake of this environmental legislation, there is a wide field of professional performance for archaeology in modern Brazilian society. Since the 1980s, there formed in our country several archaeological consulting companies responsible for the part referring to the cultural patrimony in researches and interventions related to EIARIMA and the environmental licensing, with their respective mitigating and damage reducing measures. Thus there forms the defined field contract archaeology, in an apparent opposition to academic archaeology. At the same time, we can state that the place of the archaeologist in Brazilian society suffered a substantial change, which needs to be evaluated under different angles, on a quantitative and qualitative bias. 8

Loi relative à la protetion de la nature, of July the 10th, 1976, which included among the studies on environmental impact the socioeconomic studies, concerning the living and socioeconomic conditions of the populations from affected localities. 9 “This Directive comes to clearly control archaeological procedures to be carried out by any applicant who wishes to execute potentially damaging enterprises to the limited core of Archaeological Cultural Patrimony. The norm is didactically divided into obligations according to criteria to obtain Environmental Licenses, according to the ordinance of Environmental Licensing and so agree with the interests of the public fields for the protection of the Cultural Environment”. (Bastos, Souza & Gallo, 2006: 48)

The Lausanne Letter, from 1990, which aims at the protection and management of the archaeological patrimony, emphasizes the necessity for public, community participation, which must be integrated with the policies of conservation of the archaeological patrimony, especially when one verifies that the same preservation finds itself at risk. (Cury, 2000) Based on this principle, the archaeologist must have the population 72

F.V. CERQUEIRA: INTRODUCTION

close to the archaeological knowledge, he must touch them on the importance of their cultural patrimony. Furthermore, the archaeologist must form an interdisciplinary team to deal with the patrimony issue with all the social and conceptual amplitude that the contemporary debate grants him.

same time, the program does not renounce the technical position, as far as University knowledge on patrimony held by the team deserve to be shared with the communities, in order to give tools for these communities to participate in the political process of patrimonialization of the cultural properties.

The texts that make up this volume consider, partially, the two facets identified here as determinant for public archaeology: on one side the interaction and participation of the communities, and on the other, the results of the application of public policies of preservation of the archaeological patrimony.

Archaeologist Katianne Bruhns, in her article “Patrimonial Education and Forms of Social Inclusion in Projects of Archaeology in Brazil”, presents a reflection based in the group experience, built along various small, medium and large-sized archaeological projects, performed by the patrimonial education team from the company Scientia Scientific Consultancy.

The element of community participation appears more clearly in the projects of patrimonial education held in the Rio Grande do Sul and Santa Catarina states, down in the south of the country.

The author states that patrimonial education became essential in the archaeological projects, centered in the educational processes aimed at cultural patrimony. To K. Bruhns, patrimonial education took up functions of mediator in the relationship between the communities involved and the researchers, being a recipient of the expectations from the two segments. The author seeks to sketch a general view of the functions acquired by patrimonial education in response to the public policies determined by the Historical and Artistic National Patrimony Institute, looking to evaluate their contribution for the process of social inclusion.

The Memoriar Program, an initiative from the Anthropology and Archaeology Laboratory of Pelotas Federal University, with a multidisciplinary team of professionals and students undergraduated in history, architecture, archaeology, anthropology, pedagogy, geography and tourism, started out in 2006, covering an extensive region bordering with Uruguay in the far south of Brazil. It is inserted in a wider project which involves the archaeological survey of that region, since the program results from an agreement made with the company Votorantim Celulose e Papel. This way, the program illustrates one of the dimensions of public archaeology: a legal protection of cultural patrimony, also achieved through educational actions, in the context of the processes of environmental licensing.

Despite not being the central focus, the interaction with the community is present in the archaeological rescuing and mapping projects which are the goal of this volume’s last two articles. As shown before, the article “Archaeological Rescuing of Pelotas Historical Centre” exposes, besides the processes of archaeological intervention and interpretation, the forms of interaction with the community, which happened in different ways: archaeological exhibitions at public festivities and schools, information records brought by visitors, interactive exhibitions during excavations, direct contact with the population at excavations held at the city’s square and patrimonial education project for the laborers at the restoration works promoted by the Monumenta program. The project, under the responsibility of the Anthropology and Archaeology Laboratory at Pelotas Federal University, has been developed since 2002, following on to the present day, given the continuity of the interventions of remodeling the city’s historical centre.

The program seeks to mobilize the local communities to raise the value of their cultural patrimony, stimulating them to become active social agents in their process of definition, protection, preservation and management. The article offers to narrate and evaluate the methodology employed to reach this goal, based on an articulate and successive set of educational actions applied to two fields: in the school environment, aimed at the students and teachers, and the community environment, aimed at the general public. The project’s most remarkable trait is the principle of listening to the communities as a preview indispensable stage to elaborate the contents to be developed during the program application. This research, which seeks to constitute the program’s part denominated Cultural Bank, includes various procedures: questionnaires made with about 0.5 to 1% of the population of the cities involved; photographic records of the local cultural patrimony, having a tangible and intangible nature; conversations with members of the local society, mainly those happening during the municipal fairs. The goal is to comprehend what these communities make of cultural patrimony, what they consider relevant from the cultural and natural point of view, in their hometowns. At the

The public archaeology section finishes with the article “Archaeological Mapping of the Rio Grande do Sul South Region (2005 – 2006)”, by the authorship of the archaeologist team linked to the Anthropology and Archaeology Laboratory at Pelotas Federal University and responsible for the execution of the archaeological survey project held at the region, due to a study of cultural impact anticipated in the process of environmental licensing for the forest undertaking being installed in the area by the company Votorantim Celulose e Papel. 73

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Regarding historical archaeology, the studies, focused in the Old World, involves the Fertile Crescent, the Mediterranean and Eastern Europe and the Balkans. The perspectives opened by these studies do not conform to the definition of the discipline as an “Archaeology of the more recent times”. It fits much more into the concept of “Archaeology of historical times”. Its definition is much more based in the methodological aspect, not only in a “text-aided archaeology”, but in an archaeology based on the multiplicity of testimonies, as a strategy to present a multifaceted view of the past, which enables an interpretative horizon different from that upheld only by the written testimonies. Among the articles published in this volume, we find the articulate use of visual, written and material sources, as well as the resource to the ethnographic comparisons.

The article is focused on presenting the methodology of applied archaeological survey, seeking to evaluate its extent and presenting its variations and adaptations to specific situations. The authors, however, report the methods used to develop interactions with the community. Basically, the project resorts to three forms of interaction. The first form is the most traditional in archaeology, achieved by way of contact with the local informants, such as farm hands, in order to get oral information about the area where the archaeological survey is to take place. Still, the most interesting experience is reached in two distinct procedures: the record of information brought by the public who visit the archaeological exhibitions held at the municipal fairs and festivities and at educational actions performed along third party companies and with active handiwork at the enterprise. By taking these technical information, on the archaeological material, to these distinct publics, moving them in regard to the value of regional archaeological patrimony, raising the value of popular knowledge about the remains of the past, are all impacting procedures in these forms of interaction with the public.

The public archaeology articles are very focused in achieving archaeological survey and rescue projects, as well as patrimonial education, anticipated in the legal regulation which establishes the public interest for the preservation of cultural patrimony, especially in the range of the processes of environmental licensing. The dimension of interaction with the public during research and safekeeping process concerning archaeological patrimony appears mainly in the projects of patrimonial education, which also develop listening mechanisms for the communities to define their educational and management policies. This listening seeks to know, for example, what these communities grasp as cultural patrimony, what they consider as their cultural patrimony, how they connect it to their identity, what they see as landmarks or memorable places of collective interest. This provides very important tools – and even essential ones – to the development of projects of patrimonial education and elaboration proposals for cultural, educational, economic and tourist management of the local patrimony. This line of action denotes a commitment to the citizenship, to the fostering of their self-esteem, and by that to the preoccupation with social inclusion.

That way we see that archaeological patrimonial education, rescue and mapping can be different facets of public archaeology. This would have as its main goal to fulfill the constitutional right of access to cultural properties, as far as showing that archaeological knowledge and archaeological memory holders must be identified, researched, published, promoted, taken to museums and to sightseeing. All these are necessary forms of sharing with the population the archaeological patrimony, in order that public archaeology contributes to the development, education and cultural enjoyment of the citizenry. More than that, patrimonial education, for example, is a very efficient instrument in terms of social inclusion, which needs, therefore, to be practiced responsibly and with conceptual and pedagogical foundation, being systematically indispensable to make and remake evaluations about the results obtained by actions and educational programs made with the society.

Owing to the realization of archaeological rescue projects in an urban context, both in the range of the interventions of restoration or conservation of historical centers, with their buildings and monuments, and the result of public and private works in the urban subsoils, very often these projects result, in the long run, in the development of historical archaeology research. The massive presence of historical archaeological evidences, be it material findings exhumed from excavations, or material evidences in positive quota, such as preterite edifications, allow a closer dialogue with the urban and rural communities. These artifacts are often very close to the communities, by analogy with forms and contemporary utensils, or by making up the human landscape through which these populations walk on a daily basis, using it as a support for the construction of their identity. One points out, thus, a great potential of cooperation between the historical and urban archaeology, exemplified in the archaeological

The most characteristic tool of public archaeology used to reach these goals is to develop methodologies that involve the communities participation, not only in the educational projects, but also in various stages of the archaeological work, with active listening and interaction mechanisms with the public. HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY AND PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY: POSSIBLE DIALOGUES AND VARIED PERSPECTIVES This compilation of articles about historical and public archaeology presents possible dialogues between these fields, at the same time it provides a perspective of varied possibilities of research and actions development. 74

F.V. CERQUEIRA: INTRODUCTION

Archaeology. Back from theedge, London, Routledge, 1-20.

rescue project of the Pelotas’ urban area, in Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil.

FUNARI, P.P.A., ZARANKIN, A., STOVEL, Emily (eds). (2005) Global Archaeological Theory. Contextual voices and contemporary thoughts, New York, Springer.

The reader of this compilation will find a wide range of possible perspectives of approach to the public and historical archaeology, without running out of the ample source of approaches which characterizes these disciplines in the contemporary scene. English Version Maria Cristina Kormikiari

FUNARI, P.P.A., POLLINI, A. (2005) Greek perceptions of frontier in Magna Graecia: literature and archaeology in dialogue. Studia Historica, Historia Antigua, Salamanca, v. 23, p. 331-344. FUNARI, P.P.A., ROBRAHN-GONZÁLEZ, E.M. (2006) Editorial. Revista Arqueologia Pública. São Paulo: NEE/Arqueologia Pública, UNICAMP, n. 1, p. 3.

References ALBUQUERQUE, M. (1992) “Arqueologia Histórica, Arquitetura e Restauração” In Clio – Série Arqueológica, Recife, nº 08, p. 131-151.

FUNARI, P.P.A., ROBRAHN-GONZÁLEZ, E.M. (2007) Editorial. Revista Arqueologia Pública. São Paulo: NEE/Arqueologia Pública, UNICAMP, n. 2, p. 3.

APPADURAI, A. (1986) Theory in Anthropology: Center and Periphery. Comparative Studies in Society and History. vol. 29, p. 356-361. APPADURAI, A. (1996) Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimension of Globalization. Minneapolis, London: University of Minnesota.

FUNARI, P.P.A., ZARANKIN, A. (orgs.) (2006) Arqueología de la represión y la resistencia en América Latina. 1960-1980. Colección Con-textos humanos. Universidad Nacional de Catamarca. Facultad de Humanidades. Córdoba: Encuentro Grupo Editor.

BASTOS, R.L.; SOUZA, M.C. de & GALLO, H. (org.) (2005) Normas e Gerenciamento do Patrimônio Arqueológico. Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional. 9ª Superintendência Regional, São Paulo: 9ªSR/IPHAN.

FUNARI, P.P.A., ZARANKIN, A., REIS, J.A. dos. (orgs.) (2008) Arqueologia da repressão e da resistência. América Latina na era das ditaduras (décadas de 1960-1980). São Paulo: Annablume; FAPESP.

CERQUEIRA, F.V. (2005) Patrimônio cultural, escola, cidadania e desenvolvimento sustentável, Diálogos. Revista do Departamento de História e do Programa de Pós-graduação em História da Universidade Estadual de Maringá, vol. 9, nº 1, p. 91-110.

GONZÁLEZ-RUIBAL, A. (2008) Time to Destroy. An Archaeology of Supermodernity. Current Anthropology. Vol. 49, n. 2, April, p. 247-279. HALL, Stuart (2003) Identidade Cultural na PósModernidade. Tradução Garcia Lopes Louro, Thomaz Tadeu da Silva. 7ª ed. Rio de Janeiro: DP&A.

CERQUEIRA, F.V., CARON, L. (2006) Public Archaeology. Participation of public power in managing memory generated through archaeological heritage, from the point of view of Law and cultural policies. In: Book of Abstracts of the XV Congress of the International Union for Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences, Lisboa, p. 596.

HALL, Stuart; GAY, Paul du. (1996) Questions of Cultural Identity. London: Sage Publications. HINGLEY, R. (2005) Globalizing Roman Culture: Unity, Diversity and Empire. London: Routledge. JONES, S. (1997) The Archaeology of Ethnicity. Constructing identities in the past and present. London: Routledge.

CURY, I. (2000) Carta para a proteção e a gestão do Patrimônio arqueológico: Carta de Lausanne. In: Cury, I. Cartas Patrimoniais. Edições do patrimônio. 2ª ed. Rio de Janeiro: IPHAN.

JULIANI, L. de J.C.O. (1996) Gestão Arqueológica em Metrópoles: Uma Proposta para São Paulo. Masters Dissertation – USP, São Paulo.

FOUCAULT, M. (1969) L’Archéologie du Savoir. Paris: Gallimard.

LIMA, T.A. (2002) Os marcos teóricos da Arqueologia histórica, suas possibilidades e limites In: Estudos Ibero-americanos. Porto Alegre: PUCRS, december.

FUNARI, P.P.A. (2007) Teoria e Arqueologia histórica: a América Latina e o Mundo. Revista Latino-Americana de historical Archaeology, vol.1, n. 1. julho – dez, p 49 – 56. FUNARI, P.P.A. (2007b) Teoria e Arqueologia histórica: a América Latina e o Mundo. Revista LatinoAmericana de historical Archaeology, vol.1, n. 1. julho – dez, p 49 – 56.

LIMA, T.A., BRUNO, M.C.; FONSECA, M.P.R. (1993) “Sintomas do modo de vida burguês no Vale do Paraíba, séc. XIX: Fazenda São Bernardo, Vassouras, RJ. Exploração arqueológica e museológica.” In: Anais do Museu Paulista, Nova Série, nº 1, p. 179205.

FUNARI, P.P.A., JONES, S. & HALL, M. (1999) Introduction: archaeology in history. In Funari, P.P. A., Jones, S. & Hall, M. (eds), Historical

LIMA, T.A., FONSECA, M.P.R., SAMPAIO, A.C. de O., FENZL-NEPOMUCENO, A., MARTINS, A.H.D. (1989) “A tralha doméstica em meados do século 75

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

XIX: reflexos da emergência da pequena burguesia do Rio de Janeiro.” In: Dédalo, hand-out publication, 1: 205-230, São Paulo.

SINGLETON, T.A. ed. (1999) “I, Too, Am America”: Archaeological Studies of African American Life. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia.

LÓPEZ MAZZA, J.Ma. (2006) Um olhar arqueológico sobre a repressão política no Uruguai (1971/85). In: Funari, P.P. A., Zarankin, A. (orgs.) Arqueología de la represión y la resistencia en América Latina. 19601980. Colección Con-textos humanos. Universidad Nacional de Catamarca. Facultad de Humanidades. Córdoba: Encuentro Grupo Editor, p. 147-158.

SOUZA, B. de. (2003) Ações Parlamentares 4. Leis, projetos, emendas e pareceres. 1999-2002. Porto Alegre: Assembléia Legislativa do Rio Grande do Sul, março, p. 71-73. SYMANSKI, L.C.P. (1998) Espaço Privado e Vida Material em Porto Alegre no século XIX. Porto Alegre: EDIPUCRS.

MACHADO, M.B.P. (2004) Educação patrimonial. Orientações para os professores do ensino fundamental e médio. Caxias do Sul: Maneco Liv. & Ed.

THIESEN, B.V. (2005) Fábrica, Identidade e Paisagem Urbana: Arqueologia da Bopp Irmãos. (1906-1924). PhD Thesis. Porto Alegre, Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul.

ORSER, C.E., Jr. (1990) Archaeological approaches to New World plantation slavery. In Archaeological Method and Theory (ed M.B. Schiffer), vol.2, Tucson: University of Arizona Press, pp. 111-154.

TOCCHETTO, F.B. et alli. (2001) A faiança Fina em Porto Alegre – Vestígios Arqueológicos de uma Cidade. Porto Alegre: UE / Secretaria Municipal de Cultura.

ORSER, C.E., Jr. (1992) Introdução à Arqueologia histórica. Belo Horizonte: Oficina de Livros.

TOCCHETTO, F., SANTOS, S., SYMANSKI, L.C. (1999) Programa de Arqueologia Urbana do Município de Porto Alegre, RS. Revista do CEPA, v. 23, nº 30, Santa Cruz do Sul: Editora da UNISC, p. 75-101.

ORSER, C.E., Jr. (1998) The archaeology of the African diaspora. Annual Review of Anthropology, 27:63-82. ORSER, C.E., Jr., FAGAN, Brian M. (1995) Historical Archaeology. Nova Iorque: Harpers Collins College Publishers.

VIANA, S.A., MELLO, P.J.C. & BARBOSA, M. de O. (2004) Sítio Arqueológico Vale dos Sonhos: Educação Patrimonial em Contexto Urbano. Habitus, v. 2, n.1, jan.-jun., p. 51-71.

ORSER, C.E., Jr., FUNARI, P.P.A. (2004) Arqueologia da resistência escrava. Cadernos do LEPAARQ. Textos de Antropologia, Arqueologia e Patrimônio. Vol. 1, n. 2, Pelotas: Editora e Gráfica da UFPEL, p. 11-25.

ZARANKIN, A. (1996) “Una Aproximación Teórica al trabajo en Arqueologia Urbana.” In Historical Archaeology in Latin America, nº14. Columbia: University of South Carolina.

SARIAN, H. (1999) Arqueologia da Imagem: aspectos teóricos e metodológicos na iconografia de Héstia. Revista do MAE, supl. 3, p. 69 a 84.

ZARANKIN, A. (2002) Paredes que domesticam. Arqueologia da arquitetura escolar capitalista: o caso de Buenos Aires. Campinas: Centro de Arte e Arqueologia, UNICAMP.

SCHAVELZON, D. (1994) “Arqueologia e História de la Imprenta Coni, Buenos Aires.” Historical Archaeology in Latin America, V.6. Columbia: University of South Carolina.

ZARANKIN, A., NIRO, C. (2006) A materialização do sadismo: arqueologia da arquitetura dos Centros Clandestinos de Detenção da ditadura militar argentina (1976/83). In: Funari, P.P.A., Zarankin, A. (orgs.) Arqueología de la represión y la resistencia en América Latina. 1960-1980. Colección Con-textos humanos. Universidad Nacional de Catamarca. Facultad de Humanidades. Córdoba: Encuentro Grupo Editor, p. 159-182.

SCHAVELZON, D. (1991) historical Archaeology en Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires: Corregidor. SCHUYLER, R. (org.) (1978) Historical Archaeology: a guide to substantive and theoretical contributions. Edited by Robert Schuyler, Baywood Publishing Company, Inc. New York, p. 27-32. SINGLETON, T.A. (1995) The archaeology of slavery in North America. Annual Review of Anthropology, 24:119-40.

76

À LA TABLE DU ROI HAMMURABI DE BABYLONE – D’APRÈS LES TABLETTES DE LA YALE BABYLONIAN COLLECTION Liliane PLOUVIER historienne de la gastronomie (Haute École Francisco Ferrer de Bruxelles) Résumé: Les tablettes des YBC 4644, YBC 8958 et YBC 4648 présentent un intérêt tout-à-fait exceptionnel, puisqu’elles contiennent les premières recettes culinaires actuellement connues. Originaires de la Mésopotamie méridionale, elles ont été rédigées en écriture cunéifome et en langue akkadienne entre – 1700 et – 1600. Leurs extrêmes raffinement et complexité reflètent les fastes épulaires déployés à la cour de Hammurabi, roi de Babylone entre – 1792 et – 1750. Les trois tablettes ont été éditées et traduites en français par l’assyriologue Jean Bottéro. Grâce à ces documents uniques, les canons sur lesquels repose la haute cuisine babylonienne sont désormais mieux connus. Si elle donne la préférence au bouilli et inaugure, ce faisant, les théories hippocratique et aristotélicienne, les queux ne dénigrent toutefois pas le rôti. La culture alimentaire paléo-babylonienne ne repose pas d’avantage sur la triade grécoromaine – vin / pain / huile (entendue d’olive) – qui sera sacralisée par le christianisme. D’une part, les graisses préférées sont l’huile de sésame, la graisse de queue de mouton et le beurre clarifié. De l’autre, le vin ne possède pas le caractère sacré (sacra vitis ) que lui confère le monde classique et latino-médiéval. C’est la bière (sikaru en akkadien, kas en sumérien) qui est considérée comme le nec plus ultra. La valeur élevée dont elle jouit se répercute sur le pain qui lui est inséparable car il joue un rôle fondamental dans le processus de brassage (comme en Egypte). Cependant, le pain babylonien diffère complètement du classique panis furnaceus. Le pain le plus commun est le sebetu, une galette cuite dans un four vertical avec ouverture au sommet. En akkadien il est appelé tinuri (du sumérien turuna ), à l’origine du tannur arabe, tanura iranien, tanur turc et tandur indien. Les tablettes citent enfin trois autres confections à base de céréales: le bappiru et le risnatu (qui sont synonymes), ainsi que le qaiiatu. Ils désignent des pâtes alimentaires du type pasta grattugiata, comme il résulte de la recette du paasrutum ou me (consommé) aux miettes, dans laquelle interviennent les verbes hasalu et napu signifiant, d’une part, que le râpage du patôn se fait contre un tamis et, de l’autre, que les miettes sont pochées dans le me. Le qaiiatu étant de surcroît torréfié se rapproche en outre de l’actuelle fregola sarde. À Babylone, le sang est par ailleurs doté de toutes les vertus: nourriture des dieux, symbole de fraternité, source de vie et de santé. Les me/ mu de la YBC 4644 y ont souvent recours. Le canard au sang qui est un des sommets de la haute cuisine française et fait toujours la renommée de la célébrissime “Tour d’Argent” à Paris descendrait-il du me bidsud (un palmipède)? Mots-clef: Assyriologie – Mésopotamie – Babylone – Alimentation – Culinaire Abstract: The Yale Culinary Tablets are exceptional because they give the first receipes known presently. Originated from South Mesopotamia, they are written and in Accadian and in cuneiform characters between 1700 and 1600 BC. Their extreme refinement reflects the splendor of the court of Hammurabi, king of Babylonia between 1792 and 1750 BC. These documents give precious information about the haute cuisine of that time. Boiled food is considered superior to roasted food; Aristotle will defend the same theory. On the other hand, the Greek trio – wine / bread / (olive) oil – is replaced by an other composition made of sesam oil, mutton tail grease and fermented butter. Beer and bread are inseparable, the latter enters in the preparation of the former. But the Babylonian bread differs completely from the classic panis furnaceus. The most common one is the sebetu cooked in a vertical oven called tinuri in Accadian; it subsists in the Arab tannur, the Iranian tanura, the Turkish tanur and the Indian tandur. The tablets also mention pasta grattugiata named bappiru, risnatu and qaiiatu. Finally, game blood seasons delicious broths. It has also many qualities for health and taste. Keywords: Assyriology – Mesopotamy – Babylon – Alimentation – Culinary art

trésors (- 1759). Aussi bien, la Maison du célèbre souverain juriste est-elle la seule à disposer d’une brigade de professionnels capables de les mettre en oeuvre. Cette brigade est placée sous les ordres d’un ou de plusieurs chefs appelés nuhatimmu-s en akkadien et muhaldim-s en sumérien. Jean Bottéro spécifie que les queux royaux sont toujours des hommes qui, selon une conviction persistante, seraient les seuls à pouvoir accéder à une culture gastronomique de haut envol.2 Quant aux femmes, elles sont cantonnées dans le rôle de “petites mains”. Selon Nele Ziegler (2003: 18), les cuisines palatales les chargent principalement de la fabrication du pain et de la bière, tâche féminine par excellence. Les trois tablettes

INTRODUCTION Les tablettes des YBC 4644, YBC 8958 et YBC 4648 présentent un intérêt tout-à-fait exceptionnel, puisqu’elles contiennent les premières recettes culinaires actuellement connues. Originaires de la Mésopotamie méridionale, elles sont rédigées en écriture cunéifome et en langue akkadienne entre – 1700 et – 1600. Comme le pense l’assyriologue de l’université de Leyde Eveline J. van der Steen (1995: 40-46), leurs extrêmes raffinement et complexité reflètent les fastes épulaires déployés à la cour de Hammurabi, roi de Babylone entre – 1792 et – 1750 (Cf. Charpin, 2003). Il est le monarque le plus puissant de l’époque paléo-babylonienne, surtout après la conquête de Mari1 en – 1760 et la mainmise sur ses inestimables

vestiges du palais royal de Mari sont les seuls témoins fondamentaux de la grandiose architecture palatale de l’époque paléo-babylonienne. 2 Comme le prouve le “Top 50” des plus grands chefs du monde en 2005, l’univers “triplement étoilé” y est, à quelques exceptions près, toujours masculine. (Bottéro 2002: 124).

1

L’ancienne capitale du royaume de Zimri -Lim vaincu par Hammurabi est située sur l’Euphrate en Syrie, près de la frontière irakienne; les

77

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

raisin de primeur, fruits exotiques en branches, rameaux d’arbres fruitiers, (...), fruits divers du jardin: Enlil les dépêcha tous à Erès” (Lion, 2003: 5). Un tel culte de la table est plutôt exceptionnel durant la très Haute Antiquité. Il existe aussi en Égypte, mais y est surtout pratiqué dans un contexte funéraire (Bresciani, 1996: 61 et s.). C’est sans doute pourquoi, contrairement à leurs confrères mésopotamiens, les scribes égyptiens n’ont laissé aucun carnet de recettes (Pierre Tallet, 2003). Il faut attendre les Grecs pour voir refleurir la littérature gastronomique dans l’environnement méditerranéen. Les Deipnosophistes rédigé par Athénée au IIIe siècle de notre ère ont sauvé quelques bribes de l’Hédypathie composée aux alentours de – 330 par Archéstrate, le seul à donner des recettes; celles-ci ne font cependant pas l’objet d’un traité culinaire mais d’un poème.3

YBC sont éditées et traduites en français par le célèbre assyriologue Jean Bottéro (1995). Elles confirment le niveau élevé de la civilisation paléo-babylonienne, dont la prééminence est en outre attestée par de nombreux documents écrits et archéologiques. Certaines recettes décrivent de surcroît plusieurs mets ayant non seulement persisté dans la gastronomie d’Orient mais aussi dans celle d’Occident. À l’heure où l’Irak est le champ d’une bataille sans merci, il n’est pas inutile de rappeler que cet État au passé prestigieux est le berceau de notre civilisation. En continuant à le détruire sauvagement, l’humanité perdra à tout jamais ses racines les plus précieuses. Alors qu’aujourd’hui les terres ravagées du pays de “L’Entre-fleuves” ne parviennent pas à nourrir ses habitants, la Mésopotamie antique possède une agriculture riche et abondante. Un ingénieux réseau hydraulique est mis en place qui irrigue la plaine via un système de canaux alimentés par le Tigre et l’Euphrate (Ziegler, 2001: 415 et s.). Les sols ainsi fécondés conviennent particulièrement à la culture des céréales (orge, blé) et des palmiers-dattiers, tandis que les steppes herbeuses favorisent l’élevage (ovins, bovins, caprins). D’aucuns paissent le long des rivages salins des deux rivières mythiques et possèdent la saveur exquise des “prés-salés”, toujours appréciée par les gourmets du XXIe siècle. Les fertiles vergers et potagers fournissent par ailleurs fruits et légumes; en outre la chasse procure le gibier, la pêche les poissons, la basse-cour les volailles (sauf les poulets qui sont introduits au cours du Ier millénaire). Si ces produits sont repris dans le chapitre “Alimentation” de l’ “Encyclopédie” de Mari remontant au début du IIe millénaire (Bottéro, 2002: 39-40), les trois tablettes de la YBC n’en retiennent qu’un nombre limité. Bottéro en déduit qu’elles “sont les seules épaves d’un vaste naufrage” (Bottéro, 1995: 152).

Les tablettes babyloniennes sont, par contre, de véritables réceptaires; elles sont malheureusement fort déteriorées et utilisent souvent des ingrédients que Bottéro n’a pas toujours pu identifier, malgré des recherches longues et approfondies. Leur déchiffrage en est d’autant plus difficile. LES TABLETTES YBC YBC 4644 Les recettes de la première tablette (YBC 4644) sont en outre rédigées dans un style lapidaire et ne donnent que peu d’indications sur le travail culinaire censé connu par les cuisiniers. De fait, elles consistent en une énumération mnémotechnique des ingrédients qui les composent. Durant des siècles, les livres de cuisine adopteront cette forme d’aides-mémoire. La fameuse compilation romaine connue sous le nom de De re coquinaria élaborée au Ve siècle et attribuée erronément à Apicius4 utilise la même approche télégraphique, tout comme la plupart des réceptaires du Moyen Âge latin.5 La tablette 4644 de la YBC donne à chaque recette un intitulé dans lequel entre généralement le mot mu (ou me ). En sumérien, celui-ci se réfère à une certaine vision du monde (cf. Laffont, in Joannès, 2001: 514) où l’art de la table semble occuper une place privilégiée: voyez le repas arrosé qu’Inanna partage avec son divin père Enki (cf. Lion, 2003: 6). Au cours des agapes, le dieu complètement ivre donne à sa fille une cinquantaine de me; eu égard au contexte dans lequel le cadeau est offert, on peut supposer qu’il comporte des nourritures, d’autant plus que mu est aussi l’ abréviation de muhaldim: queux (Bottéro, 2002: 124).

Ayant été élaborés à peine un millénaire et demi après l’invention de l’écriture cunéiforme, ces textes démontrent l’intérêt précoce porté par les Babyloniens à la gastronomie; celle-ci est placée au coeur même de l’univers palatal qui vit notamment au rythme de banquets somptueux, principalement destinés à glorifier le souverain. On peut en deviner la luxuriance grâce à un mythe sumérien du début du IIe millénaire, qui relate les épousailles de la déesse Sud avec le dieu Enlil; celui-ci envoie à la ville d’Erès où se déroulent les noces une quantité prodigieuse de victuailles destinée principalement au repas de mariage: “Bovidés trapus, lourdement cornus et meuglants, vaches avec leurs veaux, bétail sauvage aux amples cornes, menés de laisses précieuses, brebis avec leurs agneaux, chèvres avec leurs cabris, cabriolant et luttant entre eux, chevreaux râblés, à la longue barbiche, piaffant de leurs sabots, agneaux (...), moutons dignes du roi: Enlil les dépêcha tous à Érès. Tommes, fromages aromatisés, fromageons, (...), produits du lait de toute sorte, (...), miel blanc, miel durci, (...); Enlil les dépêcha tous à Érès. (...), dattes, figues, lourdes grenades, cerises, prunes, noix de Halub, pistaches, glands, dattes de Dilmun par paniers, régimes à la couleur sombre, grenades aux larges grains, grappes massives de

Le mu (ou me ) de la YBC 4644 apparaît comme un mets polyvalent qui vise toute préparation associant des 3

The life of Luxury, tr. angl. J. Wilkins et S. Hill, Allaleigh House (Angleterre), 1994. 4 Éd. et tr. fr. Jacques André, Apicius, L’art culinaire, Paris, 1974. 5 Voyez par exemple le célèbre Viandier que s’est attribué Taillevent, queux des rois Valois de France au XIVe siècle.

78

L. PLOUVIER: À LA TABLE DU ROI HAMMURABI DE BABYLONE...

aliments solides à une matière liquide plus ou moins liée. Le fait qu’une tablette entière lui soit exclusivement consacrée laisse en outre supposer que le mu / me occupe un épisode à part entière du repas. En somme, il est correspond au “potage” / potagio médiéval francoanglais, qui constitue une séquence (appelée “mets “ou “assiette”, course en anglais) primordiale du festin, tout en désignant les apprêts culinaires qui en font partie et reposent sur la même combinaison: liquide / solide, ce dernier étant baptisé “grain” en vieux français.6

PAIN ET BIÈRE

YBC 8958

I. Pain

En revanche, la seconde tablette (YBC 8958) est nettement plus prolixe. Son concepteur fait preuve d’une précision aussi étonnante qu’exceptionnelle; l’importance qu’il accorde au moindre détail relève parfois de la maniaquerie. Ainsi, certaines matières premières nécessitent jusqu’à six opérations culinaires différentes.... Elles font de surcroît l’objet de “lavages” incessants (parfois quatre!). Les casseroles aussi doivent continuellement être récurées. Les Mésopotamiens sont à l’évidence préoccupés par la propreté. “C’est une abomination que de porter à la bouche des mains impures”, proclame un proverbe (Glassner, 2003: 46).

Le pain paléo-babylonien est désigné par le terme générique ninda (sumérien) / akalu (akkadien) qui vise en même temps n’importe quel aliment quoique de préférence d’origine céréalière (Michel, in Joannès, 2001: 613).

À l’instar de sa consoeur égyptienne (Peters-Destécart, 2005), la gastronomie babylonienne repose sur deux piliers: le pain et la bière qui sont non seulement inséparables mais aussi interdépendants, le premier entrant dans le processus de fabrication de la seconde. Ils constituent en outre les symboles par excellence de l’hospitalité et leur partage scelle une alliance indéfectible.

A. Fours et Foyers La qualité du produit fini, galette plus ou moins fine, pain sans mie voire miche épaisse, dépend de plusieurs facteurs. Ainsi, la manière dont le pâton (= mélange de farine et d’eau) est travaillé aboutit à des résultats différents selon qu’il est ensemencé ou non, abaissé ou non. La structure à combustion exerce, de surcroît, un rôle déterminant. Elle peut être aussi bien ouverte que fermée. Le système aérien requiert en principe un ustensile réfractaire afin d’empêcher que la pâte n’entre directement en contact avec la source de chaleur.

Avant de se mettre à table les convives sont en outre revêtus de costumes neufs après avoir été oints d’huiles parfumées (Joannès, 1996: 53). L’épopée de Gilgamès (Bottéro, 1992) démontre combien les soins du corps sont une preuve de civilisation voire de supériorité (Bottéro, 2002: 64). Les superbes baignoires retrouvées à Mari confirment ce souci d’hygiène (Charpin, 2003: 136). Il s’applique manifestement aussi aux aliments: plus ils sont propres, plus ils sont nobles. Cela dit, la profusion d’indications contenues dans la YBC 8958 occulte malheureusement des données essentielles, telles que les proportions et les durées de cuisson en sorte que cette tablette n’est pas plus facile à décrypter que la précédente. Le mu / me y occupe une position subsidiaire. La 8958 se consacre principalement à des préparations spectaculaires inaugurant les impressionnantes pièces montées qui, au Moyen Âge, font partie du service des “entremets” (sotelte anglais), destinés aussi bien à éblouir le regard des convives qu’à flatter leur palais. Carême (1784 – 1833), le plus fabuleux pâtissier-cuisinier de tous les temps, les baptise vols-au-vent car ils partent à la conquête des airs, tels la tour de Babel (autre nom de Babylone)

La cuisson en vase clos se pratique le plus souvent dans un four qui ne nécessite par contre aucun intermédiaire culinaire, sauf éventuellement un moule à pain-galette. En Orient, le four vertical ou tinuri est le plus répandu; le four à niveaux ou four du potier et le four mobile surnommé cloche à cuire sont également utilisés. Par contre, le classique four horizontal dit à coupole (furnus ) est moins courant. Selon Adam Maurizio (Maurizio, 1932: 358 et s.), les galettes et pains sont issus de la bouille néolithique qui, proclame un proverbe russe, est la mère de toute nourriture. La YBC l’appelle sipku. 1. Structures ouvertes

YBC 4648

FOYER (KINUNI )

La dernière tablette (YBC 4648), à la fois trop brève (trois recettes) et trop abîmée, ne fournit que peu d’informations.

La structure primitive est sans conteste le foyer, omniprésent dans le monde dès le paléolithique. Les boulangers mésopotamiens continuent d’y avoir recours. Le kaman tumri akkadien est une fouace, dite en latin focacius ou panis subcinericius: galette sous la cendre. Un simple pâton non levé est fortement abaissé afin d’être cuit à coeur avant que celle-ci ne refroidisse. Les tablettes babyloniennes n’y font pas la moindre allusion

6

Evelyne J. van der Steen, citant Oppenheim, confirme que le repas débute par des mets liquides ou semi-liquides (donc des me / mu ) et ajoute qu’ils sont placés en même temps sur la table; soit exactement comme dans le service dit “à la française” (“Zukanda and other delicacies: Haute cuisine in the days of Hammurabi” cité, p. 43).

79

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

considérant sans doute le kaman tumri comme trop primaire. De fait, dans l’Épopée d’Erra, il n’est apprécié que par les soudards (Bottéro, 2002: 79 – 80). Maurizio (1932: 461) signale sa présence en Syrie au XXe siècle: une fine feuille de pâte est placée sur une surface récurée du foyer et recouverte de cendres qui sont ensuite grattées.

ou tuile. Des plateaux ou moules à galette (qui s’inscrivent d’ailleurs dans leur continuum ) ainsi que des marmites ou chaudrons peuvent être disposés parallèlement sur le plan de cuisson; celui-ci est troué en plusieurs endroits afin d’assurer leur stabilité. Le feu est allumé et entretenu par des ouvertures frontales. D’après Limet, des vestiges de fourneaux de ce type auraient également été trouvés à Mari.

Afin d’éviter que le kaman tumri ne soit souillé, celui-ci est souvent placé sous une brique7 bombée, qui pose les jalons de la cloche à cuire... L’ ina penti est une autre galette de foyer qui, contrairement au kaman tumri, cuit sur les braises; elle, aussi, a recours à une brique bombée du type cloche sur laquelle l’abaisse est collée. Ainsi, une incantation sumérienne / akkadienne appelle un jeune homme à disposer une fine feuille de pâte “sur le dessus d’une brique dans un feu d’épineux” (Limet, 2002: 4041).

Leur incroyable modernité laisse rêveur. Ils fonctionnent exactement comme les fourneaux – “potagers” européens qui ne se généralisent qu’au XVIIe siècle. À Pompéi, des fourneaux maçonnés ont également été découverts mais ils ne contiennent aucun dispositif de chauffage. Le plan de cuisson est simplement recouvert de braises provenant d’un foyer voisin; c’est sur elles que sont posés simultanément les pots (Blanc et Nercessian, 1992: 54).

La brique à ina penti pose les jalons de l’antique mamphula syrienne reprise sous le nom de κλιβανοσ / clibanus dans le monde gréco-romain. Jacques André spécifie que le panis clibanicius “n’est pas un pain au sens où nous l’entendons, bien qu’il soit au levain, mais une galette obtenue en plaquant la pâte à cuire sur la paroi extérieure” du clibanus (André, 1981: 67)8. Le romaniste français ajoute qu’on la rencontre encore de nos jours en Syrie. La mamphula inaugure en effet le moderne saj, une tôle de fer convexe placée au-dessus d’un foyer alimenté d’épineux et sur laquelle les paysannes libano-syriennes (Kanafani-Zahar, 1994: 96) étalent une abaisse ayant été soumise à plusieurs mouvements rotatifs destinés à l’amincir au maximum. Henri Limet confirme que la “galette sur brique” paléo-babylonienne est aussi mince et souple que celle obtenue avec habileté par les femmes syriennes dans les villages9. Eveline J. van der Steen renchérit et signale que les archéologues ont retrouvé des traces de mamphula/ saj remontant aux temps dits mosaïques, soit vers – 1500 (Van der Steen, 1992: 47).

2. Structures fermées TINURI Le tinuri (akkadien) / turuna (sumérien), utilisé au Proche Orient dès le Néolithique, est un four vertical avec ouverture au sommet. Dans la YBC, il sert notamment à la cuisson de la galette sebetu. Un pâton azyme est aplati et plaqué sur sa paroi intérieure dont il se détache facilement aussitôt cuit. Le tinuri est introduit en Égypte durant le Nouvel Empire (à partir de -1552). Avant cette époque, le pain (à base de pâte levée) était cuit dans un pot en terre hermétique (bedja ) placé dans un foyer et faisant en somme office de four. Ce pot était cassé après cuisson. e tinuri est également exporté en Grèce à l’Âge du Bronze (- 3250 à – 1050) sous le nom de “four-pithoi” (Prevost-Dermarkar, 2002: 232); mais celui-ci y entre en concurrence avec le four à coupole qui l’ évince assez rapidement.

Les tablettes de la YBC ne mentionnent pas plus l’ ina penti que le kaman tumri.

Les tablettes de la YBC utilisent, de surcroît, le tinuri pour une cuisson aérienne qui a lieu sur son orifice supérieur via un moule à galette. Cela dit, le tinuri est la seule structure à combustion mentionée explicitement par celles-ci.

Fourneau Maçonné L’assyriologue de l’université de Liège, Henri Limet, est convaincu qu’une telle structure pourtant relativement complexe existe dès l’époque paléo-babylonienne (Limet, 2002: 46). Il décrit (dessin à l’appui) des fourneaux maçonnés permettant de réaliser en même temps plusieurs préparations. Ces fourneaux nécessitent évidemment des intermédiaires culinaires plus sophistiqués que la brique

Il survit dans le tannur arabe, tanura iranien, tanur turc et tandur indien, tandis que le sebetu inaugure notamment le naan indien et bien sûr le kubz tannur arabe. Durant le Moyen Âge, il est adopté par l’Europe occidentale, principalement par al-Andalus.

7

Appelée tegula = tuile dans le monde romain (André, 1981: 67; utilisée à l’origine comme matériau de construction en paléo-Babylonie, la brique peut en effet adopter des formes très diverses: plates, convexes, concaves (Sauvage in Joannès, 2003: 144 ). 8 L’auteur ajoute que cette technique est originaire d’Orient (Andre, 1981: 68). 9 L’assyriologue ajoute qu’elles utilisent toutefois un tannur. (Limet, 2002: 41) Ce n’est pas l’avis de Aïda Kanafani-Zahar (1994: 95); selon elle, le tannur est désormais supplanté par le saj.

FOUR À NIVEAUX (FOUR DU POTIER) En outre, les paléo-Babyloniens connaissent forcément le four du potier puisqu’ il a probablement été mis au point dans leur pays. Mohamed Oubahli (2002-2003: 229) signale que des vestiges remontant entre – 5200 et – 5100 ont été retrouvés à Eridu en Basse Mésopotamie. 80

L. PLOUVIER: À LA TABLE DU ROI HAMMURABI DE BABYLONE...

Ce four (utunu en akkadien, udun en sumérien) possède en principe deux niveaux. Le combustible se trouve dans la partie inférieure et est séparé par une cloison perforée de la chambre de chauffe située dans la partie supérieure où sont placés les pots crus (Corinne Castel in: Joannès, 2001: 342).

comme il résulte des expérimentations archéoboulangères dirigées par Noor Mulder-Heymans en Palestine. S’étant installée dans un village de Druzes, gardiens de la tradition, elle leur a demandé de construire un tabun portatif en argile. Ayant obtempéré avec enthousiasme à sa demande, ils l’ont mis en marche. Après avoir abaissé un pâton au plus mince, les boulangers de l’équipe ont été priés de coller la feuille de pâte sur la surface extérieure du tabun... (MulderHeymans, 2002: 206-208). En somme, celui-ci a fait office de saj. Cette expérience met en évidence l’étroite parenté et commune origine entre les deux structures à combustion.

L’utunu / udun est aussi utilisé par les boulangers (Limet, 2002: 43-4). Mohamed Oubahli (2003-2003: 226) spécifie que le ninda / akalu du four à niveaux est également une galette mince et ajoute que le four à niveaux est encore utilisé de nos jours en boulangerie au Proche-Orient où on l’appelle wakdiyya (Oubahli, 2002-2003: 226. Cf. Van der Steen, 1992: 46. Mulder-Heymans, 2002: 200).

FOUR À COUPOLE CLOCHE À CUIRE

Le four horizontal à coupole (furnus en latin) est le prédécesseur du four moderne. Il est doté d’un accès frontal par lequel le pâton est introduit sur la sole. Le furnus subsiste sous sa forme primitive notamment dans les campagnes retirées d’Europe de l’Est et du Maghreb.

Bien que ne figurant pas davantage dans la YBC, la cloche à cuire est, à l’instar de la “brique à galette” dont elle dérive, une des structures les plus anciennement attestées dans les régions à l’Est de la Méditerranée (Oubahli, 2002-2003: 213) et sera adoptée par le Arabes sous le nom de tabun.

Le pâton qui n’est pas abaissé cuit dans une ambiance chargée d’air brûlant et est par définition réalisé avec une céréale panifiable (= riche en gluten susceptible de fermenter; c’est notamment le cas de la plupart des blés – Triticum ). C’est pourquoi, le panis furnaceus monte mieux que le panis artopticius et donne en général un pain de mie plus légèr et alvéolé.

La cloche sert avant tout à la cuisson en vase clos. Se fondant sur le manuel d’archéologie biblique de Barrois, Mohamed Oubahli (2002-2003: 210) décrit son mode de fonctionnement. Un pot en terre cuite est renversé sur un plateau et est chauffé de l’extérieur avec de la paille embrasée. Ici, le pâton préalablement ensemencé avec de la levure ou du levain n’est toutefois pas abaissé. Il est introduit sous la cloche à travers un trou qui est percé en son sommet et ensuite obturé. Durant la cuisson, le pâton monte et ne perd pas son humidité. Mohamed Oubahli (2002-2003: 210) citant Maurizio confirme qu’il devient plus léger par division du fait de sa propre vapeur. Le ninda / akalu sous cloche ne donne par conséquent pas une galette plate mais un pain de mie plus ou moins épais.

L’existence du four horizontal à voûte en paléoMésopotamie est controversée. Les tablettes de la YBC n’y font pas la moindre allusion, tandis que les vestiges archéologiques sont insuffisants pour pouvoir être interprétés de manière certaine (Limet, 2002: 44). Jean Bottéro (2002: 82-3) est néanmoins convaincu que les boulangers babyloniens le connaissent. Mohamed Oubahli (2002-2003: 226) prétend au contraire que le furnus ne se diffuse au Levant qu’après la conquête romaine. L’historien en conclut que le panis furnaceus a fort probablement une origine européenne (2002-2003: 224).

Le testu (qui dérive de testudo signifiant tortue, dont il rappelle effectivement la forme) et l’ artopta grécoromains procèdent de manière à peine différente (Mesnil et Popova, 2002: 88). Ils comportent aussi deux parties: d’une part, un fond sur lequel un pâton levé et non abaissé est disposé, de l’autre, un couvercle (n’étant toutefois pas troué) qui est placé au-dessus de celui-ci et recouvert de cendres incandescentes. Jacques André (1981: 67-68) spécifie que la chaleur rayonnant de la voûte exerce une cuisson pénétrante de la pâte avec emmagasinement de l’humidité. Par conséquent, le panis artopticius est une miche comparable au ninda / akalu sous cloche.

De fait, le four à coupole est connu dès le Néolithique dans les Balkans du Sud et en Grèce septentionale qui sont les premières régions d’Europe à faire le saut qualititatif: au VIIe millénaire (Prevost-Dermarkar, 2002: 235).11 Selon Kai Fechner citant Max Waerhen, le plus ancien spécimen entièrement conservé a été découvert à Twann en Suisse et date du néolithique moyen (qui, dans cette région, se situe entre – 3500 et – 2500). Les nombreux pores intérieurs et une reconstitution expérimentale attestent son levage. La surface n’ayant pas subi l’impact du feu laisse par ailleurs supposer une cuisson au four (Fechner, 1992:53). Kai Fechner aboutit dès lors aux mêmes conclusions que Mohamed Oubahli et confirme que le panis furnaceus est spécifique au Vieux Continent (Fechner, 1992:74).

Le testu / artopta subsiste notamment dans les Balkans: les Roumains l’appellent toujours test.10 Suivant l’exemple de l’ancestrale “brique à galette”, la cloche orientale permet accessoirement une cuisson aérienne, 10 Par ailleurs, la tiolla médiévale, qui dérive étymologiquement de tegula, correpond au testu antique en deux parties (Alexandre-Bidon, 2005:88).

11

Dan Monah (2002: 84) pense au contraire qu’il n’y est pas connu avant le Chalcolithique: entre – 4500 et – 3000.

81

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Une fois achevé, le pâte en croûte est placé avec art dans un luxueux makaltu de service. La croûte de soutènement y est délicatement déposée, puis garnie avec la farce et les sebetu-. La galette de couverture est disposée au-dessus de ce troisième type de makaltu et doit être plus large que celui-ci car elle n’est pas soudée à l’abaisse du fond. Certaines tourtes (djudhaba-s) de l’époque abbasside procèdent à peu près de la même façon que le pâté en croûte babylonien; étant moins hautes que celui-ci, elles sont moulées dans une tourtière en sorte que l’abaisse de base ne doit pas être “auto-résistante”. De fait, ces djudhaba-s sont composées de deux fines galettes séparées par une farce en sorte qu’elles ne se touchent pas davantage. Toutefois à Bagdad la tourtière est placée au fond du tannur et non sur son sommet qui est du reste fermé (Oubahli, 2002-2003: 248).

B. Les Moules La pâte à galette – pain sert aussi à la réalisation des pièces montées d’ “entremets” – sotelte: pâtés en croûte, tourtes, timbales, volailles en pâte. Pour les confectionner, les pâtissiers utilisent en général des moules en terre cuite circulaires qui peuvent néanmoins adopter d’autres formes et même être zoomorphes. Les plus belles pièces sont exclusivement réservées au service de table; toujours magnifiquement ornées, parfois fabriquées en matière précieuse, elles font partie de la vaissellerie précieuse du roi (Ziegler, 2001: 18. Guichard, 2003: 68). Des dizaines de spécimens quasi-intacts ont été retrouvés à Mari. La YBC en mentionne plusieurs espèces. MAKALTU

La recette C 26 de la YBC 8958 décrit par ailleurs une timbale de volaille, digne de Carême, en raison notamment de son dressage ultra-compliqué. La croûte et la farce (à base de canard voire d’oie) sont également cuites à part: la première dans un makaltu, la seconde dans un diqaru (contenant un me ). Le volatile est étendu entier sur la galette du makaltu mais pas n’importe comment. Ses cuisses sont désarticulées afin de pouvoir être retournées et ensuite rattachées au corps de la bête au moyen d’une ficelle (Bottéro, 1995: 73 et s.).

Le makaltu est un moule rond en terre cuite qui vise non seulement un plat de cuisson mais aussi un plat de service. Dans la première hypothèse, il est placé au sommet du tinuri (voire sur un fourneau maçonné). Les tablettes l’utilisent pour la réalisation d’abaisses permettant la confection d’un pâté en croûte, comme c’est le cas dans la recette A 26 de la YBC 8958. Il diffère à peine de son descendant européen; le moderne pâté est toutefois dressé dans une terrine qui l’enveloppe complètement et est placée à l’intérieur d’un four horizontal, la pâte et la farce cuisant par conséquent en même temps. Ce n’est pas le cas de A 26. La pâte est divisée en deux abaisses qui sont cuites séparemment dans des makaltu-s, de surcroît, différents car elles n’ont pas la même texture. La première abaisse sert de socle et de paroi qui, précise le texte, a une hauteur de quatre doigts, soit de 6 cm, et doit, ajoute l’auteur, déborder du makaltu (Bottéro, 1995: 68). Il faut donc qu’elle soit suffisamment solide afin de pouvoir se maintenir droite sans appui.

Déguster un canard fabuleux ayant les pattes à l’envers doit être une aventure gastronomique hors du commun! Le queux qui parvient à réaliser un tel exploit est un véritable magicien. ASALLU L’asallu est un autre plat rond en terre cuite qui possède également plusieurs fonctions. Il permet notamment la réalisation de fines galettes et est, à cet effet, placé sur une structure à combustion bâtie: au sommet d’un four tinuri (voire sur le plan de cuisson d’un fourneau maçonnné). La recette G 26 (IV 50) de la tablette 8958 (Bottéro, 1995: 100 – 102) utilise celles-ci pour la confection d’une tourte d’ “entremets” aux oiseaux particulièrement délicate. La pâte est étirée au plus mince (raqqu ) et détachée en feuilles (Bottéro en dénombre au moins trois); une fois cuites sur un asallu plat et graissées (afin qu’elles restent souples et ne collent pas), les feuilles sont superposées les unes sur les autres, farcies des animaux et d’autres garnitures précuits. Cette tourte inaugurerait-elle le murakkak ou feuilletage, mentionné dès les XIIe – XIIIe siècles par les traités culinaires élaborés dans l’Occident musulman (Oubahli, 2002-2003: 294 et s.)?

Au contraire, la seconde abaisse fait office de couvercle et ne risque par conséquent pas de s’écrouler. C’est pourquoi elle peut être beaucoup plus évanescente; de fait, le mot raqqu (à l’origine de l’arabe rukak = feuille de pâte ultra-fine) est utilisé à son propos. Cette feuille est cuite dans un autre type de makaltu ne nécessitant par définition pas de bordure. La farce à base d’oiseaux est préparée à part respectivement dans un diqaru (marmite en argile) et un ruqqu, un chaudron en métal, destiné avant tout à la cuisson des mets liquides ou semi-liquides; elle est accompagnée de petites galettes sebetu-s cuites à l’intérieur du tinuri. Celles-ci sont peut-être destinées à appréhender les aliments faisant partie de la farce.12

En tout état de cause, la tourte d’asallu aux oiseaux évoque la bastela marocaine farcie de pigeons et également

12 Par conséquent, Anna Martellotti (1998:13) a tort d’y voir les prédécesseurs des raviolis; elle imagine en effet que les sebetu-s sont un genre de pasta et subissent, à son instar, une cuisson en milieu humide (the sebetu rolls are cooked together with the meat and soaked in the same sauce ); cette hypothèse est en contradiction totale avec la recette. Martellotti se base en outre sur cet argument fallacieux pour affirmer

que la torta parmesane médiévale, une pièce montée d’ “entremets” composée de plusieurs couches de farce, dans laquelle entrent non seulement des raviolis aussi bien salés que sucrés, mais aussi des volailles, des saucisses, du porc haché, descend des pâtés / tourtes aux oiseaux babyloniens...

82

L. PLOUVIER: À LA TABLE DU ROI HAMMURABI DE BABYLONE...

feuilletée au moyen de ouarka-s cuites sur un plateau en cuivre (tbsil dial ouarka ), mais selon une technique bien particulière et assez récente que Mohamed Oubahli (2002-2003: 374) surnomme celle du “joueur de yoyo”.

II. Bière Sauf un morceau mutilé du début du IIe millénaire, aucune recette de bière, sikaru en akkadien, kas en sumérien, véritable et complète n’a été retrouvée à ce jour. Selon Bottéro, il devait pourtant en exister plusieurs (Bottéro, 2002: 143).

La tourte babylonienne est présentée aux convives après avoir été transférée dans un autre asallu visant un ustensile différent, possèdant des rebords permettant de la soutenir et faisant partie de la vaissellerie précieuse.

Brigitte Lion et Cécile Michel sont néanmoins parvenues à reconstituer grosso modo le procédé de brassage (in Joannès, 2001: 138). Il diffère complètement de celui de la cervoise celte (cerevesia ou celia ) qui, comme la bière moderne, démarre à partir d’une bouillie plus ou moins liquide de céréales maltées. Le sikaru / kas se fait au contraire avec du pain dit de bière. Celui-ci est à base d’orge ou de blé maltés et ensemencé de levures; après avoir subi une cuisson superficielle, il est émietté dans de l’eau. C’est la raison pour laquelle les Mésopotamiens surnomment le sikaru / kas: “pain buvable” ou “bière mangeable”. Les Égyptiens utilisent les mêmes expressions pour désigner leur bière appelée zythum qui est fabriqué selon une méthode analogue; ils en sont probablement les inventeurs (Bottéro, 2002: 141). Le brassage au “pain de bière” est en effet connu dans le pays du Nil dès avant lŒépoque prédynastique (Cf. Hendrickx 2002: 293). Des résidus desséchés ont été trouvés dans le fond de jarres qui remontent à ces temps reculés (Cf. Tallet, 2003: 100). Les documents archéologiques et iconographiques postérieurs (Ancien et Nouvel Empire) sont en outre innombrables Des scènes de brasserie pullulent, en l’espèce, sur les fresques et basreliefs décorant les tombes. On a même retrouvé des figurines de brasseurs (ou brasseuses) à l’oeuvre. De plus, les Égyptiens ont laissé une recette complète de zythum13, alors qu’ils n’ont rédigé aucun livre de cuisine. Enfin, le zythum subsiste aujourd’hui sous le nom de bouza (toujours à base de pain) qui est notamment vendue dans les souks du Caire. Cette perrenité parfaitement exceptionnelle ne peut s’expliquer que par le rôle fondamental et plusieurs fois millénaire joué par la bière dans la civilisation égyptienne. Ce n’est pas le cas de la Mésopotamie ni de l’Irak (même avant la dévastatrice occupation américaine).

La YBC a en outre recours à un asallu creux qui ressemble, selon Bottéro, à un wok (Bottéro, 1995: 100); la même tablette 8958 l’employe pour une bouillie (G 26 IV 49). Peut-être est-il synonyme de sibaltu qui, dans la YBC 4648, sert aussi à une bouillie mais n’a pu été identifié avec certitude par Bottéro (Bottéro, 2002: 83-85). Cela dit, Mohamed Oubahli signale qu’au Maroc existe sous le nom de sallu une sorte de pâtisserie qui oscille entre un gâteau et une bouillie; il amalgame des produits céréaliers précuits, du miel et des fruits secs pilés. On peut raisonnablement penser que sallu dérive d’asallu. Cette hypothèse est d’autant plus plausible que, durant le Moyen Âge, les pâtissiers d’Orient fabriquent le même type de friandise appelée maris. Selon Mohamed Oubahli, elle descend directement du mersu paléo-babylonien (Oubahli, 2002-2003: 361). La recette ne figurant pas dans laYBC, l’historien marocain est néanmoins parvenu à la reconstituer grâce aux listes comptables qui énumèrent les ingrédients nécessaires pour la réaliser et sont reprises par Jean Bottéro (1995: 22). La confection du mersu ne se fait pas dans un asallu; elle est réalisée au moyen d’un diqaru. BASALU Bien qu’orthographiquement proche de l’asallu, le basalu semble viser un moule différent qui sert, en l’espèce, à la cuisson d’une volaille en croûte. Il est probablement décoré de façon particulièrement somptueuse, la recette B 26 de la YBC 8958 l’utilisant pour une composition culinaire d’un extrême raffinement. Sa lecture n’est pas aisée; Bottéro l’a néanmoins déchiffrée. Des pigeons sont préalablement désossés afin que les blancs et les cuisses puissent être traités différemment. Les premiers sont pochés dans un me de mouton (à l’intérieur d’un ruqqu en métal), tandis que les secondes sont enveloppées dans de la pâte après avoir été flambées et cuites en croûte dans un basallu placé sur un tinuri. Lorsque le plat quitte le four, les autres viandes (blancs des pigeons et morceaux de mouton) y sont ajoutées. Le basallu joue donc un double rôle: il sert en même temps d’ustensile de cuisson et de présentation. Le mets est garni in fine d’une salade verte au vinaigre (Bottéro, 1995: 79- 80).

En se fondant sur ce faisceau d’éléments, les égyptologues Edda Bresciani (Bresciani, 1996: 65), Pierre Tallet (2003: 100-101) et Madeleine Peters-Destéract (2005 152-3) ont pu établir précisemment le processus fabrication du zythym qui s’applique également au sikaru / kas. Il peut se résumer en ces termes. 1º On fait germer de l’orge (maltage); 2º en même temps on réduit de l’orge non germé en farine qui est pétrie avec de l’eau. Ce pâton est ensemencé de levain et ensuite cuit superficiellement pour éviter que les ferments ne soient détruits;

Si ce pigeonneau mi-en pâte, mi-en consommé, entrelacé de côtes d’agneau des prés-salés et agrémenté d’herbes fraîches acidulées devait figurer sur la carte d’un restaurant moderne, le Guide Michelin lui attribuerait sans aucun doute trois étoiles.

13 Elle est donnée en grec par l’alchimiste égyptien Zosime de Panoplis à la fin du IIIe siècle de notre ère et est notamment traduite par Pierre Tallet (2003: 100).

83

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

3º le pain précuit est alors émietté dans de l’eau; on lui ajoute le malt et laisse fermenter;

Bottéro, rasanu et bapir signifient: mettre en contact une substance, en l’espèce, une céréale avec un liquide qui doit l’imbiber et en changer la consistance (Bottéro, 1995: 33). Bottéro spécifie que les céréales sont “ainsi amollies, plus ou moins altérées et coagulées par compénétration d’un liquide”. Pour que celui-ci puisse les imprégner à coeur, elles doivent nécessairement faire l’objet d’une transformation brisant leur intégrité. On peut se borner à les concasser; mais pour réaliser un amalgame parfait il est bien sûr préférable de les réduire en farine. En suggérant de mélanger celle-ci avec un liquide, les verbes rasanu / bapir visent dès lors un pétrissage. Bottéro (1995: 65) confirme que, dans la YBC, rasanu “revient partout où il est question de pétrir une pâte”. Celle-ci est, en l’espèce, utilisée pour réaliser un pâton appelé bappiru (ou risnatu ) que Bottéro traduit par “tourteau” voire “gâteau” (Bottéro, 2002: 10).

4º le liquide est filtré in fine. Le zythum / bouza est un breuvage agréablement acidulé et légèrement alcoolisé (la fermentation lactique supplantant la fermentation alcoolique en raison de l’usage de levures sauvages). Cette technique est non seulement exportée en Mésopotamie (où elle a aujourd’hui disparu), mais aussi en Afrique orientale (au Soudan) (Tallet, 2003: 101), où la bouza s’appelle merissa, une spécialité nubienne) et en Europe de l’Est. Maurizio explique qu’on y brasse une bière familiale à base de malt et de pain levé légèrement cuit et dilué dans de l’eau; le tout est mis à fermenter et ensuite filtré. Cette bière s’appelle kwasz en russe (qui est signalé à partir de 990). Maurizio (1932: 237-8) affirme que kwasz signifie acide en slave et est de la même famille que l’allemand sauer. Or, celui-ci provient du francique sur qui correspond au syra slavon dérivant, tous deux, de l’ancien persan sirka ou serkè désignant le vinaigre. Quoiqu’intéressante, la théorie de Maurizio doit être rejetée; kwas provient à l’évidence du sumérien kas, les deux bières étant en outre fabriquées à peu près de la même façon.

Il permet notamment la confection de pâtes alimentaires. Dans cette hypothèse, le pâton (non levé et non abaissé) n’est pas cuit et reste cru. Il est simplement séché avant d’être râpé; les petits débris ainsi obtenus sont ensuite bouillis. La recette 25 IX de la YBC 4644 du paasrutum (de pasaru = émietter), qui s’applique à un me aux miettes, est particulièrement instructive. Elle utilise respectivement les verbes hasalu et napu signifiant, d’une part, que le râpage du patôn (bappiru ) se fait contre un tamis et, de l’autre, que les râpures sont pochées dans le me (Bottéro, 1995: 40). Autrement dit, le risnatu / bappiru de la tablette 4644 sert à la fabrication d’une pâte râpée ou émiettée qui est sans doute le prototype de toutes les paste.

Cela dit, l’ “ale toutankhamon” commercialisée par Harrod’s à Londres en 1996 à 5000 livres sterling la bouteille (Moers, 2004: 49-50) est non seulement purement fantaisiste mais un vaste piège à touristes.... Elle n’a d’ailleurs pas été rééditée.

La pâte émiettée intervient dans d’autres recettes de me/ mu de YBC 4644: mu rouge aux tripes, me de cerf, me de rate, me aux navets. Certains me/ mu aux risnatu-s / bappiru-s enrichissent le liquide avec du lait qui est ajouté en même temps que la pasta.

III. Entre Pain et Bière: La Pasta Selon l’opinion dominante, la pasta aurait été inventée par les Chinois. Elle est confortée grâce à une découverte récente faite par les archéologues de l’Empire du Milieu dans le site de Laija qui a livré un bol en terre cuite rempli de fils plats et allongés; les chercheurs y voient des nouilles qui seraient faites avec de la farine de millet et dateraient de – 2000.14

Certaines recettes aux risnatu-s / bappiru-s comportent en outre des qaiiatu-s: le paasrutum cité ci-dessus et le me de rate. Selon Bottéro, qaiiatu provient de qalu = grain grillé (Bottéro, 1995: 47) et peut, lui aussi, se présenter en forme de “tourteau” (Bottéro, 2002: 102). L’assyriologue spécifie qu’il doit être maraqu: égrugé, c’est-à-dire réduit en granules, sans doute toujours au moyen d’une râpe ou d’un tamis. Ils sont ensuite bouillis dans le me. Le qaiiattu est donc une autre pâte émiettée ayant en outre été torréfiée.

Leur argumentation paraît toutefois plus spéculative que scientifique. Les premières traces écrites de l’existence de la pasta en Chine remonteraient entre le Ier siècle avant notre ère et le IIe siècle de notre ère (Serventi et Sabban, 2001: 345-346). Par contre, la pasta semble connue en paléo-Babylonie. En effet, les tablettes de la YBC mentionnent plusieurs confections céréalières: risnatu, bappiru, qaiiatu, qui en font clairement partie.

La technique de l’émiettage ou du râpage est manifestement empruntée au processus de brassage du sikaru / kas (et du zythum) au cours duquel un autre type de bappiru (ayant été ensemencé) est également émietté dans de l’eau. Mais, ici, il est (légèrement) cuit et les miettes sont éparpillées dans de l’eau qui ne subit pas la moindre ébullition.

Risnatu et bappiru sont synonymes. Le premier est un mot akkadien dérivant du verbe rasanu tandis que le second est sumérien et provient du verbe bappir. Selon

Par ailleurs, en émiettant les risnatu-s / bappiru-s superficiellement, on obtient des paillettes plus ou moins

14

“Millet noodles in Late Neolithic China”, Nature, vol. 437, octobre 2005, p. 967.

84

L. PLOUVIER: À LA TABLE DU ROI HAMMURABI DE BABYLONE...

grosses; mais celles-ci se rapetissent selon l’insistance avec laquelle l’opération est menée et peuvent devenir aussi fines que des grains de sable. Dès lors elles cessent d’être une pasta pour se transformer en agent de liaison; les cuisiniers babyloniens (Bottéro, 2002: 101) les utilisent également à cet effet. Du fait que la pâte émiettée est susceptible de passer à l’état de farine, Mohamed Oubahli (2002-2003: 480-481) la compare au kiskh proche-oriental. Celui-ci est un sous-produit du boulgour / bourgoul (= blé étuvé, séché au soleil et concassé), trempé dans de l’eau chaude et puis dans du lait caillé où il subit une fermentation lactique lui donnant une agréable saveur acide. Le kiskh possède généralement un aspect farineux et sert aussi bien d’agent de liaison que d’exhausteur de goût. Mais il peut également se présenter en grumeaux qui, cuits en milieu humide, constituent ipso facto une pâte émiettée. Étant donné que, contrairement aux risnatu-s / bappiru-s, le kiskh est lacto-fermenté, ses pluches se rapprochent de l’actuel trahanas ξινοσ (= acide) dont le pâton, à base de farine pétrie avec du lait sûri, est après séchage frotté contre un tamis grossier; les râpures sont ensuite bouillies dans un potage.

Cela dit, risnatu est repris par le perse sous la forme à peine déformée de reshteh / rishta qui y désigne également une pasta quoique du genre tagliatelle. COMPANAGES Companage vient du latin companaticum et désigne les aliments qui accompagnent le pain sensu lato. Les produits carnés et, plus particulièrement, les abats y occupent une place de choix. Abats Ceux-ci jouissent en outre d’un statut élevé. Ils sont les nourritures préférées des dieux et, de surcroît, entourés de pouvoirs magiques. Les Mésopotamiens les dotent même de vertus relaxantes. Selon un traité d’oniromancie, le rêveur qui mange en songe des tripes “connaîtra la paix” (Bottéro, 2002: 38). Le foie et la rate permettent, de surcroît, de lire l’avenir (extispicine). Leur tendreté et leur onctuosité sont particulièrement appréciées par les gourmets de tous les temps. Seuls les Américains, amateurs invétérés de Fast et Frankenstein Food (Plouvier, 2003: 101 et s.), les traitent de rebuts (offals ) en sorte que le Congrès a même interdit la vente du poumon et de la rate (Moulin, 1988: 406) qui, il est vrai, ont perdu l’auréole dont les avait entourés la Mésopotamie. Malgré leur progressive dépréciation, ces deux abats restent néanmoins incontournables dans le haggis écossais (ventre de brebis farci) et son parent wallon, le “hatchisse”, dans les “croûtons de rate” toscans, dans certains boudins (cf. le kokoretski grec) ou dans le Leberkäs allemand (Moulin, 1988: 412 – 415). La cuisine arabe ne les dédaigne pas non plus. Que dire des Chinois qui ne jettent rien et mangent tout!

La pâte émiettée se retrouve dans le monde gréco-romain sous le nom de tracta qui est fabriquée exactement de la même manière. Dans leur ouvrage sur la cuisine romaine antique, Blanc – Nercessian (1992: 188) en ont reconstitué la recette. Elles conseillent de confectionner la pâte des tractae en pétrissant de la farine avec de l’eau. Le pâton est mis à mûrir pendant quelque temps avant d’être pressé contre un tamis ou une râpe. Les copeaux qui en tombent sont ensuite bouillis. Dans le tractogalatus et le pullus tractogalatus, les tractae sont pochées dans du lait, comme en Mésopotamie. Cette analogie supplémentaire conforte la filiation entre le risnatu / bappiru et la tracta. Le trahanas γλυκοσ (= doux) est un descendant direct de la tracta avec laquelle il partage en outre la même étymologie: du verbe latin trahere = étirer, sousentendant une action préalable de pétrissage (Plouvier, 2003: 74). Les trahanas se retrouvent non seulement en Grèce, mais aussi en Macédoine, Turquie, Iran et dans d’autres régions du Proche et Moyen-Orient.

Enfin, les Mésopotamiens raffolent des intérieurs des volatiles. Le pâté aux oiseaux, les cuisses de pigeon en pâte, la timbale de volaille comportent gésier, fressure et intestins, que certains gastronomes d’aujourd’hui considèrent toujours comme de “friands morceaux”. Quel amateur de bonne chère aurait l’idée de manger un petit oiseau vidé? Les intestins de la bécasse mélangés à du foie gras entrent, en l’occurrence, dans la farce à la Riche, une des plus divines compositions de la grande cuisine parisienne.

Les pâtes émiettées subsistent à ce jour. La moderne pasta grattugiata (ou ragia ) descend en droite ligne de la tracta: la pâte est émiettée en la frottant contre une râpe et les tortillons obtenus sont pochés dans un bouillon. Le grand chef français Escoffier (1847 – 1935) la mentionne aussi et l’appelle “neige de Florence”, sans doute par référence à sa nationalité italienne et, en outre, en souvenir du poète Tibulle qui compare en effet les tractae à des flocons neigeux qu’on tire d’une toison laineuse (Luccioni, 2003: 241). Enfin, la fregola sarde est une pasta à cheval entre la pâte émiettée et le couscous, ayant subi une légère torréfaction, à l’instar du qaiiatu, dont elle est l’ultime avatar.15

Sang Les abats font bon ménage avec le sang également sacré (Cf. Rousseau, 2005). La YBC donne plusieurs recettes les unissant, comme le me rouge (intestins, panse) ou le me de rate (+ panse). Cet heureux mariage manifestement d’invention paléo-babylonienne est toujours célébré aujourd’hui. Son plus somptueux descendant est le lièvre à la royale de Claude Terrail (grand prêtre de la célébrissime Tour d’Argent à Paris) qui a l’idée géniale d’ajouter le sang, le foie, les poumons, le coeur, de la bête au foie gras et aux truffes structurant la royalissime sauce.

15

Voy. aux sujets des pâtes émiettées: Liliane Plouvier, Sophie et Nicolas Goffaux, www.histoiredepates.net.

85

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Les meilleures recettes du fameux civet de lièvre qui ne sera lié au sang qu’à partir du XVIIIe siècle (Rambourg, 2000: 43)16 l’enrichissent en même temps avec le foie et les poumons du gibier (Rambourg, 2003: 44-46, 84).17 Dans son restaurant gastronomique “La Belle Gasconne”, Marie-Claude Garcia prépare une magnifique sauce noire dans laquelle elle unit porc, foie et sang (Buren, 1998: 19). En Finlande, aussi, on aime ce type d’union sacrée (un souvenir Viking, sans doute): voyez le ragoût de foie au sang ou la soupe de rognons, de foie et de coeur au sang (Moulin, 1988: 416).

Parmi les fromages, la YBC cite le gahar, un fromage blanc, et le kisimmu, que les auteurs de l’époque décrivent comme un “produit nauséabond du lait”. Il devait être une sorte d’époisse au fumet puissant, dont les vrais passionnés de fromage raffolent. Le beurre, soit clarifié, soit fermenté (encore utilisé en Inde sous le nom de ghee et dans le monde arabe sous celui de smen, dérivé de l’akkadien samnu signifiant graisse), intervient à côté d’autres graisses animales: saindoux, graisse de queue de mouton (toujours appréciée dans la cuisine arabe), voire de boeuf ou de volaille (dans le Sud-Ouest, celle d’oie et celle de canard sont très recherchées).

Le sang est également utilisé seul. La façon la plus courante consiste à l’embosser dans un boyau pour en faire du boudin. D’après Raymond Buren, celui-ci remonterait au néolithique (Buren, 1987: 129) et se répand dans les grands États de l’Antiquité: Égypte (Tallet, 2003: 63), Grèce, Rome (botellum = saucisse ou boyau), Gaule où il s’appelle boden signifiant ventre ayant justement donné boudin en français et pudding en anglais.18 Il est a fortiori connu en Mésopotamie et apparaît probablement dans la YBC 4644 sous le nom de zurumu dérivé de surummu désignant la partie terminale de l’intestin qui, dans le me à l’assyrienne, est effectivement additionné de sang (cf. Van der Steen, 1995: p. 44).19 Cependant, en paléo-Babylonie le sang sert surtout d’agent de liaison. La technique est cependant délicate car il coagule à 80° (Rambourg, 2000: 48-9). Afin d’éviter tout accident, on doit le délayer au préalable dans un liquide. C’est pourquoi les recettes de la YBC ajoutent toujours le sang in fine dans le bouillon/ me. Le me d’oie (D 26 de la YBC 8958), dont Bottéro a retrouvé une variante sous le nom de tu 7. kur.gi 4 sur une des tablettes XX-XXIV de la série HAR-ra: Hubullu (Bottéro, 1995: 30), est une soupe au sang d’oie qui subsiste dans la swartsoppa suédoise, probablement un autre héritage des Vikings et se révélant aussi moëlleuse que le velours (Moulin, 1988: 416). Les me-s de cerf et de chevreau au sang inaugurent aussi bien les délicieuses viandes au sang berrichonnes dites “en barbouille” que le brouet noir spartiate (μελασ ζομοσ), un succulent filet de porc au sang, lancé par les queux de l’antique Péloponèse méridional (Buren, 1998: 18) et stupidement tiré en dérision par les frigaux Athéniens, mangeurs d’insipides galettes d’orge (maza ). Est-il enfin possible que le me bidsud (un palmipède) de la YBC soit l’ancêtre du sublime canard au sang de la mythique Tour d’Argent?

Siqqu Signalons enfin l’absence de poissons dans la YBC confirmant qu’elle n’est qu’une infime partie d’un vaste ensemble culinaire hélas perdu. Nuançons cependant cette lacune en relevant la présence du siqqu, une saumure de poissons lacto-fermentés destinée à saler et parfumer les mets. Ce condiment, dont la saveur et l’effluve sont extrêmement forts, est utilisé dans tout l’espace méditerranéen pendant l’Antiquité et le Moyen Âge. Il est connu en Grèce au VIe siècle avant notre ère et s’appelle γαροσ (= petit poisson); les Romains l’adoptent sous le nom latinisé de garum et, à leur suite, les Arabes. Ceux-ci le rebapisent murri qui est manifestement dérivé de l’akkadien muratum que Bottéro traduit par saumâtre. Le garum / sikku subsiste aujourd’hui en Europe méridionale et en Extrême-Orient: voyez la colatura di alici (= anchois) de Cetara (près de Salerne), le melet et le pissalat provençaux, les garos gréco-turc qui a en outre conservé son nom d’origine. Le plus célèbre avatar du garum est néanmoins le nuoc-nam vietnamien, qui existe à peu près partout en Extrême-Orient, quoiqu’aussi sous d’autres appellations. Cela dit, la Worcestershire Sauce, à base d’anchois saumurés, en est une autre variante arrangée à l’anglaise. Bouquet garni Le siqqu est combiné avec de nombreux aromates d’origine végétale: cumin, coriandre, menthe, aneth, rue (Ruta graveolens L.), graines de sésame, “bois” odoriférants (réglisse?), résine (de cèdre), nigelle (surnommée “cumin noir”), cuscute (plante parasite qu’on trouve notamment dans les champs de lin). Ils sont placés sous le commandement d’un luxuriant bouquet d’aillacées, com-posé d’ail, de poireaux et de différentes espèces d’oignons.

Lait et ses dérivés Le lait (de vache voire de chèvre) est mis à fermenter afin d’éviter que la chaleur ne le gâte; c’est donc du babeurre. De même, la crème est du type “aigre” ou “épaisse”. 16 Ce qu’est étonnant vu que la liaison au sang est couramment pratiquée durant le Moyen Âge (cf. Flandrin, 1983: 12). 17 Bien que certains cuisiniers du XIXe siècle, comme Gustave Garlin, critiquent cette façon. 18 Il est amusant de constater qu’en flamand le boudin s’appelle notamment pens également dérivé de panse. 19 Contra voy: Bottéro, 1995: 29.

BRÈVES CONCLUSIONS Comme on l’a vu, la cuisine paléo-babylonienne pose les jalons de nombreuses spécialités orientales et occidenta86

L. PLOUVIER: À LA TABLE DU ROI HAMMURABI DE BABYLONE...

BOTTÉRO, J. (1995) Textes culinaires mésopotamiens. Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Indiana (E-U).

les, dont certaines illuminent le ciel étoilé des meilleurs restaurants du monde moderne.

BOTTÉRO, J. (2002) La plus vieille cuisine du monde. Paris.

Elle repose néanmoins sur des canons gastronomiques propres qui se distinguent par exemple de ceux de sa descendante gréco-romaine. Celle-ci est fondée sur la triade pain, vin, huile (d’olive) sacralisée par le christianisme, alors que sa vénérable aïeule privilégie, aux côtés du pain-galette, d’autres produits: bière, beurre, lait et sang, ces deux derniers allant souvent de pair (Rousseau, 2005: 194). Aussi bien, l’approche alimentaire paléo-baylonienne évoque-t-elle le modèle “barbare” tardo-antique voire haut-médiéval tel qu’il est décrit par les observateurs. Selon le médecin byzantin du VIe siècle, Anthime, les Germains s’avèrent aussi être de grands amateurs de bière (cervoise), de beurre, de lait et de sang (sans compter le pain bien sûr). (Cf. Plouvier, 2001: 73)

BOTTÉRO, J. (2002) Les plus vieilles recettes du monde. Historia, 667, p. 18 et s. BOTTÉRO, J. (1986) Les petits oiseaux à la babylonienne. Histoire, n° 85, p. 20 et s. BOTTÉRO, J. (1986) Le plus vieux festin du monde. Histoire, n° 85, p. 58 et s. BOTTÉRO, J. (1984) Tout commence à Babylone. L’histoire, L’amour et la sexualité, n° 63, p. 8 et s. BOTTÉRO, J. (1984) La magie et la médecine règnent à Babylone. L’histoire, n° 74, p. 12 et s. BOTTÉRO, J. et KRAMER, S.N. (1989) Lorsque les dieux faisaient l’homme. Mythologie mésopotamienne. Paris.

En revanche, dans la bataille millénaire opposant le bouilli au rôti, les paléo-Babyloniens posent les jalons des théories hippocratique et aristotéliciennne qui font primer le premier sur le second du fait de son antériorité chronologique. Ce faisant, les savants grecs cherchent en outre à polariser tout ce qui sépare le monde “barbare” du “civilisé”. Lévi-Strauss leur emboîtera le pas; le sociologue situe, d’une part, le rôti du côté de la nature sous prétexte que celui-ci se pratique par exposition directe à la flamme, de l’autre, le bouilli du côté de la culture car, en exerçant par l’eau une médiation entre la nourriture et le feu, il constitue au contraire un mode de cuisson indirect. Cependant, si les tablettes de la YBC donnent la préférence au bouilli, les Mésopotamiens ne dévalorisent pas pour autant le rôti puisqu’ils le réservent aux dieux. Que ceux-ci “mangent du rôti, du rôti, du rôti!”, s’exclame un rituel (Bottéro, 2002: 73). On peut supposer, avec Bottéro, que ce choix “liturgique” en faveur d’un mode “premier connu” est lié aux dogmes fondés sur la préexistence des dieux et la survenance ultérieure des hommes. En somme, Hippocrate, Aristote et Lévi-Strauss se sont bornés à laïciser une antique croyance mésopotamienne.

BRESCIANI, E. (1996) Nourriture et boissons de l¹Égypte ancienne. In: Flandrin, J.-L. et Montanari, M. (dir.) Histoire de l¹alimentation, Paris, 1996, p. 61 et s. BUREN, R. (1987) La cuisine du porc. In: Verroust, J. [et al.] (dir.) Le cochon (dir.), Paris, p. 129 s. BUREN, Raymond. (1998) Le boudin. Paris. COURTINE, R. (1970) Les vacances dans votre assiette. Paris. CHARPIN, D. (2003) Hammu-rabi de Babylone, Paris. DOYEN, F. et WARMENBOL, E. (dir). (2004) Pain et bière en Égypte ancienne. Treignes (Belgique). FECHNER, K. (1992) Le pain avant l’histoire: un bilan archéologique et palethnologique pour le Nord-Ouest de l’Europe. In: Mesnil, M. (dir.) Du grain au pain. Bruxelles, p. 53 et s. FLANDRIN, J.-L. (1983) Brouets, potages et bouillons. Médiévales (5), p. 5-14. FLANDRIN, J.-L., HYMAN, Ph. et M. (1983) Cuisinier françois de La Varenne, Paris, rééd. GLASSNER, J.-J. (2003) La réception de l’hôte. Lion, B. et Michel, C. (dir.) Banquets et fêtes au Proche-Orient ancient. Dossiers d’Archéologie p. 46 et s.

References ALEXANDRE-BIDON, D. (2005) Une archéologie du goût, Paris, p. 88.

GROS DE BELER, A. (2004) Pain et bière en Égypte ancienne. L’archéologue, n° 71, p. 39 et s.

ALLARD, A. (1984) À propos du zythum ou de ma cervesia celtique: une mise au point sur leur fabrication, Cerevisia 4, p. 187 et s.

GUICHARD, M. (2003) La vaisselle de luxe d’un roi de Mari. In: Lion, B. et Michel, C. (dir.) Banquets et fêtes au Proche-Orient ancient. Dossiers d’Archéologie, n. 280, p. 68 et s.

ANDRÉ, J. L’ alimentation et la cuisine à Rome, Paris, 1981. BENNANI-SMIRES, L. (1980) La cuisine marocaine. Casablanca. BIDON-ALEXANDRE, D. (2005) Une archéologie du goût. Paris.

HENDRICKX, S. [et al.] (2002) “Milk, Beer and Bread Technology during the Early Dynastie Period”, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abt. Caïro, 56, p. 177.

BLANC, N. et NERCESSIAN, A. (1992) La cuisine romaine antique. Grenoble, p. 54.

JOANNÈS, F. (dir.). (2001) Dictionnaire de la civilisation mésopotamienne. Paris. 87

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

JOANNÈS, F. (1996) La fonction sociale du banquet dans les premières civilisations (Mésopotamie). In: Flandrin, J.-L. et Montanari, M. (dir.) Histoire de l’alimentation. Paris, p. 47 – 59.

(dir.) Pain, fours et foyers des temps passes. Bruxelles, p. 197-221. OUBAHLI, M. (2002-3) La main et le pétrin. Alimentation céréalière et pratiques culinaires dans l’Occident musulman au Moyen Âge, Thèse de doctorat non publiée, E.H.E.S.S., Paris.

KANAFANI-ZAHAR, A. (1994) Mur de terrre, voûte de fer. Le pain domestique au Liban. In: Macherel, C. et Zeebroek, R. (dir.) Une vie de pain. Bruxellles.

PETERS-DESTÉCART, M. (2005) Pain, bière et toutes bonnes choses...L’alimentation dans l’Égypte ancienne. Lonrai (France).

LANDSBERGER, B. et REINER, E. (1974) The series HAR-ra: Hubullu, Tablets XX-XXIV, Rome.

PLOUVIER, L. (2003) L’Europe à table, de la préhistoire à nos jours. Bruxelles.

LÉVY-STRAUSS, C. (1964) Le cru et la cuit. Paris. LIMET, H. (2002) Pains et fours dans le Proche Orient ancient. In: Fechner, K. et Mesnil, M. (dir.) Pain, fours et foyers des temps passes. Bruxelles, p. 37-48.

PLOUVIER, L. (2002) L’alimentation carnée au Haut Moyen Âge d’après le De observatione ciborum d’Anthime et les Excerpta de Vinidarius. Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire (80), p. 1358-1369.

LION, B. et MICHEL, C. (dir.) (2003) Banquets et fêtes au Proche-Orient ancient. Dossiers d’Archéologie, n. 280.

PREVOST-DERMARKAR, S. (2002) Les foyers et fours domestiques en Egée au Néolithique et à l’Âge de Bronze. Pains, fours et foyers des temps passes. Bruxelles, p. 232 et s.

LUCCIONI, P. (2003) Gr. τρακτον, lat. tractum, ou comment rouler une patê. Manus Medica, Publications de l’Université de Provence, p. 241.

RAMBOURG, P. (2000) Le civet de lièvre. Paris.

MARDAM-BEY, F. (1998) La cuisne de Ziyab. Paris.

ROUSSEAU, V. (2005) Le goût du sang. Paris.

MARTELLOTTI, A. (1998) The Parmesan Pie. P.P.C., 59, p. 7 et s.

SABBAN, F. (1984) Le savoir-cuire ou l’art des potages dans le Ménagier de Paris et le Viandier de Taillevent. Boire et manger au Moyen Âge, Actes du Colloque de Nice (1982), Paris, p. 161-169.

MARTELLOTTI, A. (1999) The Parmesan Pie. P.P.C., 61, p. 7 et s. MAURIZIO, A. (1932) Histoire de l’alimentation végétale. Paris.

SERVENTI, S. et SABBAN, F. (2001) Les pâtes, Paris, p. 345-6.

MESNIL, M. (dir.). (1992) Du grain au pain. Bruxelles.

SOCCAR, M. De la sikaru sumérienne au lambic bruxellois.

MESNIL, M. et POPOVA, A. (2002) “Le four mobile, image du monde”, Pains, fours et foyers des temps passes. Bruxelles, p. 241 et s.

TALLET, P. (2003) La cuisine des pharaons. Paris. VAN DER STEEN, E.J. (1995) Zukanda and other delicacies: Haute cuisine in the days of Hammurabi, P.P.C. (51), p. 40-46.

MOERS, L.C. (2004) La transformation des céréales: boulangerie et brasserie en Égypte ancienne. In: Doyen, F. Warmenbol, E. (dir.). Pain et bière en Égypte ancienne. Treignes (Belgique) p. 49-50.

VAN DER STEEN, E.J. (1992) Fiery Furnaces: bread ovens in the ancien Near East, P.P.C. (42), p. 45-52.

MONAH, D. (2002) Découvertes de pain et de restes d’aliments céréaliers en Europe de l’Est et Centrale. Essai de synthèse, Pain, fours et foyers des temps passes. Bruxelles.

WEISS, A.S. (2004) Comment cuisiner un phénix, Mercure de France. YERASIMOS, S. (2001) À la table du Grand Turc, Paris.

MOULIN, L. (1988) Les liturgies de la table. Paris, Anvers.

ZIEGLER, N. (2001) Diplomatie à la table du roi. D’après les archives royales de Mari (XVIIIe siècle av. J.-C.), 18 et s. In: Joannès, F. (dir.). Dictionnaire de la civilisation mésopotamienne. Paris.

MULDER-HEYMANS, N. (2002) Archaeology, experimental archaeology and ethnoarchaeology on bread ovens in Syria. In: Fechner, K. et Mesnil, M.

88

ANCIENT EGYPT AND THE PHOENICIAN CONNECTION Alicia MEZA P.O. Box 750838, Forest Hills NY 11375 [email protected] Abstract: As the Phoenicians expanded their trade routes over the Mediterranean Sea, they carried with them more than goods. They exported new ideas and innovations. Many new settlements on the coasts of the Western Mediterranean Sea were the outcome of this new cultural explosion. Religion, art, writing and rituals were transported from Ancient Egypt to far reaching places. For many cities and countries this cultural exchange meant the transition into the age of History. The aim of this paper is to investigate the major settlements in the Mediterranean Sea which inherited the Semitic culture of the Phoenicians. Keywords: Phoenicians, Egypt, Trade, Transition, Settlements Résumé: Les pheniciens n’amenaient pas avec soi seulement des biens materiels, pendant son expansion comercielle sur la Mer Méditerranée. Ils ont exporté des nouvelles idées et des innovations. Sur la côte occidentale de la Mediterranée, plusieurs nouveaux peuplements s’en suivent de cette nouvelle explosion culturelle. Religion, art, écriture et rituels ont été transporté de l’Égypte ancienne à des endroits éloignés. Ces echanges culturels ont signifiée la transition à l’age de l’Histoire, pour plusieurs pays et villes. Le but de cet article est étudier les peuplements méditerranéens les plus importants qui ont hérité la culture sémitique des pheniciens. Mots-clef: Pheniciens, Egypte, Commerce, Transition, Peuplement

religion.5 In exchange, Phoenicians acquired Egyptian architectural designs, such as the cavetto cornice topping Egyptian temples and the complex Egyptian cosmology and ideas of the afterlife. In order to examine here the extension of the distribution of Egyptian material culture in the Mediterranean world through Phoenician trade, I will scrutinize the possible routes followed by the great merchants of the last millennia B.C.

INTRODUCTION While Ancient Egypt expanded the scope of its political influence over other regions, its trade with the Levant increased, extending to the Western Mediterranean Sea.1 The archaeological record shows that Egypt had already began its foreign campaigns in the Sinai and Nubia, during the 4th millennium B.C.2 Early evidence for trade with the Mediterranean islands and the Levant dates from the Neolithic Period and it was probably done through Minoan and Mycenean ships.3 It is during the Old Kingdom that commercial relations with Phoenicia became essential for the import of cedar wood to Egypt. The Byblos ships were famous for transporting the desirable cedar used not only in the construction of the royal palaces and building of ships but also for crafting royal sarcophagi.4 Phoenicians exported to Egypt innovations, such as the purple dye, and the Semitic influence in Ancient Egyptian grammar and

PHOENICIANS IN THE EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN Excavations at the site of Kition, Cyprus, uncovered a Phoenician colony dating from the mid-ninth century B.C. A study done on the metal bowls found in this region, suggests that individual schools of Phoenician artisans were operating their own workshops on the island. The bowls were distributed in the Mediterranean region all the way to Italy and they present a blend of stylistic and iconographic features: Assyrian, Egyptian and Aegean. Especially Egyptian, the hallmark of Phoenicians craftmanship (Markoe, 1985:6-7; ftn 6). The engraved figures of the god Horus and the goddesses Isis and Nefthys are similar to those used in the typically Egyptian bowls from Tanis, Egypt, and parallel to those discovered at Nimrud, Iran (31-32). These Egyptianized features confirm previous finds in Byblos made by Pierre Montet (1928: 35-43). Freezes found on an Egyptian style temple depicted the goddesses Isis, Hathor and Sakhmet and the

1

Long range trade between Egypt and Mesopotamia is the earliest evidence for the exchange of not only goods but also of ideas and innovations, such as writing, architectural styles, such as the recess panel palace’s walls (Meza, 2001:50-58). 2 Archaeological evidence from Cemetery L at Qustul in Nubia, revealed three incense burners depicting high sterned sacred barges proceeding toward a palace facade. The Egyptian king holding a flail is seated on a raised platform, under a canopy on one of the barges. Another barge has a falcon standard and a fish which may be the symbol of King Narmer. Among the most interesting vessels found at Cemetery L were jugs with shapes typical of the Early Bronze Age pottery in the Levant (Williams, 1986, cit. par Meza, 2001:58-62). 3 The Neolithic ships depicted on the hills of the Eastern Desert of Egypt and on Egyptian Predynastic pottery correspond to the type of ships used by Minoans and Myceneans. These ships are also depicted at the entrance of the Neolithic Temples of Tarxien in Malta (Meza, 2004 in press). 4 The funerary boat of Khufu, the build er of the great pyramid of Giza, was made of cedar from Phoenicia. There are few trees in Egypt and their wood is of poor quality, therefore, timber had to be imported (Baines and Malek, 1984: 8; 20).

5

As explained by Gardiner (1927, ed. 1982:2-6) Ancient Egyptian grammar, although of African origin and being related to several other African languages, is basically Semitic in its verb construction, sintax and writing. Therefore any student of Ancient Egyptian language is better being acquainted first with some of the present spoken Semitic languages such as Arabic or Hebrew, or Ancient Semitic languages such as Aramaic or Sumerian.

89

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY ANDSOCIETY

Fig. 10.1. Register with Egyptian inscription “Hathor, beloved by the lady of Byblos”

Fig. 10.2. Goddess with Hathor headdress accepting libation from Yehavmelek

He raises his left arm and presents a cup with the right hand to a goddess seated on a square, low back chair. The goddess wears the headdress of Hathor, but instead of having the horns directly placed over her head, as depicted during the Old Kingdom, they are fixed on a vessel. Therefore there has been also an iconographic change between the Old Kingdom and the Yehavmelek period, the goddess is resembling now the Egyptian iconographic representation of the Late Period. Either Hathor and the Lady of Byblos both have changed appearances through time or the Lady of Byblos, who was different from the Egyptian goddess, has became more similar to her in order to be recognized by both Phoenicians and Egyptians alike (Montet, 42-44).

gods Horus and Khnun. According to Montet the artisan of the reliefs was guided by Egyptian models, but he was from Byblos. The hieroglyphs written on one of the registers read: “Ht Hr mry nb Kbn”, “Hathor, beloved by the Lady of Byblos” (Fig. 10.1). The word “lady” is spelled without the “t” in which case it could be the “lord” of Byblos. The city was spelled Kbn , as in the style used during the Old Kingdom and Dynasty XI of the Middle Kingdom, which is probably the correct dating for this inscription (35-37. At this time, according to the inscription, the Egyptian goddess is beloved by the Lady of Byblos, but during the Middle Kingdom, Hathor is identified with the goddess of the city (38). Another outstanding discovery from the area was the stela of Yehavmelek, which has a Phoenician inscription. It is also topped by the Egyptian winged disk, representing the sun god Horus, but unlike the Egyptian models, this winged disk includes the tail of the falcon, as found on Syrian and Hittites monuments (Fig. 10.2). The king Yehavmelek wears a long robe and cape and has a tiara as headdress.

WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN EXPANSION Ancient Egyptian artifacts, ideas and styles, such as iconographic features depicting gods and goddesses and 90

A. MEZA: ANCIENT EGYPT AND THE PHOENICIAN CONNECTION

Fig. 10.3. Map of the Phoenician expansion in the Mediterranean Sea

amulets used in burial rituals traveled to the coast of Africa, Italy and the Maltese Islands, with the Phoenician trade.6 Although chronology about the earliest Phoenician settlements is contradicted and disputed in some cases, we can safely say that scholars divide the Phoenician expansion in two eras or time periods: Pre-colonial, in which Phoenicians traveled extensively but without building permanent settlements, called silent trade, and Colonial or the period when colonies or settlements flourished in both coasts of the Western Mediterranean Sea. This compromise is to explain those areas without archaeological evidence for the Phoenician presence during the 11th -12th century B.C., when Phoenicians probably began their expansion, and the majority of archaeological sites or colonies dating around 9th-8th century B.C. (Aubet, 2001: 194-195). The first settlements in the west were the colonies of Lixus, Morocco, Cadiz, Spain and Utica, in Tunisia at about the 12th century B.C. (161-62). During the 9th century B.C. the Phoenicians were already established on the coast of Libya and Iberia (Fig. 10.3). On this area and confirmed by archaeology, they founded at the beginning of the 8th century B.C. the cities of Malaka, Sexi and Abdera, which are identified with the present cities of Malaga, Almunecar and Adra on the coast of Almeria. At this time the Phoenicians also settled in Sicily and later in the nearby islands of Malta and Gozo (164). They also occupied the islands of Pantelleria or Ancient Iranim and Sardinia. The archaeological record gives the date as to 8th -7th century B.C. for the Phoenician presence in Sardinia, where a stela with a Phoenician inscription was found in the colony of Nora. The cities of Sulcis, Tharros, Bithia and Caralis were dated as of 8th century B.C (Aubet, 165). The Nora stele commemorated the building of a temple dedicated to the god Pmy at the time of the Phoenician arrival in Sardinia. The site of Selinunte in Sicily also dates from the end of the 8th century B.C. A bronze statuette of a figure representing a Syrio-Canaanite deity, Reshef, found in Sicily probably

arrived in the island during this time.7 A similar case occurs with Egyptian material dating 6th-9th centuries B.C. in Almunecar, Spain. It seems the Egyptian material from this site came from a plundering of a royal necropolis used by the Phoenicians as funeral urns. The bronze statuettes from Selinunte are similar to the ones discovered recently in Huelva and Cadiz in Iberia (202-203). PHOENICIANS IN MALTA Archaeological evidence for the Phoenician presence in Malta comes from tombs, near Rabat, the Phoenician colony of Melite, modern Medina-Rabat and the important sanctuary of Tas-Silg in Marsaxlokk. The Phoenicians also occupied the sister island of Gozo or Ancient Gaul, a Phoenician name meaning an ancient type of merchant ship. The importance of Malta was its strategic position at the center of the Mediterranean Sea traffic. The splendid harbors of the island are still today one of its principal geographic assets, since they are natural refuges for the great storms caused by the changing winds.8 Excavations in Malta have yielded many Egyptian and Egyptianized objects that indicate that they were part of burial rituals, such is a bronze talisman with a Horus head and a winged disc found in a tomb at TalVirtu near Rabat. Inside the talisman, there was a papyrus depicting the goddess Isis and a Phoenician inscription (Fig. 10.4). The goddess is exhorting the dead to avoid the perils of the underworld and to arrive safely to the Netherworld. This type of inscription is modeled on typically Egyptian inscriptions written on scarabs or other amulets and on tomb walls. Although the goddess is depicted in XVIII-XIX Dynasty dress,9 it appears that the 7 The statuette has been linked to the late 2nd millennium trade that linked the Aegean and Mycenaean world with Italy and the islands of the central Mediterranean. It is the only object found in Sicily, which pre-dates the given 8th century B.C. 8 For details about the importance of Maltese harbors see Meza, 2004 (in press). 9 The sash of the goddess, her long dress and the hair do are all typically New Kingdom and similar to those worn by Egyptian goddesses and

6

Many Egyptian and Egyptianized artifact that were found in the areas of Transjordan, were later also found in the Maltese Islands (Meza, 2000:190-212; 2003:99-105).

91

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY ANDSOCIETY

8th century B.C. There are great areas of Gozo, the island closest to Sicily, which are still unexcavated and perhaps there are sites there that have to be found yet and may present an earlier date. Another explanation also given by scholars is that these Phoenician posts were temporary and therefore undetected by archaeological remains dating earlier than mid- 8th century B.C. PHOENICIAN PRESENCE ON THE ATLANTIC Phoenicians sailed along the distant shores of the Mediterranean Sea and well into those of the Atlantic Ocean, the English Channel, St George Channel and the Irish Sea. They established colonies, such as Lixus in Morocco, on the Atlantic side, and left traces of numerous sites in England and Wales, where Ancient Egyptian religious representations of gods and hieroglyphic inscriptions were found along Phoenician inscriptions and Syrian iconographic representations (Waddell, 1924:216218). Phoenicians were attracted to Iberia because of its silver mines, where they occupied the cities of Gadir, Tartessos and the Portuguese and Moroccan coasts. In Andalusia, the Phoenician language was still spoken there during the first century B.C. (Aubet, 2001:259). In Cadiz, southern Spain, there was a temple with architectonic elements from Megiddo, Jerusalem and Tyre. In the southeast of the island of Kotinoussa, the Phoenicians erected a temple to the god Melqart, where numerous bronze statuettes were found in the sea (270-271). Some present the typically Semitic features of slighted eyes, aquiline nose and elongated bearded face, but others present the typical pharaonic headdress of Upper Egypt (Fig. 10.5). The faces also present Egyptian features, such as full lips and a short nose, African looking. In Tartassos, the Phoenicians smelted silver and brought it to the ports of Huelva and Gadir, to be transported in bars or ingots to Tyre, Greece and Assyria under the protection of the god Melqart. This traffic increased during the 7th century B.C. The areas of Andalusia, Estremadura and Portugal profited with this exchange, and they traded their raw materials for oil, wine, unguents and jewels. The Phoenicians acquired silver, tin and copper (284-85; 290). The Tartessian elite imported prestige objects, jewels, ivories, cut glass and bronze statuettes of the goddess Astarte (Fig. 10.6). Some of these statuettes present the typically Egyptian tripartite wig with ringlets over the shoulder and fringe over the forehead as used by Egyptian females during the Late Period. The statuettes were also in a seated pose, with the feet together as depicted in Egyptian statuary. They had bare breasts, the eyes delineated with a cosmetic line and a small nose in Egyptian style. In depicting the goddess Astarte in Egyptian style and pose Phoenicians acknowledged the connection between Astarte and the goddess Hathor. In Egyptian representation this goddess was sometimes depicted as Isis. Proof of this blending of representations is found in the temple of Tas-Silg in Malta, dedicated to the goddess Astarte. A lotus flower, symbol of Hathor, was found engraved on a slab stone (Meza, 2002:798).

Fig. 10.4. Papyrus with Phoenician inscription and goddess resembling Isis exhorting the dead to a safe voyage in the underworld papyrus had been made much later, since the time given for Phoenician presence in the island is mid-eight century B.C. and the time given for the Egyptian time period is about the end of the 12th and 10th B. C. Other artifacts that probably are of Egyptian origin are some anthropomorphic sarcophagi found also in the area of Rabat. This type of sarcophagi date to the time of the Egyptian presence in the south of the Sinai, in the site of Deir-el Balah.10 Again, these artifacts are of a XVIII-XIX Dynasty date. Other numerous artifacts were scarabs, amulets and the already well known part of the building found in Zurrieq, which presents a cavetto cornice used to top the Egyptian temples and coffers, mainly during the reign of Thutmosis III of the XVIII Dynasty. All these artifacts point to an abundant and elaborate Egyptian and Egyptianized religious and burial rituals adopted by the Phoenicians and the Ancient Maltese population. Although the dates given for the Phoenician presence on the islands is mid- 8th century B.C. the most (Vella, 2005: 436-50), the Egyptian material correspond to much earlier date, and some scholars insinuate that the Phoenicians may have been in the islands at an earlier date than mid – queens at this time ex: Queen Nefertari, wife of Ramses II of XIX Dynasty. (Meza, 2003:103-112). 10 These type of anthropomorphic sarcophagi were used to bury the brass of the Egyptian army, during the XVIII Dynasty, serving at the military post of Deir-el Balah to guard the entrance to Egypt proper from the Sinai. Similar sarcophagi are found in the Jordan Museum of Archaeology in Amman (Meza, 2002: 791-801).

92

A. MEZA: ANCIENT EGYPT AND THE PHOENICIAN CONNECTION

Fig. 10.6. Statuettes of the goddess Astarte with Egyptian tripartite wig, bare breasts and eyes delineated. The nose and the pose are also Egyptian like

Fig. 10.5. Statuette of a god with Egyptian crown and kilt

The Phoenician occupied the tin islands or Cassiterides located opposite the coast of Galicia, in Brittany and even the British Isles. It seems that the Tartessians from Huelva developed regular contacts by sea with the northwest of the Iberian peninsula during the Final Atlantic Bronze Age, since signs of regular Phoenician shipping are found all along the Portuguese coast, from the mid- 7th century B.C. Recent archaeological discoveries in the central southern zone of Portugal and adjoining areas reveal the importance of Iberia’s Atlantic face for Gadir’s commerce during the 7th century B.C. Its influence reached territories like the Tagus estuary, Atlantic Morocco and also the Balearic Islands and the Gulf of Lyon. From The Final Bronze Age (1100-700 B.C.), the indigenous communities of southern Portugal were organized around great fortified strategic townships like Apiarca, Catrjal , Tapada de Ajuda and Quint do Almaraz in the Tagus Delta, and dominated the estuaries of the main Atlantic rivers (Fig. 10.7). Their elites controlled the traffic of long-distance seaborne trade with other European Atlantic regions (Aubet, 292). On the British Islands, numerous sites with dolmens are believed to be settled by the Phoenicians. Egyptianized reliefs of an Egyptian goddess, winged discs and a hieroglyphic inscription were found in the Don Valley in Scotland and England (Figs. 10.8; 10.9; 10.10). This material is believed to have been brought by Phoenician sailors (Waddell, 1924:18-19). Egyptian art style, religious ideas, amulets and gods, made life easier on earth and an ever safer and more assuring entrance to the Netherworld.

Acknowledgments I would like to thank Mr Gregory Lewis, Librarian, Metropolitan College New York, for his help during my research. Also to Ms Maria Ellul for the patient revision of my paper.

References AUBET, M.E. (2001) The Phoenicians and the West, Politics, Colonies and Trade, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. BAINES, J. and J. MALEK, (1984) Atlas of Ancient Egypt, Phaidon, Oxford. GARDINER, A. (1982) Egyptian Grammar, Griffith Institute, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. MARKOE, G. (1985) Phoenician bronze and silver bowls from Cyprus and the Mediterranean, University Of California Press, Berkeley. MEZA, A. (2000) “Egyptian Art in Jordan”, Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, vol. 37. MEZA, A. (2001) Ancient Egypt before Writing, from counting to hieroglyphs, Dorrance Publishing, Pittsburgh. MEZA, A. (2002) “The Egyptian Collections of Jordan and Malta” Egyptian Museum, Collections around the World, The Supreme Council of Antiquities, Cairo.

To conclude, Phoenicians not only traded as far as Britain and Morocco on the Atlantic coast, but they also founded colonies on both coasts of the Mediterranean Sea, leaving behind their Semitic material culture and genetic ancestry. Thus, Ancient Egyptian traditions were passed on to the Western World as early as the 1st millennium B.C.

MEZA, A. (2003) “Ancient Egyptian Art in Malta”, Journal of the Mediterranean Archaeology, vol. 16. MEZA, A. (2003) “An Egyptian Statuette in Malta: Rediscovered” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, vol. 40. 93

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY ANDSOCIETY

Fig. 10.8. Map of the Don Valley near Aberdeen, Scotland showing the site of the Newton stone

Fig. 10.7. Map of Iberia and Portugal showing Phoenician settlements and ports of trade

Fig. 10.9. Hieroglyphic inscription mentioning goddess identified with Britannia

Fig. 10.10. Picture of the goddess Britannia in Egyptian

MEZA, A. (2004) “Neolithic Boats: Ancient Egypt and the Maltese Islands, a Minoan Connection” The Proceedings of the International Congress of Egyptologists, Grenoble, in press.

MONTET, P. (1928) Byblos et L’Egypte, Quatre Campaignes de Fouilles a Gebeil, Librairie Orientaliste, Paul Geuthner, Paris. VELLA, N.C. (2005) “Phoenician and Punic Malta” Journal of Roman Archaeology, 18. 94

A. MEZA: ANCIENT EGYPT AND THE PHOENICIAN CONNECTION

WADDELL, L.A. (1924) The Phoenician Origin of Britons, Scots & Anglo-Saxons, Williams and Norgate London.

WILLIAMS, B.B. (1986) “The A-Group Royal Cemetery at Qustul: Cemetery L”, part I, The University Chicago between Abu Simbel and the Sudan, vol. 3, Chicago.

Pictures drawn by Alicia Meza

95

HISTORY, IMAGE, AND MUSIC: THE AULOS IN THE VINEYARDS. HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY AND MULTIDISCIPLINARITY IN THE STUDY OF ANCIENT GREEK CULTURE Fábio Vergara CERQUEIRA Universidade Federal de Pelotas Abstract: The goal of this article is to present a reflection upon the experience of disciplinary decentering put forth by the development of a research on the study of daily life music in classical and late ancient Athens. This research was based on the systematic analysis of the iconography of Attic pottery. This multidisciplinary experience was connected to the need of binding an interpretation of the meaning of music in daily practices, understood as possessing social and cultural meaning; it was linked with characteristics that are inherent to the study of classical ceramology as well as to the study of images as archaeological documental support. Certainties about the boundaries of different areas were thus lost, this study being in the midst of Archaeology, Anthropology, and History. These boundaries were gradually renounced as this study grew more familiar with the epistemological field of Historical Archaeology. In this article, we present a case study of the representation of the aulos music in the vintage in Antiquity, analyzing the interface between historical and iconographical sources. Key-words: Classical Archaeology – Iconography – Ancient Greece – Music Resumé: Cet article prétend présenter une réflexion sur l’absence de centralité disciplinaire vécu pendant le développement d’une recherche sur la musique dans la vie quotidienne de l’Athènes tardo-archaïque et classique. Cet experience s’en suit d’une analyse systématique de l’iconographie de la céramique attique. Cet experience de multidisciplinarité était liée à la nécéssité de atteindre une interpretation du sens de la musique dans la vie quotidienne, considerant qu’elle possédait signification sociale et culturelle; elle était lieu de même façon aux caractéristiques qui sont propres aussi à l’étude de la céramologie classique qu’à l’étude des images come support documentale iconographique. On a perdu des certitudes sur les limites des différents domaines de connaissance: cet étude se situe entre l’Archéologie, l’Anthropologie et l’Histoire. On a progressivemente renoncé ces frontières disciplinaire, à la mesure que l’étude s’avoisinait du domaine epistémologique de la Archéologie historique. Dans cet article on présente un étude de cas sur la représentation de la musique de l’aulos dans la vendange dans l’Antiquité, en analysant la relation entre les sources historiques et iconographiques. Mots-clef: Archéologie Classique – Iconographie – Grèce antique – Musique

spatio-temporal frame of “Archaeology of the Modern World / Archaeology of Capitalism / Archaeology of Post-colonial America.” In my perspective, what defines Historical Archaeology is its methodology, its epistemological bases.

As a Brazilian archaeologist and historian of the ancient world, I propose to present a reflection upon the epistemological interfaces between Classical Archaeology and Historical Archaeology. I will show these relations in the field of Classical Iconography in view of presenting aspects of multidisciplinarity that is inherent to these studies.

I do not claim to be the father of this line of reflection, since other Brazilian colleagues, such as archaeologist Pedro Paulo Abreu Funari, have been working within this perspective for some time.

As Classical Iconography is one of the major fields in Ancient History and Classical Archaeology research in Brazil, I would like to explore its potential in order to articulate a dialogue between these areas of research in the making of knowledge regarding the ancient world – namely, historical, archaeological, and anthropological knowledge.

The making of a field of studies within Archaeology that is identified and named as Historical Archaeology is something relatively recent; nevertheless, if we consider its objects of study, we will realize that it has existed for a longer period of time. The spread of the field, mainly from the 1980s onwards, is related to the development of Post-colonial American Archaeology (of the continent as a whole), as opposed to the Archaeology that studies precolonial and prehistoric cultures. It has often been named “Archaeology of the Modern World”, and its definition has been confused with a kind of Archaeology of Capitalism.

Thinking of an interdisciplinary dialogue between Ancient History, Classical Archaeology, and Anthropology of Ancient Greece, I have decided to address this issue with a discussion that intends to reflect upon Classical Iconography as an area within Historical Archaeology. Hence I propose to spur a possible and commendable dialogue between Classical Archaeology and Historical Archaeology. However, the latter is essentially regarded, in Brazil, as an Archaeology of material records left by social and cultural contexts established after the arrival of European and African elements in the Amerindian continent. I do not understand that the defining factor of Historical Archaeology is the

However the epistemological core of the definition of Historical Archaeology as a discipline does not lie on its chronological or geographic bases, but on the conceptual and methodological issue of records and testimony. In order to escape the mixed-up suggestion that Historical 97

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Archaeology is essentially American and that it refers to the social and cultural processes that followed the arrival of European elements in the continent, Orser and Funari appropriately make reference to Historical Archaeology in the New World (Orser 1990, 1998; Singleton 1995, 1999). Therefore I allow myself to think of Historical Archaeology in the Ancient World. And what would that be?

architectural iconography of the same period could be investigated under the perspective of Archaeology of Image, just as the study of ceramic painting of Attic vases. Thus, thinking of the theoretical whys and wherefores of the sources in Historical Archaeology, in subsuming visual records under material records, and in regarding oral and written sources as sharing a similar nature of verbal discourse (be it spoken or written), the quaternary relation mentioned above—among written, oral, material, and visual sources—is methodologically reduced to a binary relation: that between material and written records. In this methodological antinomic relation, a third element—orality—is concealed, even if it is always conceptually assumed to exist. Methodologically, however, we can thus conceive of the discipline as a whole: not all historical societies that have left material records can be accessed via oral sources, unlike those from more recent historical periods whose studies can count on Oral History or ethnographical methods and techniques.

Historical Archaeology is characterized by the possibility to make use of written, iconographic, architectural, and oral sources, besides material culture, in order to interpret the past. All of these sources supply the researcher with an “emic” perspective of the society being studied. In constructing this “emic” perspective, researchers are able to cross the boundaries of those areas, even if they think of their object from an epistemological starting point defined by Archaeology. Regarding the testimonies that support the interpretation practices in Historical Archaeology, Charles Orser presents its diversity, specificity, and potentiality, which demand a multidisciplinary treatment of sources:

Thus what sets Historical Archaeology apart from, on one hand, Prehistoric Archaeology, and on the other, History—at least the one which draws from historical Positivism and is built exclusively on official written evidence—is the relation between material archaeological records and written historical records. This relation between material and textual sources puts forth a series of theoretical and methodological problems interweaving Historical Archaeology; such an issue demands a balanced and specific approach to both types of records. Amongst several Brazilian theorists of Historical Archaeology, Tânia Andrade Lima shows how this field, as developed in Brazil and identified under this label, addresses this question:

(...) the historical archaeology uses a set of information sources in its research. Some of these sources can be faced as belonging to history (written documents, maps, oral history), to cultural anthropology (ethnographies, museum specimens and oral testimonies), to the history of art (paintings, draws and photographies), to historical and cultural geography (maps, settlements and landscapes), to the historical architecture (buildings), to the folklore (oral tradition and vernacular architecture) and to archaeology (artifacts, structures and site context). (Orser 1992:52) Moreover, according to Tânia Andrade de Lima, the importance of Historical Archaeology lies in the extended possibilities for recovering what written documents have not recorded from daily life, which is inwardly linked to wider social processes (Lima, 2002). Similarly, Orser and Funari claim that “Historical Archaeology is able to modify the great narratives of power frequently presented in documents, as we have shown in our comparative study between written sources about Palmares and the material culture of the archaeological sites.” (Funari & Orser, 2004: 22).

In dealing with these sources, balance unquestionably seems to be the best way, especially if they are considered a priori as independent evidence to be critically analyzed and contrasted. Most of the attraction and magic of Historical Archaeology—or of its art and mystery (…)—lies precisely on the multiple possibilities that archaeological records present to complement, confirm but, above all, contradict documental records. In doing so, they generate a third level of information, which is not properly archaeological, nor properly historical, but is deeply fruitful. (Lima 2002: 12)

Apart from the phenomenological multiplicity of possible sources available for Historical Archaeology, they differ from each other, ultimately, in relation to their material nature: written, oral, material, and visual sources. It should be observed that Archaeology of Image regards visual sources as a type of material source, differently from strictly iconographic studies that conceive of them solely in their imagetic nature, as if it were possible to think of the social and cultural life of an image that is cut off from its physical and socio-economical support, which is essentially material. In this sense, both the study of 19th century black-and-white photographs and the study of

From History’s point of view, several generations of historians have chosen to use material and visual records as illustrations or proof of historical narratives and assertions based on written documents. These were considered by the heirs of Ranke’s or Lenglois and Seignobos’s tradition as the only solid and reliable foundation for establishing real narratives about the past. Historical Archaeology could have opted for an epistemological reaction based on an inversion: 98

F.V. CERQUEIRA: HISTORY, IMAGE, AND MUSIC…

approaching written documents as subsidiary to the knowledge drawn from material records. However that was not the choice: in Historical Archaeology, bets have been placed on the strenuous and interdependent approach of written, material, and visual sources.

to observe the possibility of independence of written and visual sources, which are autonomous regarding their content and tradition, though they may never be considered in isolation. He also proposes a classification of possible relations between textual and visual records:

Gilberto da Silva Francisco, in his recently defended master’s thesis in Archaeology at University of Sao Paulo (MAE/USP), took up these questions in his study of the relation between writing and images in Attic vase painting. He not only realized the interdependence between these sources but also underscored that it is not possible to establish an a priori hierarchy about the greater or lesser value of these sources to the knowledge of the past, since words and images do not have a contrasting commitment to reality; on the contrary, they even out these differences in their proximity or distance towards such a commitment. (Francisco 2007: 32).

1st possibility: Written and visual records converge in presenting the same topic of the past, corroborating each other, showing the same point of view. 2nd possibility: Written and visual records diverge in presenting the same topic of the past, and literary and graphic traditions do not corroborate each other. 3rd possibility: On a given topic of the past, evidence can be found in one type of record, but not in the other. In tandem with one of the principles of Historical Archaeology—which determines that a material source should be treated independently in the first phase of data analysis, before it is contrasted to literary testimony— Classical Iconography has developed a set of methods for decoding visual testimony since the 19th century. A couple of these methods are the attribution of authorship, which assists chronological sequencing, and interpretation of iconographic features, which allows the identification of scenes and characters.

This type of epistemological debate, which is central to the definition of Historical Archaeology in a study of Greek vase painting such as the one mentioned above, may puzzle those who might not be familiar with the tradition of Classical Studies. Nevertheless the reflection upon the relation between image and text is a very old question in Classical Archaeology and in the studies of Ancient Greece and Rome in general. In Francisco’s dissertation, I had the opportunity to read an excerpt by Oscar Wilde, who already pondered upon this topic in 1891:

Attribution of authorship was developed because of an interest in the personality of the vase painters, which was sought in the description of the artist’s traces. In late 19th century, P. Hartwig, starting from signed vases (with the signature of the potter and the painter), founded the science of attribution, inspired in Art historian Giovanni Morelli’s (1816-1891) methodology. In 1893, having identified 10 signed names and establishing artistic relations, he recognized different artistic personalities through which he was able to attribute authorship to approximately 200 vases. (Hartwig 1893. About Morelli: Ginsburg 1980: 3-44) Hartwig’s work was followed by that of A. Furtwängler (Furtwängler & Reichhold 1901) and established as a methodology by J. D. Beazley.

Do you believe that the Athenian women were like the stately dignified figures of the Parthenon frieze, or like those marvellous goddesses who sat in the triangular pediments of the same building? If you judge from the art, they certainly were so. But read an authority, like Aristophanes for instance. You will find that the Athenian ladies (…) were exactly like any silly fashionable or fallen creature of our own day. The fact is that we look back on the ages entirely through the medium of Art, and Art, very fortunately, has never once told us the truth. (O.W. The Decay of Lying. An Observation. 1891.)

Beazley started a six-decade long career of attributions in 1908. He developed a technique for identifying painters, groups, and classes based on his own and his pupils’ observations and with the support of a huge and efficient index including most collections then known. He was able to identify a series of painters and nameless schools, whose work was not analyzed through the perspective of the master piece, Hartwig’s Meisterwerk, but through a perspective that privileged the ensemble, detecting styles and different generations of painters. To do so, he made use of an interpretation system of vases that was based on the following elements: execution (E), representation system (R), and drawing (D). (Beazley 1922: 84-5)

Leaving behind some interpretations of this great and unknown hellenist, Oscar Wilde’s perception of the relation between text and image is quite shrewd, even though he seems to downplay visual data regarding commitment to historical truth. By mid-20th century, with the advances in Classical Iconography studies, some conceptual approaches for analyzing the relation between text and image evidence were developed. This was partially enabled by the codification developed by the international project Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum, that published its first volumes in the 1920s.

Hence I understand that Classical Iconography belonged avant la lettre to the field of Historical Archaeology, since the former is a subarea of Classical Archaeology. If

Charles Dugas, in his Tradition littéraire et tradition graphique dans l’Antiquité grecque (1960), was the first 99

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

one ponders upon the issue of written and material testimonies, Classical Archaeology, in its turn, could be considered nowadays an area of Historical Archaeology, despite the fact that Classical Archaeology’s tradition traces back earlier to Renaissance in relation to recent Historical Archaeology. Classical Archaeology could be subsumed under Historical Archaeology along with archaeologies of other historical societies such as Old Egypt, Mesopotamia, or China, as well as with European or Islamic Middle Ages, just as with Archaeology of the Modern World or of the New World, which should no longer be mistakenly regarded as the essence of Historical Archaeology. As mentioned above, within Historical Archaeology different forms of relation among text, material support, and image result in an experience of transdisciplinarity. In order to show the extension to which Classical Iconography is part of Historical Archaeology, I would like to point out some empirical contexts of interpretation which need be placed in a relational process, according to three patterns of testimonial relation, of interpolation between typologies of testimony:

Fig. 11.1. Amphora (with lid). Black figures. Amasis Painter. Würzburg, Martin von Wagner Museum, L 265 and L 282. Between 540 and 530. Bothmer Amasis p. 113-6, no. 19. Holmberg, Erik. On the Rycroft Painter and other Athenian black-figure vase painters with a feeling for nature. Jansered (Sweden), 1922, fig. 21, p. 8. Cerqueira, 2001, cat. 524

1st relation: image-image 2nd relation: image-material support

buried on the ground. By the side of the first pithos is a kantharos on the ground.

3rd relation: image-text

Based on the iconographic description, I tentatively propose an interpretation. As commonly reported in dionysiac iconography, human and mythological elements mix, what poses another theoretical and methodological question. The winemaking activity performed by the satyrs is a reference to human work in vinification. Hence the aulos played by the satyr during harvesting and pigeage refers to the employment of this musical instrument in this activity, which was related to the celebration of oskhophoria in the Athenian calendar. But how can I support this interpretation?

In this article, concerned with a reflection on Historical Archaeology, I will briefly present a case of interpretative relation of the third type, between image and text, which will allow us to think of disciplinary decentering in Archaeology, History, and Anthropology. IMAGE-TEXT RELATION Relations between image and literary testimonies can be treated under a series of perspectives; it is not possible to give one single example that includes the whole set of possible situations. I will analyze a vase that exemplifies the wealth of possibilities and conceptual risks involved in these analyses: an amphora by the Amasis Painter (Figure 11.1), currently kept in Würzburg, that pictures a group of satyrs taking part of grape harvesting and pigeage.

Iconography of Attic vases does not record scenes with human figures performing rural activities along with musical instruments: these representations always have mythological characters, namely silenoi, part of the dionysiac entourage. How can one claim the existence of a social practice based strictly on representations of mythological characters without having contemporary iconographic and textual patterns with which to compare this vase by the Amasis painter, dating from the third quarter of the 6th century?

Let us briefly describe the main scene in the body of this amphora. On the right side, we can see a silenus harvesting grapes. To his left, there is another quite fat silenus standing on a basin over a stool and treading on the grapes. The fruit juice runs down into a pithos almost entirely buried on the ground. Under the stool is an oinokhoe. Further left are three silenoi: the first is assisting the work of pigeage with his hands, pouring more grapes into the basin; the second is playing the aulos (double-reeded instrument); the third is pouring some liquid from a large oinokhoe into a great pithos partially

The lack of sources is partially due to an indifference displayed by painters and authors of the classical period towards rural themes, as observed by André Leonardo Chevitarese (Chevitarese 2000; 2001: 197-8; Cf. Aristophanes Wasps 1120-1537; Acharnians 33-39; Clouds 43-52, 372. Aristotle Politics 1328b, 1329a e 1330a. Teophrastus Characters 4.7-8, 4.11-2, 4.16.), as opposed to the hellenistic world. Hence classical period 100

F.V. CERQUEIRA: HISTORY, IMAGE, AND MUSIC…

sources provide us only with a fragmentary and prejudicial view of khorá. Rural life, nevertheless, went on regardless of what urban characters such as writers and craftsmen thought of it. Thence, in order to reconstruct musical practices in the countryside, it was necessary to break the silence barrier imposed on the peasants who did not have a medium to express their own selfrepresentation.

The questions are: does the aulos played by the silenus along with the pigeage and by the nymph along with the harvesting refer to the use of this musical instrument at Athens during these activities? Can one claim that grape harvesting is a rural activity that used to employ a musical accompaniment? Can one talk about music as a component of any phase of rural work? I do believe that the fact that the aulos is absent in grapevine scenes on red figure vases does not allow us to assert that Attic peasants did not use it. The first clue is given by Aristoxenus in the 4th century B.C., who tells us that the peasantry learned how to play the aulos and the syrinx without studying.2

In order to break this Athenian silence on the type of music that was practiced in the country during the classical period, one needs to consider that Athens was not an isolated phenomenon in rural life habits and musical culture. Even though it bears specific characteristics, Athens shares certain aspects with other regions. Moreover, one needs to take into account that talking about country life involves what History calls longue durée.1 In rural life, changes take place more slowly and continuities are longer. Therefore I will resort to references from other regions and from other times in order to explain the few evidences that Attic iconography provides us on music in rural life. In such wider perspective, one finds persuasive testimonies on the use of music during agricultural and sheepherding activities.

Here one faces a methodological hindrance: the chronological and geographical deviation between the Attic vase by Amasis and the amount of evidence about the presence of the aulos in winemaking, evidenced by iconographic and literary records to all of the ancient Mediterranean. In Homer’s description of the Shield of Achilles, he talks about a boy who gracefully sings a song of linos with a voice of aulos and accompanied by a phorminx (Iliad XVIII.566-71). It is the first reference to music in grapevine plantations and the only one to string instruments in this kind of situation; however, his voice is compared to the high frequency and strident sound of the aulos, but this instrument was not known in the homeric world. The reference to this instrument in Homer occurs only in book XVIII of the Illiad which, according to the exegesis, would be a late addition to the work that portrays aspects of the reality of arcaic Greece including music. (Cf. Iliad XVIII.490) Homer called it “Linos aria,” which would later acquire funerary connotations and be used in the following centuries as the appropriate song to worship the dead, as it talked about Linos’s tragic death.

From all the works that represent rural life related to grapes and wines, only three black-figure vases dating from the 6th century suggest that musical instruments were used: two amphorae by the Amasis Painter (figure 11.1 = Cerqueira 2001: cat.524; Cerqueira 2001: cat. 524.1) and a kylix dating from the last decade of the 6th century (Cerqueira 2001: cat. 524.2). In the first two amphorae one can see silenoi and in the third a pair of nymphs—therefore, only mythological figures. None of them presents an iconographic context containing humans. Would one be prevented from claiming the use of aulos during agricultural work and particularly in grape harvesting?

All other textual references show the aulos as an instrument that traditionally accompanied the works in the grapevines in ancient times. Lexicographers of the imperial period mentioned the “squeezer’s song,” sang during the pigeage: epileion aulema. (Pollux IV.55. Bélis 1999: 71. Haldane 1966: 102. Lambin 1992: 148.)

To answer such a question, one needs to resort to the methods of Historical Archaeology described by Orser (1992:55) and contrast different sources.

According to Gérard Lambin, in his La chanson grecque (1995), several testimonies from the imperial period tell us of the custom to sing along with the aulos while treading on the grapes. (Cf. Calixenus of Rodes ap. Athenaeus V.199a. Palatine Anthology IX.403 e XI.64. Longus II.2.2; IV.38.3. Anacreontic Poems 59 West, V.410. John Chrysostom. Commentary on the Psalms XLI.1. Póllux IV.55.) Athenaeus brings us a witty example of this habit in hellenistic Egypt: in describing the magnificent dionysiac procession promoted by Ptolemaeus Philadelphus at Alexandria, he described one of the four-wheeled wagons, in which the cultivation of grapevines developed under Dionysus’s auspice was staged:

I believe beforehand that the mythical representation of winemaking, an activity performed by satyrs and even nymphs, is a reference to human work involved in vinification. But one needs to find more convincing documental evidence. I have stated that painters often resort to a mythical representation of daily situations and that there is a strong preference for mythological approaches in religious activities related to wine and Dyonisus. Both these aspects can be considered favorable premises to the interpretation I propose, but they are not valid as proof evidence. Here I cannot help but think of the decisive power of sources so regularly mentioned by Positivism. 1

This concept was created by Fernand Braudel (1901-1985), and systematized in the article “Histoire et Science Sociale. Longue Durée.”, published in Annales E.S.C., 13:4, Oct.-Dec., 1958, p. 725-753.

2

Aristoxenus ap. Athenaeus IV.174f. Bion reports that they made their own instruments.

101

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

And next [after several wagons and groups] another four-wheeled wagon was drawn along, twenty cubits in length, drawn by three hundred men. And on it there was a wine-press (…) full of grapes; and sixty Satyrs were trampling on the grapes, singing a song in praise of the wine-press, to the music of a flute. And Silenus presided over them; and the new wine ran out over the whole road. (Athenaeus V.201sq)

could not have been an isolated case. As a necessity, these musicians’ presence in the rural grapevine scenes must have been fairly common.

This custom is attested until late antiquity in several regions of the ancient Mediterranean. A Roman mosaic from the 3rd century B.C. found at Saint-Romain-en-Gal attests the presence of this tradition in southern Gaul: in a picture representing the four seasons, Autumn is illustrated by a scene of grape pigeage and an aulos that sets the rhythm of the peasants’ movements (Bélis 1999: 72).3

From the above exposed, we stand before a fact of the longue durée. There is literary evidence for the use of the aulos in the grapevines until the 6th century: an epigram by Agathias Scholasticus talks about the Bacchic and cheerful cadence with which the aulos music accompanied and rendered the work rhythmical. This poet considered this music satyrical, what reminds us of the amphorae by the Amasis Painter and Ptolemaeus Philadelphus’s wagon, in which the pigeage was performed by satyrs, including several auletai. (Agathias Scholasticus Epigrams. Greek Anthology. Palatine Anthology, 64).

Secondly, Psenumis is culturally described as an illiterate journeyman who is certainly a member of a social group Annie Bélis calls musical proletariat, consisting mostly of auletai employed in several other work activities.

The most interesting source about this topic is an Egyptian papyrus from the 4th century A.D.: an official document through which an auletés was hired to work in the grapevines (Bélis 1999: 71).4 Since it is a relatively little known document, I here transcribe an excerpt, as it helps us better understand the role of the auletés:

These customs have persisted throughout the centuries, coming to the 20th century in some regions of the Mediterranean. In Lebanon, ethnographic reports claim that a kind of double flute was used in grape harvesting up until the 1930s, supposedly in order to prevent peasants from sleeping. (Feghaft 1935: 167).

To Aurelius Eugenius, gymnasiarch and senator of Hermolopolis, from Aurelius Psenumis son of Colluthus and Melitina, flute-player, of Hermopolis (...) I acknowledge that I have contracted and agreed with you the landlord to present myself at the village of (...) at the vintage of the vineyards which are there along with the appointed grape-treaders and without fault assist the grape-treaders and the other workers by my flute-playing and not leave the grape-treaders until completion of the vintage of the approaching auspicious 10th indication; and for the flute-playing and the entertainment I shall receive the prescribed fee from those responsible. This agreement, which I have issued in a single copy, is valid, and in answer to the formal question I have given my consent. (...) (Signed) I, Aurelius Psenumis, will fulfil the terms of the engagement as stated above. I, Aurelius Pinution, assistant of Anicetus, have written for him, as he is illiterate. (Endorsed) Agreement of Aurelius Psenumis with Eugenius.

Hence we observe that the amphorae at Würzburg (Figure 11.1 = Cerqueira, 2001: cat. 524) and at Basel (Cerqueira, 2001: cat. 524.1), as well as the kylix at Munich (Cerqueira, 2001: cat. 524.2), are probably the only iconographic evidence in Attic pottery from mid-6th century to 4th century of the tradition of musical accompaniment with the aulos in the grapevines. This practice was present throughout the whole Mediterranean and is part of a logic regarding music usefulness— especially that of the aulos—for disciplining physical activities that involve repetitive and wearying movements, and for contributing to the invigoration of those who perform those tasks. Thus, from the anthropological perspective on music, we have the same situation for both auletai in pigeage, milling, or breadmaking, and auletai and trumpeters who set the rhythm for athletes, warriors, or oarsmen.

This contract sealed in Greek in the 4th century A.D. between members of the Greek community in Egypt discloses a number of things. Firstly, the hiring of the musician in an economic activity, implicating a stipend, complies with economic logic. For Eugenius, member of a political and landholding elite, the auletés’ performance was necessary for the work routine to run well—he did not hire an auletés out of good will, rather he was considering productivity in his property. Such a contract

Two questions come up: (i) Why is the aulos predominant, instead of percussion or string instruments, to perform arias “of work” and to accompany physical activity? (ii) Why were the aulos and the aulema necessary for these activities, including grape harvesting? In asking why there was a preference for the aulos accompanying songs instead of the lyra, Aristotle gives us a clue over the reason of choice of the first in the accompaniment of physical activities (athletic, manual, or toilsome). He argues that the sounds of the aulos and the voice are similar, as they are both produced by wind; the sounds of the lyra, on the other hand, are “thin” by nature

3

Kept at the Musée Archéologique Nationale de Saint-Germain-enLaye. 4 Papyrus dated from 322 A.D. See: Wesely, C. In: Studia Palatina XIII.6.XX.78. (first publication) Hunt, A.S. & Edgar, C.C. Select Papyri (“Non litterary papyri, private affairs”). London: Loeb.

102

F.V. CERQUEIRA: HISTORY, IMAGE, AND MUSIC…

dictated by History, which is based on the principle of synchronicity of testimonies. This principle, however, needs to be reviewed in light of the concept of the longue durée and the observation of anthropological continuities. The dialogue between the Amasis Painter’s vase, depicting the grape harvesting, and the Egyptian papyrus from the 4th century A.D., set apart chronologically by almost a millenium, illustrates one of the interpretative possibilities presented by the relation between text and image in History and Archaeology studies of Classical Icononography, understood as Historical Archaeology and Archaeology of Image.

and do not blend well with voice, producing the impression to the listener that there are two separate sounds, which makes it evident if the singer makes a mistake (Aristotele Problems XIX.43). We may infer from Aristotle’s explanation, based on perception, that the lyra produces an intermitent sound, whereas that of the aulos, produced by the wind, is more continuous. This continuity is necessary to ensure the function of cadence control of the movement not only for reducing the irregularity (Aristotele Physics, a V.III.226b. Themistiuss Commentary on Aristotele, Physics [172, 26 sq. Schenel]) but also because of the stronger acoustic effect; the mild and discontinuous sound of the lyra loses much of its effect against the noise produced by physical activities. Moreover, the aulos is acoustically better than the lyra in open spaces where these arias “of work” are performed, be it for athletes exerting physical effort, be it in a noisy deck of a trireme or in the hold of a galley.

By means of a case study, my objective was to provide a reflection upon the experience of disciplinary decentering put forth by the development of a research on music in the daily life of late ancient and classical Athens through a systematic analysis of the iconography of Attic ceramic vases. The multidisciplinary experience was connected to the need of binding an interpretation of the meaning of music in daily practices, understood as possessing social and cultural meaning, to the technical and semantic characteristics that are inherent to the study of classical ceramology as well as to the study of images as archaeological documental support.

Maybe that is the reason why Aristotle considers the aulos an exciting instrument (Aristotele Politics VIII.6.1341b), that “stimulates action” (Bélis 1999: 76). In relation to the arias that accompanied athletic competitions or the so called arias “of work,” as is the case of the epilenion aulema (“squeezer’s song”), the function of stimulating physical effort (Athenaeus XIV.629f-627d) through rhythm is inextricably connected to the function of softening weariness, as the melody was occasionally sung by the workers in the grapevines or in the galleys. Singing brings joy and softens the burdensome sweat and pain of the physical effort demanded in exhausting and repetitive activities. (Bélis 1999:75) Aristides Quintilianus was aware that music’s function was twofold:

Certainties as to the boundaries of different areas were thus lost, this study being in the midst of Archaeology, Anthropology, and History. It must be emphasized that these boundaries were gradually renounced as this study grew more familiar with the epistemological field of Historical Archaeology. ICONOGRAPHIC DOCUMENTATION:

Nature itself seems to have offered music to men as a gift, in order to help them bear hardships more easily; in fact, it is the singing that motivates oarsmen, but the role of music is not limited to tasks in which many people’s efforts are coordinated by the pleasant sound of singing that entertains them. (Aristeides Quintilianus Institutio Oratoria I.10.16)

Cerqueira 2001: cat. 524: Amphora (with lid). Black figures. Amasis Painter. Würzburg, Martin von Wagner Museum, L 265 and L 282. (Figure 11.1). Description: Face A: Silenus playing the aulos in a scene of grape harveting and pigeage. On the right side, we can see a silenus harvesting grapes. To his left, there is another quite fat silenus standing on a basin over a stool and treading on the grapes. The fruit juice runs down into a pithos almost entirely buried on the ground. Under the stool is an oinokhoe. Further left are three silenoi: the first is assisting the work of pigeage with his hands, pouring more grapes into the basin; the second is playing the aulos; the third is pouring some liquid from a large oinokhoe into a great pithos partially buried on the ground. By the side of the first pithos is a kantharos on the ground. As commonly reported in dionysiac iconography, human and mythological elements mix, which poses another theoretical and methodological question. The winemaking activity performed by the satyrs is a reference to human work in vinification. Hence the aulos played by the satyr during harvesting and pigeage refers to the employment of this musical instrument in this activity, which was related to the celebration of oskhophoria in the Athenian calendar. Face B: Dionysus dancing among ithyphallic satyrs. One of the them plays the aulos and the other pours wine into the kantharos held by Dionysus.

Bearing weariness, motivating physical effort, controlling tiresome and repetitive physical movements based on regularity – music plays a role in all these functions, accompanying athletics, military practices and toilsome activities, all of which are based on repetitive body movements that must follow a rhythmic plan. The aulos necessarily exerts the musical function of synchronizing movements, placing them in a common and controlled pace (as in a metronome) and making repetition less monotonous. According to Sextus Empiricus (Adversus Musicos 18), the aulos helped executing any work that had “a marked pace, in order to organize thought.” The interpretation I proposed, articulating different types of documental sources, from different regions and produced in periods set well apart, may seem to be a risky analytical procedure, inconsistent with some rules 103

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Pelotas, RS: Editora da Universidade Federal de Pelotas, v I, nº 2.

References: Bothmer, D. von. The Amasis Painter and his world. Vase Paintings in sixth century Athens. Malibu/California: Paul Getty Mus. e Nova Iorque/Londres: Thomas and Hudson. p. 113-6, n.º 19. Holmberg, E. On the Rycroft Painter and other Athenian black-figure vasepainters with a feeling for nature. Jansered (Sweden), 1922, fig. 21, p. 8.

FURTWÄNGLER, A. e REICHHOLD, K. (1901) Griechische Vasenmalerei. Munique. GINSBURG, C. (1980) “Signes, traces, pistes; racines d’un paradigme de l’indice.”, Le Débat, 6, p. 3-44. HALDANE, J. (1966) A. Musical Instruments in Greek Worship, Greece and Rome, 13, p. 98-107.

Cerqueira 2001: cat. 524.1: Amphora. Black figures. Amasis Painter. Basel, col. Käppeli, Kä 420. 540-30. Description: Similar to the former. Reference: Bélis, A. Les musiciens dans l’Antiquité. 1999, p. 72, note 34.

HARTWIG, P. (1893) Die griechischen Meisterschalen der Blühtzeit des strengen rotfigurigen Stils. LAMBIN, G. (1992) La l’Antiquité. Paris: CNRS.

Cerqueira 2001: cat. 524.2: Kylix. Black figures (ABV 208/1; Add2 55). Munich, Antikesammlung, 2100. 510-500. Description: Mythological beings—lower half of the body, serpent; upper half of the body, woman—which could be identified as nymphs in their feminine part, and as cthonic powers related to fertility of the earth in their reptilian part, displayed in pairs besides grapevine poles; the pair on the right holds a net for keeping the grapes; the pair on the left portrays the ludic dimension of the activity, one of them playing the aulos and the other bringing a great skyphos for consuming wine. References: Kunst der Schale, Kultur des Trinkens, Munique: Staatliche Antikesammlung und Glyptothek, 1990, p. 308-9, nº 51.4, p. 328, nº 56.6a.

chanson

grecque

dans

LIMA, T.A. (1993) Arqueologia Histórica no Brasil: balanço bibliográfico (1960 – 1991). Anais do Museu Paulista. Nova série nº1, p. 225-231. LIMA, T.A. (1998) Arqueologia Histórica: algumas considerações teóricas. Clio – Série Arqueológica, nº 05, Recife: Universidade Federal do Pernambuco, p. 87-99. LIMA, T.A. (2002) Os marcos teóricos da arqueologia histórica, suas possibilidades e limites In: Estudos Ibero-americanos. Porto Alegre: PUCRS. LIMA, T., BRUNO, M.C., MARTA P.R. (1993) Sintomas do modo de vida burguês no Vale do Paraíba, séc. XIX: Fazenda São Bernardo, Vassouras, RJ. Exploração arqueológica e museológica. Anais do Museu Paulista, Nova Série, nº 1, p. 179-205.

English Version Lívia Oushiro. References BEAZLEY, J.D. (1922) “Citharoedus”, Journal of Hellenic Studies, 42, p. 70-96.

LIMA, T. [et al.] (1989) A tralha doméstica em meados do século XIX: reflexos da emergência da pequena burguesia do Rio de Janeiro. Dédalo, publicação avulsa, 1: 205-230, São Paulo.

BÉLIS, A. (1999) Les musiciens dans l’Antiquité. Paris: Hachette.

METZGER, H. (1951) Les représentations dans la céramique attique du IVe siècle. Paris: Boccard.

CHEVITARESE, A.L. (2001) O espaço rural da pólis grega. O caso ateniense no período clássico. Rio de Janeiro: Fábrica de Livros / SENAI, 2001, 197-8.

METZGER, H. (1985) Sur la valeur de l’attribut dans l’interpretation de certaines figures du monde éleusinien. In: EIDOLOPOIÍA. Actes du colloque sur les problèmes de l’image dans le monde méditerranéen classique. Château de Lourmarin en Provence, 23 septembre 1982. Roma: Giogio di Bretschneider.

CHEVITARESE, A.L.. (2000) “Pastores e rebanhos na chóra ática nos períodos arcaico e clássico”, lectured in Colóquio – Imagem e Discurso na Antigüidade Clássica, during the IV Semana de Eventos da Faculdade de Letras da UFMG, from Oct 23-27, 2000, in Belo Horizonte, Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Faculdade de Letras. (mimeo).

ORSER, Ch.E. (1992) Introdução à Arqueologia Histórica. Belo Horizonte: Oficina de Livros. ORSER, Ch.E. (1990) Archaeological approaches to New World plantation slavery. In: Archaeological Method and Theory (ed M.B. Schiffer), vol.2, Tucson: University of Arizona Press, p. 111-154.

DUGAS, Ch.. (1960) Tradition littéraire et tradition graphique dans l’Antiquité grecque. in: Recueil Charles Dugas. Paris: Boccard. FEGHAFT, M. (1935) Contes, légendes, coûtumes populaire dy Lyban et Syriens. Paris.

ORSER, Ch.E. (1998) The archaeology of the African diaspora. In: Annual Review of Anthropology, 27, p. 63-82.

FRANCISCO, G. da S. (2007) Grafismos Gregos. Escrita e Figuração na Cerâmica Ática do Período Arcaico (do século VII ao VI a.C.). Master’s Degree Dissertation. MAE/USP.

SINGLETON, T.A. (1995) The archaeology of slavery in North America. In: Annual Review of Anthropology, 24, p. 119-40. SINGLETON, T.A. (1999) “I, Too, Am America”: Archaeological Studies of African American Life. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia.

FUNARI, P.P. de A. e ORSER, Ch.E. (2004) Arqueologia da Resistência Escrava. Cadernos do LEPAARQ. 104

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CHRISTIANITY IN DACIA AND DACIA ROMAN PROVINCES IN I-V CENTURIES A.D. Elena BACIU Abstract: In this article we study the beginnings of the Christianity in Dacia and Dacia Roman provinces in the I-V centuries A.D., considering that the Romanization of Dacia and the Christianity are two phenomena that developed simultaneously. The first question is: what was the religion of Geto-Dacians before the Christianity? The historiography presents three interpretation models: polytheism, monotheism or henotheism, that would mean a monotheism hidden behind the polytheism.The early Christianity study in Dacia represents generally, our contribution at the Christianity history, considering the new trial of development of the European Historiography with new data, new knowledge by archaeology. Aiming to study the Geto-Dacian Christian communities and their relations with the entire Empire in the special conditions that were at the Lower Danube, we analyze material evidences, like the objects and the epigraphic contributions archaeologically discovered, that make possible to do an interpretation of the profile of the religious faith in the region, a long the period of the first five centuries of the Christian times. Maps that show us a larger area of spreading of Christianity can be established thanks to different kinds of archaeological evidences: 1. Talismans and tokens; 2. Ancient stone monuments or other common use objects which, later on were given a Christian nature or Christian significance; 3. Objects used in the divine service; 4. Various other Christian objects; 5. Christian discoveries, like churches. The methodology is based in the dialogue between to archaeological kinds of sources: the material evidences (religious objects and constructed structures) and the epigraphic testimony. Key words: Dacia – Romanization – Christianity – Epigraphy – Archaeology of Religion Résumé: On étudie dans cet article le commencement du Christianisme en Dacie et dans les provinces romaines de la Dacie, dans le période du I au V siècle, en considerante que la romanisation de la Dacie et le Christianisme sont deux phénomènes qui se sont developpés simultanéement. La première question c’est: quel était la religión des Gato-Daciens avant le Christianisme? L’historiographie présente trois modèles d’interpretation: polythéisme, monothéisme ou henothéisme, que voudrait dire un monothéisme caché en derrière du polythéisme. En générale, l’étude du début du Christianisme represente notre contribuition pour l’Histoire du Christianisme, prennant en compte les nouveaux donnés archéologiques. En voulant faire un étude sur les communautés chrétienne Geto-Dacienne et sur leurs relations avec l’Empire, surtoût au Bas Danube, on analyze plusieurs evidences archéologiques, come les objects et le contribuitions epigraphiques, qui nous permettent une interpretation du profile de la foi religieuse dans la région, tout au long du période des cinc premières siècles de l’ère chrétienne. Une cartographie qui montre l’élargissement des communautés chrétiennes dans la regions, a été permis par une grande varietés de sources archéologiques: 1. Talismans et emblème; 2. Monuments antiques à pierre ou d’autres objets d’utilisation commune, qui après on réçu une nature chrétienne ou bien une signification chrétienne. 3. Objects employés dans les traveaux divins; 4. Des objects chrétiens variés; 5. Découvertes archaéologiques chrétiennes en générale. La méthodologie se fonde sur le dialogue epistémologique entre des differentes sources archéologiques: les evidences matérielles (objects religieux et construction) et le registre epigraphique. Mots-clef: Dacie – Romanisation – Christianisme – Épigraphie – Archéologie de la Religion

The Romanization of Dacia and the Christianity are two phenomena that developed simultaneously. The intensity and the development of Romanization influenced directly the power of the Christianity. The urban centers are those that offer the best imagine of the Romanization and in the same time they become the hotbeds of the Christianity in the first three centuries A.D.

would have been able to be countless. Nevertheless these attributes lack at Getas: because “Zamolxis” is almost exclusively used, while “Gebeleizis” is entirely an exception here as an appellative of the supreme God. Against the henotheism suggested by Vasile Pârvan there were: C. Daicoviciu, I.I. Russu, L. Blaga, Silviu Sanie, and the polytheist character of the Geto-Dacian religion is the dominant point manifested in all the post-war syntheses of the historiography (N. Cojocaru, Orthodox Christianity). The historian Silviu Sanie speaking about the Getas’ religion mentions: “With all diversity of its elements, it represents an united and considered form. Geto-Dacians had a supreme divinity, either they called Zamolxis or Gebeleizis in that they believed, with all difficulty to understand it at the level of the ancient writers, the Greeks, for example or the Romans”.

But what was the religion of Geto-Dacians before the Christianity? Vasile Pârvan asserted that “in the contrast with other Thracians, who were polytheist”, Getas show themselves in their believes to be henotheist*. Their opinion is a kind of dualism, similar to that Iranian but there isn’t any certain document. In connection with the mention of the Greeks that the god of Geto-Dacians had a name, the historian says that these called the god from the sky when Zamolxis, when Geleleizis, name in his opinion that there are “simple explanatory attributes of the power or the appearance of the divinity”. The unique god didn’t need of a proper name, but only explanatory attributes of his power, that is infinite and in this way his attributes also

Though, Niceta of Remesiana, Dacian bishop, writes in “De symbolo” text that in time when he tried to explain to the Daco-Romans, cathehumens about God-The Father from The Credo, he was meeting difficulties because the heathen mythology did from almost every god, a father, 105

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

evidently in a different sense of that Christian. In this way Niceta gives to monotheism a foundation against the heathen polytheism, but present, simple for power of understanding of those who were listening to him. The divinity of Geto-Dacians was conceived as if existed in the sky. For this the Dacians worshiped a celestial cult: they had god warship altars, sanctuaries carved in the high mountains (according to Vasile Pârvan), where they prayed, probably, with their belief to be nearer of their divinity. (Niceta of Remesiana, De Symbolo, in Church writers, by Pr. Prof. Ioan G. Coman, p.116).1

N. Gudea, at the pag. 109 of his work “From the History of Christianity at Romanians. Archaeological Proves”3 mentions about the individual type: “Missioners brought here not only the Christian ferment, because the DacoRoman society at which this ferment was coming, as too the other part of the Empire was already capable to take over this ferment and ready prepared to develop it”. This thing is able to explain by Vasile Parvan’s words: “The cause of Daco-Roman Christianity found out on the public monuments much earlier to appear provinces of Illyricum, I think I must search only its bringing directly from East-The Train’s colonists came in the most part from Christian Orient-and, as a result, in the old heart of the Christian community of Dacia that would have given its members a certain self-confidence in their power for resting even on the opportunity of the public fight with dominant heathen would have been as in the other part of , then a true idolatry”. the world a certain

In accordance with the tradition, the Christianity was introduced to us still from the Apostolic Century. It is known that after the “Ascension Day” the Saint Apostles didn’t delay too much in Jerusalem. They were all over in the world in order to preach, teach the Jesus’ Gospel as if Origen wrote: “Toma went to preach to Parths, Matei went to Ethiopia, Bartolomeu to West of India, John to Asia, Andrew to Scythia, Petru to Pont, Galatia, Bithynia and Capadokia, Paul went from Jerusalem to Illyria.

The spread of Gnosticism by its pieces in the same time with those of the paleochristianity, charged also of some powerful evangelized communities. Those “abrasaxes” which a period lived together with Christianity to Porolissum, Romula, Orlea, etc. remained only a memory of the territory where they were discovered, emphasizing the idea that the Christian theology was imposed to the “bazilidei” Gnosticism which integrated itself to Christianity. Owing to pure Christianity after 325 A.D. the Gnostic cremation is replaced with proper inhumation. The astronomical calculations, with regarding the great feasts were taken over from Dacians, through the writing down of the equinoxes and solstices within quadrilateral sanctuaries and circular discovered to Sarmizegetusa by Victor Teodorescu and C. Daicoviciu.

About the preaching of Jesus’ Gospel by Saint Apostles in Scythe territory and assimilation of the new Christian learning by Geto-Dacians, early, was done a study by P.S. Epifanie Norocel who synthesized the mentions of the church authors on the preach of Saint Andrew in our territories, even by the epistle to Colosens of Saint Paul who said: Where there is neither Greek nor Jew, circumcision nor uncircumcision, Barbarian, Scythian bond nor free: but Christ is all, and in all (Clos. III,11). Some historian and church people relying on some historic data suppose that in Dobrogea there were Christians even in the first centuries A.D. The historian C.C. Giurescu, speaking about “Christianity of DacianGetas, asserts: It’s sure that in Dacia Christians were before of the Roman retreat. The Christianity was in the time when the Roman legions were retreating, an old almost two and half century. It penetrated into all the most important centers of the Roman Empire, further throughout Balkan Peninsula. So it is not at all excluded as though the colonists brought by Traian would have been Christian soldiers, too. Also, they could be through the rows of the troops who had settled before in the east and now they had their garrison in Dacia (C.C. Giurescu, The Forming of the Romanian People, Craiova, 116 page).2

The researcher Nestor Vornicescu mentions chronologically the sufferings of the saints in old our territory: Pasincrate and Valentin martyrized at Durostorum, in IIIc. A.D. The martyrization of the soldier Iuliu Veteranu, in the same time and in the same citadel, where the Saint Nicandru and the Saint Marcian÷298, and the Saint Isihic suffered, too. In 304 A.D. there is registered the sufferings of the Dac priest Montanus and his wife Maxima, at Singidunum. In that epoch the bishop Irimeu worked and suffered at Sirmium and the priest Dasius suffered at Axiopolis. Also there are mentioned monks who suffered as martyrs and became saints as Epictet, Astion4 about in 290 A.D. in Halmiris citadel.

How was the Christianity born and spread in the GetoDacian territory? We could answer relying on the studied documentation: missionary was the term explained by A. von Harnack (Harnack, 1924, p.33-528). This missionary (missioner activity) could be of individual and spontaneous type or of type guided, ruled politically.

Nestor Vornicescu reminds about the old episcopate office from Recidiva where in 328 A.D. there was the bishop tefan and in the second half of the IVth c A.D. there was in Tomis a well-known episcopate office led by bishop Bretanion, a famous priest. Another bishop in 3

N. Gudea, From the History of Christianity at Romanians. Archaeological Proves, p. 109. 4 Nestor Vornicescu, One of the first writings of ancient Romanian literature-Suffering of Martyrs Epictet and Astion, Ed. Mitropoliei Olteniei, Craiova, 1990, p. 67-109.

1

Prof. dr. Ioan G. Coman, Church writers, p. 116, Niceta of Remesina, De Symbolo. 2 C.C. Giurescu, The Forming of the Romanian Peolple, Craiova, 1973, p. 116.

106

E. BACIU: THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CHRISTIANITY IN DACIA AND DACIA ROMAN PROVINCES IN I-V CENTURIES A.D.

Tomis well-known, too there was Teotim about 390-407 A.D. It is said that the Tomis episcopate office was promoted to the rank of metropolitan church by the Emperor Atanasie I (491-518) and had under its jurisdiction 14 episcopate offices: Axiopolis, Capidava, Bifainos, Caupros, Nicomidia, Dessu, Salsovia, Halmiris, Tropheum Traiani, Zeldipa, Dionzsopolis, Callatis, Histria, Constantiniana. All these episcopate offices are mentioned in the “Synekdemos” work by Hieracles.

special conditions that were at the Lower Danube, when the Empire lost provinces in Balkans, where Barbarians conquered the territory between the Danube and Balkans. However the Christian population is developed, survives over the borders of the Empire, preserving the religion and ethnic entity and some aspects of its Roman origin. The XXth century was the period when the most studies about the early Daco-Roman Christianity by the analysis of the objects discovered archaeologically. Vasile Pârvan showed in his study the true research: “The Epigraphic Contributions at the Daco-Roman Christianity History”. The historian pays attention: ”In Traian- Dacia had to have been Christians before 270 A.D., too. It is a logicalhistoric necessity: all believes were in Empire in that period, there were in Dacia, too, especially those Orientals, of which some of them appeared only here, and many Orientals Romanized came in Dacia in order to colonize, a great number was from old Christian provinces, missionaried by the God’s Apostles themselves, Syria, Galatia, Asia provinces, etc”.

On the left bank of the Danube, in the Buz u places, today, in 372 A.D. suffered martyr death the well-known Saint Sava, called Gotul, too. At Niculi el, in the IVth c A.D. suffered martyr death as follow as: Zoticos, Atthalos, Kamasis and Filippos. They called saints. Also Many after Christians suffered martyr death like Emilian from Durostorum; at Singidunum the deacon Donat was and his twin brother Venust died to Sirmium and the list keeps on. We notice that some and the others were Dacians and with their example there is a confirmation of the continuity of Geto-Dacians in their country, Dacia.

Vasile Pârvan reminds about Tertuluian who enumerates among the people “where the name of Christ and belief in him reached” is Dacian people. Giving the example of non-concordance between Tertulian’s and Origene’s text, the Romanian savant added: “consequently the literary springs don’t give anything sure on the Christianity from the left bank of the Danube before 250 A.D. Contrary a spring of another nature gives a documentation irrevocable about Christianity in Traian-Dacia still before 270 A.D.” It is given for example an inscription from Napoca which begins as all the others with D(is) M(anibus), but for this reason it didn’t pay attention though it was finished with sacred monogram. The inscription was carved on a stone sarcophagus found about 1500 and the data about the inscription are known from the manuscripts of Mazerius, the humanist (about 1516). Also, at 62 page of the work, the historian presents another Christian monograms discovered to Calatis, Tomis, Tropaeum Traiani and Axiopolis.

The second type of missionary was that ruled politically manifested when there was a collaboration between Church and Empire, especially in the IVth c A.D. when Christian Church became the ally of the state especially when the missionary was directed to barbarian groups and people in order to be quiet down them and integrate in foreign politic of the Empire. In a kind of this missionary there were involved: Ioan Cassian, Dionisie the Greatest, Vasile the Greatest, Ulfila, in Moesia II or Scythia and Niceta of Remesiana in Mediterranean Dacia.5 The spread and evolution of Christianity gets a great importance in the three Dacian provinces after the Roman retreat till the downfall of the Byzantine border at the Lower Danube. What will put us in links with DacoRoman Christianity evidences will be the archaeological sources, which demonstrate that the left people in its territories preserved an economic, social and spiritual Geto-Dacian autochthonous life. The Geto-Dacian language in which there were concluded on commercial agreements at the Lower Danube is used as cult language, too, till the downfall of the Byzantine Empire in 1204. After this date it was imposed the practice of the Christian cult in Greek language mentioned in documents kept to Putna Monastery and studied by researchers, G. Ciobanu and I. Pan âru. The early Christianity study in Dacia represents generally, our contribution at the Christianity history. There was still a new trial of development of the European Historiography with new data, new knowledge by archaeology.

Vasile Pârvan mentions: “Important and decisive for inscription there is the conclusion of Becker, that: the most inscriptions provided with the sigles D M belong to the third century and the period of Constantine (I Emperor, 67 page)”. If Vasile Pârvan opened the first stage of the research between 1911-1936 years, another stage is that researched by C. Daicoviciu who brings new archeological Christian evidences dated in the IVth c. When missionaries bring the Christianity here, to the north Danube, especially after 313 A.D. a new stage of the research can be between 1936-1958. I.I. Russu makes up the first systematic catalogue of early Christianity particularly for Transilvania. Another two catalogues made-up followed the work mentioned above by I. Barnea, (Barnea 1977, Barnea 1979). These works make evident the real possibility of the early Christianity in Dacian provinces.

If the beginnings seem to us poor in materials, the IVth-Vth c A.D. brings light in accordance with the organization of the Christian Church. The connection of the Geto-Dacian Christian communities with the entire Empire in the 5

N. Gudea, Form the Christianity History at Romanians. The Archaeological Proves, p. 109.

107

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

The continuos research bases on the rich bibliographical lists. May we start from that made-up by Vasile Pârvan and go fast to those relied on the new discoveries, rediscoveries and interpretations as Christian objects made-up by K. Horedt (Horedt 1946), M. Macrea (Macrea 1948), C. Daicoviciu (C. Daicoviciu1 948; C. Daicoviciu 1949), I.I. Russu (Russu 1958) D. Protase (Protase 1966), I. Barnea (Barnea 1971, Barnea 1977, Barnea 1979, Barnea 1985), and K. Horedt (Horedt 1982). To these lists we can add uncountless articles and other works in accordance with another discoveries of the Christian items. There were made-up maps respecting technical characteristics, as: materials, dimensions, descriptions, typologies, and analogies; data of the place of the discoveries and the place where these are preserved. Having a delivery of items on the maps it could make comparisons among the situations of the Dacian provinces with the others from the entire Roman Empire and Balkanic region. Of course, the discoveries in Dacia territory can join and integrate to the researches and discoveries, which made on the other Christian territories as Britania and Germania as part of the Christian items associated of items from the late period of the Roman Empire and early Byzantine. In this way we can follow a movement of Christianity in European territory. The discovered items can analyze as making part from three stages of evolutions:

1. Talismans and tokens: a.) Ring gemstones with Gnostic symbols (Porolissum, Apulum, Micia, Romula, Orlea, Drobeta); b) ring gemstones with Christian symbols proper (Potaissa, Transilvania, Apulum, Romula); c) metal rings with Christian symbols and inscriptions on the plate (Bologa, Potaissa, Dierna, Ulpia Traiana, Sucidava); d) metal rings having a cross on the plate (Cara river, Saco u Turcesc); e) cross shaped pendants (Porolissum, Romula, Dubovac, Vrsac); f) accessories for clothing with Christian symbols: brooches (Micia); belt brooches of Sucidava type (Apulum, Bratei, Orlea, etc.); belt attachments (applicae) (Feisa): pendants (Platea); g) Gnostic funeral items (Dierna). 2. Ancient stone monuments or other common use objects which, later on were given a Christian nature or Christian significance (Christianized): a) tombstones (Napoca, Potaissa, Ampelum, Gil u, Ulmetum) b) building ceramic materials (Romula);c) various vessels with Christian symbols added after the date of fabrication (Porolissum, Poian, Micasasa, Cumidava); d) vessels with the fish images invised after the date of fabrication (Gherla); e) vessel lids (Porolissum, Resculum, Micia, UlpiaTraiana, Cumidava, Tibiscum, Caransebe ). 3. Objects used in the divine service: a) Chandelier (Biertan); b) liturgical vessels (Biertan); c) eucharistic chalices (Porolissum, Ulpia Traiana); d) instruments for stamping the Eucharistic bread (Platea, Job r); e) bronze lamp supports (Dej, Gherla, Porolissum, Romula, R cari); f) clay lamps with monogram of Christ or with a cross on the plate (discus) (Ampulum, Transilvania, Romula, etc); with cross at the bottom (Iliu a, Merche a, Apulum, Ulpia Traiana, etc.) with various Christian symbols (Romula, etc); with birds on the plate (discus) Romula); g) Silver Eucharistic spoons (Transilvania, Deleni, Dierna).

a) The period of Roman province consists of some ringstones and Christian talismans proper (found at Potaissa, Apulum and Romula, Transilvania in general), several Gnostic ring gemstones (Porolissum, Apulum, Micia, Romula, Orlea); other Gnostic items counting as talismans (Micia); Gnostic funerary objects (Dierna); vessel lids with a cross on them (Porolissum, Micia, Tibiscum, Resculum, Cumidava, Ulpia Traiana). b) The early Christianity objects when the Gnostic objects do not exist yet, the objects become more uniform in their classification in accordance with their use. They became more generalized being used during divine service; existence of churches and the tombstones as well. The found objects indicate us the existence of the initial hotbeds of Christianity, the cities of the provinces, the larger settlements, and the artisans’ centers that indicate a wider spread of the new religion.

4. Various other Christian objects a) Symbolic statuettes (Porolissum); b) vessels with fish images (Micia, Mic sasa); c) amphorae (Tg. Secuiesc); d) vessels with Christian symbols put on them when manufactured (Criste ti, Mic sasa); e) inscriptions (Romula).

c) We can speak about IVth c A.D. when there was discovered a greater variety of objects used in the service divine, talismans, burial objects, parts of equipment and harness. The studied maps show a larger area of spreading of Christianity.

5. Christian discoveries (churches)(Porolissum, Sl veni); 6. Moulds for the metal Christian items (Sânmicl u ); 7. Objects and discoveries in the late Roman and early Byzantine settlements and forts on the left bank of the Danube (from mouth of the Tisa to the mouth of the Olt).

For putting in evidence the thing presented above we could do a classification of the objects discovered especially their destination. Consulting the maps what content the spreading of the objects intended to Christian religious cult annexed to the work, the historian Nicolae Gudea realized a certain grouping in his work “From the History of the Christianity at Romanians Archaeological Proves”:

Nicolae Gudea made-up his table based mainly on analogies, and on the knowledge of the Christian ritual and cult inventory. In the late Roman period Tomis becomes the capital of the Scythia provinces founded by Diocletian Emperor by tearing of part from the territory of 108

E. BACIU: THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CHRISTIANITY IN DACIA AND DACIA ROMAN PROVINCES IN I-V CENTURIES A.D.

the ex-provinces, “Moesia Inferior”. Here the governor of the province has the residence and it is the place where the Christianity spreads even in the I c A.D. and the first episcopate office from Scythia is born.

which there are carved the letters MT PM that would mean MAGNA MATER. The 36 drawing, Figure 10. The inscription is from II-IIIc A.D. 3. A pendant cross from nacre with height 2 cm. dated from the first half of IIIc A.D. The 23 drawing, Fig. 3; 4. Honorific inscription altar B P; 5. Middle dimensions amphora found into a tomb. On it there is painted with red dye the letters B P.

Beside the Christian ritual in provinces ruled over temporary by Roman Empire, Dacia Province and Dobrogea between 106-271 A.D. developed simultaneously with the other religious cults brought here by the members of the Roman legions for example: Mani god cult, dead people cult, Dis Manibus. In the free Dacians territory there were autochthonous groups that keep, preserve by directly transmitting of the Zalmoxian cult, ritual. We can give more examples of religious syncretism by some inscriptions from the work of the historian Emilian Popescu “Greek and Latin Inscriptions from IV-XIII c A.D. Discovered in Romania”.6 A marble plate discovered in Constantza, Dobrogea, Romania and dated 284 A.D. or 284-305 period in which: A) It is glorified the Emperor Gaiuc Valerius Dioclitianus loved by gods. The Council and Assembly of the people build the monument. B) At Constantza there is an invocation of the Sun God as a protection for the health of the Emperor Caius Valerius Diocletian and Marcus Aurelius Maximian. C) Funerary stele/stela (39-40 page.) dated at the end of IIIrd c and the beginning of IVth c A.D., the epitaph begins with to Mans Gods (Dis Manibus D·M).

From the work of Emilian Popescu “Greek and Latin inscriptions IV-XIII c A.D.” we mention: Transilvania: Potaisa Turda, Cluj County-there is found a gemstone of onyx no. 435 at 391 page, IIIc-beginning IV c A.D. in Greek language and at 391 page- the translation is presented: “Jesus Christ the sun of God, the Saviour”; Moldova – III-IV c A.D. it is discovered at Poene ti, Vaslui County, a neck of amphora with a piece of ). inscription with red dye X(p The space isn’t permitted to bring examples from each group of the table. However the drawings attached to the work give us the possibility to present in detail, “The Christian votive inscription from Biertan” situated on the little table of a subassembly of bronze, probably a part from a Chandelier in Biertan. The place is in the south of Dumbr veni, Târnava Mare County, even in the heart of Transilvania. “The votive little table was found by Kurt Hordet after it stayed much time in the cupboards of the Bruckenthal Museum (as the historian C.C. Giurescu said to us in The Romanian History, 1943, 98 page). Kurt Horedt makes-up a study of this discovery strengthening the great meaning of this object. The inscription is in Latin and contents: Ego Zenovius votum posui (Me, Zenoviu put this offering) and it refers to a Christian monogram from bronze given by author of the inscription. The form of the letters and the form of the monogram show the IVth c A.D. The dating of the inscription is after the retreat of the legions from Dacia, reason that strengthens the problem of the continuity of Daco-Roman population in Transilvania and of the Christian cult.

Respecting somehow the chronological order may we remind Silviu Sanie with “Roman Civilization to East from Carpathians and the Roman World in the Territory of Moldavia II-III c A.D.7 who at the 215-217 pages presents the Barbo i Roman Camp (near Gala i) I-III c A.D. Here there were discovered religious tokens, representation of the sun (sol), of the snake, of the bull as symbol of the force and the fertility. The symbol of the sun was discovered in the Thraco Getic treasures but also from the classical Dacian epoch Ist-IIIrd c A.D. Also, at Barbo i there were discovered the representations of the Oriental gods as: Jupiter, Dolichenus, Meri, Mithras, but also of the Danubian Knigts and Thrac Knight.

There are in the same drawings annexed, too, a few lamps with cross put in evidence. At the same page 99 from “The Romanian History” C.C. Giurescu presents a lamp of bronze with cross. The lamp was found in the Luciu commune, Ialomotza County, Muntenia. It is dated V-VI c A.D.

In the context mentioned above there is an inscription from Turnu Severin presented by Viorica Enchiuc-Mihai in: “The Point of View in According to Dacian Writing” in History Annals 1/1979, 104 p.: “Ares our god! Twenty years lived in Drobeta This leader of the Macedonica alae From Amutirum citadel to Caron leaves for”.

The historian Dumitru Tudor in “Roman Oltenia”8 presents us at the 90-91 pages a few lamps with Christian signs from II-VI c A.D. found at Sucidava, Orlea, Romula. The pages present further a few Gnostic signs: a gemstone with abrasax inscription on a face and a star with seven arms on the other face. There is a Christian lamp from Romula from IV c A.D. at the 469 page. In the middle this lamp presents a cross and on its edge a yellow-greenish glaze which shows the importation that Sucidava made from Dobrogea or Near Orient, because

Coming back to Silviu Sanie’s work at 219 page we can see another Christian representation. There were 5 objects of old Christian type at Barbo i (220 page.): 1. A cross of nacre with height of 1,7 cm. 2. A ceramic fragment in 6

Emilian Popescu, Greek and Latin Inscriptions from IV-XIIIc AD Discovered in Romania, Ed RSR Academiei, 39-40, 1976. 7 Silviu Sanie, Roman Civilization to East from Carpathians and the Roman World in the Terrirtory of Moldavia II-IIIc AD 215-217 p.

8

Dumitru Tudor Roman Oltenia, Ed. Academy, 90-91p. and 469 p. Buc. 1968.

109

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

this was the manner or workshops from those place in that time. But so the author shows this kind of lamps found at Romula, too, some of fragments dating from V-VI c A.D.

as follows as: “A detachment of young lancers” (“pedatura militium Lanciarum Juniorum”). The IVth century A.D. is the period of more numerous discoveries, when there were Christianized much more objects of cult. We shall give examples using the documentation: “Greek and Latin Inscriptions from IVXIII c A.D. discovered in Romania” by Emilian Popescu who presents numerous monuments, even churches in which many martyrs were inhumed: There is a marble plate discovered in Tomis from IV-V c A.D.: “Here reposing martyr of Christ and bishop…”.

Also in the book of Dumitru Tudor we can meet some specifications about the “amphora with ribs”, marked with inscriptions painted (tituli picti). They are remarked at Sucidava, ones being of import but ones local. The inscriptions are performed on the neck of these amphorae with red dye, some of them being written by the priest of the garrison of Sucidava. Here are some invocations: “Help me Lord”; “Too Bright God”; “Mother of God”; “Too Saint God”; ”Mother Gave Birth to Christ”; “The Light of God”. On some of the amphorae there were found the signature of the producers with apocalyptic letters round the cross shapes monograms. Round the cross there were letters and monograms as well: A and ; ; ; A etc. XM ; M ; So we see above in the table made by Nicolae Gudea there are mentioned the discoveries of churches at Sl veni and Porolissum. We can speak about the “Christian Basilica” discovered by the diggings made at Sucidava in 1946-47 years. About this Dumitru Tudor writes that: “It remains the first and unique monument of this kind in according to the beginnings of the spread of Christianity at the North of the Danube. By the coins and other traces picked-up from its debris this “basilica” dates from VI c A.D.” The church is in the north, west of the citadel. It presents an apsis orientated to east. It had a length of 20,90 m and width of 10,20 m. It was built from bricks and stone. The “daconicon” was made from two little rooms on the left, part and in the center of the nave a pulpit was. The floor was with bricks in nave and with concrete at apsis. Both inside of the church and its walls, there were made inhumations in coffins made of Byzantine type bricks. One of the brick was decorated with a cross. Some of the coins found in the ruins of the church were from the period of Mauriciu Tiberiu (596597), time when the Avars set on fire not only the church but also the entire also citadel. Also at the garbage pit near the monument there was further found a piece from a little bathtub made from terra-cotta marked by an “interdotted cross and the superior part of an amphora which it was marked the name of the local priest Lukonochos son of Lykatios.

There were martyrs in the IVth century and also after the recognition of Christianity, after Constantine the Greatest in 325 A.D. The Barbarians who rushed the Christian territories provoked victims among the Christian people, but especially among those who were making missionary. About the missionary activity delivered by the bishops of Schythia and the perils, which they had met, at 58 page a relating of Sozomenus is in his Ecclesiastic History, book 7, 26 rows 6-9: with regarding bishop Theotimus I and Arcadius, martyrs in Dobrogea attested by the inscriptions no.194-267 (205 page). On a limestone plate discovered in the Coemetricalis church mines in the north citadel in III-IV c A.D. there is the text:“(To Martyrs) Chiril, Chindias and Dasius commend their soul Eufrasius. The lack of cross from the monument shows us the prudence of the Christians in period of Dioclitian, 267 A.D. The author presents the crypt of a church from IV-V c A.D. in which there were discovered the wood coffins dated IV c A.D. with four beheaded martyrs. In a church from Niculi el, Tulcea county, Dobrogea, România, there were discovered three inscriptions from IV c A.D. which mentioned a) martyrs for Christ; b) martyrs-Zotikos, Attalos, Kamasis, Philipos”; c) inscription is X (ristos). These martyrs are mentioned in martyrdom as well: Martirologium Hieronymianum on date of 4th June which contents the first three and the fourth is met in Martyrologium Syriacum, at the same date. The four martyrs, probably died with others twenty-five comrades entered for the same lists. Another fragment of marble of a sarcophagus lid discovered in Tomis from IV-Vth c A.D. contents an inscription. Its translation is: May God have mercy upon those without body! Here reposing Alexandru soon converted (65 page).

The author of the book “Roman Oltenia” makes a connection between the building of the church in Sucidava and the activity delivered through “Novela XI” by Justinian the Emperor for development of the Christianity at the north of the Danube. “Novela XI” was given on 14th April 535 by his archbishop from the Iustiniana Prima Diocese Church. In this circular letter there are mentioned the other centers as: Litterata (Palanca Nou ) in Banat and Recidiva, toponimic that would be Sicibida-Sucidava locality, an important economic, military and church center in the period of Iustinian. There is a Latin Christian inscription found in Ulmetum belonging also to Iustinian’s period mentioning

The Christian people called neophytes those who were initiated in Christianity and they were to receive the Christianity and as though exemplified by the 32 inscription (68 page) carved in the left corner on the stele of a marble discovered in Tomis, from IV-Vth c A.D. The translation is: Here reposing Maru, of two years, 10 months and 14 days daughter of Ioan, administrator of St. Ioan Church. The inscription of the 6th row “Ioan” is spelled “Ioannou”, the name being of Judaic origin, Christianized. In the 8th row it is spelled Aghiou Io(annou). Also there is 35 inscription from V-VIth c A.D. from a fragment of a leg of marble table, which is finished in a shape of lion head where there are some 110

E. BACIU: THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CHRISTIANITY IN DACIA AND DACIA ROMAN PROVINCES IN I-V CENTURIES A.D.

names of people who worship. Every name has a cross: “To fulfill the worship of Sabina, Leontina, Venera and Eufemia”. At Constantza 53 inscription is discovered but now it is at the British Museum, London. 53 Inscription is on the gemstone of cornaline dated IV-V c A.D. Translation: “Jesus Christ, sun of God, Saviour (at 90 page); 54 Inscription is on the lamp of ceramics discovered at Constanza dated in IVth c A.D. Translation: “My peace I give you (Pacem meam do vobis)”. 55 Inscription on a lamp of bronze discovered at Tomis, IVth c. A.D. It has on a face Xr(istos) in Greek language and the other face†. It was discovered 208 Inscription (218219 page) at Ulmetum Pantelimonul de Sus commune, Constantza county, Dobrogea, Romania, IIIrd-IVth c A.D. It was preserved into the wall of inside of Roman camp. Translation: ”Be healthy, those left in life and esteem Mani with incense because also you come to us” Aurelius Sisinicus, willager lived more 70 years and those left in life and to wife…” We notice that the element of incense for dead people appeared, old, Christian custom of Getas from Dobrogea. It was found at Sl veni, Gostav commune, Olt county, 399 Inscription on a chip from a limestone plate dated IV-Vth c A.D. It is printed a monogramatic cross showing that the Christianity was at Sl veni Roman camp still IVth c A.D. with Greek ). inscription. Xp(

“About the Twelve Apostles” asserts us: “Andrew announced the Word of Gospel to Scythes and Thracians. In this way the Romanian Orthodox Church is called everywhere by Christian people Church of Saint Apostle Andrew”. Dumitru Tudor in his article Philippopolis, 580 page, of “Encyclopedia of Roman Civilization” speaks us about the preach of the Saint Apostle Pavel at Philippopolis, Getic county, that here it is realized “a human and liturgical nucleus of the European Christianity, as though Bartolomeu Anania called it in “New Testament” 338-339 pages, in this way Geto-Dacians were practicing Christianity before Rome or other European countries. Walfridus Strabo de Reichenau 808/809-849 introduces in “Poemata” a composition dedicated to Saint Apostle Fillip in Item de Sancto Apostolo Philipo Christi. He asserts that Saint Apostle who worked “by clean grace” received from Jesus Christ taught the barbarian people from Schythia the Saint dogmas in order to believe in “Christ The Saviour of the World”. Ado(Adonis) of Vienna who made a copy of the text “Martyrologicum Adonis”. He wrote about Fillip: “who after converted Schythia at belief in Christ and named their deacons, priests and bishops” demonstrating in this way the old of church organization at our ancestors. Some inscriptions from the tombs speak us about numerous martyrs who died for Christianity.

If we have discussed till now about the birth of Cristianity in Dacian provinces that belonged to Roman Empire, archaeological evidences move us in Daco-Carpic territories. At Chitila, on a clogged hill, in 2001 year, the researcher Vasile Boronean 9 with his team discovered much more archeological objects from IInd-Vth c A.D. that belonged to Carps from Getas people. The most important item is a bronze club-shaped scepter in shape of a bishop’s mitre. Such as the author says that the item according to its shape and ornament, its origins lies in the tradition of prehistoric scepters in the Carpatho-Danubian area. The scepter has a globular form with two orifices. There is a cross, which splits its surface in four lobs. Each lobe has an oval opening where a gem must have been embedded cross must have been set in the superior orifice. The scepter discovered is a newly invented shape, instead of the item figuring some divinity, the local craftsman imagined the scepter shaped as an imperial crown, and set a cross in the upper orifice between the four fir tree leaves. The new invented shape functioned in parallel with the globe and cross, after the IVth c A.D. after the edict of Mediolanum.

The Christian life in Dacian territories are manifested continuously such as the historian Epiphanios Pentaglotos de Salamina (c 315-403) says us in his work Panarion (Against all heresies, LXX, 14-15) that Audius from Mesopotamia founded on the left of the Lower Danube, monasteries because there were communities wellorganized. The Literary School from Tomis and The School from the Lower Danube by religious writings either in Latin or in Greek, translations, are crowned by Te Deum Laudamus work of Dacian bishop Niceta of Remesiana, the poet and composer. References BORONEAN , Vasile, The Archeological Researches from Chitila, Ferm Chitila in 2001 previous data and stratigraphy. History and Museography Materials, vol. XVI, Bucharest.

If the stones assumed the historic true by inscriptions which announce and strengthen the continuity of the Christian religious cult in the territory of the provinces of Dacia, the writings of the patristic authors mentioned, too as faithful, loyal of primary Christianity tradition and authentic from point of historic view in evolution of the Church. Hyppolyt Roman (c.170-236) in his work

COJOCARU, Nicolae, Christian Cult Traditions: from the beginnings till today. Orthodox Christianity. DAICOVICIU, Constantin, (1930) Contributions at Religious Syncretism in Sarmizegetuza, Cluj Cartea Româneasc .

9 Vasile Boronean , The Archeological Researches from Chitila, Ferm Chitila in 2001 previous data and stratigraphy. History and Museography Materials, vol. XVI, Bucharest, 29-32p.

DIACONESCU, Mihail, Daco-Roman Literature History, Alcor Edimpex Publisher. 111

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

GIURESCU, Constantin C., (1943) Romanian History, Cugetarea Publisher.

SANIE, Silviu, Roman Civilization to East from Carpathians and the Roman World in the Teritory of Moldavia II-III c A.D.

GUDEA, Nicolae, From Romanian Christianity History Archeological Proves, Bucharest.

TOCILESCU, Grigore, (1881) Epigraphic and Sculptural Monuments of the Antiquities National Museum in Bucharest.

GUDEA, Nicolae, From the History of Christianity at Romanians. Archaeological Proves, p.109.

TUDOR, Dumitru, (1956) New Romanian Inscription from Oltenia and Dobrogea, Academia Publisher Bucharest.

Histoire des religiones II* sous la direction d’HenriCharles Puech, Galimard, 1972. PÂRVAN, Vasile, (1911) Epigrphic Contributions at the Daco-Roman Christianity, Bucharest, Socec.

TUDOR, Dumitru, (1968) Roman Academia Publisher, Bucharest.

POPESCU, Emilian, (1976) Greek and Latin Inscriptions IV-XIIIth c A.D. discovered in Romania, Academia Publisher, Bucharest.

Oltenia,

RSR

VORNICESCU, Nestor, (1990) One of the first writings of ancient Romanian literature-Suffering of Martyrs Epictet and Astion, Ed. Mitropoliei Olteniei, Craiova, 1990, p.67-109.

POPESCU, Emilian, (1976) Greek and Latin Inscriptions from IV-XIII c A.D. Discovered in Romania, Ed RSR Academiei, 39-40.

112

LE CODEX ROHONCZI – UN MONUMENT HISTORIQUE DE L’ANCIEN ROUMAIN ET DE L’ANCIENNE LITTERATURE ROUMAINE AUX XIE–XIIE SIECLES DE NOTRE ERE Viorica ENĂCHIUC Giurgiu – ROUMANIE Abstract: The manuscript known as ROHONCZI CODEX is conserved in the Archives of the Academy of Science of the Republic of the Magyar Republic. It has 448 pages, with 87 miniatures, that show laic and religious scenes, concerning military and historical character. The miniatures and the writing are done with the plume. The miniatures confirm the fact that the laic events take place on a territory with a varied relief, associated with the territory of Romania. In the iconography the elements linked with the cult to the Sun appear often as not belonging to the Christian religion, demonstrating a coexistence of certain aspects of a pre-Christian cult and Christianity, what is testified also in the iconography of some rupestrian churches in Capadocia. The deciphering of the signs of the Codex Rohonczi was accomplished after an interdisciplinary activity of almost 17 years. In the Codex one identifies the musical notations of a melody that accompanies the text, that seem to belong to the hymn of the Blaques, the most ancient laic Romanian melody, known till the present. The Codex Rohonczi demonstrates that the civilization and the politic organization of the Romanians of the 11th – 12th centuries were as civilized as the others contemporary people. Key-words: Medieval Manuscripts – Dacian and Romanian Archaeology – Mittle Age – Romanian Literature Résumé: Le manuscrit connu le nom de ROHONCZI CODEX se trouve dans les Archives de l’Académie de Sciences de la République Hongroise. Le Codex Rohonczi contient 448 de pages. Dans le texte sont intercallées 87 miniatures, avec de scènes laïques et religieuses, à caractère militaire et historique. Les miniatures et l’écriture sont réalisées avec la plume. Les miniatures du Codex consignent le fait que les événements laïques se déroulent sur un territoire ayant un relief varié, associé au territoire de la Roumanie. Dans l’iconographie des éléments de l’ancien culte du Soleil apparaissent aussi souvent n’appartenant pas à la religion chrétienne, montrant la coexistence de certains éléments d’un culte préchrétien et le christianisme, présent aussi dans l’iconographie des quelques églises rupestres de Capodocia. Le déchiffrement des signes du Codex Rohonczi a été accompli après une activité interdisciplinaire de presque 17 ans. Dans le Codex on identifie les notations d’une mélodie accompagnée le texte, qui semble avoir été l’hymne des Blaks, la plus ancienne mélodie laïque roumaine, connue jusqu’à présent. Le Codex Rohonczi prouve que la civilisation et l’organisation politique des Roumains du XI-ème – XII-ème siècles étaient à la même hauteur avec civilisations des autres peuples contemporains. Mots-clef: Manuscrits médievaux – Archéologie Daco-Roumaine – Moyen Age – Littérature roumaine

faisait référence au Codex en tenant qu’il s’agit d’un faux. Un autre chercher hongrois, Németi Kálmán, a essayé une systématisation des signes utilises la rédaction du Codex Rohonczi, dont il a écrit ensuite dans “L’ABC du Codex Rohonczi” et la “Lecture de l’ancienne écriture”. L’une des notes du même auteur se réfère aux recherches effectuées par le français Briquet, où l’on précise que le papier sur lequel a été recopiée la forme actuelle du Codex, est originaire de la partie nord de l’Italie et peut remonter aux années 1526 – 1540. Dr. Vajda Jozsef, prêtre missionnaire, écrivait au chercheur Ottó Gyürk concernant le Codex: “Dans les Archives de l’Académie de Sciences d’Hongrie, on trouve un livre extrêmement secret – le Codex Rohonczi. Ce Codex est écrit avec une écriture dérobée que personne n’a réussi jusqu’à présent à déchiffrer…, et moi j’ai essayé …, les lettres sont semblables à l’écriture grecque …, j’ai pensé qu’elles se ressemblent aussi aux lettres phéniciennes …, puis j’ai essayé ayant comme principal élément l’ancienne écriture hongroise, mais ça n’a pas marché. Tous les essais je les ai jetés au feu”.

INTRODUCTION Le manuscrit connu le nom de ROHONCZI CODEX (Gyürk, 1970: 1925-1928). se trouve dans les Archives de l’Académie de Sciences de la République Hongroise; il s’agit d’un livre relié en cuir, de dimensions 12 / 10 cm. qui a été conserve dans la localité Rohonczi, en Hongrie, jusqu’à l’année 1907. De l’ouvrage de Bela Toth, Raretés hongroises (1907) on savait que ce volume a été offert, en 1838, par le comte hongrois Batthyány Gusztáv, à l’Académie de Sciences de la République Hongroise, en même temps que toute sa bibliothèque. Le fondateur de la linguistique de la langue hongroise, Hunfalvi Pál, a envoyé le Codex pour étude, au chercheur allemand Jülg Bernát – ancien professeur à l’Université d’Innsbruck. Malgré tous les efforts, celui-ci n’a pas réussi de trouver une solution pour déchiffrer le texte, en soutenant, après tout, que les signes de Codex s’alignent l’un après l’autre sans aucun sens; mais il a précise que le nombre de signes utilises pour l’écriture du texte est dix fois plus grand que le nombre des lettres existantes dans n’importe quel alphabet connu.

Après avoir étudié le Codex, le chercheur Ottó Gyürk a publié, en 1970, une partie de ses observation, dans l’article “On peut déchiffrer le Codex Rohonczi?” où il a essayé d’identifier les signes du manuscrit qui pourraient signifier des chiffres…

En l878, le chercher hongrois Fejérpataki Laszlo, dans son ouvrage “La littérature du temps des Arpadiens”, 113

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

rupestre de Corbi département d’Arges ou avec l’ensemble des monastères appartenant aux Montagnes de Buz u, dont les débuts sont rattachés aux IXe – Xe siècles.

Dans ce contexte, l’information concernant l’existence du Codex Rohonczi m’a suscité un intérêt particulier. À la demande que j’ai adressée à l’Institut d’Études Histhoriques et Socio-Politiques de Bucarest, au début de l’année 1982, le directeur Ion Popescu-Pu uri a entrepris les démarches nécessaires auprès de l’Académie de Sciences de la République Hongroise pour que l’Institut entre en possession d’une copie complète du Codex Rohonczi. Pour ma joie, à la fin de l’année 1982, avec la bonne volonté du directeur Ion Popescu-Pu uri je recevais pour la recherche le Codex Rohonczi, dont 1983 j’ai publié les premières données concernant certaines recherches préliminaires (Enachiuc, 1983: 105–116) ou nous pouvons préciser les aspects suivants: le Codex Rohonczi contient 448 de pages, chacune ayant environ 9 – 14 lignes. Dans le texte sont intercallées 87 miniatures qui représentent l’information offerte à travers de scènes laïques et religieuses, à caractère militaire et historique, etc.

Dans l’iconographie des éléments de l’ancien culte du Soleil apparaissent aussi souvent n’appartenant pas à la religion chrétienne. C’est à retenir le fait que cette coexistence de certains éléments d’un culte préchrétien et le christianisme apparaît aussi dans l’iconographie qui se trouve dans les églises rupestres de Capodocia (Guillaume, 1925–1934). Le fait que, dans le cadre de la vie religieuse le baptême est consigné seulement pour les enfants nouveau – nés et non pas aussi pour la adultes, démontre que l’information du Codex se réfère à une population sédentaire et qui est déjà chrétienne. Planche I,2.

Le mouvement de l’écriture est de la droite à gauche et le texte se lit de bas en haut, la première ligne, donc devenant la dernière de chaque page. Les miniatures et l’écriture sont réalisées avec la plume. Planche I, figure 13.1.

LE DECHIFFREMENT DU CODEX ROHONCZI Le déchiffrement des signes du Codex Rohonczi j’ai réussi à l’accomplir après une activité interdisciplinaire de presque 17 ans qui m’a préoccupé le plus ont été les aspects paléographique, le déchiffrement comparative ses différents groupes de signes.

Les miniatures du Codex consignent le fait que les événements laïques se déroulent sur un territoire ayant un relief varié, avec des montagnes, plaine, rivières avec des îlots, à proximité de, ou dans ensembles architectoniques spécifiques pour le territoire de la Roumanie; ainsi, les centres monastiques du pied de la montagne – consignés dans le Codex – pourraient être identifies avec l’église

Codex Rohonczi

l’écriture Gârla Mare

hiéroglyphi que. cretane

Certains signes du Codex Rohonczi ont des analogies avec les écritures syllabiques utilisées par les populations indo-européennes de l’époque du bronze (En chiuc, 1983:106 – figure 1).

Linear A

114

l’écriture Harappe

hiéroglyphiq ue hittite

Linear B

V. EN

CHIUC: LE CODEX ROHONCZI – UN MONUMENT HISTORIQUE DE L’ANCIEN ROUMAIN …

13.2

13.1

13.3

13.4

13.5

13.6

13.9 13.8 Figs. 13.1-13.9. Les miniatures du Codex Rohonczi (d’après Viorica En chiuc) 115

13.7

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Autres signes du Codex Rohonczi ont des analogies avec les écritures phonétiques des mêmes populations, datant à

Codex Rohonczi

l’écriture carienne

l’écritur e dace

l’écritur e alane

partir du VII-ème – IX-ème siècle. (En chiuc, 1983:106 – figure 2).

l’écriture hellène

116

l’écriture latine

l’écriture glagoliti que

monnaies du XIV-ème siècle

V. EN

CHIUC: LE CODEX ROHONCZI – UN MONUMENT HISTORIQUE DE L’ANCIEN ROUMAIN …

Différents signes du Codex Rohonczi nous le retrouvons insérés dans les inscriptions – écrites avec des lettres cyrilliques on latines ou sur différentes monnaies battues en Valachie – Roumanie et attribuées à Radu Voievod et Vladislav Voievod (En chiuc, 1983:106 – figure 3).

L’ancien dialect daco-roumain utilisant approximativement cent cinquante caractères: les lettres, les ligatures, et les signes de puncticulaires. QUELLES INFORMATIONS NOUS OFFRE LE CODEX ROHONCZI?

Dans le cadre des découvertes archéologique de Dridu “La Metereze”, le departement de Ialomitza, j’ai identifié un fragment céramique,que on date en XIe siècle, sur lequel on trouve incise un signe “ “. (Idem, Les recherches archéologiques de la Dridu, le point “La Metereze”. L’étude monographiques, 1989, pp.238–243) (En chiuc, 1983: l08 -109).

Les textes appartenant à ces 448 pages se divisent en quatre livres qui suggèrent, implicitement, la réflexion poétique de Blaks, l’utilisation de certains genres différents tel le discours, l’ode, l’hymne. Les méditations, les proverbes et les encouragements pleins de sagesse à partir des textes du Codex sont des expressions du folklore et de la philosophie des Blacks. Les textes des I-er, II-ème et III-ème livres sont signés par les métropolites blaks Sova Trasiu (1064–1086), Niles (1086–1095), et Timarion (1095–1101); le III-ème livre représenté les textes de certains discours, messages et alliances, proverbes et connaissances astronomiques et musicales, archivés dans la chancellerie de l’État blak.

Le professeur Vittorio Peri qui a étudié le Bréviaire d’Hieronymus (manuscrit latin des collections de la Bibliothèque Apostolique du Vatican, Fonds Reginensis), précise que celui-ci “a repris à la fin de son ouvrage à savoir, que dans la région du Danube Inférieur ont utilisé, pour rédactions des contractes commerciales, les caractères des quatre alphabets connus en IVe siècle: hébreu, latin, grecque, et un autre alphabet local d’après Aetiqus Histricus (Dumitriu-Snagov, 1999: 729-734).

Mais voyons qu’elle surprise nous a offert le déchiffrement des textes illustrés souvent avec des miniatures particulièrement suggestives:

Les informations laissées par Ovide, ainsi que celles signalées ci-dessus, corroborées avec des recherches comparatives sur les écriture de Gârla Mare (Roumanie), Harappa, Linear A, démontrent que les Daces avaient une écriture propre. (Enachiuc, 1983: 105-116).

Les informations générales concernant les formes de relief de notre territoire sont complétées avec des données concernant les réalités socio-économiques, politiques, d’organisation militaire, architecture et relations diplomatiques, d’une période historiques pour laquelle – jusqu’à présent –, on mettait sur le tapis que le manque des documents écrit.

Dans le même sens, Simonis de Keza, dans Gesta Hungarorum, redigée à la fin du XIIIe siècle, précise que les Szeklers, dans leur écriture, ont repris et adopté les letters des Valaques (Hasdeu, 1984: 545). Les Blaks (Valaques), descendants des Géto-Daces, selon ce qui ressort également du Codex Rohonczi, ont continué d’utiliser les signes propres dans l’écriture des différents documents rédigés en ancienne roumaine – le dialect daco-roumain.

Par conséquent, nous apprenons du Codex Rohonczi qu’à, la moitié du XI-ème siècle, dans l’espace situé à gauche de Tisza (Tissa), jusqu’au Nistru, et du Danube jusqu’à proximité des montagne Cernahora on a constitué l’État blak centralisé, que se nommé DACIA, sous le règne de VLAD, le commandant des Blaks, maître (ayant le sens de souverain), et digne d’être roi – tel que ses allies le définissent.

Suite à expérience acquise dans le cadre des rechercher déroulées à travers à deux décennies concernant l’écriture ancienne sur notre territoire j’ai déchiffré les textes du Codex Rohonczi en arrivant à la conclusion qu’ils ont été rédiges en dialect daco-roumain, avec des éléments d’écriture dace, transmise par l’intermédiaire de l’évolution locale et ont utilisé aussi après la christianisation, y compris dans la chancellerie de l’État blaque en XIe – XIIe siècles.

Vlad est l’allié de confiances de l’Empire Byzantin, d’où il reçoit de messages; conclut des alliances avec les Goths et, selon le cas, avec les Hongrois, avec les Vénitiens ou avec les croisés occidentaux; avec des alliés ou sans, il organise la défense du pays devant les invasions menaçantes des Pétchénèques, Ouzes et Cumanes.

Suite à une étude détaillée et au déchiffrement de l’écriture utilisé pour la rédaction des textes du Codex – corroborés avec l’analyse des miniatures insérées et le placement dans le temps historique je suis arrive à la conclusion que ce monument d’histoire et de littérature, nommé CODEX ROHONCZI, est en réalité, une archive documentaire détaillée sur la société des Blaks aux XIème – XII-ème siècle (En chiuc, 2002: VII–XVI et 1– 830).

Auprès de Vlad, dans l’effort de garder la croyance et le territoire, on trouve les métropolites blaks. Ceux-ci encouragent les jeunes appelles à l’armée, auxquels ils demandent de lutter plutôt, que de fuir les ennemis, en les incitant de rentrer à la maison toujours victorieux. Jusqu’au déchiffrement du Codex Rohonczi, Timarion a été considéré comme ayant été un anonyme du XIIe siècle, ou dans d’autres situations, a été identifié avec un 117

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

1077, lorsque le prince Géza I est mort –, souhaitant pour soi la couronne de l’Hongrie. Ladislau I a conclu aussi, en 1080, une alliance avec les Blaks, mais l’année suivante, en 1081, il a traversé la rivière de Tisza (Tissa ) contre les Blaks, car Salamon n’a pas respecté l’entente et s’est réfugié au delà des frontières de l’Hongrie, chez les Cuni ( une branche des Blaks du nord-ouest, de la Transylvanie ), avec l’appui desquels il souhaitant tender un piège au prince Ladislau I; dans la lutte qui a eu lieu pendant l’année 1081 entre l’armée hongroise et les Blaks-Cunis, le prince Ladislau I a capturé Salamon et l’a enfermé à Vissegrad (Sincai, 1969).

rhéteur, en portant le même nom, soit avec Teodor Prodromos, soit avec Nikolaos Kallicles. En réalité, tel que l’on apprend du texte du Codex Rohonczi, Timarion est le métropolite de la Dacie, en 1095–1101, orateur et poète / cette dernière qualité étant illustrée par quelques épigrammes qui achèvent le quatrième livre du Codex. La coexistence du culte chrétien, official, soutenu par des métropolites, avec des traces préchrétiennes du culte du Soleil, dont on nous suggère que l’on demande d’être abandonne. Le serment de jeunes blaks était exprimé selon la parole du métropolite, par les jeunes recrues depuis l’âge de 15 ans, lorsque ces derniers étaient investis devant la croix, avec les signes militaries: haut bonnet en fourrure et une longue cape; les jeunes recrues blaks jurent devant la croix d’assurer la protection du territoire blak, veillant le système de fortifications; toutefois ils jurent de ne pas recevoir la prédiction de l’ancien temple non chrétien lié à le religion des anciens Daces (derrière les jeunes combattants on retrouve l’image de la section verticale de l’ancien temple des Daces avec la séparation de l’intérieur, ayant dans la partie supérieure l’idéogramme du Soleil; le temple construit en bois représente la premier image connue jusqu’à pressent). Planche I, figure 13.3.

L’empereur byzantin Alexie I Comnen envoie livre au roi des Blaks, Vlad, à travers lequel il demande de l’aide dans la lutte avec le Scythes meurtriers, en 1081, à la Mere et aux frontières du Paristrion (Thème byzantin comprenant la Dobroudja ayant la capitale à Dristra). Planche I, 6. Le prince Salamon, libéré de la détention, en 1084, a fui en 1085 chez général blak, Cutesc, en Dacie. Il a promit à ce dernier de l’appui à l’avenir, à condition de l’aider pour vaincre le prince Ladislau I; il a obtenu une aide militaire avec laquelle il est rentré en Hongrie; Salamon a été pourtant soumis et Ladislau I a attaqué le territoire blak,en 1086, afin d’attraper Salamon; alors un émissaire byzantin assuré le roi des Blaks, Vlad, de l’aider contre les Hongrois, mais il lui demandé en échange de renforcer la ligne de défense sur son territoire, à partir de Rar u, Dridu, Olt, le cours du Danube jusqu’à la Mer pour lutter contre les Petchenègues.

Concernant la collaboration entre le roi blak, Vlad, et les métropolites qui n’accomplissent pas uniquement une fonction confessionnelle, mais aussi une d’appui politique et militaire, en contribuant ainsi – avec l’autorité de l’église -, à la centralisation du pouvoir politique de Vlad. De cette manière, le métropolite Sova Trasiu, dans une église en bois, avec clocher à l’entrée, envoie livre au prince Iziaslav I de Turov et grand prince de Kiev, afin de s’unir avec les Blaks dans la lutte pour l’arrêt de l’invasion des Ouzes, en 1064–1065; Planche I, figure 13.4; dans la partie droite de la miniature, le grande prince de Kiev, recevant la nouvelle, est d’accord avec l’union proposée.

Le messager des Goths, portant l’icône de la Vierge Marie, est reçu par le roi Vlad dans une région montagneuse de la Valle de Strei; les Goths demandent libre passage ver les Lieux Saints sur le territoire l’État blak et promettent alliance contre l’endiguement de l’invasion des Petchenègues; les généraux byzantins l’accueil des Goths, qui ont transité le territoire blak et se dirigent en pèlerinage vers Lieux Saints. Planche I, figure 13.7 – 13.8.

L’émissaire byzantin, en 1064, de la part de l’empereur Constantin le X-éme Ducas est reçu par le roi des Blaks, Vlad, dans un camp militaire de la zone subcarpatique, ensemble avec le métropolite Sova Trasiu et un des généraux, portent un heaume; la miniature, dans l’arrièreplan, on remarque l’image de la cité de la Dridu, point de résistance, qui a été identifié des recherches archéologiques. Planche I, 5.

En 1086 il y a lieu une grande invasion des Pétchénèges vers l’Empire Byzantin. Le métropolite de la Dacie, Niles, au début de son discours, devant l’armée blaks, il persévère pour le renforcements de la défense, des frontières vers Tissa et vers Nistru et, il a des doutes concernant l’idée de Vlad de s’allier avec les Hongrois dans la lutte contre les Petchenègues et propage l’union avec les Byzantins.

Le métropolite, Sova Trasiu, rappelle dans son discours, des combats victorieux des Gètes contre les invasions des Petchenègues des années antérieurs (en 1015, 1027); dans le Codex on garde la dénomination de Gètes pour Blaks des régions extra carpatiques, et de Daces pour les Blaks de Transylvanie, et la pays était nommée même la Dacie.

En 1090, dans le discours de Vlad, adressé aux émissaires de la délégation cumane qui sollicitent de lutter auprès des Blaks et Byzantins contre les Petchenègues, on mentionne le fait que pour avoir son accord les Cumans ne doivent plus agir divisés en groupes et sur leur propre compte, mais uniquement allies avec les Byzantins et les Blaks; les Cumanes lui ont offert des présents et des otages pour démontrer leur bonne foi vis-à-vis de l’État blak. Planche I, figure 13.9.

En 1080, il se fait couronner prince de l’Hongrie, Ladislau I, consentant de payer à Salamon un revenue comme celui d’un prince, car celui-ci – après l’année 118

V. EN

CHIUC: LE CODEX ROHONCZI – UN MONUMENT HISTORIQUE DE L’ANCIEN ROUMAIN …

13.12 13.10

13.11

13.14

13.13

13.15

13.18

13.17

13.16

13.20

13.19 Figs. 13.10-13.20. Les miniatures du Codex Rohonczi (d’après Viorica En chiuc, Rohonczi Codex, Op. cit., 2002, Bukarest) 119

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

L’armée plaque unie à l’armée byzantine se défend contre l’invasion des Petchenègues, qui souhaitaient passer dans l’Empire Byzantin, sur le Danube, à l’aide des outres, en 1090. Planche II, figure 13.10 – 13.11; dans la partie supérieure du miniature, figure 10, Blacks ont notée, avec leur astrolabes (Planche II, figure 13.12-13.13), une éclipse totale de soleil, qui en fait, a déjà eu lieu en 1090 et a pu être observée dans la région du Danube.

CONCLUSIONS L’existence d’une littérature autochtone aux genres varies, où, en plus des études théologiques – dont j’avais déjà connaissance de la littérature religieuse -, apparaissent des créatines laïques, dans Codex Rohonczi (par exemple – le discours diplomatique ou combattu, modèle d’art oratorien déroulée devant les armes, l’ode et épigramme, avec la quelles d’ailleurs s’achève le quatrième livre du Codex, sont poésies ou poèmes en vers assonés groupés en strophes de 5 – 15 vers avec la miniature intercaler dans le textes).

En 1095, Robert I, comice de Flandred, arrivé en tant qu’émissaire chez Lad de lui demander la permission de traverser le territoire black vers le Saint Sépulcre, et en 1096, avec les cavaliers de la première croisade, dont il fait partie aussi. Planche II, figure 13.14.

Le Codex Rohonczi prouve que la civilisation et l’organisation politique des Roumains du XI-ème – XII-ème siècles étaient à la même hauteur avec civilisations des autres peuples contemporains qui, en confrontation avec les peuples migrateurs ont gardé l’intégrité territoriale et l’indépendance.

De l’est et de l’ouest, le territoire de la Dacie chrétienne est menace par les envahisseurs. En 1096, les Blaks se confrontent avec les invasions des Cumanes et aussi avec l’avancement “de la croisade des pauvres” commandée par Petre Eremite: dans ce contexte les Byzantins conseillent Vlad de payer aux croises le frais de transit du territoire des Blaks ver les Lieux Saints et de se concentrer sur le refus des Cumains. Planche II, figure 13.15.

References DIACONESCU, Mihail. (1999) Istoria literaturii dacoromâne. Bucareste: Editura Alcor, Edimpex SRL.

En 1096, le prince régnant Vlad, avec un général attendant à “Portes de Fer” l’arrivée des cavaliers croisés; les Blaks et les cavaliers croisés ont décidé de s’unir contre les païens et pour la libération du Saint Sépulcre. Planche II, figure 13.16.

DUMITRIU-SNAGOV, I. (1985) Un alphabet local, înaintea celui chirilic: noi probe de limb , scriere i cultur daco-român , dans ”Contemporanul” nr.52 (2041). ENACHIUC, Viorica. (1979) Puncte de vedere privind scrierea Dacilor. Anale de istorie, vol. XXV, n. 1, p. 95-129.

En 1098, les Goths promettent de l’aide, pour renforcement de la garde aux frontières de l’ouest, à Tissa et Arad, pour faciliter à l’est, aux Blaks, pour lutte triomphante contre les Cumanes.

ENACHIUC, Viorica. (1980) mL’écriture et la langue des Geto-Daces, in: III Internationaler Thrakologischer Kongress, 2 a 6 de Junho, Wien. Resumos, Viena, p. 58-60.

Le prince régnant Vlad des Blaks, reçoit comme émissaire, Robert II de Jérusalem, le comice de la Flandre, et le commandant de croises, situé sur le chemin vers Jérusalem. Planche II, figure 13.17.

ENACHIUC, Viorica. (1983) Cercet ri preliminare asupra Codexului Rohonczi. Anale de istorie, vol. XXIX, n. 6, p. 105-116. GUILLAUME, Jerphanion. (1925-1934) Une nouvelle province de l’art byzatin. Les églises rupestres de Cappodoce, Ht.-Comissariat de la République Française en Syrie et au Liban, Service des Antiquités, Biliothèque Archéologique et Historique, vol. I – III, Paris: Libr. Orientaliste P. Geuthner.

Dans la rencontre entre Alexie Comnen et le commandant de l’armée des croisés, Robert II de Jérusalem, en 1101, sur le Danube dans la zone cités Ticina (Vicina, sur le territoire des Blaks), et Dristra (la capitale de sujet byzantin – thème Paristrion) l’empereur byzantin Alexie I Comnen encourage de lutter contre les Hongrois et les Cumanes, à côté des Blaks, conduits par le roi Vlad. Planche II, figure 13.18.

GYÜRK, Otto. (1970) Megfejthetö – a Rohonczi – Codex? Elet e tudomány, no.41, p. 1925-l928. HASDEU, Bogdan Petriceicu. (1984) Istoria critic românilor. Bucareste: Editura Minerva.

Toujours dans le Codex j’ai identifié les notations d’une mélodie accompagnée le texte, qui semble avoir été l’hymne des Blaks. Prof. univ. dr. Gh. Ciobanu a déchiffrée cette mélodie et la considéré d’origine blake et comme étant la plus ancienne mélodie laïque roumaine, connue jusqu’à présent. Planche II, figures 13.19-13.20.

a

SINCAI, Gheorghe. (1969) Cronica Românilor, (La Chronique des Roumains), Bucarest: Édition de C. Câmpeanu.

120

LOCAL AND CRUSADERS CASTLES IN LIVONIA DURING THE 13TH-14TH CENTURIES Ēvalds MUGURĒVIÈS Institute of Latvian History [email protected]

Abstract: This article goes on the studies on medieval settlements, undertaken by Latvian archaeologists, who habe examined whole microregions with the special concern for discovery of earthworks, castles and rural settlements, analysing the situation of the local populations and their traditions in the 13th-14th centuries, when occured the conversion of the population to the Roman Catholic faith, after the entrance of the crusaders. In this period, former states and castles gradually disappeared, while the German bishoprics, the state of Livonian Order, and their administrative centres were established. The local castles, around 200 and 250, built on natural hills, followed a building tradition that began in the 11th century, when at several hillforts higher earthen walls were built with timber constructions. In the several castles where archaeologists studied the workshops for craftsmen, one identified the processing of iron, bronze, bone, amber and other materials. When the crusaders stablished in the region, despite the construction of new castles according to the patterns introduced by the crusaders, the traditional ones remained in place, as show the archaeological excavations of several hillforts. Written sourses also bear witness to the fact that crusaders built timber fortifications. The analysis of 13th-14th working tools and artifacts of every day use indicates that the majority of them is the continuation of local material cultural traditions from the 10th-12th century and moreover, they are very much similar to those tools used in that period in Eastern Europe. The economic evaluation of medieval Latvian settlements on the basis of the preserved relics shows that in the 13th14th century the culture of the rural people differed but not significantly from the culture of castle inhabitants. Key-words: Mittle Age – Livonia – Architecture of Castles – Material Culture Résumé: Il s’agit dans cet article d’analyser les études sur les peuplements médiévales, entrepris par des archéologues latviens (lettons), qui on examiné entièrement des microregions, avec l’intérêt spécial pour les découvertes des travaux de maniement du terrain, château et peuplements rurales, en verifiant la situation des population locales et ses traditions dans les XIII et XIV siècles, quand s’est arrivée la conversion de la population à la foi catholique romaine, après l’arrivée des croisades. Dans ce période, des états et des châteaux anciens sont gradativement disparu, tandis que les diocèses germaines se sont établit, avec l’État de l’ordre livonienne et leurs centres administratives. Les châteux locales, entre 200 et 250, ont été construit sur des collines naturelles, selon la tradition de construction locale qui a comencé dans le 11éme siècle, quand on a bâti sur plusieurs collines des châteux avec une technique de construction en bois. En plusieurs châteux où les archéologues ont étudié les ateliers des artisans, on a identifié la presence de la technologie du fèrre, du bronze, du bois, de l’ambar et d’autres matériaux. Quand les croisades se sont établis, malgré les contructions des nouveaux château suivant les pattrons introduits par les Crusoides, les châteux bâti avec les technologies locales n’ont pas été abandonés, come nous montrent les excavations entreprises par les archéologues sur plusieurs fortifications en collines. Les sources écrites témoignent ausi la construction par les croisades des fortifications en bois, come les faisaient les natives. L’analyse des outils de travail et des outres outils quotidiens indiquent que la grand part d’entre eux est la continuation des traditions de culture matérielle locale du X-XII siècles. En outre ils sont très semblables aux outils utilisés dans ce période à l’Europe de l’Est. L’évaluation économique des peuplements latviens médievales basés sur les reliques préservées, montre dans le XIII-XIV siècles que la culture des populations rurales diffère très peu de la culture des habitants des châteaux. Mots-clef: Moyen Age – Livonie – Architecture des Châteaux– Culture Materielle

For the last decades, Latvian archaeologists have undertaken thorough studies on medieval settlements. Whole microregions were examined with the special concern for discovery of earthworks, castles and rural settlements (Mugureviès 1988). These studies prove that at turn of the 13th century the number of inhabited Latvian timber-built castles-earthworks was approximately 200250. These castles were usually built on natural hills, slopes were made more vertical or supplemented by terraces to place additional wooden fortifications on them. These were combined with a moat and earthen walls to protect and cover some points in their defences. Beginning in the 11th century at several hillforts higher earthen walls were built with timber cell-like constructions, usually from two to five in a row (LA 1974; Mugur viès 1996). This type of construction (Fig. 14.1.) strengthened the earthworks and served as the basis for above-the-wall fortifications (Oli kalns). The outer row of cell-like constructions was the of the flat hilltop,

could be partly used for household needs (HC XVIII:7). For the protection of the intrance two-storey defence towers (4 x 4 m) were built which prodruded from the wall (Fig. 14.2.). In less important hillforts, fortifications were located in terrace which also served as a dwellingplace (Šnore 1961; Urt ns 1987). Dwelling-houses were situated in a narrow zone by the walls; they were heated by stone or clay stoves. The open fireplaces discovered outside served as summer kitchens. In several castles workshops for craftsmen have been investigated; they reflected processing of iron, bronze, bone, amber and other materials. In other centres crafts activity was concentrated the castle`s outer bailey or in an adjacent ancient settlement. Woodwork and remnants of construction activity are well-preserved in the outer bailey of Koknese Castle (Stubavs 1963). There, entire complexes of dwelling-houses and household utilitary buildings were discovered, as well as parts of wooden 121

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Fig. 14.1. Hilfort of Olinkalns. A section of earthern wall. 1. Burned timber, ashes, 2. Timber, clay, 3. Clay, little stone, 5. Sand, 6. Little stone, 7. Decayed timber (Mugur viès 1996, Fig. 3) Beginning with the Crusades to the Baltics in the 13th century and conversion of the population to the Roman Catholic faith, former states and castles gradually disappeared. German bishoprics, the state of Livonian Order, and their administrative centres were established. At first, timber-built fortifications remained in place, but the crusaders built new ones – they gave way to stonecastles. The small number of stone castles in the 13th century indirectly indicates that there still remained timber-built castles. Archaeological excavations of several hillforts (Asote, Taniskalns, Jersika, Talsi and others) showed this to be true. Indigenous timber- building traditions continued for some time (Mugur viès 1986). Thus, Lettigallian castle remained on Asote hillfort up to the beginning of the 14th century which was shown by archaeological findings (Šnore 1961). By that time the Archbishop of Riga`s Krustpils/Kreutzburg Castle “castrum Cruceborg” had been completed three miles away from Asote. As proven by archaeological excavations and written sources, habitation in Jersika Hillfort existed during the 13th and 14th centuries (Vilc ne 2004). The Pope’s chaplain Moliano states that the Lettigallian (?) castle of M rciena „castrum Marxen” was inhabited at the beginning of the 14th century when burnt down by the Lithuanians (Seraphim 1912). Furthermore, there were not at that time nor later any German stone castles in M rciena. Written sourses also bear witness to the fact that crusaders built timber fortifications in Curonian and Semigallian territory. These examples show that timber-built fortifications existed in some Livonian centres even in the 13th and 14th centuries untill German administrative centres were established in the vicinity.

Fig. 14.2. The reconstruction of Lettigallian castle in the hillfort of Asote (Šnore 1961, Fig. 117) pavement. There were one-room and two-room houses. The floor was made of clay or covered by split wood. Archaeological research proves that Latvian castles differed in their importance. Judging from the type of fortification, type of buildings and acquired archaeological artefacts, all castles can be dividend into three groups: the state, the district, and the village centres (Mugur viès 1996).

In Eastern Latvia German castles were often built in ancient Lettigallian centres, either immediately after conquest (Koknese/Kokenhusen) or somewhat later (VecDaugavpils/Dünaburg, R zekne/Rositten). In some cases deserted hillforts were used as building sites (Lokstene/ 122

E. MUGUR

VIÈS: LOCAL AND CRUSADERS CASTLES IN LIVONIA DURING THE 13

TH

-14TH CENTURIES

Fig. 14.3. The buildings at the castle of Lokstene in the 14th century. 1. Excavations in 1962-1964., 2. Location of house with clay stove, 3. Stone wall (Mugur viès 1996, Fig. 6)

Latvia. It is very symptomatic that so far archaeologically not examined medieval castles in Kurzeme/Curonia were situated in a given distance from the old Curonian earthworks. It may indirectly indicate that those earthworks were inhabited by the natives in the 13th-14th century what seems to be proved by the research works in Northen Kurzeme (Talsi, Sabile).

Loxten). This demonstrates that the conquerors built their strongholds in strategically advantageous places chosen by the natives. The fortification of medieval castles variet. Instead of timber-work there were walls made of stone and mortar, ditches or moats were deeper and wider. Approximately 100 medieval stone castles from the Livonian period can be found in Latvia. Most of them are not preserved or they remain in forms of ruins therefore the best methods of their examination are excavations. Moreover, the excavated archaeological material explains and throws light upon problems of wooden architecture, every day jobs, life conditions, culture and ethnical survey of the castle inhabitants.

If we consider the building material, castles can be divid into timber-work /wooden and of stone. The local inhabitants as it appears from the numerous excavations of earthworks used only wooden constructions. At the beginning of the Livonian period the Germans also built wooden castles (Dünaburg, Al ksne/Marienburg). Stone fortifications began to erect after the appearance of crusaders. The natives, on the turn of the 12th-13th century and later also constructed stone castles but cooperating with the Germans. The transition from wooden fortifications to the complex habitation surrounded by stone walls was the process undergoing not only in Livonia but also in Central and Western Europe from 11th to the 13th-14th century (Czemiczky-Sos 1971; Janssen 1976). Initially, in the 13th-14th centuries these castles had only defensive walls (Fig. 14.3.-14.4.)

At present, after the examination of ~ 50 castles, there is a possibility of their classification on basis of mutual relations of medieval castles with settlements of the previous period (Mugur viès 1988). So, the castles can be dividend into four groups: 1) castles in which after crusaders invasion, the natives still lived for the 13th-14th century, 2) castles built within strengthenings of the local settlements. According to the period of construction they can be divid into a) castles erected immedietely after the conquest, b) castles erected within the deserted hillforts. 3) castles constructed in place of the villages a) – in places of existing settlements, b) – in places of deserted villages. 4) castles built in uninhabited areas where the population rate of the earlier period was not estimated by archaeological research. More frequently than in other places fourth group castles are seen in the Western part of

Studies upon the large archaeological material of 12th-14th century, obtained by the author during the latest excavations (Lokstene, M rti sala/Holme, Sabile/Zabeln) are the main subject of the present paper. M rti sala excavations were of particular importance. The local castle, an important defensive point of crusaders, existed simultaneously with Livian settlement and therefore there 123

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Fig. 14.4. Reconstruction of 14th-century buildings in the castle of Lokstene (Mugur viès 1996, Fig.7) had stayed temporarily since the end of the 13th century. Those stoves were more often met in the stone castles from the 13th to 16th century (Koknese). Totally new system of heating – warm-air stoves were introduced in some German castles (Altene/Altona, Koknese) and in some manors (Graudonis 1983).

is a possibility of comparing economic structures of those medieval settlements for at least two centuries. The culture and customs of castles and villages inhabitants in Livonia were reflected in chronicles from 12th-14th centuries. The ideology of crusaders during their conquest in Latvia can be found in Heinrici Chronicon and in Older Rhymed, the authors of which were typical apologists of the conquest theory. In these chronicles over 50 settlements of different types (castles and villages) are mentioned (HC 1993; LR 1998). Annals called Newer Rhymed and Wartberg`s Chronicle supply information about erecting German monastic and bishops’ castles which were constructed in the 14th century with the help of local peasants who were compelled to do this work ( WC 2005; JLR 1872).

In the Middle Ages, however, hearths were very common what can be observed both in castles and rural settlements. In the initial period of organising the crusaders castle in M rti sala/Holme (the end of the 12th and half of the 13th century) only hearths were used there based on the same construction as in Livian settlements. The heating with oven appeared in castles in much later period (M rti sala/Kirchholm, New Kirchholm). The above mentioned material is not in opposition to the analogies in Central and Western Europe, where in the Middle Ages hearths were of the same use as stoves (D browska 1971).

The problem of mutual relations between the inhabitants of crusader`s castles and local settlements in the Middle Ages which so far has not been worked up on the basis of the archaeological material, was investigated thoroughly. An examination of these materials allows to conclude from the tools, artefacts of every day use, ornaments and cult objects and also from the dwelling sites that the tradition of the local culture was continued in Livonia in the 13th-14th century. Considering the archaeological data, the conclusion arises that local inhabitants could have exerted an influence upon of some German castles.

The survey of medieval buildings and heating systems reports that they developed significantly in the middle Ages. Although in some villages the old traditions of the Iron Epoc were still continued buti n castles beginning with the 14th century the warm-air heating was applied followed by stoves of bricks and tiles (Fig. 14.5). The analysis of 13th-14th working tools and artefacts of every day use indicates that the majority of them is the continuation of local material cultural traditions from the 10th-12th century and moreover, they are very much similar those tools used in that period in Eastern Europe. Numerous tools and weapons of those times resembled common European forms (Mugur viès 1988). The economic evaluation of medieval Latvian settlements on the basis of the preserved relics shows that in the 13th-14th century the culture of the rural people differed but not significantly from the culture of castle inhabitants. Discrapencies between them were clearly pronounced only in the 15th century.

As regard heating the quarters, both stoves and hearths were used. Some types of stoves known already in the previous period were found after the 13th century. Stone hearths were commonly used in the Livonian period and some of them were discovered in castles (T rvete, Koknese). The most ordinary were clay stoves known in Latvia since the 9th century (Šnore 1961). Those stoves were constructed of stone foundations, few clay floor and surrounding stone lining and clay vault. Such stoves were used in castles till the 15th century. Clay stoves, brick faced appeared in Latvian hillforts where the crusaders 124

E. MUGUR

VIÈS: LOCAL AND CRUSADERS CASTLES IN LIVONIA DURING THE 13

TH

-14TH CENTURIES

Fig. 14.5. The development of heating system in Latvia during the Middle Ages. Roman numbers indicate centuries. a) Castles (black), b) Rural settlements (hatched). 1. Heath, 2. Sone stove, 3. Clay stove, 4. Clay stove with brick lining, 5. Warm-air stove, 6. Tile stove (Mugur viès 1986, Abb.6:1)

JANSSEN, W. (1976) Burg und Territorium am Niederrhein im späten Mittelalter// Die Burgen in deutschen Sprachraum, Bd. 1., S.283-324, Sigmaringen.

References CZEMICZKY-SOS, A. (1971) Neue Angaben zur Frage der Kontinuität der mittelalterlichen Festungssysteme in Mosaburg-Zalavár// Archeologia Polski, 1971, vol. 16, fasc. 1/2, S. 347-362, Warszawa.

JLR (1872) Die jüngere Livländische Reimchronik des Bartholomäus

D BROWSKA, M. (1971) Ogrzewanie i o wietlenie wn trz mieszkalnych na ziemiach polskich w VI-XIII w.// Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej, Nr. 3, p. 369-398, Warszawa.

HOENEKE (1315-1348) von K. Höhlbaum, Leipzig: Duncker & Humbolt. LA (1974) Latvijas PSR arheolo ija. LZA V stures instit ts, R ga: Zin tne.

GRAUDONIS, J. (1983) Altene// Arheolo ija un etnogr fija, XIV, 40.-85. lpp. R ga: Zin tne.

LR (1998) Livländische Reimchronik. Übersetzung aus dem Mittelhoch-deutschen: V. Bisenieks, Vorwort: . Mugur viès, Kommentar: . Mugur viès, K. K avi š, R ga: Zin tne.

HC (1993) – Heinrici Chronicon. Translationem paravit . Feldh ns, praefationem conscripsit et textum interpretatus est . Mugur viès, R ga: Zin tne. 125

HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

MUGUR VIÈS, . (1986) Zur Archäologie mittelalterlicher Burgen in Lettland// Lübecker Schriften zur Archäologie und Kulturgeschichte, 12, S. 241-260, Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GMBH.

Seraphim, Königsberg i Pr.: Verlag von Thomas & Oppermann. Stubavs, . 1963. Arheolo iskie izrakumi Koknes 1962. gad //Atskaites sesijas t zes 1962, 12.-14.lpp., R ga: LZA V stures instit ts.

MUGUR VIÈS, . (1988) The culture of inhabitants of mediaeval settlements in Latvia in Livonian period// Fasciculi archaeologiae historicae, fasc.II. Réd. A. Nadolski, pp.57-70, Wrocław, Warszawa, Krak w, Gda sk, Ł d : Ossolineum.

ŠNORE, E. (1961) Asotskoe gorodiš e//Materialy i issledovanija po arheologii Latvijskoj SSR, 2, Riga: LZA V stures instit ts. URT NS J. (1987) Bytovije uslovija žitelei gorodiš a Pizi u Kaupra kalns// Iz istorii mediciny, XVIII, Riga: Zin tne.

MUGUR VIÈS, . (1996) Similarities and diferences among Lettigallian and German castles in Eastern Latvia during the 9th-15th centuries// Castella Maris Baltici II, pp. 117-124, Lund Studies in Medieval Archaeology 18: Nyköping, Sweden.

VILC NE A. (2004) Sen v stures instit ta apg ds.

Jersika, R ga: Latvijas

WC (2005) Hermanni de Wartberge Chronicon Livoniae. Translationem paravit, praefationem conscripsit et textum interpretatus est valds Mugur viès, Rigae MMV: Latvijas v stures instit ta apg ds.

SERAPHIM, A. (Hrsg.) (1912) Das Zeugenverhör des Franciscus de Moliano (1312). Bearbeitet von A.

126

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY AND CULTURAL HERITAGE: THE MEMORIAR PROGRAM, AN EXPERIENCE IN HERITAGE EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH OF BRAZIL Fábio Vergara CERQUEIRA1 Department of History and Anthropology at the National University of Pelotas (UFPEL)

Luisa Lacerda MACIEL2 Laboratory of Anthropology and Archaeology at the National University of Pelotas

Angélica Kohls SCHWANZ3 Architect and Memory, Identity and Material Culture Specialist at the National University of Pelotas

Neuza Janke da SILVA4 Pelotas Municipal School

Mariciana ZORZI5 Laboratory of Anthropology and Archaeology at the National University of Pelotas Abstract: The present article presents a report and an evaluation of the performance of the Memoriar Program – Heritage Education in the South Region of the Rio Grande do Sul State, Brazil –, between the years 2005 and 2006. The Program is an example of a project developed under the field of Public Archaeology, for the accomplishment of programs of heritage education, by archaeological teams and with entrepreneurial funding, being one of the exigencies of the legislation for environmental licensing in Brazil, what shows a strong commitment of Brazilian heritage regulation with scientific divulgation and the heritage usufruct by the communities. Key-words: Cultural Heritage Education – Public Archaeology – Social Memory Resumé: Cet article présente un rapport et une évaluation du Programme Memoriar – Éducation Patrimoniale dans la Region Sud de l’État Rio Grande do Sul, Brésil – parmi les années 2005 et 2006. Le programme est un exemple d’un project developpé dans le domaine de l’Archéologie Publique, pour accomplir des programmes de éducation patrimoniale, realisés par des équipes d’archéologues avec le recours financier d’entrepreneur, ça étant une des exigences de la legislation pour le licenciement environnementale au Brésil, ce que montre un fort engagement de la regulation patrimoniale brésilienne avec la divulgation scientifique et avec l’usufruit du patrimoine par les communautés. Mots-cles: Éducation Patrimoniale – Archéologie Publique – Memoire Sociale

INTRODUCTION12345 The present article presents a report and an evaluation of the performance of the Memoriar6 Program – Heritage 1

Professor at the Department of History and Anthropology at the National University of Pelotas (UFPEL). PhD in Social Anthropology (São Paulo University). Coordinator of the Laboratory of Anthropology and Archaeology at the National University of Pelotas. General Coordinator of the Memoriar Program. 2 Licentiate Teacher in History by the National University of Pelotas, Associate Researcher in the Laboratory of Anthropology and Archaeology at the National University of Pelotas. Team Member of the Memoriar Program. At the present, doing her Specialization in Education at the National University of Pelotas. 3 Architect and Memory, Identity and Material Culture Specialist at the National University of Pelotas. At the present, doing her Masters in the Post-Graduate Program of Social History at the Maringá State University. 4 Licentiate in History at the National University of Pelotas. Teacher of History at the Pelotas Municipal School and at the Rio Grande do Sul State Schools. M.A. in History at the Rio Grande do Sul Pontificate Catholic University. 5 Student in Tourism, Trainee at the Laboratory of Anthropology and Archaeology at the National University of Pelotas, and active member of the Memoriar Program. 6 The word memoriar in Portuguese is an intentional neologism, creating a verb derived from the substantive memory.

127

Education in the South Region of the Rio Grande do Sul State –, between the years 2005 and 2006, in the cities of Arroio Grande, Capão do Leão, Cerrito, Pedro Osório and Piratini, in the meridional section of the Rio Grande do Sul State, in Brazil. The Program is an example of a project developed under the field of Public Archaeology, for the accomplishment of programs of heritage education, by archaeological teams and with entrepreneurial funding, being one of the exigencies of the legislation for environmental licensing in Brazil. This policy marks strongly the commitment of Brazilian heritage regulation with scientific divulgation and the heritage usufruct, by the communities, as a cultural right of diffuse nature. ARCHAEOLOGY AND HERITAGE EDUCATION UNDER THE FIELD OF BRAZILIAN HERITAGE LEGISLATION: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE The Brazilian legislation carries under its history the influence of the heritage charters and the international recommendations which were intensified since the middle of the twentieth-century. In the nineteenth-century, two

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

models of heritage policy, in Europe, were consolidated: the British, based on the support from civil associations; and the French, whose model was governmental, centralizer. In Brazil, the latter’s influence was predominant (Possamai, 2000: 194), once the notion of heritage was directly linked to the Latin tradition, tributary of the tradition of Roman law, diverse from the Anglo-Saxon common law.

Charter,9 written in 1990, evidencing also the highlight given to the divulgation of the archaeological researches, aspect that was highlighted in its second article, considering the principle under which one only preserves what one knows (Santos, 2004/05: 9). Such document has much influence in Brazil, especially in relation to the education for cultural heritage (Soares, 2007: 63-64). The international legislation and exigencies started to take under consideration the regulation of works with environmental impact, due to the growing of ecological movements, which already had being under organization some decades ago (Monticelli, 2005: 151-153). As a result of this movement, the archaeological research in Brazil saw an expressive increase, since the decade of 1980, because the legislation determined that not only studies of environmental impact should be done, but also socio-economic ones, including there the studies of the impact on the cultural heritage.

“The Latin tradition considers the private property subject to restrictions, derived from the rights of others or from the collectivity in general [...] On the other side, under the Anglo-Saxon common law, the limitation on the right of property is, in general, much more subtle, which fostered, for instance, the fencing of rural estates in England, in the eighteenth-century.” (Funari and Pelegrini, 2006: 1718) In relation to the archaeological heritage, the Nova Delhi Charter – International Charter for the Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and Sites – resulting from the convention accomplished in India in 1956,7 was remarkable, expressing “(...) in its fourth and fifth articles, obligations and responsibilities of the member-States before the archaeological heritage.” (Santos, 2004: 3). For emphasizing the environment and the immaterial heritage, such charter went beyond the limits of monumentality, marking a shift in the conception of archaeological heritage. Besides that, this charter mentioned the need for interaction between society and the archaeological estates, in order that the latter could be understood and preserved, suggesting the creation of educative actions connected to the archaeological researches, with the end of “stimulating and developing the care and the respect for the past”; it also highlighted the value of publicizing the archaeological research, allowing the society to have access to the knowledge (Soares, 2007: 59-62).

In 1981, the Law no. 6.93810 marked the adoption of a more consistent environmental policy, instituting the National Council for the Environment (CONAMA), at the present the advisory and deliberative section of the National System for the Environment (SISNAMA) (Cerqueira and Cunha, 2007). “The licensing and the re-examination of potentially polluting activities, guaranteed in the Ninth article, IV, of the Law nº 3.938/81 as an instrument of the National Policy for the Environment, are of extreme importance to the effective protection of the archaeological heritage, modifying the national scenario and the attitude of the Public Authorities, of entrepreneurs and of society in the treatment of the archaeological heritage. The legal provision of this instrument followed the world tendency of seeking, normatively and concretely (with the use/construction of instruments by the society), to make compatible the economic development with the preservation of the environment” (Soares, 2007: 205).

The Nova Delhi Charter had influence in Brazil, five years later, in the elaboration of the so-called Sambaqui Law8 – Law no. 3.924 of 1961. (Monticelli, 2005: 132; Soares, 2007: 63). By the context in which it was published, the Law no. 3.924 tried to stop the acts of destruction suffered by the archaeological sites in unrestrained fashion in all the regions of the Brazilian territory, by way of intimidation, through punitive measures. Such measures were not efficient in practice, for there was a lack of information in relation to, for instance, what would be a sambaqui (Santos, 2004: 4).

Later on, the heritage education is incorporated under the process of acquiring an environmental license, reinforcing then the social commitment of the archaeologist with the communities directly or indirectly associated with his or her field research. According to the Seventh paragraph, of the Sixth article of the Decree no. 230, issued by the IPHAN in 2002.11

The role of the population in the preservation of the cultural heritage is recommended again in the Lausanne 7

UNESCO General Conference – Ninth Session at December 5, 1956; such recommendations defines the international principles to be employed in the field of archaeological researches. 8 The Law 3.924 of July 26, 1961, was known as the “Sambaqui Law” due to its interest for the preservation of sambaquis. This happens due to the historical context in which it is inserted: it was preponderant, in the epoch, the Code of Mines, “(...) which opened the way to the exploration of the sambaquis, as a mining good [motivating] the spirit of the law to turn towards this kind of site” (SOUZA, 2006: 144).

128

“The development of the archaeological studies (...) in all its stages, implies in work in the laboratory and in the office (cleansing, selection, record, analysis, interpretation, appropriate storage of the material collected in the 9

Charter for the Protection and Management of the Archaeological Heritage, ICOMOS/ICAHM. 10 Law 6938/81 – National Policy for the Environment – Disposes on the National Policy for the Environment, its ends and its planning and applying mechanisms, and gives other instructions. Available in http://www.mct.gov.br 11 Available in http://www.iphan.gov.br.

F.V. CERQUEIRA ET AL.: PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY AND CULTURAL HERITAGE…

field, as well as the Program of Heritage Education), which should be guaranteed in the contracts between the entrepreneurs and the archaeologists responsible for the study, both in terms of budget as in terms of schedule.” [our stress]

Cultural Goods, Material and Immaterial, of the communities, for we do not think that an adequate qualified educative action, turned to the Cultural Heritage, can dispense the direct study of these goods in the involved communities, including the perception itself that the latter’s have about their heritage.

THE MEMORIAR PROGRAM

The research of the Cultural Heritage is based in the interpretation of different sources, of written, oral, visual, and material nature. Among the written historical sources, we can highlight the official documents and the local newspapers. In relation to orality, we opted for the use of the techniques of Oral History,12 applied with the older inhabitants of the local community, who have much to tell about their life trajectories and about the history of the city. In the field of visuality, we sought to do the inventory of old pictures. The photographic record is used equally to do the inventory of material expressions of the Cultural Heritage, especially the diversity of the heritage buildings, as well as identified archaeological or museumlike objects.

It is in this legislative context that the Memoriar – Regional Program of Heritage Education of the South Region of the Rio Grande do Sul State – was conceived, as the result of the convention “Archaeology and Heritage Education in the South Region of the Rio Grande do Sul State”, established between the Laboratory of Anthropology and Archaeology of the Institute of Human Sciences at the National University of Pelotas (LEPAARQ/ICH/ UFPel) and the entrepreneur Votorantim Cellulose and Paper (VCP). This convention has began in the year of 2005, encompassing the cities of Aceguá, Arroio Grande, Bagé, Candiota, Capão do Leão, Cerrito, Herval, Hulha Negra, Pedras Altas, Pedro Osório, Pinheiro Machado and Piratini, which are under the VCP’s plantation area.

This data survey is complemented by other instruments of analysis. With the aim of hearing the community, we applied questionnaires on a section of the population, thought to be approximately 1% of its totality. By way of these questionnaires, we sought to perceive what each community thinks to be the Heritage. These reports are relevant for the epistemological basing of our educative action, for, according to Freire (apud ZAN, 2003: 13), “the investigation of the thinking of the population cannot be done without the population, but, on the contrary, must be done with them, as they are the subjects of their thought”.

According to Cerqueira (2006: 366), general coordinator of the project, “the Memoriar has as its aim to mobilize these cities’ communities, concerning the value of their Cultural Heritage, stimulating them to become active participants in its protection, preservation and management”. In this sense, the methodology that was applied in the Memoriar follows the guidelines listed below, in relation to the conceptualization of Cultural Heritage and its social implications:

This set of data forms what we call the Cultural Base, which constitutes an indispensable tool to the organization of the meetings and the exhibitions: it is through them that we can assemble the multimedia presentations used in the educative actions. When the student sees his or her city being represented through images, different readings happens. The square is seen from new angles, colors and shapes, and looses the character of being a simple place for meetings and plays to carry a new sense. The architecture, the details, a square bench... New attentive looks of children and adults, which start to realize differently the Cultural Heritage that is present in their daily life. “It does not matter the city, each one will look from his or her relationships with the place, for we will always be learning with it and re-signifying it from our referential” (Galvani, 2005: 160).

1) The inseparability between the human and natural heritage in the conceptualization of the Cultural Heritage, so that the public researches, interventions and policies are thought in integration. 2) The specificities and interfaces that mark the different relationships between the tangible heritage (material) and the intangible (immaterial). 3) The discard of the elitist conception of heritage, which used to identify it with the hegemonic vision of the groups that were dominant in the past, at the benefit of a plural vision, which considers the social-cultural diversity existent in the societies of the past, as well as in the present. In this perspective, the heritage is not seen anymore as a synonym of exceptionality, of erudition, of geniality. Today – without implying to loose the taste for the exceptional, for the monumental – to speak about heritage means above all to be interested by the common record, as the memory of the cultural expression of the common man and of his or her daily life.

The application of the program in the sphere of schools is constituted by five meetings. The target public of the two first meetings is constituted by teachers, employees, 12

Oral History works with the recording of interviews of historical and documental character with witnesses of events, conjunctures, movements, institutions and ways of life of contemporary history. Its main base is the narrative.

The actions of the Memoriar, both in the schools as in the events, are preceded by a stage designated to survey the 129

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

are constituted in the sphere of a group. The origin of several ideas, thoughts, feelings, passions that we attribute to ourselves are, in reality, inspired by the group.

directors and representatives of the municipal offices of education. They have as its aim to furnish elements which could transform these school’s life actors in multiplying factors of the heritage education. This is made through a lecture, with the aid of multimedia resources, in the first meeting, and with a heritage dynamic in classroom. In the lecture we share with the public general notions of Social Memory and Cultural Heritage, considering inclusive their normative and legal aspects. In the second activity, we develop a discussion, in which the teachers present suggestions for class programs, taking into consideration the diversity of the Heritage.

That collective memory have, then, an important function: that of contributing to the feeling of belonging to a group that have a common past, which shares memories, what gives meanings of identity.15 According to Klamt and Soares (2004), the identity is the element that characterizes the members of a society, community, or human group among themselves and in relation to the others. In this process, “each nation, group, family, that is each institution could build in the present their heritage, with the aim of articulating and expressing their identity and their memory” (Gonçalves, 2004: 19).

The third meeting of the Memoriar program is done with the kids and the school educators and its aim is to touch them for the appreciation and the preservation of the local Cultural Heritage, through the presentation of the Puppet’s Show, the realization of the Dynamics of the Object and the Drawing of the Heritage.

After the end of the Dynamics of the Object, a lecture is done with multimedia resources. This presentation is constructed using photographic records made in the preliminary stage of research, in which we made the inventory of cultural goods that testify for the diversity of the local Cultural Heritage. This lecture, therefore, is aimed at stimulating, among the students, the perception of the plurality of expressions of the Cultural Heritage of their city, whose contents are presented, in a synthetic fashion, in the multimedia presentation, marked by the visual appeal.

The meeting is initiated with the presentation of the Puppet’s Show,13 which have as its central subject the importance of the object as an evocative element of memory. The history is related to the dynamics done next.14 In it, the students are stimulated to talk about the objects they brought, and, as in the show, the objects end up by awakening memories in them; in this case, however, it is the students that are the main characters of the history.

According to the methodology employed by the Memoriar, the representation16 of the Cultural Heritage, from the images shown in the multimedia presentation, is carried through the drawing, in which the children will express his or her identification with determinate manifestations of the Cultural Heritage. “The act of drawing is done in the immediate present. To the children the present would be the desire impelling the action, the movement. Thought of as an exercise of desire, the drawing is transformed into manifestations of identity” (Derdyk, 1989: 118).

The children’s interaction with his or her material culture is done through the investigation, analyzing the aspects related to the history of the object, as well as its characteristics and functionality, transforming the classroom in a small museum, formed by the student’s objects and memories, as well as of his or her family and teachers. In this sense the object “always speaks from a place, whatever that may be, for it is linked to the subjects’ experiences with and in the world, since it represents a significative portion of the lived landscape” (Silveira e Filho, 2004: 40).

While drawing, the kid transfers to the paper what she or he considers to be the Cultural Heritage, revealing his or her identification with places of his or her city. That activity is related to the other stages of the same meeting, for, in the accomplishment of the Drawing the Heritage, beyond the creativity, there are present elements as the memory, the history and the cultural context of the child.

That experience of the child with and in the world is materialized in the object, that is, it does not matter if the object belongs to the kid or not, the fact is that it is part of his or her social convivium. To Maurice Halbwachs (1990), the apparently most particular memory is related to a group, so that the individual memory exists always coming from a collective memory, since all the memories

The drawing dialogues with elements of time and space. The act of drawing congregates the present with a past

13 The script is an adaptation of Men Fox’s book called “Guilherme Augusto Araújo Fernandes”, and the music was composed by Eugenio Bassi. The elements that compound the show, like the music and the objects, were elaborated in the perspective of the appreciation of the traditions of the Rio Grande do Sul State. 14 The process that antecedes the third meeting begins at the end of the second meeting of the program, when we ask to the teachers to tell the children that, in the next meeting of the team, a dynamics will happen, in which the students will participate by bringing from home objects that could stimulate in them the memory of past events, or even meaningful objects for their present life.

130

15 We choose here for the notion of identities in which: “Identities are social constructions formulated from real or invented differences that work as diacritic signs, that is, signs that confer a mark of distinction. In this sense, Lévi-Strauss says that identity is something abstract without real existence, but indispensable as a point of reference” (Oliven, 2006, p.34). 16 To Roger Chartier representations are constructed from a process of production of meanings, in which the intellectual framework that the subjects have is fundamental, that is, they are produced from the knowledge, from the world vision that the subject acquired in his or her life (Chartier, 1990).

F.V. CERQUEIRA ET AL.: PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY AND CULTURAL HERITAGE…

and a future. The images are born out of observation, of memory, of imagination. We could relate the observation with the present, the memory with the past and the imagination with the future (Derdyk, 1989: 118).

The Memoriar Program enables to a greater approximation between the population of the involved cities and the academic community. With this, it intends to improve the self-esteem of a region of the Rio Grande do Sul State that does not seem to look to itself as the keeper of an extremely important memory in the historical constitution of the State.

As the main objective of the program is the archaeological heritage, in the fourth meeting of the program the team presents images of the archaeological procedures, basic concepts and important questions related to Archaeology. Later, we do a simulated dig of a small square that refers to historical archaeology and another one that refers to the pre-colonial period. In this created context, the students excavate, using the technique demonstrated by the monitors, the objects buried there, as dishes, ceramics, sandstone, and lithics,17 following the procedures of collect, identification and analysis of the object.

These educative actions are aimed at, above all, the understanding of that distant past, the esteem of the recent past and the projection of a sustainable future. English Version Marcelo Hilsdorf Marotta References CERQUEIRA, F.V. and CUNHA, W.S. da. (2007) Proteção legal do patrimônio arqueológico. In: First International Congress of the Brazilian Society of Archaeology (SAB). Fourteenth Brazilian Congress of Archaeology. ARQUEOLOGIA, ETNICIDADE E TERRITÓRIO. FLORIANÓPOLIS, 2007. Annals (CD-ROM).

At the end of this activity we distribute to the students an identification card as “friends of the heritage”, in the sense of making them to feel responsible for the preservation of their own cultural heritage. In the fifth meeting we evaluate the program’s application, opportunity in which, by hearing the teachers’ demands, we elaborate a sketch of alternatives to the continuation of the Project, with the potential deepening of the partnership between the National University of Pelotas, by way of the Memoriar, and the municipal schools of the region.

CERQUEIRA, F.V. (2006) Proteção legal do Patrimônio Cultural e Arqueológico. Avanços e percalços no Brasil Contemporâneo. In.: Axt, G. and Schüler, F. (orgs.). Brasil Contemporâneo. Crônicas de um país incógnito. Artes e Ofícios, 2006, p. 345-375. CHARTIER, R. (1990) A história cultural: entre práticas e representações. Rio de Janeiro: Bertrand Brasil S/A.

Between 2005 and 2006, the Memoriar Program acted out in 11 municipal schools18 from the cities of Arroio Grande, Capão do Leão, Cerrito, Pedro Osório, and Piratini, totalizing 137 teachers and 454 students directly involved with the above-mentioned meetings. It is worth mentioning that the actions of the Memoriar are still going through in the other cities involved in the Project of Archaeological Survey of the South Region of the Rio Grande do Sul State.

DERDYK, E. (1989) Formas de pensar o desenho: desenvolvimento do grafismo infantil. São Paulo: Scipione. FILHO, M.F.L. and SILVEIRA, F.L.A. da. (2004) Por uma antropologia do objeto documental: Entre a “Alma das coisas” e a coisificação do objeto. Horizontes Antropológicos. A Publication of the PostGraduate Program in Social Anthropology of the National University of Rio Grande do Sul. Porto Alegre: PPGAS, year 10, n. 22, p. 37-51.

During this period, the Memoriar team has participated in municipal events doing lectures and archaeological exhibitions in the cities of Bagé (Fifth International Barbecue Feast), Capão do Leão (Fifth State Feast of the Watermelon and Culture Week), Cerrito (Tenth Colonist Feast and Second Municipal Feast of the Milk), Herval (Twentieth Eight Expofair of Ovines), Pedro Osório (Inauguration of the Pasquele Marchese Municipal Museum), Pinheiro Machado (Third Municipal Week of the Youth) e Piratini (Farroupilha Week and Green Week), totalizing 2823 participants.19

FUNARI, P.P.A. and PELEGRINI, S. de C.A. (2006) Patrimônio histórico e cultural. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar. GALVANI, M.A.M. (2005) Leitura da Imagem: uma interação de olhares entre a cidade e escola. Revista Educação e Realidade. v. 30, n.2, p. 145-163. GONÇALVES, J.R.S. (2004) Ressonância, Materialidade e Subjetividade: as culturas como Patrimônios. Horizontes Antropológicos. A Publication of the PostGraduate Program in Social Anthropology of the National University of Rio Grande do Sul. Porto Alegre: PPGAS, year 10, n. 22, p. 15-36.

17 The objects used in the simulated excavation are copies of archaeological artifacts made in the Atelier of the Institute of Arts and Design, with the collaboration of Prof. Paulo Renato Viégas Damé. 18 The program was applied in the schools of the urban and rural zone of each inserted county, contemplating the third and fifth grades of the fundamental level. 19 Visitors registered in the book of signatures.

HALBWACHS, M. (1990) A memória coletiva. São Paulo: Vertice. KLAMT, S.C. and SOARES, A.L.R. (2006) Breve Manual de Patrimônio Cultural: Subsídios para uma 131

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

Educação Patrimonial. Revista do Cepa. Vol. 28, special number.

SOARES, I.V.P. (2007) Proteção jurídica do patrimônio arqueológico no Brasil: fundamentos para a efetividade da tutela em face de obras e atividades impactantes. Erechim: Habilis.

MONTICELLI, G. (2005) Arqueologia em Obras de Engenharia no Brasil: Uma Crítica aos Contextos. Porto Alegre: PUCRS (Full Professorship Thesis).

SOUZA, M.C. de. (2006) Uma visão da abrangência da gestão patrimonial. In: Mori, V.H. et al. (orgs.) Patrimônio: atualizando o debate. São Paulo: Ninth SR/IPHAN.

OLIVEN, R.G. (2006) A parte e o todo: a diversidade cultural no Brasil – nação. Second Edition – Petrópolis, RJ: Vozes.

ZAN, D.D.P. e. (2003) Currículo por projetos. Avanços e possibilidades. In.: Park, M.B. (org.). Formação de educadores: memória, patrimônio e meio-ambiente. Campinas: Mercado de Letras, p. 13-31.

SANTOS JÚNIOR, V. (2005) A influência das cartas internacionais sobre as leis nacionais de proteção ao patrimônio histórico e pré-histórico e estratégias de preservação dos sítios arqueológicos brasileiros. Mneme, Caicó-RN, v. 6, n. 13, p. 1-15.

132

PATRIMONIAL EDUCATION AND FORMS OF SOCIAL INCLUSION IN PROJECTS OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN BRAZIL1 Katianne BRUHNS2 [email protected] Abstract: The Patrimonial Education has become essential in the archaeology projects, besides the fact of being a centered educational process in the cultural patrimony. It has assumed mediator functions in the relationship between the involved community and the researchers, having received the expectations and needs of the two segments. We will establish an overview of the functions acquired for the Patrimonial Education after the launching of the Judicial Directive nº 230/02, by the National Institute of Historic and Artistic Patrimony. Key words: Patrimonial Education, Archaeology, Cultural Patrimony, Education, Social Inclusion Résumé: L’éducation patrimoniale est dévenue essentielle dans les projets d’archéologie, malgré soit un procès educative centré sur le patrimoine culturel. Elle a assumé des fonctions de médiations dans la relation entre la communauté et les archéologues, recevant des expectatives et des bésoins de les deux segments. Nous allons établir une vision générale des fonctions attribuées à l’Éducation Patrimoniale après l’édition de la Directive Judiciale nº 230/02, par l’Institut du Patrimoine Historique et Artistique National. Mots-clef: Éducation Patrimoniale, Archéologie, Patrimoine Culturel, Éducation, Inclusion Sociale

INTRODUCTION12

Currently, the adopted Brazilian cultural patrimony in the Constitution from 1988 concept mentions the “goods of material and immaterial nature, registered individually or in set, carriers of reference about their identity, action, memory of the different The Brazilian society groups, which include: ways of expression; forms of creation, how to do and live; scientific, artistic and technological creations; workmanships, objects, documents, constructions and other areas destined to the artistic-cultural manifestations, the urban nuclei and the historical, landscaping, artistic, archaeological, paleontological, ecological and scientific sites.

The recognition of the need of educative actions in archaeology projects systemizes and extends the functions of the Patrimonial Education in this area. Some programs go beyond the “educational process centered in the cultural patrimony”, since they have gradually assumed mediator functions of the relationship between the involved community and the researchers; as well as they have been seen as a form of generating sustainability to these communities (correct orientations for the patrimonial income generation usufruct).

By working the archaeological patrimony through the Patrimonial Education we will be interacting with the diverse communities memory, and perhaps, intervening with places that carries memory – material and immaterial references of identity of the collective memory.

A reflection on the cultural aspect of the social inclusion and its systematization and the magnifying of these programs will be the subject of this article. CULTURE, PATRIMONIAL AND CULTURAL EDUCATION

Based on this responsibility, the Patrimonial Education must be an education instrument in the formal and noformal process, as well as an instrument of teaching the fundamental components of the local culture, and here it should be understood under Baron’s perspective (Op. Cit, p. 419) as a “pedagogy that considers the memory and imaginary decolonization of the human being through cultural dialogue with others, by means of sensitization, self-reading, self-knowledge and collective transformation processes (...), it decolonizates the political unconsciousness and the corporal memory to intervene in the reproduction of the past; a pedagogy that cultivates the necessary intercultural sensibility and the performing conscience to the formation of new reciprocal and cooperative communities, and new democratic politics of release.”

The term culture comes from the verb “to cultivate” and according to Baron (2004, p.420) it “expresses our relation with the produced and reproduced art of life. It interprets and defines our economic, social and political relation to the world. It is as we work, eat, think, dress, organize, feel, choose our loves, (...). It is as we understand ourselves in the world and as we live this understanding. We are constantly inheriting, adapting, selecting, constructing, passing values and interpretations (...)”. According to Horta et al. (1999, p.6) the Patrimonial Education is deeply on the culture and it is conceived as a “permanent and systematic process of centered educational work in the cultural patrimony, as primary source of knowledge and individual and collective enrichment”. 2

Under Doctorate in History at Federal University of Santa Catarina/ Brazil; Consultant in Museology and Patrimonial Education Programs for: Extremo Sul Catarinense University/ SC; Geoarcheology Scientific Consultancy Ltd/ SC and Scientia Scientific Consultancy/ SP.

The Patrimonial Education through the process of teaching the fundamental components of the local culture intends to transform the way culture is treated – here we 133

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

refer to the scientists position as well as the involved communities – searching a revision, transformation and improvement via interaction of the knowledge.

and the great majority of the humanity is inserted through the insufficiency and privations that bring consequences for the economic aspects.

The citizen must understand his importance in the sociocultural process in which he is inserted, aiming at a positive transformation in his relationship with the cultural patrimony.

Therefore, instead of exclusion, there is the “dialectic exclusion/inclusion”. It generates specific subjectivities that include from the feeling of being included to the feeling of being discriminated or indignant.

Therefore the Patrimonial Education becomes essential in the archaeology projects, besides the fact of being an educational process centered in the cultural patrimony, it has assumed mediator functions in the relationship between the involved community and the researchers, listening to the expectations and needs of the two segments, mainly from its insertion and obligation instituted for Judicial Directive nº 230/02 by the National Institute of Historic and Artistic Patrimony.

In synthesis, the exclusion is a complex multifaceted process, a configuration of material dimensions, relational politics and subjective, it is a subtle and dialectical process, therefore it only exists in relation to the inclusion, as constitutive part of it. The conception of exclusion/inclusion is fluid as analytical and diffuse category, despite the studies and outgoing proposals. Some authors, as Bastos (2002), consider exclusion/inclusion as a new paradigm in construction.

PATRIMONIAL EDUCATION AND SOCIAL INCLUSION

From an occidental view, according to Xiberras (1993), “excluded are those who are rejected of our material or symbolic markets, of our values”.

Nowadays there are several programs, meetings, national and international governmental and non-governmental organizations that deal with the Social Inclusion. In the majority of them, this aspect is treated in counterpoint to the social exclusion, meant to the economic sector of the needy populations.

According to Wanderley (2002), the excluded are not simply rejected physical, geographically or materially, not only of the market and its trades, but also of all the spirituals wealth, their values are not recognized, and even a cultural exclusion.

To deal with the Social Inclusion, we may define the term accessibility, which is not restricted to the physical space. According to Sassaki (2004),3 the accessibility is divided in 6 dimensions: architectural, communicational, methodological, instrumental, programmatic and attitudinal. According to Izabel Loureiro Maior, responsible for the National Head-Office for Disabled People Integration (CORDE) of the Human Rights Special Secretary, accessibility is “to promote a larger equality of opportunities, (...) it is an indispensable tool for the inclusive society”.4

Once again Sawaia (Op. Cit) seems to be appropriate when he emphasizes the option for the dialectical expression exclusion/inclusion to sign that both do not constitute categories in themselves, whose meaning is given by specific invariants qualities, contained in each one of the terms, but that are not of the same substance and form a inseparable pair, that is constituted in the proper relation. These concepts represent the search of other exclusion/inclusion analysis references, capable to disorganize the consensuses that mutilate life in the researches, especially the ones who consider that the excluded constitutes an inert homogeneous category that only occupies with the physical survival and is tied to the needs.

In order to understand what Social Inclusion means, it is necessary to understand what exclusion means. Sawaia (2002), intends to encompass nuances of the configuretions of the different qualities and dimensions of the exclusion, highlighting the objective dimension of the social inequality, the ethical dimension of the injustice and the subjective dimension of the suffering.

Souza-Santos (1997) recommends the use of the processconcept that does not indicate essentiality, but movement and only acquires meaning when full of pulsating life in the various historical contexts.

The author suggests as well that, the society excludes to include and this transmutation is condition of the unequal social order, what implies in the illusory character of the inclusion.

Thus, the current concept in this work consists in processconcept, where social inclusion is understood according to the dialectical social exclusion/inclusion form, it aims at delimitating territories, requalifying, reconnecting, resignifying the constituent elements of the cultural patrimony and promoting recognition of this patrimony for the communities involved by archaeological projects.

All of us are inserted in some how, not always decent and worthy, in the economic activities reproductive circuit, 3

Romeu Kuzumi Sassaki, apud Loiola, Mariana RITS/ Brazil. In: La Insignia. Chile, 6/6/4. 4 Loiola, M. Idem.

134

K. BRUHNS: PATRIMONIAL EDUCATION AND FORMS OF SOCIAL INCLUSION IN PROJECTS OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN BRAZIL

kept out of society (in this case that, aside of some process, situation) what makes them coherent is their identity (emotional or material), that what identifies them as group. The material or immaterial cultural patrimony can be an identifier element.

PATRIMONIAL EDUCATION IN PROJECTS OF ARCHAEOLOGY In face of the fact of it is deeply connected to the culture and interacting with the involved communities in a direct form, the Patrimonial Education, beyond its original concept-function, is promoting the social inclusion via culture, in a process that aims at requalifying, reconnecting, resignifying, not only the constitutive elements of the cultural patrimony by the communities, but also, a new positioning and a revaluation of these by the patrimonial side.

The second reflection points to the Judicial Directive that regulates the patrimonial education programs in archaeology projects is only – in the measure where it institutes its obligation – corroborating with previous reflections (see the Patrimonial Letters) and the preservation, not only the archaeological patrimony, but the entirely cultural patrimony as well.

The Patrimonial Education starts to be an aggregator instrument of actions that aim at a transformation in selfesteem and way of treating the cultural patrimony, which means, it takes the citizenship as a central point in name of inclusive attitudes that aim at the local communities sustainability in its interaction with the cultural patrimony.

The Patrimonial Education5 has as basic principle to make possible a direct experience of the human being with the object and/or cultural phenomenon. This extensive and singular experience might lead, according to Horta et al. (1999, p.6) to an active process of knowledge, appropriation and valuation of the cultural inheritance enabling the individual to a better usufruct of these goods, propitiating the generation of new knowledge, on the basis of the critical spirit aiming at a continuous process of cultural creation.

As the material cultural patrimony as well the immaterial refer to the different groups and communities memory, and in function of the different historical processes, they are always in the imminence of disappearing.

The alteration in the status of the Patrimonial Education Programs in projects of archaeology in Brazil allows us to divide it in two phases:

This enlargement of the functions and the importance of the Patrimonial Education leaded to the recognition and inclusion to the protection mechanisms of the archaeological patrimony, in this case Judicial Directive 230/02 that determines in its Artº 7th: “The development of the described archaeological studies above, in all their phases, implies laboratory works (cleaning, selection, register, analysis, interpretation, adequate preservation of the material collected in field, as well as Patrimonial Education Program, which shall be stood in contracts between the entrepreneurs and the archaeologists responsible for the studies, as much in terms of budget as in terms of chronogram.”

Before 2002, the greatest goals were concentrated in the research itself and the production of reports for the attainment of Previous Licenses and Operation, or for the production of works and publications academic and, some, for the devolution of the knowledge to the communities. From 2002 on, we perceive an increasing of the programs concretization. It refers to a definition of chronogram and proper resources for this phase. As an educator, I emphasize that such programs must be started already in the phase of the archaeological survey, so the team can, besides interacting with the archaeologists, executing previous diagnostic, increasing the probability that the actions will be programmed.

The institution of the obligation of programs of Patrimonial Education programs in projects of Archaeology comes to rectify agreements already foreseen in the Patrimonial Letters, as the Letter of Athens (Oct/1931) that contains an item that deals with the education and the respect to monuments role: “the best guarantee of conservation of monuments and works of art comes from the respect and the interest of peoples themselves”. The Letter of New Delhi (Dec/1956) mentions “to undertake an educative action to make aware and to develop the respect and the esteem to the past”; and the Recommendation of Paris Landscapes and Sites (Dec/1962) foresees a space to the education of the public: ... “an educative action should be undertaken inside and outside the schools to make aware and to develop the public respect (...).” We can have two reflections out of it. The valuation, the respect and the preservation of the cultural patrimony pass, with no doubt, by the educative process. In the first reflection, in cases where communities and groups feel excluded or

The archaeological research and the Patrimonial Education Programs possess their own methodologies, what does not hinder that its constant dialogue. From 2002 on, the Patrimonial Education acquired an archaeological projects systematization and had an enlargement of its goals of the Patrimonial Education in this kind of project. I believe, that the systematization is a consequence of the obligation. Some contract archaeology companies assume that the Patrimonial Education may be an aggregator element in 5 Concept debated in Brazil in the 1st Seminary on the “Educational Use of Museums and Monuments” that took place in the Imperial Museum, Petrópolis/ RJ/ 1983.

135

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

their works and they are concerned in developing programs really directed toward the communities, they are elaborating previous diagnosticm6 – what increases the probability of elaborating efficient educative actions and addressed to the involved communities needs, and also they study the creation of methodologies of programs differentiated for projects of archaeology of small, medium and great port, followed by new and different evaluation models – fundamental for such actions improvement.

around 850 students. For this phase, a brochure was organized with the general information concerning Archaeology and the different archaeological vestiges that can be found in State of Santa Catarina. It was also organized an archaeological kit, containing artifacts of different parts of the State, and pertinent activities, always addressed to the development of each age group.

The enlargement of the objectives is associated to the programs addressed to the communities needs, whether in the formal education, or in the informal one (district associations, aged, people with special needs, etc); to the creation of programs that show reasonable ways to the sustainability via patrimony (workshops for the production of archaeological artifact replicas, photographs, production of trinkets with seeds, etc) and for the necessity of qualified professionals in diverse areas. This type of workshop, addressed to the interests and needs of the communities, functions in two forms: in one hand, they focus on the enlarged local patrimony preservation and valuation (in the case of the workshops of seeds – to use a non predatory form of the local natural wealth, which are often discarded) and in the other hand, offering possibilities for production and income from the patrimony, where the community is guided to self-manage in informal activities.

Fig. 16.1. Azawak Group in Sambaqui Ponta das Almas

The Patrimonial Education became a mechanism not only to preserve the material and immaterial cultural patrimony, but also a way to value the different citizens identity; to reevaluate the educators posture; to reinsert different groups in the society via culture; to activate the communities creation capacity; to improve the self-esteem and to present income/new forms of sustainability alternatives. DIFFERENT PROGRAMS ADDRESSED TO DIFFERENT COMMUNITIES We will describe here three Patrimonial Education Programs experiences, that by dealing with different communities, they had specific and differentiated goals.

Fig. 16.2. Conta Contos Group in Sambaqui Ponta das Almas

Experience nº 1 (fig. 16.1, 16.2). – Patrimonial Education Program – Sambaqui – Ponta das Almas – Florianópolis, SC. This program aimed at initiating a reapproach and reappropriation process of this space for the surrounding community. The Program counted on two fronts of action: the first one was addressed to the municipal and state public schools net of the Bacia da Lagoa da Conceição,

In a second moment, there was an educative action opened to the community that took place in Sambaqui – Ponta das Almas. In this action the “Varal de Artes Sambaqui” that displayed the children artistic production from the schools of the community and beside, there was an “Experimental Archaeology Workshop” with clay. Two plays also took place, one addressed to the nature preservation, by Grupo Azawak, and another one, addressed to motivate children creativity, by Grupo Teatral Conta Estórias. The community also took part presenting two typical groups of Lagoa da Conceição: Brazilian popular music and Boi de Mamão.

6

Scientia Scientific Consultancy did a previous field of recognition for AES Tietê/ SP with the teams of Patrimonial and Archaeology Education, where the goal of the first team was a survey for the elaboration of the previous diagnosis that would lead the Program activities, meeting effectively the involved communities needs.

136

K. BRUHNS: PATRIMONIAL EDUCATION AND FORMS OF SOCIAL INCLUSION IN PROJECTS OF ARCHAEOLOGY IN BRAZIL

Fig. 16.3. Bernek Agglomerated Company and their children

Fig. 16.5. Cultural educative activity in Tarumã Farm (Bernek Agglomerated Company)

an “Experimental Archaeology Workshop” with clay. Two plays also took place, one addressed to the nature preservation, by Grupo Azawak, and another one, addressed to motivate children creativity, by Grupo Teatral Conta Estórias. The community also took part presenting two typical groups of Lagoa da Conceição: Brazilian popular music and Boi de Mamão. Experience nº 2 (fig. 16.4-16.6) – Patrimonial Education Program in the Archaeological Patrimony Study, Architectonic and Landscaping of the Area of Influence of the LT 500 LT Kv Bateias-Ibiúna, PR-SP.

Fig. 16.6. “Discovery” of objects hidden little bricks of clay worked with the municipal school teachers net and with the farm workers from Tarumã Farm, for Bernek Agglomerated Company and their children. For this public who worked with wood, we organized an activity that informed them about the production wooden traps by Guarani Indians, searching to approach the archaeological information that should be forwarded of their daily life. Since the Patrimonial Education works with emotion, we organized a workshop that referred to the “discovery” of objects hidden little bricks of clay, where they had been registered and afterwards they were registered in proper cards.7

Fig. 16.4. Bernek Agglomerated Company and their children (Memories Game)

Experience nº 3 – Archaeological Rescue of the Ceramic Site Lagoinha Patrimonial Education Program – Lagoinha do Rio Tavares, Florianópolis, SC. This program has been adjusted to meet the municipal school chronogram and the

This program concentrated its action in three towns: in Apiaí (SP) we supplied orientation and didactic material for the municipal and state school History, Geography and Arts teachers net. In Ribeira (SP) we worked with environmental young monitors, based on a brochure organized for this specific subject. In Cerro Azul (PR), we

7

This archaeological educative activity was carried through in partnership with the archaeologist Ms. Jaisson Teixeira Lino, from Extremo Sul Catarinense University/ SC.

137

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

Tubarão). Tubarão/ RS. Dissertação de Mestrado. PUCRS: Porto Alegre.

orientations needs. Besides the cultural educative activity, there were also practical activities of the district patrimony valuation and visits to the site during the archaeological rescue.

FARIAS, Deisi S.E. (2001) O trabalho de Educação Patrimonial no contexto arqueológico. Anais do Iº Encontro Sul Brasileiro de Educação Patrimonial. CD-ROM.

FINAL CONSIDERATIONS

FORRACHI, M.M. (1982) A participação social dos excluídos. São Paulo: HUCITEC.

Despite the archaeological legislation being one and only, it is able to protect the different occupations and past peoples in a vast country as Brazil. The legislation is one and only, the methodologies are varied in accordance with the projects and occupations and the communities that interact today with this patrimony are even more diversified. The identity of each one of them is unique and therefore each one needs a specific Patrimonial Education programs. When the nation chooses its patrimony, some groups choose what they will present for their population and for other nations. The Patrimonial Education takes the reverse in what refers to the communities, part of the memories and patrimony are elected by them in order to organize effective ways to perpetuate them. I believe that the obligation reflected in the systematization will contribute and give heed to the Patrimonial Education Programs in archaeology projects. I do not believe that the Patrimonial Education methodology is being misinterpreted, but extended. While applying the methodologies, we can identify their weaknesses and difficulties, and also we can find new forms of application. Therefore I add that significant contributions have being made in this field with the dissemination of the programs.

GUARNIERI, Waldisa R.C. (1990) Conceito de cultura e sua inter-relação com o patrimônio cultural e a preservação. Revista do IBPC, n.3. GRUNBERG, Evelina. (2000) Educação Patrimonial: utilização dos bens culturais como recursos educacionais. Cadernos do CEOM, ano 14, nº 12. Chapecó. HORTA, Maria de Lourdes P. & GRUNBERG, Evelina & MONTEIRO, Adriane Q. (1999) Guia Básico de Educação Patrimonial. Brasília: IPHAN, Museu Imperial. JULIANI, L. & BORGES, L. (2001) Arqueologia Social e Educação Patrimonial. O Sítio Lítico do Morumbi. DPH/ Secretaria Municipal de Cultura, Associação Criança Brasil. São Paulo. MARTINS, J.S. (1997) Exclusão social e a nova desigualdade. São Paulo: Paulus. SAWAIA, B. (2002) Exclusão ou Inclusão Perversa. In: As Artimanhas da Exclusão – a análise psicossocial e ética da desigualdade social. 4ª Edição. Petrópolis: Vozes. SAWAIA, B. (2002) O sofrimento ético-político como categoria de análise dialética exclusão/inclusão. In: As Artimanhas da Exclusão – a análise psicossocial e ética da desigualdade social. 4ª Edição. Petrópolis: Vozes. Pp. 98-127.

References BARON, Dan. (2004) Alfabetização Cultural. A luta por uma nova humanidade. São Paulo, Alfarrábio.

WANDERLEY, Mariângela B. (2002) Refletindo sobre a noção de exclusão. In: As Artimanhas da Exclusão – a análise psicossocial e ética da desigualdade social. 4ª Edição. Petrópolis: Vozes.

BESSEGATTO, Mauri. (2004) O patrimônio em sala de aula: Fragmentos de Ações Educativas. Santa Maria/ RS: Ed. Evangraf. FARIAS, Deisi S.E. (2001) Arqueologia e Educação: uma proposta de preservação para os sambaquis do sul de Santa Catarina (Jaguaruna, Laguna e

XIBERRAS, Martine. (1993) Les théories de l’exclusion. Paris: Meridiens Klinckieck.

138

SALVAMENTO ARQUEOLÓGICO DO CENTRO HISTÓRICO DE PELOTAS RS / BRASIL (2002 – 2008) Luciana da Silva PEIXOTO1 Instituto de Memória e Patrimônio

Estefânia Jaekel da ROSA2 Laboratório de Ensino e Pesquisa em Antropologia e Arqueologia – DHA-ICH/UFPEL

Fábio Vergara CERQUEIRA3 Laboratório de Ensino e Pesquisa em Antropologia e Arqueologia – LEPAARQ/UFPEL Abstract: The “Projetc of Rescue Archaeology in the Urban Area of the Pelotas city, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil” consists of systematic archaeological interventions proceeded since 2002, in various sites placed in the area, aiming to bring to light some new elements for the local and regional memory and history, where predominates a traditional historiography, that despises some very serious aspects of its history, preferring an imaginary of a glorious, luxurious and cosmopolite past. The archaeological finds contribute to form a new vision of this space, considered as historically build. The topics of the hygienic policies, uses of consummation, and economical patterns reveal a new paradigm to think the culture of the city of Pelotas in the nineteenth century. The principal goal of this research is to understand the urban archaeological sites according to a vision of whole, constituting an ensemble, because they maintain narrow relations with each other, composing an integrated and complex area. This project, based in the concept of citty-site, allows us to rethink the occupation of the city in conformity with the archaeological evidences. Key-words: Rescue Archaeology – Historical Archaeology – Cultural Heritage Resumé: Le Projet de Sauvetage Archéologique dans la Région Urbaine de Pelotas, Rio Grande do Sul, Brésil, réalise des interventions archéologiques sistématiques dès l’année de 2002, dans plusieurs sites placés sur la region, avec le bût d’amener au connaissance historique des éléments nouveaux pour la mémoire et la histoire locale et regionale, où prédomine une historiographie traditionelle, qui méprise des aspect très sérieux du son histoire, privilégiant un imaginaire d’un passe du gloire, luxe et cosmopolitisme. Les trouvailles archéologiques contribuent pour former une nouvelle vision sur cet espace historiquemente construit. Les thèmes des politiques hygiénistes, du coûtume de consommation et des patrons économiques révèlent un nouveu paradigme pour penser la culture de la ville de Pelotas du XIXème siècle. Le principale objectif de cette recherche est comprendre les sites archéologiques urbains selon une vision de conjoint, parce qu’ils sont étroitemente liés les uns avec les autres. Ce projet, fondé sur le concept de ville-site, permet repenser l’occupation de la ville d’accord les évidences archéologiques. Mots-clef: Sauvetage archéologique – Archéologie historique – Patrimoine culturelle

HISTÓRICO DO PROJETO123

integrado às áreas diretamente relacionadas ao núcleo urbano.

O Projeto de Salvamento Arqueológico foi inicialmente desenvolvido para atuar nas áreas de intervenção do Programa BID Monumenta, programa coordenado em escala nacional pelo Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional (IPHAN/MinC), visando à recuperação de importantes centros históricos, como é o caso de Pelotas. Atualmente, o projeto está em fase de extensão, objetivando também a atuação no espaço periférico, que abrange a antiga ocupação charqueadora, assim como a área industrial e rural, no intuito de compreender a “cidade-sítio” em sua totalidade, ou seja,

Este projeto teve início em 2002, com o acompanhamento arqueológico dos trabalhos de restauro na Casa 8 e Fonte das Nereidas (chafariz central da Praça Cel. Pedro Osório); seguiu-se a escavação arqueológica no pátio da Casa 2 até o ano de 2003. Em 2004, realizou-se na Praça Cel. Pedro Osório uma intervenção metodologicamente mais rigorosa, fazendo-se necessário outra escavação, no ano de 2005, no local que apresentou maior concentração de materiais arqueológicos. Neste ano, devido às obras de revitalização na Praça Cel. Pedro Osório, no largo do Mercado Público e nas calçadas dos becos do centro histórico, efetivou-se o acompanhamento das remoções de terra, constatando, novamente, o potencial arqueológico da área central da cidade.

1

Licenciada em História pela UFPEL. Especialista em Memória, Identidade e Cultura Material, pela UFPEL. Coordenadora do Instituto de Memória e Patrimônio. Pesquisadora associada ao Laboratório de Antropologia e Arqueologia da UFPEL. Coordenadora do Projeto de Mapeamento Arqueológico da Região Sul do Rio Grande do Sul – LEPAARQ/UFPEL. 2 Acadêmica do curso de História / ICH/UFPEL; Bolsista BIC FAPERGs. Laboratório de Ensino e Pesquisa em Antropologia e Arqueologia- DHA-ICH/UFPEL. 3 Coordenador do Laboratório de Ensino e Pesquisa em Antropologia e Arqueologia – LEPAARQ/UFPEL. Dr. em Antropologia Social pela USP. Diretor do Instituto de Ciências Humanas da UFPEL. Coordenadora do Projeto de Mapeamento Arqueológico da Região Sul do Rio Grande do Sul – LEPAARQ/UFPEL.

Os achados arqueológicos exumados em campo são conservados no Laboratório de Antropologia e Arqueologia da UFPEL, passando por detalhado processo de estudo e acondicionamento. Foram elaborados catálogos e artigos interpretativos referentes a estes sítios e suas respectivas coleções arqueológicas, com destaque aos catálogos da Casa 8, de faiança fina, de grès e de material arqueo-faunístico. 139

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

trabalhos de drenagem realizados na várzea alagadiça localizada nesta área. Este processo de drenagem ocorreu nos finais da década de 1870, período de construção das Casas 6 e 8, de reforma da Casa 2 e de instalação do chafariz localizado no centro da atual Praça Cel. Pedro Osório, posteriormente chamado de Fonte das Nereidas.

O projeto avançou para um nível mais amplo de Arqueologia histórica de Pelotas, que deverá incluir outras área urbanas, como a área das charqueadas junto ao Arroio Pelotas (representativa dos séculos XVIII e XIX), a área industrial e portuária (representativa da primeira metade do séc. XX), o parque Museu da Baronesa e a zona de colônias de imigração da área rural.

No plano urbanístico, no que se refere à atual Praça Cel. Pedro Osório, seus arredores tornaram-se cenário da emulação das elites charqueadoras e estancieiras, que procuraram edificar, junto à praça ou nas ruas circunvizinhas, palacetes cujas fachadas eram cenário do status social e cultural que desejavam ostentar.

Este projeto constitui, assim, um estudo de Arqueologia Histórica que visa a colocar sobre uma mesma base de dados as evidências da cultura material de Pelotas do séc. XVIII, XIX e início do séc. XX, levantadas em diferentes áreas do atual município, retratando distintos aspectos do processo de desenvolvimento urbano e rural da cidade.

A área urbana do município de Pelotas apresentava-se como um território intocado pelas pesquisas no campo da Arqueologia Histórica e mais precisamente da Arqueologia Urbana. As transformações econômicas do século XX e o deslocamento do eixo produtivo no Estado geraram um processo de estagnação econômica na região sul e resultaram em uma parada do tempo, uma pausa na transformação da paisagem urbana deste município. Assim, grandes áreas ocupadas no século XIX, que apresentavam um rico desenvolvimento, permanecem sem alterações substanciais até hoje.

PELOTAS: FORMAÇÃO E DESENVOLVIMENTO DO NÚCLEO URBANO A formação do povoado que originou a cidade de Pelotas iniciou efetivamente por volta do inicio do século XIX, quando os contingentes cada vez maiores de moradores do entorno do arroio Pelotas e do canal São Gonçalo formaram o primeiro núcleo urbano. Até então, as charqueadas e estâncias desta planície faziam parte de um distrito da cidade de Rio Grande, núcleo urbano mais antigo da província de Rio Grande de São Pedro.

Em vista disso, a pesquisa arqueológica encontra um enorme potencial de trabalho, possibilitando um novo olhar sobre o passado, o espaço e suas edificações residenciais ou comerciais, trazendo à luz os grupos esquecidos nos subterrâneos da cidade, elementos das relações econômico-sociais urbanas, e avançando no entendimento da evolução da economia charqueadora e seus efeitos sobre a urbanização de Pelotas, a partir do estudo da cultura material resgatada nos pátios, porões, calçadas e praças.

As charqueadas eram estabelecimentos de produção de carne salgada com base na exploração compulsória da mão de obra africana. A instalação de aproximadamente trinta indústrias saladeris às margens do canal São Gonçalo e arroio Pelotas impulsionaram o desenvolvimento do povoado, a autonomia provincial, bem como a formação de uma elite política e econômica, que aplicou estes recursos numa série de transformações sócio-culturais levando à urbanização e à sofisticação dos hábitos de consumo.

HISTÓRICO DOS SÍTIOS TRABALHADOS E RESULTADOS PRELIMINARES:

Em 1812, o crescimento econômico e demográfico deste povoado resultou no estabelecimento da Freguesia São Francisco de Paula. Após várias discussões, o local estabelecido para a construção da capela foi o terreno localizado nas terras de Antônio Francisco dos Anjos, onde foram planejados e vendidos os primeiros lotes urbanos. No decorrer de poucos anos, o pequeno aglomerado urbano cresceu e estendeu-se em direção ao sul, proporcionando à recém criada freguesia o status necessário para alcançar sua autonomia administrativa. Em 1830, Pelotas foi elevada formalmente à condição de vila, instalada efetivamente apenas em 1832. E em 1835 desliga-se definitivamente de Rio Grande, com sua elevação à cidade.

Sítio PSGPe 1- Casa 8 (Residência Conselheiro Maciel) – (Figura 17.1) A residência localizada na Praça Cel. Pedro Osório n° 08 foi construída em 1878, para o Conselheiro Francisco Antunes Maciel, filho do tenente-coronel Eliseu Antunes Maciel. Francisco Antunes chegou a Deputado Provincial e Deputado Geral pelo Partido Liberal, foi Conselheiro do Império e Ministro no Gabinete Lafaiete. O projeto da residência é atribuído a José Izella Merote, autor da Capela da Santa Casa, da Biblioteca Pública e do Palacete Braga (Clube Comercial). Este arquiteto é considerado um dos grandes nomes no movimento de “abandono dos modelos formais e plásticos da arquitetura colonial portuguesa e a sua substituição por outros, baseados na arquitetura de tradição clássica, com forte influência da renascença italiana.” (Moura e Schlee, 1998:76) Apresenta também porões altos, com entrada lateral.

Com o crescimento demográfico e administrativo, tornouse necessária uma readequação urbana. Procedeu-se então ao assim chamado segundo loteamento, planejado e executado pelo engenheiro alemão Eduardo Kretschmar. Neste loteamento, deu-se seqüência ao plano quadricular e que só foi completamente ocupado e urbanizado após os 140

L. DA S. PEIXOTO ET AL.: SALVAMENTO ARQUEOLÓGICO DO CENTRO HISTÓRICO DE PELOTAS RS / BRASIL…

Fig. 17.2. Faiança fina. Sítio PSGPe – Casa 8

Fig. 17.1. Sítio arqueológico PSGPe 1 – Casa 8

No ano de 2002 o casarão passou por um processo de reforma, o que demandou um trabalho de supervisão e intervenções arqueológicas no pátio e nos porões da edificação. Os procedimentos adotados consistiram em um acompanhamento das obras, executadas em ritmo acelerado pela empresa responsável pela restauração, com o fito de drenar o terreno e evitar a deterioração das fundações do prédio; a escavação arqueológica no pátio foi feita com metodologia de quadriculagem, realizada nos setores sudoeste da antiga cavalariça e norte da escada de acesso ao pátio. Apesar do ritmo de salvamento arqueológico, foi efetivado o registro dos fragmentos escavados por setores (porões) e por níveis nas quadrículas em parte do pátio. O acervo arqueológico proveniente da Casa 8 é bastante diversificado, ocorrendo diferentes tipos de metais, louças inglesas e portuguesas, azulejos franceses, tijolos e telhas produzidos pelos escravos nas olarias de propriedade dos charqueadores da cidade, garrafas de vidro de diferentes tipo de bebidas, grande quantidade e variedade de ossos de várias espécies de animais, etc. A diversidade de tipologias, objetos e estilos da coleção resgatada desse sítio resultou na elaboração de três catálogos tipológicos, os quais cumprem a função de catálogo de referência para as pesquisas subseqüentes.

Fig. 17.3. Peça do catálogo de faiança fina

cada setor e tabelas de datação das louças são alguns instrumentos analítico-descritivos produzidos. A análise interpretativa do material está sendo realizada através da interação dos dados quantitativos com estudos de Memória Social e técnicas de História Oral. O objetivo deste estudo é identificar os padrões culturais, a formação de identidades e a adoção de um estilo de vida urbano.

O catálogo de faiança fina é constituído por 82 fotografias de fragmentos e peças reconstituídas que exemplificam os tipos (técnicas decorativas) e as variedades de decoração e de formas deste material no sítio Casa 8 (Figuras 17.2 e 17.3). Ele sistematiza o conjunto de dados obtidos nas etapas de identificação e classificação de cada uma das peças do acervo de faiança fina, e foi organizado com base na presença ou ausência de decoração. A elaboração deste catálogo permitiu o estabelecimento de séries cronológicas e tipológicas que possibilitaram uma inferência sobre padrões de poder aquisitivo e hábitos domésticos, como alimentação, higiene e saúde. Tabelas tipológicas, mapas de disposição dos fragmentos no sítio com indicação da quantidade e do tipo de material em

O catálogo do material cerâmico grés resultou do processamento dos fragmentos e da análise dos dados quantitativos e qualitativos, permeados pelas informações bibliográficas, os quais levaram à identificação de peças como garrafas de cerveja, garrafas de genebra, tinteiros, vasilhas e também a utilização do grés em manilhas hidráulicas. Entre estes, algumas peças foram reconstituídas em seu formato quase original. A partir da análise técno-tipológica realizada com o material cerâmico grés, foi possível perceber alguns elementos relacionados ao cotidiano e aos hábitos de consumo da elite pelotense do século XIX. Hábitos 141

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

século XIX. A interpretação desses vestígios arqueofaunísticos permitiu colocar importantes questões históricas referentes a hábitos alimentares, bem como divisões sociais. As observações macroscópicas, nas superfícies ósseas, dos padrões de artefatos (sinais de fratura, corte e descarne), ajudam na identificação das partes/cortes do animal, utilizadas na alimentação.

influenciados por uma forte “europeização” da cultura, expressos na diversidade de utensílios de grés importados de países como Holanda, Alemanha e Inglaterra. O que demonstra também, que o estudo desta cultura material pode desvendar aspectos econômicos, como por exemplo, as relações comerciais de Pelotas neste período (Figura 17.4).

Como vestígios de alimentação, além do material ósseo predominante, pertencente a mamíferos, foram coletados também exemplares de moluscos (conchas), ossos de aves, plastrão de tartaruga, peixes marinhos e de água doce. Nos ossos, foram observados marcas de faca, decorrentes da etapa de descarne, bem como marcas de talheres, evidenciando a parte destinada ao consumo. Também foram observadas marcas de dentes de predadores (gatos, cachorros), deixadas após o descarte do osso. As marcas de quebra em ossos longos, como fêmur, tíbia, úmero e rádio, evidenciam o aproveitamento do tutano, em pratos como sopas e feijão. A história, por um lado, conta que o gaúcho tem por tradição, de tempos longínquos, o consumo elevado de carne, principalmente de gado vacum, preparada sobretudo na forma de churrasco. Diferentemente do que a tradição e folclore gaúcho nos fariam supor, os materiais faunísticos evidenciados nas escavações arqueológicas, por sua parte, nos demonstram que a dieta alimentar se compunha de forma muito mais variada na preparação da carne. Isto pode ser percebido através das quebras e marcas presentes nos ossos, indicativos de sua utilização no preparo de outros pratos, tais como ensopados, sopas, assados, preparados com arroz, entre outros. Para a interpretação destas informações concernentes à alimentação do gaúcho, em meados do século XIX,

Fig. 17.4. Material cerâmico Grés. Sitio PSGPe 1 – Casa 8

A análise da coleção osteológica da Casa 8 (Figura 17.5) foi feita através do cruzamento entre as informações obtidas pelas interpretações de diferentes ordens: as marcas de consumo deixadas nos elementos ósseos como, por exemplo, cortado, serrado, quebrado, raspado; o tipo de corte de carne ou as receitas culinárias usadas no

Fig. 17.5. Material ósseo. Sítio PSGPe 1 – Casa 8 142

L. DA S. PEIXOTO ET AL.: SALVAMENTO ARQUEOLÓGICO DO CENTRO HISTÓRICO DE PELOTAS RS / BRASIL…

poder de repressão do Estado imperial escravocrata e símbolo da autonomia administrativa municipal. Contudo, o local caracterizava-se por permanecer uma grande várzea alagadiça, onde em períodos chuvosos era praticamente impossível transitar.

recorreu-se, concomitantemente à análise da arqueofauna, a fontes literárias variadas, tais como livros de culinária publicados na época, relatos de viajantes, cronistas ou naturalistas, e até mesmo a literatura ficcional produzidaneste período. Efetuou-se assim um dos procedimentos essenciais da disciplina da Arqueologia histórica: o diálogo entre os registros materiais e os registros escritos, buscando-se a multidisciplinaridade das fontes, para geração de uma visão êmica do passado, superando-se assim a perspectiva de uma zooarqueologia estritamente biológica, buscando-se alcançar também uma zooarqueologia cultural.

Também data da década de 1830 notícias de casas edificadas no entorno da praça (por exemplo, a casa 2 e a casa da Banha, ainda erigidas e que há pouco passaram por reformas). Foi apenas a partir da década de 70 do século XIX que o local recebeu os devidos melhoramentos, uma vez que foi apenas neste momento que começaram a ser edificados os palacetes dos charqueadores em seu entorno.

O trabalho de elaboração dos catálogos reforçou a hipótese formulada com base na intervenção de campo, de que tínhamos uma “lixeira” anterior à construção da casa (1878) tendo que, alguns fragmentos encontrados em diferentes porões da casa se completaram.

Observa-se que o local reservado para ser uma praça não apresentava as condições para ser não um espaço de lazer e a sociabilidade – por no mínimo 40 anos se manteve um terreno baldio, alagadiço e intransitável. Isso, somado à falta de saneamento e de serviço de limpeza urbana, fez do local alvo constante do derramamento de dejetos.

Sítio PSGPe 2 – Casa 2 Residência Barão de Butuí Localizado na Praça Cel. Pedro Osório n° 02, a residência conhecida popularmente como Casa 2 foi construída por José Vieira Viana, proprietário de charqueada com olaria e fábrica de sabão. Posteriormente, a casa foi adquirida pelo charqueador José Antônio Moreira (Barão de Butuí). Em 1880, sofreu grande reforma atribuída ao arquiteto José Izella Merote. Este buscou “modernizar” e adequar a casa à linguagem dos dois vizinhos (Casas 6 e 8, ambas atribuídas também a José Izella Merote), incorporando elementos da arquitetura clássica e mascarando sua aparência colonial inicial. No séc. XX, serviu de anexo do Grande Hotel. (Soares e Varoto, 1997:74)

De acordo com a pesquisa realizada por Débora de Paula (2005), em periódicos pelotenses datados de 1861 a 1889, foi apenas “na segunda metade do ano de 1887, que a Câmara irá chamar os concorrentes para realizar os aterros e reconstrução do lajeado e calçamento do centro da praça.”. Com o aterramento, todo o lixo que havia no local foi “selado”, preservando os resquícios dos hábitos de consumo do período. O trabalho de arqueologia histórica desenvolvido na Praça Cel. Pedro Osório foi realizado durante três anos consecutivos, nos quais foram efetuadas intervenções sistemáticas no sítio.

Nesta escavação, pôde-se aplicar uma metodologia arqueológica mais rigorosa em um cronograma mais adequado, na medida em que a casa não estava sendo objeto de restauração. As escavações atingiram profundidades que variaram entre 60 cm e 1m, sendo que na região da trincheira de sentido S-N, evidenciou-se uma estrutura que nos levou a ampliar a área de intervenção inicialmente pretendida. Com isso, terminamos por escavar um total de 47 quadrículas, 42 de 1 m x 1 m, e 5 de 0.50 cm x 1m; do total de 47 quadrículas, 37 fazem parte do local da estrutura em alvenaria.

Campanha 2004: A etapa de escavação foi antecedida pela delimitação e implantação da malha que serve como referência para a situação dos pontos de intervenção no sítio. Na prática, esta malha consiste na delimitação e divisão de toda a área da Praça em quadrículas de 1 m2, seguindo uma numeração virtual que nos permite dar números individuais e únicos para cada m2 da área de intervenção; assim, se houver necessidade de uma futura ampliação dos locais de escavação arqueológica, os setores que já foram trabalhados e conseqüentemente perturbados estarão criteriosamente identificados através de sua numeração.

Sítio PSGPe 3 – Praça Cel. Pedro Osório A Praça Cel. Pedro Osório localiza-se no ponto central da cidade (delimitada pelas ruas Lobo da Costa, a Sul, Félix da Cunha, a leste, XV de Novembro, a oeste, e pela transição da Princesa Isabel para a Mal. Floriano Peixoto, a norte) e converge em seu entorno a história da formação urbana do município

A seguir, realizou-se uma sondagem inicial, com a coleta superficial dos fragmentos aflorados e o estabelecimento dos pontos de intervenção, entre os 8 canteiros que formam a praça. No intuito de identificar o potencial arqueológico da área, bem com as áreas de concentração de material, foram abertos 12 poços de 50 x 50 cm em todo o perímetro delimitado. Em apenas um destes poços, o único que foi escavado em maior profundidade, alcançando 1,50 m, evidenciou-se uma grande concentração de materiais característicos do século XIX, situada entre uma camada formada por várias deposições de aterro e o

O espaço reservado para ser a praça central foi inicialmente denominado de “Campo” e após de “Regeneração” e ainda na década de 1830 recebeu em seu centro (onde hoje é o chafariz) um pelourinho, marco do 143

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

Durante o acompanhamento, foram resgatados muitos materiais, uma quantidade desproporcionalmente superior ao coletado até então. Materiais que vão desde louças importadas, de variadas origens, formas e decorações, muitas garrafas de bebida (de vidro e grés), frascos de remédios e perfumes, taças e copos, moedas, muitos objetos metálicos como ferraduras e ferro de passar roupas, muitos restos orgânicos como ossos, escamas de peixes, cascas de ovos e grandes concentrações de carvão, enfim, uma diversidade indescritível de materiais.

estrato geológico natural do terreno. Na seqüência, mais duas quadrículas foram abertas ao redor constatando a evidência. Levantando a hipótese, com base na quantidade e na diversidade de materiais, que o local poderia ter sido utilizado para o descarte de lixo dos moradores do entorno da praça. Campanha 2005: A constatação, com base na estratigrafia, do prolongamento de uma camada de materiais datados do século XIX, entre estes louças, vidros, grés, metais, associados a restos alimentares, levou a uma nova escavação neste sítio. Com a abertura de duas trincheiras (2 x 1 m), foi possível perceber a continuidade da camada de maior deposição arqueológica, possibilitando uma melhor percepção da estratigrafia do sítio, bem como a identificação de uma grande aglomeração de materiais orgânicos junto a fragmentos de utensílios domésticos de uso cotidiano. Estes dado reforça a hipótese da utilização do local para o descarte coletivo de lixo.

A intervenção nesta área procede de forma lenta, na medida em que várias outras frações da praça passam por reformas; no entanto, acompanhamos apenas os locais de impacto ao solo, privilegiando profundidades de no mínimo 60 cm, tendo em vista que o aterro superior é contemporâneo. Largo “Edmar Fetter” – Mercado Público Concomitante ao trabalho de intervenção na Praça Cel. Pedro Osório, a prefeitura municipal de Pelotas empreendeu as obras de reforma do Largo Edmar Fetter, situado entre o mercado público e a prefeitura. A intervenção ocorreu na área que era ocupada por um estacionamento de táxi, local onde foram abertas valas para reformar as estruturas hidráulicas e de esgoto, para após efetivar a ampliação do largo do mercado.

Esta escavação propiciou uma ótima compreensão da estratigrafia deste local, revelando-nos o processo tanto de deposição de materiais como de aterramento, desta área que no passado era uma várzea alagadiça. Campanha 2006: Durante as obras de Revitalização da Praça Cel. Pedro Osório, previstas no cronograma do Programa Monumenta, efetuamos o acompanhamento sistemático de todas as obras que demandavam interferências no solo, no intuito de identificar e resgatar vestígios arqueológicos dispersos na área de impacto.

Com o trabalho de intervenção no largo, foi aberta uma vala de aproximadamente 60 cm de profundidade e 1,5 m de largura, ao comprimento de todo o largo, ao longo da rua Lobo da Costa, entre as ruas Andrade Neves e XV de novembro. Durante a remoção da terra, constatou-se uma grande concentração de materiais arqueológicos, tais como vidros, louças, cerâmicas, ossos, metais, etc. Efetuamos o acompanhamento destas obras, registrando e coletando os materiais exumados pelos pedreiros.

Durante o acompanhamento das obras de reforma do banheiro público, uma estrutura edificada subterrânea, aproximadamente 1 m mais baixa que a superfície atual do terreno, evidenciou-se uma grande quantidade de materiais: louças de diversas formas e decorações, recipientes inteiros de vidro (garrafas de diferentes bebidas, tônico capilar, etc.), restos alimentares, vasos cerâmicos, entre outros fragmentos relevantes – caracterizou-se, assim, uma camada de descarte de lixo similar à verificada anteriormente.

INTERFACES COM A COMUNIDADE Entre o período de 2002 e 2006, foram desenvolvidas diferentes formas de interação com a comunidade. Cabe aqui assumir que algumas delas não foram planejadas, e poderiam ter alcançado resultados mais produtivos se tivessem sido previstas na metodologia de trabalho, o que deverá ser incluído nas campanhas futuras.

As obras foram interditadas, fazendo-se necessário o salvamento sistemático do sítio por meio de uma escavação. Assim, foram abertas 5 quadrículas de 1m2, em uma área já impactada pelas obras. Estas quadrículas permitiram o registro estratigráfico do sítio, que evidenciou uma regularidade no descarte de lixo: os utensílios domésticos e os restos alimentares não eram depositados em um local específico, mas sim por todo o terreno.

A primeira ordem de interação com a comunidade foi a promoção de uma grande quantidade de exposições, voltadas ao público geral e ao público escolar. Estas exposições tinham como objetivo divulgar junto à população local os resultados preliminares das escavações, procurando assim fazer uma espécie de prestação de contas de nosso trabalho à comunidade. Nestas exposições, trazíamos elementos da cultura material exumados nas escavações realizadas nos sítios arqueológicos históricos da área central de Pelotas. Além disso, propúnhamos possibilidades de interpretação e

Na seqüência das obras, toda a área em volta ao banheiro foi decapada no intuito de construir rampas para facilitar o acesso. Assim como o previsto, essa área apresentou uma grande incidência de vestígios arqueológicos; a única forma de garantir o salvamento foi o acompanhamento diário das intervenções no local. 144

L. DA S. PEIXOTO ET AL.: SALVAMENTO ARQUEOLÓGICO DO CENTRO HISTÓRICO DE PELOTAS RS / BRASIL…

As exposições contaram sempre com a participação de mediadores, que eram estudantes da UFPEL capacitados para dar explicações sobre a exposição. Estes sempre relatavam e anotavam importantes contribuições do público para a interpretação dos objetos expostos. Alguns objetos puderam ser interpretados a partir de informações que foram reveladas, que estavam ancoradas na Memória oral da comunidade.

procurávamos esclarecer o público sobre a importância do patrimônio arqueológico e sobre aspectos do método de trabalho do arqueólogo. As exposições com os resultados preliminares do projeto de salvamento arqueológico foram realizadas em ocasiões muito variadas: comemorações do aniversário da cidade, feira do livro, semana da consciência negra, eventos acadêmicos da universidade, e, até mesmo, em versão reduzida, em escolas.

Constatamos a necessidade de aperfeiçoar os instrumentos de registro de informações espontaneamente trazidas pelo público, que permitem revelar diferentes olhares sobre a arqueologia, sobre a cidade, ao nos remeterem inclusive a aspectos importantes da Memória Social, preservados na oralidade, e, por vezes, de todo ausente dos testemunhos históricos escritos.

Cabe destacar que, até mesmo durante as campanhas de escavação na Praça Cel. Pedro Osório, no centro da cidade, foram feitas exposições ao ar livre, que receberam a visita de turmas de estudantes do ensino fundamental e médio. Em julho de 2004, organizamos uma exposição arqueológica interativa, realizada durante a comemoração do aniversário da cidade. Recebemos a visita de algumas escolas, que participaram de diferentes atividades (Figura 17.6).

De modo assistemático, verificamos que as intervenções arqueológicas realizadas em praças públicas, ou em outras áreas de grande circulação de público, devem ser aproveitadas para a realização de pesquisas voltadas ao registro das percepções heterogêneas que o público possui sobre a arqueologia e sobre o passado da cidade, cujos comentários são estimulados a partir da visualização de nossa intervenção, o que pode ser usado inclusive como uma importante ferramenta para o arqueólogo dimensionar o impacto do seu trabalho na sociedade e planejar estratégias de intervenção que dialoguem de forma mais direta com as comunidades envolvidas. Outra forma de interface com a comunidade foi o trabalho de capacitação, que consistiu em uma ação educativa voltada a um público específico: a mão-de-obra operária que trabalhava nas restaurações dos casarões oitocentistas. De modo oficial, com a promoção do escritório do Programa Monumenta em Pelotas, foi realizada uma oficina de arqueologia com os operários que trabalharam nas obras feitas na Residência Conselheiro Maciel (Casa 8), com o objetivo de preparálos para identificar os vestígios arqueológicos e para buscando sensibilizá-los para compreender a importância destes restos materiais do passado. De modo geral, eles se sentem muito valorizados ao participarem desta atividade, e se tornam grandes aliados do trabalho arqueológico. Contudo, percebemos que, numa reedição deste procedimento educativo, seria bastante proveitoso se conseguíssemos realizar um mecanismo prévio de escuta da percepção que estes têm sobre o patrimônio cultural e arqueológico.

Fig. 17.6. Visita à exposição arqueológica interativa promovida pelo LEPAARQ/UFPEL, na Praça Cel. Pedro Osório, da turma de 5ª série do ensino fundamental do Colégio São José – Pelotas/RS

Uma das experiências mais interessantes foi a exposição feita durante a Feira do Livro, a poucos metros de uma área que sofreu uma importante intervenção arqueológica. Expusemos o material arqueológico da própria praça, por onde os visitantes da feira circulavam. Esta exposição chamou-se “A Praça de Baixo da Praça”, parodiando a exposição ateniense “A Cidade debaixo da Cidade”, realizada no Museu de Arte Cicládica, em 1998, com o material proveniente do salvamento arqueológico realizado junto às obras de ampliação do metrô da capital grega. A reação do público foi muito variada. Muitos tiveram grande dificuldade em acreditar que aquele material provinha dali mesmo, e que muito mais daquele material estaria um metro abaixo de seus pés. Outro aspecto que causou grande reação entre o público foi o conceito de que a praça, há 130 anos, seria uma grande lixeira coletiva urbana.

CONSIDERAÇÕES FINAIS Nossa proposta de pesquisa insere-se em um campo específico da Arqueologia, constituído pela Arqueologia Histórica. Esta se caracteriza pela possibilidade de valerse para a reconstrução do passado, além da cultura material, de fontes escritas, iconográficas, arquitetônicas e orais, possibilitando ao pesquisador uma visão êmica da sociedade estudada. Além disso, a importância da 145

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

Outra informação importante foi encontrada numa publicação recente, em um trabalho de pesquisa histórica com base em periódicos, que traz a seguinte referência encontrada no jornal pelotense “O Noticiador”, de 20/11/1861:

Arqueologia Histórica reside nas amplas possibilidades de recuperar o que os documentos escritos não registraram da vida cotidiana, intimamente ligada a processos sociais mais amplos. (Lima, 2000:05) Outro aspecto de relevância neste projeto está relacionado às pesquisas de unidades domésticas, sendo uma das mais fecundas linhas de pesquisa da Arqueologia Histórica atualmente. Conforme Luis Cláudio Symanski, as diversas pessoas que habitam uma casa (donos, empregados, agregados, escravos) deixam suas marcas no registro arqueológico.

“A praça, como já foi dito, é o foco de constante atenção quando se fala em higienização do espaço público. Desde 1861, o primeiro jornal em que há referência à praça, a queixa é sempre no sentido de cuidar desta que é ‘a primeira e principal em todos os sentidos que possui a nossa cidade”. (Paula, 2005:11) A soma destes dados apresenta-se como um importante delineador das hipóteses desta pesquisa, que posteriormente serão esclarecidas com o aprofundamento da análise dos materiais em laboratório.

Sendo esta uma pesquisa que se propõe a intervenções no meio urbano, faz-se necessário envolvê-la, também, nas reflexões da Arqueologia Urbana. Staski a define, (apud Zarankin, 1996:161), como o estudo das relações entre comportamento e cultura material em um contexto urbano. Conforme o mesmo autor, o conceito de “cidadesítio” é uma importante ferramenta teórica metodológica para os estudos em áreas urbanas, criando um esquema que inter-relaciona os diversos espaços trabalhados em uma cidade. Dessa forma, abre possibilidades para entender a complexidade existente nos contextos urbanos.

A pesquisa de arqueologia histórica sobre a Praça Cel. Pedro Osório encontra-se em fase inicial, prevendo ainda a consulta a fontes primárias e a análise, em laboratório, dos vestígios exumados. Contudo, uma fração significativa da história de Pelotas está vindo à tona, permitindo abordar questões acerca da higienização, dos hábitos de consumo e dos padrões econômicos, revelando um novo paradigma para pensar a cultura pelotense do século XIX. Alguns dados já levantados afirmam a hipótese da existência de uma lixeira coletiva no principal ponto urbano da atual Pelotas. Isso, somado com outros dados, implica num novo olhar sobre esta paisagem, recriando este espaço.

A partir do trabalho de arqueologia histórica realizado na Praça Cel. Pedro Osório, levantou-se a hipótese, já mencionada, da utilização do espaço como lixeira coletiva. Esta inferência decorre dos dados de campo, da observação inicial dos vestígios encontrados, assim como informações obtidas da revisão bibliográfica dos últimos trabalhos publicados sobre a história do sítio em questão.

Como avaliação das formas de interface com a comunidade, concluímos que a realização de exposições em contextos variados, com divulgação de resultados prévios, constitui um procedimento muito positivo, que deve ser continuado, estimulando-se, sobretudo, pequenas exposições interativas durante os trabalhos de escavação e pequenas exposições nas escolas. Verificamos, contudo, que, na continuação do projeto de salvamento arqueológico da área urbana de Pelotas, se faz necessário desenvolver instrumentos mais sistemáticos para aferição das percepções que a comunidade tem do patrimônio cultural e arqueológico, as quais podem ser feitas por meio de questionários estruturados ou mesmo de um livro de registro de opiniões manifestas espontaneamente por visitantes.

Com base na observação empírica, foi possível detectar três camadas principais distribuídas em um estrato de aproximadamente 1,50 m de profundidade: 1) camada de aterro composta de pequenos fragmentos de materiais arqueológicos, provavelmente extraídos de outros locais da cidade, ou mesmo removido do estrato arqueológico com o movimento de bioturbações ou outros fatores pósdeposicionais. 2) Uma camada de “refugo secundário periférico”, ou seja, uma grande lixeira formada de dejetos domésticos, como artefatos quebrados e restos orgânicos. Neste estrato os materiais caracterizam-se por peças quase inteiras e reconstituíveis, o que corrobora a idéia que o material fragmentou-se in locu e, portanto, não estaria sendo removido de locais mais distantes. Esta é a camada visada para uma análise intensiva dos artefatos. 3) Camada argilosa, alagadiça e estéril, a qual se caracteriza pela formação geológica natural do terreno. A distribuição dos artefatos nestes estratos pode contribuir com dados cronológicos e mesmo com inferências sobre as práticas de descarte do período estudado.

O trabalho de campo realizado no centro histórico da cidade tem contribuído para uma nova relação dos cidadãos pelotenses com a arqueologia: nesta perspectiva, ressaltamos a intervenção no sítio, quando os próprios operários das obras integram-se à pesquisa, auxiliando nos cuidados com o solo e coletando os materiais evidenciados, momento em que se manifesta também aguçada curiosidade e interesse por parte dos cidadãos que circulam pela área. Estes interesses têm despertado uma demanda crescente por entrevistas na imprensa (impressa e televisiva), visitas de escolas, convites para exposições: enfim, a pesquisa arqueológica em meio

Observando esta estratigrafia e com base nos dados históricos, estabeleceu-se o recorte cronológico situado entre as décadas de trinta e setenta do século XIX. Conforme as datas de inicio da urbanização do segundo loteamento, até as primeiras informações a respeito de aterramentos no local. 146

L. DA S. PEIXOTO ET AL.: SALVAMENTO ARQUEOLÓGICO DO CENTRO HISTÓRICO DE PELOTAS RS / BRASIL…

urbano vem despertando cada vez mais o interesse da comunidade e a visibilidade da importância dos “caquinhos” enquanto patrimônio.

LIMA, T.A. (2002) Os marcos teóricos da arqueologia histórica, suas possibilidades e limites. Estudos Iberoamericanos. Porto Alegre: PUCRS.

Referências bibliográficas

MAGALHÃES, M.O. (1993) Opulência e Cultura na Província de São Pedro do Rio Grande do Sul: um estudo sobre a história de Pelotas – (1860-1890). Pelotas: UFPEL.

ALBUQUERQUE, M. (1992) Arqueologia Histórica, Arquitetura e Restauração. Clio – Série Arqueológica, nº 08, Recife. p. 131-151.

PAULA, D.C. de (2005) Praça Pedro II: a construção de um espaço de sociabilidade (1861-1889). Monografia. Trabalho de Conclusão de Curso na Licenciatura em História: UFPEL.

CERQUEIRA, F.V. [et al.] (2004ª) A Arqueologia “Salvando” o Patrimônio Cultural da Cidade de Pelotas / RS: “Salvando” o Quê?. Techné, v. 9, Portugal: IPT, p. 325-356.

SYMANSKI, L.C.P. (1998) Espaço Privado e Vida Material em Porto Alegre no Século XIX. Porto Alegre: EDIPUCRS.

CERQUEIRA, F.V. [et al.] (2004 b) Resultados Parciais do Salvamento Arqueológico em Pelotas / RS / Brasil: catálogo de Material Arqueofaunístico e Catálogo de Louça da Residência Conselheiro Maciel. Techné, v. 9, Portugal: IPT, p. 205-234.

TOCCHETTO, F.B. (2003) O Descarte de Lixo Doméstico na Porto Alegre Oitocentista: Uma Construção Possível Sobre Práticas e Representações. Revista Histórica, Porto Alegre: PUCRS. ZARANKIN, A. (1994) Arqueologia Urbana: Hacia el Desarrollo de uma Nueva Especialidad. In: Arqueologia Histórica na América Latina. Columbia.

GUTIERREZ, É.J.B (2001) Negros, Charqueadas e Olarias. Um estudo sobre o espaço pelotense. Pelotas: UFPEL.

147

MAPEAMENTO ARQUEOLÓGICO DA REGIÃO SUL DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL Fábio Vergara CERQUEIRA Coordenador do Laboratório de Ensino e Pesquisa em Antropologia e Arqueologia – LEPAARQ/UFPEL. Dr. em Antropologia Social pela USP. Diretor do Instituto de Ciências Humanas da UFPEL. Coordenadora do Projeto de Mapeamento Arqueológico da Região Sul do Rio Grande do Sul – LEPAARQ/UFPEL

Luciana da Silva PEIXOTO Mestranda em Memória Social e Patrimônio Cultural – UFPEL Especialista em Memória, Identidade e Cultura Material – UFPEL. Coordenadora do Instituto de Memória e Patrimônio. Pesquisadora associada ao Laboratório de Antropologia e Arqueologia da UFPEL

Jorge Luiz de Oliveira VIANA Secretário do Laboratório de Antropologia e Arqueologia. Licenciado em História pela UFPEL

Aluísio Gomes ALVES Mestrando em Arqueologia pelo MAE/USP. Pesquisador Associado ao Laboratório de Antropologia e Arqueologia da UFPEL

André Garcia LOUREIRO, Rafael Guedes MILHEIRA Mestre em Arqueologia pelo MAE/USP. Pesquisador Associado ao Laboratório de Antropologia e Arqueologia da UFPEL

Welcsoner Silva da CUNHA Especialista em Especialista em Memória, Identidade e Cultura Material – UFPEL. Pesquisador associado ao Laboratório de Antropologia e Arqueologia da UFPEL

Chimene Kuhn NOBRE Mestranda em Patrimônio Cultural – UFSM. Pesquisadora associada ao Laboratório de Antropologia e Arqueologia da UFPEL Abstract: This archaeology project aims to map the Southern Region of the Rio Grande do Sul State, in South Brazil, in the area of reforestation undertaking of the enterprise Votorantim Celulose e Papel (VCP), according to a convention established between this corporation and the archaeology laboratory of the Universidade Federal de Pelotas. The project, developed in twelve cities of this region, enables a systematic archaeological survey of the prehistoric and historical occupation of this area. The first stage of this survey seeks to provide the constitution of a database with the prehistoric archaeological panorama of an area esteemed around two hundred thousand hectares, spread along a large amount of farms acquired by the reforestation group. The goal of this paper is to present the methodology and the preliminary results. Key-words: Archeological Survey, Archaeological Methodology, South Brazil Resumé: Ce projet a le but d’établir une cartographie archéologique de la Region Méridionale de l’état Rio Grande do Sul, au Sud du Brésil, dans la region où aurra place l’entreprise de reforastation au charge du group Votorantim Celulose e Papel (VCP), selon la convention contractée entre cette corporation et le laboratoire d’archéologie de l’Universidade Federal de Pelotas. Le projet est developé en douze municipalités. Il permettra effectuer une prospection archéologique systématique de l’occupation préhistorique et historique de cette region. Le premir étage de la prospection a l’objectif de munir la constituition d’une base de données avec un panorame archéologique regional d’informations sur la Préhistoire, d’un territoire d’environs deux cents milles hectares, tout au long d’une grande quantités de farmes acquises par le group VCP. Le but de cet article est presenter la méthodologie prospective et les résultats préliminaires. Mots-clef: Prospection archéologique, Méthodologie archéologique, Sud du Brésil

Negra, Pedras Altas, Pedro Osório, Pinheiro Machado e Piratini, que se situam basicamente na fronteira meridional deste estado com o Uruguai, com a perspectiva de inclusão de Jaguarão, Canguçu, Morro Redondo e Pelotas.

INTRODUÇÃO – O PROJETO DE MAPEAMENTO, SEUS OBJETIVOS E SUA ÁREA DE ABRANGÊNCIA O projeto de Mapeamento Arqueológico da Região Sul do Rio Grande do Sul consiste na realização de levantamento sistemático dos sítios arqueológicos da porção meridional do estado do Rio Grande do Sul. Abrange a área composta pelos municípios de Aceguá, Arroio Grande, Bagé, Candiota, Capão do Leão, Cerrito, Herval, Hulha

A pesquisa se insere no âmbito da arqueologia de contrato, resultando de um convênio firmado entre, de um lado, o Laboratório de Antropologia e Arqueologia da Universidade Federal de Pelotas, e, de outro, a empresa 149

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

Votorantim Celulose e Papel. Tem o objetivo de realizar o levantamento arqueológico nas fazendas adquiridas por esta empresa, condição prevista pela legislação para a obtenção da licença ambiental do empreendimento florestal planejado para a região.

Lidamos com uma valiosa diversidade arqueológica na região, que abrange uma boa parte das ramificações da arqueologia brasileira (arqueologia pré-histórica, com tradições líticas e cerâmicas; arqueologia histórica diversificada, com legado de charqueadas, senzalas, quilombos, colônias de imigrantes europeus e importantes prédios históricos civis e religiosos, residenciais e industriais).

Do ponto de vista do conhecimento arqueológico, visa à criação de um banco de dados, com a tipologia, distribuição, geomorfologia, características ambientais, grau de deterioração dos sítios e coordenadas geográficas, gerando mapas específicos de micro regiões. Sob a perspectiva patrimonial, o projeto pretende assegurar a preservação de vários aspectos significativos da memória da região, expressos nos vestígios materiais do passado, de natureza móvel (cultura material) ou imóvel (sítios arqueológicos).

Deste modo, faz-se necessário o desenvolvimento de estudos regionalizados sistemáticos, feitos através de novas abordagens teóricas e metodológicas, interagindo com pesquisadores de outras regiões do Brasil, assim como do Uruguai e Argentina, o que proporcionará futuramente trabalhos profícuos sobre diversas temáticas. Somam-se a estes cuidados metodológicos contemporâneos, a valorização das informações transmitidas por habitantes de regiões rurais, com referência a possíveis sítios arqueológicos, servindo como método prospectivo. Ademais, preocupamo-nos em preservar e compreender estes relatos populares, que nos retratam inclusive a percepção e apropriação do passado arqueológico por parte das populações locais, aspecto relevante no contexto da patrimonialização da arqueologia e da sua inserção na memória social.

Objetiva dar maior visibilidade à diversidade de ocupações da região, efetuadas por diferentes culturas, desde os primeiros caçadores-coletores pampeanos e meridionais (Tradição Umbu), passando pelos Construtores de Cerritos (Tradição Vieira) e pelos Guarani, até a chegada de populações oriundas dos continentes europeu e africano, compondo uma nova sociedade. Dentre as populações pré-coloniais da época de contato, as fontes etno-históricas dos séculos XVIII e XIX revelam a presença dos grupos indígenas Charrua, Minuano, Arachanes, Tapes e Carijó (Becker, 2002). Nos três primeiros séculos da colonização, demograficamente, preponderou a presença dos colonizadores portugueses e espanhóis e seus descendentes diretos, os quais estabeleceram relações de diferentes ordens com as populações nativas. No século XIX, somou-se a imigração de europeus não-ibéricos (italianos, alemães, franceses). Nessa região, desde meados do século XVIII, ocorreu igualmente a introdução de escravos, vítimas da diáspora africana, que representaram talvez o maior contingente populacional na primeira metade do século XIX. A partir da segunda metade deste século, sob o efeito da urbanização e da mescla de grupos étnicos, se construiu a experiência da Modernidade nos pampas, combinada à economia estancieiro-charqueadora e ao uso da mão-de-obra escrava; no final do dezenove houve a substituição pelo trabalho assalariado, com expressiva participação de imigrantes e descendentes de europeus não-ibéricos na formação deste operariado urbano (alemães, poloneses, italianos).

Além da perspectiva científica, o projeto tem como meta contribuir para o esclarecimento e a conscientização da população da região acerca da necessidade de preservação dos sítios arqueológicos, mais especificamente do Sul do Rio Grande do Sul, que continuam a ser sistematicamente destruídos, sobretudo pelas lavouras arrozeiras. Entendemos que estes sítios arqueológicos, além de serem fonte imprescindível de estudo em nível escolar, para se compreender melhor as antigas sociedades humanas da região, contribuem ainda para a construção da identidade cultural nacional. Em vista disso, desenvolvemos um projeto de educação patrimonial em escala regional, denominado Memoriar, aplicado nas escolas e junto à comunidade. A ÁREA E SUA GEOMORFOLOGIA O território continuado dos municípios que integram a área de abrangência da pesquisa situam-se em uma área de confluência de três tipos diferenciados de configurações ambientais: a primeira, a Planície Costeira, que abrange porções dos municípios de Arroio Grande, Cerrito, Capão do Leão e Pedro Osório; a segunda, o Escudo Sul-Riograndense, que abrange porções dos municípios de Arroio Grande, Bagé, Candiota, Capão do Leão, Cerrito, Herval, Hulha Negra, Pedras Altas, Pinheiro Machado e Piratini; a terceira, Depressão

Apesar da complexidade histórica e étnico-cultural desta área, até o momento não foi alvo de estudos pormenorizados acerca de seu patrimônio, tratado apenas em estudos pontuais e localizados, sem o resultado de uma visão regionalizada. O seu grande potencial, contudo, está comprovado em estudos arqueológicos realizados a partir dos anos 1960.1

Camaquã, planície lacustre oriental da Laguna dos Patos (identificados cerritos e sítios Guarani); município de Rio Grande, porção meridional da Laguna (identificados cerritos e sítios Guarani); região do estreito, municípios de Tavares e Mostardas (identificados cerritos, sambaquis e sítios Guarani).

1

Ver Schmitz (1967, 1992), Naue (1968) e Mentz Ribeiro (1998), os quais constataram a ocupação da região citada, no período pré-colonial, por diversos povos pré-históricos. Exemplos disso, respectivamente: municípios de Canguçu e Piratini, Serra dos Tapes(identificados, sítios de caçadores-coletores Umbu, cerritos e sítios Guarani), município de

150

F.V. CERQUEIRA ET AL.: MAPEAMENTO ARQUEOLÓGICO DA REGIÃO SUL DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL

Hulha Negra Canguçu

Bagé Candiota

Piratini Morro Redondo

Pinheiro Machado

Capão do Leão

Pedras Altas

Cerrito

Aceguá Herval

Pedro Osório Arroio Grande

Jaguarão

Fig. 18.1. Municípios Contemplados

Planalto Depressão Periférica Escudo Sul-Rio-Grandense Planície Costeira

Fig. 18.2. Províncias Geomorfológicas especificamente na região sul do estado do Rio Grande do Sul. O projeto tem como recorte geomorfológico a área pertencente às porções meridionais das Regiões Geomorfológicas Planície Costeira (Subdivisão Interna), Planalto Sul Rio-Grandense e Depressão Central Gaúcha.

Periférica, que abrange porções dos municípios de Aceguá (totalidade), Bagé, Candiota, Hulha Negra e Pinheiro Machado. A área de abrangência do projeto está localizada na porção meridional do sub-continente sul americano, 151

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

encostas são geralmente íngremes, onde se encontram matacões. Há cornijas e às vezes planos rochosos, inclinados, onde as colinas têm topo estreito (RADAM Brasil, 33, 1986, p. 355).

A Região Geomorfológica Planície Costeira Interna, onde se localizam porções dos municípios de Arroio Grande, Capão do Leão, Cerrito e Pedro Osório, se apresenta como uma área baixa, constituída predominantemente por depósitos arenosos de idades variadas, desde o limite entre o Terciário e o Quaternário até o Holoceno (RADAM Brasil 33, 1986). Esta região está posicionada entre a Unidade Planície Marinha a leste e os relevos Planálticos a oeste e abrange duas unidades geomorfológicas: Planície Lagunar e Planície Alúvio-Coluvionar, em que “predomina vegetação Pioneira, já alterada pela ação antrópica”. (RADAM Brasil 33, 1986, p. 325).

A Região Geomorfológica Depressão Central Gaúcha posiciona-se nas terminações sul e sudeste do Domínio Morfoestrutural das Bacias e Coberturas Sedimentares. Esta região geomorfológica apresenta dois segmentos: um leste-oeste e outro norte-sul. Limita-se ao norte com o Planalto de Araucárias, a sul e sudeste com o Planalto Sul Rio-Grandense, a leste com a Planície Costeira Interna e a oeste com o Planalto da Campanha. Constitui-se numa área baixa, interplanáltica, onde os processos erosivos esculpiram em rochas sedimentares paleozóicas, triássicas e jurássicas da Bacia do Paraná, conhecidas regionalmente como coxilhas (RADAM Brasil, 33, 1986, p. 347).

A Unidade Geomorfológica Planície Lagunar se localiza entre as Unidades Planície Marinha, a leste, e AlúvioColuvionar, a oeste. Caracteriza-se por ser uma área plana, homogênea, sem dissecação, onde dominam os modelados de acumulação representados pelas planícies e terraços lacustres (RADAM Brasil 33, 1986, p. 325).

Essa Região Geomorfológica se divide em duas unidades geomorfológicas: Depressão Rio Jacuí e Depressão Rio Ibicuí-Rio Negro. A unidade inserida no projeto é a Depressão Rio Ibicuí-Rio Negro.

A Unidade Geomorfológica Planície Alúvio-Coluvionar corresponde à superfície plana, rampeada suavemente para leste, em alguns trechos descontínua, posicionada entre a Planície Lagunar a leste e os relevos das Regiões Geomorfológicas denominadas Planaltos das Araucárias e Sul-Riograndense a oeste.

Genericamente, a unidade apresenta-se dissecada em forma de topos convexos ou planos, por vezes amplos e alongados, cujas encostas caem suavemente em direção aos vales. Essas formas estão relacionadas ao trabalho erosivo dos rios Ibicuí da Armada, Santa Maria, IbicuíMirim, que integram uma rede de drenagem de padrão dendrítico. Ocorrem ainda áreas onde a dissecação é mais intensa, configurando colinas de topo convexo e encostas mais íngremes (RADAM Brasil, 33, 1986, 349). Nessa unidade encontram-se colinas que ultrapassam 200 m, e a superfície da depressão está em média a 200 m.

A Região Geomorfológica Planalto Sul Rio-Grandense corresponde à área de ocorrência do conhecido Escudo Sul Rio-Grandense. Encontra-se limitada a norte e a oeste pela Depressão Central Gaúcha, a leste pela Planície Costeira Interna e a sul adentra em território uruguaio ou tem como limite a fronteira política com o país vizinho. Essa Região Geomorfológica Planalto Sul Rio-Grandense, onde se localizam em sua totalidade os municípios de Herval e Piratini, e porções dos municípios de Arroio Grande, Cerrito, Candiota, Capão do Leão, Bagé, Hulha Negra, Pedras Altas, Pedro Osório, Pinheiro Machado, divide-se em duas unidades geomorfológicas chamadas: Planaltos Residuais Canguçu-Caçapava do Sul e Planalto Rebaixado Marginal.

No que se refere à hidrografia, as fazendas trabalhadas compreendem as bacias hidrográficas L30 (Camaquã), L40a e L40b (Mirim, São Gonçalo e Mangueira) e L60 (Jaguarão). Os municípios inseridos neste projeto distribuem-se entre estas bacias, devendo observar-se que alguns se repetem por estarem em áreas de cobertura de mais de uma bacia:

A Unidade Geomorfológica Planaltos Residuais CanguçuCaçapava do Sul corresponde aos relevos mais elevados, em torno de 400 m de altura.

L30 – Bagé, Hulha Negra, Pinheiro Machado e Piratini; L40 – Arroio Grande, Capão do Leão, Cerrito, Herval, Pedras Altas, Pedro Osório, Pinheiro Machado e Piratini;

Genericamente o relevo se apresenta dissecado em forma de colinas, ocorrendo também áreas de topo plano ou incipiente dissecado, remanescente de antiga superfície de aplanamento (RADAM Brasil 33, 1986, p. 352).

L60 – Aceguá, Bagé, Candiota, Herval, Hulha Negra, Jaguarão, Pedras Altas. A PRÉ-HISTÓRIA NOS PAMPAS GAÚCHOS

A Unidade Geomorfológica Planalto Rebaixado Marginal é uma superfície dissecada, posicionada altimetricamente entre 100 e 200 m, podendo em certas áreas atingir 450 m, que isola os relevos elevados dos Planaltos Residuais Canguçu-Caçapava do Sul. O relevo encontra-se bastante dissecado em rochas pré-cambrianas do conhecido Escudo Sul Rio-Grandense, configurando colinas, interflúvios, tabulares e secundariamente cristais. As

A ocupação pré-histórica no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul ocorre durante o processo de transição climática pleistoceno-holoceno, iniciado há aproximadamente 12.000 A.P., quando há um aumento geral do nível do mar por decorrência do fim da glaciação WürmWisconsing. O final dessa glaciação ocorre por um 152

F.V. CERQUEIRA ET AL.: MAPEAMENTO ARQUEOLÓGICO DA REGIÃO SUL DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL

como sociedades cerríticas, iniciam o processo de ocupação da região sul do Estado, sobretudo na área de terras baixas, há aproximadamente 3.500 A.P.

aquecimento da temperatura global, o que forçou o derretimento das geleiras e, consequentemente, com o aumento do nível do mar, o aumento do índice de pluviosidade no continente. (Kern, 1992).

Esses grupos construtores de cerritos se diferenciam pela capacidade horticultora e ceramista, além de serem exímios manipuladores de materiais líticos para confecção de instrumentos de caça e coleta.

O aumento da pluviosidade permitiu uma diversificação da fauna e flora nas regiões litorâneas do continente, bem como em áreas interioranas, sobretudo próximas aos recursos hídricos (Prous, 1992). O conseqüente aumento das temperaturas e dos níveis das águas propiciou a estruturação de ambientes diferenciados do pleistoceno, configurando lentamente as paisagens holocênicas no continente.

A tradição ceramista Tupiguarani, subtradição Guarani, iniciou um processo migratório que teve origem na Amazônia, chegando à região do atual estado do Rio Grande do Sul há cerca de 1.500 A.P. e, aproximadamente 600 anos mais tarde, na região às margens da Laguna dos Patos e do litoral marinho. Esses grupos se caracterizam pela obtenção de um domínio avançado da tecnologia cerâmica, sendo encontrados diversos tipos de decoração e forma. Na região de Pelotas, os grupos da subtradição Guarani são localizados em vários ambientes diferenciados, pois são encontrados vestígios arqueológicos em áreas altiplanas da Serra dos Tapes, onde habitam, às margens dos rios e topos de morros, bem como nas costas da Laguna dos Patos e região de Dunas às margens do Canal São Gonçalo.

De acordo com Prous (1992), essas alterações climáticas provocaram mudanças na paisagem fazendo com que os grupos humanos diversificassem sua alimentação, uns aproveitando melhor os recursos vegetais florestais e a pesca, enquanto outros seguiram com uma adaptação preferencialmente caçadora nas zonas de campos abertos. Nesse contexto ambiental são conhecidos os primeiros vestígios arqueológicos no sul do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul. Indícios arqueológicos da tradição Umbu (caçadores-coletores) são encontrados em boa parte do território do Estado, desde as regiões de campos abertos dos pampas gaúchos até as regiões altiplanas da Serra Geral em abrigos sob rocha (Schimdt, 2003). Essa tradição é caracterizada pela literatura arqueológica especializada pela presença de pontas de projétil e de uma indústria lítica com lascas retocadas. Os vestígios mais antigos dessa tradição cultural ocorrem às margens do rio Uruguai entre 10.500 – 8.000 A.P. e se dispersam pelo território através de algumas dezenas de sítios.

Parte das coleções que compõem o acervo do LEPAARQ fomentam discussões sobre a possibilidade dos contatos culturais entre as sociedades que ocuparam a região do município de Pelotas e município vizinhos. Em especial a coleção lítica composta por dois zoólitos (tubarão e pombo), duas boleadeiras mamilares, uma mó, dois bastonetes e um objeto de uso não identificado (Ribeiro, 2002), encontrados às margens da Lagoa do Fragata, numa área de vizinhança entre os municípios de Pelotas e Capão do Leão, indicam que havia contatos interculturais freqüentes, em função das esculturas serem associadas às culturas sambaquieiras, e as boleadeiras mamilares serem relacionadas, mais especificamente, às culturas cerríticas. Além disso, essa coleção indica a possibilidade de existir uma rede de contatos entre a região litorânea externa e a região litorânea interna, sendo a Laguna dos Patos um ponto de acesso comum a esses grupos em questão. (Ribeiro, 2002).

No decorrer dessas mudanças climáticas, do processo de formação do Holoceno, ‘percebe-se’ em torno de 6.000 – 4.000 A. P. um aumento ainda maior desses três fatores determinantes da paisagem holocênica. Esse período de pico das altas temperaturas e umidade é denominado ótimo climático, período esse que, por sua vez, aumentou ainda mais a existência de fauna e flora da região litorânea do continente. (Kern, 1992).

Por outro lado, há uma abundante quantidade de materiais arqueológicos cerâmicos relacionados à cultura Guarani, que indicam a existência desse grupo na região, podendo se pensar, em momentos diferentes, em relações interculturais, num primeiro momento entre sambaquis e cerritos; num segundo momento, entre cerritos e Guaranis. No que se refere às relações entre Guaranis e cerritos, tomamos como exemplo a Ilha da Feitoria, situada no interior da Laguna dos Patos, de onde a equipe do LEPAARQ recebeu, por doação, uma série de materiais cerâmicos característicos dos grupos Guarani, bem como cerâmicas associadas à tradição Vieira2. (Loureiro, 2004).

Em torno desse período, denota-se a ocorrência de dois outros grupos culturais distintos, que se desenvolveram em duas áreas diferentes, sambaquieiros e cerríticos. A hipótese mais aceita para o inicio da ocupação litorânea no Estado para as sociedades sambaquieiras, desenvolvidas em todo litoral brasileiro, dá-se a partir de aproximadamente 4.000 – 2.000 A.P. São conhecidos poucos sítios sambaquieiros na região litorânea do Estado, sendo a maioria deles situados no município de Torres – RS. (Tocchetto, 1987), havendo porém ocorrência destes sítios até a região dos municípios de São José do Norte, Tavares e Mostardas. (Ribeiro, 1982).

2

Essas cerâmicas foram classificadas utilizando-se estudos especializados que definem a tradição através da decoração, forma e queima do material.

Por outro lado, grupos construtores de montículos de terra, reconhecidos pela literatura arqueológica brasileira 153

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

portuguesa aproveitou-se da fragilidade espanhola e declarou guerra, objetivando a ocupação definitiva destas regiões que ainda estavam sob o domínio espanhol. Firmou-se assim a atual configuração geográfica do sul do Rio Grande do Sul, incluindo em nossas fronteiras a integralidade dos municípios de Jaguarão e Herval.

O território estudado neste projeto poderá ser objeto de reflexão, em suas evidências arqueológicas, das possíveis interfaces entre diferentes culturas pré-históricas que ocuparam este território, ao longo dos últimos 12 mil anos. Posto isso, percebemos que há um grande potencial arqueológico ainda pouco explorado em várias áreas desta extensa região estudada..

Já no ano de 1802, edificou-se a primeira casa de residência para os comandantes na Guarda do Serrito de Jaguarão, podendo-se verificar, com base nas correspondências trocadas entre os comandantes espanhóis e portugueses, que o clima entre ambos era de amizade neste momento.

A FORMAÇÃO HISTÓRICA DA REGIÃO: DAS GUERRAS DE FRONTEIRA ÀS ESTÂNCIAS, DAS ESTÂNCIAS ÀS CHARQUEADAS, DAS CHARQUEADAS ÀS CIDADES O sul do Rio Grande do Sul, até o século XVII, estava sob o domínio espanhol, conforme determinava o Tratado de Tordesilhas. No entanto, ainda naquele século, observamos esta configuração redesenhar-se com a fundação da Colônia de Sacramento, em 1680, pelos portugueses, na Banda Oriental do rio Uruguai, a qual foi por sucessivas vezes objeto de investidas e conquistas pela Coroa Espanhola.

A partir do estabelecimento da paz na fronteira, as atividades dos comandantes e soldados da guarda voltaram-se para o desenvolvimento das atividades pastoris e comerciais, fomentando o surgimento e desenvolvimento das estâncias. Assim, antigos oficiais e soldados tornamse fazendeiros, nesta região fronteiriça. A estância, unidade social e econômica neste processo histórico, vincula-se em sua origem ao processo de distribuição de sesmarias, pela Coroa Portuguesa, como forma de ocupação do território meridional da colônia, atendendo inicialmente à preocupação militar para assegurar a posse das terras além dos limites estabelecidos inicialmente pelo Tratado de Tordesilhas.

O Tratado de Santo Ildefonso, assinado em 1777, mudou definitivamente a configuração geográfica da região ao determinar a incorporação da Colônia do Sacramento à coroa espanhola. O tratado estabeleceu que a região dos atuais municípios de Jaguarão, Arroio Grande e parte do Herval pertenceriam à Espanha. Seus limites não foram claros, sendo alvo de disputa militar entre Portugal e Espanha: para os espanhóis o limite seria o rio Piratini; para os portugueses, o Arroio Grande, mais próximo do Forte Português de São Gonçalo, localizado à margem meridional do rio Piratini.

A formação da estância nas terras conquistadas por Portugal, na zona de fronteira, não foi um processo pacifico. Documentos da época registram conflitos violentos entre os ocupantes do território português, na disputa pelos limites dos campos.

Na primeira metade do século XVIII, a autoridade administrativa e militar portuguesa avançou na região, consolidando aos poucos a posse territorial. Em 1737, a Coroa Portuguesa determinou a fundação do Forte Jesus Maria José, próximo ao Rio da Prata, dando origem ao atual município de Rio Grande, onde, desde 1745, localizou-se a sede administrativa portuguesa na então Província de São Pedro do Rio Grande. As primeiras concessões de sesmarias, às margens do rio Jaguarão, da Lagoa Mirim e seus afluentes, ocorreram nos anos 1790 e 1792, ingressando novo componente étnico na demografia Sul-Riograndense: o açoriano.

Apesar destas e muitas outras dificuldades, as estâncias foram crescendo e, gravitando em seu torno, foram constituindo formas de cultura e sociabilidade específicas do Rio Grande do Sul. O fator determinante que ensejou este crescimento foi o gado xucro disponível em abundancia nesta região, que desde o século XVII despertava o interesse dos bandeirantes paulistas e comerciantes lagunenses. Estes rebanhos eram remanescentes do gado criado pelos índios Guarani, reduzidos nas Missões jesuíticas, os quais, abandonados na região após a destruição das Reduções, proliferaram-se e reproduziram-se indiferentes aos tratados de limites da fronteira estabelecidos pelas coroas ibéricas.

O convívio entre espanhóis e portugueses na fronteira nem sempre era pacífico. A atividade do contrabando, contudo, foi sempre bastante intensa. Até 1801, os criadores brasileiros foram avançando com o comércio clandestino, que apesar de desagradar as duas coroas, era visto com bons olhos pela população fronteiriça. Este comércio não encontrava entraves sérios entre os espanhóis, que mantinham pequenas guardas nas margens do rio Jaguarão, as quais não ofereciam muita resistência ao avanço e ocupação portuguesa. Neste mesmo ano, com a deflagração dos conflitos na Europa, entre Portugal e França, em função das guerras napoleônicas, a coroa

A região assiste, assim, com a pacificação resultante do estabelecimento dos limites territoriais no início do século XIX, a um grande desenvolvimento da pecuária, que será estimulado pela crescente demanda oriunda da cidade de Pelotas, distante a uma centena de quilômetros da fronteira, onde avançava a economia saladeril com grande acumulação de capital resultante do uso industrial da matéria prima vacum. A pecuária, tendo como unidade social e econômica a estância, exigia mão-de-obra pouco numerosa. Esta 154

F.V. CERQUEIRA ET AL.: MAPEAMENTO ARQUEOLÓGICO DA REGIÃO SUL DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL

estância pecuarista venho a ser responsável pela criação de um ator social e histórico marcante para a constituição tanto da História como da Identidade Social do Rio Grande do Sul: o peão. Geralmente, descendia de índios ou dos bandos de caçadores de gado. A escravidão africana na estância era mais restrita ao trabalho doméstico, já que era praticamente impossível cuidar dos escravos nas lides campeiras, as quais muitas vezes exigiam horas de cavalgadas no campo em busca de reses desgarradas. As estâncias eram formadas por enormes extensões de terras, com uma sede administrativa onde residia o proprietário, além de casas para os peões, currais, capelas, depósitos, ranchos, mangueiras, etc.

sofisticação dos cemitérios, como expressão da riqueza do período. Ao longo do séc. XIX, a circulação regional dos produtos entre as cidades maiores, como Bagé, Jaguarão, Piratini e Pelotas, contribuiu para a formação e crescimento de povoados que mais tarde se tornaram centros urbanos e permitiram a fixação de etnias dedicadas ao comércio, como árabes libaneses,4 cuja presença deixa até hoje fortes vestígios nas cidades mais próximas da fronteira, como Herval e Arroio Grande. Entre as cidades, circulavam ambulantes (mascates, caixeiros viajantes); toda a mercadoria na região era transportada em carretas de boi, responsáveis pela abertura de caminhos cortando o pampa e promovendo a formação de povoados, como Cacimbinhas (atual Pinheiro Machado), Paraíso, posteriormente denominado Olimpo, integrando a atual Pedro Osório.

A estância fronteiriça do Rio Grande de São Pedro contribuiu significativamente para o desenvolvimento econômico da província. Em um primeiro momento, fornecia gado e seus derivados para o centro da colônia, ao mesmo tempo em que exercia a função de guarda militar na proteção dos limites de terras da coroa portuguesa. Num segundo momento, mantendo este caráter militar do estancieiro, passou a atender precipuamente a indústria charqueadora pelotense e, mais tarde, a indústria charqueadora de outras cidades, tais como Bagé, Santana do Livramento, Jaguarão Arroio Grande e Pedro Osório. As charqueadas trouxeram um grande impulso econômico para a região, principalmente para as cidades de Bagé e Pelotas, que, no século XIX, tornaram-se centros de referencia, social e econômica, para o Rio Grande do Sul e Brasil.

A economia charqueadora gerou, em seus pólos industriais, como Pelotas e Bagé, uma grande concentração de mão de obra escrava ao longo do século XIX. No Segundo Império, esta região apresentava um dos maiores contingentes de cativos africanos do país, concentrados, sobretudo em Pelotas. A escravidão, ao longo do século XIX, submeteu as populações cativas de origem africana a níveis elevados e com freqüência insuportáveis de exploração, motivo pelo qual muitos resistiram a este regime. Uma das principais formas de resistência foi a fuga e a criação de comunidades em meio ao mato, distantes das cidades e do controle policial. Essas comunidades eram chamadas de quilombos e estes negros refugiados eram denominados quilombolas. Em algumas regiões rurais da área de nosso estudo, encontram-se ainda algumas comunidades de descendentes de negros aquilombados.

O grande progresso econômico das charqueadas promoveu um forte movimento de urbanização da região sul. Podemos dizer que a partir do último quartel do século XIX, em diferentes medidas, em uma direção ditada por Pelotas e Rio Grande, as cidades da região sofreram um intenso processo de modernização e europeização urbana, verificada em vários aspectos. Uma parte significativa da riqueza, acumulada com a pecuária e indústria saladeiril, era reinvestida na modernização da paisagem urbana. Deste modo, surgem nestas cidades, de forma recorrente, equipamentos urbanos próprios da época. Praças remodeladas conforme conceitos de paisagismo e espaços públicos influenciados pelas idéias vindas da França e Inglaterra; construção de teatros; expansão do ensino particular laico e religioso; fundação de clubes sociais, muitos deles vinculados ao setor comercial, refletindo o fortalecimento desta atividade econômica; surgimentos de grupos culturais, ligados sobretudo ao teatro e à música, mas também com expressão na vida literária e intelectual; a substituição progressiva, no estilo arquitetônico, do colonial lusobrasileiro pelo ecletismo histórico; a chegada de imigrantes de diversas origens (franceses, alemães, italianos, libaneses, espanhóis, portugueses e uruguaios), muitos deles sendo responsáveis pelo desenvolvimento do setor de serviços e trabalhos técnicos especializados3;

Outro aspecto importante para compreendermos o desenvolvimento da região no século XIX, do ponto de vista étnico, cultural, econômico e fundiário, foi a instalação de colônias rurais de imigrantes europeus, aos moldes do que vinha sendo feito no nordeste do Estado desde a criação da colônia alemã em São Leopoldo, em 1824. A criação destas colônias, na Zona Sul, foi propulsionada pela instalação da Colônia Rheingantz, em São Lourenço, próxima a antiga sede deste município (Boqueirão). A particularidade de nossa região no movimento de criação de colônias é a diversidade das etnias: alemã, pomerana, italiana e francesa. No que se refere aos municípios envolvidos em nosso estudo, este movimento de criação de colônias em terras devolutas, na área rural, foi determinante na formação econômica e cultural de Canguçu, Morro Redondo, Pedro Osório e Cerrito, que possuem áreas configuradas sob a influência histórica e cultural dos colonos europeus. De certa forma, a introdução das colônias de imigrantes na região resulta na criação de uma nova unidade produtiva: o minifúndio baseado na policultura, sobretudo

3

Arquitetos e artesãos responsáveis pela confecção de escaiolas, estuques e outros ornatos, farmacêuticos, fotógrafos, professores, músicos, pintores, escultores especializados em arte cemiterial, etc.

4

Estes imigrantes eram conhecidos como turcos, por portarem esta identificação de nacionalidade em seus passaportes.

155

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

6. Classificação e análise em laboratório das informações coletadas em campo;

na horticultura, inicialmente planejado para suprir a alimentação das cidades que cresciam no final do século XIX. A introdução das colônias, em algumas áreas correspondentes aos atuais municípios de Canguçu, Morro Redondo, Cerrito e Pedro Osório, reconfiguraram por completo a estrutura fundiária, o latifúndio estancieiro pecuarista cedendo lugar ao minifúndio horticultor. Como conseqüência disso, Canguçu hoje é o município da América Latina com o maior número de minifúndios. Essa economia de minifúndios, chamada economia colonial, gerou nestas áreas alguns períodos de fortalecimento econômico, a partir de atividades tais como a produção artesanal do vinho e de doces e a produção industrial do pêssego em conservas (a partir da segunda metade do século XX).

7. Informatização em laboratório dos dados coletados em campo. Para tanto, o projeto, como um todo, foi dividido em quatro etapas, ou “Múltiplos Estágios”, como nos sugere a metodologia de Redman (1973), para que desta forma se dê uma “retroalimentação” de informações entre as fases do programa, como recomendam, do mesmo modo, os termos de referência para trabalhos arqueológicos expostos na obra Normas e Gerenciamento do Patrimônio Arqueológico, publicada em 2005, em São Paulo, pela 9ª Superintendência Regional do Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional, organizada por R. Bastos, M. Sousa e H. Gallo.

ENFOQUE TEÓRICO-METODOLÓGICO

Desta forma, os estudos arqueológicos na área de abrangência do empreendimento estão divididos em três etapas principais: Diagnóstico, Prospecção Arqueológica e Resgate Arqueológico. O projeto de intervenção arqueológica, no entanto, conforme a legislação brasileira inclui uma quarta etapa, voltada à comunidade: a Educação Patrimonial.

Uma vez que a nossa área de estudo é bastante dispersa e com certa diversidade geofísica, a metodologia geral, no processo de aplicação, precisa de ajustes às situações de campo particulares, sempre levando em consideração o surgimento de imprevistos ocasionais, que levam a equipe de campo a, muitas vezes, ter de criar novas soluções, na cotidianidade do próprio campo.

DIAGNÓSTICO

Quanto à metodologia de prospecção, optou-se por trabalhar com amostragens probabilísticas, tendo em vista a amplitude e diversidade da área estudada, sendo esta amostragem dividida em duas formas de aplicação conforme o caso: amostragens sistemáticas ou geométricas e prospecção sistemática intensiva, ambas aplicadas através de caminhamentos – transectos – nas referidas áreas, com vistas a que as amostragens guiem a seleção de casos a serem investigados, para que desta forma pré-concepções sejam minimizadas, segundo metodologia citada por Redman (1973).

Esta etapa consiste no reconhecimento geral da área a ser prospectada em etapa posterior. Uma vez que, no caso em estudo, o espaço de investigação arqueológica distribui-se ao longo de 13 municípios, o diagnóstico partiu do levantamento e estudo de fontes secundárias sobre esses municípios, bem como da região a que estavam vinculados. Incluiu o levantamento documental em arquivos e banco de dados do IPHAN, universidades regionais, centros de memória locais, museus regionais, fundações ambientais, fundações culturais e secretarias de cultura, turismo e educação, que normalmente dispõem de um razoável número de informações. Este estudo possibilitou uma contextualização arqueológica e etno-histórica da região.

O método aplicado de levantamento arqueológico segue as seguintes operações, incluindo ações paralelas voltadas ao público:

Além desse levantamento documental, o diagnóstico nos permite o primeiro contato com as comunidades mais próximas das áreas de impacto direto,5 desta forma se estabelecendo um diálogo importante no que tange o reconhecimento não só espacial e paisagístico local, mas também dos aspectos culturais inerentes àquela comunidade.

1. Continuação da coleta de dados, na etapa de prospecção oportunística, através da revisão bibliográfica, relatos orais, doações e toponímia; 2. Continuação dos trabalhos de educação patrimonial nas áreas envolvidas pelo projeto, nas escolas públicas e particulares e centros comunitários (urbanos e rurais); 3. Prospecção assistemática das áreas mencionadas na etapa de prospecção oportunística, com a intenção de comprovar a veracidade das informações;

Com vistas a encontrarmos dados que facilitem a busca de sítios, nesta etapa demos destaque aos relatos orais: além de darem uma primeira visão dos costumes e cultura das comunidades locais, contribuem na identificação de sítios que já tenham sido identificados na região.

4. Prospecção sistemática das áreas de reconhecido potencial arqueológico, identificando e registrando os sítios por meio de desenhos, fotos, coordenadas geográficas e descrição;

5

Impacto direto: áreas de intervenção direta da empresa, ou seja, as fazendas onde haverá impactação do solo, por qualquer atividade que a empresa venha a realizar. Impacto indireto: áreas que circundam as fazendas, e em cujo solo não haverá atividades realizadas pela empresa que venham de alguma forma a interferir no solo.

5. Definição de áreas e realização de coletas assistemáticas e sistemáticas de superfície, sondagens estratigráficas e cortes experimentais; 156

F.V. CERQUEIRA ET AL.: MAPEAMENTO ARQUEOLÓGICO DA REGIÃO SUL DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL

Fig. 18.3. Levantamento arqueológico por meio de linhas de caminhamento

Para a prospecção nas áreas da VCP, dentro de uma gama de métodos pré-definidos, aplicam-se sistemas prospectivos adaptados aos diferentes tipos de situação que podem ser encontrados em contextos específicos. Estas adaptações foram realizadas pela equipe do Lepaarq durante os trabalhos de campo e posteriormente sistematizadas pelo arqueólogo Welcsoner Cunha em sua monografia de especialização, A Arqueologia em Obras de Engenharia Florestal: Votorantim Celulose e Papel, um Estudo de Caso (2007).

Outro fator importante para a arqueologia, e que atentamos desde o diagnóstico, é o estudo da toponímia, que, somada às informações orais, pode levar à identificação de sítios, como sugerem alguns nomes como: Serro do Quilombo, Arroio do Bugre, dentre outros. PROSPECÇÃO ARQUEOLÓGICA A metodologia, utilizada nas diversas etapas, tem como embasamento teórico os métodos de levantamento probabilístico e de múltiplos estágios (Renfrew e Bahn, 1993; Redman, 1973), respectivamente, bem como os métodos de Levantamento Assistemático Extensivo (Araújo 2001. Morales 2005. Dias 2003), e Levantamento Sistemático Intensivo (Araújo 2001; Morales 2005; De Blasis e Morales 1995; Dias 2003), buscando assim abranger o maior número possível de compartimentos ecológicos diferenciados, permitindo a localização de diversos tipos de sítio em uma mesma área, sem o risco de obtenção de amostragens de sítios deformadas para uma determinada área.

Estas formulações metodológicas permitem que sejam contemplados diferentes estágios de plantio, priorizandose a antecipação dos trabalhos em fazendas recém adquiridas pela empresa, na sua maioria campos abertos, característicos da região de Pampas e Serra do Sudeste,6 facilitando desta forma uma melhor visualização do solo. Nestas fazendas, faz-se o levantamento em toda sua extensão (amostragem sistemática ou geométrica), de acordo com o método de cobertura total, full-coveragesurvey (Redman 1973. Fish 1990), por meio de linhas de caminhamento, eqüidistantes 100 m uma da outra, de maneira que todos os compartimentos ambientais sejam contemplados, demarcando essas linhas em GPS para melhor observação dos espaços prospectados.

Esta segunda etapa constitui-se do estudo arqueológico, nas áreas definidas pelos critérios prospectivos e diagnósticos expostos acima. Assim, considera-se em primeiro lugar a potencialidade de áreas indicadas pelo Diagnóstico, áreas que serão alvo de Levantamento Assistemático Extensivo ou Intensivo, em locais pontuais. Busca-se, além dos locais indicados pelos informantes e demais atividades do diagnóstico, aqueles locais de influência indireta do empreendimento, constituindo todas estas áreas locais em que devem ser observados e registrados sítios. No perímetro das fazendas destinadas ao plantio do eucalipto (locais de influência direta), o levantamento arqueológico é feito por meio do Levantamento Probabilístico, com o intuito de assim localizar possíveis sítios arqueológicos que por ventura venham a estar nessas áreas.

Já nas fazendas onde o plantio de eucalipto foi realizado previamente à intervenção arqueológica, observam-se diferentes estágios: plantio recente – plantas com menos de um ano e meio – onde se prospecta a totalidade da área seguindo a metodologia de cobertura total; e plantio avançado, com plantas acima desse patamar, onde se realiza o “levantamento oportunístico”, dando-se preferência às margens de recursos hídricos, afloramentos rochosos, erosões e áreas destinadas à preservação 6

Região esta que abrange até o momento um total de 13 municípios: Pinheiro Machado, Pedro Osório, Cerrito, Capão do Leão, Piratini, Arroio Grande, Herval, Pedras Altas, Bagé, Aceguá, Hulha Negra e Candiota e Jaguarão.

157

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

permanente (APP), lugares onde ainda é possível uma visualização do solo, efetuando-se assim uma prospecção mais intensa nestes locais (Prospecção Sistemática Intensiva), com a redução da distância entre as linhas de caminhamento (menos de 5 metros entre cada membro da equipe), de acordo com o contexto da área (tamanho, acesso), efetuando-se o devido georeferenciamento em GPS.

ção, classificação e catalogação, em laboratório. Os artefatos, integrais ou fragmentários, e vestígios de outras naturezas, poderão ser analisados, para que desta forma esta nova informação venha a contribuir para o enriquecimento do conhecimento sobre os habitantes pretéritos da região. As etapas do trabalho de laboratório podem ser assim seqüenciadas:

Observemos aqui que o parâmetro para a mudança de metodologia não está baseado no tamanho das plantas, mas sim na vegetação que cresce entre as linhas de plantio; assim, temos casos de plantio realizado a mais de dois anos onde ainda é possível um caminhamento entre os eucaliptos, com uma boa visualização do solo.

• Limpeza dos materiais, conforme a natureza e o estado de conservação. • Numeração individual dos vestígios, indicando sua procedência no sítio. • Classificação e quantificação dos materiais conforme sua natureza (lítico; ósseo, cerâmico pré-colonial e histórico, vidro, metal, etc.).

Devemos levar em conta o tipo de interferência realizada pela empresa no solo, para que assim possamos compreender uma possível descontextualização de artefatos, ou mesmo pensarmos formas aplicáveis de metodologia em cima destas variantes, como, por exemplo, em uma área de nenhuma visualização do solo, onde é preferível esperar uma primeira limpeza (roça)7 da área pela empresa.

• Fotografia e desenho do material mais relevante. • Análises tecno-tipológicas (tecnologia, morfologia, estilo, função etc.). • Análise de disposição espacial e inserção no meio ambiente.

Após a limpeza da vegetação das áreas destinadas ao plantio nas fazendas, dá-se a construção das estradas de acesso interno e a demarcação de áreas de preservação. Segue-se a preparação para o plantio, com a abertura de canteiros no solo, com subsolagem de até 80 cm de profundidade, seguida pela utilização do arado, que penetra o solo até 50 cm, desmanchando os torrões levantados pela subsolagem.

• Acondicionamento e armazenamento dos materiais arqueológicos. • Produção dos mapas definitivos digitalizados, com a localização dos sítios (coordenadas geográficas) e ambiente de inserção. AÇÃO PARALELA VOLTADA AO PÚBLICO – EDUCAÇÃO PATRIMONIAL

Devemos frisar ainda que, quando da identificação de um sítio arqueológico, faz-se seu registro com fotos, croqui e delimitação de sua área. Esses dados são imediatamente passados à empresa que deverá incluir a área do sítio e seu entorno direto nas áreas destinadas à preservação permanente (APPs), efetuando assim sua preservação in situ. Estes dados integrarão a ficha de registro e identificação que será encaminhada ao IPHAN juntamente ao relatório semestral de pesquisa, para deliberar sobre a necessidade de resgate ou não do sítio.

“O arqueólogo, por sua vez, vê-se hoje como um profissional com um papel social que talvez não se imaginava ser-lhe atribuído há poucas décadas. Hoje o arqueólogo deve interagir, como educador social, com vários setores da sociedade, sensibilizando-os para o seu valor como cidadãos a partir da valorização de seu patrimônio cultural.” (Cerqueira in: Schuler e Axt, 2006:347 374). O Programa Regional de Educação Patrimonial da Região Sul do Rio Grande do Sul – Memoriar8 – vem sendo aplicado desde a primeira etapa do projeto, com vistas a ser um trabalho de continuidade e maior consistência, algo que vimos como essencial, pois se trata de um trabalho de longo prazo.

RESGATE ARQUEOLÓGICO Esta etapa ainda não foi realizada. Corresponde ao que se denomina usualmente salvamento. Visa ao resgate arqueológico dos sítios encontrados nas fases de Diagnóstico e Prospecção. Prevê duas etapas de trabalho: atividade de campo: intervenção arqueológica, envolvendo escavação do sítio; e atividade de laboratório: Os materiais trazidos a lume por meio da intervenção de campo passam por atentos procedimentos de identifica-

Primeiramente, realiza-se o contato com as secretarias municipais de educação e cultura, onde são delineadas estratégicas de logística de trabalho no município; na próxima fase, chega-se nas escolas, onde se faz um trabalho distribuído em várias etapas, envolvendo

7

8

A roça é uma das primeiras etapas de intervenção da empresa no solo das fazendas e trata-se da retirada da vegetação rasteira, para que se façam as linhas de demarcação de APP e linhas de plantio.

MEMORIAR: foi o nome adotado para designar o programa de Educação Patrimonial desenvolvido pelo LEPAARQ no âmbito deste projeto.

158

F.V. CERQUEIRA ET AL.: MAPEAMENTO ARQUEOLÓGICO DA REGIÃO SUL DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL

professores e alunos, com vistas a que se dê uma continuidade nos trabalhos de compreensão, reconhecimento e valorização do patrimônio local, corroborado pela produção de material didático, para que se dê a continuidade dos trabalhos sobre patrimônio nas escolas.

análise pormenorizada em laboratório. No que se refere à cultura material imóvel, destacam-se sítios líticos de caça, sítios cerâmicos Guarani e sedes de estâncias pecuaristas, com suas edificações associadas, como as mangueiras de pedra.

Além disso, o Memoriar inclui ações educativas com as empresas prestadoras de serviço à VCP, responsáveis pelas atividades nas fazendas, preocupando-se com que os funcionários tenham uma compreensão da pesquisa arqueológica, podendo assim contribuir para a localização de sítios e artefatos, resultado que já foi alcançado de forma positiva, com a descoberta de artefatos arqueológicos por funcionários durante seu trabalho nas fazendas. Em paralelo às ações educativas desenvolvidas nas escolas, a educação patrimonial atua em feiras e festas municipais, com palestras e exposições de material arqueológico. Fig. 18.4. Sede da Fazenda Pitangueiras

Para municiar a aplicação do programa, realiza-se pesquisa com relação ao patrimônio cultural das localidades, envolvendo registro fotográfico, documental e oral de aspectos relativos à memória e ao patrimônio material (arquitetônico) e imaterial (tradições). Estas pesquisas resultam em um Banco Cultural: um banco de dados culturais de cada município, abrangendo a arquitetura, história, a religiosidade, os costumes, dentre outros aspectos, visando assim a que a comunidade reconheça a importância de seu patrimônio, o que contribuirá para sua proteção e conservação (Cerqueira, F. V; Maciel L.L; Schwanz, J.K; Zorzi, M, 2007).

RESULTADOS PRELIMINARES DO LEVANTAMENTO ARQUEOLÓGICO Até outubro de 2008, foi prospectado um total de 153 fazendas, com o número aproximado de 62.650 ha, sendo verificado o montante de 103 sítios e ocorrências de vestígios arqueológicos, tanto históricos como préhistóricos, distribuídos por 53 fazendas.

Fig. 18.5. Túmulo violado. Fazenda Batalha dos Porongos

Do número de ocorrências e sítios arqueológicos, temos de levar em conta a superior quantidade dos de natureza histórica, sendo 86 ao todo, enquanto as ocorrências e sítios de natureza pré-colonial estão no número de 17 até este momento.9 Quanto à cultura material móvel, identificada nesses sítios, contam-se em sua maioria fragmentados de louça, vidro, cerâmica indígena (Guarani), artefatos líticos como pontas de projétil, bolas de boleadeira e lascas. Posteriormente, esse material deverá passar por uma 9

A totalização dos dados foi realizada em Outubro de 2008, após a elaboração do “paper” apresentado em Lisboa (UISPP/2006), que serviu de base para este artigo.

Fig. 18.6a. Cultura material histórica aflorada 159

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

abrangência geográfica deste projeto, de forma que o programa Memoriar, consoante esta preocupação, tenta atuar no maior número de frentes possíveis. Os resultados, até o momento, têm sido bastante positivos, com o grande interesse das comunidades pelo trabalho da arqueologia em sua região, o que já trouxe informações importantes para a descoberta de vestígios, sem falar na grande demanda que essas comunidades apresentam em desenvolver projetos com o seu patrimônio local, visando sua valorização e conservação. Temos de notar também a importância de se realizar mapeamento de áreas novas para arqueologia no Rio Grande do Sul, incluindo extensas regiões que ainda não foram objeto de pesquisa sistemática, como o interior de municípios como Piratini e Pinheiro Machado, onde foram registradas ocorrências e sítios arqueológicos. Estas áreas, ainda pouco estudadas ou inéditas em termos arqueológicos, têm apresentado potencial para futuras pesquisas acadêmicas.

Fig. 18.6b. Material histórico: fragmentos de cerâmica e louça

Somado a isso, temos o levantamento histórico dos municípios estudados e o registro das sedes de antigas estâncias – marcos da cultura rural e formação do RS –, elementos importantes para a preservação desse patrimônio ainda pouco observado, assim como o estudo técnico de grupos étnicos indígenas e quilombolas na região sob influência do investimento. Desta forma, o que temos por objeto não é somente um estudo dos remanescentes materiais dos antigos habitantes destes territórios. O projeto inclui em sua perspectiva pensar a inserção das comunidades atuais no entendimento e compreensão de sua cultura, vindo a possibilitar para essas uma contribuição na formação de sua identidade como portadores de valores culturais e atores de sua história, contribuindo assim, como legítimos cidadãos, para a preservação de seu patrimônio material e imaterial.

Fig. 18.7. Mangueira de pedra e edificação

CONSIDERAÇÕES FINAIS Em meados do século XX, temos um significativo avanço na legislação brasileira a respeito da preservação do patrimônio cultural, muito embora se tenha dado ênfase, no principio, a um enfoque legal punitivo, algo que ainda não se tinha alicerçado, e que com o decorrer dos anos se notou pouco eficiente. Com o passar do tempo, vislumbrou-se necessária a busca de outros meios de coerção à degradação do patrimônio. Foi neste contexto que se consolidou a arqueologia em obras de engenharia, na década de 1990, associada à legislação referente à preservação ambiental.

Por meio da metodologia utilizada, realizada através da aplicação de caminhamentos no terreno a ser impactado pelo empreendimento, notou-se um resultado expressivo na identificação de sítios. A metodologia contempla, pois, todos os compartimentos topográficos e diferentes áreas nas fazendas estudadas, aliada a um olhar atento do pesquisador, que, através deste método, acaba percebendo sítios de pequenos diâmetros com pouca expressividade material, da mesma maneira que pode verificar ocorrências de vestígios arqueológicos; representadas por pequenos fragmentos como lascas ou mesmo uma pequena ponta de projétil, localizada em meio a uma grande área de plantio.

Ultimamente, trabalhos têm demonstrado a grande importância da pesquisa arqueológica aliada à execução de um projeto de educação patrimonial. Um dos primeiros aspectos que se notou neste projeto foi à necessidade de um trabalho de educação de longo prazo, aprofundando mais a concepção do educar, indo além do simples informar. Outro fator foi dimensionar o grau de extensão e amplitude que deveria atingir o programa de educação patrimonial, tendo em vista a vasta área de

Desta forma, a aplicação de transectos traz um resultado positivo quando aplicado em obras de engenharia florestal, respeitando os diferentes contextos em sua aplicabilidade, como uma possível diminuição nas linhas de caminhamento em áreas que exijam isto, como 160

F.V. CERQUEIRA ET AL.: MAPEAMENTO ARQUEOLÓGICO DA REGIÃO SUL DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL

CUNHA, Welcsoner da Silva. (2007) A Arqueologia em Obras de Engenharia Florestal: Votorantim Celulose e Papel, um Estudo de Caso. Monografia de Especialização – UFPEL, Pelotas.

afloramentos rochosos, onde o olhar do arqueólogo deve ser mais acurado. Contudo, o projeto, até o início de 2007, situava-se em sua segunda fase, com a etapa de prospecção em andamento, resultando na identificação de 35 situações com evidências arqueológicas. Constitui-se resultado significativo do ponto de vista de registro arqueológico para a região estudada, restando ainda uma ampla área a ser levantada, possibilitando ampliar o número de sítios a serem encontrados, e, eventualmente, serem definidos como objeto de salvamento arqueológico.

DE

BLASIS, P.A.D. MORALES, W.F. (1995) Analisando padrões de assentamentos locais: uma experiência com Full coverage Survey no vale do Ribeira. Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, São Paulo, v. 5, p. 125-143.

DIAS, Adriana Schimidt. (2003) Sistemas de Assentamento e Estilo Tecnológico: Uma Proposta Interpretativa para a Ocupação Pré-colonial do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, Rio Grande do Sul. São Paulo: USP. Tese de Doutorado.

Referências bibliográficas

FISH, S.K.; KOWALEWSKI, S.A. (eds). (1990) The Archaeology of Regions: A Case for Full-Coverage Survey. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press.

ALBUQUERQUE, Marcos. (1992) “Arqueologia Histórica, Arquitetura e Restauração” In Clio – Série Arqueológica, nº 08, Recife: 1992, pg 131-151.

GASPAR, Madu. (2000) Sambaqui: arqueologia do litoral brasileiro. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar editora.

ARAÚJO, Astolfo Gomes de Mello. (2001) Teoria e Método em Arqueologia Regional: Um Estudo de caso no Alto Paranapanema, Estado de São Paulo. São Paulo: USP. Tese de Doutorado.

JULIANI, Lúcia de Jesus Cardoso Oliveira. A Cartografia Arqueológica como instrumento de Planejamento Urbano: O Caso de São Paulo. Departamento do Patrimônio Histórico, Secretaria Municipal de Cultura/Prefeitura de São Paulo. PRE PRINT.

BECKER, Ítala I. Basile. (2002) Os índios Charrua e Minuano da antiga banda oriental do Uruguai. São Leopoldo: editora Unisinos.

JULIANI, Lúcia de Jesus Cardoso Oliveira. (1996) Gestão Arqueológica em Metrópoles: Uma Proposta para São Paulo. Dissertação de Mestrado – USP, São Paulo.

BOADO, Felipe Criado. (1999) “Del Terreno al Espacio: planteamientos e perspectivas para la Arqueologia del Paisage.”, in: CAPA, Criterios e convenciones en Arqueologia del Paisage, nº 6, Santiago de Compostela: Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, 1-77.

KERN, Arno Alvarez. (1992) “Origens da ocupação préhistórica do Rio Grande do Sul na transição pleistoceno-holoceno”. In: Kern, Arno Alvarez (org.). A Arqueologia Pré-histórica do Rio Grande do Sul. Porto Alegre: Mercado Aberto, p. 89-102.

BROCHADO, José Proenza. (1974) Pesquisas arqueológicas no escudo cristalino do Rio Grande do Sul (Serra do Sudeste). Publicações Avulsas Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Belém, Pronapa, nº 26, p. 2558.

LIMA, Tânia ª (1998) “Arqueologia Histórica: algumas considerações teóricas”. In Clio – Série Arqueológica, nº 05, Recife. pg. 87-99.

CAZZETTA, Miriam. (1991) “Arqueologia e Planejamento Urbano”. Anais do 1º Congresso LatinoAmericano sobre a Cultura Arquitetônica e Urbanística. Porto Alegre. pp. 190-196.

LOUREIRO, André Garcia. (2004) Os cerritos na fronteira Brasil-Uruguai: uma abordagem histórica e teórico-conceitual. Monografía apresentada como conclusão do Curso de Licenciatura em História da UFPel. Pelotas, pg 36.

CERQUEIRA, F.V. (2006) Proteção Legal do Patrimônio Cultural e Arqueológico: Avanços e Percalços no Brasil Contemporâneo. In: Fernando Schüler; Guner Axt. (Org.). Brasil Contemporâneo. Crônicas de um País Incógnito. Porto Alegre: Artes e Ofícios, p. 347374.

MAZZ, José López e PIZZORNO, Gabriel. (2002) Arqueología de las Tierras Bajas de la Cuenca de la Laguna Merín. Uruciências, Montevidéu, p. 1-14. MORALES, Walter Fagundes. (2005) 12.000 anos de ocupação: Um estudo de Arqueologia Regional na Bacia do Córrego Água Fria, médio curso do Rio Tocantins. São Paulo: USP. Tese de Doutorado.

CERQUEIRA, F.V.; MACIEL, L.L.; ZORZI, M.; SCHWANZ, J.K. (2007) Entre o passado e o presente: um encontro com a Memória através dos objetos. Expressa Extensão (UFPel), v. 12, p. 0110.

NAUE, Guilherme; SCHMITZ, P.I. & BASILEBECKER, Ítala I. (1968) Sítios Arqueológicos no Município de Rio Grande. In: Pesquisas Arqueológicas. Nº 18. Instituto Anchietano de Pesquisas: UNISINOS. p. 141-152.

COPÉ, Sílvia M. (1992) “A ocupação pré-colonial do Sul e Sudeste do Rio Grande do Sul”. In: Kern, Arno Alvarez (org.). A Arqueologia Pré-histórica do Rio Grande do Sul. Porto Alegre: Mercado Aberto, p. 191220.

OLIVEIRA, Júlio César. (1997) O linho e a Real Feitoria do Rincão do Cangussú. Monografia de conclusão de 161

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY

SCHIFFER, Michael B. et alli. (1980) The Design of Archeological Surveys, in: World Archeology, Nova York, p. 2-26.

Curso de História da UFPEL. Acervo do Núcleo de Documentação Histórica da UFPEL. Pelotas, (mimeo). PLOG, Stephen et alli. (1978) Decision Making in Modern Surveys, in: World Archeology, Nova York, p. 385-421.

SCHMITZ, Pedro Ignácio. (1992) Os aterros dos campos do Sul: A tradição Vieira. In: Kern, Arno Alvarez (org.). A Arqueologia Pré-histórica do Rio Grande do Sul. Porto Alegre: Mercado Aberto, p. 235-247.

PROUS, André. (1992) Arqueologia brasileira. Brasília: UNB.

SCHMITZ, Pedro Ignácio. (1976) Sítios de pesca lacustre em Rio Grande / RS / Brasil. Porto Alegre: PUCRS, (Tese de Livre Docência).

RADAM Brasil. IBGE, (1982) Fls. Porto Alegre e Uruguaiana. REDMAN, Charles L. (1973) Multistage Fieldwork and Analytical Technics. American Antiquity. V. 38. Nº 1. p. 61-79.

SCHMITZ, Pedro Ignácio; BECKER, I.I.B. (1967) Arqueologia no Rio Grande do Sul. Estudos Leopoldenses, São Leopoldo, n. 5, p. 47-74.

REDMAN, Charles. (1978) Pesquisa de Campo em Múltiplos Estágios. in: American Antiquity, Nova York, N 1, p. 25-50.

SYMANSKI, Luis Cláudio P. (1998) Espaço Privado e Vida Material em Porto Alegre no Século XIX. Porto Alegre: EDIPUCRS. Coleção Arqueologia; 5.

RENFREW, Colin & BAHN, Paul. (1993) Arqueologia. Teoria, Método e Práctica. Madri: Editora Akal.

TAGLIANI, Paulo Roberto Armanini. (2000) Arqueologia, história e socioeconômica da Restinga dos Patos: uma contribuição para o conhecimento e manejo da reserva da biosfera. Rio Grande: Fundação Universidade do Rio Grande.

RIBEIRO, Pedro A. Mentz. (1998) “Arqueologia da região de Rio Grande”. In: Alves, Francisco das Neves. (org.) Por uma história multidisciplinar do Rio Grande. Rio Grande. FURG, p. 199-229.

THIESEN, Beatriz Valadão. (2001) Arqueologia de contrato: Metodologias de prospecção para áreas urbanas, in: Revista do Cepa, Santa Cruz do Sul, n. 33, p. 73-79.

RIBEIRO, Pedro A. Mentz. (1977) Manual de Introdução à Arqueologia. Porto Alegre: Sulina. ROSA R.R.G. (2006) Estudo de Impacto Ambiental – Estudo Técnico de Grupos Étnicos Indígenas e Quilombolas na Região de Influencia do Investimento Florestal do Grupo Votorantim Celulose e Papei, LEPAARQ, UFPEL.

TOCHETTO, Fernanda Bordin. (1997) “Uma Experiência em Arqueologia Urbana em Porto Alegre”. Comunicação apresentada em Buenos Aires em 07/03/97. ZARANKIN, Andrés. (1999) “Arqueologia de la Arquitectura: Another Brick in the Wall.”, Revista do MAE. Suplemento 3: 119-128.

ROSA, Mário. (1985) Geografia de Pelotas. Pelotas. UFPel. SCHAVELZON, Daniel. (1991) Arqueologia Histórica em Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires: Corregidor.

162